Medieval European Coinage, Volume 12: Northern Italy 0521260213, 9780521260213

Table of contents :
FM......Page 1
CONTENTS......Page 6
PLATES......Page 10
FIGURES......Page 12
MAPS......Page 16
TABLES......Page 17
PREFACE......Page 19
NOMENCLATURE......Page 22
ABBREVIATIONS......Page 27
GENERAL INTRODUCTION......Page 29
ROYAL AND IMPERIAL COINAGES......Page 58
PIEDMONT......Page 121
LIGURIA......Page 277
LOMBARDY......Page 354
VENETO......Page 565
COIN HOARDS AND SINGLE-FINDS......Page 685
HERALDRY, SAINTS, SYMBOLS......Page 718
METROLOGY AND COMPOSITIONAL ANALYSES......Page 737
GLOSSARY: COIN NAMES, WEIGHTS AND NUMISMATIC TERMS......Page 746
BIBLIOGRAPHY......Page 767
SALE CATALOGUES......Page 830
COLLECTORS, DEALERS AND DONORS......Page 832
ARRANGEMENT OF THE CATALOGUE......Page 845
PLATES......Page 848
CONCORDANCES......Page 1077
INDEXES......Page 1088

Citation preview

M E D I E VA L E U RO P E A N C O I N AG E , VO L U M E 1 2 This volume of Medieval European Coinage is the irst comprehensive survey of the coinage of northern Italy c. 950–1500, bringing the latest research to an international audience. It provides an authoritative and up-to-date account of the coinages of Piedmont, Liguria,Lombardy and the greater Veneto, which have never been studied together in such detail on a broad regional basis. The volume reveals for the irst time the wider trends that shaped the coinages of the region and ofers new syntheses of the monetary history of the individual cities. It includes detailed appendices, such as a list of coin hoards, indices and a glossary, as well as a fully illustrated catalogue of the northern Italian coins, including those of Genoa, Milan and Venice, in the unrivalled collection of the Fitzwilliam Museum, largely formed by Professor Philip Grierson (1910–2006). wi l l i am r . day, j r., is an economic historian and numismatist, and a former Research Associate at the Department of Coins and Medals of the Fitzwilliam Museum. m i c ha e l m atz ke is curator of the coin cabinet of the Historisches Museum Basel, Research Associate at the Inventar der Fundmünzen der Schweiz, Bern, and former Assistant Keeper of the Department of Coins and Medals of the Fitzwilliam Museum. a ndrea saccocc i is Professor in Numismatics at the Università degli Studi di Udine and vice-director of the Italian journal Rivista Italiana di Numismatica.

M E D I E VA L E U RO P E A N C O I N AG E Medieval European Coinage,a British Academy Research Project,is a major international reference series for medieval historians, numismatists and archaeologists which considers the European coinage of c. 450 to c. 1500 by region. Established by Professor Philip Grierson (1910–2006) to provide a comprehensive account of the coinage and written by experts in the ield, each volume in the series is accompanied by a fully illustrated catalogue of coins from the unrivalled collection of the Fitzwilliam Museum. General Editors Professor P. Grierson, Litt.D., FBA (1982–2006) Dr M. A. S. Blackburn, Litt.D., FSA (1998–2011) Dr E. M. Screen (2010–) Research Associates Dr M. A. S. Blackburn (1982–91) Dr L. Travaini (1991–8) Dr S. Bofa (1998–2002)

Dr M. Matzke (1999–2000) Dr E. M. Screen (1999–2004) Dr W. R. Day, Jr. (2001–8, 2010)

Published and projected volumes 1 The Early Middle Ages (5th–10th Centuries) by P. Grierson and M. Blackburn (1986) 2 Germany (I). Imperial and Early Ducal Coinage. Western Germany 3 Germany (II). North-eastern Germany 4 Germany (III). Central and Southern Germany 5(a) France (I). The Age of the Denier 5(b) France (II). Later Royal and Feudal Coinages 6 The Iberian Peninsula by M. Crusafont, A. M. Balaguer and P. Grierson (2013) 7(a) The Low Countries. The Early Coinage and the Pre-Burgundian South 7(b) The Low Countries. The North and the Burgundian Period 8 Britain and Ireland c. 400–1066 9(a) The British Isles (II). 1066–1279 9(b) The British Isles (III). 1279–1509 10 The Nordic and Baltic Countries 11 Hungary and the Balkans 12 Italy (I). (Northern Italy) by W. R. Day, Jr., M. Matzke and A. Saccocci (2016) 13 Italy (II). (Central Italy) 14 Italy (III). (South Italy, Sicily, Sardinia) by P. Grierson and L. Travaini (1998) 15 Central and Eastern Europe 16 The Crusader States 17 Kingdoms of Arles and Lorraine

M E D I E VA L E U RO P E A N C O I N AG E W I T H A C ATA L O G U E O F T H E C O I N S I N T H E FITZWILLIAM MUSEUM, CAMBRIDGE

12 Italy (I) (Northern Italy) W I L L I A M R . DAY, J R . M I C H A E L M AT Z K E and A N D R E A S AC C O C C I

University Printing House, Cambridge cb2 8bs, United Kingdom Cambridge University Press is part of the University of Cambridge. It furthers the University’s mission by disseminating knowledge in the pursuit of education, learning and research at the highest international levels of excellence. www.cambridge.org Information on this title: www.cambridge.org/9780521260213  C William R. Day, Jr., Michael Matzke and Andrea Saccocci 2016

This publication is in copyright. Subject to statutory exception and to the provisions of relevant collective licensing agreements, no reproduction of any part may take place without the written permission of Cambridge University Press. First published 2016 Printed in the United Kingdom by TJ International Ltd. Padstow Cornwall A catalogue record for this publication is available from the British Library isbn 978-0-521-26021-3 Hardback Cambridge University Press has no responsibility for the persistence or accuracy of URLs for external or third-party internet websites referred to in this publication, and does not guarantee that any content on such websites is, or will remain, accurate or appropriate. The research for this volume has been supported by funding from the Arts and Humanities Research Board/Council, the Newton Trust of the University of Cambridge, the Marley Fund of the Fitzwilliam Museum and the British Academy.

Medieval European Coinage is a project recognised by the Union académique internationale.

In Memoriam PHILIP GRIERSON ( 1910 – 2 0 0 6 ) and M A R K B L AC K BU R N ( 1953 – 2 011 )

CONTENTS

page xi xiii xvii xviii xx xxiii xxviii

List of plates List of igures List of maps List of tables Preface Nomenclature List of abbreviations 1

g e ne ral i nt roduc ti on (a) Historical background (b) Coinage

2

royal and i m pe ri al coi nag e s From the Ottonian reform to the beginning of the communal coinages (962–mid-twelfth century) (a) Introduction (b) Pavia (c) Milan (d) Venice (e) Verona Later imperial coinages (f ) Introduction: the denarius imperialis (g) Later imperial denari of the Hohenstaufen emperors and coinages in the name of Frederick II (h) The royal and imperial coinage of Henry VII (1310–13, emp. 1312) (i) Coinages in the name of Louis IV the Bavarian (1327–30) and John of Bohemia (1330–3)

3

1 1 8

p i e dmont (a) Introduction (b) Acqui (c) Alba (d) Alessandria

30 30 30 37 48 58 65 73 73 77 79 85 93 93 101 106 108

vii

viii

Contents (e) (f ) (g) (h) (i) (j) (k) (l) (m) (n) (o) (p) (q) (r) (s) (t) (u) (v) (w)

Asti Busca (Del) Carretto, marquises (mint of Cortemilia) Casanova Ceva, marquises Fieschi iefs (mints of Crevacuore and Masserano) Frinco Incisa, marquises Ivrea Montferrat, marquises (mints of Chivasso, Moncalvo and Casale Monferrato; see also Asti and Genoa) Novara (mints of Novara and Domodossola) Piedmont: counts (mint of Cuneo) Piedmont: princes of Savoy-Achaia (mints of Turin, Pinerolo and Moncalieri) Ponzone, marquises Saluzzo, marquises (mints of Dogliani and Carmagnola) Tortona Valenza Valperga, counts Vercelli

111 137 139 146 146 149 154 155 158 162 190 197 205 220 224 234 240 241 243

4

l i g uri a (a) Introduction (b) Genoa (c) Savignone (d) Savona, marquises (mints of Savona and Finale?) (e) Savona, commune (f ) Spinola lords

249 249 251 301 301 307 324

5

l om bardy (a) Introduction (b) Bellinzona (common mint of the Swiss communities of Uri, Schwyz and Unterwalden, from 1503) (c) Bergamo (d) Brescia (e) Cantù (f ) Castelleone (g) Como (h) Crema (i) Cremona (j) Gravedona (k) Lodi (l) Mantua

326 326 335 336 345 356 357 358 370 372 386 387 389

ix

Contents (m) (n) (o) (p) 6

Milan Monza Pavia Trivulzio iefs (mints of Roveredo or Mesocco (Misox) and Musso)

ve neto (including Friuli-Venezia Giulia and Trentino-Alto Adige/Südtirol) (a) Introduction (b) Aquileia, patriarchs (c) Brixen (Bressanone), bishops (d) Feltre (e) Gorizia (Görz), counts (mints of Lienz, Latisana, Obervellach, Toblach/Dobbiaco) (f ) Padua (g) Rovigo (h) Trento (i) Treviso (j) Trieste (k) Tyrol, counts (mints of Meran and Hall) (l) Venice (m) Verona (n) Vicenza

412 514 517 536 548 548 548 562 580 581 582 592 606 607 610 613 618 627 653 665

ap pe ndi c e s 1 Coin hoards and single-inds (a) Introduction (b) Northern Italy (c) Other Italian regions (d) Other coin inds 2 Heraldry, saints, symbols (a) Heraldry (b) Saints, patrons and other protectors (c) Other symbols 3 Metrology and compositional analyses (a) Metrology (b) Compositional analyses 4 Glossary: coin names, weights and numismatic terms

668 668 668 688 691 701 701 708 716 720 720 723 729

b i bl i og raphy

750

sale catalog ue s

813

catalog ue Collectors, dealers and donors Arrangement of the catalogue

815 817 830

x

Contents

Catalogue: Plates 1–80

833

c oncordanc e s

1062

i nde xe s Index of coin legends General index Index of hoards and single-inds represented in the catalogue

1073 1075 1090 1135

P L AT E S

1

Royal and imperial coinages, Otto I: Pavia (1–2), Verona (3–5), Venice (6–7); Otto II: Pavia (8–9), Milan (10); Otto III: Pavia (11–20), Milan (21–2) page 835 2 Royal and imperial coinages, Otto III (cont.): Verona (23–4); Arduin of Ivrea, Pavia (25); anonymous, Venice (26–7); Henry II: Pavia (28), Milan (29–31), Verona (32); Conrad II: Pavia (33–4), Milan (35); Henry III–IV: Pavia (36–42), Milan (43) 839 3 Royal and imperial coinages, Henry III–IV (cont.): Venice (44–8); Henry V and successors, Pavia (49), Milan (50–3), Verona (54–65) 843 4 Royal and imperial coinages, Henry V and successors (cont.): Venice (66–71); Frederick I: Nosedo and mint in the territory of Como (72–5) 845 5 Piedmont: Acqui (76–7), Alessandria (78), Asti (79–88) 847 6 Piedmont: Asti (89–102) 851 7 Piedmont: Asti (103–8), (Del) Carretto (109), Ceva (110–11), Fieschi (112–15), Incisa (116) 855 8 Piedmont: Ivrea (117–19), Montferrat (120–35) 859 9–10 Piedmont: Montferrat (136–64) 863 11 Piedmont: Novara (165–7), Piedmont, county (I) – House of Anjou (168–73), county (II) – house of Savoy-Achaia (174–9) 867 12 Piedmont: Piedmont, county (II) – princes of Savoy-Achaia (180–7), Ponzone (188–92) 871 13 Piedmont: Saluzzo (193–8), Tortona (199–201) 873 14–21 Liguria: Genoa (202–369) 875 22 Liguria: Savona – marquises (370–6), commune (377–93) 903 23 Lombardy: Bergamo (394–417) 907 24 Lombardy: Bergamo (418–26), Brescia (427–39) 911 25 Lombardy: Brescia (440–4), Como (445–62) 915 26 Lombardy: Cremona (463–78), Lodi (479), Mantua (480–5) 919 27–9 Lombardy: Mantua (486–529) 923 30 Lombardy: Mantua (530–8), Milan (539–52) 929 31–46 Lombardy: Milan (553–783) 933 47 Lombardy: Milan (784–8), Monza (789), Pavia (790–7) 967 48 Lombardy: Pavia (798–812) 971 49 Lombardy: Pavia (813–16), Trivulzio (817–27) 973 50–1 Veneto: Aquileia, patriarchs (828–74) 977 xi

xii 52 53 54 55 56–7 58–78 79 80

List of plates Veneto: Aquileia, patriarchs (875–88), Gorizia, counts (889–96) Veneto: Gorizia, counts (897–909), Padua (910–15) Veneto: Padua (916–31), Trento (932–8) Veneto: Trento (939–41), Treviso (942–5), Trieste (946–57) Veneto: Tyrol (958–95) Veneto: Venice (996–1395) Veneto: Venice (1396–7), Verona (1398–1412) Veneto: Verona (1413–23), Vicenza (1424)

985 989 993 997 1001 1005 1059 1061

FIGURES

1 Pavia: denari of (a) Arduin, (b) Otto III and (c) Conrad II (Brambilla 1883, v.11, pl. iv.11, vi.8) page 43 2 Pavia: denari in the name of Henry IV–V, struck (a) 1102–15 and (b) after 1115 (Brambilla 1883, pl. vii.3, vii.2) 47 3 Milan, denaro of Emperor Otto I alone (Gorny & Mosch sale 221, 12 March 2014, lot 3070) 51 4 Milan: denaro of King Arduin (IFS Bern) 53 5 Milan: monograms on early denari in the name of Henry II (Tofanin 2013, 71 nos. 42–3) 54 6 Venice: denaro in the name of an emperor Otto (Museo Civico Correr, Venice. C A. Saccocci) Image  60 7 Venice: denaro in the name of an emperor Henry (Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, pl. iii.12) 62 8 Verona: denaro of Henry II as king of Italy (CNI vi, pl. xxiii.15) 69 9 Como: Henry VII, grosso maggiore (CNI iv, suppl. pl. i.13) 84 10 Acqui: denaro mezzano scodellato, 1240s (Promis 1852, pl. i.2) 104 11 Acqui: grossi in the name of Bishop Oddone Bellingeri, (a) grosso tirolino and (b) grosso bolognino (Promis 1852, pls. ii.4, ii.3) 105 12 Asti: Secondotto Paleologo, (a) grosso and (b) forte bianco (Promis 1858, pl. ii.1; 1853, pl. ii.3) 122 13 Asti: Charles d’Orléans, second period, 1447–65: scudo d’oro (Coin Cabinet, Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris) 126 14 Asti: Louis d’Orléans, probably the 1470s, (a) ducat and (b) line-drawing of the scudo d’oro of Charles d’Orléans misinterpreted as scudo d’oro of Louis (Promis 1853, pl. iii.6–7) 128 15 (Del) Carretto: marquises, grosso in the name of an emperor Henry, mid-thirteenth century (Gnecchi 1897, 26) 142 16 (Del) Carretto: marquises, anonymous obolo, early fourteenth century (Promis 1866, pl. iv.35) 142 17 (Del) Carretto: marquises, Oddone, (a) grosso tornese, (b) grosso matapan and (c) grosso tirolino (Morel-Fatio 1865, pl. xv.1; Promis 1866, tbl. vi.67; Cunietti-Cunietti 1909c, 469) 143 18 Ceva: marquises, Guglielmo and Bonifacio, grosso (Promis 1852, pl. i.9) 148 xiii

xiv

List of igures

C 19 Montferrat: marquises, anonymous denaro mezzano, mid-thirteenth century (image  M. Matzke) 20 Chivasso: Teodoro I Paleologo, (a) grosso tornese and (b) gold lorin (Ambrosoli 1888a, pl. ii.4; Morel-Fatio 1866, pl. ix.1) 21 Chivasso: Giovanni II Paleologo of Montferrat, parallel denari forti of Chivasso and Asti (CNI ii, pl. xviii.2; Promis 1858, pl. i.8 [Giovanni I]) 22 Casale Monferrato: Guglielmo IX Paleologo: (a) doppia and testone, and (b) scudo (Promis 1858, pl. iii.2 [Guglielmo II], pl. iv.2) 23 Domodossola: Bishop Giovanni Visconti of Novara, denaro (MMAG sale 27, 15 November 1963, lot 261) 24 Piedmont: county (Cuneo), Charles II of Anjou as count of Piedmont, grosso tornese (Promis 1866, pl. iv.36) 25 Piedmont: county (Cuneo), Charles II of Anjou as count of Piedmont, denaro, traditionally called a ventesimo di grosso (Promis 1852, pl. i.11) 26 Piedmont: lordship (Turin), Filippo of Savoy-Achaia, denaro piccolo or viennese, second type (Promis 1841, ii, Ramo d’Acaia, pl. i.4, under Filippo) 27 Piedmont: lordship (Turin), Filippo of Savoy-Achaia, grosso di Piemonte (Promis 1841, ii, Ramo d’Acaia, pl. i.1) 28 Piedmont: lordship (Turin), Giacomo of Savoy-Achaia, (a) forte of Turin and (b) grosso viennese of Pinerolo (Promis 1841, ii, Ramo d’Acaia, pls. i.1 and i.2) 29 Piedmont: lordship (Turin), Amedeo of Savoy-Achaia, grosso of Turin (Promis 1841, ii, Ramo d’Acaia, pl. i.3) 30 Piedmont: lordship (Turin), Amedeo of Savoy-Achaia, forte del principe (Promis 1841, ii, Ramo d’Acaia, pl. ii.6) 31 Piedmont: lordship (Turin), Amedeo of Savoy-Achaia, hybrid gold lorin (Promis 1841, ii, Ramo d’Acaia, pl. i.1) 32 Dogliani: Giovanni of Saluzzo, denaro (Promis 1866, pl. iv.37) 33 Carmagnola: Ludovico II of Saluzzo with Marguerite de Foix, gold presentation piece, dated 1503 (Forrer 1897) 34 Tortona: (a) denaro mezzano with ], (b) denaro mezzano with star or tortonino and (c) denaro mezzano or tortonino nuovo (Promis 1866, pl. vi.62; 1852, pl. ii.10; 1866, pl. vi.61) 35 Vercelli: communal coinage, grosso (Promis 1852, pl. ii.11) 36 Genoa: early grosso minore (class D) in the weight of one miliarese (Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Münzkabinett) 37 Genoa: grosso multiplo (class M) in the weight of four grossi minori or miliaresi (J. Elsen, Brussels) 38 Savona: marquises, denari with the legend MaR4agONa (Promis 1836b, 348) 39 Savona (?): aquilino imperiale (Desimoni 1890, pl. ii.21) 40 Spinola lords, Genoese-style quartaro (Dario and Walter Ferro) 41 Brescia: Pandolfo Malatesta, (a) half-grosso and (b) sesino (Varesi sale 54, 18 November 2009, lot 509; ex Milani coll.) 42 Como: denaro mezzano, irst type (Varesi sale 54, 18 November 2009, lot 527; ex Milani coll.)

167 169 174 189 196 201 203 209 209 211 213 215 216 229 233 238 246 260 269 304 310 325 355 362

List of igures 43 Como: Azzone Visconti of Milan as lord, (a) grosso of the irst type (Varesi sale 54, 18 November 2009, lot 531; ex Milani coll.) and (b) half-denaro (IFS Bern) 44 Cremona: the three types of A of early denari and grossi (Bazzini 2002a), (a) type 1, (b) type 2 and (c) type 3 (Bazzini 2002a, 53) 45 Cremona: denaro inforziato scodellato (Ciani 1908, 257 no. 1) C A. 46 Mantua: Federico I Gonzaga, ducato d’oro (Museo Civico Bottacin, Padua; image  Saccocci) 47 Milan: lightweight denari terzoli, (a) class A.1 and (b) class B.1 (Matzke and Diaz Tabernero 2004, no. 9; 539) 48 Milan: communal ambrosino d’oro (Collezione Intesa Sanpaolo, inv. M.V-00080a-L/IS, ex Verri coll.) 49 Milan: Archbishop Giovanni as signore, sesino with St Mary and Child (Collezione Intesa Sanpaolo, inv. M.V-00121a-L/IS, ex Verri coll.) 50 Milan: Bernabò Visconti, (a) grosso (Collezione Intesa Sanpaolo, inv. M.V-00150A-L/IS, ex Verri coll.) and (b) sesino of the last issue (Varesi sale 59, 23 November 2011, lot 603) 51 Milan: Gian Galeazzo Visconti, lorins with (a) triple annulet issue mark and (b) single annulet issue mark (Collezione Intesa Sanpaolo, inv. M.V-00135a-L/IS, M.V-00152a-L/IS, ex Verri coll.) 52 Milan: Gian Galeazzo, rare low-quality grosso pegione (Collezione Intesa Sanpaolo, inv. M.V-00162a-L/IS, ex Verri coll.) 53 Milan: Galeazzo Maria, coins of the irst period, 1468/9, (a) double ducat or doppia (Collezione Intesa Sanpaolo, inv. M.V-00262a-L/IS, ex Verri coll.), and (b) unpublished proof of half-ducat (?) (Historisches Museum Basel inv. 1918.1723.) 54 Milan: Gian Galeazzo Maria under the regency of Bona of Savoy, double ducat or doppia (Historisches Museum Basel, inv. 1918.1724.), and ducat of Gian Galeazzo Maria struck during the irst period of the regency of Ludovico Maria Sforza (Collezione Intesa Sanpaolo, inv. M.V-00297a-L/IS, ex Verri coll.) 55 Milan: King Louis XII of France as duke of Milan, (a) double scudo and (b) double ducat (Collezione Intesa Sanpaolo, inv. M.V-00319a-L/IS, M.V-00318a-L/IS ex Verri coll.) 56 Pavia: last grosso of the communal period (Brambilla 1883, pl. viii.12) 57 Trivulzio: Gian Giacomo Trivulzio as count, sun coinage, testone (Historisches Museum Basel, inv. 1903.1595.) 58 Aquileia: Patriarch Poppo, denaro (CNI, vi, pl. i.1) 59 Aquileia: Friesacher pfennig with legend PA (Bernardi 1975, 71 no. 1) 60 Aquileia: lightweight denaro struck on the Venetian standard (Soprintendenza per i C A. Saccocci) Beni Archeologici del Veneto, Padua; image  61 Brixen (Bressanone): Bishop Richer, pfennig (Numismatik Lanz (Munich) sale 146 (25 May 2009), lot 869) 62 Gorizia: Leonhard, three-kreuzer coin (Schweitzer 1851, pl. [i].29) C A. Saccocci) 63 Padua: Francesco I, ducato d’oro (Museo Civico Bottacin, Padua; image  64 Padua: Francesco I and possibly Francesco II, grosso da 4 soldi with St Prosdocimus C A. Saccocci) (Museo Civico Bottacin, Padua; image 

xv 368 376 376 403 418 427 445 453 454 462 497

502 509 523 540 566 568 568 581 592 598 599

xvi

List of igures

65 Padua: Francesco I, quattrino with Moor’s head (Museo Civico Bottacin, Padua; image  C A. Saccocci) 66 Padua: Francesco II, new debased denaro piccolo (Museo Civico Bottacin, Padua; image  C A. Saccocci) 67 Rovigo: under Venetian rule, quattrino (CNI vi, pl. xx.5) 68 Trento: Bishop Salomone and his successors, denaro (Private coll.; image  C A. Saccocci) 69 Treviso: commune, denaro (Liruti 1749, pl. ix.90) 70 Tyrol: Meinhard I, Berner (CNI vi, pl. ix.3) 71 Venice: Vitale II Michiel, denaro (Museo Civico Correr, Papadopoli coll., Venice; C A. Saccocci) image  72 Verona: commune, denaro crociato (Museo Civico Bottacin, Padua; image  C A. Saccocci)

601 606 607 609 611 621 636 659

MAPS

1 2 3 4 5 6

North-central Italy at the Peace of Lodi, 1454 Northern Italy in Europe and the Mediterranean context Monetary areas in northern Italy, c. 1257 Mints and other places of interest in northern Italy The Visconti state until Gian Galeazzo Visconti (d. 1402) Selected coin hoards and single-inds in northern Italy and immediately surrounding areas

xvii

page 6 9 25 28 437 670

TA B L E S

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29

The royal and imperial coinages of Pavia, 962–c. 1160 page 45 The royal and imperial coinages of Milan, 962–c. 1150 56 The royal and imperial coinages of Venice, 962–c. 1164 64 The royal and imperial coinages of Verona, 962–1183 72 Later royal and imperial coinages, c. 1162–c. 1333 (excluding Pavia) 89 The genealogy of the Aleramici of Piedmont and Liguria 96 Communal coinage of Asti, 1141 to the early fourteenth century 118 Coinage of Asti under the rule of Montferrat and possibly Milan, 1356–77 and thereafter 123 Coinage of Asti under Charles of Orléans (1408–65) 127 Coinage of Asti under Duke Louis of Orléans (1465–98) 131 Coinage of Asti under King Louis XII of France (1498–1512) 136 The genealogy of the marquises of (Del) Carretto (cont. from Table 6) 140 The genealogy of the Fieschi lords 151 Communal coinage of Ivrea, mid-thirteenth century to 1305–13 162 The genealogy of the early marquises of Montferrat (cont. from Table 6) 165 Coinage of Chivasso, possibly also Moncalvo, under Giovanni I (1292–1305) to Teodoro I Paleologo (1306/7–38) 172 Coinage of Chivasso under Giovanni II Paleologo (1338–72) and Secondotto Paleologo (1372–8) 175 Coinage of Chivasso under Teodoro II Paleologo (1381–1418) 179 Coinage of Casale Monferrato from Giovanni Giacomo (1418–45) to Guglielmo VIII (1464–83) 183 Coinage of Guglielmo IX Paleologo (1483–1518) in Casale Monferrato 186 The genealogy of the princes of Savoy-Achaia 207 The genealogy of the marquises of Ponzone (cont. from Table 6) 221 Chronology for the grossi of Tortona, 1248 to the fourteenth century 238 Chronology for the petty coinage of Tortona, 1248 to the fourteenth century 239 Communal issues of Genoa, denari and grossi, 1139–c. 1252 264 Class N genovini d’oro and their mint-masters’ marks 270 Class O quartarole and their mint-masters’ marks 275 Genoa, communal issues of the tri-metallic period, 1252–1339 279 Coinage of Bergamo, communal issues, 1236 to the early fourteenth century 343 xviii

List of tables 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61

Brescia, communal coinage of the Lombard monetary system, 1184–1257 Brescia, communal coinage after the reform of 1257 Como, imperial, communal and seigniorial coinages, c. 1167–c. 1339 Cremona, communal coinage, 1155–c. 1310 Cremona, coinage under Cabrino Fondulo, 1406–20 Coinage of Mantua under the bishops, the commune and the Bonacolsi, before 1153 to 1328 Coinage of Mantua under the early Gonzaga, c. 1336–1444 Coinage of Mantua under Ludovico III and Federico I Gonzaga, 1444–84 Coinage of Mantua under Francesco II Gonzaga, 1484–1519 Milan, communal and imperial or royal coinage, c. 1148–c. 1329/30 Milanese coinage of the early Visconti signori, from Azzo to Giovanni Visconti, 1330–54 Milanese coinages with issue marks: Bernabò, Galeazzo II and Gian Galeazzo Visconti, 1354–85 Milanese coinage of Gian Galeazzo’s sole lordship, 1385–1402 The ineness of Milanese coinage under Giovanni Maria Visconti and during the irst period of Filippo Maria’s rule Milanese coinage of Giovanni Maria, Giovanni Carlo and Estore Visconti, 1402–12 Milanese coinage of Filippo Maria Visconti, 1412–47 Milanese coinage of the Ambrosian Republic, Francesco Sforza, and the joint rule of Galeazzo Maria and Bianca Maria, 1447–68 Milanese pre-reform coinage of Galeazzo Maria Sforza (1468–76), 1468–74 Milanese reform coinage under the Sforza, 1474–99: Galeazzo Maria (1468–76) to Ludovico Maria Sforza (1494–9/1500) Milanese coinage of Louis XII of Orléans, king of France (1498–1515), as duke of Milan, 1499–1512 Communal coinage of Pavia, c. 1160–1330s Coinage of Pavia under Galeazzo II (1354–78) and Gian Galeazzo Visconti (1378–1402), 1360/5–1402 Coinage of Pavia under Filippo Maria Visconti, 1402–47 Coinage of Pavia during Republican rule and under Francesco Sforza, 1447–66 Coinage of Mesocco under Gian Giacomo as count of Trivulzio, probably mint of Roveredo, 1487–99 Coinage of Mesocco under Gian Giacomo Trivulzio as marquis of Vigevano and marshal of France, mint of Roveredo, 1499–1511/13 Coinage of the mint of Musso under Gian Giacomo Trivulzio, 1512/13–18 Coinage of Padua under the Carrara lords, 1338–1405 Coinage of Verona from the Peace of Constance (1183) to the Venetian conquest (1405) Abbreviations used in the appendix of coin hoards and single-inds North Italian weight systems Conversion table of monetary weights in northern Italy with modern metric units

xix 350 353 366 381 385 394 398 405 410 429 446 456 463 468 469 478 492 499 505 512 524 529 532 535 541 543 546 602 663 669 721 722

P R E FAC E This volume of Medieval European Coinage (MEC), which covers the medieval coins of northern Italy (Piedmont, Liguria, Lombardy, greater Veneto) from the later tenth century to the beginning of the sixteenth, is the fourth in the series to appear, and the second speciically on Italian coinage. It is numbered 12 in the series, Italy I, in accordance with the original arrangement of the volumes. The various regions, provinces, lordships, communes and city-states of northern Italy formed an ostensibly homogenous political unit only during the irst decades of the period covered in this volume. For this volume, we have preferred ‘northern Italy’ to ‘north Italy’ to describe the region covered here, because it includes only six of the eight regions comprising the modern oicial area ‘Nord Italia’ (the Val d’Aosta, Piedmont, Liguria, Lombardy, Trentino-Alto Adige/Südtirol, Veneto, Friuli-Venezia Giulia and Emilia-Romagna); the mints of Val d’Aosta will be described together with Savoy in MEC 17, Kingdoms of Arles and Lorraine, and those of Emilia-Romagna in MEC 13, Central Italy. For much of the period, political power was highly fragmented. The coinages covered in this volume are nevertheless related in varying degrees, but suiciently distinct from those of south Italy, Sicily, Sardinia and most of central Italy to warrant separate treatment. Work on MEC 12 began in 1999. At that time, the volume was to have been written by Philip Grierson and Michael Matzke, the latter of whom replaced Lucia Travaini as Grierson’s assistant when Travaini received an appointment to the Chair in Numismatics at the University of Milan in 1998. In addition, Andrea Saccocci agreed to write the parts of the volume on the greater Veneto (Friuli-Venezia Giulia, Trentino-Alto Adige/Südtirol and Veneto proper) and on Mantua; he has worked on the volume while employed by the University of Udine (1999 to date). In 2000, Matzke was appointed Assistant Keeper of Coins and Medals in the Fitzwilliam Museum with responsibility for ancient coins, which made it impossible for him to continue in the role of Grierson’s full-time assistant in writing MEC 12. He nevertheless wished to maintain direct involvement in the volume and continued to work on it while employed by the University of Marburg/Lahn (2001–6), the Historisches Museum Basel (2006 to date) and the Inventar der Fundmünzen der Schweiz (Bern, 2015 to date) and teaching also at the University of Freiburg im Breisgau. Matzke was replaced as Grierson’s assistant in 2001 by William Day, who continued to work on MEC 12 until late 2003 when the period of the relevant grants ended. Day then turned his attention to MEC 13 on central Italy in connection with a new grant, working mainly on that until the end of the grant in May 2008, while continuing to work on MEC 12 to the extent possible. Work on the Italian volumes efectively drew to a halt during the academic year 2008–9 when Day went to Florence to take up the Jean-François Malle Fellowship at the Villa I Tatti (the Harvard University Center for Italian Renaissance Studies), where he pursued other related lines of research. He returned to Cambridge at the beginning of the 2009–10 academic year and, with Matzke and Saccocci, started xx

Preface

xxi

to complete work on MEC 12 at the beginning of 2010. Progress slowed considerably in 2011 when Day took on a consultancy in inancial history, but resumed in 2012, and the work on the volume was completed in 2014. In the meantime, Grierson died in 2006, a few months after his ninety-ifth birthday, before he had the opportunity to contribute substantially to this volume. His arrangement and descriptions of the north Italian coins in his collection nonetheless provided the point of departure for work on it. His broad vision and teachings have also helped to shape the volume. Needless to say, his insights are relected throughout, not only by reference to his numerous relevant publications but also occasionally even in his own words, drawn from unpublished papers and notes incorporated into the text wherever appropriate. Mark Blackburn, who was Grierson’s co-author on MEC 1 and took over as General Editor of the series, died in 2011 after a long struggle with cancer. His successor as General Editor is Elina Screen. Since its inception in 1982, the Medieval European Coinage project has been based in the Fitzwilliam Museum of the University of Cambridge and has enjoyed the support of the British Academy as one of its Research Projects.Much of the work towards this volume has been funded by the Arts and Humanities Research Council (formerly the Arts and Humanities Research Board), which inanced the employment of Matzke and then Day in the Fitzwilliam Museum (1998–2008), while Day’s work on the project in 2010 was funded by grants from the Newton Trust of the University of Cambridge, the Marley Fund of the Fitzwilliam Museum and the British Academy. The series’ publishers are Cambridge University Press. We are very grateful to all these bodies for their generous support and encouragement, and for the patience they have displayed in the delays over producing this volume. We also wish to mention the Italian (government) Ministry of Instruction, Universities and Research (i.e. Ministero dell’ Istruzione, dell’Università e della Ricerca) for its inancial support of the project Ritrovamenti monetali dell’antichità, which its director, Giovanni Gorini, generously allowed us to draw upon for the compilation of the appendix on coin hoards and single-inds. To complete a work of this scale and complexity, we have had to draw on the goodwill and expertise of many scholars and friends, and we wish to thank them for the help and advice they have given us. In particular, we would like to mention Martin Allen (University of Cambridge), Ermanno Arslan (Milan), Michele Asolati (University of Padua), Giacomo Astengo (Genoa), Monica Baldassarri (University of Pisa), Marco Bazzini (Parma), Fabrizio Benente (University of Genoa), Armando Bernardelli (Musei Civici, Vicenza), David Broomield (Linton, Cambridgeshire),Barbara Burstein (Fitzwilliam Museum),Bruno Callegher (University of Trieste), Giulio Carraro (University of Udine), Andrea Cavicchi (Gubbio), Luigi Colombetti (Pavia), Barrie Cook (British Museum), Carlo Crippa (Milan), Cristina Crisafulli (Museo Correr, Venice), José Diaz Tabernero (formerly of the Inventar der Fundmünzen der Schweiz, Bern), Michael Döbele (Berlin), Tom Eden (London), Giorgio Fea (Cuneo), Walter and Dario Ferro (Savona), Giulio Fiaschini (Savona), Renzo Gardella (Genoa), Luca Gianazza (Varese), Giovanni Gorini (University of Padua), Dick Hodges (Bar Hill, Cambridgeshire), Jonathan Jarrett (University of Leeds), Richard Kelleher (Fitzwilliam Museum), Andreas Kistner (Cologne), Peter Northover (University of Oxford), Roberta Parise, Valeria Vettorato and all the staf at the Museo Civico Bottacin in Padua (namely Marco Callegari, Carla Pettenuzzo, Pamela Turetta), Lorenzo Passera (Centro regionale di catalogazione, Passariano – Udine), Carlo Pedrazzi (Genoa), Marcus Phillips and Susan TylerSmith (Biggleswade, Bedfordshire), Luigi Provero (University of Turin), Eimear Reilly (Fitzwilliam

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Museum), Elina Screen (University of Oxford), Alan M. Stahl (Princeton University), Lucia Travaini (University of Milan), Alberto Varesi (Pavia) and Andy Woods (Yorkshire Museum). We would also like to express our gratitude to the following institutions:Ashmolean Museum (Oxford), Banca Carige (Genoa), British Library and British Museum (London), Cambridge University Library, Civiche raccolte numismatiche di Milano, Fondazione Cassa di Risparmio di Asti, Historisches Museum Basel,Inventar der Fundmünzen der Schweiz (IFS,Bern),Landesmuseum Württemberg (Stuttgart), Medagliere reale nell’Armeria reale di Torino, Münzkabinett der Staatlichen Museen zu Berlin, Musei civici d’arte e storia di Brescia, Musei civici di Castello Visconteo (Pavia), Museo archeologico nazionale di Parma, Museo civico Bottacin (Padua), Museo civico di Casale Monferrato, Museo civico di Castelvecchio (Verona), Museo civico Correr (Venice), Museo civico di Torino, Museo Giovanbattista Andreani di Cherasco (prov. Cuneo), Museo nazionale romano (Rome), Museo Priamàr (Savona), Rätisches Museum (Chur), Soprintendenza per i beni archaeologici del Friuli-Venezia Giulia (Trieste), Soprintendenza per i beni archeologici del Piemonte (Turin), Soprintendenza per i beni archeologici del Veneto (Padua), Soprintendenza per i beni archeologici per la Liguria (Genoa), Soprintendenza per i beni archeologici per la Lombardia (Milan), Schweizerisches Landesmuseum (Zürich) and Staatliche Münzsammlung München. Work on this volume began more than a decade ago. At that time, the state of knowledge and research on many of the coinages treated herein had advanced relatively little since the publication of the relevant volumes of the Corpus Nummorum Italicorum (CNI ii–vii, 1911–22) and still relected nineteenth-century scholarship. To provide a more up-to-date assessment of the coinage of northern Italy c. 1000–1500 and to situate the coinage more fully within its historical context, the authors have carried out a great deal of new research. Above all, they eschewed the approach characteristically taken in older studies, which tended to focus on individual mints, and adopted a broad regional and supra-regional perspective. This has enabled them to demonstrate that the development of individual mints and their coinage corresponded to wider patterns and thereby to present a far more coherent picture of the coinage and monetary history of the Italian north. The authors have prepared this volume in close collaboration. While still working full-time on MEC, Michael Matzke made a irst draft of the catalogue and carried out preliminary research towards the chapters that he would later write as well as those eventually taken over by William Day. After succeeding Matzke in 2001, Day oversaw subsequent drafts of the catalogue, collated data on coin inds from various sources into a single database from which the appendix on hoards and inds was subsequently constructed, compiled a database of the relevant bibliography, drafted the General Introduction on Historical Background as well as much of the text for the sections of the Liguria and Piedmont chapters, drafted the various apparatus and compiled the general index. Matzke wrote the sections of the Lombardy chapter, excluding Mantua, plus the Lombard sections in the chapter on Royal and Imperial Coinages as well as the sections on the early coinage of Genoa (until 1339) in the Liguria chapter and on the coinages of Asti and Montferrat in the Piedmont chapter. Andrea Saccocci wrote all of the Veneto chapter plus the Veneto component in the chapter on Royal and Imperial Coinages as well as the section on Mantua in the Lombardy chapter. He also wrote the General Introduction on Coinage, which summarises the main indings of the research that went into this volume, and contributed substantially to the apparatus, including the index of coin inscriptions.

N O M E N C L AT U R E

(a) p rope r nam e s The diiculties inherent in selecting the most suitable forms for personal and place names in a reference work of this sort are discussed in MEC 1, xxi; MEC 14, xix–xx; and most recently in MEC 6, xxvi–xxxi. In this volume, the approach difers from the one adopted for MEC 1 and 14 in that English is used for personal names only for kings, emperors and popes. For the most part, other individuals are referred to by the ‘national’ forms of their names, which has become more common in the literature in English over the past few decades. Most rulers in northern Italy during the period under consideration are thus identiied by the modern Italian forms of their names, but there are some notable exceptions. Foreign rulers who exercised authority over parts of northern Italy at one time or another are identiied either by the national forms of their names or, in the case of foreign kings or emperors, by the English equivalents. The Angevin kings of Naples who governed parts of the Piedmont in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries and the kings of France who sometimes ruled over Asti, Genoa and Milan are thus identiied by the English forms of their names. In some cases, however, it is more appropriate to identify local rulers in northern Italy by their German names. The early patriarchs of Aquileia and the counts of Gorizia and Tyrol were Germanic and ruled over parts of northern Italy where Germanic peoples probably made up signiicant proportions of the population. In Italy’s South Tyrol, even today, some three-quarters of the inhabitants speak German as their irst language. For place names, common English forms are used whenever they exist – such as Genoa rather than Genova, Milan rather than Milano, Venice rather than Venezia and so on – but conventional modern forms are otherwise used. This volume therefore uses the modern Cortemilia instead of the older form Cortemiglia, which is perhaps more familiar in the numismatic literature, and Masserano instead of the now antiquated Messerano. In discussing the coinage of the counts of Tyrol, both German and Italian forms are often given for the places covered, irst the German and then the Italian in brackets since German was and still is the predominant language in the region. The personal names included in the list below are limited for the most part to the names of individual rulers and minting authorities, though titles and certain other names of genealogical signiicance are also included. Place names are limited to mint cities, especially where their modern names difer from their medieval names, a few other important cities that were not mint cities and other names of geographical signiicance.

xxiii

xxiv Latin Aleramus Alexandria Ancisa Anselmus Antonius Aque Aquilegia Ast, Hasta Avenio Bartholomeus Bauzanum, Pons Drusi Bergamum, Pergamum Bonifacius Bononia Brixia, Brisia Brixina Carolus Carvacorium, Crepachorium Clavasium Cohors Aemilia or Curtis Aemilia Comes Comitatus Comum, Cumum Conradus Corsica Cristoforus Cuneum Dertona, Terdona Districtus Dolianens Ducatus Dux Eporedia, Yporegia Federicus Florentia Forum Iulii Franciscus Georgius Gilardus Goricia Gotifredus Guillelmus

Nomenclature English Aleram Alexandria Anselm Anthony, Antony

Bartholomew

Boniface

Charles

Count County Conrad Corsica Christopher District Duchy Duke Frederick Florence Francis George Willard Geofrey William

Italian Aleramo Alessandria Incisa Anselmo Antonio Acqui Aquileia Asti Avignone Bartolomeo Bolzano Bergamo Bonifacio Bologna Brescia Bressanone Carlo Crevacuore Chivasso Cortemilia, Cortemiglia Conte Contea Como Corrado Corsica Cristoforo Cuneo Tortona Distretto Dogliani Ducato Duca Ivrea Federico, Federigo Firenze Udine Francesco Giorgio Gorizia Gotifredo Guglielmo

Other forms

Anselm (Germ.) Antoine (Fr.), Anton (Germ.)

Avignon (Fr.) Bartholomäus (Germ.) Bozen (Germ.) Bonifaz (Germ.) Brixen (Germ.) Karl (Germ.)

Comte (Fr.), Graf (Germ.) Comté (Fr.), Grafschaft (Germ.) Konrad (Germ.) Corse (Fr.) Christoph (Germ.) Distrikt (Germ.) Duché (Fr.), Herzogtum (Germ.) Duc (Fr.), Herzog (Germ.) Frederic (Fr.), Friedrich (Germ.) Florenz (Germ.) Franz (Germ.) Georg (Germ.) Görz (Germ.), Gorica (Slov.) Gottfried (Germ.) Guillaume (Fr.), Wilhelm (Germ.)

xxv

Nomenclature Latin Henricus Iacobus, Jacobus Ianua Imperator Imperium Iohannes Langobardia Laudae, Laudens, Laus Pompeia Leonhardus Liguria Lodovicus, Ludovicus, Aloysius Luonz Mainardus Mantua Marca, Marcha Marchio Mediolanum Modoetia Mons Ferratus Mutina Neapolis Novaria Ossola Otto Papia Patavium Pedemontis Peregrinus Petrus Philippus Placentia Populus Portus Naonis Portus Tisana Punçonum Rex Rodigium Rudulphus Savo, Savona, Saona, Sagona

English Henry Jacob, James Genoa Emperor Empire John Joanna Lombardy

Italian Enrico, Arrigo Giacomo, Jacopo Genova Imperatore Impero Giovanni Giovanna Lombardia Lodi

Other forms Henri (Fr.), Heinrich (Germ.) Jakob (Germ.) Gênes (Fr.), Genua (Germ.) Empereur (Fr.), Kaiser (Germ.) Kaiserreich (Germ.) Jean (Fr.), Johann (Germ.) Jeanne (Fr.), Johanna (Germ.) Lombardei (Germ.)

Leonard Liguria Louis

Leonardo Liguria Lodovico, Ludovico, Luigi, Alvise

Leonhard (Germ.) Ligurien (Germ.) Louis (Fr.), Ludwig, Aloysius (Germ.)

Mantua Marquisate Marquis Milan Montferrat Naples Otto Padua Piedmont Pilgrim Peter Philip People

King Rudolph Sardinia

Mainardo Mantova Marchesato Marchese Milano Mesocco Monza Monferrato Modena Napoli Novara Domodossola Ottone Pavia Padova Piemonte Pellegrino Pietro Filippo Piacenza Popolo Pordenone Latisana Ponzone Re Rovigo Rodolfo Sardegna Savona

Lienz (Germ.) Meinhard (Germ.) Mantoue (Fr.), Mantua (Germ.) Markgrafschaft (Germ.) Markgraf (Germ.) Mailand (Germ.) Misox (Germ.)

Neapel (Germ.) Otto (Germ.) Padua (Germ.) Piémont (Fr.), Piemont (Germ.) Pèlerin (Fr.), Pilger (Germ.) Pierre (Fr.), Peter (Germ.) Philipp (Germ.) Volk (Germ.)

Roi (Fr.), König (Germ.) Rudolph (Germ.) Sardinien (Germ.)

xxvi

Nomenclature

Latin Segusium Sigismundus Tarvisium Taurinum, Augusta Taurinorum Teodorus Tergeste Tridentum Venetia Vercellae, Vercelle, Varce Volcherus

English Sigismund Turin Theodore Trent Venice Wolfker

Italian Susa Sigismondo Treviso Torino

Other forms Sigismund (Germ.) Turin (Germ.)

Teodoro Trieste Trento Venezia Vercelli

Theodor (Germ.) Triest (Germ.) Trient (Germ.) Venedig (Germ.)

Volchero

Wolfger, Volker (Germ.)

(b) th e num e rati on and dati ng of k i ng s and e m pe ror s The dating of rulers is based on current usage in the most up-to-date handbooks and encyclopaedias, namely the Dizionario Biograico degli Italiani (DBI), other national biographical collections and the Lexikon des Mittelalters as well as speciic literature where necessary. Discrepancies sometimes arise where rulers exercised authority over more than one major territory or as a result of difering historiographic traditions. The western emperors, for example, ruled not only over the kingdom of Italy but also over the German and Burgundian kingdoms and later over Bohemia and Hungary. In this volume, their numeration follows the German tradition because they were German in origin and because, during the period under consideration here, their coronation as German kings also entitled them to exercise authority over the Burgundian and Italian kingdoms. The Ottonian sovereign Henry II (1002/4–24, emp. 1014) is thus numbered here according to the German tradition, even though no king of this name had ever ruled in Italy before him. The Hohenstaufen King Conrad (1138–52) similarly has the ordinal number ‘III’ in this volume, even though he was merely the second ruler of this name in Italy, as indeed the inscriptions on the Italian coins of Genoa and Asti describe him. Where appropriate, references to rulers give their dates in curved brackets. In the cases of kings and emperors, the dating refers, to the extent possible, to the period in which they were efectively recognised in Italy and their names could appear in the legends of Italian coins. The dates given for the Ottonian King Henry II (1004–24, emp. 1014) consequently do not take into account the two years during which he was pretender to the Italian crown and his rival Arduin of Ivrea exercised efective rule (1002–4). For present purposes, Henry’s reign efectively began with his overthrow of Arduin because it was only then that his rule had implications for the coinage. Arduin, by contrast, maintained his claim to the Italian crown for another decade but without implication for the coinage. Similarly, the dates given for the reign of Henry VII of Luxembourg take into account only the period from his arrival in Italy and coronation in Milan (1310–13, emp. 1312), after more than ive decades during which the royal power had been absent from Italy. This principle makes it possible to take into account the ‘reign’ of Henry’s son John (1330–3) even though, as king of Bohemia, he had no right to exercise authority over the Italian kingdom. John nevertheless obtained recognition of his authority from a number of north Italian cities, including Cremona

xxvii

Nomenclature

and Parma. A similar approach is adopted for the Angevin kings of Naples and the Savoyard princes of Achaia in Piedmont.

(c) c oi n nam e s Coin names are discussed in greater detail in the Glossary (App. 4, passim), but it is useful for readers to have a concordance of the most common coin names in the various languages, especially where they difer signiicantly. Latin Denarius

English Penny

Italian Denaro

Ducatus Florenus Grossus Ianuinus Libra Marca, Marcha Medalia Miliarensis Obolus Quatrinus Scutus Sextinus Solidus

Ducat Florin Groat

Ducato Fiorino Grosso Genovino Lira Marca (rarely Marco) Medaglia, Maglia Miliarese, Migliarese Obolo Quattrino Scudo Sesino Soldo

Pound Mark Half-penny Obol or half-penny Four-pence Shilling

Other forms Denier (Fr.), Denar or Pfennig (Germ.) Dukat (Germ.) Gulden (Germ.) Gros (Fr.), Groschen (Germ.) Pfund (Germ.) Mark (Germ.) Hälbling (Germ.) Millarès (Fr.) Obol (Germ.) Vierer (Germ.) Écu (Fr.), Schild (Germ.) Sou (Fr.), Schilling (Germ.)

A B B R E V I AT I O N S This list includes abbreviations used in the text and in the catalogue, other than those that are deined at the heads of the pages in the catalogue on which they occur. Abbreviations for periodicals and serials are given at the beginning of the bibliography. acq. Æ ANS App. B bibl. BM BN bt C. c. cf. chap(s). CNI coll. D. d d. dep. descr. doc(s). dwt ed. edn eds. emp. Eng. et al.

acquired copper or bronze American Numismatic Society, New York City appendix silver gold billon bibliography British Museum, London Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris bought count circa compare chapter(s) Corpus Nummorum Italicorum, see Bibliography collection duke penny, denarius, denaro, denar, denier, pfennig died deposited (closed); deposed described document(s) pennyweight editor edition editors emperor, empress English et alii ( = and others) xxviii

List of abbreviations ex ex. fd l. FM Fr. g Germ. Gr. gr. illus. i.m. incl. Ital. k. Lat. l l. m. marq. MEC MGH mm n. NAA n.d. no(s). n.p. obv. PG pl(s). prov. r. ref(s). repr. rev. s SG Sp. trans. var. vol(s). w. wt

from (used in describing coin pedigrees) exergue found lourished (was alive) Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge French gram(s) German Greek grain(s) illustrated initial mark includes, including Italian king Latin pound (i.e. unit of currency or account), libra, lira, livre, pfund left married marquis, marquess Medieval European Coinage, see Bibliography Monumenta Germaniae Historica, see Bibliography millimetre(s) note neutron activation analysis no date number(s) no place of publication obverse Philip Grierson collection plate(s) provenance right reference(s) reprint(ed) reverse shilling, solidus, soldo, sous, schilling speciic gravity Spanish translated variant, variety volume(s) with weight

xxix

1

G E N E R A L I N T RO D U C T I O N

(a) h i stori cal bac kg round The almost six hundred years from the middle of the tenth century to the early sixteenth were marked in northern Italy by a series of momentous upheavals. In the tenth century, with the threat of Hungarian and Saracen incursions beginning to dissipate, the Ottonian kings and emperors embarked on an ambitious programme to establish centralised rule over both their German and Italian dominions. The death of the young Otto III (983–1002, emp. from 996) without heirs and the consequent uncertainty over the succession nevertheless stifled these plans and, despite occasional revivals, initiated a progressive weakening of imperial power in Italy. By the middle of the eleventh century, the followers of new religious movements such as the Pataria in Milan were vociferously supporting papal injunctions against simony and clerical marriage, which posed a direct challenge to episcopal authorities that constituted the basis of imperial power. With the ascent of Bruno of Eguisheim-Dagsburg to the pontificate as (St) Leo IX (1049–54), the desire for reform reached the highest level of the Roman Church. In 1077, the escalating feud between the popes and the German kings and emperors over lay investiture and simony reached a dramatic climax in the confrontation between Pope Gregory VII (1073–85) and King Henry IV (1056–1106) at the castle of Canossa near Modena in EmiliaRomagna. Although neither the pope nor the king could claim a decisive victory, the struggle undermined imperial power. Henry managed to have himself crowned emperor in 1084, but only by anti-pope Clement III (1080–1100) rather than by Gregory or his legitimate successors Victor III (1086–7) and Urban II (1088–99). The progressive weakening of imperial power continued through the first half of the twelfth century, which Jones (1997, 337) characterised as ‘a virtual interregnum’. The power vacuum enabled burgeoning north Italian communes to exploit regalian rights without royal or imperial consent. This helped to accelerate both the rise of the communes in northern Italy and the transition from an essentially seigniorial to a more urban political system, with power often coalescing around the bishops of north Italian cities.The rural lords who survived the transition and even profited from it were above all those who managed to establish their powerbase in a major city, for example the Visconti in Milan. The religious fervour that sparked the reform of the Church also found an outlet beyond the shores of Italy in the Crusades, the series of military campaigns sanctioned by the Church to restore Christian control over the Holy Land. Pope Urban II proclaimed the First Crusade at the Council of Clermont in November 1095 and the main force set sail on the Feast of the Assumption (15 August) in 1096. The crusaders ultimately established four Crusader States of Edessa (1098), 1

2

General introduction

Antioch (1098), Jerusalem (1099) and Tripoli (1102/9). There were eight more major Crusades to the eastern Mediterranean (and North Africa) over the next two centuries as well as other Crusades in northern Europe, Iberia and the Balkans. The fall of Acre and the other remaining Christian outposts in the East to the Mamluks in 1291 effectively signalled the end of the Levantine Crusades, but the consequences of the Crusades were far reaching. The communities that Christian crusaders established in the East became important conduits of trade, and European merchants, especially Italians from maritime cities such as Genoa and Venice, continued to maintain commercial colonies in the Levant long after the fall of the Crusader States. Trade and increased contact with the East, much of it through Italy, not only brought new products to Europe but also facilitated the diffusion of culture, knowledge and technology. While crusaders were waging holy wars in the East on behalf of the popes, the German kings and emperors set out to arrest the slow dissipation of their prerogatives. At Roncaglia (near Piacenza) in 1158, Emperor Frederick I sought to recover the imperial authority lost under his predecessors and to subordinate communal and seigniorial powers to the emperor. Above all, he stressed the essential inalienability of regalian rights, which communes and lords held only at the pleasure of the king or emperor by privilege in exchange for fealty, service or tribute. Frederick’s attempt to reaffirm direct imperial authority nevertheless ultimately benefited the communes more than his own office. It led to the formation of the first anti-imperial Lombard League in 1167, then to Frederick’s military defeat near Legnano in 1176, and finally to the Peace of Constance in 1183, by which north Italian cities won the right to maintain the privileges that they had been exercising before Roncaglia, which effectively confirmed their control over their own territories, while also compelling them to pledge to pay dues and to remain faithful to the emperor. The death of Frederick’s son Henry VI (1190–7, emp. 1191) from malaria and the ensuing struggle over succession to the throne further debilitated imperial authority and, in effect, resulted in another ‘virtual interregnum’ during the first two decades of the thirteenth century. Jones’ assertion (1997, 339) that ‘the empire was becoming an irrelevance [and] an intrusive nuisance’ perhaps goes too far but effectively sums up Italian perceptions of the situation. The deaths of two of the main contenders for the throne, Henry’s brother Philip of Swabia in 1208 and Otto IV of Brunswick in 1218 (who had been in conflict with the pope since 1211), paved the way for the succession of Henry’s son Frederick II (1212/18–50, emp. 1220), who was already king of Sicily and south Italy. The prospect that Frederick might succeed in joining his Sicilian and south Italian kingdom to the three kingdoms – Germany, Italy, Burgundy – under the control of the Holy Roman Empire directly through the Papal States posed a serious threat to the popes and probably helps to explain why Popes Gregory IX (1227–41) and Innocent IV (1243–51) supported the Italian cities against the emperor and excommunicated Frederick on four separate occasions (1227, 1228, 1239, 1246). Frederick’s attempt to restore imperial authority again faced the resistance of another antiimperial Lombard League. In 1237, Frederick’s army defeated the troops of the Lombard League at Cortenuova near Bergamo, but the emperor failed to follow through on his success. He pursued a diplomatic course rather than a military one and thus lost an opportunity to achieve a potentially decisive victory over Milan, which was weakened and highly vulnerable in the aftermath of Cortenuova. In his last years, Frederick was engaged in a bitter struggle with Innocent IV, who encouraged German electors to support first Henry Raspe (d. 1247) in 1246 and then William II of Holland (d. 1256) as anti-kings of Germany over Frederick and his son Conrad IV (1228–54, king of Germany from 1237). Conrad succeeded Frederick upon his death in 1250 but

Historical background

3

proved an ineffectual leader. Royal power in Italy entered a period of more than fifty years of total collapse. The ensuing century proved crucial in determining the overall make-up of north-central Italy in the later Middle Ages and Renaissance, particularly in political terms. The pattern of development differed from place to place, but was everywhere conditioned to some extent by the struggle between pro-papal Guelfs (from the Germ. Welf, a personal and family name of the dukes of Bavaria and Saxony) and pro-imperial Ghibellines (from the Germ. Waiblingen, an imperial court in possession of the Hohenstaufen dynasty). The so-called interregnum of 1254–73 and its aftermath in particular provided greater scope for the more or less unfettered development of communal institutions and urban lordships. It was also during this period that Venice and Genoa became the lords of Mediterranean trade and began a series of wars against each other for supremacy at sea. Merchant-bankers were taking an ever-growing role in communal governance, and some of the larger city-states began to evolve into regional or territorial states, thus provoking the pope to call wars against the most powerful and threatening of them (e.g. the so-called ‘Ferrara war’ against Venice, 1310–12, or the Crusade against Visconti Milan, 1323). The revolution in artistic representation, begun in Tuscany, also started to penetrate northern Italy, perhaps most visibly in Giotto di Bondone’s (1266/7–1337) spectacular freschi in the Scrovegni Chapel in Padua. In the meantime, the advent of Rudolph I of Habsburg as king of Germany (1273–91) ended the interregnum, but Rudolph was still too busy trying to consolidate his position north of the Alps to interfere much in Italian affairs. His successors, Adolph of Nassau (1292–8) and Albert I of Habsburg (1298–1308), remained similarly disengaged, but immediately upon his election as the new king, Henry VII of Luxembourg (1309–13, emp. 1312) was determined to be crowned emperor and to restore imperial power in Italy. By this time, the kingdoms of Sicily and Naples were divided between the Aragonese and the Angevins, respectively, while the popes had removed from Rome to Avignon. Henry thus posed nothing like the threat to the popes that Frederick II had nearly a century earlier. Already in the first months of Henry’s reign, Pope Clement V (1305–14) readily agreed to crown him emperor in Rome early in 1312. Henry’s intentions to reinvigorate the empire held a certain appeal even in Italy, where the memories of Hohenstaufen ‘tyranny’ had largely faded and the immediate concern lay in calming the factional strife between the Guelfs and Ghibellines that had beleaguered many Italian cities for several decades. Confrontations between supporters of the opposing parties were often violent and typically resulted in the vanquished being disenfranchised, dispossessed and/or exiled. When Henry began his descent into Italy in October 1310, losers on both sides of the political divide looked to him to overturn the injustices inflicted upon them. Accordingly, Henry initially received a warm welcome in Italy, but traditionally Guelf cities soon turned against him and King Robert of Naples (1309–43) threw his considerable support behind the dissenters. Pope Clement also refused to crown Henry emperor as he had promised. In the event, three Ghibelline cardinals in Henry’s retinue performed the coronation in the Lateran in June 1312. Still not yet forty years old, Henry died of malaria at Buonconvento near Siena a little more than a year later and his programme to restore the empire fell apart. Dante nevertheless reserved high praise for him as the ‘lofty Henry, who will come to straighten out Italy before she is ready’ (Paradiso xxx.137–8). Louis IV of Bavaria and Frederick the Handsome of Habsburg disputed the succession to the throne after Henry’s death, but it was Louis who emerged victorious after the battle of Mühldorf in 1322. Louis went on his own Italian campaign in 1327, but his aims were more modest than

4

General introduction

those of Henry. He was crowned king of Italy in Milan at the end of May 1327 and then emperor in Rome by Senator and Capitano del Popolo Sciarra Colonna in January 1328. Pope John XXII (1316–34), who had supported Frederick of Habsburg against Louis, had already excommunicated Louis in 1324. After his coronation as emperor, Louis responded by declaring the pope deposed as a heretic and appointed a Spiritual Franciscan named Pietro Rainalducci as anti-pope Nicholas V (1328–30). Louis then abandoned Rome in August ahead of the contingents that Robert of Naples had sent there by land and sea to enforce the primacy of Pope John and to forestall any new attempt at the restoration of empire. Louis returned to Germany in 1329 and for the most part did not involve himself in Italian affairs thereafter. When Charles IV of Luxembourg (1346/7–78) went to Italy to be crowned in 1355, he did so under an earlier oath that he had made to Pope Clement VI (1342–52) only to assume the titles of king of Italy and emperor. In effect, he gave up any pretence to the use of his imperial prerogatives in Italy. He sojourned there once more in 1368–9, during which he met Pope Urban V (1362–70) at Viterbo, but made no attempt to restore the institutions of the empire. The pace of demographic and economic expansion in northern Italy quickened appreciably during the twelfth century and reached a peak in the later thirteenth and early fourteenth century. Only a few north Italian cities have any data at all from which to draw population estimates before 1250, but many cities probably doubled or tripled in size over the course of the thirteenth century and some might have even quadrupled. By 1300, Milan certainly and probably Venice and Genoa had more than 100,000 inhabitants, while Brescia, Cremona and Verona all had populations approaching 50,000 in the early fourteenth century. The growth of large urban centres stimulated local economies, but the take-off of Italian international merchant-banking and maritime commerce was initially tied closely to the Champagne fairs and Levantine trade.To cope with the extraordinary growth in trade and international finance, both in volume and extent, Italians developed a variety of new business methods, including various kinds of partnerships, the bill of exchange, marine insurance and double-entry bookkeeping. Demographic growth had begun to level off in many places before the Black Death of 1348–9 killed perhaps 40–50 per cent of the population, possibly even more in crowded cities but probably less in the countryside. Economic expansion likewise slowed during the second quarter of the fourteenth century, most notably with the failure, first, of Venetian banks in 1340–2 and then, more famously, of the major Florentine merchant-banking firms in 1342–6, which made it more difficult to obtain loans for entrepreneurial activity. The immediate consequences of the Black Death were devastating. Most work drew to a halt during the summer of 1348 when Italy experienced the worst of the contagion, violent crime and destitution rose, revenues from taxes plummeted, and agricultural land was abandoned. In most places, however, equilibrium if not recovery was achieved as soon as the death rate decreased in the autumn. Among the survivors, plague mortality even created opportunities for social mobility because it made labour scarce and thus raised the wages of most average workers. Population loss from the Black Death nevertheless continued for more than a half-century after the initial occurrence owing to subsequent outbreaks, and the population reached its nadir in most places only in the early fifteenth century. Banking crises were as recurrent as the plague. Another crisis of international proportions occurred in the 1370s and further crises are documented in Venice during the fifteenth century. The crisis of the 1340s was especially severe, however, and the Black Death exacerbated the difficulties faced by the bankers who managed to survive it, not only because it radically altered

Historical background

5

the environment for business, for example by decreasing the demand for commodities such as grain, but also because the mere rumour that a particular banker had taken ill was often enough to spark a panic among depositors and investors. The banking sector nevertheless recovered relatively quickly from this and other such dislocations. At least one of the major Florentine firms that collapsed during the crisis of the 1340s, the Bardi Company, even managed to spawn two new banking concerns within little more than a decade. In the early fourteenth century, several major north Italian powers had embarked upon a policy of territorial expansion. The demographic collapse occasioned by the Black Death gave expansionism fresh impetus by eroding the tax-base especially of the larger city-states and bringing them under increasing fiscal pressure. In Milan, the expansion of the territorial state reached its height under Gian Galeazzo Visconti (1385–1402, duke 1395), who not only subjugated nearly all of Lombardy but also, with the object of establishing a new Italian kingdom, extended his dominion to Verona, Feltre and Padua in the Veneto, to Pisa and Siena in Tuscany, and to Perugia in Umbria. The territorial expansion of Venice was initially limited to the eastern shores of the Adriatic and the eastern Mediterranean, but the Venetians began to expand on the Terraferma towards the end of the fourteenth century, definitively taking Treviso in 1389, Rovigo in 1395, Feltre and Vicenza in 1404, Verona and Padua in 1405, Aquileia in 1420, Brescia in 1426 and Bergamo in 1428. Venetian expansion on the mainland frequently brought Venice into conflict with Milan,but the main Italian powers negotiated the Peace of Lodi in 1454 to avert such territorial struggle. The treaty established the frontier between the Milanese and Venetian states along the river Adda, conferred formal recognition on Francesco Sforza as duke of Milan, and ushered in forty years of stability in northcentral Italy. (See Map 1.) The Genoese, like the Venetians, established a number of outposts in the eastern Mediterranean and also on the Tyrrhenian islands of Corsica and Sardinia, but geography and local politics conspired to frustrate their territorial aspirations on the mainland, at least beyond the coastal regions. Genoese rulers in fact often turned their city over to foreign powers such as the dukes of Milan or the kings of France to prevent the government from falling into the hands of local adversaries. On the northern side of the Ligurian Apennines, the counts and dukes of Savoy were the dominant territorial power, while the marquises of Montferrat and Saluzzo controlled much smaller dominions. The most prominent foreign rulers in the region were the Milanese and the French. While the origins of Italian Renaissance art lay mostly in Tuscany in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, several north Italian cities, especially Venice and Milan, emerged as major centres of artistic production in the fifteenth century. Jacopo Bellini of Venice (c. 1400–70/1) was a follower of Gentile da Fabriano (c. 1370–c. 1427) and worked with him in Umbria before visiting Florence in 1423. When Bellini returned to Venice in 1424, he opened his own workshop and became one of the founders of the so-called Venetian School of painting. His sons Gentile (c. 1429–1507) and above all Giovanni (c. 1430–1516) were also prominent exponents of the Venetian School, while his son-in-law Andrea Mantegna of Padua (c. 1431–1506) was a famous painter in his own right. In the early sixteenth century, Giorgio da Castelfranco (Giorgione, 1478–1510) and Tiziano Vecellio (Titian, ante 1490–1576) were the dominant figures in Venetian painting. Such was the renown of Venice as an artistic centre that the German painter Albrecht Dürer (1471–1528) twice visited the city, first in 1494–5 and again in 1505–7. Milan was less important as a producer of talented painters than as a centre of art patronage, especially under the Sforza, where prominent artists such as Leonardo da Vinci (1452–1519) came

General introduction

6

DUCHY OF

DUCHY Milan

SAVOY

OF

Turin

Lodi

MILAN

OF MONFERRAT

IC

Genoa OF G E NO A

RE

PU

BL

MARQUISATE OF SALUZZO

CORSICA

0 0

50 25

E

Venice

MANTUA (GONZAGA)

DUCHY OF

Ferrara FERRARA Reggio ESTE LANDS Modena

DUCHY OF MALASPINA MODENA AND LANDS REGGIO REP. OF LUCCA

(to Genoa)

V

IC

Mantua

MARQUISATE

Asti

F C O REPUBLI

EN

Bologna

REPUBLIC OF Florence FLORENCE

Ravenna

PA PA L

Siena

S TAT E S

REPUBLIC OF SIENA

Spoleto

100 km 50 miles

Map 1. North-central Italy at the Peace of Lodi, 1454

to work. Many of the more important Lombard artists, such as Giovanni Antonio Amadeo (1447– 1522) and Benedetto Briosco (1460–1514), were actually from Pavia rather than Milan and are better known for their achievements in sculpture and architecture than in painting. The most famous Lombard painter of the early Italian Renaissance was probably Vincenzo Foppa (c. 1428– c. 1515), who was born near Brescia. Giovanni Ambrogio de Predis (c. 1455–c. 1508), who collaborated with Leonardo and engraved coin-dies in the mint of Milan, is perhaps the best known Milanese painter of the Renaissance. In literature and learning, too, the Tuscans were in the forefront, but northern Italy also produced prodigious figures in these areas: Pietro Bembo (1470–1547) the Venetian poet (and cardinal) who advocated Tuscan as the basis for the Italian literary vernacular and wrote Gli Asolani (1505), Baldassare Castiglione (1478–1529) the Lombard diplomat most famous for Il cortegiano (1508–28), and Girolamo Fracastoro (1478–1553) the Veronese physician who named the syphilis strain of venereal disease. Northern Italy also had some of Europe’s earliest universities. Padua’s famous university opened in 1222, Vercelli’s in 1228 and Vicenza’s had been founded in 1204. New universities were founded in Pavia in 1361, Turin in 1404 and Genoa in 1481. In the second half of the fifteenth century, Venice and Milan became important centres of printing alongside Florence and Rome. Only in one area of Renaissance endeavour, travel and exploration, did the north Italians surpass the Tuscans. Marco Polo (1254–1324), the famous traveller who left an account of his experiences in Asia from 1271 to 1292 as an officer of the Mongol Emperor Kublai Khan (1215–95), was of course a Venetian. More than a century and a half later, Niccolò de’ Conti (c. 1395–1469) from

Historical background

7

Chioggia near Venice travelled as widely in the East over some twenty-five years. The Venetian nobleman Alvise Cadamosto (c. 1426–83) travelled in sub-Saharan West Africa with the Genoese adventurers Antoniotto Usodimare (1416–c. 1461) and Antonio da Noli (c. 1419–c. 1497) and wrote what is perhaps the earliest account of the region. Giovanni Caboto (John Cabot, c. 1450–c. 1499) was a contemporary and rival of Cristoforo Colombo (Christopher Columbus, 1451–1506) and perhaps also, like Colombo, a native of Genoa. Caboto obtained Venetian citizenship in 1476 and traded widely in the Middle East in the 1480s, perhaps even journeying overland to Mecca as he later claimed. He went to England around 1495, settled in Bristol’s Venetian community, and appears to have completed two voyages to the New World, reaching Newfoundland in 1497 and perhaps the Caribbean in 1499. As for Colombo himself, although proudly Genoese by birth, he was probably more comfortable in Iberia where he ultimately found the necessary patronage to support his plan to search for a new route to the East Indies across the Atlantic. He arrived in Lisbon in 1479, married the daughter of a Portuguese nobleman (of Genoese origin), and moved to Spain around 1486, where he took a mistress of Basque extraction. He wrote mostly in Portuguese-inflected Spanish and occasionally in Latin; none of his extant writings are in Italian or Genoese. From 1482 to 1485, Colombo travelled and traded along the shores of West Africa, reaching the European settlement of Elmina on the coast of what is now Ghana. He moved to Spain only after Portugal, Genoa and Venice had turned down his appeals for support of his proposed voyage to the East Indies. After unsuccessfully petitioning Ferdinand II of Aragon (1452–1516, king of Castile 1474, Aragon 1479, Spain 1512) and Isabella I of Castille (1451–1504, queen 1474) for several years, Colombo finally won the monarchs’ support in 1492. His expedition of three ships set sail from Spain in August and, after stopping briefly in the Canary Islands, reached an island in what is now the Bahamas in October, Cuba later in the month, and then Hispaniola (the Dominican Republic and Haiti) in December. He left the New World in January 1493, but made three more voyages to the Americas over the next decade. Ironically, the north Italians who made contact with the New World towards the end of the fifteenth century probably contributed to the decline in Italian pre-eminence in European commerce by shifting the focus of maritime trade from the Mediterranean to the Atlantic. One other event of the fifteenth century also struck a blow to Italy’s commercial interests in the Mediterranean, namely the fall of Constantinople to the Ottoman Sultan Mehmed II (1432– 81) in 1453, which signalled the collapse of the Byzantine Empire. The siege and then capture of the Byzantine capital was acutely felt throughout Christendom, but perhaps nowhere more so than in Italy. Pope Nicholas V (1447–55), as well as his successors Calixtus III (1455–8) and Pius II (1458–64), called for a Crusade against the Ottomans but to no avail. The one benefit of the fall of Byzantium for Italian culture was the influx of Greek refugee-scholars that invigorated the revival of Greek learning in Italy. Among the new arrivals were Janos Argyropoulos (1415–87) and his student Constantine Lascaris (1434–1501), the latter of whom became Greek tutor to the daughter of Duke Francesco Sforza of Milan (1450–66). The fifteenth century ended in a series of conflicts often referred to as the Wars of Italy, which effectively stretched from the French descent into Italy in 1494 to the Habsburg–Valois treaties of Barcelona and Cambrai in 1529, but definitively concluded only with the Peace of CateauCambrésis thirty years later. King Charles VIII of France (1483–98) crossed the Alps into Italy in 1494, marched his army down the Italian peninsula, and conquered the kingdom of Naples from the Aragonese with scarcely a struggle in February 1495. King Ferdinand II (Ferrandino) of

8

General introduction

Naples (1495–6) recovered the kingdom later in the same year, but in 1499, Charles’s successor, Louis XII (1498–1515), successfully enforced his claims over Milan – his grandmother, Valentina, was daughter of Gian Galeazzo Visconti – and in 1500, eager to follow his predecessor’s example by taking Naples, entered into a secret agreement with King Ferdinand II of Aragon to divide the kingdom. King Frederick III of Naples (1496–1501) surrendered to the French in September 1501, but by the end of the following year, the Aragonese were at war with the French. In May 1503, Ferdinand’s troops occupied Naples, which effectively signalled the union of the kingdom with that of Aragonese Sicily and Sardinia. Louis formally accepted defeat in January 1504. In the meantime, Giuliano della Rovere had ascended to the papacy as Julius II (1503–13). By 1508, he had become so alarmed by the expansion of Venice on the mainland in north-east Italy that he assembled an international coalition of powers to curb Venetian territorial ambitions. The so-called League of Cambrai included the pope, Louis XII of France, Emperor Maximilian I of Austria (1493–1519, emp. 1508), Ferdinand II of Aragon and Duke Alfonso I d’Este of Ferrara (1505–34). The League was initially successful thanks to the French victory at Agnadello and the surrender of Verona and Vicenza to the troops of Maximilian. In February 1510, the Venetian Senate was thus forced to accept the pope’s harsh terms for peace, which entailed the restitution of Venetian territories in Romagna. The stalemate over Maximilian’s ongoing siege of Padua and the consolidation of French territorial conquests in Lombardy nevertheless gave rise to fears over the expansion of French power in northern Italy and led to a new alliance between the pope and Venice. In 1512, Ferdinand II also turned against the French, but it was the intervention of Swiss soldiers that proved decisive in driving the French out of Lombardy and restoring the duchy of Milan to the Sforza dynasty in the person of Massimiliano. When Charles of Habsburg succeeded first Ferdinand in 1516 and then Emperor Maximilian himself in 1519, he became both king of Spain and the Holy Roman Emperor, and accordingly regarded the duchies of Milan and Genoa as a land bridge between his German and Spanish dominions. King Francis I of France (1515–47), on the other hand, began to see his Italian possessions less as a luxury and more as a strategic necessity to avoid the Habsburg encirclement of his land frontiers. The wars over these territories reached a first climax in the battle of Pavia in 1525 in which Charles V pushed the French out of Lombardy and Genoa. By 1529, the French had been thoroughly defeated not only in northern Italy but also in Naples. Francis was left with no option but to sign the treaties of Barcelona and Cambrai, by which he again relinquished all claims to Italian territory. The Wars of Italy continued intermittently for another three decades, but with the Treaty of Cateau-Cambrésis in 1559, the French renounced all territorial ambitions in Italy, this time definitively. (See Map 2.)

(b) c oi nag e In the monetary history of Western Europe during the Middle Ages, north and central Italy served as a kind of laboratory where most of the features that later became common throughout Europe were first tested and adopted. The debasement of the penny (Lat. denarius, Ital. denaro) began here earlier than elsewhere and continued without any attempt to arrest the process through some sort of renovatio monetae. The introduction of the silver groat (Lat. grossus, Ital. grosso), the gold ducat and the silver testone occurred first in northern Italy, and these new currencies were among the most successful coins of the Middle Ages. Northern Italy was also precocious in the development

Basel

Salzburg

Zurich Innsbruck

Lucerne Chur

Freiberg Schneeberg

Geneva

Great St Bernard

Kutna Hora Jihlava

Simplon

Mont Cenis

Banska Stiavnica Schwaz BURGUNDY Friesach Meran TYROL CARINTHIA Mount Calisio Bergamasco Ljubljana/ Trento SAVOY Milan Laibach Costa l’Argentera Verona Venice

Bergamo

Como Milan

DA

PROVENCE

ANY SC TU

Florence

Pisa Montieri

Marseille

LM

PAPAL STATES

Passes Important land routes

IA SERBIA

Rome

Pera Constantinople

NAPLES

S

Iglesias

U I R E P

Naples SARDINIA

Longobucco

ACHAIA

S I C I LY MINING AREAS (with period of main activity) Bergamasco (11th–14th c.) Freiberg (12th–13th c.) Friesach (12th–13th c.) Montieri (12th–13th c.) Mount Calisio (late 12th–15th c.) Costa l’Argentera (13th–early 14th c.) Iglesias (13th–14th c.) Jihlava (13th–14th c.) Longobucco (13th–14th c.) Nova Brdo (13th–early 15th c.) Srebrenica (13th–early 15th c.) Kutna Hora (13th–15th c.) Banska Stiavnica (14th–15th c.) 0 Kremnica (14th–15th c.) Schneeberg (15th–16th c.) Schwaz (15th–16th c.) 0

CRETE

250 100

500 km 200

Venice

Passo dei Giovi Genoa

Nova Brdo

CORSICA

Trento

Verona

Srebrenica

AT

Villach

Brescia

Asti

Genoa

Avignon

Brenner Toblacher Joch/ Sella di Dobbiaco Pustertal/ Val Pusteria

Bellinzona

Susa

Mont Genèvre

Jaufenpass/Passo di Monte Giovo

Coccau

Little St Bernard

Kremnica

IA ON AL T A C Barcelona

San Bernardino

300 miles

Map 2. Northern Italy in Europe and the Mediterranean

10

General introduction

of a purely civic coinage and, not surprisingly, it was in the vanguard in the technical and artistic development of the coinage, particularly with respect to seigniorial issues. Despite the pioneering character of the coinage in northern Italy, which is duly recognised in general surveys on medieval European coinage and monetary history (e.g. Spufford 1988; Grierson 1991), few authors have analysed the coinage of this area on a broad regional basis. Apart from the pertinent sections of Cipolla’s short history of Italian coinage (1975, 13–76), which focuses almost exclusively on the phenomenon of debasement (see below, p. 15), most general works either fail to take adequate account of the peculiar characteristics of the coined money (e.g. Tucci 1973) or else are aimed largely at the general public (Balbi de Caro 1993a; 1993b) or collectors (Cairola 1971). Other contributions have addressed only specific aspects of this history, for example monetary areas or the introduction of the grosso and/or gold coinage (see below). No one has grappled specifically with the reasons for the innovative character of the coinage in northern Italy, though Saccocci (2005a), in a different context, has pointed towards the relatively strong Byzantine influence in Italy as one possible explanation. Only the introductory surveys in the new handbook on Italian mints (Zecche) offer a wider view, albeit in the context of entries that focus mainly on individual mints. The fact that the general evolution of the coinage in Italy on a broad regional or national basis has received so little attention is largely due to a deep-seated and well-known cultural and historical phenomenon, namely the overriding interest of most cultivated people in Italy, including coin collectors and amateur numismatists, in the history of their own native city. This peculiarly Italian variety of patriotism has its roots in the markedly urban character of Italian society during the Middle Ages and in the movement towards communal independence. Its effect on the study of the coinage has been especially profound, largely as a result of the way that collecting originally set the agenda for numismatic research. Because most Italian collectors were interested in collecting coins of their native city, most Italian authors have focused predominately on the coinage of a single city rather than on the coinages of larger areas. The organisation of the monumental Corpus Nummorum Italicorum (henceforth CNI) indeed both reflects this view and serves to perpetuate it. The catalogue is arranged by regions according to the administrative subdivisions of twentieth-century Italy and then by individual mints in alphabetical order. For practical reasons, the present volume largely adheres to the organisational principles laid out in the CNI (see below), even though these principles do not always respect the historical development of the coinage and sometimes describe coins struck in the name of the same issuing authority in different volumes. This has had some unfortunate consequences for the trajectory of research on the coinage and monetary history of northern Italy, particularly in terms of the chronology of the coinage. It is not uncommon to find, for example, that numismatists have attributed coins of very similar type, style and standard, but of different mints, to different periods, though in fact they were contemporaneous or nearly contemporaneous issues. The present volume is the first general survey to consider the coinage and monetary history of northern Italy on a broad regional basis, examining the coinage of each individual mint not only in its political and territorial setting but also in the context of the development of the other coinages in the wider region on the basis of direct comparison rather than through the sometimesdistorting prism of the literature. As a result of this approach, the authors have been able to present a completely revised and far more coherent picture of the coinage and monetary history of the region, correcting many long-standing misinterpretations, particularly with respect to attributions

Coinage

11

and chronology, and drawing attention to questions that call for further research. This is unusual for a survey of this sort, but it merely reflects the great extent to which northern Italian numismatic research had been conditioned by its peculiar interest in the development of individual mints. 1. Organisation of the volume Because Medieval European Coinage (henceforth MEC) is first a catalogue of a collection and then a handbook of medieval European coinage, the organisation of the volumes does not follow purely historical criteria but also takes account of the way in which numismatic collections are traditionally organised. Accordingly, this portion of the catalogue covering northern Italy for the most part uses the scheme adopted by the CNI. In view of the ever-changing patterns of authority over individual mints, to do otherwise would render the catalogue and handbook virtually incomprehensible not only for collectors but also for scholars. In some instances, however, it follows political contexts more closely when it is possible to do so without introducing further complications, for example in dealing with the coins of the Fieschi fiefs, the marquises of Montferrat and the counts of Trivulzio. This volume of MEC covers the coins described in volumes II (Piedmont), III (Liguria), IV and V (Lombardy and Milan), VI (the greater Veneto, including Trentino-Alto Adige/Südtirol and Friuli-Venezia Giulia), and VII and VIII (Venice) of the CNI, but it does not consider the coins described in volume I (House of Savoy) and in volumes IX and X (Emilia-Romagna). The exclusion from this volume of the coinage of the main house of Savoy will no doubt surprise many readers. After all, it was the Savoyard dynasty that unified Italy, and it was the extraordinary collection of King Victor Emanuel III of Italy (1869–1947, king 1900–46) that formed the basis for the CNI. A large part of medieval Savoy nevertheless lay beyond the frontiers of modern Italy in what is now France and Switzerland. The omission of the Savoyard coinage from this volume also has a perfectly legitimate genealogical and historical justification. The territories originally ruled by the house of Savoy in the early eleventh century lay entirely within the borders of the former kingdoms of Burgundy and then Arles, and the first count of Savoy, Umberto I (1003[?]–56), was the son of Duke Otto Guillaume of Burgundy (1002–15, d. 1027). Throughout the Middle Ages, moreover, the Savoyards maintained close ties with the Burgundians through marriage. The coinage of the counts and dukes of Savoy thus finds its proper place among the other coinages produced in the area corresponding to the early medieval kingdom of Burgundy, which will be described in MEC 17 devoted to the kingdom of Arles and Upper Lorraine. The exclusion of the coinage of Emilia-Romagna is more a matter of maintaining a proper balance between the respective MEC volumes for north and central Italy than anything else. In terms of the coinage, parts of Emilia-Romagna were more closely tied to northern Italy but others resembled more the centre, so purely practical considerations ultimately determined its position within the series. The overriding criterion in the placement of individual series of coins within the volume has been their juridical role rather than their place of manufacture. The coins struck in the mint of Venice that circulated in other subject cities such as Treviso or Rovigo are generally described in the volume under the names of the cities in which they served as legal tender. Likewise, the coins struck in Venice for circulation on the Dalmatian coast of the Balkans or in the eastern

12

General introduction

Mediterranean are excluded from this volume, while the coins struck in the mint of Lienz in modern Austria for the counts of Gorizia are included here because they were intended to circulate in an area corresponding more or less to the Italian regions of Friuli and Venezia-Giulia. 2. Chronology When research on this volume commenced, most of the coinages of northern Italy were still broadly dated according to the chronologies laid out in the CNI, which effectively meant that they were dated according to the state-of-the-art in numismatic research in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century. Since the publication of the CNI, few numismatists have sought to bring the time-honoured arrangements of individual series in the region up to date, and most of the small number of efforts in that direction have failed to pay adequate attention to basic techniques for the analysis of coin-dies, hoards and weight. There have of course been exceptions, the most important of which are represented by the pioneering studies of Ottorino Murari, active from 1950 to the late 1980s, on the earlier coinages of Lombardy and the Veneto. Although many of Murari’s conclusions are now open to criticism, his contributions were groundbreaking. Few scholars have followed his example, however, and when they have, it has been almost exclusively in connection with the output of the mints of the greater Veneto, from Mantua eastwards (see Chapters 5 and 6 below). For many series, the new approach that Murari pioneered was taken up for the first time only in the course of the past decade or so. It is impossible to enumerate all of the new chronologies put forward in the pages that follow, but especially significant are the new arrangements proposed for the difficult-to-date immobilised coinages of the tenth to twelfth century struck in the name of the German kings and emperors and for the coinages of Asti, Montferrat, Genoa, Milan and Pavia. Even for the coinages that have been more thoroughly studied in recent years, for example those of the Veneto, the present volume provides the first opportunity to take account of the new research and its implications in the context of a general catalogue. The rearrangement of the chronologies has also brought into focus a general pattern of devaluation occurring on a cycle of about a century at first and then down to about fifty or sixty years from about 1200 onwards (see below, pp. 15–16). 3. Monetary system and denominations In the later tenth century, the monetary system in northern Italy was still essentially the same as the one introduced under Charlemagne two centuries earlier, based on the silver denaro and the tripartite system of account made up of the pound (Lat. libra, Ital. lira), shilling (Lat. solidus, Ital. soldo) and penny (MEC 1, 194–9). Through much of the region, the system remained essentially unchanged until about 1200, and even later in so far as the units of account were concerned, but the extreme rigidity of the Carolingian system was counterbalanced by the use of foreign gold coins, both Muslim and Byzantine, which became sufficiently common in some maritime cities, such as Genoa and Venice, that they entered the local monetary system of account (see Chapter 4, section (b), pp. 259–61, Chapter 6, section (a) and (l), pp. 554–5 and 638–40 respectively). The varying rhythms of debasement in different mints further offset the apparent inflexibility of the system because the denari of different mints came to have different values, which made it possible for coins to circulate abroad as multiples or fractions of local currencies and

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effectively gave the system something of a multi-denominational aspect. Emperor Frederick I (1152–90, emp. 1155) made this aspect more pronounced in about 1162 when he introduced the denaro imperiale (see Chapter 2, section (f), pp. 74–7), which was purposely valued at two, three or four times the denari then in circulation in Lombardy, Liguria and Emilia, and the Veneto, respectively, to foster its use throughout northern Italy (Cipolla 1975, 32–4; Travaini 1989, 234–43). Initially, this might have even led some mints to employ certain features on their coins specifically to connote the rate of exchange between their coins and the denaro imperiale, so that two letters with an abbreviation mark above indicated a mezzano or half of a denaro imperiale and the long cross in the coinage of Verona a quarter. Such a practice probably would have come about as a matter of convention more than anything else, destined to fade in the course of time. The minting of half-denari (medaglie or oboli) was not very common in northern Italy outside Genoa and Venice, perhaps because debased denari were widely available through much of the region at a relatively early date and this was sufficient to satisfy the demand for petty coins. Many of the coins described in the numismatic literature as half-denari, medaglie or oboli were not actually half-denari at all, but simply denari that were either calibrated to a different lira of account or else heavily debased. During the second half of the twelfth century, the homogeneity of the systems of account across northern Italy was broken by the new silver denari struck first in Aquileia and then in Gorizia and Trieste in Friuli. The coins were of good silver and weighed over 1g. The rupture soon mended, however, because the new coins of Friuli effectively functioned as soldi in the Venetian system of account traditionally used in the area. The introduction of the fine silver grosso in Venice around 1200 (see below, p. 16) did not upset the system because the new coin fitted very well into the existing lira of 240 denari. Most early grossi were in fact straightforward fractions of the lira, valued at twenty, sixteen or twelve denari, for example, but even when their market values later assumed somewhat peculiar proportions, such as the 26 1/9 denari value of the Venetian grosso, medieval accountants had little difficulty in fixing prices in terms of lire. The new grossi nevertheless did create a distinction between the moneta grossa, which included grossi as well as other coins of good silver and gold, and the moneta piccola, which consisted of billon denari and later also quattrini and sesini. This led to the creation of much more complicated systems of account, especially after the introduction of the gold coinages of Genoa and Florence in 1252, when the value of the various monete grosse began to diverge from the units of account based on the lira di piccoli (Lat. libra parvorum), or pound of 240 billon denari, to which they were originally tied in well-defined relationships. It thus became necessary to reckon silver grossi in their own lire, the lire di grossi, which were still worth 240 pieces but of silver grossi rather than billon denari. The need to calculate debts and credits registered in lire di piccoli but redeemed in grossi or florins, or vice versa, nevertheless gave rise to series of ghost moneys that did not really exist but simply indicated an obsolete rate of exchange (for the best account of this, see Lane and Mueller 1985, 24–64; see also J. Day 1978). In Venice, for example, there were nine different lire of account in the early fifteenth century. The most widespread of these virtual currencies was the fiorino di conto, which was constantly in use in Milan and many other north Italian cities from the late thirteenth century onwards. By the early fourteenth century, this denomination no longer had anything to do with the gold coin, but was a fixed multiple of various silver and billon coins that corresponded

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General introduction

to an obsolete exchange rate between them and the florin at the time that the denomination was first introduced in northern Italy. In the fourteenth century, frequent changes in the circulating coinage made it impossible to maintain stable exchange rates between the various lire of account and the actual coins for any long period of time and added to the complexity of the monetary system created by ghost moneys. To deal with these changes, mint authorities periodically fixed the values of the coins in circulation in lire di piccoli by public decree in what are commonly referred to as gride, from the Italian gridare, meaning ‘to cry out’ or ‘to yell’. Although a given lira might have temporarily corresponded to a certain number of a given coin or even a single coin, the link between the lira and any actual coin was eventually severed by the next grida. As the century went on, the process became progressively faster and served almost everywhere as an index of the constantly changing values of the coins in circulation, as brilliantly illustrated by Einaudi (1936). Only in Venice was the situation different because the Venetians tied their lira of account to the silver coinage through the soldino rather than to the billon denaro and coped with the changing monetary trends by debasing their coinage instead of increasing the value of existing coins. This discouraged speculation on the coinage and enabled the Venetians to maintain a much more stable lira of account than elsewhere in northern Italy until the end of the Middle Ages. The complexity of the monetary system had significant consequences for the names officially given to the coins in contemporary records and thus also for the way that these coins are described in the numismatic literature. The documents tended to identify coins either by their physical characteristics or by their value at the time. This has caused few problems for coins typically identified in documents by some physical attribute – for example, grosso, matapan, pegione, petacchina, bussolotto, aquilino, etc. (see App. 4, s.v.) – but it has led to a great deal of confusion over the names of coins more often identified by their value – for example, the lira, grosso da XXII (worth twentytwo denari), soldo (of twelve denari), sesino (of six denari), quattrino (of four denari) and so on. This is because the value of any given coin was subject to change, which means that the value of a coin identified by value probably held the designated value only when it was first introduced. If the coin in question remained in production or circulation for any length of time, it almost inevitably came to be valued differently, whereupon its name no longer corresponded to its actual value. Many of the monetary units mentioned in documents, moreover, were imaginary units of account without specific referents in the circulating currency. As a consequence, the apparent spread of some coinages beyond their core areas of circulation, such as the denaro of Verona (denarius veronensis), the denaro imperiale and perhaps also that of Milan (denarius mediolanensis), may very well have hinged more on the widespread use of the units of account originally tied to these coins than upon such an extensive circulation of the coins themselves. In other words, apparent references to payments in these coinages outside their monetary areas might have actually concerned payments handled in different coins in different markets that were nevertheless easily calibrated to the given currency as a unit of account. For all of these reasons, the identification of denominations has been one of the more problematic aspects of research towards this volume. Every effort has been made to take questions concerning denomination fully into account, either qualifying the names conventionally used for particular coins (e.g. describing a given coin as a ‘so-called’ denaro) or using more descriptive designations to eliminate or reduce potential confusion (e.g. ‘denaro scodellato’ or ‘grosso with crescent’) whenever there is or could conceivably be any uncertainty over the denomination.

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4. Evolution of the coinage In the second half of the tenth century, the coinage of northern Italy was homogenous with respect to not only the monetary system but also the metrology of the actual coins struck in the mints of Pavia, Milan and Verona, owing to a successful reform of the coinage carried out by Emperor Otto I (961–73, emp. 962) (see Chapter 2, section (a), pp. 30–1). The Honorantie Civitatis Papie suggest that Venice was also bound to the reformed royal coinages even though the city was not part of the kingdom of Italy (Brühl and Violante 1983, 18–21 §§3, 8). In reality, however, this was never completely achieved, since the silver content of the Venetian coins in the name of Otto remained significantly lower than that of the Veronese and Pavese counterparts, about 10 per cent less, and dramatically dropped during the last decade of the tenth century. This had significant consequences for the history of the coinage in northern Italy, particularly with respect to the development of the different monetary areas within the wider region. The precocious debasement of the Venetian denaro in the tenth century and the spread of Venetian coins into neighbouring monetary areas, which is well attested in coin finds (Saccocci 2001–2; 2003), also appear to have precipitated the debasement of the royal/imperial denari in the region.It is not surprising that the coinage of Verona, the royal/imperial mint closest to Venice, also underwent the most intense devaluation. The fact that Venetian denari were not subject to royal/imperial control but still circulated in the monetary areas of the royal/imperial coinages of northern Italy would have rendered the sort of renovationes monetae employed elsewhere to arrest the ‘natural’ devaluation of the currency ineffectual in the region. The debasement of the denaro veneziano led monetary authorities in north and central Italy to reduce the silver content of some coinages by up to 80 per cent from the 960s to the end of the twelfth century in a process that distinguished the coinages in these regions from those elsewhere in Europe. Cipolla (1963, 417–19; 1975, 47–76) argued that the depreciation of the currencies in north and central Italy facilitated the precocious development of the economy in these regions because it enabled governments to meet the increasing demand for coined money despite the relative inelasticity of the silver supply and thereby avoid the deflationary effects that typically stem from the shortage of specie. Numismatic analysis alone does not afford the means by which to explore this question in greater depth, but the data assembled in this volume suggest that even the most debased denari played an important role in attracting silver to north Italian cities, which did not have their own silver mines and therefore relied on silver imports. The appearance of north Italian denari in coin finds from southern Germany and the eastern Alps, sometimes in very large numbers, indeed shows that bullion traders there welcomed even these heavily debased billon pieces in payment for silver bullion (see Chapter 6, section (a), pp. 553–5). As already observed, the general rearrangement of the chronologies of the north Italian coinages has made it possible to identify a more or less regular pattern of monetary debasement, with longer periods of stability punctuated by shorter periods of rapid debasement. In little more than a decade around the years 1000, 1100, 1190, and then, after the introduction of the moneta grossa, around 1250 and 1300, all mints heavily debased their coinages. Afterwards, particularly following the Black Death in 1348, the rhythms of stability and debasement became less uniform, largely because the growth of territorial states and the attendant rise in government spending to meet the escalating demands of war made debasement more of an internal matter for each individual state. Territorial conquests tended to give rise to periods of monetary stability while territorial losses

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General introduction

precipitated periods of accelerated debasement. The relatively homogenous length of the periods of stability up to 1300 – approximately a hundred years before the introduction of the moneta grossa and falling to about fifty thereafter – was perhaps simply a matter of chance, but it is tempting to describe this pattern through some general monetary law. At present, we are not in a position to put forward even a hypothetical explanation that goes beyond pure conjecture, but further research holds the prospect of formulating a suitable theory in the mélange of economics, medieval history and numismatics. An important step in the evolution of the coinage in northern Italy was the introduction around 1200 of the fine silver grosso,which became so successful that it completely altered the pattern of the coinage throughout Europe within a relatively short space of time. Grossi were originally conceived as multiples of the denaro of the respective mint and were therefore tied to the petty coinage in a fixed rate of exchange. In time, however, and sometimes very quickly, this fixed rate of exchange often disappeared. The introduction of the grosso in fact soon gave rise to a distinction between two diverse categories of coinage, the moneta grossa, made up of the grosso in its various forms, and the moneta piccola, made up of the debased billon denaro, which persisted until decimalisation in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Historians have traditionally explained the introduction of the grosso as the response to the need, after periodic debasements had weakened the denaro, for coins of good silver that could be used conveniently not only for ‘international’ and larger internal payments but also for paying wages (Spufford 1988, 236; Grierson 1991, 105–6). While probably true, this still does not account for the remarkable fact that the value of the grosso was allowed to fluctuate in terms of the denaro. As a multiple of the denaro, the grosso would have had to follow the same pattern of debasement as the denaro, as in fact occurred in the case of some early multiples such as the Lombard denaro imperiale. Saccocci (1994; see also Chapter 6, section (l), pp. 639–40) suggested that the Venetian grosso gave life to old units of account called miliaresi (Lat. miliarenses, Fr. millarès), fractions of the bezant in use in the Mediterranean basin and equivalent to either a twelfth of a bezant in the Byzantine system or a tenth of a bezant in the Muslim system. Neither miliaresi nor bezants corresponded to any actual coins but were ghost moneys used in Mediterranean trade to calculate exchange rates between two kinds of fluctuating currencies, Italian silver denari and other western pennies on the one hand and eastern gold hyperpyra and dinars on the other. Because the eastern coins were more stable, the value of the miliaresi tended to increase in terms of Italian denari, a characteristic that was also reflected in the relationship between the miliaresi and Italian grossi. In a similar vein, Matzke (2000, 1047–8; see also Chapter 4, section (b), pp. 260–1) argued that some early Genoese and Tuscan grossi were struck on the same standard of the miliaresi, referring not to ghost moneys but to actual coins, the quadrangular silver half-dirhams of North Africa (cf. Hazard 1952, 267–71). Contemporary Latin sources from Genoa and Tuscany even mentioned miliaresi, which some scholars have identified as the equivalent grossi (Saccocci 2010c) and others as western imitations of North African half-dirhams (Matzke 2000, 1047; see also L. Ilisch 2005, 74–6). These coins upheld the Muslim notion of ‘just’ or ‘righteous’ money, which entailed a high degree of stability in weight standards, by maintaining the same weight over a long period. The adoption of the miliarese standard for grossi in Genoa and the Tuscan cities meant that these coins were able to share in the benefits of this reputation for stability, and in fact the value of the Genoese and Tuscan grossi soon began to rise against their respective lire of account (see also Chapter 4, section (b), pp. 261–2). Both of these theses, despite their differences, view the introduction of

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the grosso in Italy entirely within the context of Mediterranean trade. This helps to explain both the early references to Venetian grossi on the eastern shores of the Mediterranean (see Chapter 6, section (l), p. 639) and the rise to dominance of the Venetian grosso in trade between the East and West over the course of the thirteenth century. The discovery of new sources of silver in Saxony, the eastern Alps, Tuscany and Sardinia vastly increased the silver supply in Europe by the later twelfth century (Spufford 1988, 109–19) and presumably favoured the issue of fine and relatively heavy grossi to facilitate international trade and large internal payments. European silver was also in demand in the Muslim Middle East and North Africa. Western sources show that coined silver, reckoned in millarès or miliaresi, was being leached away from Europe to the Muslim world on a large scale during the first half of the thirteenth century in particular (Watson 1967, 11–14). Precisely what kind of coins these were is a matter of debate, but Blancard (1876) supposed that they were western imitations of the Almohad half-dirham and most authors have since agreed (Watson 1967; Travaini 1992a; L. Ilisch 2005, 74–8). Scholars have even identified a fairly large number of presumably western half-dirham imitations. If Italian grossi could be easily reckoned in miliaresi, however, it is possible that these grossi also accounted for some of the silver flowing out of Europe towards North Africa. Certain documents of Marseille concerning not only miliaresi but also ‘sterlings’ sent across the Mediterranean ad laborandum would seem to confirm this (Blancard 1884–5, ii passim). This reworking of the coins would also help to account for the rarity of the earliest grossi of Venice, Genoa and Tuscany (respectively, see Chapter 6, section (l), p. 638; Chapter 4, section (b), pp. 252–3; MEC 13, in preparation), as well as the almost complete absence of any hoard evidence in Italy for Tyrrhenian grossi struck before 1250. The absence of finds of early Italian grossi in North Africa, on the other hand, could be explained by the circulation of these coins there as bullion, since the circulation of bullion in the highly monetised Mediterranean basin did not ordinarily leave any notable traces in the archaeological record, as suggested by Saccocci (1994, 313–15, in regard to Italy), or by the extremely poor evidence for coin finds from the Middle Ages in North Africa more generally. In terms of the chronology of Italian grossi, the dating given here for the earliest ones of Genoa and Milan is later than the conventional dating reflected in much of the literature on the coinage of these two cities. This supports the long-standing hypothesis that the mint in Venice was the first in northern Italy to strike this revolutionary denomination (Grierson 1971–2, 33–40). Another important step in the development of the north Italian coinages was the so-called ‘return to gold’ in 1252, when Genoa and Florence effectively re-introduced gold currency into the Christian West. The implications of this fundamental transition in monetary history, which reunited the two large monetary areas on the northern and southern shores of the Mediterranean, will be treated more thoroughly in MEC 13 on central Italy given the significance of the gold florin of Florence. The new interpretations put forward in this volume concerning the first steps towards a gold coinage in Genoa nevertheless warrant a few words on the matter here. It was Lopez (1953a, 22–42; 1956b, 221–9) who dismantled the various hypotheses devised mostly by Genoese scholars regarding the precocious introduction of a gold coinage in Genoa and correctly suggested 1252 as the date of the beginning of Genoa’s gold coinage on the grounds that references to the gold coins of the city first occur only in that year. Because the introduction of the gold florin of 3.53g is attested in Florence only in November 1252, there seemed little reason to suppose that the new Genoese coin was anything other than the large genovino d’oro with the same metrology as its Florentine counterpart. A close study of the earliest gold genovini, particularly with respect

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General introduction

to their style and privy marks, nevertheless leads to the conclusion that the gold coin introduced in Genoa in 1252 was not that with the same metrological characteristics as the florin but a much lighter coin, the so-called quartarola (see Chapter 4, section (b), pp. 266–8). This coin weighed only a quarter of the heavier coin, 0.88–0.89g, which corresponded to the theoretical weight standard of the Sicilian and southern Italian tarì, a coin that was well known on the Italian money market, particularly in Genoa because of its intense trade with Sicily. The large, so-called genovino d’oro of 3.53g appeared only later, around 1270. The dating of the large gold genovino to about 1270 throws an entirely new light on the ‘return to gold’ in northern Italy and indeed throughout Western Europe. There evidently was no headlong rush on the part of Genoa and Florence to attract gold to their mints through the introduction of two new but metrologically identical denominations. The introduction of the new gold coins probably derived instead from more of an agreement whereby both cities sought to exploit the ready availability of gold on the bullion and money markets for the benefit of their international trade, without any real competition between them. Whether it was an actual agreement by treaty, or simply the choice of the second city that struck a gold coinage, probably Florence, to issue a different denomination in recognition of the other city’s primacy, is impossible to determine. What can be said is that two different cities using two different lire of account and two different systems of weights and measures introduced two new denominations that were perfectly calibrated to each other in metrological terms. Such a thing could happen only because the system of account to which the new coins belonged antedated their introduction, and this system was precisely that of the tarì and, by the middle of the thirteenth century, also of the augustalis. This confirms the hypothesis proposed by Lopez (1953a; 1956b) that the new gold coins of Genoa and Florence, through their relation to the south Italian tarì, were the direct heirs in terms of value of account to all the other gold coins, from Roman and Byzantine solidi to the Hohenstaufen augustale, that had dominated the Mediterranean economy for nearly a thousand years. The new gold coins of Genoa and Florence did not immediately lead to other gold issues in northern Italy, and it was more than thirty years after their introduction that Venice finally began to strike its own gold coins, with Milan following suit only around 1300. The widespread penetration of the new fiorini d’oro into circulation, both as coins and as units of account, nevertheless had significant and long-lasting repercussions in the region within a few years of their introduction. It exacerbated a crisis that had already manifested its effects in Lombardy and the Piedmont, mostly due to an increase in silver prices. As a result, virtually all silver and even billon coins underwent revaluation against the various lire of account. The impact of the crisis can be seen already in the Lombard monetary league of 1254 and in the passage of two Lombard cities, Brescia and Mantua, into the monetary system of Venice in 1256–7 (see Chapter 5 below). The dislocations then spread to other parts of the region and were not completely overcome until the second quarter of the fourteenth century. A few mints nevertheless managed to profit from the situation. As the hoard evidence clearly demonstrates, the silver grossi aquilini and tirolini of Meran, for example, soon came to dominate the circulation of fine silver coins throughout northern Italy, and they were widely imitated around the beginning of the fourteenth century. Even many smaller mints in the Piedmont, such as Acqui, Cortemilia, Incisa and Ivrea, began to produce their own imitation grossi tirolini at a slightly inferior standard. The object of these imitations, and also of the equally diffuse Piedmontese imitations of the Venetian grosso struck in Acqui, Chivasso, Cortemilia, Incisa, Ponzone and Turin, was probably

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to replace the originals, which were coming under increasing pressure owing to the rising value of silver against gold. This phenomenon became particularly intense around 1300. Another consequence of the soaring value of silver was that, for the first time in centuries, several foreign silver coinages began to play an important role in monetary circulation in northern Italy, for example the French gros tournois (Phillips 1997) and Serbian imitations of Venetian grossi (Ivaniševi´c 2001, 203–8), the latter of which in particular are well represented in the hoard evidence for the Italian north from the later thirteenth and early fourteenth century. In the Piedmont, the mints of Asti, Chivasso, Cortemilia, Cuneo and Turin also struck imitation gros tournois, and Henry VII (1310–13, emp. 1312) even struck an imperial issue from the Lombard mint of Milan that corresponded in weight and value to the gros tournois. In much of Italy, it was only around 1330 that this sense of creeping crisis gave way to greater stability. In Milan and throughout much of Lombardy, the metallic content of the coinage had stabilised during the rule of Azzone Visconti (1329–39). It was only from the 1390s, under Gian Galeazzo Visconti (1375/8–1402), that the lira of account again began to lose value in relation to the gold florin. In Venice, the definitive recovery from the crisis came with the introduction of the silver soldino in 1331. Contrary to the approach adopted in Lombardy, however, the Venetians chose to tie the soldino firmly to the lira of account, which probably had the effect of discouraging speculation on any revaluation of the currency and in fact made the Venetian lira the most stable in northern Italy until the end of the Middle Ages. The high stability of the lira of account in Venice and its fixed value in silver hardly evokes the ‘bullion famine’ described by J. Day (1978) for the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. It is of course possible that increasing revenues from the growing role of Venice in international trade and from the city’s territorial acquisitions after 1405 may have dampened the effects of any bullion shortage, but other large mints such as those of Genoa and Milan, like Venice, continued to produce heavy silver and gold coins in substantial quantities. Clipping and unusual patterns of hoarding are typically seen as ‘normal’ symptoms of bullion shortage, but in Lombardy, for example, these patterns appear instead to have arisen from failed monetary manipulations such as those of Gian Galeazzo and Filippo Maria Visconti or from the political crises that occurred after the deaths of these two powerful rulers in 1402 and 1447, respectively. In other words, the numismatic evidence offers no positive proof of a general bullion famine in northern Italy during the fourteenth and early fifteenth century, though this is far from saying that it did not occur at all.Indications of a bullion famine in the region became manifest only around the middle of the fifteenth century when large quantities of poor-quality and low-value denominations proliferated in northern Italy. The final stage in the development of the coinage in northern Italy during the Middle Ages was as revolutionary as many of the previous ones. New discoveries of silver ores in the Erzgebirge and in the Tyrolean Alps, particularly at Schneeberg in Saxony and at Schwaz in the Inn Valley near Hall, vastly increased the supply of silver in Europe over the course of the 1460s (Spufford 1988, 363). Venice in 1472 and Milan in 1474, followed by many other northern Italian mints, began to produce large, heavy and visually stunning silver coins worth one lira each. The new coins carried a portrait of the doge or lord and accordingly were called testoni, meaning ‘big heads’, by which name they became known all over Europe. Such was their fame that similar coins were struck in many foreign mints, especially in modern Switzerland and Germany where they were called dicken, or ‘thick [coins]’. The mint of Venice experimented with the issue of a very rare pure copper petty coin in 1462 (see Chapter 6, section (l), p. 650). Mantua also struck a copper coin,

20

General introduction

now unique, probably around 1472 (see Chapter 5, section (l), p. 403), but Naples was first in the ‘regular’ production of a pure copper coinage with the cavallo in 1472 (MEC 14, 370–2). The last phase in the monetary history of northern Italy was nevertheless something of a swansong. After five centuries of almost constant innovation, the coinage of northern Italy lost its innovative flair. From the late fifteenth century onwards, the coins that most influenced the character of the coinage in Europe, such as the silver guldiner or taler and the gold écu, all came from elsewhere. 5. Right to mint Throughout Western Europe in the Middle Ages, the right of coinage was a royal or imperial prerogative. Although a sovereign could transfer minting rights to some subsidiary authority such as a bishop, city or lord, the rights remained his ‘property’ from a juridical perspective, which meant that any such transfer had to be confirmed by his successors and could be revoked under certain circumstances. These kinds of secular rights were called regalia from the twelfth century (Salvioli 1901; Zecche i, 213–57). Venice was again something of an exception. After disentangling itself from Byzantium in the later eleventh century, it no longer belonged to any empire or kingdom and in fact remained independent for more than seven centuries. It therefore enjoyed the right of coinage independent of any imperial or royal authority, or so it would seem, but it did in fact obtain royal and imperial confirmations of its minting rights from western sovereigns in the tenth century (see Chapter 2, section (a), pp. 35–6). Even in independent Venice, the exercise of the right of coinage was subject to some measure of royal/imperial control, though more probably by agreement (pactum) than outright imposition. The numismatic evidence nevertheless shows that royal/imperial control over its coinage was limited to determining the acceptability of the coins within the territory of the Regnum Italiae, where they were mainly destined to circulate. Elsewhere in northern Italy, minting rights remained subject to royal/imperial control long after the kings and emperors were able to exercise any real authority over political affairs. The Italian kingdom, consisting of north and central Italy including Rome, had long had a highly centralised monetary system with just four royal/imperial mints: Pavia, Milan, Lucca and Verona, the last of which had replaced the Carolingian mint of Treviso. In Rome, the popes and emperors struck coins under their dual authority, but this coinage lasted only until the 980s (MEC 1, 259–66). Old mints such as Aquileia, Bergamo, Ravenna and Pisa had been inactive for centuries, while new mint privileges conferred upon ecclesiastical princes in Mantua (997), Ravenna (999), Aquileia (1028), Ascoli (1033/7), Padua (1049) and Arezzo (1052) did not change the pattern of the coinage. There was simply no recent precedent for the introduction of new coinages before about 1140. It was only after the breakdown of royal structures, the takeover of imperial mints by communal authorities, and new royal and imperial grants of minting rights to Italian cities from 1138 onwards that the system was altered (Zecche i, 234–9). In this way, the German kings and emperors effectively ‘feudalised’ coin production, which favoured the further differentiation of monetary areas. This process continued until the middle of the twelfth century and the introduction of the denarius imperialis, which soon became an important money of reference and triggered the convergence of a series of different coinages in northern Italy, sometimes also enforced by the imperial authority. This conception of the role of royal and imperial grants of minting rights nevertheless differs from the conventional view that the Peace of Constance (1183) freed the Italian communes to issue

Coinage

21

their own coinages without a royal or imperial grant (Panvini Rosati 1963, 5–14). A number of cities in northern and central Italy for which there survives no record of any grant of minting rights indeed seemed to begin to strike coins around the time of the Peace of Constance and during the following decades, but later research, including that presented in this volume, revised the dating of the beginning of some of these coin series, for example those of Como and Novara. Matzke (Zecche i, 213–57) further showed that the relevant cities without explicit monetary privilege already had active mints either before the Carolingian conquest or during Carolingian rule. In other words, they were already mint cities and therefore able to reactivate their mints with royal consent, though the relative documentation, which was Lombard or Carolingian if not Byzantine in origin, is now lost. It is beyond the scope of the present work to deal with this matter in any detail, but suffice it to say that Matzke’s suggestion accords much better with the general framework described above, and also the efficacy of royal or imperial grants of minting rights into the modern era, than the Peace of Constance hypothesis. In cities with working imperial mints, the takeover by the commune occurred without any explicit formal grant, but the moneyers may have been instrumental (Zecche i, 239–44). They were originally officials of the empire but were also eminent and influential citizens of the nascent communes. The process by which minting rights passed from a king or emperor to a commune might have involved little more than a change of allegiance on the part of moneyers, something perhaps more prone to occur when royal or imperial power was somehow compromised and local authorities were in a better position to safeguard moneyers’ interests. To the communes, moneyers were indeed attractive as potential converts because they carried with them a sort of dowry in their skills. Venice was an exceptional case because the kings and emperors treated it as an independent country whose leader, the doge, was entitled to strike coinage. In 925, King Rudolph of Italy (922–6) explicitly referred to the customary rights of the Venetian rulers ‘from ancient times’ in extending to Doge Orso II Participazio (912–31) the first grant of minting rights to the head of a municipal government ever attested in Europe: numorum moneta concedimus, secundum quod eorum provincie duces a priscis temporibus consueto more habuerunt (see Chapter 2, section (d), p. 59). At any rate, the notion that most communes controlled rights over the coinage, and that royal or imperial authority recognised communal control of these rights, finds a measure of support in the protracted process by which the transformation of the communes into lordships was acknowledged in the coinage. Powerful lords such as Ezzelino da Romano in Verona were already gaining absolute control over cities or substantial territories before the middle of the thirteenth century, but no sign of their seigniorial power appeared on the coins before 1310, at least not in northern Italy. This is perhaps surprising, especially since most of these lords, as vicarii reales or imperiales, were representatives of the king or emperor. They obtained their power, in other words, directly from the person who was also the source of minting rights but made no attempt to demonstrate their royal or imperial ties through coin imagery or epigraphy. Even in the fourteenth century, the demonstration of royal or imperial office in the coinage of the Veneto seems rather ambiguous (see Chapter 6, sections (f) and (i), pp. 595–6 and 612–13, respectively). In Padua, for example, the coats of arms of the city’s vicarii first appeared on the coinage during the period 1320–8, but it is especially interesting that the coins do not bear the coats of arms of all the vicarii but only of those who resided in the city, or else of the officers who represented the vicarii in the city. In the case of Treviso in 1319–20, the coin legends refer only to the pre-existing feudal title of the vicarius

22

General introduction

Heinrich of Gorizia (Comes Gorice) and not to his name or office, while the coat of arms refers to the city’s podestà Duccio Buzzaccarini. This suggests that overall control of the city in the Veneto during the early fourteenth century might have depended on a royal or imperial representative, but the right of coinage could apparently be exercised only by a municipal magistrate who also happened to be the imperial representative. In Lombardy, however, the office of the vicariato seems to have had a more effective monetary role.There was first a transitional phase during which Henry VII and his successors struck royal and imperial coinages in their own name in Milan, Como and Cremona. As he was leaving Italy, Emperor Louis the Bavarian began to invest seigniorial rulers with the imperial vicariato over territories that they already controlled, in effect acknowledging the power that they actually wielded and also conferring on them ‘formal’ control over minting activity. Shortly after the departure of the last German kings and emperors, communal lords started to base their authority entirely on communal institutions and also demonstrated this institutional change on their coins, beginning with Azzone Visconti as signore of Milan from 1330. Only later did seigniorial families such as the Visconti and Gonzaga obtain their cities and territories from the foreign rulers by feudal investiture as dukes or marquises. 6. Coin circulation and monetary areas An important phenomenon in the circulation of coinage was the development of monetary areas, which typically comprehended the territory of more than one monetary authority and were characterised by the preferential use of specific kinds of money, both as units of account and as actual coins. Scholars once delineated the contours of monetary areas solely on the basis of the documentary evidence, which led them to suppose that the coinage most commonly referred to in the written sources was also the dominant coinage actually in circulation and that other local currencies conformed to the characteristics of the dominant coinage (Cipolla 1975, 48–9; Travaini 1990, 368–70). References to payments in documents were nevertheless often expressed in whatever happened to be the ‘official’ currency in a given place and time or else in the corresponding units of account rather than in the coins that were actually circulating. The coins themselves, from coin hoards and single-finds (see App. 1), are a much better barometer of the circulating currency, and the ever-increasing amount of information on coin finds now throws an entirely new light on the situation. The data show that virtually all currencies circulated in varying degrees beyond the frontiers of their own territory, but for the most part only within the confines of a larger monetary area. In other words, the coins of all the mints in one monetary area are commonly found in the territories of other authorities in the same area, but they turn up more rarely outside the area. In coin finds in the Veneto from the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, for example, coins of the minor mints outnumber those of the dominant mints of Venice and Verona even within the respective territories of these two cities, but only a small proportion of the coins found in the wider area, perhaps less than 2 per cent, belong to a different monetary system than the one that prevailed in the region. Saccocci (1999a, esp. 51–3) compared the pattern of coin finds in northern Italy with references to payments in the documentary records and found that the currencies mentioned in the written sources were almost always units of account referring not to a single dominant coinage but to all the coinages that shared the same value. On this basis, he redefined the concept of ‘monetary area’ with reference to medieval Italy. It was neither an area in which certain dominant coinages could circulate freely because they were recognised as official currencies in all the various autonomous

Coinage

23

cities and territories within it nor one in which all the local coinages conformed to the changing characteristics of some dominant coinage such as that of Milan or Venice. It was instead something akin to a common monetary market in which the only currencies that regularly circulated were those reckoned on the basis of some traditional unit of account such as the denaro pavese, veronese or imperiale. In the long term, the value of these units hinged on the reciprocal influence of all the coinages involved, mostly through the effects of Gresham’s Law, rather than the influence of some dominant coinages. The birth of monetary areas in northern and central Italy dates from the tenth and eleventh centuries when the homogenous system created by Charlemagne and re-established by Otto I broke down and coins struck in different mints began to have divergent values. Scholars have traditionally argued that the different rates of debasement in the coinages of different mints were a symptom of the growing independence of local authorities, especially in peripheral regions, and the precocious development of the communes, which effectively freed the mints from almost any central control. It was nevertheless in the second half of the tenth century that the Saxon emperors firmly re-established control over Italian monetary affairs (see Chapter 2, section (a), pp. 35–6). According to Saccocci (1996–2002), the earliest evidence for the existence of a monetary area in Italy, moreover, comes directly from the royal administration. It occurs in a very peculiar document of 945 from the episcopal archives in Mantua in which the Italian King Lothar II (940–5) once again invested Bishop Pietro of Mantua with the right of coinage (Schiaparelli 1924, doc. 1), some fifty years after the first privilege in 894 (Schiaparelli 1903, doc. 3). With the charter of 945, which is evidently genuine, Lothar not only granted the bishop the right to strike coins specifically for circulation only in the territories of Mantua, Verona and Brescia – ut in his tribus civitatibus, Mantua videlicet, Verona atque Brixia, firmum et inviolabilem habeat roborem, et absque alicuius interdictu firmiter discurrat – but also stipulated that the alloy and weight of the new coins were to be decided according to the will and agreement of the citizens of the three cities involved – volumus tamen, ut secundum libitum et conventum civium predictarum urbium constet atque permaneat mixtio argenti ac ponderis quantitas. In other words, it effectively established an independent monetary area in north-eastern Italy along the frontier between Lombardy and the Veneto. It is nevertheless unlikely that Lothar completely relinquished his prerogative over the right of coinage in the tenth century, so the document probably aimed instead to maintain stability and parity in the value or purchasing power of the royal coinage in all the territories then under royal control. To achieve this in an area in which the value of the coinage was increasing owing to the well-documented penetration of debased Venetian coins, Lothar established a peripheral mint with the weight and fineness of its coinage to be determined locally in territories of the kingdom neighbouring Venice (Saccocci 1996–2002, 131–6). Central authority thus sought to play an active part in the birth of monetary areas in northern Italy, albeit in the attempt to achieve the impossible task of maintaining stability and parity in the value of a coinage that circulated in territories at different levels of economic development. Only a few years later, however, the reform enacted by Otto I, dated after his imperial coronation in 962, established a new context in northern Italy that precluded any further effect of Lothar’s intervention. The monetary areas in northern and central Italy were at first based on the coins of Pavia, Milan, Verona and Lucca, more or less reflecting some of the main political and administrative divisions. Pavia was the capital city of the Regnum Italiae and Milan its largest city and most important commercial centre, while Verona was capital of the Marca Veronensis and Lucca of the Marca Tuscie, the latter of which, from the reign of Conrad II (1024/6–1039), was under control of the counts of

24

General introduction

Canossa whose dominions also included Cremona and Mantua in northern Italy. The coins of the four principal mints were royal and public currencies in their respective regions, though it should be stressed that very little is known about the practical and many juridical aspects of monetary circulation in Italy during the tenth and eleventh centuries. It is especially unclear why notaries in particular areas consistently recorded prices and payments in the contracts they redacted in certain preferred currencies. From the twelfth century onwards, local statutes sometimes obliged notaries to record prices and payments in specific currencies (Haverkamp 1970–1, ii, 567–8; Matzke 1993, 157–8), but before the twelfth century, the type of currency stipulated in contracts for the conveyance of immovable property in particular might have depended more on the location of the property to which the contract referred. During the twelfth century, however, many new communal and feudal powers emerged within these three main regions, sometimes opening new mints, but on the basis of the documentary record, the four currencies of Pavia, Milan, Verona (now also with that of Venice) and Lucca were as widely used in northern Italy as they had been before about 1050. The old royal and imperial currencies survived, in other words, as inter-regional units of account in each of the territories where they had previously been used as the ‘local’ currency. In the case of Milan, it was particularly the introduction of the denaro imperiale by Emperor Frederick I in 1162/3 and its adoption not only in Milan itself but also across much of Lombardy that helped to broaden the area of the Milanese imperiale currency. This situation began to change around the middle of the twelfth century and more rapidly after the introduction of the grosso around 1200, but the general pattern remained essentially the same, with monetary areas made up of more than one territory relying on a dominant coinage. By the thirteenth century, there were five principal monetary areas in northern Italy dominated by the coinage of the mints of (1) Asti and Savoy, (2) Genoa, (3) Milan, (4) Venice and Verona, and (5) Aquileia (see Map 3). The areas of the different types of the denaro mezzano and the denaro imperiale are offspring of the Milanese area, overriding many parts of the larger area dominated by the denaro of Pavia, which had also included the easternmost portions of the area of Asti and Savoy as well as the area of Genoa. The area of Venice and Verona corresponded to that formerly dominated by the denaro veronese, and the coinage in the area of Aquileia was based on both the Friesacher mark and the Venetian pound. In Lombardy and the north-west, the Milanese monetary reforms of 1298/9 as well as the later reforms of Henry VII and Azzone Visconti in the first half of the fourteenth century radically altered the patterns of monetary circulation. In the last quarter of the century, the territorial expansion of Milan, Venice and Savoy influenced the pattern of circulation across the entire north of Italy. Most of the smaller cities and towns were absorbed into the large territorial states in which monetary circulation became ever more subject to government regulation. The coins of the major mints continued to circulate outside their respective territorial states, but the monetary areas lost their traditional economic role and function. 7. Legends, imagery, art Until about 1200,the coinage of northern Italy was among the least aesthetically appealing coinages in all of Europe, but certain of Italy’s coins reached spectacular heights in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. Before about the end of the twelfth century, the coins were almost entirely

Lienz Brixen

V Trento

S

L

O

M

B

A

Aquileia

A

Trieste

E

V

Verona

Milan

Pavia

Venice

T

O

O

Cremona

Mantua

Alessandria

Asti

Y A

N

Lodi

Chivasso

S

Y

A Q U I L E I A

Brescia

Novara Vercelli

Susa

D

Bergamo

Como Ivrea

R

E

TI

Tortona Alba Acqui

Cortemilia

E

G

Savona

I

Genoa

I

A

P

0 0

50 25

Leading regional mint Mint

Finale?

L

E

C

R

R

O

V

N

Savignone?

U

100 km 50 miles

Map 3. Monetary areas in northern Italy, c. 1257

26

General introduction

epigraphic, with a cross as the dominant type. The inscriptions, moreover, were cut into the coindies using only a limited number of punches, no doubt in the interest of maximising production, and the mint of Verona even appears to have devised a mechanical means for reproducing coin-dies (see Chapter 2, section (e), pp. 67–8). All of this gave the coins a characteristically crude appearance. The legends typically referred to kings or emperors, though not necessarily the one ruling at the time of issue. On the coinages of new mints such as Genoa, Piacenza, Asti and Cremona, for example, they referred to the king/emperor who had first granted minting rights to the city, while on other coinages they referred to earlier kings or emperors whose names continued to appear as frozen or immobilised types. After the Carolingian monetary reforms, the earliest coins in northern Italy to bear the name of someone other than a king or emperor were the coins of Aquileia struck in the name of Bishop Poppo (1019–42, coinage from 1028). Towards the end of the eleventh century, the mint of Venice became the first to strike coins bearing the name and image of the city’s patron saint. This gave rise to an enduring tradition embraced by many if not most of the other communal coinages of north and central Italy, with the patron saint evidently seen as representing the local community. Around 1153, the bishops of Mantua even began to strike denari with the name of the pagan poet Virgil, a local hero who was for the people of Mantua something analogous to a patron saint. Towards 1200, the style of the coinage in northern Italy began to improve. Under Pilgrim II (1195–1204), the mint of the patriarchs of Aquileia, after striking imitations of the crude Friesacher pfennig, began to produce high-quality coins with a peculiar bowl-shaped flan, often described as denari scodellati, which was a characteristic of many northern Italian coins. In Aquileia, the mint regularly changed the typology of its coins in the sort of renovationes monete that were common in German mints, and this became a particular pattern of the city’s denari. The nearby mints of Trieste and Lienz soon followed with issues in the same style and similar typology, but all these coins belonged more to the German tradition and left few if any significant traces on the artistic development of the coinage in northern Italy. Shortly before Pilgrim II began to strike his denari scodellati in Aquileia, Venice introduced its entirely new silver grosso, with its images of a standing St Mark handing over the standard to a standing doge on the obverse and Christ enthroned on the reverse. The new Venetian grosso brought into northern Italy the elevated style and complex typology of the Byzantine coinage, but it initially had little resonance in the coinages of other mints in the region. Before the middle of the thirteenth century, other mints typically retained the traditional epigraphic typology of their denari for their new grossi and simply adapted the old design to the larger module, heavier weight and finer alloy of the new denomination, although executing the new coins with improved technique and style. From about 1250, however, the use of the figure of the saint, whether seated or standing, began to spread across northern Italy as other mints followed the path opened up by the Venetians. Another model for some coins of northern Italy was the handsome gold augustalis of Frederick II as king of Sicily (1197–1250), introduced in 1231 and struck in Brindisi and Messina. The augustalis carried an imperial portrait of Frederick on the obverse and the Hohenstaufen eagle on the reverse, with the former taken up on the coins of Bergamo and Como (Matzke 2008) and the latter on the coins of Meran and Aquileia. The coinages of northern Italy continued to undergo further refinements, but even around 1300, they still lagged behind the artistically leading coinages of central and southern Italy in terms of their style and innovative character. The style of most of the north Italian coinages,

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27

broadly speaking, is perhaps best described as late Romanesque for the plastic and motionless appearance of the figures, the absence of decoration and the bold capital letters of the legends. The coinage of Venice nevertheless continued to borrow from the Byzantine tradition, as seen in the figures of St Mark, the doge and Christ floating in space on the gold ducat. Elements of the gothic style began to appear on the coins of northern Italy only in the 1330s, with a precocious manifestation possibly occurring in Genoa towards the end of the thirteenth century (according to the chronology proposed below) in the eight-lobed border or tressure in both the obverse and reverse fields of the gold genovino. The coins of the Visconti mints in Milan and Pavia, as well as those of Padua under the Carrara family, achieved the highest quality with an evolved gothic style combined with seigniorial heraldic elements. Although the die-engravers of northern Italy took to the gothic style relatively late, they did so with great vigour, showing a distinct preference for the more elaborate features of the so-called ‘flamboyant gothic’, which was characterised more by decorative elements such as the multi-lobed tressure, cross fleury, crested helmet and gothic lettering than by new representations of the human figure. Even in the north, however, human representations sometimes displayed the more fluid character of the gothic style, for example in the mounted horseman on some of the gold coins of Milan and in the unusual posture of the saint on the grosso carrarese of Padua struck in 1386. The 1330s also witnessed an early example of innovative portraiture on coins (Travaini 2013a, 210–11). The denaro of Cremona struck in the name of King John of Bohemia (1310–46, lord of Cremona 1331–3) carried an exceptional three-quarter image of the ruler. A genuine example of portraiture on a north Italian coin came only towards the end of the fourteenth century when the mint of Venice substituted the small stylised head on the standing image of the doge on the grosso with a recognisable image of Antonio Venier (1382–1400) (Stahl 1985b). The bust on the obverse of the half-grosso of Pandolfo Malatesta as lord of Brescia (1404/6–21), on the other hand, was not a physiognomic portrait but based on a classical image of Hercules, perhaps symbolising the ruler himself and referring to a well-documented humanist tradition whereby Hercules is a representation of strength and authority. The gothic style continued to characterise the coinage of northern Italy for a large part of the fifteenth century, but the first evidence of the nuova maniera, as the Renaissance style was called, began to appear on coins around 1440. The obvious importance of portraiture on coins dating from 1462 onwards led to the assumption that portraiture alone constituted the defining feature of a purely Renaissance coinage, but Saccocci (1991b, 11–18, 27–8, 46–7) argued that the first steps towards the new style can be seen in representations of single-point perspective, such as the view of Mantua on the grosso struck in the name of Marquis Gian Francesco Gonzaga of Mantua (1407–44) in 1432–4. Recent research has even demonstrated that the earliest examples of truly Renaissance portraiture on coinage occurred not in Lombardy as generally believed but possibly in Ferrara (Vettorato 2008) and certainly in Naples (MEC 14, 362–3; Grierson 2002), a few years before the mint of Milan began to strike gold ducats bearing a characterised portrait of Duke Francesco I Sforza (1450–66) in 1462. The full potential of the new Renaissance style became apparent only after 1472 when new discoveries of silver enabled Italian mints to strike larger and heavier coins. The engravers made use of the larger spaces in the fields and more generous flans of these coins to great effect, often including not only portraits of their lords on the obverse but also depictions of their imprese (see App. 4, s.v.) on the reverse. The mints of Milan and Mantua were clearly the leaders in the art

0

25

0

50 25

75 km 50 miles

Hall LIECHTENSTEIN

A

U

S

T

R

I

A Obervellach

(Dobbiaco)

Meran

Domodossola

Brixen

(Bressanone)

TRENTINO-

Mesocco Roveredo Bellinzona

Lienz

Toblach

S W I T Z E R L A N D

FRIULI-

A LT O A D I G E

VENEZIA GIULIA

Gravedona Trento

Musso

Udine Gorizia

Feltre

Cividale

SLOVENIA

N

C

E

(Görz)

VALLE D’AOSTA Crevacuore

Como Cantù

Susa

L O M B A R D Y

Masserano

Ivrea Valperga

Vercelli

Novara

Milan

P I E D M O N T Casale Chivasso

Monferrato

A

Monza Nosedo

Lodi Pavia

Moncalvo Valenza Turin Frinco Alessandria Casanova Tortona Asti Pinerolo Incisa Alba Acqui Saluzzo Ponzone Savignone Busca Cortemilia Dogliani U R I Ceva A G Genoa Cuneo I Savona Po

Moncalieri Carmagnola

Brescia

Treviso

Vicenza Verona

Padua

Crema Castelleone Cremona Po

Trieste

V E N E T O Venice

CROATIA

Mantua Rovigo Po

E M I L I A - R O M A G N A

L

R

Latisana Bergamo

Aquileia

F

Finale

T U S C A N Y Mints Other places of interest (including the later mint of Frinco, the irregular mint of Savignone and the probable mint of Valperga)

Map 4. Mints and other places of interest in northern Italy

MARCHES

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29

of coin making in northern Italy during this period. In Milan, a group of painters and engravers including Bonifacio Bembo, Zanetto Bugatto, Ambrogio da Civate, and Cristoforo and Giovanni Ambrogio de Predis created for the Sforza dukes a series of portrait coins that were genuine masterpieces of art even beyond the narrow field of coin production. In Mantua, the mint struck handsome coins in the names of the Gonzaga marquises Luigi III (1444–78), Federico I (1478–84) and Francesco II (1484–1519), which showed the strong influence of the contemporary painting of Mantegna. Venice also briefly took part in this renewal with the introduction of a one-lira coin bearing the portrait of Nicolò Tron (1471–3) in 1472, though the other coins of Venice remained tied to the old types as they almost always had since the introduction of the grosso. After the death of Nicolò Tron, however, the Great Council of Venice forbade portraiture on the coins, which helped to make the Venetian coinage among the most conservative in Europe.

2

ROYA L A N D I M P E R I A L C O I N AG E S f rom th e o t toni an re f orm to th e b e g i nni ng of th e com munal coi nag e s ( 9 6 2 – m i d - twe l f th c e ntury ) (a) i nt roduc ti on 1. Historical background Though the German king and emperor Otto I (emperor 962–73) enacted very few changes to the Italian coinage and mint system, the system that emerged during his reign determined the shape of Italian monetary history for almost two centuries. Fundamentally, he and his entourage took over an existing system, which in principle was the same as the one established by the reforms of Charlemagne in the late eighth century (see MEC 1, 249–59). The characteristic feature of the system was that there were only a very few mints, all under royal control. The sole exception was Venice, which was nominally under Byzantine sovereignty. Apart from the mint in Rome, which was a special case in that it was both papal and imperial, the only imperial mints in north-central Italy were those in Pavia and Milan in Lombardy, Verona in the Veneto, and Lucca in Tuscany. What distinguished the Ottonian period from the preceding age was the relative stability and economic well-being that the Regnum Italiae began to enjoy after a long period of civil war and Saracen and Magyar incursions. The turning point, at the latest, was Otto’s decisive victory over the Magyars in the battle of Lechfeld near Augsburg in 955, which also afforded him a certain degree of hegemony over the other kingdoms of the former Carolingian Empire. Otto was already king of Italy in 951 when he undertook his first Italian expedition to liberate Adelaide, widow of the former King Lothar II (931–50), from the new King Berengar II of Ivrea, who had formerly stood under Otto’s protection (941–5). Once he had freed Adelaide, Otto married her himself. This gave him a legitimate claim to the throne since his new wife was the daughter of Rudolf II of Burgundy, king of Italy from 922 to 926. Otto later urged Berengar to accept the kingdom in fief and to renounce any claim to Istria, Friuli, Aquileia and Verona, which passed to Otto’s brother, Duke Heinrich I of Bavaria (948–55). After Otto’s departure, however, Berengar retook control of the kingdom. In a second expedition in Italy, from autumn 961, Otto defeated and deposed Berengar and his co-king, Adalbert, was crowned emperor by Pope John XII (956–64) in Rome in 962, and for the first time gained full control of the kingdom. Only then did he begin to strike his own coinage, since all Italian Ottonian coins carry the imperial title. He also enacted monetary reforms, unifying the weight and fineness of the denari of all royal mints and 30

962 to mid-twelfth century: introduction

31

using the same Ottonian monogram on the coins of Pavia, Milan and Lucca. Similar reforms were enacted for royal mints in Germany, mainly those of the middle and lower Rhine, Franconia and Saxony. Otto I (king 936–73, emp. 962) was the second German king of the Saxon house known as the Liudolfings and he followed his father, Henry I (919–36), who had consolidated the East Frankish or German kingdom against both centrifugal forces and Slav and Magyar incursions. The first years of Otto’s reign were overshadowed by a series of rebellions by discontented family members and powerful dukes, which forced him to depend heavily on the support of German bishops and the abbots of the larger monastic houses, who sacrificed their own dynastic ambitions in exchange for the expanding portfolio of royal rights that Otto and his successors conferred upon them. This led to the formation of the so-called Ottonian-Salian ‘imperial church system’ (Reichskirchensystem). Recent research has called into question this categorisation of the phenomenon, but reliance upon the active participation of the bishops (Reichsbischöfe) and abbots (Reichsäbte) for the governance of the kingdom indeed amounted to a kind of decentralised system of rule best described as the ‘imperial church system’ (cf. Reuter 1982; Schieffer 1989; Keller and Althoff 2008, 348–54, 364–72). As a consequence, royal mints in Germany fell more and more under the control of these clerical lords and by the early twelfth century were considered ecclesiastic mints. This remarkably pragmatic ‘system’ of governance in the kingdom of Germany stood in contrast to the centralised administration in the old Lombard-Carolingian kingdom of Italy, that is, to the extent that centralised institutions survived the disorders of the period from about 850 to 950. While Otto and his successors treated the north Italian bishops in a manner similar to the way in which they dealt with the German bishops, granting them far-reaching public rights in exchange for their support, Otto I and his entourage counterbalanced the tendency towards the seigniorialisation of the kingdom by restoring and reforming the traditional Lombard central administration in Pavia. Historians once believed that a document known as the Honorantie civitatis Papie, or more accurately its integral component the Instituta regalia et ministeria camere regum Longobardorum, reflected the revenues and institutions of the government in Pavia under the Lombard and the so-called ‘national’ Italian kings until 961, but Brühl and Violante (1983, 80–4; cf. Solmi 1932) have demonstrated that this document refers to the Ottonian period, although without necessarily excluding older origins. According to Brühl and Violante, the sections on the royal mints of Pavia and Milan as well as that on the Venetian coins go back to the time of Otto I. Otto I undertook a second campaign in Italy from late 961 to 965 and a third from 966 to 972, thus giving him enough time to enact reforms and consolidate his rule in Italy. During his third Italian sojourn, Otto saw to it that his son was crowned Emperor Otto II in 967 to ensure the continuity of his dynasty and, above all, to revive the Carolingian and Byzantine tradition of nominating and co-opting a successor during the ruler’s lifetime. In 972, Otto II married Theophanu, niece of the Byzantine Emperor John Tzimisces (969–76), and succeeded without difficulty upon his father’s death in 973. Like his father, Otto I, he was deeply engaged in Italian affairs and even tried to conquer south Italy, although he failed and only barely escaped with his life after his defeat at Capo Colonna near Crotone in 982. In that same year, Otto II adopted the title Romanorum imperator augustus. He died a year later, leaving the throne to his three-year-old son, Otto III. The succession of such a young heir plunged the kingdom and dynasty into crisis (983–4), but the manoeuvres of Archbishop Willigis of Mainz (975–1011) and Otto’s mother, Theophanu, and grandmother, Adelaide, eventually secured the crown for the child. The empresses took over his

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guardianship and the regency until 994, first Theophanu until her death in 991 and then Adelaide. Otto reached the age of majority in 995 and a year later departed for Italy, where he installed a cousin as Pope Gregory V (996–9) and received the imperial coronation from him. In subsequent years, Otto was often in Italy, where he sought to carry out a renewal of the Roman Empire (renovatio imperii Romanorum). He even built a new palace in Rome to use as one of his residences. Like his father, however, Otto III died young, in 1002; unlike his father, he was unmarried and without heirs. In Germany, Otto’s kinsman Duke Henry IV of Bavaria was quickly elected as King Henry II (1004–24, emp. from 1014) and generally acknowledged as such, but in Italy, only a few magnates, mainly ecclesiastical, maintained their loyalty to the German king. In Pavia only three weeks after Otto’s death, the Italian princes instead elected and crowned Marquis Arduin of Ivrea as the new king of the Regnum Italiae and were fully prepared to endorse his coronation as emperor. Arduin was nevertheless an enemy of the deceased Otto III, who had punished him for the murder of the bishop of Vercelli. In his first Italian campaign in 1004, Henry II managed to drive Arduin out of power with the support of the ecclesiastical princes and was crowned at Pavia with the iron crown of the Lombards. Even after Henry’s departure, Arduin was unable to regain the kingdom and until his death in 1014 held sway over only a small part of north-east Italy. Henry, who was the first king of this name in Italy, was crowned emperor during his second sojourn in Italy by Pope Benedict VIII (1012–24) in 1014 and was again in the kingdom during the winter of 1021/2, but in general spent much less time in Italy than his Ottonian predecessors, thereby establishing a trend that subsequent kings would follow. Immediately after his death in 1024, the citizens of Pavia rose up and destroyed the royal palace to keep future kings out of their city, which effectively sounded the death knell of the traditional central administration of the kingdom (Brühl 1969). The new German royal dynasty of the Salians again had to struggle to gain recognition of their authority in the two kingdoms. The new king, Conrad II (1024/6–39, Conrad I in Italy, emp. from 1027), first visited Italy only in 1026 at the invitation of Archbishop Ariberto da Intimiano of Milan (1018–45) to receive the Italian crown. On Easter Sunday in the following year, Pope John XIX (1024–32) crowned Conrad emperor in Rome. In 1028, Conrad saw to it that his son Henry was quickly elected and crowned king, in the manner of Otto II, so that Henry would be able to take up the rule of the kingdom easily upon his father’s death. A breakdown in relations between Italian bishops and their vassals in 1036 again brought Conrad to Italy, where he intervened in favour of the lower vassals, the so-called valvassores, to regulate the inheritance of the lesser lordships in the Constitutio de feudis of 1037. When Conrad died in 1039, his son Henry duly succeeded him. On Christmas Day 1046, immediately after his own consecration as the new pope, Clement II (1046–7) crowned Henry emperor. The Romans also named Henry patricius, which effectively gave him the authority to nominate the popes, and he availed himself of this privilege on four occasions to promote his own candidates to the papal see. His son, also named Henry, was only three years old when he was elected king in 1053 and only six when he inherited the crown from his father as Henry IV (1056–1106) three years later. The young king’s long regency under a variety of different princes decisively undermined royal power, while papal reform gained momentum and Countess Matilde of Canossa (1046– 1115) emerged as its most powerful lay advocate and protector. It was naturally difficult for the young king to maintain a firm grip on royal rights in Italy in these circumstances. The royal

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appointment and investiture of Archbishop Tedaldo da Castiglione of Milan in 1075 sparked the so-called ‘Investiture Contest’, the fundamental struggle for supremacy between the kings and the popes, the latter of whom sought to liberate the Church from lay interference. In 1076, a German church council together with King Henry deposed Pope Gregory VII (1073–85). In response, the pope excommunicated the king, leading to the famous scene at Matilde’s castle of Canossa where the pope had taken refuge. Henry came to Canossa as a simple penitent, which effectively obliged Gregory to absolve him but also rendered further conflict inevitable. Henry returned to Italy in 1081–4, seized control of the greater part of Italy and then had himself crowned emperor by his appointed anti-pope, Clement III (1084–1100). After the death of Pope Gregory in exile in Salerno in 1085, Henry went back to Germany, but he descended into Italy once again in 1090, this time to face the challenge posed by the Countess Matilde and his own elder son, Conrad, who allied himself with Matilde and was crowned king of Italy in Monza in 1093. The papal party then managed to close the trans-Alpine passes so that Henry had to remain in north-east Italy for several years and was unable to pursue an active policy in any of his kingdoms. The ongoing struggle between the kings and popes reached a resolution only under Henry’s son and successor, Henry V (1106–25, emp. 1111), in the Concordat of Worms (1122), which greatly restricted the exercise of royal rights in Italy. In particular, it precluded any real possibility that the kings or their representatives would henceforth be able to influence the election of Italian bishops. The agreement not only ended decades of civil war and disorder but also virtually eliminated the vestiges of royal power from Italy and created a political vacuum, leaving the nascent but increasingly powerful communes to assume responsibility for public order and the exercise of royal rights within their own districts and territories. Public officials, too, slowly slipped out of royal control as their public offices and functions became hereditary possessions and they themselves joined the ruling elite of the communes. King Lothar III (1125–38, emp. 1133), a former Saxon duke and adversary of the deceased Henry V, was elected in 1125. During the papal schism, Lothar supported the reformist Pope Innocent II (1130–43) over the anti-pope Anacletus II (1130–7). He made his first descent into Italy in 1132 and was crowned emperor by Innocent in the following year. During this and a later Italian expedition against Roger II of Sicily in 1136–7, Lothar managed to reclaim a measure of authority over royal rights in Italy, despite the challenge posed by his predecessor’s nephew Conrad of Hohenstaufen, who was also active in Italy as anti-king from 1128. Soon after Lothar’s death while crossing the Alps on his return from Italy to Germany in December 1137, Conrad succeeded him as King Conrad III of Germany (Conrad II in Italy, 1138–52). Conrad initiated a new monetary policy almost immediately. He effectively renounced the royal monopoly on minting by granting the right of coinage to three flourishing communes: Genoa (1138), Piacenza (1140) and Asti (1141). Earlier grants of minting rights to Italian bishops were not used for independent coinages before the middle of the twelfth century, with the exception of Aquileia (Chapter 6, section (b), pp. 566–7). 2. Literature There are relatively few general studies on the structure and institutions of the Italian kingdom during the Ottonian and Salian periods. A detailed assessment is still lacking. Italian scholars have shown only limited interest in the history of Italy under these foreign dynasties, while German

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scholars have focused more on such subjects as papal–imperial relations and the Italian policy pursued by individual emperors in the context of biographical works. There is instead a broad literature on proto-communal development, regional and local society, prosopography and the economy.The treatment of particular events and institutions in modern surveys is largely superficial (Tabacco 1974; 1989; Fumagalli 1978, 198–213; Manselli 1981a; cf. Prinz 1985, 134–222), but recent histories of Germany under the Ottonian and Salian regimes provide good overviews and show a particular interest in Italian policy (Reuter 1991; Haverkamp 2003; Keller and Althoff 2008). Other studies, especially those that approach the matter from the Italian side, focus mainly on the bishops of the Ottonian period (Pauler 1982), the early communes (Jones 1997; Waley 2009), or general economic and monetary matters (Romano and Tucci 1983). Villari’s monograph (1937) is still useful and Brühl’s study (1968, 452–577) is very important for the structure and administration of the Italian kingdom, but the political and institutional history of the kingdom is best pieced together from the mostly excellent studies of individual cities and from modern biographies of the kings and emperors. The period from Otto I to at least Henry II and Arduin is covered in detail in Hartmann (1915), while Wickham (1981, 168–93) provides a useful summary. Although not easy to use, the Jahrbücher der deutschen Geschichte give an almost day-by-day account of all known relevant events directly from the sources, the most important of which are assembled in the RI and MGH. One source deserves particular mention. The so-called Instituta regalia, which are part of a larger document called the Honorantie civitatis Papie, include a detailed description of the central administration in the Italian capital, Pavia. The Brühl and Violante edition (1983), which is accompanied by a detailed commentary, supersedes the earlier ones of Solmi (1932) and Brühl (1969). Otherwise, there are very few sources that shed any light on the central administration and institutions of this period. From the twelfth century onwards, there are broader and more detailed modern studies of Italian history, for example Haverkamp (1970–1) and, on the cities, Opll (1986, 178–480). Apart from the monographs on the individual mints of Pavia (Brambilla 1883), Milan (Gnecchi and Gnecchi 1884), Verona (Perini 1902b; Murari 1965–6) and Venice (Papadopoli 1893–1919), there is also relatively little literature on the royal coinages. General surveys (Cipolla 1975, 17–30; Balbi de Caro 1993a, 1993b, 113–14, 127–33) tend to pass over this subject, but Dumas’ overview of tenth-century numismatics deals briefly with Italian coinages of this period (1991, 602–7). The Honorantie civitatis Papie afford a rare glimpse into the administrative and political background of Italian coinage and finances under the Ottonian emperors (Solmi 1932; Brühl and Violante 1983; Brühl 1984; Travaini 1989), but there are no other sources for mint administration until the later Middle Ages. Prosopographical research on the moneyers has yielded a fragmentary picture of mint administration in which continuity from late antiquity has been overstated (Lopez 1953b), while the circulation particularly of the coinage of Pavia in this period is relatively well described (Capobianchi 1896; Toubert 1973, 577–600; Rovelli 1995, 81–9). Foreign coin hoards that include Italian coins of the period, mainly from northern Europe, France and Switzerland, are especially important for the classification and dating of the often-immobilised Italian coin types. This is because such hoards are more likely to include datable coins by which the terminus post quem and terminus ante quem of the hoard can be established, thus allowing the Italian coins to be situated within relatively narrow chronological parameters. For similar reasons, Italian coin hoards that also include foreign coins (e.g. Cordero di San Quintino 1849a; Saccocci 2001–2) are often more valuable for research than hoards of only locally produced coinage.

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3. General features of the coinage The Honorantie civitatis Papie state that the same magister camere Gisulfus who served under Otto I had held the same office under kings Hugh and Lothar II (931–45/7), Lothar II alone (945/7–50) and Berengar II (945/50–61), which implies administrative continuity from the last ‘national’ kings to the new Ottonian ruler (Brühl and Violante 1983, 24–5 §17). With respect to the coinage, the new mint of Verona had displaced the old Carolingian mint of Treviso by 921 when the first moneyer is known, while the monetary reforms of King Hugh between 926 and 931 were evidently decisive in transforming the Carolingian system into that which Otto I later took over. Under Hugh, the mints of Pavia and Milan introduced new coin designs with the royal monogram, and the mint of Lucca reopened after decades of inactivity (Matzke 1993, 138). The Italian King Rudolph II of Burgundy (922–6) explicitly confirmed the Venetian right of coinage for the first time in 924 (Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 303–5 doc. 1) and Hugh confirmed it again in 927 (Schiaparelli 1924, doc. 8). These monetary reforms coincided with a series of other administrative reforms throughout the kingdom. Persistent civil war and barbarian incursions nevertheless made it difficult for the reforms to take root and coin production at the time appears to have been modest. It was only after Otto I became emperor, consolidated the administration and achieved a degree of stability that the economy began to grow and coin production increased, possibly on the strength of an influx of German silver. A further reform must have taken place, moreover, during Otto’s first long stay in Italy in 961–5. The new Ottonian monogram and imperial title once more gave a uniform appearance to the denari of Pavia, Milan and Lucca, while in metrological terms the system also included Rome and Venice. All the new coins had the same weight of slightly more than 1.4g. This is confirmed by the Honorantie, which stipulate that Milanese denari and Venetian coins had to have the same weight and fineness as the Pavese denari (tam boni de argento et pondere sicut denarii Papienses: Brühl and Violante 1983, 18–19 §3, 20–1 §8). From this time onwards, the denari of Rome were also very similar to those of Pavia in terms of weight, fabric and diameter. The silence of the sources on the coinage of Verona may have been due to the annexation of the March of Verona first by the duke of Bavaria in 952 and later by the newly established duchy of Carinthia in 976. The March was still considered as belonging to the Italian kingdom, but when the Honorantie were redacted, it lay beyond the reach of the central administration of Pavia. Around the same time as Otto’s first lengthy sojourn in Italy, similar monetary reforms were carried out in the most important German mints (Mainz, Cologne, Worms, Speyer, Würzburg). The weight of their coinages was likewise reduced to slightly more than 1.4g and the design was also changed and partly unified (Matzke 2011, 200–5; for Mainz, see Stoess 1990). It is tempting to associate some newly discovered Ottonian weights from western Germany with these reforms (Hess 1990). The weights are about 102g each, which is a quarter of a Carolingian pound (pondus Caroli) and about seventy-two times the weight of the new reform denari, which in Italy were later called ottolini. The Honorantie also deal with mint administration (Brühl and Violante 1983, 18–19 §3, 20–1 §7–8). The central mint was in Pavia where the entire ministerium had its seat. The nine mint officials in Pavia supervised the personnel of the mint and were directly accountable to the magister camere, the royal officer in charge of the central administration of the capital. These monetarii were also responsible for the prosecution of forgery. The standard of fineness for the denari was precisely defined, argento de duodecim in decem (c. 83 per cent), as was the yearly rent and the payment for becoming a mint-master. The mint of Milan was also part of the Pavese ministerium, but there were

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only four mint-masters in the Lombard metropolis (§8). The Milanese coins had to be of the same quality as the denari of Pavia and even the exchange rate was fixed at a twelfth (et cambiare eos per unum denarium solidos; cf. Travaini 1989, 226–30). There is no mention of the mints of Verona and Lucca or their coinage. The denari of Venice are mentioned in the context of revenues from the Venetians with the stipulation that they should be of the same weight and fineness as the Pavese denari. By 972, however, there was a document that implies an exchange rate of 1:2 between the coins of Milan and those of Venice, which is to say that the denari of Venice were regarded as having a much lower value than those of Milan and also Pavia (Saccocci 2006, 162–3 and n. 36). The document reveals a mistrust of the Venetian mint and suggests that it had reduced the silver weight of its coins sometime shortly before that year. Such a unilateral devaluation was possible for the independent state of Venice, which was not technically a part of the Italian kingdom, but was more difficult for Milan and Pavia, where the coinage was effectively under the direct control of the emperors. By 1014, however, the denari of Milan were also showing signs of devaluation, since it took eleven lire of Milanese denari to make up ten lire in the denari of Pavia (Rovelli 1995, 82–3). With the weakening of central power, the originally equivalent coinages of the royal Italian mints thus began to undergo independent development reflecting the different rates of economic development in the respective cities, just as occurred in Germany around the same time (Luschin von Ebengreuth 1926, 247–9; for the middle Rhenish mints, see Matzke 2012c, 104–6, 109–12). From this point forward, it became necessary to specify in commercial contracts in which of the five major north-central Italian currencies a payment should be made. Gradually, there developed well-defined monetary areas, in which the coins of specific mints began to dominate monetary circulation. The denari of Venice and Verona circulated in the modern Veneto and Friuli in northeast Italy, the denari of Milan in parts of Lombardy and Emilia, and the denari of Lucca in central Italy. The coins of the central mint in Pavia circulated not only in Lombardy and Piedmont but also in the central and southern parts of the kingdom, perhaps partly in consequence of the resemblance that the papal-imperial coins of Rome bore to the denari of Pavia. With only a very few exceptions, the kings and emperors maintained their monopoly on the coinage without a break, despite the fact that their control over the mint-masters and moneyers progressively diminished. The most prominent exception from the royal monopoly on coinage was that for the popes (MEC 1, 259–66), who had enjoyed this right from before the Carolingian period. It was thus a significant achievement for the imperial administration when Charlemagne (773–814, emp. 800) or Louis the Pious (814–40) managed to persuade the popes to issue joint coinages with them in Rome. Not surprisingly, Otto I restored the tradition of papal-imperial coinages in Rome, and the resemblance of the new coins to the denari of Pavia indicates which of the emperor’s Italian mints was dominant at the time. In any event, the papal-imperial issues were small and ceased around 983/4. Otherwise, only Duke Ugo of Tuscany (after 961–1001) produced coins in his own name in the later tenth century. Ugo was the Ottonian emperors’ most important supporter in central Italy. He was following a custom adhered to in Germany whereby dukes had held the right to issue coinage (Matzke 1993, 139–41; Zecche i, 231–2). The proprietary coinage of the patriarchs of Aquileia and particularly that of Patriarch Poppo (1019–45) must be seen in the context of the coinages of German bishops, for Aquileia was considered part of the German duchy of Carinthia. The archbishop of Milan claimed the right of coinage on the basis of a ‘lost’ diploma of the ‘Roman’ King Lothar (931–50) to Archbishop Manasse supposedly promulgated around 947/50

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(Schiaparelli 1924, 377 doc. 6). Murari (1971a) even discovered a unique and, at the time, unedited early eleventh-century Milanese denaro type with complicated monograms that he considered to be of Henry II and Archbishop Arnolfo II (998–1018). The monogram is nevertheless more convincingly attributable to Henry II alone. Lothar’s diploma is mentioned, moreover, only in a protection privilege of Pope Alexander III in October 1162, immediately after the destruction of Milan and probably also after the opening of the new mint for the denaro imperiale of Emperor Frederick I Barbarossa. It is therefore very likely that, after the destruction of Milan, the archbishop sought to reconstitute the city’s minting rights by means of a false pre-Ottonian mint diploma presented to Frederick’s enemy, Pope Alexander III (1159–81), who confirmed the diploma in support of Milan and its archbishop against the emperor (Zecche i, 234–5). Other confirmations of the right of coinage to Italian bishops, for example those to the bishops of Mantua and Ravenna, had no tangible result since no coins explicitly from these mints are known before the middle of the twelfth century. The right of coinage remained very centralised until the communal period. Venice was an exception in Italy, but even the name of the emperor disappeared from Venetian coins only in the second half of the twelfth century. The coins of this era carried the name of the king or emperor, his monogram and title, and the name of the mint. With the main exception of the San Marco denari of Venice, they were without any pictorial image. Under the first Ottonians and Arduin, the royal title was used, but later issues used the imperial title even before the kings had been crowned emperor. The design of the coins displayed a marked tendency towards immobilisation that became more pronounced under Henry IV and Henry V, with forms of the name HEINRICVS remaining on the coins in subsequent reigns and the name of Lothar III never appearing at all on royal coins. Italian scholars call these coins denari enriciani.There is good reason to distinguish the denari enriciani especially from the denari ottolini, as the coins struck until the time of Henry II and Conrad II are typically called, because they were still of good alloy like the Ottonian denari; this is also the case for the denari of Henry III and the early issues of Henry IV. This is because the coins of Pavia, Milan and Lucca all maintained their value until the end of the eleventh century. Around the time of the First Crusade (1096–1101), however, all of these mints as well as those of Verona and Venice significantly devalued their coins. Apart from that, the Ottonian system of royal coinage remained fundamentally unchanged not only for the period of the Saxon dynasty, but also during the reigns of the Salian emperors and their successors, until economic growth under the Swabian Hohenstaufen dynasty made the opening of new, mainly communal and episcopal mints necessary.

(b) pavi a 1. Historical background Until the destruction of the royal palace in 1024,Pavia was capital of the Regnum Italiae.Accordingly, historians of Pavia emphasise the city’s role in Italian politics during the early period and then, from 1024, the origins and development of the commune (Jones 1997, 74–140). The standard references for the history of Pavia during the period covered here are the relevant contributions to the recent Storia di Pavia (1987; 1992). Milani’s treatment (1985; 1998) is unfortunately tarnished by superficiality and the lack of footnote references. The proceedings of a congress in Spoleto in 1967 (Pavia capitale 1969) raise a series of interesting questions about the city’s development, while the local historical periodical (BSPSP) is the most important forum for discussion of the city’s

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history. Hoff (1943) has given a detailed study of the bishops of Pavia, who were unusual in that, from the Lombard period onwards, they remained exempt from the metropolitan rights of the archbishops of Milan but never assumed comital rights over their city. These rights later fell into the hands of the counts of Lomello as counts palatine, who effectively withdrew from the city in the eleventh century to give free rein to the development of the commune, which at the outset was to be under the guidance of royal, comital and episcopal feudatories. From the eleventh century onwards, Milan’s dominance over the other Lombard cities increased and became not only a source of antagonism towards Pavia but also a determining factor in Pavia’s political development. The standard reference for the coinage of Pavia is still Brambilla’s excellent survey (1883, 156– 243), which is not only very accurate and methodologically advanced for its time but also provides interesting insights into the historical and documentary background. His classification was taken over by the CNI (iv, 477–92). Capobianchi (1896) updated the documentary evidence but focused more on the later period. Rovelli’s more recent work (1995) focuses on the early Middle Ages and takes into account the hoard evidence that has become available since Brambilla and Capobianchi were writing (App. 1, nos. 108a, 135a). Limido and Fusconi (2011–12) recently provided a new and updated account of Pavia’s coinage until the thirteenth century, partly based on new research by Saccocci (2001–2). A particular problem of the Pavese coinage is the persistence of the denari ottolini in central and south Italy for centuries (Toubert 1973, i, 577–600; Abulafia 1983, 245–7; Rossi 1990; Travaini 1992b). The hoard evidence shows that they were still circulating there even in the later twelfth century, perhaps because the old Pavese denaro of the Ottonian period was produced in huge quantities and was considered the royal coinage par excellence. It circulated not only in northwest Italy but also in parts of central and south Italy where the coins of Rome and Lucca did not circulate. Later, in the eleventh and twelfth centuries, it was the principal money of account in these areas, which might have contributed to the overvaluation of the Pavese currency there. Meanwhile, in northern Italy, the coinage of Milan and Verona became dominant, and in some areas also that of Lucca. The denari of Pavia therefore accumulated in the southern periphery of the kingdom and were especially persistent in economically remote areas until new coinages, such as the denari provisini of the Roman Senate, were produced in quantities sufficient to drive the old coins out of circulation. There is also the possibility that the old denari ottolini of Pavia were imitated, perhaps in the mint of Pavia itself or elsewhere, but this needs to be studied more carefully. 2. Coinage A. Coins attributed to the Ottonian kings (962–1002) Almost all Ottonian denari of Pavia have the obverse marginal inscription +IHPER0TOR around the monogram OTTO in the field, which is also found in Ottonian charters, and the mint name in two or three lines in the reverse field. Only the reverse legend varies regularly. The traditional classification of the coins was established by Brambilla (1883, 183–93, pls. iv–v) and followed by the CNI (iv, 477–92). It is a philological classification in that it is based largely on the interpretation of the coin legends. These coins are particularly open to interpretation and the hoard evidence at the time that Brambilla was writing was too widely scattered to provide any clear direction. Brambilla attributed the four main types to the successive rulers named Otto according to their supposedly different political situations. The denaro with the title +IHPER0TOR in the obverse

962 to mid-twelfth century: Pavia

39

margin (for Imperator) and +0VGVSTVS in the reverse margin was traditionally attributed to Otto I (961–73, emp. 962) (CNI iv, 477–8.1–8) on the grounds that the titles were those of Otto I after his imperial coronation, while the type with +IHPER0TOR on the obverse and +OTTO PIVS RE on the reverse was interpreted as alluding to the joint reign of Otto I and his son before the latter’s coronation as emperor (962–67) (CNI iv, 478–80.1–15), although this would imply a complicated set of issues between the two coinages. The relatively scarce type with the legends +IHPER0TOR and +INCLIT0 CIVIT0 was considered to belong to the relatively long sole reign of Otto II (973– 83) (CNI iv, 480.1–3). Only the two coin types with the obverse legend +H TERCIVS around the monogram are easily attributable to Otto III, even though the plentiful issue of these coins with the +IHPER0TOR title on the reverse does not fit very well with his relatively brief rule as emperor from 996 to 1002 (CNI iv, 481–4.3–35), particularly in comparison with the small number of known specimens for the thirteen years when Otto III was only king (983–96) (CNI iv, 480–1.1–2). These classifications took no account of the weight and fabric of the coins. Since the work of Brambilla and the publication of the CNI, there has also been new research on the use of titles by the Ottonian rulers (Brunner 1973) and the discovery of another rare coin type. Moreover, new hoard evidence makes it possible to present a substantially revised classification of the denari of Pavia (summarised in Table 1, pp. 45–6 below). There were already good reasons to argue against the classification given in the CNI. A small group of large, heavy denari with slightly upturned borders (Ital. denari scodellati) and the reverse legend +OTTO PIVI RE, usually blundered (CNI iv, 480.13–15; see also below, Milan), resemble the coins of King Hugh (926–47) (CNI iv, 474.1–3), a predecessor of the deposed King Berengar II (950–61), in terms of weight, fabric and epigraphy. The fabric of this first Ottonian coin type is even closer to that produced in the neighbouring royal mint in Milan (CNI v, 43.4–9). It is therefore plausible that the legend in the reverse field of these supposedly Pavese denari is in fact a blundered inscription referring to Milan (MED|IO or ME|IãL and ãV|CV or something similar), in which case all coins of this type must be attributed to Milan. More detailed study of the specimens and, indirectly through them, of the coin-dies and punches, will perhaps make it easier to attribute this coin type. If it turns out that the coins are products of the mint in Pavia, they must constitute the first Ottonian type, but in any case the issue was presumably brief, based on the few surviving examples. The fabric and manufacture of another denaro with a flat flan, more refined style and a similar reverse legend, +OTTO PIVS RE (1–2; CNI iv, 478–9.1–11), is clearly Pavese. This type must be attributed to Otto I not only because of the similarity of its reverse legend to that of the type discussed above and its relatively wide borders that resemble those on the coins of Otto’s predecessors, but also because the name of the mint, P0|PI0, is still disposed in the traditional manner in two lines. Its fabric is also close to that of the contemporary denari of Lucca and to the smaller module reform denari of Rome (MEC 1.1078–84: Otto I probably only with John XIII, from 965). The denari with the reverse legend +0VGVSTVS (8–9; CNI iv, 477–8.1–8), moreover, are better attributed to Otto II, who assumed the title Romanorum Imperator Augustus in his documents. The earlier examples of this type still bear the mint name in two lines, while the few later ones already show the name in three lines around a central pellet. The recently discovered ‘Galli Tassi’ hoard from Lucca, which is clearly datable to about 964/5, confirms this reattribution. Apart from the coins of other mints and Pavese denari of Otto I’s predecessors, the hoard included only denari with the reverse legend +OTTO PIVS RE, but none with the reverse legend +0VGVSTVS

40

Royal and imperial coinages

(App. 1, no. 90). Saccocci (2001–2, 169–70), who published the hoard and proposed the inversion of the two types, compared it with another old Tuscan hoard that has a very similar pattern in this regard (see also Ciampoltrini et al. 2001–2, 161–4). A parcel from the church of St Nikolai in Chur (Switzerland), datable to about 980, contained one contemporary forgery of the +OTTO PIVS RE type of denaro from Pavia and five denari of the earlier +0VGVSTVS type with the mint name in two lines, together with four Milanese denari and a smattering of German coins from a few Rhenish mints, all struck under Otto I–II (App. 1, no. 107). The Fécamp hoard, closed around 980/5, also included denari pavesi of the +OTTO PIVS RE type as well as a previously unknown type with the title +IHPER0TOR on both sides (App. 1, no. 108a; Dumas-Dubourg 1971, 287–8, nos. 8576–8), the latter of which can be attributed to the period when Otto II was co-emperor (967–73). Further hoards from the Baltic area, such as the ones found at Obrzycko and Paretz (App. 1, nos. 128, 132), confirm these attributions (see also Saccocci 2001–2, 190–5). There remains to consider the dating of the denari with the imperial title and the reverse legend +INCLIT0 CIVIT0, which are traditionally attributed to Otto II as emperor. The reattribution of the relatively common denari with reverse +0VGVSTVS to Otto II suggests that the coins of the +INCLIT0 CIVIT0 type belong to a different period. There is other evidence to support this claim. The earliest hoard in which the rare +INCLIT0 CIVIT0 denaro is attested, for example, is one from south Germany datable to about 1050 (App. 1, no. 143). The earliest coin type of Conrad II (1024/6–39, emp. 1027) (CNI iv, 488.9), moreover, has the same reverse legend and shares the same neat fabric with a more modern curvilinear C and there are no coins of Pavia attributed to Henry II (1004–24) before his coronation as emperor in 1014. This raises the possibility that this Ottonian type with the old-fashioned honorific title for the Italian capital Pavia may have been produced during the reign of Henry II, perhaps during one of Pavia’s rebellions against him or even after his death and in connection with the destruction of the royal palace, as a deliberate reference to the former emperors. Accordingly, this type would fill the gap during Henry’s reign while reflecting the unclear political situation in Pavia after his victory over Arduin of Ivrea and return to Germany in 1004. In Milan, the archbishops clearly supported Henry by striking coins in his name, but the count palatine and the moneyers in Pavia avoided aligning themselves openly with Henry by continuing to strike coins in the name of the undisputed former ruler, Otto III (see Brunhofer 1999, 196–205, 214–19). In the absence of more conclusive hoard evidence, however, this attribution must remain hypothetical (cf. Saccocci 2001–2, 190–5; Limido and Fusconi 2011–12, nos. 18 and 18/a, dating this issue to the period of Otto’s III minority, 983–96). At first, it would appear an easy matter to classify the denari of Otto III with the obverse legend + H TERCIV4 CES, or something similar, around the ruler’s monogram (CNI iv, 480–4.1–35), but beyond the ordinal number, the legend has not yet been fully explained. On some rare and supposedly early examples with longer variants of the legend, the monogram and legend may be read together as OTTO|INperator TERCIVS CESar, or ‘Emperor Otto III Caesar’, but Otto III was crowned emperor only in 996, so a more correct reading would be OTTO|N[ominis] TERCIVS CES[ar], or ‘Otto, the third of this name, Caesar’. The title caesar implied imperial pretensions but was not as clearly defined as imperator. This interpretation of the legend not only avoids the incongruence of the imperial title on what were supposedly Otto’s early issues while he was merely king, but also better suits the extremely delicate political situation that prevailed after the unforeseen death of Otto II in 983 when the continuity of the dynasty’s rule came under threat. The rightful heir was only three years old and faced a challenge from his closest male relative,

962 to mid-twelfth century: Pavia

41

Duke Heinrich II of Bavaria (955–95), who tried to usurp the crown. The legend on the Pavese coins underlined the continuity and legitimacy of the Ottonian dynasty, descending in a direct line from Otto I and Adelaide. Similarly, in Saxony around the same time, mints began to strike the rich series of Otto-Adelheid pfennige that bore the names of the young king and his grandmother to emphasise the legitimacy of the king (for their dating, see L. Ilisch 2005). There are two known types with this obverse legend. One, rather rare, has the reverse legend +CIVIT0S GLOR[iosa], or something similar (11–12; CNI iv, 480–1.1–2). The absence of the imperial title has led numismatists to date this coin earlier, attributing it to Otto III before his coronation as emperor in 996. The other has the reverse legend +IHPER0TOR (13–20; CNI iv, 481–4.3–35). Although later, it is still a royal type. The imperial title was probably added to the reverse in recognition of Otto’s grandmother, Empress Adelaide, who was frequently in Pavia during this period. This ‘imperial presence’ on Otto’s coins once again underscored his pedigree and legitimacy during his minority. The type remained in production after Otto became emperor, but further research is necessary to establish a more precise chronology of these common coins. Suffice it to say that the epigraphy on some specimens has earlier elements, for example the traditional three-punch C formed by a bow and two small triangles, while on others it is more modern, for example with a more curvilinear C made from only two punches, and closer to that found on the coins of later rulers. It is also notable that the coins of Otto III with the title +IHPER0TOR are more common and known in more variants than the length of Otto’s reign would imply. It is therefore possible that this issue became immobilised or that the type was taken up again after 1004, perhaps because the Ottonian types were well known and readily accepted throughout the kingdom. The same can be said of the coins with the reverse legend +CIVIT0S GLOR, especially in so far as they carry only the newer curvilinear C and other evidently later elements, but the hoard evidence and documentary record are insufficient to justify any such alterations to the traditional classification. To recapitulate, the first Ottonian denari of Pavia have the reverse legend +OTTO PIVS RE, or something similar, and belong to the imperial reign of Otto I (962–73). There are possibly two types, very different in fabric and style, but it is likely that the denaro scodellato type with slightly blundered legends is from the nearby mint of Milan (CNI iv, 479–80.12–15; c. 1.4g). The more common flat denaro was clearly struck in Pavia under Otto I (1–2; CNI iv, 478–9.1–11). Together with the rare Roman royal–papal issues, it can be considered as the main reform type of the Ottonian reform, which differs slightly from the Pavese denari of Otto’s predecessors. There is often a small triangle below the two-line city name on the reverse. The weight of this latter type is difficult to determine, since many specimens remained in use for so long that the resulting wear probably affected their average weight. The weights given in the CNI suggest an average weight of about 1.3g. The very rare type with the title +IHPER0TOR on both sides, missing from the CNI, may be attributed to the period following Otto II’s elevation as co-emperor, probably datable to just after his coronation in 967 (Dumas-Dubourg 1971, no. 8578). Its extreme rarity makes it very probable that the mint soon returned to the ordinary type of Otto I. A new type that combined the obverse legend +IHPER0TOR with the new title +0VGVSTVS (8–9; CNI iv, 477–8.1–8) was introduced probably after the death of Otto I. The earlier examples give the mint name in the reverse field in two lines, sometimes with a triangle below. In the later ones, the I slips below the other letters, forming a kind of three-line inscription: P0|P0|I. Another variant has four pellets around the

42

Royal and imperial coinages

obverse monogram. In general, the weight of these coins, less than 1.3g, seems to be lower than that of preceding issues. The coins with the old epithet of Pavia +CIVIT0S GLOR[iosa] on the reverse but without the imperial title (11–12; CNI iv, 480–1.1–2) made up either a short-lived issue from the minority of Otto III or possibly a posthumous one from after 1004. The plentiful coinage with the same obverse legend + H TERCIV4 CES and the reverse legend +IHPER0TOR (13–20; CNI iv, 481– 4.3–35) can be attributed to the entire reign of Otto III (983–1002), even though he was emperor only from 996, for the reasons given above. There are variants of these coins with longer or shorter obverse legends as well as some with small signs, for example the small square in the centre or the beaded bow between the double T of the monogram in the obverse field (20). In contrast to the coinages of Milan, Verona and Venice, the weight and fineness of the denari pavesi did not slip significantly towards the end of the tenth century but maintained their standard weight of well over 1.2g, which helps to explain the enduring popularity of Pavia’s ottolini into the twelfth century and raises the possibility that they were imitated for quite some time after the Ottonian period. As already pointed out, the ostensibly Ottonian denaro with the +INCLIT0 CIVIT0 legend on the reverse can be tentatively attributed to the reign of Henry II (1004–24), probably before 1014 (CNI iv, 480.1–3). B. Arduin (1002–4/1015) and Henry II (1004–24, emp. 1014) After the premature death of Otto III (23 January 1002), the direct line of the Ottonian dynasty was extinguished, and in February an opposition group of lay princes rapidly elected the strongly anti-episcopal Marquis Arduin of Ivrea, months before Henry II was elected in Germany in June of the same year. Unfortunately, in older works the importance and activity of Arduin as king were overvalued, because there are many false diplomas in his name. In reality he was easily overthrown during the first Italian campaign of Otto’s successor, Henry II (in Italy Henry I), in 1004 and his last original privilege dates from 1005. Henry left Italy by June 1004, however, and the situation remained unclear until his return in 1013 and Arduin’s death in 1015. It seems that Arduin maintained control over parts of north-western Italy while the political situation in Pavia remained unsettled (DBI iv, 53–60; see also Baudi di Vesme 1900, 1–20; Hartmann 1915, 160–89; Cellerino 1998, 169–73; Brunhofer 1999, 200–5, 214–19). One source for Arduin’s elevation underlines that he was called caesar, indicating that he was destined to be crowned as emperor (MGH SS i, 10 chap. 14: et vocatus Caesar ab omnibus). This perhaps explains the legend +IHPER0TOR on the reverse of his first Pavese coin type, in addition to the deliberate resemblance to the coins of his predecessor, but it may also simply reflect the continued use of Otto’s reverse dies. On the obverse of this coin type, the beginning of Arduin’s name is disposed in a way that resembles the Ottonian monogram, using a round minuscule d, and it continues in the surrounding legend +HINVS REGEM, so that the H or N of the obverse legend of Otto III’s coins is also taken over to resemble those coins as clearly as possible (25; CNI iv, 485.6–12). Arduin’s second coin type in Pavia has a reverse identical to that of Otto III’s presumably first type, surrounding the city’s name with the old soubriquet +CIVIT0S GLORIO[sa], or something similar, while the obverse gives Arduin’s name and correct royal title, 0RdO in the field and IN GR0CI0 DI REX in the margin (CNI iv, 484–5.1–5). Perhaps this second type was struck until 1004, but it may also be attributable to the vague political configuration of the period after Henry’s return to Germany in 1004, as the Pavese were unhappy about the new German rule, as demonstrated by their rebellion directly after Henry’s coronation.

962 to mid-twelfth century: Pavia

(a)

(b)

43

(c)

Figure 1. Pavia: denari of (a) Arduin (1002–4), (b) Henry II (1004–24) in the name Otto III (?) and (c) Conrad II (1024/6–39, emp. 1027) with the reverse legend P0|PI0 and +CIVIT0S GLOR or +INCLIT0 CIVIT0 (Brambilla 1883, v.11, pl. iv.11, vi.8)

In any case, there are no coins otherwise clearly attributable to Henry’s rule as king. Because of the unsettled political situation after Arduin’s defeat and during Henry’s absence from Italy (1004– 13), coins in the name of Otto III or of his predecessors probably continued to be struck, which would explain the high number of known specimens. The Ottonian denaro with the unusual oldfashioned title +INCLIT0 CIVIT0 for Pavia may be datable to this period before Henry’s second arrival in Italy in 1013 (CNI iv, 480.1–3), and it would suit also the period after Henry’s death in 1024. Furthermore, the type struck in the name of Otto III and with the reverse legend +CIVIT0S GLOR[iosa] could be attributed to this period (11–12; CNI iv, 480–1.1–2). For Henry II himself, there is only one type struck in his name. It must be dated after his imperial coronation in 1014 because the obverse legend around a cross with four pellets features only the imperial title (28; CNI iv, 486.1–7). The standard weight seems to have remained well over 1.2g. The design of this coin, with the name of the city disposed in one line before a long cross, resumed the design of Carolingian denari to coincide with Henry’s programme of renewal of Frankish rule (renovatio regni Francorum), which is to say the Carolingian Empire, as illustrated in his charters and lead seals as early as 1003 (Weinfurter 1999). Only one major variant is known, which has two additional crosslets on the reverse, perhaps in reference to Henry’s splendid synod in Pavia in 1022 (CNI iv, 487.8). The interlude between Henry’s death in July 1024 and the arrival more than a year and a half later of the new German King Conrad II (1024/6–39, emp. 1027), the first king of this name in Italy, was another period of unrest during which the citizens of Pavia destroyed the royal palace in their city. This is the period in which the Ottonian coin type that confers the royal predicate inclitus on the city of Pavia would also fit best (CNI iv, 480.1–3; see also Brunner 1973, 200–1). (See Fig. 1.) C. Conrad II (1024–39, crowned in Italy 1026, emp. 1027) Conrad, of the new dynasty of the Salian Franks, was elected and crowned in the German kingdom in 1024, but managed to accomplish a campaign to Italy only in 1026. In the same year he was elected king in Italy and was crowned in Milan by its archbishop, Ariberto (1018–45). In March 1027, Conrad was then crowned emperor in the presence of King Cnut the Great of England (1016–35) and Denmark (from 1018) and of King Rudolph of Burgundy (933–1032). Conrad spent more time in the Italian kingdom than Henry had. His first type, which is known from a single specimen preserved in the Vatican collections, continues or resumes the reverse of the supposedly pseudo-Ottonian coin type with the legend +INCLIT0 CIVIT0[s] around the city’s name with the abbreviation CI for civitas, while the obverse has the traditional imperial title +INPER0TOR around Conrad’s name in Latin disposed in three lines, partly ligatured and abbreviated (CHV|ONRã|D) (CNI iv, 488.9). Soon, however, the mint introduced a new type with the imperial honorific title

44

Royal and imperial coinages

+ãVgV4TV4 CE[sar]ø in the obverse legend for ‘Augustus Caesar’ and always a final pellet or stop. The emperor’s name appears in the form of a cross in the field as a kind of monogram and must be read first from the top down and then from left to right, with some elements serving more than once; from the top, it reads CHV|O|N, and then from left to right, ROD (33–4; CNI iv, 487–8.1–8). Conrad’s successors continued to employ this disposition of the royal or imperial name. The three-line inscription P0|P0|I reappeared in the reverse field, while the letters C and G retained their curvilinear ‘footless’ form. These features and others such as the open ã and the recumbent 4 remained in use from this time onwards. The weight of this type retained the same standard as before.

D. Henry III (1039–56, emp. 1046) In 1028, during the reign of Conrad II, his son Henry III (Henry II in Italy) was elected and crowned joint king, so when the founder of the Salian dynasty died in 1039, there was no question concerning Henry’s succession.Under Henry,who was crowned emperor in 1046,the design of the coins remained essentially unchanged. This and the continued stability of the standard encouraged the immobilisation of the coin types. A similar development can be observed in the contemporary coinage of Lucca (Matzke 1993, 143–50). The name of the issuing authority had obviously changed but it was still disposed crosswise in abbreviated form: first from the top, H|I|N, and then from left to right, RIC, to give HINRIC[us], following the obverse design of the denari of Milan (see below). The Pavese coins also have four beaded half-bows in the angles of the crosswise inscription (CNI iv, 488–91). Both of Henry’s immediate successors, Henry IV (1056–1106) and Henry V (1106–25), shared his name, which effectively ensured the immobilisation of the types, regardless of whether they had formally obtained the imperial crown or not, and makes the coins particularly resistant to precise classification. The coins that have a clearly legible CEø at the end of the obverse legend, the still relatively wide border of pellets around the field and the mint name in three lines in the reverse field (36–7; CNI iv, 490–1.4–5, 14) appear to continue the design on the coins in the name of Conrad II, which perhaps suggests that they are attributable to Henry III. The coins of a second and larger group, some still with the letters CE at the end of the obverse legend, repeat the reverse pattern of Conrad’s first denari but add the abbreviation CI for civitas in the field (38–42; CNI iv, 488–90.1–14). The CNI attributes these coins to Henry III (referring to him as Henry II). Their presence in hoards found at Pieve a Nievole in Tuscany alongside much earlier Venetian denari of the +CRISTVS IMPER type, which are commonly dated to 1002–27 (26–7; see also below), and at Lübeck in northern Germany, both closing around 1040, suggest that these Pavese coins were also struck under Henry III (App. 1, nos. 99, 121; see also Saccocci 2003). E. Henry IV (1056–1106, emp. 1084), until 1102 The last group of good-quality, heavy Pavese denari in the name of an emperor Henry is made up of the most common denari enriciani with a more abbreviated or unclear ending of the obverse legend and, once again, a smaller inner border and only the city’s name in the reverse field, without the abbreviation CI (CNI iv, 490–1.1–3, 6–7, 9–13). Several variants are known for this group, such as one with very narrow or missing half-bows in the inner circle and another with a crossed central I on the obverse. Coins of this group tend to weigh less than 1.2g, but the distribution of weights is unusually wide and difficult to interpret. It may be related to the fact that Pavese denari of this type circulated for a long period over a wide area, reaching even the Holy Land along with denari

962 to mid-twelfth century: Pavia

45

Table 1. The royal and imperial coinages of Pavia, 962–c. 1160 Authority

References

Characteristics and description

Otto I (951/61–73, emp. 962), from 962

CNI iv, 478–9.1–11

Large module weighing 1.30–1.40g: Obv. +IHPER0TOR, OTTO-monogram. Rev. +OTTO PIVS RE, P0|PI0.

Otto I (961–73, emp. 962), and Otto II (co-emp. 967–73)

Dumas-Dubourg 1971, no. 8578

Normal module weighing c. 1.30g: Obv. +IHPER0TOR, OTTO-monogram. Rev. +IHPER0TOR, P0|PI0.

Otto II (973–83)

CNI iv, 477–8.1–8

Normal module, slightly reduced weight, under 1.30g: Obv. +IMPER0TOR, OTTO-monogram. Rev. +0VGVSTVS, P0|PI0 or later P0|P0|I.

Otto III (983–1002, emp. 996)

Lower or unstable weights: 1. CNI iv, 480–1.1–2 1. Obv. + H TERCIV4 CES (or similar), (struck posthumously?) OTTO-monogram. Rev. +CIVIT0S GLOR, P0|P0|I. 2. Obv. + H TERCIV4 CE (or similar), 2. CNI iv, 481–4.3–35 OTTO-monogram. Rev. +IHPER0TOR, P0|P0|I.

Arduin (1002–4, d. 1015)

1. CNI iv, 485.6–12 2. CNI iv, 484–5.1–5

Henry II (1004–24, emp. 1014)

Conrad II (1024/6–39, emp. 1027)

1. CNI iv, 480.1–3 (classified under ‘Otto II’), c. 1004–14 (?) 2. CNI iv, 486.1–7, 487.8

1. CNI iv, 488.9 2. CNI iv, 487–8.1–8

Henry III (1039–56, emp. 1. CNI iv, 490.4–5, 1046) 491.14

2. CNI iv, 488–90.1–14

1. Obv. +HINVS REGEM, 0RdO-monogram. Rev. +IHPER0TOR, P0|P0|I. 2. Obv. +IN GR0CI0 DI REX, 0RdO-monogram. Rev. +CIVIT0S GLORIO, P0|P0|I. 1. Obv. +IHPER0TOR, OTTO-monogram. Rev. +INCLIT0 CIVIT0 (ligatured), P0|P0|I. 2. Obv. +INRICVS IHþ, cross w. four pellets. Rev. PAPIA in front of long cross (variant with two crosslets). 1. Obv. +IHPER0TOR, CHV|ONRã|D. Rev. +INCLIT0 CIVIT0, P0|PI0|CI. 2. Obv. +ãVgV4TV4 CEø, CHV|O|N || ROD-monogram in the form of a cross. Rev. +INPERãTOR, P0|P0|I. 1. Obv. +ãVgV4TV4 CEø, H|I|N || RICmonogram in the form of a cross w. beaded bows in large beaded border. Rev. +INPERãTOR, P0|P0|I. 2. Obv. +ãVgV4TV4 CL (or similar), H|I|N || RIC-monogram in the form of a cross w. beaded bows in small beaded border. Rev. +INPERãTOR, P0|PI0|CI.

(cont.)

46

Royal and imperial coinages

Table 1. (cont.) Authority

References

Characteristics and description

Henry IV (1056–1105/6, emp. 1084), until 1102

CNI iv, 490.1–3, 491.6–7, 491.9–13

Obv. +ãVgV4TV4 CL (or similar), H|I |N || RIC-monogram in the form of a cross w. beaded bows in small beaded border. Rev. +INPERãTOR, P0|P0|I.

Henry IV (1056–1106) CNI iv, 492.1 and Henry V (1106–25, emp. 1111), 1102–15 Henry V (1106–25), Lothar II (1125–39) and Conrad III (1138–52), 1115–c. 1160

CNI iv, 491.8

Low standard of fineness: Obv. +ãVgV4TV4 CE, H|I|N || RIC-monogram in the form of a cross without bows. Rev. +INPERãTOR, P0|P0|I. Small and irregular flans, low fineness: Obv. +ãVgV4TV4 CE (or similar), H |I |N || RIC-monogram w. solid bows. Rev. +INPERãTOR, P0|P0|I.

enriciani of Lucca (see Metcalf 1995, ii, 309 no. 4), but the question will require further study. In any case, coins of this group can be attributed to the reign of Henry IV before the debasement of 1102. F. Coinages from 1102 In Genoa, the most important commercial centre in Pavia’s monetary area, the local chronicler Caffaro da Caschifellone was acutely aware that 1102 marked a turning point in Pavia’s monetary history (for the following, see Capobianchi 1896). One of the first entries in his official chronicle of Genoa noted a profound change in the coinage: primo anno istius consulatus [1102] moneta denariorum papiensium veterum finem habuit, et alia incepta nove monete brunitorum fuit (Belgrano 1890, 13). Around the same time that Lucca, the royal mint in central Italy, debased its coinage, the capital of the regnum also debased its currency, probably in response to demographic and economic expansion as well as increased military expenditure related to the Investiture Contest and the First Crusade (cf. Matzke 1993, 150–6). When Pavia stopped striking heavy denari at least 83 per cent fine (Brambilla 1883, 228–30), the acceptance of its coins broke down beyond north-western Italy. In central and southern Italy, only the good and increasingly overvalued denarius papiensis vetus, also called the denarius ottolinus, was henceforth accepted and continued to circulate until the end of the twelfth century. The old Pavese denaro was also used as a money of account and tithe receipts frequently stipulated payment in them, while the Lucchese denaro soon became the dominant circulating coinage in these areas,probably because of Lucca’s better access to good silver supplies.Interestingly, the mint at Pavia altered its coinage in the absence of the emperor and probably without his knowledge, which would indicate that the originally royal or imperial officers in the mint were increasingly agents of the nascent commune of Pavia and were basing monetary policy more on local and regional conditions and interests. The expression that Caffaro and others used for Pavia’s new coinage was moneta brunita. The designation implies two things. First, the diminutive suggests that the new coin was smaller in value and probably also in size. Second, the reference to the coin’s brownish colour suggests that it was

962 to mid-twelfth century: Pavia

(a)

47

(b)

Figure 2. Pavia: denari in the name of Henry IV–V (1056/1125), struck (a) 1102–15 and (b) after 1115 (Brambilla 1883, pl. vii.3, vii.2)

made from a relatively low-grade silver-copper alloy. Brambilla (1883, 230) and Capobianchi (1896, 27–9) assume that the fineness of the new coinage was about 50 per cent, which means that its value would have been nearly 40 per cent less than that of the preceding issue in terms of silver. The new coins must have been clearly distinguishable from the former denarius vetus. The only type that fits this profile is the relatively rare and slightly coppery Pavese denaro enriciano with a somewhat different design on the obverse. It has a slightly smaller module and lacks the beaded half-bows within the inner ring. The imperial monogram also begins with a ligatured  instead of simply the H (CNI iv, 492.1). There are two specimens of this type in the British Museum (CM 1847,0402.1053; CM 1857,0901.109), but they differ from the example published by Brambilla and the compilers of the CNI in that their obverse legends end in CE. This and the later type are now rare, not only because they were produced in smaller quantities and circulated less extensively than preceding Pavese issues, but also because, as relatively inferior coins, they were much less subject to hoarding (see Fig. 2). As early as October 1115, a new devaluation took place, in which the denarii bruni prioris noue monete were abolished and another moneta minorum brunitorum was introduced (Belgrano 1890, 15–16). This new coinage once again must have had a smaller module and is sometimes referred to in contemporary sources as media or mediana moneta (Capobianchi 1896, 29–31). Subsequent debasements appear to have been introduced incrementally. The silver content of the coin continued to slip over the next fifty years until the coinage was reformed, but no further abrupt devaluations are evident. As Genoa, Asti, Piacenza and Susa began to strike their own coinages and new monetary areas began to take shape, the circulation of Pavia’s denari became more restricted. It very well might have been the instability of the Pavese coinage after 1102 that led these cities to seek permission to produce their own coins. In 1164, the denaro of Pavia contained only about 0.22g of fine silver and was equal to only a third of the denarius papiensis vetus (Capobianchi 1896, 34–5, 40–3; Spufford 1986, 40). After 1115, moreover, the weight of many specimens slipped below 1.00g. The precise pattern of development of the Pavese coinage after 1115 remains unclear because there are relatively few coin hoards that contain examples of the later denari. These coins are the denari enriciani with small irregular flans (c. 15mm). The legends are essentially the same as on the preceding issues. The bows around the imperial monogram on the obverse reappear, but are solid lines rather than beaded, and the first letter at the top of the monogram once again is always an H (CNI iv, 491.8: at 1.24g, this may be an early heavy specimen; 49). This coin type has surfaced in finds from Pavia, namely from the San Giovanni Domnarum hoard and the tomb of St Syrus, the patron of Pavia (App. 1, nos. 46–46a). Prelini (1880–90, i, 490–3) dated the St Syrus parcel to the recognition of 1232, but internal evidence strongly suggests a dating in the first half of the twelfth century (Arslan 1995b). Even after the death of Henry V in 1125, the design and legends

48

Royal and imperial coinages

of the Pavese coinage remain unchanged, but this is not surprising in view of the fact that real royal control over the coinage had ceased decades earlier. With the monetary reform of Frederick I Barbarossa (1152–90, emp. 1155), a new fully communal coinage was to be introduced. (For a summary of the royal and imperial coinages of Pavia to c. 1160, see Table 1.)

(c) m i lan 1. Introduction A. Historical background Until the early eleventh cenury, the old Lombard metropolis of Milan remained under the institutional and administrative dominance of Pavia, as testified by the Honorantie civitatis Papie (Brühl and Violante 1983; cf. Solmi 1932, 120–5). Milan was nevertheless the seat of the wealthy archiepiscopal see of Sant’Ambrogio, which exercised authority over the dioceses in much of Lombardy and north-west Italy. Together with the commercial significance of Milan and its location at the convergence of several important trade routes, this assured its resurgence by the early eleventh century at the latest. Institutionally, too, Milan usurped the role of Pavia as an administrative centre, due first to the reduced presence of the German rulers in Italy after the Ottonian period and then to civic unrest in Pavia and the destruction of the royal palace there. In addition, the German kings and their entourage were not accustomed to a system of central government. Royal power was traditionally based on the support of bishops and the abbots of the larger monasteries. It was therefore only natural that the kings should exercise their authority in northern Italy through the agency of the archbishop of Milan, especially since they were mostly absent from the kingdom. Pavia thus surrendered many of its rights and functions as the old camera regis after the turn of the millennium and lost its status as the capital of the Italian kingdom. Thenceforth, it was the archbishop of Milan who typically consecrated the German kings and bestowed upon them the crown of the king of Italy in the abbey church of St Ambrose in Milan. As the political importance of the archbishop grew, so too did his wealth and power, from which his clerics, feudal entourage and the city’s monasteries also benefited. The counts were soon relegated to a secondary position in civic leadership and the archbishops became, in effect, the lords of Milan. The possessions of the archbishops and the city’s other ecclesiastical lords were spread throughout the diocese and even beyond and were protected by extensive networks of castelli and vassals. The archbishop exploited these networks as well as Milan’s growing commercial importance to integrate the surrounding territories in the diocese and contado with the city. Milan rapidly became the nerve centre of the region, both politically and economically. It is therefore not surprising that coin production in Milan, which had been relatively modest under earlier German rulers, grew steadily from the time of Otto III. Over the course of the eleventh century, output from the Milanese mint vastly outstripped that of Pavia. Growth nevertheless brought internal tensions and conflicts, most obviously that between the archbishop and his vassals and sub-feudatories (valvassores), which were resolved by an imperial constitution in 1037 (Constitutio de feudis: MGH Dipl. iv, 335–7 doc. 244). Soon afterwards, the ‘simple’ cives (judges, notaries, tradesmen, wealthy craftsmen) came into dispute with archiepiscopal vassals and other nobles, who had to leave the city until the peace of 1045. Twelve years later, two clerics named Arialdo and Landolfo started to agitate for reform against the worldly habits of the Milanese clerics, who were often of

962 to mid-twelfth century: Milan

49

noble stock. This provoked a genuine civil war in the city, during which prototypical communal structures began to emerge. The popes initially supported the reformist party, the so-called Pataria, as they fought for a de-secularised church. This conflict flowed directly into the larger struggle between the popes and King Henry IV (1056–1106), the so-called Investiture Controversy, which Henry’s investiture of Archbishop Tedaldo of Milan (1075–85) indeed touched off in 1076. The traditionally pro-imperial archbishops later submitted to the reform papacy under Pope Urban II (1088–99) and restored civic peace. Commerce, the wealth of the citizenry and their solidarity grew in spite of or perhaps even because of the city’s internal struggles.A new organisation,the commune,assumed effective control of municipal government while the archbishop’s duties were increasingly restricted to church governance and his role in secular government became that of a figure-head. Consuls are first mentioned in 1097, after which communal institutions developed quickly. Mint output grew in this period of almost continuous struggle and civil war, partly to pay soldiers (Violante 1989), but also in response to demographic and economic growth. Under communal rule, Milan adopted more expansionist policies and began to subject neighbouring cities, for example Lodi in 1111. In 1127,the Milanese even destroyed Como,their direct rival,which had prevented Milan from gaining full control of commerce from the north. The complaints of these and other cities to the German kings were of little consequence because of the extent to which the Investiture Controversy had weakened royal power. After the death of Henry V in 1125, moreover, the power of the new German king was less secure than it had been under the former dynasties, not least because the Hohenstaufen anti-king Conrad (III), who came to Italy in 1128, enjoyed strong support in Milan. Over the ensuing quarter of a century, Milan’s relationship with the kings was largely unsettled, but a substantially new situation arose when Frederick I Barbarossa (1152–90) became king. By that time, and indeed already in the eleventh century, the royal moneyers and their officers had assumed independent responsibility for the administration of the coinage. Since the moneyers and officers belonged to a leading group in the communal government from its very beginning, the coinage effectively became a municipal coinage. B. Literature Histories of Milan are plentiful, with modern treatments of the pre-communal and ecclesiastical reform periods. A classic work with particular relevance for economic and monetary questions is Violante’s monograph on pre-communal Milan (1953). The relevant volumes of the Storia di Milano published by the Treccani Foundation (Storia di Milano 1953–66, ii–iii), despite their traditional and sometimes outmoded interpretations, still provide a detailed standard reference. The essays collected in Andenna et al. (1998) present a more modern but less detailed approach focused on broad structures, while Keller (1979, 1995) provides what may be considered the standard reference for the historical background of Milan’s pre-communal and early communal coinage. There is also a brief overview in Opll (1986, 317–42). The section on the communal coinage of Milan refers to other relevant studies. Numismatic works on the early Milanese coinage have a long tradition, going back to the Renaissance (Savio 1988). Modern research effectively begins with the still useful enquiry of Biondelli (1869), which includes research on the written documents and a series of metallurgical analyses. The works of Mulazzini (1888–9; 1889a) continued this tradition of in-depth research, complemented by the excellent catalogue of the brothers Ercole and Francesco Gnecchi

50

Royal and imperial coinages

(1884). This monumental work provided the basis for the compilation of the CNI volume on the coinage of Milan, which serves as standard reference for the following classification. Despite their merits, these older studies are not very reliable for the early and partly immobilised coins of Milan. Their attributions rely heavily on philological interpretations of the coin legends and outdated assumptions about royal titles and political history more generally, and their authors and compilers were unable to use enough hoard material to counter these preconceptions. It was not until Murari started to publish his carefully researched and material-based studies on the early coinage of Milan that this began to change (1971a; 1980b; 1981; 1984a). A conference on the mint of Milan in all periods also contributed to the better understanding of the Milanese coinage (Gorini 1984). Apart from a few changes, the classification and chronology of the royal coinage of Milan follows that of Murari. Modern works such as the useful essay of Travaini (1989) as well as recent catalogues (Chiaravalle 1983; Crippa and Crippa 1998, 12–15, 40–7) are mainly based on Murari’s work, now reprised and refined by Toffanin (2013, 58–84) and Crippa and Crippa (2015). 2. Coinage A. Coins attributed to the Ottonian emperors (962–1002) Output of the coinage of Milan in the early Ottonian period was much less than that of Pavia. This was due not only to the fact that Pavia was the capital, even if already of lesser economic importance, but also to the centralised organisation of the coinage as shown in the Honorantie civitatis Papie, or more specifically in the Instituta regalia, which are included in the Honorantie (Brühl and Violante 1983, 20–1, 48–54). The seat of the ministerium monete was in Pavia, where the mint-master was also based. In Pavia, moreover, there were nine moneyers (monetarii) while in the dependent mint of Milan there were only four (Brühl and Violante 1983,§§7–8).The moneyers in Milan had to strike the Milanese denari to the same standards of weight and fineness as those of Pavia. In addition to coin production, the moneyers also controlled the exchange, which was fixed at the relatively high rate of one denaro to the soldo. This perhaps suggests that the coins of Milan, despite having the same value as the Pavese denari, were nevertheless distinct from the main royal coinage. It implies, in other words, that the denari of Milan and Pavia were intended to circulate separately in their own respective markets. It is therefore likely, at least under the early Ottonian emperors, that the circulation of the Milanese denaro was largely confined only to certain parts of Lombardy, which accounts for the relatively small number of moneyers in Milan. Only later, after the dissolution of the centralised organisation of the coinage, did the number of moneyers in the Milanese mint increase, precipitating a marked increase in output and coinciding with the more general economic and political expansion of the Lombard metropolis (Violante 1953, 41–9; Lopez 1953b, 24–8, 36–9). The early Ottonian coins of Milan are therefore rare. Murari (1981, no. 8; 1984a), following Grierson (1978; MEC 1, 251–2), showed that the denari with temple aedicule, blundered XPISTIANA RELIGIO legend and wide margins (6–7; CNI v, 42.16, 44.1–6) must all be attributed to Venice instead of Milan as previously supposed. Some recent publications have continued to attribute these Ottonian denari to Milan, but the evidence from coin finds now confirms the Venetian attribution (see below, section (d), pp. 59–61). On the other hand, the denari scodellati with the characteristic thin upturned border on the reverse and blundered legends in the reverse field, which were formerly assigned to Pavia (CNI iv, 479.12–15; see above, section (b), p. 39), may now be attributed to Milan.

962 to mid-twelfth century: Milan

51

Figure 3. Milan: denaro of Emperor Otto I alone (962–7) (Gorny & Mosch sale 221, 12 March 2014, lot 3070. Reproduced by kind permission)

Unfortunately, Murari’s classification remains unconvincing at the beginning and end (1984a, 272–6). Although the hoard evidence for Milan is less indicative than that for Pavia, comparison with preceding coinages and with the typology and titles on the coins of Pavia makes it possible to modify Murari’s sequence, which he based largely on the Gnecchi arrangement and more precisely that of the CNI. (For an overview of the revised classification proposed here, see Table 2, pp. 56– 7 below.) As at Pavia, the Ottonian reforms only gradually managed to achieve an identifiable typology, so that at first, the denari of Otto I were still similar to those of his predecessors. It is therefore likely that the denari with the traditional title +OTTO PIV RES and the abbreviated mint name ME|DIO on the concave reverse are the first Milanese issues under Otto I (emp. 962–73) (Murari 1984a, no. 3; CNI v, 43.4–6; Fig. 3). This is because they continue the design and title on the denari of Kings Lothar II and Berengar II (CNI v, 38.6–11, 39–40.1–9), that is, apart from the imperial title and the Ottonian monogram. Their titles also correspond with those of the Pavese coinage (CNI iv, 478–9.1–11; see above), which is even more clearly datable on the basis of the richer hoard evidence. The institutional connection between the mints and the need to represent rulers’ titles uniformly make it very likely that the issues were parallel. Even in Tuscany, the titles on contemporary denari of Lucca are the same (Matzke 1993, 192–3, nos. 12–14; for refinements to the chronology, see Saccocci 2001–2, 175–8). The similarity did not extend to the Veneto, however, because the two mints there operated either partly or wholly under different authority. Verona was partly under the rule of the duke of Bavaria while Venice did not belong to the kingdom at all (see below). The Milanese coins of this earliest group of Ottonian denari struck under Otto I are the heaviest, sometimes weighing 1.40g or more and occasionally even 1.50g, which may be due to the regional character of Milan’s early coinage. Coins of the second group show a similar pattern of weights and probably followed directly after the first group, but feature the abbreviation of another imperial title in the reverse field, ãV|CV[stus], instead of the abbreviated mint name (Murari 1984a, no. 4; CNI v, 43.7–8). There are also variants with blundered legends, some of which have been attributed to Pavia (CNI v, 43.9; CNI iv, 480.13–15). This second group might have preceded the first, but only new hoard evidence can definitively establish the position of this group in the Milanese series. Comparison with the coinage of Pavia is again suggestive for the third type with the peculiar legend +OTTO ET ITEM around the OTTO monogram on the convex obverse, which alludes to the joint rule of Otto I and son Otto II after the latter’s imperial coronation in 967 (Murari 1984a, no. 2; CNI v, 43.1–3) and is analogous to the denari of Pavia with the title +IHPER0TOR on both sides (Dumas-Dubourg 1971, no. 8578). The Milanese legend derives from the intitulatio sometimes used in the privileges of the two Ottos: Otto itemque Otto divina favente clementia imperatores augusti (Brunner 1973, 173). The reverse legend, in four lines for the first time, gives the imperial title and

52

Royal and imperial coinages

mint, DIO|+IMPE|REME|LãN, albeit in somewhat confused order. It should be read starting from the cross on the upper middle line as +IMPE[rato]RE[s] MEDIOLãN[um]. Coins of this type, which are as rare as those of the previous group, weigh slightly less, tending towards 1.30g. A transition type with the same reverse legend and the simple imperial title on the obverse (Toffanin 2013, 68, no. 37) leads to the next main type. Still parallel to the Pavese series, the fourth and more common type of Ottonian denaro of Milan explicitly uses the title augustus in abbreviated form (10; Murari 1984a, no. 1; CNI v, 41– 2.1–15). While the obverse again has the legend +IMPERãTOR around the Otto monogram, the reverse legend, again in four lines, continues the obverse with the abbreviated augustus title and mint name, now in a more easily recognisable sequence: ãVC[ustus]|+MED|IOLã|NIV[m]. This type is not only much more plentiful than the preceding one but also rarely weighs as much as 1.30g and tends mostly to 1.20g. The lower weight and analogy with the denari of Pavia suggest that this type be attributed to the sole reign of Otto II (973–83). This type was then immobilised under his son Otto III; later issues are distinguished from earlier ones only by weight, style and size. The later coins tend to weigh only 1.00–1.20g and often less, and they are smaller in size (21–2; Murari 1984a, no. 5; CNI v, 41.5, 44–5.7–8). In particular, the diameter of the beaded border on the reverse is less than 15mm instead of 15–17mm on the earlier coins. The epigraphy and rendering of the beaded border on the later coins are more elegant, but also often slightly blundered and less readable, and the later issues appear more intensely blanched, which suggests that they are of a lower quality alloy. There is also a change in the orientation of the OTTO-monogram. At first, the two letters O are disposed vertically in the centre directly below the cross in the marginal legend while the two letters T lie to the left and right. On the later and lighter issues, the monogram is turned 90° so that the letters T form the middle axis and the letters O, now larger, are at the sides. The increased size of the O is also apparent in the reverse legend. It must be underlined, however, that it is not possible to establish a clear progression with respect to the diminishing weight and size as well as the changing style. The only clear change is the rotation of the monogram, which probably signals an official debasement after a long period of gradual weight reduction. This does not necessarily imply crisis; on the contrary, such monetary expansion is characteristic of growing economies that require ever greater quantities of currency, as occurred in the course of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries throughout Italy (Cipolla 1975, 20–31; 1963). The debasement is attested in the written evidence relatively late, only in 1013, when a document of Como shows that eleven lire in Milanese denari were equivalent to ten lire in those of Pavia (MGH Dipl. iii, docs. 275, 325), but official interference in the nominal valuation of the Milanese coins probably delayed its appearance in the written record. In any case, this late Ottonian coinage can be attributed to the relatively long reign of Otto III (983–1002). The debasement might have already begun under Otto II, but further research is needed to resolve this question. B. Arduin (1002–4/1015) and Henry II (1004–24, emp. 1014) After Otto’s death in February 1002, even before the formal election of a successor to the young emperor in Germany, Marquis Arduin of Ivrea assumed control of the kingdom and was crowned. After the election of Henry II as the new German king, the duke of Carinthia launched an expedition to secure the kingdom for him, but its failure appeared to solidify Arduin’s rule, in spite of the more or less open resistance of ecclesiastic lords. Milanese denari in the name of King Arduin are even rarer than the Pavese ones. His first type has his name in the obverse margin around

962 to mid-twelfth century: Milan

53

Figure 4. Milan: denaro of King Arduin (1002–4/15) (Murari 1984a, 266 no. 7) (IFS Bern. Reproduced by kind permission)

a complicated monogram of the royal title rex, modelled after the christogram on the denari of Berengar II (950–62), while the reverse continues immobilised from the coins of Otto III, with the four-line legend ãVC|+MED|IOLã|NIV[m] (Murari 1984a, 266 no. 7; CNI v, 45.1–2; Fig. 4). It is curious that, unlike the denari of Pavia, these coins show no obvious attempt to imitate the obverse of the Ottonian denari. A further Milanese type of Arduin has also been discovered and is known in only two specimens (Murari 1984a, 266 no. 6; 1980b, 157–8, 166). Once again, only the obverse is different. It has the legend +ãRDVINO R|ES, with the name and title continuing from the margin to the field. As in the case of Arduin’s new Pavese type, the reason for the change is unclear, as both of the Milanese types, which have a maximum weight of 1.10g, fit well into the weight pattern of the late denari of Otto III. The coins in the name of Henry II (Henry I in Italy, 1004–24, emp. 1014), a direct descendant of Otto I, are datable from his successful campaign into Italy and royal coronation in 1004. The recent discovery of two new types of Henry’s Milanese coinage makes it as interesting as that of Pavia (Murari 1971a; 1980b, 160–4). As under Arduin, the reverse remained unchanged, but the moneyers began to design a new royal monogram for the obverse for Henry’s coinage. The monogram integrated all the letters of the king’s name in a contracted ligature of HENRI, crossed by CVS (see Fig. 5b), while the marginal legend, rather surprisingly, gave the imperial title even though Henry had not yet become emperor, solely to underline the notion that Henry’s rule represented lineal continuity with the Ottonian past (Murari 1980b, 161–2, 167; 1984a, no. 9). It is nevertheless also possible to read the monogram as CHVNRADVS, which would imply an attribution to Conrad II (1024/6–39, emp. 1027). Only three specimens of this type are known. They weigh 1.15–1.20g, which is close to the standard of the late Ottonian denari and coins of Henry. Another remarkable coin type discovered by Murari (1971a; 1980b, 160–1, 167; 1984a, no. 8) probably also dates from the beginning of Henry’s reign in Italy. The obverse monogram at first seems to be another ligature of elements from the Latin form of Henry’s name, but there also seems to be an A in the middle, making it an amalgam of ENR and ARN with an abbreviation mark above, according to Murari (see Fig. 5a). The weight of all seven of the known specimens is close to the standard of almost 1.20g. Murari suggested that this monogram was made up of the abbreviated names of King Henry and Archbishop Arnolfo II of Milan (998–1018), who opposed Arduin and was one of Henry’s principal supporters. He welcomed Henry in Pavia and crowned him there in 1004. The exceptional inclusion of the archbishop’s name on a royal coin in Italy cannot be owing to the claim of the archbishops that they had received the right of coinage from King Lothar II (945–50, reigning alone), as confirmed by a papal privilege of October 1162 (Schiaparelli 1924, 377 doc. 6; cf. the confused account in Solmi 1932, 120–5), because it is very likely that the confirmation was based on a forgery. No other source from before 1162 makes any mention

54

Royal and imperial coinages

(a)

(b)

Figure 5. Milan: monograms on early denari in the name of Henry II (1004–24), (a) the first possibly also in the name of Archbishop Arnolfo II (998–1018); (b) in the name of Henry alone (Toffanin 2013, 71 nos. 42–3. Reproduced by kind permission)

of such an episcopal right in Milan and the Instituta regalia in the Honorantie give the impression of a purely royal coinage in the city. Even in 1155 when Frederick I Barbarossa (1152–90, emp. 1155) stripped Milan of its customary minting rights, which derived from the commune’s de facto take-over of the old royal mint as also occurred in Pavia and Lucca, he made no reference to the archbishop at all. After 1162, moreover, there is no further mention of the right, and even in 1162, the papal confirmation by Alexander III (1159–81) of the anti-imperial Archbishop Umberto I (1146–66) came just a few months after the destruction of Milan and the establishment of the new imperial mint in the nearby settlement of Nosedo (see below, pp. 74–7). The papal confirmation therefore must have been an attempt to preserve the right of coinage for Milan by conferring it on the city’s protector and highest ecclesiastic authority, the archbishop, who was at that time in close alliance with the commune (Zecche i, 234–5). After the new foundation and resettlement of Milan in 1167, and especially after the Peace of Constance (1183) and the conclusion of an alliance between the emperor and the city (1185), the papal confirmation of the forged privilege to the archbishop was no longer necessary. The only parallels for such an allusion to the local bishop occur in the coinage of Aquileia under Conrad II and Patriarch Poppo (see Chapter 6, section (l), pp. 563, 566) and of German mints such as Mainz and Cologne. This derives from the fact that, in Germany, bishops took over most of the administration of royal rights and institutions in their respective cities, including the mint, and it was precisely in the early eleventh century that images and legends referring to the bishops began to appear on the coins of these mints (Kluge 1991, 32–5, 68–76). Henry’s most important supporter, Archbishop Arnolfo II, thus would have behaved like his colleagues in Germany by adding the abbreviation of his name on to the Milanese denari. It is questionable, however, whether he and his successors were able to maintain control over the royal moneyers after the consolidation of royal power from 1004 onwards, and even more so after the imperial coronation in 1014. Perhaps the allusion to the archbishop was only a symbolic act by the royal mint to honour the archbishop. Notwithstanding all of this, the reading of the crucial monogram remains unclear; it is entirely possible that it was meant to read simply HENRICVS or CHVNRADVS. Soon after these coins and probably still before Henry’s coronation as emperor in 1014, the mint produced a new and abundant coinage with the immobilised title +IMPERãTOR in the margin and a beaded border around an abbreviation of the ruler’s name in the form of a cross with |I|N

962 to mid-twelfth century: Milan

55

on the vertical axis crossed by RIC from left to right (29–30; Murari 1984a, no. 10; CNI v, 46–7.1– 12). The immobilised reverse has the usual legend in four lines. The obverse design is similar to that of the later denari enriciani of Pavia of Henry III and his successors (36–42; see also above), which means that the Pavese coins were modelled after the Milanese denari of Henry II and this perhaps reflects the change in the relative importance of the two mints. The standard weight of this type again tends towards 1.15g, but there are also many specimens lighter than 1.00g. The weight disparity together with the large number of extant specimens and variants perhaps suggests that this coin type or design was struck under Henry III and his son Henry IV (see below). It is indeed likely that not all denari enriciani of this type are attributable to Henry II, but determining the criteria for the correct attribution of the different variants will require the discovery of new hoard evidence and further research. C. Conrad II (1024–39, crowned in Italy 1026, emp. 1027) The Milanese denari of Henry’s successor, Conrad II (Conrad I in Italy, 1024/6–39, emp. 1027), are very close in design to those of his predecessor (35; Murari 1984a, no. 11; CNI v, 47.1). The marginal legends on the obverse and reverse are unchanged while Conrad’s name in the obverse field is displayed in a way that makes these denari hard to distinguish from the coins of his predecessor. The letters C and O occupy the same positions as the R and C on the denari enriciani, with an I or rather V in the centre, while a ligatured  replaces the  and an ã with open or vertical legs takes the position of the N. The monogram thus begins with the horizontal axis, from the left, with CVO, then continues on the vertical axis, from the top, with |ã, and returns to the O on the right side of the horizontal axis, which now ought to be read as a D, together forming CVONRãD. The similarity again underlines the continuity of rule between the two German rulers in the face of the uprising after Henry II’s death. The weight of the relatively few known specimens is similar to that of Henry’s Milanese denari. A further type once attributed to Conrad has his name in three lines across the obverse field and a cross in the reverse field, similar to later coins, but the type exists in a unique specimen and is now considered a forgery (CNI v, 48.2; Murari 1984a, 273). Another possibility, however improbable, is that the coin was struck under the anti-king Conrad (III) during his sojourn in Milan in 1128. D. Denari enriciani: Henry III (1039–56, emp. 1046) to the early communal coinage (mid-twelfth century) Murari (1984a, 268, 273–4) supposed that Conrad’s son Henry III (Henry II in Italy, 1039–56, emp. 1046) introduced a new type at the beginning of his reign with the mint name in the reverse margin and a beaded border around a cross instead of the traditional four-line legend. Metcalf (1984, 257–9) had nevertheless already proposed that the change of type probably occurred later than the beginning of Henry’s reign and there are sound arguments in favour of this view. The large number of examples and variants of the older type and the close similarity of these coins with those of Henry’s father suggest that they continued to be struck under Henry. They also correspond more closely with Henry’s policies of continuity than a change. The presence of coins of the older type in twelfth-century hoards and especially in the peculiar find in the tomb of St Mark in Venice also supports this hypothesis, because the Venetian parcel was a late eleventhcentury group with contemporary denari of Venice and Lucca as well as examples of the older type of denari enriciani of Milan (App. 1, no. 71). Finally, it is unlikely that Frederick I would have

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Royal and imperial coinages

Table 2. The royal and imperial coinages of Milan, 962–c. 1150 Authority

References

Otto I (emp. 962–73, alone 962–7)

1. CNI v, 43.4–6; Murari 1984a, no. 3. 2. CNI v, 43.7–8; Murari 1984a, no. 4. 3. CNI iv, 480.13–5 (under Pavia); v, 43.9.

Characteristics and description Large flan, scodellato, blundered legends, heavy, 1.30–1.40g: Obv. +IMPERãTOR (or similar), OTTO monogram (w. Os on the vertical axis). Rev. +OTTO PIVS RE (or similar), continued in the field: 1. Rev. ME|DIO (or similar). 2. Rev. ãV|CV (or similar). 3. Rev. ME|IãL, PãD|Iã or similar blundered inscription.

Otto I and Otto II (together, 967–73)

CNI v, 43.1–3; Murari 1984a, no. 2.

Large flan, scodellato, blundered legends, heavy, 1.30–1.40g: Obv. +OTTO ET ITEM, OTTO monogram (w. Os on the vertical axis). Rev. DIO|+IMPE|REME|LãN.

Otto II (973–83)

CNI v, 41–2.1–15; Murari Large flan, scodellato, reduced weight, c. 1.20g: 1984a, no. 1. Obv. +IMPERãTOR, OTTO monogram (w. Os on the vertical axis). Rev. ãVC|+MED|IOLã|NIV.

Otto III (983–1002, emp. CNI v, 41.5, 44–5.7–8; 996) Murari 1984a, no. 5.

Smaller flan, scodellato, lower weight w. wider variation, c. 1.00–1.20g; Obv. +IMPERãTOR, OTTO monogram rotated 90° w. Os now on the horizontal axis. Rev. ãVC|+MED|IOLã|NIV.

Arduin (1002–4, died 1015)

Small flan, scodellato, low weight, c. 1.00–1.10g: 1. Obv. +ãRDVINV4, Christogram-like REX monogram. Rev. ãVC|+MED|IOLã|NIV. 2. Obv. +ãRDVINO R, ES in the field.

1. CNI v, 45.1–2; Murari 1984a, no. 7. 2. CNI v –; Murari 1984a, no. 6.

Henry II (1004–24, emp. 1014) 1. CNI v –; Murari 1984a, no. 9. 2. CNI v –; Murari 1984a, no. 8. 3. CNI v, 46–7; Murari 1984a, no. 10.

Small flan, scodellato, low weight w. wider variation, c. 1.00–1.20g: 1. Obv. +IMPERãTOR, HENRI|CVS monogram in the form of a cross. Rev. ãVC|+MED|IOLã|NIV. 2. Obv. Monogram as amalgam of ENR and ARN (?). 3. Obv. Monogram of |I|N and RIC in the form of a cross.

962 to mid-twelfth century: Milan

57

Table 2. (cont.) Authority

References

Characteristics and description

Conrad II (1024/6–39, emp. 1027)

CNI v, 47.1; Murari 1984a, no. 11.

Small flan, scodellato, low weight w. wide variation, c. 1.00–1.20g: Obv. +IMPERãTOR, CVO|NR|A|D monogram in the form of a cross. Rev. ãVC|+MED|IOLã|NIV.

Henry III (1039–56, emp. CNI v, 46.1–2, 9–10. 1046) and Henry IV (1056–1105/6, emp. 1084) Henry V (1106–25, emp. 1111), Lothar II (1125–39) and Conrad III (1138–52), struck before 1109–c. 1150

CNI v, 47.13–16; Murari 1984a, nos. 12–14.

Small flan, scodellato, low weight, c. 1.00–1.10g: Obv. +IMPERãTOR, monogram of |I|N and RIC (or H|I|N and DIC) in the form of a cross. Rev. ãVC|+MED|IOLã|NIV. Scodellato, low weight, c. 1.00–1.10g: Obv. +IMPERãTOR, monogram of |I|N and RIC (or H|I|N and DIC) in the form of a cross. Rev. MEDIOLANV, cross. 1. large flan, clear legends, large thin cross on reverse. 2. smaller flan, small thick cross on reverse in beaded border. 3. smaller flan, large cross on reverse, refined lettering w. bowed outlines.

issued his new imperial denari in 1162 (see below, pp. 76–7) with the same sort of four-line legend as appeared on the older type of Milanese coins if the design had not been in use since 1039. Coins bearing the traditional four-line legend on the reverse were thus very probably struck until the end of the eleventh century or even the early twelfth and were no doubt the ‘good old denari’ mentioned in written sources from the first decades of the twelfth century. A reference to the denarius mediolanensis veteris monete occurs for the first time in a document of 1117, but references to Milanese denarii de denariis brunis (i.e. ‘brown denari’) had already begun in 1109 (Haverkamp 1971, 588 n. 129; Travaini 1989, 233). A decrease in the standard of Milan’s coinage around this time makes sense. The same pressure that caused other Italian mints to debase their currencies at the turn of the century must have been felt just as strongly in Milan. In addition to expenses incurred in fighting battles in the context of the Investiture Contest, large contingents from Milan and its environs were involved in the First Crusade in 1101 and carried large quantities of money and silver to the East. The difficult task of distinguishing the variants struck under Henry II from those produced under Henry III and his immediate successor, Henry IV, will require further research on coin finds, documents and the coins themselves. Suffice it to say that the lighter variants as well as those characterised by poor workmanship and blundered legends must belong to the lengthy period after 1039 (e.g. 43; CNI v, 46.1–2, 9–10). Sometime before 1109, Milan reduced the fineness of its coinage, as suggested in references to ‘brown denari’. In the absence of modern analyses, it may be supposed that the reduction was approximately 50 per cent (Travaini 1989). As in other Italian mints such as Pavia and Lucca, the

58

Royal and imperial coinages

change in metal content coincided with a change of type. The flan size, overall weight and obverse design remained the same, but the reverse acquired a new design. The marginal legend, around a cross with a beaded border, gave the mint’s name with the initial letter M also functioning as the terminal letter to read MEDIOLANV[M] (50–3; CNI v, 47.13–6; Murari 1984a, nos. 12–14). The standard weight is around 1.05–1.10g, less than the traditional weight of the old-type denari but probably close to that of the last denari of the moneta vetus. Murari (1984a, no. 12) listed three variants of this coin type in chronological order, the first with a large thin reverse cross and particularly large flan so that the marginal legend on the obverse is relatively easy to read. This makes it easy to recognise traditional letter forms of the M, formed by two thick straight upright punches and a triangular wedge, or the P and R, both formed by one thick upright punch plus a thin circular line forming a wide bow. Murari’s second variant has a slightly smaller flan and a much smaller reverse die with a small, thick cross and sometimes blundered legends (50–2; Murari 1984a, no. 13). Contrary to what Murari suggested, there are also specimens of this variant with correct legends, which seem to be more common. The last of the three main variants is similar to the previous, but it has a more refined fabric and more elegant lettering with concave ends on the main upright punches. The letters have more normal proportions and the M is formed by two upright punches connected by a fine line or chevron, similar to an H (53; Murari 1984a, no. 14). The progression between variants is nevertheless fluid, so that coins of one variant may have some characteristics of a neighbouring variant. Two early twelfth-century hoards, the Duno Valcuvia hoard in the Civiche Raccolte Numismatiche in Milan and a parcel of uncertain provenance (App. 1, nos. 19, 27), end with the new type of Milanese denari. The mint struck these coins until a new lighter coinage with poorer alloy called the denarius novus or terciolis was introduced some time before 1150. The documentary record regarding the transition between the two issues is difficult to interpret. In some places, references to both the old and new coinage were conflated and immobilised in a supposedly stable money of account. In Milan, where everyone presumably knew which coinage was the current one, there was little need for notaries to distinguish between them, except perhaps during the brief period of the changeover. The few references to new denari during a circumscribed period from 1148 no doubt mark the switch (Zagni 1988, doc. 37; Baroni 1994, doc. 4). This corresponds with the clause in the 1155 decree of Frederick I by which he banned the new Milanese coinage (novam monetam a Mediolanensibus factam: MGH Dipl. x, doc. 121). It is difficult to imagine such a proscription if the new coinage had already been introduced in 1130 as Haverkamp (1971, 588) suggested, but he misinterpreted the anachronistic practices of some notaries by which the phrase moneta nova, originally used to describe the debased coinage introduced before 1109, remained in use long after it had lost its original relevance. The new reduced coinage, introduced in the late 1140s with just half the silver of the older coinage, was nevertheless a communal coinage, as even the emperor recognised, and will therefore be treated with the communal coinage of Milan. Table 2 summarises the royal and imperial coinages of Milan to c. 1150.

(d) ve ni c e 1. Historical background Unlike Milan and Pavia, Venice was autonomous from the Western Empire and the kingdom of Italy in the early Middle Ages and thus underwent relatively independent development. Despite

962 to mid-twelfth century: Venice

59

the distinction between the early coinage of Venice struck in the names of the emperors or kings and the later coinages struck in the names of the presiding doges from the twelfth century onwards, the institutional settings in which the coinages were struck differed very little. It is therefore more appropriate to cover the historical background of the early coinages struck in the names of the emperors or kings together with that of the later coinages in the names of the doges in the section on the mint of Venice (see Chapter 6, section (l), pp. 627–34).

2. Coinage Although technically an imperial mint, Venice occupied an anomalous position. Western kings and emperors confirmed Venetian minting rights and the validity of its coins on many occasions, but the origins of the Venetian right of coinage remain obscure. The 924 privilegium of Italian King Rudolf of Burgundy (923–6) confirms the minting rights of Venice according to an old tradition (Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 303–5 doc. 1; Cessi 1937, doc. 1; Stahl 2000, 5) and King Hugh (926–47) confirmed the grant again in 927 (Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, doc. 2), but the city was politically subject to neither the king of Italy nor the emperor. Relations between Venice and the kings and emperors at the time were indeed regulated by treaties, which suggests that the Venetians dealt with them as equals rather than overlords (Ortalli 1992, 746–8; Gasparri 1992, 791–2). This probably enabled authorities in Venice to manage their city’s coinage with relative autonomy even before the middle of the tenth century and caused the Venetian coinage to diverge from the general pattern of Italian coinage (Saccocci 2004, 68–72). It probably also gave rise to the peculiar monetary area in the north-eastern corner of Italy (see Chapter 6, section (a), pp. 552–4). Under the Saxon emperors, the distinction between the Venetian coinage and other series struck in the kingdom of Italy is evident not only in the characteristics of the coins but also in documents. A lease of 972 between the patriarch of Aquileia and the bishop of Bergamo suggests that the Venetian libra had lost half of its value relative to that of Milan (Porro Lambertenghi 1873, doc. 738; see also below, Chapter 6, section (a), p. 553), far more than that implied by the difference in silver content between the two coinages. The difference underscores the autonomy of the Venetian mint soon after Emperor Otto I (962–73) had restored imperial control over the other mints in the kingdom, namely Milan, Pavia, Verona and Lucca. These mints had all recently resumed the production of coinage that was effectively homogenous in terms of metrology (see section (a) above, pp. 35–6). The high rank of the parties involved in the 972 lease also indicates that the Venetian coinage was legal currency in the March of Verona, to which Aquileia had belonged since 952. It is impossible to identify the coinage of Venice that is referred to in the 972 lease on the basis of the most important catalogues of Venetian coinage (Papadopoli 1893–1919, i; CNI vii) because neither of them attributed any coins bearing the name of a Saxon emperor to Venice.They assigned only one anonymous coin with the inscription CRISTVS IMPER (see below) to Venice during the period 970–1024, though without any real evidence. Soon afterwards, however, Castellani (1923; 1925, 157 no. 246) published a coin from the Papadopoli collection that had a pointed cross and the legend OTO IMPERATOR (Emperor Otto) on the obverse and a temple on the reverse (the so-called Christiana religio type) with the legend CI|A in the place of the temple’s columns (see Fig. 6).

60

Royal and imperial coinages

Figure 6. Venice: denaro in the name of an emperor Otto with the legend CI|A (Museo Civico Correr, Venice. C A. Saccocci; reproduced by kind permission) Image 

Half a century later, Grierson suggested that the coins of the Christiana religio type without mint name that have a broad external border and blundered legend on the reverse and a pointed cross on the obverse, datable to the first half of the tenth century and assigned by the CNI to Milan, might also be more correctly attributed to Venice (Grierson 1978; MEC 1, 252, 257–59, and MEC 1.1018, 1020, 1024), as Kunz (1869, 78–9 n. 1) had already timidly suggested in the nineteenth century. These coins indeed resemble the ones with the CI|A legend (as described above and also below) so closely in terms of style and fabric that their attribution to Venice is now beyond question. Other coins of the same types, style and fabric previously assigned to Milan that were struck in the name of an emperor Otto but lack the name of the mint (6–7; CNI v, 44.1–6) must instead belong to Venice, as has already been suggested (Murari 1980b, 154 n. 9; Saccocci 1991a, 248). These coins are virtually the only ones of the period attested in single-finds over a broad area around Venice stretching from Imola in Romagna to Venzone in Friuli and even in the mint city of Verona (App. 1, nos. 81, 85, 87, 102; Saccocci 2003, 75 n. 24). This not only confirms the new attribution but perhaps also corroborates the preference for Venetian currency in transactions within the March of Verona, as suggested in the lease of 972 (see also Chapter 6, section (a), p. 553). There were thus two different coin types of Venice during the Ottonian period (962–1002), one that carried an indication of the mint and one that did not. The differences between them in terms of style are negligible and both types have characteristics of both earlier and later coins. This makes it very difficult to determine the correct sequence, but the Feltre hoard (App. 1, no. 20), which has accumulated a substantial bibliography since its discovery in 1869 and has recently been almost entirely reconstructed, offers a possible solution. Although it contained more than a thousand coins of Venice and Verona from the later tenth century, it did not include any with the legend CI|A. The most conspicuous coin types in the hoard were in fact the common ones of Venice and Verona in the name of Otto. This suggests that the CI|A type was not the prototype of the series but was introduced some time after 962, following a long period during which the Venetian mint produced coins in the name of Otto without the mint name. The 983 Diet of Verona in which Otto II renewed the imperial pacta with Venice (MGH Dipl. ii.2, 352–6 doc. 300) amounted to a temporary reconciliation between the two powers (Ortalli 1992, 769–71) and probably provided the context for the reappearance of the city’s name on the imperial coinage (Saccocci 2009b,153).It is also noteworthy that the document of 983 includes the earliest reference to a Venetian currency. The extreme rarity of the coin with the legend CI|A, which survives in a single specimen, nevertheless indicates that the mint quickly abandoned production of the type, possibly reverting to the issues in the name of an emperor Otto without the name of the mint. Among these, the only major differences are in the legends, which sometimes use the incorrect form OTVS instead of OTO or OTTO. The coins with the OTVS legend are certainly later. Not only were they absent

962 to mid-twelfth century: Venice

61

from the Feltre hoard, but they were also struck at a significantly lower standard of fineness than the OTO/OTTO coins, only 28 per cent fine as compared to an average of 83 per cent (Saccocci 2009b, 152–3); the lower standard in fact is very close to that of the later coins with the legend CRISTVS IMPER. This suggests that the OTVS pieces were produced under the last of the Ottonian emperors, Otto III, probably towards the end of his reign but certainly during the period in which he was emperor (996–1002) (Saccocci 2009b, 154). The pattern of the Venetian coinage in the eleventh and twelfth centuries when the mint was clearly indicated on the coins is more straightforward but still debated. Through most of the eleventh century, the coins of Venice maintained the types of the earlier period with a cross that has a small spike on the end of each arm on the obverse and temple on the reverse. The main difference was that the eleventh-century issues always carried the legend CI|A on the reverse. There are three different obverse legends: one anonymous that reads CRISTVS IMPER (26–7; CNI vii, 9.3) and two referring to emperors Conrad and Henry with CONRAD IMPER (CNI vii, 9.1–3) and ENRICVS IMPER (44–6; CNI vii, 10.2–3), respectively. Papadopoli (1893–1919, i, 34–8), who was unaware of the existence of other Ottonian coins of Venice, attributed the anonymous issues to the Saxon emperors (‘970–1024?’), the CONRAD IMPER coins to Conrad II (1024–39, emp. 1027) as king and emperor, and the ENRICVS IMPER ones to Henry III (1039–56, emp. 1046) as king and emperor. The weights of the coins appear to confirm the sequence, but the absolute dating needs to be revised. First of all, the anonymous CRISTVS IMPER coins must be dated after the reign of Otto III, since other coins in the name of Otto are now attributed to Venice, as we have seen. A more plausible dating is from the death of Otto III in 1002 until 1027, when Conrad II was crowned emperor. The succeeding issues with the legend CONRAD IMPER can only be dated from 1027 onwards on the basis of the imperial title. Papadopoli attributed the Venetian coins of the Christiana religio type struck in the name of an emperor Henry only to Henry III, but Henry’s immediate successors, Henry IV (1056–1106) and Henry V (1106–25), bore the same name, which makes it difficult to determine how long the coins with the legend ENRICVS IMPER remained in production. The evidence from coin finds nevertheless suggests that the type continued to be struck without major variation at least until the 1080s. Most single-finds of eleventh-century coins in the Veneto are Venetian issues of the CRISTVS IMP type (Saccocci 2000c). By contrast, the only major hoard of the Christiana religio coins, from San Mauro near Rimini (App. 1, no. 100), has relatively few coins of this last type and only one of the CONRAD IMPER type, while coins of the ENRICVS IMPER type are the most common. The San Mauro hoard also included later coins of the S MARCVS type (see below, pp. 62–3). The contrasting composition of the hoard and the single-finds perhaps reflects the wide circulation of Venetian coinage before the reign of Conrad, during which coin production contracted for reasons that remain unknown. The absence of Henry’s coins from the single-finds suggests that production levels remained low throughout the period that the ENRICVS IMPER coins were struck. Changes in the style of these coins and perhaps also in metal content were probably due less to plentiful production than to their long period of issue, which very likely extended beyond the reign of Henry III to that of Henry IV. To understand how long the ENRICVS IMPER coins continued to be struck, it is first necessary to determine when the Venetian mint began to produce its subsequent issue, which was also struck in the name of an emperor Henry. The obverse of the new coins is almost identical to the Christiana religio type of the previous series, but the reverse is completely different. Instead of the temple with

62

Royal and imperial coinages

Figure 7. Venice: denaro in the name of an emperor Henry with bust of St Mark (Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, pl. iii.12)

the inscription CI|A and the blundered Christiana religio legend, the reverse now has a bust facing (with or without nimbus) within a beaded border that separates the field from the marginal legend S M0RCVS CI0, which clearly refers to St Mark the Evangelist (47–8; CNI vii, 11.4–5). This is the first time that the saint is represented, whether on coins or otherwise, as a symbol of Venice, and its appearance very likely marks an important event of some sort. In the later eleventh century, during the very period when these coins were probably struck, there indeed occurred an episode significant enough to justify the introduction of the new typology: the rediscovery in 1094 of the tomb of St Mark, the location of which had been lost after a great fire destroyed the saint’s basilica in Venice in 976. The rediscovery of the grave was of great importance, so much so that Emperor Henry IV himself came to Venice to worship the Evangelist (Tramontin 1992, 904–5). The connection between this discovery and the new issue in the name of Henry with the bust and inscription of St Mark seemed so logical that many scholars, above all Papadopoli (1893–1919, i, 38–9), dated the introduction of the S M0RCVS coinage precisely to 1094. Saccocci (1991a, 251) accepted Papadopoli’s dating but Travaini (1992b, 176–7) rejected it. Some evidence indeed contradicts Papadopoli’s conclusion, but the presence of a few coins of the S M0RCVS type in the Rome hoard found in the church of San Paolo fuori le Mura, which is datable to 1050–60 (App. 1, 101), may be discounted. Although apparently homogenous, this hoard was in fact reconstructed after dispersal through purchases from the several antiquarians who had shared out the treasure. As a result, any medieval coins on the market in Rome at the time that more or less fit the general pattern of the hoard were at risk of becoming part of it. More important is the fact that the S M0RCVS coins of Venice found among the group of eleventh-century coins in the putative grave of St Mark when it was opened in the nineteenth century were not the earliest type (App. 1, no. 71), even though the group was almost certainly closed precisely in 1094. This dating is supported by a similar but better-known find from the tomb of San Ciriaco and San Marcellino in Ancona, which can be dated to 1097 and contains Venetian coins of exactly the same type as those from the tomb of St Mark (App. 1, no. 88a). The Venetian denari found in both Venice and Ancona all carry the bust of the saint without the nimbus. This type is certainly later than the one with the nimbus, which is now represented in only two specimens, one in the British Museum and the other in the Museo Nazionale Romano in Rome (CNI vii, 11.1–2). From the style and the precision of the engraving, the latter example in particular appears to have been the prototype of the entire S M0RCVS series. It is very close in terms of size and weight to the largest and heaviest pieces among the coins without the nimbus and therefore cannot be dated long before they started circulating (1094–7). (See Figure 7.) It may seem odd that the mint in Venice chose St Mark as a symbol of the state at a time when the site of the saint’s grave was lost, but this is because the spread of the saint’s cult in Venice antedated

962 to mid-twelfth century: Venice

63

the rediscovery of the tomb in 1094. It was under Doge Domenico Contarini (1043–71), in fact, that the Basilica di San Marco was completely rebuilt, and it was during the rule of his immediate successor, Domenico Selvo (1071–84), that it was adorned with the famous mosaics illustrating the life of the saint and his close relationship with the origins of Venice (Tramontin 1992, 904). The building programme was part of a broader strategy that Venetian authorities undertook to make St Mark the symbol of their city’s religious and therefore political autonomy (e.g. Carile and Fedalto 1978, 55–68). It is entirely plausible that the introduction of the new coin with the image of the Evangelist was also part of this broader strategy. It is impossible to establish the precise date of the coin’s introduction, but it was very likely sometime after 1082 when Byzantine Emperor Alexius I Comnenus (1081–1118), formally the lord of Venice, granted the doge of Venice a chrysobull by which he bestowed large amounts of money on Venetian churches and afforded the city greater autonomy. This has often been regarded, in effect, as the birth of Venice as an independent state (Borsari 1988; Ravegnani 1995, 33–6). The rarity of the S M0RCVS coins with the nimbus and their similarity to the type circulating in 1094 suggest that they had been struck for only a brief period within the preceding twelve years and this therefore accords well with the dating of their introduction at the time of the famous chrysobull or soon afterwards. The subsequent development and chronology of the S M0RCVS series is still debated. The type without the nimbus certainly evolved over time, mostly in terms of flan size and weight, which it seems to have shed fairly rapidly. Earlier coins of the Christiana religio type struck in the name of Henry are sometimes clipped, presumably to bring their size and weight into line with those of some later coins so that they might circulate at par alongside them (e.g. Schweizerische Kreditanstalt Bern sale 1, 22 April 1983, lot 890; other equally clipped examples are in the Staatliche Münzsammlung in Munich and the Galleria Franchetti alla Ca’ d’Oro in Venice, as seen by the authors). Since the smallest coins of the S M0RCVS type without the nimbus are still larger and heavier than the clipped coins of the Christiana religio type, the former must have been struck not very long after the 1080s when the ENRICVS IMPER coins were probably still in production. It is therefore likely that the S M0RCVS coins without the nimbus were struck from 1094 until about 1110 (for the terminus ante quem, see below, p. 65). The history of the S M0RCVS coins begins afresh with a new type, again carrying the bust of the saint with nimbus but with a new beaded nimbus. The progressive reduction of the weight of this type makes it possible to distinguish five major groups, which mostly conform to changes in the style of the obverse cross: a. b. c. d. e.

pointed (Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, plate iv.5), square (66; CNI vii, 14.31), pattée (67; CNI vii, 14.30), fourchée (68; CNI vii, 15.33–7), and fourchée again but with a blundered legend instead of the regular S M0RCVS on the reverse (69–70; CNI vii, 15–7.38–52).

Only the last four groups have been examined in detail, since they were all represented (as groups A, B, C and D) in the Ponte di Brenta hoard (App. 1, no. 51). The hoard was the subject of a thorough study based on a complete range of metallurgical analyses (Jimenez et al. 1984), which confirmed that the four groups each had a different average standard of fineness that diminished in

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Royal and imperial coinages

Table 3. The royal and imperial coinages of Venice, 962–c. 1164 Authority

References

Characteristics and description

Otto I–III (961–1002), c. 962–96

CNI v, 44.1–3, 6 (attributed to Milan)

Denaro in the name of Otto (OTO) without mint name: Obv. +OTO IMPERATOR, cross with four pellets. Rev. PITIVLVNIV (corrupted XPISTIANA RELICIO), temple.

Otto III (983–1002, emp. CNI vii – ; Castellani 996), 983 1923; 1925, 157 no. 246

Denaro in the name of Otto (OTO) w. mint name: Obv. as above. Rev. as above, but w. VENECI|A in the place of the temple’s columns.

Otto III, as emperor, 996–1002

CNI v, 44.4–5 (attributed to Milan)

Denaro in the name of Otto (OTVS) without mint name: Obv. as above, but OTVS IMPERATOR. Rev. corrupt XPISTIANA RELICIO legend, temple.

Anonymous, 1002–27

CNI vii, 8–9.1–3

Anonymous denaro with the legend CRISTVS IMPER: Obv. CRISTVS IMPER, cross w. four pellets. Rev. as above.

Conrad II (1024/6–39, emp. 1027), as emperor, 1027–39

CNI vii, 9.1–3

Denaro in the name of Emperor Conrad: Obv. as above but CONRAD IMPER. Rev. as above.

Henry III–IV (1039–1106), 1039– c. 1082

CNI vii, 10.1–4

Denaro in the name of Emperor Henry: Obv. as above but ENRIC IMPER. Rev. as above.

Henry IV (1056–1106), after 1082

CNI vii, 11.1–2

Denaro with bust of St Mark and linear nimbus: Obv. ENRICVS IMPERA, pointed cross. Rev. S M0RCVS CI0, bust of St Mark w. linear nimbus.

Henry IV–V (1056–1125), after 1082–before c. 1110

CNI vii, 11.3–7

Denaro w. bust of St Mark without nimbus: Obv. as above. Rev. as above but bust without nimbus.

Henry V (1106–25, emp. 1111), before c. 1110–c. 1164

CNI vii, 12–17.8–52

Denaro w. bust of St Mark and beaded nimbus: Obv. as above, but IMPER. Rev. as above but bust w. beaded nimbus. Chronological sequence of five groups: a. pointed cross b. square cross c. cross pattée d. cross fourchée e. cross fourchée w. blundered legend on the reverse

962 to mid-twelfth century: Verona

65

line with the relative chronology suggested by the reductions in weight. Over the period covered by the four groups, the Venetian denaro lost about 50 per cent of its value in terms of silver, from an average weight of about 0.50g at 22.6 per cent fine to about 0.35g at 16.5 per cent fine. The debasement probably explains the wide circulation of these coins. Along with the contemporary denari of Verona, they are among the most common coins in both hoards and single-finds over a large area surrounding Venice (see Chapter 6, section (a), pp. 555–6). With the appearance of these coins, moreover, Venetian denari for the first time become common in coin finds outside the monetary area of Venice (Saccocci 2002, 89–90). The chronology and dating of the S M0RCVS coins with the beaded nimbus nevertheless remain subjects of debate. Traditionally, all the coins of the S M0RCVS type were dated to the reigns of Henry IV and V (1056–1106 and 1106–25) (CNI vii, 10–17). As noted above, however, Papadopoli (1893–1919, i, 56–8) shortened this period to 1094–1125, even though he retained the traditional chronology in his catalogue. Cessi (1937, xiii) later pointed out that a sale of public property where the mint operated ‘from olden times until now’, recorded in a document of 1112, implies that the mint closed soon before that date (see also Buenger Robbert 1971, 28 n. 3). Suffice it to say that the sale of the property on which the mint had long operated in 1112 did not necessarily entail the closure of the mint. Accordingly, Murari (1967, 119) took no account of Cessi’s suggestion but followed the earlier hypothesis of Papadopoli (1905, 112) that the S M0RCVS coins in the name of Henry might have been minted as an immobilised type until well after 1125, as indeed occurred in almost every other Italian mint at the time, probably until some time during the period 1156–72 when the Venetian mint began to produce its first coins in the name of a doge. More recently, on the basis of the analysis of the material from the Ponte di Brenta hoard mentioned above, Saccocci proposed a new chronology according to which the last four groups of coins from the S M0RCVS series should be dated to the period c. 1110–64, thus placing the first issue in the doge’s name in the context of the struggle between the Italian communes and Emperor Frederick I (1152–90, emp. 1155) (Jimenez et al. 1984, 126–56, passim). Murari (1985a; 1988a) rejected this assertion, though curiously only with respect to the Veronese coins and not in connection with the contemporary ones of Venice. Stahl (2000, 8–13) revived the hypothesis that the Venetian mint closed in the mid-twelfth century, but Saccocci (2004, 46–7) argued that neither Venice nor Verona would have curtailed coin production at a time when mint activity and monetary circulation in Italy was experiencing a huge increase. He also noted that documents redacted outside the territories of Venice and Verona, for example in Friuli and Trentino, first began to record payments in Venetian and Veronese currency precisely during the period when coin production was supposedly suspended or dramatically reduced (Saccocci 2002, 90). Saccocci has suggested an absolute chronology of the four groups of denari in the name of Henry with the legend S M0RCVS and the beaded nimbus (Jimenez et al. 1984, 155), but additional evidence is needed to confirm it. Table 3 summarises the coinages of Venice to c. 1164.

(e) ve rona 1. Historical background Verona owed its importance to its location at the southern end of the Adige valley, which allows it to control perhaps the easiest passage across the Alps. The political situation during the Ottonian and Salian periods in the tenth and eleventh centuries, when the kingdoms of Germany and Italy

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were the territorial bases of imperial power, added to Verona’s geographical importance and led to the creation of the March of Verona in 952. Thenceforth, imperial expeditions into Italy often entailed noteworthy stopovers in Verona, for example in 983 when Emperor Otto II (967–83) held a diet there to deal with important questions regarding the kingdoms. The historical background of the Veronese coinage in this and later periods is dealt with more extensively in the chapter on the autonomous mint of Verona (see Chapter 6, section (a) and (m), pp. 548–50 and 653–5 respectively). 2. Coinage The frequent passage of imperial retinues and armies through Verona had significant consequences for coin production in the local mint. As the first imperial mint that the emperors encountered on their descent into Italy from Germany and the last on their return, it is likely that they relied on production from the mint in Verona to support their expeditions and distribute any revenues amongst their entourage at the end of each Italian campaign. Contemporary sources describe the large-scale presence of milites in the city and the economic importance of their benefices (Castagnetti 1989, 49–53; Varanini 1989, 212–19). A passage from the later chronicle of Burchard of Ursberg (d. 1230/1) suggests that the financial importance of Verona to the imperial court from the tenth to the twelfth century, and perhaps also of the city’s mint, continued to resonate even in the early thirteenth century. In the passage, Burchard celeberates the ‘brave’ Duke Welf of Carinthia, who was also marquis of Verona, for having pursued an imperial army out of Verona in 1055 to persuade Emperor Henry III (1039–56, emp. 1046) to return a large sum of money (1000 marks) that he had unjustly raised from the Veronese people (MGH SS rer. Germ. xvi, 10). Although the passage merely establishes a hypothetical connection between political or military events and coin production, other evidence supports the link more strongly, even to the extent that the pattern of the Veronese coinage from the tenth to the twelfth century can be better understood by taking this relationship into account. During the Ottonian period, there are two main issues of coinage from the mint in Verona. The earliest is represented by bowl-shaped silver denari weighing 1.00–1.40g with a cross in the field on both sides and the legends OTTO INPERATOR on the obverse and VERONA on the reverse, both in wide margins (3–5; CNI vi, 253–5.1–19). Their close resemblance to the Veronese coins of King Berengar II (950–61) (MEC 1.1029) suggests that they were struck from the beginning of Otto I’s reign as emperor (962–73). The hoard evidence supports this dating. The presence of the early Ottonian issues of Verona in the Estonian hoard found at Metsaküla (also referred to as the Kelia hoard; App. 1, no. 124), which was closed soon after 965, establishes that these coins had been introduced by that time, and the Feltre hoard of 1869 (App. 1, no. 20) further supports their dating. This hoard contained more than 1,100 coins, almost all of them from the mints of Verona and Venice. The Veronese component, which made up nearly half of the hoard, included just thirty-three coins of Berengar II and more than five hundred of the bowl-shaped Ottonian denari and fragments, while the Venetian component, which comprised slightly more than half of the hoard, consisted entirely of coins of the Christiana religio type without the mint name struck under the authority of Kings Hugh, Berengar and Otto and now attributed to Venice (e.g. MEC 1.1024, 1018; see also above, pp. 50, 60–1). Absent from the hoard, in other words, were Venetian coins in the name of Otto that carried an explicit reference to the mint; the mint in Venice probably introduced these coins around 983, when Venetian currency is first mentioned in one of the pacta

962 to mid-twelfth century: Verona

67

between Venice and the western emperors. The hoard therefore must have been closed before 983, which suggests that the bowl-shaped Ottonian denari of Verona were struck under emperors Otto I and II (962–83). The Feltre hoard of 1869 provides another important piece of information. The editor (Dagostini 2003–4, 35–49), reconstructing more than a century later the events that followed its original discovery, realised that almost all the Veronese coins of this type now held in public collections in the Veneto had originally come from this hoard. In the March of Verona, however, such denari are almost completely absent from coin finds, even though they should have made up the primary circulating coinage in the territory. By contrast, they are relatively common in hoards from northern Europe (e.g. Albrycht-Rapnicka 1961; Potin 1963; Hatz 1983), where they made up a tiny proportion of the huge quantities of mainly German coins that arrived there as bullion (Hatz 1974, 67). This perhaps suggests that much of the output from the mint in Verona was intended for export across the Alps into Germany, while the slightly debased Venetian currency (see above, pp. 59–61) satisfied most of the requirements of trade and commerce in the March of Verona. It is notable, too, that Feltre lay on one of the most important routes leading to the main mountain passes. Trans-Alpine trade was an important factor in the exportation of Veronese coins to Germany, where there was greater demand than in Italy for coins in almost pure silver owing to the growing role of German silver bullion in northern European trade (cf. Kilger 2000, 143–69), but it was probably not the only factor. The absence of even a single reference to a negotiator in the extensive series of Veronese documents of the tenth century suggests that merchants of Verona played no important role in the long-distance trade network, certainly not in comparison with the merchants of other Italian cities such as Milan and Venice (Varanini 1989, 221–5). One peculiar aspect of the manufacture of Veronese coins during the Ottonian period perhaps suggests that the output of the Veronese mint was sometimes destined largely to finance military activity and to satisfy the needs of the imperial retinues (Saccocci 2005a, 1044–5). Although the typology of the bowl-shaped Ottonian denari of Verona is very homogeneous, the style is much more varied. Some coins were struck from dies that appear to have been made with punches while others appear to have been cut with a burin by an unsteady hand. This difference is so evident that numismatists have occasionally regarded some of the Veronese coins as imitations (e.g. Dannenberg 1884, 330). In some cases, however, this is impossible because the sharp difference in style is sometimes attested on opposite sides of a single specimen (e.g. 23; CNI vi, 254.5). Close inspection of the coins, especially the ones in the worst style, in fact shows that the letters and types sit in a kind of depression, as if the metal had been carved out around them for greater relief. It was nevertheless impractical to apply this process to individual coins and absolutely impossible to fashion dies to produce such an effect since any depressions on the coins would have been the inverse of relief on the die but material already excised hardly could have been replaced. The most likely explanation is that the die-cutters in the mint of Verona prepared a number of dies,if not all of them, by a mechanical process that entailed stamping them with a counter-die (a punch or matrix), on which the engraver had cut around the individual letters and types to set them out in greater relief and make them more visible. This was probably necessary because the counter-dies were cast (Saccocci 2005a, 1045–6). The process is otherwise attested only on a few Carolingian coins, mostly Italian (e.g. MEC 1.787 rev.). It would have been employed when circumstances required the production of a large number of coins in a short space of time without advance notice, for example when it was necessary to prepare payments for a large army camped just outside the city.

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The fact that these Veronese coins have turned up mostly north of the Alps, as noted above, suggests that they were struck from silver that the emperors collected during their numerous Italian campaigns (Contamine 1980, 56–67) and then carried across the mountains in the form of fresh Veronese coins. The territory of Verona in fact occupied the area of the Regnum Italiae through which imperial troops most routinely passed (e.g. Castagnetti 1989, 48–66); it was presumably where the German and Italian components of the imperial armies typically assembled before undertaking any Italian campaign and where they disbanded upon the conclusion of any such campaign. If so, the rich output of these coins need not necessarily reflect long periods of issue but might have been concentrated into relatively brief periods. The peculiar pattern of production in the Veronese mint from the tenth to the twelfth century has no parallels in other imperial mints in Italy or elsewhere, which suggests that the unusually close relationship between military activity and mint activity in Verona was an exception in the panorama of European coinage rather than the rule. Matzke agrees that the frequent and regular presence of the emperors and their entourages in Verona influenced coin production in the city, but he doubts that the mint produced coins specifically for export across the Alps because no tenth- or eleventh-century denari of Verona have turned up in coin finds from neighbouring south German regions such as Bavaria and Swabia. According to Matzke, the pattern of finds of Veronese denari in northern Europe is analogous to that of German pfennige in the Baltic region and should be regarded as evidence for the secondary use of good-quality silver-alloy coins intended mainly for circulation in the area of issue as bullion in long-distance trade (Hess 1993; Blackburn 1993; Kilger 2000, 143–7). The second Veronese issue of the Ottonian period is identical to the first in terms of legends and types, except for one or two nails (or quoins) in the corners of the cross on the obverse. The main difference is that the coins lack an outer border, which makes them flatter, smaller and lighter than those of the previous issue, about 0.60–0.80g instead of more than 1.00g (24). The compilers of the CNI (vi, 255.21–4) therefore regarded these coins as half-denari of Otto I, while Murari (1958) supposed that they were denari of the first type that had been clipped. Their weight seems incompatible with the first hypothesis, while the fact that the smaller coins alone have a peculiar typology with the nails or quoins repudiates the second suggestion. It is more likely that these coins are debased denari, struck to the same weight standard and size as the succeeding coins of Henry II and Conrad II. A rare flat denaro (23), which is smaller than the bowl-shaped Ottonian denari but larger than the other flat denari, was perhaps an intermediate issue between the larger and smaller coins, though its weight is still within the lower range of the larger ones. The existence of this specimen nevertheless supports the contention that the smaller coins were debased denari rather than half-denari or clipped coins. The smaller Ottonian denari were not only lighter than the larger bowl-shaped ones but also absent from the Feltre hoard, which suggests that they were later issues, and other hoard evidence confirms their later dating. They are attested only in hoards closed after the death of Otto III. The earliest published hoards including these coins are those of Kowale and Ragow in Poland and eastern Germany, both dating from after 1002 (App. 1, nos. 115, 136), which suggests that they were struck towards the end of the reign of Otto III, possibly after his coronation as emperor in 996. The smaller and lighter Ottonian denari of Verona that turned up in the Polish hoards and other later hoards in northern Europe probably came from the money raised by Otto III for his last unfortunate campaign in Italy.

962 to mid-twelfth century: Verona

69

Figure 8. Verona: denaro of Henry II as king of Italy (CNI vi, pl. xxiii.15)

The succeeding issues of Verona are flat denari of the same weight and typology as the smaller and lighter Ottonian denari with the nails (or quoins) but were struck in the name of Henry II as king (1004–14) with the obverse legend HENRICVS REX and lack the quoins (CNI vi, 257–8.1–5). The CNI dates them to the period 1013–24, following Perini (1902a, 50), but the title Rex accords badly with a substantial part of that period, since Henry was crowned emperor in 1014. In addition, coins of this type have turned up in two hoards datable to after 1011 and 1012, the Prizbórow hoard from Poland and the Stockholm hoard from Sweden, respectively (App. 1, nos. 135, 145), which indicates that these coins were in circulation before 1013. It is likely that these coins had already gone into production in 1004 when Henry II was crowned king of Italy in Pavia. It is also possible that this coin was struck only for a short period in the same year, during Henry’s sojourn in Italy. (See Figure 8.) Another coin of Verona fits better into the period during which Arduin of Ivrea exercised authority as king of Italy but was geographically restricted mainly to north-western Italy (1004– 13). Like the earlier issues, this one has a cross on both sides and the legend VERONã on the reverse, but carries only the legend IMPERãTOR on the obverse (32). The absence of the name of the emperor on these coins has led scholars to suppose that they were struck during the period between the death of Henry II in 1024 and the coronation of Conrad II as emperor in 1027 (CNI vi, 258.1–3). They are nevertheless too common to have been struck during a two-year period that lacked any significant military expeditions into Italy. It is more likely that the coins with the simple IMPERãTOR legend on the obverse were produced over the entire period from 1004 to 1024, which also included the disputed second reign of Arduin. The introduction of a coin without the name of either of the competitors for the imperial crown was probably seen as a sound diplomatic solution for a city such as Verona that lay on the frontier between the respective dominions of kings Arduin and Henry, especially in 1004 when Verona had been overrun first by the troops of Arduin and then by those of Henry. The fact that one of these anonymous coins turned up in the Danish hoard found at Holsegård, which was closed soon after 1004 (App. 1, no. 112), further supports this dating. It is more difficult to understand why the mint in Verona continued to strike the anonymous coins after the coronation of Henry II as emperor in 1014 and until his death in 1024. It is nevertheless possible that the mint suspended its production in 1014 and replaced them with new coins in the name of Henry. These coins may very well be the largest and heaviest ones in the series usually attributed to Henry III (1039–56, emp. 1046), with a slightly larger cross (Perini 1902a, no. 11; Hatz 1983, no. 42), but unfortunately on the basis of style and typology it is still impossible to distinguish clearly between these coins and the others in the series. To this earliest group of coins in the name of Henry perhaps belongs an exceptional gold coin found together with a gold ring near Halle in Germany in 1861. Weighing 1.80g and almost certainly made using the dies of the

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regular silver coinage, this unique gold coin was published in 1876 (Dannenberg 1876, 503 no. 1385) but fully recognised as a Veronese issue only in 1919 (Monneret de Villard 1919, 135–6). It was of course not a regular issue but must have been minted for some special purpose, possibly Henry’s coronation as emperor in 1014 as suggested by Monneret de Villard. Its weight, when compared with the average weight of the contemporaneous silver pieces of Verona, may well correspond to thirty denari, the traditional value of account of the mancus (see App. 4, s.v.). The succeeding issues are easily attributable to the reign of Conrad II as emperor (1027–39). They carry the traditional typology and reverse legend (VERONA) of the Veronese coins but are slightly smaller and lighter than the preceding issues, while the obverse legend – CONRAD IMPER and variants – leaves no question whatsoever as to the issuing authority (CNI vi, 258–9.1–5). Much more complex is the classification of the later imperial issues of Verona, characterised by the usual crosses and the legends HENRICVS and VERONA, very often blundered and/or illegible (54–65; CNI vi, 259.1–4, 260–1.1–13). These coins were struck during the successive reigns of kings Henry III to Henry V (1039–1125) and very probably continued beyond 1125. They were produced in large quantities and so widely used that they acquired the name denari enriciani even in contemporary records. The traditional classification of these coins in the CNI, unlike that made for the contemporary coins of Milan and Pavia, distinguishes between the issues of Henry III and Henry IV–V (Perini 1902a, 52–6; CNI vi, 259–61). In truth, however, there is no easy way to distinguish the denari enriciani of Verona, that is except for the few larger and heavier coins that were more likely struck under Henry II, as suggested above. Murari (1951–2) proposed a new subdivision of the coins into four groups and a new chronology covering the whole period from 1056 to 1183,based on his study of a hoard of uncertain provenance but possibly from Padua and closed after 1178 (see also App. 1, no. 44). Saccocci later altered Murari’s scheme as part of a larger study of the Ponte di Brenta hoard already mentioned above (Jimenez et al. 1984; App. 1, no. 51). Relying on metallurgical analyses, he dated the denari enriciani from this hoard, the earliest series in the hoard that Murari described (group A), to the first half of the twelfth century. Murari nevertheless maintained that all of the Veronese coins in the Ponte di Brenta hoard belonged to the eleventh century; only the coins from his hoard that were not present in the Ponte di Brenta hoard, most notably those of his group B (59; CNI vi, 261.8–13), were twelfth-century issues. According to Murari (1988a), the existence of a coin from his group B in the name of the anti-king Conrad III (1128–9) supports his chronology, but his thesis hinges on the supposition that the mints of Verona and Venice drastically curtailed coin production in the twelfth century. As argued above, this contrasts sharply with the numismatic and documentary evidence, which suggests instead that there was a significant expansion of both mint activity and monetary circulation in the Veneto during the twelfth century. In any case, it is now possible to separate the denari enriciani of Verona in the name of Henry into four series or clusters based above all on the coins’ metrological and metallurgical characteristics. The coins in each of the respective clusters may then be further divided on the basis of fabric and style (see Table 4, pp. 72–3 below). The metrological and metallurgical clustering of the coins stemmed from the general tendency of mints to produce progressively lighter and more debased coins alongside the fact that coin production was sometimes associated with financing military expeditions, above all in regard to series III, as discussed below. Increased demand for large quantities of coined money at short notice probably caused monetary authorities to accelerate production, which led in turn to differences in fabric and style.

962 to mid-twelfth century: Verona

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Series I includes denari enriciani of Henry III–IV (1039–1106), which are distinguished by their flat flan (CNI vi, 259.1–4). They are attested in the eleventh-century Sarcedo hoard (App. 1, no. 58) but not in any twelfth-century hoards. The mint probably produced coins of this type until some time soon after the beginning of the twelfth century when there was a break in circulation similar to that attested in the nearby mint of Venice around 1100. A document of 1104 shows, moreover, that the mint in Verona was situated near the old Roman Capitolium (Lanza 1998, 23 doc. 20), and recent excavations on the site have turned up un-struck flat coin flans of the same size and weight as the Veronese denari enriciani in this series (App. 1, no. 88). Series II is made up of coins struck under Henry V and then immobilised under his successors (1106–c. 1140/50). The bulk of the Veronese coins in the Ponte di Brenta hoard belong to this series (see App. 1, no. 51) and are the first denari enriciani with bowl-shaped flans (54–5; CNI vi, 260–1.1–7). The cross on the obverse is also larger than the one on the reverse and evolves from larger and square, sometimes pattée when the individual triangular arms are not closely tied together, to smaller and more closely resembling a quatrefoil than a cross (CNI vi, pl. xxiii.21). The metallurgical analyses carried out on the coins of the Ponte di Brenta hoard suggest that their average fine silver content was about a quarter less than that of the coins belonging to series I, 0.20g instead of 0.27g. This series comprehends three different groups (A, B1 and B2 in Jimenez et al. 1984, 161–5), which here make up sub-series a, b and c in series II (as illustrated in Table 4, pp. 72–3 below). These coins are grouped together here because there is no easily discernible break between them in terms of metrology and style; the high number of ‘intermediate’ types makes it very difficult to attempt a more precise classification of these coins on the basis of metallurgical analyses. Further research is therefore needed. The bowl-shaped denari enriciani of series III (56–62;CNI vi,261.8–13) were struck from 1140/50 to 1164, during the reign of Conrad III (Conrad II in Italy) and the early reign of Frederick I. They carry a cross pattée on both faces. The series is not completely homogenous. To its first years belong the coins that Murari (1988a) attributed to anti-king Conrad III (1128–9). The legends on these coins are unclear, to say the least, but if they really refer to a Conradus, they more likely belong to Conrad’s reign as undisputed king (1138–52) than to his brief challenge to Lothar III (1125–38, emp. 1133) in the late 1120s. This series also includes the coins of group C from the Ponte di Brenta hoard (Jimenez et al. 1984, 166 no. 109; cf. CNI vi, 261.8–12) as well as those of Murari’s group B (59). The apparent difference in style between these two groups has led numismatists to assign them to different centuries, but the stylistic difference stems more from technical considerations. The coins of both groups were struck from dies made from very similar punches in terms of shape and often size, but the engravers cut the dies for the respective groups of coins with different degrees of accuracy. On the coins of group C from the Ponte di Brenta hoard, the punches were lined up perfectly, creating perfect crosses and accurate renderings of the legends HENRICVS and VERONA. On the coins of Murari’s group B, by contrast, the punches were lined up more haphazardly so that the cross takes the form of a group of four triangles while the legends are totally blundered. Larger punches were sometimes used in the production of coins from this group (e.g. CNI vi, pl. xxiii.23), but this is not enough to warrant a separate chronological grouping. The differences between the coins of group C from the Ponte di Brenta hoard and Murari’s group B probably depended on the time that the mint had to produce them. The coins of group C from the Ponte di Brenta hoard made from the more carefully prepared dies were probably the prototypes for the whole series, while the blundered coins of Murari’s group B struck from hastily engraved dies were probably later.

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Table 4. The royal and imperial coinages of Verona, 962–1183 Authority

References

Characteristics and description

Otto I–II (961–83), struck 962–83

CNI vi, 253–5.1–19 (attributed to Otto I)

Large bowl-shaped denari: Obv. OTTO INPERATOR, cross. Rev. VE|Nã|RO, cross.

Otto III (983–1002, emp. CNI vi, 255.20 (attributed Flat denari, smaller than the bowl-shaped coins but 996), probably 983–96 to Otto I) larger than other flat Ottonian denari. Obv. and rev. as above. Otto III, probably as emp., 996–1002

CNI vi, 255.21–4 (as half-denari)

Flat denari, smaller than previous issues, w. nails (or quoins). Obv. and rev. as above.

Henry II (1004–24, emp. 1014) as king, probably struck at the beginning of his reign

CNI vi, 257.2–5

Large flat denari: Obv. + HEINRICVS REX, cross. Rev. + VERONA (often corrupt), cross.

Anonymous, 1004–14/24 CNI vi, 258.1–3 (dated to Flat denari: 1024–6) Obv. + IMPERATOR, cross. Rev. + VERONA (sometimes corrupt), cross. Henry II as emp. (1014–24), prob. struck for his coronation in 1014

CNI vi, 257.1

Gold mancus (?): Obv. + HENRICV[ …], cross. Rev. + VORAEN, cross.

Henry II as emperor (1014–24)

CNI vi, 259.19?

The largest and heaviest coins of the denari enriciani (series I), described below under Henry III–IV, may belong instead to this period.

Conrad II (1024/6–39), as emperor, 1027–39

CNI vi, 258–9.1–5

Flat denari: Obv. CONRAD IMPER and variants, cross. Rev. VERONA, cross.

Immobilised denari in the name of Henry (enriciani) Henry III–IV (1039–1106)

CNI vi, 259.1–4 (attributed to the sole Henry III)

Flat denari (series I): Obv. ENRICVS IMP and variants. Rev. as above.

Henry V (1106–25, emp. 1111) and successors, 1106–40/50

CNI vi, 260.1–7 (attributed to Henry IV–V)

Bowl-shaped denari with cross on the obv. larger than the one on the rev. (series II): Obv. and rev. as above. Three successive groups have been identified: a. large square cross. on the obv., sometimes pattée; b. small square cross on the obv.; c. cross resembling a quatrefoil on the obv.

Later imperial coinages: introduction

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Table 4. (cont.) Authority

References

Characteristics and description

Conrad III (1138–52) and CNI vi, 261.8–13 Frederick I (1152–90, (attributed to Henry emp. 1155), IV–V) 1140/50–64

Bowl-shaped denari with cross pattée of the same size on both obv. and rev. (series III): Obv. and rev. as above.

Commune, CNI vi, 262–3.1–5 pseudo-imperial coins, (attributed to Henry 1164–83 VI); Murari 1951–2, groups C and D

Smaller and lighter bowl-shaped denari with cross pattée (series IV): Obv. +ENRICVS (corrupt), cross. Rev. +VERONA (corrupt), cross.

There was indeed a time in the third quarter of the twelfth century when the demand for coined money from the mint of Verona might have increased to such an extent that it became necessary for the die engravers to sacrifice quality in the interest of greater output. This occurred when Frederick I led huge military expeditions against Milan (1159–64). Verona sided with the emperor, though more financially than militarily, which helps to explain the great number of varieties of the ‘blundered’ issues. The coins were presumably struck only for a short period but in vast quantities with considerable haste. It is curious that no specimens of the ‘blundered’ type are attested among the seventy-one Veronese denari enriciani discovered during excavations beneath the so-called Confessione di San Pietro in the Vatican; the excavations turned up 1,900 Roman and medieval coins that are unanimously considered as offerings to the saint (examined by the authors; the coins are catalogued but not illustrated in Serafini 1951, 234 nos. 247–317; see also App. 1, no. 103). The fact that none of the ‘blundered’ type was found probably means that these coins had not yet penetrated the circuits in which pilgrims and other travellers typically obtained coins. It is perhaps also noteworthy that Frederick, as Rex Romanorum, had confirmed the bishop of Verona’s right of coinage in 1154 (MGH Dipl. x.1, doc. 88). Unfortunately, it is unknown when the bishop first obtained this right. The coins of series IV were smaller and lighter than those of series III but still bowl-shaped.They were struck in Verona during the struggle between the north Italian communes and Frederick I from 1164 until the Peace of Constance in 1183. Because the mint in Verona struck these without sanction from the emperor, they must be considered as the first communal issues of the city. They are therefore discussed fully below in the context of the communal coinage of Verona.

l ate r i m pe ri al coi nag e s (f ) i nt roduc ti on : th e

DENARIUS IMPERIALIS

1. Historical background As shown above, the use of the royal right of coinage, which in theory remained unchanged, effectively vanished in practice over the course of the eleventh and early twelfth century. While the new and powerful communal governments in the cities of the four royal mints – Pavia, Milan,

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Verona and Lucca – gradually assumed control of their mints, new mints opened in Genoa, Asti, Piacenza, Susa and Pisa, beginning with the privileges of Conrad III of Hohenstaufen (1138–52). The main reasons for this development were not only the relatively rare presence of the German kings and emperors in Italy after Otto III (983–1002) and the integration of the former royal officials into the leading groups of the communes, but also the weakening of royal power in Italy as a result of the long struggle between the emperors and the papacy during the so-called Investiture Contest in Germany and Italy (1076–1122). Only with the consolidation of royal power after reconciliation between the Welfen and Hohenstaufen dynasties through the accession to the throne of Frederick I Barbarossa (1152–90,emp.1155), a direct descendant of both dynasties, was a more engaged policy in Italy possible. Already during his first Italian campaign of 1154/5, which culminated in his coronation as emperor by Pope Hadrian IV (1154–9), Frederick legislated over the monetary affairs of the Italian kingdom. He did not infringe upon the newly conferred communal minting rights, but he confirmed the minting rights in the cities of the old royal mints, which had only been tacitly taken over by the communes, to their respective communities in the person of the bishop. In November 1154, he bestowed or confirmed all the regalian rights of the bishoprics of Verona and Treviso, including the old mints (MGH Dipl.x.1, docs. 88–9), and during his return from Rome he confirmed the right of minting to the people of Lucca as well as to the Pisans who were involved in a dispute with the Lucchese over monetary affairs at the time (MGH Dipl. x.1, docs.112, 119). Frederick had at his disposal only relatively small military contingents, so he could only demonstrate his control over this royal right by granting or confirming it to the powerful communes that effectively possessed it already. At the same time, bestowing these privileges helped to gain him allies for his future activities. He also implicitly recognised the minting rights of Milan when he annulled them in 1155 as punishment for Milanese hostility and its aggressive policy towards its neighbours in Lombardy. The emperor decreed that the Milanese minting concession had to be transferred to Cremona while banning the coins of Milan (MGH Dipl. x.1, docs. 120–1). His grant of minting rights to the bishops of Bergamo in 1156 probably also served, albeit with little success, to combat the Milanese coinage that no doubt continued to be struck in spite of his proscription (MGH Dipl. x.1, doc. 141). Two years later, during Barbarossa’s second Italian campaign, Milan had to submit to the emperor and renounce its right of coinage (MGH Dipl. x.1, doc. 224). Soon thereafter, in November 1158, Frederick pronounced the famous laws about the regalian rights at the Diet of Roncaglia in Lombardy (MGH Dipl. x.1, docs. 237–40; MGH Const. i, docs. 175–8). These laws defined and re-established the royal and public rights, all designated to be returned to the king wherever the individual commune or lord was unable to demonstrate that they held them by a legitimate grant. This attempt to restore royal power and authority in Italy was based on an interpretation of ancient Roman law, a concept that had to be established as a prerequisite, including absolute royal supremacy over minting rights. With the destruction of Milan in March 1162, Frederick pushed through imperial supremacy in northern Italy (cf. MGH Dipl. x.2, docs. 351–2). This enabled him to establish direct imperial administration in Lombardy as well as a new and truly imperial coinage, the so-called denarius imperialis, which was struck in a new mint not far from the royal palace in one of the places to which the inhabitants of Milan were relocated, Nosedo, close to the destroyed city of Milan. The coins were designed specifically to emphasise continuity between the old royal mint of Ottonian and Salian Milan and the new imperial mint. The design even incorporated the old four-line

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reverse legend ãVG|+MED|IÖLã|NIV to underline the continuity of imperial authority over the coinage and the fact that the new settlements, the imperial palace in Nosedo and the new mint were the successors of the destroyed city of Milan and its institutions. The restoration of old coin designs was also intended to encourage the acceptance of the new coinage on the marketplace. The new imperial denaro had twice the value of the current Milanese denarius novus or terciolus, so that it was considered similar to the ‘good old’ money of the emperors of the former dynasties. In reality, however, its weight of c. 1.00g and fineness of 50 per cent made it worth much less than the Milanese denarius vetus of before about 1109. It was instead equal in weight, fineness and value to the Milanese denaro of the period between about 1109 and 1148 (cf. Matzke and Diaz Tabernero 2004, 129–30; Matzke 2005b, 1217–18). The new high-value imperial coinage was thus compatible with the existing monetary systems, not only the old and new Milanese money but also the lightweight coinage of Cremona, and additionally, after a specific ban of the old money of Piacenza, it replaced the coinage of this city (Haverkamp 1971, 590–2). The new coinage was therefore attractive because it could be used as a referent and money of account over much of Lombardy and Emilia. The famous dictum of a chronicler of Parma that, by 1175, the imperiales mediolanenses currebant per totam Ytaliam, which is to say that they were current throughout northern Italy, is very probably exaggerated in that it was based mainly on the predominance of references to denari imperiali in the documents of his own pro-imperial city of Parma (Bonazzi 1902, 6). He simply could not have known which coins were physically in circulation in northern Italy around 1175 (see Haverkamp 1970–1, 594–5; Bazzini and Ottenio 2002, 148). At that time, references to imperial denari in the Milanese sources were in fact sporadic. This is not only because of Milanese hatred towards the emperor and the fact that they were accustomed to using their half-value denaro terzolo, but also owing to the abrupt closure of the new imperial mint as early as 1167 after a catastrophic epidemic broke out at Rome and forced the imperial army to retreat. This enabled the Milanese to reoccupy and resettle their city. From the time of the resettlement, at the very latest, the imperial mint in Nosedo must have shut down. An undated document of Emperor Frederick from around that time makes it clear that a new imperial mint was or had been opened near the traditionally pro-imperial city of Como (MGH Dipl. x.3, doc. 651). It is nevertheless unclear precisely when this might have happened, especially as Como did not maintain its pro-imperial position for long after 1167. It joined the anti-imperial Lombard League in March 1168, but soon thereafter again entered into conflict with Milan over the control of Seprio to the south-west of Como. It is therefore entirely plausible that a mint in the area of Como may have still been striking denari imperiali between about 1170 and the Lombard victory at Legnano in 1176 (Zecchinelli 1954, 64–5; Opll 1986, 239–41). One possible place for the mint was the imperial castello and administrative centre of Baradello, which probably had been rebuilt by Frederick in 1159 (see MGH SS rer. Germ. [46], 1912, 273 lib. iv.29) and lay close to Como (aput Cumas civitatem), as indicated in the undated imperial letter referred to above. It seems in fact that Como took control of the imperial mint when it received the castelli of Baradello and Olonio in 1174 (MGH Dipl. x.3, doc. 632), but further research on this is needed (Matzke 2008, 195–7; Chapter 5, section (g), pp. 360–4). Only after the Peace of Constance (1183), particularly with the alliance between the emperor and Milan in 1185 (MGH Dipl. x.4, doc. 896), is it possible that the Lombard metropolis began to produce its own denari imperiali, still in the name of Emperor Frederick I (Opll 1986, 339–42). This also corresponds well with the increase in references to imperial money in Lombard sources

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after 1185 (Bazzini and Ottenio 2002, 149). This date may therefore be considered as the terminus post quem for the beginning of Milan’s communal coinage of denari imperiali, although the new imperial denaro is probably identifiable with a slightly different type from the original (Chapter 5, section (m), pp. 419–20). 2. Literature As a result of his long and eventful reign as well as his popularity, there are numerous studies on Frederick I Barbarossa. Contemporary chroniclers likewise dedicated works to this exceptional personality, for example Otto of Freising and Rahewin (1912), to name only two. Frederick’s Italian policy and his attempt to re-establish a direct royal administration in Italy have attracted particular attention. It is therefore possible to mention only the more recent and most important works, for example the biographies of Munz (1969), Cardini (1985), Pacaut (1990) and Opll (2009) as well as the work of Appelt, who recently oversaw the publication of the authoritative collection of Frederick’s charters and other documents (MGH Dipl. x). The handbook of Haverkamp (2003) gives a good overview for the age of Frederick, while the monographs of Kauffmann (1933), Opll (1978; 1986, 178–480) and Görich (2001, 186–302) are all very useful for his relations with Italy. Haverkamp’s standard reference is still the best study of German rule and administration in Italy under the Hohenstaufen dynasty, and it devotes a chapter to the creation of and the politics surrounding the denarius imperialis (Haverkamp 1971, 590–611), by which our knowledge about this remarkable coinage as first set out by Bresslau (1904) has been considerably improved. Murari (1981, 34–5; 1984a, 270, 274) refined the state of knowledge by modifying the classifications of the Gnecchi brothers (1884) and the CNI, while Travaini (1989, 234–43) has summarised the current state of research and emphasised some new aspects. The article of Bazzini and Ottenio (2002, esp. 145–50) on the coinage of Frederick II from the new town of Vittoria has since reopened the discussion with new ideas and material that also affect the understanding of the early denari imperiali. The most recent contributions identify a new type in the name of Henry VI (1190–7, emp. 1191), raise questions about the iconography and provide a general survey of the royal coinage (respectively, Matzke 2005b; 2008, 187–90; 2011, 239–44). 3. Coinage (see pl. 4) The typology of the imperial denaro is a combination of traditional and new elements. The obverse, as on earlier Milanese coins, is given over to the imperial name and title but in a new design. The centre has the abbreviated imperial title IøPøRøTø, for I[m]P[e]R[a]T[or], around a central pellet within a beaded border surrounded by the emperor’s name, +FREDERICVS (72–5; CNI v, 51–2.6–11; Murari 1984a, no. 17). The imperial title, which gives this new coin type its name, thus stands in the centre instead of a personal monogram, and the four letters are disposed in the form of a cross so that the imperial title is associated with the cross and in a certain sense elevated to a transcendent sphere. This impression is supported by the bifurcated ends of the main lines of the letters, which virtually connect to each other at the base, and by their combination with the five pellets because it recalls the classic Carolingian reverse coin design with a cross and four pellets. The reverse of the denaro imperiale simply repeats the classic Milanese four-line legend of the denari from before

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c. 1109, possibly to indicate continuity with the earlier royal dynasties. The deliberate restoration of the old design coincided with a restoration of the weight, fineness and value of the Milanese coin type that was current from about 1109 to 1148, which weighed about 1.05g and was 50 per cent fine, but not of that of the Milanese type from before 1100 from which the reverse design of the new coin was taken. This might have made the acceptance of the new coin more likely. Hoard evidence also suggests that the first type of imperial denaro must be that with five pellets on the obverse because only this type appears in hoards of the second half of the twelfth century, for example those of Naturns, Modena, Parma and Reichenhall (App. 1, nos. 36, 92, 97, 137; other relevant hoards are discussed by Arslan 2008, 361–2, 364). The type of imperial denaro without pellets, and sometimes with wedges in the obverse field, has hitherto been regarded as the first imperial type (cf. 553; Murari 1984a, no. 16; see also Chapter 5, section (m), pp. 419–20), but it must be later. The less refined style of the lettering and the generally darker colour of the coins also point towards the same conclusion. The epigraphy of the earlier type with the pellets is more refined in the execution of the bifurcated ends on the main strokes of the letters, which is also an important characteristic in the classification of the Milanese denari terzoli (Chapter 5, section (m), pp. 418–19). Here, the early denari imperiali are catalogued at the end of the traditional royal and imperial coinages, not only because of the clearly imperial character of the mint at Nosedo and its successor mint, probably located in the imperial castle Baradello near Como, but also because these imperial mints were in a formal institutional sense the successors of the old royal mint of Milan that had been shut down and, in effect, transferred away from the city after its destruction in 1162. This institutional continuity is also indicated by the traditional reverse legend of the imperial denari, ãVG|+MED|IÖLã|NIV.

(g) l ate r i m pe ri al D E N A R I of th e h oh e n stauf e n e m pe ror s and coi nag e s i n th e nam e of f re de ri c k i i It is characteristic of the imperial coinages that royal or imperial mints could be opened in any city or place, since the kings and emperors claimed unlimited royal rights over the coinage. After the failed attempt of Frederick I Barbarossa to establish a centrally organised imperial administration and mint, the kings and emperors could only strike royal coinages in places that were under their control. It is therefore often difficult to determine the mint of royal or imperial coins, or whether certain ecclesiastical, dynastic or communal mints were also used to strike imperial coinages. Most of the types of imperial denari in the name of Frederick II described here nevertheless were probably struck in mints lying beyond the Italian regions covered in this volume. The second type of imperial denari struck in a royal mint, not to be confused with the second type of denaro imperiale struck by the communal mint of Milan from 1185 (see above; see also Chapter 5, section (m), pp. 419–20), is a previously unknown coin that has only recently been published (Matzke 2005b, figs. 1–7). Its fabric is typical of the denari imperiali of Frederick I but it is struck in the name of his son Henry VI as rex Romanorum. The obverse has the inscription A • G|T with abbreviation mark for A[u]G[us]T[us] in the field surrounded by the title +REX ROMANORVM, while the reverse identifies Henry VI as the issuing authority with the legend EN|RICV|S SEX|TVS.On the basis of chronological,historical and stylistic considerations,however, this coin has been tentatively attributed to the mint of Ravenna or, alternatively, to Bologna during the period when Henry VI was occupying the papal territories (1186/7).

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Another exceptional issue of Henry VI was struck in connection with his campaign to conquer the Norman kingdom of Sicily. This coinage was produced in the mint of Genoa, as recorded by an imperial privilege of 1194 (Jesse 1924, doc. 168: ordonavimus, ut in civitate eorum de argento nostro moneta cudatur in forma Januensium …). D’Angelo (1999; cf. MEC 14. 483) proposed to identify this issue with the surviving ‘Sicilian’ denari with eagle and cross because these coins are very similar in style and fabric to contemporary Genoese denari, but it has not yet been possible to confirm this hypothesis. It is more likely, however, that the emperor’s mint officials instead imitated the Genoese denari because such coins were better suited to the emperor’s immediate needs. For his 1194 expedition, he required coins that were already well known and generally accepted, like the Genoese denari, while the new Sicilian denari, even if similar in style and fabric to the Genoese coins, would not have been suitable (Chapter 4, section (b), pp. 255, 259). The most famous type of later imperial denaro is the denaro imperiale of the new town of Victoria (Ital. Vittoria), which was founded by Frederick II to besiege the rebel Emilian city of Parma in 1246/7. The fabric and design of this coin are typical of the later denaro imperiale. It is struck in the name of Frederick II and also carries the name of the patron of the town’s principal church, St Victor. It has the traditional cruciform abbreviation IøPøRøT for the imperial title in the obverse field surrounded by +S VICTORIS in the margin and the legend +FED|ROMA|RVM in three lines with pellets and trefoils on the reverse. Because of the reference to St Victor on the coins and the name of the new city in which they were struck, these coins were called vittorini, as recorded by contemporary chroniclers such as the author of the Annales Placentini (MGH SS xviii, 495) and Salimbene de Adam (MGH SS xxxii, 194: Imperator … fecit fieri unam civitatem cum magnis foveis in circuitu, quam etiam Victoriam appellavit in presagium futurorum; denarii vero monete victorini dicebantur, et maior ecclesia Sanctus Victor). In a recent study, Bazzini and Ottenio (2002) suggested an alternative attribution for these coins, but the argument, although supported by a great deal of interesting new material, is ultimately unconvincing because of the clear agreement between the written sources and the numismatic evidence (Matzke 2008, 188–90). Bazzini and Ottenio (2002),in response to an article of Travaini (1990),also attempted to identify another coinage with the vittorini of the written sources.This includes a grosso of four denari imperiali and a unique bowl-shaped denaro imperiale that Bazzini and Ottenio first identified in their article (2002, 154–7, 178–9). Both coins carry a crowned head facing right in a beaded border in the obverse field surrounded by the inscription of the emperor’s name in the margin with ordinal number, +FRIDERICV4 II, but they differ slightly on the reverse. The grosso has the inscription +ROM IPR aVg in the reverse margin, for ROM[anorum] I[m]P[e]R[ator] aVg[ustus], around a cross, while the denaro has a more abbreviated form of the same imperial title in three lines. There is no indication of the mint on either the grosso or the denaro, but it is possible that these coins were struck in Tortona, whose mint privilege of 1248 specifically refers to an imperial portrait on its coins (Huillard-Bréholles 1852–61, vi.2, 669–70). If this coinage is not from Tortona, then it should belong to a still unknown imperial mint somewhere in northern Italy during the period when Frederick II was enforcing his sovereignty and claiming back regalian rights during his war against the second Lombard League, particularly during in the 1230s and 1240s (Vallerani 1998, 462–80; Stürner 1992–2000, 266–75, 316–41, 458–592). It has also been attributed to a southern Italian mint, for a certain resemblance to denari of Brindisi, but all known specimens were found in the north (Bazzini and Ottenio 2002, 134–5).

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In the context of the renewal of the imperial claim to regalian rights and of imperial opposition to the exercise of regalian rights by rebel Lombard cities from 1226 onwards (RI v, docs. 1657a– 1658), new coinages carrying an explicit reference to Frederick II may also be considered, in a certain sense, as imperial coinages. This is particularly so in the case of Como, where Frederick Barbarossa had established an imperial mint. After Como’s submission to Frederick II in 1239, its mint struck grossi with the portrait bust of the emperor (445–7). Another case in point is Bergamo, whose episcopal right of coinage was not renewed after the Peace of Constance (1183). Only after the city’s submission to Frederick II in 1236 did its mint initiate a new imperial coinage with the famous augustalis portrait (394–404). In the traditionally pro-imperial city of Cremona, the introduction of a new type of grosso with a curved letter f should also probably be seen in this context, in recognition of the emperor’s unlimited rights over regalia and the mint (467; Matzke 2008, 190–9; see also Chapter 5, sections (c), (g) and (i) below, pp. 338–9, 358–64 and 377–8, respectively). Despite all the legal and symbolic acknowledgements of imperial rights over coinage, these mints continued in practice to be administered by the communes, even before the breakdown of the imperial administration after the death of Frederick II (1250). Because of this and also for practical reasons, these demonstrably imperial coins struck by communal mints in the name of Frederick II are discussed and catalogued under the respective mints in which they were struck.

(h) th e royal and i m pe ri al coi nag e of h e nry v i i ( 1310 – 13, e m p. 1312 ) 1. Introduction After the death of Frederick II in 1250 and the vain attempts of his descendants to gain control over the Italian kingdom, no German king managed to attain real royal power in Italy for the next sixty years. Not until Henry VII of Luxembourg ascended to the kingship (1308/9) did the political configuration of Germany and Italy coincide in such a way as to favour a revival of royal power south of the Alps. A substantial part of this reconfiguration stemmed from the dissatisfaction of the Italian communes with the endless internal factionalism between the so-called Guelf (propapal) and Ghibelline (pro-imperial) political parties. The reconfiguration also derived from the competition that had already broken out between the major Italian cities during the reign of Emperor Frederick II (1218–50, emp. 1220) and even more after the collapse of imperial power in Italy after 1250. The breakdown was compounded when Frederick’s immediate successor, Conrad IV, died only four years later. For more than a decade after that, however, Frederick’s illegitimate son Manfred of Sicily (king 1258–66) managed to uphold the predominance of the pro-Hohenstaufen or Ghibelline party in Italy. After the battle of Benevento in 1266, the pro-papal or Guelf party under the leadership of Charles of Anjou nevertheless prevailed. The situation grew even more confused after the so-called Sicilian Vespers in 1282, slowly giving rise to a general desire for peace and the return of centralised power, even though economic growth appears to have been general and continuous in this period (Manselli 1981b, 179–96; Pauler 1997, 9–27). By the end of the thirteenth century practically every major Italian commune was divided into factions, mainly Guelfs and Ghibellines, and internal tensions and civil war also very often provoked conflicts between cities. As a result, Pope Clement V (1305–14) confirmed Henry VII as king soon after his election and fixed the date of his imperial coronation for 2 February 1312.

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In 1310, after having secured the crown of Bohemia for his son John, Henry took up the invitation to come to Italy, where he also hoped to increase his royal income beyond the levels that the much poorer German kingdom and his own territories were able to provide. Arriving in the autumn of 1310, he was generally welcomed as a much-desired peacemaker. The king soon became entangled in some of the internal and external struggles of the north Italian cities, however, and he quickly lost his reputation as an independent arbitrator, for example by openly favouring the Milanese Visconti family against the Guelf Della Torre. Henry enacted administrative reforms by re-introducing royal or imperial vicarii for each city from January 1311. The vicarius generalis of Lombardy received the imposed dues and used them to maintain administrative staff and royal troops. Henry’s initial seat in Italy was Milan. He later used Pisa as the centre of his activities in Italy and as his main support against hostile cities such as Florence. Other Lombard cities, most notably Como, also supported Henry’s rule, at least for certain periods. With his various acts and reforms as well as his position as ultimate judge and peacemaker, he re-established royal supremacy in Italy, which was accepted, however, only because of the people’s desire for internal and external peace. In monetary matters, too, which are highly significant both symbolically and financially, Henry restored royal supremacy and, from August 1311 to January 1312, he enacted far-reaching monetary reforms as a vital part of his wider policy (MGH Const. iv.1, 638–42 doc. 669, 670–5 docs. 697–8; MGH Const. iv.2, 716–21 docs. 727–9, 1270–3 doc. 1220). These included not only the introduction of new coinages, a ban on bad money and the decree of tariffs of exchange, but also the institution of royal mints with uniform coinages and regulations for the moneyers and other mint staff for the whole kingdom of Ytalia. It also seems that Henry reactivated the royal mint of Como, though this mint began production only after his imperial coronation (Motta 1893, 194 doc. 2; see also below, pp. 84–5). Before these reforms took place, Henry had already demonstrated his authority over the royal act of minting by having the Milanese and Pisan coinages struck in his own name, a highly symbolic act that had not happened in the Italian kingdom since the rule of Frederick II. Like all his other reforms, however, the monetary reforms were too ambitious and had only little success, so that only few coin types really correspond to his edicts. They were also halted by Henry’s premature death in August 1313, slightly more than a year after his imperial coronation in Rome (29 June 1312). Despite the short duration of his reign in Italy, Henry’s monetary reforms had a strong impact on the currency and the development of the monetary zones of Lombardy, as the new parvi imperiales seem to have become the main currency, not only for Milan and its territories, but also for Como and probably for Pavia as well (see below, pp. 81–5; Chapter 5, section (o), pp. 522–3). Both of these important Lombard centres had formerly used the half-value denari mezzani that corresponded to Milan’s money of account, the only sporadically struck denaro terzolo. Henry’s reforms therefore not only improved the basis of the later city lordships or signorie through the revival of the imperial vicariate but also laid the foundation for the relative monetary uniformity over the area into which the Visconti state of Milan would expand in the following decades. 2. Literature Henry VII has already fascinated many scholars, so that there are many modern studies of him and his deeds. The good archival preservation of his acts and other documents encouraged their

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early publication, most recently in the MGH series (Const. iv.1–2). Biographies of Henry VII have been written by Schneider (1924–8), Bowsky (1960) and Cognasso (1973). More recently, Hoensch (2000) has dedicated a study to the kings and princes of the house of Luxembourg while Pauler (1997, 41–114) has given a good concise outline of the principal developments of Henry’s reign and their background. For more detailed accounts of individual events, it is useful to consult standard Italian regional references such as the Storia di Milano (1953–66, v) or standard references on the history of Como (Rovelli 1962–3; Gianoncelli 1982). Given that Henry VII used the mint of Milan as the first mint for his new royal and imperial coinage, the most important references for his coinage are the relevant sections of those for the coinage of Milan (Gnecchi and Gnecchi 1884, 27–9; CNI v, 60–3; Crippa and Crippa 1998, 18–19, 59–62). The coinage of Como is now covered in the monograph of Bellesia (2011a, 83–90). On Henry’s monetary policy, Perini (1901) dedicated an article to the royal decree (grida) of 1311. The attribution of the augustalis variant with crown has been discussed by Grierson and Travaini (MEC 14, 172–3; see also below, pp. 82–3). 3. The royal and imperial coinage of Milan (see pl. 33) Henry VII must have decreed that the Milanese coins should bear his name soon after his arrival in Lombardy and his coronation as king of Italy in the Basilica di Sant’Ambrogio in Milan on 6 January 1311. This is the only way to account for the fact that his grossi ambrosini of twelve denari imperiali of the traditional type with a cross and four trefoils on the obverse and St Ambrose enthroned on the reverse (586; CNI v, 63.24; cf. 579–80) as well as the similar double grossi of two soldi are relatively common (583–5; CNI v, 61–2.9–13), even though there were already plans to replace them with a new coinage in August of the same year. Their weights are about 1.90g and 3.80g,respectively.The royal legend +hENRIcVS:REX: in the obverse margin of the coins reflects the fact that the king became overlord of Milan, but elsewhere the traditional communal types struck since 1298/9 were simply continued. The Concorezzo hoard preserved in the Civiche Raccolte Numismatiche in Milan is datable to the time of the reign of Henry VII and shows very well that the preceding communal coinages of Milan, Pavia and Cremona continued to circulate alongside the new royal coinage (App. 1, no. 14). In August and October of 1311, Henry announced a general monetary reform and a new coinage for the entire kingdom. He also made it clear that the mint of Milan was going to be only the first of a series of planned royal mints, because personnel of the Pavia and Bergamo mints were also involved (MGH Const. iv.1, 638–42 doc. 669, 670–5 docs. 697–8). Apart from Henry’s wider plans for the renewal of imperial power and for more general reasons of prestige, this monetary reform, carried out by a Florentine as mint-master general of the kingdom, also seemed necessary because of problems stemming from the widespread imitation, mainly in the Piedmont, of the most important currencies of the region, namely the denaro imperiale, the Venetian grosso, the grosso tirolino of Merano and the gros tournois. Henry banned the imitations in November 1311 (MGH Const. iv.2, 1270–3 doc. 1220) and appears to have initiated production of a new coinage composed of new denari, the so-called parvi imperiales, and new imperiales grossi of twelve parvi. The parvi are of a new type with a cross potent in a beaded border surrounded by the royal name and title hENRIcVS REXø (587–8; CNI v, 63.26–9). The new design of the Milanese parvi imperiales brought

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them closer in appearance to the Pavese denari imperiali (794–7), which might have been a deliberate measure to unify the dominant coinages of the region. The reverse remained unchanged from the previous imperial denari, apart from different emission marks around the city’s name in three lines, +ME|DIOL0|NVM. The decree of August 1311 sets their weight at about 0.88g and their fineness at about 23 per cent, but existing specimens weigh less than 0.70g; they were nevertheless struck to the prescribed standard of fineness (Gnecchi and Gnecchi 1884, 29 no. 9). The grossi imperiali represented an even more radical departure from earlier types (589; CNI v, 62.14, 63.25). They weighed about 2.90g, nearly as much as the thirteenth-century ambrosini instead of the lighter contemporary ambrosini of only about 2.00g, and were about 83 per cent fine (cf. Gnecchi and Gnecchi 1884, 28 no. 8: 84 per cent fine). Despite the royal title, these coins clearly have an imperial character in the form of the eagle looking left in the obverse field. The reverse has completely lost any reference to Milan and has replaced the image of St Ambrose enthroned with a cross potent with trefoils and the legend +SEMPER:aVGVSTVS>:. This suggests that this coinage was designed to be struck also in other mints and to circulate across the whole kingdom. The rosette at the end of the legends perhaps indicates that the grossi were struck after the denari, which lack this issue mark. At the same time, the old denari imperiali were devalued to two-thirds of the value of the new parvi imperiales, and the old grossi ambrosini minori of one soldo, which were still current, were accordingly devalued to eight parvi. In addition, all current coinages were revalued in terms of the new coinage. A new coin type in the name of Henry VII was recently discovered in the church of MezzovicoVira in the Swiss canton of Ticino (Geiger 2002a, 131 no. 2). It was a denaro terzolo or half-denaro imperiale weighing 0.32g struck in the traditional scodellato form. The obverse has the royal title R E X around a central pellet in the field, while the marginal legend gives the name +hENRICV4:; the reverse field has a cross within a beaded border and the city’s name MEDIOLANVM (weight: 0.32g). If a similar denaro terzolo conventionally dated to the communal period (CNI v, 60.35) belongs instead to the period between Kings Henry VII and Louis IV (1313–27), then the newly discovered type of Henry VII would constitute another innovation to the traditional typology of this denomination. In any case, this coin type is not mentioned in any of Henry’s reform decrees, so that its status, as well as that of his grossi ambrosini, as a fully royal coinage is doubtful. This sheds light on the rather ambiguous character of the early coinage in the name of Henry VII more generally, including that of Como and Pisa, but at least in a formal sense he clearly had taken over the lordship of all these cities. The reform documents of 1311 and 1312 also laid out plans for a new gold coinage. Henry’s intention was to supplant the gold florins of his enemy Florence with a new imperial gold coin called the augustarius, recalling the gold coins of Frederick II (MGH Const. iv.1, 640 doc. 669; MGH Const. iv.2, 718 doc. 727; see also MGH Const. iv.2, 721 doc. 729). It would appear, however, that the coin was never struck, as the differing prescriptions put forward in the decrees indeed suggest. The rare variety of the gold augustalis with the crowned bust and eagle looking left instead of right (CNI xviii,196.1) that Kowalski (1976,112–16) and Travaini (MEC 14,172–3) proposed to attribute to Henry VII cannot in fact be from the early fourteenth century because it still bears the name of Frederick II. Neither the portraiture nor the lettering on the rare augustalis type corresponds with Henry’s Milanese imperial coinage, and the two large pellets on the top of the reverse, which was the mark of the mint of Brindisi during the Hohenstaufen period, would also be difficult to explain on an augustalis of Henry VII from a Lombard mint. The lettering on this type of

Later imperial coinages: Henry VII

83

augustalis is instead virtually identical to that of the south Italian reali of Charles I of Anjou (MEC 14, no. 624). The clear stylistic progress from the usual augustales of Frederick II can be explained by the attribution of the coins to Frederick’s successor, King Manfred of Sicily (1258–66), as indeed the compilers of the CNI have done. Manfred’s illegitimate status as Sicilian king may also have been the reason that he continued to use his father’s name and title on his augustalis, although underlining the royal or non-imperial character of the issue with the use of a crown instead of a laurel wreath. Such a stylistic progress from his father’s augustales with a strong reference to actual ancient coins is in any case only conceivable in the context of the Hohenstaufen court. In January 1312, still before his imperial coronation, Henry VII announced two further grosso coin types. The first was a heavy imperial grosso of more than 4.80g with a value of thirty-three old imperial denari or twenty-two new parvi, two Genoese soldi, or two and one-third Venetian grossi; the second was an imperialis tercior as a third of the larger grosso (MGH Const. iv.2, 717–18 doc. 727). It was only after the coronation that the new coinage went into production, however, and it clearly differed from the announced coinage. In the event, the new coinage consisted of a grosso and a double grosso of about 2.10g and 4.20g, respectively, with a new typology, imperial title and higher weight standard than before, though the large grosso was still lighter than prescribed in the decree. Both the grosso maggiore or double grosso (590; CNI v, 60–1.1–8) and the grosso minore (CNI v, 62–3.15–21) are of the best alloy, about 96 per cent fine, similar to that of Venetian grossi (Gnecchi and Gnecchi 1884, 28 nos. 1, 4). On the obverse, they have the standing figures of saints Gervasius and Protasius, the secondary Milanese patrons, with the corresponding inscriptions in the margins and the imperial name and title running down the middle between the saints. On the reverse, there is an image of St Ambrose enthroned with marginal inscriptions of his and the city’s name. The political difficulties that Henry encountered in the interim evidently led him to abandon the idea of a uniform purely imperial coinage in favour of a more regional and civic set of issues. It is remarkable, in any case, that the design and style of Henry’s coinage had completely changed. The coins have a more elegant and refined fabric, with their figures and style corresponding to tendencies observable in contemporary art, whereas earlier issues were more crudely executed and conservative in design. It is also notable that the new design closely follows that of the Venetian grossi and their imitations, not only in the more refined style and relatively smaller lettering in the inscriptions, but also in the display of the figures (cf. 1076–87). In the place of the doge and St Mark on the obverse of the Venetian coins, Henry’s grossi have the two standing saints with vertical legend between them, and instead of Christ enthroned on the reverse of the Venetian grossi, Henry’s coins have St Ambrose enthroned. The close correspondence of the design of Henry’s new imperial grossi with the Venetian coins may be explained by the fact that the smaller of Henry’s coins had precisely the same weight and fineness as the Venetian grossi while the larger was precisely twice the weight. The similarity in design was used to make this clear to users of the new coins. The grosso maggiore, moreover, was equivalent in terms of weight and fineness to the French gros tournois. Henry’s new coins thus appear to have been designed to fit better into the context of the preferred international currencies of the time. Considering the weight and fineness of the new coins as well as the official values given to the gros tournois and the Venetian grosso in the tariff of November 1311, the value of the imperial grosso minore and grosso maggiore must have been equivalent to ten and twenty new parvi imperiales, respectively, and fifteen and thirty in the old money (MGH Const. iv.2, 1271–3 doc. 1220). It is also interesting to note that the weight of the parvi was reduced slightly

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Royal and imperial coinages

Figure 9. Como: Henry VII (1310–13, emp. 1312), grosso maggiore (CNI iv, suppl. pl. i.13)

to 0.86g in the later decree of January 1312 while the fineness was increased slightly to about 23.6 per cent fine to compensate for the weight reduction (MGH Const. iv.2, 718 doc. 727). Since all these royal and imperial coinages of Henry VII were struck in the mint of Milan, which reverted to the production of communal coinage after Henry’s death, the coins are catalogued with the Milanese issues, but they ought to be regarded as non-communal. It is also likely that the institutional changes carried out under Henry remained in place for some time during the subsequent communal period, which makes it difficult from a strictly institutional point of view to draw a clear line between the imperial and communal status of the mint. This is already evident from the fact that mint personnel, often referred to in the sources monetarii in Italia or monetarii publici, continued to receive grants and privileges from emperors and imperial vicars with reference to Henry’s constitutional acts (Motta 1893, 195 docs. 4–5, 196 doc. 7, 197–8 docs. 14–17, 198–9 docs. 19–21, etc.). 4. The imperial coinage of Como (see pl. 25) At the beginning of Henry’s Italian rule,Milan was the uncontested centre of his administration and reforms. In January 1311, however, Henry was already acting as judge and lord for other Lombard cities, including Como (Bowsky 1960, 235 n. 108). He subsequently even disposed of territories in the contado of Como, although otherwise his relations with Como were not particularly close (Bowsky 1960, 267 n. 80). In Pisa in April 1312, he granted a privilege to the operarii et monetarii frachandi et cudendi monetas in Itallia terre Cumarum, which suggests that he considered the moneyers of Como to be imperial officers and consequently the mint of Como to be an imperial mint (Motta 1893, 194 no. 2). This might have stemmed from the fact that Como, after the closure of the imperial mint of Frederick I at Nosedo in 1167 and the re-opening of the imperial mint in the vicinity of Como, probably took over this imperial mint in 1174 together with the nearby castello of Baradello (see above, pp. 76–7; see also Chapter 5, section (g), pp. 360–5). It is therefore not surprising that Como and its mint regarded Henry VII as its lord and began to strike coins in his name after the imperial coronation on 29 June 1312. The grosso of Como (CNI iv, 577, suppl. pl. i.13; Bellesia 2011a, 86–7 no. 1; see Fig. 9) was modelled after the grosso maggiore of Milan with the city’s patron, St Abundus (Ital. S. Abbondio), enthroned on the reverse in the same way that St Ambrose was depicted on Milanese coins. The obverse has the traditional heraldic eagle of Como in the field with the imperial name and title

Later imperial coinages: Louis IV and John of Bohemia

85

+hENRICVSøIøPøRøTø in the margin. The coin survives in only three specimens weighing up to 3.85g,

which corresponds to the weight of the grosso ambrosino maggiore of Milan (583–5) with the value of two soldi in old denari imperiali or sixteen new parvi imperiales. The mint at Como also struck denari, which are likewise similar in weight (c. 0.65g), fabric and design to the Milanese reform coinage (451–2; CNI iv, 181.2; Bellesia 2011a, 89 no. 3; cf. 587–8, 794–7). They should therefore probably be called parvi imperiales in accordance with Henry’s decrees, which he intended for the entire kingdom, not just Milan (MGH Const. iv.2, 718, no. 727). Like the grosso, the parvus has a heraldic eagle in the obverse field surrounded by Henry’s name and title, +heNRICVSøIøþ, and a cross in the reverse field surrounded by the inscription +$CVMANVSø in reference to the city’s name. A unique specimen of a similar type in the Papadopoli collection has a larger module and weighs 1.06g, which led both the compilers of the CNI (iv, 181.1) and Castellani (1925 no. 3696) to catalogue it as a grosso minore. This coin is difficult to fit into the monetary system of Como, but Bellesia (2011a, 88 no. 2) proposed to identify it as a grosso tirolino, also describing it more convincingly as an aquilino. In any case, its fabric, with odd substructures around the letters and very unusual lettering, differs considerably from those of the other denominations. It may therefore be a modern forgery overstruck and re-cut on another grosso type. Comparing it with the parvus imperiale of Como struck by the famous forger Luigi Cigoi (Brunetti 1966, 88–9; Bellesia 2011a, 89), it seems that this grosso aquilino has been struck from the same dies, but overstruck on a grosso and slightly re-cut at key points. The imperial coinage of Henry VII was continued under Louis IV, thus making it possible that the city continued to strike these coins after Henry’s death.

(i) c oi nag e s i n th e nam e of l oui s i v th e bavari an ( 132 7 – 30 ) and joh n of b oh e m i a ( 1330 – 3 ) 1. Historical background and literature After Henry VII (1310–13, emp. 1312) had renewed the traditional institutional connection between the German and Italian kingdoms, his successors also undertook campaigns to Italy to acquire the imperial crown. The potential gain of this risky enterprise, apart from the sheer prestige and Italy’s tempting wealth, lay in the possibility that an emperor could secure the royal election of his son during his own lifetime and thereby ensure the continuation of the dynasty. The Wittelsbach King Louis IV ‘the Bavarian’ of Germany (1314–47) thus ventured to Italy to achieve imperial honours, but he first needed to contend with not only the anti-king Frederick of Habsburg (1314–30) but also the powerful and manipulative Pope John XXII (1316–34), who claimed the vicariatus of the entire Italian kingdom for himself. The double election of 1314 was contested between Louis and Frederick of Habsburg, who spent the next eight years occupied in the struggle for the crown. The dispute between the two claimants ended only after Louis defeated Frederick in the battle of Mühldorf in September 1322, but this only increased the pope’s resolve against Louis. Fearing an Italian campaign, John refused to confirm the election and in 1324 excommunicated the king, who retaliated with accusations of heresy against the pope. King Louis attracted the support of, and offered protection to, such eminent figures as Marsilio of Padua (c. 1280–c. 1343) and William of Ockham (c. 1285–c. 1349), the latter of whom was prominent in the Franciscan poverty dispute

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Royal and imperial coinages

against the pope (Manselli 1981b, 198–203; Pauler 1997, 117–64). In the winter of 1327, Louis unexpectedly set out with a small contingent to cross the Alps, probably at the urgent request of Ghibellines in Italy. Once he arrived in Italy, he assumed lordship over a series of cities that welcomed him as a counter to the papal vicariate, but unlike his predecessor, Henry VII, he made no attempt to play the part of neutral arbitrator and peacemaker. Louis followed Henry’s example in taking over city lordships and conferring or confirming the imperial vicariati to eminent statesmen such as Galeazzo Visconti in Milan, but unlike Henry, he initiated no general institutional reforms. He was crowned king of Italy in Milan on 31 May 1327, arrived in Rome in January 1328 and was crowned emperor there first by representatives of the Roman people and then, after ordering the deposition of John XXII, by anti-pope Nicholas V (1328–30) in May 1328. Louis and Nicholas abandoned Rome in August 1328 ahead of the forces of King Robert the Wise of Naples (1309–43), which had been sent to reclaim the city. Realising that his position in Italy was effectively untenable, Louis subsequently tended to confer imperial vicariates for as much money as possible. His grants often became the basis for the institution or re-affirmation of local signorie, reinforcing the lordships of local families such as the Visconti in Milan, the Scaligeri in Verona and the Rusca in Como. Louis left Italy altogether in 1330, but his struggle with the papacy continued throughout the pontificate of Benedict XII (1334–42) and indeed until his death in 1347. Louis IV has attracted a great deal of attention from researchers, though more for his endless struggle with the papacy and his importance in various regional histories than for the institutional history of his rule. There are modern biographies by Benker (1980) and Thomas (1993), while Pauler (1997, 117–64) provides a general overview of the age of Louis and his activities in Italy. For information on the numismatic features of his reign in Italy, apart from the standard references, only Murari (1961) has dealt with the period of the last imperial coinages and the earliest seigniorial issues. 2. Coinage The coinage of Savona in the name of Louis may appear to be of imperial character. The emperor explicitly conferred the right to strike a moneta imperialis on Savona in 1327, but the privilege also makes it clear that this was to become a purely communal right. Louis ‘the Bavarian’ did not establish a new royal or imperial mint in Savona, and the concession is misleading only because of the reference to imperial money (Chapter 4, section (e), pp. 309–12). A. Milan (see pl. 33) In Milan, the coinages introduced by Henry VII were continued with more communal legends, typically with the title of St Ambrose replacing the royal or imperial name (592, cf. 587–8; see Table 5, pp. 90–1 below). At first sight, it is indeed often hard to distinguish between the royal and the communal coinages, so it can be suggested that they circulated together. It is therefore not surprising that Louis IV, who also referred back to the policies of Henry VII in many other areas, simply carried on with the same coinages that Henry had introduced, the only difference being that Louis substituted his own name and title for his predecessor’s. First, probably from his royal

Later imperial coinages: Louis IV and John of Bohemia

87

coronation in Milan on 31 May 1327, the mint in Milan began to strike coins in the name of Louis with his royal title. These included grossi of the Venetian type (CNI v, 64.1–5), parvi imperiales (CNI v, 65.10) and their halves, the denari terzoli (CNI v, 66.19). Like the imperial grosso of Henry VII, the corresponding coins of Louis, weighing about 2.00g, have the saints Gervasius and Protasius on the obverse and St Ambrose enthroned on the reverse. The parvus imperialis has a cross on the obverse and the city name in three lines on the reverse, while the denaro terzolo has the royal name in the obverse margin around the title REX disposed triangularly in the field (øEø | R : X) and the city’s name in the reverse margin around a cross. Apart from the substitution of the imperial title and its abbreviations for the royal one, the coinage of Louis remained completely unchanged after his coronations at Rome in January and May 1328. There were still three denominations, the grosso (593; CNI v, 64–5.6–9), parvus imperialis (594; CNI v, 65–6.11–16) and denaro terzolo (CNI v, 66.18). Interestingly, the grossi are the most common. The subsequent Milanese issue of the same Venetian type is also known in several specimens. It is almost identical with the imperial type, differing only in the addition of the letters A – Z at the sides of St Ambrose on the reverse (CNI v, 66–7.1–7). The abbreviation stands for Azzone Visconti, the new lord or signore of Milan who acquired the imperial vicariate over the city for the sum of 125,000 gold florins in January 1329. Although Azzone did not pay the whole sum, he managed to maintain the vicariate and the effective lordship after a compromise with the emperor. Reconciliation with Pope John XXII in September of the same year also enabled Azzone to hold on to the signoria of the city without any difficulties after the departure of the emperor. The coins carrying both the references to Louis and the letters A – Z on the reverse are therefore datable to the period from January to September 1329 and mark the beginning of seigniorial coinage in Milan. B. Como (see pl. 25) Like the Milanese coinage of Louis IV, that of Como also typologically continued the coinage of Henry VII. (For an overview of the types, see Table 5, pp. 90–1 below.) The rare grosso minore is similar to Henry’s grosso maggiore but half the weight (453; CNI iv, 181.1; Bellesia 2011a, 92 no. 1). It has the traditional heraldic eagle on one side and the city’s patron St Abundus enthroned on the other. Its weight of about 1.95g not only makes it a half-grosso in relation to Henry’s grosso maggiore, but also gives it the weight of the worn and underweight Venetian grossi that were circulating in the area, the same weight that the Milanese grossi of this period likewise shared. This once again underlines the integrating effects of Henry’s reforms. The denari or parvi imperiali struck in Como under the lordship of Louis IV with the heraldic eagle and cross are also very similar to those of Henry VII (CNI iv, 181–2.2–3; Bellesia 2011a, 93 no. 2/b). As under Henry, the mint in Como began to strike coins in the name of Louis IV only after his imperial coronations (January/May 1328). The imperial coinage was followed immediately by a seigniorial coinage in the name of Louis with the initials  – R, for Franchino (I) Rusca, on the reverse. The seigniorial coinage appears to have consisted of only grossi minori of the same type struck under Louis with the heraldic eagle and St Abundus (454; CNI iv, 182–3.1–10; Bellesia 2011a, 96–101 no. 1), but it is possible that the denari or parvi imperiales in the name of Louis alone were continued during the lordship of Franchino Rusca. This is suggested by the fact that the legends on some grossi with the letters

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 – R on the reverse and on some denari struck only in the name of Louis are punctuated with rosettes (grossi with rosettes: CNI iv, 183.8–9; Bellesia 2011a, 98–101 nos. 1/ d–g; denari with rosettes: CNI iv, 182.4–6; Bellesia 2011a, 93 no. 2/Aa). It is nevertheless unclear whether the coinage in the name of Louis with the initials of Franchino Rusca endured until the emperor’s departure in 1330 or beyond. In any case, effective power in Como remained in the hands of the Rusca family only until they were compelled to surrender it to the Visconti lords of Milan in 1335.

C. Coinage in the name of John of Bohemia (1330–3) (see pl. 26) The Italian coinages in the name of King John of Bohemia (1310–46) are exceptional. They are known only for Parma, John’s most important stronghold in Italy, and Cremona. The main institutional problem surrounding these coinages lies in the fact that John was not the German king, who traditionally claimed authority over the Italian kingdom, but was only king of Bohemia, even if he was the son of the late Henry VII. When John embarked on his own campaign into Italy towards the end of 1330, he pretended to do so in the name of the real king, Louis IV, though some chroniclers had the impression that he was acting on behalf of the pope. In any case, upon John’s arrival in Trento, the delegates of several north Italian cities offered him lordship over their communes. These included Brescia, Bergamo, Mantua, Como, Pavia and Parma (Pauler 1997, 165–7). Only later, at the end of January 1331, did Cremona also confer upon him the lordship or signoria of the city. In Cremona, John followed a pacification policy similar to that of his father by which he sought to reconcile the different political parties in the city. In August 1331, he acquired Parma and Cremona, in addition to other cities, by virtue of a pledge from Louis ‘the Bavarian’ (MGH Const. vi.2, 86–8 docs. 141–2), and that is precisely when the contemporary Chronicon Parmense mentioned the beginning of John’s coinage in Parma (Bonazzi 1902, 217; Bazzini 2006, 270–1). John departed from the kingdom of Italy in October 1333, but Cremona managed to hold on to its independence for several months before finally surrendering to the Milanese lordship of Azzone Visconti in July 1334. John’s campaign was a peculiar blend of personal ambition and adventure. He vacillated between the policies of the emperor and pope while attempting to resurrect his father’s efforts to conciliate opposing political factions, but his campaign ultimately failed. After John’s departure, there were evidently no further attempts to strike a royal or imperial coinage in Italy. The scholarly literature on John of Bohemia consists mainly of older studies with a few more recent works. The still very accurate and useful study of Pöppelmann (1866) on John’s Italian campaign is now complimented by a recent symposium (Pauly 1997) and works that treat John’s reign and Italian campaign in a wider context (Pauler 1997, 165–68; Hoensch 2000). The medieval coinage of Cremona is covered in the monograph and catalogue of Fenti (2001). The coinage of Cremona in the name of King John is exceptional not only for the reasons already mentioned but also because of its peculiar typology. The reverse with a cross and two stars encircled by the city’s name follows the tradition of Cremona’s denari imperiali, but the king’s portrait on the obverse, surrounded by his name but without any title, is an unusually personalised depiction. The royal bust is shown in three-quarter view with a beard and crown (473; CNI iv, 194.1; Fenti 2001, 135 no. 17; see also Chapter 5, section (i), p. 380). The same portraits appeared on his coins struck in Parma (CNI ix, 404.1–5; Bazzini 2006, 270–1), which suggests that John

Table 5. Later royal and imperial coinages, c. 1162–c. 1333 (excluding Pavia) Ruler

Milan and Nosedo

Como and other mints

Characteristics and description

Frederick I (1152–90, emp. 1155)

1. Nosedo, c. 1162–7: CNI v, 51–2.6–11; Murari 1984a, no. 17

2. Como, c. 1167–74/6 and later (?): CNI v, 51–2.6–11; Murari 1984a, no. 17

Denaro imperiale, c. 0.90–1.05g, deep scodellato form: 1–2. Obv. +FREDERICVS, IøPøRøTø around pellet. Rev. ãVC|+MED|IÖLã| NIV.

Henry VI (1185–97, emp. 1191)

Unidentified mint (Bologna or Ravenna?), c. 1186/7: Matzke 2005b, 1221–2 nos. 1–7

Denaro imperiale, c. 0.70–0.80g, deep scodellato form: Obv. +REX ROMANORVM, A • G|T with abbreviation mark. Rev. EN|RICV|S SEX|TVS.

Frederick II (1212/18–1250, emp. 1220)

1. Unidentified mint in northern Italy (Tortona?), c. 1230s or 1240s: Grosso (Bazzini and Ottenio 2002, 178 nos. 23–7); denaro imperiale (Bazzini and Ottenio 2002, 179 no. 28) 2. Vittoria (near Parma), 1246/7: Denaro imperiale (CNI ix, 744–5.1–10; Bazzini and Ottenio 2002, 174 nos. 7–13) 3–6. Bergamo, Como, Cremona and Trento, from 1236: Grossi and denari in the name of Frederick II

Grosso da 4 imperiali, c. 1.30g; denaro imperiale, c. 0.90g, low scodellato form: 1. Obv. +FRIDERICV4 II, crowned head to right. Rev. +ROM IPR aVg (surrounding the cross on the grosso, in three lines on the denaro imperiale).

2. Obv. +S VICTORIS, IøPøRøTø around pellet. Rev. +FED|ROMA|RVM.

3–6. See Chapter 5, sections (c), (g) and (i), pp. 338–9, 360–4 and 377–8; Chapter 6, section (h), pp. 609–10, respectively.

(cont.)

Table 5. (cont.) Ruler

Milan

Henry VII (1310–13, emp. 1312), as king, 1310–12

1. First coinage, 1311: Grosso ambrosino maggiore (CNI v, 61–2.9–13); grosso ambrosino minore (CNI v, 63.24) 2. Reform coinage, 1311–12: Grosso imperiale (CNI v, 62.14, 63.25); parvus imperialis (CNI v, 63.26–9); denaro terzolo (Geiger 2002a, 131 no. 2)

Henry VII (1310–13, emp. 1312), as emperor, 1312–13

1. Imperial coinage with SS Gervasius and Protasius: Grosso maggiore (CNI v, 60–1.1–8); grosso minore (CNI v, 62–3.15–21)

Como and other mints

Characteristics and description 1. Grosso maggiore, c. 3.80g; grosso minore, c. 1.90g: Obv. +hENRIcVS:REX:, cross w. trefoils. Rev. St Ambrose enthroned.

2. Grosso imperiale, c. 2.80g. Obv. +hENRIcVS:REX:, eagle to left. Rev. +SEMPER:aVGVSTVS>:, cross w. trefoils on stems. Parvus imperialis, c. 0.65g. Obv. hENRIcVS REXø, cross. Rev. +ME|DIOL0|NVM. Denaro terzolo (piano), 0.32g. Obv. +hENRICV4:, RøEøXø around central pellet. Rev. MEDIOLANVM, cross.

2. Como: Grosso maggiore (CNI iv, 577, suppl. pl. 1.13); parvus imperialis (CNI iv, 181.2)

1. Milan. Grosso maggiore and grosso minore with smaller and more ‘gothic’ lettering in the legends, c. 4.20g and 2.10g, respectively: Obv. Imperial name and title descending vertically between SS Gervasius and Protasius. Rev. St Ambrose enthroned. 2. Como: Grosso maggiore, 3.80g: Obv. +hENRICVSøIøPøRøTø (or more abbreviated), heraldic eagle. Rev. St Abbondio enthroned. (Grosso aquilino [?], 1.03g: Obv. as above. Rev. +$CVMaNVSø, cross. CNI iv, 181.1: modern forgery by L. Cigoi) Parvus imperialis, c. 0.65g: Obv. as above. Rev. +$CVMaNVSø, cross.

Louis IV ‘the Bavarian’, (1327–46, emp. 1328), as king, 1327–8

Royal coinage in the name of Louis: Grosso (CNI v, 64.1–5); parvus imperialis (CNI v, 65.10); denaro terzolo (CNI v, 66.19)

Grosso, c. 2.00g: Obv. Royal name and title descending vertically between SS Gervasius and Protasius. Rev. St Ambrose enthroned. Parvus imperialis, c. 0.60g: Obv. +LVDOVIcVSáREX, cross. Rev. +ME|DIOL0|NVM. Denaro terzolo, 0.30g: Obv. LVDOVIcVøS, øEø|R : X. Rev. MEDIOL0NV, cross.

Louis IV ‘the Bavarian’ as emperor, 1328–30

1. Imperial coinage, 1328–9: Grosso (CNI v, 64–5.6–9); parvus imperialis (CNI v, 65–6.11–16); denaro terzolo (CNI v, 66.18) 2. Coinage with initials of Azzone Visconti, 1329 Grosso (CNI v, 66–7.1–7) 3. Como, imperial coinage: Grosso (CNI iv, 181.1); parvus imperialis (CNI iv, 181–2.2–3) 4. Como, coinage with initials of Franchino I Rusca, from 1328/9 Grosso (CNI iv, 182–3.1–10); parvus imperialis (CNI iv, 182.4–6)

Milan: 1. Grosso, c. 2.00g: Obv. Imperial name and title descending vertically between SS Gervasius and Protasius. Rev. St Ambrose enthroned. Parvus imperialis, c. 0.60g: Obv. +LVDOVIc’ IMþaTOR, cross. Rev. +ME|DIOL0|NVM. Denaro terzolo, c. 0.30g: Obv. +LVDOVIcVS, IøPøRøTø around pellet. Rev. MEDIOL0NV, cross. 2. Grosso, c. 2.00g: Obv. Imperial name and title descending vertically between SS Gervasius and Protasius. Rev. St Ambrose enthroned. Como: 3. Grosso, c. 1.95g: Obv. +LVDOVIcøIMPeRaTOR, heraldic eagle. Rev. St Abundus enthroned. Parvus imperialis, c. 0.60g: Obv. +LVDOVIcøIMP, heraldic eagle. Rev. +øcVMaNVSø, cross. 4. Grosso, c. 1.95g: as above, with St Abundus between  – R on the rev. Parvus imperialis, c. 0.60g: as above, with rosette punctuation.

Cremona: Denaro imperiale (CNI iv, 194.1; Fenti 2001, 135 no. 17)

Denaro imperiale piano, c. 0.70g: Obv. +IoHaNNES, bust three-quarter to left. Rev. +cREMONa, cross and two stars.

John of Bohemia (present in Italy 1330–3)

92

Royal and imperial coinages

likewise introduced his royal coinage in Cremona in August 1331 or later. This coin type marks the advent of new tendencies in portraiture and represents an interesting conjuncture of traditional governmental structures, both royal and communal. It attests to new institutional realities such as the signoria, which was strengthened by the intervention of the late medieval kings and emperors. Table 5 presents an overview of John’s types.

3

PIEDMONT

(a) i nt roduc ti on 1. Historical background The term ‘Piedmont’ (Ital. Piemonte, Lat. Pedemontium), which literally means ‘the foot of the mountain’, refers to the plain of the upper Po valley at the base of the western Alps, from Biella in the north to Cuneo in the south, with Turin virtually at its centre. The term first appears in Italian narrative sources of the thirteenth century (Tolosani 1939, 44; Caffaro et al. 1923, 144), in letters and diplomas of Emperor Frederick II (1212/18–50, emp. 1220) from 1238 (MGH Const. ii, 279 doc. 208; see also Huillard-Bréholles 1861, vi.2, 642, 674; Cognasso 1914, 191–2 doc. 188, 198–9 doc. 194), in Savoyard records from at least as early as 1245 (Durandi 1803, 103) and in Angevin records from 1260 (Gabotto 1912, 192 doc. 138). In 1276, Charles I of Anjou (1246–85, king of Naples 1266/8) used the term to describe his possessions in north-west Italy (Tallone 1912, 38–9 doc. 30), and in 1304, his successor, Charles II (1285–1309), named his own son Raimondo Berengario of Andria ‘count of the Piedmont’ (comes Pedemontis) (Monti 1930, 75–6, 328–9 doc. 4). In the Piedmont itself, the term was often used in a restrictive sense to refer to the extreme western parts of the region at the immediate foot of the mountains, while other Italians tended to use the term in a wider sense to refer to the entire area west of Pavia. By the fifteenth century, there emerged a distinction between the upper Piedmont (Pedemontium superius), which comprehended the western parts of the region, and the lower Piedmont (Pedemontium inferius), which took in the more eastern parts. The designation was nevertheless strictly geographical and lacked any real political significance until the unification of the entire territory under the house of Savoy in the eighteenth century (Goria 1952). The Piedmont is an interesting area for a number of reasons. First, it was a frontier region and, for Italy, the focus of all western crossings of the Alps. Mostly following the old Roman thoroughfares, routes converged on the cities and towns whence the Alpine passes began. From Ivrea and later Turin, one route across the Alps led northwards by way of Aosta and the Great St Bernard Pass to the Valais and Lake Geneva, whence it continued on to Dijon, Paris, the Champagne fairs and the Low Countries. From Turin, another route led westwards to Susa, where it divided. One branch first went north-west across the Mont Cenis Pass before turning west to Chambéry and the Rhône towns of Valence, Vienne and Lyon, while the other branch led south-west across the Mont Genèvre Pass and down the valley of the Durance to Aix, Marseille, Arles and the towns of the lower Rhône. 93

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Secondly, the development of town life in the Piedmont was for the most part backward in comparison with other parts of northern Italy (excluding perhaps Friuli), and so-called ‘feudal’ structures survived in the Piedmont on a large scale until relatively late. There were towns in the region, but most of them were ‘politically subordinate to and territorially restricted by a castledwelling nobility’ (Jones 1997, 270). Even Asti, the most important commercial centre in the Piedmont, developed no export industry that can be compared to those of Milan or even Genoa, for example. Its entrepreneurs were largely moneylenders, pawn-brokers and traders. The predominately rural and seigniorial character of the Piedmont as well as its proximity to France might have helped to encourage exponents of the Waldensians or Waldenses (Ital. Valdesi, Fr. Vaudois), a heretical religious movement founded in Lyon in 1170 and professing extreme poverty, to settle in some of the Piedmontese valleys of the Cottian Alps in the county of Savoy and the Saluzzese during the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. The persistence of feudalism in the Piedmont may have stemmed partly from the depredations that the region suffered in the second quarter of the tenth century at the hands of Saracen and Magyar marauders and the efforts of the Italian kings to organise the defence of the region. It is generally thought that Saracens established outposts in Provence in the later ninth century, were harassing trans-Alpine traffic in the 920s, and began to make incursions into Italy by the 930s. They controlled the three main passes between France and Italy in the early tenth century, sacked Genoa in 934/5, penetrated as far inland as Chur/Coira and St Gallen in Switzerland, and may even have settled peaceably for a time in Vercelli (Patrucco 1908; Wenner 1980), though some of the non-Christian marauders in the Piedmont might have been Magyars (Settia 1987; cf. Fasoli 1945). In any case, to defend against the raids, the kings of Italy and later the Ottonian rulers showered their allies among the local elite with property and privileges. One of the main beneficiaries of this largesse in the Piedmont was Count Aleramo (fl. 933– 67), the only documented son of a Count Guglielmo (fl. 888?–924). Aleramo is an important but shadowy figure who surfaces only occasionally in the exiguous evidence for the Piedmont in the tenth century (Provero 1992, 42–63, passim; Merlone 1995, 28–58, passim). He was head of one of the new aristocratic families that emerged in northern Italy in the ninth and tenth centuries (Wickham 1981, 181), and thanks to a series of royal and imperial donations that coincided with the height of the Saracen threat in the Piedmont, he soon controlled large parts of the region. In 933, King Hugh of Italy (926–47) and his son Lothar II (931–50) granted Aleramo dominion over the territory between the rivers Tanaro and Bormida in the county of Acqui (Schiaparelli 1924, 107–8 doc. 35). In another royal charter of the period 958–61, Kings Berengar II and Adalbert (950– 62) granted Aleramo, described here for the first time as ‘marquis’, the right to establish markets on his lands and retain all profits (Schiaparelli 1924, 334–6 doc. 15). Finally, in 967, Emperor Otto I (961–73, emp. 967) not only confirmed Aleramo’s possessions in the counties of Acqui, Savona, Asti, Montferrat, Turin, Vercelli, Parma, Cremona and Bergamo, but also granted him all the estates in the abandoned lands (in desertis locis) of the Langhe region south of Alba between the river Tanaro and torrente Orba as far as the shores of the Ligurian Sea (ad litus maris) (MGH Dipl. i, 462–4 doc. 339). Neither the Tanaro nor the Orba actually extends to the sea, but the expanse between the two watercourses is a broad one, stretching some sixty kilometres across the Langhe from Dogliani to Ovada and, on the coast, taking in much of the Riviera di Ponente, from at least Albenga to just west of Genoa.

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Aleramo’s descendants, the Aleramici, exercised power over large parts of the region as feudal lords. (For genealogies of the Aleramici, see Tables 6, 12, 15 and 22, pp. 96, 140 and 165–221 below.) The descendants of one of his sons, Otto I (fl. 961–91), included one Ranieri, who in the eleventh century founded the line of the marquises of Montferrat. Soon after the middle of the thirteenth century, during a monetary crisis in the Piedmont (see below, p. 99), the marquises of Montferrat as well as other rulers in the region began to strike their own coinage. One of the descendants of another of Aleramo’s sons, Anselmo I (fl. 961–91), was the famous Bonifacio of Vasto (fl. 1065– 1127) (Bordone 1983), whose sons became the first marquises of Busca, Ceva, Cortemilia, Incisa, Saluzzo and Savona. The successors to all but one of these marquisates eventually issued their own coinage. Another descendant of Anselmo was Aleramo (fl. 1135), the first marquis of Ponzone, whose successors also eventually struck their own coins. Bonifacio of Vasto was particularly important.He died some time shortly after 1127 and certainly no later than 1132, when his sons Manfredo and Guglielmo are named in a document as marquises (Cordero di San Quintino 1851–4, i, 129 doc. 19; Provero 1992, 78 n. 1). In his will of 1125, Bonifacio disinherited the first of his eight sons, Bonifacio of Incisa, because he had allied himself with his father’s enemies (Cordero di San Quintino 1851–4, i, 99–100 doc. 17). Upon the death of Bonifacio of Vasto, control over the entire marquisate thus passed equally to all seven of his remaining sons, while Bonifacio of Incisa held only the castello of Incisa and perhaps a few nearby castelli that his father had probably granted to him before his rebellion. At first, the remaining seven sons ruled together, but they ceased to act collectively by 1142, and the marquisate disintegrated into smaller territorial units, with each of the sons exercising independent control over a circumscribed part of the dominion and giving rise to a distinct noble lineage (Cordero di San Quintino 1851–4, ii, 100; Provero 1992, 86–95). Manfredo became the first marquis of Saluzzo, while Anselmo became marquis of Albenga, Ceva and Clavesana, and the other siblings each carved out their own zones of control (see sections (f), (g), (i), (l) and (s) below, pp. 137–9, 139–46, 146–9, 155–7 and 224–34, respectively; see also Chapter 4, section (d), pp. 301–6). The break-up of the estates of Bonifacio into smaller units roughly coincided with the transition from Saxon to Swabian rule, which was initially weakened by the rival claims of different branches. The accession of Frederick I Barbarossa as king (1152–90, emp. 1155) signalled the return of strong centralised rule in northern Italy, but also gave rise to organised resistance in the form of the Lombard League (Raccagni 2010). The first formal anti-imperial Lombard League, with rectors who convened in assemblies and swore oaths, evolved over the spring and summer of 1167 and culminated in the Peace of Constance on 25 June 1183 (MGH Dipl. x.4, 68–77 doc. 848). The alliances of the Lombard League on the one hand and the supporters of the Hohenstaufen dynasty on the other continued beyond the imperial victory of Frederick II (1212/18–1250, emp. 1250) at Cortenuova in November 1237. The League reappeared sporadically after Cortenuova but was reduced to a simple military alliance. After the death of Frederick II in 1250 and the collapse of imperial power in Italy, the League effectively lost much of its relevance. The struggles between the Hohenstaufen emperors and the Lombard League are important in the history of the coinage in the Piedmont. The emperors sometimes conferred minting rights on their allies in the Piedmont and sometimes opened imperial mints in allied cities, which probably explains how some cities in the region without minting rights managed to strike their own coinages without incurring an imperial ban.The death of Frederick and the collapse of Hohenstaufen power in Italy opened the way for the Angevins to establish a series of outposts in the Piedmont. Cuneo

Piedmont

96

Table 6. The genealogy of the Aleramici of Piedmont and Liguria GUGLIELMO count (888?–d. after 924) ALERAMO I count and marquis (f l. 933–67)

ANSELMO I marquis (f l. 961–91)

UGO I cleric (f l. 1004/14)

TETE or TEOTTONE (= OTTONE?) marquis (f l. 1062, d. 1063/5)

GUGLIELMO I (d. before 961)

OBERTO I count and marquis of Vado (Savona) (f l. 1004–30)

MANFREDO I marquis (f l. 1062)

ANSELMO II marquis (f l. 1014–47)

GUELFO (f l.1122, d. before 1136) (?)

AZZO bishop of Acqui (before 1098–after 1132)

MANFREDO II (f l. 1065–79)

ANSELMO V (before 1065 to 1079)

UGO II marquis (f l. 1055)

ANSELMO IV marquis (f l. 1055–62)

ALERAMO II marquis of Ponzone (fl. 1135)

ANSELMO VI marquis of Bosco (before 1116–after 1132)

BONIFACIO I marquis of Vasto (f l.1065–1127)

BONIFACIO MANFREDO GUGLIELMO UGO marquis of Incisa marquis del Vasto marquis of Busca del Vasto (before 1125–60) of Saluzzo (before 1125–55/60) (1123–75) disinherited

OTTO I (f l. 961) (marquis?)

GUGLIELMO II count and marquis of Vado (Savona) with Oberto I (f l. 991–1031)

RIPRANDO (f l. 991–1002/14)

OTTO II marquis and count of Montferrat (f l. 1040)

ENRICO m. Countess Adelaide Arduinica (f l. 1042–4)

GUGLIELMO III marquis (1059–84)

ARDIZZONE I (f l. 1126)

GUGLIELMO IV inforsado (d. 1101/22)

RANIERI marquis of Montferrat (c. 1075–1137, marq. c. 1111)

ENRICO (f l. 1065)

ANSELMO marquis of Albenga and Ceva-Clavesana

OTTO (f l. 1065)

OTTONE del Vasto

BONIFACIO ENRICO marquis of Savona, the younger called Guercio (minore), marquis of Cortemilia (1125–83)

Note: Adapted and abridged from Sella (1880–7, 78, App. 7, quadro I) and Merlone (1983, 586; 1995, 156–61 tbls. 1–4). Names in bold type with arrows extending down from them were founders of lineages whose genealogies are covered in separate tables continued below in their respective sections (see pp. 140, 165 and 221).

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was the first Piedmontese city to submit to Count Charles I of Provence (1246–85) in July 1259, soon followed by Alba and then Acqui, Alessandria and Busca, though it was only in Cuneo that the Angevins signalled their presence in the region in the coinage (see section (p) below, pp. 197– 204). After their defeat at Roccavione near Cuneo in 1275, however, the Angevins retreated from the Piedmont. Their difficulties in Sicily delayed their return and it was only from 1303, during the rule of Charles II (1285–1309), that they started to re-establish their presence in the region, regaining first Alba and then Cuneo. The descent of Henry VII of Luxembourg (1310–13, emp. 1312) into Italy temporarily halted the second Angevin advance in the Piedmont (Bowsky 1960). Despite its brevity, Henry’s rule achieved an importance for the coinage of the Piedmont that was out of all proportion to its length because of the extent to which he legislated on monetary affairs. Over a six-month period from August 1311 to January 1312, Henry issued no fewer than five monetary proclamations, the most important of which for the Piedmont was the one of 7 November 1311 (see Chapter 2, section (h), pp. 80–5; see also below, pp. 99–100). Henry’s death made it possible for Robert the Wise (1309–43) to reassert Angevin authority in the Piedmont. He had already gained limited control of Asti in April 1312 while Henry was in Pisa and recovered Acqui and Alessandria in 1313. Robert’s control over his Piedmontese possessions began to weaken in the later 1330s and disintegrated in most places upon his death. After 1343, the Angevins retained control of Cuneo, but only briefly. King Louis I of Hungary (1342–82) contested the succession of Robert’s elder daughter, Joanna (1343–81, d. 1382), to the throne and forced her to flee to safety in Provence in 1348. By that time, Cuneo had already submitted to Count Amedeo VI of Savoy (1343–83) and Prince Giacomo of SavoyAchaia (1334–67). Joanna regained control of Cuneo in 1372, but the city passed definitively under Savoyard rule ten years later, ending more than a century of Angevin involvement in Piedmontese affairs. The end of the Angevin presence in the Piedmont did not, however, mark the end of French interest in the region. From the later fourteenth century onwards, the Piedmont became an object of the territorial struggles between France and Milan. The only Piedmontese powers to survive the transition to the age of the territorial state were the counts and dukes of Savoy and the marquises of Saluzzo and Montferrat. Asti passed first to Montferrat, then to the Visconti of Milan, and finally through marriage to France. Many of the smaller Piedmontese towns and lords were absorbed into the larger territorial dominions of Savoy, Saluzzo, Montferrat or Milan, sometimes passing from one to the other but rarely regaining independence. Even Asti was almost always under some form of foreign rule or oversight after the beginning of the fourteenth century. In general, the studies and sources in the series Biblioteca storica subalpina and the journal Bollettino storico-bibliografico subalpino are the main resources for the history of the Piedmont. The Miscellanea di storia italiana, published in Turin, also has a Piedmontese focus, but only the surveys of Comba (1988) and Nada Patrone (1986) cover the entire region through the whole of the period covered in this volume. The general study of Cognasso (1968) focuses narrowly on the age of the Hohenstaufen but still covers the entire region, while Monti (1930) and Fuiano (1959; 1974) focus specifically on the Angevin presence in the Piedmont. Daviso di Charvensod (1961) and Comba (1984) contributed important studies on tolls and the commercial infrastructure in the Piedmont, while Panero (1988) and Guglielmotti (2001) examined settlement in the region. Patrucco (1908) and Del Lungo (2000) considered the Muslim presence in the Piedmont, though Settia (1987) cautioned that some non-Christian raids in north-west Italy during the tenth century traditionally

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attributed to Muslims might have been carried out by Magyars (cf. Fasoli 1945). The prosopography and early history of the Aleramici in the Piedmont are covered in Provero (1992), Merlone (1983; 1995) and Bordone (1983). Broader studies on imperial policies (Haverkamp 1970–1) and on the Lombard League (Raccagni 2010) in northern Italy are also useful. Beyond that, the relevant literature tends to be more specialised and is best approached through the sections on individual mints and minting authorities.

2. Coinage Although trans-Alpine Savoy extended into the Piedmont of north-west Italy and at various times included mints in several of the places considered in this chapter, only the coinage of the Achaia branch of the Savoyard house is covered in this volume, mainly because the territory of SavoyAchaia lay entirely within the Piedmont. The coinage of the main house of the counts and dukes of Savoy will be discussed instead in MEC 17 on the kingdoms of Arles and Lorraine. Some readers may be surprised by the omission of Savoy from this volume, but large swathes of Savoyard territory and many of the dynasty’s mints lay outside Italy within the borders of modern France and Switzerland. There are also good genealogical and historical reasons for discussing the Savoyard coinage in the context of the coinages of Arles and Lorraine, as already noted above (Chapter 1, section (b), p. 11). Two of the more striking aspects of the early coinage of the Piedmont in the Middle Ages were the widespread imitation of foreign coin types and the proliferation of petty mints. In the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, the mints of the noble houses of the Piedmont imitated the coins of their neighbours on a vast scale. The Fieschi at Masserano, the Tizzoni at Desana, the Radicati at Passerano, the Mezzetti at Frinco and the marquises of Montferrat at Casale all turned out imitations of numerous European coinages. This merely continued a practice that has its origins in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries when most Piedmontese mints, apart from that of Asti, were small-scale operations based in minor seigniorial centres. They also tended to be ephemeral. Of the Piedmontese mints active in the thirteenth and/or fourteenth centuries, only those of Asti, the marquises of Montferrat and the princes of Savoy-Achaia were still operating in the fifteenth century. The coins of these minor Piedmontese mints are so rare, moreover, that output must have been very modest or else the coins were of such poor quality that they were not attractive for hoarding. The multiplication of both imitative coinages and the petty mints in which they were struck was a symptom of the survival in the Piedmont, long after it had mostly disappeared elsewhere, of a flourishing feudal economy. In the later Middle Ages, when the right of coinage was exercised in neighbouring Lombardy by a large number of communes and later by a smaller number of seigniorial regimes, the mints of the Piedmont were in the hands of feudal lords of varying status. There were similar cases elsewhere in Italy, but only the counts of Gorizia and Tyrol (Chapter 6, sections (e) and (k), pp. 582–92 and 618–27, respectively) can be compared with the lords of the Piedmont.The Visconti lords in Milan,the Scaligeri in Verona,the Gonzaga in Mantua and the Este in Ferrara, Modena and Reggio-Emilia might have sometimes been feudal in outward appearance, but their power was rooted in their control over communal institutions of the cities that they governed rather than over rural areas.

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At the beginning of the twelfth century, however, the Piedmont was largely devoid of mints. Apart from the Savoyard mint of Susa and the more ephemeral mint of the marquises of Savona, the only mint in the Piedmont that was active before the thirteenth century was that of Asti, which obtained minting rights from Conrad III (1138–52) in 1140 and soon started to strike its denari astigiani. Before that, the coins of Pavia and Susa dominated monetary circulation in the east and west of the region, respectively. The introduction of Asti’s denaro nevertheless failed to satisfy the increasing demand for specie in the Piedmont. Coins of Genoa, Provence and the Rhône valley, and Milan and other Lombard mints also circulated in the region from the mid-twelfth century onwards. It was only around the middle of the thirteenth century in the context of an acute monetary crisis that other Piedmontese mints began to produce their own coinage. The crisis affected much of north-central Italy and was characterised by the proliferation of new mints, debasement from the previously prevailing standard, and the closing of some of the new mints or the suspension of operations soon after opening (cf. Finetti 1999, in reference to central Italy). The Lombard monetary conventions of 1250/1 and 1254 (Chapter 5, section (a), pp. 329–30) are further reflections of the crisis. Around 1250, the marquises of Carretto and Montferrat as well as the cities of Acqui, Alba, Alessandria, Ivrea, Novara, Tortona and Vercelli all began to strike their own petty coins, some of which were described by a late thirteenth-century chronicler as carrettini (MGH SS xviii, 507; Huillard-Bréholles 1856, 239), but most of these mints soon suspended production or ceased operations altogether. It was not until towards the end of the century or the early years of the fourteenth century that many of these mints resumed production to strike the coins outlawed in an important royal monetary proclamation of 1311. King Henry VII of Luxembourg (1310–13, emp. 1312) issued his so-called grida on 7 November 1311 (MGH Const. iv.2, 1270–3 doc. 1220; Bonaini 1877, i, 206–8 no. 130; Perini 1901; on the Italian term grida, see App. 4, s.v.), though it is sometimes erroneously dated to the preceding year (Promis 1852, 42–5 no. 2; Biaggi 1978, 551–3). This famous document was only one of a series of monetary decrees promulgated by the king between 10 August 1311 and 13 January 1312 (MGH Const. iv.1, 638–42 doc. 669, 670–5 docs. 697–8; ibid., i.2, 716–19 doc. 727; Dönniges 1839, ii, 29–32, 96–9, 161–5). The grida of 7 November 1311 established the value of a variety of coins then in circulation against a money of account based on the denaro imperiale of Milan struck in the name of the king (see Chapter 2, section (h), pp. 80–3; Chapter 5, section (m), pp. 425–8). The grida also banned certain coins of the mints of Chivasso, Cortemilia, Incisa, Ivrea and Ponzone, identifying the proscribed coins as imperiali, marchesani, russini and tyrallini. The term imperiali referred to the billon denari imperiali of the Piedmontese mints that followed the designs of the denari imperiali of Milan and, ostensibly, the standard established in 1298/9 by Milan and other Lombard mints (see Chapter 5, sections (a) and (m), pp. 330, 425–6 respectively, and passim). The Latin term used for marchesani in the grida was marchexanum, which Bellesia (2011b, 41) interpreted as an adjective modifying tyrallinum to identify the banned grossi tirolini with the marquises (Ital.marchesi) of the Piedmont,though not all of the banned tirolini were struck under the authority of Piedmontese marquises. Perini (1901) identified the marchesani instead as Piedmontese imitations of the French gros tournois (Ital. grosso tornese) first issued in France under Louis IX (1226–70) from the mint of Tours in 1266 (Lafaurie 1951, 23–4 no. 198). The Piedmontese grossi tornesi, which were of good quality, nevertheless imitated the original French coin only indirectly. The model was instead the grosso tornese of Asti, which is conventionally dated to the period from 1275 until 1356 but was introduced in the 1290s. Russini were imitations of the grosso matapan of

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Venice, first issued around 1200 (see Chapter 6, section (l), pp. 637–40, 642, 643, 658). The term derived from ‘Rascia’, as Serbia was called in the thirteenth century, and was used to describe the Serbian imitations of Venetian grossi struck under Stephan Dragutin (1276–82/1316) and his successors (Ivaniševi´c 2001, 90–102; Gamberini di Scarfea 1956, 166–7 nos. 449–54; 1963, 50–1 nos. 106–10). In the later thirteenth century, the Serbian imitations suddenly started to circulate in northern Italy where the term russini (or rassini) came to denote any imitations of the Venetian coins. When authorities in the Piedmont began to strike their own imitations, they were also called russini. Tyrallini were imitations of the silver grossi tirolini struck in the mint of Meran under Count Meinhard II of Tyrol (1258–95) from about 1275 (see Chapter 6, section (k), pp. 622–3). The relative paucity of the evidence for coin hoards and single-finds in the Piedmont makes it difficult to assess the extent to which the original Lombard imperiali, Venetian grossi and Tyrolean grossi tirolini circulated in the region. The denari imperiali of Milan are attested there in the thirteenth century (e.g.App.1,no.2),but not really enough to indicate conclusively that they circulated widely. Documents nevertheless show that the Milanese denaro imperiale was often used as the basis of local monetary systems especially in the eastern Piedmont in the late thirteenth century, which suggests that the coins were reasonably common. The mints that struck the grossi tornesi were presumably inspired by the examples of Asti, Cuneo and Turin. It is somewhat more difficult to establish why the Piedmontese mints imitated the Venetian grosso matapan and the grosso tirolino of Meran. Except for a single Venetian grosso of Ranieri Zeno (1253–68) found in excavations in Aosta (Orlandoni 1991–4, 138–9), the original coins are absent from coin finds throughout north-west Italy (i.e. Liguria, Piedmont, Valle d’Aosta), though this perhaps reflects the extremely exiguous character of the evidence. They are common in Lombard hoards, especially the Venetian grossi, but neither the Venetian coins nor the tirolini are well attested in French and Swiss hoards closed in the later thirteenth and early fourteenth century. In any case, all three of these grosso types had begun to assume important roles in international trade and finance by the end of the thirteenth century and it would not be surprising that they circulated widely in the Piedmont. Imperiali, marchesani, russini and tyrallini of Henry’s 1311 grida were not the only coins that mints in the Piedmont imitated. A few of the region’s mints later produced their own imitations of the Florentine gold florin. Asti as well as the marquises of Carretto, Ceva and Montferrat all struck florin imitations, though only those of Carretto and Montferrat are known in modern collections. The princes of Savoy-Achaia and the counts of Savoy also produced imitation florins. It is not surprising that Asti, whose merchants were active at the international level (Bordone 1994; 2007; Bordone and Spinelli 2005), should have produced its own imitation florins in the fourteenth century, but it is curious that the seigniorial mints struck gold coins. The florins of the marquises of Carretto, struck after their submission to the marquises of Saluzzo in 1322, even survive in some numbers. In the later fourteenth and fifteenth century, the dominant territorial powers in the Piedmont – the counts and dukes of Savoy and the marquises of Montferrat and Saluzzo – subsumed the minor mints that had been active in the thirteenth and early fourteenth century. Meanwhile, the Piedmont became the focus of the competing territorial aspirations of Milan to the east and trans-Alpine Savoy and the kingdom of France to the west. The coinage of the Piedmont was thus increasingly subject to Milanese, Savoyard and French influence in terms of style, nomenclature and metrology. The mints of the marquises of Montferrat first at Chivasso and then Casale adapted by producing coins in both the Milanese and Savoyard styles. A new wave

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of seigniorial mint expansion in the Piedmont began towards the end of the fifteenth century when the Fieschi lords started to strike their own coins in Crevacuore and Masserano. The Tizzoni and Abati lords soon followed with their coins of Desana and Montanaro, respectively, but only the Fieschi mints were active before 1500. Output from Crevacuore was limited but the mint in Masserano produced a wide range of coins, including many imitations, over the next two centuries. The numismatic literature on the Piedmont during the period under consideration in this volume, like that on the history of the region in general, tends to focus more on parts of the region rather than on the region as whole, but the second volume of the CNI remains the starting point for further research. The older studies of Domenico Promis (1852; 1853; 1858; 1866; 1869b; 1871) and his son Vincenzo (V. Promis 1869; 1883) are also still useful. Perini (1901) and Bellesia (2011b) focused specifically on the 1311 grida of King Henry VII and the coins that it mentioned. More recently, Biaggi (1978) and Varesi (2003) provided surveys of minting in the Piedmont. Much of the relevant literature is nevertheless more narrowly focused and should be approached through the sections below on individual mints and minting authorities.

(b) acqui 1. Historical background Acqui is situated about thirty-five kilometres south-south-west of Alessandria in the Bormida valley, on the left bank of the river Bormida. In 978, the German emperor Otto II placed Acqui and its territories under the temporal control of the bishops of Acqui (Moriondo 1789–90, i, 7–9 doc. 6; MGH Dipl. ii, 199–200 doc. 175; Savio 1899, 26; Cunietti-Cunietti 1909b, 49–50). During the Investiture Contest in the later eleventh century, the bishops aligned themselves with the German emperors in their struggles against the popes. In 1116, Emperor Henry V (1106–25, emp. 1111) rewarded Acqui’s allegiance by placing a huge tract of land between the rivers Bormida and Tanaro, from the confluence of the two rivers to the Apennines, under episcopal control (StumpfBrentano 1865–81, ii, 266 doc. 3146; Pavoni 1977, 81 doc. 21). The bishops of Acqui continued to support Emperor Frederick I Barbarossa (1152–90, emp. 1155) in the later twelfth century, as attested in the Diet at Roncaglia in 1158 and the Peace of Constance in 1183, but fidelity to the emperor proved costly. In 1175, as a challenge to imperial power in the area, Pope Alexander III (1159–81) created the new diocese of Alessandria, and in 1180 he even transferred the seat of the bishopric from Acqui to Alessandria (see section (d) below, pp. 108–9). The motivations that underlay this manoeuvre are clear. Alessandria was a city of the Lombard League, a coalition of cities and seigniorial powers aligned against Frederick I, while the bishops of Acqui had steadfastly remained partisans of the emperor. Within a few years of the transfer, episcopal rule in Acqui was replaced by a popular government, which continued to hold sway even after 1213 when Pope Innocent III (1198–1216) transferred the seat of the bishopric back to the city. Under communal rule, the city persisted in its support of the imperial cause throughout the first half of the thirteenth century. Acqui is not specifically attested as an ally of Emperor Frederick II (1212/18–1250, emp. 1220) against the so-called ‘second’ Lombard League of 1226. It was in fact allied with Alessandria by the treaties of 1224 and 1234 (RI v.2.4, docs. 12891, 13176), but a pro-imperial bishop was installed in 1239 and there was an imperial representative in

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the city from 1240 to 1249 (RI v.1.1, doc. 2686; v.2.3 doc. 7295; v.2.4 docs. 13340, 13369a, 13403a, 13401; Huillard-Bréholles 1852–61, iv.2, 1018–19). Acqui remained independent until the 1260s when it fell under the rule of Marquis Guglielmo VI of Montferrat (1253–92) (RI v.2.4 docs. 14138, 14237; cf. Monti 1930, 15; Fiaschini 1969, 121– 5). In 1270, Charles I of Anjou (1246–85, king of Naples 1266/8) gained control of the city, but Guglielmo recovered power in 1272 and affirmed his rule in 1278 (Fiaschini 1969, 125–35). When Guglielmo’s son and successor Giovanni I (1292–1305) died without a male heir, however, the marquises’ authority over Acqui weakened considerably, which probably provided greater scope for the new bishop of the city, Oddone Bellingeri (1305–34), to exercise independent rule. Six years later, King Henry VII (1310–13, emp. 1312) confirmed the bishop’s authority over the government by royal investiture (MGH Const. iv.1, 493 doc. 535; Pavoni 1977, 344–6 doc. 218). Episcopal rule over Acqui endured only briefly, however, and in 1313, Robert the Wise re-established Angevin control. Robert held Acqui until 1329, when Teodoro I Paleologo returned to place it once more under the control of the marquises of Montferrat. In 1364, the emperor, Charles IV (1347–78, emp. 1355), restored episcopal rule to Acqui (Pavoni 1977, 480–91 doc. 279), but the extent to which Bishop Guido da Incisa (1343–67?) (Ughelli 1717–22, iv, 329) was able to exercise his authority over the city independent of interference from the marquises of Montferrat is unclear. Apart from the years 1431–6, when Acqui fell to the Visconti dukes of Milan, Acqui remained under the nominal control of the Montferrat marquises until 1533.

2. Coinage The mint of Acqui produced two distinct issues: a communal coinage in the name of an emperor Frederick and an episcopal coinage in the name of Bishop Oddone Bellingeri. No record of a grant of minting rights to Acqui has survived, but all of the city’s coins give the place of issue. On the basis of both epigraphy and style, Promis (1852, 6–7) supposed that Acqui had obtained minting rights from Emperor Frederick II and that the earliest coins of Acqui in his name were issued some time during his reign. If so, these coins must have been struck after 1220 when Frederick was crowned emperor and very probably after 1239 when authorities in Acqui supported him against the second Lombard League, but before the 1260s when Acqui passed under the control of the marquises of Montferrat. The city remained under foreign rule from the 1260s certainly until 1305 when Giovanni I of Montferrat died and Oddone Bellingeri became the new bishop. Oddone probably exercised authority over the government from that point, though it was only in 1311 that Henry VII formally restored episcopal rule in the city by royal investiture. After Henry’s death in 1313, Robert the Wise of Anjou occupied Acqui. The episcopal issues are therefore datable to the early years of Oddone’s episcopate, from 1305/11 to 1313. Other authors supposed that Acqui had already obtained minting rights from Frederick I in the twelfth century but began to strike its own coins only in the thirteenth century during the time of Frederick II (V. Promis 1869, 3; Bazzi and Santoni 1886, 124; Gnecchi and Gnecchi 1889, 2–3). Some even argued that the mint was active before 1200 (Maggiora-Vergano 1865; CuniettiCunietti 1909b, 69–70; Simonetti 1965–7, i, 43), but Kunz (1897b, 206–7) was probably closest to the truth in believing that the Acqui mint opened contemporaneously with that of Tortona, which obtained minting rights from Frederick II in 1248 (Promis 1852, 46–7 doc. 3). That Acqui possessed

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minting rights by 1311 is virtually certain since Henry VII did not name the coins of Acqui among those that he banned in his grida of November 1311 (see above, pp. 99–100). Neither the hoard evidence nor the documentary record adds anything significant to the picture. Maggiora-Vergano based his claim that Acqui had already begun to strike coins in the twelfth century on a hoard of more than a thousand coins found in Ivrea sometime before 1865 (App. 1, no. 24) that included one denaro mezzano scodellato of Acqui (CNI ii, 2.5) alongside some Provençal coins and three presumably early twelfth-century Savoyard denari secusini, but the details of the hoard are far too obscure to permit any conclusions. Of the few hoards that contain examples of Acqui’s early issues in the name of an emperor Frederick, the details of one found at Cavriana in 1895 (App.1,no.10) are the most complete.They suggest that the hoard,which contained one grosso of Acqui, was deposited or closed after the Lombard monetary convention of 1254. Commercial contracts dated from Acqui before about 1275 usually specified payments in a money of account based on the coinage of Pavia. From about 1275 until just after the death of Emperor Henry VII in 1313, payments were based on the coinage of Asti, and from 1313 onwards they were based on the coinage of Genoa. The documents unfortunately say little about the coinage that actually circulated in Acqui. It seems most likely that the mint of Acqui became active in the 1240s, possibly as an imperial mint, which would help to explain the absence of a minting privilege for the city. A. Early coinage, 1240s–1260s The CNI lists three denominations of Acqui’s early coinage: the silver grosso (76), the billon denaro imperiale scodellato and a denaro mezzano scodellato (called a mezzano imperiale scodellato in the CNI). They were all struck in the name of an emperor Frederick and identify the place of issue in the reverse legend. The CNI (II, 1.1–2) lists two variants of the grosso weighing 1.32 and 1.07g; the two specimens in the Turin collection weigh 1.18 and 1.35g. Promis (1852, 7) estimated the fineness of the grosso to be about 85 per cent. The so-called denaro imperiale scodellato (CNI ii, 2.6–7; Biaggi 2007, 374 no. AP/1) has the obverse legend FREDRIC around Iþ in the field with an abbreviation mark above and the reverse legend + a Q V E around a long cross that divides the legend. The two examples in the CNI, each representing a distinct variant, weigh 0.68 and 0.54g, and a third specimen in Turin weighs 0.49g. Before the publication of an example by Caucich (1865), this coin was unknown. Its most striking feature is the long cross on the reverse, and determining the source for this device could make it possible to date the coin more precisely. The most likely model is the long cross denaro inforziato scodellato of Cremona (CNI iv, 189.5), which, like the denaro of Acqui, has a small cross at the beginning of the reverse legend that rests on the topmost extremity of the vertical arm of the long cross. The precise dating of the coin of Acqui remains unclear, but its low weight and similarity to the denaro inforziato scodellato of Cremona suggests that it was a denaro mezzano scodellato rather than a high-value denaro imperiale (cf. Chapter 5, section (i), pp. 376–9). Because this denaro mezzano of Acqui with the long cross is slightly heavier than the city’s other type of denaro, it is likely that the long cross type was earlier while the dating of the Cremonese model suggests that the long cross type was struck in the 1240s. The second type of denaro mezzano scodellato is similar in design to the grosso. It has the obverse legend +IMPERaTOR around FR in the field with an abbreviation mark above and the reverse legend +aQVEN4I4 around a cross. The CNI lists three variants, giving the weights for two of them as 0.50 and 0.38g. The only significant differences between variants occur in the obverse field. The first variant (Promis 1852, pl. 1.2; CNI ii, 1.3; see Fig. 10) simply has the letters FR with

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Figure 10. Acqui: denaro mezzano scodellato, 1240s (Promis 1852, pl. i.2)

an abbreviation mark above. The second (CNI ii, 2.4) has one pellet between the two letters, another on the abbreviation mark and another below the letters. The third (CNI ii, 2.5), which is extremely rare, has a pellet above the abbreviation mark and, significantly, a six-pointed star between two pellets below the letters. This is the variant that Maggiora-Vergano (1865) described from the Ivrea hoard and dated to the later twelfth century, but the six-pointed star suggests that the coin was struck in accordance with the 1254 Lombard monetary convention. Acqui was not a signatory to the convention, but nearby Tortona was, and other cities in the eastern Piedmont that were not signatories, namely Novara and Vercelli, also embellished the coins that they struck in this period with stars. A fourth variant weighing 0.49g has recently turned up in excavations in the church of San Martino in Deggio, a local centre within the municipality of Quinto in the Leventina valley of Switzerland’s Ticino (App. 1, no. 155); this variant had a wedge and a six-pointed star below the letters FR and is likewise datable to the period around 1254. It is therefore likely that this second type of denaro mezzano was being struck in the 1250s. B. Episcopal coinage, 1305/11–1313 The second phase of Acqui’s coinage is distinctive. The inscriptions identify a Bishop Oddone on the obverse and the mint usually on the reverse. These coins were struck under Bishop Oddone Bellingeri (1305–13) (Ughelli 1717–22, iv, 329; DBI vii, 691–2; Vescovi di Acqui 1997, 205–11), to whom Emperor Henry VII confirmed temporal rule over Acqui by investiture in 1311. Promis dispelled earlier suspicions that the episcopal issues might have been struck previously under Bishop Otto Bianchi (1234–8) (Savio 1899, 43–4; Vescovi di Acqui 1997, 184–5). The bishop is identified on the coins by the obverse inscription ODONVS, or some form thereof, but Bianchi invariably subscribed his name as ‘Ottone’ in documents, while Bellingeri always signed his name as ‘Oddone’ (Promis 1852, 7–8). The Acqui mint issued five denominations under Bishop Oddone, though CNI lists only four. All five are based on the designs of other coinages and are extremely rare. Three of these were silver grossi: the grosso matapan, the grosso tirolino and another type of grosso described variously as a denaro astense and a grosso bolognino. The grosso matapan is based on the Venetian grosso and, accordingly, takes its name from the Venetian coin (see Chapter 6, section (l), pp. 637– 40). CNI lists two variants (CNI ii, 2.8–9) but others are known (Mentore and Rasero 1925, pt 2, 13 no. 1; Fava et al. 1964, 153 no. 1). The two CNI variants bear the obverse legend ODONVS aQVESIS, with E|þ|S along the banner-staff, and they are distinguished by their punctuation and the lettering in the inscription along the banner-staff. The Mentore and Rasero variant has the obverse legend O aQVEN S IOaNES, no doubt in recognition of the saint to whom the church of San Francesco was dedicated until 1414 when the Franciscans, who had taken it over from the bishops in 1244, formally changed its title. The reverse on all of the published variants has the usual Christ enthroned between the letters IC and XC, and a pellet to the left of the right leg. All of the known specimens are lightweight in comparison with the Venetian model. The CNI specimens

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(b)

Figure 11. Acqui: grossi in the name of Bishop Oddone Bellingeri (1305/11–13), (a) grosso tirolino and (b) grosso bolognino (Promis 1852, pls. ii.4, ii.3)

weigh 1.60 and 1.65g while the Mentore and Rasero coin weighs 1.40g and a further specimen in Turin weighs 1.43g. The grosso tirolino follows the design of the grosso of Meran struck under Count Meinhard II of Tyrol (1258–95) (see Chapter 6, section (k), pp. 622–4). The CNI lists three authentic variants of Acqui’s grosso tirolino (CNI ii, 2.11–13; see Fig. 11(a)), which are distinguished by minor differences in punctuation. The variants all have the obverse legend +ODONVS EPISCOP around an eagle displayed with its head turned to the left. The reverse legend reads aQ VE NS IS, intersected by the long cross of the Tyrolean double cross (77). Most examples of this coin weigh between 1.28 and 1.41g (Castellani 1925, i, 68 no. 2127; Martini et al. 1987, 15 no. 2), though an example found in a hoard at Lana in the South Tyrol near Meran some time before 1983 weighs only 1.08g (Rizzolli 1991, 534 no. Ac1). The Acqui coin struck over the tirolino of Meran weighs 1.62g, but this reflects the heavier weight of the Tyrolean model. Domenico Promis (1852, 8) reported that one example of an Acqui tirolino then in his possession, but now in the Brera Coin Cabinet in Milan, was not more than 70 per cent fine. The third type of grosso was described as a grosso astese by Cunietti-Cunietti (1909b, 70) and as a denaro astese by the compilers of CNI (ii, 3.14; see Fig. 11(b)), but Gamberini di Scarfea (1956, 201 no. 534) more accurately identified it as a grosso bolognino, modelled loosely on the coin of Bologna (CNI x, 2–6.9–49; Bellocchi 1987, 86–93 nos. 14–54). According to Promis (1852, 8), the only known example of the coin, now part of the Royal Collection in Turin, weighs 1.01g and is about 85 per cent fine, which indeed suggests that it ought to be seen as a grosso rather than as a denaro. The grosso bolognino has the obverse legend +øODONVS around the letters E P S with abbreviation mark in three lines in the field (øìø|E ø S|ø P ø) and the reverse legend +øQVENø4I4ø around a large a in the field surrounded by four pellets, together reading as Odonus Episcopus Aquensis. There were also two billon episcopal issues of Acqui, the denaro imperiale and the half-denaro or obolo. Examples of the imperiale weigh between 0.67 and 0.85g and take their design from the denari of Milan struck in the names of Frederick I and Frederick II (see Chapter 5, section (m), pp. 425, 426). The obverse of Oddone’s denaro imperiale bears the marginal legend +ePIScOP with the letters O ø D ø O ø n ø in the form of a cross around a central pellet in the field (CNI ii, 3.15). The reverse legend gives the name of the mint, +aQ|ueN|SIS, in three lines across the field, with punctuation marks above and below. Finally, the so-called half-denaro is a small coin of about 0.32g based on the obolo of Asti (see section (e) below, pp. 115–17). The coin of Acqui was not listed in the CNI, but Gamberini di Scarfea (1956, 30 no. 59) noted a possibly unique example then in the Fantaguzzi collection that passed into the Rasero collection in 1957 and subsequently entered into the collection of Turin’s Museo Civico, though it does not appear in the overview catalogue of the collection (Fava et al. 1964). The obverse of Acqui’s half-denaro has the legend O á ñPISCO with

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the letters P u S in the field around a central pellet while the reverse inscription identifies the mint as aQVñnSIS. The terminus post quem for the reactivation of the Acqui mint may be placed in 1305 when the city slipped out of the control of the marquises of Montferrat and Oddone, in whose name all the coins were struck, became bishop. It is nevertheless possible that Oddone started to strike his coins only after Henry VII confirmed his appointment as bishop by royal investiture in 1311. The mint almost certainly ceased striking coins in 1313 when Henry died and control over Acqui passed into the hands of Robert the Wise of Anjou. Oddone continued as bishop of Acqui at least until 1327 and more probably until his death in 1333 or 1334, albeit under the temporal authority of first the Angevin king and then the marquises of Montferrat. In 1364, Emperor Charles IV evidently restored episcopal rule to Acqui, but no other coinage is known for the city.

(c) a l ba 1. Historical background Alba is situated on the right bank of the river Tanaro, about thirty kilometres south-west of Asti on the northern fringes of the Langhe region and towards the north-eastern extremity of the modern province of Cuneo. A town of remote antiquity, Alba was known to the Romans as Alba Pompeia and was the birthplace of Emperor Pertinax, who briefly occupied the imperial throne in ad 193. The history of Alba during the early Middle Ages, like that of much of the Piedmont, is utterly obscure until the tenth century. During the first half of the century, Saracen raiders based at La Garde-Freinet on the south coast of France made their way deep into the region and helped to bring about the ‘ruin of the diocese of Alba’ (Patrucco 1908, 418–19). In 967, Emperor Otto I (951–73, emp. 962) granted several abandoned settlements along the frontier between the dioceses of Alba and Acqui to Anselmo of the Aleramici (MGH Dipl. i, 462–4 doc. 339; Merlone 1995, 273–6 doc. 2; see also section (a) above, p. 94). The grant specifically described these settlements as loci deserti, which suggests that their inhabitants had vacated them in the face of the Saracen marauders. Otto’s grant to Anselmo was also important because it marked the earliest penetration by the marquises into the territory of Alba. Towards the end of the century, the diocese of Alba was temporarily absorbed into that of Asti (Albesano 1971, 89–90), a further sign of the damage and disruption caused by the Saracen incursions. By about 1125, much of the Albese was in the hands of Bonifacio di Vasto, a descendant of the Aleramici who held the title of marquis of Savona (Albesano 1971, 98). Communal institutions began to crystallise in Alba during the second half of the twelfth century. Representatives of the city were negotiating treaties on its behalf as early as 1170 (Milano 1903, i, 223–5 doc. 136; Fresia 2002, 18–19), and the earliest reference to the consuls of the commune dates from 1179 (Milano 1903, i, 220–1 doc. 133; Gabotto 1912, xxxiv). In 1185, in the aftermath of the Peace of Constance (1183), Emperor Frederick I (1152–90, emp. 1155) conceded regalian rights to Alba (de omnibus regalibus sibi et inperio pertinentibus in predicta civitate Albe …: MGH Dipl. x.4, 166–8 doc. 906–7; Milano 1903, i, 72–3 doc. 31, 10–1 doc. 35; Fresia 2002, 29) for the low tribute of only thirty lire in the denari of Asti, though without specifically mentioning minting rights. In 1187, while still king, Henry VI took Alba under royal protection (Milano 1903, i, 73–4 doc. 32; Fresia 2002, 29–30), again without specific reference to minting rights.

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From 1203 to 1233, Alba’s political position in the Piedmont was characterised largely by its alliance with Alessandria (Gasparolo 1889, 29–35 doc. 25; Milano 1903, i, 1–12 doc. 1; Fresia 2002, 136–9) and its continued resistance against the territorial encroachments of Asti. Like Alessandria, Alba also adhered to a coalition of cities and seigniorial powers that supported Otto IV’s claim to the imperial throne over Frederick II, whereas Asti favoured Frederick (Voltmer 1992, 28; Fresia 2002, 196–7). In 1233, Alba made peace with Asti (Fresia 2002, 266–70). By the end of the 1230s, despite the continued resistance of the Lombard League, Frederick had managed to impose his authority over much of the Piedmont (Bordone 1999, 142–3; Fresia 2002, 270). In March 1238, he was in Alba (Huillard-Bréholles 1852–61, v.1, 178–80), and from 1240 until his death in 1250, his representatives are frequently attested overseeing the municipal government there (Gabotto 1912, xxxviii), typically in the office of imperial podestà or capitano. In 1243, these representatives included Manfredo II Lancia (Gabotto 1912, 124–5 doc. 106), the brother or perhaps uncle of Frederick’s consort, Bianca Lancia of Agliana (see section (f) below, pp. 138–9). Alba renewed and expanded its peace with Asti in 1250 and, following Frederick’s death later that year, sought to restore good relations with the various marquises of Vasto (Fresia 2002, 286–97, 300–5). It also concluded an extensive commercial treaty with Giacomo del Carretto, marquis of Savona, in 1255 (Gabotto 1912, ii, 153–64 doc. 340). In 1258, internecine conflict broke out in Alba, and in November, Asti intervened at the request of the pro-Astigiano faction in the city (Imperiale di Sant’Angelo 1923–9, ii, 37–8), no doubt sensing an opportunity to establish a buffer zone between Asti and the threat posed by the advent of Charles of Anjou on the plain of Cuneo (Fresia 2002, 305–8). By the end of 1259, however, Alba had submitted to Charles (Gabotto 1912, 172–85 docs. 129–34; Fresia 2002, 309–14). Control over Alba passed to Asti in 1276 (Fresia 2002, 327–41) and then to Marquis Guglielmo VI of Montferrat (1253–92) in 1282 (Gabotto 1912, 235–48 docs. 155–6; Fresia 2002, 349–59). Alba regained at least the appearance of independence after the death of Guglielmo in 1292,but returned to the Angevins in 1303 (Gabotto 1912, 273–82 doc. 167; Fresia 2002, 371–8). 2. Coinage The only known issue of the Alba mint is a billon denaro, traditionally called denaro imperiale, with the obverse legend +INþaTORøFø around aL|Ba in two lines across the field, which identifies the mint, and with the reverse legend MaRø4aONEø around a cross (CNI ii, 4.1, 0.54g). The coin, which has no feature typical of any denaro imperiale, was first published by Maggiora-Vergano (1873) from his own collection. This example then passed to Filippo Marignoli, and King Victor Emanuel III of Italy acquired it in 1900 when he purchased Marignoli’s entire collection of some 35,000 coins. The coin is now in the former Royal Collection in Rome. Other specimens have been offered at auction in 2000 (Hess-Divo auction 282, 10 May 2000, lot 45, 0.59g) and 2011 (Bolaffi auction, 1 Dec. 2011, lot 447, 0.58g). Some numismatists have regarded the Alba denaro as a modern forgery (RIN 26 (1913), 442), but the specimens offered at auction are clearly from different dies and appear genuine on the basis of the accompanying photographs. Giuria (1984, 218 no. 2) attributes the denaro of Alba to Bishop Francesco I del Carretto ex marchionibus Savone (1401–7), but most numismatists date it to the thirteenth century, which seems more likely on the basis of fabric, style and weight. The source of Alba’s right of coinage is unclear, but the obverse marginal legend refers to an emperor Frederick, perhaps suggesting that the rights

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came from Frederick I or II. The reverse marginal legend refers to the marquises of Savona, which raises the possibility that Alba’s denaro was somehow related to the MaR4agONa coinage (see Chapter 4, section (d), pp. 301–6). The weight standard of about 0.60g is roughly consistent with the denari of Genoa and Asti in the second half of the thirteenth century. A fuller explanation of the coinage awaits further research, but the reference to the marquises of Savona in the reverse legend makes it likely the mint of Alba began to strike its denari only after the commune had negotiated an extensive commercial treaty with the marquis of Savona in 1255. Production of these coins nevertheless must have ceased by 1259 when Alba came under Angevin rule. The issue therefore can be tentatively dated to the period 1255–9.

(d) a le s sandri a 1. Historical background Alessandria is situated a little more than thirty kilometres east of Asti on the Po plain near the confluence of the rivers Tanaro and Bormida. Earlier generations of historians believed that Alessandria had been founded only shortly before 1168, when the city joined the Lombard League against Emperor Frederick I Barbarossa (1152–90), and the text of the treaty that established the League indeed refers to Alessandria as a new city (Manaresi 1919, 93–6 doc. 65; Gasparolo 1930, i, 80–1 doc. 60). More recently, however, historians have begun to regard Alessandria as having developed out of several villages near the Tanaro–Bormida confluence that began to coalesce some time before the mid-twelfth century (Bima 1970). When the city subscribed to the Lombard League and adopted the name Alessandria, after Pope Alexander III (1159–81), it was probably reacting to the encroachments of Marquis Guglielmo IV of Montferrat (1140–88). Frederick had granted the marquis lordship over the entire area around Alessandria in 1164 (MGH Dipl. x.2, 377–9 doc. 467; Gasparolo 1930, ii, 13 doc. 190), the same year in which the inhabitants of the burgeoning town began to construct its fortifications. To discourage any new show of hostility on the part of its rivals, Alessandria quickly signed a mutual defence pact with Asti and established commercial relations with that city (Moriondo 1789–90, i, 68–9 doc. 53; Schiavina 1857, i, 26–7; Gasparolo 1930, i, 85–6 doc. 64). This held the imperial menace at bay only until September 1174, when Frederick’s forces began to lay siege to Alessandria. After seven months, however, Frederick abandoned the siege and accepted a truce (Manaresi 1919, 131–4 doc. 94; Gasparolo 1930, i, 95–7 doc. 72). In recognition of the city’s persistent defence of papal interests, probably in 1175, Pope Alexander granted the city’s archdeacon episcopal rights over several nearby villages, thereby creating the diocese of Alessandria (Savio 1899, 66–7; Kehr 1906–75, vi.2, 202 doc. 1). This might have been intended partly to threaten the authority of Acqui’s pro-imperial bishop in the area, but the principal aim was to discourage further challenges to Alessandria’s independence. The plan appeared to falter in 1178 when Guglielmo of Montferrat managed to assert a measure of control over Alessandria, though his lordship was tentative and ultimately ephemeral. Alessandria quickly regained its independence, and in 1180, Alexander transferred the seat of the diocese of Acqui to the cathedral of Alessandria, effectively uniting the two dioceses but giving primacy to the bishop of Alessandria (Kehr 1906–75, vi.2, 203 doc. 4; Fiaschini 1970). Pope Alexander died in the year following the transfer and was replaced by Lucius III (1181–5). Relations between Frederick and the new pope were apparently somewhat more conciliatory, and

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the change in conditions perhaps made it easier for the emperor to reach an accord with the cities of the Lombard League in the Peace of Constance in 1183. At Constance, Alessandria was excluded from the treaty, but the city was nevertheless named in the agreement as Cesarea (Schiavina 1857, i, 107–13; Manaresi 1919, 195–206 doc. 139; Gasparolo 1928–30, i, 129 doc. 98). Frederick made peace with Alessandria nearly a year later in the so-called ‘Reconciliation of Nuremberg’ after the city agreed to abandon the name Alessandria in favour of Cesarea, and the emperor even re-founded the city with its new designation (Schiavina 1857, i, 115–18; Gasparolo 1889, 102– 4 doc. 87; Gasparolo 1928–30, i, 132–4 doc. 101). The new name, with its imperial overtones, remained in use until the death of Frederick’s son Emperor Henry VI in 1197, after which the city immediately assumed its old name and renewed its close relations with Asti (Moriondo 1789– 90, i, 107–10 doc. 93; Schiavina 1857, i, 170; Gasparolo 1889, 87–90 doc. 74; 1928–30, i, 198–200 doc. 143). In the years following Henry’s death, Alessandria exploited the weakness in imperial power by subscribing to mutual defence treaties with other anti-imperial cities of northern Italy (e.g. Gasparolo 1889, 106–7 doc. 89, 48–51 doc. 40). It was an essentially independent anti-imperial city in the early thirteenth century. It subscribed to the Lombard League in 1208 and supported the claim of King Otto IV (1208–18, emp. 1209) to the imperial throne over Frederick II. When Alessandria subscribed to the League again in 1226, Frederick placed the city under an imperial ban (Huillard-Bréholles 1852–61, ii.2, 641–7 esp. 642; Gasparolo 1928–30, iii, 102 doc. 483). Marquis Manfredo II Lancia occupied Alessandria for Frederick in 1240 and the city remained under some form of imperial control for much of the next several decades, first under Manfredo II Lancia as imperial vicario and podestà from 1240 to 1257 (RI v.1.1 docs. 3107a, 3130; iv.2.4 doc. 13331; DBI lxiii, 338–41; see section (f) below, pp. 137–9) and later under imperial vassals such as Guglielmo VI of Montferrat (1253–92), who ruled as capitano of the city from 1260 to 1262. Guelf rule returned to Alessandria in 1268 when its inhabitants pledged fealty to Charles I of Anjou. Ten years later, the city passed back into the hands of Guglielmo of Montferrat, whose rule continued until 1290, when Alessandria regained its independence. The city held on to its independence for only two years, however, and in 1292 it submitted to Matteo Visconti of Milan and remained under Visconti rule until 1302 when Matteo was deposed. Alessandria achieved independence once again in 1313 under the protection of Robert the Wise of Anjou, but in 1348, five years after Robert’s death, the city again fell into the hands of the Visconti lords of Milan. Until 1495, Alessandria was for the most part subject to Milanese control, first under the Visconti and then, from 1449, under the Sforza. 2. Coinage Most of Alessandria’s coins were struck in the name of an emperor Frederick. No grant of minting rights to Alessandria is known, but most numismatists believe that Frederick I probably granted these privileges to Alessandria in 1184 when the city submitted to the conditions laid out in the Peace of Constance nearly a year earlier. They nevertheless also insist that Alessandria began to exercise these rights only after the death of Frederick’s son Henry VI in 1197, since the reverse legends clearly identify the place of issue as Alessandria rather than Cesarea as one would expect had the coins been struck from 1184 to 1197 while either Frederick or Henry controlled the city. They also see the almost continuous enmity between Alessandria and Frederick II during the first half of the thirteenth century as precluding any possibility that Alessandria’s minting rights

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stemmed from Frederick II (Promis 1852, 10; Brambilla 1870, 57; Gnecchi and Gnecchi 1889, 5–6; Cunietti-Cunietti 1908, 116–17; Simonetti 1965–7, 49; Biaggi 1978, 111), but they ignore the fact that from 1240 the city was under the rule of imperial vicario Manfredo II Lancia. The fabric and style of the coins struck in the name of an emperor Frederick nevertheless strongly suggest a later dating. One possibility is that Frederick II struck these coins in Alessandria after occupying it in 1240 as a symbol of his new-found authority over the city or as a means to pacify local opposition to imperial power. The 1297 statutes of Alessandria make no mention of Alessandria’s coinage but instead lay down that the amounts expressed in the statutes for fines against various infractions, unless specifically stated otherwise, always refer to the coinage of Tortona (Codex Statutorum, 1547, 86; Rozzo 1980, 82). Collections of the papal tithe in the diocese of Alessandria for the period from 1295 to 1298 were likewise reckoned in the coinage of Tortona (Rosada 1990, 391). The late thirteenth-century statutes also refer occasionally to the coinage of Pavia and to denari imperiali and stipulate penalties against the illicit striking of coins. Commercial contracts redacted in and around Alessandria typically call for payments first in the coinage of Pavia, then from the early thirteenth century in the coinage of Asti, and increasingly in the later thirteenth and early fourteenth century in the coinage of Tortona (Podestà 1992). Scholars have traditionally described the coins of Alessandria as two different types of silver halfgrossi and a billon piccolo (Promis 1852, 9–10; Biaggi 1978, 111; Varesi 2003, 11 nos. 12–14), but the identification of the two types as half-grossi is problematic if not wrong. Both types of the so-called half-grossi are exceedingly rare. The first type has the obverse marginal legend +FREDERICVS with I ø P ø R ø T ø in the field around a central pellet and the reverse legend +aLEXaNDRIa around a cross (CNI ii, 5.1; Fava et al. 1964, 153 no. 3). The example in the Museo Civico in Pavia weighs 0.87g, while examples in the Museo Civico in Turin and the Bibliothèque Nationale de France weigh 0.73 and 0.94g, respectively (Biaggi 2007, 375 no. AP/3; inv. A.F. K. 2559). Brambilla (1870, 58–9) supposed that the Pavia specimen was only about 50 per cent fine, with a fine weight of 0.43g. The weights, Brambilla’s estimate of fineness and especially the characteristic design make clear that this type is a denaro imperiale piano modelled after the Milanese and Pavese denari imperiali of 1254/6. In view of its relatively heavy weight, it must have been struck during the third quarter of the thirteenth century. The second type has the obverse legend +øFøIMþaTORø around S ø P ø in the field with an abbreviation mark above for St Peter, Alessandria’s patron saint. The reverse legend is almost identical to that on the denaro imperiale, though the lettering and punctuation differ slightly (CNI ii, 5.2–3; Martini et al. 1987, 15–16 no. 1). The coin published by Promis (1852, 9–10) weighs 0.65g and the CNI describes this example now in the Royal collection as broken with part of the flan missing. Promis believed that this coin was 80–85 per cent fine, which makes it possible that the specimen could be a damaged lightweight grosso minore according to the Milanese monetary system. In the Coin Cabinet in Milan, however, there is another specimen with very similar typology but bowl-shaped (scodellato) and in smaller module that is clearly a denaro mezzano scodellato and, weighing 0.54g, has the appropriate weight for such a denomination (Martini et al. 1987, 15–16 no. 1). Comparison with other grossi minori and denari mezzani struck in other Piedmontese mints such as Vercelli, Ivrea, Cortemilia and Chivasso suggests that this coin might have also been struck around 1250 or soon thereafter. The Alessandria mint thus struck three coin types between about 1240 and 1268 when the city was under the rule of imperial functionaries.

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New research on the Italian imperial coinages of Emperor Frederick II (1220–50) suggests that a further coin type can also be attributed to Alessandria: the denaro mezzano in the name of Manfredo II Lancia formerly attributed to the small Piedmontese town of Busca (Matzke, research in progress; see also Chapter 2, section (g), pp. 78–9 and section (f) below, pp. 138–9). Manfredo II Lancia (c. 1215–57) came from the family line of the marquises of Busca, but his father had already sold the majority of the family’s hereditary lordships and Manfredo never styled himself marquis (DBI lxiii, 335–7, 337–41). Of course, the coins conventionally attributed to Busca make no mention of the town. Alessandria, on the other hand, was Manfredo’s principal residence between 1240 and 1257. His arrival there to assume control as the imperial vicario and podestà also closely coincided with the beginning of Alessandria’s coinage. In 1252, Manfredo and his city of Alessandria turned against King Conrad IV (king 1250–4), successor to Frederick II and rival of Manfredo’s nephew Manfredo of Sicily, which helps to explain the continued reference to Frederick II and the use of his own name on the coins. The denaro mezzano with the legends +INPaTOR around the letters FR and with the reverse legend +MLaCEa (CNI ii, 50–1.1–2; Martini et al. 1987, 24 no. 1) was thus struck in Alessandria between 1252 and 1256. There are two varieties of the denaro, distinguished only by minor differences in punctuation, and the known specimens weigh between 0.33g and 0.46g; this corresponds roughly with the standard for the denaro mezzano established by various Lombard cities in a monetary accord negotiated in Cremona in 1254. The only remaining issue of the Alessandria mint during the later Middle Ages is the rare piccolo. It has the more gothic obverse legend +aLeXanDRIa around a cross and the reverse legend +SøPeTRVS around a mitred bust of the patron saint (78). The CNI (ii, 5–6.4–7) lists four variants of the coin, distinguished entirely by minor differences in punctuation. Examples of this coin reportedly weigh 0.32 to 0.56g, and Promis (1852, 10) supposed that a specimen then in his possession, now in the Royal collection in Turin, was about 20 per cent fine. Because the legends on the piccolo make no reference to an emperor Frederick, it is reasonable to suppose that this coin was struck only after 1268, and indeed the lettering in the inscriptions, particularly the gothic n on the obverse, suggests an even later dating. Numismatists conventionally date the coin to the first half of the fourteenth century, but it is also possible that it was struck early in the last decade of the thirteenth century when Alessandria enjoyed a brief period of independence (Cunietti-Cunietti 1908, 117). As already noted above, Alessandria was under foreign rule from 1268 to 1290 and again from 1292 to 1313. In the early fourteenth century, from 1313 to 1348, the city enjoyed thirty-five years of effective liberty mostly under the protection of Robert the Wise, the Angevin count of Provence and king of Naples, but it subsequently came under the control of the Visconti lords of Milan. With respect to the different variants and considering the strong stylistic and metrological contrast to the former coin types, it seems more likely that the piccolo of Alessandria was struck during 1313–48, but further research is needed to resolve the question definitively.

(e) a sti 1. Communal period (to the first quarter of the fourteenth century) A. Historical background Asti was the most important city and the dominant commercial centre in the Piedmont during the Middle Ages. It lies virtually at the centre of the Piedmont’s Montferrat region, just above the

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left bank of the river Tanaro and roughly at the midway point between Alessandria and Turin. Asti was already a minor settlement when the Romans established a municipium there soon after the beginning of the first century bc. It soon developed into an important junction along an ancient Roman road, the via Fulvia, which joined the city with Turin in the west and Tortona in the east. The collapse of the Roman Empire devastated the entire region, and Asti was one of only nine Roman municipia in Piedmont, from a total of twenty-one, to survive the passage from antiquity to the Middle Ages (La Rocca 1996, 47). In the fifth century, the city entered a period of sharp decline, but because of its important geographic position, it became the seat of a Lombard duchy in 596 and again began to flourish. The history of Asti under Carolingian rule is obscure, but Charlemagne evidently placed the city and its contado under the control of a Frankish count (Bordone 1974, 26–9; 1980, 28–31). The counts of Asti exercised a measure of control over the city until the middle of the tenth century, but power in the city had already started to crystallise around the bishop in the second half of the ninth century, especially after 885 when the emperor, Charles the Fat, took the church of Asti under his protection (MGH Dipl. Karolinorum ii, 176 doc. 111; Bordone 1980, 70). The counts of Asti disappear from the sources after 948, while episcopal authority continued to expand under the impetus of imperial grants from Otto I in 962 and 969 (MGH Dipl. i, 354–5 doc. 247, 513–15 doc. 374), and from Otto III in 992 (MGH Dipl. ii, 509–11 doc. 99). King Henry III confirmed the bishops’ privileges in 1041, strengthening their rule in the city and its immediate hinterland (MGH Dipl. v, 95 doc. 71), but the power of the bishops was now slowly rivalled by the rising influence of Asti’s merchants, who already in 992 and 1037 had received conspicuous commercial rights from the emperors upon demand of their bishops (MGH Dipl. ii, 509–11 doc. 99; MGH Dipl. iv, 337–8 doc. 245). In the later eleventh century, as the Investiture Controversy unfolded, episcopal authority in Asti came under increasing pressure from the local temporal power. The bishops were traditionally linked to the imperial party, represented somewhat ambiguously in the Piedmont by Adelaide of Susa (c. 1020–91), countess of Turin, who also had ties with Rome. In December 1091, however, she died without a direct successor (Cognasso 1968, 126), and three years later, Emperor Henry IV (1056–1106, emp. 1084), still enfeebled by his earlier conflicts with the popes, was forced to concede virtually all of the rights and possessions that she had held a year before her death to the bishops of Asti while confirming their existing privileges (MGH Dipl. vi.2, 583–4 doc. 436). At the same time, however, the commune was taking shape as a new political entity in the city. Asti is described for the first time in contemporary documents as a burgus in 1094 (Gabotto 1904, 379–81 doc. 198) and, more significantly, its communal consuls are attested for the first time in the following year (Sella 1880–7, iii, 651 doc. 635; cf. Bordone 1980, 259–74; Ficker 1868–74, iii, 316 doc. 4). During the first half of the twelfth century, which Philip Jones (1997, 337) described as a ‘virtual interregnum’, tension between the commune and the bishops escalated. In 1141, Conrad III sought to placate the secular authorities by granting the city extensive privileges, including the right to coin money (see below, pp. 113–14), but open conflict erupted two years later, possibly as a consequence of a disputed episcopal election (McLaughlin 1973, 101). Bishop Nazario quelled the uprising only by setting the city on fire (Sella 1880–7, ii, 58), but the usurpation of episcopal prerogatives by the commune continued as long as the king was unable to guarantee them by military force. That changed with the succession of Frederick I Barbarossa (1152–90, emp. 1155). During Frederick’s first descent into Italy in 1154, Bishop Anselmo complained to the king at the

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first Diet of Roncaglia about the insolence of the people of Asti, no doubt referring to communal encroachments on episcopal authority. The king responded by sacking and burning the city in 1155 (Otto of Freising and Rahewin 1912, 117–19 bk 2.16, 121 bk 2.19). Frederick nevertheless recognised Asti’s privileges four years later, not only confirming the city’s minting rights but also delineating for the first time the territorial extent of its districtus. Asti subscribed to the Lombard League against Frederick in 1168, though less in defiance of the emperor than to combat the increasing hegemony of the marquises of Montferrat in the area around the city. The emperor nevertheless assailed the city in 1174 and compelled it to submit once more to imperial authority, and it was still allied with Frederick at the time of the Peace of Constance in 1183 (MGH Dipl. x.4, 68–77 doc. 848). Asti was at the height of its political splendour and influence in the later thirteenth century, despite continuous pressure from neighbouring powers, particularly the counts of Savoy and the marquises of Montferrat. In 1275, the city in alliance with Genoa, Pavia and the marquises of Montferrat won a decisive military victory at Roccavione over Charles I of Anjou. In the later thirteenth and early fourteenth century, internal strife between Guelf and Ghibelline families led to foreign domination under Henry VII of Luxembourg (1310–12), Robert of Anjou (1312–39, with interruptions), the prince of Savoy-Achaia (1317), the marquises of Montferrat (1339–42) and the Visconti of Milan (1342–56). The periods of foreign domination seem to have interrupted autonomous minting activity. Asti’s exceptionally early communal development, through the twelfth century, has been the focus of much of Bordone’s research (1975; 1977; 1980). For later periods, the general histories of Grassi (1890–1) and Vergano (1951–7) are still useful, along with the remarks of Goria (1959). There is also a short and well-illustrated overview by Gabrielli et al. (1977). As elsewhere in the former kingdom of Savoy in north-west Italy, the fundamental numismatic work is that of Promis (1853), supplemented by other shorter contributions by Roggiero (1905; 1906), Gabotto (1901) and Maggiora-Vergano (1936). The second volume of the CNI is mainly based on the work of Promis, with additions and corrections. Simonetti’s handbook (1967, i, 210–48) is still useful but is superseded by the well-researched study of Bobba and Vergano (1971), which needs only minor additions, particularly for the coinage of the communal period, and some further attention on the question of the denominations of single coin types. Finally, Fava (1977) provided a comprehensive general overview of the coinage of Asti based on the Turin collection but, unfortunately, neglected to provide the actual weights of the coins described. B. Early communal coinages, 1141 to the first quarter of the fourteenth century In May 1141, Asti became the third northern Italian city, after Genoa and Piacenza, to obtain minting rights from King Conrad III of Hohenstaufen (MGH Dipl. ix, 104–5 doc. 59; Sella 1880–7, ii, 72–3 doc. 5; Bobba and Vergano 1971, 15; Bordone 1980, 236–40; Haverkamp 1970–1, 564–5). As on the denari of both Genoa and Piacenza, the new coins of Asti carried a cross and the city’s name along with the name of the king. On Asti’s coins and in Italy more generally, the Hohenstaufen king was called Conrad II because he was only the second Italian king of this name despite being the third in Germany. Before receiving the grant of minting rights from Conrad, Asti depended on the coinage of the royal mint at Pavia, which was the predominant coinage in circulation in much of the Piedmont as well as western and southern Lombardy. By the second quarter of the twelfth century, however, Asti’s rapidly expanding economy needed more coined money than the Pavia

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mint was able to provide. Conrad granted minting privileges to Asti partly to satisfy the increasing demand for specie in and around the city, but he also needed allies in northern Italy to support him against his rivals in the region and no doubt viewed the grant as a means of strengthening his power-base. Asti’s mint and its coinage are not well documented during the early communal period, but it is clear that the mint was active from the early 1140s. References to Asti’s denari in the written evidence begin as early as 1143 (Bobba and Vergano 1971, 15), which indicates that the new coins were introduced soon after the royal grant. Frederick I confirmed Asti’s minting rights along with other regalia in 1159 (MGH Dipl. x.2, 64–5 doc. 259; Sella 1880–7, ii, 73–4 doc. 6), but this does not reflect difficulties in coin production, as some scholars have claimed. It is instead simply a sign of the commune’s growing power and importance. There is little significant hoard evidence for Asti to facilitate the classification of the city’s early immobilised coinage. Promis (1853), in a remarkably well-researched study for its time, divided Asti’s early denari and grossi into three chronological groups, even though all the coins invariably have the king’s name CVNRaDVS II in the obverse margin around his royal title RñX disposed radially in the field and the adjectival form of the city’s name, +aSTñN4I4, in the reverse margin around a cross. According to Promis, the first period ran until the end of the twelfth century, the second, based on a mistaken interpretation of the few published documents, from about 1200 to 1270, and the last one from 1270 to the end of the communal coinage in the first half of the fourteenth century. The compilers of the CNI followed the periodisation of Promis, but Bobba and Vergano (1971, 14–20) made several important adjustments. On the basis of written evidence and in view of parallel developments in Genoa, they divided the first and second periods at 1219/20 instead of 1200 and moved the beginning of the last period to 1275 and the defeat of the French at Roccavione, while extending the period to the beginning of the lordship of Marquis Giovanni I Paleologo of Montferrat in 1336. New evidence from hoards and written sources, stylistic and technical considerations, and comparison with the neighbouring and obviously parallel coinage of Genoa now allow a more detailed classification, though technical and typological distinctions are decidedly less clear in Asti’s coinage than in the Genoese coins. This may be the result of interruptions in production in Asti’s mint or perhaps simply the more modest scale of production there. (For an overview of the classification put forward here, see Table 7, pp. 118–19 below.) I. Early period, 1141–c. 1200 Asti’s earliest issues, like the first denari of Genoa, are easily recognisable by their crude style and fabric (class A: CNI ii, 9.4–6; cf. Chapter 4, section (b), pp. 257–8). Like their Genoese counterparts, the early denari of Asti were struck with oversized and poorly centred dies. They have a round ñ, trapezoidal a, tripartite R with small triangular punch for the foot and roughly beaded borders separating the legend in the margin from the field; the arms of the reverse cross are also bowed. The similarities in appearance between the early coinages of Asti and Genoa can be explained by the fact that they both followed the coinage of Pavia, which had been the official coinage in their territories and was also crude in style. Despite the similarities in appearance, Asti’s denari were clearly struck to a lower weight standard. On the basis of extant specimens, these early denari weigh 0.75g. The city’s coins were further distinguished in style from their Genoese counterparts not only by the relatively small cross in the reverse field and by the free-standing crosslet in the legend, but also by the curious diagonal position of the S in the legend. Asti’s denari nevertheless

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might have circulated alongside the Genoese coins, assuming the role of bad money towards the latter. The so-called ‘Fasciolo parcel’ from Verrua Po near Pavia (App. 1, no. 75) could very well be interpreted in this way. The hoard is composed mainly of contemporary denari of Asti and Genoa, but the heavier Genoese coins are in relatively good condition while the denari of Asti are badly worn and poorly preserved, a typical pattern for bad money that circulates quickly. Some of Asti’s early issues seem to be overstrikes, though the undertype is not recognisable. The second class of Asti’s denari has in principle the same design as the first and still has no pellets in the legends, but like the coins of Genoa’s class B, the Asti coins of this group are stylistically more refined with better-centred and normal-sized dies (class B.1: 79–80; CNI ii, 9.3, 10.16–20). There is no clear dividing line between classes A and B, but a continuum in which the crude style and fabric of the class A coins gradually yield to the more refined style and fabric of the class B coins. The borders on the class B coins are finely beaded, the a has a regular triangular shape with small crescent top, the S is still ‘leaning to the right’ at the beginning of this class though lying horizontally later, and the cross in the reverse field is still relatively small (4–5mm) and does not fill the inner circle, but it loses the bow-formed outline tending to a cross pattée or Maltese cross with straight limbs. The class B denari astigiani further resemble the Genoese denari of class B and C in that the letter N has a relatively wide middle bar while the R with bowed top line develops a relatively long and narrow foot. A rare variant of Asti’s class B denari has a wedge in the third quarter of the cross on the reverse (class B.2: CNI ii – ; Medagliere Reale Turin, coll. di Sua Maestà, no. 722; Museo Bottacin, Padua, ex ‘Fasciolo parcel’), similar to the class C denari of Genoa. These coins of Asti still weigh around 0.75g or slightly less, again less than contemporary denari of Genoa. Some of the denari astigiani of this class have been overstruck on Genoese denari, but overstrikes are also known on deniers of the southern French mint at Melgueil and other southern French coin types (e.g. 79–80). The parallel development of Asti’s class B denari with the Genoese coinage as well as the presence of the coins of Asti in both the ‘Fasciolo parcel’ and the Martis nell’Anglona hoard (App. 1, no. 75, 91) suggest a dating for this relatively long-lasting group of coins to the period between the 1160s and 1200. Owing to the paucity of the hoard evidence and the poor description of the few known hoards, for example San Martino Siccomario (App. 1, no. 57), it is nevertheless impossible to date the coins more precisely. Half-denari or oboli of this class have also been noted (class B.1: CNI ii, 10.10). II. The thirteenth and early fourteenth century A clearly distinct type of Asti’s coins (class C) could be called a Genoese type because it reproduces the style of the Genoese coinage even more closely than before. The three most obvious characteristics of the coins of this class are the relatively wide reverse cross that extends all the way to the inner ring, the fully horizontal 4 and a pellet that occurs at the beginning of both the obverse and reverse legends. Other elements such as the marked serifs of the X and the crosslet, the long arms of the ñ, the once again clearly tripartite R with the long and narrow foot, and the triangular shape of the legs on the V and A further distinguish the workmanship on this class of Asti’s denari as very similar to that on the Genoese class D denari. It is nevertheless unclear whether Asti’s class C denari were exact contemporaries of the class D coins of Genoa, and the dating of this class to the period between 1200 and the 1240s is uncertain. Asti’s class C denari seem to have been produced for a longer period, with some specimens showing early elements and others with relatively late elements such as the ë with a pellet on the diagonal middle bar. The class can be subdivided in

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two groups: the first frequently has a large cross in the reverse field and free-standing crosslet in the reverse legend (class C.1: 82; CNI ii, 11.22), while the second has the crosslet extending directly from the inner border (class C.2: 83; CNI ii, 11.21), which reproduces the crosslet on the obverse of the Genoese coins. It is also in this period that the earliest grossi of Asti begin to appear, as they have the same characteristics as these denari (class C: 81; CNI ii, 9.1). The grossi sometimes have two pellets around the reverse crosslet. Their weight standard, significantly, is close to 1.40g, like the Genoese grosso minore in the weight of a miliarese, though most of the known specimens of Asti’s grosso are somewhat lighter. This reflects not only the close relationship between Asti’s coinage and that of Genoa, but probably also the tension between them in the slightly inferior quality of Asti’s coins. An obolo or half-denaro also belongs to this class (84; CNI ii, 13.38). At some point perhaps in the 1240s, Asti’s coins returned to the refined style of the previous period with a small cross in the reverse field and continued to be produced in this manner well into the second half of the thirteenth century. The earliest examples of this class still have a single pellet to the right of the free-standing crosslet in the reverse legend (class D.1: 85; CNI ii, 11.23), but later variants have two pellets, one on each side of the crosslet. Letters such as the S and ñ are no longer fashioned from simple crescent and small triangular punches but now have a more elegant form with widening and contracting lines, and the N has a fine diagonal middle bar, often with a pellet on it. The chronological sequence between the later variants is not yet clear, but it is possible to distinguish one variant with a Genoese-style crosslet resting directly on the inner ring in the reverse legend (class D.2: CNI ii, 11.24) and another with a free-standing crosslet on which the bottom bar lacks the serif of the other bars and is instead triangular (class D.3: CNI ii – ; Martini et al. 1987, 18 no. 9). It is nevertheless often difficult to distinguish the Genoese-style crosslet from the free-standing variety and it seems at any rate that the use of one or the other style of crosslet varied arbitrarily over time. The weight of Asti’s denari in this period slips well below 0.70g, which is parallel to the weight reduction in the contemporary coins of Genoa. The inferior weight of Asti’s coinage is even more evident in the grossi of this class (class D:CNI ii, 9.2), which tend to weigh about 1.10g while the Genoese grosso minore of this period maintains the miliarese weight of about 1.40g. It is still unclear, however, whether there was a period during which the grossi of Genoa and Asti were equal in value, as indeed the similar weight standard of their earlier coins seems to imply. The devaluation of Asti’s currency, which obviously occurred with the introduction of the class D grossi and denari at the latest, was probably precipitated by the widespread pressure for debasement in the late 1240s and early 1250s. This pressure is particularly conspicuous in coins of the mints of Lombardy, which at the time also would have included the Piedmontese coins struck in the mints of Tortona, Vercelli and Novara. In 1255, Asti’s grossi are mentioned, along with those of Pavia, Piacenza, Cremona and Tortona, in a reference to the new grossi of Vercelli (Promis 1852, 47–50 doc. 4). In the same year, Genoa specifically prohibited the use of denari astigiani along the Ligurian coast between Portovenere in the east and Monaco in the west (Lisciandrelli 1960, 69–70 doc. 329). This ban might have been the cause of a series of overstrikes of Genoese denari of class L.2 on the denari of Asti (e.g. CNI iii, 9.54). Commercial documents of the third quarter of the thirteenth century suggest that exchange rates between the currencies of Asti and Genoa, respectively, fluctuated from about 3:4 in 1259 to 5:6 in 1264, to 4:5 in 1268 (Ferretto 1906, docs. 310, 378; Rosso 1913, docs. 472–3). It was only during the issue of the subsequent class of coinage in Asti that the unsettled relationship between the coinages of Asti and Genoa stabilised.

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117

The second half of the thirteenth century is generally seen as the period in which Asti’s power reached its apex. It is therefore not surprising that its coins are relatively plentiful during this period. Asti’s class E coins continue the style, fabric and weight of the latest coins of class D, including the ë with the pellet on the fine diagonal middle line and the variation in the reverse legend between the Genoese-style crosslet resting directly on the inner ring and the free-standing crosslet, but it is clearly marked by the crossed middle bar on the ñ, as on contemporary Genoese grossi of class N. While the first group has a pellet on either side of the crosslet (class E.1, denari: 86; CNI ii, 11–12.25–9; grossi: CNI ii, 10.11–13; oboli: CNI ii, 12–13.32–5), the second group is characterised by two pellets on each side of the now permanently detached crosslet in the reverse legend (class E.2, denari: CNI ii, 12.30–1; oboli: CNI ii, 13.36–7). The denari and oboli of these two groups have a small wedge between the R and a of CVNRaDVS, similar to that found on the gold quartarole of Genoa. A further group of this class consists of only grossi. The coins have two very small crosslets flanking the larger crosslet in the reverse legend (class E.3: CNI ii, 10.14–15), and they point towards the beginning of a new phase in Asti’s coinage. Like the Genoese tournois-style grossi of class N, which are similar in style to Asti’s grossi of this group and share the crossed middle bar on the ñ, these coins were orientated towards the plentiful French coinage that circulated widely in northwest Italy. From 1274 at the latest, the gros tournois had the official value of twenty-five denari of Asti, and because about nine and a half gros tournois were equivalent to one gold florin, one lira in denari astigiani corresponded to the same florin. In Genoa, the gros tournois was valued at eighteen Genoese denari, which means that the denaro of Asti was worth about 72 per cent of that of Genoa (Spufford 1986, 188, 186, 110, 105). The relationship between the two coinages remained stable up until the 1290s. The weights of Asti’s coins, with denari weighing around 0.65g and grossi almost 1.10g, are thus lower than those of the respective coins of Genoa, with the result that four grossi of Asti, each worth six denari, almost corresponded to the gros tournois. Perhaps the ‘gros tournois of twenty-four denari’ in the papal tithes of 1274/8 in the Piedmont referred to four such grossi of Asti and similar coins (Rosada 1990, 359–60; Phillips 1997, 298–9). It is unclear how long this coinage was continued beyond 1290, but coins of this class were present in the early fourteenth-century hoards of Pattada (App. 1, no. 98), Garlasco (App. 1, no. 22) and Valleirey or La Joux (App. 1, no. 116). III. Coinage of the tournois system, c. 1290s to the first quarter of the fourteenth century It was only in the course of the 1290s that Asti began to strike imitations of the gros tournois or grosso tornese (class F.1 with Roman N: CNI ii, 13.39–42; class F.2 with gothic n: 87; CNI ii, 14.43– 6). Promis (1853, 21) and later scholars all believed that the Asti mint was already striking its grosso tornese between 1270 and 1280, but this is too early. A later dating is suggested by the accentuated gothic lettering of Asti’s coin and the fact that it took its style and fabric from both the Provençal gros tournois au lis and the grosso tornese of Piedmont or Cuneo, neither of which, according to recent research, is datable before the 1290s. The Provençal coin is close to the long-o series of King Philip IV of France (1286–1314) while the latter is probably even later, attributable to Charles II of Anjou (1285–1309) during the period after 1307 (Bompaire 1997, 62–3, 90–2; Phillips 1997, 328–37; see also below). Other north-west Italian grossi tornesi such as those of Turin, Chivasso and the marquises of Carretto mentioned in the grida of 1311 all seem to be parallel issues showing the same characteristic rosette punctuation. It is unreasonable to suppose, moreover, that Asti would have started to strike its grossi tornesi so early when north-west Italy was still flooded by large

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Table 7. Communal coinage of Asti, 1141 to the early fourteenth century Class

References

Date

Characteristics

Denaro

Obolo

Grosso

A

CNI ii, 9.4–6

–

–

1141– c. 1160

Rough style: irregular flan, oversized dies, roughly beaded borders, relatively small cross with slightly concave limbs, trapezoidal a, tripartite R with triangular punch as foot, diagonal or ‘leaning’ S.

B.1

CNI ii, 9.3, 10.16–20

CNI ii, 10.10

–

c. 1160– 1200

B.2

Turin, Med. Reale

–

–

Regular style: dies and flans mostly of the same size, borders initially beaded but later more finely grained, relatively small cross pattée (4–5mm) with straight limbs, triangular a with small crescent top, S initially ‘leaning’ and later horizontal, N with relatively wide middle bar, R with slightly concave top and long narrow foot. Wedge in the third quarter of the cross on the reverse.

C.1

CNI ii, 11.22

CNI ii, 13.38

CNI ii, 9.1

c. 1200– 1240s

C.2

CNI ii, 11.21

85

Genoese style: wide reverse cross that extends to the inner ring, freestanding crosslet in legend, 1 or 2 pellets on the right (and left) of crosslet in legend, marked serifs of the X and crosslet, ñ with long arms, clearly tripartite R, triangularly shaped legs on the V and A, later ë with pellet on the diagonal middle bar. Crosslet in reverse legend extending directly from the inner ring.

D.1

CNI ii, 11.23

–

CNI ii, 9.2

c. 1240s– 1260s

Refined style: small reverse cross (4–5mm), pellet to the right or along both sides of the free-standing crosslet in the reverse legend, S and ñ with widening and contracting lines, N with fine diagonal middle bar often with pellet on it.

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Table 7. (cont.) Class

References Denaro

Obolo

Grosso

D.2

CNI ii, 11.24

–

–

D.3

Martini et al. 1987, 18.9

–

–

E.1

CNI ii, 11–12.25– 9

CNI ii, 12– 13.32–5

CNI ii, 10.11–13

E.2

CNI ii, 12.30–1 –

CNI ii, 13.36–7 –

–

F.1

CNI ii, 15.59

CNI ii, 15.601

F.2

–

–

Grosso tornese: CNI ii, 13.39–42; Grosso minore: CNI ii, 15.54–5 Grosso tornese: CNI ii, 14.43–6 Grosso maggiore: CNI ii, 14–15.47–53

E.3

1

Date

Characteristics

c. 1240s– 1260s

Genoese-style crosslet in the reverse legend resting directly on the inner ring. Free-standing crosslet but bottom bar lacks serif and is instead triangular.

c. 1260s– 1290s

Same as D but with pellet on either side of the crosslet, crossed middle bar on the ñ, N with fine diagonal middle bar and pellet on it; small wedge between the R and a of CVNRaDVS. Two pellets on each side of detached crosslet in the reverse legend. Two very small crosslets flanking the crosslet in the reverse legend.

1290s–first quarter of fourteenth century

Gothic style: closed gothic c and e, bow-shaped ground lines of the a, curved lines of the x and S, small rosettes as legend punctuation, Roman N.

CNI ii, 10.14–15

Gothic n.

Note that the image for this coin in the CNI (ii, pl. ii.14) merely repeats the previous image (pl. ii.13) and therefore is not an accurate representation of the coin.

quantities of French gros tournois. It was only later with the monetary manipulations of Philip IV and the reduced output of the good French gros that demand for such coins increased enough to make the production of a good quality imitation grosso tornese profitable. Still, the weight of Asti’s imitation, at about 3.90g, was slightly lower than that of the original gros tournois. On the reverse of this grosso tornese there appears for the first time, in addition to the beginning of the Ave Maria and traditional inscriptions, the famous distich in honour of the city’s patron St Secundus, +aSTñ nITñT äV[n]DO S[an]C[T]O CVSTODñ SñCVnDO, or ‘Asti shines in the world thanks to its patron St Secundus’. Elements such as the closed gothic c and e, the bow-shaped ground lines of the a,

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the curved lines of the x and S, and the small rosettes that punctuate the legends on the grosso tornese are also typical of other denominations of the class F coinage. The grosso minore is essentially a continuation of the grosso from the previous period, but it is distinguished by the lettering and the characteristic punctuation of a double pellet to the left of the crosslet in the reverse legend and a rosette in the form of a cross to the right, and the same punctuation is used on the obverse around the king’s ordinal number (class F.1 with Roman N: CNI ii, 15.54–5). Promis (1853, 22) and the compilers of the CNI called this grosso a terzarolo, but in relation to the gros tournois or grosso tornese it is still only a quarter-grosso weighing just over 1.00g and therefore must be considered as the prototype of the later fourteenth-century money of account with the name quarto di grosso. A new large grosso, a half-grosso tornese that was double the value of the grosso minore, was also introduced in this period, though it seems that there are only specimens carrying the gothic n (class F.2 with gothic n: 88; CNI ii, 14–15.47–53). This type of grosso had the convenient weight of almost 2.00g and was probably intended to circulate alongside the new grossi da 10 denari imperiali of Pavia and Piacenza as well as the ambrosino minore of Milan, struck from 1298/9 (Brambilla 1883, 328–9). The denaro of this class seems to have been debased. Specimens are generally poorly preserved, so much so that it is often difficult to determine whether they are denari or oboli. In 1304 the gros tournois was already worth thirty-two denari (Rosso 1913, doc. 608). Owing to their diminutive size, they are recognisable only by their partly gothic lettering and particularly by a rosette at the beginning of the obverse legend (class F.1 with Roman N, denaro, CNI ii, 15.59; obolo [?]: CNI ii, 15.60). The Asti mint might have ceased activity when the city came under the control of Robert of Anjou in 1312/13, possibly in favour of his other mints and to avoid monetary confusion with them, but coin production equally might have continued into the 1320s. The question will require further research on the basis of archival material. A special issue of this period is a base metal counter that also shows the characteristic rosette in its legends. It has a diameter similar to the grosso minore and bears the obverse legend + DñNaRII around the letters C O I S disposed in the form of cross around a central pellet, while the reverse legend, RaTIONIS around the letters a S T E again disposed in the form of a cross around a pellet, gives the aim and origin of this jetton as a denaro or counter for casting accounts (Promis 1853, line-drawing on title page). The specimen preserved in the Royal Collection in Turin weighs 1.43g. 2. Seigniorial period A. Historical background During the later thirteenth century, internal strife between Asti’s dominant magnates such as the Solaro and the De Castello family groups, representing the Guelf and the Ghibelline parties, respectively, increasingly threatened the city’s autonomy. During its period of splendour, Asti was able to confront and overcome the other major powers in the region, namely the marquises of Montferrat and the two Savoyard principalities, but in the fourteenth century its autonomy was often limited to choosing between different overlords. Asti’s banking companies nevertheless continued to flourish and made much of their profit abroad (Bordone 1994; 2007). Around 1300, Asti became a focal point of the struggle for power not only between the city’s leading families but also between neighbouring princes such as Filippo of Savoy-Achaia (1295–1331) and Amedeo V of Savoy (1285–1323), who gained control of Asti for brief periods

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121

during the first decade of the century. The first significant lordship was nevertheless that of King Henry VII (1310–13, emp. 1312), who ruled Asti from 1310 to 1312. As in many other Italian cities, Asti’s inhabitants welcomed the king as a peacemaker (Pauler 1997, 56–66). He confirmed the city’s privileges, including its minting rights (MGH Const. iv.1, 417–18 docs. 468–9, 429–30 doc. 476). The Guelf party nevertheless gained the upper hand in 1312 and turned the city over to Robert the Wise of Anjou.Apart from short periods of autonomy and the brief rule of Filippo of Savoy-Achaia in 1317, Asti remained under Robert’s rule and protection until 1339 when Giovanni II of Montferrat (1338–72) gained control of the city with the help of the Ghibelline Guttuari family. Three years later, Luchino Visconti of Milan (1339–49) became lord of Asti for life (1342–9), succeeded first by his brother Archbishop Giovanni (1349–54), then by his nephew Galeazzo II Visconti (see Chapter 5, section (m), pp. 434–5). By 1356, however, Giovanni II of Montferrat regained control of Asti. The rule of Montferrat ended only by 1377/8 when Giovanni’s son Secondotto lost the city again to Milan, this time in the person of Gian Galeazzo Visconti (1375–1402, duke 1385), who in 1382 turned the city over as the dowry for his daughter Valentina to her spouse Louis of Valois, duke of Orléans (1372–1407). Five years later, the city had to render homage to the new ruler. From this point, Asti was legally under the lordship of the house of Orléans. After the defeat and capture of Louis’ successor, Charles of Orléans (1407–65), by the English at the battle of Agincourt in 1415, however, Asti was effectively without a lord. Fearing that other rulers would attempt to gain control of it, the city submitted to the protection of Duke Filippo Maria Visconti of Milan (1412–47) in 1422. Charles returned from captivity in 1441 but the Milanese ruler retained control of Asti until his death six years later. Only then did Charles regain control. The fact that Filippo Maria died without a male heir also meant that Charles, who descended from Gian Galeazzo Visconti through his daughter Valentina, was one of the foremost claimants to succeed to the rich duchy of Milan, though his claim was unsuccessful. In any case, Asti’s coins in the name of Charles of Orléans must have been struck during the periods 1408–22 and 1447–65 when Charles actually controlled the city, but the two periods were very different in political terms. During the early period, Charles was one of the most important protectors of the French crown, while in the later period, he aspired to succeed to the duchy of Milan. In the interim, the Milanese governed Asti. With the accession of Charles’ son to the French throne as King Louis XII (1498–1515) and the French conquest of Milan in 1499, Asti became an important station on one of the routes between France and Milan. The two Italian territories of the French king shared the same administrative and monetary structures until the expulsion of the French by Milanese and imperial forces after the French defeat at the battle of Pavia in 1525. The bibliography for Asti’s history and numismatics during the seigniorial period is best approached through the same general works noted above in the introduction to the communal period, but the histories of Montferrat and the duchy of Milan are also important for Asti in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries (see section (n) below, p. 166; Chapter 5, section (m), pp. 439–41, 485–6). B. Coinages under the marquises of Montferrat In view of the absence of coin types referring to any particular lord during the early fourteenth century, it seems that the advent of foreign lordship in Asti signalled a cessation of production in the mint, but the royal confirmation of Asti’s minting privileges by Henry VII and the king’s use of its coinage as a main point of reference for his imperial coinage in a royal tariff of 1312 suggest instead

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122

(a)

(b)

Figure 12. Asti: Secondotto Paleologo (1372–8), (a) grosso and (b) forte bianco (Promis 1858, pl. ii.1; 1853, pl. ii.3)

that the mint remained active into the second decade of the fourteenth century (MGH Const. iv, 716–19 doc. 727; see also Chapter 2, section (h), p. 80). Further archival research is necessary to resolve the question of how long the mint remained active, but the relatively high quality of Asti’s later communal coinages makes it unlikely that production continued much beyond 1320. Mint activity in Asti resumed only after Giovanni II of Montferrat (1338–72) regained control of the city in 1356. His reopening of the mint was part of a wider plan that entailed integrating Asti into his territory as the new capital (DBI lvi, 125–7). The first issue of the mint under Giovanni was an anonymous forte bianco with the shield of Montferrat and a cross as the obverse and reverse types, respectively, and the legends +maRchOømOnTISø and +SanTVS:SecVnDVS (89; CNI ii, 16.1–5; Varesi 2003, 16 no. 36). This coin was a parallel issue to a very similar forte of the Chivasso mint in the name of Giovanni. The very close similarity of the two coins not only establishes the attribution of the anonymous forte of Asti to Giovanni II, but also demands the reattribution of the Chivasso forte to Giovanni II; the latter coin was previously attributed to Giovanni III Paleologo (128; CNI ii, 209.1; Varesi 2003, 82 no. 391; see also section (n) below, pp. 173–4). There is no other coin type attributable to the rule of Giovanni II. Another anonymous forte bianco or bianchetto generally attributed to Giovanni II is best reattributed to his son Secondotto. The only coin of Asti that clearly bears the name of Marquis Secondotto of Montferrat (1372–8) is a grosso with a crested helmet of Montferrat between the ruler’s initials on the obverse and a large decorated cross on the reverse (CNI ii, 18.1–3; Varesi 2003, 16 no. 38; Fig. 12a). The inscriptions underline Secondotto’s title and claim over Asti, with +SecVnDVS OTTOømaRchOømOTIS on the obverse and + DOmIn[us] cIVITaTIS aSTe[nsis] on the reverse. Its size and weight between 1.90 and 2.05g puts it in the range of the Milanese grosso pegione, but its value in relation to the Milanese coin depends on its fineness, which remains unclear. Another coin type does not refer to Secondotto but might have been introduced during his rule, though the many variants of this coin perhaps suggest that it came into production somewhat earlier during the rule of Giovanni II. It is an anonymous issue that has a nimbate bust of St Secundus turned slightly to the left with a legend referring to the saint on the obverse and a cross with a legend referring to an unnamed marquis of Montferrat on the reverse (CNI ii, 16–8.6–19; Varesi 2003, 16 no. 37; Fig. 12b). The image and the reference to the saint, whose name is similar to that of the marquis, may be regarded as allusions to Secondotto and his virtues. The coin’s weight of up to 1.22g suggests that it is a forte bianco. Depending on its fineness, however, it might have been the half-denomination of the forte, the black denaro Viennese, though more research on this question is needed. A very similar coin, again with cross and nimbate bust of St Secundus, was probably a continuation of the anonymous type. The only difference is that the reference to the marquis of Montferrat on the reverse is replaced by the legend + mONeta aSteNSIS (CNI ii, 25.1; Varesi 2003, 18–19

Asti

123

Table 8. Coinage of Asti under the rule of Montferrat and possibly Milan, 1356–77 and thereafter Coinage of Giovanni II of Montferrat, 1356–72

Giovanni’s coinage of Chivasso after 1356

Fiorino d’oro (?)

Coinage of Secondotto, 1372–7

Coinage under Milanese rule (?), 1377/8–87

Fiorino d’oro (?) Grosso with crested helmet and decorated cross (CNI ii, 18.1–3)

Forte bianco with shield and cross (CNI ii, 16.1–5)

Forte bianco with shield between keys and with cross (CNI ii, 209.1)

Anonymous forte bianco with bust of St Secundus (obv.) and cross (CNI ii, 16–8.6–19)

Anonymous forte bianco with bust of St Secundus (obv.) and cross (CNI ii, 25.1)

no. 53). This rare coin is a denaro forte or forte bianco. The new legend was perhaps parallel to that on the filiete or sigleta of Teodoro II of Montferrat (1381–1418), which also carries a cross and nimbate bust of a saint (130, 134–5; see also section (n) below, pp. 176, 178). The passage of Asti under Milanese rule may very well have occasioned the replacement of the old legend, which would suggest a terminus post quem of 1377 for the coins with the new legend, but more research is needed to determine the precise attribution and dating of these coins. A document of 1379 (Moriondo 1789–90, ii, coll. 495–6 no. 228) suggests that Asti also briefly experimented with striking its own gold coin,perhaps while under the rule of Montferrat or Milan, though no gold coins attributable to the city in the fourteenth century are known and numismatists have tended to dismiss the reference (Promis 1853, 23; Bobba and Vergano 1971, 20). The document nevertheless refers specifically to coins that consueverunt fabricari, or ‘were accustomed to be struck’, in Asti and other places. All but one of the other gold coins mentioned in the document are well represented in modern collections, moreover, and the only one that is not, the florin of Ceva, evidently was struck in fabrica Ceve in 1351 and is even attested in other documents of the 1360s (see section (i) below, pp. 147–8). It is thus reasonable to suppose that the reference to the florin of Asti in the 1379 document does indeed refer to a real gold coin of some sort, though precisely what kind is unclear. In any event, the question concerning the florins of Asti referred to in the 1379 document warrants closer attention than it has heretofore received. Table 8 presents an overview of the coinage of Asti. C. Coinages under the dukes of Orléans I. Charles of Orléans (1408–65) In 1387, ten years after Gian Galeazzo Visconti of Milan (1378/85–1402, duke 1395) gained control of Asti, the Milanese ruler turned the city over to Louis of Valois, duke of Orléans, as the dowry for his daughter Valentina on her marriage to Louis. No coins of Asti are known for the rule of Louis.After his murder in 1407 and the death of Valentina Visconti in 1408,their young son Charles

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(b. 1394) took over the territories. Only three years later, in 1411, documents indicate that there was a mint active in Asti striking coins (Roggiero 1905, 349, 354 doc. 2; 1906; Bobba and Vergano 1971, 26–7; for an overview of the coinages, see Table 9, p. 127 below). Charles’ coinage was influenced predominantly by French coinage and typology, which is unsurprising given the leading role that Charles played in the French monarchy. The principal units of account nevertheless remained the ones long common in the documents of Asti and Savoy, namely fiorini, grossi and quarti di grossi. The grossi are sometimes also called ambrosini in reference to the Milanese pegioni (Gabotto 1901, 28; Spufford 1986, 104–6, 131–4). Asti’s coinage and monetary system was therefore mixed, which also facilitated the sharp devaluation of its original denaro during the late fourteenth century. By the early fifteenth century, Asti’s denaro had less than half the value of a Milanese denaro imperiale and, on the basis of the value of quarti di grossi as novini in imperiale money, the Milanese denaro imperiale was calculated 1:2.5 against an imperialis astexanus in 1476/8 (Spufford 1986, 99, 105; Roggiero 1905, 351–4 doc. I). A document of 1411 explicitly refers to an order for striking a scudo d’oro after the example of French écus d’or (Roggiero 1905, 354; 1906). The coins have a French shield with three fleurs-delis and a cadency label on the obverse and an elaborate cross fleury in quatrefoil on the reverse (CNI ii, 19.1–2; Varesi 2003, 16 no. 39 showing wrong obverse design). The very rare coin has lengthy legends of the Dei gratia-formula that allude to the duke’s claim on the succession to the French crown (+ KaROLVS DeI GRa DVX aVReLIeNSIS). Four other denominations can be associated directly with this scudo d’oro, all carrying the same French arms with three fleurs-de-lis and label on the obverse and reverses after French models but with simpler titles (+ KaROLVS DVX aVReLIeNSIS). The first is the so-called grosso tornese of good silver with a small cross in the field surrounded by a double legend that weighs only up to 1.72g (90; CNI ii, 19–20.3–6; Varesi 2003, 16 no. 40). There is also a coin about the size of a forte bianco with a normal cross potent with examples weighing from 0.71g to 0.89g (CNI ii, 20.9; Varesi 2003, 17 no. 42), and a grosso minore with a cross fleury, similar to the high-quality French gros aux lis of 1413 or gros dit florette from 1417 (CNI ii, 20.7–8; Varesi 2003, 17 no. 41; cf. Lafaurie 1951, 76 no. 385, 77 no. 391). Among the French-style coins, there is also a very rare forte bianco bearing a reverse design in the manner of the Milanese sesino of Gian Galeazzo Visconti (cf.639;see also the Montferrat coin in the same style, 133) with a decorated cross potent and a fleur-de-lis in each of the angles; the example formerly held in the coin cabinet in Turin weighs 1.00g (Fava 1977, 245 no. 18). Unfortunately, apart from the scudo d’oro, the official denominations of the other coin types are unclear. From the tariff of a Milanese grida of 1420, however, we at least know the relative values of the two grosso types which were both called pegionus or pexionus in Milan: the grosso tornese type cum cruce parva et zilio was valued at eighteen Milanese denari, while the other grosso type habens crucem magnam cum zilio was worth just ten denari (Motta 1893, 230–1 no. 112). In 1418 in Montferrat, the grosso tornese was also called ambroxinus Ast valued at twenty denari imperiali (Bozzola 1926, 72 no. 64). All five of these more or less uniform denominations were probably issued in the same period, sometime after 1411 and before 1420. Further research in archives will hopefully clarify questions regarding denomination and dates of issue. Alongside the French-style issues, the mint in Asti also struck some coins in the monetary system of Asti and Savoy. These include the common quarto di grosso with cross and a nimbate bust of St Secundus turned slightly to the left, typically weighing 1.20–1.40g (91–2; CNI ii, 20–2.10–24;

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Varesi 2003, 17 no. 43), and a lightweight forte or perhaps denaro viennese weighing 0.62–0.66g with a cross fleury on the obverse and the letters aSTø on the reverse, either in a circular arrangement or in two lines (CNI ii, 22.25–6; Varesi 2003, 17 no. 44–44/1); all of them have a rosette at the centre of the obverse cross. Both the Montferrat tariff of 1418 and the Milanese grida of 1420 describe and provide valuations for the quarto di grosso at seven or six denari imperiali, respectively, and both refer to this quarto in the traditional Milanese manner as octini de Ast, which is to say as coins originally valued at eight Milanese denari imperiali (Bozzola 1926, 72 no. 64; Motta 1893, 230–1 no. 112). After the advent of Milanese rule, from 1422, the forte and probably also the quarto di grosso remained in production for some time. A rare variant of the forte with aST disposed circularly in the reverse field carries the traditional hexameter on St Secundus in the obverse and reverse legends instead of the name and title of Charles of Orléans: +aSTe NItet MONDO on the obverse and +SaNctO cVStODet Sec on the reverse; two examples with known weights are 0.59 and 0.66g (Bobba and Vergano 1971, 32). The numerous variants of the quarto di grosso suggest that this coin also survived Asti’s passage under Milanese rule. In this period, however, currencies of the Milanese monetary system were the ones predominately used in the territory of Asti, especially after the city’s forced homage to Duke Filippo Maria Visconti of Milan in 1438. This is reflected in the fact that Asti’s coin types, as far as is known, were not mentioned in Milanese gride of the period. Charles of Orléans regained control of Asti after the death of Filippo Maria and the extinction of the Visconti line in 1447 and held the city until his death in 1465. During this second phase of his rule, he abandoned any pretension to a dominant role in France and focused instead on pursuing his claims to Milan on the basis of his descent from the Visconti through his mother, Valentina Visconti, daughter of Gian Galeazzo. This was manifested in his new coins of Asti, which often carried a quartered shield with escutcheons of the three fleurs-de-lis of France and the serpent (biscia) of Visconti Milan as well as inscriptions that frequently stressed his claim to the duchy of Milan. The mint in Asti nevertheless continued to produce coinages in a variety of styles: Astigiano/Savoyard, French and Milanese. The highest value coin was again a scudo d’oro with a large cross fleury on the reverse modelled after the French écu d’or of King Charles VII (1422–61) struck in 1435 (cf. Lafaurie 1951, 97–8 no. 457g). The coin of Asti combined a quartered shield with a semi-circle of rays shining down from above, taken from the pegione of Filippo Maria Visconti of Pavia (809); the device also figured on the grosso of Asti under Charles. The scudo is mentioned in Milanese sources in 1460/1 (Motta 1893, 447–9 docs. 199, 201, 454 doc. 211). On one variant the letters a – S – T encircle the shield (CNI ii, 22.1–3; Varesi 2003, 17 nos. 45–45/1). From this point onwards, the duke’s title on the coins is always more or less abbreviated, +KaROLVS DVX aVReLIan[ensis] Z MeDIOLaNI Z c (‘Charles duke of Orléans and Milan etc.’); see Fig. 13 below. One grosso of this period was closer to Milanese models in terms of size and style, bearing again the quartered shield with a semi-circle of rays shining down from above on the obverse and a standing figure of St Secundus with sword, shield and church model on the reverse (93; CNI ii, 22–3.4–6; Varesi 2003, 17 no. 46). Its weight of about 2.03–2.50g suggests that it was a grosso of two soldi in the Milanese system and its typology was comparable to that of the grossi struck under Filippo Maria Visconti and Francesco Sforza in Milan and Pavia (cf. 669, 693–4, 809). It nevertheless may also have been a lightweight parpagliola after the French blanc, like two other coin types that share the same design: the grosso bianco and mezzo bianco (or parpagliola and

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Figure 13. Asti: Charles d’Orléans, second period, 1447–65: scudo d’oro (Coin Cabinet, Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris. Reproduced by kind permission)

half-parpagliola) modelled after the French gros blanc and petit blanc in the value of twelve and six deniers tournois. The coins of Asti weigh about 2.70g and 1.4g, respectively, and they both have the same quartered shield surrounded by the letters a – S – T on the obverse and a cross fleury on the reverse (CNI ii, 23.7–9, 23.10–1; Varesi 2003, 18, nos. 47–8). There is also a unique quarto di grosso of almost the same design but without letters around the coat of arms on the obverse and a cross potent with the French fleur-de-lis and the Visconti biscia in alternating angles on the reverse. The only known specimen of 1.35g came to the former communal coin cabinet of Turin from the Maggiora-Vergano collection by way of the Rasero collection (Maggiora-Vergano 1936; Fava 1977, 246 no. 24). In addition to these French and Milanese elements, the mint in Asti perpetuated the city’s own typological traditions with two further coin types. The first was a sesino worth six denari imperiali with a cross and bust of St Secundus turned slightly to the left that reproduced the quarto di grosso struck under Charles during his first period of rule in the city. The only difference was that the new coins had the French fleur-de-lis and Milanese biscia in the angles of the cross on the obverse. There were two variants of the legend, one with the hexameter on St Secundus and the other with the saint’s name. Both variants tended towards 1.00g in weight (CNI ii, 23.12–15, 23–4.16–22; Varesi 2003, 18 nos. 49–50). Milanese sources establish the denomination as sexini Astexani worth five denari imperiali (Motta 1893, 448–9 doc. 201). The lowest denomination, probably a denaro imperiale, continues the typological tradition of the denari forti, with cross fleury on the obverse and the one-lined legend aSt in the centre of the reverse (CNI ii, 25.24–5; Varesi 2003, 18 nos. 52–52/1). These coins are generally called oboli, but their weights of 0.48–0.85g (CNI and Turin) and the Milanese-style cross fleury after the example of Milanese denari imperiali suggest that they were rather denari imperiali, at least in the absence of further data on their standard of fineness. One other coin conventionally attributed to Charles carries a quartered shield and cross botonnée of St Maurice in quatrefoil (CNI ii, 25.23; Varesi 2003, 18 no. 51) but is probably a badly preserved and misread half-parpagliola of his son Louis (cf. CNI ii, 29.18–20; Varesi 2003, 21 no. 67; see also below, p. 129). A more definitive attribution of this coin will depend upon a better-preserved specimen turning up. In the mounting silver famine from the 1440s, the mint might have also struck anonymous Milanese-style denari with a ‘Pisan’ or Maltese cross and a nimbate bust of St Secundus during the rule of Charles of Orléans (94; CNI ii, 25–6.2–15; Varesi 2003, 19 nos. 54–54/2). These coins have the same typology as the denari imperiali of Milan from the time of the Ambrosian Republic and Francesco Sforza, from 1447 at least until the later 1450s; the contemporary denari of Pavia with

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Table 9. Coinage of Asti under Charles of Orléans (1408–65) First period: Charles’ early rule, 1408–1422 French-style issues, after 1411

Asti-style issues

Second period: Milanese rule, 1422–47

Third period: Charles’ later rule, 1447–65

Asti-style issues

Issues with the title of duke of Milan

Scudo d’oro w. French shield (CNI ii, 19.1–2)

Scudo d’oro w. quartered shield and cross fleury (CNI ii, 22.1–3)

Grosso tornese, ambrosino or pegione w. French shield (CNI ii, 19–20.3–6)

Grosso in the Milanese or Pavese style w. quartered shield and St Secundus (CNI ii, 22–3.4–6) Parpagliola or grosso bianco w. quartered shield and cross fleury (CNI ii, 23.7–9)

Grosso minore or pegione w. French shield between K – a (CNI ii, 20.7–8)

Quarto di grosso w. cross and bust of St Secundus (CNI ii, 20–2.10–24)

Quarto di grosso w. cross and bust of St Secundus (continued?)

Quarto di grosso w. shield and cross (Fava 1977, 246 no. 24) Half-parpagliola or half-grosso bianco w. quartered shield and cross fleury (CNI ii, 23.10–1)

Forti, quarti di grosso or Milanese sesini w. French shield and different reverse crosses (CNI ii, 20.9; Fava 1977, 245 no. 18)

Forti w. cross fleury and aST (CNI ii, 22.25–6)

Anonymous forte w. cross fleury and aST (Bobba and Vergano 1971, 32)

Sesino in the Milanese style with cross and bust of St Secundus, 2 variants (CNI ii, 23–4.12–5, 24.16–22) Denaro imperiale with cross fleury and aSt (CNI ii, 25.24, 25.25); Anonymous denaro imperiale w. ‘Pisan’ cross and bust of St Secundus (CNI ii, 25–6.2–15)

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(a)

(b)

Figure 14. Asti: Louis d’Orléans, probably the 1470s, (a) ducat and (b) line-drawing of the scudo d’oro of Charles d’Orléans misinterpreted as scudo d’oro of Louis (cf. figure 13 above) (Promis 1853, pl. iii.6–7)

St Syrus also share the same typology (cf. 691–2, 814). They generally weigh 0.40–0.60g and are made from poor-quality alloy. The denari imperiali of Asti often have blundered legends and are struck partly off-flan, which compromises their legibility, but three variants can be distinguished on the basis of the obverse legend. The first is +MONeta aSTeNSIS, the second +cOMVNI aSTeNSIS and the last +cIVITaS aSTeNSIS. In church finds in Ticino and in the parcel from the parish church of Airolo (Matzke 2012b, 42–3; App. 1, no. 105), these denari of virtually pure copper are common, but the chronological parameters of the finds also permit their attribution to Louis of Orléans as duke (1465–98), as Roggiero (1905, 351–4 doc. 1) presumed on the basis of mint documents of 1476–8. Table 9 presents an overview of Charles of Orléans’ coinages of Asti. II. Louis of Orléans as duke (1465–98) The son of Charles of Orléans, Louis, was born in 1462 and therefore remained long under the guardianship of his mother, Maria of Cleves, and King Louis XI of France (1461–83). Louis’ ducal coinage can be divided into an earlier series, with gothic or more precisely uncial lettering, and a later one, with upper-case Roman lettering on the model of the Milanese coinage, particularly that of Galeazzo Maria Sforza (1466–76) (for an overview of the coinages of Asti struck under Louis, see Table 10, p. 131 below). The main types of the later coinage were taken over from the Milanese reform coinage from 1474, but the mint also struck French or Savoyard coin types, namely the blancs or parpagliole and their half-denominations. The production of parpagliole in Asti is perfectly understandable in view of the importance of these coins in the region, especially in the duchy of Savoy. Written sources indicate that, under Duke Filiberto I (1472–82), Savoyard mints turned more than 100,000 marks of silver into some nine million parpagliole (Simonetti 1965–7, 182). The highest denomination in Louis’ early coinage is thought to be the enigmatic scudo d’oro, which follows exactly the typology of the coins that Charles struck during his second period of rule in Asti, from 1447, with a quartered shield and semi-circle of rays shining down from above on the obverse and a cross fleury on the reverse (CNI ii, 27.3; Varesi 2003, 19 no. 57; Fig. 14b). The existence of the scudo of Louis nevertheless remains uncertain. In terms of style, for example, the presumed scudo d’oro of Louis does not appear to reflect the hiatus since the striking of Charles’ coin relatively early in his second period of rule in Asti. Promis (1853, 28–9, pl. iii.7), moreover, knew it only from the designs of Le Blanc (1690, 324a) as reproduced by Argelati, which go back to the designs of Lautier (1619, pl. 203). Comparison of these designs with that of the very similar scudo d’oro of Charles of Orléans based on the specimen in the Bibliothèque Nationale in Paris (BNF AF 3069; Biaggi 2007, 380 no. AP/8, though with the wrong obverse image; Fig. 13) suggests

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that all of the designs go back to the same specimen in the name of Charles preserved in Paris. The catalogue entry in the CNI goes back to Promis but incorrectly gives the disposition of the example as the coin cabinet in Vienna. According to Promis, however, the coin in Vienna is instead a ducat with the same typology as the coins referred to in the previous entries in the CNI (ii, 27.1– 2). The reference to the scudo therefore must be regarded as an editorial error in the CNI; other than the seventeenth-century designs of Lautier, there is no record of such a scudo of Asti. In the literature, in other words, the existence of the scudo d’oro in the name of Louis hinges on Lautier’s misrepresentation of the poorly struck and partly off-flan Paris example in the name of Charles, particularly of the gothic letters Ka at the beginning of the obverse legend for Charles as LV for Louis. The anonymous denari imperiali with the ‘Pisan’ cross and bust of St Secundus mentioned above were probably also continued under Louis, though their more precise dating awaits further hoard and coin find evidence (94; CNI ii, 25–6.2–15; Varesi 2003, 19 nos. 54–54/2; see also above). The production of imperiale money, attested in communal documents of 1476–8, no doubt refers to all kinds of Milanese-style coin denominations struck in this period rather than simply to the Milanese-style denari; otherwise, the output of the denari would have been in the millions of specimens in this period, considering the quantities listed in the documents (Roggiero 1905, 351–4 doc. 1). The same documents also mention the production of 405 gold ducats in 1476/7 (Roggiero 1905, 352–3 doc. 1). They can be identified with Savoyard-style ducats that have the duke bearing a sword on horseback galloping right on the obverse and a shield-like quatrefoil with quartered arms of the French ruling house and the duchy of Milan on the reverse (CNI ii, 27.1–2; Varesi 2003, 19 no. 55; Fig. 14a). A similar design appears on the so-called gran bianco of sometimes more than 3.00g, similar to the weight of a double grosso of Savoy, but often tending towards about 2.50g. It is probably a relatively heavy blanc or parpagliola with a very poor alloy and special blanching. It has a quatrefoil with cross fleury tips framing a quartered shield on the obverse and a young St Secundus standing with a sword and model of the city (95; CNI ii, 28.7–11; Varesi 2003, 21 no. 64). A parpagliola and its peculiar half-denomination with gothic lettering both have the usual quartered shield on the obverse and a cross in quatrefoil on the reverse, the only difference being that the parpagliola has a cross potent with the French fleur-de-lis and Milanese serpent in the angles while the half-parpagliola bears a cross botonnée (parpagliola: CNI ii, 29.14–17; Varesi 2003, 21 no. 66; half-parpagliola: CNI ii, 29.18–20; Varesi 2003, 21 no. 67). There is one other coin with gothic lettering, possibly a Milanese type sesino or Savoyard quarto di grosso, with an L between two rosettes on the obverse and a cross moline on the reverse (96–7; CNI ii, 29.21–2; Varesi 2003, 21 no. 68). The traditional designations bianchetto or terlina cannot be correct, but their maximum weight of 0.98g (CNI) makes it difficult to determine their denomination. In any case, the mint documents of 1476–8 suggest that the earlier coins with gothic lettering should be dated to the 1470s. An intermediate group with a juvenile portrait of Louis but with Roman lettering in the legends on the Milanese model is perhaps datable to the 1480s, in other words from soon after the Milanese models. This small group includes two very rare large silver denominations, both with a bust to the right on the obverse. The first, with a crested shield on the reverse, is a testone of 9.50g modelled after the testone of Galeazzo Maria Sforza of Milan (CNI ii, 27.4; Varesi 2003, 20 no. 59; Biaggi 2007, 381 no. AP/11; for the Milanese models, see 733–6; see also Chapter 5, section (m), p. 500).

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There is also a piedfort of 19.00g (CNI ii, 28.5; Varesi 2003, 19 no. 58). The second denomination is a so-called grosso tornese that has the traditional double margin around a small cross (CNI ii, 28.6; Varesi 2003, 20 no. 63). The only known specimen in the Berlin coin cabinet, from the collection of the father of Julius Friedländer (1840, 23), weighs 4.74g. It is therefore a rather curious half-testone instead of a grosso tornese. The testone and half-testone might have even been contemporary with the early issues of Louis described above, the only difference being that they used Roman lettering in their legends in imitation of their Milanese models. The last group of coins struck in Asti under Louis as duke is datable to the late fifteenth century, perhaps to the period after his detention in France until 1491. This group is distinguished by the general use of Roman lettering and, on the testoni, a portrait of Louis that depicts him as a more mature man. It is once again a mixed issue with French or Savoyard elements alongside those characteristic of the Milanese monetary system. The gold denomination of this period is a very rare and again somewhat enigmatic issue described by Promis (1853, 30, pl. iv.4; see Fig. 14b) as a gold ducat on the basis of the illustrations in Le Blanc (1690, plate 324a), which provided no information regarding the weight and fineness of the coins. The weight given for this coin in the CNI (ii, 30.23–4 [same coin]; Varesi 2003, 19.56) is the weight that Promis supposed for the coin of Asti as equivalent to the ducats of Savoy and Milan. The weight and even the denomination of Asti’s coin therefore remain unclear. The coin might have been a large scudo d’oro, though contemporary practices in Milan from the 1480s suggest that it was perhaps a doppia or double ducat rather than just a ducat or scudo. There is also a lightweight testone or grossone of 7.12g evidently struck from the same dies, possibly representing a value expressed in terms of the local money (CNI ii, 30.25; Varesi 2003, 20 no. 61). The less rare full-weight testone of about 9.50g (98; CNI ii, 30–1.26–36; Varesi 2003, 20 no. 60), piedforts with the same typology weighing 12.56g and 18.62g (Biaggi 2007, 383 nos. AP/14c–d) and the half-testone (CNI ii, 31.37–8; Varesi 2003, 20 no. 62) all have a portrait bust with cap to the left on the obverse, instead of a bust to the right as on the gold coin and lightweight testone, and the same crowned quartered shield between two small fleurs-de-lis on the reverse. The half-testone is distinguished by a fleur-de-lis in the field to the right of the portrait bust. A parpagliola weighing up to 2.15g with a quartered shield and simple cross fleury also belongs to this issue group (CNI ii, 28.12–13; Varesi 2003, 21 no. 65). There is also a Milanese-style lightweight soldino or perhaps sesino, which has the same Roman lettering as the other denominations but has a porcupine on the obverse as the personal insignia of Louis and a thin cross fleury on the reverse (CNI ii, 31–2.39–41; Varesi 2003, 21 no. 69). This coin was introduced while Louis was still duke but continued with the royal title and symbols after he became king in 1498 (see below, p. 132). Finally, there is a petty coin traditionally called a maglia di bianchetto with a crowned L and cross potent that is instead a forte; it resembles a Savoyard forte and a rare half-liard of the Dauphiné (CNI ii, 32.42–3; Fava 1977, 247 no. 37; Varesi 2003, 21 no. 70; cf. Lafaurie 1951, 133 no. 630 [a. 1500]). Table 10 presents an overview of the coinages of Louis of Orléans. III. Louis of Orléans as King Louis XII of France (1498–1512/13) The coinage of Louis as king of France is relatively well documented, though the various records are widely scattered in French publications otherwise of no particular interest for Asti. Taken together, they nevertheless provide some detailed information to identify many known coin types (De Saulcy 1879–92, iv, 9, 17, 20; Motta 1895, 127 no. 418, 233–7 nos. 435–6; for an overview of

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Table 10. Coinage of Asti under Duke Louis of Orléans (1465–98) First period: Gothic lettering, c. 1470s

Second period: Early issues with Roman lettering, 1470s or 1480s

(Scudo d’oro w. shield and cross fleury; CNI ii, 27.3, existence uncertain) Ducat w. duke on horseback and coat of arms in quatrefoil, datable to 1476/7 (CNI ii, 27.1–2)

Gran bianco, blanc or parpagliola w. shield in quatrefoil and St Secundus standing (CNI ii, 28.7–12)

Third period: Later issues with Roman lettering, c. 1491–98 Scudo d’oro or doppia (?) w. portrait bust r. and shield between two fleurs-de-lis (CNI ii, 30.23–4)

Testone w. juvenile bust r. and shield with crested helmet (CNI ii, 27.4); Piedfort of 19.0g (CNI ii, 27.5)

Testone w. portrait bust l. and shield between two fleurs-de-lis (CNI ii, 30–1.26–36) Lightweight testone or grossone w. portrait bust r. and shield between two fleurs-de-lis (CNI ii, 30.25)

Half-testone (grosso tornese) w. juvenile bust r. and cross within double marginal legend (CNI ii, 28.6)

Half-testone w. portrait bust l., fleur-de-lis and shield between two fleurs-de-lis (CNI ii, 31.37–8)

Parpagliola w. shield and cross in quatrefoil (CNI ii, 29.14–17)

Parpagliola w. shield and cross fleury (CNI ii, 28.12–13)

Half-parpagliola w. shield and with cross botonnée in quatrefoil (CNI ii, 29.18–20)

Soldino or sesino (?) w. porcupine l. and thin cross fleury (CNI ii, 31–2.39–41)

Sesino or quarto di grosso w. L between rosettes and thin cross moline (CNI ii, 29.21–2) Anonymous denaro imperiale w. ‘Pisan’ cross and bust of St Secundus (CNI ii, 25–6.2–15), dating uncertain

Forte (?) w. crowned L and cross potent (CNI ii, 32.42–3)

the coinages, see Table 11, pp. 136–7 below). In April 1498, Louis not only became king of France but also succeeded Charles VIII as king of Sicily and Jerusalem, which is reflected in the legends of his first coins of Asti, the earliest Italian coins of his reign. In the Treaty of Granada with King Ferdinand II of Aragon (1479–1516) in November 1500, however, Louis effectively waived his title

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as king of Sicily to Ferdinand as part of an agreement to conquer the kingdom of Sicily and Naples together and then divide it. From that point onwards, Louis used only the royal titles of France, Naples and Jerusalem, while Ferdinand assumed that of Sicily. This remained the situation throughout the conquest of Sicily and Naples and until the Aragonese defeated Louis and forced him into retreat in 1503 (Quilliet 1986, 267–70; Setton 1978, 536–40; cf. Simonetti 1965–7, i, 238–9). Any coins of Louis bearing the title of king of Sicily therefore must have been struck after April 1498 but before 1501. One coin type of Louis as duke was continued after 1498 simply by adapting the legends to the new political realities. Later, in 1508, a general monetary reform affected the coinage of both Asti and Milan, which in theory were producing similar coin types. Unfortunately, Promis (1853, 32–4) wrongly identified a series of coins with those of the ordinance of 1508, partly on the basis of misleading information given by Le Blanc (1690, 321–2); in particular, Promis failed to take adequate account of the consequences of the Treaty of Granada, probably without knowing some of the coins to which the ordinance actually referred. Subsequent literature has perpetuated the errors, with the result that the traditional chronology and classification of Louis’ royal coins requires revision. The first type of Louis’ royal coins of Asti had already been struck towards the end of his ducal period and remained in production with the requisite change of title in the legend. This is the soldino with porcupine to left on the obverse, now below a crown instead of fleur-de-lis, but still with a thin cross fleury on the reverse (CNI ii, 39.58–67; Varesi 2003, 25 no. 92). The typology and style of the inscriptions were the same as they had been on the ducal coins, but the legends now included a small crown at the top of each legend as an issue mark. The coin has the obverse legend (crown)LV.D.G.FRAN.REX:CICIL.IHL:, which gives the full royal title that Louis held until 1500/1, including king of Sicily and Jerusalem, and thus securely dates the coin to 1498–1500/1. On the reverse, the legend describes him as duke of Milan and lord of Asti: (crown) MLI.DVX.ASTENSIS.Q.DNS. Its weight of up to 1.20g makes it likely that it is a soldino in the Milanese system, but this also depends on the silver standard of the coins. Some variants of the soldino with the small crown issue mark lack the title of king of Sicily and Jerusalem (102; CNI ii, 39.65–7), which indicates that they were struck after November 1500. The most important published source for Louis’ early royal coinage in Asti is a mint ordinance from July 1498, just three months after he ascended the throne (De Saulcy 1879–92, iv, 9). According to this ordinance, the gold denomination was the gold scudo, though only its multiples are actually known. The ordinance provides no description of the coins but they can be dated to this period because the obverse legends identify Louis as king of Sicily and Jerusalem; the coins also have a star issue mark, which is characteristic of the early issues. They have the royal portrait bust with cap and crown to left on the obverse and the crowned French shield on the reverse. They include a double scudo of about 7.00g (CNI ii, 36.31–2; Varesi 2003, 22 no. 72) and a unique multiple of 20.70g first published by Varesi (2003, 22 no. 71), which appears to be a new discovery from a private collection. The CNI (ii, 36.33; Varesi 2003, 22 no. 75) also lists a scudo d’oro or ducat, but it is important to note that this coin is known only from a design by Promis (1853, pl. v.8), who believed that this and other coins of Louis with the title of king of Sicily and Jerusalem were struck according to an ordinance of 1508. If there is any actual coin that matches the design, its disposition is unknown; its existence therefore remains in question. The double scudo or doppia, on the other hand, is attested in a series of specimens. The most important silver coin of the 1498 issue is a testone of about 9.60g with the same design and legends (CNI ii, 36.34–6; Varesi 2003, 23

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no. 77). It was valued at ten soldi in French deniers tournois or more than twenty-two soldi of denari imperiali. The smaller coins of this period are clearly identified not only by the small crown and star issue marks but also by certain similarities in design as well as the title of king of Sicily and Jerusalem. The extremely rare blanc or grosso dozzeno of 2.65–2.69g bears the French arms surrounded by three small crowns on the obverse and a cross in quatrefoil with fleurs-de-lis and small crowns in the angles, corresponding closely to the French blanc à la couronne (CNI ii –; Fava 1977, 247 no. 40; Varesi 2003, 24 no. 81). The so-called parpagliola (100–1; CNI ii, 33–4.11–9; Varesi 2003, 24 no. 83) and half-parpagliola or petit blanc (CNI ii, 34.20; Varesi 2003, 24 no. 86) have the same reverse as the blanc, but a quartered shield with the triple fleur-de-lis of the French arms in each quarter with a little crown above on the reverse. The ordinance of 1498 gives the parpagliola a value of eight deniers tournois having an ideal weight of 2.26g at 31.2 per cent fine, but existing specimens are mainly 1.80–2.10g, most of them quite worn. Taking into account its fine weight and comparing it with the blanc in the value of ten deniers tournois, it is clear that the parpagliola is of inferior quality, which also helps to explain the rarity of the blanc (cf. De Saulcy 1879–92, iv, 9). The so-called half-parpagliola is probably a petit blanc with a theoretical weight of 1.42g and fineness of 25 per cent, as mentioned in the ordinance of 1498. A rare soldino or rather sesino with three fleurs-de-lis on the obverse and a cross fleury on the reverse also has stars in the legend (CNI ii, 40.68; Varesi 2003, 25 no. 93). The lowest value coin struck in this period is a rare denaro imperiale of traditional design. It has a ‘Pisan’ cross on the obverse and a nimbate bust of St Secundus facing on the reverse (CNI ii – ; Fava 1977, 247 no. 44; Varesi 2003, 25 no. 94). This coin might have been struck in a later period, but only the discovery of further specimens with more easily recognisable issue marks will make it possible to resolve the question. A second mint ordinance of August 1499, while preparations were under way to conquer Milan, has more of a supplementary character (De Saulcy 1879–92, iv, 20; cf. Le Blanc 1690, 321). For the benefit of the French troops in Italy, the order called for the mint of Asti to produce not only further testoni, though with lower fineness and higher weight, but also grossi, which were later known as cavallotti, with a fineness of 50 per cent and worth thirty deniers tournois, slightly less than six soldi imperiali. The royal ordinances were generally expressed in denier tournois rather than in local money. The cavallotto takes its name from the magnificent depiction of St Secundus on horseback trotting to the right and and carrying a model of the city in his left hand (99; CNI ii, 36–7.37–45; Varesi 2003, 23 no. 80). It has the crowned royal shield on the obverse and a star in the reverse legend as an early issue mark. Although no specimen is known with the title of king of Sicily and Jerusalem, there are two variants that lack any reference whatsoever to the royal title, presumably to underline the importance of the duchy of Milan and Asti; they were probably struck soon after the conquest of Milan in September 1499 (CNI ii, 37.44–5; Varesi 2003, 23 no. 80/1). It seems that the cavallotto was first struck in this period. In terms of typology, it probably takes its inspiration from the Milanese grosso of eight soldi, with St Ambrose on horseback overrunning an enemy, first struck from about 1470 under Galeazzo Maria Sforza (724; see also Chapter 5, section (m), pp. 497–8). The fineness of the cavollotto, only 61.2 per cent at the very best or even just 50 per cent, is nevertheless too low for the presumed value of six soldi imperiali (Promis 1853, 33). This higher middle denomination was widely accepted, however, and it was imitated by many other north Italian mints such as Casale, Carmagnola, Mesocco and all the minor imitative mints (see sections (n) and (s) below, pp. 184–7 and 231, respectively; Chapter 5, section (p),

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pp. 542, 545). In the early sixteenth century, the cavallotto seems to have been so popular and common that, according to one contemporary chronicler, the grida of 1508 was aimed specifically against this coin (Motta 1895, 238 no. 438). The Milanese-style trillina or forte is a petty coin that has a crown and two fleurs-de-lis on the obverse, a cross potent on the reverse, and the same star issue mark as the first cavallotti and parpagliole (CNI ii, 35.21–4; Varesi 2003, 24–5 no. 88). The fact that some of these coins have a fleur-de-lis or rosette as the issue mark suggests that this coin type was continued into the next period (CNI ii, 35.25–6; Varesi 2003, 25 no. 88/1). A Milanese-style soldino that has a crowned shield with three fleurs-de-lis on the obverse and a cross fleury on the reverse has the small crown as an issue mark; this suggests a dating to the early years of Louis’ rule, but the lettering in the inscriptions is very close to coins datable to later periods (103; CNI ii, 38.57, 41.78–83; Varesi 2003, 24 nos. 85, 87). These coins have an ideal weight of slightly more than 1.00g but often weigh less, effectively excluding their traditional descriptions as half-cavallotti or half-parpagliole. There is also a very rare grossone weighing 5.12g that displays the characteristic features of the early royal issues, namely the small crown issue mark as well as the absence of any symbols alongside the crowned shield on the obverse; it has a cuirassed and nimbate bust of St Secundus on the reverse (CNI ii, 33.7–8; Fava 1977, 247 no. 39; Varesi 2003, 23 no. 79). The denomination of this coin was hitherto unknown. It is also curious that this grossone is an anonymous issue, bearing only the religious formula SOLI DEO TRINO ET VNI GLORIA, which perhaps alludes to Louis’ conquest of Milan, but the rosettes in the reverse legend may also suggest a later dating. The sequence of the later issues is more difficult to establish. The grida of 1508 for the territories of Asti and Milan facilitates the effort, but it provides only the technical specifications of the various denominations and makes no allusion to the appearance of the coins (Motta 1895, 236–7 doc. 436). The identification of the coins struck according to the ordinance of June 1508 then facilitates the dating of other coins struck in the period after the early royal issues, until 1508. In view of the importance of the cavallotti in monetary circulation in Lombardy, it is not surprising that the mint of Asti struck a variety of these coins in this period. There are two types of cavallotti that share the same crowned shield bearing the French arms of three fleurs-de-lis on the obverse and rosettes as issue marks, but they are distinguished by the reverse image. The first variant bears St Secundus on horseback trotting to the left (CNI ii, 37–8.46–50; Varesi 2003, 23 no. 80/2) while the second has the saint galloping to the left on a ground line (104; CNI ii, 38.51–6; Varesi 2003, 23 no. 80/3). The known specimens in the value of probably six soldi imperiali generally have a good weight of around 3.80g. Some petty coins very probably also belong to this intermediate period, namely a trillina (CNI ii, 35.27–8; Varesi 2003, 25 no. 89) and a half-trillina (105; CNI ii, 35.29–30; Varesi 2003, 25 no. 91). They have three or two fleurs-de-lis on the obverse, a cross fleury on the reverse and rosettes in the legends. The smaller half-trillina has two fleurs-de-lis on the obverse instead of three. Weighing about 0.70g, it is clearly lighter than the full trillina, which tends to over 1.00g. The grida of June 1508, its technical descriptions of the new reform coinage and comparison with the parallel issues of Milan make it easier to classify the coins struck from that year, but there are still some surprises (Motta 1895, 236–7 doc. 436). The ordinance makes no mention of the highest denominations struck in gold, for example, even though there are such coins from this period, while there is no silver testone that matches the description in the ordinance. The gold denomination of this period was the double ducat or doppia (CNI ii, 32.1; Varesi 2003, 22 no. 71a;

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Biaggi 2007, 384 no. AP/17) with a portrait of the king to the left wearing a cap and crown decorated with five fleurs-de-lis on the obverse, a crowned French shield between two fleurs-delis on the reverse and a small fleur-de-lis at the beginning of both legends. The compilers of the CNI also described a one-ducat gold coin (CNI ii, 32.2; Varesi 2003, 22 no. 73), possibly owing to a misunderstanding of drawings, but its existence is doubtful because no such specimen is known. The existence of another ducat, with a crowned porcupine on the obverse and a crowned French shield between two small fleurs-de-lis on the reverse, is even more dubious, coming from a drawing by Le Blanc (1690, pl. ii.12; see also CNI ii, 32.3). Varesi (2003, 22 no. 74) attempted to reconstruct this coin by manipulating the photographic image of a coin with a very similar design (2003, 24 no. 84), but this illustration and the existence of the coin itself ought to be regarded with suspicion. The problems caused by the cavallotti and their imitations led to these coins being withdrawn from production and replaced by a new grosso of six soldi imperiali. This coin has the crowned royal arms between two fleurs-de-lis on the obverse and a cuirassed and nimbate bust of St Secundus to the left on the reverse (106; CNI ii, 33.5–6; Varesi 2003, 23 no. 78). According to the ordinance, it had the same weight as the former cavallotti (3.92g) but was slightly finer (61.1 per cent as opposed to 50; see De Saulcy 1879–92, 21). The curious specimen in the Bibliothèque Nationale in Paris that weighs 8.06g and was struck from the same dies is probably a piedfort of this grosso of six soldi imperiali rather than a distinct denomination, as previously believed (CNI ii, 33.4; Varesi 2003, 23 no. 76; Biaggi 2007, 384 no. AP/18). The other middle denomination coin, a grosso of three soldi imperiali, again in parallel with the Milanese issues, is less rare. It has Louis’ symbol, a crowned porcupine, on the obverse and the usual crowned shield arms on the reverse (107; CNI ii, 40–1.74–7; Varesi 2003, 24 no. 84). Its weight of about 2.40g accords with the 1508 ordinance, which prescribes a weight of 2.47g. It also corresponds to the general tendency of the monetary reform of 1508, because its main motif is a crowned porcupine. All known examples of Asti’s one-soldo coin carry the small crown issue mark at the head of the legends, which suggests an earlier dating, but it is also possible that they remained in production with the same issue mark after 1508 (CNI ii, 38.57, 41.78–83; Varesi 2003, 24 nos. 85, 87; see also above). The identification of Asti’s trilline from the 1508 reform is facilitated by their similarity in appearance to the contemporary Milanese trilline (780–2). Like their Milanese counterparts, Asti’s coins carry three fleurs-de-lis on the obverse and a cross fleury on the reverse (108; CNI ii, 40.69– 72 [no. 73 is dubious]; Varesi 2003, 25 no. 90). The monetary and political convergence of Asti and Milan under French rule thus strengthened the coalescence of these two monetary areas, though subsequent political developments resulted in their break-up. After the battle of Ravenna (1512),Louis withdrew his garrisons and administrative infrastructure from northern Italy, clearing the way for Guglielmo IX of Montferrat (1494–1518) to occupy Asti briefly before ceding it over to Massimiliano Sforza of Milan. Massimiliano did not strike any coins in Asti, but there is a unique trillina attributed to the short period of Guglielmo’s rule (CNI ii, –; Varesi 2003, 26 no. 95). If the coin is genuine and the reading of the legends is correct, then the mint produced this trillina or forte with dies that were perhaps recycled from those used during the earlier reign of Louis XII. Guglielmo’s issue reproduced not only the same types, the two fleursde-lis on the obverse and the cross potent on the reverse, but also the legends referring to the French king and the early star issue mark. Only the reverse dies were slightly modified and re-cut by substituting EX D[ominus] in reference to the previous lord for DNS (i.e. dominus) and adding the initials GV in the first quarter of the cross. The French briefly re-occupied Asti in 1513, but

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Table 11. Coinage of Asti under King Louis XII of France (1498–1512) First period, first group: Small crown and star issues with title of king of Sicily and Jerusalem, 1498–c. 1501

First period, second group: Small crown and star issues without title of king of Sicily and Jerusalem, 1499–c. 1503

Second period: Rosette issue, c. 1503–8

Third period: Coinage after the ordinance of 1508

Doppia d’oro w. crowned bust l. (obv.) and crowned shield (CNI ii, 36.31–2) Scudo multiple of 20.70g (Varesi 2003, 22 no. 71)

Doppia d’oro w. crowned bust l. (obv.) and crowned shield between two fleurs-de-lis (CNI ii, 32.1)

(Scudo d’oro w. crowned bust l. (obv.) and crowned shield (CNI ii, 36.33), existence dubious)

(Gold ducat w. crowned bust l. (obv.) and crowned shield between two fleurs-de-lis (CNI ii, 22.2), existence dubious)

Testone w. crowned bust l. (obv.) and crowned shield (CNI ii, 36.34–6)

Grossone w. nimbate bust of St Secundus l. (obv.) and crowned shield (CNI ii, 33.7–8), dating uncertain

Blanc or grosso dozzeno w. shield and three small crowns (obv.) and cross in quatrefoil (Fava 1977, 247 no. 40)

Cavallotto w. St Secundus on horseback r. (obv.) and crowned shield (CNI ii, 36–7.37–45)

Parpagliola w. quartered shield and small crown (obv.) and cross in quatrefoil (CNI ii, 33–4.11–9)

Two types of cavallotti w. crowned shield (obv.) and St Secundus on horseback trotting or galloping l. (CNI ii, 37–8.46–56)

Grosso da 6 soldi imperiali w. nimbate bust of St Secundus l. (obv.) and crowned shield between two fleurs-de-lis (CNI ii, 33.5–6); Piedfort of 8.06g (CNI ii, 33.4) Grosso of 3 soldi imperiali w. crowned porcupine l. (obv.) and crowned shield (CNI ii, 40–1.74–7)

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Table 11. (cont.) First period, first group: Small crown and star issues with title of king of Sicily and Jerusalem, 1498–c. 1501

First period, second group: Small crown and star issues without title of king of Sicily and Jerusalem, 1499–c. 1503

Petit blanc or halfparpagliola w. quartered shield and small crown (obv.) and cross in quatrefoil (CNI ii, 34.20); Soldino w. crowned porcupine and cross fleury (CNI ii, 39.58–67)

Soldino w. crowned French shield (obv.) and cross fleury (CNI ii, 38.57, 41.78–83) Sesino w. three fleurs-de-lis (obv.) and cross fleury (CNI ii, 40.68)

Trillina or forte w. two fleurs-de-lis below small crown (obv.) and cross potent (CNI ii, 35.21–4)

Denaro imperiale w. Pisan cross (obv.) and bust of St Secundus (Fava 1977, 247.44), dating uncertain

Second period: Rosette issue, c. 1503–8

Third period: Coinage after the ordinance of 1508

Soldino w. crowned French shield and (obv.) cross fleury (CNI ii, 38.57, 41.78–83), resumed from first period (?)

Trillina or forte w. two fleurs-de-lis below small crown (obv.) and cross potent (CNI ii, 35.25–6) Trillina w. three fleurs-de-lis (obv.) and cross fleury with ermine tails (CNI ii, 35.27–8)

Trillina w. three fleurs-de-lis (obv.) and cross fleury (CNI ii, 40.69–72)

Half-trillina w. two fleurs-de-lis (obv.) and cross fleury (CNI ii, 35.29–30)

were forced to abandon the city after suffering defeat in the battle of Novara in June of that year. Table 11 presents an overview of the coinage of Asti under Louis XII.

(f ) bu sca 1. Historical background Busca is a small town situated at the foot of the western Alps about half-way between Cuneo and Saluzzo where the Valle Maira empties out on to the plain. In the later eleventh century, Busca was

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among the extensive holdings of Marquis Bonifacio of Vasto that stretched out across the modern provinces of Cuneo and Savona. When Bonifacio died around 1130, his estate was dismembered and parcelled out among his sons, with his fourth son, Guglielmo, becoming marquis of Busca and the others each inheriting their own zones of control (see sections (g), (i) and (l) below, pp. 139, 146 and 155, respectively). Guglielmo died by 1168 (Cordero di San Quintino 1851–4, ii, 148), leaving his two sons Berengario and Manfredo as marquises, but Berengario transferred to Saluzzo after the death of Guglielmo’s brother Manfredo, marquis of Saluzzo, in 1175/6, leaving his brother Manfredo of Loreto to exercise control over the marquisate of Busca. From 1190, a Manfredo is sometimes identified in documents as Manfredo Lancia, and by 1195, Manfredo I Lancia was ruling independently as both marquis of Busca and count of Loreto, though he alienated many of his possessions in Loreto in the following year (Cordero di San Quintino 1851–4, ii, 189–99 docs. 81–2). Manfredo was still alive in 1214 but had almost certainly died by 1217, when Manfredo III, or Manfredo II Lancia, is first documented selling to the commune of Alba two castelli immediately north-east of Alba in the Tanaro valley (Cordero di San Quintino 1851–4, ii, 206–11 docs. 88–9; on Manfredo II Lancia, see DBI lxiii [2004], 337–41). In 1226, Emperor Frederick II (1218–50, emp. 1220) visited the area for the first time and established close relations with the Lancia house. Bianca Lancia of Agliano, Manfredo’s sister or perhaps his niece, bore Frederick an illegitimate daughter in the following year and the future King Manfred of Sicily (1258–66) certainly by 1232 (Pispisa 1991). Manfredo II Lancia was acting on behalf of the emperor alongside Otto I of Carretto in 1226, the year of Frederick’s first visit to Piedmont (Gabotto and Fisso 1907–8, i, 238–9 doc. 128). Over the next decade, Manfredo is attested in the company of Frederick on several occasions and he joined the emperor during his Lombard campaign in 1237. Manfredo then returned to the Piedmont by 1238 as imperial vicar in the region, taking Alessandria as his main seat in 1240 (Cordero di San Quintino 1851–4, ii, 179–80, 221–7 docs. 92–3, 229–30 doc. 96; Merkel 1886, 76–84). Manfredo died in combat in 1257 at the fortified bridge of Cuniolo on the Po near Casale Monferrato. Upon his death, his title of marquis of Busca passed to his son Manfredo IV, or Manfredo III Lancia, but the name Lancia soon disappears from the sources and the marquisate of Busca lost much of its importance. A document of February 1260, which established a truce between Asti and Charles of Anjou (count of Provence, 1246–85), suggests that the marquises of Busca had already submitted to Charles by that time, even though the earliest explicit record of Busca’s submission dates only from 1274 (Monti 1930, 11, 42). Busca regained its independence from the Angevins in 1275 but was definitively incorporated into the possessions of the house of Savoy in 1363. 2. Coinage The coinage supposedly of Busca is generally attributed to Manfredo II Lancia (c. 1215–57) (Promis 1852, 11–12; V. Promis 1869, 42; Biaggi 1978, 152); some authors, while agreeing that the issue was struck under Manfredo, erroneously dated it to 1229–34 (Bazzi and Santoni 1886, 133; Gnecchi and Gnecchi 1889, 46–7). No record exists of any grant of minting rights to Busca, but the surviving coins acknowledge both an emperor Frederick and a Manfredo Lancia. Promis (1852, 13) believed that Frederick II conferred minting rights on Manfredo in recompense for his services to the emperor and in view of Frederick’s close ties to his family. Merkel agreed with Promis in dating

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the issue to 1238–50, when Manfredo was imperial vicar in the Piedmont under Frederick (Merkel 1886, 165). It is now clear, however, that there was never a mint in Busca. The only known issue formerly attributed to Busca, a petty coin described as a denaro piccolo scodellato (CNI ii, 50–1.1– 2; Fava et al. 1964, 156 no. 23; Martini et al. 1987, 24 no. 1), may be assigned to Alessandria and is therefore discussed above. Rossi (1882) also described a grosso of similar typology, but Gnecchi (1888) identified an example as a modern forgery known to have been fabricated in Rome in 1881.

(g) ( de l ) carret to, marqui se s ( m i nt of c orte m i l i a ) 1. Historical background The marquises of Carretto descended from Bonifacio of Vasto (died c. 1130) (see section (a) above, pp. 95–6). The village of Carretto, from which the marquises took their title, sits above the left bank of the river Bormida di Spigno, about five kilometres west of Rocchetta Cairo on the fringes of the modern province of Savona. The marquisate of Carretto, or at least its mint, was nevertheless based not in Carretto itself but in Cortemilia, more than fifteen kilometres north of Carretto in the Piedmont’s Langhe region. Cortemilia occupies a strategic position about twenty kilometres south-east of Alba in the valley of the western branch of the river Bormida, called the Bormida di Millesimo, near the eastern extremity of the modern province of Cuneo. It lay on one of the principal routes across the Ligurian Apennines between the inland commercial centre of Asti and port cities on the Riviera di Ponente such as Savona and Finale, which afforded the marquises income from tolls and tariffs on trans-Apennine trade. Cortemilia itself was a Roman foundation, and it is thought to have taken its name either from the cohors Aemilia, named after the Roman consul Marcus Aemilius Scaurus who organised the defence of the settlement in the second century bc, or from the curtis Aemilia for essentially the same reason. Cortemilia is first mentioned in medieval records in 967 in an imperial charter of Otto I (961– 73, emp. 967) to Marquis Anselmo I (MGH Dipl. i, 462–4 doc. 339). By the later eleventh century, it belonged to Bonifacio of Vasto, a descendant of the counts of Savona. When Bonifacio died around 1130, Cortemilia passed to one of his sons, Bonifacio the younger, who sometimes appears in documents as Marchio de Curtemilia (Moriondo 1789–90, ii, 351 doc. 100, 640–3 doc. 50; Gazzera 1833, 50; Gavazzi 1902, 69; Balletto et al. 1978, 564–5 doc. 1125; Provero 1992, 97; for a genealogy, see Table 12). Some time between 1125 and 1186, Cortemilia passed to Enrico Guercio, marquis of Savona and another son of Bonifacio of Vasto (DBI xxxv, 397–400). In the division of Enrico’s possessions between his sons Otto I and Enrico II in 1186, Cortemilia figures among the properties that passed to Otto (DBI xxxvi, 433). Some of Otto’s earliest surviving acts concern the alienation of rights and properties in Savona to the commune of Savona (Cordero di San Quintino 1851–4, 216–17 doc. 39; Lisciandrelli 1960, 33 doc. 145; DBI xxxvi, 433), continuing a trend already attested under Enrico Guercio between 1150 and 1179 (Sella 1880–7, ii, 624 doc. 608; Imperiale di Sant’Angelo 1936–42, i, 265 doc. 213, 273 doc. 223, 324 doc. 269; Balletto et al. 1978, 151–2 doc. 302; Puncuh and Rovere 1986, 65–8 doc. 39; Provero 1994, 24–5, 40–1 n. 16). This enabled Otto to focus his attention on his core holdings around Cortemilia. In the early thirteenth century, Otto used these holdings to develop a network of relationships with the dominant commercial powers in the region. In 1209, he ceded Cortemilia and other possessions situated for the most part between the two branches of the Bormida, the

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Table 12. The genealogy of the marquises of Del Carretto (cont. from Table 6) ENRICO I GUERCIO marquis of Vasto, Savona and del Carretto (1125–83)

OTTO I marquis of Savona and of Carretto (1209–33)

UGO I (1209–25)

MANFREDO* (1269–70)

OPIZZONE (1273)

AMBROGIO bishop of Savona (d. 1192)

MANFREDO* (1242)

OTTO II (1269–70)

GUGLIELMO (1269)

UGO II marquis of cairo and Cortemilia (1315)

BONIFACIO ISABELLA bishop of Savona (c. 1192–8), m. Enrico of the bishop of Asti (1198–1206) marquises of Ponzone

ENRICO III (1228–40)

SOFIA m. Marquis Guglielmo III of Ceva

GIACOMO marquis of Savona and of Carretto (1251–d. 1269)

DAUGHTER name unknown (1226)

BONIFACIO (1269) CORRADO AURELIA ENRICO ANTONIO lord of Millesimo m. Francesco lord of Novello lord of Finale (1276) Grimaldi, lord of (1276), m. Eleonora (1276) Monaco daughter of Marq. Tommasoof Saluzzo

FRANCESCO ENRICO lord of Millesimo (1316) GIORGIO OTTO III GIACOMO ALBERTO lord of Cairo and lord of Novello, etc., marquis of Savona, Cortemilia successor to Francesco del Carretto, and of del Carretto through Dego and Spigno (1284, 1300) marriage to Eliana del (1284, 1300) Carretto (1315) MANFRED lord of Cairo ISOLDA ELIANA FRANCESCO (1307), m. Alasia of m. Domenico m. Giacomo marquis of Dego, Savoy, daughter of Spinola del Carretto succeeded after 1313 Prince Filippo by Giacomo del d’Achaia (1323) Carretto BASTERIO lord of Benevello (1273)

ENRICO II marquis of Savona and of Carretto (1191–1226)

MANFRED (1314, d. ante1322)

MANFREDINO (1325)

Note: Adapted from Sella (1880–7, App. 7, quadro VI).

Millesimo and the Spigno, to Asti for 1,000 Genoese lire. Asti then returned the same lands to Otto in rectum et gentile feudum (Sella 1880–7, ii, 292–303 docs. 251–5; DBI xxxvi, 434; Provero 1992, 131– 4; 1994, 25–6, 30–1). The agreement obliged Otto to guarantee the merchants of Asti safe transit over roads that passed through the Langhe towards the Ligurian coast. It also compelled him to deny the merchants of Alba access to the same roads. In 1214, Otto made a similar arrangement with the Genoese. He ceded Genoa the castelli of Cairo and Dego as well as other possessions in the upper Bormida di Spigno valley and received them in return nomine recti et gentilis feudi (Liber Iurium i, 565–9 docs. 507–9; Provero 1994, 30). These arrangements provided Otto with

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valuable allies at a time when he was unable to depend on the emperor to preserve the peace and protect his interests. In practice, the agreements compromised neither the territorial integrity of Otto’s possessions in these two areas nor his seigniorial revenues. In fact, they are likely to have increased his receipts from tolls and tariffs on trade between Asti and the port cities of the Riviera di Ponente through Cortemilia, where he collected such revenues (Balletto et al. 1978, 568 doc. 1132), and they no doubt also encouraged trade through Savona, which Otto had ruled alongside his brother Enrico II until 1191. At that point, Savona became an independent commune and in 1215 passed under the protection of Genoa (see Chapter 4, sections (d) and (e), pp. 302 and 307, respectively). Otto was still alive in 1237 but died before 1242 (DBI xxxvi, 436), leaving his son Manfredo as sole heir to the marquisate. Manfredo ruled until his death in 1284, when the marquisate passed to his son Otto III (DBI xxxvi, 432). This Otto’s last known act, in 1313 alongside his son Manfredo II, was to consign to Asti the possessions that the marquises had held in feudum from the commune since 1209 (Gazzera 1833, 53). When Otto died shortly thereafter, Manfredo assumed complete control of the marquisate, but it was by that time irrevocably weakened by subdivisions and saddled with debts.In 1322,Manfredo ceded the remaining assets of his share of the marquisate to Manfredo IV of Saluzzo (d. 1340) for 9,000 Genoese lire plus the promise of a further 9,000 lire in the coinage of Asti (Muletti 1829–33, iii, 125–39; Tallone 1906, 246–7 docs. 869–70). 2. Coinage No record of a grant of minting rights to the Carretto marquises or Cortemilia survives. Most numismatists of the second half of the nineteenth century dated the opening of the Cortemilia mint under the marquises of Carretto to the rule of Otto III (1284–1313) (Promis 1852, 14–15; 1866, 24–6; V.Promis 1869,60;Bazzi and Santoni 1886,138;Gnecchi and Gnecchi 1889,88–9;Kunz 1897b,208). Domenico Promis in particular argued that Cortemilia could not have been active before Teodoro Paleologo assumed control of the marquisate of Montferrat in 1306. Some of the Carretto coins, the earliest ones, bear the name of an emperor Henry, which Promis associated with Henry VII of Luxembourg (1310–13, emp. 1312), but Henry VII specifically named the imperiali of Cortemilia among several groups of outlawed coinages in his grida of 1311 (see section (a) above, pp. 99–100) so it is unlikely that the marquises of Carretto were striking coins in his name. Some authors have speculated that Cortemilia acquired minting rights in 1209 as a result of its sub-infeudation to Asti (Cordero di San Quintino 1849b, 9–10; Gnecchi 1897, 27), but this is implausible, juridically impossible, and fails to account for the coins of Carretto struck in the name of an emperor Henry. Determining when the mint opened hinges on the dating of the earliest coins of the marquises, which included a silver grosso and a billon denaro mezzano scodellato. The rare grosso, struck in the name of an emperor Henry, has the obverse legend +M D CaRETO in the margin (for Marchio de Carretto) around a cross and the reverse legend +INPERaTOR around |RIC|N in three lines; the CNI examples weigh 1.17 and 1.26g (CNI ii, 215.1–2, 495; see Fig. 15.) The denaro mezzano scodellato was also struck in the name of an emperor Henry and has similar inscriptions; the CNI specimen weighs 0.61g (CNI ii, 215.3). The grosso was certainly a thirteenth-century issue. It has the same basic design of the denaro mezzano scodellato, which was derived from the late twelfth- and thirteenth-century denari terzoli

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Figure 15. (Del) Carretto: marquises, grosso in the name of an emperor Henry, mid-thirteenth century (Gnecchi 1897, 26)

Figure 16. (Del) Carretto: marquises, anonymous obolo, early fourteenth century (Promis 1866, pl. iv.35)

of Milan (539–52) that circulated in the region, and the two denominations were very probably contemporaneous. The fabric and style of the grosso of the marquises, particularly the wedgeshaped markings in the first and fourth angles of the cross in the obverse field, suggest a dating more towards the middle of the thirteenth century, not to the later twelfth century as Gavazzi (1902, 76–7) argued. The hoard evidence is meagre, but it also supports a mid-thirteenth century dating. The Cavriana hoard (App. 1, no. 10) is the only hoard known to have contained at least one grosso of the Carretto marquises of this type. The hoard also contained at least one grosso of Vercelli, which indicates that it was closed after 1255 when the communal mint of Vercelli appears to have opened, and most of the other coins in the Cavriana hoard can be dated with reasonable accuracy to the middle of the thirteenth century. The reference to an emperor Henry on both the grosso and denaro mezzano was probably taken from the contemporary coins of Milan to encourage the circulation of the poor-quality Carretto coins alongside the Milanese ones. The introduction of the denaro mezzano in particular is best seen in the context of the chronicle evidence and the roughly contemporary introduction of coins of similar metrology, and often design, in Acqui, Alessandria, Ivrea, Novara, Tortona, Vercelli and Montferrat (see Matzke 2009, 50–2). An anonymous chronicler of Piacenza writing around 1295 stated that Tuscan and Lombard merchants were striking carrettini in the lands of the marquises of Carretto and elsewhere in the region in December 1255 (MGH SS xviii, 507; Huillard-Bréholles 1856, 239). This may very well have referred to the denaro mezzano of the marquises of Carretto and analogous issues of other rulers in the Piedmont struck during the monetary crisis that gripped north and central Italy just after the middle of the thirteenth century. References to the carrettini of the marquises of Carretto in 1255, but not to similar coins of other mints, also occur in two later chronicles, namely Jacopo Mori’s fifteenth-century transcription of Pietro da Ripalta’s fourteenth-century chronicle (Gazzera 1833, 61–2; Pietro da Ripalta 1995, 84) and in Giovanni Agazzari’s chronicle (Agazzari and Villa 1862, 28). Another coin attributed to the marquises of Carretto and traditionally associated with the grosso and denaro mezzano is the rare billon obolo or half-denaro, which identifies the place of issue in the reverse legend. (See Fig. 16.) It took its design from the obolo of Asti, which was first struck in the second half of the twelfth century (see section (e) above, pp. 115–17). Cortemilia’s obolo has

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(b)

(c)

Figure 17. (Del) Carretto: marquises, Oddone (1284–1313), (a) grosso tornese, (b) grosso matapan and (c) grosso tirolino (Morel-Fatio 1865, pl. xv.1; Promis 1866, tbl. vi.67; Cunietti-Cunietti 1909c, 469)

the obverse inscription +M0RchIO, which is continued in the field with the letters n e S triangularly disposed around a central pellet, and the reverse inscription +cVRT ILIe around a cross, to give the full legend marchiones Curtismilie or ‘marquises of Cortemilia’; one of the CNI examples has a small piece broken away from the flan and weighs 0.19g while the other weighs 0.26g (CNI ii, 215.4–5). Scholars have generally dated these coins to the later twelfth century or the first half of the thirteenth (Promis 1853, 18–20; 1866, 25–6; Gavazzi 1902, 75–6; Astengo 1956, 75–7; Biaggi 1978, 206–7), but this was based on an erroneous dating of Asti’s obolo. The Cortemilia obolo was later, roughly contemporaneous with analogous issues of Acqui and Ponzone of the later thirteenth and/or early fourteenth century. This is confirmed by the coin’s gothic lettering. Cortemilia’s obolo therefore ought to be classified among the coins attributed to Otto III (1284–1313), or Oddone as he identified himself on his ‘signed’ coins, who likewise named the place of issue of another of his coins as Cortemilia (see below). The obverse legend nevertheless gives the plural of the title (marchiones), which implies that it was struck under the authority of more than one marquis. It is therefore reasonable to suppose that it is dated to the last years of Otto’s reign when his son Manfredo II was already co-ruling as marquis, probably after 1311, though the precise dating is unclear. The classification of Otto’s other issues is more straightforward. Under him, the Cortemilia mint issued several coins based on the designs of other well-known coins, including four types of silver grossi and one billon denaro imperiale. The grossi comprised a grosso tornese, a grosso matapan, a grosso tirolino and a grosso modenese, all of which are extremely rare (see Fig. 17 for all except the grosso modenese). The grosso tornese of Cortemilia (Gavazzi 1902, 80–1 no. 8; CNI ii, 215–16.1–3; Fava et al. 1964, 160 no. 55) was based on Asti’s grosso tornese (CNI ii, 13.39–46), which can be dated to the period c. 1290–1312/13 (see section (e) above, pp. 117–20), and therefore, indirectly, also on the French gros tournois introduced by Louis IX (1226–70) in 1266. The legends on both the obverse and reverse are written in two lines around the field. The outer legend on the obverse of the Cortemilia coin reads +äonñTa ODOnIS äaRChIOnIS DCaRñTO and the inner legend reads (CVRTISMILIa around a cross in the field. The reverse legend is highly abbreviated and

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was the subject of much discussion until Novati (1903) provided a plausible interpretation (cf. Gazzera 1833, 55–60; Morel-Fatio 1865, 427–31; Gavazzi 1902, 80–1). The outer legend reads haC

aCh FOR a CCñSSIT ODOnI OnñTñQ around the inner legend FaxñS IþIaL a, which is continued in the field by the letters PñX triangularly disposed around a central pellet imitating the title ReX on the grosso tornese of Asti. Novati read this as hanc marchioni formam concessit Odoni moneteque faxes imperialis apex, which can be translated as ‘the emperor has conceded to the marquis Otto this form [of coinage] and the honour of a mint’. The interpretation nevertheless remains debatable. The emperor to whom the legend refers is also uncertain and it is unclear whether the marquises actually held the right of coinage. The grosso matapan of Cortemilia was modelled after the Venetian grosso of Enrico Dandolo (1192–1205) and his successors (see Chapter 6, section (l), pp. 637–40). It has the legend ODONVS in the left margin of the obverse and S äIc0eL in the right margin (for St Michael Archangel, the patron saint of Cortemilia), with the letters c h (for Marchio) descending alongside the banner-staff in the place of DVX on the model. The obverse field shows the patron saint passing the banner-staff to the marquis, while the reverse field has the usual Christ enthroned with the legends Ic and Xc to the left and right, respectively (Gavazzi 1902, 79 no. 6; CNI ii, 216.4–8). Some of Cortemilia’s grossi matapan have a small pellet left of the right leg of the seated Christ (CNI ii, 216.4–5), mimicking the system of secret markings that the Venetian mint used from the dogeship of Jacopo Tiepolo (1229–49) until 1356 to identify the mint-masters under whom the coins were struck (Papadopoli 1893–1919, 97, 189–90; Stahl 2000, 23, 65). The Cortemilia grossi matapan belong to a group of such coins from other mints in the region such as Acqui, Chivasso, Incisa, Ponzone and Turin. The grosso tirolino of Cortemilia was based on the tirolino of Meran issued under Meinhard II (1258–95, struck after 1274/5) (see Chapter 6, section (k), pp. 622–4). The first of Cortemilia’s grossi tirolini were struck in the name of Marquis Otto III and must have been those of Cortemilia to which Henry VII referred in his grida of 1311 (see section (a) above, pp. 99–100). There are two significant variants (CNI ii, 216–17.9–11; Rizzolli 1991, 533, 539 nos. Co1–Co2). The first one, identified by Cunietti-Cunietti (1909a; 1909b, 469–71), has the legend OD ON VS M0 around a Tyrolean double cross on one side and +DE Ch0RReTO around an eagle on the other. The second has the legend +ODOnVS ä0RchIO around the eagle on one side and Dc c0 Re TO around the double cross on the other. Examples of the latter coin have turned up in hoards found at Padua and in Austria, Slovenia and Germany (App. 1, nos. 43, 114, 134, 141). The Cortemilia mint continued to strike grossi tirolini under Marquis Manfredo II (fl. 1313–22) with the legend M0 FR ED M0 around the Tyrolean double cross on one side and +DE Ch0RRETO around the eagle on the other (CNI ii, 217.1–3; Rizzolli 1991, 533 no. Co3). The CNI lists three minor variants, which are distinguished solely by differences in punctuation. The grosso modenese of Cortemilia, probably unique, was originally published by Astengo from his own collection (Astengo 1956, 71 fig. 1); the same coin was offered for sale in 2003 (Fornoni, Spring list, no. 635) and appears genuine. On the obverse, it has the letters ä0n in the field in a circular arrangement around a central pellet and the continuation FREDInVS in the margin. On the reverse, it has a large ä in the field with two pellets inside the letter and the legend DE C0RRETO in the margin. The legends ought to be read together as ä0nFREDInVS ä[archio] DE C0RRET[t]O. The design follows that of the grosso of Modena struck in the name of Azzo VIII d’Este (1293– 1306) (CNI ix, 188.1–3). The Cortemilia coin therefore must have been struck after 1293, and the

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legends clearly identify it with Manfredo II, who was also known as Manfredino (Astengo 1956, 73–4). One other grosso ostensibly of the marquises of Carretto deserves mention. It surfaced in the dispersal of the collection of Gian Carlo Rossi in Rome in 1880 (Dura and Sambon, 6 December 1880, lot 1016). It had the obverse legend +ODONVS MaR with ChIO in the field around a central pellet and the reverse legend +DE CORTEMILIA around a cross in the field. The editors of the auction catalogue attributed the coin to the Cortemilia mint under Otto II (sic) of Carretto from 1300 to 1314. They provided no illustration of the coin, but Canonica (1914, 71–2) included a good photograph of an example from the collection of Ernesto Maggiore Vergano in his study, describing it as a marchesano, and a line-drawing accompanied Astengo’s contribution. Canonica did not cast any doubt on its authenticity, but Astengo condemned it as a later forgery on the basis of the epigraphy. He also noted that his own copy of the auction catalogue of the Rossi collection, which he had obtained from the collector Giovanni Policarpo Lamberti, included the original owner’s marginal annotations for this coin to indicate that it had been withdrawn from the sale perché non genuino (Astengo 1956, 85). The billon denaro imperiale of the Cortemilia mint was struck under Otto III and his successor, Manfredo II. This coin was designed after the denaro imperiale piano of Milan struck in the name of an emperor Frederick (see Chapter 5, section (m), p. 426). Otto’s denaro imperiale, which is very rare, has the obverse legend ODO|nuS M0|Rch in three lines across the field and the reverse legend DE ch0R in the margin around RøEøTøOø in a circular or cross-like arrangement in the field (CNI ii, 217.12–14). The denaro imperiale of Manfredo II follows the same design, with the obverse legend M0n|FReD M|0RchO in three lines across the field. The reverse legend is virtually identical to the legend on Otto’s coin. It reads DE ch0R in the margin around RøEøTøOø in a circular arrangement in the field, with a small ten-pointed star in the centre of the field (CNI ii, 217.15). Gavazzi and Astengo dated this coin to the marquisate of Manfredo I on the grounds that Henry VII had forbidden the use or possession of the denari imperiali of Cortemilia, among other mints, in his famous grida of 1311, and that this would have precluded Manfredo II from issuing coins (Gavazzi 1902, 78–9; Astengo 1956, 77–8, 86). Henry died around the same time that Manfredo assumed the title of marquis, however, and the death of the emperor may well have eased the pressure on the Cortemilia mint to refrain from striking the outlawed coins. Cortemilia’s denaro imperiale in the name of Manfredo therefore ought to be attributed to Manfredo II. The only other coin of the marquises of Carretto is an imitation gold florin of an inferior standard with the obverse legend +FLoR – eX ch0 around the usual fleur-de-lis of the Florentine originals and the reverse legend SøIoH0 – NNESøBø around the usual standing image of St John the Baptist with a small eagle’s head or, much more rarely, a small flame (fiammella) in the place where the mint-master’s mark usually is on the coins of Florence (109). Numismatists have long debated the dating and attribution of this coin, assigning it variously to the marquises of Carretto from the mint at Cortemilia (Morel-Fatio 1865, 434–6; Dannenberg 1880, 161–2 no. 30; Joseph 1883, 83 no. 2; Engel and Serrure 1891–1905; Gavazzi 1902, 83; Cerrato 1907; Canonica 1914, 88–93) or perhaps Finale (Astengo 1956, 79–84), Hainaut or the bishop of Cambrai in the Low Countries (Chalon 1852, xxiii–xxiv), Florent of Hainaut as prince of Achaia (1289–97) from the mint at Chiarenza in Frankish Greece (Alvin 1907; Gamberini di Scarfea 1956, 235 nos. 650–1; Bernocchi 1974–85, v, 145 nos. 388–93), King Charles the Bad of Navarre (1349–87) as count of Évreux (1343–78) in France (Grierson 1962), and Guy of Luxembourg (1360–71) as successor to the counts of Saint-Pol (Giard

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1967, 132–3 no. 103). The main obstacle to a convincing attribution of the coin was the obverse inscription, which lacked a satisfactory interpretation, but Day (2004, 196 and n. 62; 2006; 2009, 69–70) argued that it was meant to read FLoR[enus] eX [marchionibus de] ch0[rretto] to indicate that the coin was struck by one of the former marquises of Carretto following their submission to the marquises of Saluzzo in October 1322 (see above, p. 141). The formula is relatively common in fourteenth-century documents of the Piedmont and Liguria that refer to Aleramic marquises subjugated by other marquises. Day compiled a corpus of the florins of the marquises of Carretto (2009, 73–4), but it is incomplete, lacking, for example, the specimen that appeared in the same Fornoni list (Spring 2003, no. 691) cited above, and there are others.

(h) casanova Casanova is a small town situated on the Po plain, less than ten kilometres east-north-east of Carmagnola in the modern province of Turin. On 16 February 1472, Emperor Frederick III (1440– 93, emp. 1452) reputedly confirmed the rights of Abbot Agostino di Lignana of the Cistercian monastery of Casanova and granted him the right to strike gold and silver coinage (Menochio 1890, 233–4; Roggiero 1910a, 78–9). There is no evidence, however, to suggest that the abbot or any of his successors ever exploited the privilege. The authenticity of the privilege is also open to question.

(i) c eva , marqui se s 1. Historical background The town of Ceva, in the modern province of Cuneo, lies at the confluence of the Tanaro and Cevetta valleys amongst the rolling hills of the southern Langhe region, about fifteen kilometres west of Millesimo. It is sometimes identified with references to a place that Pliny the Younger called Cebula or Cebanum (e.g. Olivero 1858, 9–10), and Gabotto (1908, 253, 286–7) believed it was a Roman municipium at the time of Theodosius the Great (379–95), though other scholars have raised doubts about the town’s origins in antiquity. The early medieval records for Ceva and its environs are conspicuous only for their extreme paucity. The documented history of medieval Ceva effectively begins only in the tenth century. The marquises of Ceva descended from Anselmo, the fifth son of Bonifacio of Vasto (see section (a) above, p. 95). When Anselm died some time before 1170, his patrimony was divided between his two sons, Guglielmo and Bonifacio, with the marquisate of Ceva going to Guglielmo and the marquisate of Clavesana going to Bonifacio. After Guglielmo’s death some time between 1170 and 1190, the marquisate passed to Guglielmo II, and through him, in the early thirteenth century, much of it went to Giorgio I, who was the first of his ten sons. Giorgio was still alive in 1268, when he was ruling alongside his son Giorgio II Nano (Moriondo 1789–90, ii, 435 doc. 191; Barelli 1936, 2–3 doc. 1), but Nano appeared alone as a witness in a document of 1275 (Sella 1880–7, ii, 607 doc. 592). Towards the end of the century, the marquisate threatened to implode under the weight of a dispute between Nano and his father’s co-heirs. To protect his claims over the marquisate, Nano submitted all of his possessions to Asti in 1295 and then received them back in nobile et gentile feudum (Moriondo 1790, ii, 708–16 docs. 204–7). His two sons, Giorgio III and

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Guglielmo, approved the transaction in the following year (Moriondo 1789–90, ii, 716 doc. 208). Giorgio and Guglielmo were the intended co-heirs to the marquisate, but Giorgio died before his father. A document of 19 November 1324 suggests that Nano was still alive at the time while it clearly indicates that Giorgio was deceased (Moriondo 1789–90, ii, 454–6 doc. 208). Effective control over the marquisate nevertheless appears to have passed into the hands of Guglielmo and the two sons of Giorgio III, Guglielmo’s nephews Bonifacio and Otto, though Otto probably had not yet reached the age of majority. After Nano’s death and Otto’s coming of age some time before the end of May 1326, Guglielmo divided the marquisate with his two nephews (Barelli 1936, 3–7 doc. 2). Guglielmo’s rule presumably came to an end in 1351, when the marquisate was subjugated by Milan (Barelli 1936, 7–9 doc. 3), and he had died by the time that Milanese rule ended in 1356. His share of the marquisate was then under the control of his second son, Giorgino, and his three grandsons, Cristoforo and Iacopo, who were the sons of his first son, Guglielmo, and Gilardo, the son of his third son, Franceschino (Barelli 1936, 9–12 doc. 4), but Bonifacio and Otto were still governing their share of the marquisate in tandem (Barelli 1936, 14–20 doc. 6). 2. Coinage There are two known issues of the Ceva coinage, one dating from c. 1324–6 in the name of a Guglielmo and a Bonifacio that included a silver grosso and half-grosso, and another dating from 1326–51 in the name of Guglielmo alone that included a gold florin as well as the grosso and halfgrosso plus a billon quarto di grosso and denaro. All of the coins of the Ceva mint are rare. Those of the first issue were clearly struck after 1311, because the grida of King Henry VII (1310–13, emp. 1312) makes no mention of either Ceva or its coinage (see section (a) above, pp. 99–100). The grosso and half-grosso in the name of Guglielmo and Bonifacio belong to the period between about 1324 and the division of the marquisate between Nano’s son Guglielmo and grandsons Bonifacio and Otto in 1326 (Gazzera 1833, 44–5; Promis 1852, 15). The CNI (ii, 200–1.1–3) lists three variants of the grosso, which are distinguished by minor differences in punctuation. They all have the legend +gVLLS ET BONIF0CIVS around a shield in tressure on the obverse and the legend + 0RChIOnES CEVE around a cross on the reverse with a six-pointed star in each of the angles of the cross, and they weigh 2.58–2.68g (see Fig. 18). There are likewise three variants of the half-grosso. These have the legend +gVLLS ET BONIF around a shield between three rosettes on the obverse and the legend + 0RChIOnIB CEVE around a cross on the reverse with a rosette in each of the angles of the cross; they weigh between 1.12 and 1.39g (CNI ii, 201.4–6). Coins in the name of Guglielmo alone can be dated to the period from the division of the marquisate in 1326 until the advent of Milanese rule in 1351. The gold florin, which is unknown in modern collections, dates from the end of this period and was presumably modelled after the Florentine gold florin, though the few written sources for it make no explicit mention of its design. There are references to the florins of Ceva in the records of the Avignon popes in 1363, during the time of Urban V (1362–70) (Blancard 1896–9, 221; Chaillan 1898, 150, 168, 216). A document of 21 January 1379 also establishes that the mint of Ceva indeed issued a florin (Moriondo 1789– 90, ii, 495–6 doc. 228). This document, sometimes dated erroneously to 1387 (Olivero 1858, 67–8; Blancard 1896–9), records a judgement over a dispute between Giovanni, one of the heirs to the

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Figure 18. Ceva: marquises, Guglielmo and Bonifacio, c. 1324–6, grosso (Promis 1852, pl. i.9)

marquisate, and the commune of Castellino, which lay a little more than five kilometres north-west of Ceva on the right bank of the river Tanaro. The dispute stemmed from an agreement that Otto had made with Castellino in 1351, when florins were struck in fabrica Ceve. At that time, Otto had commuted various annual tributes in money and in kind that the residents of the commune were obliged to pay to him into a single money payment of eighty-five Genoese lire in florins at the rate of 27s. 10d. in Genoese currency per lira and in tornesi at the rate 2s. 9d. per lira. Giovanni claimed that the portion of the payment to be made in florins was to be only in the florins of Florence, but the men of Castellino argued for the right to render payment in other varieties of florins. The arbiter noted that the Florentine florin was valued at 28s. in Genoese currency at the time of the agreement, while the florin struck in Ceva was valued at 6d. less, and he therefore allowed the men of Castellino to consign payment half in florins ad melioramentum florenorum de fabrica Ceve and half in tornesi. The fact that the florin component of the payment was to be made according to the value of the Ceva florins, and not necessarily in them, implies that these coins were no longer struck at the time and no longer circulated in significant numbers. Pesce (1973) speculated that the gold coin of Ceva might have imitated the genovino of Genoa, but the florin of Ceva is best seen in the context of the European-wide phenomenon of imitation florins on the Florentine model in the middle decades of the fourteenth century. Both the silver grosso and the half-grosso have the obverse legend +gL  FIL DI na, for Gullielmus filius domini Nani, and the reverse legend + aRChIO CEVE. The grosso has a shield with a fleurde-lis above flanked by an annulet on each side in tressure in the obverse field and an ornate cross fleury in the reverse field (CNI ii, 201.1–2). The half-grosso has a shield in the obverse field and a cross in the reverse field (110; CNI ii, 201–2.3–8). The CNI lists two variants of the grosso and six variants of the half-grosso, which again are distinguished largely by minor differences in punctuation. The mint of Ceva also struck two denominations of petty coins, a denaro forte and a denaro. The first has the obverse legend +:gVLIEL VS around a cross with a large pellet in the second angle and the reverse legend + aRCh CEVE around a six-pointed star (CNI ii, 202.9; see also Varesi 2003, 79 no. 374). The example from the king’s collection weighs 0.97g and is similar in both typology and metrology to certain Savoyard denari of the late thirteenth century. There are two variants of the smaller petty denomination, both similar in typology to the half-grosso. One variant with examples weighing 0.51–0.60g has the obverse legend + aRChIO around a cross and the reverse legend + c e V e around a shield (111; for further specimens, see Artemide Aste auction 8, 2 September 1998, lot 270; Nomisma auction 31, 25–26 March 2006, lot 332). Although anonymous, it can be attributed to Guglielmo alone on the grounds that the term for marquis appears in the

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singular. The other variant has the same legends and typology as the half-grosso but weighs only 0.60g (InAsta auction 25, 10–11 May 2008, lot 1275).

( j) f i e sc h i f i e f s ( m i nt s of c revac uore and m as se rano ) 1. Historical background Both Crevacuore (Crepacorium) and Masserano (Masseranum) are located in the modern province of Biella, with Crevacuore about twenty kilometres north-east of the provincial seat on the left bank of the torrente Sessera and Masserano nearly fifteen kilometres to the east-north-east. In the early Middle Ages, Crevacuore formed part of the comitatus Plumbiensis, or county of Pombia, which occupied much of the modern province of Novara (Andenna 1988), but it came under the control of the bishop of Vercelli in the twelfth century. Masserano was part of the contado of Vercelli, which came under the complete control of the bishops of Vercelli by imperial diploma in 999 (MGH Dipl. ii.2, 751–3 doc. 324; Faccio 1934–9, pt 1, 116–20 doc. 35; Barale 1987, 20). When Frederick I Barbarossa (1152–90, emp. 1155) confirmed the possessions of the bishops in 1152, he specifically named both Crevacuore and Masserano among them (MGH Dipl. x.1, 52–4 doc. 31; Faccio 1934–9, pt 1, 123–7 doc. 38; Barale 1987, 20), and Pope Urban III (1185–7) similarly listed both places among the bishops’ possessions in 1186 (Faccio 1934–9, pt 2, 84–7 doc. 231; Barale 1987, 30–1). In diplomas of 1191 and 1209, respectively, first Henry VI (1190–7, emp. 1191) and then Otto IV (1208–18, emp. 1209) also confirmed the bishops’ authority over both Crevacuore and Masserano (Faccio 1934–9, pt 2, 94–6 doc. 240; Barale 1987, 31), and two separate documents of 1243 enumerate the possessions of the bishops in both places (respectively, Faccio 1934–9, pt 1, 144–5 doc. 49, 137–8 doc. 45). The Fieschi lords of Masserano and Crevacuore were the descendants of the counts of Lavagna (comites Lavanie), a family of Ligurian nobles who took their name from the coastal town on the Riviera di Levante where they originated (Petti Balbi 1988). The contea of Lavagna was one of several territorial lordships to emerge in the early eleventh century in eastern Liguria following the disintegration of the marca Obertenga (Petti Balbi 1988). In 1161, Frederick I Barbarossa confirmed the possessions that the counts of Lavagna held in the pievi of Lavagna, Sestri Levante and Varese Ligure; he also granted them the rights to water in the county, to tolls on the two roads between the mountains and the sea, and to a large tract of forest on the southern escarpment of the Ligurian Apennines (MGH Dipl. x.3, 175–6 doc. 339; Petti Balbi 1988, 105). By that time, however, the counts were already under threat from the advance of Genoese hegemony in the area. In 1162, Frederick ceded the Genoese control over the entire coast from Monaco to Portovenere (Imperiale di Sant’Angelo 1936–42, i, 395–404 doc. 308; Lisciandrelli 1960, 12–13 doc. 53; LIRG i.2, 20–7 doc. 285). This led to the counts’ submission to the Genoese first in 1166 (Imperiale di Sant’Angelo 1936–42, ii, 54–8 docs. 18–19; LIRG i.1, 298–300 doc. 206) and then definitively in 1198 (Lisciandrelli 1960, 38 doc. 168). The counts of Lavagna thus entered the ranks of the Genoese urban nobility but eventually split into various branches, some of which began to take their name from their places of residence while others adopted the name of some ancestor. The Fiesco or Fieschi branch, rendered as Fliscus or de Flisco in older documents, was an example of the latter. In the thirteenth century, the Fieschi themselves divided into two distinct branches, one called the Fieschi ‘di Savignone’ and the other

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‘di Torriglia’ (Poggi 1902, 49, 56). The branches descended from two of the brothers of Sinibaldo de’ Fieschi. In 1243, Sinibaldo was consecrated as Pope Innocent IV (Piergiovanni 1967), the first of two Fieschi popes, the other being Ottobono de’ Fieschi, who became Pope Hadrian V in 1276 but died just over a month after his election without ever being consecrated (DBI i, 335–7). The Fieschi also produced some three hundred bishops, seventy-two cardinals and even a saint, Caterina de’ Fieschi (1447–1510), who was beatified in 1675, proclaimed a patron of Genoa in 1684, canonised in 1737 and named co-patron of hospitals in 1944 (Marabotto 1737; DBI xxii, 343–5; Marchese 1987; De Martnoir 1995). When the popular regime of Simone Boccanegra took power in 1339, the Fieschi abandoned Genoa and withdrew to their fortified enclaves in the hinterland. In 1343, Emanuele de’ Fieschi di Savignone became bishop of Vercelli. Until 1437, except for six years from 1406 to 1412, a member of the Fieschi family administered the diocese of Vercelli. Already by the time of Emanuele’s arrival, the bishops of Vercelli had amassed considerable possessions in Masserano and Crevacuore. In 1370, Giovanni de’ Fieschi di Torriglia ceded the episcopate’s jurisdictional rights over Masserano and Crevacuore, among other places in the diocese, to his brother Nicolò. Although it is doubtful that Giovanni possessed the power to do so, there is little question that the manoeuvre gave Nicolò de facto control over the two towns and led directly to the formation of a Fieschi lordship in the Vercellese (Quazza 1910, 233–4; DBI xlvii, 467). The Masseranesi nevertheless resisted outright subjection to the Fieschi. First, in June 1378, they negotiated a convention with Bishop Giovanni that outlined their rights (Quazza 1910, 228–32; Barale 1987, 68–70), and then, in September, they swore loyalty to Gian Galeazzo Visconti of Milan (1375–1402, duke 1395) (Quazza 1910, 228–32, 234–5). On Giovanni’s death in 1384, Pope Urban VI (1378–89) recognised Giovanni’s nephew Ludovico as bishop and immediately elevated him to cardinal. Five years later, in the conclave to elect a new pope after Urban’s death in 1389, Ludovico strongly supported Pietro Tomacelli of Naples to succeed him. A further five years after Pietro had ascended to the pontificate as Boniface IX (1389–1404), he repaid Ludovico for his support by recognising Fieschi lordship over Masserano and Crevacuore (Quazza 1910, 262–5 doc. 3; Barale 1987, 79–82). By that time, Giovanni’s brother Nicolò had died and been succeeded as head of the family and first de jure lord of Masserano and Crevacuore by his son and Ludovico’s brother, Antonio. (For a genealogy of the Fieschi lords, see Table 13.) The Fieschi and their new lordship were nevertheless soon caught up in disputes related to the schism between the popes in Rome and the anti-popes in Avignon, which compromised their ability to exercise control over Masserano and Crevacuore. It was only after the schism had ended in 1417 that Antonio regained control of Masserano and Crevacuore. The lordship effectively divided in 1458 with Masserano passing to Innocenzo de’ Fieschi and Crevacuore going to his brother Pier Luca. The Fieschi briefly lost control of their lordships to Duke Galeazzo Maria Sforza of Milan (1466–76) in July 1476, but regained them less than six months later after the duke was assassinated in Milan on 26 December. When Innocenzo died at the beginning of 1492, he left his lordship to his five sons, none of whom fathered a legitimate male heir. The absence of a suitable male heir among Innocenzo’s descendants raised the prospect that Masserano would pass to Pier Luca and his descendants, in accordance with a 1506 agreement on the succession to the lordship of Masserano (Barale 1987, 124–5). To prevent Masserano from passing to Pier Luca, Innocenzo’s eldest son, Ludovico, an ecclesiastic, exploited the family’s close ties with the Ferrero family of Biella. In April 1517, he adopted thirteen-year-old Filiberto Ferrero (1504–59) and named him as

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Table 13. The genealogy of the Fieschi lords UGO count of Lavagna (c. 1140–1211)

ALBERTO (d. before 1226)

GIACOMO

ROBOALDO

GUGLIELMO cardinal (1224–56)

OPIZZONE lord of Savignone

ANDREA

SINIBALDO Pope Innocent IV (1243–54)

UGOLINO

TEDISIO

ALBERTO FRANCESCO

RUFFINO abbot

TEDISIO count of Lavagna lord of Torriglia (c. 1190–1248)

ARGENTINA

UGO

NICOLÒ count of Lavagna

VITTORIA m. Ippolito del Carretto

ANDREA PERCIVALLO cardinal (died 1290)

GABRIELE

EMANUELE bishop of Vercelli (1343–7)

OTTOBONO Pope Hadrian V (1276)

BEATRICE m. Tommaso di Savoia

CARLO count of Lavagna

LUCA cardinal 1259–1336

GIOVANNI

GIAN LUDOVICO lord of Pontremoli

GOTTARDO, called GIAN LUDOVICO lord of Vala and Loano

LUDOVICO apostolic proto-notary

GIAN LUIGI

DEIFEBO

INNOCENZO (d. 1492)

ANNIBALE

LUCHINO count of Lavagna lord of Torriglia

CATERINA

NICOLÒ count of Lavagna lord of Torriglia (died c. 1483)

GIOVANNI cardinal bishop of Vercelli (1348–81/4)

ANTONIO count of Lavagna lord of Masserano

LUDOVICO bishop of Vercelli (1381/4–1406)

GIOVANNI

LUDOVICO (died c. 1458)

ANTONIO bishop of Mondovì

GIUSEPPE

AGNESINA m. Bonifacio del Carretto

TRISTANO

NICOLÒ IBLETO lord of Masserano bishop of Vercelli (with father, Antonio) (1412–37)

PIER LUCA I lord of Crevacuore

GIAN GIORGIO

Note: Adapted from Barale (1887, Tavole genealogiche); see also DBI (xlvii, 425–533).

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heir to Masserano. To mollify the objections of Gian Giorgio de’ Fieschi, Pier Luca’s heir to the lordship of Crevacuore, Ludovico agreed to compensate him to the sum of 10,000 ducats (Barale 1987, 135–41). Pope Leo X (1513–21) confirmed the adoption in November 1517 but Gian Giorgio challenged the confirmation. The dispute went through the Roman courts for the next seven years without resolution, so the two sides agreed to put their arguments to an arbitrator and to accept the ruling. Four more years passed before the arbitrator finally handed down his judgement on the case in March 1528, effectively sanctioning Ludovico’s adoption of Filiberto and the latter’s right to inherit Masserano. By this time, Fieschi control of the family’s lordship in the Vercellese had been divided for seventy years, but the ruling signalled the definitive dissolution of the family’s dominance in the region (Barale 1987, 149–54). Masserano and Crevacuore remained divided for another fifty years. 2. Coinage The Fieschi right of coinage is traditionally believed to have derived from a royal diploma dated from 1249, when Emperor Frederick II (1218–50, emp. 1220) was under the papal interdict imposed by the Fieschi Pope Innocent IV (1243–54). In this document, anti-king William of Holland, who was elected king of the Romans in Germany in 1248 with Innocent’s support, reputedly ceded the right to strike a new coinage to Opizzone, Alberto, Giacomo, Tedisio and Nicoletto de’ Fieschi, counts of Lavagna, as part of a comprehensive grant of privileges (Promis 1869b, 10; MGH Dipl. xviii.1, 137–9 doc. 96). The recipients of the grant belonged to more than one nuclear family, but they were all descendants of Ugo de’ Fieschi and some of them were certainly ancestors of the Fieschi who obtained the lordships of Masserano and Crevacuore. It is nevertheless unclear whether the charter carried any legal weight in as much as the German princes never formally sanctioned William’s election. In any case, it is noteworthy that the diploma of 1249 survives only in a fifteenth-century copy and it is clear that the disposition concerning the right of coinage is a fifteenth-century interpolation in the original document, which merely conferred the rights of counts palatine on the head of the Fieschi family. Anachronisms in the clause such as the implication of a multiplicity of denominations and an imperiale coinage in Liguria at the time further identify it as a later interpolation. It is also notable that the point-by-point confirmation of William’s diploma by Emperor Henry VII (1310–13, emp. 1312) in 1313 makes no reference to any right of coinage (MGH Const. iv.2, 1070–1 no. 1032). Further confirmations of the 1249 diploma by Emperor Charles IV (1347–78, emp. 1355) in 1369 (Lünig 1725–35, ii, 2461–4 esp. 2463–4; RI viii, doc. 4744) and King Sigismund (1411–37, emp. 1433) in 1412 also make no specific mention of the right to strike coinage (Lünig 1725–35, ii, 2463–6). Pope Boniface IX (1389–1404) likewise made no reference to minting rights in his bull of 1394 by which he formally recognised Fieschi lordship over Masserano and Crevacuore (see above, p. 150). In 1496, King Maximilian (1493–1519, emp. 1508) appointed Gian Ludovico de’ Fieschi, called Gottardo (d. before 1510), as royal vicario in Italy, confirmed his existing rights, and explicitly added the right of coinage (Lünig 1725–35, ii, 2467– 8). It is nevertheless doubtful that this charter would have had any bearing on Masserano and/or Crevacuore because Gottardo was not an ancestor of the lords of Masserano and Crevacuore. Finally, in 1538, the Farnese Pope Paul III (1534–49) formally recognised the right of Filiberto

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Ferrero Fieschi to strike coinage in Masserano ex privilegio sacri imperii (Promis 1869b,12–13;Quazza 1910, 257), obviously in reference to an earlier imperial charter. On the other hand, a document of 1253 shows that one Giacomo de’ Fieschi authorised Rumfredo of Siena and Guglielmo Leccacorvo to produce miliaresi in Savignone after the model of the mint of Genoa (Lopez 1956a, 155–6 doc. 101; see Chapter 4, section (c), p. 301). This might have given rise to the tradition that the family already possessed the right of coinage. There can be little doubt that the Fieschi lords of Masserano and Crevacuore possessed and exercised the right of coinage by the end of the fifteenth century, but questions remain about the precise manner by which that right had passed to them. A. Crevacuore The earliest issues of Crevacuore, like those of Masserano, were anonymous, perhaps reflecting the uncertainties surrounding the governance of the lordships towards the end of the fifteenth century and in the first decades of the sixteenth century. The issues were also imitative, but most of the coins indicated a place of issue in their legends.The fifteenth-century coins of Crevacuore included two billon issues, a so-called parpagliola and a tirolino or kreuzer. The extremely rare parpagliola or grosso is known only in the line-drawing first published by Promis (1883, tbl. ii.24) from the CNI example presumably in the Royal Collection in Turin, though its present disposition is unclear. It is modelled after northern grosso types, for example the late fifteenth-century plapparts of Basel, and it is usually described as having the obverse legend MaRIa MaTER cRISTI around the Virgin standing with Child and the reverse legend MONETa NOVa caRVacORI around a cross, and as weighing 1.52g (CNI ii, 218.1; Biaggi 1978, 208). The tirolino has the obverse legend +äoneT0 noV0 around an eagle and usually the reverse legend cR eP0 cHo RII around a Tyrolean double cross (112), but some, including perhaps a contemporary forgery, have MoNE T CR EP C oRII on the reverse (Promis 1869b, tbl. i.1; 1883, ii.25; CNI ii, 219.7–8 and note). The inscriptions on these coins identify them with Crevacuore. They are attributable to Pier Luca I (d. c. 1500?) and/or his son Gian Giorgio (d. 1528?) as lords of Crevacuore. Gamberini di Scarfea (1956, 137 nos. 339–40) supposed that the rulers of Crevacuore modelled their tirolini after those of Count Albrecht III of Tyrol (1386–95), though it is more likely, in view of the typology and the terminus post quem of Crevacuore’s tirolini, that the more common coins of Sigismund (1439–96) served as the model, particularly those struck after 1460 with the fineness reduced to about 50 per cent (Rizzolli 2006, 548–58; see also Chapter 6, section (k), pp. 626–7). Most examples weigh 0.70–0.95g, though the one that the compilers of the CNI judged to be a contemporary forgery is recorded as weighing 0.99g and Cunietti-Cunietti (1909c, 474) gives the weight of a specimen from the Cora Collection as 1.20g. The compilers of the CNI (ii, 219–20) described other early anonymous issues of Crevacuore, certainly from the early sixteenth century, as the silver cornabò or cornuto after the example of Michele Antonio of Saluzzo (1504–28) (CNI ii, 219.9–10; cf. CNI ii, 77–82.47–101), the so-called quarto di grosso modelled after the Milanese sesino of Emperor Charles V (duke of Milan 1535–56) (113; CNI ii, 219–20.13–17; cf. Crippa 1990, 71 no. 22) and a so-called sezzino which is instead an imitative trillina based on that of Francesco II Sforza of Milan (1521–35) (CNI ii, 220.18; cf. Crippa 1986, 333 no. 12). The attribution of the last two coins to Crevacuore is straightforward because their legends unambiguously identify the place of issue, but the extremely rare cornabò or cornuto is an exception. The obverse inscription on this coin – MONETA NOV A CREPACOR – identifies the

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place of issue as Crevacuore, but the reverse legend invokes St Theonestus, a patron of Masserano to whom the town’s baptismal church was dedicated. B. Masserano The early coins of Masserano were struck in a wide range of denominations. They are generally divided into five groups: (1) the anonymous issues presumably up to 1521, (2) issues in the name of Ludovico and Pier Luca Fieschi datable to the period 1521–8 when the two branches of the Fieschi were disputing lordship over Masserano,(3) issues in the name of Ludovico only datable to 1528–32, (4) issues in the name of Pier Luca only datable to 1528–48 and (5) issues in the name of Filiberto Ferrero Fieschi only datable to 1532–59. There are many questions surrounding the dating and even mint-attributions of many of these coins, but only the early anonymous ones (CNI ii, 296–9) need concern us here, even if they are mostly, if not entirely, from after 1500. Masserano’s coins, like those of Crevacuore, were imitative. The very rare gold ducat or ongaro of 3.40–3.47g (CNI ii, 296.1–4), for example, was modelled after the Hungarian ducat with the typology struck from about 1510 (Huszár 1979, 120–1, 128–9). The ducat of Masserano has the obverse legend SANTA MA O PRO NO (for Santa Maria ora pro nobis) around a bust of the Virgin with Child and the reverse legend SANTVS TEONES around a crowned figure that copies that of St Ladislaus of Hungary on the model. The extremely rare scudo (CNI ii, 296.5) was similar to the early sixteenth-century scudi of Casale in the name of Marquis Guglielmo IX Paleologo (1494– 1518) (CNI ii, 104–5.14–23; see section (n) below, p. 186) and Desana in the name of Ludovico II Tizzone (1510–25) (CNI ii, 226.5) with the crowned double-headed eagle displayed with a small shield on its breast in the obverse field and an ornate cross fleury in the reverse field. The largest of the silver coins was the cornuto of 4.73g (CNI ii, 297.6), again after the model of the cornuto of Carmagnola struck by Michele Antonio of Saluzzo (1504–28) (CNI ii, 77–82.47–101). The cornuto of Masserano was distinguished by its crested shield in the obverse field but lacked the stag’s antlers (Ital. corna) for which the denomination was originally named. Another of Masserano’s silver coins was an imitation of the Bolognese bianco in the name of Pope Leo X (1513–21) (CNI x, 74–5.42–52) bearing the curious obverse legend S MARTINVS IIII PONT MAX around a bust of a pope, notwithstanding the fact that Martin IV was a late thirteenth-century pope (1281–5). On the reverse, it had the legend BONA BO NI DoceNT around a lion rampant with banner-staff (CNI ii,297.7).The remaining anonymous silver coin of Masserano was the very rare 3.25g cavallotto (CNI ii, 297.8), so named because of the mounted horseman in the reverse field, which took its design from the coin of Bellinzona for the Swiss cantons of Uri, Schwyz and Unterwalden with the shields of the three cantons in a trefoil pattern in the obverse field (Chiesa 1991, 106–8). The anonymous petty coins included imitations of coins of Solothurn (batzen or rollabasso), Lausanne (denier), Carmagnola (soldino) and Milan (sesino and trillina). They are all datable, on the basis of their models, to the first half of the sixteenth century. The trillina, for example, was modelled after the Milanese coin of Francesco II Sforza (1521–35) (114–15; Crippa 1986, 333 no. 12).

(k) f ri nco Frinco is a small village of fewer than one thousand inhabitants situated above the right bank of the torrente Versa about forty kilometres east of Turin and some twelve kilometres north of Asti. In 1442, Frinco came under the control of the Mazzetti lords. According to tradition, the Mazzetti

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were originally of Bolognese extraction. They are nevertheless first attested in 1263 in the person of one Giacomo de Maceto of Chieri, an important town about twelve kilometres east of Turin. In 1487, the Mazzetti lords evidently obtained the right to strike their own gold and silver coinage in Frinco, but availed themselves of the privilege only in the last quarter of the sixteenth century, producing mainly imitative coinages (Promis 1860, 25–35; Bobba and Vergano 1971, 66–90).

(l) i nc i sa , marqui se s 1. Historical background Incisa is a small town of just over two thousand inhabitants in the lower Belbo valley in the modern province of Asti, nearly twenty kilometres south-east of the provincial capital. It lies towards the southern margins of the Montferrat, an area stretching across the province of Asti and as far north as the river Po in the neighbouring province of Alessandria. The origins of Incisa are unclear, but it is attested in the tenth century as having its own baptismal church, which means that it was the seat of a pieve, an ecclesiastic subdivision of a diocese, in this case that of Acqui. In northern Italy, the jurisdictional boundaries of rural pievi tended to follow older Roman administrative districts, and the existence of a baptismal church as well as archaeological finds in the Braida section in Incisa suggest that the site was already settled in antiquity (Albenga 1970, 11, 131–2). The marquises of Incisa descended from Bonifacio of Incisa, the first son of Bonifacio of Vasto (see section (a) above, p. 95). After the death of Bonifacio of Incisa, the marquisate passed to Alberto I, who fought on behalf of Emperor Frederick I (1152–90, emp. 1155) in 1157 and was active in diplomacy in the Italian north during the 1170s. Alberto was still alive in 1182 but had probably died by 1188, when ‘Albertinus’, almost certainly Alberto’s first son Alberto II, rescinded the rights that the marquises of Montferrat held in Montaldo (Moriondo 1789–90, ii, 350–1 doc. 99; Sella 1880–7, ii, 471 doc. 467; Albenga 1970, 25–6). In 1189, moreover, Domicella, the wife of Alberto I, was acting alone when she arrested and then ransomed two Genoese ambassadors who, in response to appeals from the Holy Land, had entered the marquisate of Incisa en route to beseech Kings Philip II of France (1179–1223) and Richard I of England (1189–99) to join a new Crusade (Albenga 1970, 27). These two acts angered both Montferrat and Genoa. Domicella discouraged retaliation by surrendering her possessions in Montaldo and Rocchetta to Asti on 13 December 1190, thereby establishing an alliance between the marquisate and the commune (Moriondo 1789–90, 353–5 doc. 106; Sella 1880–7, ii, 463–5 doc. 459). The document clearly identifies Domicella as the widow of Alberto I and leaves no doubt that Alberto had died by that time. The marquises of Montferrat, frustrated in their efforts to obtain some form of recompense for the loss of rights in Montaldo and Rocchetta, appealed directly to Emperor Henry VI (1190– 7, emp. 1191), who responded in 1191 by condemning the marquises of Incisa to renounce their marquisate (Moriondo 1789–90, 94–5 doc. 78; Molinari 1810, i, 162–5; Albenga 1970, 28; RI iv, doc. 123). The marquises never renounced their rule, however, and Emperor Charles IV (1346–78, emp. 1355) eventually revoked Henry’s sentence in a 1364 charter to Guido, bishop of Acqui and marquis of Incisa (Moriondo 1789–90, 332–4 doc. 313; Molinari 1810, i, 262–8; Bobba and Vergano 1971, 94). In December 1203, probably soon after Alberto II’s death, his five brothers divided the marquisate with his son Enrico. Incisa itself and several other nearby castelli went to Alberto’s

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brothers Guglielmo, Raimondo and Giacomo, and to Enrico. Alberto’s other brothers, Manfredo and Pagano, the latter of whom sometimes appears in documents as Opizo or Oppizzone, received the castelli of Montaldo and Rocchetta (Molinari 1810, i, 182–9; Sella 1880–7, ii, 466–7 doc. 463). In 1210, Enrico confirmed the division, while Manfredo and Pagano swore fidelity to Asti and were then invested by the commune with the two castelli, nomine recti feudi (Moriondo 1789–90, ii, 387–9 docs. 159–61; Molinari 1810, i, 200–4; Sella 1880–7, ii, 471–3 docs. 468–70). Manfredo and Pagano continued to appear in documents as marquises of Incisa, but their heirs styled themselves marquises of Rocchetta. Among the first group, which had inherited the core of the marquisate, Raimondo and Giacomo evidently died without successors, and the line of the marquises thereafter descended from Alberto’s son Enrico and from Guglielmo’s son Otto, called the ‘Warrior’ (Guerriero). In 1292, evidently seeking to distance themselves from the marquises of Montferrat, Alberto III and Manfredo, the sons of Enrico, and Giacomo and Raimondo, Otto’s sons, submitted their entire marquisate to Asti. The marquises of Incisa continued to manage their marquisate, but they were no longer allowed to alienate property without the consent of the commune. For its part, Asti granted the marquises citizenship as well as a parcel of land in the suburbs of Asti and it allowed them to assume important roles in the communal government. The commune also agreed not to make peace with the marquises of Montferrat until they renounced the rights that they claimed to hold on the marquisate of Incisa (Moriondo 1789–90, ii, 578–80 doc. 96; Molinari 1810, i, 232–7; Sella 1880–7, ii, 533–40 docs. 533–5; Albenga 1970, 56–60). Soon after the beginning of the fourteenth century, however, the same quartet of Incisa marquises began a rapprochement with Montferrat, submitting to Marquis Giovanni I on 13 January 1305 in exchange for 50,000 lire in the money of Asti. Again, the conditions of the treaty enabled the marquises of Incisa to continue to administer their possessions, and it guaranteed each of the parties free and safe passage through the territory of the other (Molinari 1810, i, 239; Albenga 1970, 70–1). The marquisate of Incisa later passed mainly to the successors of Giacomo and Raimondo di Oddone, many of whom are named in the 1364 charter of Charles IV to Giacomo’s first son, Guido. 2. Coinage The coins of Incisa are all anonymous issues. This makes it difficult to date them precisely, but the mint probably became active around 1300 when Alberto III ruled the marquisate with his brother Manfredo and their cousins Giacomo and Raimondo di Oddone. The series includes two types of silver grossi, the matapan and the tirolino, as well as a billon denaro imperiale. All of the Incisa coins are very rare. Some of them were struck in the name of an emperor Otto, which was intended to suggest that one of the Ottonian emperors might have granted minting rights to the marquises of Incisa, but the 1311 grida of King Henry VII (1310–13, emp. 1312) explicitly banned all of these coins of Incisa. This shows that the marquises were striking coins in the early fourteenth century. Promis (1866, 35) suspected that the marquises struck coins in the name of Otto simply to mask the fact that they were issuing coins without the royal or imperial sanction. The denaro imperiale of Incisa in the name of a Conrad (see below, p. 157) further complicates the matter. In 1364, Emperor Charles IV (1346–78, emp. 1355) granted minting rights to the marquises of Incisa by an imperial charter, but the grant occurs, paradoxically, only long after the period during which the Incisa mint is generally thought to have been active (RI viii, doc. 4019). A reference to the

Marquises of Incisa

157

coinage of Incisa from 1370 (Moriondo 1789–90, i, 363–4 doc. 345; Molinari 1810, i, 275–6) almost certainly concerns moneys of account, probably established on the basis of the imperial grant of 1364. Some authors have supposed that the marquises of Incisa had already begun to strike their own coins before 1300 (Gazzera 1833, 78; Bazzi and Santoni 1886, 151), while others have argued that their mint became active only after they had submitted to Montferrat in 1305, wrongly implying that such a regalian right could be derived or obtained from another feudal lord (Pfaffenhoffen 1864, 327; Promis 1866, 35). Modern numismatists have generally dated Incisa’s coinage to the early years of the fourteenth century (CNI ii, 293; Bobba and Vergano 1971, 95; Biaggi 1978, 258). The grida indeed establishes that Incisa’s coinage had been introduced by 1311, but leaves unclear the precise date of inception. The grosso matapan of the marquises of Incisa was an imitation of the Venetian grosso. There are two main variants, each with two or three sub-variants distinguished only by minor differences in punctuation. The first of the main variants, weighing 1.59–1.90g, has the legend 0NcISIe in the left margin of the obverse and S IOh0NES in the right margin, with M c h descending alongside the banner-staff for marchio (CNI ii, 293.1–2; Bobba and Vergano 1971, 96; Biaggi 1978, 258). The second, weighing 1.50–2.12g, differs from the first in that it has the legend MONeT 0c in the left margin of the obverse (116; CNI ii, 293.3–5). Both of the main variants have the usual Christ enthroned on the reverse. There are likewise two main variants of the grosso tirolino. One has the obverse legend +OTO IMPERaTOR around an eagle displayed. There are two sub-variants based on the reverse legend, which reads either Mc|h I|cI|SE or MaR|cho|Inc|ISE around the usual Tyrolean double cross (CNI ii, 293–4.6–7; Rizzolli 1991, 533, 539 nos. In1–In3). The obverse legend on the other main variant simply reads +O IMPERaTÖR, while the reverse legend reads MR|chO|Inc|ISE (CNI ii, 294.8; Gamberini di Scarfea 1956, 135 no. 133; Bobba and Vergano 1971, 96; Biaggi 1978, 259; Rizzolli 1991, 533, 539 no. In4). The CNI specimens weigh 1.42–1.48g, but some of the examples cited by Rizzolli are lighter. There are four main variants of Incisa’s denaro imperiale. The first has the legend O ROMaNORVS in the obverse margin around the letters IøPøTøRø in the field, arranged in the form of a cross around a six-pointed star; the reverse legend, in three lines across the field, reads either MaR|chIOa|cISe or MaRc|hIONV|aCISe (CNI ii, 294.9–10; Gamberini di Scarfea 1956, 98 no. 228; Bobba and Vergano 1971, 96 type 1; Biaggi 1978, 259). In the second variant, the obverse has the legend MaRc|hIONVM|acISe in three lines across the field, while the reverse has the legend +SIGNVM cRVcIS in the margin around a cross (CNI ii, 294.11–13; Bobba and Vergano 1971, 97 type 2; Biaggi 1978, 259). The remaining two variants, first published by Grillo, both carry the legend +HE|KISIa|NVM in three lines on one side and a marginal legend around a cross on the other. On one variant, the marginal legend around the cross reads +MaRchIO HacISE; on the other, it reads simply +cVRA DV4 (Grillo 1914, 383–4 nos. 77–8; Gamberini di Scarfea 1956, 103 nos. 235–6; Bobba and Vergano 1971, 97, types 3–4). Most examples of Incisa’s denaro imperiale weigh between 0.60 and 0.75g. The last three variants are probably datable to the period after the monetary reform of Henry VII in 1311 because they more or less closely imitated Henry’s reform denari parvi imperiali of Milan. After Henry’s death in 1313, sanctions against the new imitations were less likely. The unusual legend +HE|KISIa|NVM was presumably adopted for the later variants because it was closer to the legend +ME|DIOLa|NVM of the original denari parvi imperiali of Milan.

158

Piedmont

(m) i vrea 1. Historical background Ivrea, the principal town of the Canavese, is situated about thirty-five kilometres north-north-east of Turin near the entrance to the Valle d’Aosta on the left bank of the river Dora Baltea. The term Ivrea comes from the Latin Eporedia (or Yporegia), a compound of Greek and Gallic origin that is usually interpreted to mean ‘way-station for horse-drawn carts’ (Nigra 1900). Considering the position of the city on the trunk route leading up the Valle d’Aosta towards both the Great and Little St Bernard Passes, this makes perfect sense. The inhabitants of Ivrea, called Eporediesi, take their name directly from the Latin place name. The settlement was already thriving when the Romans established a colony there in 100 bc (Fraccaro 1956–7). Christianity had come to Ivrea by 356, when the city was part of the diocese of Vercelli under its first bishop Eusebius. The first known bishop of Ivrea was Eulogius, who is attested among the participants of a provincial council in Milan in August or September 451, though information on the bishops of Ivrea in the early Middle Ages is particularly exiguous (Savio 1899, 177–8; Gabotto 1900b, 5–8; Settia 1995, 249–52). Ivrea was the seat of a duchy during the Lombard period and a county under the Franks. In 889, it became the capital of a marquisate that comprehended much of the modern Piedmont. Two of the marquises of Ivrea, Berengario II (c. 900–66) and Arduin (955–1014), became kings of Italy, the former briefly in 950–1 and the latter in 1002–4/14. Henry II of Saxony (1002–24) successfully challenged Arduin’s claim to the throne and was crowned emperor in Rome by Pope Benedict VIII (1012–24) in 1014. Henry then turned the marquisate of Ivrea over to Olderico Manfredi II (d. 1041), lord of Turin and marquis of Susa, but Olderico evidently left the governance of Ivrea to Arduino’s descendants to avoid conflict. In 1170, the commune of Ivrea subscribed to the Lombard League against Emperor Frederick I Barbarossa (1152–90, emp. 1155) (Gabotto 1900b, 52–3), but Frederick was in Ivrea in 1176 to issue a charter from his residence there (castrum imperatoris) (MGH Dipl. x.3, 148–9 doc. 467) and Ivrea is named among Frederick’s supporters in 1177 (MGH Dipl. x.3, 206–8 doc. 689). This vacillating between an anti-imperial and pro-imperial disposition reflects the internal tensions in Ivrea between the bishops and the commune. It is perhaps no coincidence that the communal consuls are attested as such – consules Yporegie civitatis – for the first time only in 1171, just after Ivrea had signed on to the Lombard League (Assandria 1914, 168–70 doc. 178; Bordone 1998c, 813–14). Both the bishops and the commune claimed the right to exercise public powers and administer the territory, but the commune had to rely on the bishops to defend the city from external threats, as indeed occurred in 1193, because only the bishops held an imperial grant of districtus and comitatum (MGH Dipl. ii.1, 803–4 doc. 376; Assandria 1914, 121–3 doc. 137). In other ways, too, the commune demonstrated its subordinance to the bishops, for example in 1210 when Bishop Oberto di Cocconato (1209–28) invested the communal consuls with the feudum of Ivrea (Assandria 1914, 163–4 doc. 173) and in 1219 when Frederick II effectively confirmed the bishops’ rights and the commune’s dependence on them (Winkelmann 1880, 129–30 docs. 152–5; Baietto 2002, 462–4). The main external threats to Ivrea in the later twelfth and early thirteenth century were the seigniorial powers in the region, paticularly the counts of Biandrate. The counts had sworn allegiance to Ivrea in 1213 (Gabotto 1900b, 81–6), but King Frederick II (1218–50, emp. 1220) confirmed Count Guido of Biandrate’s dominion over Ivrea and its contado in 1219/20 (Huillard-Bréholles 1852–61, i.2, 615–17; Winkelmann 1880, 154 doc. 177; Colombo 1901, 18 doc. 7,

Ivrea

159

112 doc. 85). Tension between urban interests and the counts encouraged the city to join the renewed Lombard League in 1226. In May 1238, Frederick again confirmed the count of Biandrate’s lordship over Ivrea, but effective rule over the city passed to a series of imperial capitani (Gabotto 1900b, 119–22). After the death of Frederick in 1250, Ivrea came under ever-increasing pressure from the larger seigniorial powers in the region, especially the marquises of Montferrat, to whom the city finally submitted in 1266 (Gabotto 1900b, 141–2). Marquis Guglielmo VII (1253– 92) never entirely subdued Ivrea, however, and in 1271, the city turned itself over to Charles I of Anjou, count of Provence (1246–85, king of Naples from 1266), above all to avoid subjugation to Montferrat (Gabotto 1900a, ii, 84–94 doc. 354; 1900b, 150–3). Guglielmo VII peacefully recovered Ivrea in 1277 (Gabotto 1900a, ii, 120–2 doc. 384; 1900b, 154–5) and the city remained under the control of the marquises of Montferrat until his successor, Giovanni I (1292–1305), died without heirs in 1305. Many places in the Canavese that had been under the control of Montferrat passed to Prince Filippo of Savoy-Achaia (1295–1331), but Ivrea held on to nominal independence until the descent of King Henry VII of Luxembourg (1310–13, emp. 1312) into Italy in the autumn of 1310. Ivrea was indeed among the first of the Italian communes to pledge its allegiance to the king, even agreeing to contribute towards the payment of royal officials in January 1311 and a year later making the final payment on a debt contracted with the king’s representatives in recognition of privileges that he had extended to the city (Gabotto 1900a, i, 9–11 doc. 6; 1900b, 171). The Eporediesi probably regarded the counts of Savoy, who were related to Henry and faithful to him, as their natural protectors within the region, but in February 1313, Henry turned the vicariato of Ivrea and the Canavese over to Marquis Teodoro I Paleologo of Montferrat (1306–38). Soon after Henry’s death at Buonconvento near Siena on 24 August 1313, however, Ivrea submitted to Count Amedeo V of Savoy (1285–1323) and remained under the combined rule of Savoy and Savoy-Achaia until 1347, when Marquis Giovanni II of Montferrat (1338–72) re-established control over the city. In 1356, Ivrea passed definitively to the counts of Savoy. Ivrea probably had more than five thousand inhabitants before the mid-fourteenth century, but tax records from 1359 suggest that the urban population decreased by about 50 per cent as a result of the Black Death and then never really recovered afterwards (Tafel 1974, 375; Ginatempo and Sandri 1990, 64, 67, 101, 248). 2. Coinage There are three denominations of the coinage of Ivrea: a silver grosso tirolino and two different billon coinages, the denaro imperiale and the obolo or denaro mezzano, both of which are attested in two types. Ivrea’s grosso tirolino was modelled after that of Meran struck in the name of Count Meinhard II of Tyrol (1258–95) (see Chapter 6, section (k), pp. 622–4). It has the obverse legend +FREDERICVS Iþ around a cross and the reverse legend yP OR Eg Ia, for Ivrea, around a Tyrolean double cross (118). This coin is mentioned among the banned coins enumerated in the 1311 grida of King Henry VII of Luxembourg (1310–13, emp. 1312) (see section (a) above, pp. 99–100). The CNI identifies six variants of Ivrea’s grosso tirolino, weighing between 0.93 and 1.50g (CNI ii, 294–5.1–6), but others are known. These coins have turned up in several hoards in northern Italy (App. 1, nos. 25, 29, 32, 43, 52) and outside Italy, especially in Austria and southern Germany (App. 1, nos. 110, 127, 141, 144), where they circulated alongside those of Meran and other north Italian imitations.

160

Piedmont

The grossi tirolini of Ivrea are in fact the most common of the tirolini imitations in hoards (see Rizzolli 1991, 224). One type of the denaro imperiale was first published only in 1987 (Martini et al. 1987, 68 no. 1), albeit with its metal erroneously identified as silver. It has the obverse legend +FREDERICVS in the margin around IøPøRøTø in the field, disposed in the form of a cross around a flower with four petals, and the reverse legend +IPO|RIøEN|4I4 in three lines across the field with a four-petal flower flanked by pellets both above and below. It is modelled after the denari imperiali of Milan in the name of an emperor Frederick struck between 1298 and 1311 (581–2). The only published specimen of Ivrea weighs 0.87g and has a diameter of 19mm. Another type of denaro imperiale has the obverse legend +yPOREgIa around a cross with a trefoil in each angle and the reverse legend +S BESVS in the margin around the letters IøPøEøTø (119; CNI ii, 295.7) or IøPøRøTø (CNI ii, 295.8) for imperator disposed in the form of a cross in the field around a central pellet. St Bessus was one of the patron saints of Ivrea around whom there are two contrasting traditions, one seeing him as a third-century Christian martyr and the other as an eighth-century bishop of Ivrea who was also martyred (App. 2, section (b), p. 711). The so-called obolo imperiale is instead a Milanese-style denaro terzolo or mezzano. Both types have the reverse legend +IVREa around a cross, but one has the obverse legend + S BES around the letters IøPøEøTø disposed in the form of a cross in the field (CNI ii, 295.9), while the other less rare type has the obverse legend +IMþaTOR around H|P ø R|I in three lines in the field (117; CNI ii, 295.10; Fava et al. 1964, 163 no. 86; Martini et al. 1987, 68 nos. 3–4). Cunietti-Cunietti (1909d, 103–4, 106) read the inscription in the reverse field of this type counter-clockwise as Henricus Pius Invictus Romanorum, followed by the reverse marginal legend IMPeraTOR to give the phrase ‘Henry the devout [and] invincible Emperor of the Romans’. If this interpretation were correct, it would mean that denari mezzani of this type must have been struck after June 1312 when Henry was crowned emperor in Rome. Apart from the fact that these coins do not correspond with Henry’s reform coinage which had already been introduced in 1311, the evidence that Cunietti-Cunietti offered in support of his explanation is also unconvincing. He based his argument on the fact that Ivrea was the first of the cities in the Piedmont to swear its allegiance to Henry in 1310 (see above, p. 159), but he failed to take into full account the 1311 grida in which the king specifically outlawed the grossi tirolini and denari imperiali of the city (see section (a) above, pp. 99–100). Another possible interpretation of the curious legend is that it simply gives an abbreviation of another variant of the city’s name, H[i]P[o]RI[eia] (or H[y]P[o]RI[gia]), though it would be unusual for a single coin to carry two different renderings of its mint. A further possibility is that the H represents an unspecified emperor Henry followed by the usual abbreviation for imperator, which approaches the obverse design of the imitated Milanese denari terzoli. The chronology of Ivrea’s coinage has never been firmly established. There is no evidence that Ivrea ever received a grant or confirmation of minting rights, but Cunietti-Cunietti (1909d, 105) believed that Frederick I maght have conferred the privilege on the city around the time of the peace treaty concluded in 1177 (see above, p. 158). It is more likely that Ivrea produced its own coinage on the grounds that it had been the seat of an old Lombard royal mint that was active under Desiderius (756–74), the last of the Lombard kings (Bernareggi 1983, 181; 1989, 171 no. 26; Pardi 2003, 140–3). In any case, the grida of Henry VII clearly shows that Ivrea was issuing its own coinage in the early fourteenth century. Promis (1852, 23) supposed that the mint was active only during the period between 1305, when the city regained its independence from the marquis of

Ivrea

161

Montferrat, and 1313, when it was divided between the count of Savoy and the prince of Achaia. Perini (1907) identified the billon denaro mezzano with the letters I P E T in the reverse field with a 1254 reference to carrettini in the chronicle evidence for Piacenza (MGH Scrip. xviii, 507; Huillard-Bréholles 1856, 239; Agazzari and Villa 1862, 28; Pietro da Ripalta 1995, 84). The term carrettini referred specifically to the marquises of Carretto, who were one of several authorities in the Piedmont to strike their own coins soon after the middle of the thirteenth century (see section (g) above, p. 142). The metrology of the lightweight denari mezzani of Ivrea corresponds well with that of other such coins introduced in the Piedmont soon after the middle of the thirteenth century. Initially, the mint in Ivrea probably struck the variant of the denaro mezzano with the reverse legend +IMþaTOR in the margin around H|P ø R|I in the field.The mint introduced the variant with the reverse legend +S BES around I P E T some time later, but probably still in the 1250s and certainly before 1266 when Ivrea submitted to the marquis of Montferrat. This is precisely the period in which references to a money of account based on the Lombard denaro imperiale began to displace references to the traditional unit of account in documents. The extremely rare denaro imperiale in the name of an emperor Frederick with the four-petal flower in the centre of the obverse field is based on the Milanese denaro imperiale of 1298–1311 and is therefore later. Until the middle of the thirteenth century, payments in commercial contracts in the evidence for Ivrea are usually expressed in a money of account tied to the Savoyard coinage of Susa (denarios segusinos or secusinos),but references to the coinage of Susa gradually become less frequent after 1250. This decrease coincides with an increase in references to denarii imperiales, which begin to appear in 1251 (Durando 1902, 193–4 doc. 171). References to secusini predominated for a few more years, but by the end of the decade, references to imperiali had become more common and continued to dominate payment stipulations for the rest of the century. By 1262, some stipulations begin to call explicitly for payment in denarii imperiales in the coinage of Ivrea (ad monetam Yporensium) (Gabotto 1900a, ii, 24–5 doc. 314, 28–9 doc. 318), which indicates that the denarius Yporiensis was not simply a unit of account. The earliest reference to the coins of Ivrea occurs in a document of 1257 that enumerates tolls at the Porta de Fontana in denarios de moneta Yporegia as well as in tornenses, colonenses and even sterlingos (Gabotto 1900a, i, 379–81 doc. 277). In the early fourteenth century, references to payments were in either imperiali or the money of Ivrea. The earliest surviving statutes of the city assembled in 1329 state that the money of Ivrea, wherever it is mentioned, is understood to mean imperiali (Pene-Vidari 1968–74, i, 90). Most importantly, the documentary evidence for Ivrea suggests that the mint was striking its own coins already in the 1250s. The communal mint of Ivrea was thus active in two distinct periods, the first from the early 1250s until 1266 when Ivrea submitted to Montferrat, during which the mint struck only the denaro mezzano, and the second in the early fourteenth century, from 1305 to 1313, during which the mint produced grossi tirolini and denari imperiali. The communal mint closed definitively in February 1313 when Henry VII conferred the vicariato on the marquis of Montferrat. In 1394 during the minority of Count (and later Duke) Amedeo VIII of Savoy (1391–1434), however, the count’s tutor Bona di Borbone ordered mint-master Matteo di Bonaccorso Borgo of Florence to strike coins of Savoy in the now Savoyard mint of Ivrea, among others; Matteo is attested overseeing the Ivrea mint again in 1400 (Di Gangi 2001, 215 n. 1475). In the early fifteenth century, the mint of Ivrea was again active on behalf of the dukes of Savoy from 1418 to 1420 under mint-master Giovanni Benvenuti of Florence, from 1421 to 1426 under Bertino Busca of Milan, and in 1426

Piedmont

162

Table 14. Communal coinage of Ivrea, mid-thirteenth century to 1305–13 Denomination

References

Inscriptions and typology

Weight (g)

Early coinage (before 1254/6–66) Denaro mezzano

CNI ii, 295.10

Obv. +IVREa, cross. Rev. +IMþaTOR, H|PøR|I.

0.35

Denaro mezzano

CNI ii, 295.9

Obv. +IVREa, cross. Rev. + S BES, I P E T.

0.38

Obv. +FREDERICVS Iþ, eagle displayed. Rev. yP OR Eg Ia, Tyrolean double cross.

1.50

Later coinage (1305–13) Grosso tirolino

CNI ii, 294–5.1–6

Denaro imperiale

Martini et al. 1987, 68 no. Obv. +FREDERICVS, IøPøRøTø around four-petal 1 flower. Rev. +IPO|RI EN|4I4.

0.87

Denaro imperiale

CNI ii, 295.7; see also Obv. +yPOREgIa, cross with trefoil in each Gorny and Mosch sale angle. Rev. +øSøBESVS , IøPøEøTø around 123, 11 March 2003, pellet. lot 3707 (0.60g)

0.75

Denaro imperiale

CNI ii, 295.8; see also Varesi sale 62, 30 April 2013, lot 380 (0.68g)

Obv. +yPOREgIa, cross with trefoil in each angle. Rev. +øSøBESVS , IøPøRøTø around pellet.

under Maneto of Beauchâtel (Biaggi 1993, 170–1, 178, 180–2, 196, 213–14, 220, 223–4; Di Gangi 2001, 215 n. 1476). There is no further evidence of activity in the mint until 1642, when princes Maurizio and Tommaso briefly struck four-soldi coins. The output of the mint of Ivrea under the counts and dukes of Savoy will be covered in greater detail in MEC 17. Table 14 provides an overview of the communal coinage of Ivrea.

(n) m ont f e rrat, marqui se s ( m i nt s of c h ivas s o, m oncalvo and casale m onf e rrato ; se e al s o a sti and g e noa ) 1. Historical background The marquises of Montferrat, like other marquises of the Piedmont, descended from Marquis Aleramo (fl. 933–67) (see section (a) above, pp. 94–6), and took their name from the part of the Piedmont that they largely controlled. Today, the Montferrat region stretches from the eastern extremity of the modern province of Turin across that of Asti and the north-western portion of the province of Alessandria, and from the river Tanaro northwards to the river Po. The earliest reference to Montferrat as a geographical entity occurs in 909, and a county of Montferrat is

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mentioned alongside those of Acqui, Savona, Asti, Turin and Vercelli in a diploma of Emperor Otto I (MGH Dipl. i, 462–4 doc. 339, a. 967). But the use of this name remained geographically vague, and later it referred generally to all the territories of the Aleramic house descending from Aleram’s son Otto (fl. 991). The first Aleramic ruler to call himself after the name of this Piedmontese region was Marquis Ranieri (c. 1075–1137) in 1111. His successor, Guglielmo V the Elder (c. 1135/7–91), became the most powerful prince in north-western Italy. Guglielmo was a close ally of Emperor Frederick I Barbarossa (1152–90, emp. 1155) and was also related to the house of Hohenstaufen through his marriage to a daughter of Leopold III of Austria (1096–1136). In 1164, Frederick donated and confirmed vast territories to Guglielmo the Elder, including such places as Moncalvo and Chivasso, the centres of Montferrat (MGH Dipl. x.2, 376–9 docs. 466–7). In the later 1170s, however, Guglielmo switched his allegiance to the papacy, and his son’s marriage with a daughter of the Byzantine emperor Manuel I in 1179 laid the basis for his family’s special relationship with Byzantium and the Latin East. His grandson Balduin (V) and his son Conrad became kings of Jerusalem, while his son Boniface (I) (1150–1207) became king of Thessalonica after the Fourth Crusade. Boniface’s sons Demetrius (1207–30, crowned 1209) and Guglielmo VI of Montferrat (1207–26) also held this title and handed it down for generations during the thirteenth century, even though Demetrius was forced to flee Thessalonica in 1224 and Guglielmo’s campaign to reconquer the kingdom failed. In the thirteenth century, the marquises of Montferrat frequently switched their allegiance between the emperors and the popes, but they were considered Ghibelline. The high point of their expansion in the Piedmont came during the rule of Marquis Guglielmo VII ‘the Great’ (1253–92). He not only added important towns such as Acqui and Casale Monferrato to the marquisate, but also for varying periods became capitano and signore of Vercelli, Alba, Alessandria, Tortona and, from 1279 to 1283, even Milan. Guglielmo nevertheless suffered an ignominious end. Under pressure from Asti, the people of Alessandria lured him into their city in September 1290, seized him and incarcerated him in a wooden cage. At his sad death fifteen months later, the dynasty was in grave danger. Control of the marquisate passed to Guglielmo’s son Giovanni I (1292–1305), whose death signalled the extinction of the original line of the marquises of Montferrat. On 18 January 1305, possibly the day before his death, Giovanni made provisions in his will for the succession to his marquisate (Tallone 1906, 191–2 doc. 729; for a genealogy of the early marquises of Montferrat, see Table 15, p. 165 below). Without any direct heirs at the time, Giovanni supposedly named his sister Yolanda (sometimes also referred to as Violante), the wife of Byzantine Emperor Andronicus II Paleologus (1282–1328), or one of her children, and then his two other sisters or one of their children. In the event that none of them was willing or able to assume control of the marquisate, Giovanni named Marquis Manfredo IV of Saluzzo (1296–1334) as next in line. The ailing marquis also appointed the same Manfredo and Count Filippone di Langosco, the capitano del popolo of Pavia (1302–7), as regents to safeguard the marquisate and to protect his legacy until the arrival of the rightful heir, which the consuls and rectors of the commune of Chivasso duly acknowledged on 31 January (Tallone 1906, 532–6 doc. 160). Manfredo, a Ghibelline partisan, not only accepted the regency but also hoped to obtain the marquisate for himself. He even tried to intercept the young Teodoro (I) Paleologo (b. 1291), the second son of Emperor Andronicus II and Yolanda, upon his arrival in the Piedmont to lay claim to the marquisate with Guelf support. To strengthen his own claim, Manfredo went so far as to arrange the drafting of a false grant of minting rights from

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Frederick II to his ancestor Manfredo III of Saluzzo (1215–44) and, on the basis of the spurious grant, to strike coins in his own name (Bobba and Vergano 1971, 100–8; see also below). The arrival of Teodoro in Chivasso at the beginning of 1307 and his recognition as the legitimate marquis of Montferrat by King Henry VII (1310–13, emp. 1312) in 1310 marked the end of Manfredo’s claim to the marquisate. After that, the marquises of Saluzzo never posed a serious challenge to Teodoro’s rule and later became loyal supporters of the ever more imperilled marquisate. In the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, Montferrat continued to undergo drastic changes, oscillating between political and cultural splendour and the threat of being absorbed by its two most powerful neighbours: Savoy and Milan. The main object of the marquises’ territorial ambitions was Asti, the principal commercial centre of the Piedmont, which was ideally situated to serve as the capital of the marquisate. In 1339, Giovanni II Paleologo (1338–72) assumed control of Asti, but by 1342 was forced to turn the city over to Luchino Visconti of Milan (1339–49). Giovanni regained Asti in 1356 when he also acquired other Piedmontese towns such as Alba and Novara. When he died in 1372, control over the marquisate passed to his young son Secondotto, whose murder in 1378 triggered a succession crisis and resulted in the loss of Asti and other towns. The estates of the marquisate convened in parliament in Moncalvo and supported the succession of Secondotto’s younger brother Giovanni III under the guardianship of Otto of Brunswick, a close friend of Giovanni II and husband of Queen Joanna of Naples (1343–81, d. 1382). On the death of Giovanni III just three years later in 1381, the marquisate passed to Teodoro II Paleologo (1381–1418). During the first two decades of his rule, Teodoro was preoccupied with defending the marquisate against the encroachments of Gian Galeazzo Visconti of Milan (1378–1402), but the near dissolution of the Milanese state after Gian Galeazzo’s death gave Teodoro the opportunity to launch his own programme of expansion. In 1404, he reconquered Casale Monferrato, which later became the capital of the marquisate, and in 1409, he gained control of Genoa. The survival of the marquisate again came under serious threat from Milan in 1432–3 during the campaign of Duke Filippo Maria Visconti (1412–47). To maintain independence, the principality had to rely on massive military support from Duke Amedeo VIII of Savoy (1391–1440), who occupied and demanded the western part of the marquisate, including the capital city of Chivasso, in recompense for his assistance. In 1435, Marquis Giovanni Giacomo (1418–45) and his son Giovanni IV (1445–64) had no choice but to accept Savoy’s annexation of their westernmost lands and feudal supremacy over the rest of the principality, though Emperor Frederick III (1440–93, emp. 1452) cancelled the latter condition in 1464. The loss of Chivasso (1432/5) forced the marquises to establish a new capital in Casale San Evasio, later called Casale Monferrato, and encouraged Marquis Guglielmo VIII (1464– 84) to seek and obtain its elevation to the status of an episcopal see in 1474. He also promoted the arts and culture, a trend that his successor, Guglielmo IX Paleologo (1484–1518), continued while tending politically more to France than Italy. The changing fortunes of the marquises of Montferrat sometimes necessitated the relocation of their mint. The mint first appears to have been situated in Chivasso and was undoubtedly active there from the early fourteenth century, supplemented during the crisis of the late 1370s by Moncalvo (Bobba and Vergano 1971, 99–109). After the loss of Chivasso to the duchy of Savoy (1432/5),the marquises set up a new mint in Casale San Evasio (i.e.Casale Monferrato).In addition, the marquises struck coins in Asti in the fourteenth century and Marquis Teodoro II struck coins in Genoa in the early fifteenth century (see section (e) above, pp. 121–3; Chapter 4, section (b), p. 292).

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Table 15. The genealogy of the early marquises of Montferrat (cont. from Table 6) RANIERI marquis of Montferrat (c. 1075–1137, marquis 1111)

MATILDE m. Guglielmo di Palodio

GIOANNA m. Guillaume of Normandy

CORRADO (d. 1192)

BONIFACIO (I) marquis of Montferrat, king of Thessalonica (1204–7)

FEDERICO Vescovo

GUGLIELMO (d. 1179) BALDUIN king of Jerusalem, succeeding uncle of the same name (d. 1186)

RANIERI (fl. 1178, d. 1183)

GUGLIELMO VI marquis of Montferrat (1207–26)

BEATRICE m. Enrico III del Carretto

BONIFACIO II marquis of Montferrat (d. 1253)

BEATRICE m. Andrea Delfin of Burgundy

ALASINA

MARGHERITA (d. 1286)

ISABELLA m. Count Guido of Biandrate

GUGLIELMO V THE ELDER marquis of Montferrat (c. 1115–91, marquis 1137)

GIORDANA

ALASIA m. Marquis Manfredo of Saluzzo

DEMETRIUS king of Thessalonica (1207–30)

BASTARDINO illegitimate, podestà of Alessandria and Tortona (1247–80)

GUGLIELMO VII ‘The Great Marquis’ (1253–90, d. 1292 as prisoner in Alessandria)

YOLANDA (VIOLANTE) m. Byzantine Emperor Andronikos II Palaiologos (1282–1328) in 1284 and adopted the name IRENE

BEATRICE m. Count Guido of Albone

AGNESE m. Count Guido Guerra of Tuscia

AGNESE m. Henri of Flanders, emperor of Constantinople

ALASIA m. Alberto Malaspina

RANIERI illegitimate, podestà of Acqui (1247–73)

NICOLINO illegitimate, podestà of Alessandria (1270–1320)

GIOVANNI I marquis of Montferrat (1292–1305), d. without direct male heirs and the marquisate passed through YOLANDA to

ALESSINA (d. before 1305)

TEODORO PALEOLOGO

JOHN V PALAIOLOGOS emperor of Byzantium (1341–76, 1379–91)

THEODOROS PALAIOLOGOS (TEODORO PALEOLOGO) marquis of Montferrat (1305–38)

DEMETRIOS PALAIOLOGOS (c. 1295–after 1343)

Notes: Adapted from Sella (1880–7, App. 7, quadro I); heads of the male line in bold.

SIMONIS m. King Stefan Uroš II Milutin of Serbia (1282–1321)

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Until recently, scholarly research on the history of Montferrat was limited and confined largely to local and regional periodicals. Usseglio’s classic work from the earlier period (1926) focused on the eastern fate of the two ruling houses, which has received more up-to-date treatment in Haberstumpf ’s regesta (1989) and monograph (1995). The same author has now published a collection of sources on the whole medieval history of Montferrat (2009). Settia has provided the modern general reference (1983) and has written important biographies of some of the marquises of Montferrat (DBI lvi, 122–34; DBI lx, 761–73), with substantial bibliographies. A recent series of conferences on the history of Montferrat and the publication of their proceedings has also enriched the study of the subject (Soldi Rondinini 2000; Maestri 2007a; 2007b; Caramellino and Maestri 2007). The recent monograph of Del Bo (2009) on the fifteenth century now supplements the conference proceedings, while the older study of Angelino and Castelli (1977) focuses on the development of Casale into the capital of the marquisate. Research on the coinage of Montferrat has followed a similar trajectory. The seminal work of Promis (1858), whose attributions were taken over by the compilers of the CNI, is still the main reference. The studies of Giorcelli (1904; 1910), Martin (1971) and Bobba and Vergano (1971, 98– 110) have added to the picture, while Fava (1974b) has provided an overview for the mint of Casale and Varesi (2003) an updated list of the Montferrat coin types. Gianazza (2007) for the first time questioned the traditional system of denominations introduced by Promis and proposed a new approach for the classification of the coins. In addition, another of the recent conferences on the history of Montferrat has brought out new evidence for the money of account in Montferrat, its early coinage and its lightweight gold florin (Gianazza 2009b). Metcalf (1995, 237–9) also covered the crusader coinage of the Montferrat kings of Thessalonica, which has some important implications for the Piedmontese coinage of the marquises of Montferrat.

3. Coinage of the mint of Chivasso A. Minting rights and early coinage Benvenuto di San Giorgio identified Chivasso as the site of the first mint of the marquises of Montferrat (RIS xxiii, 459; San Giorgio 1780, 124). Promis (1858, 11) maintained that the earliest coins of the Chivasso mint were the billon denari imperiali of Teodoro I Paleologo, arguing that they were first struck between 1 January and 24 April 1307 while Teodoro was resident in Chivasso.Only the advent of Teodoro as marquis, he supposed, conferred upon the marquises the right to strike their own coinage, based on Teodoro’s imperial origins. This theory is nevertheless unsatisfactory. Not only does it date the coinage of Manfredo IV of Saluzzo in Chivasso too late (Promis 1858, 13– 14), but also fails to take into account that the rulers of Montferrat were striking their own coins as kings of Thessalonica already from 1204. The only such coins thus far known are imitation billon trachea of the Byzantine type (Metcalf 1995, 237–9 nos. 858–60), about which Promis could not have possibly been aware. As kings of Thessalonica, the marquises of Montferrat had a legitimate claim to royal prerogatives and could strike their own coinage without having ever received a formal grant of minting rights, and could also transfer this right to their western dominions, where their princely status as (titular) marquises afforded them the scope to exploit the royal prerogative of coinage (Matzke 2009, 36–40; Zecche i, 231–2).

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Figure 19. Montferrat: marquises, anonymous denaro mezzano, mid-thirteenth century C M. Matzke. Reproduced by kind permission) (Image 

A recently published lightweight denaro mezzano of the Milanese type struck in the name of both an emperor Frederick and an anonymous marquis of Montferrat in fact shows that the marquises were already producing their own coinage in the thirteenth century and radically alters our understanding of the Montferrat coinage (Matzke 2009, 50–3; Fig. 19; for a recently published variant of this coin, see Gianazza and Ferro 2015). This coin, which weighs 0.38g, has the obverse legend +øFE[DERI]CO around IMP[erator] in the field and the reverse legend +øM[archio] MONF[erati]. It is datable to early in the third quarter of the thirteenth century, under either Bonifacio II (1225–53) or Guglielmo VII (1253–92), and belongs to a group of Milanese-style denari mezzani struck by minor Piedmontese authorities such as the marquises of Carretto and the towns of Ivrea, Novara and Tortona in the context of the monetary crisis of the mid-thirteenth century. The marquises exploited their right of coinage in much the same way as occurred some fifty years later when they issued their denari imperiali. It is nevertheless unclear whether the earliest coins of Montferrat in Italy were struck in Chivasso or elsewhere in the marquisate. From the very first issue of the marquises of Montferrat in the Piedmont, it is clear that their coins were modelled largely on the currencies of the dominant neighbouring powers, first following the Milanese system, then the coinages of Asti and Savoy, and in the fifteenth century again returning to the Milanese standard and typology. It is therefore not surprising that the coinage of Montferrat is scarcely discernible in the written sources (Settia 2009). It is worth noting, too, that the traditional designations for the Montferrat denominations derived from Promis (1858), who described the coinages from a Savoyard perspective, and therefore must be regarded with caution. Some new designations are proposed here, based on published written sources, but more conclusive descriptions of the denominations and monetary system of Montferrat will require an exhaustive survey of the relevant archival material. B. Giovanni I (1292–1305) to Teodoro I Paleologo (1306/7–38) The recent discovery of the thirteenth-century denaro mezzano of Montferrat renders obsolete the old debates about the first coins of the marquisate, long assumed to be either the denari imperiali of Manfredo IV of Saluzzo or those of Teodoro I Paleologo (Promis 1858, 11–14; Giorcelli 1910, 189–90, 206–8; Bobba and Vergano 1971, 100–7), and the legal basis for their production; it also raises questions about the attribution of other denari imperiali of Montferrat, most notably the ones heretofore assigned to Giovanni II Paleologo. The existence of coins of Montferrat from before the time of Manfredo IV and Teodoro I means that the old sequence, which hinged largely on the question of minting rights, can no longer be taken for granted. The Milanese-style denari imperiali of Manfredo and Teodoro nevertheless mark an important turning point in the history of the marquisate. These coins must be dated after 1298/9, when Milan introduced similar denari imperiali with the rosette in the middle of the obverse, and before November 1311, when King Henry VII

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promulgated his famous ban (grida) that explicitly outlawed the bad imperiales factos in Clivassio. It is very likely that Marquis Manfredo IV of Saluzzo first began to strike his denari imperiali as governor of and claimant to the marquisate of Montferrat in late 1305 or 1306 when Teodoro’s arrival from Constantinople was imminent. This coincides with the spurious copy of the thirteenth-century charter, dated 20 November 1306, by which Emperor Frederick II purportedly granted minting rights to Marquis Manfredo II or Manfredo III of Saluzzo (see also section (s) below, pp. 225, 227– 9). Giorcelli (1910, 189–90) viewed the false charter as an attempt by Manfredo to legitimise his new coinage, arguing that Manfredo had only recently begun to strike the coins when the forged document was prepared. Teodoro I Paleologo then began to strike his own denari soon after the beginning of 1307 when he first took up residence in Chivasso, though it remains unclear whether Teodoro immediately displaced Manfredo and his coinage or if Manfredo managed to maintain his position at Moncalvo and continued to strike his denari imperiali there. It is notable that there are at least three variants of Manfredo’s denari, which perhaps implies that they were struck for a longer period (Bobba and Vergano 1971, 106–7). It is also certain that Teodoro’s successors struck coins in Moncalvo (see below, p. 180). The possibility that Manfredo continued to strike coins there for some time beyond the arrival of Teodoro in Chivasso therefore warrants careful consideration. Manfredo’s denari imperiali, modelled after the late thirteenth-century denaro imperiale of Milan struck in the name of Frederick II (581–2; see Chapter 5, section (m), p. 426), have the obverse legend M0RchIO around M a n  in the field, sometimes with a gothic ä, arranged in a cross pattern around a central rosette, and the reverse legend MOn|TISe|R0TI in three lines across the field (CNI ii, 202–3.1–3; Bobba and Vergano 1971, 107; Varesi 2003, 79 no. 375). The CNI examples weigh between 0.62 and 0.71g. These coins are very rare, perhaps reflecting the size of the issue. Teodoro’s coins are very similar to those of Manfredo, with the principal difference being in the obverse field where the letters T h e O are arranged in a cross pattern around a central rosette. The examples in CNI weigh between 0.47 and 0.62g. Giorcelli (1910, 208) distinguished between two issues of Teodoro’s denari, an earlier one modelled on the coins of Manfredo that gave the reverse legend in full (122; Rossi 1883, 92 no. 35; CNI ii, 204.11–13), which he dated to 1307, and a later one with a slightly truncated reverse legend (Promis 1858, tbl. 1.2; CNI ii, 204.10), which he dated to 1325–30. Other evidence nevertheless suggests that such a long hiatus between the two issues was improbable. In particular, the denari imperiali would have fitted poorly into the pattern of Teodoro’s later coinage. By that time, moreover, the Milanese-style denari imperiali had fallen out of production elsewhere in the Piedmont. The second variant of Teodoro’s denaro imperiale was therefore also struck before King Henry’s grida of 1311. In addition to the denari imperiali,Teodoro issued four other imitation coinages from the Chivasso mint, three different types of silver grosso and a gold florin. Two of the imitation grossi are contemporary with the denari imperiali. The first of these, which Ambrosoli (1888a, 23) called ‘the pearl of the Lurate Abbate hoard’, was the grosso tornese (CNI ii, 203.2; Varesi 2003, 79–80, no. 377; Fig. 20a), modelled after the coin of Asti (87; see section (e) above, pp. 117–18). It is known in only two examples, the CNI example from the Brera in Milan weighing 3.98g (Martini et al. 1987, 58 no. 1) and a variant in the Museo Civico in Turin (Fava et al. 1964, 159 no. 50). Henry VII banned the grosso tornese of Chivasso in his 1311 grida, which indicates that the coin was already in circulation, but its extreme rarity suggests a limited issue, probably confined to the period immediately preceding the grida, from after 1307. The obverse has a cross in the field surrounded by the legend ThñODORVS in the interior ring and ñXcñLLñTI INþaTORIS gRñcOR FILIVS in the exterior ring. The reverse

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Figure 20. Chivasso: Teodoro I Paleologo (1306/7–38), (a) grosso tornese and (b) gold florin (Ambrosoli 1888a, pl. ii.4; Morel-Fatio 1866, pl. ix.1)

has the legend MchO MOTIS in the interior ring and the F e R arranged in a triangular pattern in the field, surrounded by BñNñDIcTV SIT Noä DNI NRI IhV X in the exterior ring. The legend echoes the opening words of letters that Teodoro addressed to his vassals in Casale Monferrato in 1306 to notify them of his arrival there and then to his subjects in Moncalvo, Vignale Monferrato and Lu in 1307 to inform them of the restoration of his rule. Beginning with the obverse, the legend ought to be read as Theodorus excellentissimi imperatoris Graecorum filius, Marchio Montisferratis, benedictum sit nomen Domini nostri Iesu Cristi (RIS xxiii, coll. 416, 419; San Giorgio 1780, 91, 94; Ambrosoli 1888a, 23). The second type of grosso struck in the Chivasso mint under Teodoro was the grosso matapan, modelled after the Venetian grosso (see Chapter 6, section (l), pp. 637–40). In the obverse field, the Chivasso coin has St Martin passing the standard to the marquis. The reverse field has the usual Christ enthroned. The reference to St Martin in the obverse legend is curious, as the patron saint of Chivasso is St Peter, but St Martin might have had some special significance for Teodoro or the house of Montferrat. The allusion has never been explained and requires further study. CNI lists seven variants of the grosso matapan (121; CNI ii, 203–4.3–8, 495), which weigh 1.53–1.79g. The grosso matapan of Chivasso was among the banned coins mentioned in King Henry’s grida of November 1311 and therefore, like the tornese, was introduced before 1311. The florin was first published by Morel-Fatio (1866, 191–3; Fig. 20b). It has the legend ThEOD MaRCKO on the side with the fleur-de-lis and the usual legend S IOHa NNES B followed by a nail (Ital. chiodo) as the symbol for Chivasso on the side with the standing St John. Morel-Fatio gave a weight of 3.40g for his specimen whereas the single example in the CNI (ii, 203.1) weighs 3.44g. Most numismatists have dated Teodoro’s florin generically to the period of his rule (e.g. Dannenberg 1880, 152, no. 2; CNI ii, 203.1; Bernocchi 1974–85, v, 51, no. 1; Varesi 2003, 79, no. 376), but Promis (1858, 11–12) and Fava (1974b, 268) dated the introduction of the coin to 1336 on the basis of Benvenuto di San Giorgio’s chronicle account of about 1500. The Montferrat chronicler wrote that an ordinance of 27 September 1336 fixed the standard of the florin at twenty-four carats and the seigniorage at thirty soldi per one hundred florins (RIS xxiii, col. 459; San Giorgio 1780, 124), but Giorcelli (1910, 211–13) observed that the reference does not necessarily rule out the possibility that the coin was introduced earlier. Morel-Fatio had already dated the florin to 1312 on the basis of a passage in the famous chronicle of the Florentine merchant and government official Giovanni Villani (c. 1276–1348) (Morel-Fatio 1866, 191–2). In 1312, according to Villani, Henry VII granted the marquis of Montferrat and the Genoese exile Obizzino Spinola the right to strike ‘counterfeit’ florins in their dominions while at the same time prohibiting the Florentines from striking gold and silver coins (Villani 1991, ii, 253–4 [x.49]).

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Villani’s claims are supported indirectly by papal provisions against forged gold florins. In a 1328 bull, which includes a reference to an earlier one of 1324, the pope even mentioned the source of the counterfeits as lying in upper Lombardy, the Marches (in this case perhaps referring to the Piedmont as the region of the Aleramic marquisates) and the territory of Genoa (Schäfer 1911, 138–9). In addition, a Florentine provision of 1321 outlawed the circulation of Obizzino’s florins in Florence (Bernocchi 1974–85, iii, 49). None of this necessarily means that the king officially granted Teodoro and Obizzino the right to strike florins. He might have merely encouraged them to strike false florins, as Villani’s description of the coins in question – contraffatti sotto il conio di quegli di Firenze – seems to suggest. It is indeed likely that Obizzino’s florins were nondescript forgeries of genuine Florentine florins, conspicuous for their low standard but without any other distinguishing marks. What prompted Villani to associate the marquis of Montferrat with Obizzino and the counterfeiting of florins is unclear, but Teodoro was married to Obizzino’s daughter Argentina, and Obizzino evidently had been instrumental in gaining for Teodoro the king’s recognition of his rule over the marquisate. As for the florins that Teodoro struck in his own name as marquis of Montferrat, they must have been introduced after September 1322, when the papal mint at Pont de Sorgues near Avignon first began to strike imitation florins under the authority of Pope John XXII (1316–34). The papal florins were the earliest ‘signed’ imitation florins, as opposed to ‘unsigned’ imitations or counterfeits, and their introduction triggered the widespread imitation of the florin in the fourteenth century. References to florins of the Piedmont (e.g. de cunio Pedismontis), alluding to florins of the Piedmontese weight standard, first occur in the receipts of the Avignon popes in November 1322 (Göller 1910, 309; Bompaire 1983, 157–8; Bompaire and Barrandon 1989, 158) and are common from 1327 onwards (Blancard 1886, pt 1, 49–50; Vallentin du Cheylard 1897). The November 1322 reference may very well allude to Teodoro’s florin. No other high-quality imitation florin of the Piedmont or Liguria can possibly be dated so early (see sections (i) above and (q) below, pp. 147–8 and 216, respectively; see also Chapter 4, section (e), pp. 312–13). The florin of the former marquises of Carretto might have been struck any time after their submission to the marquises of Saluzzo in October 1322, but it was struck to a significantly inferior standard of fineness, that is if the analysis of one example is any indication (109; see also section (g) above, pp. 145–6). The florin that Teodoro struck in his own name was made of fine gold but was below the 3.53g standard of the Florentine coin. In March 1323, papal administrators even adjusted a receipt for 765 florins down to 744 Florentine florins because 591 of the coins were de cunio Pedismontis, and in April 1332, administrators valued 600 florins of the Piedmont at 572 Florentine florins plus 1 soldo and 10 denari in coronati (Göller 1910, 476, 435–6, respectively). In the first example, the adjustment from 765 to 744 florins implies a shortfall of 0.125g on each of the 591 Piedmont florins, which suggests that the average weight of each Piedmont florin was 3.40g; the second example suggests an average weight of 3.36g. The two published specimens of Teodoro’s florin hardly constitute a representative sample, but they probably reflect the weight standard of the Piedmont florins more or less accurately. Teodoro also struck a third type of grosso in the Chivasso mint (CNI ii, 204.9; Varesi 2003, 80 no. 379) modelled after the soldo of Azzone Visconti as signore of Milan (1329–39) (596–7). This implies a dating for this extremely rare coin after 1329 (Giorcelli 1910, 178–9). On the obverse, it has the legend TeODORVS [MaRchI]O divided by an Aleramic shield around a floriated cross and on the reverse, it has the legend S PeT RVS around a seated saint. The grosso tornese and Venetian

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type grosso as well as the denari imperiali thus form an early group of Teodoro’s coinage, datable to the period until 1311 when, as a supporter and dependant of Henry VII, the marquis presumably adhered to Henry’s grida and removed his outlawed coins from circulation. The gold fiorino and silver grosso modelled after the Milanese soldo of Azzone Visconti, on the other hand, form a later group of coins, datable long after Henry’s grida. Taking this grouping of Teodoro’s coinage into account alongside the contemporary coinages of other Piedmont mints and the coins clearly attributable to Giovanni II Paleologo (1338–72), it is very unlikely that two other coins in the name of a Giovanni of Montferrat, another Venetian grosso (CNI ii, 205.1–5; Varesi 2003, 80 no. 381) and a denaro imperiale (120; CNI ii, 208.29–30; Varesi 2003, 81, no. 389), were struck under Giovanni II. The coins show the same design as those of Manfredo and Teodoro. The CNI lists five variants of Giovanni’s grosso matapan, based on minor differences in spelling and punctuation. It has the obverse legend IOhaNeS in the left margin, ä c h descending alongside the standard and S äaRTIN in the right margin, with the saint passing the standard to the marquis in the field. The reverse shows the usual Christ enthroned. The denaro imperiale has the legend M0RchIO in the obverse margin around the letters I O H S or I O h S in the field, arranged in a cross pattern around a central rosette or pellet. The reverse legend, written in three lines across the field, reads MOn|TISFE|R0TI. In view of the fact that the earliest known coinage of Montferrat was struck soon after the mid-thirteenth century, the Venetian-style grosso matapan and Milanese-style denaro imperiale in the name of a Giovanni can now be securely attributed to Giovanni I (1293–1305). The weight of the known specimens also supports the new attribution. Giovanni’s grossi matapan are appreciably heavier than Teodoro’s, weighing between 2.03 and 2.13g, while well-preserved specimens of Giovanni’s denaro imperiale weigh up to 0.80g and show the same style of lettering as the coins of Manfredo IV of Saluzzo and Teodoro I. Some even have a pellet in the centre of the obverse in imitation of the Milanese denari imperiali struck before 1298, though other features of these coins, namely the lettering and rosettes in the legends, make it clear that they belong to the period after 1298/9 (Matzke 2009, 51–3). The typologies of Giovanni’s coins are in fact entirely consistent with those of his successors as well as those of other minor lords in the Piedmont who took advantage of the monetary crisis at the beginning of the fourteenth century to strike their own imitations of the matapan and denaro imperiale. The picture of the early coinage of the marquises of Montferrat thus begins to take on greater coherence. The marquises of Montferrat used their right of coinage first during the monetary crisis of the mid-thirteenth century and then under similar circumstances at the beginning of the fourteenth century,when Giovanni I produced full-weight Venetian-style grossi and imitation denari imperiali. This explains why the claimants to the marquisate of Montferrat after Giovanni’s death, Manfredo IV of Saluzzo and Teodoro I Paleologo, sought to underline their claims by striking denari imperiali in Chivasso. Later, when the monetary situation in northern Italy was more settled, the production of imitative coinages in the Piedmont became less attractive. Table 16 presents an overview of the coinage of Chivasso from Giovanni I to Teodoro I. C. Giovanni II Paleologo (1338–72) (For coins struck at Asti, see section (e) above, pp. 121–3; for coins struck at Moncalvo, see below, p. 180.) Giovanni ruled as marquis of Montferrat for thirty-four years and oversaw the production of several different types of silver and silver-based coins in the Chivasso mint, though the precise

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Table 16. Coinage of Chivasso, possibly also Moncalvo, under Giovanni I (1292–1305) to Teodoro I Paleologo (1306/7–38) Giovanni I (1292–1305), after 1298/9

Manfredo IV of Saluzzo (1305–6), possibly also mint of Moncalvo

Teodoro I (1307–38) Early issues, until 1311

Later issues, after 1322/9 Fiorino d’oro (CNI ii, 203.1), from 1322

Grosso tornese (CNI ii, 203.2) Grosso matapan (CNI ii, 205.1–5, attributed to Giovanni II) Denaro imperiale (CNI ii, 208.29–30, attributed to Giovanni II)

Grosso matapan (CNI ii, 203–4.3–8) Denaro imperiale (CNI ii, 202–3.1–3)

Soldo of Milanese type (CNI ii, 204.9), after 1329

Denaro imperiale (CNI ii, 204.10–13)

denominations are unclear. Numismatists have traditionally referred to them using Savoyard coin names – e.g. the half-grosso, quarto di grosso and base silver forte bianco – because they resemble the coins of Savoy and its neighbours, but the paucity of the available written sources makes it impossible to confirm their Savoyard designations. In addition to his coins of Chivasso, Giovanni probably struck coins in the mint of Asti and perhaps also Moncalvo. On monetary and stylistic grounds, the Venetian-style grosso matapan and Milanese-style denaro imperiale supposedly struck under Giovanni II and traditionally considered as his early issues must be attributed instead to Giovanni I, as noted above. Giovanni’s coins probably belonged to the system of the counts of Savoy and may very well have comprised two or more separate issues. The coinage included a grosso with St Peter, a grosso bianco, a forte bianco and an obolo bianco. There were two distinct variants of the grosso with St Peter, probably constituting separate issues. One has the obverse legend m IohES ä RchO äOnTIS  around a floriated cross and the reverse legend S nTVS PeTRV around the seated saint (CNI ii, 205.6; Varesi 2003, 80 no. 382). The other has the obverse legend IO hS MaRc K MonTIS  around a crested Aleramic shield with stag’s horns in a tressure of six arches and the reverse legend S PeTRVS DcLaVaSIO, which clearly identifies the mint as Chivasso, around the seated saint with keys and staff (CNI ii, 205.7; Varesi 2003, 80–1 no. 383). CNI lists only one example for each type, weighing 2.44 and 2.31g, respectively, which suggests that they were struck at roughly the same weight standard. Promis discussed only the latter variant (1858, 15–16), which he estimated at 67 per cent fine and believed to be in accordance with the silver standard of the grosso piemontese, as stipulated in an ordinance of 5 December 1335 dated from Turin (Promis 1841, ii, 12; Biaggi 1989, 113–14 doc. 29). He also noted the similarities between the design of this variant and the slightly heavier grosso da 2 soldi of Milan with a snake or dragon in the obverse field that was struck under Luchino and Giovanni Visconti (1339–49).

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The so-called grosso bianco probably constituted yet another distinct issue of the denomination. It has the obverse legend IOhñS äaR chIO around a mounted knight and the reverse legend äOnTIS ñRRaTI around a cross in quatrefoil (123; CNI ii, 206.8–12). The five variants listed in the CNI weigh between 2.01 and 2.28g. This coin resembles the silver obolo bianco or half-grosso bianco of Amedeo VI of Savoy (1343–83) in terms of weight and also has a vaguely similar design (Biaggi 1993, 135 no. 66). Promis (1858, 16) nevertheless equated it with the grosso San Pietro, which is unlikely. His interpretation stemmed from the fact that he viewed all denominations from a Savoyard point of view, which raises certain problems. The quarto di grosso is usually described as a silver coin, but Promis estimated it at only about 25 per cent fine and believed that it was called the quarto di grosso because four of them were roughly equivalent to one grosso bianco in terms of silver content (Promis 1858, 16). The outward appearance of the quarto di grosso nevertheless suggests that it was more than 25 per cent fine. It typically has the obverse legend ä IoheS ä Rcho äoTIS  around a cross and the reverse legend S IoheS eV ngeLIST around an eagle facing left (124; CNI ii, 206–7.13–21), though at least one variant lacks the initial ä in the obverse legend (125; CNI ii, 206.13). The nine variants listed in CNI are otherwise mostly distinguished by minor differences, but some also have a small cross at the intersection of the larger cross in the obverse field (Morel-Fatio 1866, 194; CNI ii, 207.19–21). The coins weigh between 1.27 and 1.75g. The enigmatic letter ä that begins the obverse legend on all but one of the CNI variants perhaps refers to something other than Marchio or Montisferrati since both of these terms are represented in the legend. If the letter was used to indicate the issuing mint, as Bobba and Vergano (1971, 108) suggested for the forte bianco with the unexplained gothic ä in the reverse field, then this coin might have been the product of the Moncalvo mint, but there is not yet sufficient evidence to change the current mint attribution from Chivasso. The reference to St John the Evangelist also lacks an explanation but may allude to the saint as onomastic patron of Marquis Giovanni II. There were two or perhaps three types of what Promis called a forte bianco. The first type has the obverse legend IohES MaRch around a cross and the reverse legend MoT FERaT around a large gothic ä in the field (CNI ii,207.24;Varesi 2003,81 no.387).CNI also lists a variant with the legend IohaNES MaRchIo on the obverse and MoNTIS FERaTI on the reverse (CNI ii, 207.25). The CNI examples of these variants weigh 0.97 and 0.87g, respectively. Bobba and Vergano (1971, 108) have suggested that Giovanni’s first type of forte bianco was struck not in Chivasso but in Moncalvo. They noted that the legends on both variants of the first type carry the terms Marchio and Montisferrati, and it is therefore unclear what the letter ä in the reverse field represents. Although still considered rare, these are the most common of Giovanni’s coins. The second type of forte is very rare. It has the obverse legend IohS äaRchI around an Aleramic shield and the reverse legend äoTIS eRaTI around a cross (CNI ii, 207.22–3; Varesi 2003, 81 no. 386). The CNI specimens, which include the examples published by Promis (1858, 17, tbl. 1.9; 1871, 122–3, tbl. 1.4), weigh between 0.82 and 1.01g. The obolo or possibly rather denaro viennese has the same design as the forte bianco, with obverse legend IohaneS around a cross and the reverse legend äoTISeRaTI around the gothic ä (126–7). CNI lists three variants, weighing between 0.43 and 0.79g (CNI ii, 207–8.26–8). Martin (1971, 129) suggested that the forte bianco conventionally attributed to Giovanni III Paleologo (128; CNI ii, 209.1; Varesi 2003, 82 no. 391; Fig. 21a) was struck under Giovanni II. This coin has the obverse legend IoheS MaRchIo around a cross and the reverse legend MonTIS eRaTI around an Aleramic shield with a small key on each side. The CNI examples, all of the same variant, weigh between 0.51 and 0.94g. Martin’s attribution is supported by the fact that there is a parallel

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(a)

(b)

Figure 21. Chivasso: Giovanni II Paleologo of Montferrat (1338–72), parallel denari forti of (a) Chivasso and (b) Asti, 1356/72 (CNI ii, pl. xviii.2; Promis 1858, pl. i.8 [Giovanni I])

issue with the same design in Asti under the Montferrat rule. The only differences are that the forte bianco of Asti lacks the keys of St Peter alongside the shield and that the name of Asti’s patron, St Secondo, replaced that of the marquis (89; CNI ii, 16.1–5; Fig. 21b). This coin must be attributed to Giovanni II, because Asti was conquered by Galeazzo II and Gian Galeazzo Visconti of Milan in 1377, whereas Giovanni III Paleologo did not become marquis of Monferrat until 1378. The parallel issue of Chivasso therefore also belongs to Marquis Giovanni II. With the attribution of the grosso matapan and the denaro imperiale to Giovanni I (see above,p.171), the Montferrat coinage of Giovanni II conventionally attributed to the mint at Chivasso takes on a more homogenous aspect. It was probably struck to the standards of the Savoyard monetary system. It is unclear when Giovanni adopted the Savoyard system for his coinage, but it was probably in 1339–40 when he assumed control of Asti for the first time. The issues can be further divided, at least in terms of the relative dating of the grossi and thanks to the parallel coinage in Asti after its second conquest in 1356. See Table 17. D. Secondotto Paleologo (1372–8) (For coins struck at Asti, see section (e) above, pp. 122–3.) As marquis of Montferrat, Secondotto struck only one coin type in the Chivasso mint, the very rare quarto di grosso, first published by Rossi (1883, 92). It follows the design of his father’s coin of the same denomination, with the legend +SecVnDoTI ähO äoTIS  in the obverse margin around a cross and +S IoheS eVangeLISTa on the reverse around an eagle displayed with head turned left (CNI ii, 208.1–3). The three examples listed in CNI weigh between 0.95 and 1.09g. E. Giovanni III Paleologo (1378–81) Domenico Promis (1858, 19) attributed no coins at all to Secondotto’s brother Giovanni III, but his son Vincenzo later published an example of what he believed to be a quarto di grosso of Giovanni (Promis 1883, 292). The compilers of CNI noted, however, that the weight and apparent fineness of the coin do not accord with the standard of the quarto di grosso and instead identified it as billon forte bianco. This coin, which has the obverse legend IoheS MaRchIo around a cross and the reverse legend MonTIS eRaTI around an Aleramic shield with a small key on each side (128; CNI ii, 209.1; Varesi 2003, 82 no. 391), is the one that Martin (1971, 129) attributed to Giovanni II instead of Giovanni III. The only coin that can be securely attributed to Giovanni III is a unique half-grosso with the obverse legend IoheS MaRch MonTIS  around a cross fleury in tressure with a key in each angle and the reverse legend I cV[?] D DVcIS BRVSVIc around an inclined Aleramic shield with crest and chimera in tressure. It comes from a small parcel datable to the early 1380s and was described by Martin (1971, 128–30 no. 9), who interpreted the reverse legend as I[n]cV[stodia] D[omini] DVcIS

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Table 17. Coinage of Chivasso under Giovanni II Paleologo (1338–72) and Secondotto Paleologo (1372–8) Giovanni II Paleologo, 1338–72 Coinage of the Savoyard monetary system after the first conquest of Asti, c. 1339–56

Coinage after the second conquest of Asti, 1356–72

Issue 1

Issue 2

Issue 3

Issue 4

Grosso S. Pietro, type 1 w. cross (CNI ii, 205.6)

Grosso S. Pietro, type 2 w. shield (CNI ii, 205.7)

Grosso bianco w. marquis on horseback (CNI ii, 206.8–12)

Coinage in Asti

Quarto di grosso w. eagle (CNI ii, 206–7.13–21)

Forte bianco w. shield (CNI ii, 207.22–3)

Forte bianco w. ä (CNI ii, 207.24–5)

Forte bianco w. shield between keys and cross (CNI ii, 209.1)

Secondotto, 1372–8

Quarto di grosso w. eagle (CNI ii, 208.1–3) Forte bianco w. shield and cross (CNI ii, 16.1–5)

Obolo bianco or denaro viennese w. ä (CNI ii, 207–8.26–8) BRV[n]SVIc, or ‘In the custody of the lord duke of Brunswick’, which is to say, Otto of Brunswick,

the guardian of young Giovanni during his brief marquisate. At first glance, this coin appears to have provided the model for the half-grosso of Count Amedeo VIII of Savoy (1391–1434, duke from 1416), the introduction of which is traditionally dated January 1392 in the mint at Avigliana (Biaggi 1993, 189–90 no. 100). For obvious typological and chronological reasons, however, Martin has rightly pointed out that the rare coin of Chivasso with the Savoyard cross of St Maurice is in reality imitating the half-grosso of Savoy, which was struck not under Amedeo VIII but under one of his predecessors, the so-called Green Count Amedeo VI of Savoy (1343–83). F. Teodoro II Paleologo (1381–1418) (For coins struck at Genoa, see Chapter 4, section (b), p. 292.) Teodoro II was the last of the Montferrat marquises who undoubtedly struck coins in the mint at Chivasso. He struck a wide range of silver denominations, which are traditionally named according to the Savoyard monetary system (grosso bianco, four different half-grossi, three types of quarto di

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grosso, two each of forte bianco and bianchetto). The typology of the coins and the somewhat confusing written evidence in the gride and coin lists that are readily available for consultation nevertheless show that the marquisate of Montferrat had come under ever greater Milanese influence (Gianazza 2007; 2009a, 157–8). This is clear from the use in Montferrat of coin names such as ambrosino and from use of the denaro imperiale as a money of account; it is further indicated by the coincidence between coin names and tariffs given for Montferrat coin types in both local and Milanese sources, for example an official document of Montferrat that refers to moneta duodecimorum (Settia 2009, 26) and duodecimos Montisferrati in a Milanese grida of 1415/16 (Motta 1893, 226 doc. 102). It nevertheless appears that Montferrat maintained convertibility with the Savoyard system by introducing a new low-denomination coinage tariffed at one and a half denari, possibly called a figlieta or sigleta (Bozzola 1926, 71–2 doc. 64) and referred to in Milan as filiete Montisferrati (Motta 1893, 230–1 doc. 112). This might have been an attempt to balance the different monetary influences in the Monferrino by introducing a new money system that was compatible with both the Milanese system and the Savoyard system, which perhaps also accounts for the appearance of Montferrat’s own money of account under Teodoro II (Settia 2009, 25–8). Montferrat’s coin denominations and money of account nevertheless require further research. Taking into account typology, issue marks and epigraphy, it is possible to delineate two distinct periods during Teodoro’s rule. The coins of the first period always lack the formula  c in the ruler’s title and can be further divided into two distinct issues, an earlier one with gothic lettering (e.g. ä and n), resembling the coins of Teodoro’s predecessors, and a later one with rectangular lettering (e.g. M and N). The coins of the second period are marked by a more Italianised orthography without the letter h in the name of the marquis and often have the formula  c at the end of the reverse legend as well as rosettes as issue marks and more modern epigraphy. The formula  c, generally used for et cetera, probably refers to the town of Casale. This seems to suggest that coins with that formula were struck after 1404 when Teodoro wrested Casale from the control of the Visconti lords of Milan (see above, p. 164), but references to albi veteres de nostris ambrosinis and albi novi, the latter valued at four and a half denari, which occur already in a duty levied for an extraordinary subsidy during the Moncalvo parliaments of 1400 (Bozzola 1926, 48–9 doc. 28), probably allude to the coins of the second period. This indicates that the new coinage had already been introduced by 1400, as confirmed by the fact that these coins closely follow the Milanese typology, particularly that of Gian Galeazzo’s coinage of 1398 with four pellets close to the centre of the large cross fleury on the obverse (647–55; see also Chapter 5, section (m), pp. 462–5). The three coin types that belong to the earlier group of the first period have gothic lettering and lack any reference to the conquest of Casale. The first of these, traditionally referred to as a halfgrosso, has the legend T heoDoR VS MaRchIo around an inclined Aleramic shield surmounted by a helmet and chimera on the obverse and äoNTIS eRRaTI around a cross fleury on the reverse. The example in the CNI (ii, 210.7; Varesi 2003, 83 no. 396) weighs 1.61g while another published by Maggiora-Vergano (1867b, 12, and tbl. 2, no. 2) weighs 1.65g. This is perhaps the blanc[us] domini marchionis worth two soldi of Asti in 1394 (Settia 2009, 25 n. 16) or the albus vetus de nostris ambrosinis mentioned in a document of 1400 (Bozzola 1926, 49 doc. 28), though the weight seems relatively low considering that it should be worth approximately eighteen denari imperiali. Two other coin types were reckoned at half the value of the so-called half-grosso. These coins are traditionally called quarti di grossi but they can also be considered as sesini (i.e. worth six denari) in the Milanese system. The first type has the obverse legend öheoDoRVS MaRchIo around an

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Aleramic shield with a pellet to the right and the reverse legend äonöIS eRRaöI, sometimes joined together in a single word, around a cross fleury (CNI ii, 211.13–15; Varesi 2003, 83 no. 398). The three variants in the CNI are distinguished by minor differences and weigh between 1.09 and 1.18g. The second type has the same legends, with a ‘German’ Aleramic shield (à bouche) in tressure in the obverse field and perhaps a kind of gothic t with very short leg and in the shape of an 4 in tressure on the reverse (129). Promis (1858, 20) noted that a 1418 grida of Teodoro’s successor, Giovanni Giacomo Paleologo, referred to this coin as a quattrino, because four of them were equivalent to a grosso, and he estimated the coin at about 25 per cent fine. The CNI (ii, 210–11.8–12) lists five different variants, weighing between 0.93 and 1.25g. It reproduces some of the features of the Milanese sesini of Bernabò and pegioni of Gian Galeazzo Visconti, for example the peculiar form of the tressure, the triple annulets and the cross fleury tips in the angles of the tressure, datable to the 1380s (628–9, 633–8; see also Chapter 5, section (m), pp. 452–3, 460–1). The second group of Teodoro’s first period, with more rectangular lettering and still datable to before 1400, includes a wider range of denominations. The rare grosso bianco was Chivasso’s only coin of this size. It has the obverse legend öheoDoRVS MaRcho Mo3öISeRRaöI around a cross fleury and the reverse legend ag3VS DeI QVI öoLLIö Peccaöa MV3DI (‘the lamb of God who takes away the sins of the world’) around an Easter lamb (CNI ii, 209.1–2; Varesi 2003, 82 no. 392). The two examples in the CNI weigh 2.50 and 2.52g. A parliamentary document of 1400 that mentions the albus vetus or ambrosinus perhaps refers to this coin type (Bozzola 1926, 49 no. 28); a Lombard coin list of 1412/16 gives the coin a fineness of nine denari and twenty grani or about 82 per cent fine (Ambrosoli 1904b). The corresponding half-denomination of the Agnus Dei grosso has the obverse legend öheoDoRVS MaRchIo around an elaborate cross and the reverse legend PaöRIe Mo3öISeRRaöI around a large lower-case gothic t (CNI ii, 210.5; Varesi 2003, 82 no. 394). The example in the Royal Collection in Rome weighs 1.39g and the one in the Medagliere Reale in Turin 1.35g. Promis (1858, 20, tbl. 2.2) estimated its fineness at only about 30 per cent but its outward appearance suggests that it is finer. The petty denomination with St Theodore as patron of the marquis is a denaro corresponding to one and a half Milanese denari imperiali rather than a bianchetto as it is usually described and belongs to the same group. Only the earlier variants of this coin type, distinguished by the lettering, in particular the form of the letter T and the presence of the h in the name of the saint, and by the absence of rosettes in the legends and obverse field, are clearly attributable to Teodoro’s first period. They have the obverse legend Sa3öVS öheoDoRVS around a bust of St Theodore and the reverse legend Mo3eöa Mo3öISeRRaöI around a cross (130; CNI ii, 212.23–6). The new coins of Teodoro’s second period, datable from about 1400, follow mainly Milanese and Pavese examples in typology and lettering. Some of them can be dated after the reconquest of Casale in 1404 on the basis of the formula  c that sometimes concludes the reverse legends. Almost all of these coins have rosettes as issue marks either in the legends or in the field. There were two types of half-grossi, both called duodecimi in contemporary sources (1415–16) because they were originally worth twelve denari but were devalued soon afterwards (1418/20) and described in Montferrat and the Milanese territories according to their intrinsic value as undecimus or decimus Montisferrati (i.e. eleven or ten denari imperiali) (Settia 2009, 26; Bozzola 1926, 71–2 doc. 64; Motta 1893, 226 doc. 102, 230–1 doc. 112). The decimus Montisferrati cum littera t, as the Milanese source described it, has the obverse legend teoDoRVS MaRchIo around a large letter t in lower-case

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gothic within a quatrefoil and the reverse legend MoNtISeRRatI  c around a cross fleury (132). Examples of this type in the CNI (ii, 210.3–4) weigh 1.54 and 1.25g. The other type of half-grosso has the same obverse legend around an Aleramic shield with sun above and the letters t and e left and right of the shield, in quatrefoil, undoubtedly in imitation of contemporary coins of Pavia under Filippo Maria Visconti (131; cf. 809). The CNI (ii, 210.6) shows only one example of this type with a weight of 1.51g, but the example cited by Promis (1858, 20, tbl. 2.4) had a weight of 1.65g. The next lower denomination of this period was perhaps a Milanese sesino, traditionally called a quarto di grosso, with the obverse legend teoDoRVS MaRchIo around an Aleramic shield between four rosettes and the reverse legend Mo3tISeRRatI  c around a cross fleury (CNI ii, 211.16; Varesi 2003, 83 no. 399). The two examples in the CNI weigh 0.90 and 0.99g, while Promis (1858, 20, tbl. 2.6) reported the weight of his example as 0.96g. Two further small denominations of white money belong to the second period, commonly called forti bianchi and also misidentified by Promis (1858, 21) as the figlete in Giovanni Giacomo’s grida of 1418 (see below). They are instead the new albi or bianchi worth four and a half imperiali or the quattrini of three imperiali mentioned in the sources (Bozzola 1926, 49 doc. 28, 72 doc. 64). The first type has the obverse legend öheoDoRVS MaRchIo around an Aleramic shield and the reverse legend MonöIS eRRaöI around a cross with a pellet in each angle (CNI ii, 211–12.19–21; Varesi 2003, 83 no. 401). The three variants listed in the CNI, including the example discussed by Promis (1858, 21, and tbl. 2, no. 8), weigh between 0.80 and 0.95g. The second type, which is better described as a quattrino or sesino, has the obverse legend TheoDoRVS or teoDoRVS MaRchIO around a gothic m between rosettes with an annulet above and below and the reverse legend MoNtIS eRRaTI  c around a cross with a rosette in each angle (133; CNI ii, 211.17–18). It is modelled after a sesino of Gian Galeazzo Visconti of Milan (639). Specimens of this type of bianco or sesino weigh between 0.51 and 1.04g. The gothic m in the obverse field of Teodoro’s coin again raises the issue of the significance of the letter, particularly in so far as both Marchio and Montisferrati are already represented in the legend. The unexplained letter led Promis (1866, 37, tbl. 5.49) to identify the coin with the so-called maglia di bianchetto of Giovanni II, struck in the mint at Moncalvo. Bobba and Vergano accepted Promis’ theory and considered all of the Montferrat coins with an unexplained gothic m in either the obverse or reverse field as a product of the Moncalvo mint (Bobba and Vergano 1971, 108–9). As yet, however, there is insufficient cause to change the attribution of this or any of the other coins with the enigmatic m about which Bobba and Vergano have raised suspicion from the Chivasso mint to Moncalvo. The smallest denomination of Teodoro’s second period was a denaro, traditionally referred to as a bianchetto but called a figlete (Motta 1893, 231 doc. 112) or siglete (Bozzola 1926, 71–2 doc. 64) in contemporary records. It is distinguished from the similar earlier denaro by a better rendering of the legends and by rosettes in one of the angles of the cross in the obverse field, most commonly the fourth angle, and at the beginning of the legends. It has the obverse legend Sa3tVS teoDoRVS around the head or bust of the saint and the reverse legend Mo3eta Mo3tISeRRatI around the cross (134–5; CNI ii, 212.22, 212–13.27–33). The CNI coins of this type weigh between 0.59 and 0.99g, mainly around 0.70g, and Promis (1858, 21) estimated them at about 15 per cent fine, but a Lombard coin list of 1412/16 gives the fineness of these well-described denarii de monferato at about 10.4 per cent (Ambrosoli 1904b, though not mentioning this part of the list). A written source from Asti also mentions, in addition to other gold coins of that city’s neighbours, a gold scudo or rather florin Marchionis montisferrati, which authorities had tested for quality as

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Table 18. Coinage of Chivasso under Teodoro II Paleologo (1381–1418) First period, 1381–c. 1400 (Savoyard and Milanese-style issues) First issue, with round ä and n

Second issue, with rectangular M and N

Second period, c. 1400–18, from 1404 with  c (Milanese-style issues) First issue, without  c

Second issue, with  c

Fiorino d’oro (mentioned in written sources) Grosso or ambrosino (?) w. Agnus Dei (rev.) (CNI ii, 209.1–2) Bianco, ambrosino (?), half-grosso or Milanese soldo w. crested shield (obv.) (CNI ii, 210.7)

Bianco or half-grosso w. cross and gothic lower-case t (rev.) (CNI ii, 210.5)

Grossi duodecimi or grosso undecimo w. shield between t – e and sun in quatrefoil (obv.) (CNI ii, 210.6); grosso decimo with gothic lower-case t in quatrefoil (obv.) (CNI ii, 210.3–4)

Quarti di grosso or Milanese sesini w. large shield (obv.) (CNI ii, 211.13–15); and with shield in tressure (obv.) (CNI ii, 210–11.8–12)

Sesino or quarto di grosso w. shield and rosettes (obv.) (CNI ii, 211.16)

Quattrino or forte w. French shield (obv.) (CNI ii, 211–12.19–21) Denaro called sigleta or figliete w. St Teodoro (type 1: without rosettes) (CNI ii, 212.23–6)

Quattrino (?) or forte w. gothic m surrounded by rosettes (obv.) (CNI ii, 211.17–18)

Denaro called sigleta or figliete w. St Teodoro (type 2: with rosettes) (CNI ii, 212.22, 212–23.27–33)

part of preparations for their own gold coinage in 1411 (Roggiero 1905, 354 doc. 2). Unfortunately, no such coin is known. Table 18 summarises the coinages of Chivasso of Teodoro II. G. Giovanni Giacomo Paleologo (1418–45) It is likely that Teodoro’s successor, Giovanni Giacomo Paleologo (1418–45), continued to strike his coins in Chivasso until the Savoyards occupied most of the marquisate in 1432, but the evidence on

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this question remains inconclusive. For the time being, it will be best to follow the historiographical tradition and treat his coinage under the new mint in Casale Monferrato from 1435 (see below). 4. Coinage of the mint of Moncalvo Moncalvo is situated in the heart of the Montferrat hills, nearly twenty kilometres north of Asti and just over half-way between this city and the marquises’ residences on the river Po in the castello of Pontestura and in Casale Monferrato. Because of its geographical position, Moncalvo became the location of the parliaments of Montferrat that often made decisions regarding extraordinary taxes and subsidies from the fourteenth century onwards (Bozzola 1926, xvii–xxx). It is therefore not surprising that authorities set up a mint in the city for a certain period, especially during the crisis after the murder of the incapable Marquis Secondotto in 1378 (see above, pp. 164, 174). The existence of this mint is nevertheless known only from two rare coin types and is thus far not attested in the written sources. Apart from the two types expressly attributable to Moncalvo, other coins of Montferrat with the upper-case M in the field fit very well in all respects into the series of Chivasso and Casale. It is therefore unlikely that other Montferrat coin types were struck in Moncalvo, as Bobba and Vergano (1971, 98–110) claimed. The Bobba and Vergano theory that a mint was active in Moncalvo at other times nevertheless merits further attention, particularly with respect to the coinage of Manfredo IV of Saluzzo as governor of Montferrat in 1305. Manfredo retained hold of Moncalvo and might have struck some of his denari imperiali there even after Teodoro I Paleologo arrived in Chivasso in late 1306 to enforce his claim to the marquisate of Montferrat. This perhaps accounts for the fact that there are different variants of Manfredo’s denari imperiali (see above, p. 168). The two rare coin types clearly attributable to Moncalvo on the basis of their legends are the so-called maglie di bianchetto, but this traditional designation is anachronistic for their period of issue; they ought to be called denari or oboli viennesi. Both coins share the same design with a long cross as the obverse type and a large gothic m as the reverse type and the marginal legend +In äonTecaLVO. They differ only in the obverse legends. The first is anonymous with the legend +äO neT a.Fa cTa while the second is struck in the name of Giovanni with the legend +äO nET a.IO han (CNI ii, 358.1; Varesi 2003, 163 no. 846). The design resembles that of the denari minuti of Genoa, which were introduced in the same period (see Chapter 4, section (b), pp. 288–9). The weights of both Montferrat types are between 0.40 and 0.45g. These coins are generally attributed to Giovanni II Paleologo (1338–72), probably on the basis of the iconographic parallel with Giovanni’s coins with round ä (126–7; cf. 133). Comparison of these coins nevertheless leads to a different conclusion and attribution, given the very different style of design and lettering. The Moncalvo coins seem more modern and closer to Teodoro II’s coins than to those of Giovanni II. They were in fact struck during the crisis after Secondotto’s murder in 1378 and were thus sometimes anonymous and sometimes already under the name of the young Marquis Giovanni III Paleologo (1378–81) under the protection of Otto of Brunswick (cf. above, pp. 174–5). 5. Coinage of the mint of Casale, from 1435 Until 1435, Chivasso had been the economic centre of the marquisate of Montferrat and the seat of its mint. After the Savoyard occupation of Chivasso, however, Marquis Giovanni Giacomo

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Paleologo (1418–45) and his son Giovanni IV formally ceded the town to the duchy of Savoy in 1435. The centre of gravity of the marquisate then shifted to Casale San Evasio, later called Casale Monferrato, the most flourishing town in the marquisate, which became the seat of its mint (Angelino and Castelli 1977). It is nevertheless unclear whether Gian Giacomo began to strike his coinage before 1432 or only after 1435, so it remains uncertain whether any of his coins were minted in Chivasso or Casale. A. Giovanni Giacomo Paleologo (1418–45) Giovanni Giacomo’s coins, like the later coinage of his predecessor Teodoro II, were influenced by the Milanese monetary system, with typological elements from the coinage of Pavia. On the one hand, the uniformity of the three known denominations suggests that they were all part of the same issue, which seems closer to the coins of Teodoro II than to those of his successor Giovanni IV (1445–64), especially given the style of the epigraphy in the legends. On the other hand, published contemporary documents provide no concrete evidence for mint activity either before 1432 or after 1435, though the main motif of Giovanni Giacomo’s coinage, an ivy-clad stump, would fit better with the difficult political situation after 1435 because it is an emblematic symbol implying that the weak ivy was able to strangle a large tree. The grosso bianco has a large Milanese cross fleury for the obverse type and the legend + MaRchIo MoNöISeRRaöI c in the margin with rosettes for punctuation and an ivy-clad stump with the shield of Montferrat between the ruler’s abbreviated name I – O on the reverse surrounded by the legend +IOhaNeS IachOBVS with rosettes and small shields (CNI ii, 97.1; Varesi 2003, 39 no. 163). Its relatively low reported weight (1.59–1.82g) appears to be based on worn and clipped specimens, which makes its identification with coins in the written sources difficult. The next lower denomination has essentially the same types and legends, with the only difference being that the stump on the reverse is in a tressure and lacks the shield (136; CNI ii, 98.2; Varesi 2003, 39 no. 164). With weights between 0.82 and 1.22g, it is nevertheless difficult to determine whether its intended value was six or twelve denari. It is traditionally called a quarto di grosso but analogy to the coins of Pavia and Milan suggests that it was more likely a half-grosso or soldino. The very rare petty denomination, a quattrino or trillina, combines a simple cross pattée on the obverse interwoven with the first two letters of Giovanni Giacomo’s name (CNI ii, 98.3; Varesi 2003, 39 no. 165). B. Giovanni IV Paleologo (1445–64) The coinage of Giovanni IV was clearly struck at Casale. It is even simpler than that of his predecessor, owing to the fact that Giovanni’s rule coincided with the peak of the fifteenth-century bullion famine, which made it very difficult to earn revenue by striking good coins. Giovanni’s coins are in fact very bad in quality. His upper denomination coin was large enough to be a soldo, but the sources refer to it as a sexinus de Monteferrato worth just five denari imperiali of Milan (Motta 1893, 449 no. 201), while the lower denomination coins were made of almost pure copper weighing 0.42–0.62g and are associated with other bad Lombard denari in coin finds, for example in church finds in Ticino (Matzke 2012a, 42; see App. 1, no. 105). Both denominations share more or less the same epigraphy and typology, with a distorted ‘German’ shield (à bouche) of Montferrat on the obverse and a cross on the reverse (sesino: 137–8; CNI ii, 98.1–2; Varesi 2003, 40 no. 166; denaro imperiale: 139–42; CNI ii, 98–9.3–10; Varesi 2003, 40 no. 167). The gold florins of Montferrat, sometimes mentioned in the sources during the rule of Giovanni Giacomo and Giovanni (Settia 2009, 26–7), are unknown in modern collections.

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C. Guglielmo VIII Paleologo (1464–83) and Boniface III (1483–94) It was Marquis Guglielmo VIII who developed Casale into a Renaissance residence and centre of his marquisate. He also managed to obtain its elevation to an episcopal see in 1474. As often happened in crucial junctures in the history of Montferrat, this honour came about through the intervention of other members of the house of Montferrat. In this case, Guglielmo relied upon the support of his younger brother Teodoro, cardinal since 1467 and then bishop of Casale from 1475. Guglielmo’s coinage starts with the very rare gold ducat with a crested and inclined shield of Montferrat between the first two letters of his name on the obverse and St Theodore with a lance stabbing a dragon on the reverse (CNI ii, 99.1; Varesi 2003, 40 no. 168). The relatively high weight of the CNI specimen (3.47g) makes it unlikely that it is the fiorino di Monferrato, which in any case had appeared in the sources long before 1464. There is much better information on Guglielmo’s grosso, which is described in Milanese gride as the grossus novus de monferrato (1465/6) and borrows elements from both the contemporary grosso of Pavia and the first heavy grossone of Duke Francesco Sforza of Milan (1450–66), struck from 1456 (701; Motta 1893, 462–3 no. 228; 1894, 104 no. 233, 117–18 no. 262; see also Chapter 5, section (m), p. 489). The much lighter grosso of Montferrat nevertheless weighs between 1.93 and 2.12g and was valued at only twenty-two denari imperiali of Milan while Francesco’s grossone was worth four soldi. Guglielmo’s grosso has the same simple legends as all the lower denomination coins of Montferrat with +GVLIeRMVS MaRchIo on the obverse and +MoNöISeRRaöI Zc on the reverse punctuated by rosettes and small shields. The obverse type is a crested helmet between the first two letters of Guglielmo’s name G – V and the reverse type is a Milanese cross fleury in double tressure (CNI ii, 100.2–3; Varesi 2003, 40 no. 169). The lower denomination coins resemble those of Giovanni IV. There are two different sesini (traditionally called quarti di grosso), a trillina (so-called obolo bianco) and a denaro imperiale (so-called maglia di bianchetto), all of them struck according to the Milanese monetary system and using Milanese typology. The two types of sesini both have the shield of Montferrat between the first two letters of Guglielmo’s name on the obverse and a cross on the reverse, the first of them having the traditional ‘German’ Renaissance shield (à bouche) and a stylised fleur-de-lis in each angle of the cross (CNI ii, 100.4; Varesi 2003, 40 no. 170) while the second has a classic shield and a simple cross (CNI ii, 100.5; Varesi 2003, 40 no. 171). A smaller denomination, probably a trillina, shows a different design, with the initial G between rosettes and with decorated cross (CNI ii, 100.7–8; Varesi 2003, 41 no. 173), while the denaro imperiale again bears a Renaissance shield and a cross (143; CNI ii, 100–1.9–11; Varesi 2003, 41 no. 174). The denari are of the lowest quality but, like the coins of Giovanni IV, they are relatively common. They were produced at the height of the silver famine when there was not enough silver available at reasonable cost to permit the production of good quality silver coins. The very rare sesino (traditionally called a forte bianco) with a gothic m surrounded by four rosettes as the obverse type and a cross with a rosette in each angle as the reverse type (CNI ii, 100.6; Varesi 2003, 40 no. 172) is very probably a misread and misattributed sesino of Teodoro II, otherwise it would be rather anachronistic within the series of Guglielmo VIII. There is also no clear reason why it should be attributed to the mint of Moncalvo (cf. Bobba and Vergano 1971, 109–10; Varesi 2003, 163 no. 846a–b). The so-called grosso of Boniface III (1483–94) is also misattributed (CNI ii, 101–2.1–10; Varesi 2003, 41 no. 175). It closely copies the rollabasso (Germ. Batzen or Rollebatz) that was first introduced in Bern in 1492 and was in use in Solothurn from the end of the fifteenth

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Table 19. Coinage of Casale Monferrato from Giovanni Giacomo (1418–45) to Guglielmo VIII (1464–83) Giovanni Giacomo (1418–45)

Giovanni IV (1445–64)

Guglielmo VIII (1464–83) Ducat w. crested arms and St Theodore (CNI ii, 99.1)

Grosso bianco w. cross fleury and shield on stump (CNI ii, 97.1)

Grosso di Monferrato w. crested arms and cross in tressure (CNI ii, 100.2–3)

Soldo (?) or half-grosso w. cross fleury and stump in tressure (CNI ii, 98.2) Sesino or quarto di grosso w. shield and cross (CNI ii, 98.1–2) Quattrino or trillina w. cross and monogram, CNI ii, 98.3

Sesini or quarti di grosso w. ‘German’ shield à bouche and cross w. fleur-de-lis in each angle (CNI ii, 100.4), and w. ‘French’ shield and decorated cross potent (CNI ii, 100.5) Trillina w. G and cross, CNI ii, 100.7–8

Denaro imperiale w. shield à bouche and cross (CNI ii, 98–9.3–10)

Denaro imperiale w. shield à bouche and cross (CNI ii, 100–1.9–11)

century (Geiger 1972; Kunzmann 1991, 101–7). It cannot have been struck under Boniface III, but fits much better into the series of Boniface IV (1518–30) as an antecedent of the very similar rollabasso of Gian Giorgio Paleologo (1530–3) (CNI ii,23;Varesi 2003,49–50 no.231).Because of the bullion famine, it is likely that Boniface III struck no coins at all and that Guglielmo IX Paleologo (1494–1518) began to strike coins only some years after he assumed control of the marquisate. Table 19 provides an overview of the coinages of Casale Monferrato from 1418 to 1483. D. Guglielmo IX Paleologo (1494–1518) Born in 1486, Guglielmo IX remained under guardianship until 1499. He then came under intense pressure from King Louis XII of France (1498–1515), who needed to secure his access to Asti and Milan, and was practically obliged to pursue a pro-French policy. In 1508, Guglielmo married Anne d’Alençon (1492–1562), daughter of René d’Alençon (1454–92) of the house of Valois. French influence is appreciable also in Guglielmo’s coinage, particularly in his introduction of such new denominations as the French parpagliola and half-parpagliola. His varied coinage included at least thirty-seven different coin types. Some of them, mainly the higher denominations, were intended above all for princely self-representation, but other low-quality coins were rather intended to

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circulate in Milan and other neighbouring territories, which constantly suffered shortages of small change. A document of July 1511, in which a former mint-operator in Casale and his two sons underlined the fact that they were working ‘by day and by night’, provides insight into coin production in Casale during the immediately preceding years and suggests that the majority of these types were struck between about 1505 and 1510 (Giorcelli 1904, 82; Motta 1895, 240 nos. 445–6). The coin names used in the document also give the impression that there was still a dual system of currency in the marquisate, with elements of both the Milanese system (peciones, tirenas and counting in denari) and the Piedmontese system of Asti and Savoy (cavallotti, quarti and medii quarti; see Gianazza 2007; 2009a, 157–8) in which a Milanese soldo was more or less equivalent to a half-grosso of Asti or Savoy (Spufford 1986, 102, 105–6, 132–3). The iconography of Guglielmo’s coinage often follows Milanese coin types, replacing the arms and saints of Milan with Montferrat’s shield and saints (St Theodore, St Evasius of Casale). It also demonstrates a propensity towards defensive motifs, whether in depictions of St Theodore slaying a three-headed dragon or in referring to the saints as guardians (custodes), no doubt reflecting the delicate position of the marquisate between larger powers. Other such motifs include a stag with the shield of Montferrat enclosed in a fence with the legend DOMINVS PROTECTIO MEA (‘The Lord is my protection’) and the houseleek (sempervivum) as a symbol of hope and continuity for the marquisate. The inscriptions often serve as a counterbalance to French military pressure, underlining Guglielmo’s princely status and his formal role as imperial vicarius for his territories. Our main written sources for Guglielmo’s (probably intentionally) confusing coinage are Milanese gride as well as the declaration of the former mint-operator with his two sons in July 1511 when the mint-master Claude Besson of Lyon was obviously under pressure because of the poor quality of his coins (Giorcelli 1904, 81–3). The coin list in this document vaguely describes nineteen of the coin types struck until 1510/11. The document of course makes no mention of the coin types to be produced after 1511. The later issues are nevertheless distinguished by a mark that resembles a cross patonce with annulet in the centre or perhaps an annulet with rays, sometimes in the form of a cross and sometimes in the form of a star with five groups of rays; it is not clear, however, if the coins of this last issue group were struck by another mint-master, Giovanni Antonio from Borgo d’Asti, attested in 1518 (Promis 1858, 25). The issues struck until 1510/11 also bear distinguishing marks. Coin typology, the development of elements such as the marquis’s portrait and some degree of overlap make it possible to delineate the relative chronology of Guglielmo’s early issues. They first had quatrefoil rosettes and triangular stops in the legends, then Milanese-style punctuation with the stops taking the form of commas or crochet hooks, and finally simple pellets or colon-like double pellets as stops. Some coin types have two of these elements and were struck during two of the four issue periods until 1518. During all periods, some of the Milanese-style coin types also carried a mitred saint’s head at the top of the legend similar to that on contemporary Milanese coins but probably intended to represent St Evasius instead of St Ambrose. It must be stressed, however, that the following classification (summarised in Table 20, pp. 186–7 below) remains provisional and requires further research. The first issues had quatrefoil rosettes in the legends and triangular stops. The portraits on some of the coins of this first issue period appear anachronistic,with the marquis depicted as younger than he was at the time. Some of the types, for example the cavallotto with portrait (144), were continued in the subsequent issue period with the Milanese-style punctuation that resembled commas or crochet hooks. The first issue included a gold doppia or double ducat and two types of silver testoni with high-quality portraits of the marquis as a juvenile. The doppia (CNI ii, 103.6–7; Varesi 2003, 41

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no. 177) and one of the testoni (CNI ii, 105.26–8; Varesi 2003, 43 no. 184) share, on the reverse, the same quartered shield with the inescutcheon of Montferrat as well as the same legend that underlines Guglielmo’s offices and legitimacy: +SACRIøRO[mani]øIMP[erii]øPRINC[eps]øVIC[arius]øQ[ue] P[er]P[etuus]. The other testone has a stag enclosed in a fence on the reverse with the same legend (CNI ii, 105.25; Varesi 2003, 42 no. 183). The quartered shield, with the second and third quarters divided, has six fields showing the double eagle of the Byzantine emperors, the cross of the kingdom of Jerusalem, and the coats of arms of Aragon, the duchies of Saxony and Bar, and the house of Paleologo. These rare types are not mentioned in the document of 1511 but others are, including the cavallotto with an even younger portrait and two reverse types, one with a stag enclosed in a fence (CNI ii, 109.63–6; Varesi 2003, 43 no. 189) and the other with St Theodore lancing a three-headed dragon (CNI ii, 108–9.52–59; Varesi 2003, 43 no. 188). Both the testone of about twenty-two Milanese soldi and the cavallotto of about six soldi with the stag on the reverse and the legend DOMINVS PROTECTIO MEA are probably earlier than those with the quartered shield and St Theodore. Two other middle denominations also belong to this group. These include the rare coin traditionally called rollabasso with crested shield of Montferrat and cross fleury (CNI ii, 111.78–9; Varesi 2003, 44 no. 192), probably valued at three soldi of Milanese denari, and another coin traditionally called a quarto di grosso with a houseleek plant between the letters G – M (CNI ii, 114.110–3; Varesi 2003, 45 no. 198), probably worth one Milanese soldo or a half-grosso. The smaller denominations are often difficult to determine. One coin traditionally called forte bianco with the letters GVM and rosettes above the G and M on the obverse and a Milanese-style cross fleury on the reverse is perhaps identifiable as a sesino in the Milanese system or a quarto di grosso (CNI ii, 116.123; Varesi 2003, 45 no. 202), but the size, typology and weight (0.78–0.96g) preclude a secure judgement. References to quartos et medios quartos in the 1511 document could support an identification as quarto. A similar coin with the letters GV and only one rosette below on the obverse, also traditionally called a forte bianco, was perhaps a Milanese-style trillina (146; CNI ii, 116–18.131–43; Varesi 2003, 46 no. 205), even though it has more or less the same weight as the previously described coin type. In addition, there is another coin, traditionally called a bianchetto but probably also a trillina, with a bust of St Evasius facing on the obverse (CNI ii, 119.154–6; Varesi 2003, 46 no. 207). A smaller coin type (c. 0.45g) with a French-style cross fleury and stag can be considered a denaro (CNI ii, 120.166–7; Varesi 2003, 46 no. 210). Another denaro with a large g and Milanese cross fleury (CNI ii, 120.164–5; Varesi 2003, 46 no. 209) probably also belongs to this first issue. The most interesting coin of this first group is a black trillina, called tirena nigra cum duobus floribus lirii in the document of 1511 (Giorcelli 1904, 82), which has the initials GM, a rosette above each of these letters and two fleurs-de-lis below bent outwardly in opposite directions as the insignia of Guglielmo’s wife Anne d’Alençon, as specifically stated in the document (145; CNI ii, 116.124–8; Varesi 2003, 45 no. 203). Since Guglielmo married the French princess in 1508, this coin must date from 1508 or later, which also establishes the terminus post quem for the end of the first issue period. This period therefore extended from some time before 1508, perhaps 1505 or 1499 at the earliest, to c. 1509. Some coins of a given type have the rosettes of the first group while others of the same type already show the new marks, thus establishing a connection between the first and second issue groups. This is the case for the cavallotto with the bust of the young marquis and St Theodore stabbing a dragon (144; CNI ii, 108–9.52–62), but the descriptions of the specimens in the CNI are too vague to distinguish the coins of the two issues. Similarly, a Milanese-style soldo or pecione, traditionally called a mezza parpagliola, with a half-figure of St Evasius and cross fleury initially

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Table 20. Coinage of Guglielmo IX Paleologo (1483–1518) in Casale Monferrato First period: Quatrefoil rosette and triangular pellet punctuation, c. 1505–9

Second period: Crochet-hook punctuation, c. 1509–10

Third period: Single and double pellet punctuation, c. 1510 and later

Fourth period: Cross patonce with central annulet, 1511–18

Doppia w. young bust with cap (obv.) and arms (CNI ii, 103.6)

Doppia w. bust with cap (obv.) and arms (CNI ii, 103.8–10)

Doppia w. bearded bust (obv.) and houseleek (sempervivum) (CNI ii, 104.11)

Quadrupla w. bearded bust (obv.) and stag (CNI ii, 102–3.1–5) in gold and copper

Scudo w. double eagle (obv.) and cross fleurdelisée (CNI ii, 104.16)

Scudo w. double eagle (obv.) (CNI ii, 104.14–15, 104–5.17–23); scudo with crowned shield (obv.) (CNI ii, 104.12–3)

Testone and half-testone w. bust with cap (obv.) and arms (CNI ii, 106–7.19–40, 107.41)

Testone w. bearded bust (obv.) and houseleek (CNI ii, 105.24)

Grosso da 9 soldi (?) w. double eagle (obv.) and St Evasius (CNI ii, 109–10.67–72)

Cornuto w. crested shield (obv.) and St Theodore (CNI ii, 107.42–3)

Cornuto w. crested shield (obv.) and St Theodore (CNI ii, 107–8.44–51)

Cavallotti w. young bust with cap (obv.) and stag (rev.) (CNI ii, 109.63–6); with St Theodore (rev.) (CNI ii, 108–9.52–59?)

Cavallotto w. young bust with cap (obv.) and St Theodore (rev.) (CNI ii, 109.60–2?)

Grosso da 6 soldi or cavallotto (?) w. crested shield (obv.) and houseleek (CNI ii, 110.73–7)

Grosso da 6 soldi (?) w. double eagle (obv.) and cross fleurdelisée (CNI ii, 111.80–4)

Grosso da 3 soldi (?) w. crested shield (obv.) and cross fleury (CNI ii, 111.78–9)

Grosso da 27 denari (?) w. crested shield (obv.) and cross fleury (CNI ii, 115.114–16)

Testoni w. young bust with cap (obv.) and stag in fence (rev.) (CNI ii, 105.25); with arms (rev.) (CNI ii, 105.26–8)

Parpagliole w. double eagle or small double eagle atop shield (obv.) and cross in tressure (CNI ii, 113.100–1, 111–13.85–99)

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Table 20. (cont.) First period: Quatrefoil rosette and triangular pellet punctuation, c. 1505–9

Second period: Crochet-hook punctuation, c. 1509–10

Soldo or half-grosso w. houseleek (sempervivum) (CNI ii, 114.110–13); soldo or pegione w. St Evasius (obv.) and cross fleury (CNI II 113.103–4)

Soldi or pegioni w. St. Evasius or double eagle (obv.) (CNI ii, 114.105–9, 113.102) or w. crested shield (obv.) and cross fleury (CNI ii, 115.120–2)

Third period: Single and double pellet punctuation, c. 1510 and later

Fourth period: Cross patonce with central annulet, 1511–18 Half-parpagliola w. quartered shield (obv.) and cross in tressure (CNI ii, 115.117–19)

Sesino or quarto di grosso (?) w. GVM under two rosettes (obv.) (CNI ii, 116.123) Trilline or half-quarti w. GV Trillina or half-quarto and one rosette (obv.) (?) w. crested shield (CNI ii, 116–8.131–43); (obv.) (CNI ii, w. bust of saint (obv.) and 119–20.157–63) cross fleury (CNI ii, 119.154–6); two variants w. GM, two rosettes and two fleurs-de-lis below (obv.) (CNI ii, 116.124–8, 116.129–30), datable to 1508 or later Denari w. cross fleury and stag in fence (CNI ii, 120.166–7) and w. g (obv.) and cross fleury (CNI ii, 120.164–5)

Trillina or half-quarto w. crested GM (obv.) and bust of St Evasius (CNI ii, 118–9.144–53)

Denari w. stag (obv.) Denari w. stag (obv.) and cross fleury and cross fleury (CNI ii, 121.173, 175) (CNI ii, 120–1.168–72, 121.174)

Denari w. M (obv.) and cross fleury (CNI ii, 121.176–81)

carried the rosettes of the early issue (CNI ii, 113.103–4) and then the Milanese-style crochethook punctuation of the later one (152–4; CNI ii, 114.105–9; Varesi 2003, 45 nos. 197–197/1). This coin was circulating in Milanese territory in 1510 (Motta 1895, 240 doc. 445), which reinforces the impression that coin production was especially high around 1508/10. The second issue is marked by the distinctive Milanese-style crochet-hook punctuation in the legends and large square lettering. It included a gold doppia or double ducat (CNI ii, 103.8–10;

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Varesi 2003, 42 no. 178), a testone (148–50; CNI ii, 106–7.19–40; Varesi 2003, 43 no. 185) and a half-testone (CNI ii, 107.41; Varesi 2003, 43 no. 186), all showing a bust of Marquis Guglielmo with beard and cap on the obverse and the quartered shield of Montferrat on the reverse. The issue also included the scudo d’oro and a grosso of nine Milanese soldi. Both coins have a crowned double eagle with the simple coat of arms of Montferrat on the obverse, but follow denominational conventions on the reverse: the scudo has a French cross fleurdelisée (147; CNI ii, 104.16; Varesi 2003, 42 no. 181) while the grosso has St Evasius enthroned similar to St Ambrose on the Milanese coins (151; CNI ii, 109–10.67–72; Varesi 2003, 44 no. 190; Giorcelli 1904, 82: Denarios valentes sold. novem cum una aquila et Sancto Evasio). The known specimens of this grosso weigh only 3.07–3.40g, which makes it significantly lighter than its Milanese counterpart and model of King Louis XII (776; see also Chapter 5, section (m), pp. 510–11). Apart from the half-testone, all these coins are mentioned in the 1511 mint document. A rare middle denomination with inclined crested shield and ornate cross fleury, traditionally called quarto di grosso, has the same combination of issue marks, the Milanese crochet-hook punctuation and the small fleur-de-lis in the legend (CNI ii, 115.114–16; Varesi 2003, 45 no. 199). The known specimens are appreciably worn and weigh 1.00–1.19g. They can probably be identified with the Denarios valentes soldi [sic; recte: denari] XXVII of the coin list of 1511 mentioned above (Giorcelli 1904, 82). The Peciones cum aquila et sancto Evasio et balzana Montisferrati mentioned in the same document are easily identifiable as the Milanese-style soldi of about 1.00g, traditionally called mezze parpagliole, with two-headed eagle, half-figure of St Evasius or crested shield on the obverse and all with cross fleury on the reverse (152–4; CNI ii, 113.102, 114.105–9, 115.120–2; Varesi 2003, 45 nos. 196, 197/1, 201). These middle denomination coins are supplemented by a sesino or rather a trillina of about 0.80–1.00g with the same typology, with crested arms and cross fleury, but also displaying new symbols such as the crown or fleur-de-lis at the beginning of the reverse legend (155; CNI ii, 119–20.157–63; Varesi 2003, 46 no. 208). The size and weight of this coin type suggest that it is a sesino, but the coin list calls it a Tirena alba cum balzana (Giorcelli 1904, 82). A denaro with stag on the obverse and a French-style cross fleury on the reverse (156; CNI ii, 120–1.168–75; Varesi 2003, 46 no. 211) stretches chronologically from the second to the third issue period, and it continues the similar denaro of the first period mentioned above with the cross on the obverse and stag on the reverse. The relatively common gold scudo with two-headed eagle and the very common testone with portrait, cap and beard continued to be struck during the third period; this is particularly clear in the case of the scudo, which later takes on the punctuation of the third issue (CNI ii, 104.14–15, 104–5.17–23). The third issue group, which still figures in the curious document of the mint of Casale in 1511, seems rather short-lived. The rare coins of this period appear to be characterised by the absence of any particular issue mark, having only simple or double pellets for punctuation. The dominant motif is the houseleek, watered from above, which occurs on the reverse of the new gold doppia or double ducat (CNI ii, 104.11; Varesi 2003, 42 no. 179) and silver testone (CNI ii, 105.24; Varesi 2003, 42 no. 182; Fig. 22a). The two coins also share the same legends and obverse type, a bearded portrait with long hair and no cap, similar to that on the coins of Marquis Francesco II Gonzaga of Mantua (1484–1519) struck after 1497 (526; see Chapter 5, section (l), p. 408). There was also a new gold scudo with double pellet or colon punctuation in the legends and a crowned shield and sun above replacing the double eagle as the obverse type (CNI ii, 104.12–13; Varesi 2003, 42 no. 180; Fig. 22b).

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(b)

Figure 22. Casale Monferrato: Guglielmo IX Paleologo (1494–1518): (a) doppia and testone, both with bearded bust and watered houseleek (sempervivum), and (b) scudo with crowned shield of the third issue period (Promis 1858, pl. iii.2 [Guglielmo II], pl. iv.2)

The so-called rollabasso of this third issue has the ‘German’ shield (à bouche) of Montferrat, inclined and crested, and a watered houseleek, respectively, as the obverse and reverse types (157; CNI ii, 110.73–7; Varesi 2003, 44, no. 191). The maximum weight of this coin (3.35g) suggests that it is an underweight grosso of six soldi or a cavallotto. There is also a trillina or half-quarto, traditionally called bianchetto, with crowned initials and nimbate mitred bust of St Evasius (158; CNI ii, 118– 19.144–53; Varesi 2003, 46 no. 206), and the denaro with stag and cross fleury probably remained in production during this period (CNI ii, 120–1.168–72, 121.174; Varesi 2003, 46 no. 211). The second grosso of this period, a cornuto or cornabò of nine or ten soldi imperiali, was continued well into the last issue period, characterised by a kind of cross patonce at the top of the obverse legend (160; CNI ii, 107–8.42–51; Varesi 2003, 43 no. 187). It has the crested arms of Montferrat on the obverse and St Theodore lancing a three-headed dragon on the reverse. With the CNI examples reported to weigh up to 5.68g, it is possible to identify this coin type with the grossi de Monferrato da soldi dece in a Milanese grida of 1519 (Motta 1895, 402 doc. 477). The mint continued to strike popular and successful coin types such as the common testoni on which Marquis Guglielmo is portrayed with a cap and thin beard as well as the cornuti with crested arms and St Theodore slaying the three-headed dragon (148–50, 160; cf. Motta 1895, 389 no. 456). The precise chronology nevertheless remains unclear because the mint document of July 1511 from Casale does not indicate whether coin production was interrupted or mint-master Claude Besson from Lyon directly continued the coinage, despite the mint’s poor reputation as reflected in a Milanese grida of February 1511, which described the coins of Casal de Monteferrato as ‘the worst money seen for many years’. In any event, complaints about the coinage of Montferrat persisted during Besson’s tenure, which continued at least until 1516 (Motta 1895, 240–1 doc. 446, 389 no. 456, 397 doc. 469; Vesme 1895, 40). In this last period, Besson produced a representative variety of coins, including the gold quadrupla or quadruple ducat with a high-quality portrait on the obverse, bearded with cap, and with the stag on the reverse, though most known examples of this coin were struck in copper rather than gold (159; CNI ii, 102–3.1–5; Varesi 2003, 41 no. 176). Like all other coins of this issue, it is clearly marked by a kind of cross patonce with a central annulet (or perhaps annulet with four or five bundles of rays). The next lower denomination, apart from the continued testoni and cornuti, is a grosso of perhaps six soldi, that is if the weights of the specimens of 2.30–2.90g are any indication. It has the familiar crowned two-headed eagle with a small shield of Montferrat on the obverse and a French cross fleury on the reverse (161; CNI ii, 111.80–4; Varesi 2003, 44 no. 193). It might have

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been intended as a lightweight equivalent to the Milanese grosso with the value of nine soldi (Crippa 1986, 287 no. 7; see also Chapter 5, section (m), p. 510). There are also two types of parpagliole valued at about two Milanese soldi as well as a half-parpagliola and a further denaro type. The first type of parpagliola has the double eagle on the obverse and a cross in quatrefoil on the reverse with a gothic g in the first and fourth angles and a houseleek in the second and third angles (CNI ii, 113.100–1; Varesi 2003, 44 no. 195). The second type of parpagliola has a small two-headed eagle atop a shield of Montferrat on the obverse and a cross in quatrefoil without any symbols in the angles on the reverse (162; CNI ii, 111–13.85–99; Varesi 2003, 44 no. 194), while the corresponding half-denomination, traditionally called sezzino, has a quartered shield on the obverse and the same cross with vacant angles on the reverse (163–4; CNI ii, 115.117–19; Varesi 2003, 45 no. 200). All of the parpargliole have the same weight of slightly more than 2.00g. The contemporary denaro has an upper-case M between two pellets on the obverse and a Milanese-style cross fleury on the reverse (CNI ii, 121.176–81; Varesi 2003, 46 no. 212), probably in imitation of the trilline struck in Milan under Massimiliano Sforza (1512–15), which provides a terminus post quem of 1512/13 for at least part of this issue group. The coinage of Guglielmo’s son and successor Bonifacio IV (1518–30) closely follows the conventions established by his father. Finally, it must be added that Guglielmo IX also oversaw the production of a trillina or forte in Asti, which had fallen to him after the French defeat in the battle of Ravenna in 1512 (Bobba and Vergano 1971, 47; Varesi 2003, 26 no. 95). Guglielmo’s possession of Asti was nevertheless shortlived; in 1513, he ceded the city to Massimiliano Sforza of Milan. Table 20 provides an overview of the coinage of Guglielmo IX in Casale Monferrato.

(o) n ovara ( m i nt s of n ovara and d omodo s s ola ) 1. Historical background Novara is situated on the fertile plain between the rivers Sesia and Ticino, about fifty kilometres west of Milan. It was settled before the Romans and came under their control only after the they had seized Milan in the third century bc, eventually acquiring the name Novaria. The importance of Novara in antiquity and the Middle Ages stemmed from its position along itineraries towards the important Alpine crossings of the Great St Bernard Pass (Summo Pennino), the Little St Bernard Pass (Alpe Graia) and the Simplon Pass (Daviso di Charvensod 1961, 41, 375; Albini-Stephens 1996, 65; cf. Spufford 2002, 159–61). Christianity came to Novara in the fourth century and the first bishop of the city was St Gaudentius, who occupied the episcopal see for twenty years from 397/8 to 417/18 and became the city’s patron saint (Ughelli 1717–22, 691; Savio 1899, 243–8). The Lombards occupied Novara in 569 and the city effectively entered the documentary record in 729 (Gabotto et al. 1913–24, i, 1–2 doc. 1). Under the Carolingians, the territory of Novara was divided into five counties (Lat. comitatus): Bulgaria, Lomello, Pombia, Stazzona and Ossola. Later sources sometimes also mention the comitatus Novariensis, or county of Novara, but these references probably concerned the county of Pombia, to which the city of Novara evidently appertained (Andenna 1988, 202–3). The occasional description of the comitatus Plumbiensis as the county of Novara was perhaps symptomatic of the decline of comital power vis-à-vis the bishops, reflecting tensions between the staid seigniorial

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centre of Pombia on the right bank of the Ticino some twenty-five kilometres north of Novara and the more dynamic city. Under the Lombard King Desiderius (756–74), Pombia was sufficiently important to have its own mint (MEC 1, 60–1), but the increasing power of the bishops subsequently shifted the centre of gravity in the county southwards. From the later tenth century onwards, the power of the bishops continued to grow, especially under Bishop Aupaldo (965–93).Around 969,Emperor Otto I (962–73) granted the bishop dominion over Novara and its territory up to a distance of twenty-four stadia from the city, equivalent to three Roman miles, or about 4.5 kilometres (MGH Dipl. i, 565–7 doc. 414; Savio 1899, 261; Gabotto et al. 1913–24, i, 100–2 doc. 64), and Otto III (983–1002) confirmed episcopal possession of Novara’s districtus in 1001 (Morandi 1913, 13–14, no. 9). Otto’s death in January 1002 precipitated a power struggle between Arduin, the marquis of Ivrea, whom the Italian princes elected and crowned king of Italy, and Otto’s relative and successor Henry II of Bavaria (1002–24, emp. 1014). Arduin desperately sought to subjugate Novara. Henry fought Arduin to dispel the threat, dispossessed his rival and was crowned emperor in February 1014. A few months later, he confirmed the rights and possessions of Bishop Pietro (993–1032), adding dominion over the shores of Lago d’Orta and new jurisdictional rights over Novara itself, Gozzano and Ossola to the episcopal estate (MGH Dipl. iii, 383–4 doc. 306; Morandi 1913, 18–21 doc. 12). Henry then granted the bishops the entire county of Ossola in addition to other rights and possessions (MGH Dipl. iii, 401–2 doc. 320; Morandi 1913, 21–3 doc. 13), and in 1025, Conrad II (1024–39, emp. 1027) ceded to Bishop Pietro the monastery of San Felice in Pavia and the county of Pombia while confirming episcopal rule over the county of Ossola (MGH Dipl. iv, 42 doc. 38; Morandi 1913, 27–9 docs. 16–17). The effect of these grants was to increase considerably episcopal control particularly in the Val d’Ossola along the route towards the Simplon Pass. In the later eleventh century, lay lords in the territory of Novara, especially the counts of Biandrate (Andenna 1996), began to rise against the bishops. Emperor Henry IV (1056–1106) was badly weakened by the Investiture Conflict and unable to provide the counts with the support they needed to challenge episcopal authority in Novara, but Henry V (1106–1125) restored a measure of imperial authority over northern Italy and in 1110 oversaw the razing of the city walls. In 1116, after the death of Matilde of Canossa, he changed his policy towards the Lombard cities and conceded administrative and jurisdictional powers in Novara to the citizens themselves rather than to the bishop and granted citizens the right to rebuild their walls over an area estimated at about thirty hectares (Gabotto et al. 1913–24, ii, 184–5 doc. 296). The authorised size of the enclosed area of the city suggests a maximum population within the enclosure of roughly three thousand inhabitants (Ginatempo and Sandri 1990, 65). The 1116 grant is usually regarded as marking the birth of Novara as an independent commune, though the earliest mention of the consuls of Novara occurs more than twenty years later in a document of 1139 (Gabotto et al. 1913–24, ii, 224–6 doc. 330). Later in the twelfth century, as Emperor Frederick I Barbarossa (1152–90, emp. 1155) sought to assert his authority over the northern Italian communes, the pro-imperial counts of Biandrate became increasingly defiant towards Novara. The dispute between the two sides focused mainly on control over the river Sesia, a vital resource for Novara and its still tiny but growing textile industry. In 1155, after confirming the rights and possessions of the bishops (MGH Dipl. x.1, 162–3 doc. 96; Morandi 1913, 47–8, no. 30), Frederick intervened in a dispute between the counts of Biandrate and Novara, the latter represented by Bishop Guglielmo Tornielli (1153–61), but relations continued to deteriorate. In 1168, after joining the Lombard League, the armies of Novara and Vercelli joined

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forces to defeat the counts of Biandrate before turning on each other, again over control of the Sesia valley. The rival cities also subscribed to the Lombard League in the Peace of Constance in 1183 (MGH Dipl. x.4, 68–77 doc. 848). After an ephemeral appearance in 1162, the institution of the podestà came to Novara in 1185, but in 1196, Henry VI confirmed the rights and possessions of the bishops (Morandi 1913, 54–5 doc. 34). Between 1221 and 1224, Novara extended its control over a large part of the diocese, particularly north of the city in the Val d’Ossola and its tributary valleys. This increased Novara’s strategic value, especially to covetous neighbours such as Milan and Vercelli. After Frederick II defeated the Milanese at Cortenuova in 1237, Milan’s influence in Novara receded somewhat, but only briefly and never enough to disrupt the stranglehold that the Milanese had on the office of the podesteria in Novara. From 1222 to 1299, twenty-three Milanese podestà administered the city (Garone 1865, 92– 149). Milanese influence was such that, from 1265, even the internal divisions in Novara reflected those between the pro-imperial and pro-papal political parties in Milan, involving also Marquis Guglielmo VII of Montferrat (1253–92), an ally of the leading Torriani family of Milan, as protection against the threat of the Angevins. Political factionalism continued in the early fourteenth century. In 1310, Henry VII of Luxembourg (1309–13, emp. 1312) entered Novara, compelled the warring factions to agree to a peace settlement and appointed a royal vicario in the city to enforce the truce, but the internal struggles between the major Novarese families, the Tornielli and the Brusati, flared up again within six months (Albini-Stephens 1996, 73–5). In 1329, Giovanni Visconti became bishop of Novara, and three years later, on 22 May 1332, he carried out a coup d’état, expelled the Tornielli and proclaimed himself lord of the city. After his death in 1354, he was succeeded as lord of Novara by his nephew Galeazzo II Visconti, but Marquis Giovanni II Paleologo of Montferrat (1338–72) occupied the city in 1356 and held it for two years before Galeazzo regained control in 1358. The city shared the fate of the Visconti territories until the crisis after the death of Gian Galeazzo Visconti (1378/85–1402). In 1403, a condottiere named Facino Cane took advantage of Gian Galeazzo’s death and the weakness of his son and successor, Giovanni Maria, by seizing Novara as well as Alessandria, Tortona and Vigevano. From these conquests, Facino began to establish his own short-lived state, but he died of an attack of gout in 1412, soon after learning of the assassination of Giovanni Maria on 16 May (Argegni 1946–57, i, 129–30; DBI xvii, 791–801). Giovanni Maria’s successor, Filippo Maria Visconti, another of Gian Galeazzo’s sons, immediately reclaimed control of Novara. In 1415, he declared the upper Sesia valley independent of Novara, effectively placing it under the direct control of Milan, and he enfiefed the Val d’Ossola to an heir of the Borromeo family named Vitaliano de’ Vitaliani. Novara’s destiny thereafter was bound up with that of Milan, apart from a short period in 1495, at the end of the Italian compaign by King Charles VIII of France. In 1734, Novara was conquered by Savoy. 2. Coinage of the mint of Novara There survives no direct evidence to indicate that Novara ever obtained minting privileges, but numismatists of the nineteenth century supposed that the city received the right to strike its own coins some time in the twelfth century. Promis (1852, 27) as well as Gnecchi and Gnecchi (1889, 251) believed that Novara obtained minting rights from Henry VI (1191–7), but Caire (1882, 5–13) thought that Bishop Guglielmo I Tornielli (1153–61) was the beneficiary of a grant by Frederick I

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(1152–90). The numismatic evidence offers greater support to the Promis and Gnecchi hypothesis because some of Novara’s earlier communal coins mention an emperor Henry. There is nevertheless a more straightforward explanation of why the bishop of Novara was able to exercise the right of coinage without any apparent grant of minting rights. As noted above, Pombia had already been a royal mint during the Lombard period, and in 1025, King Conrad II ceded the comitatus of Pombia to the bishop of Novara. It later became an integral part of Novara’s territory. It is entirely plausible that Novara’s right of coinage goes back to the royal mint of Pombia and passed to Novara with Conrad’s concession of the county to the bishop in 1025. Novara thus needed no formal minting privilege but merely royal or imperial consent, as in the cases of Brescia and Pisa (Zecche i, 238; Matzke 2005a). This also accounts for the bishop’s exercise of the right of coinage in Domodossola as an episcopal right transferred from Novara. A. Early communal issues, c. 1250–1300 Under communal rule, the Novara mint struck a silver grosso, two different types of billon denari and a billon obolo. The rare grosso has the obverse legend +CIVITa4 around a large 3 surrounded by four pellets and the reverse legend +IMþ ENRIC around SCS|øgø with abbreviation mark across the field (Caire 1882, 14 no. 1; CNI ii, 370.1–3; Fava et al. 1964, 166 no. 111; Martini et al. 1987, 78 no. 1) for Imperator Enricus and Sanctus Gaudentius, Novara’s patron saint. Examples of the three variants listed in the CNI weigh between 1.00 and 1.11g. Novara’s grosso was almost certainly struck to correspond to the grosso da 4 denari imperiali of Milan, but at a very low weight standard, which suggests a dating around 1250 (see Chapter 5, section (m), p. 422). The Novara mint issued two types of denari in the thirteenth century, both with the scodellato form and corresponding in size and weight to the Lombard denari mezzani. Both types have the obverse legend +IMþaTOR in the margin and the reverse legend +NOVaRIa around a cross with a star at the end of each arm. The difference between the two types lies in the obverse field, where one has ì|S¤T|¤g¤ in three lines (165–6) and the other simply has a large g surrounded by four stars (167), both referring to the city’s patron saint, St Gaudentius. CNI (ii, 370–1.5–9) lists five variants of the former, weighing between 0.38 and 0.60g. They are distinguished by minor differences in lettering and by the number of points on the stars in the obverse and reverse fields. The latter type is known in a single variant, examples of which weigh between 0.44 and 0.55g (CNI ii, 371.10). Novara’s obolo, weighing about 0.24g, resembles the second type of denaro with the large g surrounded by four stars in the reverse field (CNI ii, 371.11–12). The appearance of the stars in the obverse and reverse fields of both types of denaro raises the possibility that the denari of Novara were struck to correspond to the standard prescribed in the 1254 monetary convention signed by representatives of Bergamo, Brescia, Cremona, Parma, Pavia, Piacenza and Tortona. The 1277 statutes of Novara suggest that the coinage circulating in the city had undergone changes first in 1250 and then again in 1254, perhaps reflecting the introduction of Novara’s coinage and then changes to bring it into line with the coinage of the cities that subscribed to the 1254 treaty. One of the rubrics states that the repayment of any debts incurred before 1250 now needed to include an additional four soldi per lira in the coinage then in circulation pro melioramento monete, or to offset the reductions in the standard of the coinage, and that the repayment of debts incurred from 1250 to 1254 had to include an additional three soldi per lira, but debts incurred from 1254 onwards were to be settled at face value (Ceruti 1879, 36–7 rub. 73). Contemporary commercial contracts, mainly instruments for conveying immovable

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property, show only that payments in Novara were consistently made according to a unit of account based on the denaro imperiale, presumably the lighter imperiale coinage of Pavia, Tortona and their neighbours. The CNI lists two other types of denari purportedly dating from the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, respectively, both from line-drawings first published by Caire on the basis of coins in his own collection. The first was supposedly an episcopal issue with the obverse legend +EPISCOPVS around a g in a crown of palm leaves with four stars and the reverse legend +3OVaRIa around a cross with a star at the end of each arm, which Caire dated to the time of Bishop Guglielmo Tornielli (Caire 1882, 18 no. 8; CNI ii, 369.1). Caire nevertheless acknowledged that his specimen, found in Novara before 1861, was in poor condition, and this at least allows the possibility that his depiction of the obverse marginal legend on the coin was incorrect. The coin may have been a denaro of the second type described above. The second even more dubious denaro was supposedly an imperial issue with the obverse legend +IMPERaTOR around ì|FR|I in three lines in the field and +NOVaRIa around a cross with a star at the end of each arm on the reverse (Caire 1882, 16 no. 5; CNI ii, 370.4). According to Caire, an example of this type of denaro had long been in the possession of the Genoese collector Franchini, but no such coin figured in the dispersal of the Franchini collection in 1879 (cf. Dura/Sambon sale, Rome, 26 March 1879). Caire’s reading of the legend in the reverse field of this coin again may have been mistaken, or rather based on a forgery, because the disposition of imperial initials on the obverse is very unusual. In any event, barring evidence to the contrary, the existence of genuine coins that correspond to Caire’s line-drawings must be considered doubtful. B. Later issues, 1300–1500 Numismatists typically date two other coins of Novara, traditionally called a denaro and an obolo, to the period before the advent of direct Milanese rule, but the evidence for this is unclear. The so-called denaro, actually a denaro imperiale, has the obverse legend +nOVaRIa around a cross and the reverse legend +S GaVDEnCIVS around the mitred head of the saint (Caire 1882, 16– 17 no. 6; CNI ii, 371.13; Franchini 1975, 85 no. 16). Its size and weight – 17mm and 0.63g – are consistent with contemporary denari imperiali. Examples of this coin figured in a hoard of 289 billon coins that came to light in Milan some time before 1908 and is conventionally regarded as having been deposited or closed around 1330 (App. i, no. 31). This seems to confirm a dating before Bishop Giovanni Visconti’s coup d’état in 1332 and perhaps even before Giovanni became bishop of Novara in 1329. A rubric from Novara’s statutes, redacted some time between 1328 and 1346, indeed suggests a change in the circulating currency occurring in 1328, after earlier changes in 1300 and 1312 (Morandi 1913, 111–12 no. 62). It states that the repayment of any debts incurred before 1300 needed to include, pro melioramento monete, an additional eight soldi per lira, and that the repayment of debts incurred from 1300 to 1312 needed to include an additional four soldi per lira. It further states that the repayment of debts incurred from 1312 to 1328 needed to include only an additional one and a half soldi, with the implication that the repayment of debts incurred afterwards required either an even smaller ragguaglio or nothing at all. The introduction of this type of denaro in 1328 would help to explain why the coin does not specifically identify Giovanni Visconti as the issuing authority, whereas the denari that Giovanni struck in Domodossola as count of Ossola clearly do (see below, p. 196). The evidence is nevertheless inconclusive. The epigraphy on the Novara denaro, particularly the gothic n in both the

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obverse and reverse legends, perhaps recommends even a slightly later dating, and the coin was probably still being struck in 1347, when references in the Consignationes of the bishops of Novara evidently confirm the existence of a mint in the city (Cassani et al. 1937–9, i, 122, 187, 191). Further research, particularly on the documentary record, may help to clarify matters. The so-called obolo (Caire 1882, 17 no. 7; CNI ii, 371.14) was certainly struck much later, towards the middle of the fifteenth century. Gamberini di Scarfea (1956, 104 no. 240) regarded Novara’s coin as an imitation of the Milanese denaro imperiale (Cipolla 1988, 14; Matzke 2012a, 42–3; see also Chapter 5, section (m), pp. 486–7), issued under the so-called ‘Second Republic’ (1447–50) (691–2). Novara’s so-called obolo therefore is actually a denaro imperiale. On the obverse, it has the legend +COMVNITaS NO, for Comunitas Novarie, around the mitred head of the saint. There is a cross fleury in the reverse field, but the reverse legend still awaits a complete reading. In a line-drawing of one specimen, Promis (1852, 27, tbl. 2.7) depicted the legend as [ ] P [ ] ONS Ra, which later numismatists have followed, and he supposed that the full legend referred to one of the Visconti of Milan. The obverse legend on Novara’s denaro imperiale, like that on the contemporaneous denari of Asti (94) and Pavia (CNI iv, 503.1–2), clearly stems from the later ‘republican’ denaro imperiale of Milan. It therefore cannot have been struck before the death of Filippo Maria Visconti on 13 August 1447. The terminus ante quem for this coin is 23 December 1448, when Novara submitted to the condottiere Francesco Sforza, who would become duke of Milan in 1450. Taking into account the uncertain reading of the legends, however, there remains the distinct possibility that this denaro is one of the many blundered contemporary imitations of the Milanese and Pavese denari rather than an official issue of the mint of Novara (Matzke 2012a; 2012b; see also section (u) below, p. 240). C. Monete ossidionali (siege coinage), 1495–9 While besieged in Novara by the armies of the Italian League, Duke Louis of Orléans evidently coped with a shortage of hard currency by striking copper coins to stand in the place of silver ones and promising that the copper issues could be exchanged for silver coins on a one-to-one basis once the siege had lifted (Carli-Rubbi 1754–60, i, 21; Zanetti 1775–89, v, 369 n. 280). This is reported by three contemporary authors: Bishop Paolo Giovio of Nocera (1483–1552) (1550–2, i, 75), Cardinal Pietro Bembo of Venice (1470–1547) (1551, fol. 47v) and a Veronese medical doctor named Alessandro Benedetti (c. 1450–1512) (1549, fol. 50r) who accompanied the contingent of the Italian League during the siege. Morbio (1860; 1865, 290–309; 1870, 3–26, esp. 24–5) described three copper coins from the time of the siege based on examples supposedly in his own collection, but Domenico Promis omitted them from his discussion of siege coinage in the Piedmont (1836a), and his son Vincenzo, having never seen these coins, doubted their existence (Promis 1867). Mailliet (1868, tbl. 89.1–3; 1870, 341–2 nos. 1–3) and Caire (1882, 20–4) followed Morbio, but the compilers of CNI omitted the coins from their catalogue, noting that none of the coins described by Morbio figured in the dispersal of his collection by Wesener in Munich in 1882. The dispersal of Mailliet’s large collection of siege coinage by Van Petegham in Paris in 1886 likewise included no examples of the Novara siege coins, and Pellegrino (1951) was unable to verify their existence. The largest of the three coins described by Morbio, evidently based on Louis’ silver half-testone of Asti (CNI ii, 31.37–8), supposedly has the obverse legend †LVDOVIC DVX AVR MED AC AST D, for Ludovicus Dux Aurelianensis [et] Dominus Mediolani ac Astensis, around a bust of Louis facing left and the reverse legend †NOVARIA OBSESSA ANNO 1495 around a quartered shield with French fleurs-de-lis and Visconti vipers surmounted by a ducal crown (Morbio 1870, 24–5, tbl. 1.3; Caire

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Figure 23. Domodossola: Bishop Giovanni Visconti of Novara (1329–32), denaro (MMAG sale 27, 15 November 1963, lot 261; Reproduced by kind permission)

1882, 22 no. 3). The second coin, which takes its obverse design from Louis’ billon soldino or sesino of Asti (CNI ii, 31–2.39–41), purportedly has the obverse legend †LVDOVICVS DVX AVR MLI AC AST D around a porcupine walking left with an iron walking stick between its teeth and the reverse legend +SANCTVS GAVDECIVS P N, for Protector Noster or Protector Novarie, around a mitred bust of the saint with NOV OBS in exergue (Morbio 1860, 228 no. 1; 1870, 24, tbl. 1.1; Caire 1882, 21–2 no. 2). The third coin was evidently modelled after Louis’ billon forte of Asti (96–7). It allegedly has the obverse legend †DVX ARE[ ]ISIS M ET around a large L and the reverse legend +NOVARIA IN OBSIDIONE around a cross fleury (Morbio 1860, 229 no. 2; 1870, 24, tbl. 1.2; Caire 1882, 21 no. 1). In the absence of any clear evidence to verify the existence of these coins, however, they are perhaps best regarded as apocryphal. 3. Coinage of the mint of Domodossola In the early fourteenth century, the county of Ossola appertained to the bishops of Novara. When Giovanni Visconti became bishop of Novara in 1329, he thus gained direct control over the entire county and announced his lordship there by striking his own billon denari in the central town of Domodossola (Domus Ossole), evidently modelled after the denier of St-Maurice d’Agaune (Elsig 1993,70–2).The coins of Domodossola have the obverse legend +EPS 3OVaRIE3S around a temple surmounted by a cross with I + O, for Iohannes (Ital. Giovanni), across the field and the reverse legend +COMES OSSOLLE around a cross (Caire 1882, 18–20 no. 9; CNI ii, 275–6.1–3; Fig. 23). The compilers of the CNI described the coin as silver, but Castellani (1925, i, 50 no. 1503) declared the example in the Papadopoli collection in Venice to be billon.The Venice specimen weighs 1.00g, though Pellegrino (1961) suggested that some other examples weigh slightly more.Giovanni’s coins of Domodossola are extremely rare. The CNI listed only three variants, but Pellegrino counted a fourth among the few examples that he was able to examine in public and private collections. He further noted that the rarity of the Domodossola denaro spawned a small number of forgeries, describing them only as non recente but not explicitly identifying them as either contemporary or modern (Pellegrino 1961). The rarity of genuine examples perhaps indicates that the period of issue was very brief, from 1329 when Giovanni became bishop of Novara and lord of the Val d’Ossola to 1332 when he assumed outright control over Novara. It is nevertheless risky to assume that the number of specimens surviving in modern collections in any way serves as a measure of output, and a more conservative dating would put the period of issue between 1329 and 1339 when Giovanni became lord of Milan together with his brother Luchino. Tribolati (1936) believed that the Domodossola mint was again active under Duke Filippo Maria Visconti of Milan (1412–47),and he published a line-drawing of a billon denaro from his own collection weighing 0.50g that he attributed to Domodossola under the Milanese ruler. He depicted the

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coin as having the obverse legend +FILIPVS MaRIa around a knotted sash with star surmounted by a crown, as on Filippo Maria’s denari of Milan (683–4), and the reverse legend, beginning at thirty degrees, +FILIP[ ]MaRIa D OS around a cross. Tribolati interpreted the reverse legend as +FILIP[us] MaRIa D[ominus] OS[sole]. Pellegrino (1961) accepted Tribolati’s interpretation, adding that the coin recalls Filippo’s recovery of Domodossola after its loss under Giovanni Maria Visconti, but he likewise provided only a line-drawing of the coin, gave no indication as to the coin’s disposition and did not even claim to have examined it. The fact that this supposedly unique coin did not figure in the sale of the coins of an anonymous collector purported to be Tribolati (M. Ratto sale, 5–6 May 1959; cf. Pellegrino 1961) raises serious doubts about both the coin itself and the claims of Tribolati and Pellegrino. The appearance of Filippo’s name in both the obverse and reverse legends of this coin is further cause for concern, and indeed the reading of the reverse legend has never been securely confirmed. The fact that Filippo enfiefed the entire Val d’Ossola to Vitaliano de’ Vitaliani in 1415 (see above, p. 192) also means that the Milanese duke controlled Domodossola only indirectly for most of his rule. The knotted sash and star, moreover, occur on later Milanese issues of Filippo Maria (see Chapter 5, section (m), pp. 476, 477).

(p) p i e dmont : count s ( m i nt of c une o ) 1. Historical background When Charles I of Anjou, count of Provence (1246–85) established the ‘county of Piedmont’ in the second half of the thirteenth century, he made the town of Cuneo its nerve-centre. Nineteenthcentury historians had followed fifteenth- and sixteenth-century chroniclers in dating the foundation of Cuneo to 1120, but Bertano (1898, i, 65–77; ii, 2–18) argued that the chronicle tradition was unreliable. He dated the settlement to 1198 when the Pizzo di Cuneo (Picio Cuney) is first attested in the written sources (Sella 1880–7, iii, 765 doc. 717), though the earliest documentary record of the settlement already indicates the presence of communal institutions, which suggests that the actual origins of the village were slightly earlier, though probably still in the 1190s (Grillo 1999, 7–9; 2002b, 11–17). The settlement emerged when part of the population that was under the jurisdiction of the abbey of San Dalmazzo di Pedona but governed by the bishop of Asti and the marquises of Montferrat and Saluzzo of the house of the Aleramici took refuge on the ‘Pizzo’, a strategic position between the rivers Gesso and Stura di Demonte. The settlers named their new commune ‘Cuneo’, after the natural wedge-like form of the site at the confluence of the two rivers. Cuneo grew rapidly at first, due in part to the privilegium civilitatis that Asti granted the new settlement. It attracted immigrants above all from nearby territories under the authority of the various branches of Aleramici. The scale of the migrations was such that Marquis Manfredo II of Saluzzo (1175–1215) forbade the inhabitants of several Saluzzese villages from transferring to Cuneo without his permission, but the migrations continued. The progressive weakening of Asti’s position in the region around Cuneo nevertheless soon provided the opportunity for the Aleramici to reassert their authority over the settlement. In May 1210, the armies of the Aleramici arrived at the gates of Cuneo presumably to subjugate the new town. For the next two decades, Cuneo effectively disappeared from the sources, which suggests that the settlement indeed came under the control of the Aleramici in 1210 and so remained until 1230, when local leaders turned to

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Milan and the Lombard League for support against their lords. Once Cuneo regained its liberty, it continued to rely on Milan for protection, mainly through its alliance with Alba and Alessandria, both of which were faithful allies of Milan, but Milan’s defeat at Cortenuova by the armies of Emperor Frederick II (1218–50, emp. 1220) forced Cuneo, like most other Piedmontese centres, to switch its allegiance to Frederick to gain imperial protection. In 1238, the emperor acknowledged Cuneo’s new-found loyalty by granting the city his protection, thus conferring imperial recognition upon the settlement for the first time (HuillardBréholles 1852–61, v.1, 178). The death of Frederick in 1250 precipitated another realignment. In January 1251, Cuneo and the nearby towns of Mondovì, Fossano and Savigliano effectively submitted to a coalition consisting of Asti and Alba. In exchange for the recognition of its civilitas, Cuneo was obliged to accept a podestà only from either Asti or Alba, to grant the merchants of Asti and Alba a full exemption from duties on their goods in its territory, and to lend the two cities military support. This situation prevailed until 1258, when serious fiscal difficulties forced the communal government in Cuneo to promulgate a series of statutes that impinged on the traditional rights of the monks of the nearby monastery of San Dalmazzo. At the same time, a group of magnate-entrepreneurs in Cuneo were seeking to address the commune’s fiscal problems through the expansion of commerce. In February 1259, merchants of Cuneo obtained special privileges in the salt trade from the port of Nice in exchange for guaranteeing the passage of Provençal merchants through the territory of Cuneo and exempting them from all extraordinary duties beyond the customary tolls. The agreement facilitated the development of Cuneo as an important centre of trans-shipment in the salt trade between Provence and places such as Asti and Pavia. Six months later, Cuneo submitted to Charles I of Anjou, count of Provence (1246–85). The conditions of the submission were onerous and led to sharp divisions in the city between citizens who benefited from the change of regime and those who suffered from it. The merchants of Cuneo in particular were among those who benefited from submission to the Angevins because they enjoyed a full exemption from all tolls throughout Angevin territory (Panero 1999, 141–5; Grillo 2002c, 50–4). This enabled them to exploit their advantageous position in the salt trade and perhaps provided the rationale for their city’s submission to Charles in the first place. The defeat of Provençal forces by those of Asti at Roccavione on 10 November 1275 effectively marked the end of the first period of Angevin rule over Cuneo. Like other cities in the region that had been under Angevin control, Cuneo sought to establish ties with Asti, finally reaching an accord on 13 September 1277, but relations with Asti soon deteriorated. Under pressure from both Asti and Marquis Tommaso I of Saluzzo (1244–96) and no longer able to depend on the support of the Angevins, who controlled only a circumscribed area in the Stura valley near the city, Cuneo succumbed to the Saluzzesi in May 1281. Within a year, a popular uprising against Angevin rule in Sicily that started at a church just outside Palermo at the hour of vespers (sunset) led to the outbreak of the War of the Sicilian Vespers between the Angevins and the Aragonese and dispelled any hopes of a speedy Angevin resurgence in the Piedmont. Only in 1305, three years after the Peace of Caltabellotta ended the conflict between the houses of Anjou and Aragon, did the Angevin seneschal of Provence recover Cuneo for Charles II (1285–1309) under the terms of the 1259 agreement by which the city first passed under Angevin control (Grillo 2002c, 56–61). The Angevins retained Cuneo for the next forty-one years and fifty of the next seventy-five, first under Charles, then under Robert the Wise (1309–43) and finally under Queen Joanna (1343–81, d. 1382). Early in this second phase of Angevin rule, Cuneo became the centre of Angevin power

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in the region and capital of the county of Piedmont. Initially, in the first half of the thirteenth century, the term ‘Piedmont’ (Ital. Piemonte) referred only to the area around Turin at the foot of the mountains, but Charles I used it to refer to all of his possessions east of the Alps. As Angevin rule continued in the Piedmont under Robert, civil discord grew, and the difficult succession to the throne after his death in January 1343 made it impossible for the Angevins to maintain their possessions in the area. Queen Joanna’s rule in Naples came under serious threat from another claimant, King Louis I of Hungary (1342–82), after the assassination of Joanna’s husband Andrea of Anjou, duke of Calabria, in 1345, and she was forced to take refuge in Provence in 1348. With Joanna preoccupied by Louis’ attempt to sieze power, factional strife in Cuneo continuing to rise and the city under threat from a powerful Ghibelline league made up of Luchino Visconti of Milan (1339–49), Manfredo V of Saluzzo (i.e. Manfredo of Cardé, pretender to the marquisate of Saluzzo) and Giovanni II of Montferrat (1338–72), the citizens of Cuneo submitted to Count Amedeo VI of Savoy (1343–83) and Prince Giacomo of Savoy-Achaia (1334–67) in June 1347. Savoyard rule in Cuneo was short-lived, however, and nine months later, control over the city passed first to the Visconti lords of Milan (1348–56), then to the marquises of Saluzzo (1356–66), and then back to the Visconti (1366–73). Thanks to the formation of a powerful anti-Visconti alliance in 1372, Queen Joanna regained control of Cuneo in February 1373, but by then, the Angevins had clearly lost the initiative in the Piedmont. The counts of Savoy were now the dominant power, and in April 1382, Cuneo passed definitively under Savoyard rule (Grillo 2002c, 63–5). 2. Coinage before the Angevins, 1258–9 There survives no grant of minting rights for Cuneo. Most scholars have tied the opening of the mint there to a mint contract that the Angevin seneschal in the Piedmont negotiated with three moneyers to strike three denominations of coins in Cuneo in 1307, but Charles I of Anjou was already striking coins in the town a few decades earlier. Evidently, there were minting activities of some sort in or near Cuneo even before the arrival of the Angevins. On 13 March 1258, more than a year before the advent of the Angevins, a banker of Piacenza resident in Genoa named Leonardo Rocio and his associate Guglielmo Leccacorvo instructed their agents Benentende di Pozollo and Lanfranco di Cafo to negotiate on their behalf to acquire the rights that Filippo Morono and Lamberto Magliavacca of Florence held on the moneta, or coinage, of Cuneo (Lopez 1956a, 161 doc. 108). Then, on 5 November 1258, Lanfranco Mensura of Alba wrote from Genoa to his relations in Alba to ask them to post a surety of two hundred lire to the marquis of Saluzzo on behalf of three domini et fabricatores monete que sit apud Cunium, or ‘mint-masters and moneyers of the coinage [or mint] that will be near Cuneo’: Palmerio Rubeo, Giacomo Belengario and Antonino della Porta (Ferretto 1906, 235 doc. 280; on the dating of this letter, see Lopez 1956a, 77 n. 60). The second of these moneyers was an agent of Leccacorvo (Lopez 1956a, 77), which suggests that Rocio and Leccacorvo ultimately succeeded in securing rights over Cuneo’s moneta. More importantly, Lanfranco Mensura’s letter of 1258 attests to plans for striking coins of some sort in or near Cuneo. Because the moneyers were obliged to post a surety to the marquis of Saluzzo, then Tommaso I (1244–96), the letter also appears to suggest that they were striking coins under Saluzzese authority or protection, though it does not unequivocally establish a connection between the surety and the activities of the moneyers in the Cuneo mint. In point of fact, Cuneo was closer politically to Asti than Saluzzo in this period. Fuiano (1959, 153–9), Fea (2006b, 365–6;

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Zecche i, 634–5) and Comba (2006a, 19–22) have also discussed this very curious episode, but it still awaits a full explanation. 3. The Angevins A. Charles I of Anjou, ‘count of Piedmont’ (1259–76) The coins of Cuneo struck in the name of Charles of Anjou bear a form of the legend +KaROLVS SCIL REX, for ‘King Charles of Sicily’ (Promis 1866, 26–7). This clearly establishes the terminus post quem for these coins as 1266, the year in which Charles I was crowned as king of Sicily, but it does not indicate whether the coins were struck under Charles I or his son Charles II. Comparison with the coinage of Provence and south Italy nevertheless suggests that the earliest coinage of Cuneo, a denaro, was struck under Charles I. Conventionally called a ventesimo di grosso, this coin is extremely rare. It has the obverse legend +KaROLVS SCIL REX around a crowned head facing left and the reverse legend CoE S!PE DMO NTI around a long cross. The lone example in the CNI (ii, 221.11), from the Papadopoli collection in Venice (Castellani 1925, i, 69 no. 2141), weighs 0.60g. The obverse of this coin resembles that of his denier provençal coronat (Poey d’Avant 1858–62, 320 no. 3950, tbl. 88.13; Rolland 1956, 210 no. 37), while the reverse recalls that of the long-cross denari struck under Charles I in the mint of Brindisi in south Italy from 1266 to 1276 (MEC 14, 676–7 nos. 644–6). The Provençal denier to which the Cuneo coin bears the closest resemblance was struck not under Charles II, as Promis evidently believed, but under Charles I (Poey d’Avant 1858–62, ii, 319 no. 3942, tbl. 88.8; Rolland 1956, 208 no. 32). Promis supposed that the Cuneo coin was struck at a different standard from the Provençal deniers, no doubt because he calculated the fineness of the Provençal issues from references of 1298 and 1302, which simply did not concern the coins of Charles I. Rolland (1956, 123–4) dated the introduction of the Provençal coin to 1267 on the basis of a mint ordinance, and the denaro or ventesimo di grosso was almost certainly a parallel issue. The only problem that remains is to determine whether Charles I organised his Piedmontese territories into the ‘county of Piedmont’ during his rule or whether it was Charles II who accomplished this administrative act; if the latter was the case, this coin bearing the comital title would need to be attributed to Charles II. B. Charles II of Anjou (1305–9) The Angevins regained possession of Cuneo in 1305 and reopened the mint perhaps as early as 1306 (Grillo 2002c, 62) and certainly by 31 March 1307, when Seneschal Rainaldus de Lecto, representative of King Charles II in the Piedmont, finalised a mint contract with the moneyers Tommaso Riva and Ardizzone Merlo of Cuneo and Riccardino of Sommariva (Cordero di San Quintino 1837b, 7–9; 1838, 207–9; Promis 1852, 17, 37–42 doc. 1). The agreement obliged the moneyers to strike a new grosso similar to the grosso of Louis IX, and it stipulated that the new coin should be equivalent to two and a half soldi in the coinage of Asti. The agreement also required the moneyers to strike another coin calibrated to the grosso with a value of six denari of Asti, a quinto di grosso and a petty coin valued at one-twentieth of a grosso, in other words a ventesimo di grosso. Promis (1852) and most other numismatists have regarded this document as signalling the opening of the Cuneo mint, but Roggiero (1910b, 479–82) and Fea (1998, 85–6; Zecche i, 634–5) have focused on the evidence suggesting that the mint was already active towards the end of 1259 (see

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Figure 24. Piedmont: county (Cuneo), Charles II of Anjou as count of Piedmont (1305–9), grosso tornese (Promis 1866, pl. iv.36)

above, pp. 199–200). Both Roggiero and Fea noted that the Cuneo mint was striking coins under Charles II only for a very limited period whereas it might have been active under Charles I for sixteen years; Roggiero even believed that all coins identifying a Charles as the issuing authority probably belonged to Charles I. He also pointed out that the Provençal and Neapolitan coinage of Charles II typically identifies the issuing authority with the inscription K S or KaROLVS ScD in the obverse legend for Karlous Secundus, though this appears on none of the Cuneo coins. The 1307 mint contract and the close correspondence of the coins that it mentions with existing specimens nevertheless counsel against too hastily assigning all of the KaROLVS issues of the Cuneo mint to Charles I simply because they lack any explicit epigraphic reference to Charles II. The debate over the attribution of Cuneo’s coinage struck in the name of a Charles has focused mainly on the grosso tornese. On the obverse, most examples have a form of the legend +BNDICTV SIT Noäñ DNI nRI DEI IhV XPI in the exterior ring, for Benedictum sit nomen domini nostri Dei Iesu Christi (‘Blessed be the name of our lord God Jesus Christ’), and +KaROLVS SCL REX in the interior ring around a cross.The CNI examples weigh between 3.82 and 4.09g.On the reverse,they have twelve fleurs-de-lis in the exterior ring and the legend CoES PED MOTIS, for Comes Pedemontis, in the interior ring around a châtel tournois fleurdelisé (CNI ii,220–1.1–4;see Fig.24).Only one of the CNI variants, weighing 2.94g, has the anomalous inscription +SIT NOMEN DOMINI BENEDICTVM in the obverse exterior ring (CNI ii, 221.5). The source for this peculiar form of the legend appears to have been the grosso tornese that Guelfo and Lotto della Gherardesca struck in Sardinia as counts of Villa di Chiesa (1285–95/6) probably after 1290 (Sollai 1977, 22 nos. 1–2; MEC 14, 289–90), which carried a similar legend in its obverse interior ring. Examples of both types of Cuneo’s grosso tornese are very rare. They are known to have appeared in only two hoards (App. i, nos. 29, 146) and Fea mentioned only eleven specimens in his brief survey of the mint on the occasion of the city’s octo-centennial. He initially proposed to divide the two types into distinct issues, seeing the dominant type as struck under Charles I and only the minor type as struck under Charles II from 1307 to 1309 in connection with the 1307 mint contract (Fea 1998, 85–6), but he was probably unable to take into account new work on the Provençal gros tournois in time for publication. He subsequently drew greater attention to the uncertainties suggested by the new work (Fea 2006b, 368–9) and attributed all the variants of Cuneo’s grosso tornese to Charles II (Zecche i, 635). The dating of Cuneo’s grosso tornese indeed hinges on the dating of the gros tournois of Provence. Until recently, most numismatists agreed that Charles I introduced his Provençal gros tournois in 1267, but the evidence for this is indirect and ambiguous. In a letter dated 13 September of that year, Alphonse of Poitiers, Charles’ brother, ordered his seneschal of Venaissin in Avignon to begin striking a new coin at the same weight and metallic standard as the nova moneta of his brother, and

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an earlier letter of 15 August suggests that the new coin in question was indeed the gros tournois (Molinier 1894–1900, 344–5 docs. 566–7; Rolland 1956, 124–5). Alphonse soon abandoned his designs, but his stated intention to strike a gros tournois at the same weight and standard as that of Charles has been taken as proof that Charles I had already issued his own version of the coin. The evidence does not clearly establish, however, that Charles I was already striking his own gros tournois in Provence in the summer of 1267, and within the last decade, numismatists have begun to raise doubts about the attribution of the coin to Charles I. On the basis of the hoard evidence, particularly because the Provençal coins are absent from hoards interred or closed before 1300, Phillips (1997, 335–6) questioned whether the Provençal gros tournois conventionally assigned to Charles I ought to be attributed instead to Charles II. He was equivocal, noting that the coin nevertheless seemed to be more closely calibrated to the Avignon denier of Charles I (Poey d’Avant 1858–62, ii, 320 no. 3944; Rolland 1956, 124, 209–10 no. 34) than to any petty issues of Charles II, but his point was well made. Merson (1998, 137) concurred and argued more forcefully for pushing the date of the Provençal gros tournois towards 1300, though neither Phillips nor Merson made any effort to account for the absence of an explicit reference to Karolus secundus on these coins. Duplessy (1998, 230) disagreed with Merson precisely on this issue, though Rolland (1956, 132–3) had already refused to distinguish between the Provençal coinage of Charles I and Charles II solely on the basis of whether the coins carried an explicit reference to the latter in the obverse legend. Recent research (Bompaire 1997, 62–3, 91–2) also suggests that the coins of both Provence and Cuneo, in terms of fabric and style, are closer to the royal gros tournois not of Louis IX but of Philip IV (1285–1314), and particularly to Philip’s coins with the long or oval-shaped o which are usually dated from 1290 (Lafaurie 1951, i, 30, no. 219). Earlier gros tournois of Louis IX, Philip III (1270–85) and Philip IV carry the distinctive round O. This accords well with developments elsewhere in the Piedmont and the county of Savoy, where mints of the commune of Asti, the marquises of Carretto, the marquises of Montferrat, the princes of Achaia in Turin, the counts of Savoy and the barons of Vaud all issued their own grossi tornesi between about 1290 and 1310, when the monetary manipulations of Philip IV raised the need for good and reliable gros tournois. Cuneo’s grosso tornese was indeed struck under Charles II, but there are still questions surrounding this coin, particularly with respect to the peculiar legend in the obverse exterior ring of the minor type, and Fea very well may be on the right track in distinguishing between two issues. The very rare quinto di grosso has the obverse legend +KaROLVS SCL REX around a cross and the reverse legend +CoES PEDMOnTIS around an Angevin shield with three fleurs-de-lis (168). CNI (ii, 221.6–8) lists three variants, weighing from 0.90 to 1.06g. The middle variant appears to have served as the model for the modern forgeries struck with dies cut by Tardani, who worked in Rome from about 1890 to 1910 (cf. Cornaggia Castiglioni 1924; Grierson 1958). Tardani must have followed the line-drawing published by Promis (1852, tbl. i.10), as he even reproduced Promis’ mistaken depiction of the obverse legend as +KaROLVS SCl REX. In 1971, Grierson acquired three examples of the forged coins evidently made from the same dies (169–71); the reverse die of this forgery is now in the coin cabinet of the Historisches Museum in Basel (inv. 2013.200.). Cordero di San Quintino (1837b), who first published a genuine example of the Cuneo quinto di grosso, identified the coin with Charles II on the basis of the 1307 agreement. The Angevin shield in the reverse field of this coin recalls the reverse field on the south Italian gold tarì of Charles I (Poey d’Avant 1858–62, ii, 322 no. 3964; MEC 14, 674–5 no. 625) more than anything struck under Charles II, whether in southern Italy or Provence. In terms of both style and standard, however,

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Figure 25. Piedmont: county (Cuneo), Charles II of Anjou as count of Piedmont (1305–9), denaro, traditionally called a ventesimo di grosso (Promis 1852, pl. i.11)

the quinto di grosso was directly related to Cuneo’s grosso tornese and therefore must have been a contemporary issue, as the 1307 mint contract indeed indicates. The denaro or ventesimo di grosso of Charles II is also very rare. It has the obverse legend +KaROLVS SCIL REX around a crowned head facing left and the reverse legend +CoES PEDMONTI around a cross with an annulet in each of the angles. The CNI (ii, 221.9–10; see Fig. 25) lists two variants of the ventesimo di grosso, weighing 0.87 and 0.57g and distinguished only by minor differences in punctuation in the reverse legend. Its design follows that of the denaro or ventesimo di grosso of Charles I, apart from the long cross on the earlier coin. Promis (1852, 18–19) noted the close resemblance between this coin and the denier provençal coronat, the principal differences being the legends and the annulets in the angles of the cross in the reverse field of the Cuneo coin (see above, p. 200). The precedent for the peculiar feature of the cross with annulets on the reverse of the Cuneo coin might have come from the enigmatic denaro with the obverse inscription MaR4agONa (see Chapter 4, section (d), pp. 303–4). The Cuneo coin with the annulets served also as the model for the extremely rare denaro of Giovanni of Saluzzo as lord of Dogliani (1297–c. 1350) (see section (s) below, p. 229). None of the issues that Charles II struck in the mint at Cuneo specifically identifies him as the issuing authority in the obverse legend, though most of Charles’ coins of Provence and all of his Neapolitan coinage carry an explicit reference to Karolus secundus. This has never been explained, but it appears that the reference was omitted from Charles’ issues of the Cuneo mint and his later issues of Provence, after about 1300, simply because there was no longer any compelling need for the ruler to distinguish his coins from those of his eponymous predecessor more than fifteen years after his death. Charles presumably continued to identify himself as Karolus secundus even on his later issues of Naples more as a matter of tradition than of necessity. C. Robert the Wise of Anjou (1309–43) Under Robert, the Cuneo mint struck a silver terzo di gigliato and two types of a billon denaro. The grosso that Varesi (2003, 90 no. 433) attributed to the Cuneo mint under Robert is instead a silver half-carlin of Raymond IV of Orange (1340–93) (Poey d’Avant 1858–62, ii, 394 nos. 4513–18), which later served as the model for Joanna’s half-grosso of Tarascon (see below, p. 204). The extremely rare terzo di gigliato typically has the obverse legend +RoBeRT IeRL eT SIcIL ReX around a seated king and the reverse legend +coMeS PeDeMonTIS around a cross fleury (Promis 1852, 21, tbl. 1.12; CNI ii, 222.1–3), but a significant variant has the obverse legend +RoBT DI gR IeRL eT SIcIL ReX (172). The CNI gives weights between 0.98 and 1.30g. The issue was no doubt related to and probably contemporaneous with Robert’s Provençal tiers gillat, sometimes erroneously described as a demi-gillat (Poey d’Avant 1858–62, ii, 324 no. 3985, tbl. 89.16; Rolland 1956, 140–1, 216 no. 52), a fractional issue of the gillat or robert d’argent. According to Rolland, the

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gillat and tiers gillat were struck in Avignon from 1330 to 1339 and then subsequently in nearby Saint-Rémy, but Bompaire (1987, 171) has shown that the gillat was introduced earlier, certainly by 1317, and this likewise recommends pushing the date of the tiers gillat up to 1317. The dating of the larger Provençal coin further suggests that the terzo di gigliato of Cuneo may also have been introduced as early as 1317. Roggiero (1910b), followed by the CNI (ii, 222.4), described another coin as a ‘billon’ terzo di gigliato, but it is instead a distinct denomination. This extremely rare coin is in fact one of two types of denaro. The first type has the obverse legend +IhR ñT SIcIL RñX around ROB|T in two lines surmounted by a crown and the reverse legend +COMñS PñDñMOnTIS around a cross with a lis in the first angle. Roggiero did not give the weight of his specimen, but he noted that it corresponded to Robert’s Avignon issue of the denier coronat or liard (Poey d’Avant 1858–62, ii, 326 no. 4003, tbl. 90.6; Rolland 1956, 140–1, 217 no. 53), which Rolland dated to 1330–7. The denier coronat nevertheless appears to have been calibrated to the gillat at the ratio of 12:1 and thus to the tiers gillat at the ratio of 4:1. The compilers of the CNI referred to the second type of denaro as a carlino, though it appears to have been a later issue of the Cuneo denaro with a new design based partly on the double parisis of the French King Charles IV (1322–8) (Lafaurie 1951, i, 37 no. 248) and partly on Robert’s Provençal denier coronat reforciat of 1339 (Poey d’Avant 1858–62, ii, 325–6 nos. 3996–7, tbl. 90.2–3; Rolland 1956, 145, 220 no. 62). The legends on the Cuneo denaro are not clearly legible in published photographic reproductions, but the CNI (ii, 222.5) describes the obverse legend as +RoBT IERL ET SaIL (sic) around REX surmounted by a crown and the reverse legend as +CoMES PEDEMoNTIS around a cross fleury. The CNI specimens weigh 0.95 and 0.96g. Because the Provençal denier coronat continued to be struck from 1330 to 1339, it is likely that the 1339 mint order for the denier coronat reforciat indeed signals the introduction of the new Provençal coin, thereby establishing the terminus post quem for the second type of the Cuneo denaro as 1339.

D. Joanna I of Anjou (1343–82) Numismatists have conventionally associated Joanna’s half-grosso or octhène de Piémont (173), often mistakenly described as a grosso, with the mint at Cuneo, but Joanna never really established her authority over the city, at least not until 1373 when an anti-Visconti alliance wrested it from the Milanese and delivered it back into Angevin hands a quarter of a century after the Angevins renounced their control over it. In any case, a mint ordinance of 20 March 1365 clearly indicates that this coin was struck instead in the Provençal mint of Tarascon, south-west of Avignon on the left bank of the river Rhône (Rolland 1956, 153–5, 235 no. 96; Fea 1998, 86; 2006b, 371–2). These coins might have been intended for circulation in the Piedmont, but they probably also circulated in Provence alongside the half-carlins of Raymond IV of Orange after which they were modelled. The evidence for coin finds in the Piedmont is very poor, but it is perhaps worth noting that Joanna’s half-grossi are not recorded as having ever turned up there. Four of them were nevertheless found in one French hoard from the lower Alps (App. 1, no. 109). The hoard was interred or closed around 1378 and included other Provençal issues of Robert and Joanna as well as 607 coins of Avignon for Pope Urban V (1362–70) and a small number of other coins from mints in the Rhône valley. The fact that these coins were struck in Provence rather than Cuneo suggests that the Cuneo mint had closed with the end of Robert’s reign in 1343.

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(q) p i e dmont : p ri nc e s of savoy - ac hai a ( m i nt s of turi n, p i ne rolo and m oncal i e ri ) 1. Historical background Turin takes its name from the original pre-Roman inhabitants of a settlement on the western edge of the Po plain very probably near the confluence of the rivers Po and Dora Riparia within the boundaries of the modern city. These people, called the ‘Taurini’ or ‘Taurisci’, joined the Romans in their unsuccessful attempt to forestall Hannibal’s descent into Italy in 218 bc. In the first century bc, the settlement became a Roman colony called Augusta Julia Taurinorum. Details of the colony are fragmentary, but Emperor Constantine the Great (272–337) battled the usurper Maxentius (c. 278–312) near the city in 312, underlining its military importance as guardian of the Po valley. Christianity came to Turin before the beginning of the fifth century. The first known bishop of Turin was San Massimo (St Maximus, d. c. 420), who convoked a council of some seventy bishops from the Po valley and France in his city to resolve a dispute between the bishops of Arles and Vienne in 398. During the Lombard period (568–774), Turin was the administrative centre of a duchy and three of its dukes became king of the Lombards. After Charlemagne’s conquest, the old Lombard duchy of Turin became a comitatus or county under the Franks. In 950, King Berengar II of Italy (945–51) named Arduino il Glabro (d. 975) as the first marquis of Turin, thereby elevating the county to the status of a marquisate. Arduino and his successor, his son Olderico Manfredi I (975–1001), had to contend with the threat posed first by Hungarian marauders and then by the Saracen raiders who had set up their base of operations at a place called Fraissinet (Lat. Fraxinetum, Ital. Frassineto), now La Garde-Freinet in the Côte d’Azur near St Tropez. When Olderico Manfredi I died in 1001, the marquisate passed to his son Olderico Manfredi II, and when he died in 1034 without a male heir, it went to his daughter Adelaide. Soon after her father’s death, she married Hermann (Ermanno) of Swabia, stepson of Emperor Conrad II (1024–39, emp. 1027), who died in 1038. Four years later, she married Enrico of Montferrat, but he likewise died within a few years. In 1046, Adelaide married Oddone I of Savoy, who thus became marquis of Turin. Oddone was the younger son of Umberto I ‘Biancamano’, the first count of Savoy (1003–56). After the death of Umberto and then his eldest son, Amedeo (d. 1057), Oddone also inherited the title of count of Savoy, which became the basis for later Savoyard claims on Turin. Oddone died towards 1060 and was succeeded first by his son Pietro I of Savoy (d. 1078) and then by his second son, Amedeo II (d. 1080). Amedeo’s young son Umberto II (1080–1103) succeeded him, at first under the regency of Adelaide. He still had not yet reached the age of majority when Adelaide died in 1091, which raised the question of the succession to the marquisate of Turin. In practice, however, the bishops of Turin assumed de facto control of the city and oversaw the emergence of communal institutions. The Torinesi recognised Count Amedeo III of Savoy (1103–48) as marquis of Turin in 1125, but it was only in 1130/1 that Turin passed under Savoyard control. The city later regained its independence and in 1159, Emperor Frederick I Barbarossa (1152–90, emp. 1155) confirmed the existing privileges of the church of Turin to Bishop Carlo (1148–62), granted the bishops full civil jurisdiction in the city and up to ten miles (miliaria) around it, and enumerated their many dependencies and rights (MGH Dipl. x.3, 50–2 doc. 252). Frederick’s son Henry VI (1190–7, emp. 1191) confirmed the privileges to Bishop Arduino (1187–1207) in 1196.

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In the thirteenth century, the bishops and commune of Turin supported Emperor Frederick II (1218–50, emp. 1220) against the second Lombard League and thereby maintained their independence from Count Tommaso I of Savoy (1188–1233), who backed the papal party. In 1248, however, Tommaso II of Savoy, brother of Count Amedeo IV (1233–59), pledged his allegiance to Frederick and received in return Turin and its bridge, the title of imperial vicario in the Piedmont, and the marquisates of Turin and Ivrea. After the death of Frederick, Tommaso became involved in a war against the Astigiani and suffered a debilitating defeat at their hands near Moncalieri in 1255. He took refuge in Turin but was soon imprisoned there. He obtained his release in 1257 only by surrendering two of his sons as hostages. He died in Aosta just over a year and a half later, with his sons still held captive in Asti. In 1266, Marquis Guglielmo VII of Montferrat (1253–92) subjugated Turin, but in 1270, the Torinesi submitted to Charles I of Anjou, count of Provence (1246–85, king of Naples and Sicily from 1266). Guglielmo regained control of Turin in 1276 but was seized in Castile in 1280 by troops loyal to the counts of Savoy and, in exchange for his freedom, was forced to turn the marquisate of Turin over to Tommaso III of Savoy (d. 1282), called Tommasino, the rightful heir to the county of Savoy who had been unable to take up the title because he was still imprisoned in Asti when his father died in 1259. With Guglielmo’s concession, Turin passed definitively to the house of Savoy but remained distinct from the trans-Alpine county. Tommasino instead created a Savoyard lordship in the Piedmont for his first son, Filippo, who ruled under the regency of Count Amedeo V of Savoy (1285–1323) until 1294 when Amedeo renounced all comital claims to the lordship and Filippo renounced his claim to the county of Savoy. (For a genealogy of the house of Savoy-Achaia, see Table 21.) Filippo’s lordship of the Piedmont embraced only Turin, Pinerolo and a handful of minor castelli in the environs of Turin. A vicario oversaw the governance of Turin itself while Pinerolo was the administrative centre of the lordship. In 1301, Filippo married Isabelle de Villehardouin, heiress to the Greek principality of Achaia, and thereby became titular prince of Achaia. After the death of Isabelle in 1311, Filippo married Catherine de Viennois, daughter of the Dauphin, Humbert I (1282–1307). In Turin and throughout the lordship, Filippo had to contend with the influence and power of the older aristocratic families as well as the territorial aspirations of the marquises of both Montferrat and Saluzzo. When Filippo died in 1334, his eldest son, Giacomo, had not yet reached the age of majority and initially ruled the lordship under the regency first of Count Aimone of Savoy (1329–43) and then his mother Catherine until 1337. To maintain the peace, dampen the power of the old feudal elite and preserve the independence of the lordship during Giacomo’s minority, his regent created a civilian militia called the Società di San Giovanni Battista (Society of St John the Baptist) in 1335, but the rise of the Società eventually provoked a strong response from Amedeo VI, the Green Count of Savoy (1343–83). In 1360, Amedeo besieged Giacomo’s fortress at Pinerolo and forced the prince to recognise him as the supreme lord in Turin and throughout the lordship (Cox 1967, 137–43). Giacomo regained control in 1363 but died four years later. He was initially succeeded by Filippo II (1367–8), his first son by his first wife, Sybille of Beaux, and then by Amedeo of SavoyAchaia (1368–1402), his son by Marguerite of Beaujeu, who ruled under the regency of Amedeo VI of Savoy until 1377. When Amedeo of Savoy-Achaia died without a male heir in 1402, he was succeeded by his younger brother Ludovico (1402–18), whose death without heirs extinguished the line. The lordship of Savoy-Achaia thus passed definitively to Amedeo VIII of Savoy (1391–1434), whom Emperor Sigismund of Luxembourg (1410–37) had elevated to duke only two

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Table 21. The genealogy of the princes of Savoy-Achaia TOMMASO I son of Count Umberto III of Savoy, count of Savoy (1188–1233)

AIMONE lord of the Basso Vallese (1233– 42)

AMEDEO IV count of Savoy (1232–53) UMBERTO (d. 1223) BONIFACIO count of Savoy (1253–63)

TOMMASO III called Tommasino, lord of the Piedmont (1259–82)

TOMMASO II lord of the Piedmont (1233–59), marquis of Turin and Ivrea, imperial vicario, count of Savoy with nephew Bonifacio (1253–9)

AMEDEO V count of Savoy (1285–1323)

FILIPPO I PIETRO IV lord of the Piedmont archbishop of Lyon (1282–1334), (1307–32) first prince of Achaia (from 1301)

GIACOMO prince of Achaia and lord of the Piedmont (1334–67)

FILIPPO II prince of Achaia and lord of the Piedmont (1367–8)

AMEDEO bishop of St-Jean de Maurienne and Lausanne (1349– 76)

AMEDEO bishop of St-Jean de Maurienne (1236–56, d. 1268) GUGLIELMO bishop of Valence (d. 1233)

FILIPPO I archbishop of Lyon and bishop of Valence (1246–67), count of Savoy (1268–85)

PIETRO II lord of Vaud (1233–68), and count of Savoy (1263–8)

BONIFACIO archbishop of Canterbury (1241–68, d. 1270)

LUDOVICO lord of the Piedmont, lord of Vaud (d. 1302)

TOMMASO canon of Amiens

TOMMASO bishop of Turin (1348–62)

AMEDEO prince of Achaia and lord of the Piedmont (1368–1402, under the regency of Count Amedeo VI of Savoy (1343–83) until 1377)

AMEDEO archdeacon of Rheims

EDOARDO monk of Cluny, abbot of S. Giusto (d. 1395)

GUGLIELMO abbot of Sacra di San Michele (d. 1321)

AIMONE (d. after 1398)

LUDOVICO prince of Achaia and lord of the Piedmont (1402–18)

Note: Adapted from Biaggi 1989, xii.

years earlier in 1416. In Turin, two notable events marked the last decades of the lordship. After the War of Chioggia (1379–81), Amedeo VI of Savoy mediated the Peace of Turin between Genoa and Venice, signed in Turin on 8 August 1381, and in the early fifteenth century, the University of Turin was born.

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Piedmont 2. Coinage of Filippo of Savoy (1295–1334)

A. First period, as lord of the Piedmont, 1295–1301 There is no evidence that Filippo of the Achaia branch of the house of Savoy had ever received a formal grant of minting rights, but no such grant was necessary since the right of coinage passed to lords of Savoy-Achaia through the main Savoyard line in the same way that it had passed to Baron Louis I of Vaud (1284/6–1302) in the later thirteenth century. Kings Rudolph I of Habsburg (1273–91) and Adolf of Nassau (1292–8) even recognised the passage of minting rights from the main house of Savoy to the barons of Vaud in 1284/5 and 1297 (RI vi.1 nos. 1829, 1951a; vi.2 no. 829). The prince of Savoy-Achaia also inherited minting rights from the principality of Achaia in Frankish Greece in the same way as the marquises of Montferrat (for Filippo’s coins of Chiarenza in Frankish Greece, see MEC 16 on the coins of the Crusader States). King Henry VII (1310–13, emp. 1312) must have considered the coinage of Savoy-Achaia as legal because he did not specifically mention it in his list of proscribed coins in the 1311 grida (see section (a) above, pp. 99–100). In Pisa in 1355, while en route to Rome for his coronation as emperor, King Charles IV of Luxembourg (1347–78, emp. 1355) formally acknowledged the right of coinage of Filippo’s son Giacomo and then, in Siena, as emperor on his return journey to the north, he reiterated the minting rights of the princes of Achaia while also conferring on them the right to strike gold coins (Biaggi 1989, 124–5 docs. 36–7). The coinage of Filippo from his mints at Turin and Moncalieri can be divided into two distinct periods, the first prior to 1301 when Filippo married Isabelle de Villehardouin and assumed the title of prince of Achaia, and the second afterwards. Promis (1841, i, 362) believed that Filippo began to issue his own coinage as lord of the Piedmont from the mint at Turin only in 1297, but entries in treasury accounts show that he was striking denari in another mint at nearby Moncalieri soon after he assumed complete control of the lordship in 1295 (Saraceno 1882, 209 doc. 140; Cerrato 1956, 10; Simonetti 1967–9, iii, 300; Biaggi 1978, 300; 1989, 36). Marini (1909, 211; 1910, 81–4) and Simonetti (1967–9, iii, 301–6) nevertheless continued to follow Promis in attributing all of Filippo’s Italian coinage to the mint at Turin. Filippo’s issues from the Moncalieri mint belong exclusively to the first period because their legends lack a form of the title princeps, which Filippo acquired through marriage in 1301. They also differ stylistically from the coins struck in Turin from 1297 to 1301 in accordance with a 1297 mint contract (see below, p. 209). The mint at Moncalieri struck at least two types of denaro piccolo or viennese, which corresponded to the denaro secusino debole of the counts of Savoy. They carry a form of the lord’s name in the obverse legend and either +De SaBaVD or +De SaBaVDIa in the reverse legend to read Filippo di Savoia. The first type of denaro piccolo has a cross with a large pellet in the second angle in the obverse field and a five-pointed star with a large pellet usually in the upper right part of the field on the reverse. The five variants of this type listed in the CNI (i, 502.7–11) measure 17–18mm in diameter and weigh between 0.50 and 0.75g (see also Simonetti 1967–9, iii, 302 no. 3; Biaggi 1989, 45–6 no. 1; Cudazzo 2008, 14 no. 4). The very rare second type has a flower with seven petals in the obverse field and a cross with a pellet in the first angle on the reverse. The CNI (i, 503.13) lists only one example of this type, measuring 18mm in diameter and weighing 0.70g (see also Simonetti 1967–9, iii, 303 no. 5; Biaggi 1989, 47 no. 2; Cudazzo 2008, 14 no. 5; see Fig. 26). The rarity of a somewhat larger and heavier denaro of this period with similar inscriptions makes it difficult to determine the mint, but it is probably reasonable to conclude that it was also struck in

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Figure 26. Piedmont: lordship (Turin), Filippo of Savoy-Achaia (1295–1301), denaro piccolo or viennese, second type, mint of Moncalieri (Promis 1841, ii, Ramo d’Acaia, pl. i.4, under Filippo)

Figure 27. Piedmont: lordship (Turin), Filippo of Savoy-Achaia (1295–1301), grosso di Piemonte, mint of Turin (Promis 1841, ii, Ramo d’Acaia, pl. i.1)

Moncalieri. Cudazzo (2008, 13 no. 2) nevertheless attributed this larger denaro, which is also called a denaro largo (Simonetti 1967–9, iii, 301–2 no. 2), to a mint at Turin. The coin measures 20mm in diameter and weighs 1.10g. It has a cross with a large pellet in the second angle in the obverse field and a five-pointed star with a pellet in the upper right part of the field and another in the lower part of the field on the reverse (CNI i, 502.6). It might have been the moneta grossa da Moncalerio mentioned in tithe receipts from Savona and Ventimiglia for the period 1295–8 (Rosada 2005, 258, 259, 285), sometimes alongside the denari of Moncalieri (Rosada 2005, 284). The mint at Turin first became active in 1297 when Filippo issued a mint contract to Durand Carrière of Avignon, who was then working in the Susa mint under Count Amedeo V of Savoy (1285–1323). The contract obliged the master to strike a moneta grossa and a moneta parva in Turin (Promis 1841, i, 362, 433–9 doc. 12), with the mint perhaps located in the via del Cappel Verde, near the archiepiscopal seminary (Claretta 1899, 528; Cerrato 1956, 12). The moneta grossa was modelled after the grosso di Piemonte of Count Amedeo V of Savoy (CNI i, 11–12.18–29) and was likewise called a grosso di Piemonte (CNI i, 501–2.1–5; Cudazzo 2008, 13 no. 1; see Fig. 27), three of which were to be equivalent to two grossi of Valence. Examples of this coin are very rare. They all have the obverse legend +PhILIPPVS De SaB around a two-headed eagle and the reverse legend PeD äOn Ten SIS around a voided long cross with the letters P h I l in the angles of the cross in the field. The CNI lists five variants weighing 2.14–2.29g and they are distinguished for the most part by minor differences in punctuation. The moneta parva was modelled after the denaro piccolo di Savoia (CNI i, 12.30–1), though the flower in the obverse field of the Turin denaro piccolo has seven petals whereas the flower on the Savoyard coin has only six. The legends on the denaro piccolo of Turin (CNI i, 502.12; Simonetti 1967–9, iii, 302–3 no. 4; Biaggi 1989, 51 no. 4; Cudazzo 2008, 13 no. 3) are identical to those on the larger coin of the same mint, and the reverse has the same voided long cross with the letters P h I l in the angles. The CNI lists only one example, weighing 1.00g, and the coin is considered extremely rare.

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B. Second period, as prince of Achaia, 1301–34 From 1301 onwards, Filippo struck a silver grosso matapan, a silver grosso tornese, a billon tornese piccolo, a billon denaro piccolo and a billon obolo, all in the mint at Turin on the basis of the legends. The grosso matapan (174; CNI i, 503.1–6; Biaggi 1989, 59–61 no. 6; Cudazzo 2008, 15–16 no. 7; cf. Chapter 6, section (l), pp. 637–40), probably issued between 1301 and 1307 while Filippo was striking deniers tournois in the Chiarenza mint in Frankish Greece (Simonetti 1967–9, iii, 307 no. 11; Metcalf 1995, 264–5, pl. xl.973–8), was designed after the contemporary Venetian grosso. It typically has the obverse legend PhILIPVS in the left margin with the abbreviation P C S, for princeps, descending vertically alongside the banner-staff and S IO TORI, for the patron saint of Turin John the Baptist, in the right margin around the usual image of the saint passing the banner-staff to the prince in the field. The reverse has the usual Christ enthroned in the field with the inscriptions Ic and Xc and a small annulet to the left of his right leg. Promis (1841, i, 362–3) overlooked the grosso matapan of Turin in his work on the coinage of the counts of Savoy but later published an example, noting that the coin had already been described by others (1866, 12). The CNI lists six variants of Filippo’s grosso matapan, but others are known (e.g. Hamburger sale, 12 January 1903, lot 5273). The maximum weights of the CNI variants are 2.07 and 2.15g. The extremely rare grosso tornese (175; Biaggi 1989, 56–8 no. 5; Cudazzo 2008, 15 no. 6) followed the design of the gros tournois of the French King Louis IX (1266–70) and his successors, Philip III (1270–85) and Philip IV (1285–1314), most probably the latter’s issues of 1305 (cf. Lafaurie 1951, 25–6 no. 204, 30–1 nos. 217–23). It has the obverse legends +PhILIPPRICES and +BñnñáDITVSáQVI VñnITáIn nOäInñáDnI around a cross and the reverse legend +TORI3VS CIVIS around a shield in tressure with a ring of fleurs-de-lis in the margin (Biaggi 1989, 56–8 no. 5c). Promis (see 1841, i, 362–3) was unaware of the coin but Cordero di San Quintino (1849b, 196–9) discussed it. The compilers of the CNI nevertheless omitted it from catalogue of the Turin coinage for the princes of Achaia. In his posthumously published work on the Turin mint, Cerrato (1956, 11–12) still noted that the mint only ‘apparently’ struck an imitation of the French gros tournois, though by that time, a specimen had recently been published in connection with an exhibit of the Savoyard coins in the collection of Ettore Mentore Pozzi in Turin’s Museo Civico (Mostra 1954, 105; see also Fava et al. 1964, 150 no. 119, pl. xlv.7). Bizzarri (1933, xxi nn. 3–4, xxv n. 1) noted, moreover, that the statutes of Turin required certain special payments to be satisfied exclusively in these coins. The tornese piccolo (176–7; CNI i, 504.7–9; Biaggi 1989, 62–3 no. 7; Cudazzo 2008, 16 nos. 8–9), also called a denaro tornese or tornese del principe, was designed partly after the denier tournois of King Philip IV (Lafaurie 1951, 32 nos. 228, 230). The examples in the CNI, representing only three variants, weigh between 0.87 and 1.12g. The denaro piccolo (CNI i, 504.10–11; Biaggi 1989, 64 no. 8; Cudazzo 2008, 17 no. 10), also called a viennese del principe or filippone, closely resembles the tornese piccolo but carries additional punctuation and usually a star of only five points instead of six in the reverse field. The CNI gives the weight of one variant as 0.57g, but Biaggi puts the average weight of these coins between 0.60 and 0.65g. The obolo follows the design of the obolo of Asti (see section (e) above, pp. 117–20). It has the obverse legend +PhILIPPVS around the letters P C S disposed triangularly in the field and the reverse legend +ToRInVS around a cross (CNI i, 504.12). The CNI listed only one example of the coin, found in 1910 in a single-find at Alpignano, but other specimens are known (Biaggi 1989, 65–6 no. 9; Cudazzo 2008, 17 no. 11), mostly weighing 0.18– 0.21g, though one such example in the Papadopoli collection in Venice is recorded as weighing 0.29g (Castellani 1925, i, 47 no. 1432).

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(a)

211

(b)

Figure 28. Piedmont: lordship (Turin), Giacomo of Savoy-Achaia (1334–60, 1363–7), (a) forte of Turin and (b) grosso viennese of Pinerolo (Promis 1841, ii, Ramo d’Acaia, pls. i.2 and i.1)

3. Giacomo of Savoy-Achaia (1334–60, 1363–7) An ordinance of 5 December 1335 declaring the value of the various coins then circulating in Turin in denari viennesi mentions a coin called the fortis domini principis, or forte, assessing it at two denari and one obolo (Biaggi 1989, 113–14 doc. 29). Because no coins of this denomination are known for Filippo, it is seen as referring to the forti of Giacomo. This suggests that Giacomo began to issue coinage not only well before receiving the grant of minting rights from Charles IV in 1355 (see above, p. 208) but also some five years before reaching the age of majority. It is unclear whether these forti were struck in the mint at Turin or in another mint at Pinerolo. The Turin mint was certainly active during the latter days of Giacomo’s rule under the mint-master Giovanni Pagani of Lucca in 1366 (Cerrato 1956, 13). The forti, moreover, do not identify St Donatus of Arezzo, the protector of Pinerolo, as do some of Giacomo’s other coins (see below). The extremely rare forte has the obverse legend + coBVS D S B VD around a large letter I in the field that begins the inscription and the reverse legend +PRInceS ch Ie around a cross with a pellet in the second and third quarters (Promis 1841, ii, Acaia pl. i.2; CNI i, 505.4; Simonetti 1967–9, iii, 311 no. 4; Biaggi 1989, 129 no. 12; Cudazzo 2008, 22 no. 18; see Fig. 28(a)). It weighs about 0.85g. Giacomo also struck at least three distinct types of the billon grosso viennese, all of which are extremely rare. Numismatists associate one of the types with the mint at Turin and the other two with the mint at Pinerolo. The Turin grosso lacks any explicit reference to St Donatus of Arezzo, the patron saint of Pinerolo, while the Pinerolo examples carry the name of the saint in the reverse legend. The reverse type of the Turin coin also ties it to the forte of the same mint. It weighs 1.09g and has the obverse legend >I coB D S B VD around the bust of an anonymous saint and the reverse legend +PRIncES ch IE around a cross with a six-pointed star in the second and third angles (cf. Promis 1866, 13, pl. ii.20; CNI i, 505.2; Simonetti 1967–9, iii, 310–11 no. 2; Biaggi 1989, 130 no. 13; Cudazzo 2008, 21 no. 16). Cerrato (1956, 15) believed that this coin was struck in Turin under the mint-master Giovanni Pagani of Lucca in 1366. The two other types of the grosso viennese are clearly identifiable with the mint at Pinerolo on the basis of the reference to the city’s patron in the reverse legend. The first, weighing 1.35–1.40g, has the obverse legend +I coB D S B PRIc ch around the shield of Savoy-Achaia and the reverse legend +S ncTVS Don TVS around the bust of the saint (Promis 1841, ii, Acaia tbl. 1.1; CNI i, 505.1; Simonetti 1967–9, iii, 310 no. 1; Biaggi 1989, 131–2 no. 14; Cudazzo 2008, 21 no. 15; see Fig. 28(b)). The second has the obverse legend +I PRIcEP ch IESIS around a cross with a small cross in the second angle and the reverse legend S NcTVS DoN TVS around the bust of the saint (Promis 1866, 13, pl. ii.21; CNI i, 505.3; Simonetti 1967–9, iii, 311 no. 3; Biaggi 1989, 132

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no. 15; Cudazzo 2008, 22 no. 17). Scholars have speculated that Giacomo also struck a denaro piccolo or viennese in the mint at Turin (Promis 1841, i, 365; Marini 1910, 96; Cerrato 1956, 14; Biaggi 1989, 130), but no such coins have ever come to light. 4. Filippo II of Savoy-Achaia, 1367–8 Giacomo’s firstborn son and heir was Filippo, the only son of Giacomo’s second wife, Sybille of Beaux (d. 1361/2). Relations between the elder prince and his heir were never very good, however, and Marguerite of Beaujeu, Giacomo’s third wife, exploited the tension between them to achieve her objective to deliver the principate to her first son, Amedeo. In a secret will of May 1366, which might have been a forgery, Giacomo disinherited Filippo and named instead his young son Amedeo by Marguerite of Beaujeu as principal heir, followed by Amedeo’s younger brother Ludovico, and then Aimone, Giacomo’s own younger brother, who was a close confidant of the Green Count Amedeo VI of Savoy (1343–83). When Giacomo died in 1367, however, Filippo sought to lay claim to the principality, which he still regarded as his birthright (Cox 1967, 137–41, 165–7, 236–43, 245–6). As pretender to the principality, Filippo may very well have even struck his own coinage. Cudazzo (2008, 23–4 no. 19) recently attributed a poorly preserved and previously unpublished double tornese of an uncertain mint weighing 0.80g to Filippo II. On the obverse, it has the legend +PhILIP[ ] around two fleurs-de-lis disposed vertically in the field with B|$|a to the left and V|$|D to the right, both likewise vertically disposed. On the reverse, it has the legend + O[ ]PI OTI, probably for moneta piemonti, around a Latin cross fleury between two annulets. It is similar in design to the double tornese of Louis II of Vaud (1302–50) struck in Pierre-Châtel (CNI i, 519.8; Cudazzo 2008, 55 no. 67) and is safely attributable to Giacomo’s son Filippo on the grounds that coins of this typology first appeared in France under Philip VI (1328–50) only in 1337 (Lafaurie 1951, i, 45 no. 274), three years after the death of Filippo (I) of Savoy-Achaia. In June 1368, Count Amedeo VI of Savoy oversaw the reading of Giacomo’s will, which disinherited Filippo and proclaimed his five-year-old half-brother as the heir to the principate. Filippo challenged the will but was imprisoned as a traitor in Rivoli near Turin in September and then moved to Avigliana, where he was presumably executed in December (Cox 1967, 253–61). Filippo therefore must have struck his coins, as Cudazzo pointed out, during the roughly fifteen months when he actively sought to enforce his claim to the principate of Savoy-Achaia, between the death of his father on 17 May 1367 and an aborted duel over the question of the will between the count of Savoy and Filippo that had been scheduled to take place outside the walls of Fossano on 15 August 1368. After that, Count Amedeo went through the façade of negotiations with Filippo and arbitration over the validity of the testament, but Filippo’s arrest in September sealed his fate. 5. Amedeo of Savoy-Achaia, 1368–1402 Under the regency of Count Amedeo VI of Savoy (1343–83) from 1367 to 1377, Amedeo of SavoyAchaia probably began to strike his own coins only after taking full possession of the principality in 1377 (Cerrato 1956, 16). The imitation florins struck in the name of Count Amedeo VI of Savoy in the mint at Pinerolo beginning in 1369 were issued under the Green Count’s authority as guardian of the young prince. The only difference between the florins struck at Pinerolo and the

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Figure 29. Piedmont: lordship (Turin), Amedeo of Savoy-Achaia (1368–1402), grosso of Turin (Promis 1841, ii, Ramo d’Acaia, pl. i.3)

count’s florins of the mints of Pont d’Ain and St-Genix was that the Pinerolo florin carried two annulets as the mint-master’s mark of Giovanno Pagani of Lucca (Biaggi 1989, 173 no. 16; Cudazzo 2008, 26 no. 20; cf. CNI i, 20–1.1–5). These coins will be discussed in MEC 17 (Kingdom of Arles) in due course. Over a quarter-century of direct rule, the prince nevertheless struck a wide variety of coin types from three different mints: Turin, Pinerolo and Moncalieri. A. Mint of Turin The Turin issues were struck in connection with a reform of the coinage carried out by Prince Amedeo shortly before the end of his rule in April 1402 (Biaggi 1989, 170–2 doc. 62). They included a silver grosso, a billon half-grosso, a billon quarter-grosso and a billon forte. The extremely rare grosso of 2.46g, equivalent to twelve denari, has the obverse legend a%De SaB PRc ach around a long cross moline and the reverse legend S%IoHan neS BaT followed by crossed lances as the mint-master’s mark around a standing St John the Baptist modelled after the image of the saint on the Florentine florin (CNI i, 506.5; Simonetti 1967–9, iii, 316 no. 5; Biaggi 1989, 188 no. 26; Cudazzo 2008, 28 no. 25; see Fig. 29). The mark of the crossed lances probably represents the mint-master Giovanni de Rezetto of Moncalieri (Simonetti 1967–9, iii, 314), who used the same symbol to distinguish the coins of the various mints under his charge for the Savoyard rulers Amedeo VII (1383–91) and Amedeo VIII (1391–1451, duke 1416) (Promis 1841, i, 23, 25, 29; Biaggi 1993, 151, 155–6, 169–70, 177). According to the 1402 ordinance, twelve of these grossi were equivalent to a Savoyard gold florin (in reference to the lightweight florin of 2.65g struck under Amedeo VII), sixteen to a gold genovino of Genoa and twenty-four to a royal gold écu of France, though the French coin to which the ordinance referred (presumably of 5.30g of fine gold) is unclear. Most numismatists have followed Promis (1841, i, 367–8) in assigning this coin to the Turin mint on the grounds that St John was the patron of this city alone in the principality. The more common half-grosso has the obverse legend aMeDeVS D SaBaVD around a halffigure of St John, again based on the Florentine image, and the reverse legend PRIncePS achaIe c around a cross moline in tressure (Promis 1841, ii, Acaia pl. ii.4; CNI i, 507.10–12; Simonetti 1967–9, iii, 317 no. 7; Biaggi 1989, 189–90 no. 27; Cudazzo 2008, 29 no. 27). The legends on these coins begin with crossed lances rather than a cross. The half-grosso weighs 1.50–1.76g but is less fine than the grosso. The quarter-grosso has the obverse legend aMeD De SaBaVD around a crested helmet and the reverse legend +PRIncePS ach c around a diamond-shaped Savoyard shield with diagonal band (CNI i, 508.16–17; Simonetti 1967–9, iii, 317–18 no. 9; Biaggi 1989, 191–2 no. 28; Cudazzo 2008, 30 no. 29). This coin, which weighs 1.35–140g, is made of an even baser alloy than the half-grosso. Of the coins attributed to the Turin mint, only the quarter-grosso lacks

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the image of St John in either its obverse or reverse field, but the ordinance of 1402 explicitly mentioned the denomination as a coin of three denari, and the only other type of quarter-grosso struck under Prince Amedeo is securely attributable to the mint at Moncalieri (see below, pp. 216– 17). The forte usually has the obverse legend +aMeDeVS D SaBaVD around a bust of St John and the reverse legend +PRIncePS ach c around a shield of Savoy-Achaia (CNI i, 508.18; Biaggi 1989, 193–4 no. 29c), though one variant supplants the cross at the beginning of the legends with crossed lances (180; Simonetti 1967–9, iii, 319 no. 12; Cudazzo 2008, 32 no. 32). These coins weigh 1.07–1.32g. B. Mint of Pinerolo Under Prince Amedeo, the Pinerolo mint issued a gold scudo, two types of silver grossi and two types of billon forte. The scudo is attested in a fifteenth-century coin list of a moneychanger who was active perhaps in Lyon or Provence (Promis 1841, i, 123–4, 367), but the coin itself is unknown (CNI i, 506.4; Simonetti 1967–9, iii, 314–15 no. 2; Biaggi 1989, 174 no. 17). The list mentions the scuts del prince de Pinayrol with the legend XPVS REX VENIT IN PACE [DEVS] on the side with the cross, or reverse, presumably following the design of the scudo of Amedeo VII of Savoy first struck in Avigliana and Nyon in February 1391 (CNI i, 29.6; Simonetti 1967–9, 314–15 no. 2; Biaggi 1993, 154–6, 161 no. 89; Cudazzo 2008, 27 no. 22). The obverse of the Pinerolo scudo, according to Promis (1841, i, 367), had the legend AMEDEVS DE SABAVD PRINCEPS ACHAYE c, presumably around a shield of Savoy-Achaia, in imitation of the French écu à la couronne of King Charles VI (1380–1422) first introduced in March 1385 (Lafaurie 1951, 73 no. 378). The coin list put the weight of the Pinerolo scudo at three denari, or pennyweights, and two grani, or grains. Because the denaro was measured at 1.28g in Turin and the grano at 0.05g, or one twenty-fourth of a denaro (Martini 1883, 786; Zupko 1981, 106, 122), the scudo must have weighed about 3.94g. This is still somewhat lighter than the fourteenth-century issues of the French écu and very nearly the same weight as the Savoyard scudo of Amedeo VII. The Pinerolo scudi were probably introduced some time shortly after 1391. The two types of grosso struck in Pinerolo are both extremely rare. The first, weighing 2.07– 2.22g, has the obverse legend +PRIncePS achaIe DnS MonTe R around a shield of Savoy-Achaia and the reverse legend +PRIncePS achaIe c around a crested helmet (CNI i, 507.6; Simonetti 1967–9, iii, 315 no. 4; Biaggi 1989, 175 no. 18; Cudazzo 2008, 28 no. 23). The obverse legend reads Princeps Achaie [et] Dominus Montis Regalis, or ‘Prince of Achaia [and] lord of Mondovì’. Scholars believe that Amedeo struck this coin to commemorate the wresting of Mondovì from the marquis of Montferrat in July 1396. The reverse of this coin is similar to the obverse of the grossi tornesi struck in Nyon and Avigliana by Count Amedeo VII of Savoy under mint ordinances of 18 and 23 February 1391, respectively, and in Avigliana by his successor Amedeo VIII under regency in accordance with an ordinance of 23 January 1392 (Biaggi 1993, 162 no. 90, 186 no. 97). The second type of grosso, first published by Dolivo (1958, 30–1), has a mounted horseman in the obverse field and a shield couché of Savoy-Achaia surmounted by a crested helmet in the reverse field (178; Biaggi 1989, 176–7 no. 19a; Cudazzo 2008, 28 no. 24). Evidently unique, it weighs 2.51g. Numismatists generally assign the coin to the Pinerolo mint. The image in the obverse field largely replicates that of St Maurice of Agaunum on the reverse of the Savoyard grosso of Amedeo VIII struck in Avigliana under the 1392 ordinance mentioned above and in Nyon under an ordinance of 5 April 1393 (Biaggi 1993,170–2,187 no.98).The horseman on the Savoy-Achaia grosso nevertheless

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Figure 30. Piedmont: lordship (Turin), Amedeo of Savoy-Achaia (1368–1402), forte del principe, mint of Pinerolo (Promis 1841, ii, Ramo d’Acaia, pl. ii.6)

lacks the halo that distinguishes him as a saint and this has led scholars to regard the rider as the prince himself. There are two types of forte. One of these, called a forte del principe, has the obverse legend +aMeD%De%SaBaVD around the letters SøS in the field and the reverse legend +PRIn cePS%ach%c% around the cross of Savoy-Achaia (CNI i, 509, 21–2; Simonetti 1967–9, iii, 318 no. 10; Biaggi 1989, 178 no. 20; Cudazzo 2008, 31 no. 30; see Fig. 30). Promis supposed that the letters SøS in the obverse field denoted Sabaudia, though the purpose of the second S is unclear. He further noted that this coin was struck at the same standard as the Savoyard forti neri of Amedeo VII struck in Nyon under ordinances of 19 September 1390 and 18 February 1391 and in Avigliana under an ordinance of 23 February 1391 (Biaggi 1993, 153–6, 164–5 nos. 92–3). The CNI variants of the forte del principe are distinguished only by the symbol at the top of the legends. One has the usual cross, as transcribed above, while the other substitutes the cross with crossed lances. They weigh 0.95–1.11g. The other type of forte, also called a patacco, has the obverse legend (crossed lances)achaIe>c around a cross moline (181; CNI i, 510–11.4–11; Simonetti 1967–9, 324 no. 3; Biaggi 1989, 229–30 no. 32; Cudazzo 2008, 37–8 nos. 41–2). The CNI lists eight variants of the coin, while Cudazzo divides the examples into two distinct types based on the presence or absence of a pellet above the shield on the obverse and in each angle of the quatrefoil. The examples weigh between 1.53 and 1.84g and are further distinguished by the varying dimensions of the shield as well as differences in punctuation, with the final stops also serving as mint-masters’ marks. The coins carry rosettes or six-pointed stars as final stops for the masters Giovanni di Masio (Ladé 1891, 36–7; Cerrato 1956, 18) and/or Martinetto Mercieri. At the death of Prince Ludovico in December 1418, Giovanni’s accounts suggest that, from 7 August, he had been responsible for issuing 11,620 marks of silver in half-grossi (Promis 1841, i, 371; Cerrato 1956, 18), equivalent to more than 2,800 kilograms in Turin’s system of weights and measures (Martini 1883, 786; Zupko 1981, 139). There are three types of the quarter-grosso, all of which clearly belong to Ludovico of Savoy-Achaia on the basis of the legends and iconography. They all have the obverse legend +LVDoVICVS:D:SaBaVD followed by a mint-master’s mark around a cross of Savoy-Achaia in quatrefoil and the reverse legend +PRIncePS AchaIe c again followed by a mint-master’s mark around a cross botonnée, also called a cross mauricienne (182–4). It was modelled partly after the quarter-grosso of Amedeo VIII of Savoy struck in the Chambéry and Nyon mints from 23 June

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1405 to 11 August 1406 (CNI i,41–2.65–74;Simonetti 1965–7,i,116 no.14;Biaggi 1993,197 no.107). Weighing between 1.19 and 1.54g, the weight standard of Ludovico’s quarter-grosso was consistent with that of the Savoyard coin and was probably intended to circulate alongside it. Interestingly, the Turin quarter-grosso was not mentioned in the 1418 accounts of Giovanni di Masio discussed above, which perhaps suggests that this coin had been an earlier issue, possibly contemporaneous with Amedeo’s quarter-grosso of 1405–6, and then discontinued some time thereafter. Promis (1841, i, 369) described only one type of Ludovico’s quarter-grosso, but the compilers of the CNI and later numismatists distinguished between two types of the coin on the basis of flan size. The flan on the coins of one type measures 23–24mm in diameter (CNI i, 511–12.12–21; Simonetti 1967–9, iii, 324–5 no. 4; Biaggi 1989, 231–2, no. 33) but only 20–21mm on the so-called modulo ridotto, or ‘reduced module’, type (CNI i, 512.22–4; Simonetti 1967–9, iii, 324–5 nos. 4–5; Biaggi 1989, 233–4 no. 34). Cudazzo (2008, 38–9 nos. 43–4) made a further distinction between the large module coins on the basis of whether a small trefoil appeared in the second and third angles of the cross on the obverse or in the first and fourth angles; the trefoils appeared invariably in the second and third angles on the small module coins (Cudazzo 2008, 40 no. 45). The CNI lists ten variants of the large module type and three of the reduced module type, distinguished above all by differences in lettering, punctuation and the mint-masters’ marks. The two types display no obvious difference in standard, but the mint-master’s marks of Martinetto Mercieri appear only on the coins of the large module type whereas Giovanni di Masio’s marks appear on the coins of both types. The significance of the divergence in flan size is unclear, but Biaggi speculated that coins of the reduced module type were struck after the large module coins on the grounds that they tend to display less wear (Biaggi 1993, 233). Only one variety of the forti or patacchi conventionally attributed to Ludovico of Savoy-Achaia clearly identifies the minting authority as the prince of Achaia. Coins with the obverse legend +De SaBaVDIa around a large gothic L in the field typically adorned with three trefoils and the reverse legend +PRIncePS ach around a shield of Savoy-Achaia with three annulets – one left, one right, one above – are attributable to Ludovico of Savoy-Achaia (185–6; CNI i, 513.25–9; Simonetti 1967–9, iii, 325 no. 6; Biaggi 1989, 235 no. 35a; Cudazzo 2008, 41 no. 46). The CNI lists five variants weighing between 0.88 and 1.44g, but clustering around 1.10g, and Cudazzo has added two previously unpublished variants. Coins of the other variety, which Simonetti described as a second type, have a large L in the obverse field with four crosslets that is continued in the marginal legend +VDOVIcVS and the reverse legend +DE SaBaVDIa around a cross of Savoy with a diagonal band and a single crosslet above (CNI i, 513.31, 514.38; Simonetti 1967–9, iii, 325 no. 7; Biaggi 1989, 236 no. 35b–c). The legends thus make no reference to Ludovico as prince of Achaia. This and other factors led Cudazzo (2008, 43–5, 56 no. 70) to include this coin among a group that he reclassified under Louis II of Vaud. The denomination was mentioned in the 1418 accounts of Giovanni di Masio for Turin, but none of the published examples bears his mark. The coins clearly identifiable with Ludovico of Savoy-Achaia instead carry a rosette, which is usually associated with Martinetto Mercieri. The viennese or half-forte of Turin is known in three types. The most common type has the obverse legend +LVDOVIcVS D SaB, or simply SB, around a shield of Savoy-Achaia in quatrefoil and the reverse legend PR In ce PS around a long cross moline (187; CNI i, 514.32–6; Simonetti 1967–9, iii, 326–7 nos. 8–9; Biaggi 1989, 238 no. 37; Cudazzo 2008, 42 no. 48). The CNI lists five variants of this type, weighing from 0.64 to 1.39g, which are distinguished mainly by differences in

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the obverse legend. All of the CNI variants bear a rosette as the mark of the mint-master Martinetto Mercieri. The second type has the obverse legend +LDOVIcVS around a large gothic a for Achaia surrounded by three five-pointed stars and the reverse legend +D SaBaVDIa around a shield of Savoy-Achaia and a five-pointed star above (CNI i, 514.37; Simonetti 1969, iii, 327 no. 10; Biaggi 1989, 237 no. 36; Cudazzo 2008, 41 no. 47). The single example in the CNI weighs 0.79g. The stars in the obverse and reverse fields, and also punctuating the reverse legend, presumably link this issue to the mint-master Giovanni di Masio, though the denomination is not mentioned in his final accounts of 1418. The third type has the obverse legend +LVDOVIcVS around a six-pointed rosette and the reverse legend +D SaBaVDIa around a shield apparently of Savoy-Achaia (CNI i, 514.42–3; Simonetti 1969, iii, 328 no. 12; Biaggi 1989, 242 no. 39; Cudazzo 2008, 42 no. 49). Cudazzo (2008, 45) has also proposed to attribute this type to the barony of Vaud under Louis II. The two CNI variants are distinguished only by the punctuation in the obverse legend, either double annulets or double pellets. Cudazzo (2008, 43–5, 58 no. 74) has recently reclassified another type of viennese traditionally attributed to Ludovico of Savoy-Achaia under Louis II of Vaud on the basis of the typology and style. It has a large gothic L in the obverse field with a single crosslet above continued by the legend +VDOVIcVS in the margin and the reverse legend +DE SaBaVD or +D SaBaVDIa around a shield apparently of Savoy-Achaia (CNI i, 514.40–1; Simonetti 1969, iii, 327 no. 11; Biaggi 1989, 236 no. 35c, 240–1 no. 38). The CNI lists two variants of this type as well as a piedfort originally noted by Promis (1866, 14) that reportedly weighs 4.78g. Crosslets, perhaps denoting the work of an unknown mint-master, punctuate the legends on both variants, which are distinguished only by minor differences in the way that the reverse legend is abbreviated.Cudazzo has likewise reclassified the oboli traditionally attributed to Ludovico of Savoy-Achaia to Amedeo of Savoy-Achaia (CNI i, 514.44–5; Simonetti 1969, iii, 328 no. 13; Biaggi 1989, 243–4 no. 40; Cudazzo 2008, 34 no. 37; see also above) and Louis II of Vaud (CNI i, 514.46; Simonetti 1969, iii, 328 no. 14; Cudazzo 2008, 43–5, 62 no. 81). The first has the obverse legend PRIncePS preceded by crossed lances around a shield of Savoy-Achaia between three annulets and the reverse legend achaIe[ …]c likewise preceded by crossed lances around a cross moline. The second has a large L in the obverse field continued by +VDOVIcVS in the margin and the reverse legend +DE SaBaVD around a shield apparently of Savoy-Achaia.

(r) pon zone, marqui se s 1. Historical background The village of Ponzone is situated about ten kilometres south of Acqui in the modern province of Alessandria. It was one of the loci deserti between the rivers Tanaro and Orba that Emperor Otto I (951–73, emp. 962) granted to Aleramo in 967 (MGH Dipl. i, 462–4 doc. 339; see also above, Introduction). Moriondo (1789–90, ii, 821–4 tbl. 9) traced the marquises of Ponzone back to Ugo il Grande (alive in 1055), son of Anselmo II and descendant of Aleramo, progenitor of the Aleramici. The title of marquis of Ponzone is nevertheless first attested only in the early twelfth century when Ugo’s sons Anselmo and Aleramo, respectively, divided their share of the patrimony between the marquisates of Bosco and Ponzone (Sella 1880–7, i, App. 7, tbl. 1; for a genealogy, see Table 22). Usseglio (1926, i, 79–81) gives a brief account of the origins of the marquisate of Ponzone in his

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Table 22. The genealogy of the marquises of Ponzone (cont. from Table 6) UGO (II) THE GREAT son of Count and Marquis Anselmo II of the Aleramici (1055)

GUELFO lord of Albissola (1122–35)

AZZO bishop of Acqui (before 1098 to after 1132)

ANSELMO marquis of Bosco (1115–36)

ENRICO III marquis of Uxetia

GIACOMO I (1186, 1192)

EMANUELE I (1257)

PIETRO I (d. before 1192)

ENRICO (d. before 1192)

UGO (1178, d. before1192)

ENRICO II (1186, 1192)

ALERAMO marquis of Ponzone (1131–5)

PONZIO (1186, 1192)

PIETRO II

ENRICO

GIACOMO (1257)

ALBERTO I

UGO

TOMMASO

GUGLIELMO I PETRINO (1192)

TOMMASO II (Tommasino ?) (1257, 1290)

LEO I ENRICO V

LEO II (1257)

EMANUELE

GUGLIELMO II MANFREDO I

RAIMONDO

GUIDO

AGNESE

ENRICO VI (1290)

BONIFACIO II

GUJETO

GIOVANNI

OTTO

BONIFACIO

CORRADO

ALBERTO

MANFREDO II (1290)

PIETRO III

GIACOMO

TEODORO

PONZIO

ALBERTO II

Note: Adapted from Moriondo (1789–90, ii 821–4 tbl. 9) and Sella (1880–7, App. 7, quadro I).

work on the Montferrat marquises, while Merlone (1995, 160 tbl. 3) updates the genealogy of the early marquises of Ponzone with more recent research, but the historiography still largely ignores the later vicissitudes of the line (for the genealogy of the marquises of Ponzone, see Table 22). In 1186, the brothers Enrico II, Giacomo I and Ponzio, all marquises of Ponzone, swore to a partnership with Savona (Puncuh and Rovere 1986, 38–40 doc. 20). Ponzio was still marquis of Ponzone in 1209, but he now shared his title with Enrico III, the son of Ponzio’s brother Enrico II,

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and Pietro (Petrino), the son of Giacomo I (Guasco di Bisio et al. 1923, 267–8 doc. 46; Puncuh and Rovere 1986, 90–3 doc. 52). In 1257, Ponzio’s son Marquis Alberto I, together with Alberto’s sons Bonifacio and Corrado, divided the marquisate with Marquis Giacomo and his nephews Giacomo and Tommaso II, sons of Marquis Enrico, and Marquis Emanuele I and his son Leo (Moriondo 1789–90, ii, 431–4 doc. 190). On 22 November 1290, the same Tommaso, now one of the marquises of Ponzone, submitted to Genoa and then received back the lands he had ceded in feudum nobile et rectum ac gentile (Liber Iurium ii, 250–8 docs. 98–9). At the same time but in separate documents, Enrico and Manfredo (Enrichettus and Manfredinus), also marquises of Ponzone, likewise submitted to Genoa (Liber Iurium ii, 258–65 docs. 100–1). These documents identify Enrico as a son of a Bonifacio and Manfredo as a son of a Corrado, and all of the documents describe the territory covered in the submission as the upper Bormida di Spigno valley in the area around the castrum Rocchetta, just a short distance south of Dego. 2. Coinage It had long been thought that the marquises of Ponzone struck their coins not in their eponymous castello in the undulating terrain some ten kilometres south of Acqui but in the town of Dego on the right bank of the river Bormida di Spigno some twenty-five kilometres north-west of Savona in Liguria, on one of the main routes between the Riviera di Ponente and Asti, among other important inland centres. The idea that the marquises of Ponzone struck their coins at Dego rather than at Ponzone derived from Evandro Baronino’s 1604 census of the ‘feudal’ possessions and rights of the marquises of Montferrat and it was proposed expressly by Giorcelli (1905). The fact nevertheless remains, as Morel-Fatio (1865, 438–9) duly noted a century and a half ago, that Henry VII of Luxembourg (1310–13, emp. 1312) specifically named the denari imperiali of the marquises factos …in Ponzono in his list of banned coins in the grida of 1311 (see section (a) above, pp. 99–100). As far as Henry was concerned, in other words, the marquises of Ponzone produced their denari imperiali in Ponzone. Ferro (2007, 85–94) has now deconstructed the arguments for locating the mint of the marquises of Ponzone in Dego and has shown their foundations to be less than solid. Most decisively, he has demonstrated that Dego was never part of the marquisate of Ponzone. On the basis of Henry’s grida of 1311, the coinage of the marquises of Ponzone is usually dated to the early fourteenth century (CNI iii, 1–2). There are two separate issues, an anonymous one consisting of a grosso matapan and a so-called obolo and another in the name of marquises Enrico and Corrado consisting of a grosso matapan and a denaro imperiale. The compilers of the CNI did not assign specific dates to the issues but list the anonymous one as preceding that of Enrico and Corrado. Ferro (2007, 85–96 esp. 95–6), on the other hand, tentatively dated the anonymous issues subsequent to those in the name of Enrico and Corrado while stressing the need for further inquiry. All of the coins of the marquises of Ponzone are imitative and are very rare. The anonymous grosso matapan was based on the design of the Venetian grosso (see Chapter 6, section (l), pp. 627–40) and no doubt related to other Piedmont issues of grossi matapan from the mints at Acqui, Chivasso, Cortemilia, Incisa and Turin, all of which can be dated to the first decade of the fourteenth century. First published by Morel-Fatio (1865, 439), the coin of the marquises of Ponzone has the obverse legend DPonCO in the margin on the left, S äIch0eL on the right, and the letters äCh, for marchio or marchiones, descending vertically in the centre alongside the

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banner-staff where DVX appears on the coins of Venice. The reverse, with the usual Christ enthroned, is virtually identical to the Venetian coins (CNI iii, 1–2.1–4; Varesi 2003, 228 no. 1). The obolo was first published by Gnecchi (1892). Like the obolo of the marquises of Carretto at Cortemilia, the obolo of the marquises of Ponzone followed the design of the late thirteenth-century obolo of Asti. It has the legend 0RchIO in the obverse margin and the letters neS in a circular arrangement around a central pellet in the field, with the legend DPVncOnO in the reverse margin around a cross (190; CNI iii, 2.5). There are also good modern forgeries by Tardani from the specimen published by Gnecchi; the dies are now preserved in the coin cabinet of the Historisches Museum in Basel (inv. 2013.200). The CNI lists five variants of the grosso matapan in the name of Enrico and Corrado (CNI iii, 2.1–5), though at least one other minor variant is known (188). All the variants have a form of the legend HeN  cVR in the left margin replacing DPonCO on the anonymous issues but the inscriptions are otherwise similar. Promis was working from an example of CNI’s fifth variant (CNI iii, 2.5), with the legend HeN  cVRI in the margin on the left, but the conjunction was obscured. He supposed that the final I was instead a T and read the legend as HeN[ricus de] cVRT[ismilia] (Promis 1866, 50). Friedländer (1879, 25) followed Promis, but the discovery of three examples of this coin in the Lurate Abbate hoard in 1887 (App. i, no. 29) made it clear that Promis had been mistaken. One of these coins had the legend He  cV in the margin on the left, for Henricus et Cunradus, which established that they were struck in the names of an Enrico and a Corrado. Ambrosoli (1888a, 22) suggested that the coins might have been struck in either Novello or Millesimo, which were controlled, respectively, by the sons of Giacomo del Carretto, Enrico and Corrado. Gavazzi (1902, 81–2) indeed tentatively attributed the coins to Enrico of Novello and Corrado of Millesimo, but this was also erroneous. The marquises of Ponzone in 1290, as noted above, were not Enrico and Corrado, as is sometimes supposed (Gnecchi and Gnecchi 1889, 299; Biaggi 1992, 129), but the triumvirate of Tommaso son of Enrico, Enrico son of Bonifacio and Manfredo son of Corrado, with the names of the latter two appearing in documents in the diminutive forms Enrichetto and Manfredino. Giacomo of Carretto’s son Enrico is known to have had two sons, Giacomo and Manfredo, but not a Tommaso, and Giacomo’s son Corrado had three sons, Francesco, who was lord of Dego in 1316, as well as Giorgio and Enrico, but not a Manfredo. One possibility is that the grossi matapan of the marquises of Ponzone in the names of Enrico and Corrado were struck under Enrico son of Bonifacio and Manfredo’s father, Corrado. Another possibility is that the coins were struck under Manfredo’s father, Corrado, together with Tommaso’s father, Enrico. In theory, they must have been introduced before 1290, but further research on the prosopography of the marquises is necessary to determine their precise dating. Marquises Enrico and Corrado of Ponzone also issued a denaro imperiale (189; Ruggero 1908, 573–5; Grillo 1909, 10–11; CNI iii, 3.6). The imperiale follows the design of the Milanese denari imperiali piani with rosette struck in the name of an emperor Frederick (cf. Chapter 5, section (m), p. 526). The inscription on the Ponzone coin begins in the obverse field, where the letters høeønøR are arranged in the pattern of a cross around a central pellet, and continues in the obverse margin with the legend +eT cunRaDVS. The reverse legend, written in three lines across the field, reads MaRc KoneS Pucon, with an abbreviation mark over the u. The legend thus gives Henricus et Cunradus marchiones [de] Ponçone. These coins, like the grossi matapan in the name of Enrico and Corrado, should in theory belong to the period before 1290, but since they are imitations of denari

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imperiali struck in Milan only from 1298/9, they must be dated to the early fourteenth century, as indeed King Henry’s grida already indicates. Perhaps further research on the prosopography of the marquises of Ponzone will make it possible to date these coins more precisely. One other group of coins perhaps deserves to be considered as the product of a mint of the marquises of Ponzone. The coins in this group are imitations of the Genoese copper quartaro (CNI iii, 39–40.27–35). Some of the imitations are overstruck and/or difficult to read; most have the legend +øQøVø0øRøTø0øRøOø in the obverse margin around a griffin rampant right in the field, as on the Genoese models, but +øTøOøMøAøIøNøVøSø or something similar in the reverse margin instead of the usual +øCøVøNøRø0øDøVøSø around a cross (191–2). These coins are conventionally classified in the Genoese series but do not fit very well there. The reverse inscription is perhaps a contraction of the diminutive Tommasinus, which raises the possibility that it refers to Marquis Tommaso II of Ponzone, who was alive in 1290. The recent identification of another quartaro imitation from a private collection with the legend +øSøPøIøHøOøLø0ø around a cross on one side and the legend +>. Rev. MEDIOLANV, cross. Grosso ambrosino, c. 2.90g, high standard of fineness: Obv. St Ambrose w. mitre and crozier enthroned. Rev. MEDIOL0NV, cross potent. E.1: Obv. ScS – aMBR or aBR, more realistic figure w. and 1278/80–98 without nimbus. E.2: Obv. øScSøaM – BROSIV, stylised figure. Rev. w. two or four crescents and pellets around cross. E.3: Obv. as E.2. Rev. EDIOLaNVM, w. four trefoils around cross.

Denaro imperiale, c. 0.90g, flat scodellato: Obv. +FREDERICVS, IøPøRøTø around central pellet. Rev. +MED|IOøLa|NVM w. two pellets and trefoil on the top and on the bottom. Denaro terzolo, c. 0.50g, flat scodellato: Obv. +IMPERaTOR, |I| ø N ø – RIC monogram, Rev. MEDIOLaNV, cross. Grosso da 4 imperiali, c. 1.20g, without wedges, sometimes w. crosslet in obverse legend extending directly from inner border: Obv. and rev. legends otherwise as on the denaro terzolo, but without pellets around the N. Similar to the class C coinage but w. crossed O (]) on both sides.

F Communal, reformed ambrosino coinage

Denaro imperiale: Grosso ambrosino 1298–1310 CNI v, 56.16–20; minore: CNI v, Murari 1984a, no. 28; 59.24–7, 59.30; Toffanin 2013, 88 Toffanin 2013, 95 no. 60 no. 68/2 Ambrosino d’oro: CNI v, 56–7.1–2; Toffanin 2013, 93 no. 64

Denaro imperiale, c. 0.90g, flat (piano) flan: Obv. +FREDERIcVS, IøPøRøTø around central rosette. Rev. +ME|DI OL0|NVM w. two trefoils and rosette on the top and on the bottom. Grosso ambrosino, c. 2.10g: Obv. SøaMB – ROSIV, St Ambrose enthroned w. mitre and crozier. Rev. ‡MEDIOLaNVM, cross potent. Ambrosino d’oro, c. 3.52g: Obv. SS Gervasius and Protasius standing. Rev. St Ambrose w. mitre and crozier standing in gothic arch.

Royal coinage: Parvus imperialis: CNI v, Grosso ambrosino 1311–12 Henry VII 63.26–9 maggiore and (1310–13, emp. Denaro terzolo: Geiger minore: CNI v, 1312) 2002a, 131 no. 2 61–2.9–13, 63.24, respectively Reform coinage, Grosso imperiale: CNI v, 62.14, 63.25

Parvus imperialis, c. 0.65g, flat flan: Obv. hE3RIcVS REXø, cross. Rev. +ME|DIOL0|3VM w. two pellets and trefoil on the top and on the bottom. Denaro terzolo, c. 0.32g, scodellato: Obv. +hENRICV4:, R E X around central pellet. Rev. MEDIOLANVM, cross. Grosso ambrosino maggiore and minore, c. 3.80g and 1.90g, respectively: Obv. +hENRIcVS:REX:, cross w. trefoils. Rev. St Ambrose enthroned. Grosso imperiale, c. 2.80g: Obv. +hEëRIcVS:REX>:, eagle to left. Rev. +SEMPER:aVGVSTVS>:, cross w. cloverleaves in the angles.

Imperial Parvus imperialis coinage: (cont.) Henry VII (as emperor, (1312–13)

1312–13

Grosso maggiore and minore, c. 4.20g and 2.10g, respectively, w. smaller and more ‘gothic’ legends: Obv. SS Gervasius and Protasius around vertical inscription of imperial name and title. Rev. St Ambrose enthroned.

Denaro imperiale: Grosso ambrosino 1313–27 CNI v, 60.32–4; minore: CNI v, Toffanin 2013, 96 59.23; Toffanin no. 70 2013, 95 no. 68/1 Denaro terzolo: CNI v, Quattrino: CNI v, 60.35; Toffanin 2013, 59.31; Toffanin 96 no. 71 2013, 96 no. 69

Denaro imperiale, c. 0.60g, flat flan: Obv. +SøAMBROSIVS, cross. Rev. +ME|DIOL0|3VM w. two trefoils and rosette on the top and on the bottom. Denaro terzolo, c. 0.44g, scodellato: Obv. +SøAMBROø, S I V S around a central pellet. Rev. +MEDIOLANVM, cross. Grosso ambrosino and quattrino, c. 1.90g and 0.72g, respectively: Obv. SøA B – ROSIV or similar, St Ambrose enthroned w. mitre and crozier. Rev. ‡MEDIOLANVM, cross potent.

G Communal, restored ambrosino coinage

Grosso maggiore and minore with SS Gervasius and Protasius: CNI v, 60–1.1–8, 62.15–21

(cont.)

Table 39. (cont.) Class/period Denari

Grossi and gold coins

Date

Royal coinage: Parvus imperialis: CNI v, Grosso with SS 1327–28 Louis IV ‘the 65.10 Gervasius and Bavarian’ Denaro terzolo: CNI v, Protasius: CNI v, (1327–46, as 66.19 64.1–5 king, until 1328)

Imperial coinage: Louis IV ‘the Bavarian’ (as emp., from 1328)

Parvus imperialis: CNI v, 65–6.11–16 Denaro terzolo: CNI v, 66.18

Grosso with SS 1328–29/30 Gervasius and Protasius: CNI v, 64–5.6–9 Grosso with SS Gervasius and Protasius and initials of Azzone Visconti: CNI v, 66–7.1–7

Characteristics and description Parvus imperialis, c. 0.60g, flat flan: Obv. +LVDOVIcVSáREX, cross. Rev. +ME|DIOL0|NVM w. two pellets and trefoil on the top and bottom. Denaro terzolo, c. 0.30g; scodellato: Obv. LVDOVIcVS, øEø/R : X. Rev. MEDIOL0NV, cross. Grosso, c. 2.00g: Obv. SS Gervasius and Protasius around vertical inscription of ruler’s name and title. Rev. St Ambrose enthroned. Parvus imperialis, c. 0.60g; flat flan: Obv. +LVDOVIc IMþaTOR, cross. Rev. +ME|DIOL0|NVM w. two trefoils and rosette on the top and bottom. Denaro terzolo, c. 0.30g, scodellato: Obv. +LVDOVIcVS, IøPøRøTø around central pellet. Rev. MEDIOL0NV, cross. Grossi, c. 2.00g: Obv. SS Gervasius and Protasius around vertical inscription of ruler’s name and title. Rev. St Ambrose enthroned, later surrounded by a – Z.

Milan

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the March of Verona/Treviso under Ezzelino da Romano (1236–59), Lombardy under Oberto Pelavicino (d. 1269) and Genoa under Capitano Guglielmo Boccanegra (1257–62). The boundaries between imperial offices such as the vicariatus, communal institutions such as the capitano del popolo, and signorie proper in the sense of permanent personal rule over communes are unclear and ill defined because the early signorie were composed of a diverse range of offices varying from city to city. The common denominator of all the different forms of personal rulership was the general need to set up a structure of authority that circumvented traditional communal parties and the social frictions caused by both the rise of new social classes and the final collapse of imperial rule. Royal or imperial offices nevertheless persisted and were adopted and slowly transformed by communal administrations while the imperial vicariatus continued to play an important role in legitimising the rule of the new lords of many communes and their districts. Coins in the name of the new communal signori, however, were generally struck only from the late thirteenth century, especially by signori who theoretically enjoyed at least the status of prince, such as Azzo VIII of Este in Modena and Reggio (1293–1306) and Bishop Oddone Bellingeri of Acqui (1305–13). For Milan, the decisive step towards the signoria was made possible by the quasi-dictatorial power of the papal legate Gregorio of Montelongo,later patriarch of Aquileia (1251–69),during the struggle with Emperor Frederick II (1212/18–50,emp.1220);after Milan’s victory over the emperor and Gregorio’s departure, internal tensions in the city became so virulent that a civil war broke out. Relative stability returned to Milan only with the Peace of St Ambrose in 1258 (see above, pp. 422–3) and the proclamation of Martino della Torre, leader of the Credenza di S. Ambrogio, as signore a year later. In 1277, Archbishop Ottone Visconti, descendant of an old family of capitanei and archiepiscopal vassals, defeated Napo della Torre and his party in the battle of Desio to take over rule of the city. His nephew Matteo I supported him, succeeded him in governing the city, became imperial vicarius in 1294, and was reappointed as such in 1298. The Della Torre family interrupted Visconti rule from 1302 to 1311 when Matteo regained power thanks to Henry VII (1310–13, emp. 1312) and his general reconciliation policy. Matteo nevertheless obtained confirmation of his imperial vicariatus only upon payment of a considerable sum. Henry’s increasingly pro-Ghibelline policy and then the general disorder after his death favoured Milanese territorial expansion under Matteo and his sons; by 1315, most of modern Lombardy was under Visconti control. The massive concentration of Ghibelline power in northern Italy, consisting of the territories of the Della Scala of Verona and the Bonacolsi of Mantua in addition to the Milanese Visconti, led the Avignon-based Pope John XXII (1316–34) to form a Guelf party under French influence to counterbalance the north Italian Ghibellines and to preach an anti-Viscontean Crusade in 1322, which nevertheless failed completely. During the early phase of papal agitation, Matteo I offered to compromise by giving up the imperial vicariatus and adopting the title of signore generale of Milan and its territory, a precedent for later developments under his grandson Azzo. After Matteo’s death in June 1322, his son Galeazzo I succeeded him and soon had to face the Italian intervention of King Louis IV ‘the Bavarian’, beginning in 1327. Despite his initially friendly collaboration with the king, Galeazzo became the unfortunate victim of events, and it was instead his young and militarily successful son Azzo who managed to gain the imperial vicariatus for a payment of 125,000 gold florins in January 1329. He did not in fact pay the full sum, but almost immediately defended his new position as signore of Milan against the emperor himself, who soon had to leave Italy. In this way, Azzo also laid the foundations for reconciliation with the Roman Church under

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Pope John in 1329/32. As his grandfather had promised, Azzo gave up the title of imperial vicarius and assumed that of permanent signore generale authorised by the Milanese people, the popolo, in connection with a general reform of the communal statutes and internal governance in 1330. By revising the statutes, in imitation of similar acts by Henry VII, Azzo also demonstrated his authority over the city and the exercise of its autonomous rights (Somaini 1998, 710–20). It is in this context that Azzo probably enacted a monetary reform and introduced new coin types in his own name. Milan’s realignment towards the papal position and the emergence of an almost autonomous signoria were possible because the departure of Louis ‘the Bavarian’ signalled that the German kings, who had acted as effective sovereigns in Italy until the time of Frederick II, would never regain that position. Cognasso (1966, 162) spoke of the ‘imperial eagle that had made its last flight over Italy’. King John of Bohemia, son of Henry VII, was another ‘eagle’, or rather ‘lion’, who briefly sought to seize power in Italy in his campaign of 1333, but he was forced to make a speedy retreat, which enabled the two dominant cities in the area, Milan and Verona, to conquer the cities that had submitted to him. Azzo was particularly successful in this regard. With the support of his uncle Bishop Giovanni of Novara (1331–42), who had also administered the archdiocese of Milan since 1334,Azzo was elected archbishop in 1339 and gained papal approval in 1342.With Giovanni’s backing, he managed to conquer Bergamo in 1332 just before defeating John of Bohemia in a battle near Ferrara. He then gained control of Vercelli, Cremona and Treviglio in 1334; Como and Lecco as well as Lodi, Crema, Caravaggio and Romano in 1335; and Borgo San Donnino (modern Fidenza) and Piacenza in 1336. The conquest of Brescia in 1337 completed Azzo’s unprecedented expansion, which placed the whole of central Lombardy under Visconti control. Azzo reformed and renewed the statutes and administration of his newly conquered territories, once again demonstrating his authority over them. He also improved the public infrastructure, for example by building a large new circuit of walls around Milan, and thereby laid the basis for a common Visconti state. Galvano Fiamma (c. 1283–c. 1344), the most informative chronicler of this time, even noted that Azzo’s inheritance of the principality of Gallura on Sardinia through his sister in 1337 theoretically made the Milanese ruler a prince – factus fuit princeps naturalis jure hereditario (Fiamma 1938, 24 chap. 32). This shows that contemporaries were aware of the tension between Azzo’s virtual princely power and his less significant juridical position as mere signore of a series of cities; the inherited noble title seemed to fill the gap. In reality, however, it took two further generations for the Visconti to gain formal recognition and elevation to a real and permanent princely honour. One reason for this was the premature death of Azzo Visconti without direct heirs in 1339. The people of Milan quickly proclaimed his uncles as signori. They included Archbishop Giovanni, who had administered the Milanese dioceses since 1334, and Luchino Visconti, a more knightly personality who had won the battle of Parabiago against Lodrisio Visconti and Mastino della Scala of Verona in 1339. It is important to underline, however, that both men were elected as signori of the city and county of Milan, implicitly including all the other territories acquired by Azzo. During their shared rule, it seems that Luchino oversaw the secular administration of the city while Archbishop Giovanni complemented Luchino’s secular power with his spiritual jurisdiction, but in legal terms they were always both signori of Milan and the other territories. In 1341, they likewise both obtained an ‘imperial’ vicariatus from Pope Benedict XII (1334–42). Though institutionally more resilient, this secular-ecclesiastical double signoria recalls the rule of Archbishop Ottone Visconti and his nephew Matteo at the outset of the Visconti signoria. During the ten years of his joint

Milan

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rule with Archbishop Giovanni, Luchino conquered further cities and towns, some in the north such as Bellinzona and Locarno, but mostly in the south and also the west, including Pontremoli in 1339, then Asti and Bobbio in 1342, and Parma in 1346, maintaining also a kind of protectorate over the Beccaria signori of Pavia. After Luchino’s death in 1349, his brother Giovanni, who had been confirmed as archbishop by Pope Clement VI (1342–52) in 1342, retained sole possession of the signoria over Milan and the other Visconti territories, and despite his ecclesiastical office, he continued the politics of expansion by acquiring further cities. In 1350, he bought Bologna from the Pepoli family for 170,000 gold florins, defying papal rights in the city, and three years later, he even managed to obtain control over Genoa, though both of these cities were quickly lost after his death in 1354. He secured his succession by calling back from exile his nephews Matteo II, Bernabò and Galeazzo II, the sons of his brother Stefano. During the long period of expansion and internal stability under Azzo, Luchino and Giovanni, the Milanese economy flourished, particularly its industries devoted to the manufacture of metals, arms and textiles. Consequently, the monetary stability of this period was extraordinary compared with the preceding decades, at least until the time of Gian Galeazzo (1378/85–1402). In theory, the three brothers, Matteo II (1354–5), Bernabò (1354–85) and Galeazzo II (1354– 78), assumed collective control of the Visconti state, but in reality the territories were divided into three parts. When Matteo died in 1355, his territories were distributed between Bernabò and Galeazzo, who shared the signoria of Milan and also acquired the imperial vicariatus from Charles IV (1346–78, emp. 1355) in 1354/5. Bernabò, as ruler of the eastern and southern territories, became increasingly dominant, and in a series of wars expanded his territories by conquering cities such as Bologna, while Galeazzo’s western and northern territories came under pressure from the houses of Montferrat and Savoy, leading to the loss of Asti. In November 1359, Galeazzo finally conquered Milan’s eternal rival, Pavia, and later established his new residence there, leaving to his brother the de facto, though not de iure, administration of Milan. The conquest of Pavia stabilised Galeazzo’s rulership and, because of the city’s long royal tradition, gave him particular prestige (Majocchi 2008, 191–200). He adorned his new administrative capital with a series of buildings, such as the splendid castello, erected from 1360 and called the castrum magnum, and he furthered the cultural development of his domains by founding a university there in 1361. His son Gian Galeazzo, actively participating in his father’s government from 1375 onwards, inherited the tension with his uncle Bernabò and his numerous descendants, and therefore avoided the official capital at Milan, but without renouncing his claim on the whole Visconti state. While Azzo Visconti had sought to derive princely status through his inheritance of the principality of Gallura in Sardinia, Galeazzo II laid the basis for his and his son’s princely power by obtaining the imperial vicariatus for Pavia in 1360 and then by making arrangements for his son to marry Isabella of Valois, daughter of King John II of France (1319–64), who was in desperate need of money. Through this extremely expensive marriage, Gian Galeazzo obtained the county of Vertus in Champagne as Isabella’s dowry and retained his title as conte di Virtù or comes Virtutum even after the death of his wife in 1372. This title is not only a play on words alluding to Gian Galeazzo’s ‘virtues’ but was also a clear indication of his relationship to royalty. With the help of his French relatives, Gian Galeazzo sought to exploit the weakness of the Avignon papacy to create a new Italian kingdom in northern and central Italy (Cognasso 1966, 300–2; Majocchi 2008, 203–18). This is why Gian Galeazzo preferred this title on his coins, even after his elevation to the rank of duke in 1395.

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Gian Galeazzo’s first step towards achieving higher honours, however, had to be the abandonment of shared rule over the Visconti state. He demonstrated independence by establishing his residence in Pavia and then obtained the imperial vicariatus from King Wenceslaus of Bohemia and Germany in 1380, the same year in which he married Bernabò’s daughter Caterina. He thus seemed to associate himself more closely with his overbearing uncle Bernabò without questioning his leading role in the state, even though Gian Galeazzo legally inherited his father’s position as co-ruler. In May 1385, however, Gian Galeazzo outmanoeuvred his uncle at a meeting outside Milan. He imprisoned Bernabò as well as two of Bernabò’s sons and thereby assumed undivided control over the signoria of Milan and all other Visconti territories while also permitting a popular uprising against the oppressive rule of his uncle and co-ruler. Veronese support for the numerous remaining sons of Bernabò against Gian Galeazzo subsequently triggered a war against Antonio della Scala of Verona, which ended with the Milanese conquest of this important city in October 1387. After acquiring Verona, Gian Galeazzo probably became imperial vicarius of the city and used its mint to strike coins in his own name. A year later, he surprised his former allies, the Carrara family of Padua, by occupying this similarly important city, but he was forced to surrender it back to Francesco Novello da Carrara by 1390. Over the next few years, Gian Galeazzo’s military initiatives were not particularly successful, but he renewed his alliance with France through the marriage of his daughter Valentina to Louis of Valois, duke of Orléans, in 1389 and then cemented the alliance by renouncing the opportunity to rule over Genoa in 1396, just a year after King Wenceslaus had granted him the title of duke of Milan. All of this boded well for Gian Galeazzo’s expansionist plans. First, he acquired Pisa and Siena in 1399, then Perugia in 1400 and Bologna in 1402; it seemed only a matter of time before the republic of Florence also submitted to Milanese rule, but in September 1402, Gian Galeazzo unexpectedly died, enabling Florence to maintain its independence and many other parts of the Visconti state to shake off Milanese rule. The majority of Gian Galeazzo’s territorial gains came through shrewd diplomacy and trickery rather than military ability and might. In any case, his expansionist policies required him to centralise the administration of the combined Visconti dominions. Together with the formal elevation of the territories into an indivisible duchy, this effectively completed the formation of the ‘Visconti state’. The first duke of Milan also used the arts to glorify himself and his family, beginning with the building of the new cathedral of Milan from 1386 and then with the foundation of the Certosa di Pavia as his mortuary church. In the end, Gian Galeazzo’s great political and institutional successes could not prevent the dramatic dissolution of the state under his young son and successor, Giovanni Maria (1402–12), who was just a few days short of his fourteenth birthday when his father died. Gian Galeazzo’s elder son by his second wife, Caterina, Giovanni Maria inherited the ducal title and the central territories around Milan, while his younger brother Filippo Maria obtained the border territories in the east and west, mainly in the modern Veneto and Piedmont. Because he was a minor at Gian Galeazzo’s death, and also given his unstable and suspicious character, Giovanni Maria remained first under the guardianship of his mother and a so-called Secret Council, and then later under the influence of Gian Galeazzo’s former generals and condottieri. The young duke’s personal limitations, growing resistance to him from the followers of Bernabò’s descendants, and the desire of subject cities for independence from the growing fiscal pressure exerted on them by the ducal administration made it impossible for Giovanni Maria to maintain the integrity of

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the state. In 1403, in the aftermath of a revolt against Francesco Barbavara, the main counsellor of both the young duke and his mother, Duchess Caterina, most of Milan’s subject cities were lost to the revived Guelf and Ghibelline parties under the leading local families in such places as Brescia, Piacenza, Cremona and Como. In the same year, a coalition of the papacy, Florence, Venice and the Este family conquered Bologna and other cities that had submitted to Gian Galeazzo in Tuscany, Umbria and the Veneto. Meanwhile, growing disaffection between Giovanni Maria and his mother led her to flee to Monza, where she died during the summer of 1404. This contributed to the further erosion of the duke’s control over the duchy and forced him to parcel out territories as fiefs to gain or retain, at least formally, defenders such as Mastino, Giovanni Carlo

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and Estore Visconti in Bergamo, Brescia and Martinengo, respectively. Carlo I Malatesta, signore of Rimini and former counsellor of Gian Galeazzo, restored a sense of stability to the Milanese state as governor from 1406, but Carlo soon left Milan and the weak duke submitted to Facino Cane, the most successful condottiere of the age, granting him titles such as capitano generale in 1407 and governor of Milan in 1409. Facino even conquered Pavia in 1410 and became a genuine threat to the duchy with the real ability to take it over. Only the duke’s assassination on 16 May 1412 and Facino Cane’s death shortly thereafter saved Milan from such a dynastic change. The murdered duke’s brother, Filippo Maria Visconti, proved to be a much more capable guide for the state through its precarious situation. Despite an age difference of about twenty years, the effectively powerless twenty-year-old count of Pavia married the widow of Facino Cane, Beatrice di Tenda, which gave him access to her extensive dominions, a dowry of 400,000 florins, and above all Facino’s troops to reconquer the duchy. He adopted the ducal title and used the army of the deceased condottiere to besiege and capture Milan in mid-June 1412, just one month after the city had been taken over by Giovanni Carlo and Estore Visconti, who then escaped to Monza. Among Facino’s troops was one Francesco Bussone, called il Carmagnola, a gifted condottiere who over the next ten years regained for Filippo the greater part of the duchy’s lost cities in central Lombardy. The conquest of Monza from Giovanni Carlo and Estore in 1413 nevertheless had the immediate effect that Giovanni Carlo Visconti escaped and started to agitate against the new duke at the royal court in Germany. Tensions between King Sigismund (German king 1411–37, emp. 1433) and the duke grew as the king supported and legitimised nearly all the minor signorie or lordships of cities that formerly belonged to Milan, for example those of the Rusca family in Como, the Vignati in Lodi, the Benzoni in Crema and that of Cabrino Fondulo in Cremona. Filippo Maria finally managed to obtain a limited royal confirmation from Sigismund only in 1415, after which he was able to begin the reconstruction of the Visconti state. While the duke’s capitano generale Francesco Bussone il Carmagnola applied military pressure, the duke used the traditional legal instruments at his disposal such as feudal grants to the (former) signori of regained cities to bestow the county of Lodi upon Giovanni Vignati (1415), that of Cremona upon Cabrino Fondulo (1415), and those of Como and Lugano upon Lotterio Rusca (1416). He also compensated the former rulers of cities such as Piacenza in 1418, Cremona, Parma and Reggio Emilia in 1420, and Brescia and Bergamo in 1421 through the payment of considerable sums. In 1421 and 1422, Filippo Maria even acquired the lordships over Genoa, Asti and the Alpine area north of Milan, including Bellinzona, thus restoring the duchy to the size of the central territories of Gian Galeazzo’s state. The Milanese duke enjoyed further triumphs against Forlì and the Malatesta family in central Italy (1422–4) while his condottiere Niccolò Piccinino successfully defended Lucca against the Florentines in 1430. The co-ordinated resistance of the popes, Florence and Venice against the further expansion of the Visconti state nevertheless made it impossible for Milan to hold the newly conquered territories. The defection of Filippo Maria’s best general, Francesco Bussone il Carmagnola, to Venice and the anti-Viscontean party in 1425 sealed Milan’s fate. The defeats of Brescello and Maclodio in 1427 led to the Peace of Ferrara a year later and entailed the loss of Bergamo and Brescia as well as the Alpine Val Camonica north of these two cities. There followed a period of almost continuous war against Venice with varying results and constantly changing alliances. In general, however, the anti-Viscontean coalitions outweighed the military capacity of Milan and its allies. In the Peace of Cavriana in 1441, Filippo Maria was forced to accept the independence of Genoa. Over the last years of his rule, the increasingly mentally disturbed ruler was no longer

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able to construct stable coalitions against Venetian pressure. His relations with both King Alfonso V the Magnanimous of Aragon (1416–58) and Francesco Sforza, the leading condottiere of the time, increasingly determined the development of the duchy. With the Treaty of Ponza (1435), Filippo Maria and Alfonso agreed not only on their respective areas of influence in Italy but also on the appointment of the Aragonese king as heir to the son-less duke. In 1441, after a period in which Filippo Maria and Francesco Sforza alternated between collaboration and hostility, the condottiere married Bianca Maria Visconti, Filippo Maria’s initially illegitimate daughter who in the meantime had received a declaration of legitimacy from Emperor Sigismund. The grant of legitimacy to Bianca Maria and her marriage to Francesco Sforza complicated the succession to the duchy as laid out in the Treaty of Ponza, especially after 1446 when Filippo Maria called on his son-in-law to defend the state against an immediate threat from Venice. Because of the disputed succession, neither Bianca Maria nor Alfonso of Aragon was able to assume control of the duchy after Filippo Maria’s death in August 1447. Instead, the Milanese proclaimed the so-called Ambrosian Republic. Despite the breakdown of order towards the end of Filippo Maria’s rule, he was an able ruler who not only used military means to restore the core territories of Gian Galeazzo’s extensive duchy, but also continued the administrative and fiscal centralisation of the state during his long rule to support the military expenditure necessary to maintain the integrity of the state. He resolved the monetary crisis of the early fifteenth century and enacted monetary reforms. Towards the end of his rule, however, the exhaustion of the state finances due to almost continuous warfare and the slowly growing silver famine increasingly affected the quality of the circulating money. In monetary affairs, over the long term, the remarkable stability of the system under the first Visconti signori, through the rule of Bernabò and the early years of Gian Galeazzo, gave way to persistent monetary instability under the later Visconti. B. Bibliography The quantity and quality of the literature on the history of the Visconti period, like that for other periods of Milanese history, precludes specific mention of more than a sample. The bibliographies for the relevant chapters in Andenna et al. (1998, 806–8) provide abundant further references to works published before the late 1990s. The published sources for this period are more limited, focusing on narrative sources that often have a more personalised view of history. These include the works of Galvano Fiamma (1869; 1938), Pier Candido Decembrio (1928a; 1928b) and Bernadino Corio (1978). Formentini’s study of the Milanese duchy (1877) nevertheless includes a useful documentary appendix, while Santoro focuses on the administrative and fiscal apparatus of the Visconti state and its sources (1929; 1948; 1968a; 1976–83). The relevant volumes of the Treccani Foundation’s Storia di Milano (1953–66, v–vi) again make up an important general reference for the period, supplemented by the more recent Storia illustrata di Milano (Della Peruta 1992, ii–iii) and the contributions in Andenna et al. (1998), especially the chapters on the formation of the Visconti state (Fossati and Ceresatto 1998a; 1998b) and institutional development (Somaini 1998). Works on the early Visconti include the monograph of Cognasso on the Visconti family (1966), which unfortunately lacks footnotes, and the proceedings of a congress on the age of the Visconti (Chiappa Mauri et al. 1993) as well as more general works such as that of Pauler (1997), while Majocchi (2008, 168–218) provides important insight into the strategies of the Visconti in the later thirteenth and the fourteenth century to legitimise their rule and family. Shorter studies on the signoria and the Visconti state are also important for the development of the Milanese monetary

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system under the Visconti (e.g. Cognasso 1923; 1926; 1957; Barni 1941; Chittolini 1974). The origin and formation of the signoria constitute a special problem for Milan and have been discussed by Capasso (1908), Chabod (1925) and Ercole (1929) and more comprehensively in the context of the imperial vicariatus by De Vergottini (1941), Tabacco (1948), Cognasso (1957), Capitani (1981) and Somaini (1998, 710–21). Gian Galeazzo Visconti, the first duke of Milan and aspirant to a new Italian kingdom, has always stood at the centre of historical interest and attracted the attention of biographers (Bueno de Mesquita 1941; Valeri 1943; Cutolo 1950; Soldi Rondinini 1978; DBI liv, 383–91; see also Majocchi 2008, 200–18). Filippo Maria has attracted much less attention, as suggested in the relative lack of bibliographical references given in his entry in the DBI (xlvii,772–82),but there are two interesting studies by Valeri (1938; 1940) that cover the troubled period after the death of Gian Galeazzo, the latter of which focuses on the most important condottiere of the time,Facino Cane.Soldi Rondinini’s study of trans-Alpine trade (1978) sets forth some important considerations for the coinage and monetary system of Milan, while Martini covers the powerful Milanese Universitas mercatorum and its influence (1980). For public finances, in addition to the monumental work of Santoro (1976–83), there are also the articles of Tagliabue (1915) and Martini (1981). Milanese numismatics under the Visconti is covered in classic works of Mulazzini (1888–9; 1889b) and the Gnecchi brothers (1884; 1894) as well as the CNI (v, 1914, 67–142). There is also Crippa’s excellent second volume of a general and updated catalogue of the coins of Milan (1986), which is taken here as the main reference, and the more recent publication of the Verri collection (Crippa and Crippa 1998); these are now accurately summarised by Toffanin (2013). While Crippa is very precise and reliable, it is sometimes necessary to modify his classification to create a clearer picture of the chronology and history of the Milanese coinage. The chronological sequence of issues during longer periods of rule, in particular those of Gian Galeazzo and Filippo Maria Visconti, is still not established, while the implications of the joint rule of the Visconti signoria for the coinage under Luchino and Giovanni and later under Bernabò, Galeazzo II and Gian Galeazzo are not yet reflected in existing coin catalogues. Hess was laying out the basis for a new classification of the Milanese coinage under the Visconti in a draft manuscript that he was working on when he died in 1999. Schärli (1984, 283–5, 299–303) initially used and cited the manuscript while Klein (2008, 304–14) improved upon it and completed the list of coin finds, but other scholars have not yet taken it into account. In what follows, a more refined classification is proposed on the basis of written sources (Motta 1893; Santoro 1976–83) and works that draw on the written evidence, particularly recent studies on the monetary policy of the Visconti state (Soldi Rondinini 1984; 1985; Zerbi 1984; Mueller 1984; Cipolla 1988). Stylistic elements of design and lettering are also very important, particularly the issue marks first used under Luchino and Giovanni Visconti (1339–54). Only a few hoards of this period are of genuine significance. For the early period, until the monetary manipulations towards the end of the fourteenth century,the political situation and coinage were very stable and only a few hoards are known. Most of the known hoards were closed in the troubled times that followed Gian Galeazzo’s death in 1402. During Gian Galeazzo’s radical monetary manipulations and the ensuing monetary crisis, huge quantities of Milanese coins were exported abroad. They are very common in hoards from the Alpine areas and southern Germany, as illustrated in the overviews by Nau (1983), Schärli (1984), Zäch (1994; 1999) and Klein (1999; 2008). Only the hoards of Castiglione Olona, Como and Vercelli in Italy (App. 1, nos. 9, 13, 71a), Vaduz in Liechtenstein (App. 1, no. 151),

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and Maloja and Vaulruz in Switzerland (App. 1, nos. 122, 152) facilitate a more refined classification of the earlier Visconti coins. In the later period, the written sources for monetary affairs become more abundant, which makes it unnecessary to rely as much on the archaeological evidence for the classification of the coinage. C. Coinage I. Seigneurial right of coinage A particular problem for the monetary history of the early Visconti is the changeover to a demonstrative affirmation of the seignorial right of coinage on the coins (Zecche i, 245–6). The earlier signori undoubtedly controlled the communal mint in the same way that they controlled other communal institutions. The institution of the communal signoria was nevertheless relatively new and far from legally recognised in terms of the traditional feudal order, which must have made this novel authority’s exercise of the regalian right of coinage a very delicate matter, particularly during the period when Henry VII (1310–13, emp. 1312) and his successors reclaimed royal rights to affirm their suzerainty and exploit their regalian rights (see Chapter 2, section (h), pp. 79–84). This helps to explain why all communal mints, with the exception of Rome, continued to strike anonymous or even pseudo-imperial coins without reference to seigniorial authority, even though most of them had already come under the control of a local or regional ruler. Only signori with traditional feudal titles such as Marquis Azzo VIII of Este (1293–1306) in Modena and Reggio, Bishop Oddone Bellingeri of Acqui (1305–13) and the various (titular) marquises in the Piedmont put their names on the coins of their cities. Seigniorial rulers otherwise used only minor allusions on their coins, similar to mint-masters’ marks, such as the Della Scala ladder in Verona and the Bonacolsi shield in Mantua to refer tacitly to their authority. Although the fourteenth-century German kings and emperors tried to regain the highly lucrative and symbolically important royal right of coinage, they in fact laid the practical basis to resolve the huge discrepancy between the legal inferiority and the effective power of the northern Italian signori. In need of money and support for their campaigns to receive the imperial crown in Rome, the kings conferred the imperial vicariatus on signori with the possibility of exercising royal rights, first provisionally in the name of the kings and emperors and then more directly after the death of Henry VII in 1313, as coin epigraphy and iconography clearly illustrate. It was Galeazzo I Visconti, son of Matteo I and imperial vicarius of Piacenza between 1313 and 1322, who first placed his name and initial g conspicuously on the obverse of a grosso and denaro imperiale of Piacenza at the expense of the imperial name; only the crowned eagle on the reverse of the grosso makes clear that Galeazzo’s exercise of monetary rights was still based on the imperial vicariatus (CNI ix, 563.1–2). Despite the tensions between Galeazzo I and King Louis ‘the Bavarian’, Galeazzo’s son Azzo received the imperial vicariatus for Milan in January 1329 and began to place his own initials a – Z on the reverse of coins struck in the imperial mint of Milan in the name of Emperor Louis IV (CNI v, 66–7.1–7). In September 1329, Azzo took his first steps towards an agreement with the papal court in Avignon, and indeed the chronicler Galvano Fiamma (1938, 6–8) stressed that Azzo switched his political allegiance almost immediately after receiving the imperial vicariatus. The richness of the imperial-seigniorial issue in terms of the number of variants, like that of Como under Franchino Rusca, nevertheless suggests that it continued beyond September. The decisive break in fact came

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with the departure of the emperor from Italy towards the end of 1329 and the establishment of closer relations with Pope John XXII (1316–34), which made any reference to the departed ‘heretical’ emperor on the coins impossible. Azzo turned this apparent dilemma to his advantage by adopting the title of permanent signore generale in 1330 and also promulgating new statutes and carrying out a general administrative reorganisation and monetary reform in about the same period. Although he did not explicitly give up the vicariatus, all reference to the emperor or any other royal authority vanished from the coinage of Milan. II. Azzo Visconti (1329–39) (new coinage from 1330) The new Milanese coinage in the name of Azzo Visconti was not only legally innovative but also improved in terms of its overall style and technical quality. Azzo marked the introduction of a new coinage struck in his own name by giving the coins a new and stylistically modern design, just as Emperor Henry VII had done when introducing his new imperial coinage almost two decades earlier. Azzo was also experienced enough in monetary affairs to know that he had to associate his new coinage with a slight devaluation of the currency, from around thirty soldi for the gold florin to thirty-two soldi (Spufford 1986, 97–9), which drove the old coinage out of circulation. The highest denomination is a very rare gold florin that has, on the obverse, the standing figure of St Ambrose facing, nimbate, with mitre and crozier, surrounded by the inscription followed by a small Visconti snake (biscia) and with Azzo’s initials in the field. On the reverse, it has the usual fleur-de-lis of the Florentine model surrounded by the city’s name, MEDIO – LaNVM (CNI –; Crippa 1986, 26–7 no. 1). The highest silver denomination is a new grosso of two soldi with a cross fleury in a quatrefoil and the legend +aO VIcEcOMES+MEDIOLaNVM on the obverse and now a gothic figure of the enthroned and nimbate St Ambrose with the usual legend (SøaMBR – OSIVS) and again a small snake on the reverse (595; CNI v, 67–8.1–10; Crippa 1986, 27 no. 2). With an ideal weight of about 2.90g on the basis of the Castiglione Olona hoard (App. 1, no. 9) and slightly more than 90 per cent fine, it continued the old ambrosino denomination in terms of silver but was valued differently in actual money, at two soldi of denari imperiali or sixteen grossi to the florin. It is therefore unsurprising that the new grossi have small triple pellets or trefoils in the angle of the cross fleury like the old ambrosini to underline the continuity of their silver value for use in international trade. This grosso has parallels in coins of the mint of Como, also struck in the name of Azzo Visconti (CNI iv, 183.1). The corresponding half-denomination, the soldo of twelve denari imperiali, reputedly has the same fineness as the grosso of two soldi (Gnecchi and Gnecchi 1884, 31 no. 3), but examples of the soldo in the Castiglione Olona hoard and in collections have less than half the weight of the grosso, 1.39g at the most but generally 1.30g or less (596–7; CNI v, 68–9.11–16; Crippa 1986, 28 nos. 3–4). This suggests that the half-denomination was intended much more for local circulation. The soldo has the same basic design and legends as the grosso, though the cross fleury on the obverse is without a quatrefoil and the legends are slightly abbreviated. There are possibly three different variants of the half-denomination. Another coin type struck under Azzo is traditionally called an ottavo di soldo, that is an eighth of a soldo or one and a half denari imperiali, which would be a very unusual denomination (598; CNI v, 69.17; Crippa 1986, 29 no. 5). It has the usual legends with a nimbate bust of St Ambrose between the initials a –  in a beaded border on the obverse and a cross pattée in a beaded border on the reverse. The Gnecchi catalogue (1884, 32 no. 6) classified the coin as an ottavo di soldo probably

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on the basis of its relatively low silver content of 18.2 per cent, as determined by unspecified metallurgical analysis, and weight of slightly less than 1.00g, but the denomination does not fit into an otherwise very regular monetary system. Allowing for the possibility that the metallurgical analysis of the rare and usually very worn coins was flawed or inaccurate, it would be preferable to identify the so-called ottavo di soldo instead with references to quattrini of four denari imperiali that sometimes appear in sources of the later fourteenth century (e.g. Motta 1893, 40) because most of Azzo’s successors did not strike such a denomination (see below). The often very poor condition of known specimens of Azzo’s coins and the imitation of the coin type under early fifteenth-century signori such as Giovanni Carlo Visconti (Crippa 1986, 109 no. 2) indeed suggest that they remained in circulation for a long time and support the hypothesis that they were quattrini. Only further metallurgical analyses – accurate and destructive – can confirm or disprove this hypothesis. The denaro imperiale is much more common. It also has a modernised design compared with the previous imperial and communal coinages with a cross fleury in a beaded border surrounded by Azzo’s name on the obverse and the city’s name displayed in the traditional three-line legend with triple pellets and small snakes on the reverse (599–600; CNI v, 69–70.18–24; Crippa 1986, 31 no. 7). These denari have an ideal weight of at least 0.60g and metallurgical analyses, which seem more trustworthy than those of the quattrino, suggest that they are 13.7–16.7 per cent fine (Gnecchi and Gnecchi 1884, 32 no. 7). It is also interesting that Azzo struck similar denari imperiali in Como and Cremona, which demonstrates the success of his monetary reform. He also struck a denaro terzolo of slightly more than 0.30g in the traditional scodellato form but similar in design to the denaro imperiale (CNI v, 70.25; Crippa 1986, 30 no. 6). This very rare coin has the signore’s initials in the obverse field surrounded by his ‘surname’ and the city’s name in three lines on the reverse. Valued at a half-imperiale, this denomination ceased to be struck in this period but persisted as a traditional money of account and was still in use as such in the fifteenth century. Overall, the monetary system created in Milan under Azzo Visconti gives every impression of being clear and efficient. After Azzo’s conquest of other cities with important mints, namely Como (1335) and Cremona (1334), he used currency as a unifying tool in his newly gained territories by introducing a uniform coinage on the basis of the new denaro imperiale system. III. Luchino Visconti and Archbishop Giovanni Visconti (1339–54) The conventional classification of the coinage under the successors of Azzo Visconti is confused. This is due to the long tradition of a ‘philological’ approach to the classification of the Milanese coinage, which becomes particularly problematic in the case of a joint signoria such as that of Luchino and Giovanni Visconti (1339–49). Luchino was the younger brother of Giovanni, bishop of Novara (1331–42), who was also administrator of the archiepiscopal see of Milan and archbishopelect. In practice, Luchino was the effective ruler and military leader of Milan and the other Visconti territories, but it was always a joint signoria between these two uncles of the former signore Azzo Visconti. It must also be stressed that Giovanni was not only the elder of the two brothers, but also enjoyed a certain honorific precedence when both were mentioned together in important documents and coin legends during their joint rule because of his status as a cleric and ecclesiastical prince. When Pope Benedict XII (1334–42), as administrator of the allegedly vacant imperial throne, conferred upon them the imperial vicariatus, he bestowed it to them together. Gnecchi and the compilers of the CNI distinguished between the coins of this period along

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philological lines on the basis of the name or names in which they were struck, but doing so gives a mistaken impression of a fragmented monetary system. By looking instead at all the coin types of this period together, it is possible to obtain a clear picture of a single integrated monetary system that was designed to provide a visible demonstration of the ‘architecture’ of the joint signoria to the population. The higher denominations give the names of either both signori or neither of them, while the complementary lower ones refer in order of precedence to only one of the signori, i.e. the sesino to Giovanni and the denaro to Luchino. This is the case for both issue periods, which are nevertheless clearly distinguishable by issue marks. The coins from the early period of the joint signoria imitated those of Azzo both typologically and stylistically, and they continued the traditional trefoil or triple-pellet issue mark. The grosso of two soldi is distinguishable from that of Azzo almost exclusively by the obverse legend, which mentions first Giovanni and then Luchino in the appropriate honorific order: +IOh[ann]ESøøLVchINVSøVIcEcOMITES; the cross fleury with the small trefoils in quatrefoil on the obverse and the enthroned saint on the reverse as well as the fineness and weight remained unchanged from the time of Azzo (601; CNI v, 71–2.7–12; Crippa 1986, 37 no. 3a). Some later variants have little rosettes or stars in the corners of the cross fleury instead of trefoils (602–3; CNI v, 71.6, 72.13–14; Crippa 1986, 37 nos. 3b–c). The denaro imperiale likewise follows the typology of Azzo’s denaro, the only difference being that his name is replaced by that of his successor, Luchino. The first and more common variant also has a little Visconti snake between trefoils framing the legend on the top and bottom of the reverse (607; CNI v, 70.1–4; Crippa 1986, 34 no. 1a), while the reverse of the rare second variant has small rosettes instead of snakes (CNI v, 70.5; Crippa 1986, 34 no. 1b). The corresponding sesino is the stylistically earlier type in the name of Giovanni Visconti with a gothic ä and cross pattée (604–6; CNI v, 73.7–9; Crippa 1986, 44 no. 3). Another type of sesino in the name of Giovanni Visconti with the Madonna in fact fits much better with the other coins of Giovanni’s sole reign (see below, p. 445). The weight and fineness of the sesino with the gothic ä, ideally 1.10g and about 50 per cent fine, also correspond well with the denaro, which ideally weighs about 0.60g and contains about 15 per cent silver (Gnecchi and Gnecchi 1884, 36 no. 4 and 33 no. 1). The later period under the rule of Luchino and Giovanni begins with the so-called halfambrosino d’oro, conventionally named on the basis of its weight of 1.75g and value identical to a half-fiorino d’oro, though how contemporaries referred to the coin is unknown (608; CNI v, 57.3–5; Crippa 1986, 38–40 no. 1). The lack of any reference to a signore on the gold coin led earlier scholars to date it to the time of the so-called First Republic from 1250 to 1311, but Crippa correctly attributed it to Giovanni and Luchino Visconti. The half-ambrosino d’oro has a nimbate bust of St Ambrose in a beaded border surrounded by the legend +S aMBROSIVS with trefoil punctuation on the obverse and a gothic ä in a tressure of six lobes surrounded by the legend +MEDIOLaNVM on the reverse. The lettering and gothic ä on the reverse confirm the chronological context, which is shared with the sesino and the other coins of Giovanni and Luchino. Crippa also points out that the bust and face of St Ambrose are identical to those on the full-weight gold ambrosino or fiorino from later in the second issue period of this joint signoria. The half-denomination of the gold coin still bears the trefoils of the earlier period and was therefore introduced early in the second period before the full ambrosino d’oro, which was produced from dies probably cut by the same engraver or made from the same punches. The rarity of the two main denominations of the second period of the joint signoria, the full ambrosino d’oro and grosso, suggests that they were introduced quite late, probably just a few years

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Figure 49. Milan: Archbishop Giovanni as signore (1349–54), sesino with St Mary and Child (Collezione Banca Intesa Sanpaolo, inv. M.V-00121a-L/IS, ex Verri coll. Reproduced by kind permission)

before Luchino’s death in 1349 and certainly after the papal confirmation of Giovanni’s election and consecration as archbishop of Milan in 1342. This can be deduced from the fact that the new archbishop’s name invariably appears on the coins on the side with St Ambrose, his predecessor. These particularly beautiful and prestigious coins have broadly the same design. The obverse has St Ambrose enthroned with his and Giovanni’s names, while the reverse has the Visconti shield with dragon-crested helmet and Luchino’s name. The weight and fineness of the ambrosino were equivalent to those of the florin (CNI v, 71.1–2; Crippa 1986, 36 no. 1) while the grosso maintained the standard of previous issues (609; CNI v, 71.3; Crippa 1986, 37 no. 2). The sesini and denari of the previous period were probably continued after the introduction of the new money. Significant monetary change came only at the beginning of the joint rule of Bernabò and Galeazzo II Visconti (1354–78) with the introduction of the so-called pegione of one and a half soldi, which explains why the new grossi of Luchino and Giovanni were very often clipped, as for example in the Castiglione Olona hoard (App. 1, no. 9). After the death of Luchino Visconti, his brother Giovanni remained as sole signore and assumed full responsibility for government. His ecclesiastical office did not prevent him from adopting an expansionist policy during his remaining years (1349–54). He acquired Bologna in 1350, despite papal resistance, and from there sought to extend his influence into Tuscany. In 1353, he even obtained the lordship of Genoa. He nevertheless produced only a few coin types in relatively small quantities to judge from modern survivals and the limited number of variants. The highest denomination of Giovanni’s lone rule is a rare grosso with SS Gervasius and Protasius on the obverse, pictured as they were on the imperial coinage of Henry VII but now with Giovanni’s name descending between them, and St Ambrose enthroned on the reverse (610–11; CNI v, 73.1–3; Crippa 1986, 43 no. 1). Examples of this coin are often clipped like the second grosso type of Luchino and Giovanni. The grosso is supplemented by a rare sesino, the only Milanese coin on which St Ambrose is replaced by Mary with Child, which corresponds with Archbishop Giovanni’s particular veneration of St Mary. It weighs about 1.00g, similar to the previous sesino type, and has a cross in a beaded border and the ruler’s name on the obverse and a nimbate bust of Mary with Child and the city’s name on the reverse (CNI v, 73.4–6; Crippa 1986, 43 no. 2; Fig. 49). There is also a denaro imperiale in Giovanni’s name that corresponds fully to the preceding types (612–13; CNI v, 73.10; Crippa 1986, 45 no. 4). The small Visconti snakes between trefoils on this coin raise the possibility that production of this coin type had already began under Giovanni’s joint signoria with Luchino. From 1351, Giovanni Visconti also struck grossi and denari of the Bolognese currency system in the mint of Bologna (see Motta 1896, no. 526; Chimienti 2009, 112). In Milan, the production of coinage dropped off in the second half of the 1340s and this trend continued throughout the lone rule of Giovanni and the early rule of his successors. Table 40 summarises the Milanese coinages from Azzo to Giovanni Visconti.

Table 40. Milanese coinage of the early Visconti signori, from Azzo to Giovanni Visconti, 1330–54 Authority 1. 2. and Florin or Grosso da period ambrosino d’oro 2 soldi and halfambrosino d’oro Azzo Visconti (1329–39)

CNI v, –; Crippa CNI v, 1986, 26–7 no. 1 67–8.1–10; Crippa 1986, 27 no. 2

Giovanni and Luchino (1339–49), first period, first issue

CNI v, 71.4–5, 71–2.7–12; Crippa 1986, 37 no. 3a

Giovanni and Luchino (1339–49), first period, second issue

CNI v, 71.6, 72.13–14; Crippa 1986, 37 nos. 3b-c

Giovanni 1a. Halfand ambrosino: Luchino CNI v, (1339–49), 57.3–5; second Crippa 1986, period 38–40 no. 1 1b. Florin/ Ambrosino: CNI v, 71.1–2; Crippa 1986, 36 no. 1

CNI v, 71.3; Crippa 1986, 37 no. 2

Giovanni (sole signore, 1349–54)

CNI v, 73.1–3; Crippa 1986, 43 no. 1

3. Soldo

4. Sesino

CNI v, 68– 9.11–16; Crippa 1986, 28 nos. 3–4

CNI v,73.7–9; Crippa 1986, 44 no. 3

5.

6.

7.

Date

Characteristics and description

Quattrino Denaro imperiale

Denaro terzolo

CNI v, 69.17; Crippa 1986, 29 no. 5

CNI v, 1330–9 1. Obv. St Ambrose frontally standing 70.25; between a – Z, w. small Visconti snake Crippa (biscia). Rev. Florentine fleur-de-lis. 1986, 30 2–3. Obv. Cross fleury in or without no. 6 quatrefoil. Rev. St Ambrose enthroned, w. small snake. 5. Obv. Bust of St. Ambrose between a – . Rev. cross pattée. 6. Obv. Cross fleury. Rev. +ME|DIOLa|NVM w. trefoils and small snake above and below. 7. Obv. a –  surrounded by +VIcEcOMES. Rev. +ME|DIOLa|NVM.

CNI v, 69– 70.18–24; Crippa 1986, 31 no. 7

CNI v, 70.1–4; Crippa 1986, 34 no. 1a

CNI v, 70.5; Crippa 1986, 34 no. 1b

1339 to Trefoil issue w. small trefoils in legends later and around cross fleury: 1340s 2. Obv. Cross fleury in quatrefoil. Rev. St Ambrose enthroned. 4. Obv. +IOhSøVIcEcOES, cross pattée. Rev. ä. 6. Obv. +LVChINVIcEcOES, cross fleury. Rev. +ME|DIOLa|NVM w. trefoils and small snake above and below. Star or rosette issue w. small stars in legends around cross fleury: Descriptions the same as for first issue.

Later 1a. Obv. Nimbate bust of St Ambrose. 1340s Rev. ä in six-lobed tressure. to 1349 1b. & 2. Obv. øSøaMBRoSI – øIohSøVIcecoeS, St Ambrose enthroned. Rev. +LVchINVSøVIcEcoESø MEDIoLaNVM, Visconti shield w.

dragon-crested helmet.

CNI v, 73.4–6; Crippa 1986, 43 no. 2

CNI v, 73.10; Crippa 1986, 45 no. 4

1349– 54

2. Obv. SS Gervasius and Protasius standing. Rev. St. Ambrose enthroned. 4. Obv. Cross pattée. Rev. Nimbate half-figure of St Mary w. Child. 6. Obv. +IOhS VIcEcOES, cross fleury. Rev. +ME|DIOLa|NVM w. trefoils and small snake above and below.

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IV. Bernabò, Galeazzo II and Gian Galeazzo Visconti (1354/5–85) After the death of Archbishop Giovanni, his nephews Matteo II, Bernabò and Galeazzo II by his brother Stefano ascended to the signoria of Milan as joint signori. In December 1354 and May 1355, the three brothers obtained the imperial vicariatus over their personal possessions and all other territories of the Visconti state from King Charles IV (1346–78, emp. 1355), who needed Milanese support for his campaign to be crowned emperor. Matteo II, the eldest of the three signori, died unexpectedly in September 1355, possibly poisoned by his brothers, who then divided his territories. The two remaining signori ruled jointly over only Milan and Genoa, though Genoa regained independence in 1356. The rest of the signoria was divided, with Bernabò controlling the eastern and southern territories, including Bologna, though Bologna seized de facto independence during 1355 and was sold to the papal legate five years later. Galeazzo, on the other hand, controlled the western cities, especially in the Piedmont, though he lost most of his Piedmontese possessions during the early years of his rule to Giovanni II Paleologo of Montferrat (1338–72), who conquered Asti and Alba in 1356 and Novara a year later. In 1359, however, Galeazzo conquered Pavia, which became the centre of his lordship. He founded a university there in 1361 and in 1365 withdrew from Milan to take up residence in the newly built castrum magnum in Pavia. With Galeazzo in Pavia, Bernabò and his numerous offspring increasingly dominated the political scene in Milan. The two signori nevertheless continued to govern the signoria together, and joint rule persisted after Galeazzo’s son Gian Galeazzo inherited his father’s territories in August 1378. Gian Galeazzo, count of Vertus in Champagne since 1360, had already begun to exercise authority over parts of Galeazzo’s domains in 1375 in the interest of establishing a certain continuity of rule between his father and himself. On his coins, he emphasised continuity by using the same name GaLEaZ[us] and refraining from any use of the ducal title that he acquired in 1395. This makes it very difficult to distinguish Gian Galeazzo’s coins from those of his father. It is therefore necessary to classify the coins according to their conspicuous issue marks, which became a regular characteristic of the Milanese and Pavese coinage of this time, probably because of the complicated political situation during the joint rule of Bernabò and Galeazzo. Despite the generally accepted political structure of joint rule, which even allowed Gian Galeazzo to intervene actively in affairs of the Milanese mint (Motta 1893, docs. 24, 26), both Galeazzo II and Gian Galeazzo sought to establish an independent ‘state’. They did this first by arranging for Gian Galeazzo to marry the daughter of King John II of France (1350–64) in 1360, then by transferring his seigniorial residence to Pavia soon thereafter, and finally through Gian Galeazzo’s attainment of the imperial vicariatus in 1380. While cultivating conditions for achieving independence, Gian Galeazzo made no attempt to sever completely his ties with his powerful uncle Bernabò, even marrying Bernabò’s daughter Caterina in 1380, seven years after the death of his first wife. Tensions within the family nevertheless grew steadily until Gian Galeazzo seized Bernabò and two of his sons in 1385 and imprisoned them immediately. Bernabò’s oppressive rule and luxurious lifestyle combined with Gian Galeazzo’s concessions to the Milanese guaranteed that they overwhelmingly embraced Gian Galeazzo as the new ruler and sole signore of the Milanese state. Bernabò died within the year, probably by poisoning. This ended the period of joint rule over the Milanese state that had threatened its growth especially under Bernabò and Galeazzo II. Gian Galeazzo now aimed to secure a princely position as the head of a purely dynastic state. Crippa (1986, 50, 55; cf. CNI v, 74.1–2) has already convincingly demonstrated that the mint of Milan struck no coins in the names of three signori during the joint rule of Matteo II, Bernabò and

Milan

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Galeazzo II from October 1354 to September 1355. The rare exceptions must therefore derive from misreadings of the inscriptions or else are modern forgeries. This is consistent with the pattern of low mint output already observed from the later 1340s. Only after the death of Matteo II did the mint produce a new coinage in the names of Bernabò and Galeazzo II. The mint initially struck coins without any issue mark but soon introduced the rosette mark. The coin types without issue mark included a rich sesino coinage of about 1.15g and 50 per cent fine with the Visconti snake (biscia) on the obverse surrounded by the legend +B•g•VIcEcOMITES and a cross pattée on the reverse surrounded by the city’s name (614–17; Crippa 1986, 54–5 no. 5; CNI v, 79.41–5). There was also a rare denaro imperiale in the usual design (CNI v, 79–80.48–9; Crippa 1986, 56 no. 7) and a rare grosso pegione with a new design dominated by the Visconti snake on the obverse (Marchisio 1906, 106 no. 5; Elsen list 229, July–September 2004, no. 844, 2.42g; cf. Crippa 1986, 49 no. 2). The new design consists of the snake between the initials B and g within a quatrefoil on the obverse and a nimbate St Ambrose enthroned with mitre and crozier holding a whip in his right hand. The whip perhaps alludes to the battle of Parabiago in 1339, which secured Visconti rule and was said to have been guided by the city’s patron on horseback armed with a whip (Arslan 2012, 401–2). The whip is also an old attribute of St Ambrose, however, from his struggle against the Arian heresy, so that it might have had a less specific meaning on the new grosso of Bernabò and Galeazzo II. The Visconti snake or dragon, the biscia, probably goes back to an old military banner of the family as viscounts of the archbishops of Milan, but in the contemporary perspective of the fourteenth century its origin lay in the First Crusade and the snake is devouring a ‘pagan’ Saracen. The rise of Gian Galeazzo in the second half of the fourteenth century imbued the history of the Visconti family with an ever greater legendary aspect in which the biscia acquired some fantastic qualities. Along with the new design of the grossi struck under Bernabò and Galeazzo, the denomination also changed.It was no longer worth two soldi or twenty-four denari imperiali but only one and a half soldi or eighteen imperiali. The weight was reduced accordingly from 2.90g to 2.50–2.60g and the fineness decreased from 90 per cent silver to only 66 per cent (cf. Gnecchi and Gnecchi 1884, 38– 40). The new reduced grosso denomination was called pegione, a term that first appears in an official Latin source of 1391 as pegionus (Motta 1893, docs. 40, 42; Santoro 1976–83, ii, doc. 194) and later also as pichionis, from the comparative form of the Italian word for ‘bad’; in effect, it is a composite of the term peggio (‘worse’) and the aggrandising suffix -one, meaning that it is worse than the usual grosso but still a relatively large coin (cf. Schärli 1984, 283–4 n. 22). The traditional explanation for the popular name of this denomination, which has long been used for grosso denominations with the value of eighteen denari, is based on the assumption that the original form of the term is something like picchionis and holds that it derives from the popular Italian term for ‘pigeon’ (piccione) in reference to the small imperial eagles of a later pegione type. Given the chronology of the pegione types, however, the traditional explanation is unlikely (cf. Crippa 1986, 53–4). The pegione types began before the types with the small imperial eagle, which came relatively late and were struck for a brief period in parallel with the florins with a similar small eagle; there is also a clear relationship between the name and the reduction in the weight and fineness of the grosso through to the fifteenth century. In any case, the introduction of the reduced grossi pegioni must be dated earlier than traditionally presumed, as the parallel coinage of grossi and pegioni from the mint in Pavia, which had already started in the early 1360s, clearly suggests. The reduction of the Milanese and Pavese silver coinages was probably in response to the increasing pressure that they

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came under from the reduced French ‘white money’ first struck under Philip VI (1328–50) in 1338 and then more extensively under Gian Galeazzo’s father-in-law, King John II (1350–64), beginning with the introduction of the blanc à l’épi in 1352 (Lafaurie 1951, 42–4, 51–8). It is not entirely clear, however, whether the first type of grosso in the name of Bernabò and Galeazzo II Visconti was still a high-alloy grosso of about 90 per cent fine, as Gnecchi and Gnecchi (1884, 37 no. 2) proposed, or whether it was already the first reduced grosso pegione type in the value of eighteen denari. It is nevertheless notable that examples of the first grosso type of Bernabò and Galeazzo II are not only lower in weight than examples of the two preceding grosso types of Luchino and Giovanni Visconti (1339/54) but are also never clipped, whereas the coins of Luchino and Giovanni are almost always clipped down to the value of the reduced pegioni. This suggests that the coins of the first grosso type of Bernabò and Galeazzo II were reduced grossi pegioni. The pattern of coin finds for the grossi of this type is nevertheless unclear. In one Swiss hoard datable to the beginning of the fifteenth century, they are associated with the clearly reduced Pavese grossi pegioni of Galeazzo II that carry the same rosette issue mark (App. 1, no. 108b); in two other hoards datable to the 1360s, they are the only large Milanese silver coins (App. 1, nos. 71b, 122), and they are absent from virtually all later pegione hoards. Further research including metallurgical analyses is therefore necessary to resolve this problem. After the initial coinage without issue mark, there followed three main periods associated with particular issue marks, first the star and rosette, then the annulet with central pellet or pelleted annulet (Ö, sometimes described in Italian as a borchia for ‘stud’ or ‘button’), and finally the triple annulet. The rich coinage with the star and rosette issue marks represents the second period, after the coinage without issue mark; the sequence of the star and rosette issues is not yet clear. It is sometimes also difficult to distinguish the rosettes with five petals from the five-pointed stars; there are also rosettes with six petals. The sequence of issue marks might have started with the five-pointed stars, followed by the five-petalled rosettes and then six-petalled rosettes, because the latter appear on the parallel coins of Pavia in the name of Galeazzo II, which must be dated after the conquest of Pavia in 1359 or, at the latest, after Galeazzo’s definitive withdrawal from Milan to Pavia in 1365. The last variant of pegioni with the rosette issue mark, the one that has a bearded St Ambrose (Crippa 1986, 50 no. 2c), also carries the six-petalled rosettes. In addition, the Castiglione Olona hoard of about 1360 and another hoard of about 1370 from the territory of Vercelli contain pegioni with five-petalled rosettes but lack both the Milanese pegioni with six-petalled rosettes and the Pavese pegioni (App. 1, nos. 9, 71b). The Maloja and Vaduz hoards of about 1370 both end with coins that have the later pelleted annulet issue mark (App. 1, nos. 122, 151). In any case, the star and rosette issue group is datable from about 1356 to the mid-1360s and includes the new type of pegioni in four variants with rosettes or stars in the corners of the quatrefoil of the obverse (618–20; CNI v, 75–8.9–35; Crippa 1986, 49 no. 2a, 51 no. 3, 49–50 nos. 2b–2c, respectively). The sesini with the biscia and cross but without issue mark were probably continued in this period. Coins of the third issue period are marked by a pelleted annulet. By the time that this mark appeared, the two spheres of Visconti rule were clearly distinct, with Bernabò residing in Milan and Galeazzo II in Pavia. Output from Galeazzo’s Pavese mint was increasing while reference to him on the Milanese coinage was decreasing. It is nevertheless noteworthy that Galeazzo’s coins of Pavia have almost the same issue marks as the coins of the Milanese mint, first rosettes, then the pelleted annulets and finally simple annulets. The mint of Milan also continued to strike coins in the name of both signori even though only Bernabò resided in the city. The persistence

Milan

451

of the joint signoria was further expressed on the highest denomination of the new coinage struck by the mint of Milan. The gold florin carries a shield on each side with a crested helmet between the initials d – B (for dominus Bernabos) in a tressure on one side with the curious legend +$cIMERIV$DNI$BERNa – BOVIS$VIcEcOITIS$ c (‘crest of Lord Bernabò Visconti’), and between the initials d – g (for dominus Galeazus) in a tressure on the other with the legend +$cIMERIV$DNI$gaLE – AZ$VIcEcOITIS$ c (CNI v, 74–5.1–8; Crippa 1986, 48 no. 1). It is notable that the crest of Bernabò’s helmet is feathered while that of Galeazzo and his son is a dragon-skin crest; this heraldic distinction between the two lineages remained stable until the capture of Bernabò and Gian Galeazzo’s take-over of undivided rule and the traditional feathered crest in 1385. Florins of this sort may also have been struck in Pavia, as reported in a tariff of 1374 (Motta 1893, doc. 22). The new Milanese pegione type in the name of both signori continues the typology of the last rosette and star issue, with the exception of the issue marks in the corners of the quatrefoil and the small eagle in the upper lobe of the quatrefoil that marks the possession of the imperial vicariatus (CNI v, 78.38, 79.40; Crippa 1986, 52 no. 4a). There is also a rare sesino of this period that has the same design as the earlier sesini without issue mark but now carries the pelleted annulet issue mark alongside the Visconti snake on the obverse, in the quarters of the cross on the reverse and as punctuation in the legends (CNI v, 79.46–7; Crippa 1986, 56 no. 6). Further coins were struck in the names of these signori alone, but those in the name of Galeazzo were produced in the mint of Pavia. They included not only pegioni with St Syrus on the reverse, but also the allegedly Milanese pegioni on which the abbreviated legend SøaMBRVS replaced the similarly short legend SøSIRVS on the explicitly Pavese pegioni (806; CNI v, 81.9–11; Crippa 1986, 60 no. 2; cf. 800) as well as sesini or quattrini with the logogram g –  and crested helmet on the obverse and a burning torch with buckets on the reverse (802–5; CNI v, 82.12–15, 82.19; Crippa 1986, 61 no. 3). Both the pegioni and the sesini carry a reference to Pavia in their legends (see also section (o) below, p. 528). While the majority of the sesini with crested helmet and torch have the pelleted annulet issue mark, some with simple annulets in addition to the pelleted annulet, the pseudoMilanese pegione belongs exclusively to the period of the simple annulet issue, probably datable from after the time of Galeazzo’s death in 1378, though the chronology of the issue marks is less clear in Pavia than it is in Milan. The gold florin in the name of Gian Galeazzo with crowned and helmeted rider to the right on the obverse and a crowned crested helmet in an elaborate tressure on the reverse might have also been struck in Pavia (CNI v, 81.4, 87–8.1–3; Crippa 1986, 76 no. 1; see also below). It has the same simple annulet issue mark in the corners of the tressure as the pseudo-Milanese pegione and uses annulets as punctuation in the legends, but it lacks any reference to Pavia, which makes the attribution of this gold coin type to a particular mint uncertain. The coins in the name of Bernabò Visconti alone were struck in Milan, but the issue mark system became less clear towards the end of the period of the pelleted annulet issue. Only some variants of the new type of sesino with the Visconti snake on the obverse and Bernabò’s logogram in a two-lobed tressure on the reverse bear the pelleted annulet and simple annulet issue marks in the legends and angles of the tressure and are therefore clearly attributable to this period (622; CNI v, 86.26, 86.28–9, 86.31–3; Crippa 1986, 69 nos. 5c, 5e, 5a), though the precise internal sequence is not clear. Triple annulets, the mark of the subsequent issue, replaced the pelleted annulet issue marks of the same sesino type (CNI v, 86.27, 86.30, 86.34; Crippa 1986, 68–9 nos. 5b, 5d; see also below). In 1383, the value of these and other sesini was reduced to four denari imperiali, which effectively made them quattrini (Motta 1893, doc. 29).

452

Lombardy

A rare grosso pegione type in the name of Bernabò Visconti alone belongs to the same transition period as the later pelleted annulet issue period, even though it has star issue marks. Its late date is evident because the stars in the angles of the obverse tressure are sometimes cut over annulets (621; CNI v, 85.18–19; Crippa 1986, 67 no. 3) and some specimens do not have any issue mark at all (Klein 2008, 305, type 5, from the Tübingen hoard 2002; App. 1, no. 149). The obverse of this pegione has a more complicated tressure to frame the biscia, which is surrounded by the initials d – B for dominus Bernabos, and the legend mentions only Bernabò: +d B3aBOS VIcEcOMES MEDIOLaNI ET c. As on the last variant of the early pegioni in the name of both joint rulers (Crippa 1986, 50, no. 2c) and on later pegioni, the enthroned figure of St Ambrose on the reverse is bearded. This coin type therefore must have been struck after Galeazzo II had reopened the mint of Pavia. The existence of specimens without issue marks and with stars cut over annulets shows that it is a transitional type between the pelleted annulet and simple annulet issues on the one hand and the triple annulet issues on the other. In Milan, the pelleted annulet issue was followed, after the coins of the transitional phase with simple annulets or no issue mark at all, by a coinage with triple annulet issue marks. This coinage was naturally dominated by Bernabò but Milan as central mint also continued to strike coins in the names of both Visconti rulers. The pegioni that mark Visconti possession of the imperial vicariatus with an eagle above the Visconti snake in quatrefoil on the obverse and show a bearded St Ambrose of the same typology as the pelleted annulet issue commonly have the triple annulet marks (624–6; CNI v, 78.36–7; Crippa 1986, 52 no. 4b), while specimens of the same type without issue marks are rare (CNI v, 79.39; Crippa 1986, 52 no. 4c). Probably in the context of the death of his brother Galeazzo II in 1378, however, Bernabò underlined his dominance over his nephew Gian Galeazzo by striking more coin types in his own name; the way that he did it made his intended politics of domination very clear. The Milanese mint-master re-used the obverse dies of the gold florin struck in the name of both Bernabò and Galeazzo II during the period of the pelleted annulet issue but substituted a new reverse with the Visconti biscia and the imperial eagle above between Bernabò’s logogram d – B in tressure, but now either without any issue mark at all or with the new triple annulet issue mark and the opulent title MDLI$ $cDNI$ $GE3ER$ $aLIS$ (623; CNI v, 83–4.1–11; Crippa 1986, 65 no. 1). The effect, in symbolic terms, was that Bernabò appeared to supersede his brother Galeazzo and nephew Gian Galeazzo while displacing them from Milan and its coinage. The imperial eagle above the viper of the reverse might have been used in analogy to the contemporary pegione, which have the same design on the obverse (624–6), but it also may have been intended to emphasise Gian Galeazzo’s lack of the imperial vicariatus until 1380, while Bernabò had received this important honour three times (1355, 1360, 1369). The discovery of a new variant of this florin without any issue mark on the reverse in the Marbach hoard (App. 1, no. 123) perhaps also implies that the triple annulet issue mark came into use only shortly after the introduction of the new florin, and confirms that there was a short transitional period between the pelleted annulet and triple annulet issues some time in the 1370s, as already suggested in view of the insecure pattern of issue marks on one of Bernabò’s pegione types (621). Another pegione with triple annulets also struck in Bernabò’s name alone re-uses the reverse of the pegione struck in the name of both signori with the bearded St Ambrose, while the obverse has a shield with crested helmet and Bernabo’s logogram within a quatrefoil (627; CNI v, 85.20–2; Crippa 1986, 68 no. 4). Some specimens of this type still have pelleted annulet punctuation in the legends and some have simple annulets. Bernabo’s sesino or quattrino (628–9; CNI v, 86.27, 86.30,

Milan

(a)

453

(b)

Figure 50. Milan: Bernabò Visconti, (a) grosso (Collezione Banca Intesa Sanpaolo, inv. M.V-00150a-L/IS, ex Verri coll. Reproduced by kind permission) and (b) sesino of the last issue of Bernabò Visconti representing his highly personalised rule, c. 1385 (Varesi sale, 23 November 2011, lot 603. Reproduced by kind permission)

86.34; Crippa 1986, 68–9, nos. 5b, 5d) and denaro imperiale (630; CNI v, 87.36; Crippa 1986, 69 no. 6) sometimes also combine the new triple annulet issue mark with pelleted annulet punctuation in the legends, probably to underline the continuity of the monetary system in his new coinage. By 1383, the value of the most recent sesino was as low as a quattrino in terms of its weight of about 1.10g and silver content of only a third; in October, it was in fact formally valued as a quattrino while the overvalued grossi or pegioni were reduced in value from twenty-four to eighteen denari (Rossi 1892, 489–90; Motta 1893, doc. 29). Gian Galeazzo maintained his right of coinage in Milan by striking a gold florin with the triple annulet issue mark. It has a mounted prince carrying the comital sword to the right between two burning torches with buckets on the obverse and a crested shield and helmet in tressure on the reverse (CNI v, 80–1.1–8; Crippa 1986, 59 no. 1; see below, pp. 454–5). This coin may be seen in the context of Gian Galeazzo’s interventions in the Milanese mint, as attested in documents from June 1380 and March 1382 (Motta 1893, docs. 24, 26). Despite the introduction of new coin types, the previous issue marks persisted for a short while: in Milan the triple and simple annulet, in Pavia the simple annulet. In Milan, the warrior Bernabò introduced a still more personalised type of pegione with his crested helmet on the obverse and an impressive Visconti biscia on the reverse, both with monumentally simple legends (631–2; Crippa 1986, 66 no. 2). The earlier variants of this type still have the triple annulet on the obverse below the helmet (631; CNI v, 84.14–15; Crippa 1986, 66 2b–c), while the later specimens, which are more common, have no issue mark at all (632; CNI v, 84.12–13, 84.5.16–17; Crippa 1986, 66 no. 2a). The new type is probably related in some way to Bernabò’s decree of 1383 in which he devalued his former coinages together with those of his brother Galeazzo and nephew Gian Galeazzo (Motta 1893, doc. 29). His very last – and very rare – coinage has an even more personalised and monumental style. Bernabò’s new grosso has his dragon-crested helmet decorated with an allusion to his personal motto SOVF[rir mestuet …] complemented only by his logogram d – B on the obverse and St Ambrose enthroned between the same logogram on the reverse, but is otherwise anepigraphic, without any reference to the city’s patron beyond the reverse image; examples of the coin weigh 2.27g and 2.51g (CNI v, 85.23–4; Crippa 1986, 70 no. 7; Fig. 50a). The matching sesino, with authentic specimens weighing about 1.00g, has the simplest and most personal design possible, with just the letter d on the obverse and B on the reverse (CNI v, 86.25; Crippa 1986, 71 no. 8; Fig. 50b). Bernabò’s extreme personalisation of his signoria is at no point clearer than in this last coinage. It

Lombardy

454

(a)

(b)

Figure 51. Milan: Gian Galeazzo Visconti, florins with (a) triple annulet issue mark, struck from c. 1378, and (b) single annulet issue mark, after 1385, both showing Gian Galeazzo as mounted prince with sword (Collezione Banca Intesa Sanpaolo, inv. M.V-00135a-L/IS, M.V-00152a-L/IS, ex Verri coll. Reproduced by kind permission)

is no wonder that the population of Milan welcomed his nephew Gian Galeazzo as new signore after his successful coup d’état against his uncle in 1385. Owing to the exceptional style and rarity of Bernabò’s last grosso and sesino, Crippa presumed that they were tokens or jettons, but Gian Galeazzo’s carefully worded recall of these coins in 1388 leaves no doubt about their monetary character (Motta 1893, doc. 38; Rossi 1892, 490–2). The late recall of these coins and their rarity make it very likely that they were struck in Bernabò’s last year, 1384/5. A document of 1382 (Motta 1893, doc. 26) concerning the election of a stampator monetarum suggests that Gian Galeazzo had introduced a new coinage in Milan by that year, and perhaps also in Pavia, though he might already have struck a new coinage in Milan in connection with his intervention in the Milanese mint in 1380 (Motta 1893, doc. 24). By then, the mint in Milan had struck a florin of the triple annulet issue in the name of Gian Galeazzo that also carries his title as lord of Pavia (CNI v, 80–1.1–8; Crippa 1986, 59 no. 1; Fig. 51a). The chivalric rider to right with sword and crested helmet on the obverse of the coin is taken from French heraldry and can only be identified with Gian Galeazzo Visconti, count of Vertus or comes Virtutum and son-in-law of the French King John II (1350–64). This figure has hitherto generally been identified with Gian Galeazzo’s father, Galeazzo II, who was nevertheless merely a ‘simple’ nobleman like Bernabò, below the rank of count, while the mounted prince with raised sword is clearly defined in heraldry and on seals as the signature of a count; in France, from the later thirteenth century, it was the mark of a person of a princely or royal family (Schöntag 1997, 94–101; Dhénin 2013, 19–20). Travaini (2013a, 259–63) even pointed out that the context of this iconography was Gian Galeazzo’s marriage to Isabella of Valois in 1360 and his payment of a large part of the ransom to free her father from English captivity. In this sense, the heraldic rider with sword expressed Gian Galeazzo’s formal superiority over Bernabò by alluding to both his comital title as count of Vertus in Champagne and his relationship to the French royal house; it also referred to King John’s franc à cheval decreed in December 1360 (Lafaurie 1951, 51 no. 297). Bernabò and Galeazzo II thus used only a shield and/or crested helmet as their heraldic signature. The two burning torches with buckets in the obverse field of the florin are a personal sign of Galeazzo, who perhaps adopted them in reference to his pilgrimage to Palestine in 1345 as a symbol of his temperantia (Crippa 1986, 59). Gian Galeazzo nevertheless took over not only his father’s name ‘Galeazzo’ but also his motto and symbols, probably to demonstrate political continuity in this line of the Visconti house; this is also the case for some coins attributed to Pavia, as shown below (section (o), pp. 526–8). The reverse of Gian Galeazzo’s florin has the usual crested Visconti arms in a quatrefoil tressure with triple annulets in the angles. The other gold florin of the comital rider type is distinguished by its

Milan

455

simpler legend without any reference to Pavia, lack of the burning torches, crowns on the helmets and simple annulets as issue marks in the corners of the reverse tressure; it was probably also struck in Milan (CNI v, 87–8.1–3; Crippa 1986, 76–7 no. 1; Fig. 51b). Its issue mark is similar to that of the Pavese coins produced in 1392 after the failure of Gian Galeazzo’s first monetary manipulation in 1391 (807–8; Crippa 1986, 85 no. 8, 87 no. 13; see section (o) below, p. 528). This florin is perhaps earlier than 1392, but the abandonment of Gian Galeazzo’s personal symbols and the take-over of Bernabò’s feathered crest instead of Galeazzo’s dragon-skin crest on the reverse make it datable to after the capture of Bernabò in 1385. The more important and prolific new coinage of Gian Galeazzo in this period was that of the pegioni, which are related in design to the former Milanese and Pavese types, with a large Visconti biscia between the initials g –  on the obverse, more in the tradition of the Milanese pegioni, and St Ambrose enthroned with an open cape and large brooch on the reverse, similar to the Pavese types (633–8; Crippa 1986, 80–1 no. 4). In parallel to Bernabò’s pegioni of probably about 1383, Gian Galeazzo’s new types also still have at the top of the obverse field the traditional marks of the triple annulet (633; CNI v, 90.25, 91.31; Crippa 1986, 80 no. 4b) and simple annulet (634; CNI v, 91.26–7, 91–2.35–6; Crippa 1986, 81 no. 4c). This new coin type should therefore be identified with the new coinage that Gian Galeazzo was preparing to strike in 1382 (Motta 1893, doc. 26), though later specimens, which continued to be produced after Gian Galeazzo became the sole ruler, no longer have any issue mark (635–8; CNI v, 90.23–4, 91.28–30, 91.32–4; Crippa 1986, 80 no. 4a). Gian Galeazzo might also have started to strike new types of sesini and denari in parallel with the new type of pegioni, though a new coinage is explicitly mentioned only after Bernabò’s capture in 1385 (Motta 1893, no. 32). Both denominations include the title cOMES VIRtVtVM in the legends. The sesino, which weighs about 1.10g and is about 50 per cent fine, has it on the obverse around a cross potent with stylised fleurs-de-lis in the quarters, while the reverse carries the biscia between the initials g –  (639; CNI v, 88.6–9, 89.11–16; Crippa 1986, 78 no. 2). The denaro, which generally weighs about 0.60g and is 12–15 per cent fine, has the same legend on the reverse around a cross fleury while the obverse bears the ruler’s initials with abbreviation mark (640–1; CNI v, 98–101.99–123; Crippa 1986, 88–9 no. 14). The mint continued to strike most of the new coins introduced in 1382/3 after the death of Bernabò Visconti in 1385. Table 41 presents an overview of the Visconti coinages struck from 1354 to 1385. V. Gian Galeazzo alone (1385–1402, duke from 1395) Although it is difficult to determine the true extent of Gian Galeazzo’s influence in Milan between 1378 and 1385, it is notable that, in spite of his reputation as a relatively weak and colourless figure compared with Bernabò Visconti, he was able to hold his ground against a domineering uncle even before the coup d’état in 1385. This is clear not only from his politically useful marriage with Bernabò’s daughter Caterina in 1380 and his acquisition of the imperial vicariatus for Pavia independent of his uncle, but also from the fact that he was able to continue to produce a coinage in his name in the mint of Milan, even though the city remained under Bernabò’s almost total control. After deposing his uncle, Gian Galeazzo’s policies focused on unprecedented expansion, first into the Veronese state of the Della Scala family in 1387 and then into Padua of the Da Carrara a year later. In 1395, Gian Galeazzo obtained the status of hereditary duke of Milan from King Wenceslaus of Bohemia (king of Germany, 1376–1400). The same year also marked the beginning of a series of new conquests in central Italy, but the dark side of Gian Galeazzo’s expansionist policy was its huge military cost and the consequent need to generate revenue, which had already become

Table 41. Milanese coinages with issue marks: Bernabò, Galeazzo II and Gian Galeazzo Visconti, 1354–85 1.

2.

3.

4.

5.

Florin

Grosso

Grosso pegione

Sesino

Denaro imperiale

First period, Bernabò and Galeazzo II, without issue marks

Crippa 1986, 49, no. 2 var.; Elsen list 229 (July– Sept. 2004), no. 844

CNI v, 79.41–5; Crippa 1986, 54–5 no. 5

CNI v, 79– c. 1355/6 80.48–9; Crippa 1986, 56 no. 7

Second period, Bernabò and Galeazzo II, star and rosette issues

CNI v, Sesini of the 75–8.9–35; first period Crippa continued 1986, 49 no. 2a, 51 no. 3, 49–50 nos. 2b-2c

c. 1356 to Coinage w. star and rosette issue marks: mid-1360s 3. Obv. Visconti snake between initials B – g in quatrefoil. Rev. St Ambrose enthroned w. mitre, whip and crozier. For Galeazzo’s parallel rosette issues of Pavia, see section (o) below, pp. 526–7 and 529.

Period and authority

Date

Characteristics and description

Coinage without issue marks: 3. Obv. Visconti snake (biscia) between initials B – g in quatrefoil. Rev. St Ambrose enthroned w. mitre, whip and crozier. 4. Obv. +BøgøVIcEcOMITES, snake. Rev. Cross pattée. 5. Obv. +BøgøVIcEcOMITES, cross fleury. Rev. +ME|DIOLa|3VM w. trefoils and small snakes.

Third period, Bernabò and Galeazzo II, pelleted annulet issue: a. Coinage in the name of both rulers

CNI v, 74–5.1–8; Crippa 1986, 48 no. 1

CNI v,78.38, 79.40; Crippa 1986, 52 no. 4a

CNI v, 79.46–7; Crippa 1986, 56 no. 6

mid-1360s Coinage w. pelleted annulet issue marks to (i.e. Ö): mid-1370s 1. Obv./Rev. Shield w. crested helmet between initials in tressure. 3. Obv. Visconti snake w. small eagle above between initials B – g in quatrefoil. Rev. Bearded St Ambrose enthroned w. mitre, whip and crozier. 4. Obv. +BøgøVIcEcOMITES, snake between pelleted annulets. Rev. Cross pattée w. pelleted annulet issue marks in the quarters. For Galeazzo’s parallel pelleted annulet issues of Pavia, see section (o) below, pp. 527 and 529.

Third period, Bernabò and Galeazzo II, transitional issue: b. Coinage in the name of both rulers and of Bernabò alone

Crippa 1986, 65 no. 1 var.; specimens in the Marbach hoard (App. 1, no. 123)

a. CNI v, 79.39; Crippa 1986, 52 no. 4c; b. CNI v, 85.18–19; Crippa 1986, 67 no. 3

CNI v, 86.26, 86.28–9, 86.31–3; Crippa 1986, 68–9 nos. 5c, 5e, 5a, respectively

mid-1360s Coinage w. pelleted annulet combined w. to simple annulet issue marks or without issue mid-1370s marks; pegioni in the name of Bernabò alone with star issue marks, sometimes cut over simple annulets: 1. Obv. Shield w. crested helmet between initials d – B in tressure. Rev. Visconti snake w. imperial eagle above between initials d – B. 3a. Obv. Visconti snake w. small eagle above and between initials B – g in quatrefoil. Rev. Bearded St Ambrose enthroned. 3b. Obv. Visconti snake between d – B in wider tressure. Rev. Bearded St Ambrose enthroned. 4. Obv. Snake in beaded border. Rev. d – B in two-lobed tressure.

Fourth period, Bernabò and Galeazzo II or Gian Galeazzo, triple annulet issue: a. Coinage in the name of both rulers

CNI v, 78.36–7; Crippa 1986, 52 no. 4b

mid-1370s Coinage with triple annulet issue marks: to c. 1382/3 3. Obv. Visconti snake w. small eagle above and between initials B – g in quatrefoil. Rev. Bearded St Ambrose enthroned w. mitre, whip and crozier.

(cont.)

Table 41. (cont.) Period and authority

1.

2.

3.

4.

5.

Florin

Grosso

Grosso pegione

Sesino

Denaro imperiale

CNI v, 85.20–2; Crippa 1986, 68 no. 4

CNI v, 86.27, 86.30, 86.34; Crippa 1986, 68–9 nos. 5b, 5d

CNI v, 87.36; Crippa 1986, 69 no. 6

Fourth period, triple annulet issue: b. Coinage in the name of Bernabò alone

CNI v, 83–4.1–11; Crippa 1986, 65 no. 1

Fourth period, triple annulet issue: c. Coinage in the name of Gian Galeazzo alone

CNI v, 80–1.1–8; Crippa 1986, 59 no. 1

Fifth period, Bernabò and Gian Galeazzo, issues with triple annulet marks or without marks: a. Separate coinage in the name of Bernabò

CNI v, 84.14–15, 84.12–13, 84–5.16–17; Crippa 1986, 66, nos. 2b–c, 2a

Fifth period, Bernabò and Gian Galeazzo, issues with triple annulet marks or without marks: b. Separate coinage in the name of Gian Galeazzo

CNI v, 90–2.23–36; Crippa 1986, 80–1 nos 4b–c, 4a

Sixth period, Bernabò and Gian Galeazzo, issues in the name of Bernabò alone

CNI v, 85.23–4; Crippa 1986, 70 no. 7

CNI v, 88.6–9, 89.11–16; Crippa 1986, 78 no. 2

CNI v, 86.25; Crippa 1986, 71 no. 8

Date

Characteristics and description

mid-1370s Coinage w. triple annulet issue marks but to c. 1382/3 sometimes still also w. pelleted annulet marks: 1. Obv. Shield w. crested helmet between initials d – B in tressure. Rev. Visconti snake w. imperial eagle above between initials d – B. 3. Obv. Visconti shield w. crested helmet between initials d – B in quatrefoil. Rev. St Ambrose enthroned w. mitre, whip and crozier. 4. Obv. Snake in beaded border. Rev. Initials d – B in twofold tressure. 5. Obv. Cross fleury. Rev. +IMP|ERIa|LIS w. triple annulets and small snakes. 1378 to c. 1382/3

Coinage w. triple annulet issue marks: 1. Obv. Count w. sword on horseback to right between burning torches and buckets. Rev. Shield w. crested helmet between initials G –  in quatrefoil tressure. For Gian Galeazzo’s coinage of Pavia w. simple annulet issue marks, see section (o) below, pp. 527–8.

c. 1382/3– 1385

Coinage w. triple annulet issue marks or without issue marks: 3. Obv. Crested helmet, triple annulet below or no issue mark. Rev. Visconti snake.

CNI v, c. 1382/3– 98–101.99– 1385 and 123; later Crippa 1986, 88–9 nos. 14a, 14b–c

c. 1385

Coinage w. triple annulet, simple annulet, or no issue marks: 3. Obv. Visconti snake between initials g –  in quatrefoil tressure w. stylised fleurs-de-lis in corners. Rev. St Ambrose enthroned w. open cape and large brooch. 4. Obv. Cross potent w. stylised fleurs-de-lis in the quarters. Rev. Visconti snake between g – . 5. Obv. g –  w. abbreviation mark. Rev. Cross fleury. Coinage without issue marks: 2. Obv. Crested helmet between initials d – B. Rev. St Ambrose enthroned between initials d – B. 4. Obv. d. Rev. B.

460

Lombardy

manifest in the coinage. Gian Galeazzo’s monetary manipulations of 1391 and 1398/1400 and their respective new coin types can be seen as attempts to resolve the financial problems that stemmed from unprecedented expansion (Zerbi 1984). On the other hand, Gian Galeazzo’s coins curiously bear no clear reference to his acquisition of the rank of duke. Considered in heraldic terms, the simple crown on the helmet on some coins may refer to his title as count of Vertus, while the abbreviation D in the legends refers not necessarily to D[ux], as claimed by the compilers of the CNI (v, 87, 90) and Crippa (1986, 77–8, 80), but rather to D[ominus]. This is particularly clear in cases where the initial D is used for Milan and other cities, as it is on coins that mention Padua, which Gian Galeazzo lost in 1390, just two years after he conquered the city and five years before he became duke. It may therefore be presumed that Gian Galeazzo’s acquisition of the ducal title, in spite of the sumptuous celebrations that accompanied it, was seen merely as an intermediate step towards his plan to obtain the royal crown of a renewed kingdom of Italy (Cognasso 1966, 300–2; Majocchi 2008, 203–18). This may also explain why Gian Galeazzo’s later coinages still carry his title as count of Vertus in such an emphatic way, even before the reference to Milan; it was meant to underline his close relationship to the kings of France. Although Gian Galeazzo’s coinage as sole ruler of Milan after he became duke bears no indication of his ducal rank, the system of issue marks, political events such as the conquests of the major cities mentioned above and stylistic considerations make it possible to classify the coinage. There was probably a brief issue of coins with the simple annulet mark struck either in Milan after the triple annulet issue or earlier in Pavia in parallel to the triple annulet issue. There followed a period in which the Milanese mint struck coins without any notable issue mark that can be divided according to the phases of Milanese expansion. The coins are recognisable by Gian Galeazzo’s titles in the legends of some denominations, particularly the denari and sesini, that reflected the conquests of Verona in 1387 and Padua in 1388. In addition, the attempted manipulations of 1391 and 1398 mark key points in the chronology of the coinage of the Milanese state. While the first unsuccessful manipulation led to the reactivation of the mint in Pavia (Motta 1893, docs. 40–8; see also below, Pavia), which had been closed some time after Gian Galeazzo assumed the sole rule of Milan (see Motta 1893, doc. 37), the second manipulation and recoinage entailed an obvious typological change that reflected the new – and overvalued – denominational structure of the new coinage (see Motta 1893, docs. 52, 55–6, 61; Santoro 1976–83, ii, docs. 404–5, 481). The typology and style of the new pseudo-grosso with cross fleury in quatrefoil and St Ambrose enthroned recalled the old Milanese grossi in the names of Azzo and Luchino Visconti (647–51; cf. 595, 601–3), although the silver value of the new coin corresponded to only eighteen denari instead of twenty-four denari as implied by the connection with the older coin and claimed by authorities. Another element in dating the later Milanese coinages of Gian Galeazzo is the parallel and welldocumented coinage of the mint of Verona, which had reopened certainly by 1398 but possibly even by 1388. Verona’s coinage of this period is clearly recognisable not only for its representation of the city’s patron St Zeno rather than St Ambrose, but also for the appreciably rougher lettering and fabric of the Veronese coins (Motta 1893, docs. 39, 53–6; Perini 1902a, 40, 96–7; see also Chapter 6, section (m), pp. 662–5). The hoard evidence is not so useful for the finer classification of Gian Galeazzo’s coins; most of the larger hoards were closed in the early fifteenth century and there are almost none clearly datable to Gian Galeazzo’s lone rule. With the advent of lone rule in 1385, the coin types struck since 1382/3 were simply continued. They included the pegione of about 2.55g and about 66 per cent fine with biscione in quatrefoil

Milan

461

and St Ambrose enthroned (635–8; CNI v, 90.23–4, 91.28–30, 91.32–4; Crippa 1986, 80 no. 4a), the sesino of about 1.10g and about 50 per cent fine with cross potent and four stylised fleurs-de-lis on the obverse and biscia on the reverse (639; CNI v, 88.6–9, 88.11–16; Crippa 1986, 78 no. 2), and the denaro of about 0.60g and 12–16 per cent fine with logogram and cross fleury (640–1; CNI v, 98.99–102, 99.106–14; Crippa 1986, 88 no. 14a). A document of June 1385 that mentions monete que de novo fabrichantur in civitate Mediolani (Motta 1893, doc. 32) perhaps refers to new coin types, which would suggest that the production of these sesini and denari started in Milan only in that year, probably along with the pegioni without issue mark. Alternatively, the phrase may indicate that the production of Gian Galeazzo’s coins was transferred from Pavia to Milan in that year, which would imply that some earlier coins should be attributed to the mint in Pavia, for example the pegioni with annulet issue mark on the obverse (634; CNI v, 91.26–7, 91–2.35–6; Crippa 1986, 81 no. 4c). It is impossible to resolve the question in the absence of further documentary evidence, but a hoard found in Como in 1891 with a terminus post quem of 1387 closes with these pegioni and denari (App. 1, no. 13), probably including denari of the following group with reference to Verona, which together make up the first types of Gian Galeazzo’s lone rule. The next clearly distinguishable group postdates the conquest of Verona in 1387, since the legends on Gian Galeazzo’s sesini (642; CNI v, 96.82–3; Crippa 1986, 86 no. 11) and denari (643–4; CNI v, 101–2.127–42; Crippa 1986, 90 no. 16) celebrate this important development. In other respects, the legends and typology of these denominations are unchanged. Other sesini with the same inscriptions and iconography also have triple pellets in the angles of the obverse cross, different lettering and relatively low fineness of 36–49 per cent (Gnecchi and Gnecchi 1884, 47 no. 16– 7), which together suggest that these coins are attributable to the mint of Verona after its reopening some time after 1388 (1423; CNI v, 94–6.64–75; Crippa 1986, 87 no. 12). The pellets below Gian Galeazzo’s logogram, which are typical on the Veronese sesini, perhaps also make it possible to identify the denari struck in the mint of Verona rather than Milan (Crippa 1986, 90 nos. 16a–c). The conquest of Padua in 1388 offered the opportunity to celebrate the further expansion of the Milanese state by replacing the term VERONE in the obverse legend of the denari with PADVE, though these coins are scarce owing to the reconquest of Padua by Francesco Novello da Carrara in 1390 (645; CNI v, 100–1.124–6; Crippa 1986, 89 no. 15). In the 1390s, the attempted manipulations and recoinages determined the appearance of Gian Galeazzo’s coins. The first manipulation took place in January 1391 when Milanese authorities increased the official value of all coins already in circulation by one-third (Motta 1893, docs. 40– 7; Zerbi 1984, 317–20). This provision encountered such strong resistance that the authorities rescinded it only two weeks later, provoking still more confusion. In the context of this first manipulation, the mint very likely struck a new grosso, which the authorities had to devalue in January 1392 because of its poor quality (Motta 1893, doc. 45). The rarity and appearance of one grosso type with St Ambrose wearing a long closed pontifical cloak on the reverse that recalls earlier grosso types and therefore visually implies the relatively high value of two soldi instead of the eighteen denari of the previous grossi pegioni readily corresponds with the chronology of the first manipulation (CNI v, 92.39–41; Crippa 1986, 83 no. 6; see Fig. 52). The obverse has the Visconti arms with crested crowned helmet in a gothic frame. This also provided the stylistic and typological model for soldi (807; CNI v, 93–4.51–5; Crippa 1986, 85 no. 8) and sesini (808; CNI v, 96–8.84–98; Crippa 1986, 87–8 nos. 13a–c) that were produced in the mint of Pavia, which reopened in 1392 probably in consequence of the failed manipulation (Motta 1893, doc. 48). The close typological

462

Lombardy

Figure 52. Milan: Gian Galeazzo, rare low-quality grosso pegione attributable to the first monetary manipulation 1391 (Collezione Banca Intesa Sanpaolo, inv. M.V-00162a-L/IS, ex Verri coll. Reproduced by kind permission)

similarity of these coins to the Milanese grosso of the 1391 manipulation suggests a parallel dating, while the reappearance of the annulet issue mark with rosettes and the stylistic differences in the image and particularly in the lettering and punctuation preclude the possibility that they were produced in the mint of Milan. A gold florin with the crowned prince with sword on horseback to the right on the obverse and crowned crested arms in tressure with annulets in the angles on the reverse may also have been struck in Pavia in this period, though the legends make no mention of Gian Galeazzo’s title as either count of Vertus or lord of Pavia. In any case, it must be dated after Bernabò’s death in 1385 on account of the traditional feathered crest on the reverse (CNI v, 87– 8.1–3; Crippa 1986, 76–7.1). The scarce pegione similar to the previous type with the Visconti snake in quatrefoil and St Ambrose with open cape but now bearing the title +cOMES VIRtVtVM D MEDIOLa3I c (CNI v, 92.37–8; Crippa 1986, 82 no. 5), as well as a sesino with rosettes in the field (646; CNI v, 89.17–19; Crippa 1986, 79 no. 3), belong to the period between 1392 and the second manipulation in 1398. The rosettes on the sesino perhaps correspond to those on the contemporary soldo and sesino struck in Pavia (807–8). This grosso pegione also has a parallel issue in Verona bearing the same obverse legend but with St Zeno on the reverse instead of St Ambrose, which perhaps suggests that a Milanese-style coinage was already in production in Verona before the second monetary manipulation of 1398 (see below, section (o) and Chapter 6, section (m), pp. 528 and 662). The second manipulation, beginning in February 1398, is well documented, first in regulations set out in September of that year for the delivery of silver to the mints of Milan and Verona, which attests to the co-ordinated operation of the two mints to produce parallel coinages. A ducal letter of February 1400 documents the end of the manipulation and contains a long justification of the overvaluation of the state’s coins (Motta 1893, docs. 53–7, 61; Santoro 1976–83, ii, docs. 404–5, 467, 481, 485; Zerbi 1984, 320–4). All the new denominations bear the title referring to the county of Vertus. The mint of Verona produced a parallel series of coins with the same typology as the coins of Milan produced during the second manipulation of the coinage but with the image of St Zeno instead of St Ambrose (1419–23; see also Chapter 6, section (m), p. 665), which facilitates the classification of this issue group. It is also revealing that the grosso, as the largest denomination of this new coinage, underlined its artificially high value of two soldi, despite its weight of about 2.50g and fineness of about 65 per cent that corresponded to the standard of a pegione, by again placing St Ambrose on the reverse with a long and closed pontifical habit while the obverse had a cross fleury in a quatrefoil very similar to that on the good old grossi of Azzo and Luchino Visconti (647–51; CNI v, 92–3.42–50; Crippa 1986, 84 no. 7; cf. 595, 601–3). Later sources, from 1409, refer

Table 42. Milanese coinage of Gian Galeazzo’s sole lordship, 1385–1402 Period 1. Florin First period

2.

3.

4.

5.

6.

Grosso

Grosso pegione

Soldo

Sesino

Denaro imperiale

CNI v, 91.26–7, 91–2.35–6; Crippa 1986, 81 no. 4c; CNI v, 90.23–4, 91.28–30, 91.32–4; Crippa 1986, 80–1 no. 4a

CNI v, 88.6–9, 89.11–16; Crippa 1986, 78 no. 2

CNI v, c. 1382/3– 98.99–102, 1387 99.106–14; Crippa 1986, 88 no. 14a

Coinage referring to Gian Galeazzo’s dominion over Milan alone, w. annulet and without issue marks: 1. Obv. Count w. crown and sword on horseback. Rev. Visconti shield w. crowned crested helmet between g –  in quatrefoil tressure. 3. Obv. Visconti snake (biscia) between g –  in a quatrefoil w. stylised fleur-de-lis in corners. Rev. St Ambrose enthroned w. open cape and large brooch. 5. Obv. Cross potent w. four stylised fleurs-de-lis. Rev. Visconti snake between g – . 6. Obv. g –  w. ì above. Rev. Cross fleury.

Pegioni of first period cont.

CNI v, 96.82–3; Crippa 1986, 86 no. 11

CNI v, 101– 1387 to 2.127–42; c. 1391 Crippa 1986, and later 90 no. 16

Coinage referring to Gian Galeazzo’s dominion over Milan and Verona, without issue marks: 5. Obv. Cross potent. Rev. Visconti snake between g – . 6. Obv. g –  with ì above. Rev. Cross fleury. For sesini in the name of Gian Galeazzo with similar typology but w. trefoils around the cross, see Chapter 6, section (m), p. 662.

CNI v, 1388– 101–2.124–6; 1390 Crippa 1986, 89 no. 15

Coinage referring to Gian Galeazzo’s dominion over Milan and Padua, without issue marks: 6. Obv. g –  w. ì above. Rev. Cross fleury.

CNI v, 87–8.1–3; Crippa 1986, 76–7 no. 1, after 1385

Second period

Third period

Fourth period

Florin of first period possibly continued

CNI v, 92.39–41; Crippa 1986, 83 no. 6

↓ Grosso later devalued to pegione

Date

1391/2

Characteristics and description

Coinage of the first monetary manipulation: 2. Obv. Visconti shield w. crested helmet in tressure. Rev. St Ambrose enthroned w. mitre, whip, crozier and closed pontifical cloak.

(cont.)

Table 42. (cont.) Period 1. Florin

2.

3.

4.

5.

6.

Grosso

Grosso pegione

Soldo

Sesino

Denaro imperiale

CNI v, 92.37–8; Crippa 1986, 82 no. 5

Fifth period

Sixth period

CNI v, 92–3.42– 50; Crippa 1986, 84 no. 7

↓ Grosso later devalued to pegione

CNI v, 94.56– 63; Crippa 1986, 85 no. 9

Date

Characteristics and description

CNI v, Denari of 1392– 89.17–19; second 8 Crippa period cont. 1986, 79 no. 3

Coinage of transition, sometimes w. rosettes, dating insecure: 3. Obv. +cOMES VIRtVtVM D MEDIOLa3I c, Visconti snake in quatrefoil. Rev. St Ambrose w. mitre, whip, crozier and open cape. 5. Obv. Cross potent w. four rosettes. Rev. Visconti snake between g – . For parallel pegione w. similar typology and legend but with St Zeno, see Chapter 6, section (m), p. 662; for Gian Galeazzo’s coinage of Pavia with annulet issue marks and rosettes (i.e. soldo and sesino with the Visconti snake in tressure or crested helmet and cross), see section (o) below, p. 528.

CNI v, 96.76– 81; Crippa 1986, 86 no. 10

Coinage of the second monetary manipulation, w. small pellets close to the intersection of the cross and some coins referring to Gian Galeazzo’s dominion over Verona: 2. Obv. Cross fleury in quatrefoil. Rev. St Ambrose enthroned w. mitre, whip, crozier and closed pontifical cloak. 4. Obv. Cross fleury. Rev. Half-figure of St Ambrose. 5. Obv. Cross potent. Rev. Visconti snake between G – . 6. Obv. g –  w. abbreviation mark. Rev. Cross fleury w. annulet. For grossi and soldi in the name of Gian Galeazzo w. similar typology but w. St Zeno, see Chapter 6, section (m), pp. 664–5.

CNI v, 98–9.103–5, 100.115–23; Crippa 1986, 89 nos. 14b–c

1398– 1402

Milan

465

to this coin as pichionis crucis or Kreuzplappart in German (Santoro 1976–83, ii, doc. 676; Klein 2008, 303–5). The matching soldo or duodesino of about 1.70g and 42–63 per cent fine – the lower figure is derived from Gnecchi and Gnecchi (1884, 46 no. 10) while the higher figure was reported in a coin list of 1415 (Ambrosoli 1904b, 476) – has the same basic design but lacks the quatrefoil and has a smaller half-figure of the saint. It also carries a small Visconti biscia at the start of the obverse legend and four pellets in the angles of the cross fleury near the intersection, like the so-called grosso (652–3; CNI v, 94.56–63; Crippa 1986, 85 no. 9). The sesino of about 1.05g and 49 per cent fine on the basis of the 1415 coin list likewise has four small pellets in the angles of the cross potent near the centre but otherwise seems unchanged from the original variant (654–5; CNI v, 96.76–81; Crippa 1986, 86 no. 10). The mint probably continued to strike denari, though it is difficult to identify the variants of this period. It is possible that the late variants are among the plentiful ones that refer to Milan and Verona in the legends, because the mint probably continued to strike these variants (643–4) after the loss of Padua (1390), but it is more likely that other late variants with an annulet issue mark belong to this period. In any case, the coins should be clearly distinguishable from the former variants because a document from 1399 explicitly mentions imperiales novi (656; CNI v, 98– 9.103–5, 100.115–23; Crippa 1986, 89 nos. 14b–c; Toffanin 2013, 137 nos. 130/2–4; Santoro 1976–83, ii, doc. 467). Examples of the soldo or duodesino in particular display wide disparities in weight. Variance in the weight and perhaps also fineness of some denominations may help to account for the failure of the second manipulation, but it is also clear that the manipulation collapsed because of the considerable difference between nominal and real silver values, as indicated in Gian Galeazzo’s decree of February 1400 ordering the reduction of the grosso to the value of eighteen denari and that of the duodesino to just eight denari (Motta 1893, doc. 61; Santoro 1976–83, ii, docs. 481, 485). Soon after this, of course, the premature death of Gian Galeazzo in September 1402 triggered a major crisis across the entire Milanese currency system. Table 42 summarises the complex coinages of Gian Galeazzo as sole lord.

VI. The era of crisis: Giovanni Maria to Giovanni Carlo and Estore Visconti (1402–12) After the unexpected death of Gian Galeazzo in 1402, the Visconti state collapsed more or less immediately into a major institutional and financial crisis. This might have stemmed from Gian Galeazzo’s overstretched expansion, which only a strong personality such as Gian Galeazzo himself was able to maintain, but other factors also contributed to the collapse. Most important were the general upsurge in factionalism in Milan and throughout the Visconti territories as well as the incapacity of the new under-age Duke Giovanni Maria and his entourage, under the guidance of Giovanni’s mother Caterina, to respond effectively to the new situation. From the very beginning of Giovanni Maria’s rule, the new government was forced to alienate not only the family’s wealth but also a series of territories to meet public expenses and pay the troops necessary to neutralise the threat posed by the state’s numerous enemies. Even after the loss of the central Italian territories as well as Brescia, Lodi, Piacenza, Parma and Cremona, however, the financial situation showed no signs of improving whatsoever. The Milanese currency circulated over a vast area as a result of Gian Galeazzo’s conquests, but was now beyond the control of the weakened ducal administration and underwent a sharp decline. From 1404 to 1412, the value of the Milanese denaro imperiale slipped almost continuously from about thirty-six soldi imperiali to the Florentine florin to fifty-two,despite

466

Lombardy

collaboration with the court of Pavia under the duke’s younger brother, Filippo Maria (Spufford 1986, 98–9). From Giovanni Maria’s succession in 1402 to 1409, and to some extent until the beginning of Filippo Maria’s Milanese rule in 1412, the denaro bissolo became the main currency of the Milanese monetary system. A series of documents from August and September 1409 (Motta 1893, docs. 76– 9; Santoro 1976–83, ii, docs. 676–7) indicates that this debased denaro, which has the Visconti snake (biscia) on the obverse and cross fleury on the reverse, was worth just two-thirds of the traditional denaro imperiale. Some scholars have misinterpreted these documents as marking the introduction of the denaro bissolo, but the sources in fact attest to the contrary, that the moneta bissolorum had been abandoned as the main currency by that time and that the moneta nunc currens was in the value of the old denarius imperialis. The government nevertheless retained the denaro bissolo in circulation as a secondary currency valued at two-thirds of the current money of account (Santoro 1976–83, ii, docs. 677, 679, 681). Another document of 1436 that refers to the period from 1402 to 1412 as that in which duravit moneta bissolorum (Motta 1893, doc. 135) confirms this interpretation while making it possible to date the introduction of the denaro bissolo earlier in Giovanni Maria’s rule. The recall of the August 1409 ordinance, just two weeks later in September, indeed suggests that the coin list in the August decree merely specified the coins that were then in circulation (Motta 1893, docs. 76, 78). In addition, a grida of 1407 that banned these low-value coins in Cremona shows that they were already circulating there two years before 1409 (Fenti 2001, 88). The valuation of the bissolo at two-thirds of the denaro imperiale of account means that another new low denomination of this period, the trillina or terlina of three denari bissoli, was worth two of the traditional and re-introduced denari imperiali, which explains the reference to double imperiali in a somewhat later tariff of about 1415/16 (Ambrosoli 1904b, 476: Imperiali da due di Milan). Only the brief but beneficial regency of Carlo Malatesta from 1406 to 1408 afforded Milan a measure of monetary stability. His interventions in monetary affairs included the introduction of a new denomination, the ottino of eight denari (Motta 1893, nos. 70–1). The delicate political, financial and monetary state of affairs nevertheless continued until the assassination of the young and unstable duke in 1412, which paved the way for two descendants of Bernabò Visconti, Giovanni Carlo and Estore Visconti, to assume control of the Milanese government, but in the face of internal pressure and the military threat of Giovanni Maria’s younger brother, Filippo Maria, their rule endured for only a month. At the outset, from 1402 or perhaps early in 1403 (see Motta 1893, docs. 65–9), Giovanni Maria’s new government continued the pattern and typology of coinage already in use at the end of Gian Galeazzo’s rule, with the difference that his coins always carried the ducal title of the powerless ruler in the legends as well as the Visconti snake with ducal crown. The chaotic political, financial and monetary situation nevertheless makes it difficult to understand the sequence of the coinage. An important element in the classification is the crosslet in the legends. Initially, it is a small simple cross pommée, formed from four or five pellets and sometimes flanked by pellets to the left or right. Around the time of the clearly documented introduction of the ottino in March 1408 (Motta 1893, doc. 71; Santoro 1976–83, ii, doc. 655), this is superseded by a somewhat larger cross potent or cross pattée flanked by two pelleted annulets on either side. This in turn was replaced by a rosette instead of a crosslet and then by a small simple crosslet again, sometimes voided in the centre,which was continued by Giovanni Maria’s successors.On the pegioni,the crosslets sometimes also occur as fibulae on the cloak of St Ambrose. The crosslets at the beginning and end of the

Milan

467

duke’s rule are nevertheless very similar; the pattern and sequence of the issues therefore are not yet entirely clear. The denominations sometimes also seem to change in accordance with the declining valuation of the currency, and there were evidently periods of inactivity in the mint that need to be considered. Giovanni Maria’s first coins included pegioni nominally valued at eighteen denari imperiali with the Visconti snake between the duke’s initials I – ä in quatrefoil and St Ambrose again wearing an open cape with cross pommée fibula (henceforth, the ‘Pavese type’) (CNI v, 103–4.2–11, 104.13–14, 105.16–19; Crippa 1986, 98–9 nos. 2a, 2c; Toffanin 2013, 140 no. 135), a rare sesino with snake and large cross fleury (657; CNI v, 110.64–6; Crippa 1986, 104 no. 6) and the denaro bissolo, already in production as a new denomination (658; CNI v, 111.75–82; Crippa 1986, 106 no. 9). The representation of St Ambrose on the pegioni subsequently assumed a more upright character in a transitional type with higher mitre and more pronounced vertical lines in the folds of his garments (659; Crippa 1986, 98 nos. 2c–b; Toffanin 2013, 140 no. 136), followed up by a similar type with a modified, more quadrangular quatrefoil on the obverse (CNI v, 108.46–53; Crippa 1986, 101–2 nos. 3a–b; Toffanin 2013, 142 no. 137). A further sesino type with biscia between the ducal initials and cross pattée has the same cross pommée for the crosslet and may therefore be dated to the same period from about 1405 to 1408 (CNI v, 109.61–3; Crippa 1986, 103 no. 5). Around the time of the introduction of the ottino in 1408, relative stability seems to have permitted a richer coinage. In addition to the continued denaro bissolo (Crippa 1986, 106 no. 9), there is also a gold florin or ducat of 3.49g and maximum possible fineness very similar to that of Gian Galeazzo, with the duke as mounted knight with crown and sword to the right on the obverse and crested helmet with crown in quatrefoil on the reverse; it is attributable to this period on the basis of the pelleted annulets in the corners of the tressure (CNI v, 103.1; Crippa 1986, 97 no. 1; Toffanin 2013, 139 no. 134). Later Milanese florins or ducats maintained the same standard of weight and fineness. There was also a new pegione type in this period. It is distinguished not only by the wider crosslet at the start of the legend flanked by two pelleted annulets on each side, but also by the representation of St Ambrose, now with a low mitre and more pronounced horizontal lines in the folds of his drapery but no fibula (‘Milanese type’) (CNI v, 105–6.20–32; Crippa 1986, 99 no. 2d), probably identifiable with the pegioni novissimi of 1409 (Motta 1893, nos. 76, 88). The soldo or duodesino (dodexino) has a quartered Visconti shield and a nimbate bust of St Ambrose (660; CNI v, 109.54–60; Crippa 1986, 102 no. 4), while the new ottino, conventionally described as a soldo, has the characteristic design of a cross potent in quatrefoil on the obverse and the traditional Visconti biscia on the reverse (661; CNI v, 110.66–8; Crippa 1986, 104 no. 7). The second new denomination of this period was the trillina of three denari bissoli, struck from a very poor alloy of only about 18 per cent silver, with Giovanni Maria’s abbreviated title D[u]X on the obverse and cross fleury on the reverse (662; CNI v, 110–11.72–4; Crippa 1986, 105 no. 8). Crippa’s indications of the fineness of the coins, taken from analyses mentioned by the Gnecchi brothers, generally coincide well with the data in the contemporary coin list in Biblioteca Trivulziana, Codex 136, datable to about 1415 (see Table 43). The coinage of about 1408 probably continued for a while, as later variants probably show pellets instead of the pelleted annulets around the cross in the legend, and the rosette coinage consisting of only pegioni (CNI v, 104.12, 105.15, 107.35–41) and ottini (CNI v, 110.69–71) belong to the later series. More specific research on the first large hoard of Rhäzüns, which closes precisely with the coinages of 1412, will probably permit a more detailed classification of Giovanni Maria’s pegioni (App. 1, no. 138).

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Table 43. The fineness of Milanese coinage under Giovanni Maria Visconti and during the first period of Filippo Maria’s rule (Ambrosoli 1904b, 476; Crippa 1986, 98–106, 126, 130–2) Description

Fineness Biblioteca Trivulziana, Codex 136

Pigioni novi da Milan e Pavia Dodexini da Milano (soldi) Otini di Milano Sexini novi da Milano e Pavia Quatrini di Milano e Pavia Imperiali da due di Milan (trilline) Bisuoli da Milan e Pavia

per mark (oz. 8) of alloy

%

oz. 4 den. 4 gr. 16 oz. 4 den. 22 gr. 16 oz. 2 den. 22 gr. 16 oz. 2 den. 14 oz. 2 den. 10 oz. 1 den. 10. gr. 16 den. 15

52.4 61.8 36.8 32.3 30.2 18.1 7.8

% (Gnecchi & Crippa)

51.2–53.4 43.2 50.6 15.2 7.8

Despite ruling over Milan for only a month, from mid-May to mid-June 1412, Giovanni Carlo and Estore Visconti, from Bernabò’s line of the Visconti family, struck an impressive quantity of coins, though most denominations are naturally at least scarce today. They obtained the signoria as the result of a murder plot against Giovanni Maria in which they themselves were involved. On the same day that the duke was murdered, Giovanni Carlo and Estore entered Milan and were proclaimed signori of the city rather than dukes because only the descendants of Gian Galeazzo were entitled to the rank of duke. Estore, who had ruled over Monza since 1407, was the elder and more successful Milanese co-signore. He nevertheless conceded precedence to his nephew Giovanni Carlo in the coin legends because he was an illegitimate son of Bernabò while Giovanni Carlo was the last legitimate descendant of Gian Galeazzo’s rival and therefore stood higher in the dynastic hierarchy. A few coin types were even struck in the name of Giovanni Carlo alone, that is if they were not from the mint at Cantù where Giovanni Carlo was the sole ruler (1407–11), but most types were struck in the names of both signori in accordance with the time-honoured Visconti tradition. In any case, the traditional division into two separate series makes no sense, especially in view of the brevity of their rule; the coins struck under the two co-rulers must be taken together. It nevertheless cannot be excluded that some of the ‘Milanese’ coins in the names of Giovanni Carlo and Estore were struck at Cantù or Monza, their respective residences before 1412; the production of ‘Milanese’ coins in Monza may even have continued beyond the loss of Milan to Filippo Maria Visconti in June 1412, since the two lords used Monza as their refuge for some months after they escaped from Milan. This is particularly the case for some variants of the pegione in the names of both rulers that also refer to Monza in the obverse legend (CNI v, 115.4–5, 115–16.10–15; Crippa 1986, 113 no. 1, variants 1, 3, 6–7, 9) and for the denari bissoli without local reference since they have rosettes in their legends similar to those on some coins of Monza under Estore (CNI v, 116–18.20–33; Crippa 1986, 114 no. 3; see also below, section (n), pp. 515–17). The pattern of coinage in the name of Giovanni Carlo alone, which included a pegione with St Ambrose represented in the ‘Pavese’ style as well as an old-style quattrino and a bissolo, is remarkably similar to that of Estore’s coinage in Monza before 1412. The coinage of Giovanni Carlo alone

Table 44. Milanese coinage of Giovanni Maria, Giovanni Carlo and Estore Visconti, 1402–12 Authority Period 1.

2.

3.

Florin Grosso or Soldo Pegione Giovanni First Maria period

CNI v, 103–4.2– 11, 104.13–14, 105.16–19; Crippa 1986, 98–9 nos. 2a & 2c

Second period, first part

Crippa 1986, 98 no. 2c/2b; Toffanin 2013, 140 no. 136

Second period, second part

CNI v, 108.46–53; Crippa 1986, 101–2 nos 3a-b

4.

5.

Ottino Sesino CNI v, 110.64–6; Crippa 1986, 104 no. 6

6.

7.

8.

Date

Characteristics and description

Quattrino Trillina Denaro bissolo CNI v, c. 1402– 111.75–82; c. 1405 Crippa 1986, 106 no. 9

Early coinage w. small cross pommée in the legend formed from four or five pellets, flanked by pellets: 2. Obv. Crowned Visconti snake (biscia) between I – ä in quatrefoil w. fleur-de-lis. Rev. St Ambrose enthroned w. open cape and large fibula (‘Pavese type’). 5. Obv. Visconti snake. Rev. Cross fleury w. central rosette. 8. Obv. Visconti snake. Rev. Cross fleury.

Bissoli of c. 1405–8 Transitional coinage w. small cross first pommée in the legend, as above: period 2. Obv. Crowned Visconti snake continued between I – ä in quatrefoil w. fleur-de-lis. Rev. St Ambrose w. higher mitre and more vertical orientation of folds in drapery. CNI v, 109.61–3; Crippa 1986, 103 no. 5

Transitional coinage w. small cross pommée in the legend: 2. As above but w. quadrangular quatrefoil on obverse. 5. Obv. Crowned Visconti snake between I – ä. Rev. Cross pattée. (cont.)

Table 44. (cont.) Authority Period 1. Florin

Giovanni Third CNI v, Maria period V, 103.1; Crippa 1986, 97 no. 1

Fourth period

Giovanni First Carlo and group Estore

Second group

2.

4.

5.

6.

Grosso Soldo or Pegione

Ottino

Sesino

Quattrino Trillina Denaro bissolo

CNI v, 105– 6.20–32; Crippa 1986, 99 no. 2d

CNI v, 110.66–8, described as sesino; Crippa 1986, 104 no. 7

CNI v, 104.12, 105.15, 107.35– 41

3.

CNI v, 109.54– 60; Crippa 1986, 102 no. 4

8.

CNI v, 110– 11.72–4; Crippa 1986, 105 no. 8

CNI v, 110.69– 71

CNI v, 112– 13.1–11; Crippa 1986, 108 no. 1

CNI v, 114– 16.1–18; Crippa 1986, 113 no. 1

7.

CNI v, 114.12, described as sesino; Crippa 1986, 109 no. 2

CNI v, 116.19 sesino; Crippa 1986, 114 no. 2

Date

Characteristics and description

c. 1408– 1410/12

New coinage w. larger cross pattée in the legends flanked first by two pelleted annulets on either side as issue marks, later by pellets: 1. Obv. Duke as mounted knight w. sword to right. Rev. Visconti shield w. crested helmet in quatrefoil. 2. Obv. Crowned Visconti snake between I – ä in quatrefoil w. fleur-de-lis. Rev. St Ambrose w. low mitre, closed cloak and more horizontal orientation of folds in drapery (‘Milanese type’). 3. Obv. Quartered Visconti shield. Rev. Bust of St Ambrose. 4. Obv. Cross pattée in quatrefoil. Rev. Visconti snake between I – ä. 7. Obv. Abbreviated title D[u]X. Rev. Cross fleury.

c. 1410/ 12

Last coinage of Giovanni Maria, initially with rosettes instead of crosslets in the legend and then crosslets with hole in the centre: 2. and 4. As third period but with rosette or different cross in legend.

CNI v, 114.13– 18; Crippa 1986, 110 no. 3

CNI v, 116– 18.20–33; Crippa 1986, 114–15 no. 3

1412 (some types from Cantù or Monza already before 1412?)

Coinage in the name of Giovanni Carlo alone, possibly from the mint of Cantù: 2. Obv. Crowned Visconti snake between I – K in quatrefoil w. fleur-de-lis. Rev. St Ambrose enthroned w. open cloak and more vertical orientation of folds in drapery (‘Pavese type’). 6. Obv. Cross pattée. Rev. Bust of St Ambrose between I – K. 8. Obv. Visconti snake. Rev. Cross fleury. Coinage in the name of Giovanni Carlo and Estore together; bissoli and later pegioni possibly from the mint of Monza: 2. Obv. Crowned Visconti snake between Io – he in quatrefoil w. fleur-de-lis. Rev. St Ambrose enthroned w. closed cloak and more horizontal orientation of folds in drapery (‘Milanese type’). 4. Obv. Cross pattée in quatrefoil. Rev. Visconti snake between I – h. 8. Obv. Visconti snake. Rev. Cross fleury.

472

Lombardy

may therefore be attributable to Cantù (1407–11) or Monza (from 1411), though further research on the attribution of these coins is still needed. The highest denomination of Giovanni Carlo and Estore is the pegione, struck in two major variants, the rarer one in the name of Giovanni Carlo alone with the ‘Pavese-type’ St Ambrose with open cape and fibula (CNI v, 112–13.1–11; Crippa 1986, 108 no. 1) and the other in the name of both rulers with the ‘Milanese-type’ St Ambrose and sometimes with reference to Estore’s dominion over Monza (663;CNI v,114–16.1–18;Crippa 1986,113 no.1).The very rare ottino,which is conventionally described as a sesino and is known in just two specimens, refers to both rulers and has the characteristic design of a cross in quatrefoil and snake with the rulers’ initials (CNI v, 116.19: Crippa 1986, 114 no. 2). The next denomination down, also conventionally described as a sesino, is particularly interesting from a monetary point of view because it recalls, despite its comparatively low weight of 0.51–0.82g, a coin type of Azzo Visconti (1329–39) after more than seventy years, his quattrino with cross potent and facing nimbate bust of St Ambrose (CNI v, 114.12; Crippa 1986, 109 no. 2). This corresponds with references to old and new quattrini in the contemporary coin list of 1415/16 (Ambrosoli 1904b, 476). These references, together with the evidence from coin finds, show that certain preferred coin types continued to circulate long after they were withdrawn from production. It is notable, moreover, that Azzo’s quattrini generally show a degree of wear consistent with continued circulation into the early fifteenth century. Two types of denari bissoli with crowned biscia and cross fleury again represent the double signoria. The rarer type has only the name of Giovanni Carlo (CNI v, 114.13–18; Crippa 1986, 110 no. 3) while the other has the names of both rulers though without explicit reference to Milan (664; CNI v, 116–18.20–33; Crippa 1986, 114–15 no. 3). All the denominations follow the typology of Giovanni Maria’s later coinage with the characteristic legend crosslets as a kind of issue mark. The uncertainties over the mint attribution of these denari bissoli stem from the fact that distinctive features such as the rosette at the start of the legends link these later bissoli to Estore’s coinage of Monza, since most of Estore’s pegioni of Monza also have a rosette starting the legend (CNI iv, 443–9.1–55). In addition, there is a rare bissolo type with biscia and cross fleury, traditionally attributed to Monza, that carries the legend >hEStOR VIcEcOMES on both sides. This coin might have been struck using the reverse die for the Milanese bissolo in the name of both Giovanni Carlo and Estore, but substituting a new obverse die after Giovanni Carlo’s flight from Monza left Estore alone in the besieged town (CNI iv, 451.81–2; see section (n) below, pp. 515–17). In any case, the denari bissoli of Gian Carlo and Estore confirm that this particular denomination remained in circulation until 1412 as attested in later sources (Motta 1893, doc. 135). Table 44 gives an overview of the Milanese coinage of the Visconti, 1402–12. VII. Reconquest and consolidation under Filippo Maria Visconti (1412–47) Despite Filippo Maria’s weak figure during his early years, first as infant count of Pavia and then under the dominance of the Beccaria family and Facino Cane, he managed to turn his fortunes around with his politically astute marriage to Facino’s widow, Beatrice, in 1412, thereby not only inheriting Facino’s rich possessions but also assuming control of his almost invincible mercenary troops under Francesco Bussone da Carmagnola (d. 1432). Filippo Maria used his newly acquired mercenaries to seize Milan on 16 June 1412 and drive Giovanni Carlo and Estore out of the city. A few days later, the people of Milan pledged their allegiance to Filippo Maria as legitimate successor to his brother Giovanni Maria and duke of Milan. Over the next decade, assisted by his troops and

Milan

473

capable generals, Filippo Maria pursued a relentless policy of reconquest. By 1422, he had managed to reconstruct a powerful state that comprehended the core possessions of the Visconti territory under Gian Galeazzo, composed principally of its dominions in Lombardy, Emilia and the eastern Piedmont plus Genoa after 1421. Subsequent efforts to extend the reach of the Visconti state nevertheless encountered fierce opposition and suffered a series of defeats at the hands of shifting coalitions made up of the Venetians, Florentines, Savoyards and the popes. Filippo Maria lost first Brescia in 1426 and then Bergamo in 1428, both to Venice. In 1432, he concluded a marriage contract by which Francesco Sforza, a prominent mercenary leader working in the service of the Milanese duke, would wed Filippo Maria’s legitimated seven-year-old daughter Bianca Maria by his consort Agnese del Maino; the marriage ceremony took place only in 1441 when Bianca Maria was sixteen, though Milanese chroniclers mistook the contract for the actual wedding celebration. In any event, the contract effectively made Francesco the son-in-law of Filippo Maria as well as a major rival of the increasingly isolated duke. The huge military expenses generated by almost continuous warfare naturally constituted a heavy burden on Milanese public finances and therefore affected monetary developments. Despite occasional reforms and tight controls over exchange rates, the general pattern of devaluation that began in the 1390s and accelerated with the death of Gian Galeazzo in 1402 continued under Filippo Maria with only occasional respites. In 1412 and for some years thereafter, the gold florin was valued at around fifty-two soldi imperiali, but the rate stabilised at fifty soldi to the florin between 1416 and 1423 (Spufford 1986, 98–9; for 1415/16, see Motta 1893, docs. 103–4). The rate slipped to about fifty-six soldi to the florin or ducat with another change in the currency in 1426 and to nearly sixty soldi after 1430. A monetary reform intended to revalue the libra imperiale in the proportion 3:2 in 1436 quickly failed and the value of the Milanese money against the florin slipped again, initially to around sixty-two soldi and then to sixty-four soldi from 1442 until the middle of the century. The most significant steps in the progressive devaluation of the coinage and the various monetary measures enacted are reflected in a document from the time of the attempted reform of 1436,which set out the rates for the calculation of old debts and rents, although it must be borne in mind that this regulation was a rough simplification that overlooked minor monetary manipulations like that of 1415/16 (Motta 1893, doc. 135, cf. docs. 103–4; cf. Cipolla 1988, 40–3). The document not only mentions the end of Giovanni Maria’s moneta bissolorum in 1412, but also declares that 1426 and 1436 were turning points, the first another devaluation and the second a revaluation. It is therefore possible to divide Filippo Maria’s coinage roughly into three main issue periods, also taking into account, on the basis of a letter of the ducal counsel to Galeazzo Maria Sforza in 1469, that there was a hiatus in monetary production of six to eight years in the Milanese mint under Filippo Maria (Motta 1894, doc. 260). There are very few coin hoards to facilitate the classification of Filippo Maria’s coins, but the inscriptions, lettering and style make it possible to classify the coins and to re-establish the attribution to Filippo Maria of a denaro that Crippa (1986, 174–5 no. 25) assigned to Francesco Sforza. The first coinage in the name of Filippo Maria, probably datable from 1412 or 1413 at the latest to 1426 (see Santoro 1976–83, iii, doc. 15), initially continued the denominations and typology of his brother’s coinage, apart from the unpopular denaro bissolo, which was withdrawn from production in 1412 according to the documents cited above (Motta 1893, docs. 76–9, 135; Santoro 1976–83, ii, docs. 676–7). It seems that the mint introduced a new denaro only during the second phase of this

474

Lombardy

period from about 1423, since the known monetary decrees and coin lists make no mention of a new denaro imperiale (see Ambrosoli 1904b, 476; Motta 1893, doc. 112; Santoro 1976–83, iii, doc. 91). The coins of the first phase share with those of Giovanni Maria relatively wide but accurate lettering with annulets and pellets in the legends as well as a gothic a with a very thin middle bar. A contemporary source indicates that the mint was already striking a gold florin or ducat by 1415 (Motta 1893, doc. 103); it has the traditional designs of the duke as mounted knight and crested arms in tressure, perhaps initially the variant without annulets in the corners of the reverse tressure (CNI v, 118.2, 120.16; Crippa 1986, 119 no. 1a). The main denomination in this period is the pegione of twenty-one denari with a crowned Visconti snake (biscia) between the initials  – ä in quatrefoil on the obverse and St Ambrose enthroned on the reverse (665; CNI v, 133–4.148–52; Crippa 1986, 126 no. 6). The ottino and a sesino are also attributable to the beginning of the first period, both bearing the characteristic designs with biscia and cross, but the higher denomination is distinguished by the ducal initials on the obverse and quatrefoil on the reverse (666; CNI v, 138.191–3; Crippa 1986, 131 no. 12), which are absent from the sesino (667; CNI v, 136–7.174–87; Crippa 1986, 130 no. 10). Another sesino conventionally attributed to Milan under Filippo Maria but belonging instead to Pavia is that with the biscia between initials on the obverse, cross with fleurs-de-lis in the quarters on the reverse, and the titles of both duke of Milan and count of Pavia in the legends (CNI v, 138.194 = CNI iv, 503.15; Crippa 1986, 131 no. 13; see also section (o) below, p. 531). The smallest denomination of this period is a trillina with the same designs as under Giovanni Maria, namely a crowned abbreviation of the title dux (dx) on the obverse and a cross fleury on the reverse (668; CNI v, 139.203–8; Crippa 1986, 132 no. 15). Several examples of the trillina already show the characteristic lettering of the second period, namely an ` with a sort of inverted chevron as the middle bar and later an open gothic 0 without the middle bar, both with split legs that come together at the bottom to form a kind of downwardpointing arrowhead. It is therefore likely that this coin was continued into the second phase of the first period and perhaps even until after 1426. Once again, the fineness of the coin types recorded in contemporary sources (Ambrosoli 1904b, 476) correspond for the most part favourably with Gnecchi’s metallurgical analyses as reported by Crippa (1986, 126–32) and illustrated in Table 43; the only exception is the sesino, which is credited with a surprisingly high standard fineness in contemporary sources. A second sesino type seems to be another transitional type. It has the early pattern of lettering but a less floriated cross fleury on the obverse and the biscia now on the reverse instead of the obverse. This rarer coin type, almost always clipped, perhaps belongs to a new coinage attested in the sources for 1423 towards the end of the first period (CNI v, 138.188–90; Crippa 1986, 130 no. 11; cf. Motta 1893, docs. 116–20). Further metallurgical analyses and research on both archival material and hoard evidence will be needed to clear up this question. Although the known reform decrees of 1436 make no mention of it, there was a successful small-scale revaluation of the currency in 1415/16 that brought the exchange rate back from fiftytwo soldi to the gold florin to fifty (Motta 1893, docs. 103–4, 112; Spufford 1986, 98–9). In 1423, authorities imposed an export ban on silver and admitted a new group of moneyers and workers to the mint, which suggests that the mint was active and produced a second issue of slightly higher value (Motta 1893, docs. 116–20). Because of the relatively high quality of the coins and their lettering, three coin types can be dated to this brief second phase of the first period. There are two new higher denominations: a large grosso of three or four soldi weighing about 3.60g as well as a new grosso of two soldi with the traditional standard weight of almost 2.40g and slightly better

Milan

475

than 60 per cent fine. They both have a quartered shield with imperial eagles and Visconti snakes on the obverse and a more elaborate representation of St Ambrose with a long beard and head turned slightly to the right on the reverse. The imperial eagles underline the long-hoped-for royal recognition of Filippo Maria’s ducal status, which he obtained from King Sigismund (1411–37) in 1418. The rarer so-called grosso of three soldi is distinguished by three stars around the shield on the obverse (669; CNI v, 123–4.44–57; Crippa 1986, 121 no. 2) while the space around the shield on the common grosso of two soldi is unembellished (670; CNI v, 124–9.58–102; Crippa 1986, 122–3 nos. 3a–c). The value of the larger grosso is probably higher that the traditionally assumed three soldi, which implies the same standard of fineness as the smaller grosso. From 1429, however, Venetian grossoni da 8 soldi (1324) are sometimes overstruck on the larger Milanese grossi. These Venetian coins were valued at about 4½ soldi imperiali and had a standard weight of 3.09g, which suggest that they were produced from a better alloy. The two large denominations might have been the ones that flooded into the new Lombard territories of Venice and, after a currency devaluation in 1429, forced Venice to strike its own coin types for its Lombard possessions, namely a new grossone of eight Venetian soldi (see Mueller 1984, 347–8; see also Chapter 6, section (l), p. 649). The relatively early dating of these grossi is confirmed by the hoard of Noceto-Gragnana, which closes soon after 1425 and contains two such grossi of two soldi (App. 1, no. 93a). The Milanese coins of this issue typically have more closed lettering with a gothic `, as described above, and sometimes annulet punctuation. At the same time, the mint introduced a new anonymous denaro type of about 0.45g with cross fleury and a small nimbate and mitred bust of St Ambrose (671; CNI v, 141–2.223–7; Crippa 1986, 174–5 nos. 25a–e). It has a similar style of lettering and the same representation of St Ambrose with the long beard and head turned slightly to the right, but its fineness of about 10 per cent, as given by Gnecchi, is higher than the 6–8 per cent of previous and later periods. This helps to explain the relative rarity of this type today, because the pattern of inflation that soon followed its introduction made the manufacture of the coins too expensive, led to the suspension of production and quickly drove them out of circulation. In any case, this anonymous denaro type does not fit in with the coinage of Francesco Sforza; the hybrid republican denaro type with the obverse of a late denaro type of Filippo Maria is not sufficient evidence to justify Crippa’s proposed inversion of the entire denaro series (Crippa 1986, 174–5 no. 25, 133–5 nos. 16c–17). This good-quality anonymous denaro type later served as the model for the poor-quality imitative denaro of Pavia during the brief republican period (1447) and then under Francesco Sforza as count of Pavia and duke of Milan (1447–52/3) (CNI iv, 505–6.12–13, 507.22–7; see also section (o) below, pp. 533–4). Around the middle of the fifteenth century, the mint in Pavia in fact imitated the typologies of the good Milanese coin types of Filippo Maria on a relatively large scale. The second period is difficult to determine numismatically, but a reform document of 1436 indicates that there was a clear monetary break in 1426 (Motta 1893, doc. 135; cf. docs. 121–6), when the Milanese currency lost nearly 10 per cent of its value, slipping from fifty-two to fiftyseven soldi for a gold florin. The documents of 1426 suggest that gold coinage was struck around this time and recommend the tentative attribution to this period of another florin variant with annulets in the angles of the tressure on the reverse (CNI v, 118.1, 118–19.3–4, 119.8; Crippa 1986, 119 no. 1b; Santoro 1976–83, iii, docs. 144–5, 147). In this context, it is also worth taking account of an interesting detail of monetary circulation in Milan provided by some countermarked Hungarian ducats that do not seem to have left any trace in official Milanese documents. The ducats were

476

Lombardy

struck in the name of King Sigismund, are datable to 1387/9 and 1428/9, respectively, and have an oval countermark with the Visconti snake (Pohl 1974, type d2–33; there is another unpublished specimen in the Geldmuseum, Deutsche Bundesbank, Frankfurt/Main, Pohl 1974, type d1–1). This implies significant imports of Hungarian gold ducats into Milan during this second period of Filippo Maria’s coinage, possibly in the context of the trade war between King Sigismund (1411–37, emp. 1433) and Venice (see Mueller 1984, 347). The Hungarian coins were probably equivalent to the Milanese and Venetian ducats. Otherwise, there are no signs of mint activity in Milan in this period, which suggests that the temporary closure of the mint or cessation of mint activity for six or eight years during the rule of Filippo Maria as mentioned in later sources occurred at this time (Motta 1894, no. 260). A new denaro imperiale type of lower value, only about 7.5 per cent fine, may also have been introduced later in this period. It has a crowned knotted cloth around a small star on the obverse and the usual cross fleury on the reverse (683–4; CNI v, 140–1.209–18; Crippa 1986, 133–4 nos. 16a– b). The attribution is nevertheless uncertain and later variants were certainly struck during the following period, under which all examples are listed in the catalogue. The third period is clearly defined, running from the reform of 1436 to the end of Filippo Maria’s reign in 1447, although the initial attempt to reform the Milanese coinage, raise its value by 50 per cent and equate it to that of Gian Galeazzo’s time inevitably failed. In 1436, authorities decreed that the new coinage had to be exchanged at forty soldi to the gold florin instead of nearly sixty as previously; the mint thus produced a new and demonstrably good coinage in the same year, but the authorities were obliged to revalue the coinage in terms of the pre-reform money of account in 1440 (Motta 1893, docs. 132–6; Santoro 1976–83, iii, docs. 287–93, 335; cf. Cipolla 1988, 40–3). The mint therefore began to strike the new coins on the more successful lower standard only from about 1440. The third period is thus divided into two coinages, an earlier good coinage and a later low-standard one, the latter of which had an immediate legacy during the Ambrosian Republic in terms of valuation and style. The first phase of the new coinage includes three high-quality coin types. Two denominations, the grosso and the soldo, are explicitly mentioned in contemporary documents and made from remarkably good alloy, containing about 90 and 85 per cent silver, respectively (Motta 1893, docs. 140, 132; Crippa 1986, 127–8). The grosso, with an ideal weight of almost 2.10g, represented two soldi in the new high-value reform coinage, while the soldo compensated for its slightly lower fineness with a relatively higher weight of 1.15g. The grosso, sometimes wrongly described as a berlinga, looked prestigious because of the mounted duke on the obverse, which was also used on the florins, and recalled the traditional grosso design of St Ambrose in the ‘Milanese style’ without fibula on the reverse (675; CNI v, 120–3.17–43; Crippa 1986, 127 no. 7). The soldo meanwhile has the crested arms on the obverse and the ‘Pavese-type’ St Ambrose with open cape and fibula (676; CNI v, 134–5.153–62; Crippa 1986, 128 no. 8). Later, these coins must have been revalued to three soldi and one and a half soldi, respectively. The corresponding trillina of the reform coinage with about 17 per cent silver has a crested helmet on the obverse and a crowned gothic d for dux on the reverse (677; CNI v, 138–9.195–202; Crippa 1986, 132 no. 14). The reform trillina, later revalued as a quattrino, is probably the coin referred to in Genoese sources of 1445 as quattrini qui ab una parte habent viperam (Pesce 1972, doc. 26). The florin or ducat was produced continuously throughout the period, probably in the common variant with several annulets over the duke’s sword (672–4; CNI v, 119.5–7, 119–20.9–15; Crippa 1986, 120 no. 1c).

Milan

477

The later phase of the third period perhaps runs from about 1440, with the return to the moneta vetus that formed the basis of the previous low-value system of account (Santoro 1976–83, iii, doc. 335), but the obvious break in terms of style and lettering implies a gap between the first and second phases. On the markets, it is notable that the old Milanese money of account held its low value of sixty-three soldi to the gold florin from 1437 onwards. The coins of the second phase are distinguished by their inscriptions, which are rougher in style and made up of relatively large gothic letters with increasingly thinner lines and split ends, round e and S, and an 0 on which the legs come together at the base to form a kind of downward-pointing arrowhead; the same characteristics are attested on the republican coinage of the immediately succeeding period. The largest denomination of this group, weighing about 2.30g and about 57 per cent fine, was a grosso of two soldi in devalued money, again with a quartered shield on the obverse, now crowned with olive and palm branch, and a simplified St Ambrose enthroned on the reverse (678–80; CNI v, 129–33.104–47; Crippa 1986, 124–5 nos. 4–5). This coin is known in many variants and, like the florins, always refers to Filippo Maria’s title as count of Angera (0NGLV) as a kind of family name alluding to the mythical royal origins of the Visconti family (Majocchi 2008, 168–72, 208–10). A sesino of about 1.00g and about 26 per cent fine has a cross potent with four stylised fleurs-de-lis in the quarters and a bust of St Ambrose on the reverse (681–2; CNI v, 135–6.163–73; Crippa 1986, 129 no. 9). In 1442 and 1444, the grosso and sesino provoked confusion in the Venetian territories in eastern Lombardy on account of their low quality (Mueller 1984, 348–9). The small biscia at the start of the obverse legend on the sesini links this coinage with a later group of denari with the same issue mark at the start of the reverse legend; these denari otherwise have the same typology of a crowned star with knotted veil and cross fleury as the earlier denari (CNI v, 141.219–22; Crippa 1986, 133 no. 16c). Further denari in the name of Filippo Maria, some of them variants of those with crowned star and knotted veil, should be attributed to the troubled time of the Ambrosian Republic after the death of the last Visconti duke or else considered one of the many forgeries mentioned in contemporary sources, such as the variant with blundered legends found in a hoard from church excavations at Airolo in Switzerland (Diaz Tabernero et al. 2012, 113 no. CSI 5061–3.3: 65; App. 1, no. 105). The mule struck from an obverse die of Filippo Maria and a reverse die of the republican type with a nimbate head of St Ambrose must also be dated to the troubled republican period and the early rule of Francsco Sforza (Crippa 1986, 135 no. 17, 171–2 nos. 21–2). Table 45 summarises the Milanese coinage of Filippo Maria Visconti. 3. The Ambrosian Republic, the Sforza and King Louis XII of France (1447–1512) A. Historical background The death of Filippo Maria and the end of the male line of the Visconti house in 1447,like the death of Gian Galeazzo nearly half a century earlier, led to the temporary dissolution of the Visconti state. This time, however, it was not the unforeseen loss of a strong ruler that threatened the state but the desultory policies of an increasingly mentally disturbed duke. In the final analysis, Filippo Maria caused the disintegration of the well-organised principality that he himself had reconstructed from the ruins of Gian Galeazzo’s state through endless and fruitless warfare and uncertainty about his succession. His erratic policy and alliances encouraged other powers to attempt to gain control of the Visconti state and its territories. These included Venice to the east, the dukes of Savoy and Orléans to the west, the Aragonese King Alfonso of Naples (1416/42–58), and Filippo Maria’s

Table 45. Milanese coinage of Filippo Maria Visconti, 1412–47 Period 1.

2.

3.

Florin Grosso da Grosso da or ducat 3 or 4 2 soldi soldi First CNI v, period, 118.2, phase 1 120.16; Crippa 1986, 119 no. 1a

4.

5.

6.

7.

8.

Pegione or Soldo

Ottino

Sesino

Trillina

Denaro

Pegione: CNI v, 133– 4.148–52; Crippa 1986, 126 no. 6

CNI v, 138.191– 3; Crippa 1986, 131 no. 12

CNI v, 136– 7.174–87; Crippa 1986, 130 no. 10

CNI v, 139–40. 203–8; Crippa 1986, 132 no. 15

Date

Characteristics and description

1412–c. Early coinage w. relatively 1423 wide and accurate lettering, thin middle bar on the a, annulets and pellets in the legends: 1. Obv. Duke as mounted knight w. sword to right. Rev. Visconti shield w. crested helmet between I – äa in quatrefoil, without annulets in the angles. 4. Obv. Crowned Visconti snake (biscia) between  – ä in quatrefoil w. fleurs-de-lis. Rev. St Ambrose enthroned with closed cloak and drapery oriented horizontally (‘Milanese type’). 5. Obv. Cross pattée in quatrefoil. Rev. Visconti snake between  – ä. 6. Obv. Visconti snake. Rev. Cross fleury. 7. Obv. Crowned title dx. Rev. Cross fleury.

First period, phase 2

CNI v, 123– 4.44–57; Crippa 1986, 121 no. 2

CNI v, 124–9.58– 102; Crippa 1986, 122–3.3a–c

CNI v, 138.188– 90; Crippa 1986, 130 no. 11

CNI v, c. 1423– 141–2.223– 6 7; Crippa 1986, 174–5 nos. 25a–e

Transitional and revalued coinage, w. an ` on which the split legs often come together to form a kind of downwardpointing arrowhead and w. lettering that is more closed; the grossi are often poorly struck: 2. Obv. Quartered shield w. eagles and snakes w. three stars around the shield. Rev. St Ambrose enthroned w. head turned slightly to the right. 3. As last but without stars around the shield on the obverse. 6. Obv. Simplified cross fleury. Rev. Visconti snake. 7. Obv. Crowned title dx. Rev. Cross fleury. 8. Anonymous: Obv. Cross fleury. Rev. Nimbate and mitred bust of St Ambrose w. head turned slightly to the right.

(cont.)

Table 45. (cont.) Period 1.

2.

3.

Florin Grosso da Grosso da or ducat 3 or 4 2 soldi soldi

4.

5.

6.

7.

8.

Pegione or Soldo

Ottino

Sesino

Trillina

Denaro

Second CNI v, period 118.1, 118–19.3– 4, 119.8; Crippa 1986, 119 no. 1b

Third CNI v, period, 119.5–7, phase 1 119–20.9– 15; Crippa 1986, 120 no. 1c

Date

CNI v, 1426– 140–1.209– 36 18; Crippa 1986, 133–4 nos. 16a–b (?)

CNI v, 120–3.17– 43; Crippa 1986, 127 no. 7

Soldo: CNI v, 134– 5.153–62; Crippa 1986, 128 no. 8

CNI v, 138– 9.195– 202; Crippa 1986, 132 no. 14

Characteristics and description

Devalued coinage w. 0 and compact lettering, florins w. annulet punctuation; probably including period of inactivity in the mint: 1. Obv. Duke as mounted knight w. sword to right. Rev. Visconti shield and crested helmet between I – äa in quatrefoil w. annulets in the angles. For countermarked Hungarian ducats, see above, pp. 475–6. 8. Obv. Crowned knotted cloth. Rev. Cross fleury.

1436–c. High-value reform coinage, 1438/40 soon revalued in the old money of account, w. open 0 and compact lettering with flat horizontal lines at the tips of the vertical lines: 1. Obv. Duke as mounted knight w. sword to right and crosslet over the head of the horse. Rev. Visconti shield and crested helmet between I – äa in quatrefoil w. annulets in the angles. 3. Obv. Duke as mounted knight w. sword to right. Rev. St Ambrose enthroned w. closed garment and horizontal drapery (‘Milanese type’). 4. Obv. Shield and crested helmet. Rev. St Ambrose enthroned with open cape and fibula (‘Pavese type’). 7. Obv. Crested helmet. Rev. Crowned d.

Third period, phase 2

CNI v, 129– 33.104–47; Crippa 1986, 24–5 nos. 4–5

CNI v, 135– 6.163–73; Crippa 1986, 129 no. 9

CNI v, c. 140–1.209– 1440–7 18, 141.219– 22; Crippa 1986, 133 nos. 16b, 16a, 16c

Restored coinage, valued in the old money of account w. wide lettering, increasingly thin lines and split tips; 0 w. split legs that come together to form downward-pointing arrowhead, gothic round S and e; later issues have a small snake at the top of the legend: 1. Continued from phase 1. 3. Obv. Crowned quartered shield w. branches. Rev. St Ambrose enthroned in new design. 6. Obv. Cross potent w. stylised fleur-de-lis in each quarter. Rev. Half-figure of St Ambrose. 8. Obv. Crowned knotted cloth. Rev. Cross fleury.

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son-in-law, the general and condottiere Francesco Sforza. The leading Milanese families reacted quickly to the dangerous circumstances by establishing a provisional government within just five days of the duke’s death and proclaiming the Ambrosian Republic. They formed a new government of twenty-four ‘captains and defenders of the freedom of Milan’, enacted populist measures such as cancelling taxes and destroying the prince’s fortress, and encouraged formerly dependent cities to join the new state, albeit without success. The need to defend the city and its territory forced the new government to engage one of its main rivals, Francesco Sforza, as military leader. An alliance of the government with Venice against the growing power of Francesco as lord of Cremona, Pontremoli, Pavia and Piacenza nevertheless provoked Francesco to lay siege to Milan in September 1449, culminating in the revolutionary removal of the republican government and Francesco’s entry into the city in February 1450. Coming from modest origins, Francesco’s father, Muzio Attendolo, called Sforza (1369–1424), had enjoyed a splendid military career in southern Italy through his particular skills and ingenious tactics. He also opened the way for his natural son, Francesco Sforza (1401–66), to become a contracted military leader (condottiere) in southern and central Italy. Still under the guidance of his father, Francesco received high honours as gran connestabile of Naples under Queen Joanna II of Anjou (1414–35).After Muzio’s death in 1424,Francesco took over his father’s troops and continued to support Joanna. By 1425, however, he was in the service of Filippo Maria Visconti of Milan, who had a complex and shifting relationship with the gifted condottiere, varying from close and faithful collaboration to open hostility. This stemmed partly from the chaotic political situation in Italy but particularly from the duke’s exaggerated distrust of anyone whom he perceived to threaten his position. Francesco Sforza went from being Milan’s most prominent condottiere as well as Filippo Maria’s adopted son and fiancé of his only daughter, Bianca Maria Visconti, in 1432 to the major general of the duke’s enemies. The strained relationship between the two men continued even after Francesco’s marriage to Filippo Maria’s daughter in 1441. Through this marriage, Francesco gained Cremona and Pontremoli as dowry, which complemented the vast territories in central Italy that he had taken from the papal patrimony. In 1447, as he was approaching death, Filippo Maria again called on his son-in-law to defend the duchy against its numerous enemies, including Venice, Naples and France. When Francesco arrived, however, the city’s new rulers had already proclaimed the Ambrosian Republic. He took over the defence of the republic and became count of Pavia, but it was soon clear that he also posed the greatest threat to the independence of the republic.After concluding a secret treaty with Venice, he began to move against Milan, and despite the Serenissima’s shift to the defence of the Milanese republic against the overpowering general, Francesco Sforza managed to lay the city under a bitter siege. Towards the end of February 1450, a revolution within the city swept away the republican capitani and delivered the city to the condottiere. On 22 March, the city’s General Assembly officially proclaimed him duke of Milan. Although he defended Milan and reconstituted the Visconti state over the following years, Francesco never received imperial acknowledgement or investiture of his authority. Despite gaining power over Milan by force and holding on to power in the face of continuous warfare against different coalitions during the first troubled years of his rule, he established a well-organised and widely accepted government that favoured the development of trade and crafts in Milan and its territories. A particular achievement of Francesco Sforza was that, in the aftermath of the Treaty of Lodi in 1454, he set up a system of peace treaties to maintain a balance of power between the major states

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in Italy, the so-called Italian League, which was an alliance between the papacy, Naples, Venice, Florence and Milan. The succeeding period was one of general peace and prosperity, facilitating the development of the Sforza court into one of the leading centres of Renaissance culture where the humanist Francesco Filelfo (1398–1481) from Tolentino in the Marches and the Florentine sculptor and architect of the Ospedale Maggiore Antonio Averlino (c. 1400–post 1465), whose pseudonym was Filarete (from the Greek φιλάρετος, ‘lover of virtue’, i.e. ‘valour’), rose to prominence. In the treaties that established the Italian League, from 1454 onwards, the other major Italian states implicitly acknowledged Francesco’s rule. The ascension of Louis XI to the throne of France in 1461 also opened the way for an alliance between Francesco and the new French king, whom the Sforza duke had formerly supported against his father and predecessor, Charles VII (1422–61). The significance of the alliance lay in the possibility of stemming French claims to the duchy of Milan that went back to the marriage of Gian Galeazzo’s daughter Valentina to Duke Louis of Orléans (d. 1407), an uncle of Charles VII. The relationship of the dukes of Milan with the kings of France was important for subsequent developments and Francesco’s alliance with Louis had consequences for the beginning of the rule of his son Galeazzo Maria. Milan’s acquisition of Savona and above all the important Ligurian port of Genoa in 1464 was very significant for the prosperity of the Sforza state and the chronology of Francesco’s coins. The unforeseen death of Francesco Sforza in March 1466 once more left the state in a precarious situation. At the time, Francesco’s first-born son, Galeazzo Maria, was commanding Milanese auxiliary troops in France, which made it difficult and dangerous for him to return to the duchy to avert an uprising in Milan. With the support of Francesco’s chancellor and secretary, Cicco Simonetta, the duke’s widow, Bianca Maria Visconti, nevertheless managed to gain control of the difficult situation and pave the way for Galeazzo Maria’s more or less smooth succession. Once he had assumed control of the duchy, young Galeazzo Maria also operated under the careful guidance of his mother as co-regent. Only after her death in 1468 did he enact, together with Simonetta and other trusted officers, a series of reforms that greatly centralised the state by cancelling privileges and introducing new taxes and tolls while raising existing ones to invest huge sums in economic development. He promoted rice farming, the silk industry and printing while improving the infrastructure of roads and drainage.Galeazzo Maria also oversaw a monetary reform in 1474 in response to the dramatic changes in the supply of silver that stemmed from the discovery of new Alpine mines. To assuage the desperate need for coined money, the duke even renounced his minting revenue to enable the mint to produce larger amounts of good new coins, not least the so-called testone of one lira in the Milanese money of account (Cipolla 1988, 48–52, 61–4). On account of this reform, Galeazzo Maria’s rule was the high point of Milanese monetary production in the early Renaissance. Strong government centralisation combined with Galeazzo Maria’s volatile character and exaggerated displays of wealth provoked resistance against the duke from some of Milan’s leading families. External powers as well as the duke’s younger siblings, most notably Sforza Maria and Ludovico Maria il Moro (‘the Black’), fanned the flames of opposition. Although Galeazzo Maria allowed himself to be dragged into an expensive war in alliance with Florence under Lorenzo de’ Medici (1449–92), he managed to maintain the balance of power in Italy. In 1476, with the support of the duke’s now exiled brothers, representatives of the Milanese nobility whose families had supposedly suffered as a result of the programme of government centralisation formed a conspiracy against the duke and assassinated him on the day after Christmas in the Milanese church

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of Santo Stefano. Galeazzo Maria’s experienced first secretary, Cicco Simonetta, and the duke’s young widow, Bona of Savoy, nevertheless acted quickly to forestall the anticipated general revolt and oversee the succession, under Bona’s regency, of the duke’s seven-year-old son Gian Galeazzo Maria, who was enthroned only in April 1478. Bona’s regency, under Simonetta’s capable guidance, did not last for long. She soon gave in to pressure from Ludovico il Moro and his brothers, who had been banned again after a vain attempt at revolt in May 1477. Ludovico gained access to the ducal court from September 1479 and quickly assumed control of the government by removing Cicco Simonetta and all the loyal supporters of Bona and the young duke. On 2 November 1480, Bona abandoned the capital and accepted a powerless position in the castello of Abbiategrasso. The next day, the weak-willed young duke consigned the regency to Ludovico Maria as his patruus and gubernator. For the next fourteen years, Gian Galeazzo remained practically imprisoned, first in Milan and from 1489 in the castello of Pavia, until his death by poisoning on 21 October 1494, shortly after Ludovico Maria’s imperial investiture had been arranged and a year after the first of Ludovico Maria’s heirs was born. The political development of the duchy under Ludovico Maria’s regency was characterised by a growing political insecurity, with the loss of Genoa and the Valtellina in 1479 and the gradual breakdown of the balance of power between the Italian states. What remained of the balance of power collapsed in 1494 when King Charles VIII of France (1483–98) arrived in Italy to conquer the kingdom of Naples. On the other hand, Milan also enjoyed a period of artistic splendour under Ludovico Maria and attracted such artists as Donato Bramante (1444–1514) and Leonardo da Vinci (1452–1519). Such cultural magnificence was made possible by not only an even tougher taxation regime than the one that existed under Galeazzo Maria but also flourishing trade and industry – particularly in arms, silk and other textiles – as well as political successes such as the victory over the anti-Aragonese alliance in 1486 and the reconquest of Genoa in 1487. Soon after Gian Galeazzo Maria’s demise, Ludovico Maria obtained the imperial investiture for himself as part of an earlier arrangement whereby Gian Galeazzo Maria was to receive the investiture in recompense for the marriage of his sister and Ludovico Maria’s niece Bianca Maria, with her dowry of 400,000 gold ducats, to King Maximilian (1493–1519) in March 1494. In spite of his unconventional path to power, Ludovico Maria thus became the first Sforza duke properly invested with the legitimate title of duke. The year 1494 nevertheless marks a turning point in the history of Milan. As a result of the Italian campaign of Charles VIII, foreign powers began to gain interest in the duchy. Initially, the Italian powers confronted the threat that this posed by forming an almost universal league against the foreign intruder, but the death of Charles led to the succession of Louis XII (1498–1515), who targeted his foreign ambitions directly against Milan and reasserted the French claim to be legitimate heir to the Visconti duchy. Ludovico Maria, who lacked the support of the discontented Milanese people, soon became politically isolated and unable to resist the French troops under the command of the capable general Gian Giacomo Trivulzio. The duke fled from Milan to Tyrol in September 1499 and regained his duchy only in February 1500, now supported by his people who directed their anger at the French soldiers, but he was forced to flee again in April. This time, moreover, he was caught and imprisoned, which enabled Trivulzio to install a more solid French government for the duchy. Ludovico Maria’s sons nevertheless remained in imperial safekeeping and were able to reclaim the duchy after the French defeats of 1512 and 1521/2.

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King Louis XII, who as duke of Orléans had already ruled in north-west Italy at Asti before his royal coronation, entered the conquered city of Milan in October 1499 but left it after only a month. After the city’s reconquest and the capture of Ludovico Maria in April 1500, Louis turned his interest to the conquest of the kingdom of Naples. According to the First Treaty of Blois with King Maximilian in September 1504, Louis obtained formal investiture as duke of Milan in April 1505. In 1511, a powerful alliance of states including the papacy, Venice, the Swiss, England and Spain, together with the emperor, united against the French king and Milanese duke in the socalled ‘Holy League’ and managed in 1512 to drive him out of Milan and Italy in general, installing Ludovico Maria’s first-born son,Massimiliano,in the Lombard city.Louis XII died at the beginning of 1515 while making preparations to reconquer his Italian territories and was succeeded in France by Francis I (1515–47), who regained Milan in October 1515 but lost the city to Massimiliano’s brother Francesco II in 1521. Under Ludovico Maria’s sons Massimiliano and Francesco, Habsburg influence in Milan steadily grew until the duchy fell under direct control of King Charles V of Habsburg (1519–56, emp. 1530) and his successors, first in 1525–9 and definitively in 1535. B. Bibliography In addition to the relevant volumes of the Storia di Milano (1953–66, VI–VIII) and the literature indicated above for Milan under the Visconti, other titles cover the seven decades following the death of the last Visconti duke when the Sforza ruled over the city and struggled against foreign powers such as Venice and France. Natale (1986) dedicated a monograph to the brief but troubled period of the so-called Repubblica Ambrosiana. Research on the Sforza dukes of Milan and their age is more abundant, but the proceedings of a conference on the Sforza in 1981 (Sforza 1982) made it clear that many aspects of Sforza rule, particularly after the death of Francesco Sforza in 1466, were still little studied and in need of further attention. Until then, the main resources were the overviews provided by Santoro (1968b) and, in German, Schelle (1981). In more specific treatments, Cusin (1936) focused on the importance of the empire to Sforza rule over the duchy while Violini (1943) contributed a biography of Galeazzo Maria and Pillinini (1970) covered the balance of power between the principal Italian states in the system inaugurated by Francesco Sforza. Further conferences dealt with the age of Ludovico Maria (Milano nell’età di Ludovico il Moro 1983) and Sforza relations with the Lombard and Roman churches (Chittolini 1989). In the meantime, Catalano provided modern biographies of the best-known Sforza dukes, Francesco Sforza (1983) and Ludovico il Moro (1985), and there are good short biographies with detailed and up-to-date bibliographies in the DBI. Scheller (1985) gave an account of the adventures and art of Louis XII of France in Italy, and the bibliography on his condottiere and governor of Milan, Gian Francesco Trivulzio, is discussed below in the section on the Trivulzio coinages. Santoro’s early work on the offices of the Sforza era (1948), which she expanded in a later work (1968a), is important for Milan’s institutional history. The literature on the organisation and development of the military under Sforza rule is of particular interest because military expenses put the state’s financial resources under considerable pressure and therefore drove fiscal and institutional developments (Covini 1997). Finally, Cipolla (1957) gave an overview of Milan’s economic history in this period. Milanese monetary history under the Sforza dukes is more thoroughly covered, starting again with the sources assembled by Motta (1894; 1895; 1896). The relatively rich archival material for this period has been widely used, most notably in the series of articles on monetary development by Bernareggi (1970; 1972; 1984a; 1984b) and Soldi Rondinini (1981; 1984; 1985), though

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their analyses would have benefited greatly from better knowledge of the numismatic material as presented in Crippa’s excellent handbook (1986). Bernareggi (1954; 1975; 1982b) also devoted attention to portraiture on Milanese coins in a broad comparative context, supplemented by the work of Albertario (2002). Cipolla’s important work on Milanese monetary policy (1988) emphasises the monetary reform of Galeazzo Maria, while Mueller (1984) considers the ‘monetary war’ between Milan and Venice during the time of the same ruler. Cogliati Arano (1984) focuses on the artistic aspects of the coinage under French rule in her short article while Lafaurie (1951) provides a more general reference. The hoard evidence is less relevant for the Sforza period because it lacks the immediacy and detail of the rich written sources. The material available for the classification of the Milanese coins in this period enabled Crippa (1986; Crippa and Crippa 1998) to establish a good sequence of the different issues, which are set out here more clearly than in the conventional arrangements of his catalogues. Three important catalogues published since the time when Crippa was working also adopted his classification and added some detail (Martini 2001; 2002; Toffanin 2013). C. Coinage I. The Ambrosian Republic The return to a republican constitution in Milan and its district, as the remaining nucleus of the Visconti territorial state, entailed the popular destruction of both tax lists and the prince’s fortress of Porta Giovia as well as the banning of any ducal symbol on the coins, most notably the Visconti arms and related symbols such as the so-called biscia. These were replaced with neutral elements such as crosses and the archepiscopal shield with heraldic cross that was adopted by the commune. The Ambrosian Republic nevertheless continued the pre-existing monetary system with the same denominations and style, invoking the enthroned St Ambrose as protector of the new state. The value and exchange rate of the lira imperiale as money of account against the gold florin or ducat remained unchanged during the short-lived republic (Spufford 1986, 99–100). It even seems that, in accordance with the tradition of parity between the Milanese and Pavese currencies, the republican coin types as well as their weight, fineness and value paralleled those of Pavia as decreed by Francesco Sforza as count of Pavia in October 1447 (Brambilla 1883, 488–9; Motta 1893, docs. 145–9; cf. Cipolla 1988, 14–16). Not surprisingly, the government of the Ambrosian Republic struck a representative gold coin, the so-called ambrosino d’oro, which was, in effect, a gold florin. It had a gothic in tressure surrounded by the legend, starting with the communal shield, cOMV3IT0S MEDIOL03I on the obverse and a facing bust of St Ambrose surrounded by the legend referring to the saint on the reverse (CNI v,142–3.1–4;Crippa 1986,141–2 nos.1a–d).The weight and fineness of the republican grosso of two soldi (c. 2.30g and 57 per cent) are the same as the last grosso type of Filippo Maria and the reverse, with its depiction of the enthroned St Ambrose, looks almost identical; only the obverse differs with its large cross fleury (685–7; CNI v, 143–4.5–12; Crippa 1986, 143 no. 2). The sesino of this period likewise has the same weight and fineness as its predecessor (c. 1.00g and 28 per cent) and an almost unchanged reverse with the half-figure of St Ambrose, while the traditional cross potent on the obverse is replaced by the communal shield in quatrefoil (688–90; CNI v, 144.13–16; Crippa 1986, 143 no. 3). The republican denaro imperiale of about 0.60g and 6 per cent silver has the traditional cross fleury with the communal legend on the obverse and a

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nimbate mitred head of St Ambrose on the reverse (691–2; CNI v, 144–5.17–22; Crippa 1986, 144 nos. 4a–b). Specimens of this coin are often badly struck and very worn; there are also some rare mules of the republican denaro with the previous type of Filippo Maria’s denaro (Crippa 1986, 135 no. 17). Later, under Francesco Sforza, specimens evidently struck from dies of the republican era continued to appear, and this makes it difficult to determine whether these coins were produced using old dies or were contemporary forgeries (Crippa 1986, 170–1 nos. 21–2; see also Chapter 3, section (u), pp. 240–1). In any case, these coins attest to the chaotic political and monetary situation of mid-fifteenth-century Milan. II. Francesco Sforza (1450–66) After securing his authority over Milan, Francesco Sforza quickly brought the greater part of the former Visconti state under his control and even managed to pacify the bellicose Italian political system with the Peace of Lodi in 1454 (Chapter 1, section (a), pp. 5–6 and Map 1), but he was unable to bring Milan’s currency under control. The Milanese denaro imperiale fell against the gold florin from sixty-five to eighty-two soldi over the course of his rule, despite a series of manipulations that had only short-term effects (Spufford 1986, 98–102). Inflation affected not only Milan but was widespread owing to the general silver famine of the period, which lasted until the 1470s when silver became plentiful as a result of new discoveries of silver deposits in the Alps and in Central Europe. These inflationary tendencies caused changes in the value of individual coin types in terms of the money of account and sometimes even in the way that they were described in the sources, which makes it difficult to determine their denominations with certainty. The first grosso type initially worth two soldi or twenty-four denari, for example, increased in value to thirty denari over the course of Francesco’s rule, despite a monetary manipulation in October 1465 that sought to restore the old value. Similarly, the so-called quindicini worth fifteen denari in the later years of Francesco’s rule were originally introduced as soldi but rose probably in parallel to the revalued grossi until the same decree of 1465 sought to devalue the coin to one soldo (Motta 1893, doc. 229). Meanwhile, the lack of small change compelled the authorities to accept foreign coins and the coinages of former Milanese regimes as legal tender, as demonstrated by a decree of 1457 (Motta 1893, doc. 189). The actual coins in circulation were thus made up of a confusing mixture of new and revalued old coinages with changing denominations, plus many foreign coins. A systematic set of metallurgical analyses would help to clarify the denominations. In view of this, the classification proposed here, which differs in a few cases from that of Crippa (1986), must be considered provisional. The hoard evidence is unhelpful for any more refined classification of the coins, but issue marks such as the small Visconti snake at the start of the legend (from 1462) and the development of the lettering are once more indicative. Under Francesco Sforza, one of the first rulers to have his realistic portrait struck on a coin, Renaissance sensibilities gradually penetrated the coinage more widely to influence the lettering, which slowly lost its gothic character, though it was only under his successor that Roman capitals first appeared on the coins. The letter A, at first struck with just one horizontal bar at the top (0) and split legs that came together at the bottom to form a downward-pointing arrowhead, as on Filippo Maria’s last coinage and the immediately succeeding republican coinage, later acquired a horizontal middle bar (a), while the E, initially formed from one vertical bar and a detached triple triangle punch that made it look something like a comb, was later made from the vertical bar with three horizontal bars

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attached to it. The earlier coins generally have letters with split ends in the form of a swallow-tail while the letters of later coins have almost flat ends, a more quadrangular outline, and are more detached from one another. Such observations, together with other elements, make it possible to exclude certain coin types from the series of Francesco Sforza, for example the anonymous denaro with saint’s bust and cross that actually belongs to Filippo Maria Visconti (see Crippa 1986, 174–5; see also above, p. 475). Classification is also facilitated by the typological similarities of certain coins with other coinages of demonstrably previous and/or subsequent periods. The well-documented introduction of the portrait coinage in 1462 and the reference to the conquest of Genoa in 1464 also provide reliable reference points for the classification of Francesco’s coinage. During the politically and militarily troubled first six years of Francesco’s rule, the duke merely continued the coinage pattern of the previous governments while deliberately underlining the legitimacy of his rule with iconography that referred to his Visconti predecessors and specifically to his inheritance of the Visconti house. He also took over some of the iconography from his time as count of Pavia as issue marks and coin motifs such as the three diamond rings (see section (o) below, pp. 534–6). In this period, it seems that his mint produced only lower denominations. The highest denomination of these years was a grosso, initially valued at two soldi, ideally of about 2.20g and 56 per cent fine. It has a quartered shield between the duke’s initials and his symbol of three diamond rings above on the obverse and St Ambrose enthroned on the reverse. The saint’s representation is almost identical with that on the republican grossi and both variants, one with the initials crowned and the other without crowns, give Francesco’s title with reference not only to the duchy of Milan but also to the counties of Pavia and Angera (693–4; CNI v, 150–2.45–59; Crippa 1986, 162–3 nos. 9–10). Owing to the general inflationary trend of the time, the coins were often clipped down to a weight below 2.00g. An early soldo type is not mentioned in the coin decrees of 1452, which perhaps suggests that it had already been introduced between 1450 and 1452 (Brambilla 1883, 466–8; cf. Cipolla 1988, 6, 14–15). Ideally weighing 1.30–1.40g and 34 per cent fine, it has the quartered shield and a wide cross fleury with a title similar to that on the grosso showing the same early lettering pattern with gothic , bipartite E and 0 without middle bar (695; CNI v, 153.70–1, 153–5.75–86; Crippa 1986, 165 nos. 14a–b, described as sesino). The many variants of the legend may indicate a long period of production, similar to the sesini and denari of this period, both of which have the Visconti biscia between the initials  – S on the obverse and cross fleury on the reverse. The sesino had a standard weight of about 0.95g (696–8; CNI v, 155–6.94–6; Crippa 1986, 167 nos. 17a–b) and the denaro about 0.60g (699–700; CNI v, 157–8.107–17; Crippa 1986, 172–3 nos. 23a–c). One variant of this denaro (Crippa 1986, 173 no. 23c) also has the three diamond rings at the start of the legend, while another crudely styled variant, probably attributable to Pavia, has the name +R0NcIScVS c on the obverse (CNI v, 158.118–19; Crippa 1986, 173 no. 24; see also below, p. 536). A series of hybrid denari with obverse or reverse dies from the republican era belongs to the troubled very early period of Francesco’s rule, although it may be the case that some are the contemporary forgeries that are often mentioned in the written sources (Crippa 1986, 170–1 nos. 21–2; cf. Geiger 2002a, 133 no. 7, with the obverse from a denaro of Filippo Maria). Denari of the republican typology but with blundered legends should in any case be considered contemporary forgeries rather than products of imaginary mints such as Valenza Po, Pietra Gavina or Modondone (cf. Ambrosoli 1904a; Matzke 2010, 72–3; see also Chapter 3, section (u), pp. 240–1).

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There are two matching trillina types that both bear the three diamond rings on the obverse. The first, which seems to have a Pavese parallel, carries a cross fleury on the reverse and was probably struck until 1452 (CNI v, 156.98–9; Crippa 1986, 168 no. 19; for the Pavese parallel, cf. CNI iv, 507.20 = CNI v, 156.100; cf. Motta 1893, docs. 161, 165; see also section (o) below, p. 536). The other bears the crowned ducal initials on the reverse and was probably struck from 1452 to 1456 (CNI v, 156 no. 97; Crippa 1986, 168 no. 18). Francesco’s second period is marked by the introduction of the first grosso maggiore or grossone decreed in 1456, though the lower denominations such as the sesino and denaro with biscia and cross fleury very probably continued to be struck with unchanged typology. According to the mint order of January 1456, the new grosso of four soldi or forty-eight denari was made from good alloy, almost 90 per cent fine, but weighed only about 2.53g, or slightly more than the usual grosso (Motta 1893, doc. 182; Cipolla 1988, 6–9). The only possible identification of the coin mentioned in the mint order is with a grosso bearing the crested arms in quatrefoil and St Ambrose enthroned in an old-fashioned manner, as on the grossi and pegioni of the fourteenth century (701; CNI v, 150.40–2; Crippa 1986, 161 no. 7). Good specimens of this coin can nevertheless weigh as much as 2.80g, but the lack of analyses makes it impossible to resolve the problem. The same document of 1456 also mentions the striking of gold ducats, which must be those of the traditional type with the duke on horseback riding to the right on the obverse and crested arms in an acute quatrefoil tressure on the reverse (CNI v, 148.26–7; Crippa 1986, 153 no. 1). This rare coin also bears for the first time one of the duke’s preferred symbols, a brush, on the horse’s drapery, though its meaning is unclear. The document of 1456 also decreed a grosso of two soldi and a sesino of the same fineness as before and only slightly reduced weight, compared with the mint order of 1442, which suggests that the old types were simply continued. Two further denominations, a soldo and a new trillina type, are not mentioned in the mint order of 1456. The soldo has the Visconti snake with a small brush above in an acute quatrefoil tressure on the obverse and a bust of the city’s saint on the reverse (702; CNI v, 152–3.63–9; Crippa 1986, 164 no. 12). Its relatively high weight of more than 1.50g, fineness of about 36 per cent and introduction after the first wave of inflation in 1455 perhaps indicate that this coin was worth fifteen denari instead of merely a soldo or twelve denari. Some years later, further inflation had clearly turned it into a quindicino, which necessitated the introduction of a new soldo by 1459, very probably like the soldo of the previous type with quartered shield on the obverse and cross fleury on the reverse but now with a pellet atop the shield and a maximum weight of only 1.30g (707; CNI v, 153.72–4; Crippa 1986, 164 no. 13; cf. Motta 1896, doc. 535). Conventional periodisation is not well suited for such effectively overlapping issues because all of these coin types actually circulated alongside one another until Galeazzo Maria’s monetary reform of 1474. The gradually less gothic character of the lettering on the new trillina type of about 0.90g and 12 per cent silver with crested helmet and crowned initials likewise suggests that it was struck for a long time after 1456. The evolution of the lettering is clearly recognisable in the initial  in the reverse field, which initially has a secondary vertical line that extends to the letter’s base and very nearly takes the form of a gothic quadrangular A but evolves into something approaching a Roman F (703–6; CNI v, 156.101–6; Crippa 1986, 169 no. 20). This suggests that these coins were struck well into the following issue period in which the lettering tended to assume simpler and clearer forms.

490

Lombardy

The most significant development of the third period of Francesco Sforza’s rule was the introduction of his realistic portrait on the new ducats and new grosso denomination in 1462 (Motta 1893, docs. 216, 219). Probably cut on the basis of a portrait miniature in Milan, Biblioteca Trivulziana, MS. 786, by Bonifacio Bembo (c. 1420–before 1482), this was one of the first realistic coin portraits since Roman times. It dominates the obverse of the new ducat type on which the traditional motif of the mounted duke with sword was shifted to the reverse; the lettering, though still in the gothic style, is also more clearly cut (708; CNI v, 145–7.1–20; Crippa 1986, 155–8, nos. 2, 3a–b). The variants with the longer traditional title on the obverse are probably earlier and the relatively more common ones with the more concise inscription +DVx MEDIOLaNI c are probably later. Although often overstruck on gold coins of slightly lower quality, it is notable that Francesco Sforza’s beautiful new ducat was equated with the high-value Venetian ducat. A new grossone of five soldi and about 3.50g has almost the same obverse as the ducat but with the addition of the duke’s initials, while the reverse again shows St Ambrose enthroned in the style of the fourteenth-century grossi that depict the saint with a large fibula (CNI v, 148.30–2; Crippa 1986, 159 no. 5). The initial value of the grossone is attested in a decree of 1465 that devalued the coin to four soldi (Motta 1893, doc. 229, cf. doc. 226), which reflects the fact that the grossone was introduced in 1462, after two waves of inflation in 1457/8 and 1459/60 (Spufford 1986, 98–102). It must therefore be assumed that the authorities revalued the Milanese lira imperiale in 1465 and reduced the nominal value of the grossone accordingly. In recognition of the high level of artistic achievement demonstrated in this coin, the mint also struck medals of 6.60g from the same dies (Crippa 1986, 176 no. 27). The two new coin types, the ducat and grossone, have a small biscia as an issue mark in the obverse legend, which occurs also on the new sesino type of about 1.00g that has the large Visconti snake on the obverse without the duke’s initials and a cross pattée with a fleur-de-lis in each angle on the reverse (CNI v, 155.87–9; Crippa 1986, 166 no. 15). The soldino and trillina of the preceding period might well have been continued in this third issue period. The last coin type of this period was perhaps a low-value denomination with another of Francesco’s symbols, a horse’s jaw, on the obverse and a nimbate and mitred bust of the city’s patron on the reverse (CNI v, 158.120–2; Crippa 1986, 176 no. 26). Its larger module and relatively heavy weight of sometimes more than 0.80g suggest that this type was a trillina introduced sometime after 1462 rather than a denaro as Crippa presumed. The last issue period of Francesco Sforza’s rule is easily recognisable by the addition of the title of lord of Genoa to the obverse legend in reference to the Milanese conquest of this important port city in 1464. Although only two years separated Francesco’s take-over of Genoa and his death, a wide range of denominations carry this title including a prestigious portrait ducat (CNI v, 147– 8.21–5; Crippa 1986, 158 no. 4) and a grossone da 5 soldi (709; CNI v, 149.34–6, 149–50.38–9; Crippa 1986, 160 no. 6), both of almost unchanged design, though the grossone now lacks the initials on the obverse and is of slightly reduced weight. New coin types of this short period include a lower-value grosso that has a quartered shield on the obverse and a half-figure of St Ambrose with the usual whip and crozier on the reverse (710–11; CNI v, 150.43–4; Crippa 1986, 161 no. 8), a new quindicino of fifteen denari with biscia in tressure and a bust of the saint (712; CNI v, 152.60–2; Crippa 1986, 163 no. 11), and a sesino with the usual large snake and cross potent with an annulet at the end of each arm (713; CNI v, 155.90–3; Crippa 1986, 166 no. 16). It is unclear whether the grosso, weighing about 2.20g and tested as 56 per cent fine, was worth two and a half soldi (i.e. thirty denari) or was the grosso of three soldi mentioned in the decree of 1465, but the quindicino of more than 1.50g and

Milan

491

nearly 40 per cent fine cannot have been a soldo any longer, as Crippa claimed (cf. Motta 1893, doc. 229). Manipulations such as the 1465 decree that devalued all denominations by about a sixth, however, were insufficient to arrest the general inflationary trend. In any case, the production of trilline and denari of the old type probably continued until the death of the much-admired first duke of the Sforza house. III. Galeazzo Maria Sforza and Bianca Maria Visconti (1466–8) When Francesco Sforza died in 1466, his widow, Bianca Maria Visconti, already experienced in administering the affairs of state, confidently stepped in to assume responsibility as co-regent of the duchy in accordance with Francesco’s testament. Assisted by Francesco’s faithful secretary Cicco Simonetta, Bianca Maria not only averted the threat of rebellion posed by the former duke’s unexpected death, but also revived an old Visconti tradition of joint rule from the fourteenth century by striking coins in both her own name and her son’s, with hers taking precedence in the inscriptions. When her eldest son, Galeazzo Maria, was detained on his return from France to claim his inheritance, Bianca Maria held on to the ducal throne for him while maintaining public order during the period of transition and generally representing balance and continuity in contrast to the inexperience and youth of her twenty-two-year-old son. During the joint rule of Bianca Maria with her son Galeazzo Maria, from 1466 to 1468, the coinage remained unchanged. A mint ordinance of April 1466 provided for the striking of the same coin types as those produced in the last phase of Francesco Sforza’s rule (Cipolla 1988, 14– 15). These types included a grosso of two and a half soldi or thirty denari with a quartered shield on the obverse and a half-figure of St Ambrose on the reverse, also called a trentino or grossetto (715; CNI v, 159.1–2; Crippa 1986, 182 no. 1), a quindicino as its half-denomination with the Visconti viper in tressure and bust of the patron saint (716–17; CNI v, 159–60.3–8; Crippa 1986, 183 no. 2), a sesino (718; CNI v, 160.9–10; Crippa 1986, 183 no. 3) and denaro imperiale with biscia and cross fleury (CNI v, 161.19–23; Crippa 1986, 185 nos. 5a–b), and a trillina or treijna (719–20; CNI v, 160– 1.11–18; Crippa 1986, 184 no. 4). Almost all of them used the same design as before, with the only difference being that Francesco’s initials and titles were replaced by those of the new joint rulers B[ianca] M[aria] and g[aleazzo] M[aria]. The only exception to this was the trillina, which had the crowned double initials of Bianca Maria on the obverse supplanting the crested helmet of the previous type and the crowned double initials of Galeazzo Maria on the reverse. In terms of fineness, the data recorded by Gnecchi and taken up by Crippa match up very well with the prescriptions in the mint ordinance of April 1466. Both give a figure of about 50 per cent for the grossetto, about 35 per cent for quindicino, about 25 per cent for the sesino, about 10 per cent for the treijna and 6 per cent for the denaro. In addition, the still confused state of the petty coinage is attested in the existence of a denaro from this period with a reverse legend that identifies the coin as a mule with a denaro of Francesco Sforza (CNI v, 182.176; Crippa 1986, 214 no. 20, cf. 185 no. 5b). The two rulers were of markedly different character and relations between them inevitably grew increasingly tense. In response to the growing tension, Bianca Maria retreated from Milan to her dowry city, Cremona, in May 1468, though the nominal association of mother and son in rule probably continued until Bianca Maria’s death on 23 October that year. A detailed letter of March 1467 nevertheless shows that the mint of Milan had already begun to strike a new ducat in the name of Galeazzo Maria alone as the fifth duke of Milan during the period of joint rule (Motta 1894,

Table 46. Milanese coinage of the Ambrosian Republic, Francesco Sforza, and the joint rule of Galeazzo Maria and Bianca Maria, 1447–68 Authority and period

1.

2.

Ambrosian Republic

CNI v, 142–3.1–4; Crippa 1986, 141–2 nos. 1a–d

3.

4.

5.

Ambrosino Grossone Grosso da Quindicino Soldo 2 soldi d’oro, and florin or trentino ducat

7.

8.

Sesino

Trillina

Denaro

CNI v, 144.13–6; Crippa 1986, 143 no. 3

CNI v, 143–4.5– 12; Crippa 1986, 143 no. 2

CNI v, 150–2.45– 59; Crippa 1986, 162–3 nos. 9–10

Francesco Phase 1 Sforza, first period

6.

CNI v, 153.70–1, 153–5.75– 86; Crippa 1986, 165 no. 14a-b

CNI v, 155–6.94– 6; Crippa 1986, 167 nos. 17b-a

CNI v, 156.97; Crippa 1986, 168 no. 18

Phase 2

Francesco Phase 1 Sforza, second period

Phase 2

CNI v, 156.98–9; Crippa 1986, 168 no. 19

CNI v, 148.26–7; Crippa 1986, 153 no. 1

Grossone Cont. da 4 soldi: from first CNI v, period 150.40–2; Crippa 1986, 161 no. 7

Cont. CNI v, 152–3.63–9; from first Crippa 1986, period 164 no. 12 (later valued as quindicino?)

CNI v, 153.72–4; Crippa 1986, 164 no. 13

Date

Characteristics and description

CNI v, 144– 1447–50 5.17–22; Crippa 1986, 144 nos. 4a–b

Similar to the coins of Filippo Maria’s third period, phase 2, w. letters that have split ends; 0 w. split legs that come together at the bottom to form a downwardpointing arrowhead, round gothic S and e: 1. Obv. ä in gothic six-fold tressure. Rev. Half-figure of St Ambrose. 3. Obv. Cross fleury. Rev. St Ambrose enthroned. 6. Obv. Republican shield in quatrefoil. Rev. Half-figure of St Ambrose. 8. Obv. Cross fleury. Rev. Nimbate and mitred head of St Ambrose.

Crippa 1986, c. 1450–2 170–1 nos. 21–2 (?); CNI v, 157– 8.107–17; Crippa 1986, 172–3 c. 1452–6 nos. 23a-c

Early coinage w. coarse gothic lettering similar to coins of the Ambrosian Republic, w. 0 without middle bar, gothic  and S, bipartite E: 3. Obv. Quartered shield between initials and three diamond rings. Rev. St Ambrose enthroned. 5. Obv. Quartered shield. Rev. Wide cross fleury. 6. Obv. Biscia between  – S. Rev. Cross fleury w. pellet in each angle. 7. Obv. Three diamond rings. Rev. [Ph. 1] Cross fleury; [Ph. 2] Crowned initials. 8. Obv. Biscia between  – S. Rev. Cross fleury, one variant w. three diamond annulets (initially possibly mules w. republican denaro dies).

CNI v, Cont. from 1456– 156.101–6; first period c. 1459 Crippa 1986, 169, no. 20

First reform coinage featuring new grossone, gothic lettering still w. split ends, sometimes w. brush as new emblem: 1. Obv. Duke as mounted knight w. sword to the right, brush and biscia on horse. Rev. Visconti shield w. crested helmet between øø – øSø in quatrefoil. c. 1459–62 2. Obv. Visconti shield w. crested helmet and $$ – $S$ in quatrefoil. Rev. St Ambrose enthroned w. closed garment (‘Milanese type’). 5. [Ph. 1] Obv. Biscia w. small brush above in acute tressure. Rev. Half-figure of St Ambrose. 5. [Ph. 2] Obv. Quartered shield w. pellet above. Rev. Cross fleury. 7. Obv. Crested helmet. Rev. Crowned initials. (cont.)

Table 46. (cont.) Authority and period

1.

2.

Ambrosino Grossone d’oro, florin or ducat

3.

4.

Grosso da Quindicino Soldo 2 soldi and trentino Cont. from second period, phase 2

Francesco Sforza, third period

Grossone CNI v, 145–7.1– da 5 soldi: 20; Crippa CNI v, 148– 1986, 9.30–2; 155–8 nos. 3b–a, Crippa 1986, 159 2 no. 5

Francesco Sforza, fourth period

Grossone Trentino: CNI v, 147–8.1–5; da 5 soldi: CNI v, CNI v, 150.43–4; Crippa 1986, 158 149.34–6, Crippa 1986, 161 149– no. 4 50.38–9; no. 8 Crippa 1986, 160 no. 6

Bianca Maria Visconti and Galeazzo Maria Sforza

Phase 1

Phase 2 CNI v, 163.7–8; Crippa 1986, 193 nos. 2a

5.

CNI v, 152.60–2; Crippa 1986, 163 no. 11

Trentino: CNI v, 159.1–2; Crippa 1986, 182 no. 1

CNI v, 159–60, nos. 3–8; Crippa 1986, 183, no. 2

6.

7.

8.

Sesino

Trillina

Denaro

CNI v, 155.87–9; Crippa 1986, 166 no. 15

Continued 1462–4 CNI v, 158.120–2; Crippa 1986, 176 no. 26

CNI v, 155.90–3; Crippa 1986, 166 no. 16

Continued 1464–6 (?)

Date

Characteristics and description

Portrait coinage w. more quadrangularly shaped gothic lettering, a w. middle bar, sometimes w. biscia or brush as issue mark: 1. Obv. Portrait bust to right. Rev. Duke as mounted knight w. sword to right. 2. Obv. Portrait bust to right between øø – øSø. Rev. St Ambrose enthroned w. open cape (‘Pavese type’). 6. Obv. Biscia. Rev. Cross pattée w. fleur-de-lis in each angle. 7. Obv. Horse’s jaw. Rev. Nimbate and mitred bust of St Ambrose.

Coinage w. the title of Genoa but otherwise having the same characteristics as the coinage of the third period: 1. Obv. Portrait to right. Rev. Duke as mounted knight w. sword to right. 2. Obv. Portrait to right. Rev. St Ambrose enthroned w. open cape (‘Pavese type’). 3. Obv. Quartered shield. Rev. Half-figure of St Ambrose w. whip and crozier. 4. Obv. Biscia in tressure. Rev. Bust of St Ambrose. 6. Obv. Biscia. Rev. Cross potent w. annulet at the end of each arm. 1466–8 Coinage of the joint signoria w. CNI v, CNI v, CNI v, characteristics similar to those of 160, nos 160–1, nos 161.19–23, the last period under Francesco (var.) 11–8; 9–10; Sforza, still w. gothic lettering: 182.176; Crippa Crippa Phase 1–2 in the names of both 1986, 183, 1986, 184, Crippa 1986, Bianca Maria and Galeazzo Maria: 185 nos. 5b no. 4 no. 3 3. Obv. Quartered shield. Rev. & 5a, (var.) Half-figure of St Ambrose 214 no. 20 w. whip and crozier. 4. Obv. Biscia in tressure. Rev. Bust of St Ambrose. 6. Obv. Crowned biscia between B – g. Rev. Cross fleury w. four pellets. 7. Obv. Crowned initials B – M. Rev. Crowned initials g – M. 8. Obv. Crowned biscia between B – g. Rev. Cross fleury. 8 var. Obv. Cross fleury. Rev. Biscia between initials  – S (for Francesco Sforza; hybrid denaro of Francesco and Galeazzo Maria Sforza). Phase 2 in the names of Galeazzo Maria alone, datable 1467–8: 1. Obv. Portrait bust to right. Rev. Shield w. crested helmet and burning torches w. buckets between initials g – M.

496

Lombardy

doc. 235), which underlines the provisional character of the joint rule. This coin, which presumably remained in production after the death of Bianca Maria, has a youthful portrait bust of the duke to the right on the obverse and the usual crested arms between initials and burning torches with buckets on the reverse; in contrast to later coin types, this ducat still has gothic lettering (721; CNI v, 163.7–8; Crippa 1986, 193–4 no. 2a). The letter of 1467 identifies the designer of the dies for the new ducat as Zanetto Bugatto, the most famous master of portraiture at the Milanese court, who probably continued to sketch coin designs for Galeazzo Maria after the duke assumed sole rule in 1468. Table 46 provides an overview of the Milanese coinages, 1447–68. IV. Galeazzo Maria Sforza (1468–76) Galeazzo Maria’s sole rule, undisputed after his mother’s death on 23 October 1468, marks one of the richest periods of Milanese monetary history. This is not only because of the long sequence of high-quality portrait coins and introduction of the double ducat or doppia, but also because of Galeazzo Maria’s monetary reform of June 1474, just two and a half years before his premature death on the feast of St Stephen in front of the church of Santo Stefano in Milan. His reform followed the Venetian example of Niccolò Tron (1472) and found inspiration in the Renaissance ideals of providing for the common good by producing a good and beautiful coinage for the duchy of Milan, as also attested in documents related to the reform (Motta 1894, docs. 294, 296–7). To achieve this aim under adverse monetary conditions, Galeazzo Maria even renounced his own mint income, the seignioriage. Output of the reform coinage over the next two years, the distribution of the coins and the many imitations of the new large silver denomination, the so-called testone struck to the value of one Milanese lira, all clearly suggest that the reform was a great success. Together with the extraordinarily rich documentation, this also explains the particular attention that scholars have dedicated to it (Motta 1894, docs. 301–3, 306; Crippa 1986, 189–91; Cipolla 1988, 9–11, 19–21, 44–52). Fundamentally, Galeazzo Maria enacted his reform to address a long-standing shortage of specie caused by the general silver famine together with widespread monetary manipulation and forgery. Huge quantities of poor-quality and false money had entered into circulation in the duchy and throughout northern Italy, bringing coin production in the Milanese mint to a standstill in the late 1460s and precipitating side effects such as the monetary war between Milan and Venice in 1470 (Motta 1894, docs. 259–60, 269, 274–81; Mueller 1984, 341–3, 350–5). It is therefore possible to distinguish three phases in the Milanese coinage in the name of Galeazzo Maria, the first of which, until about 1469, consisted of coinage that continued the preceding tradition. This was followed by a period of sporadic coin production that grew more intense only shortly before the monetary reform of June 1474, which introduced a completely new set of higher denominations in silver. Detailed descriptions of the coinage in written documents, the development of the duke’s portrait on the coins (Toffanin 2013, 160–3) and the changeover from late gothic lettering to Roman lettering in connection with the reform provide the main bases for classification. Written descriptions nevertheless may be misleading. The descriptions of grossi da due soldi, pegioni, quindicini and soldini in two documents of 1474, for example, correspond with no known coins of that period (Motta 1894, docs. 303, 306). It is therefore unclear whether they describe coins produced in such small quantities that they simply have not survived, old coins adapted to correspond to contemporary denominations, or perhaps even coins that were intended to be produced but never existed. Further research is needed to provide satisfactory interpretations of such references.

Milan

(a)

497

(b)

Figure 53. Milan: Galeazzo Maria, coins of first period, 1468/9, (a) double ducat or doppia (Collezione Banca Intesa Sanpaolo, inv. M.V-00262a-L/IS, ex Verri coll. Reproduced by kind permission) and (b) unpublished proof of half-ducat (?) (Historisches Museum Basel, inv. 1988.1723 Reproduced by kind permission)

Probably the earliest coin types of Galeazzo Maria’s sole rule are the ducat continued from the joint rule with his mother (722; CNI v, 163.9, 164.12–13; Crippa 1986, 193–4 no. 2b) and a grossone of four soldi that both share the same juvenile portrait on the obverse and abbreviation of the ruler’s name as g – M on the reverse. The grossone weighed about 2.80g and was about 65 per cent fine (CNI v, 175.108–11; Crippa 1986, 204 no. 11). The reverse has St Ambrose enthroned with the usual attributes and the long habit without fibula (‘Milanese type’). According to a letter of 1468 (Motta 1894, no. 245), this grossone was struck from November of that year, possibly just days after the death of the duke’s mother. In early 1469, the mint introduced the first double ducat, a new and prestigious denomination indicative of the young duke’s luxurious tastes. It has a bust to the right on the obverse and a lion with crested helmet holding a burning torch with buckets between Galeazzo Maria’s initials on the reverse (Motta 1894, docs. 249, 265; CNI v, 162–3.3–6; Crippa 1986, 191–2 no. 1; Fig. 53(a)). The portrait on this new coin type already shows a somewhat older duke, and a medal by Ambrogio da Clivate dated 1470 with the same portrait and motifs confirms the dating (Hill 1930, no. 635). From this point onwards, almost all of the larger denominations bear a small head of St Ambrose at the beginning of the legend on at least one side of the coins. This reference to the patron saint of Milan may also allude to the new die-cutter Ambrogio da Clivate, who was active in the mint from this period; the small head of the saint later became a firm feature of Milanese coins. There is also a unique gold coin with the same portrait in the coin cabinet of the Historisches Museum in Basel from the seventeenth-century Faesch collection (inv. 1918.1723. = Inv. Faesch 1648, no. 81; Fig. 53(b)). This coin is 13mm in diameter and weighs 1.74g, equivalent to a half-ducat; it has no marginal inscriptions but bears the duke’s crowned initials with the Visconti viper on the reverse (see Fig. 53). This specimen might have been a proof for a planned half-ducat issue alongside the new double ducat. Virtually the same portrait bust as on the double ducat, with the hair ending in curls only at the lower ends, also appears on a series of large-denomination coins including Crippa’s second type of gold ducat with crested arms on the reverse (723; CNI v, 164.14–8; Crippa 1986, 194 no. 3), a silver grossone of eight soldi weighing about 3.80g and 90 per cent fine with St Ambrose overriding an enemy (724; CNI v, 173–4.97–104; Crippa 1986, 201–2 nos. 9a–c), and a grosso of four soldi weighing about 2.75g and 65 per cent fine with standing saint to the right assailing enemies with a whip (725–6; CNI v, 174–5.105–7; Crippa 1986, 205 no. 12). In addition, a document of 1470 refers to

498

Lombardy

another double-ducat type with portrait of the duchess (Motta 1894, doc. 266), but no such coin is known to exist. The grossone da 8 soldi takes inspiration not only from the portrait busts of a cuirassed Roman emperor on the obverse but also, on the reverse, from Roman coins of emperors such as Domitian and Trajan that show the emperor overriding a barbarian enemy. On Galeazzo Maria’s coins, however, a mounted St Ambrose replaces the emperor as protector and defender of the principality. The lettering in the legends on all of these coins is still late gothic and the coins are mentioned in documents in the context of the reform of 1474, which makes them datable mainly to c. 1470/4 (Motta 1894, docs. 286, 291, 293, 296). The lower denominations are much less impressive and principally continued the typology of the previous rulers. There are rare specimens of a sesino in the usual design with a cross fleury and biscia between ducal initials (CNI v, 179.144; Crippa 1986, 209 no. 15). Much more common is the trillina of 0.80–0.90g and 11 per cent fine again of traditional typology with the crowned ducal initials gøM and a crested helmet (727–9; CNI v, 179–81.145–68; Crippa 1986, 210–12 nos. 16– 18). Of the three variants, the most common is the latest (Crippa 1986, 210 no. 16); it often has peculiarly wide gothic lettering with an open a that perhaps reflects the general changeover in style to Roman lettering with the reform of 1474 (cf. Motta 1894, doc. 286). This suggests that production of these trilline might have continued after the reform. In any case, these coins were struck for a longer period than the other variants, at least until the reform era. Production was possibly intermittent and restarted in the course of attempts to revive the mint from 1472 onwards (cf. Motta 1894, doc. 282). The similar ‘semi-gothic’ lettering of the denari makes it possible to attribute a denaro type of about 0.50g and 6 per cent fine to the later pre-reform period (730–1; CNI v, 181–2.169–75; Crippa 1986, 213 no. 19). This denaro has a crowned star with knotted veil and the usual cross fleury, thus repeating the typology of the coins of Filippo Maria. A more doubtful case is that of a grossetto of thirty denari (trentino) with examples weighing 1.72g and 1.94g, again in the traditional design with a quartered shield and facing half-figure of St Ambrose, which Crippa regards as a forgery because of its coppery core and unusual style (CNI v, 177.124; Crippa 1986, 207). Negrini and Varesi (1991, no. 198) nevertheless mention a second specimen and a third from different dies was recently sold at auction (Varesi sale 63, 26 November 2013, lot 301); documents of the reform period probably even refer to such grossi as demonetised coins (Motta 1894, docs. 291, 293, 296, 306). It is therefore problematic to exclude this coin type from Galeazzo Maria’s earlier coinage. All the known specimens are mainly copper, however, which makes it possible that these coins are the contemporary forgeries mentioned in a document of 1475 (Motta 1894, no. 313) or perhaps even counterparts of the forgeries produced in Milan to damage coin circulation in Venice (Motta 1894, 239 doc. 269). In any case, this question requires further research. Table 47 summarises the pre-reform coinage of Milan under Galeazzo Maria Sforza. The Milanese coinage took a major step towards the early modern period with Galeazzo Maria’s monetary reform of 1474. The planned reform had obviously been under discussion and in preparation for some time (Motta 1894,docs.259–60,274–6).Once enacted,it was enormously successful and fed Milanese monetary circulation for a relatively long period. The new coinage introduced with the reform is distinguished not only by new denominations – changing over from silver denominations of two, four and eight soldi to grossi and grossoni of three, five, ten and twenty soldi – but also by a more mature ducal portrait, the use of Roman capital letters in the inscriptions and comma-like legend punctuation instead of pellets (Motta 1894, docs. 294–7, 302, 305; Cipolla 1988,

Table 47. Milanese pre-reform coinage of Galeazzo Maria Sforza (1468–76), 1468–74 Period

1.

2.

3.

4.

5.

6.

Double Ducat or Grossone Grossone Grossetto Sesino da 8 soldi or grosso ducat or halfda 4 soldi ducat doppia First period

Second period

CNI v, 162–3.3– 6; Crippa 1986, 191–2, no. 1

8.

Trillina

Denaro

CNI v, 175.108– 11; Crippa 1986, 204, no. 11

a. Ducat: CNI v, 163.9, 164.12–13; Crippa 1986, 193–4 no. 2b; b. Halfducat: HM Basel, inv. 1918.1723. Ducat: CNI v, 164.14–18; Crippa 1986, 194, no. 3

7.

CNI v, 173– 4.97–104; Crippa 1986, 201–2, no. 9

CNI v, 174– 5.105–7; Crippa 1986, 205, no. 12

CNI v, 177.124; Crippa 1986, 207 (forgery?)

CNI v, 179.144; Crippa 1986, 209, no. 15

CNI v, 179– 81.165–8 and 145–64; Crippa 1986, 210–12, nos. 17– 18 and 16

Date

Characteristics and description

1468– c. 1470

Early coinage w. juvenile portrait and gothic lettering: 1. Obv. Bust to right. Rev. Lion w. crested helmet holding a burning torch w. buckets between g – M. 2a. Obv. Bust to right. Rev. Shield w. crested helmet and burning torches w. buckets between g – M. 2b. Obv. Bust to right. Rev. Biscia and crowned initials g – M. 4. Obv. Bust to right. Rev. St Ambrose enthroned w. closed habit (‘Milanese type’).

CNI v, 181– c. 1470–4 2–169–75; Crippa 1986, 213, no. 19

Coinage w. portrait of duke as young adult and gothic lettering: 2. Obv. Bust to right. Rev. Shield w. crested helmet and burning torches w. buckets between g – M. 3. Obv. Bust to right. Rev. St Ambrose w. whip on horseback overriding enemy to right. 4. Obv. Bust to right between g – M. Rev. St Ambrose w. whip advancing against enemy to right. 5. Obv. Quartered shield. Rev. Half-figure of St Ambrose. 6. Obv. Cross fleury w. pellets. Rev. Biscia between g – . 7. Obv. Crowned initials gøM. Rev. Crested helmet. 8. Obv. Crowned star w. knotted veil. Rev. Cross fleury.

500

Lombardy

9–15, 46–8, 61–4). Within the reform coinage, it is also possible to distinguish a small group of early-reform coins and a rich fully developed reform coinage. Coins of the earlier transitional phase have a more mature portrait with slightly smaller head and shorter hair. This group includes a hybrid gold ducat with gothic lettering on the reverse (CNI v –; Crippa 1986, 195 no. 4a) and a silver grossone of ten soldi weighing 5.25g and about 90 per cent fine (CNI v, 173.96; Crippa 1986, 199 no. 7). The grossone can be dated to this early phase of the reform on the basis of the first mint contract of 4 June 1474, which had not yet envisaged the grossone of twenty soldi, later called a testone, but established the grossone of ten soldi as the largest silver denomination; the earliest known reference to the grossone of twenty soldi in the written sources occurs only in December 1476 (Motta 1894, docs. 302, 323; cf. Cipolla 1988, 9, 61–4). In the second phase of the reform, the mint in Milan struck the full range of denominations, including the grossone of twenty soldi worth one lira of Milanese money. The second phase must have followed very soon after the first to judge from the large quantity of these twenty-soldi coins. A later copy of the original mint contract, which served as a model for later mint instructions, listed the entire range of denominations. The term testone, which literally means ‘large head’, in this and other contemporary documents referred not to the Milanese silver lira but to the gold ducat, alluding to the portrait on the obverse. It was only later that the term was used in reference to the large silver coin; contemporary records still referred to the silver coin as a grossone da 20 soldi (Motta 1894, docs. 314, 323, 336; 1895, docs. 355, 382). The largest denominations of the reform coinage from the second half of 1474 until the duke’s assassination in 1476 were therefore the gold ducat (732; CNI v, 164–6.20–34; Crippa 1986, 195–6 nos. 4b–5), the grossone of ten soldi weighing about 5.10g and 90 per cent fine (737; CNI v, 171– 3.78–95; Crippa 1986, 200 no. 8), and the grossone of twenty soldi weighing about 9.65g and 96 per cent fine (733–6; CNI v, 168–71.48–77; Crippa 1986, 197–8 nos. 6a–b). All three denominations have the same ducal portrait in profile to the right with a characteristic crimped hairstyle on the obverse and a coat of arms on the reverse. On the ducat and grossone da 20 soldi, the shield is the traditional one with crested helmet between the ducal initials G – M and burning torches with buckets, while the grossone da 10 soldi has a crowned and quartered shield between the crowned initials G – M. The large grossone is further distinguished from the smaller one by a pelleted annulet in the obverse field to the left of the portrait. In addition, there is a medallion-like silver piece with double the weight of the large grossone as well as a gold medallion (Crippa 1986, 215–17 nos. 21–2). The 1474 mint orders also made provisions for several smaller denominations including silver grossi of five and three soldi, a new billon soldo, and perhaps the continued production of trilline and denari imperiali. The grossi introduce a new iconography that combined the use of traditional Visconti and Sforza symbols and emblems as the main images on the coins. The grosso of five soldi, with an ideal weight of 3.10g and 75 per cent fine, has three diagonal burning torches with buckets on the obverse and the traditional Visconti viper (biscione) between crowned initials on the reverse (738–9; CNI v, 175–6.112–19; Crippa 1986, 203 no. 10). The grosso of three soldi, weighing about 2.70g and 65 per cent fine according to Crippa but only 50 per cent according to mint records, has a dove in flight over a scroll with the French motto A BON DROIT on the obverse and a crowned and knotted veil on the reverse, both emblems derived from Gian Galeazzo Visconti (740; CNI v, 176.120–3; Crippa 1986, 206 no. 13, called grosso da 4 soldi; cf. Motta 1894, docs. 302–3). The iconography of the new soldo or soldino is more traditional, but the representation of a shield on

Milan

501

both sides of the coin is new and unusual. Weighing 1.25g and 35 per cent fine, it has a quartered shield on the obverse and an empaled shield on the reverse, both with the same heraldic motifs of eagle and Visconti biscia (741–4; CNI v, 177–9.125–43; Crippa 1986, 208 nos. 14a–b). The mint ordinance further prescribed trilline and denari, which would seem to recommend searching for them in types beyond those previously described (Crippa 1986, 210 no. 16, 213 no. 19; see also above), which might have remained in production. It is notable that the documents make provision for a trillina of the same quality as that produced in 1466 and a denaro of even better quality than eight years earlier, which suggests that it was not sufficiently profitable to produce these coins under the prevailing conditions. In any case, the success of the reform is attested not only in the quantities of specimens of most of the new reform types but also by their high quality and reputation, which led to a slight rise in the value of the Milanese currency from eighty-two soldi to the ducat to eighty or eighty-one soldi (Spufford 1986, 101–2). Following the assassination of Galeazzo Maria towards the end of 1476, the political situation quickly deteriorated under pressure from the uncles of the new seven-year-old duke Gian Galeazzo Maria, leading also to discord between the experienced ducal secretary Cicco Simonetta and Gian Galeazzo Maria’s mother and regent, Bona of Savoy. The monetary situation nevertheless remained stable during the first years of the young duke’s rule until about 1480 (Spufford 1986, 101–2). This might have derived in part from the rich production of high-quality coins under Galeazzo Maria, but probably stemmed more from the influx of huge quantities of new silver from the Alpine and Central European mining areas. The continued circulation of the denominations from Galeazzo Maria’s reform coinage and the enduring validity and use of the 1474 mint ordinance reflect this monetary stability (Motta 1894, doc. 332; cf. Cipolla 1988, 9–10, 61–4). Galeazzo Maria’s reform coinage of Milan is summarised in Table 48, pp. 505–7 below. V. Gian Galeazzo Maria Sforza and Bona of Savoy (1476–80) Institutionally, under the regency of Gian Galeazzo Maria’s mother, Bona, and the guidance of the ducal secretary, Cicco Simonetta, the mint revived the old tradition of coinage in the names of both the under-aged duke and his mother as regent as duces Mediolani. In the delicate political situation, exacerbated by the loss of Genoa in 1479, it was especially important to underline political and institutional continuity. The different denominations traditionally divided between Gian Galeazzo Maria and Bona on the basis of their legends must therefore be reintegrated into one common coinage (cf. Crippa 1986, 225). Within the coinage of Gian Galeazzo Maria and his mother, there is only one distinction, which concerns the module of the double ducats. Initially, their double ducats maintained the same large module as those of Galeazzo Maria but were later smaller and thicker, probably to obtain greater relief on the coins. The joint rule under the regency of Gian Galeazzo’s mother was first weakened by the admission of the young duke’s uncle Ludovico Maria to the ducal court in Milan in September 1479 and then Bona’s renunciation of the regency and retreat to Abbiategrasso on 2 November 1480. Ludovico Maria took over the regency on the following day, so that there was no period when Gian Galeazzo Maria ruled alone. Under Ludovico Maria’s regency, the mint continued to observe the provisions in Galeazzo Maria’s reform contract of 1474.Apart from the coinage associated with a single wave of inflation that occurred in 1480/1, the classification of the coinage under Ludovico Maria’s regency again depends on elements such as the development of portraiture and style to differentiate the individual issue groups.

Lombardy

502

(a)

(b)

Figure 54. Milan: (a) Gian Galeazzo Maria under the regency of Bona of Savoy, double ducat or doppia, 1479/80 (Historisches Museum Basel, inv. 1928.1724. Reproduced by kind permission), and (b) ducat of Gian Galeazzo Maria struck during the first period of the regency of Ludovico Maria Sforza, 1481–c. 1492 (Collezione Banca Intesa Sanpaolo, inv. M.V-00297a-L/IS, ex Verri coll. Reproduced by kind permission)

The first group of Gian Galeazzo Maria’s coins under his mother’s regency, probably struck from 1477 (Motta 1894, docs. 331–2), includes a double ducat in two variants and a trillina in the name of the young duke. The two double ducat variants show the duke’s bust as a child with hat on the obverse and a quartered shield with two crested helmets on the reverse (745; CNI v, 185–6.4–14; Crippa 1986, 226 nos. 1–2), while the trillina completely follows the design of Galeazzo Maria’s trilline with crowned initials on the obverse and crested helmet on the reverse (CNI v, 186.17–18; Crippa 1986, 228 no. 3). The rare double ducat with portraits of both a slightly older Gian Galeazzo Maria and his mother, Bona, that has a smaller and thicker module is clearly attributable to a later phase of their joint coinage (CNI v, 183.3–4; Crippa 1986, 235 no. 1; Fig. 54a). The grossone with the value of a Milanese lira has the same impressive portrait of Bona of Savoy on the obverse and a rising phoenix on the reverse (746; CNI v, 183–4.11–16; Crippa 1986, 236–7 nos. 2a–b). Despite the highly symbolic image of the phoenix, which refers to the murder of Galeazzo Maria and the hoped-for rise of his son, this testone and the double ducat are datable to 1479, almost three years after the murder, as attested by a well-informed contemporary chronicler in Piacenza (Saetti 2002, 243–4). Both the double ducat of the earlier phase and the later silver grossone portraying Bona also exist in prestigious medallion-like multiples (CNI v, 185.3; Crippa 1986, 229 nos. 4–5; CNI v, 182.1–2, 183.7–10; Crippa 1986, 238–9 nos. 3–4), like the display coins of Galeazzo Maria. The Milanese coinage of Gian Galeazzo Maria under the regency of Bona of Savoy is summarised in Table 48, pp. 505–7 below. VI. Gian Galeazzo Maria and Ludovico Maria Sforza (1480–94) Despite the obvious political break marked by Ludovico Maria’s take-over of the regency on 3 November 1480, the new and ambitious regent continued the monetary policy inaugurated by his brother Galeazzo Maria with the reform of 1474 and generally operated within the existing institutional framework. The first issue group consists of coins that carry only the portrait of the young duke and give the name of the regent in the reverse legend in the subordinate form of an ablative absolute (LVDOVICO PATRVO GVB[er]NANTE or GVB[er]NATORE). It was only later, perhaps around 1492 when some documents mention a new coinage (Motta 1895, docs. 396–7), that Ludovico Maria dared to place his own profile bust on coins and name in the coin legends in the nominative. Only two coin types are attributable to this second issue group. Generally, it must

Milan

503

be assumed that the mint struck new coin types under Gian Galeazzo Maria and his uncle’s regency only after the new inflationary wave of 1480/1,which led to a devaluation of the Milanese currency from around eighty-two or eighty-three soldi to the gold ducat to ninety soldi. It similarly entailed an adjustment in the value of the large silver grossone of twenty soldi, even though unchanged in weight and fineness, first to twenty and a half soldi in 1482 and then to twenty-one and a half soldi in 1488 (Motta 1895, docs. 361, 379; Spufford 1986, 102). The mint nevertheless continued to observe the instructions of Galeazzo Maria’s reform coinage of 1474, as attested by a proclamation of 1489 that excluded from circulation old coin types from prior to the 1474 reform (Motta 1895, no. 382), even if the success of the 1489 grida is doubtful. In the first phase of this early period, the mint struck a splendid and rare ducat with the duke’s bust on the obverse and crested arms on the reverse in an open field without the inner ring between the field and legend (CNI v, 187–8.7–10; Crippa 1986, 246 no. 2; Fig. 54b) and a large grossone or testone of about 9.65g and 96 per cent fine with a similar portrait in a fine-lined and a beaded ring on the obverse and crested arms similar to those on the first double ducat of Bona’s regency on the reverse (747–9; CNI v, 190.32–6; Crippa 1986, 248 no. 4). There are two types of the so-called grosso of five soldi and one of the grosso of three soldi. The first grosso, probably worth five soldi, weighs about 2.80g instead of the 3.10g indicated in the 1474 mint contract and is about 81 per cent fine according to Gnecchi and Gnecchi (1884, 89 no. 14) instead of 75 per cent. It has a ducal crown with olive and palm branches on the obverse and a brush with scroll on the reverse but lacks inner rings and is of a particular style, with smaller and finer lettering, similar to the ducat mentioned above (750–1; CNI v, 193.59–60; Crippa 1986, 250 no. 6). A second grosso type, often weighing about 2.90g instead of 3.10g and about 89 per cent fine according to Gnecchi and Gnecchi (1884, 89 no. 12) instead of 75 per cent, has a crested helmet on the obverse and nimbate bust of St Ambrose on the reverse (753–4; CNI v, 191–3.37–58; Crippa 1986, 249 no. 5). It is probably a later issue than the other grosso of five soldi, with a beaded inner border and larger lettering similar to that on the testone and grosso of three soldi. The precise dating and value of these two so-called grossi da 5 soldi are nevertheless unclear. The value of the grosso of three soldi is beyond question. Weighing about 2.60g instead of the 2.80g of the 1474 contract and about 61 per cent fine according to Gnecchi and Gnecchi (1884, 89 no. 16) instead of 50 per cent, it has inclined crested arms on the obverse with a horse jawbone surrounded by a scroll giving the German motto ICH VERGIES NIT (‘I will not forget’) (755–7; CNI v, 193–5.61–76; Crippa 1986, 251 no. 7). The petty coinage consisted in a trillina of about 0.95g and 11 per cent fine with crowned and knotted cloth on the obverse and cross fleury on the reverse (758–60; CNI v, 195– 6.77–85; Crippa 1986, 252 no. 8) and a denaro of about 0.49g and 5.3 per cent fine with biscia and crowned initials that has the characteristics of the earlier issue (752; CNI v, 196.86–91; Crippa 1986, 252 no. 9). The second issue group, struck from 1492/3, includes a double ducat with profile portraits of both the weak young duke and the proud governor, now no longer formally subordinate to the young duke (CNI v, 187.3–6; Crippa 1986, 245 no. 1), and a similar testone of about 9.65g and 96 per cent fine, possibly struck from dies made from the same punches (761; CNI v, 188–90.16–31; Crippa 1986, 247, no. 3). Once again, these large presentation coins of the second issue were also produced as medallions in gold, silver and bronze (CNI v, 187.1–2, 188.13–15; Crippa 1986, 253–4 nos. 10–11). The Milanese coinage in the name of both Gian Galeazzo Maria and Ludovico Maria is summarised in Table 48, pp. 505–7 below.

504

Lombardy

VII. Ludovico Maria Sforza (1494–1500) When Ludovico Maria, called il Moro, finally obtained the ducal honour on 22 October 1494, the day after the mysterious premature death of Gian Galeazzo Maria, he continued the monetary pattern established in the reform of 1474, though production focused on the larger denominations. The limited output of petty coinage may be seen in the context of the profusion of the smaller denominations from neighbouring mints, for example from that of the fief of Mesocco in the hands of the condottiere Gian Giacomo Trivulzio (see section (p) below, pp. 539–40). Ludovico formally obtained the royal investiture of his new title only in May 1495, having been accorded it in September 1494, but he probably began to strike the new coinage in his own name earlier, possibly in February 1495 when he was making other minting arrangements (Motta 1895, docs. 403–4, 406). For the new double ducat, the mint recycled the portrait of Ludovico from the previous reverse and combined it with the traditional motif of the duke as mounted knight with sword (762; CNI v, 197–8.2–14; Crippa 1986, 261–2 nos. 1a–d), while the new testone had the same obverse as the doppia and a crowned quartered shield between the traditional burning torches with buckets on the reverse (763–5; CNI v, 199–200.19–27; Crippa 1986, 263 no. 2). Both denominations were in the usual weight and fineness. The trillina of about 0.95g and 10 per cent fine, already rare, returned to the old typology with the crowned initials LV and crested helmet (767; CNI v, 200.29– 31; Crippa 1986, 263 no. 3) while the very rare denaro of about 0.45g and 5.3 per cent fine also has the traditional motifs for the denomination of the cross fleury and Visconti viper (768; CNI v, 201.32–3; Crippa 1986, 264 no. 4). Under Ludovico Maria, the mint followed precedent by striking medallions from the dies for the double ducat and testone (CNI v, 197.1, 199.18; Crippa 1986, 265–6 nos. 5–6). In addition, there are copper copies or proofs of new testoni and perhaps also of double ducats, dated to 1497. One of these is merely a variant of the testone and differs from the silver testone in that it lacks the beaded border between the marginal inscription and the field on the obverse and has Ludovico’s initials LV flanking the quartered shield on the reverse (766; CNI v, 200.28; Crippa 1986, 266 no. 7). The other more remarkable specimen combines the same borderless obverse with a portrait of Ludovico’s young wife, Beatrice d’Este, on the reverse (CNI v, 202–3.5–7; Crippa 1986, 269–70 no. 10). Overall, coin production under Ludovico Maria (summarised in Table 48) was nevertheless limited and ceased entirely with his defeat in 1499. His brief but troubled restoration as duke from February to April 1500 was not long enough for him to reorganise the coinage. He died in prison in France in May 1508. VIII. Louis XII of Orléans, king of France (1498–1515), 1499 and 1500–12 The last chapter in the story of Milan’s medieval coinage unfolded ostensibly under foreign rule, but the fate of the city and duchy during these troubled years when the Italian territories became pawns in the game of international high politics actually lay in the hands of the condottiere Gian Giacomo of the old Milanese family of Trivulzio. The influx of fresh silver from Central Europe through companies such as the Fugger (Motta 1895, docs. 447–8) ensured that the value of the Milanese currency fell only slightly during the rule of King Louis XII of France, from around ninety soldi to the gold ducat to ninety-three in 1508 (cf. Motta 1895, doc. 437). Apart from an issue of rather ostentatious prestige coins in 1499, however, it seems that the mint struck relatively few coins in the name of the new ruler until 1505. In 1502, for example, the Milanese people complained to the king about the shortage of good specie on the marketplace and pleaded with

Table 48. Milanese reform coinage under the Sforza, 1474–99: Galeazzo Maria (1468–76) to Ludovico Maria Sforza (1494–9/1500) 2. Authority 1. and Double Ducat period ducat or doppia

3.

4.

5.

6.

7.

Grossone Grossone Grosso Grosso Soldo da 20 da 10 da 5 da 3 soldi soldi or soldi soldi Testone

8.

9.

Date

Characteristics and description

Trillina Denaro

Galeazzo Maria, reform coinage First period

Crippa 1986, 195, no. 4a

Second period

CNI v, 164– 6.20–34; Crippa 1986, 195–6 nos. 4b–5

CNI v, 173.96; Crippa 1986, 199 no. 7

CNI v, 168– 71.48–77; Crippa 1986, 197–8 nos. 6a–b

CNI v, 171– 3.78–95; Crippa 1986, 200 no. 8

Continued from 1474 Galeazzo Maria’s pre-reform coinage (?)

CNI v, 175– 6.112–9; Crippa 1986, 203 no. 10

CNI v, 176.120– 3; Crippa 1986, 206–7 no. 13 (grosso da 4 soldi)

CNI v, 177– 9.125–43; Crippa 1986, 208 nos. 14a–b

Transitional early reform coinage w. smaller portrait, sometimes retaining gothic lettering but mainly Roman lettering: 2. Obv. Bust to right. Rev. Shield w. crested helmet and burning torches w. buckets between g – M. 4. Obv. Bust to right. Rev. Crowned quartered shield between G – M.

1474–6 Reform coinage w. Roman lettering and comma-like punctuation: 2–3. Obv. Bust to right, testone w. pelleted annulet in the field. Rev. Shield w. crested helmet and burning torches w. buckets between G – M. 4. Obv. Bust to right. Rev. Crowned quartered shield between G – M. 5. Obv. Three diagonal burning torches w. buckets. Rev. Visconti viper between crowned initials. 6. Obv. Flying dove over scroll w. motto A BON DROIT. Rev. Crowned knotted veil. 7. Obv. Quartered shield. Rev. Empaled shield w. eagles and Visconti viper.

(cont.)

Table 48. (cont.) 2. Authority 1. and Double Ducat period ducat or doppia

3.

4.

5.

Grossone Grossone Grosso da 20 da 10 da 5 soldi or soldi soldi Testone

6.

7.

Grosso Soldo da 3 soldi

8.

9.

Trillina

Denaro

Date

Characteristics and description

Gian Galeazzo Maria and Bona of Savoy First period

CNI v, 185–6.4– 13, 186.14; Crippa 1986, 226–7 nos. 1–2

Second period

CNI v, 183.3–4; Crippa 1986, 235 no. 1

CNI v, 186.17–8; Crippa 1986, 228 no. 3

CNI v, 183– 4.11–16; Crippa 1986, 236–7 nos. 2a–b

1476–8 Coinage in the name of Gian Galeazzo Maria and Bona w. large-module double-ducat: 1. Obv. Bust of duke as child w. hat to right. Rev. Quartered shield w. two crested helmets (2 variants). 8. Obv. Crowned initials I G. Rev. Crested helmet. 1479– 80

Coinage in the name of Gian Galeazzo Maria and Bona w. double-ducat in smaller module: 1. Obv. Bust of duke as adolescent to right. Rev. Bona’s bust to right. 3. Obv. Veiled bust of Bona to right. Rev. Rising phoenix.

Gian Galeazzo Maria and Ludovico Maria, first period Phase 1

CNI v, 187–8.7– 10; Crippa 1986, 246 no. 2

CNI v, 190.32–6; Crippa 1986, 248 no. 4

CNI v, 193.59– 60; Crippa 1986, 250 no. 6

CNI v, c. 1481– 196.86– 92 91; Crippa 1986, 252 no. 9

Coinage in the name of Gian Galeazzo Maria and Ludovico Maria subordinated as regent (LVDOVICO PATRVO GVBNANTE/GVBNATORE) w. smaller lettering and without border between the field and margin: 2. Obv. Bust of duke as adolescent to right. Rev. Shield w. crested helmet. 3. Obv. Bust of duke as adolescent to right. Rev. Quartered shield w. two crested helmets.

5. Obv. Crown with olive and palm branches. Rev. Brush w. scroll and motto MERITO ET TEMPORE. 9. Obv. Visconti viper. Rev. Crowned initials I G. CNI v, 191– 3.37–58; Crippa 1986, 249 no. 5

Phase 2

CNI v, 193– 5.61– 76; Crippa 1986, 251 no. 7

CNI v, 195– 6.77–85; Crippa 1986, 252 no. 8

As above but w. larger lettering and border between field and margin: 5. Obv. Crested helmet. Rev. Nimbate and mitred bust of St Ambrose between S – A. 6. Obv. Shield w. crested helmet. Rev. Horse’s jawbone w. scroll and motto ICH VERGIES NIT. 8. Obv. Crowned and knotted cloth. Rev. Cross fleury.

Gian Galeazzo Maria and Ludovico Maria, second period CNI v, 187.3–6; Crippa 1986, 245 no. 1

CNI v, 18890.16–31; Crippa 1986, 247 no. 3

c. 1492– Coinage in the name of Gian Galeazzo 4 Maria and Ludovico Maria in corresponding position (LVDOVICVS PATRVVS GVBNANS): 1. and 3. Obv. Bust of duke as adolescent to right. Rev. Bust of Ludovico to right.

Ludovico Maria CNI v, 197–8.2– 14; Crippa 1986, 261–2 nos. 1a–d

CNI v, 199– 200.19– 27; Crippa 1986, 263 no. 2

CNI v, 200.29– 31; Crippa 1986, 263 no. 3

CNI v, 1494–9 Coinage in the name of Ludovico 201.32– Maria alone: 3; 1. Obv. Bust to right. Rev. Duke as Crippa mounted knight w. sword to right. 1986, 3. Obv. Bust to right. Rev. Crowned 264 quartered shield w. branches and no. 4 burning torches w. buckets. 8. Obv. Crowned initials LV. Rev. Crested helmet. 9. Obv. Cross fleury. Rev. Visconti viper.

508

Lombardy

him to produce a new coinage in Milan (Motta 1895, 223 doc. 425). The lack of good domestic currency might have been due to the unstable political situation, but it also served the interests of local leaders and allies of the French such as Governor Gian Giacomo Trivulzio himself,whose own coins produced in his fief of Mesocco or Misox circulated widely within the Milanese monetary area, as attested in gride of 1500 and 1501 (Motta 1895, docs. 422–3). In addition, another Italian mint of Louis XII at Asti was already producing Milanese-style coins (see Chapter 3, section (e), pp. 130–7) and, from 1503, the Swiss cantons struck Milanese-style coins in the mint at Bellinzona (see Chiesa 1991, 39–45), as reflected in monetary decrees of 1509–11 (Motta 1895, docs. 439–40, 444, 446). There were four main issues from the mint of Milan during this period of French rule, in 1499, 1505, 1508 and 1511 (De Saulcy 1879–92, 17; Motta 1895, docs. 427–31, 435–8, 448–51), though there very well might have been other intermediary issues between these. Under Louis’ rule, the documents provide good evidence about the weight and appearance of the coins, sometimes even giving detailed descriptions, which for the most part makes it possible to develop a secure sequence of the main issue groups. There are nevertheless exceptions stemming from the mainly excellent information from an account in a manuscript of Philippe de Lautier, mint-master general of France under King Francis I (1515–47, duke of Milan 1515–21), which sometimes contradicts other documentary records (De Saulcy 1879–92, 17, citing Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, MS. Franc. 5524, fols. 178–9). In general, the lettering on the first coinage of 1499 was mid-sized upper-case Roman while the lettering on the short-lived coinage of 1505 was larger, wider and more squarely cut. The royal name (LVDOVIC) is also abbreviated on the 1505 coinage and most of the arms take the form of a crowned and quartered shield with the French fleurs-de-lis and Milanese Visconti viper, though a simple crowned shield with three fleurs-de-lis later becomes dominant. It is obvious, moreover, that the Milanese mint took over a series of motifs from the coins of the mint at Asti, which Louis had controlled since he became duke in 1465, including the porcupine, the king’s preferred heraldic animal. The porcupine motif therefore came into use in Asti and Milan before its introduction in France in 1507 (Lafaurie 1951, 127–9). The third Milanese issue, dated to 1508, has much smaller lettering and the documents describe the types well enough to rule out misattributions. The coinage of 1511, which again has wider nearly square lettering, was necessary to combat forgery. It consisted of only a grosso of three soldi, a new soldino, a sesino and probably also a trillina and denaro. According to Lautier’s account, King Louis XII ordered the first issue of 1499, which is prestigious in character, soon after his arrival in Milan (De Saulcy 1879–92, 17). If Lautier’s somewhat later illustrated summary is correct, then Louis ordered the production of two or, including that of Asti, three gold coin types, all sharing the design with a silver testone. For Milan, the known issues are a gold double scudo and a silver grossone or testone that both have a simple crowned shield between two stylised fleurs-de-lis on the obverse and St Ambrose enthroned in the traditional typology on the reverse. The double scudo has a relatively wide and thin fabric, weighs about 6.99g and is 95.8 per cent fine (CNI v, 204.15–17; Crippa 1986, 280–1 nos. 2a–b; Fig. 55a), while the silver grossone or testone weighs about 9.79g and is about 94 per cent fine (CNI v, 210–11.67–75; Crippa 1986, 283–4 nos. 4a–b). The report of the royal ordinance further mentions a single scudo of the same design but no examples are known. The same report also lists a double ducat or doppia of about 6.99g and 99.5 per cent fine (CNI v, 203–4.2–13; Crippa 1986, 277–9 nos. 1a–e; Fig. 55b) and another testone of the same weight and fineness as the first type (769; CNI v, 206–10.26–65; Crippa

Milan

(a)

509

(b)

Figure 55. Milan: King Louis XII of France (1498–1515, duke of Milan 1499–1512), (a) double scudo and (b) double ducat, both first issue, 1499 (Collezione Banca Intesa Sanpaolo, inv. M.V-00319a-L/IS, M.V-00318a-L/IS ex Verri coll. Reproduced by kind permission)

1986, 282–3 nos. 3a–b). Both of them have a crowned portrait bust to the right on the obverse and St Ambrose on horseback to the right on the reverse. Perhaps because of its higher quality, the double ducat with royal bust and St Ambrose on horseback is less rare than the double scudo. A Milanese source of 1508 also mentions grossoni novi con la testa del roy (Motta 1895, doc. 438), which implies that such silver coins were introduced in the third issue period. On the other hand, the relatively large lettering on these coins is closer to that of the double scudo and the testone of 1499 with St Ambrose enthroned. Considering the multiplicity of variants of the double ducat or doppia and testone with portrait and mounted saint, it might have been that these types were introduced in 1499 for a certain period and then re-introduced in 1508 in different variants, but if so, there seems to be no clear distinction between hypothetically earlier variants and later ones. Lautier’s account indicates that the mint also struck a grosso of three soldi from 1499 (De Saulcy 1879–92, 17). This coin of about 2.40g and about 50 per cent fine was sometimes called a bissona because of its obverse motif, a Visconti viper between two small fleurs-de-lis, while the reverse has a crowned knotted veil (784–5; CNI v, 213–4.100–4; Crippa 1986, 291 no. 11). A monetary decree of August 1511 nevertheless expressly described the same coin type as a new type to be struck with the new issue (Motta 1895, doc. 451). It is again plausible that this coin type was originally introduced in 1499, discontinued soon afterwards and then resumed after a lengthy gap, but this question requires further research. In any case, such an early dating for this coin would also explain the description of this denomination as a bissona, which was the same name used for later coin types of this denomination that no longer carried the large depiction of the Visconti biscia. Stylistic considerations and comparison with coins of other mints such as Asti suggest that two low-value denominations probably also belong to the king’s earliest issue period. The first is the soldo or soldino of about 1.15g with a crowned quartered shield on the obverse and a half-figure of the city’s patron on the reverse (770; CNI v, 215.115–9; Crippa 1986, 292 no. 14); this coin is also mentioned in Lautier’s report but wrongly illustrated (De Saulcy 1879–92, 17). The second is the trillina of about 1.07g and 8.3 per cent fine with two stylised fleurs-de-lis on the obverse and a cross fleurdelisée on the reverse (771–2; CNI v, 217.131–7; Crippa 1986, 295 no. 18). The design of the trillina is taken from that of contemporary French deniers tournois (Lafaurie 1951, 125 no. 580, 132 nos. 624–5), but the Milanese coin type is more probably a trillina. The coin types of the 1505 issue are easily recognisable by the prescriptions in the mint contract of that year (Motta 1895, doc. 427). They comprise silver grossoni and grossi of eighteen, nine, six and two soldi, which are described in terms of their weight and fineness rather than appearance.

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They all share the same legends and lettering, and some have the same crowned quartered shield on the reverse. Gnecchi and Crippa described the grossone da 18 soldi as a grosso da 12 a 15 soldi. Weighing about 7.80g, it is surprisingly large and relatively thin with a crowned profile bust of the king on the obverse and the crowned quartered shield between two small crowns on the reverse (773; CNI v, 211.76–7; Crippa 1986, 285 no. 5). The grosso da 9 soldi of about 3.90g has a large cross fleurdelisée on the obverse and virtually the same reverse as the larger grossone (CNI v, 212.88–9; Crippa 1986, 287 no. 7). Both have the same high standard of fineness of 96 per cent. The grosso of six soldi, weighing about 2.70g and about 90 per cent fine, has a nimbate bust of St Ambrose on the obverse and a crowned porcupine on the reverse (774; CNI v, 212.90; Crippa 1986, 288 no. 8). By 1508, it had risen in value to six soldi and six denari (Motta 1895, doc. 435). The similarly rare grosso of two soldi weighing about 2.25g combines the traditional Milanese cross fleury, known for example from the grosso of the Ambrosian Republic, with a peculiar simple crowned shield with two fleurs-de-lis and a viper instead of the third fleur-de-lis (CNI v, 212–13.91–2; Crippa 1986, 289 no. 9). The rarity of this coin, sometimes also called a parpagliola in the sources, may be explained by the mint contract itself, which restricted output of such small grossi and other petty denominations and required authorisation from the French central government before putting them into production (Motta 1895, 225–6 doc. 427, 232 doc. 431). Its smaller lettering, which sets it apart from the other denominations of the 1505 issue, may also suggest that this coin was introduced after 1505, perhaps because mint authorities had to await the consent of the central administration before initiating production. Soldi, trilline and other small denominations from Mesocco, Bellinzona and other neighbouring mints thus penetrated into the duchy in response to demand for small change. The mint in Milan nevertheless also produced smaller coin types from 1505 onwards, for example a trillina of about 1.00g and 7.8 per cent fine with a crowned L and bust of St Ambrose (775; CNI v, 216.122–5; Crippa 1986, 293 no. 16), which fits typologically very well with the grosso of six soldi. In addition, the soldino of the first issue might very well have been continued into this second issue period. The new coinage of 1508 may be seen in the context of the new coinage initiated in France in November 1507, though the mint of Milan, unlike those of France and Genoa, did not adopt the porcupine, the king’s preferred heraldic image, as the main motif of that new coinage. It is notable that the contract for the new coinage interrupted the previous contract, which was for five years (Motta 1895, 224 doc. 427). If the rarity of the coins from the 1505 issue is an indication, however, the issue was not very successful anyway. The new coinage initiated in June 1508 has smaller lettering with relatively thicker lines as well as a simple French coat of arms instead of the traditional quartered shield (Motta 1895, docs. 435–8). The new or revived double ducat or doppia has a crowned bust of the king in profile on the obverse and St Ambrose with a whip on horseback to right over the royal shield on the reverse (CNI v, 203–4.2–13; Crippa 1986, 277–9 nos. 1a–e). The silver grossone or testone of about 9.79g and 94 per cent fine is mentioned in a contemporary chronicle and has the same design as the gold denomination (CNI v, 206–10.26–65; Crippa 1986, 282–3 nos. 3a–b; Motta 1895, doc. 438; cf. above, coinage of 1499). Other new coin types included a grosso of six soldi of about 3.75g and about 61 per cent fine with a crowned shield on the obverse and St Ambrose enthroned on the reverse, similar to the double scudo and testone of the earliest issue period (776; CNI v, 211–12.79–87; Crippa 1986, 286 no. 6), also called an ambrosino in the sources, then a grosso of three soldi of about 2.40g and 50 per cent fine with the usual crowned French shield between two small Milanese vipers on the obverse and with the crowned knotted

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veil on the reverse (777–8; CNI v, 213.93–9; Crippa 1986, 290 no. 10), and a soldino of about 1.05g and about 36 per cent fine with crowned shield on the obverse and traditional cross fleury on the reverse (779; CNI v, 214–15.105–12; Crippa 1986, 291 no. 12). All of these coin types are much less rare than those of the previous issue and are mostly well described in contemporary sources (Motta 1895, docs. 435–6, 438). A decree of August 1511 (Motta 1895, 245 doc. 451), which suspended the production of trilline to combat the proliferation of imitations and forgeries, implies that the issue of 1508 also included a trillina of about 1.05g and uncertain fineness with three fleurs-de-lis in a beaded border on the obverse and cross fleury on the reverse (780–2; CNI v, 216.126–9; Crippa 1986, 294 no. 17) as well as a very similar denaro with just one fleur-de-lis on the obverse and cross fleury on the reverse of about 0.50g and about 5.6 per cent fine (783; CNI v, 217–18.139–42; Crippa 1986, 296 no. 19). Both types have wider lettering, similar to the coin types of the 1511 issue, but measures against forgery in March and April 1511 already referred to coins of this trillina type as terline de tri zilii (Motta 1895, docs. 449–50), which suggests that they preceded the issue of 1511 and probably belong instead to that of 1508. Typologically, they have parallels with a contemporary and very similar issue of Asti (e.g. 108), and the trillina also fits into the context of similar trilline from the mints of Bellinzona and Mesocco with three crosses and three Vs instead of the fleurs-de-lis (see section (b) above, pp. 335–6; and section (p) below, pp. 542–3). The monetary decree of August 1511 describes only three new denominations that are represented in modern collections, all of which were introduced to fight forgery and other manipulations (Motta 1895, doc. 451). The largest coin type of the new issue was a grosso of three soldi of about 2.40g and about 50 per cent fine with a crowned Visconti biscia between two fleurs-de-lis on the obverse and the crowned knotted cloth on the reverse (784–5; CNI v, 213–14.100–4; Crippa 1986, 291 no. 11). If the account of the French mint-master general Lautier is correct, then this grosso type was first struck in 1499 (De Saulcy 1879–92, 17; see above, pp. 508–9). The new grosso was complemented by a new soldino type of about 1.05g and 36 per cent fine with a crowned quartered shield on the obverse and an empaled shield on the reverse based on the design of an old soldino of Galeazzo Maria Sforza (786; CNI v, 214.113–14; Crippa 1986, 292 no. 13; cf. 741–4). There was also a new sesino of about 1.00g and 22 per cent fine with a crowned L on the obverse and the traditional Milanese viper on the reverse (787; CNI v, 215–16.120–1; Crippa 1986, 293 no. 15). The decree also ordered a new grosso of six soldi with crown and crowned shield that was probably never struck, as far as is currently known. Under Louis XII, the mint continued the tradition of his Sforza predecessors in producing heavy copies of the larger denominations and an impressive series of gold and silver medallions for his princely display (Crippa 1986, 297–304 nos. 20–7). Table 49 summarises the Milanese coinage of Louis. In June 1512, the so-called Holy League, under papal and Spanish guidance with the help of Swiss troops, pushed the French administration out of Milan and reinstalled the son of Ludovico Maria Sforza, Massimiliano, as the new duke. He entered the city in December that year. Under his three-year rule,the mint recycled old Sforza motifs for the coinage and avoided French symbols but produced mostly lower denominations (Crippa 1986, 308–12). King Francis I of France (1515–47) reconquered the duchy soon after ascending to the throne but lost it to another son of Ludovico Maria, Francesco II (1521–35). Upon Francesco’s death without heirs in 1535, Milan passed definitively into the hands of the Habsburg dynasty as part of their Spanish empire. Although the period

Table 49. Milanese coinage of Louis XII of Orléans, king of France (1498–1515), as duke of Milan, 1499–1512 Period

1.

2.

3.

Double Double Testone ducat or scudo doppia First Double period scudo: CNI (ordinance v, 203– of 1499) 4.2–13; Crippa 1986, 277–9 no. 1 (?)

4.

5.

6.

Grossone Grosso Grosso da 18 da 9 da 6 soldi soldi soldi

CNI v, a. CNI v, 204.15– 206–10, 17; nos. 26–65; Crippa Crippa 1986, 1986, 280 282–3, no. 2 (?); no. 3 (?); similar b. CNI v, scudo 210–11.67– men- 75; Crippa tioned 1986, in the 283–4 no. 4 sources

Second period (ordinance of 1505)

7.

8.

9.

Grosso Grosso Soldino da 3 da 2 soldi soldi Bissona: CNI v, 213– 4.100–4; Crippa 1986, 291 no. 11 (?)

CNI v, CNI v, CNI v, 211.76–7; 212.88– 212.90; Crippa 9; Crippa 1986, Crippa 1986, 288, 285, no. 5 1986, no. 8 287, no. 7

10.

11.

12.

Date Characteristics and description

Sesino Trillina Denaro

CNI v, 215.115– 19; Crippa 1986, 292 no. 14

CNI v, 217.133– 7; Crippa 1986, 295 no. 18

1499– Coinage with mid-sized Roman lettering: 1505 1. Obv. Crowned portrait bust w. beret to right. Rev. St Ambrose w. whip on horseback to right. 2. Obv. Crowned shield. Rev. St Ambrose enthroned. 3a. As first denomination (double ducat). 3b. As second denomination (double scudo). 7. Obv. Crowned biscia. Rev. Crowned knotted cloth. 9. Obv. Crowned quartered shield. Rev. Half-figure of St Ambrose. 11. Obv. Two fleurs-de-lis in tressure. Rev. Cross fleurdelisée.

CNI v, Possibly 212– contin3.91–2; ued from Crippa first 1986, period 289, no. 9 (after 1505?)

CNI v, 216.122– 5; Crippa 1986, 293, no. 16

1505– Coinage w. large square Roman lettering; 8 crowned quartered shields: 4. Obv. Crowned bust w. beret to right. Rev. Crowned quartered shield. 5. Obv. Cross fleurdelisée. Rev. Crowned quartered shield. 6. Obv. Bust of St Ambrose. Rev. Crowned porcupine. 8. Obv. Crowned shield. Rev. Cross fleury. 11. Obv. L w. crown. Rev. Bust of St Ambrose.

Third CNI v, period 203–4.2– (ordinance 13; Crippa of 1508) 1986, 277–9 no. 1 (?)

CNI v, 206– 10.26–65; Crippa 1986, 282–3 no. 3 (?)

CNI v, 211–12.79– 87; Crippa 1986, 286 no. 6

CNI v, 213.93– 9; Crippa 1986, 290 no. 10

CNI v, 214– 5.105–12; Crippa 1986, 291 no. 12

Fourth Continued period from third (ordinance period of 1511)

Continued from third period

Mentioned in mint decree but not otherwise attested

CNI v, 213– 14.100– 4; Crippa 1986, 291 no. 11

CNI v, 214.113– 14; Crippa 1986, 292 no. 13

CNI v, CNI v, 1508– Coinage w. smaller lettering and thicker 216.126– 217– 11 lines in the legends and a simple crowned 9; 8.139–42; shield w. three fleurs-de-lis: Crippa Crippa 1. and 3. Obv. Crowned portrait bust w. 1986, 1986, 296 beret to right. Rev. St Ambrose on 294 no. 19 horseback to right. no. 17 6. Obv. Crowned shield. Rev. St Ambrose enthroned. 7. Obv. Crowned shield between two biscie. Rev. Crowned knotted cloth. 9. Obv. Crowned shield. Rev. Cross fleury. 11. Obv. Three fleurs-de-lis. Rev. Cross fleury. 12. Obv. Fleur-de-lis. Rev. Cross fleury. CNI v, 215– 6.120– 1; Crippa 1986, 293 no. 15

Possibly 1511– Coinage w. smaller lettering in the legends: continued 12 7. Obv. Crowned biscia w. two from third fleurs-de-lis. Rev. Crowned knotted period cloth. 9. Obv. Crowned quartered shield. Rev. Crowned empaled shield. 10. Obv. L w. crown. Rev. Crowned biscia.

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of Spanish rule is not covered in this volume, the particularly beautiful coin-like medal of the Milanese Senate in honour of Emperor Charles V (1519–56), which carries a representation of Charles as an ancient Roman emperor, constitutes an appropriate conclusion to the medieval and Renaissance series of Milanese coins. The famous medallist and sculptor Leone Leoni (1509–90) was the official die-cutter of the imperial mint in Milan and also produced the dies for this medal with the weight of a third of a scudo (788; Crippa 1990, 77 no. 26b).

(n) m on za 1. Historical background The history of this industrial city north of Milan is closely associated with one of the most eminent names of the Italian Middle Ages, the Lombard queen Theodolinda (589–626), and one of the period’s most important symbols, the so-called ‘crown of iron’, which is preserved in the duomo of Monza.Queen Theodolinda not only decisively influenced the conversion of the Lombard kings from Arianism to Catholicism, but also established her preferred residence in the old Roman town of Modicia and founded the church dedicated to St John the Baptist, later known as the duomo of Monza. According to Paul the Deacon, there was already a royal palace in the Roman municipium under the Ostrogothic King Theoderic (471–526), but it was Theodolinda who brought real royal splendour to the town. The ‘crown of iron’, probably from the Carolingian period, is a gold votive crown with an internal iron ring, supposedly formed out of one of the nails of the crucifixion, but it is not clear when and how this crown came into the church’s treasure. In any case, it acquired its particular importance as the crown and symbol of the Italian kingdom only in the later Middle Ages. The royal court (curtis regalis) and church of San Giovanni Battista, which became a rich collegiate church, retained their royal and semi-independent character, despite growing pressure from the metropolis of Milan and its archbishops. Sources mention both an old and new castello in the early eleventh century and refer to Monza as a borough (burgum) with its own judges in 1086. The powerful commune of Milan nevertheless managed to integrate the borough and collegiate church into its own district and territories over the course of the first quarter of the twelfth century, if not prior to this during the Investiture Controversy. In 1128, Monza was no more than a part of the Milanese contado when it saw the first clearly attested royal coronation; significantly, this was for the anti-king Conrad III of Hohenstaufen, the predecessor and uncle of Frederick I Barbarossa (1152–90, emp. 1155). Milan’s first defeat to imperial troops in the summer of 1158 provided Monza with the opportunity to regain its independence, which was demonstrated in the symbolic act of the emperor’s celebrative coronation there in September 1158. Together with Lodi and Como, Monza became a focal point of Frederick’s policy of renewal of central power and regalian rights, as proclaimed in the imperial Diet of Roncaglia near Piacenza, where the judges also restored royal authority over Monza. In 1159, Barbarossa not only conferred a generous grant to the city but also declared it ‘our special see, which appears to be head of Lombardy and see of this kingdom’ (spitialem sedem nostram que caput Lombardie et sedes regni illius esse dignoscitur) (MGH Dipl. x 2, doc. 253). Until the breakdown of direct imperial control in Italy in 1167, Monza was perhaps the most important centre of the royal administration in the kingdom. The city’s liberty and independence lasted, at the very latest, only until the surrender of its royal privileges to Milan

Monza

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in December 1197, but the memory of its importance in the royal administration in the second half of the twelfth century persisted to such an extent that Henry VII of Luxembourg seriously considered holding his coronation there in 1310. A year later, at the request of its citizens, Henry exempted Monza from Milanese rule and placed the city at his own disposal (Bonaini 1877, i, 141–2; Pauler 1997, 75). With Henry’s death in 1313, however, Monza lost royal support against the overwhelming hegemony of nearby Milan and, apart from a short period of direct royal rule under Louis the Bavarian in 1327/9 (Pauler 1997, 149–51), was fully integrated into the Milanese territories during the rule of Azzone Visconti (1329–39), though it managed to retain certain autonomous rights. Monza regained its independence after the death of Gian Galeazzo Visconti in 1402 when the huge Visconti principality collapsed. The city already enjoyed a special status in the Milanese state as an autonomous fief with juridical exemption under the immediate authority of Gian Galeazzo’s wife, Caterina. For monetary history and numismatics, it is important that Estore Visconti, an illegitimate son of Gian Galeazzo’s uncle Bernabò Visconti, was the most prominent descendant of this branch of the Visconti family. Estore escaped imprisonment in Monza in 1407 and was immediately proclaimed lord of the town against Gian Galeazzo’s son and successor, Duke Giovanni Maria Visconti. As the son of a previous lord of Milan, Estore claimed the right of coinage even though the town of Monza never enjoyed such a privilege; a mint there probably began to strike coins in Estore’s name from 1407. After the murder of Giovanni Maria in 1412, Estore even became lord of Milan together with his nephew Giovanni Carlo. The real heir to the duchy was nevertheless the second son of Gian Galeazzo and count of Pavia, Filippo Maria, who easily conquered Milan and forced Estore and Giovanni Carlo to flee to Monza. Estore held Monza for a while but died in February 1413 during the Milanese siege of the town. With the end of the siege in May of that year, Monza returned under Milanese rule but maintained its juridical and economic privileges. Literature on the medieval history of Monza is focused mainly on the early Middle Ages and on the importance of the ‘crown of iron’, for example in Marimonti (1841) and other earlier works, which contain precious source material, while Peyer (1951) and Bosisio and Vismara (1973) provide modern and more institutional perspectives on Monza’s history. Its short-lived coinage is often treated in research on the Milanese coinage of the early fifteenth century, but the works of Gavazzi (1888) and Crippa (1986, 107–15) are of particular importance for the town. In addition, the mint in Milan also struck coins in the name of Estore Visconti during his brief rule over the city (see section (m) above, pp. 468, 472). Gionfini’s (1986) suggestion that most coins attributed to Monza were in fact struck in Milan during Estore’s and Giancarlo’s signoria over the city in 1412 has rightly been rejected by Pozzi (Zecche i, 917–8). A hoard from Rhäzüns in Switzerland also contained a series of Estore’s pegioni of Monza (App. 1, no. 138). The coin list in Milan, Biblioteca Trivulziana, Codex 136, datable to shortly after 1415, is very important for the identification of the denominations of Monza’s coins (Ambrosoli 1904b). 2. Coinage The mint in Monza was active only under Estore Visconti and the coin series is small, consisting of only six, possibly seven types. The large number of variants for the few coin types is nevertheless remarkable, implying that production was prodigious over the brief lifespan of the mint. All the

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denominations were struck according to the Milanese system, though with a slightly lower standard of fineness, as demonstrated in the coin list of about 1415 (Ambrosoli 1904b, 476). On the basis of the different issue marks, it is possible to distinguish two groups, though their chronological sequence is not clear. There are coins with a rosette at the beginning of the obverse legends – mainly grossi pegioni, bissoli and some sesini – while the other coins – including the quattrini and trilline as well as some sesini and bissoli – have crosslets rather than rosettes at the beginning of the legends. The legends of all the coin types bear the ruler’s name hEStOR VIcEcOMES on the obverse with either his partial title, MODOEtIE, mostly with a rosette as the issue mark, or his fuller title as lord of Monza, DOMINVS MODOEtIE, often without the rosette issue mark. If the bissolo in the name of Giovanni Carlo and Estore Visconti together with a rosette issue mark but without any indication of the place of issue belongs to Monza instead of Milan (CNI v, 116–17.20–6, 117– 18.30–3; Crippa 1986, 114–15 no. 3), then the rosette issue coins would be the later ones, datable to 1411/12 when Giovanni Carlo had to leave Cantù to stay with his uncle Estore in Monza, but this question still needs further research. The coins without the rosette bearing the title DOMINVS MODOEtIE would therefore belong to the first group. They include a sesino, mentioned in the coin list of about 1415, modelled on the sesini of Duke Gian Galeazzo and Giovanni Maria of Milan (654–5; 657). Monza’s sesino of slightly less than 1.00g and 49.3 per cent fine according to the coin list has the crowned biscia between the lord’s initials on the obverse and cross pattée on the reverse (CNI iv, 450.65–6), but two variants of this sesino already have the rosette issue mark (CNI iv, 450.63–4). A further petty denomination of the first group has always been misclassified as a sesino but, like the typologically similar coins of other mints such as Milan, Como and Crema that revived the old typology of a coin of Azzone Visconti, must be considered a quattrino (CNI iv, 449–50.56–62; see sections (g), (h) and (m) above, pp. 370, 372, 442–3 and 472, respectively). It has a cross pattée with the ruler’s name and title in the legend on the obverse and a nimbate bust of St Ambrose between Estore’s initials and the saint’s name on the reverse. Its weight tends towards 0.70–0.75g and its diameter is clearly smaller than that of the sesino. Close in value is a trillina of about 0.85g with Estore’s initials on the obverse and cross fleury on the reverse (CNI iv, 450–1.67–77). Interestingly, the Trivulziana coin list refers to this coin of about 14 per cent silver not as a trillina but, like the corresponding Milanese coin, as an imperiale da due da Monza. It was therefore struck on the reduced bissolo standard and valued in the restored old standard as a double denaro, which means that this coin type must have been introduced in Monza after the introduction of the trillina in Milan in 1408 (Ambrosoli 1904b, 476; see section (m) above, pp. 467–8). The same applies for the bissoli of Monza, which were designed to imitate the good old denari imperiali with cross and three-line legend (CNI iv, 451.78–80; cf. 607, 612–13, 630) and profit from their reputation to deceive consumers in Lombardy. According to the Lombard coin list of about 1415 (Ambrosoli 1904b, 476), they are only 7.6 per cent fine, even less than the Milanese bissoli, while their weight of about 0.60g is less conspicuous. The highest denomination of the second issue group with the rosette issue mark, and of Estore’s coins in general, is a pegione or grosso of almost 2.40g that closely imitates its contemporary Milanese counterparts and can only be distinguished from them by the legends and initials in the obverse field (789; CNI iv, 443–9.1–55). It has the traditional crowned Visconti viper (biscia) in a quatrefoil between initials on the obverse and St Ambrose enthroned on the reverse with four different variants of the legend: SøAMBROSIVS MEDIOLaN, SANtVS AMBROSIVS, and the remarkable legends SøAMBROSIVS NOStER (‘our St Ambrose’) and SøAMBROSIVS NOStER PAtRO[NVS] (‘St Ambrose

Pavia

517

our patron’). The iconography and legends on these coins underscore Estore’s claim to the lordship of Milan and also support the view that the rosette issue group is the later issue. The second denomination of this group is a very rare denaro bissolo with the Visconti snake on the obverse and cross fleury on the reverse, accompanied on both sides by the legend >hEStOR VIcEcOMES (CNI iv, 451.81–2). It is easier to account for this unusual double legend if the very similar bissolo in the name of Estore and Giovanni Carlo conventionally attributed to Milan is understood as belonging instead to Monza so that these two types fit together (CNI v, 116–8.20–33; Crippa 1986, 114–15, no. 3). Considering the relatively brief period in which they were struck, most of these coin types survive in a remarkable number of variants. This suggests a very extensive coin production in Monza under Estore Visconti, which finds its direct continuation in the Milanese coins struck in the name of Estore and his nephew Giovanni Carlo. In view of the brief troubled rule of Bernabò’s descendants in Milan, it is very probable that some of these ‘Milanese’ coins were struck in Monza during the siege of the city until 1413. In particular, the pegioni in the name of both Giovanni Carlo and Estore with their titles as rulers of both Milan and Monza may be considered to have been struck in Monza between June 1412 and May 1413 (CNI v, 115.4–5, 115–16.10–15; Crippa 1986, 113 no. 1, variants 1, 3, 6–7, 9; see also section (m) above, pp. 468–72).

(o) pavi a 1. Communal period A. Historical background The city that became Pavia was founded as a Roman municipium in 49 bc on the river Ticinum and took its name from this river, which flows into the river Po a few kilometres to the south-east. It benefited from its favourable geographic position between Milan and the Ligurian coast, close to the major rivers, and therefore became a prosperous centre of commerce and an important military base. In ad 274, under Emperor Aurelian (270–5), the mint of Milan was transferred to Ticinum and was one of the most prolific mints of those troubled times, but Constantine the Great (306–37) relocated it once more in 326/7, this time to his new capital at Constantinople. Under King Theoderic the Great (493–526), Ticinum became, together with Verona, the second capital in Italy after Ravenna. The city walls were reinforced and a palace, theatres and public baths were built. Ostrogothic coins from Ticinum are also known. After the Lombard conquest of the city in 572, it became the capital of the Lombard kingdom and was particularly favoured by King Rothari (636–52). In 774, Charlemagne’s conquest of Ticinum was the decisive step in the overthrow of the Lombard kingdom in northern and central Italy. By this time the name Papia had become dominant over the old Latin name of Ticinum. The city maintained its status as Italian capital for centuries in principle, though it was really the seat of the central institutions and administration only up to the time of the Ottonian emperors. Emperor Otto III (983–1002) already preferred Ravenna as a residence and Emperor Henry II (1004–24) only rarely stayed in this city, with its increasingly uneasy citizens. After Henry’s death, the people of Pavia destroyed the royal palace in the city and thus completed the erosion of the central administration, which reinforced the feudalisation of the kingdom of Italy under the leadership of the bishops and the greater princes such as Marquis Bonifacio of Canossa (d. 1052). In Pavia, the

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counts palatine and the bishops became the most eminent authorities. After the retreat from the city of the counts palatine, the counts of Lomello, the bishops became increasingly dominant. Generally, the rise of the urban leadership of Italian bishops with their urban and extra-urban vassals combined with the negligible presence of the kings favoured development of the urban economy along with civic independence and a tendency towards self-government. This civic consciousness and unity, also fostered by ideas of religious reform, ripened and finally exploded during the crisis of the Salian kingdom stemming from the Investiture Controversy. Royal officers, comital and episcopal vassals, and other leading citizens became the foremost group of a new community, later called the commune; the representatives of the commune, called consuls, are first mentioned in 1106 and again in 1112. In the twelfth century, Pavia’s rivalry with and antagonism to its overpowering neighbour, Milan, determined its external policy and its relations with the emperors. During the time of Frederick I Barbarossa (1152–90, emp. 1155), Milan’s dominance and expansionist policies compelled Pavia to become one of the main supporters of imperial power in Italy. Together with Cremona, and often also Lodi and Como, it fought again and again on the imperial side against Milan and its allies such as Tortona, Alessandria and Crema. There were celebrations in Pavia after the imperial victories over Tortona in 1155 and Milan in 1162, and the emperor rewarded the city for its loyalty with generous privileges such as the so-called Magna Charta of 1164 that secured far-reaching rights for Pavia over a wide territory (MGH Dipl. x.2, doc. 455). Pavia remained a pro-imperial fortress in Lombardy for decades, long into the period when the artisan classes were dominant in the city in the first half of the thirteenth century. It was only after the general breakdown of Ghibelline power in Italy following the death of Frederick II (1212/18–50, emp. 1220) and the final defeat of King Manfred of Sicily in 1266 that the Guelf Langosco family came to prevail in the city over the Ghibelline Beccaria family. Under the Langosco, with the support of Marquis Guglielmo of Montferrat (1278–90), the city enjoyed steady economic growth in the later thirteenth century. The powerful Visconti lords of Milan nevertheless subjected Pavia to constant pressure and, after three years of resistence, the city finally surrendered to Galeazzo II Visconti in 1359, the last of the central Lombard cities to submit to Milanese rule. After the estrangement of the ruling Visconti brothers, Bernabò and Galeazzo II (1354/5–78), Galeazzo established his residence in Pavia as the capital of his territories in the Milanese system of joint rule. He adorned the city with a series of magnificent new buildings including the new castellum magnum and in 1361 founded a university there. His son Gian Galeazzo (1375/8–1402) became lone signore of Milan after removing his uncle Bernabò in 1385 but continued to use Pavia as his residence; his successors of the Visconti house also used the city as a second capital and ducal residence. Gian Galeazzo Visconti not only obtained the ducal honour for Milan but also established the county of Pavia in 1396. Francesco Sforza (1447/50–66) established his lordship over Pavia and its territory in 1447 before gaining control over Milan in 1450, but Pavia lost its eminent position as a second capital of the duchy under the Sforza dukes, which led to the final closure of the city’s mint. B. Literature The earlier medieval history of Pavia as capital of the Italian kingdom has been well studied (Hoff 1943; Pavia capitale 1969; Arslan 1995a; Rovelli 1995), but the communal period and the city’s history under the Milanese rule of the Visconti and Sforza houses have not enjoyed as much

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attention. The major standard works are Dragoni (1929), Vaccari (1956), Milani (1985; 1998) and the Storia di Pavia (1992). Majocchi (2008) focuses on Pavia’s function as capital, particularly its ideological and legitimating importance for Visconti rule until Gian Galeazzo (1375/8–1402). Opll (1986, 366–76) is useful for the early communal period, while the papers collected in Cau and Settia (1995) cover the history of Pavia during the reign of Frederick II. There are also good entries on Gian Galeazzo Visconti, Filippo Maria Visconti and Francesco I Sforza in the DBI (respectively, liv, 383–97; xlvii, 772–82; l, 1–15). Ciapessoni (1906) focuses on public finances in Pavia under Filippo Maria Visconti, while Cipolla (1943) provides an interesting account of the economic and demographic background. The Bollettino della Società Pavese di Storia Patria and Archivio Storico Lombardo also include many useful contributions on the history of Pavia in this period. The classic work on the coinage of Pavia is the monograph of Brambilla (1883), based on the author’s profound knowledge of the numismatic material and written sources. Rossi (1892) and Biscaro (1905; 1906) published further relevant documents that subsequently came to light, while Motta (1893; 1894; 1895; 1896) published or summarised all the known documents for Pavia related to Visconti and Sforza Milan.The new material nevertheless did not affect Brambilla’s classification, which was largely taken over by the CNI (iv, 492–508). Modern studies on the circulation of the denaro of Pavia refer mainly to the pre-communal and early communal coinages, extending only to the 1160s (Toubert 1973, 577–600; Abulafia 1983, 245–7; Rossi 1990; Travaini 1990). A recent series of articles by Limido and Fusconi (2011) gives a good and updated overview of the coinage until the mid-thirteenth century, also presenting some new types and variants. The essay of Capobianchi (1896) remains an essential resource for the documentary evidence of the earlier communal period. The most significant hoards with Pavese denari of the communal period are those of San Martino Siccomario near Pavia and Villa Saviola near Mantua, both originally published by Brambilla himself (App. 1, nos. 57, 78). To these may be added the Lombard hoards of Cisano Bergamasco, Garlasco Lomellina,Monza,Pavia (San Giovanni Domnarum),Romanengo and Velezzo Lomellina (App. 1, nos. 11, 22, 35, 46, 52, 65) as well as Zernez in Switzerland (App. 1, no. 153). Mariani (1902) covers the Pavese mint during the period of Milanese rule from 1359, but literature on the Milanese coinage frequently also treats that of Pavia (Gorini 1984; Cipolla 1988; see also section (m) above, pp. 439–41); the list of hoards containing Milanese coins prepared by Schärli (1984), for example, is particularly useful because many of the finds also include Pavese coins. The standard references for Milan (Crippa 1986; Crippa and Crippa 1998) are also very important for the Pavese coinage of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries because some coin types of Galeazzo II and Gian Galeazzo Visconti must be reattributed from Milan to Pavia. C. Coinage The distinction between the royal and communal coinage at Pavia is somewhat arbitrary because the commune’s take-over of the old imperial mint through the formerly royal or imperial officers who became members of the communal elite was very gradual (Biscaro 1905; 1906). The interventions of Emperor Frederick I in the north Italian monetary landscape nevertheless marked a decisive turning point for Pavia, which was one of the emperor’s closest allies. Monetary policy also played an important role in the common fight against Milanese hegemony in Lombardy. In 1155, Frederick transferred Milan’s right of coinage to his ally Cremona and might have tacitly accepted or confirmed communal use of the mint in Pavia at the same time or at the latest during his second

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campaign in Italy from 1158 to 1162. In Pavia’s so-called Magna Charta of 1164, at any rate, Frederick formally confirmed omnia regalia [of Pavia] …in civitate vel extra (MGH Dipl. x.2, doc. 455). The key piece of information for the coinage of Pavia comes from a document of 8 November 1160 that records a legal dispute between the Pavese moneyers and mentions a new coinage in production: in hac nova moneta que modo fit, quam soliti sunt habere in aliis preteritis monetis (Biscaro 1906, 434 doc. 1). The new coinage must be identified with the Pavese denari and half-denari or oboli in the name of an emperor Frederick (CNI iv, 494.17–18, 495.21; for the obolo, see CNI iv, 495.26), because at least one of these coins was present in the hoard of San Giovanni Domnarum in Pavia, which is datable to the last third of the twelfth century (Arslan 1995b, no. 157; cf. the wrongly revised dating in Arslan 2008, 363). Brambilla attributed these coins to Frederick II (1212/18–1250, emp. 1220), which is impossible in view of the hoard evidence. It is also notable that these denari are difficult to distinguish from Pavese denari enriciani (i.e. denari in the name of an emperor Henry) datable up to the mid-twelfth century (49; see Chapter 2, section (b). pp. 45–6). Instead of the three-lined obverse legend HE|RIC|N in the form of a cross and meant to be read first vertically and then horizontally as HE|I|N|RIC, the new coins have the legend FE|RIC|N in three lines in which the F replaces the H and the legend is meant to be read horizontally. The other legends, in principle, remained unchanged but the lettering was simplified with the T reduced to  and the R reduced to P; the reverse legend was rotated about thirty degrees to the left so that elements from the legend in the field completed the simplified lettering in the margin, with the T in the margin taking its vertical line from the lower P in the field and the two simplified Rs in the margin similarly borrowing from elements of the legend in the field. Read separately, the marginal legends are +ãVgV4V4 CE on the obverse and +INPEPãOP around the city’s name. The huge lacuna that Brambilla saw (1883, 283) between the coins of Emperor Henry V (1106–25) and those of Frederick II did not actually exist, and this is confirmed by the documentary evidence. The similarity between the last variety of the denaro enriciano of Pavia and the new coinage in the name of Frederick I also corresponds with the ongoing progressive decline in value of the Pavese money recorded in the documentary evidence during the twelfth century. According to a Genoese tariff of 1164, eighty-six soldi of Pavia were equivalent to the silver mark of Cologne (c. 233.80g), which indicates that the Pavese currency retained only about a sixth of its value at the beginning of the century (Capobianchi 1896, 40–52). It was only in the 1170s that authorities in Pavia stabilised their denaro by firmly relating it to the denaro imperiale at the ratio of 2:5 (Brambilla 1883, 276–80; Capobianchi 1896, 40–4). A decisive change must have come about around 1220. The ratio of 2:5 still prevailed in 1218, but documents begin to refer to a ‘new coinage’ of Pavia in 1222 and later records make it clear that the new Pavese denaro was equivalent to fully half of the denaro imperiale (Brambilla 1883, 279–83; Grillo 2002a, 45–6). Like most of the other Lombard coinages, the denaro of Pavia became a moneta mezzana, a half-value coinage compared with the denaro imperiale. The grossi of Pavia of almost 1.40g with the value of four denari imperiali or eight denari of Pavia fit into this period very well in parallel with the Milanese and other Lombard grossi. The grossi have the same legends as the denari in the name of Frederick I. It is possible to distinguish at least six main issues of this grosso da 4 denari imperiali, the first and second with just a central pellet on the reverse or with a central pellet and an additional pellet between the upper P and ã in the city’s name, the third with a triple pellet between the P and ã (790), the fourth with four pellets in the form of a cross, the fifth with an inverted recumbent crescent, and the sixth with a crosslet

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(CNI iv, 493–4.3–12, 494.16). It seems that the first and second issues were the principal ones and lasted longer, while those with particular issue marks were relatively short lived. Coins of a slightly lighter issue have a crossed O (i.e. ], called an O croxato in the sources) at the start of the obverse legend and another one in the centre of the reverse (CNI iv, 494.134). Judging from the treaty of the Lombard monetary league of 1254, this later issue is datable to 1250/3. Most of the corresponding denari of the ‘new coinage’ from about 1220 also have the pellet in the centre of the reverse and a pellet between the upper P and ã of the city’s name (791; CNI iv, 494–5.19–20, 495.22). Other marks occur only rarely on the reverse of denari from this series of issues, for example the rosette on a denaro from the Zernez hoard in Switzerland (Jecklin and Hahn 1922, 49 no. 38; App. 1, no. 153). Together with one denaro enriciano of Pavia, only these postreform denari in the name of Emperor Frederick make up the second hoard of Velezzo Lomellina preserved in the Milan coin cabinet (App. 1, no. 66). The design of the denari with the crossed O is analogous to that of the corresponding grossi (CNI iv, 495.23). According to older metal analyses, all of these Pavese denari have a fineness of about 25 per cent (Brambilla 1883, 286–7). Half-denari in the value of a quarter-denaro imperiale are also known (CNI iv, 495.27, 495.30). The mint also produced another issue similar to that of the O croxato as a result of the Lombard monetary league of 1254 but with stars instead of the crossed O (Brambilla 1883, 314–20; cf. Lorenzelli 1987). Like other subscribing mints, such as Brescia, Cremona, Piacenza and Tortona, that of Pavia never struck the grossi of four imperiali or eight mezzani as agreed in the treaty, but produced only a heavily debased grosso of six denari imperiali or one soldo in the money of Pavia (792; CNI iv, 493.1–2), as mentioned in the statutes of Brescia in 1257 (Brambilla 1883, 314). In view of the general monetary devaluation of the period, the lower-denomination grosso of four denari imperiali that the treaty of 1254 provided for was too good, so the mint in Pavia produced a higher denomination grosso on a lower standard. This grosso of six denari imperiali attains only 1.70g, compared with the previous standard weight of more than 2.00g before 1250. Another grosso of only 1.35g, also with stars, was conventionally regarded as a grosso of four denari imperiali (CNI iv, 494.15), but its style, metrology and marking system suggest that it is a somewhat later and even more debased grosso of six denari imperiali or twelve mezzani. In the same period, probably after the break-up of the monetary league of 1254, the mint of Pavia introduced a new petty coinage. The new denari were larger in diameter and had a cross pattée in a beaded border in the obverse field instead of the emperor’s name with the immobilised title +ãVgV4V4 CE in the margin, while the reverse design was unchanged. Brambilla (1883, 322–3) called the new coin type a denaro mezzano because of the relatively poor alloy of the specimens he had analysed, about 16 per cent fine, but it was more probably a denaro imperiale. He dated it generally to the second half of the thirteenth century, but the different variants can be assigned more precisely to specific issues on the basis of the marking system, which was the same as that used on Pavese denari mezzani of the traditional type and later grossi. The correspondence between the traditional denari mezzani in the name of an emperor Frederick and the new denari suggests that the mint in Pavia struck two parallel series, one of the new denaro imperiale and another of the traditional money of account, the denaro mezzano, as in Milan and Bergamo, but that Pavia’s new coins were struck on the reduced standard of 1254. As time went on, the mint decreased production of the denari mezzani and focused increasingly on the denari imperiali. Brambilla’s identification of the denari imperiali as denari mezzani might have been based on analyses of particularly late variants struck to a lower standard of fineness. In any case, modern analyses are needed to resolve the

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question. The Villa Saviola hoard, made up almost entirely of coins from the early fourteenth century, confirms the classification proposed here because the Pavese denari of the new type are very close in weight to the contemporary denari imperiali of Milan and Como (App. 1, no. 78). The presence of traditional denari mezzani of Pavia with denari imperiali in early fourteenth-century hoards from both Garlasco Lomellina and Monza and also in the excavation context of the same period in the church of Airolo in Switzerland (App. 1, nos. 22, 34, 153a) further demonstrates that the two coinages were struck in parallel during the same period. The first variant of the new denaro has a cross with a pellet in each angle on the obverse and the usual two pellets punctuating the city’s name on the reverse (CNI iv, 497.13), which was soon followed by a second variant without pellets in the angles of the obverse cross (CNI iv, 498.20). The corresponding traditional denaro Pavese or denaro mezzano likely has the same two pellets in the reverse field as the earlier coins mentioned above, one in the centre and another between the upper P and ã, but is probably lighter. Later variants of Pavia’s denaro mezzano variants are in fact lighter than the original 0.70g. This makes it difficult to determine whether the coins are really denari mezzani or half-denari (oboli) worth a quarter of a denaro imperiale, which is how Brambilla and the compilers of the CNI classified them, but it is more likely that they are debased denari mezzani rather than their halves. Another problem that arises from the classification of the issues with two pellets on the reverse as well as those with a single and triple pellet rests in their correspondence with the grossi of four denari imperiali mentioned above (CNI iv, 493.3–8). These grossi are therefore perhaps datable to the period after 1254 and the explanation for their relatively high weight of 1.40g may be that they were, in effect, half-ambrosini. Their presence in the hoards of San Martino Siccomario and Zernez, both datable to before 1250, nevertheless confirms an early dating (App. 1, nos. 57, 153). The fourteenth-century statutes of Pavia reveal that a further devaluation of the coinage, indeed a full-scale renewal, occurred in 1299. Brambilla (1883, 315 n. 1, 326–31) correctly attributes to this date the so-called double grossi with the city’s patron, St Syrus, standing facing with episcopal insignia in an arcade (793; CNI iv, 496–7, nos. 1–9). The reverse legends are again the immobilised imperial title around the city’s name, first with a star in the centre and a pellet between the upper P and ã (nos. 6–8) and then with two six-pointed stars in the same position plus a further one on the right. Like the parallel issue of reduced ambrosini in Milan, the Pavese grosso has a standard weight of just over 2.00g. As Brambilla demonstrated, it was originally worth ten denari imperiali, like the analogous issues of not only Milan but also Brescia, Cremona, Parma, Piacenza and Asti. Already in the gride or coin valuations of 1311 and 1315, the grosso of Pavia was valued at twelve denari imperiali or two soldi in denari mezzani of Pavia (MGH Const. iv.2, doc. 1220; Brambilla 1883, 329; Bellesia 2010, 49–54). Both the contemporary denari imperiali with cross and traditional Pavese denari mezzani in the name of an emperor Frederick have a pattern of markings on the reverse similar to that of the grosso with pellet and triple pellet or trefoil in the two positions (794–6; CNI iv, 497.4–5, 498.19, 495.25). The last independent issue of the Pavese commune is a reduced grosso with St Syrus, probably datable to another general devaluation of Pavia’s coinage in 1323, as indicated by the same fourteenth-century statutes. The obverse of the new grosso has a more elegant design with the city’s patron in a gothic arcade as well as a more graceful gothic form to some of the lettering; the reverse has the usual design, with the only differences being a trefoil in the centre, a pellet at the top of the field between the upper P and ã, and a voided star on the right (CNI iv,

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Figure 56. Pavia: last grosso of the communal period, datable from 1323 (Brambilla 1883. pl. viii.12)

497.10–12; Fig. 56). With its standard weight of about 1.30g, this grosso might have been intended to be valued at ten denari imperiali. The same pattern of markings appears on denari imperiali and denari mezzani, though it is often difficult to discern the marks with any certainty owing to the the small size of the field (797; CNI iv, 497.16–17, 495.28–9). It is unclear how long the communal mint in Pavia continued to strike these coins, but production must have ceased at some point prior to 1359 when Galeazzo II Visconti of Milan conquered the city and reopened the mint, possibly in the 1330s. Table 50 provides an overview of the communal coinage of Pavia to the 1330s. 2. The lordship of the Visconti and Sforza of Milan, 1359–1499 A. Historical background The conquest of Pavia in 1359 marked a decisive step for Galeazzo II Visconti in his long rivalry with his elder brother Bernabò. After losing many of his western cities, this victory gave him an independent position beyond the jointly administered cities of Milan and Genoa. The possession of Pavia was also particularly prestigious because of the city’s old Lombard royal tradition, which members of the Visconti house had already cultivated for decades (Majocchi 2008, 168–200). It is therefore unsurprising that Galeazzo and his son Gian Galeazzo soon asked for and obtained the imperial vicariatus for this city from Emperor Charles IV (1346–78, emp. 1355). In his diploma of 1360 in favour of Galeazzo II, Charles also conceded the right to open a mint in Pavia (Lünig 1725–35, iii, 239; Brambilla 1883, 377). Galeazzo must have re-established the mint early in the 1360s or at the very latest by 1365 when he transferred his residence to Pavia, bearing in mind that he had already founded a university there in 1361, made the city the capital of his own territories and initiated the splendid extension of the castello during the same period. Despite the significance of Pavia for Galeazzo, his son, and later also Francesco Sforza, the city never recovered its former prominence and remained in the shadow of Milan while its coinage accordingly was less stable than that of the metropolis. Some Pavese coins of the Visconti period have been conventionally attributed to Milan, but historical, stylistic and typological considerations recommend modifying the classification and reattributing to Pavia some coins previously classified as Milanese. Even such an excellent scholar as Brambilla (1883, 377–406) was so overwhelmed by the rich and authoritative literature on the Milanese coinage that he did not think to doubt the attributions of Visconti coins of Pavia to the metropolitan mint of Milan. The documents published by Motta (1893; 1894; 1895; 1896) provide an important basis for many of these re-attributions along with the hoards of Maloja, Porrentruy/Pruntrut and Vaulruz in Switzerland (App. 1, nos. 122, 133, 152) and Marbach in Germany (App. 1, no. 123). Some studies on Milan during the Visconti period also need to be taken into consideration for the monetary history of Pavia (Crippa 1986, 46–135; Santoro 1976–83).

Table 50. Communal coinage of Pavia, c. 1160–1330s 1.

2.

3.

4.

5.

Denaro pavese or mezzano

Halfdenaro or obolo

Grosso da 4&6 denari imperiali

Denaro imperiale

Grosso with St Syrus

I. Early communal coinage

Denaro pavese: CNI iv, 494.17–18, 495.21

CNI iv, 495.24, 495.26

II. New First issue coinage of the denaro mezzano Second issue (?)

Denaro mezzano: CNI iv, CNI iv, CNI iv, 494.19, 495.27, 493.3–5 495.20, 495.22 495.30

Period

Date

Characteristics

c. 1160– c. 1220

Denaro pavese, c. 0.70g; Obolo, c. 0.35g: Obv. +ãVgV4V4 CE, FE|RIC|N monogram in large beaded border. Rev. +INPERãOP, Pã|Pã|I with central pellet.

c.1220– 50

Grosso da 4 imperiali, c. 1.40g; Denaro mezzano, c. 0.70g; Obolo, c. 0.35g: Rev. +INPEPãOP, Pã|Pã|I w. pellet in centre and between upper P and ã.

CNI iv, 493.6

Rev. w. central pellet.

Third issue

CNI iv, 495.25; Limido and Fusconi 2011, 85

CNI iv, 493.7–8, 494.10– 11

Rev. w. pellet in centre and triple pellet between upper P and ã.

Fourth issue

Jecklin and Hahn 1922, 49 no. 38; Limido and Fusconi 2011, 84–5

CNI iv, 494.16

Rev. w. pellet in centre and four pellets in the form of a cross between upper P and ã.

Fifth issue

CNI iv, 493.9

Rev. w. pellet in centre and inverted recumbent crescent between upper P and ã.

Sixth issue Limido and Fusconi 2011, 84 (?)

CNI iv, 494.12, 16

Rev. w. pellet in centre and crosslet between upper P and ã.

III. O croxato coinage (])

CNI iv, 495.23; Limido and Fusconi 2011, 86–7

CNI iv, 494.13–14

IV. Star Main type coinage and reduced imperiale coinage

Denaro mezzano from second period continued (?)

CNI iv, 493.1–2

c.1250–3 Grosso da 4 imperiali, c. 1.35g; Denaro mezzano, c. 0.60g: Obv. ]ãVgV4V4 CE, as last. Rev. Crossed ] in centre and pellet between upper P and ã. CNI iv, 498.20, 497.13

CNI iv, 495.15

Variant

1254–98

Grosso da 6 imperiali, c. 1.70g; Denaro imperiale, c. 0.80g: 3. Obv. ãVgV4V4 CE, as last. Rev. As last w. in centre and pellet between upper P and ã. 4. Obv. +ãVgV4V4 CE, cross w. four pellets and without pellets in beaded border. Rev. +INPERãOP, Pã|Pã|I w. pellet in centre and between upper P and ã.

1290s (?) Grosso, c. 1.35g: 3. Obv. As last. Rev. As last w. > in centre and pellet between upper P and ã.

V. St Syrus coinage

CNI iv, 495.25

CNI iv, 497.14– 15, 498.19

CNI iv, 1299– 496– 1323 7.1–9

Grosso, c. 2.05g; Denaro imperiale,c. 0.75g; Denaro mezzano, c. 0.40g: 1. & 4. As last, but w. pellet in centre and trefoil between upper P and ã on rev. 5. Obv. St Syrus standing in arcade. Rev. +INPERãOP, Pã|Pã|I w. two or three stars or pellets.

VI. Reduced St Syrus coinage

CNI iv, 495.28–9

CNI iv, 497.16– 17

CNI iv, 1323– 497.10– 1330s 12

Grosso c. 1.30g; Denaro imperiale c. 0.50g; Denaro mezzano c. 0.35g Rev. w. pellet in centre, trefoil between upper P and ã, and star on the right. 5. Obv. More elegant St Syrus and arcade, some gothic lettering in legend.

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B. Coinage I. Galeazzo II and Gian Galeazzo Visconti (1359–1402) Following the tradition of the joint rule of Luchino and Archbishop Giovanni Visconti of Milan (1339–54), their nephews Galeazzo II and Bernabò continued to produce a common coinage in Milan that carried the name and title of both signori or lords from 1355 (see section (m) above, pp. 448–55). As demonstrated above, the earlier Visconti coinage of Milan has issue marks that operate over most denominations (florins, grossi, grossi pegioni, sesini, denari). The issue marks even overlap some periods of rule, which helps to establish the chronological sequence of the coinages. This precise system of mint marks and control perhaps helped to keep the Milanese coinage and money of account so stable for most of the latter two-thirds of the fourteenth century. In spite of the growing tensions between Galeazzo II and Bernabò Visconti and their descendants, the mint in Pavia followed broadly the marking system of Milan so that both coinages could circulate together. The first issue marks on the coins of Bernabò and Galeazzo II in Milan are stars and rosettes, which appear as stops in the legends and in the corners of the gothic tressure on the obverse. It is often difficult to distinguish stars from rosettes, however, and therefore unclear whether the marks indicate two distinct issues or just one (see section (m) above, pp. 449–50). It nevertheless seems that there are no star issue marks on the coins of Pavia, which implies that the coins with the stars are earlier and the mint of Pavia started to strike coins during the period when rosette marks were in use. The coinages of Pavia are easily recognisable by the depiction of the city’s patron St Syrus on the grossi and pegioni. At first, the new Pavese coinage was struck alongside that of the main mint in Milan in the name of both Visconti brothers. The earliest issue is datable to the time of the reopening of the mint probably soon after receiving imperial permission in 1360, but the chronology of this coinage is still unclear. On the one hand, the Maloja hoard, with a terminus post quem of 1363, already contains coins of the succeeding issue with pelleted annulets (App. 1, no. 122). On the other, the huge quantity of pegioni with five- and six-petal rosettes attested in hoards and the existence of many issue mark variants and transitional types in Pavia make it very likely that the rosette issue mark remained in use or was taken up again after the pelleted annulet issue, but only further hoards and research will permit a more precise classification of the chronological sequence. The grosso da 2 soldi or twenty-four denari imperiali has rosettes and the city’s patron saint enthroned with the legend SøSIRVS – PaPIa on the reverse (CNI iv, 500.1–2). The obverse has the crested arms of the Visconti in a quatrefoil tressure between the ruler’s logogram g –  in gothic lettering with Galeazzo’s title in the marginal legend +GALEaZ VIcEcO[m]ES D[omi]N[u]S M[e]D[ila]NI P[a]P[ie] [et] c[etera] (‘Galeazzo Visconti lord of Milan, Pavia etc.’). Brambilla (1883, 380–1) identified this coin as a grosso, since he found specimens weighing well over 2.50g and with a fineness of about 91 per cent. The CNI attributed this coin to Galeazzo’s son Gian Galeazzo, who used the same name on his coins, but the issue mark, as well as the presence of this coin type in the Maloja hoard, excludes such an attribution. There was also a so-called pegione worth eighteen denari imperiali with a slightly lower weight and about 66 per cent fine (798–9; CNI iv, 498–9.1–9, 499.12). It is very similar in design and epigraphy to the grosso; the only major difference is that it has two burning torches with buckets framing the crested arms instead of the ruler’s logogram. Crippa (1986, 59) interpreted the burning torches with water buckets as referring to Galeazzo’s pilgrimage to the Holy Land in 1345, but the image might have been a more generally emblematic one, similar to that of a burning torch in the

Pavia

527

fountain of Dodona, which was perhaps a symbol of Galeazzo’s trust in God (Henkel and Schöne 1996, 1244). Earlier specimens have rosettes only in the legend but later ones also have them in the corners of the obverse tressure. The drapery of the saint, here dominated by an open cape with a large brooch, is also interesting for later mint attribution and denomination. Pegioni that combined the rosette issue mark on the reverse with small annulets in the corners of the obverse tressure might have constituted a transitional coinage after the rosette issue (800; CNI iv, 499.6–9). There are also examples with both annulets and rosettes in different combinations around the obverse tressure, for example in the Tübingen hoard (App. 1, no. 149), which perhaps suggests that these combined markings with rosettes were characteristic of a later issue, but the absence of relevant hoards and other evidence makes the dating of these coins unclear. As in Milan, the subsequent full-scale issue was characterised by a pelleted annulet. In this period, the mint of Pavia again produced grossi da due soldi (801; CNI iv, 501.3) and pegioni worth eighteen denari imperiali (CNI iv, 499.10–11) that carried the same iconography and epigraphy as coins of the previous issue period. In Pavia, the coins of the pelleted annulet coinage are less common than those of the rosette issues. There is nevertheless another denomination of the pelleted annulet issue conventionally ascribed to Milan that is attributable instead to the main mint of Galeazzo II in Pavia. This is perfectly plausible, given Galeazzo’s development and expansion of his new capital as well as the growing tension between Galeazzo and his brother Bernabò in Milan. The other new denomination was a sesino worth six denari, which was reduced to a value of four denari in 1383 and then described in sources as a quattrino in 1391 (802–5; CNI v, 82.12–20; Crippa 1986, 61 no. 3; Santoro 1976–83, i, doc. 602; Motta 1893, docs. 29, 40–2). Gnecchi and Crippa reported the fineness of this coin to be less than 35 per cent silver, which confirms its poor quality and explains its devaluation from six denari imperiali to four. The attribution to Pavia is indicated not only in the allusion to the city in the legend and in the obvious correspondence of the imagery with that of the grossi and pegioni – i.e. the crested arms between g –  and the burning torch with buckets – but also in the characteristically wide lettering in the legends, apparently derived from the same punches used to prepare the dies for the grossi and pegioni. The lettering on contemporary Milanese coins is smaller and finer than that of the Pavese coins. A further denomination of this period is known only from the written sources, which mention a ducatus papiensis together with a ducatus mediolanensis in 1374 (Motta 1893, doc. 22). The gold florin in the name of both Visconti brothers, Bernabò and Galeazzo II, currently attributed to Milan alone, may also have been produced in Pavia (CNI v, 81.9–11; Crippa 1986, 48 no. 1). The Vaduz hoard from Liechtenstein included one such florin in the name of both Bernabò and Galeazzo as part of a small group of gold coins closing in the later 1360s (App. 1, no. 151). The latest Milanese and Pavese coins in the Vaulruz parcel from Switzerland, which was closed after 1378, are from the pelleted annulet issue (App. 1, no. 152). Further research is needed to establish a more precise chronology. A third chronological group followed the pelleted annulet issue, very probably still in the 1370s, though it is not yet clear whether these coins are attributable exclusively to the rule of Gian Galeazzo, who succeeded his father in 1378, or were also struck under Galeazzo II. The question is nevertheless academic; Gian Galeazzo was already intervening in monetary affairs in early 1377 (Motta 1893, doc. 23), a year and a half before his father’s death, and also retained his father’s name ‘Galeazzo’ on his own coins, omitting the first part of his name. The characteristic marks of this issue period are small annulets, which appear in combination with pelleted annulets on some

528

Lombardy

specimens of the quattrini (Crippa 1986, 61 no. 3a). The matching pegioni, like the quattrini, are also generally attributed to Milan, but they bear exactly the same images as the previous St Syrus coins, including the burning torches, the reference to Pavia in the legend and the saint’s characteristic open cape with large brooch. The only difference, apart from the issue mark in the legends and in the corners of the tressure, is the legend dedicated to St Ambrose of Milan instead of St Syrus of Pavia (806; CNI v, 81.9–11; Crippa 1986, 60 no. 2). It is nevertheless revealing that the name of St Ambrose in the reverse legend is not abbreviated in the usual Milanese manner as SøaMBROSI – MEDIOLaNI, but instead in an unusual short form as SøaMBRVS – MEDIOLaN. This is explicable only by the fact that the space previously occupied by the legend SøSIRVS – PAPIE was insufficient for the usual Milanese-style abbreviation. Galeazzo II, or more likely his son Gian Galeazzo, thus used the reference to the Milanese patron to demonstrate his claim over Milan, even on coins struck at Pavia, as Milan came more and more under the sole control of Bernabò Visconti. A gold florin with mounted knight riding to the right and triple annulet issue mark should also be mentioned in this context. This coin, conventionally attributed to Galeazzo II, carries the emblem of the burning torches and upon initial consideration might well be regarded as a product of the mint in Pavia (CNI v, 80–1.1–3, 81.5–8; Crippa 1986, 59 no. 1; see above, Fig. 51b). As shown above, however, this florin with triple-annulet issue marks in the angle of the reverse tressure more likely shows Galeazzo’s son Gian Galeazzo as count of Vertus in the typical French princely representation on horseback brandishing a sword. It is also more feasible that this coin was struck in the mint of Milan, where Gian Galeazzo continued to intervene at least until 1382 (Motta 1893, docs. 24, 26). No other coins with triple-annulet issue marks are attributable to Pavia (see section (m) above, pp. 452–5). Another florin or ducat with the same sword-bearing mounted prince on the obverse and crested arms between g and  in tressure with simple annulets in the corners, could well be attributed to the mint of Pavia under Gian Galeazzo Visconti, although it carries no specific reference to Pavia and has hitherto always been assigned to Milan (CNI v, 81.4, 87–8.1–3; Crippa 1986, 76 no. 1). The crown that adorns the helmet on both sides is notable, in any case, because it is characteristic of not only the low-quality Milanese grosso of Gian Galeazzo’s first manipulation of 1391 (CNI v, 92.39–41; Crippa 1986, 83 no. 6), but also one of the two denominations that were to be introduced when the Pavese mint reopened after the manipulation (Brambilla 1883, 387–8, 486–7 doc. 3; Motta 1893, doc. 48; Zerbi 1984, 317–20). Even though the grossi mentioned in the decree for reopening the mint in 1392 were probably never struck, possibly because of the high price of silver, the mint in Pavia did produce a soldo (807; CNI v, 93–4.51–5; Crippa 1986, 85 no. 8) and sesino (808; CNI v, 96–8.84–98; Crippa 1986, 87–8.13), both without explicit reference to Pavia but with small annulets in the legends and a peculiar and wide style of lettering, very different from that of clearly Milanese contemporary coins. The sesino has a crested helmet with crown, like the florin mentioned above, and both the soldo and sesino show only the title cOMES VIRtVtVM in their obverse legends, like the Milanese grosso or pegione type of the failed monetary manipulation of 1391. The coins struck from around 1391/2 make up a coherent group in terms of iconography and style, but further archival research will be necessary to work out the precise attributions, particularly that of the gold florin. After this group, just one very rare coin can be classified as a later Pavese coin of Gian Galeazzo Visconti. The arrangements for the new coinage in 1398 and 1399 mention only the mints of Milan and Verona (Motta 1893, docs. 53–8; Santoro 1976–83, ii, docs. 404–5), but ducal orders also called

Table 51. Coinage of Pavia under Galeazzo II (1354–78) and Gian Galeazzo Visconti (1378–1402), 1360/5–1402 Period

1.

2.

3.

4.

5.

6.

Florin

Grosso

Pegione

Soldo

Sesino

Quattrino

CNI iv, CNI iv, 500.1– 498–9.1– 2 9, 489.12

I. Rosette Rosette coinages coinage

II. Pelleted annulet coinage

Mentioned CNI iv, CNI iv, in Motta 501.3 499.10–11 1893, doc. 22

III. Small annulet coinage

CNI v, 81.4, 87–8.1–3; Crippa 1986, 76 no. 1 (or from the mint of Milan?)

IV. Last coinage of Gian Galeazzo

CNI v, 81.9–11; Crippa 1986, 60 no. 2

Fedel 2004, no. 1165

Characteristics

c. 1360– Grosso, c. 2.60g; Pegione, c. 2.50g; late both w. rosettes in legends and in 1360s the corners of the tressure: Obv. Crested arms in quatrefoil tressure. Rev. St Syrus enthroned. 2. Obv. g –  in field. 3. Obv. Burning torches with buckets in field.

CNI iv, 499.6–9

Transitional coinage (?)

Date

1370s (?) Obv. As above, w. rosettes and annulets or annulets only. Rev. with rosettes.

CNI v, 93–4.51– 5; Crippa 1986, 85 no. 8, from 1392

CNI v, 82.12–20; Crippa 1986, 61 no. 3 (later devalued to quattrino)

Late 1360s– mid1370s

Coinage w. pelleted annulets and sometimes also with simple annulets: 1. See third period. 2–3. As above, first period. 5–6. Obv. Crested arms w. g – . Rev. Burning torch with buckets.

CNI v, 96–98.84– 98; Crippa 1986, 87–8 no. 13, from 1392

mid1370s– mid. 1390s

Coinage with small annulets: 1. Obv. Prince as mounted knight w. sword to right. Rev. Crested arms between g –  in tressure. 3. Obv. As above. Rev. SøaMBRVS – MEDIOLaN. 4. Obv. Viper in tressure. Rev. Cross fleury. 5. Obv. Crowned and crested helmet. Rev. Elaborate cross.

1400

3. Obv. Cross fleury in quatrefoil. Rev. St Ambrose enthroned.

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Lombardy

for a new diversified coinage in Pavia in 1400. Of the coins mentioned in this document, only a single specimen attributable to Pavia is known (Brambilla 1883, 388–94; Motta 1893, doc. 60). It is a grosso pegione of the Milanese type of 1398 from the Porrentruy hoard in Switzerland with St Ambrose on the obverse and a cross fleury in quatrefoil on the reverse but in an unusual style with the characteristic wide lettering typical of the coins of Pavia (Fedel 2004, no. 1165; see also App. 1, no. 133). This shows that the new coinage of Pavia was unsuccessful and that the time, so soon after the Gian Galeazzo’s second monetary manipulation in the context of the new coinage of 1398, was unfavourable for the reopening of the mint of Pavia. Apart from the vague ordinance in Gian Galeazzo’s mint decree for Pavia of 1400, nothing concrete is known about the output of denari in the city. It must therefore be supposed that coin production in Pavia was sporadic during Gian Galeazzo’s rule after 1378. Table 51 presents an overview of the coinage of Pavia under the Visconti, 1360/4–1402. II. Filippo Maria Visconti (count of Pavia 1402–47, duke from 1412) As already noted, the huge Milanese territorial state rapidly disintegrated after the death of Gian Galeazzo Visconti, leaving his successors only the traditional core lands of the state. While Gian Galeazzo’s older son, Giovanni Maria, obtained the ducal title in Milan and the central part of the inheritance, the younger, Filippo Maria, inherited the county of Pavia and a wide area stretching from the Piedmont in the west to Verona and Vicenza in the east. In the course of just a few years following the death of Gian Galeazzo, however, the greater part of these territories gained independence or were otherwise lost to the Visconti. During Filippo Maria’s minority, real power in Pavia lay in the hands of Castellino Beccaria di Robecco, a member of an old Pavese noble family (DBI vii, 478–82; DBI xlvii, 772–82). The general political and economic dissolution of the Visconti state also had a profound negative impact on monetary affairs. During the decade between Gian Galeazzo’s death in 1402 and the return to relative stability after Filippo Maria’s accession to the ducal see in 1412, the Milanese and Pavese money of account, the denaro imperiale, lost 50 per cent of its value, falling from around thirty-six soldi to the gold florin or ducat to fifty-two. During the years between 1408 and 1410, there was particularly intense activity around the Milanese and Pavese mints and currency (Brambilla 1883, 400–9; Motta 1893, docs. 71–88; Spufford 1986, 98–101). Contrary to Motta’s and Brambilla’s suspicions about the uniformity of the currencies of Milan and Pavia, the documents cited by these two scholars, taken together, make it likely that the two governments sought to coordinate their monetary policies and maintain a common currency (cf. Motta 1893, docs. 71–2 and n. 19). Because of the paucity of the written evidence and lack of a clear system of issue marks, it is difficult to establish the sequence of issues for this period. It is notable, however, that Filippo Maria struck gold florins in his own name in Pavia just as his brother Duke Giovanni Maria did in Milan, which probably underlines Filippo Maria’s equality in principle with his elder sibling (CNI iv, 501.1). This rare coin has the typical princely representation of a mounted knight with sword on the obverse and crested arms between the ruler’s logogram on the reverse in deliberate imitation of the iconography on his father’s florins. After 1402, the mint of Pavia might have struck coins on the basis of the 1400 decree of Gian Galeazzo Visconti (Brambilla 1883, 388–95; Motta 1893, 213 doc. 19), though Filippo Maria’s grosso shows the same vertical lines in the saint’s garment as on the Milanese grossi of Giovanni Maria’s later second period (CNI v, 108.46–53; Crippa 1986,

Pavia

531

101–2 nos. 3a–b; see section (m) above, p. 467). The rare coin of 2.33g with St Syrus enthroned on the obverse and the Visconti viper between the logogram  – M in quatrefoil on the reverse is therefore perhaps a grosso worth two soldi of denari imperiali (CNI iv, 501.2). The other coin type with St Syrus enthroned is clearly a pegione worth eighteen denari imperiali on the basis of its weight of about 2.40g and fineness of about 57 per cent (809; CNI iv, 502.3– 6). It has Filippo Maria’s name and title in the obverse legend around an empaled shield with the traditional Visconti viper on one side of the pale and three eagles on the other, probably alluding to the imperial origin of the ducal and comital honours, below a radiant sun and between  – M in quatrefoil. The matching smaller denomination, a sesino of about 0.95g in the name of Filippo Maria as count of Pavia with simple annulets as issue marks instead of the pelleted annulets depicted in the CNI (iv, 502.7), has a cross fleury with sunbeams in the quarters on the obverse and an empaled shield on the reverse (Brambilla 1883, pl. ix.7). The sunbeams later disappear on specimens that also tend to be lighter in weight, sometimes falling below 0.80g (810–11; CNI iv, 502.8–10). It is still unclear, however, whether these sesino variants are the new low-quality Pavese sesini first mentioned in Milanese sources in 1408 and valued at just four denari imperiali in a document of 1409 (Motta 1893, docs. 72, 76, respectively). The identification of these coins as quattrini thus corresponds with the reference to quattrini di Milano e Pavia in the coin list of about 1415 in Codex Trivulziana 136 (Ambrosoli 1904b, 475–6). The poor-quality sesini mentioned in documents from 1408 may also be identified, however, with the last sesino type of Filippo Maria’s pre-ducal period (CNI iv, 502–3.11–12). Coins of this rare middle denomination, which are very similar to a Milanese sesino of Gian Galeazzo (639; CNI v, 88.6–9, 89.11–16; Crippa 1986, 78 no. 2), have a cross potent with fleurs-de-lis in the quarters on the obverse and the Visconti viper between  – M on the reverse. In the meantime, Gian Galeazzo’s sesino type had become overvalued in the context of a devaluation of the currency from 1408 to 1410. The close similarity of Filippo Maria’s coin to Gian Galeazzo’s sesino type thus makes it plausible that Filippo Maria’s coin was an ottino in the value of eight denari imperiali, a denomination also introduced in Milan in 1409 (Motta 1893, doc. 71), even though the coin list of about 1415 makes no mention of a Pavese ottino. According to Brambilla (1883, 399–400), all the sesini types of Filippo Maria were about one-third fine, but further metal analyses are needed to resolve the question. The Pavese denaro type in the name of Filippo Maria with cross fleury and viper is the devalued denaro bissolo, which is worth just two-thirds of the traditional denaro imperiale, instead of a denaro imperiale (812; CNI iv, 503.13–14). Brambilla called it a denaro bissolo because of its imagery, a viper (Ital. biscia), and low fineness of just 8 per cent silver, and the Milanese coin list of about 1415 mentions the bisuoli da Pavia (Brambilla 1883, 400–2; Motta 1893, docs. 72, 76–8, 88; Ambrosoli 1904b, 476). A rare sesino or ottino type that is very similar to the one mentioned above, but in the name of Filippo Maria as duke of Milan and sometimes attributed to Milan, was clearly struck in Pavia and must be dated after Filippo Maria’s accession to the ducal throne in 1412 (CNI iv, 503.15; cf. Crippa 1986, 131 no. 13). The iconography, though transposed between the obverse and reverse, is very similar to that of the preceding sesino type of Pavia and, together with the same cruder style of lettering and issue mark, identifies the new coin type as a product of the Pavia mint. No other coins in the name of Filippo Maria bearing his title as count of Pavia are known, however, which suggests that output from the mint in Pavia ceased soon after 1412. Table 52 provides an overview of Filippo Maria Visconti’s coinage of Pavia.

Table 52. Coinage of Pavia under Filippo Maria Visconti, 1402–47 Period

I. Comital coinage, 1402–12

Main type

Variants

II. Ducal coinage

1.

2.

3.

4.

5.

Florin or ducat

Grosso

Pegione

Sesino or ottino (?)

Denaro bissolo

CNI iv, 501.1

CNI iv, CNI iv, 501.2 502.3–6

CNI iv, 502. 7

CNI iv, 503.13–4

Date

Characteristics

1402–8/12

Coinage w. pellets and annulets in legends: 1. Obv. Count as mounted knight w. sword to right. Rev. Crested arms between  – M in tressure. 2. Obv. Visconti viper between  – M in quatrefoil. Rev. St Syrus enthroned. 3. Obv. Empaled shield w. radiant sun above between  – M in quatrefoil. Rev. St Syrus enthroned. 4. Obv. Cross fleury w. sunrays in the quarters. 5. Obv. Cross fleury. Rev. Visconti viper.

Sesino: CNI iv, 502.8–10 (later devalued to quattrino); Ottino (?): CNI iv, 502–3.11–12

c. 1408–12

Coinage w. pellets, trefoils and rosettes in legends: 4a. Obv. Cross fleury without sunbeams. Rev. Empaled shield. 4b. Obv. Cross w. four fleurs-de-lis. Rev. Visconti viper between  – M.

CNI iv, 503.15; Crippa 1986, 131 no. 13

c. 1412/13

Coinage w. rosettes in legend: 4. Obv. Visconti viper between  – M. Rev. Cross w. four fleurs-de-lis.

Pavia

533

III. The Pavese Republic (1447) and Francesco Sforza (1447–66; count of Pavia and Cremona, 1447–50, duke from 1450) Filippo Maria’s death in August 1447 triggered another disintegration of the Milanese territorial state, exacerbated by a Venetian offensive against the Visconti dominions. Some of Milan’s possessions fell under the control of Venice while others became independent. On his deathbed with no male heirs to assume control of Milan, Filippo Maria made provisions in his will to pass the duchy to King Alfonso I of Naples (1442–58) and summoned officers of the king to Milan to claim the duchy for their lord, but the Milanese rejected this and proclaimed the so-called Ambrosian Republic. They also sought to persuade other cities such as the similarly lordless Pavia to join the new state, but the coins demonstrate that the Pavese preferred to follow the Milanese example and become an independent city-republic. A rare denaro imperiale that imitates the Milanese typology has not only a nimbate head of St Syrus on one side with the saint’s name in the legend but also the inscription cOMVNITaS PaPIE on the other around a cross fleury to identify the commune of Pavia as an independent mint authority (CNI iv, 503.1–2). It is also notable that the depiction of the bust and cross on the Pavese denari is at once very similar to that on the corresponding Milanese coins and yet sufficiently different for citizens to discriminate between the two distinct but equivalent coin types, which implies some sort of agreement between the two mints. The extreme pressure that external powers exerted on the remnants of the Milanese duchy compelled the communes of both Milan and Pavia to collaborate with Francesco Sforza, renowned condottiere and son-in-law of the deceased duke (DBI l, 1–15; see also section (m) above, pp. 477–83). His claim to succeed as duke of Milan came through his marriage to Bianca Maria Visconti, the only legitimate heir of the last Visconti duke. She also brought Francesco the cities of Cremona and Pontremoli as dowry. The Ambrosian Republic engaged the gifted general in their service in 1447. Even before his arrival in Milan, authorities in Pavia offered him the office of count of Pavia and on 16 September swore an oath of loyalty to him. The Pavese Republic thus lasted only thirty-three days, which explains the rarity of its coins. Already in October 1447, Francesco decreed the striking of new coins in Pavia (Motta 1893, docs. 145–9). According to Brambilla, he produced coins in Pavia only until his accession to the Milanese ducal throne in 1450 and for a very few years thereafter, but the material is now more plentiful than it was when Brambilla was writing and suggests that the mint in Pavia might have been active for some years after 1450. Francesco’s monetary reform of 1456 nevertheless probably marks the terminus ante quem for the cessation of regular coin production in the mint of Pavia. The decrees associated with the 1456 reform make no mention of the Pavese mint and there are no coins of Pavia struck to their provisions (Motta 1893, doc. 182; see also section (m) above, pp. 487– 90). Soon after Francesco’s death in 1466, authorities in Pavia lodged a request with the regent in Milan to re-establish the mint in their city which had been active in ‘former times’ (Brambilla 1883, 471–2), but all attempts to revive it over the following years proved unsuccessful. Apart from some early modern siege issues, the traditional Pavese mint ceased operation in favour of the large mint in Milan. For the period from 1447 to 1450 when Francesco Sforza was count of Pavia and dominus of Cremona, there appear to be two distinct issues, but their precise dating still needs to be settled. The first group is marked by the effort to underline the count’s claim to the Visconti heritage. It appropriates the typical motifs and iconography of the Visconti coinage and combines them with new emblems associated with the person of the new ruler, namely a small brush and three interlocking diamond rings in the fields or at the beginning of the legends. The diamond rings most likely

534

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referred to a gift that Francesco’s father received in recognition of his military accomplishments, but might be a more general symbol of strength and loyalty (Crippa 1986, 162 n.; cf. Fenti 2001, 97–8). In any case, the emblem appeared on the first florins of Francesco Sforza. They otherwise carry the same images as those of Filippo Maria Visconti, namely the count of Pavia as a mounted knight riding to the right with sword and crested helmet on the obverse and the Visconti viper between c –  (for comes Franciscus) in a gothic tressure on the reverse (CNI iv, 504.1; Crippa 1986, 154, A; Tribolati 1956). The legends, R0NcISc S VIcECOMES and cOMES P0PIE 0c cREMONE DNS, emphasise continuity and his claim to the Visconti rule, with Francesco’s surname abbreviated on the obverse and his wife’s surname in full. A grosso of two soldi has the three diamond rings at the start of the reverse legend, while the images reprise old Milanese motifs such as the Visconti viper between the initials c –  on the obverse and a large cross fleury on the reverse, both in quatrefoil (CNI iv, 504.2). The next denomination, in accordance with the mint order of 1447, is a sesino with the three diamond rings as the obverse type and a cross fleury on the reverse (813; CNI iv, 505.9–11). The obverse legend also has the characteristic initials c  and Mulazzani’s reliable assay of one specimen demonstrated its fineness of 23 per cent to be roughly consistent with the 25 per cent stipulated in Francesco’s ordinance of 1447 (Brambilla 1883, 465). A new variant of this coin has the reverse legend ac cREMONE S IaN c (Varesi 2000, no. 862/1), which is perhaps best interpreted as a die-cutter’s erroneous rendering of ac cREMONE DNS c since Genoa was independent at the time. Only the three rings at the top of the obverse distinguish the denaro imperiale of this group from the later variants, which all show the nimbate bust of St Syrus and a cross fleury (814; CNI iv, 506.14). Coins of the second issue group of this period are characterised by the very elaborate gothic logogram  – S in the fields while the initials c –  have vanished, though the denari continued to carry the unabbreviated form of the legend cOMES R0NcIScVS. Francesco’s adopted surname VIcEcOMES has also disappeared from the legends, presumably because his political position with respect to the Visconti legacy had improved to such an extent that it was no longer necessary to underline his claim so explicitly. The rare grosso of this second group also differs from the preceding type in the logogram around the viper and absence of the quatrefoil on the obverse (CNI iv, 504.3). Some of the other denominations in this group underwent more radical iconographic change while new denominations were also introduced. The new sesino has the viper on a Renaissance shield on the obverse and a large logogram ø S on the reverse (CNI iv, 505. 8), while the trillina with the value of three denari has the three diamond rings on the obverse and the logogram on the reverse (CNI iv, 507.21). Apart from the issue mark, now a biscia instead of the three rings, the denari were unchanged (CNI iv, 505–6.12–13). Brambilla (1883, 463–4, 488–91) and the CNI (iv, 505.4–7) also attributed a soldo worth twelve denari imperiali to this period,but this classification is based on a single exceptionally heavy specimen and Brambilla’s dubious touchstone assay. The coin is more likely a sesino in the value of six denari, which coincides with the fact that the mint ordinance of 1447 does not mention a soldo (Motta 1893, doc. 146). Weighing generally less than 1.00g, it has the Visconti viper on the obverse and an elaborate cross with a fleur-de-lis in each angle on the reverse. Further metal analyses are necessary to resolve the question about this coin’s denomination, but similar specimens from the period after 1450 make it clear that this type was struck towards the end of Francesco’s rule as count of Pavia. After Francesco Sforza became duke of Milan in March 1450, the mint of Pavia continued to strike coins for some time. No further grossi are attributable to Pavia but the mint continued to strike lower denominations; they appear to have been produced as poor-quality low-value money

Table 53. Coinage of Pavia during Republican rule and under Francesco Sforza, 1447–66 1.

Period

2.

3.

Florin Grosso Soldo or ducat

4.

5.

6.

Sesino

Trillina

Denaro imperiale

Republican coinage

Date

Characteristics

CNI iv 503.1–2

1447

6. Obv. Cross fleury. Rev. Nimbate bust of St Syrus.

1447–50

Coinage w. the title c –  and three interlocking diamond rings as mint mark: 1. Obv. Count as mounted knight w. sword to right. Rev. Visconti viper between c –  in tressure. 2. Obv. Visconti viper between c –  in quatrefoil. Rev. Cross fleury in quatrefoil. 4. Obv. Three diamond rings. Rev. Cross fleury. 6. Obv. Cross fleury. Rev. Bust of St Syrus.

Comital Early CNI iv coinage coinage 504.1 in the Visconti tradition

CNI iv 504.2

CNI iv 505.9–11

CNI iv 506.14

Later coinage

CNI iv 504.3

CNI iv CNI iv 505.8 507.21 (described as soldo)

CNI iv 505–6.12– 13

CNI iv 505.4–7 (described as soldo) Ducal coinage

a. CNI iv 506.15–18; b. CNI iv 507.19 (described as soldo)

CNI V 156.87–9; Crippa 1986, 166 no. 15

Coinage w. gothic  S logogram: 2. Obv. Visconti viper between  – S. Rev. Cross fleury in quatrefoil. 4. Obv. Viper on Renaissance shield. Rev. øS. 5. Obv. Three diamond rings. Rev. øS. 6. Viper in legend; Obv. Cross fleury. Rev. Bust of St Syrus. c. 1449/50 4. Obv. Visconti viper. Rev. Elaborate cross with four fleurs-de-lis.

CNI iv CNI iv 1450507.20 = 507.22–7 before CNI v, 1456 156.100; Toffanin 2013, 173 no. 185

3a. Obv. Shield w. crested helmet. Rev. Half-figure of St Syrus. 3b. Sesino or soldo: Obv. Empaled shield. Rev. Half-figure of St Syrus. 4. Viper in legend; Obv. Visconti viper. Rev. Elaborate cross w. four fleurs-de-lis. 5. Obv. Three diamond rings. Rev. Cross fleury. 6. Obv. Cross fleury. Rev. Bust of St Syrus.

536

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that was creating problems for Milan at the beginning of 1452 (Motta 1893, doc. 165). The mint struck two different types of soldi, according to the traditional classification, or rather a soldo and a sesino, both with typologies that recall Milanese coins of Francesco’s predecessor, Filippo Maria. The first type has a shield with viper and crested helmet surrounded by the ducal name and title on the obverse and a nimbate half-figure of St Syrus facing with crozier on the reverse (CNI iv, 506.15–18). The obverse takes inspiration from a good silver Milanese soldo of Filippo Maria Visconti while the reverse derives from a sesino of the same ruler (676, 681–2; see also section (m) above, pp. 476–7). The other soldo, probably a sesino, combines the same reverse with an empaled shield with viper and three eagles on the obverse, which is taken from a Pavese sesino of Filippo Maria (CNI iv, 506.19; cf. above and 810–11). Another sesino conventionally attributed to Milan should be assigned instead to Pavia on the basis of its typology and characteristically poor fabric. It is the successor to Francesco’s pre-ducal coin of uncertain denomination and has the viper on the obverse and cross fleury with a fleur-delis in each quarter on the reverse (815; CNI iv, 505.4–7 var.; Crippa 1986, 166 no. 15). The ducal trillina likewise followed directly from coins of the comital period. It still has the three interlocking diamond rings on the obverse, but differs from the pre-ducal coin in that it carries the ducal title and has a cross fleury on the reverse in the place of Francesco’s logogram (816; CNI iv, 507.20). This is the same trillina type conventionally attributed to Milan, but the crude style and reverse title strongly suggest that it was struck instead in the Pavia mint (CNI v, 156.100; Crippa 1986, 168 no. 19 n.; see, correctly, Toffanin 2013, 173 no. 185 n.). Only the reverse legend differs, with +ac PaPIE cOMES on the Pavese trilline rather than +PaPIE aNGLEQ cO on the ostensibly Milanese coins (CNI v, 156.98–9; Crippa 1986, 168 no. 19). Pavese denari of Francesco’s ducal period that carry the same typology as his pre-ducal denari similarly differ from the earlier coins only in the legends (CNI iv, 507.22–7; cf. CNI iv, 505–6.12–13; CNI v, 158.118–19). The coinage in Pavia very probably continued beyond 1452, as already intimated above, because a monetary reform and ordinance for the mint of Pavia from that year prescribes the striking of new grossi and sesini (Brambilla 1883, 491–2; Motta 1893, doc. 168), though no such grossi are known and it is difficult to identify the existing sesini with those described in the ordinance. The mint must have ceased to operate by 1456 at the latest, however, because the mint ordinance related to the monetary reform of 1456 makes no reference to either the mint or coinage of Pavia and no Pavese coins that correspond to the ordinance are known. The mint in Pavia therefore must have closed at some point between 1452 and 1456. The poor quality of Pavia’s coinage probably contributed to this decision.In the general silver shortage of this period,which favoured the fraudulent production of poor-quality coinage,the restriction of minting to one centre in the duchy enabled authorities to exercise greater control over the coinage. It is therefore not surprising that all attempts to reopen the mint during the second half of the fifteenth century failed (Brambilla 1883, 471–3, 493–4). Table 53 gives an overview of the coinage of Pavia, 1447–66.

(p) trivul z i o f i e f s ( m i nt s of rove re do or m e s occo ( m i s ox ) and m u s s o ) 1. Historical background The coinage of the Trivulzio family,an old Milanese lineage,grew out of the extraordinary military and political success of Gian Giacomo Trivulzio (1441–1518) during a particularly troubled period

Trivulzio fiefs

537

in northern Italy. He served first as condottiere under the Milanese dukes Galeazzo Maria Sforza (1466–76) and Gian Galeazzo Maria Sforza (1476–94). In 1480, Gian Giacomo purchased the castle and lordship of Mesocco (Germ. Misox; Mesauc in Rhaetian) from Count Johann Peter of SaxMisox (1462–1540). The valley and impressive castello of Mesocco are on the south side of the San Bernardino Pass, one of the more important passes between the German kingdom and Lombardy. In 1487,Gian Giacomo obtained from Emperor Frederick III (1452–93) the right of coinage in gold and silver for Mesocco (Tagliabue 1890, 408–11; Motta 1895, doc. 375), which King Maximilian (1486/93–1519, emp. 1508) confirmed in 1505. Gian Giacomo also received the comital title of Belcastro in south Italy for military service in 1487 and acquired the lordships of Rheinwald and Safien to the north of the San Bernardino six years later. He came into conflict with Duke Ludovico Maria Sforza of Milan (1494–9) in 1494, however, and entered into the service of the French King Charles VIII (1483–98), achieving a great victory over the Milanese ruler at Fornovo in the following year. He also intensified his collaboration with the Swiss and, with his county of Mesocco, joined with the so-called ‘Grey League’ (Germ. Grauer Bund) in 1496, one of the Three Leagues allied with the Swiss and later forming the canton of Graubünden or Grisons. In the same year, Duke Louis of Orléans confirmed Gian Giacomo’s minting rights, authorising him to produce coins of the same quality and appearance of those of Asti and France (Tagliabue 1890, 412; Motta 1895, doc. 410). The French victory in the war against Sforza Milan (1497–9) led not only to the installation of a French government in Milan but also to the elevation of Gian Giacomo Trivulzio to the title of marquis of Vigevano, French marshal in Italy and governor of the duchy of Milan in 1499. French fortunes in Lombardy began to decline after the Sforza entered into an alliance with the Swiss federation in 1511. The alliance enjoyed imperial support and soon led to the return of Sforza rule in Milan in the person of Massimiliano Sforza as duke in 1512, but it had serious consequences for the Trivulzio family. In 1511, the Swiss had destroyed the houses of the Trivulzio in Roveredo, the main town in the lower Mesolcina valley, and pillaged the entire valley. From 1513 to 1516, moreover, the Three Leagues of the Grisons firmly occupied the Trivulzio lordship. In 1512, so that he might continue to exercise his right of coinage, Gian Giacomo requested and obtained from King Louis XII of France (1498–1515) a mint privilege for his fief of Musso on the north coast of Lake Como, which he had acquired in 1508 and retained during the troubled period between 1512 and 1515 (Tagliabue 1890, 416; Motta 1895, no. 453; Klein 1939, 169, 227). Gian Giacomo was often in France during this later period. He died in Chartres in December 1518. His grandson Gian Francesco became his successor but he was less gifted and less fortunate. The Milanese condottiere Gian Giacomo de’ Medici – no relation to the Florentine de’ Medici – conquered Musso in 1523 and the Three Leagues destroyed the castello of Mesocco in 1526, leaving Gian Francesco only the palace in Roveredo as the centre of his administration. Under pressure from the inhabitants of the valley, he eventually sold his seigniorial rights to them in 1549. Later, in the seventeenth century, members of the family began to strike coins in the mint of Retegno. Because the fiefs of the Trivulzio family lay in geographic areas of interest to both Italian and Swiss scholars, literature on the coinage of the counts of Mesocco is surprisingly rich. The handbook of Poeschel (1945) in the series Kunstdenkmäler der Schweiz is a useful and reliable source for the historical background of the valley. Tagliabue (1926) provided a good account of the fiefs of the Trivulzio family, Rosmini (1815) an extensive biography on Gian Giacomo Trivulzio and Klein (1939) a very accurate biography on his relations with the Swiss and the Three Leagues, but the most recent study on this important representative of the Trivulzio family is that of Arcangeli

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(1997). Numismatic research on the Trivulzio coinage has contributed substantially to historiography on the family.To resolve difficult problems arising from the various mints used by the Trivulzio, the Gnecchi brothers (1887) took a comprehensive approach to their study of the Trivulzio coinage and published a detailed catalogue, but Tagliabue (1889a; 1889b; 1890) achieved the decisive breakthrough on the mint question a short time later. He demonstrated that the castello of Mesocco was never the mint of the lordship, but suggested that the Mesocco mint was located in Roveredo, the principal commercial centre in the lower Mesolcina valley, and he proposed a sequence of issues for the different mints, Roveredo and Musso. Trachsel (1870), Liebenau and Sattler (1887), and Bonalini (1997) also contributed to the mint question while Ambrosoli (1888b) and Chiesa (1975; 1978) discussed single coin types and groups. Girola (2003) contributed the most up-to-date research on the mint of Musso, though mainly under Gian Giacomo de’ Medici (1523–30). Recent works on systematic forgeries under Gian Giacomo’s successor, Gian Francesco (1518/26–49), are also useful for the earlier period (Genovesi 2010; Mühlemann 2013). The hoard evidence is not very helpful for the classification of the coins, thus rendering the available tariffs, bans and so-called gride all the more important (Tagliabue 1890; Motta 1895; Martin 1978). The most modern comprehensive work on the Trivulzio coinages is the catalogue of the Civiche Raccolte Numismatiche in Milan by Chiaravalle (1996), which presents a good summary. 2. Mints and coinage The Trivulzio family’s right of coinage is remarkably well documented but questions concerning the various mints are still not entirely clear. Tagliabue (1890) resolved the fundamental misunderstanding about the so-called mint of Mesocco. All mint privileges to the Trivulzio between 1487 and 1505 clearly refer to this fief and most numismatists had taken this to refer exclusively to the castello and village of Mesocco in the upper Mesolcina valley, but the term Mesocco in this case refers to the entire lordship, valley and ancient parish district along the river Moesa, which in juridical terms was dependent on the castello. The geographical term is therefore much less specific than it seems at first sight and does not exclude other places within the lordship (Poeschel 1945, 117–20; cf. the privilege of 1487 in Tagliabue 1890, 408, 410). Tagliabue proposes Roveredo as the only Trivulzio mint in the valley. It was the commercial and administrative centre of the lower Mesolcina valley and is closer to Bellinzona and the Milanese territories. The building in which the mint was situated in Roveredo still exists; it was part of the Trivulzio palace, which became the seat of administration for the entire lordship after the destruction of the castello of Mesocco in 1526, and there are clear references in the written sources showing that this was the mint in Roveredo from 1529/30. Already in 1497 and 1509, documents refer to a mint or mint building in Roveredo (Tagliabue 1890, 389, 413–15 docs. 3, 6). Inventories of the castello of Mesocco dated from 1503 and 1511 make no reference to a mint or mint equipment. Only an inventory of the castello from 1517 includes a reference to such equipment, but not enough to furnish a fully functioning mint; according to Tagliabue, the storing of the incomplete mint equipment in the castle derived from the need to maintain security over such sensitive equipment during a particularly troubled period for the lordship. A rare denaro with the bust of St Carpophorus, who was patron of the chapel in the castello of Mesocco, nevertheless perhaps suggests that there was a mint in the castello or its village at some point, because the patron of the parish district of Mesocco was not St Carpophorus but St Mary (Ambrosoli 1888b; Poeschel 1945, 366–72; see also below).

Trivulzio fiefs

539

In 1512, the French king authorised Gian Giacomo Trivulzio to strike coins in Musso in the same manner as they were being struck in Mesocco (Tagliabue 1890, 416 doc. 7; Motta 1895, doc. 453). Gian Giacomo transferred mint operations from Mesocco to Musso after receiving royal consent for the new mint, probably during the occupation of the lordship from 1513 to 1516, although the mint equipment in the castello of Mesocco in 1517 perhaps indicates that the transfer of the mint to Musso took place after the redaction of the inventory mentioned above. Even the restitution of the Mesolcina valley and the Treaty of Noyon in 1516 failed to restore Gian Giacomo’s confidence about the situation and the Mesocco mint evidently remained inactive, as suggested in sources for 1519 that mention old and new scuti, grossoni and grossi da Musso (Motta 1895, doc. 477). Frequent references to the coins of Musso in the written evidence further suggest that this mint was particularly productive in this period, striking large quantities of cavallotti, cornuti and gold scudi, which Piedmontese mints such as Desana, Masserano and Montanaro began to reproduce some time in the 1520s (cf. Varesi 2003, nos. 466–7, 471, 685, 867). Only after the loss of Musso in 1523 was the mint in Mesocco reopened, this time undoubtedly in Roveredo, where it remained until the sale of the rights over the lordship in 1549. The seventeenth-century establishment of the mint at Retegno, a village to the north of Piacenza near the town of Codogno in the modern province of Lodi, is far beyond the chronological scope of this volume. Accordingly, it is still not entirely clear whether the early Trivulzio coinage was struck in the castello of Mesocco or in Roveredo, but coin production was clearly based in the mint of Musso from 1512 or 1517 at the latest until 1523 and in Roveredo from 1523/6 until 1549. Mint attribution has thus far remained uncertain. The identification of the mints of Musso and Roveredo with specific production periods together with the rendering of Gian Giacomo’s title on the coins, their typology and style in comparison with contemporary Milanese coins, their workmanship and lettering, and evidence from the written sources nevertheless provide the basis for the classification of the coinage into chronological issue groups. It is in fact possible to distinguish between three main phases in the coinage of Gian Giacomo Trivulzio, the last of which leads directly into the coinage of his grandson and successor, Gian Francesco, in terms of style and value, as confirmed in the written sources (Motta 1895, docs. 477, 480; 1896, doc. 482). A. Comital coinage in the mint of Roveredo (county of Mesocco), 1487–99 Coins of the first main period, datable from 1487 to 1499, are easy to recognise, bearing only the comital title for Gian Giacomo. The group consists predominantly of trilline that were struck in response to demand in the duchy of Milan for small change. Milanese tariffs of 1500 and 1501 also imply that the count of Trivulzio was already striking a wide range of denominations by that time including a testone with the Virgin adoring the Child (Gnecchi and Gnecchi 1887, xxiv; Motta 1895, docs. 422–3). The earliest coin type of the Trivulzio fiefs was probably the Milanese-type trillina in the value of three denari imperiali with a cross fleury on the obverse and a crowned gothic ä for Mesocco on the reverse originally formed from two or three fishes but disposed variously. Like the other two coin types of the first group, it has a small coronet at the top of the legends. The ruler’s name and title, IOANNIS IACOBI|TRIVVLTII COMITIS, is given in the genitive form with many variations in orthography; on most examples, the legend begins on the side with the cross but sometimes starts on that with the ä (817–18; CNI iv, 438–41.135–61, 441.165–6). The many variants of this coin type suggest that it was produced in huge numbers, perhaps reflecting not only the coin’s popularity and success in circulation but also the discovery of a silver mine

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Lombardy

Figure 57. Trivulzio: Gian Giacomo Trivulzio as count, sun coinage testone (Historisches Museum Basel, inv. 1903.1595. Reproduced by kind permission)

nearby, which is mentioned in a document of 1499 and referred to indirectly in another document of 1503 (Chiaravalle 1996, 5 n. 11). The many variants of the trilline with crowned ä further imply a longer period of issue that might have extended into the sixteenth century, but the fact that there are later trillina types and that the trilline with crowned ä imitate the Milanese trilline of Gian Galeazzo Maria Sforza with Ludovico Maria (1481–94) (cf. 758–60; Crippa 1986, 252 no. 8) suggests that the issue period of the crowned ä type was shorter than their abundance implies. The denari with crowned ä are probably small and worn trilline, though one rare type with a crowned Roman M surrounded by three pellets is really a denaro (CNI iv, 442.167) corresponding to the trilline with crowned ä. A neater and slightly less common trillina follows directly from the one with the crowned fish-ä; this new type imitates the Milanese trilline of Ludovico Maria as duke (cf. 767; Crippa 1986, 263 no. 3) and makes up a second chronological group within the first period. The new Trivulzio type substitutes a crested helmet with siren figure for the cross on the obverse of the fish-ä type, while the ä on the reverse is essentially unchanged (CNI iv, 436–8.115–34). A third chronological group of coins within the first period is dominated by a testone and its subdivisions with a small sun that includes a crosslet as symbol in the legend or in the field. The testone of twenty-two soldi in the Milanese system (CNI iv, 426.20–1; Fig. 57), half-testone (CNI iv, 426.22) and quarter-testone (CNI iv, 426.23–4) all have St Mary kneeling and adoring the Child on the reverse and a Renaissance shield with the Trivulzio coat of arms on the obverse (cf. Chiesa 1975). There is also a third type of trillina with the comital title and sun symbol that fills the entire obverse field while a crowned acronym of the count’s name – IOIA – occupies the reverse field (CNI iv, 441.163). All the trilline have an ideal weight of about 1.00g and a fineness of well over 10 per cent. Table 54 presents an overview of Gian Giacomo’s coinage of Mesocco, 1487–99. B. Coinage in the name of Gian Giacomo Trivulzio as marquis of Vigevano, mint of Roveredo (county of Mesocco), 1499–1511/13 The second period of the Trivulzio coinage is essentially a continuation of the latter part of the first period, with the coins initially bearing the adoring Virgin and the crossed sun symbol but later having a crosslet in the legend. The only difference is that the new coins carry Gian Giacomo’s new titles as marquis of Vigevano and French marshal, which he assumed in 1499. From this point onwards, the coins always have the legend IO[annes] IA[cobus] TRI[vultius] MAR[chio] VIGLE[vanii] MARESCAL[cus] FRAN[ciae], albeit in different variants and abbreviations and sometimes with additions in the context of particular motifs. For example, coins with Mary’s adoration of the Child also carried the additional legend QVEM GENVIT ADORAVIT (‘she adored whom she engendered’).

Trivulzio fiefs

541

Table 54. Coinage of Mesocco under Gian Giacomo as count of Trivulzio, probably mint of Roveredo, 1487–99 Period

I. Small First crown type coinage

Second type II. Sun with cross coinage

1.

2.

3.

4.

Testone

Halftestone

Quarter- Trillina testone

5.

Characteristics

Denaro

CNI iv, 438– CNI iv, 4. Obv. Cross fleury. Rev. 41.135–61, 442.167 Crowned gothic ä formed by 441.165–6 two or three fishes. 5. Obv. Cross fleury. Rev. Crowned Roman M w. three pellets. CNI iv, 436– 8.115–34 CNI iv, CNI iv, CNI iv, CNI iv, 426.20–1 426.22 426.23–4 441.163

4. Obv. Crested helmet w. siren figure. Rev. Crowned gothic ä formed by fishes. Small sun w. crosslet in legend or field: 1–3. Obv. Renaissance shield w. Trivulzio coat of arms. Rev. Virgin Mary kneeling and adoring the Child. 4. Obv. Sun. Rev. Crowned acronym of count’s name IOIA.

This second period ended with the destruction of the Trivulzio palace in Roveredo by the Swiss in 1511, the closure of the mint and the occupation of the valley by the Three Leagues (1513–16). The images on the coins of this period are still very carefully executed but show less folded drapery and suggest less movement than on earlier coins. The legends start with a small cross potent and are characterised by a neat style of lettering and Milanese-style ‘comma’ punctuation, though the punctuation on later coins of this period consists predominately of simple pellets. Earlier issues still have the crossed sun symbol while later ones lack it, but it is difficult to draw a sharp chronological demarcation on that basis, so the two groups are described here together. Among the early coins with the sun is a curious and rare florin with a globe and small sun in trefoil on the obverse and the Virgin and Child on the reverse (CNI iv, 425.12), similar to contemporary florins or goldgulden of Basel. Since the Trivulzio coin imitated the florin type of the German imperial mints, it may be supposed that its fineness was at least as low as the Rhenish and imperial goldgulden, about 75 per cent. Three gold scudo types appear to employ the same or very similar letter punches, though they have a little shell at the beginning of the reverse legend instead of a crossed sun. Two of them have a crowned shield with small sun above on the obverse and a cross fleurdelisée on the reverse like their French model, the écu au soleil. The first of these has a heraldic fleur-de-lis on the shield (CNI iv, 424–5.4–9) while the second has three shells

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Lombardy

disposed like the three fleurs-de-lis of the French arms (CNI iv, 425.10–11). A third type shares the same reverse but has the Trivulzio arms with crested helmet on the obverse (CNI –; Chiesa 1978). All three scudo types have the reverse legend XPS VINCIT XPS REGNAT XPS IMPERAT (‘Christ conquers, Christ reigns, Christ rules’), which is taken over from the French model. This pattern of reproduction corresponds well with the French privilege of 1496 that entitled Gian Giacomo to strike coins after the example of France and Asti (Motta 1895, no. 410), and the illustration of the scudo with shield bearing a fleur-de-lis in the context of the French mint ordinance of 1499 confirms the dating of this coin (De Saulcy 1879–92, 17, citing Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, MS. Franc. 5524, fol. 179v). The silver denominations also fit into the monetary system of France, Asti and the French duchy of Milan. There is a unique double testone of 19.20g with large cross fleury on the obverse and the Virgin’s adoration on the reverse (CNI iv, 425.13), while the testone of this period has a shield with the Trivulzio coat of arms on the obverse and the Virgin with Child on the reverse (CNI iv, 425–6.14–19). The middle denominations are modelled on the coins of Asti, beginning with a grosso of about 3.80g that corresponds to the cavallotto of Asti worth six soldi imperiali (CNI iv, 432.75–6). Instead of the Virgin or a mounted horseman, it has St George standing to the right and slaying the dragon. A smaller grosso of about 2.20g and probably worth two Milanese soldi that numismatists generally refer to as a parpagliola has the Trivulzio arms on the obverse and a cross fleury on the reverse (CNI iv, 434.95–6). The scarce soldo or soldino combines the new motif of a shield with three crosslets disposed in a triangle like the fleurs-de-lis on the French coat of arms with the traditional crossed sun symbol above on the obverse and has an elaborate cross fleury on the reverse (CNI iv, 435.107). A similar trillina, but without the sun symbol, has three crosslets in the obverse field and the traditional Milanese cross fleury on the reverse (819; CNI iv, 441.162). One example of this rare coin type seems curiously die-linked with a trillina of Milan from the issue of 1508–11 with three fleurs-de-lis in the field (CNI v, 216.130; cf. 780–2; cf. also section (m) above, pp. 510–11) and thus indirectly with the corresponding coin of Asti (cf. 108; cf. Chapter 3, section (e), pp. 134–5). Although possibly just an overstrike of the Trivulzio coin on a Milanese trillina, this specimen provides an interesting piece of information for the dating of this issue. The main motif of the later issues of the second period, the three crosslets, deliberately recalls the French typology on the parallel coins of Milan and Asti under Louis XII with three heraldic fleurs-de-lis in the field or in a crowned shield. Two variants of a denaro with the crossed sun symbol in the field on one side and cross fleury on the other are earlier (CNI iv, 442.168, 442.169–70), while two variants with three crosslets on the obverse instead of the sun match up with the trillina with three crosslets and indicate a change of the denaro types in this period (CNI iv, 442.175–6, 442.171–4). Table 55 summarises the coinage of Mesocco that Gian Giacomo Trivulzio struck as marquis of Vigevano and marshal of France in the mint of Roveredo from 1499. C. The mint of Musso, 1512/13–18 Following the historian Rovelli (1789–1803, ii, 430), numismatists still believe that the Trivulzio managed to open the mint of Musso only in June 1517 and then produced only cavallotti in this new mint (Chiaravalle 1996, 6–9; Girola 2003, 329–30; Genovesi 2010, 240–1). The Milanese gride published from 1519 nevertheless make it clear that the Musso mint had already produced at least three major denominations under Gian Giacomo Trivulzio; iconographical considerations also make it necessary to attribute a sesino to Musso under Gian Giacomo (Motta 1895, docs. 477, 480,

Table 55. Coinage of Mesocco under Gian Giacomo Trivulzio as marquis of Vigevano and marshal of France, mint of Roveredo, 1499–1511/13 Period

I. Crossed sun and shell coinage

II. Coinage with small cross potent in legend

1.

2.

3.

4.

Scudo

Florin Double Testone testone

5.

6.

7.

8.

9.

Date

Characteristics and description

Grosso Grosso da Soldino Trillina Denaro da 6 soldi 2 soldi

a. CNI iv, CNI iv, 424–5.4– 425.12 9; b. CNI iv, 425.10–11; c. Chiesa 1978

CNI iv, 435.107

CNI iv, CNI iv, CNI iv, CNI iv, 425.13 425–6.14– 432.75–6 434.95–6 (called 19 parpagliola)

a. CNI iv, 1499– 442.168 c. 1508 (Trillina?); b. CNI iv, 441.169– 70

CNI iv, a. CNI iv, c. 1508– 441.162 442.175– 1511/13 6; b. CNI iv, 442.171–4

Small sun w. crosslet or shell in legend or field: 1a. Obv. Crowned shield w. fleur-de-lis, small sun above. Rev. Small shell in legend, cross fleurdelisée. 1b. Obv. Crowned shield w. three shells, small sun above. Rev. Small shell in legend, cross fleurdelisée. 1c. Obv. Trivulzio arms w. crested helmet. Rev. Small shell in legend, cross fleurdelisée. 2. Obv. Globe w. sun in trefoil. Rev. Virgin standing and adoring Child lying at the lower left edge. 7. Obv. Shield w. three crosslets, sun above. Rev. Cross fleury. 9a. Obv. Cross fleury. Rev. Crossed sun. 9b. Obv. Sun. Rev. Cross fleury.

at

Small cross potent in legends, lower denominations w. three crosslets motif: 3. Obv. Cross fleury. Rev. Virgin standing and adoring Child. 4. Obv. Shield w. Trivulzio arms. Rev. Virgin standing and adoring Child. 5. Obv. Shield w. Trivulzio arms. Rev. St George standing to right and slaying dragon. 6. Obv. Shield w. Trivulzio arms. Rev. Cross fleury. 8. Obv. Cross fleury. Rev. Three crosslets. 9a. Obv. Three crosslets. Rev. Cross fleury in beaded border. 9b. Obv. Three crosslets. Rev. Long cross fleury.

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Lombardy

482; see also below). This is consistent with information from written sources to the effect that the Trivulzio, who had lost control of the lordship of Mesocco, were able to maintain their grip on the castello of Musso during the difficult period after the retreat of the French (1512–15) (Klein 1939, 168–9, 227). The two last stylistically uniform groups of coins in the name of Gian Giacomo Trivulzio that share the same style and issue marks as the coins of his successor must therefore be attributed to the mint of Musso some time after 1512. Coins of the first group of Gian Giacomo’s coinage in Musso are already stylistically distinct from those of the previous issues. The lettering is compact and very fine with a round O and characteristic S that is round and nearly closed. All of the earlier coins have a double border separating the field from the margin and a kind of cross cléchée, also called an Occitan cross or cross of Toulouse, as the crosslet in the legend, which is initially cut with fine lines but later, on coins of the second group of this issue, becomes larger. The designs in the fields of the earlier coins are typologically related to the later coins of the Mesocco mint during the last period, datable from about 1508 to 1511/13. The style of the figures of the earlier group is still fine and static, which contrasts with the less fine-lined but more expressive style of the later group of the third period. The highest denomination of the coins struck in Musso is the anonymous gold scudo del sole, known in two variants, both of which have a shield with three crosslets with a small sun symbol above on the obverse and a stylised cross fleurdelisée on the reverse (CNI iv, 424.1–3). The obverse legend +CRISTVS VINCIT and reverse legend +CRISTVS IMPERAT or +CRISTVS REGNAT are derived from the reverse legend of the earlier scudi, XPS VINCIT XPS REGNAT XPS IMPERAT, but are distributed between the two sides. The lack of the H in Christ’s name perhaps indicates that the mint-master or die-cutter was Italian. These scudi of about 3.45g are the old scudi da Musso mentioned in a tariff of 1519 (Motta 1895, doc. 477). A grosso of probably three soldi or a halfcavallotto with the Trivulzio shield on the obverse and St George advancing to the right against a dragon on the reverse, which the Gnecchi brothers and the CNI described as a parpagliola, is very similar in style to the last coins of the Roveredo mint, but the typology and high output suggest that it belongs to an intermediate issue leading into the later group of the coins of Musso (820; CNI iv, 432–3.77–86). Its standard weight of about 2.20g and typological similarity to the cavallotti suggest that it is a grosso da 3 soldi or half-cavallotto rather than a parpagliola, but compositional analyses are needed to resolve the question definitively. The corresponding lower denomination is the so-called soldo trivulzino of the sources with the Trivulzio shield on the obverse and cross fleury on the reverse in the Milanese style (821–2; CNI iv, 434–5.97–106, 436.110–11). Its standard weight is about 1.10g, but worn examples sometimes weigh less than 0.80g and it is likely that most of the coins described as sesini in the literature are merely underweight soldi. The only genuine sesino type of Gian Giacomo Trivulzio is probably the exceptional type with cross potent and a small fleur-de-lis in each quarter on the obverse and frontal bust of St Blaise on the reverse (CNI iv, 435–6.108–9). This saint is the patron of the main church of Musso, which confirms the attribution of this issue group to that mint. It is also noteworthy that the obverse legend has only the abbreviated name of the lord without any title (+IO IA TRIVLCIVS), while the C in the name instead of a T again suggests that the master or die-cutter of the mint was an Italian. In any case, the absence of the marquisal title constitutes no argument for an earlier dating because this coin has no title at all whereas the earlier coins of the first period always carry the comital title. The same is true for a trillina type with cross fleury on the obverse and diamond ring on the reverse (823; CNI iv, 436.112–14). The obverse legend has the ruler’s name without any

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title while the motto in the reverse legend, +NE TE SMAI in vulgar Italian, fits well with the motif of the diamond ring. It means something like ‘don’t give up’ and suits the more difficult political situation for the French in northern Italy during the second decade of the sixteenth century. Gian Giacomo Trivulzio’s coins of the second period in Musso are distinguishable on the basis of style, perhaps reflecting a changeover in mint personnel and perhaps also the exigencies of mass production. Few coin types were struck in this phase, but most of them were continued directly under Gian Giacomo’s successor in terms of denomination, silver value and style, as demonstrated by the existing coins and by the tariffs of 1519 that attributed all these coins to the mint of Musso (Motta 1895, docs. 477, 480; 1896, doc. 482; cf. CNI iv, 533–8). In addition to the larger lettering, these coins also have a characteristic A with a slightly diagonal stroke at the top, a large Toulousain crosslet in the legend, often single borders between the field and margin, and a more expressive and expansive style of engraving. Besides the older established denominations such as the gold scudo and silver testone, the tariffs mention grossi originally valued at ten soldi and others valued at six. Later sources such as the mint accounts for Musso in 1529/30 give their popular names of cornoni or cornuti and cavallotti with new reduced valuations of seven and five and a half soldi, respectively, reflecting some realignment of the currency in the interim (Tagliabue 1890, 397, 416–19). These denominations originally came into Lombardy from the Piedmontese mints of Asti, Casale and Carmagnola (see above Chapter 3, sections (e), (n) and (s), pp. 133– 5, 184–5 and 231, respectively). The larger cornuto of about 5.50g has the Trivulzio shield with crested helmet with full titles on the obverse and a mounted St George slaying the dragon on the reverse (824; CNI iv, 427–8.25–36). The cavallotto originally worth six soldi and weighing about 3.60g is more common and exists in three variants (825–7; CNI iv, 428–31.37–71, 432.72, 432.73– 4). It again has the Trivulzio shield on the obverse and St George slaying the dragon on the reverse. The main variant has the shield in the usual form of a horse’s head with ribbons and the saint standing to the right, while the two other varants have either the shield in the form of a heart without ribbons or the saint standing to the left. The coins of Gian Giacomo’s last period also include a rare parpagliola of two soldi with an ideal weight of about 2.10g that has the usual Trivulzio shield with ribbons on the obverse and an elaborate fleur-de-lis on the reverse (CNI iv, 433–4.87–94). One further coin may belong to the last period for stylistic reasons but still resists definitive classification. It is the rare denaro with a narrow cross fleury on the obverse and nimbate head of St Carpophorus, patron of the chapel in the castello of Mesocco, on the reverse (CNI iv, 441.164; Ambrosoli 1888b). The legends give Gian Giacomo’s full name and titles as marquis of Vigevano and marshal of France in abbreviation on the obverse and the saint’s name on the reverse using K for the initial letter, which would seem unusual in Italy in the early sixteenth century. The titles establish 1499 as the terminus post quem. Beyond that, there are two possible attributions. In the first, the coin belongs either to Mesocco or Roveredo as mint of the castle and county of Mesocco from the second main issue period (1499–1511/13), while in the second, it is attributable to the last group of Musso issues after Gian Giacomo had recovered the lordship of Mesocco, in which case the reference to St Carpophorus would have underlined his claim on the castello and lordship of Mesocco but the coin still would have been struck in the mint of Musso. A mint account of 1529/30 under Gian Francesco Trivulzio (1518/26–49) sheds new light on the character of coin production in Musso by listing many more denominations than are known

Table 56. Coinage of the mint of Musso under Gian Giacomo Trivulzio, 1512/13–18 Period 1. Scudo

2.

3.

4.

Cornuto Cavallotto Grosso or grosso or grosso da da 3 da 10 6 soldi soldi soldi

a. CNI iv, 428– 31.37–71; b. CNI iv, 432.72; c. CNI iv, 432.73–4;

6.

7.

Parpagliola Soldino Sesino or Soldo trivulzino

CNI iv, 432– 3.77–86

I. Early coinage

II. Later CNI iv, CNI iv, coinage 424.1–3 427– 8.25–36

5.

8.

9.

Trillina

Denaro

CNI iv, CNI iv, CNI iv, 434– 435– 436.112– 6.97–106, 6.108–9 14 436.110– 11

CNI iv, 433–4.87– 94

Characteristics and description

Fine style, w. thin cross of Toulouse in legends: 4. Obv. Trivulzio shield. Rev. St George to right slaying the dragon. 6. Obv. Trivulzio shield. Rev. Cross fleury of the Milanese type. 7. Obv. Cross potent w. four fleurs-de-lis. Rev. Half-figure of St Blaise. 8. Obv. Cross fleury. Rev. Diamond ring. CNI iv, Expressive style, w. larger cross of 441.164 Toulouse in legends: 1. Obv. Stylised ‘crowned’ shield w. three crosslets. Rev. Cross fleurdelisée. 2. Obv. Trivulzio shield w. crested helmet. Rev. Mounted St George slaying the dragon. 3a. Obv. Trivulzio shield w. ribbons. Rev. St George standing to right and slaying the dragon. 3b. Obv. Trivulzio shield (heart-shaped) without ribbons. Rev. St George standing to right and slaying the dragon. 3c. Obv. Trivulzio shield w. ribbons. Rev. St George standing to left and slaying the dragon. 5. Obv. Trivulzio shield without border. Rev. Cross fleury without border. 9. Obv. Cross fleury. Rev. Nimbate bust of St Carpophorus.

Trivulzio fiefs

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for this ruler, for example denari and testoni with the Virgin adoring the Child (Tagliabue 1890, 397, 416–19; Mühlemann 2013), and thus allows the possibility of the discovery of further coin types, probably even struck in the name of Gian Giacomo Trivulzio. Gian Francesco might have even struck coins in the name of his grandfather to put his poor-quality coins into circulation in neighbouring territories more easily. Table 56 summarises Gian Giacomo Trivulzio’s coinage from the mint at Musso.

6

V E N E TO ( i nc ludi ng f ri ul i - ve ne z i a g i ul i a and tre nti no - a lto a di g e / s ü d ti rol ) (a) i nt roduc ti on 1. Historical background This chapter covers the coinage of north-east Italy, comprehending the present regions of Veneto, Trentino-Alto Adige and Friuli-Venezia Giulia (Map 4). Veneto is the official name of only one of these regions, that of the city of Venice, but in the CNI it was used to indicate a wider area taking in all the Italian territories north of the river Po and east of the drainage basin of the Lago di Garda. There were no compelling historical or linguistic reasons for the choice made by the compilers of the CNI. Since the Middle Ages, the territories covered in this chapter have been divided into as few as two or more than ten different states with the people in them speaking various Italian dialects and even different languages (Italian, German, Slavonic). The only practical reason for putting all of the territories together was probably to fill a single volume of the CNI, and the compilers called it ‘Veneto’ presumably because the greater part of the three regions long appertained to Venice and many of the more important mints were located in the Veneto. Recent research also suggests that there is a good numismatic basis for retaining the arrangement that the compilers of the CNI chanced upon. Both coin finds and documentary evidence have shown that the three regions formed a homogeneous, well-defined ‘monetary area’. Not only did all the coins produced there circulate freely in all the different states within the three regions, but they also represented almost all of the circulating currency there. Less than 1 per cent of the coins found within the boundaries of what is referred to here as the ‘Veneto’ came from mints located outside the regions (Saccocci 1999a, 49). The role and the function of monetary areas in northern Italy have already been discussed above (see Chapter 1, section (b), pp. 22–4). It is nevertheless noteworthy that the monetary area of the Veneto corresponds almost perfectly to the territories of the ancient Roman X Regio (i.e. the modern regions of the Veneto, Friuli-Venezia Giulia and Istria) and of the later Venetian Terraferma (i.e. the mainland dominions of Venice from the fifteenth to the eighteenth century). It thus forms a medieval bridge of sorts between the ancient and early modern periods. This still awaits detailed explanation, but it may be surmised that the circulation of coinage depended not merely upon political or economic imperatives but also on such things as culture, geography, language and tradition. At the beginning of the period covered in this volume, most of the territories dealt with in this chapter belonged to the March of Verona (Lat. Marcha Venonensis), which King Otto I of 548

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Saxony (951–73, emp. 962) created in 952. It included the counties (Lat. comitati, Ital. comitati, contee) of Verona, Vicenza, Treviso, Trento and the territories of Friuli. Venice and its dominions were never part of the Western Empire and thus remained unaffected by Otto’s political reorganisation. Accordingly, the history of Venice is best treated separately in the section devoted to the city itself. The newly created March of Verona, although part of the Regnum Italiae, was placed under the control (as personal fief ) first of the dukes of Bavaria and later those of Carinthia after the latter duchy was created in 976. Otto probably created the March to permit greater control, through his brother Duke Heinrich of Bavaria, of this important region through which passed so many of the important trans-Alpine routes that connected the kingdoms of Italy and Germany. This had far-ranging consequences. First, a kind of German connection long characterised the March of Verona and its heir, the March of Treviso (Marcha Trevigiana), with the effect that feudal structures of governance survived in some places even deep into the communal age and that the German emperors played an important part in the political life of the area at least until the middle of the fourteenth century. Second, Verona became the chief town of the entire mainland and remained as such until the mid-thirteenth century, with important implications for both the economy and monetary circulation in the area. During the first century of the new order, the emperors exercised authority in the March of Verona through the marquis and then the counts, but imperial policy from the late tenth century onwards also favoured certain of the bishops, who received important feudal privileges such as the right to coin money (see sections (b) and (f ) below, pp. 566 and 594, respectively) and to administer justice. This policy even led to the devolution of full temporal power to ecclesiastical authorities at Trento in 1027 and at Aquileia fifty years later, with the result that both Trento and Aquileia became autonomous ecclesiastic principalities and remained completely feudal, following many German examples, until the fifteenth century and beyond (see sections (b) and (h) below, pp. 562–4 and 607–8). Another major feudal territory of the ‘greater’ Veneto was the county of Gorizia, created probably in the first half of the twelfth century and subdivided into the counties of Gorizia itself and Tyrol in 1271. The histories of the outlying principalities are treated in greater detail below in the sections devoted to their respective coinages. Elsewhere in north-central Italy, the Investiture Contest of the later eleventh century probably helped to undermine feudal structures of governance and to precipitate the emergence of the communes before the end of the century in some places, but in the Veneto, excluding Venice, the breakdown of feudal structures was a more protracted phenomenon, probably as a result of the German legacy. Even in the Veneto, however, the inexorable development of urban society led to the creation of municipal governments. Communal consuls are first attested in Verona in 1136, in Padua in 1138, in Vicenza in 1147 and in Treviso in 1162. At first, the new communes in the March of Verona remained loyal to the German emperors, but most of them soon sided with the Lombard League (Lega Lombarda) against Emperor Frederick I Barbarossa (1152–90, emp. 1155). In 1164, alongside Venice, they formed the so-called Lega Veronese, to which Treviso adhered in 1167. All were motivated perhaps above all by the heavy demands in goods and specie that Frederick and his armies were placing upon them whenever the imperial militia passed through the March. The twelfth century was also a period of great demographic, economic and social development throughout the March, as indeed it was everywhere in northern Italy. Economic growth was spurred by Venetian negotiatores (merchants), who in some centres on the mainland exercised a virtual monopoly over all commercial activity. The Venetian government supported their interests

550

Veneto

by negotiating a commercial treaty with Verona in 1106 that obliged both cities to maintain control over the inland waterways and bound the Veronese to offer assistance to Venice in the event of war with neighbouring powers such as Padua, Treviso or Ravenna. Contracts for the conveyance of property in monastic archives in Venice also demonstrate the ever-increasing interest of Venetians in property on the mainland. The already close relationship between Venice and the mainland in the twelfth century suggests that the city in the lagoons was the market in which the greater part of surplus commodity production in north-east Italy was commercialised. This had significant repercussions on prices throughout the region. Perhaps more than elsewhere in north-central Italy, the development of communal government in the Veneto in the twelfth century was accompanied by the growth of powerful feudal lineages whose authority was not originally urban-based but was founded on the control of large tracts of rural property punctuated by castelli. The most famous of these lineages were the Estensi, from the village of Este some thirty kilometres south-west of Padua on the southern fringes of the Colli Euganei, and the Da Romano, whose power-base lay in the foothills around Bassano del Grappa. These two families struggled against each other for control of the entire March throughout the later twelfth and early thirteenth century. They became the most important exponents in the March of the two political parties that divided the loyalties of the peoples of Germany and Italy, namely, the pro-papal Guelfs and pro-imperial Ghibellines. Estensi affiliation with the Guelfs also had a dynastic aspect, because the progenitor of the lineage, Alberto Azzo II (c. 996–1097), was father of Guelfo IV (Germ. Welf ), the first of the Welfen to hold the title of duke of Bavaria (1070–7, 1096–1101) and eponym of all the Guelfs. Following the formal recognition of the autonomy of the communes in the Peace of Constance (1183), Guelf–Ghibelline antagonism in the March was never merely local in character, focused on gaining or maintaining control of single cities as it was elsewhere in northern Italy, but remained essentially a matter regarding control of the entire March, to be wielded in the name of the pope or emperor. When Emperor Frederick II (1218–50, emp. 1220) sought to restore imperial power in northern Italy, it was only in the March that he had any degree of success, thanks to Ezzelino III da Romano (1194–1259). From 1236, operating from his castelli at the foot of the Monte Grappa, this great commander extended his dominion over the territories of Verona, Vicenza, Padua, Trento and Treviso, the last through his brother Alberico. Ezzelino also established close relations with Frederick II by ruling formally in his name and by marrying his illegitimate daughter Selvaggia in 1238. His dominion was a steadfast base for the imperial party and provided a clear passage for them to Germany. Ezzelino nevertheless had to fight an increasing number of enemies. In 1254, Pope Innocent IV (1243–54) proclaimed a Crusade against him, and five years later, an alliance of Venice, the Estensi, the pope and Guelf exiles from subjugated cities defeated him near Soncino, though not before he had conquered Brescia in 1258 and even attacked Milan. In the meantime, written evidence shows that the March of Verona had taken the designation of the March of Treviso (Marcha Trevigiana), first attested in 1204. For reasons that are still not entirely clear, there grew a distinction between the territory of Verona, which belonged to Lombardy in the view of some contemporary authors, and the rest of the March, referred to as the March of Treviso. Verona nevertheless remained the chief town of the entire region, not only during the rule of Ezzelino but also later under the lordship of the Scaligeri, with the result that the March of Treviso eventually assumed the same geographical connotation as the former March of Verona. The end of Ezzelino’s rule gave rise in the March to a second flowering of the communes, with the most important cities again ruled by municipal institutions, though Verona only formally,

Introduction

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as shall be seen. The great difference was that cities, or rather their people, were now the main sources of power, not the popes or emperors. More than ever, the policies of the new city-states were guided by local interests, mostly economic, rather than by any supra-national allegiance. This had important consequences for the monetary system in the region, as discussed below (pp. 559– 60). Suffice it to say that Padua and probably Treviso began to produce their own coins and Verona for the first time struck coins bearing the name of its patron, St Zeno. At the beginning of this new period of reclaimed freedom, the larger communes tended to conquer the smaller municipalities, probably more frequently and with greater ease than in other Italian regions. It is indeed surprising how readily the citizens of some towns in the region accepted foreign rule. The peculiar history of the Veneto might have engendered a sense among the people of belonging to an undivided community, that of the March, which made it easier for rulers of the most powerful centres to extend their power in the region in the face of less resistance than that encountered elsewhere in north-central Italy, certainly less than in Tuscany for instance. Initially, the communal government in Padua was most active in increasing the territorial extent of its rule, taking in Vicenza and other smaller towns in 1266. Verona later moved into the vanguard, but the experience with municipal rule there came rapidly to a close. Verona had restored its municipal institutions after the fall of Ezzelino in 1259, but within a year power lay in the hands of a noble family of uncertain origin called the Della Scala or Scaligeri. Under Alberto I (1277–1301), the family formally obtained the signoria and juridical power over the city, thus beginning one of the most important lordships in medieval Italy. Its greatest member, Cangrande I (1308–29),started a policy of territorial expansion that gave the lords of Verona control over Vicenza (from 1312), Belluno and Feltre (1321/3), Padua (1328), Treviso (1329), Brescia (1332) and Parma (1335). Even the Tuscan city of Lucca came under Verona’s sway in 1335. In advancing his policy, Cangrande initiated a series of wars over supremacy in the March that lasted for the rest of the fourteenth century and involved not only all the cities of the March itself but also many neighbouring powers as such Milan, Tyrol-Carinthia, Gorizia, Hungary and above all Venice. Verona’s aggressive policy of territorial expansion even gave the German emperors occasion to intervene in the March during the second and third decades of the fourteenth century to advance their own aims and to protect movement across the Alps. In 1312, Henry VII of Luxembourg saw in Cangrande an ally against Tyrol and granted him the imperial vicariate of Verona and Vicenza.After Cangrande’s death, however, Frederick of Habsburg (1314–30), who was in competition for the royal throne with Louis IV of Bavaria (1314–47, emp. from 1328), tried to end Scaligeri expansion in the March by placing Treviso and Padua under his protection and awarding their vicariate to Heinrich II of Gorizia. Louis of Bavaria later confirmed the policy and ceded the same vicariate to another German ruler, Heinrich of Tyrol-Carinthia. Royal/imperial intervention, supported by two huge and expensive military expeditions, led to ten years of German rule over the two cities, but had no enduring effect against the Scaligeri. In 1328, Padua voluntarily bowed to Cangrande (1328) while Treviso was easily subjugated a year later. The presence of the German vicarii and their retinues nevertheless had some interesting consequences for the coinage, as shall be seen. Cangrande’s successors, Alberto II (1329–51) and Mastino II della Scala (1329–52), continued his policy of territorial expansion, extending Verona’s power into Lombardy, Emilia and even Tuscany. Veronese domination over the Venetian mainland posed a great danger for Venice, the most powerful centre in the region. All of the land routes that Venice relied upon for commerce and supply were now under the control of a single power. Venetian authorities thus decided to halt the aggressive expansionism of the Scaligeri through an alliance with Florence and with the support

552

Veneto

of Emperor Louis IV in the so-called ‘Veneto–Scaligera’ war of 1336–9. As a result, Verona was relieved of its dominion over all the other conquered cities except Vicenza and Venice gained its first possession on the mainland in the form of Treviso (from 1339). The success of Venice against Verona was nevertheless not sufficiently decisive to assure the Venetians that their overland routes of commerce and supply were entirely safe because the new lords of Padua, the Da Carrara or Carraresi, soon took over the role of aggressive expansionists in the Veneto from the Scaligeri. Francesco I da Carrara (1355–88) began to extend Padua’s power over the greater part of the March and even in Friuli (Cividale), which necessarily led to a war with Venice. The new-found power of the Carraresi, based only thirty kilometres from Venice, posed a significant threat to the Venetians, especially when Francesco I was able to draw into the war on his side the kingdom of Hungary and even Genoa. In response, Venice decided to support the expansionist policies of another strong lordship, the Visconti of Milan, which the Venetians probably regarded as far enough away to be of little danger. With the help of Venice, in 1387–8, Gian Galeazzo Visconti of Milan (1378/85–1402, duke 1395) conquered nearly all of the March of Verona, including Verona itself, Vicenza, Treviso, Padua, Feltre and Belluno. Two years later, however, Francesco’s son Francesco II da Carrara recovered Padua and started fighting the Visconti and the Venetians. Following the death of Gian Galeazzo Visconti in 1402 and the collapse of Milan, Padua reached its apogee with the annexation of Verona itself two years later. This time, authorities in Venice realised that the best way to maintain the peace on the mainland was to rule it directly. In 1405, after they had taken Padua and the cities of Belluno, Vicenza and Verona had all submitted to Venice,the Venetian government annexed their territories.This put the inland commercial routes definitively under Venetian control, ensured the safety of the mainland properties of their citizens, and enormously increased the fiscal base of the state. Over the next quarter-century, Venice also conquered and annexed the mainland territories of the patriarch of Aquileia in Friuli (1420) as well as those of Brescia (1426) and Bergamo (1428), thus creating the richest and most powerful territorial state in Italy. The rest of the fifteenth century is therefore best covered in the section on Venice. Despite the incessant wars, not to mention the Black Death of 1348, the fourteenth century was a period of enormous economic and cultural development in the Veneto. As elsewhere in Italy, finance and trade expanded prodigiously throughout the century, but it is also noteworthy that the Tuscan writers Dante Alighieri and Francesco Petrarca as well as the artist Giotto di Bondone all lived for a time in the Veneto and created masterpieces there, while scholars such as Marsilio of Padua, Albertino Mussato and Lovato de’ Lovati were laying the humanistic foundations of the Renaissance. The revival of Greek and Latin antiquity in Italy also brought with it interest in collecting and studying ancient artefacts, including coins, and there is indeed already evidence of numismatic activity in Verona, Treviso and Padua in the fourteenth century (Magnaguti 1907; Gorini 1972; Saccocci 1998a). 2. Coinage The coinages of individual mints in the Veneto down to about the middle of the twelfth century are covered above (see Chapter 2, sections (d) and (e), pp. 58–73) and afterwards below, but the origin, development and general characteristics of the monetary area to which all of the mints in the Veneto belonged need to be discussed here. The earliest evidence for a common monetary area in

Introduction

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north-east Italy comes not through coin finds or references in documents, but in the extraordinary charter of 945 by which King Lothar II (931–50) renewed the ius monetae of the bishop of Mantua, which has already been discussed above (see Chapter 1, section (b), p. 23). Among other things, it designated the territories of Brescia, Mantua and Verona (i.e. virtually the entire mainland around Venice) as a special monetary district in which only the new coins of Mantua – probably planned but never struck – could circulate (see Chapter 5, section (l), p. 391). Seven years before the political birth of the March of Verona, in other words, Lothar had sought to distinguish the currency of this area from that of the rest of the Italian kingdom. Interpreting Lothar’s charter is very difficult, but it antedates by two centuries or more any similar act. Saccocci (1996–2002) has been the only scholar to consider the monetary implications of the document. He argued that a probable debasement of the Venetian coinage, to which the denari without mint name that Grierson (1978) attributed to Venice attest, resulted in a relative rise in the value of the good royal coinages of Pavia and Milan in places that relied heavily on commercial traffic through the market in Venice. The object of Lothar’s grant was merely to compensate for that rise. The subsequent restoration of a homogeneous coinage under Emperor Otto I (951–73, emp. from 962) ended any official attempt to create a distinct monetary district in north-east Italy, though monetary circulation in the area suggests that the March of Verona remained a separate monetary area. The great majority of the single-finds in the area from the time of the Saxon kings and emperors (951–1024) are Venetian coins, which have turned up almost everywhere, from Cividale (Udine) to Pernumia (Rovigo) and even in Verona (see Chapter 2, section (d), p. 60). By contrast, coins from royal mints, including Verona, are almost completely lacking from the singlefinds and are attested only in hoards (App. 1, nos. 20, 33). Elsewhere in northern Italy, coin finds are made up almost exclusively of royal coinages without any significant difference between hoards and single-finds. The dominance in the March of Verona of the coinage of the external mint of Venice during the Saxon period suggests that the area had already become a distinct monetary area. The success of the Venetian coinage is explained by the fact that it was, after debasement, the ‘bad money’ of Gresham’s Law. Already in 972, the Venetian coinage had only half the value of the Milanese coinage, as attested in a lease between the patriarch of Aquileia and the bishop of Bergamo in which the rent was fixed at argenteos denarios bonos mediolanenses solum quinque, aut de Venecia solum decem (Porro Lambertenghi 1873, doc. 738). The high social status of the individuals involved further suggests that the Venetian coinage was officially accepted in the patriarchate of Aquileia, which was still part of the March of Verona, and probably throughout the March. This does not mean that the coinage of Verona, still the chief town in the March, had lost its importance in the monetary system. It was probably plentiful. Veronese coins in the names of the Saxon emperors are indeed still fairly common, but their high value relative to the coins of Venice drove them out of circulation. They tended to be culled and hoarded and were used only when necessary, whenever the debased coins of Venice were inconvenient, for example in the payment of tributes to the German emperors and their retinues, mostly when they passed through the March with their armies (see Chapter 2, section (e), pp. 67–8). This much is suggested by the small but significant presence of the coins of Verona in northern European finds alongside those of the two other north Italian royal mints of Pavia and Milan but the absolute absence of contemporary Venetian coins (cf. Potin 1963; 1965; Albrycht-Rapnicka 1961; Hatz 1983; Jonsson 1993). The overwhelming majority of the north Italian royal coins that have turned up in northern Europe almost certainly reached their final destination through Germany, which also accounts for

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the bulk of the coins in northern European finds in which the coins of Verona, Pavia and Milan are present. It is also notable that the only exception to the prevailing pattern of monetary circulation within the March of Verona is in the valley of the river Adige in Trentino and the South Tyrol, where the coins of the three royal mints are attested in single-finds, though more from Milan and Pavia than from Verona, but Venetian coins are almost absent (Rizzolli 2006, 610–17). The upper Adige was, and still is, one of the main trans-Alpine passages between Italy and Germany. Under the Salian kings and emperors (1024–1125), the monetary system in the March of Verona slowly evolved and the mint of Verona again took on a more important role, though it was not able to drive out the competing Venetian currency. It was probably imperial authority that encouraged the use of the Veronese coinage in the March.Emperors Conrad II (1024–39,emp.1027) and Henry III (1039–56, emp. 1046), respectively, granted the right to strike coins at the Veronese standard to the patriarch of Aquileia in 1028 and the bishop of Padua in 1049 (see sections (b) and (f ) below, pp. 566 and 594, respectively). In the early nineteenth century, Maccà (1802, 42–4) reported a similar grant to the bishop of Vicenza in 1047, but the privilege is not otherwise mentioned in the literature and is therefore probably apocryphal. It also seems unlikely that the minting rights of the bishops of Feltre confirmed by emperors Conrad III (1138–52) in 1142 and Frederick I (1152–90, emp. 1155) in 1179 (see section (d) below, pp. 581–2) went back to the mid-eleventh century. Apart from the patriarchs of Aquileia, who produced a small eleventh-century issue (see section (b) below, p. 566), none of these bishops ever exploited their minting privileges, probably because doing so at the Veronese standard was not economically expedient in a market dominated by the debased coins of Venice. This suggests that the episcopal authorities in question had not sought out the privileges but that the emperors had granted them to promote the use of the good coins of the Veronese standard in the March of Verona, above all for the payment of tributes to the administration. The effects of imperial policy on monetary circulation in the March were negligible but the attention that the emperors gave to the quality of the currency probably encouraged notaries to adopt the libra veronensis as the chief unit of account in documents. The lira of Verona soon became the official monetary standard throughout the March, attested in Vicenza and Padua from 1025 (Brunacci 1744, 13–15; Gloria 1879–81, i, doc. 109), in Aquileia from 1028 (Liruti 1749, 40) and in Treviso from 1038 (Gloria 1879–81, i, doc. 121). This preference for the lira of Verona as the standard of value in the March continued for centuries, even when the actual coins of Verona had lost their role as manifestations of this international standard in the circulating currency. This is why authors who first discussed monetary circulation in north-east Italy described the region as the ‘monetary area of Verona’ (Murari 1965–6). In the view of Saccocci (2002), the great success that local coinages of the March later enjoyed in international trade possibly originated during the Saxon and Salian periods. The coins of Venice and Verona circulated side by side in the Venezie, presumably according to a fixed relationship to avoid the effects of Gresham’s Law, but they also belonged to two different and wider monetary areas. On the one hand, the denaro of Venice was also a denomination in the Byzantine monetary system then in use in Venice, as indeed attested in the documentary evidence in the so-called Pactum Lothari, dated 840, in which mancusi (oriental gold coins) and librae Veneticorum (lire of Venetian denari) clearly belong to the same system of account (MGH Capit. ii,doc. 233; cf. Saccocci 2002, 82–3). It was therefore almost certainly known at least as a standard of value in the Byzantine

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commercial network,which comprehended all of the eastern Mediterranean markets.On the other hand, because the March of Verona was part of the duchy of Bavaria and later that of Carinthia, the Veronese coins were very likely among the currencies exchanged at a fixed rate with the local money in those duchies. This is confirmed by the fact that in the following century, when the denari of Verona began to be heavily debased, they spread mainly towards the north into the Tyrol, where the Berner Pfund (libra veronensium) became the standard of the local coinage, and then into southern Germany. The northward diffusion of Veronese denari was likely related to Gresham’s Law, but it probably also hinged on the extent to which the coins of Verona already circulated in those territories at a specific face-value. The coins of Venice and Verona were thus probably the only ones that could be used, virtually without any exchange fee, both in Levantine trade and within the Western Empire. As a consequence, when silver production in Germany and Austria later increased enormously, the coins of Venice and Verona were probably seen as convenient outlets for investing the new silver stock precisely because they were so readily accepted in lucrative Mediterranean markets. This perhaps explains the sudden dramatic success of these coins, especially those of Venice, at the end of the twelfth century (see sections (l) and (m) below, pp. 636–7 and pp. 655–7, respectively). From the mid-eleventh century to the mid-twelfth, the coinages of Venice and Verona were quickly debased at the same rate, as attested in both metal content analyses and the consistent exchange rate of 2:1 between the denari of Venice and those of Verona. The chronologies of both coinages, which present ‘frozen’ or immobilised typologies, are still debated, but the datings best supported by the coin finds suggest that the debasement occurred from about 1090 to about 1170, during which both lost about 70 per cent of their silver content (see Chapter 2, sections (d) and (e), pp. 63–5 and 70–1, respectively). In accordance with Gresham’s Law, the debasement of the coins increased their circulation. The denari of Verona became the most common among the finds of twelfth-century coins in Trentino and South Tyrol while the denari of Venice were the most common in Friuli. Debasement also encouraged the monetisation of the economy by decreasing the purchasing power of these coins to the extent that they were suitable for use in everyday transactions. The greater presence of coins of this period in single-finds not only in the March of Verona but throughout northern Italy also attests to the revival of monetary activity after the long hiatus of the early Middle Ages. Denari of the eleventh and twelfth centuries overwhelmingly outnumber those of the ninth and tenth centuries in single-finds from the greater Veneto. Saccocci (2000c, 61–2), for example, records about thirty coins of the ninth and tenth centuries from single-finds in the region, while the same author (2008c, 100) gives a figure of almost four hundred coins of the eleventh and twelfth centuries. The documentary evidence likewise bears witness to the phenomenon. During the period from about 1120 to 1150, the formula inter argentum et alias res valentem was disappearing from payment clauses in sale contracts and being replaced by phrases such as argenti denariorum, which is suggestive of the greater availability of coined money. At the international level, too, the coins of Verona and Venice were becoming increasingly important. In the coin finds from the excavations of the Confessione di San Pietro in Rome (Serafini 1951), these coins represented some 80 per cent of all the twelfth-century coins, though earlier issues of these two cities were virtually absent. By contrast, the number of German, Austrian and Bohemian coins decreased suddenly by almost 75 per cent between the eleventh and the twelfth century. The finds from the Confessione di San Pietro derived exclusively from pilgrims’ offerings to the church of

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San Pietro, the so-called Peter’s pence (Ital. obolo di San Pietro). It is therefore reasonable to suppose that pilgrims coming from northern Europe began to find it advantageous to exchange all their own currencies, which were regarded in Italy practically as bullion (the famous marcha argenti of the contemporary sources), for Italian coins rather than saving them until they reached the final destination of their pilgrimage. This was because the Italian coins, thanks to repeated debasements, were overvalued relative to the foreign ones in terms of their silver content. The changes in the coinages in the Venezie in the twelfth century followed and were probably prompted by new discoveries of substantial silver deposits in Saxony, the eastern Alps (Trentino and Carinthia), Tuscany and Sardinia (Spufford 1988, 109–19). The mining districts in the eastern Alps in particular were on the frontier of the monetary area of Verona and Venice if not within it. Silver output from the mines in the eastern Alps thus bore directly upon the coinages of these two cities. Around the middle of the century, on the strength of production from these mines, the Friesacher pfennige (Lat. frisacenses denarii), so-named after the town of Friesach in Carinthia, which was also the seat of the most important mint in the area, began to circulate in significant quantities in Friuli where Venetian denari had been in use for nearly two centuries (see section (b) below, pp. 566–7). Somewhat later, the patriarchs of Aquileia began the regular production of coins at the Friesach standard, based on a mark of account of 160 denari, almost certainly on the basis of silver from the mines in Carinthia where they were collecting tithes on some properties. The difference in silver content between the Friesacher pfennige and the Venetian denaro (about 20:1) was so great that the coins probably would not have competed against one another if monetary authorities in the patriarchate had not established a fixed relationship between them, as attested in two almost contemporary documents that record the incomes of some churches belonging to the patriarch. The fixed exchange rate between the two denominations is also suggested by the patriarchs’ parallel production of a Friesacher-like denaro and, supposedly, of another denaro similar to that of Venice, that is, if the identification of the latter coin is accepted (see section (b) below, p. 568). The official relationship between the Friesacher pfennige and the Venetian denaro was nevertheless much greater (30:1) than the disparity in silver content. The Friesacher pfennige were thus overvalued in relation to the Venetian denaro and, as the ‘bad money’, tended to drive the Venetian coinage out of circulation. The effects of the competition between the Friesacher pfennige and the Venetian denaro were not limited only to Friuli. In the third quarter of the twelfth century, Doge Vitale II Michiel (1156–72) began to produce the first autonomous coinage of Venice in his own name as doge rather than in the name of the emperor, but the extreme rarity of these issues – there are only three known specimens – suggests that coin production in Venice was very small in scale during this period, despite the abundant supply of silver in the region, or that the coins issued by the mint were quickly culled and consigned to the melting pot. Both phenomena are symptomatic of ‘good money’, which the Venetian coins probably were because of the official overvaluation of the competing Friesacher pfennige in relation to them. The succeeding doge, Sebastiano Ziani (1172–8), reformed the Venetian coinage, abandoning the traditional denaro of Venice and replacing it with a new coin of the same typology and value as contemporary coins of Verona. The new Venetian denaro thus exchanged against the former coin at the rate of 1:2. This reform, which authorities in Venice must have implemented to boost the circulation of Venetian coins, made monetary conditions in the Venezie even more homogeneous. For the first time, the lire of Venice and Verona were based on coins with almost identical characteristics and thus had the same value. The denari of Aquileia also became part of the same

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system of account, reckoned as soldi (twelve denari) in the Venetian and Veronese lire. In Padua from the 1170s onwards, notaries immediately acknowledged the new-found interchangeability of the coins of Venice and Verona in the almost invariable use of the formula libre denariorum venetialium vel veronensium for references to prices and payments in the documents they redacted. Elsewhere, notaries continued to use one or the other lire as a unit of account in such formulae, but they almost certainly indicated the same value. Throughout the entire region, in effect, there was a single system of account. It is therefore unsurprising that when other cities in the region such as Trento, Meran and Padua later began to produce their own denari, the new coins had the value of one denaro in the existing system. It is notable, too, that the opening of the mint of the bishops of Trento in 1177 occurred at a time when the bishops were beginning to exploit their rich silver mines at Monte Calisio just north of the city (see section (h) below, pp. 608–9). A little before 1185, Verona also reformed its coinage, introducing a denaro called the crociato (see section (m) below, pp. 655–7) because of the long cross on both sides. The reasons for the reform are unclear, but it seems likely that the introduction of the new coin was an attempt by authorities in the city to protect their currency against competition from the coins of Trento and Venice. An 1189 document of Trento still refers to Venetian denari, the old coins of Verona and the new crociati as having the same value (see section (m) below, p. 656), but the crociati had probably been debased from the beginning to enable them to compete favourably with the other coins. This is suggested by the pattern of hoarding in the Venezie in the last quarter of the twelfth century, characterised by a concentration of hoards including the old denari of Verona in the name of an emperor Henry (the so-called enriciani; see Chapter 2, section (e), pp. 70–3) and often contemporary coins of Venice and/or other mints dating from well into the 1180s but not the new denari crociati (App. 1, nos. 3, 4, 5, 44, 49, 55, 74; cf. Arzone 2008a, who provides a list of hoards including Veronese enriciani, unfortunately incomplete). Hoards with crociati, on the other hand, tend to be later and do not normally contain the old enriciani (e.g. App. 1, nos. 18, 30, 142; no. 17 is the sole exception). The new coins of Verona were therefore probably ‘bad money’, and a document of Venice dated 1193 that gives the price in terms of li(bre) den(ariorum) venetialium quasi equivalentes monete veronensi incruciatorum sic appellati probably reflects the slightly lower value of the Veronese coins (Buenger Robbert 1971, 33). At the end of the twelfth century, several competing currencies circulated in the greater Veneto, two of Verona and others of Venice, Trento and Aquileia, with the youngest among them, Verona’s crociato, probably the most successful. Given the abundance of silver at the time, there was plenty of scope for profit from the issue of a successful currency. It was into this context that authorities in Venice carried out another major monetary reform, perhaps the most important one in its long history: the introduction of the silver ducat, also called the grosso and later matapan. The launch of this coin by Doge Enrico Dandolo (1192–1205) is discussed at length below (see section (l), pp. 637–40), but the impact that it had on monetary circulation in the Venezie needs to be dealt with here. Dandolo first struck the grosso some time between 1194 and 1202, though most numismatists now typically prefer the earlier date (e.g. Stahl 2000, 16–22). Containing about 2.10g of pure silver against the c. 1.00g in the Friesacher pfennige of Aquileia and c. 0.10g in the Venetian and Veronese denari, the new grosso was more valuable than any other coin in general use in the area at the time, but as in the case of the relatively high-value Friesacher pfennige some fifty years earlier, the high value of the Venetian grosso did not in any way impede the circulation of the coin in the Venezie. Hoards containing early grossi are attested in Friuli, Trentino and the Veneto, but the new coins represented only a small portion

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of the coins in the hoards, with the Friesacher denari of Aquileia or the older denari of Verona and Venice making up the bulk (App. 1, nos. 18, 30, 63). This shows that the Venetian grosso quickly entered into circulation outside Venice but also suggests that it was not considered particularly suitable for hoarding. This is probably because it was effectively a debased coin, even if it was made of pure silver, because it had a silver content lower than that contained in the twenty-four or twenty-six Venetian denari for which it was officially exchanged (see section (l) below, p. 639). The success of the new coin, particularly the ease with which it entered into circulation in the area that shared the same monetary system, may very well have hinged upon its relative overvaluation and the functioning of Gresham’s Law. Competition between the overvalued coins of Venice and the denari of Aquileia, the latter of which were reckoned as a soldo in the Venetian lira, would also account for the evident low output of Aquileia’s denaro during the time of Wolfker (1204–18) (see section (b) below, p. 571). With the introduction of the grosso,Venice discontinued production of its denaro,almost certainly because of the metrological incompatibility of the two denominations. The denari crociati of Verona were thus the only petty coins of the Veneto that remained in circulation to represent the basic unit of account (i.e. the denaro) in the system of account in the Venezie. Single-finds of the Veronese coins indicate that they diffused widely in the early thirteenth century. In Friuli and South Tyrol, they make up the overwhelming majority of the petty coins from the first half of the century that have turned up there and have even been found in Venice itself (App. 1, nos. 69, 70). The first half of the thirteenth century was a period of great monetary stability in the Venezie, most likely because of the perfect integration in the market between the grosso of Venice and the crociato of Verona, with the former used mainly for ‘international’ trade and larger payments, and the latter mostly for the everyday use. Neither the Venetians nor the Veronese had much interest in changing the situation since it assured them both a good stream of revenue. This probably explains why authorities in Verona, when they decided to produce their own grosso some time shortly before 1247 (see section (m) below, pp. 657–8), struck their coins at a different metrological standard corresponding to that of contemporary Genoese and Tuscan grossi of 1.70g and valued at twenty denari instead of twenty-six. It is hard to believe that the introduction of the Venetian grosso, its rapid integration in the monetary system, the withdrawal of the denaro from production in Venice, the success of the Veronese crociato and the introduction of the grosso of Verona at a different standard from that of Venice all came about merely by chance, but there is no evidence to support the hypothesis that these were all the product of an agreement between Venice and Verona. It is nevertheless noteworthy that two of the three primary sources that attest to the birth of the Venetian grosso place its introduction just after the drawing up of a treaty between the two cities (see section (l) below, pp. 638–9). The stability of the monetary system in which the Venetian grosso and the Veronese crociato were interchangeable on the market at a fixed rate of exchange enabled the mints of both Venice and Verona to expand the area of circulation of their coinages and to profit from the commercial network of the other. Although it is common knowledge that the grosso of Venice enjoyed great success and was for more than a century the most important currency in the Levantine trade (see section (l) below, pp. 639–40), less known is that the crociato of Verona was also an enormous success, spreading out over a broad area that extended from Provence in the west and Württemberg in the north to the Illyrian littoral and sporadically even to Sicily and the eastern Mediterranean (see section (m) below, pp. 656–7). The renewed activity of the mint of Trento in no way impinged

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upon this success. The silver soldo and base denaro that the mint produced at the Venetian/Veronese standard from 1236 to 1255 circulated for the most part only locally, without interfering in the ‘international’ circulation of the Venetian and Veronese currencies (see section (h) below, pp. 608–9). The situation changed rapidly around the middle of the thirteenth century, when all types of silver and billon coins produced in the area were culled and became scarce. The most likely reason for this was the high market value of silver, which not only created problems for silver-based currencies throughout Italy but probably also led to the introduction of new gold coinages in Florence and Genoa in 1252 (see Chapter 1, section (b), pp. 17–18). Local conditions, too, exacerbated the crisis. In the 1250s, Count Meinhard II of Tyrol opened the mint of Meran in South Tyrol at an important junction on one of the major trans-Alpine routes. Much of the silver bullion that fed the mints in the Veneto passed through Meran or through the count’s territory. Soon after becoming count in 1253, Meinhard began to strike his own coins, first denari and then silver grossi called aquilini because of the eagle (aquila) that they carried on one side. Meinhard ostensibly struck his aquilini at the Veronese standard, but his new coins were somewhat less fine than the Veronese grossi or the twenty Veronese denari against which they were exchanged. A given amount of silver bullion thus yielded more coins of Meran than of Verona. In addition, Meinhard introduced a new law in his territories called the silberstange that obliged merchants travelling through them to change part of their bullion into his new coins (see section (k) below, p. 622). In this way, Meinhard began to siphon off some of the silver from trans-Alpine bullion traffic, and as if this were not enough, in 1272, authorities in Meran replaced their old grosso aquilino with a new coin that had the same silver content but a different typology, the grosso tirolino, later called the kreuzer in German because of the double cross that it bore on one side. Because the tirolino was valued at twenty denari of Verona while the older aquilino was then lowered to eighteen, the introduction of the tirolino represented a further devaluation of the Veronese lira of account used in Tyrol. The developments in Meran had significant repercussions wherever the same system of account was used, but these developments were merely preliminary to the subsequent upheaval that completely changed the pattern of monetary circulation throughout the Venezie. The appearance of only a single grosso of Verona in a hoard of nearly 3,500 silver grossi closed some time after 1280 and found just inside the city of Verona (App. 1, no. 73) suggests that the Veronese coins had effectively disappeared from circulation by about 1280. The denaro crociato, too, was driven off the market, which meant that the basic unit in the local system of account was no longer represented in the circulating currency. As the supply of petty coins dwindled, demand for them escalated. At first, from 1257, the oboli that the mint in Mantua struck as denari in the Venetian lira of account satisfied some of the demand (see Chapter 5, section (l), p. 392). Clandestine mints also filled part of the void. Excavations of castelli in the mountain areas between the Po valley and the Trentino or in Austria have turned up more than ten such mints, and the flans found on these sites suggest that the mints were striking petty coins almost exclusively (Saccocci 2008a; 2010a). The private, illegal minting to which the excavations attest was widespread and probably related to the imbalance between the supply and demand of petty coinage in the mid-thirteenth century. Other mints also began to strike petty coins for the first time. Some time during the period 1251–69, the mint of Aquileia began to strike denari corresponding in value to the old crociati of Verona, though probably of a slightly lower silver standard, and the newly opened mint in Padua followed suit some time before 1271. Doge Lorenzo Tiepolo (1268–75) then reintroduced the denaro in Venice after an

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absence of more than sixty years. Because the new coin was debased relative to its predecessor and exchanged against the grosso first at something over 26:1/28:1 and then at 32:1, it is likely that the new issue was intended mostly to defend the grosso from the culling and melting that had driven the grosso of Verona out of circulation. In other words, monetary authorities in Venice used the reintroduction of the denaro to release their grosso from its traditional rate of exchange against the denaro and to protect the larger coin from the devaluation of the lira of account. The decision of Venetian authorities in 1284 to introduce the gold ducat in Venice might very well also have been taken with the intention to defend the grosso, as indeed Cessi argued (1937, xxxvii–l). Meranese grossi flooded the monetary area of the Venezie at the end of the thirteenth century, as attested in both coin hoards and the written evidence in references to denari or grossi a XX or a XXII. In 1312 under Cangrande della Scala, Verona debased its coins and thereby obtained ‘international’ success for its currency. By the 1320s, the grosso of Meran and its imitations, including several from mints in the Veneto, had driven even the Venetian grosso out of circulation. For example, the hoard of more than four thousand silver grossi found at Polverara south of Padua (App. 1, no. 43), datable on the basis of internal evidence to 1328/9, contained not one grosso of Venice but was made up almost entirely of Meranese coins and their imitations. From 1320, many cities in the Po valley produced imitations of the grosso aquilino and tirolino not only for economic reasons but also in the interest of the vicarii and their military retinues, mostly German, which governed those cities (Murari 1980a; Saccocci 2004, 105–17). In 1331/2, apparently in reaction to all this, authorities in Venice under Doge Francesco Dandolo (1329–39) reformed the Venetian coinage with the introduction of the soldino, valued at twelve denari, and the mezzanino, or half-grosso, which again made Venice the main money market in the Venezie. It is difficult to establish a direct cause-and-effect relationship between all these phenomena, but there can be little doubt of the important role played by the mint in Meran in most of them. Of particular significance was the intrinsic value of the circulating silver coins in relation to their nominal value. The continuous clipping, culling and probably melting of older silver coins and their substitution with lighter ones must have been driven by the higher intrinsic value of the older coins relative to their nominal value in the evolving monetary system. Even the Meranese grossi, which had been the bane of the competing silver coins first of Verona and then of Venice, eventually succumbed to the pressure and were subject to clipping and culling. In 1353–5, for example, authorities in Venice banned denari a XX (i.e. grossi of Meran) that weighed less than 1.20g from circulating in Treviso, which was then under Venetian rule (Azzoni Avogaro 1775–89, 193–7; Perini 1904a, 73–6 doc. 17). This was still appreciably lower than the full-weight issues of Meran (c. 1.50–1.70g), which suggests that there were no longer any grossi aquilini or tirolini in circulation that had not been clipped. While the Venetians carried out the reforms that brought their new soldino and mezzanino into circulation (1331/2) and once again made their coins the dominant ones on the Terraferma, the Scaligeri lords of Verona were preoccupied with setting up their own regional state. They made no attempt to develop their coinage and/or increase state revenue through minting, but instead allowed the new coins of Venice to circulate within their territory (see section (m) below, p. 660), even though the Venetian coins were clearly debased. A few years later, during the war against Venice (1336–9), authorities in Verona abandoned the basic unit in their monetary system, the traditional denaro of the lira veronese, and replaced it with the denaro of the Lombard lira mezzana, called the mediatino. The new lira of account was nevertheless used only in the western part of the

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Venezie and the mediatino did not penetrate the territories newly conquered by the Scaligeri. In 1349, ten years after Venice had defeated the Scaligeri and pushed them back within the boundaries of their own historical territory and that of Vicenza, Verona definitively reformed its coinage, adopting as the new basis of its system the so-called lira veronese vecchia (libra veronensis vetus), which had survived since 1312 only as a pure unit of account. The value of this lira was one-third greater than the lira of Verona then in use, which means that the coins produced after the reform were worth more than those issued before it. This broke the parity between the currencies of Verona and Venice that had endured since 1172 and had favoured the circulation of the coinages of both cities equally. After the reform, the coins of Verona, having been reinforced in terms of metal content, were naturally undervalued relative to those of Venice and were thus the ‘good money’ on the market. As a result, they were no longer of any importance on international markets and became strictly local currency. The second half of the fourteenth century saw the emergence of Padua as another protagonist in the monetary history of the Veneto. Especially under Francesco I da Carrara (1355–88), who took over from the Scaligeri the aim to create a strong regional state in north-east Italy, the coinage of Padua assumed a leading role in monetary circulation of the area. Coin finds in the Venezie during the period 1345–85 show that the denari and grossi of Padua (called bagattini and carrarini, respectively) were the most common pieces; the evidence for Padua’s coins is somewhat richer than for Verona’s. The expansion of the coinage in Padua was very probably related to the city’s repeated wars against Venice, in particular the efforts of the Da Carrara to finance the wars through mint profits and to siphon off as much precious metal as possible from the enemy. The evidence from Venice suggests that Padua’s aggressive monetary policy might have posed a serious threat to Venetian monetary authorities, but the unfolding of events quickly undid the damage. In 1405, Venice conquered Padua, Verona and Vicenza. Thenceforth, the monetary history of the Veneto became part of the history of the Venetian state.

3. Literature The literature on the general history of the regions covered in this chapter during the Middle Ages is traditionally divided between the Terraferma veneta (with the three distinct minor branches of South Tyrol, Trentino and Friuli), and Venice itself. The literature on the minor branches of the Terraferma and on Venice is covered below in the appropriate sections (Aquileia, Gorizia, Trento, Trieste, Tyrol), but the literature on the Terraferma must be dealt with here. Nearly all of the territories of the Venezie belonged to a homogeneous political entity at some point in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. This encouraged Verci to treat the history of the region as a whole in two main works (1779; 1786–91), both of which merit attention even today, and not only for the huge documentary appendices. Historians subsequently neglected the broad history of the region in favour of single cities and their territories. Only very recently have scholars such as Castagnetti and Varanini returned to a broad regional perspective of the March of Verona and the Terraferma, the former providing a good general history as well as an interesting study on merchants, society and politics (Castagnetti 1987; 1990), and the latter with innumerable contributions including a helpful synthesis of the geopolitics of the Venezie from the twelfth to the fourteenth century (Varanini 1996).

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Castagnetti and Varanini are also editors of the series Il Veneto nel Medioevo, which in effect is the most complete and up-to-date survey of the history, art history and archaeology of the Terraferma Veneta in the Middle Ages (1989; 1991; 1995). Proceedings of conferences in Treviso and Romano d’Ezzelino (Ortalli and Knapton 1988; Cracco 1992), Collodo’s recent study of society and institutions in the Veneto (1999), and the series Fonti per la Storia della Terraferma Veneta (FSTV), begun in 1988 for the publication of written sources from the Veneto and now running to more than twenty volumes, round out the picture. Also useful are two booklets on the history of the Venezie, including Venice, that were conceived for teaching in secondary schools (Fumian and Ventura 2000, II–III). Numismatics in the Venezie has a very strong tradition that goes back to the mid-eighteenth century, but scholars there, as elsewhere in Italy, have tended to focus more on the coinage of single mints than on far-reaching monetary phenomena across wide geographical areas. Only in Friuli were there signs of a broader approach from very early (see below, pp. 564–5). In the rest of the Venezie and neighbouring areas, the study of coin production and monetary circulation on a broad regional basis is still a relatively recent development. It was Murari (1965–6) who first described the north-eastern corner of Italy as a homogeneous monetary district. Over more than two decades, Saccocci has vigorously expanded on Murari’s accomplishment, exploring such topics as coin production and patterns of monetary circulation, the relationship between the various currencies and the systems of account throughout the region (Saccocci 1990b; 1991a, 1995; 1996; 2004). Other authors have of course made important contributions to the study of the monetary area of the Venezie, but their works deal principally with particular coinages. The mints of the Veneto, like all other Italian mints, are also covered in the surveys in Zecche, which are particularly useful as up-to-date guides to bibliography. References to other relevant studies appear below in sections devoted to individual mints.

(b) aqui le i a , pat ri arc h s 1. Historical background Aquileia is located near the northern shores of the Adriatic Sea, less than 100 kilometres northeast of Venice in the modern region of Friuli-Venezia Giulia. The Romans founded Aquileia as a colony in 181 bc to establish control at the head of the Adriatic at the beginning of their conquest of the region. This area was of great military and commercial importance to the Romans, not only because it lay along the sole east–west overland route in southern Europe but also because it was the point at which the distance between the Mediterranean and northern Europe was the shortest. Long before the Romans, for example, the northern Adriatic coast near Aquileia was already the southern terminus of the so-called ‘amber route’, which began in the regions of the Baltic Sea. Aquileia was thus an important centre from the very outset, but its most substantial development occurred after the second century ad, when it became the focus of Rome’s efforts to enforce the north-eastern limes of the empire. The city reached its apogee in the late Roman period, and in the fourth and fifth centuries, it was one of the empire’s few metropolises. Its vast bishopric covered the regions of Venetia, Histria, Raetia, western Illyricum, Pannonia and Noricum. It is therefore unsurprising that the destruction of Aquileia by the Huns of Attila in 452 gave rise to one of the enduring myths in the literature about the fall of Roman civilization, according to which its

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surviving citizens abandoned the city and settled on a cluster of islands in what came to be known as the Venetian Lagoon. Although the Huns certainly wreaked havoc on Aquileia, the devastation was not complete, and the city never entirely disappeared. Even at its lowest ebb, it remained the official seat of a patriarchate. Its role as such was nevertheless merely a formal one after the Three Chapters schism in 556 and the Lombard conquest of much of northern Italy in 568, which resulted in the breakup of the Roman metropolitan bishopric between the Lombard regions, under the schismatic patriarch of Aquileia, and the Byzantine regions, under the ‘orthodox’ patriarch of Grado and then of Venice. Following the upheavals of the 560s and 570s, the patriarchs of Aquileia removed first to Cormons and then to Forum Iulii (Cividale), the chief city of the new Lombard duchy of Friuli. The archaeological data, above all coin finds, nevertheless suggest that Aquileia never lost its economic importance in this period. The separation of the bishopric of Säben, later Brixen (Ital. Bressanone), from the patriarchate of Aquileia in 798 considerably reduced the size of the latter’s territory, and Charlemagne’s decision in 811 to fix the frontier between the patriarchate and the bishopric of Salzburg at the River Drau further decreased its size. The emperors were nevertheless well aware of Aquileia’s strategic importance as an outpost against incursions first from the Avars and later from the Magyars, and this led them to grant the patriarchs privileges and immunities that very nearly allowed them to exercise a kind of temporal power over their territory. In 1027, Emperor Conrad II (1024–39, emp. from 1027) freed the patriarchate from the duchy of Carinthia, thus also detaching Friuli from the March of Verona (see section (a) above, p. 549), and in the following year, he even awarded Patriarch Poppo (1019–42) the right to strike his own coinage. Poppo is widely credited with revitalising the patriarchate. He rebuilt both the basilica and the patriarchal palace in Aquileia, and he was the first in a long series of German Ghibelline patriarchs, who exploited their closeness and fidelity to the German emperors to bring the patriarchate to the height of its political power in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. The German patriarchs also helped to give Friuli its peculiar ‘feudal’ character, which the region retained even after it came under the rule of Italian patriarchs again after the mid-thirteenth century. The feudal character of political power in Friuli inhibited the development of both communal institutions and urban lordships (signorie), thus distinguishing the region from the greater part of northern and northcentral Italy. In any event, King Henry IV (1056–1106) formally recognised the patriarchs’ lordship when he named Sigehard (1068–77) count of Friuli,Istria and Carniola (Krain) in 1077 (MGH Dipl. vi.2, docs. 293, 295–6). The patriarchs soon lost control over Istria and Carniola, recovering them only during the time of Patriarch Wolfker (1204–18), but they maintained their authority over Friuli. The patriarchate reached its apogee under Berthold von Meranien (1218–51), who transferred the principal seat of the patriarchs from Aquileia to Udine. Berthold was also the last of Aquileia’s German patriarchs. With the decline of imperial power after the death of Emperor Frederick II (1218–50, emp. 1220), Aquileia abandoned its traditional policy of appointing only German patriarchs and instead chose an Italian Guelf as Berthold’s successor, thus aligning the patriarchate with the popes. The first Italian patriarch, Gregorio di Montelongo (1251–69), even participated in the ‘Crusade’ against the Ghibelline Ezzelino da Romano (see section (a) above, p. 550). Without imperial support, however, the patriarchs increasingly came into conflict with their powerful vassals such as the Da Camino of Treviso, with imperial representatives such as the counts

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of Gorizia (see section (e) below, pp. 582–3) and above all with neighbours such as Venice, and also with the Habsburg dukes in Austria. As a result, Aquileia was in an almost constant state of war with one adversary or another. The very survival of the patriarchs’ lordship sometimes came into question. In 1267, for example, Count Albert I of Meran and Gorizia (1258–71; count of Gorizia only until 1304) kidnapped Patriarch Gregorio, and in 1361–2 the Habsburg Duke Rudolph IV of Austria (1356–65) brought Patriarch Ludovico I della Torre (1359–65) to Vienna and held him there against his will until he signed a series of treaties that were unfavourable for Aquileia. The growing weakness of the patriarchs in the face of their rivals, together with the frequent vacancies of the see, gave ever greater importance to the ‘Parliament of the homeland of Friuli’, an assembly initially of nobles and clerics that later also included representatives of the communes. It probably came into being at the beginning of the thirteenth century and reached its height in the following century, when it became the principal legislative body and court of justice. Patriarch Marquardo di Randeck (1365–81) collected the laws and statutes of the Parliament in a civil and penal code called the Constitutiones Patriae Foriiulii, which was promulgated in 1366 and remained in use until the eighteenth century (Gobessi and Orlando 1998). In any event, the loss of Carniola to the house of Habsburg in 1335 and the consolidation of Venetian control over Istria had already marked the beginning of the end for the patriarchate. Weak and dependent on foreign alliances for their survival, the patriarchs were simply unable to compete against their increasingly powerful neighbours. Aquileia survived the second half of the fourteenth century by supporting the dukes of Austria and the Carrara lords of Padua and Genoa in their wars against Venice, which were fought mainly in Istria and the Veneto. After the Venetians completed their conquest of the entire mainland of Veneto in 1405 (see section (l) below, p. 633), however, the patriarchate found itself surrounded by two hostile territorial states, Venice and the Habsburg dominions.These two powers competed for supremacy in the region,making the patriarchate both the main target of their territorial ambitions and the main battlefield of their almost-continuous wars. The Venetians finally prevailed in 1419–20. They established their rule over the patriarchate’s entire territory and continued to govern it until the fall of Venice in 1797. The last independent patriarch, Ludovico II di Teck (1412–35), made many fruitless raids into Friuli after 1420 in an effort to recover power. After his death in 1439, the new patriarch, Ludovico Trevisan of Florence, opened negotiations with the Venetians about the destiny of the patriarchate and in 1445 agreed to a concordat whereby he recognised the lordship of Venice. The settlement formally ended the temporal power of the patriarchs,but it allowed them to maintain their religious supremacy in the region. In 1751, however, Pope Benedict XIV (1740–58) effectively abolished the patriarchate by dividing it into the archdioceses of Udine and Gorizia. The general history of Aquileia and its territory from the time of the Romans is best approached through Leicht (1970), Menis (1996) and Paschini (1990). The Middle Ages are covered in Cammarosano (1988), but now see also the papers collected in Tavano et al. (2000), which touch upon many important issues concerning the medieval history of the patriarchate, including monetary questions. 2. Coinage As early as the mid-eighteenth century, several comprehensive accounts of Aquileia’s coinage were published (De Rubeis 1747; Carli-Rubbi 1754–60, i, 258–80). These studies were based mostly on

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written sources, but Liruti’s work on monetary circulation in Friuli (1749), in which the coinage of Aquileia figures very prominently, stands out because it is based largely on coin finds. In these early contributions, the corpus of coins of Aquileia was already relatively rich, aided no doubt by the clear epigraphy, which gives the name of both the mint and the issuing authority, and also by the intense interest of learned men such as Gian Domenico Bertoli in these coins. Bertoli started to collect the coins of Aquileia in the first half of the eighteenth century, relying on material unearthed from the site of the ancient and medieval city (Devilla 1999). Such was the quality of the early works on the coinage of Aquileia that even a century later, Schweitzer (1848– 52, i, 5–53) was able to do little more than illustrate the discoveries of his predecessors in his catalogue. It was only later in the nineteenth century that Luschin von Ebengreuth (1871) forged new ground by correctly delineating for the first time the characteristics of the so-called agleier, or denaro aquileiese, a coin type that was also struck in other mints. Puschi (1884) and Themessl (1911) later published exhaustive studies of the coinage of Aquileia. Both authors attributed many ‘Friesacher’ denari of the so-called Eriacensis type to the city,and in fact earlier authors had noted that these coins turned up frequently in Friuli. The compilers of the CNI (vi, 1–38) then retained these attributions in their classification of Aquileia’s coins,published in 1922,whereas Luschin von Ebengreuth (1923) and Baumgartner (1952) assigned these coins to the mining and minting town of Friesach in the Kärnten region (Carinthia) of modern Austria. In his work on the coinage of Aquileia, Bernardi (1975) continued to follow the classification of the primitive Friesacher denari put forward in the CNI, even if somewhat more critically. Koch took all the later works into account in his revised classification in the CNA (i, 230–3). Research during the 1990s on the circulation and use of money in the patriarchate and throughout Friuli based on both coin finds and written evidence has yielded important new findings on the origin and role of Aquileia’s coinage (Saccocci 1992; 1996; 2000a; Härtel 1996a), but its impact on the catalogue of the city’s coins was more modest. The study of the Friesacher coins in particular has more recently led to the publication of a volume of papers dedicated to their study (Alram et al. 2002), among which are contributions that also touch upon the earlier coinage of Aquileia in a variety of contexts, including coin finds, metrology and the use of money. Masutti (2000), by contrast, has focused on the last years of the patriarchate in the early fifteenth century, paying special attention to the assays of coins struck in the mint at Udine and situating the persons involved in their historical, economic and social contexts. The coinage of Aquileia was at first purely Germanic in style and design, initially based on northern models such as the earliest pfennige of Cologne and later that of Friesach, but this was true only in so far as the physical characteristics of the coinage were concerned. The composition of the circulating currency in the patriarchate and the monies of account that were used nevertheless suggest that the overall monetary system was more complex. Coin finds from the ninth to the twelfth century clearly show, for example, that the future territory of the patriarchate, comprehending all of Friuli, was at the time almost completely dependent on the mint of Venice (Saccocci 1992; Passera 2002), even though it was legally divided between the March of Verona and the duchy of Carinthia, which were served by other mints. This was probably a consequence of the region’s geographical position, which already during the Lombard and Carolingian periods gave it closer ties to the Mediterranean and Byzantium than other parts of the kingdom of Italy enjoyed (Saccocci 2000a).

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Figure 58. Aquileia: Patriarch Poppo, denaro (CNI vi, pl. i.1)

It is in this context that the earliest reference to monetary activity in Aquileia must be considered. At Imbshausen on 28 September 1028,Emperor Conrad II granted Patriarch Poppo and the church of Aquileia the right to strike coins in pure silver that had to be equal to the denari of Verona: Igitur denarios ipsius monete ex puro argento firmiter praecipimus fieri et Veronensis monete denariis equiperari (MGH Dipl. iv, doc. 131). Because no coins of Poppo were known before the late nineteenth century, earlier numismatists questioned the authenticity of this charter, which survives only in a copy of 1195, since the patriarchs, by then striking their own coins regularly, would have had every motive for falsifying a document that ostensibly verified their claim to minting rights (see below, p. 570). The discovery of one of Poppo’s coins in a Polish hoard found at Inowrocław in 1885 (App. 1, no. 113) nevertheless persuaded most scholars of the authenticity of the charter. Only Bernardi (1975,62–5) persisted in regarding the document as a forgery,supposing that the patriarchs might very well even have fabricated the coin in 1195 to lend credence to the charter and to justify their now regular minting activities. Because Italian coins generally ceased to circulate in Poland after about the middle of the eleventh century, however, Bernardi’s hypothesis is highly improbable, and both the coin and the 1195 copy of the 1028 document are now otherwise regarded as genuine (e.g. Saccocci 1997). The discrepancy between the characteristics of Poppo’s denaro and the coins of Verona most probably stems from a difference between the unit of account called the denarius Veronensis in the emperor’s entourage and the actual denari of Verona. The coin itself has much more the aspect of a German pfennig of Cologne than an Italian denaro. On the obverse, it has the legend +CHVNRaD[vs] IMPR around the crowned head of the emperor with the letter V in the emperor’s name superimposed over an O and a retrograde g at the end of the name in abbreviation of the Latin ending -vs; on the reverse, it has the legend +POPPOøPTHa around a temple with a § l in the field. It weighs 0.84g (CNI vi, 1.1; Bernardi 1975, 64–5; see Fig. 58). The extreme rarity of this denaro suggests that it was minted on a very small scale, probably for payments destined for some German revenue collector rather than for circulation within the patriarchate. It is in fact incompatible in terms of its metrology with the circulating currency in Friuli, which coin finds show was still made up predominantly of the debased denari of Venice (Di Ronco 1998–9, 146–7; Saccocci 2000c, 62). It has even been suggested that Conrad II made his grant of minting rights to Poppo, just as Henry III did to the bishop of Padua in 1049, specifically to check the penetration of the bad Venetian coins on the mainland in favour of the Veronese currency and its equivalents. If so, the attempt was unsuccessful, at least in so far as concerns the actual circulating coinage, since neither of these grants precipitated any significant coin production, but they certainly did foster the increased use of the Veronese money of account (see section (a) above, p. 554). A far more important change in the monetary system of the patriarchate took place more than a century later when the primitive pfennige of Friesach, datable to the period 1106–77 (Winter 2002),

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began to circulate widely in Friuli. The abundance of these Friesacher coins south of the Alps has led some scholars to attribute them to the mint at Aquileia, but their diffusion in Friuli is not all that surprising, especially since they were struck with silver taken from the newly discovered silver mines in Carinthia, many of which were obliged to pay tithes to the patriarchs. More surprising is the fact that these Friesacher coins are common not only in hoards from Friuli but also in singlefinds, which strongly suggests that they circulated as coined money rather than silver bullion that had to be exchanged with the local Italian currencies of Venice and/or Verona. Saccocci (1996) noted that the earliest accounts of the church of Aquileia from the later twelfth century (Leicht 1937–8, 19–23; Biasutti 1956, 20–45) often referred to a money of account based on an unusual mark of twenty lire made up of eight denari each, which corresponds perfectly to the Friesacher mark of 160 pfennige (cf. Luschin von Ebengreuth 1923, 130–1). He supposed that the lira must have been the traditional Venetian lira of 240 denari, meaning that one Friesacher pfennig was equivalent to thirty Venetian denari, giving an exchange rate of 1:30, which was also the theoretical rate of exchange between the so-called solidus longus and the denaro in south-eastern Germany. In other words, according to Saccocci, the church of Aquileia accepted rent payments in either Friesacher pfennige or Venetian denari, fixing the exchange rate between the two coins in correspondence with traditional units of account for each and thus creating a peculiar monetary system, centred on the mark of twenty lire, based on two different coinages. This mark, called the marcha ad usum curie or ‘mark for the benefit of the episcopal see’, was indeed the official mark of the patriarchate, as further shown by the fact that it remained in use as a frozen unit of account for rent assessments at least until the seventeenth century. Baumgartner (2000; 2002) has discussed and criticised Saccocci’s hypothesis but has not, on the whole, refuted it. Saccocci’s hypothesis has important implications for the revival of Aquileia’s coinage in the later twelfth century. First, it is clear from a comparison of the metallic content of the primitive Friesacher pfennige and the Venetian denari attested in the coin finds that the former, each worth thirty Venetian denari, were overvalued in Friuli, as noted (see section (a) above, p. 556). This suggests that the spread of the Friesacher coins into Friuli was not the result of the production of most of these coins in Aquileia but was instead a visible manifestation of Gresham’s Law. Second, the exchange rate of 1:30 between the Friesacher pfennig and the Venetian denaro must antedate the dogeship of Sebastiano Ziani (1172–8), under whom Venice adopted the standard of the Veronese denaro, against which the Friesacher coin had an exchange rate of 1:12 (see below, pp. 556–7), but probably after 1150, when the Venetian mint began to strike the coins that more commonly turn up in coin finds in Friuli. The mark of twenty lire therefore seems likely to have been adopted under either Patriarch Pilgrim I (1132–61) or his successor, Ulrich II (1161–82), and this suggests that the mint in Aquileia probably began to strike its Friesacher type of coinage some time during this period. A. The early anonymous patriarchs, after 1150–77/8 I. Pilgrim I (1132–61) and Ulrich II (1161–82) The sole issue of the primitive Friesacher pfennige now considered as imitations of the Aquileia mint is represented by coins of about 1.00g, with a bust of the patriarch on the obverse accompanied by the legend P a, probably for Patriarcha Aquilegiensis (or Aquilegiae), and a crude church with three towers on the reverse (Alram 1996, 119; Saccocci 1996, 294; Winter 2002, nos. 1003–9; see Fig. 59).

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Figure 59. Aquileia: Friesacher pfennig with legend PA (Bernardi 1975, 71 no. 1. Reproduced by kind permission)

Figure 60. Aquileia: lightweight denaro struck on the Venetian standard (Soprintendenza per i Beni Archeologici del C A. Saccocci. Reproduced by kind permission) Veneto, Padua; image 

The coins of this type are modelled after the type of Friesacher pfennige now called the Jüngerer Kirchentyp, which Winter (2002, 196–225) attributed to the period 1135–47. Winter (2002, 318–21) also attributed the imitations of Aquileia to Pilgrim I only, but there is no reason to exclude their continued minting under Ulrich II. The mint probably ceased to strike these coins when Venice reformed its coinage some time during the period 1172–8. Saccocci (2000b) recently suggested that a unique coin found during the Polish excavations in Torcello near Venice in 1961–2 (Tabaczynski 1977, 274 no. 8; see Fig. 60) might have been struck in the mint of Aquileia. Its scodellato shape, weight of 0.35g, large border and reverse type all seem to mark it as an imitation of Venetian denari of the mid-twelfth century (see Chapter 2, section (d), pp. 63–5), but the bust on the obverse as well as the coin’s generally crude style recall the Friesacher denaro of Aquileia described immediately above. Bearing in mind the mark of twenty lire in use in the patriarchate, based on both the Friesacher and Venetian standards, Saccocci supposed the Torcello coin to be a ‘small’ denaro, or piccolo, struck at the Venetian standard in the mint of Aquileia around the same time that the mint was striking the Friesacher denaro with the patriarch’s bust accompanied by the letters P a at the Friesacher standard, with thirty of the former equivalent to one of the latter. If Saccocci’s hypothesis proves correct, it will mean that the Aquileia mint, with its peculiar monetary system, was the first mint in Europe to strike what was, in effect, both a silver grosso (i.e. the Friesacher denaro) and a piccolo, thus preceding by perhaps a half-century some of Italy’s most important mints such as Venice and Genoa in the production of silver grossi. II. Ulrich II alone (1161–82) When the mint of Venice adopted the standard of the Veronese denaro in 1172–8 and began to strike denari that were double the value of its old coins (see section (l) below, pp. 636–7), it must have upset the monetary system in the patriarchate, which was still based in part on the old denaro of Venice. In a letter of 1177, one Otto von Rottenbuch even complained that ‘the confusion of the public coinage (confusio monete publice) [in the patriarchate] entangled and deceived me’ (Baumgartner 2002, 128). The patriarchs of Aquileia probably made significant changes in their

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coinage during this period, perhaps even going so far as to carry out a renovatio monetae to offset any adverse effects that the alteration of the Venetian standard may have had on their coinage. It is indeed reasonable to suppose that during the period 1177–8 the mint of Aquileia began to strike a new denaro modelled after a type of Friesacher pfennig that had been introduced only a short time earlier; this denaro/pfennig is datable to the period from about 1177 to 1200 on the basis of the new chronology for the earlier Friesacher type of 1106–77 (Winter 2002; for the older chronology, see CNA i, 116–18). These new coins of Aquileia were the first to carry the name of the city, aQVILegIaøPø, which appeared in the obverse margin around a half-figure of the patriarch with crozier and book, while the still-anepigraphic reverse had a church with two towers surmounted by a cross (CNI vi, 6.1–2; Bernardi 1975, 80 no. 6; CNA i, no. Cs5). Other denari of this type from the mint of Aquileia bear explicit references to the later patriarchs Gottfried (1182–94) and Pilgrim II (1195–1204) in the lettering on the cover of the book that the patriarch holds on the obverse, and the absence of this detail on these denari suggests that they were struck before the end of Ulrich’s patriarchate.

B. The Eriacensis denaro, 1177/8–95: Ulrich II (1161–82), Gottfried (1182–94), Pilgrim II (1195–1204) One of the more difficult questions concerning the early coinage of Aquileia has to do with the chronology of the Eriacensis group of Friesacher imitations (828), which most numismatists attribute to Aquileia on grounds of style. Only Baumgartner (1952, 85) believed that some of these coins belonged to the mint of Trieste, though he gave no real evidence in support of his attribution. The Eriacensis denari, so-called because they carry the legend ERIaCEN4I4 in retrograde on the obverse, are stylistically very close to the coins of Aquileia with the obverse legend aQVILegIaøPø (see above), and apart from the legend differ from these only in the shape of the flan, which is clearly scodellato, or bowl-shaped, with the obverse on the convex side of the flan. Under Pilgrim II (1195–1204), the scodellato flan became the characteristic feature of the agleier when this currency began to appear in the sources as distinct from the Friesacher. The anomalous coins of the Eriacensis type with their fully developed scodellato flan therefore probably did not represent an intermediate stage in the evolution of the coinage from the flat flan to the scodellato flan, but it is also unlikely that they were struck in a mint other than that of Aquileia. One possible explanation is that the Eriacensis denari were first struck alongside the coins with the obverse legend aQVILegIaøPø and that the mint simply used the scodellato flan to distinguish between these two contemporaneous issues because they corresponded to different values of account, which perhaps explains the distinction between the agleier and Friesacher denari commonly made in notarial acts, even if both issues were probably struck at the same standard of fineness. The distinction between denominations with the same intrinsic value was not unprecedented, and in the patriarchate it would have been an effective way of dealing with Venice’s adoption of the Veronese standard for its coinage some time between 1172 and 1178. It is indeed very probable that the Friesacher denaro was already valued at twelve denari of Verona throughout much of northeastern Italy, even if this rate of exchange is first attested only in 1204 (Saccocci 1996, 293), though officially it still corresponded to thirty Venetian denari in Friuli. As a result of the monetary reforms in Venice, the patriarchs faced a situation in which the new Venetian denaro struck at the Veronese

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standard was officially double the value of the old denaro, though in Friuli, as a fractional denomination of the Friesacher denaro, it was nearly triple the value of the old coin, since its effective value against the Friesacher was only 12:1 instead of 30:1. To discourage speculation, the patriarchs might very well have split their Friesacher denaro into two parallel denominations, one corresponding to thirty old Venetian denari and the other to twelve new denari on the Veronese standard. The pellets in the exergue on the reverse of both the coins of the Eriacensis type and those with the obverse legend aQVILegIaøPø, three in the case of the former and a single pellet in the latter, might have marked their respective values of account, while the 1177 letter mentioned above certainly attests to the sort of difficulties that arose from the situation. Aquileia’s denari of the Eriacensis type ought to be dated to the period after the monetary reforms of Venice some time during the period 1172/8 to 1195, when the Aquileia mint introduced a new type of agleier. C. Gottfried (1182–94) Under Gottfried, the mint of Aquileia struck denari that were virtually identical to the coins of Ulrich with the legend aQVILegIaøPø in the obverse margin, but Gottfried’s denari specifically identified him as the issuing authority by the letters GO | TI on the book held by the patriarch in the obverse field (829–30; CNI vi, 6.1–3; Bernardi 1975 81 no. 7; CNA i, no. Cs6). There is no doubt that the letters refer to Gottfried (Lat. Gotifredus; Ital. Gotifredo or Goffredo). D. Pilgrim II (1195–1204) The earliest coins of Pilgrim II were of the same type, the only difference being that they identified the new patriarch by the letters PI | LI for Pilgrim (Lat. Peregrinus, Piligrinus; Ital. Pellegrino) on the patriarch’s book (CNI vi, 6.1; Bernardi 1975, 83 no. 8; CNA i, no. Cs7). The issue very likely belongs only to the first year of Pilgrim’s patriarchate. On 1 June 1195, in a trial in Milan, Emperor Henry VI (1190–7, emp. from 1191) forbade the minting of any coins in the archiepiscopate of Salzburg that imitated the coins of Salzburg, including the Friesacher pfennige, except those struck by the archbishop’s moneyers (Luschin von Ebengreuth 1909, 137–9). Although the emperor’s ruling did not directly affect Aquileia, Patriarch Pilgrim as well as the counts of Gorizia and the bishops of Trieste (see sections (e) and ( j) below, pp. 584–5 and 615, respectively) nevertheless probably reacted to it by issuing new denari that for the first time were clearly distinguishable from the coins of Friesach (Bernardi 1975, 12–18). This is perhaps because of the proximity of these Italian mints to the archbishopric of Salzburg, and moreover because both Friesach, which provided the models for the imitations that these mints struck, and the silver mines of Carinthia, on which all of these mints depended for most of their silver bullion, lay within the same archbishopric. The new coins of Pilgrim essentially maintained the traditional obverse and reverse types, still carrying the legend aQVILegIaøPø around the patriarch on the obverse and a church with two towers on the anepigraphic reverse, but the overall style of the coins is markedly different. On the obverse, the epigraphy in the margin is now more refined and the patriarch in the field is now seated, with his image cutting across the legend in the lower margin. On the reverse, the cupolas on the church towers are now shaped more like domes and the church façade now has a more elaborate design of columns and arches. In the very rare first issue of this new series of coins, moreover, the flan is still flat or only very slightly scodellato or bowl-shaped (Bernardi 1975,

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16 fig. 6, 84 no. 9), but the flan on coins of the more common second issue is clearly and systematically bowl-shaped (831–2; CNI vi, 7–8.1–6; Bernardi 1975, no. 10a). The scodellato flan thenceforth became the main characteristic of the agleier of Aquileia, Gorizia and Trieste, and it is notable that the feature is first attested on Aquileia’s coins of the Eriacensis type with three pellets in the exergue of the reverse, which were probably tied to the traditional unit of account known as the mark of twenty lire. It is plausible that Patriarch Pilgrim, in the face of the emperor’s 1195 judgement concerning imitations of the coins of Salzburg, decided to abandon the minting of Aquileia’s imitations of the Friesacher pfennig, strictly speaking, and to base the new coinage on the traditional Friuli unit of account. This perhaps explains why the administration of Bishop Wolfker of Passau, future patriarch of Aquileia, distinguished between Aquileia’s denari frisacensi, or its Friesacher imitations, and its denari aquilegensi, the new agleier, in his travel accounts of 1204 (e.g. Heger 1970, 98–9, 198–9), even though the two coins were nearly identical in terms of their silver content, each weighing about 1.10g and containing 80 per cent silver (Linke and Schreiner 2002, 483–4, 508–9). After 1195, in other words, the two coins simply belonged to different monetary systems. Bernardi (1975, 19) supposed that the introduction of the new agleier also entailed a change in the metrology, so that the coins were no longer based on the mark of 231.05g used in Carinthia, which corresponded roughly with the mark of Cologne, but on the heavier mark of Venice, which weighed 238.34g. The evidence of the coins themselves nevertheless contradicts this hypothesis and supports the continued use of the traditional Friesacher standard even later (Saccocci 1990b, 216–17).

E. Wolfker (1204–18) The coinage of Wolfker was at least as innovative as that of Pilgrim. The coins of his earliest issue, which can be dated to the period 1204–9, have for the first time on the obverse the full name of the patriarch, +WOLFKERøPø, around the usual seated patriarch. The reverse type on these coins is even more novel, bearing the legend +CIVITaSøaQVILEgIa around a new kind of church with a high dome between two small towers (CNI vi, 8, nos. 1–3; Bernardi 1975, 87 no. 11). With his second issue, generally dated 1209–18 (Bernardi 1975, 88; Saccocci 1990b, 223), Wolfker initiated the practice of periodically renewing the patriarchate’s coinage. These renovationes monetae were peculiar to the mint of Aquileia and distinguished it from all other Italian mints. Although Trieste also periodically renewed its coinage, it is very likely that its coins were actually struck in Aquileia (see section ( j) below, pp. 615–16). Wolfker’s new coins (833; CNI vi, 8–9.4–6; Bernardi 1975, no. 12) still had the seated patriarch in the obverse field, albeit in a slightly different style and without the cross at the beginning of the legend, and they had the same reverse legend, but the design in the reverse field was entirely new. It depicted an eagle in flight carrying an opened parchment roll in its talons as a symbol of St John the Evangelist, and it very well may have given rise to the tradition of the so-called aquila patriarchina, or ‘eagle of the patriarchate’, as the symbol of Aquileia and Friuli (Passera 2003). The denaro con aquila is very rare and is known mostly from the Terzo di Aquileia hoard (App. 1, no. 63), which included 316 of these coins. From this hoard, Saccocci (1990b, 229–34) carried out a detailed die study and, on the basis of the die-links, concluded that the Aquileia mint struck only about 80,000 of these coins per year during the period in which they were produced. He suggested that this low level of output was the result of intense competition from the overvalued Venetian grosso,

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since the denari of Aquileia were still being reckoned in the system of account as equivalent to one soldo in the lira of Verona and therefore also in the lira of Venice. F. Berthold von Meranien (1218–51) There are three different issues of the agleier or denaro aquileiese known for the long and important patriarchate of Berthold: (a) denaro with eagle on the reverse (834–5; CNI vi, 10–11.12–17; Bernardi 1975, no. 15). (b) denaro with Virgin on the reverse, the iconography of which is clearly derived from a Byzantine model (836–7; CNI vi, 9–10.1–10; Bernardi 1975, no. 16; Purga 2004). (c) denaro with gate and three towers (or castle?) on the reverse (CNI vi, 11.8–20; Bernardi 1975, 92 no. 14). The sequence of these issues is very difficult to determine. All three issues are represented in a hoard of 1164 coins found at Perteole (App. 1, no. 48), which contained no coins earlier than the time of Berthold, while the Savorgnano del Torre hoard (App. 1, no. 59) of about eight hundred coins contained examples of only the first two of Berthold’s issues (a–b) as well as earlier coins of Patriarch Wolfker. This suggests that Berthold’s third issue with the gate or castle on the reverse (c) was probably the last one. The fact that later hoards with denari of Berthold’s second issue with the Virgin on the reverse lack coins of the third issue (Bernardi 1975, 188) is probably due to the extreme rarity of the latter. The absence of the more common denari of Berthold’s first issue with the eagle on the reverse from these same hoards probably stems from their being the earliest of the three issues. G. Gregorio di Montelongo (1251–69) Although Gregorio’s patriarchate lasted only eighteen years, his coinage is much more varied than that of Berthold, probably because all of Italy was subject to intense monetary fluctuations during his rule (see section (a) above, pp. 559–60; see also Chapter 1, section (b), pp. 16–18) and the patriarch responded to these fluctuations by increasing the frequency of his renovationes monetae. Gregorio’s first two issues belong to the period 1251–6, during which he was elected as patriarch but not yet consecrated, as indicated in the legends of coins of these issues with the term eLeCTVS. According to Bernardi (1975, 96 no. 17), the first of the two early issues is the denaro with fleur-de-lis because it is stylistically closer to Berthold’s coins, though his argument in favour of dating this first issue to 1252 is unconvincing. The sequence of the two early issues is thus as follows: denaro with gRegORI eLeCTVS and fleur-de-lis (838–9; CNI vi, 12.5–12; Bernardi 1975, no. 17). (b) denaro with gRegORI eLeCTVS and two standing figures (840–1; CNI vi, 11–12.1–4; Bernardi 1975, no. 18). (a)

From the time of Gregorio’s consecration as patriarch in 1256, there are a further three issues of the agleier, for which Bernardi (1975, 95) convincingly laid out the sequence. He identified the coins of the first issue as those showing the same style and type, the fleur-de-lis on the reverse, that Gregorio had already used on his coins as patriarch elect. He also singled out coins with the name

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of the patriarch and the usual obverse type on the concave side of the scodellato flan, rather than on the convex side where it had invariably appeared until then, as belonging to the third and last issue. In addition to the denari aquilegensi, Gregorio also introduced billon denari piccoli (or veronesi) at the same standard as the denaro veronese that dominated the petty coinage in circulation in north-eastern Italy at the time (see section (a) above and section (m) below, pp. 558–9 and 655– 7, respectively). The new denari piccoli of Aquileia were commonly called veronesi (Lat. veronenses) to distinguish them from the much more valuable denari aquilegensi or agleier. The exchange rate between Aquileia’s veronese and its agleier was probably still 12:1, with the agleier corresponding to the soldo in the Veronese and Venetian sytems, but by the end of Gregorio’s patriarchate it was perhaps already 14:1, which is first documented only in 1277 and becomes stable in the following century (Giuliano 1906, 11 chap. 23). The change in the rate of exchange between Aquileia’s billon and silver coinage was due to the revaluation of the Venetian grosso first from about twenty-six denari to twenty-eight and then to thirty-two in precisely this period (see section (l) below, pp. 641– 2), which suggests that the value of the petty coinage tended to decrease throughout the monetary area linked to Venice. The typology and presumably also the chronology of Aquileia’s denari piccoli under Gregorio were closely related to those of the agleier. The sequence of issues for the period 1256–69 is probably as follows: First issue: (c) denaro aquileiese (agleier) with large fleur-de-lis (after 1256) (842; CNI vi, 13.13–16; Bernardi 1975, no. 19). (d) piccolo (veronese) with cross pattée and small fleur-de-lis (843–4; CNI vi, 16–17.49–53; Bernardi 1975, no. 23). This piccolo was almost certainly struck some time after 1256, probably in the early 1260s following the enormous success in circulation even in Friuli of the new denari of Mantua, struck in 1257 and calibrated to the Venetian lira (see Chapter 5, section (l), p. 392). This would tend to suggest that no other mints in the region were striking denari piccoli in accordance with the Venetian monetary system during the years immediately after Gregorio’s consecration as patriarch (see also section (h) below, p. 610). Second issue: (e) denaro aquileiese (agleier) with large cross (845–6; CNI vi, 14–15.29–39; Bernardi 1975, no. 21). (f ) piccolo with the obverse legend +øgRegORI.PaTIø around a cross pattée and the reverse legend +øaQVILegIaø around a cross sometimes with a trefoil in each angle (CNI vi, 16–17.43–8; Bernardi 1975, 104–5 nos. 25–6). Third issue: (g) denaro aquileiese (agleier) with eagle (towards 1269) (847–9; CNI vi, 13–14.17–27; Bernardi 1975, no. 22). (h) piccolo with long cross (850–1; CNI vi, 15–16.41–8; Bernardi 1975, no. 24).

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H. Raimondo della Torre (1273–98) The evolution of Raimondo’s coinage is well known, thanks to the contemporaneous chronicle of the canon Giuliano of Cividale, who not only notes the introduction of new coins but sometimes also describes them. On 7 March 1277, for example, he wrote that ‘a coin having the image of the patriarch inside [i.e. on the convex side] and a tower outside, which was worth fourteen denari veronesi, was replaced by a coin worth sixteen denari veronesi and having the image of the Virgin with Child inside and an eagle outside’. Exactly a month later, according to the chronicler, the patriarch decreed that a new coin differing from the previous one only in that it had two small crosses on each side was to be valued again at fourteen denari veronesi. Giuliano then went on to note other renovationes monetae, though without descriptions of the coins, for the years 1281 and 1287 (Giuliano 1906, 10–19 chaps. 18, 23, 41, 43). Bernardi (1975, 106–12) proposed the sequence of Raimondo’s issues outlined below based partly on Giuliano’s accounts and partly on the hoard evidence. The first two issues correspond perfectly with Giuliano’s descriptions while the dating of the latter two hinges on the hoard evidence: denaro aquilegense (agleier) with tower (1274–77) (852–3; CNI vi, 18.10–15; Bernardi 1975, no.27). (b) denaro aquilegense (agleier) with eagle (1277–81) (854; CNI vi, 18.7–9; Bernardi 1975, no. 28). All of the known examples of this second issue have the same small crosses on each side, normally four of them, which suggests that the coins without the crosses, minted for only one month, were all consigned to the melting pot. The thesis of Ahumada Silva (1986a) that the rare specimens with only two or three crosses on each side might have belonged to the first variety described by Giuliano is not convincing. (c) piccolo with tower and eagle (1277–81) (855; CNI vi, 19.21–5; Bernardi 1975, no. 29). The presence of both the tower and eagle types on these coins perhaps suggests that they were fractional issues of both of the larger coins noted above, but they can only have been struck during the period of the later of the two types, the eagle. (d) denaro aquileiese (agleier) with crossed sceptres (1281–7) (856; CNI vi, 17.5–6; Bernardi 1975, no. 30). The crossed sceptres on the obverse of the piccolo that has an eagle on the reverse (see (e) below), which also characterises the 1277 issue of the piccolo, suggests that the agleier with crossed sceptres and the one with the eagle were contiguous issues. The mint therefore must have introduced the agleier with crossed sceptres in connection with the renovatio of 1281 instead of that of 1287, and the hoard evidence supports this conclusion. (e) piccolo with the obverse legend +RaIMV3DVPa around crossed sceptres and the reverse legend AQVILege3SISø around an eagle (CNI vi, 19.16–20; Bernardi 1975, 112 no. 32). For the same reasons given above for group (c), the presence of types characterising two different issues of agleier on these coins suggests that they were struck contemporaneously with the second of the two issues. (f ) denaro aquileiese (agleier) with keys and towers (1287–98) (857–9; CNI vi, 17.1–4; Bernardi 1975, no. 31). (a)

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I. Pietro Gera (1299–1301) During his brief patriarchate, Pietro Gera oversaw only a single issue of agleier with the usual seated patriarch on the obverse and an eagle displayed bearing the partriarch’s arms on its breast-shield on the reverse (860–1; CNI vi, 20.1–5 var.; Bernardi 1975, no. 33). During Pietro’s rule, in 1300, the earliest evidence concerning the moneyers active in the mint of the patriarchs, now in Udine, comes to light (Passera 2010, 138). J. Ottobono de’ Razzi (1302–15) The mint struck only two types of agleier under Ottobono, and their chronology can be easily deduced from their presence or absence in the Monfalcone hoard (App. 1, no. 32), which was deposited or closed in 1312. The sequence is as follows: denaro aquileiese (agleier) with shield (1302–c. 1312) (862–3; CNI vi, 20–1.1–4; Bernardi 1975, no. 34). (b) denaro aquileiese (agleier) with eagle on shield (c. 1312–15) (864; CNI vi, 21–2.5–12; Bernardi 1975, no. 35). (a)

K. Pagano della Torre (1319–32) In a mint contract of 1330, the patriarch entrusted a company from Parma to strike denari aquileiesi weighing about 1.10g and 73.5 per cent fine, and denari piccoli weighing about 0.32g and 15.6 per cent fine (De Rubeis 1747, ii, 2–9). This is the first account of the metallic content of the coins of Aquileia, and it illustrates how well the agleier maintained their quality, having lost only about 10 per cent of their silver content since the time of the Eriacensis denaro about a century and a half earlier. Over the next century, however, the decrease in the silver content of the coins was bound to accelerate (Bernardi 1975, 23–4). It is very likely that the 1330 contract was associated with a renovatio monetae, but it has thus far proved impossible to distinguish the coins struck under this contract or even to delineate the sequence of issues under Pagano. The two six-pointed stars alongside the tower on the reverse of some of Pagano’s agleier nevertheless seem to constitute an additional element on an already defined type, and this suggests that the coins with the stars are later than those without them. The seated patriarch in the obverse field of the agleier with the stars is invariably bearded, but he has a beard on only some of the coins without stars, which perhaps suggests that the beard is likewise an accessory element and, in the absence of the stars, marks an intermediate issue. On these grounds, the hypothetical sequence of issues for the agleier is as follows: denaro aquileiese (agleier) with the obverse legend PagaN PaTha around the seated patriarch and the reverse legend a§LE gIa around a tower over crossed sceptres (CNI vi, 22.5–6; Bernardi 1975, 119 no. 36). (b) denaro aquileiese (agleier) with the obverse legend PagaN PaTha around the seated patriarch with beard and the reverse legend aQVI LegIa around a tower over crossed sceptres (CNI vi, 22.1–4, 23.7–17; Bernardi 1975, 121 no. 38). (c) denaro aquileiese (agleier) as (b) above but with two six-pointed stars alongside the tower on the reverse (865; CNI vi, 23–4.1–14–17 var.; Bernardi 1975, no. 37).

(a)

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It is still impossible to determine the sequence of the three issues for the piccolo, one with tower and eagle (CNI vi, 24.20–1; Bernardi 1975, 122 no. 39), one with crossed sceptres and tower (866; CNI vi, 24.22–5; Bernardi 1975, no. 40), and one with mitre and eagle (CNI vi, 24.18–9; Bernardi 1975, 124 no. 41). L. Bertrando di San Genesio (1334–50) Bertrando’s coinage is perhaps the most complex and varied of fourteenth-century Aquileia. This was probably the result of monetary movements in the monetary area of the greater Veneto, particularly Francesco Dandolo’s reform of the Venetian coinage in 1331–2 (see section (l) below,pp.643– 4). There are fortunately a number of documents, including some that even describe some of the coin types, which make it possible to determine the sequence and likely chronology of the issues. First group, 1334–8 (?): (a) double denaro with St Hermagoras (867; CNI vi, 25.3–5; Bernardi 1975, no. 42). The sixteenth-century chronicler Jacopo da Maniago Valvasone described this coin perfectly, stating that it was struck in 1334 when Bertrando arrived in Udine (Bernardi 1975, 199). Valvasone added that it was worth four denari, but the weight of the coin makes it clear that this is a mistake. It appears instead that the mint struck this entirely new coin to replace the Venetian grosso matapan, which was then being driven out of circulation (see section (a) above, p. 560), with a coin of corresponding value. (b–c) denaro with St Hermagoras, of which there are two variants, one with a bearded saint (b: Bernardi 1975, 129 no. 44) and one with the saint without a beard (c: 868; CNI vi, 26.9–14; Bernardi 1975, no. 43). If the double denaro was designed to correspond to the grosso matapan, this denaro, evidently produced contemporaneously on the basis of its types,was probably intended to correspond to one of the new denominations that came out of Francesco Dandolo’s reform of the Venetian coinage, namely the mezzanino or half-grosso. (d) half-denaro with a bust of the patriarch (869; CNI vi, 27.15–17; Bernardi 1975, no. 45). This new denomination was issued to correspond to a common unit of account, but it is difficult to determine precisely which one. Its metrology perhaps suggests that it corresponded to the new and highly successful Venetian soldino, another product of Francesco Dandolo’s reform of 1331–2, but this would mean that the Aquileia coin was not, technically speaking, a half-denaro but two-thirds of a denaro, a denomination that is not otherwise documented. (e) piccolo with the obverse legend øBøP aTR IaR cha around a long cross and the reverse legend +øaQVILegIaø around a bust of the patriarch (CNI vi, 27.22–3; Bernardi 1975, 134 no. 49). (f ) piccolo with the obverse legend +øBøPaTRIaRchaø around a bust of the patriarch and the reverse legend +øaQVILegenSIS around a cross pattée (CNI vi, 27.19–20; Bernardi 1975, 135 no. 50). The coins of this first group were probably still in production in 1336, when the patriarch awarded a mint contract to the Florentine merchant Dino Cornacchini that obliged him to strike denari of 1.10g but only 57.2 per cent fine (Puschi 1884, 16). This implies a more than 20 per cent decrease

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in the standard of fineness from only six years earlier. A new series of coins probably replaced the first group in 1338, when the patriarch issued a receipt to the mint-master Cornacchini that discharged him of his duties (Bernardi 1975, 199). Second group, 1338 (?)–50: This group is clearly described in a document of 1340 with which the patriarch commissioned Lenzo Lamberto, presumably a Florentine, to strike four denominations of coins for Aquileia in Florence with the full agreement of the Florentine authorities (Bernardi 1975, 200). These coins included a double denaro, a denaro, a half-denaro and a piccolo, and they were virtually identical to coins already in production in the patriarchate but were to have a small fleur-de-lis on the breast of the eagle, the reverse type on three of the denominations and the obverse type on the other, to distinguish them from the coins struck in Udine. No examples of the coins struck in Florence with the fleur-de-lis on the eagle’s breast are known, but the document clearly attests to coins of Aquileia with the eagle as either its obverse or reverse type, indicating that these coins were already in production in 1340. The document also sheds light on the metrology of these coins. The denaro, for example, had nearly the same weight and fineness as it had in 1336, while the piccolo weighed about 0.30g and was 12.1 per cent fine. double denaro with the obverse legend +BeRTRanDVSøaQVILegenSISø around an eagle displayed and the reverse legend +øVIRgO MaRIaøaVOCaTaøMVDIø around the Virgin with Child (CNI vi, 25.1–2; Bernardi 1975, 131 no. 46). In an unpublished lecture delivered in Cambridge in 2000 on the transmission of Pisan models to the mint of Aquileia in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, Travaini noted the close resemblance of the reverse type on Aquileia’s double denaro to that of the Pisan grossi with the Madonna (cf. Travaini 2007, 249). She explained the resemblance by suggesting that the presence of Tuscan moneyers in Friuli had led to a transmission of type from Pisa to Aquileia. (h) denaro with the Virgin and Child (870; CNI vi, 26.6–8; Bernardi 1975, no. 47). (i) half-denaro with the obverse legend +BeRTRanDVSøPø around a bust of the Virgin and Child and the reverse legend +aQVILegenSISø around an eagle displayed (CNI vi, 27.18; Bernardi 1975, 133 no. 48). ( j) piccolo with the obverse legend øBeRTR anDVS around a cross on a pole or stem and the reverse legend aQVILegenø around an eagle displayed (CNI vi, 28.10; Bernardi 1975, 136 no. 51). (g)

M. Nicolò di Boemia (Bohemia) (1350–8) Only one type of denaro is known for Patriarch Nicolò, with the lion of Bohemia on the obverse and an ornate cross on the reverse (871; CNI vi, 28–9.1–12; Bernardi 1975, no. 52). It is one of the most common of Aquileia’s coins in hoards, which suggests that it was struck in large numbers, as indeed its many variants also imply. In 1356, Nicolò reduced the weight standard of the denaro from about 1.10g to 0.96g (Bernardi 1975, 200). N. Ludovico della Torre (1359–65) In a renovatio monetae of 1363 (Bernardi 1975, 202), the patriarchs lowered the value of the denaro from fourteen to twelve denari piccoli. Later patriarchs abandoned this manoeuvre, but it almost certainly marks the break between the two issues of the denaro that are known for Ludovico. It

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is nevertheless extremely difficult to establish the sequence of these two issues. One of the issues has a seated saint on the obverse and a tower over crossed sceptres on the reverse (872–3; CNI vi, 30.6–9; Bernardi 1975, no. 55), while the other has crossed sceptres on the obverse and an eagle on the reverse (874; CNI vi, 29–30.1–5; Bernardi 1975, no. 54). The fact that the latter issue with crossed sceptres and eagle is now much more common perhaps recommends identifying it with the debased coin introduced in 1363. If so, the seated saint and tower issue would be datable to 1359–63 and the crossed sceptres and eagle issue to 1363–5. O. Marquardo di Randeck (1365–81) In 1367, the mint resumed striking denari piccoli at the same standard as under Bertrando, 0.30g and 12.1 per cent fine. The metrology of the denaro remained unchanged, but the coins examined in an assay carried out in 1371 were of a somewhat lower standard than that fixed in 1367 (Bernardi 1975, 202–3). Two issues of the denaro of Marquardo are known, and their probable sequence can be deduced from the fact that the piccolo, which was struck within about eighteen months of the beginning of Marquardo’s patriarchate, shares a very similar typology with one of the two denaro issues.The re-coinage probably occurred in 1378,when all the principal mints of the Veneto carried out monetary reforms (see sections (f ), (l) and (m) below, pp. 598–9, 646 and 661–2, respectively). In October that year, moreover, a document of Friuli refers to soldi veteres, or old soldi, as equivalent to two denari (Bernardi 1975, 203). The most likely chronology for Marquardo’s coinage is as follows: (a) denaro with eagle on mound (1365–78?) (875; CNI vi, 30–1.1–5; Bernardi 1975, no. 57). (b) piccolo with the obverse legend +øäøPaTRIaR>ø around a bust of the patriarch and the reverse legend +aQVILegIen around an eagle displayed (1367–78?) (CNI vi, 31, no.10; Bernardi 1975, 145, no. 59). (c) denaro with Tyrolean cross (1378?–81) (876–7; CNI vi, 31.6–9; Bernardi 1975, no. 58). P. Filippo di Alençon (1381–7) At the beginning of his patriarchate, Filippo transferred the mint from Aquileia, where it had been located for an uncertain period in the middle of the fourteenth century, to Cividale (Bernardi 1975, 203). Only a denaro and a piccolo are known for this patriarch. The denaro has his coat of arms on the obverse and an eagle displayed on the reverse (878–9; CNI vi, 32.1–8; Bernardi 1975, no. 60), while the piccolo has the obverse legend +FILIPVS+Pa around a small fleur-de-lis and the reverse legend +ö RI aR ca around a long cross (CNI vi, 33.10; Bernardi 1975, 148 no. 61). Q. Giovanni di Moravia (1387–94) Two issues of Giovanni’s denaro are known, one with the eagle of Moravia (880; CNI vi, 33–4.1–13; Bernardi 1975, no. 62) and the other with a crested helmet (881–2; CNI vi, 34–5.14–18; Bernardi 1975, no. 63). It is practically impossible to determine their sequence. There are references to nova moneta in the sources (Bernardi 1975, 204), but these references come in 1388, which seems too early in Giovanni’s patriarchate to mark the passage from one issue to another, especially in view of the fact that both issues are fairly common. The references more probably concern the beginning of Giovanni’s coinage.

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R. Antonio I Gaetani (1395–1402) On 3 May 1398, the patriarch contracted a Florentine named Zenobio to run his mint and stipulated the standard at which his coins were to be struck, but he altered the provisions of the contract on the same day, effectively obliging his mint-master to lower the standard of the denaro from 0.85g in weight and 55.9 per cent silver to 0.83g and 54.2 per cent fine. The new contract likewise reduced the standard of the piccolo from 0.30g in weight and 12.1 per cent silver under Patriarch Marquardo in 1367 (see above) to just under 0.20g and only 9.2 per cent fine (Bernardi 1975, 204; Masutti 2000, 241–4 no. iv). The sources attest to a renovatio monetae only in 1401, when the value of the denaro was again set at twelve denari piccoli rather than fourteen, but the 1401 references clearly concern the coins that Zenobio struck after 1398. The patriarch also reduced the standard of the denaro again in 1401, maintaining the same proportion of silver but lowering the weight to 0.72g (Bernardi 1975, 204–5). The evidence makes it possible to establish the sequence of Antonio’s two types of denari and even to attribute to this patriarch the piccolo that Puschi (1884) and everyone since him have surprisingly assigned only to Antonio II (1402–11). It is true that the sources specifically refer to denari piccoli only in connection with assays conducted under Antonio II (Masutti 2000, 25), but this does not mean that these coins could not have been introduced earlier. The 1398 mint contract had already stipulated the standard for the piccolo, and the long cross on the reverse of the piccolo conventionally attributed to Antonio II suggests that it was struck alongside the long cross denaro of Antonio I. These two coins with their similar reverse types were indeed contemporaneous issues struck in accordance with the mint contract of 1398, while the other type of denaro struck under Antonio I was earlier. The correct chronology is therefore: denaro with crested helmet and eagle (1395–8?) (883; CNI vi, 35–6.1–7; Bernardi 1975, no. 65). (b) denaro with coat of arms and long cross (1398?–1402) (884; CNI vi, 36.8–12; Bernardi 1975, no. 64). (c) piccolo with the obverse legend + nöOnIVS around a large and the reverse legend P ö h around a long cross (1398?–1402 and continued under Antonio II) (CNI vi, 37.8–11; Bernardi 1975, 157 no. 68).

(a)

S. Antonio II Panciera (1402–11) Antonio II’s only denaro had his coat of arms on the obverse and an eagle displayed on the reverse (885–6; CNI vi, 36–7.1–7; Bernardi 1975, no. 67). This denaro is also called a soldo because of its value, which Antonio I had fixed at twelve denari piccoli in 1401. Antonio II must have continued to strike piccoli of the same type as those of Antonio I. T. Ludovico II di Teck (1412–20) The last patriarch of Aquileia also to function as lord struck only one type of denaro with his coat of arms on the obverse and the Virgin with Child on the reverse (887; CNI vi, 38.1–2; Bernardi 1975, no. 69), and one type of piccolo with a large L on the obverse and a long cross on the reverse

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(888; CNI vi, 38.3–4; Bernardi 1975, no. 70). At the beginning of his patriarchate, Ludovico raised the value of his denaro to fourteen denari piccolo, but again lowered it to twelve denari piccoli in 1413 (Masutti 2000, 32, 48–9). As in other regions that came under their control, the Venetian authorities proscribed the local coinage of Aquileia in Friuli after their conquest of the patriarchate in 1420, even if the phenomenon is not as well documented in Friuli as it is in other conquered regions. This did not, however, signal the definitive end of Aquileia’s coinage. Because the coinage of Aquileia had for centuries circulated not only within the political boundaries of the patriarchate but also throughout the regions in which the Friesacher coinage had circulated, it continued to circulate, especially in eastern European regions, into the seventeenth century, as indeed the hoard evidence illustrates (Brambati 1999–7). Even more surprising, however, is the fact that a denaro of Aquileia struck under Ludovico II turned up in excavations of the earliest of the New World settlements of Cristoforo Columbo and his companions at La Isabela in the Dominican Republic (Stahl 1993–4, 205–7).

(c) b ri xe n ( b re s sanone ) , b i sh op s 1. Historical background Brixen (Ital. Bressanone) lies at the confluence of the rivers Eisack (Ital. Isarco) and Rienz (Ital. Rienza), whose valleys offer two relatively easy passages through the Alps. Thanks to its strategic importance for the control of the Brenner route, Brixen became the seat of a diocese as early as 798, and the German emperors subsequently granted its bishops many important fiefs, such as the Norital and the Pustertal (Ital. Val Pusteria). In 1179, Emperor Frederick I Barbarossa (1152–90, emp. 1155) conferred upon Bishop Heinrich III (1178–96) full temporal power, including the right to mint (MGH Dipl. x.3, doc. 789). The bishops’ power nevertheless eroded appreciably after they bestowed large parts of their territory in fief to temporal lords such as the respective counts of Andechs-Meran and Tyrol, the latter of whom grew increasingly powerful and eventually, under Count Friedrich IV (1406–39), forced the bishops to acknowledge their authority (Stella 1979a; Gelmi 1984; 2000). 2. Coinage As noted, the bishop of Brixen obtained minting rights from Frederick I in 1179. Scholars have tended to interpret the concession as a confirmation of an earlier grant (e.g. Rizzolli 1984a), though more evidence is needed to substantiate this thesis. On the basis of this interpretation, numismatists now attribute to the bishops of Brixen various sorts of silver pfennige known from the Naturns hoard from Tyrol, closed about 1195 (App. 1, no. 36), and from the so-called ‘Barbarossa hoard’ from Turkey, closed about 1189/90 (App. 1, no. 150), dating the coins both before and after 1179. They have assigned to Bishop Richer (1174–7) coins characterised by a bishop’s bust with crozier terminating in a cross and a letter R on the obverse and a cross with a rosette in each quarter on the reverse (Rizzolli 1991, nos. b1–b6; CNA i, 342 no. g1; see Fig. 61).

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Figure 61. Brixen (Bressanone): Bishop Richer, pfennig (Numismatik Lanz (Munich) sale 146 (25 May 2009), lot 869. Reproduced by kind permission)

To the period after 1179, and therefore to Bishop Heinrich III, are attributed coins with similar types but without the letter on the obverse, some with the crozier ending in a cross (Rizzolli 1991, nos. b7–b10; CNA i, 343 no. g2) and others with the crozier ending in a fleur-de-lis (Rizzolli 1991, nos. b(i)1–b(i)2; CNA i, 343 no. g3). According to Rizzolli, the issues with the crozier ending in a cross were struck independently by the bishop of Brixen while the ones with the lilied crozier – i.e.a halberd,clearly a secular badge – were struck jointly by the bishop and his advocates,the counts of Andechs-Meran, probably in the mint of Innsbruck. The coins with the halberd nevertheless show the bust wearing liturgical dress and mitre. Another type that shows a bare head on the obverse and eagle on the reverse is more clearly secular, which casts doubt on its attribution to the bishops of Brixen (Rizzolli 1991, nos. a(b)1; cf. CNA i, 343, no. g3).

(d) f e lt re 1. Historical background Located in an Alpine valley at the southern border of the Italian Alps, Feltre was a Roman municipium along the via Iulia Claudia, an important road that connected the ancient town of Altinum (now Altino) on the Venetian lagoon with what was then the German frontier on the river Danube. Feltre was the seat of a bishopric from the sixth century, and the bishops assumed particular importance in the eleventh century when they became counts of the territory in their diocese. The bishops continued to be the focus of political power in Feltre throughout the twelfth century, but from 1200 onwards only the commune is attested as exercising political power. The town subsequently passed under the rule of the counts of Camino, Ezzelino da Romano, the Scaligeri lords of Verona, the Da Carrara lords of Padua and the Visconti lords of Milan in succession. The Venetians gained control of Feltre in 1404 and retained the town until the Napoleonic period. Feltre’s loyalty to Venice during the War of Cambrai resulted in its complete destruction in 1510 at the hands of the soldiers of Emperor Maximilian I (1493–1519, emp. elect 1508). The medieval history of Feltre unfortunately lacks a recent scholarly monograph but is covered briefly in short sketches in Castagnetti and Varanini (1991, passim; 1995, passim). 2. Coinage During the twelfth century, the bishops of Feltre twice received grants of minting rights, apparently both in confirmation of an earlier concession (see section (a) above, p. 554). The first grant, issued by King Conrad III (1138–52) in 1142 (MGH Dipl. ix. doc. 68), made no mention of the coins that were to be struck, but the second one, issued by Emperor Frederick I Barbarossa (1152–90,

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emp. 1155) in 1184 (MGH Dipl. x.4, doc. 868), specifically stipulated that the new coins had to correspond in weight and fineness with Frederick’s denaro imperiale. The wording of the later grant in particular suggests that there was some substance to the concession, but no coins with a legend that refers to Feltre or its bishops has ever come to light; it is likely that the leaders of Feltre never acted upon the grants.

(e) g ori z i a ( g ö r z ) , count s ( m i nt s of l i e n z , l ati sana , o b e rve l lac h , toblac h / d ob b i aco ) The enumeration of the counts used here and in the catalogue below follows that of Baum (2000) and Passera (2004, 302 n. 5); the traditional numbering that many authors still retain is given in curved brackets. 1. Historical background Gorizia is located about forty kilometres north of Trieste, where the river Isonzo empties on to the plain. The settlement lies squarely on Italy’s eastern border with Slovenia; its eastern portion is now the Slovenian city of Nova Gorica. The earliest documentary reference to Gorizia dates from 1001, when Emperor Otto III (983–1002, emp. 996) granted Patriarch Johann of Aquileia (984–1017) half of a castello and a villa que sclavorum linguae vocatur Goriza (Baum 2000, 13). Counts Palatine Engelbert (d. 1122) and Meinhard (d. 1142), who were heirs to some important fiefs of the counts of Pustertal and the Aribonen of Bavaria, are attested as ‘counts of Gorizia’ for the first time in 1120/2 (Dopsch 2002, 31) and are generally regarded as the founders of this dynasty, which endured until 1500. The real basis for the development of the counts’ power nevertheless derived from Count Meinhard’s possession of the hereditary title of advocate of the Church of Aquileia, first documented in 1125. At first, this title provided the counts with only a limited number of fiefs. According to some authors, these included Gorizia itself as well as the centres of Latisana and Lienz, the latter of which, situated in modern Austria in the lower reaches of the eastern segment of Pustertal (Ital. Val Pusteria), was the official residence of the counts, the seat of their mint, and probably the most important commercial and economic centre inside their dominions. The counts later took advantage of their role as advocates to gain de facto control of other territories within the patriarchate of Aquileia and even in Istria. The counts’ encroachment on the lands of the patriarchate gave rise to innumerable disputes. These disagreements sometimes flared into war but at other times smouldered beneath a more or less forced alliance. Most often, though, the patriarchs simply acknowledged the counts’ possession of properties and rights they had usurped. In 1202, for example, Patriarch Pilgrim II (1195–1204) agreed to a treaty with counts Meinhard II (1187–1232) and Engelbert III (1187–1220) that enabled the counts to maintain everything they had obtained in the past, whether justly or unjustly (iuste sive iniuste). The area over which the counts of Gorizia then ruled was of the utmost strategic importance for eastern crossings of the Alps and connections between northern and southern Europe. The English King Richard I (‘the Lionheart’) (1189–99), despite his hostile relationship with the counts of Gorizia, used the trans-Alpine routes through the county on his way back to England from the

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Crusade in 1192, and a letter of Emperor Henry VI (1190–7, emp. 1191) to King Philip II of France (1179–1223) shows that Meinhard II even sought to capture King Richard (RI iv, 3.1, doc. 271) as indeed Duke Leopold V of Austria (1177–94, duke of Styria 1192) actually did a short time later. The expansion of comital power reached its climax when Meinhard III (1231–58) inherited the county of Tyrol in 1253, thus extending the rule of the counts over an enormous territory spread across a large part of the eastern Alps (see section (k) below, pp. 618–19). After a period of joint rule from Meinhard’s death in 1258 to 1271, his two sons Meinhard IV (II as count of Tyrol) and Albert I divided their properties between themselves, with Meinhard taking the county of Tyrol and Albert that of Gorizia. Notwithstanding this reduction of their territory, Albert I (1271–1304) and his son Heinrich II (1304–23) can be considered the most powerful among the counts of Gorizia. Albert was even able to imprison Patriarch Gregorio di Montelongo of Aquileia (1251–69) in 1267 and, more importantly, managed to consolidate comital power in Istria and the so-called ‘Wendish March’ of upper Slovenia. As imperial vicarius, Heinrich was also lord of Treviso in 1319–20 and Padua in 1320. Comital power began to decline in 1342 when the three ruling counts – Albert III (1338–74), Heinrich III (1338–63) and Meinhard VI (1338–85) – divided their territories amongst themselves. Albert assumed control of Istria and the Wendish March while Heinrich and Meinhard shared rule over the family’s fiefs in Italy and Carinthia. Upon Albert’s death in 1374, the territories under his control passed to the Habsburg dukes of Austria. In 1420, furthermore, Venice conquered the patriarchate of Aquileia, which had been a traditional source of power for the counts of Gorizia. This compelled the counts to recognise the authority of the Serenissima, or the ‘most serene [republic of Venice]’, but the Venetians themselves acknowledged that Gorizia was a Habsburg dependency in 1433. The later history of the county under Heinrich IV (1398–1454), Johann (1454–62) and Leonhard (1462–1500) was marked by the counts’ difficult relations with their Habsburg overlords. In 1460, the counts briefly lost control of their chief town of Lienz. After Leonhard’s death without heirs in 1500, the county passed definitively to the house of Austria. The general history of Gorizia is best approached through Baum (2000) and the various papers in Tavano (2001; 2002).

2. Coinage Scholarship on the coinage of Gorizia serves as a good illustration of how agreement between scholars on a given subject does not always mean that the consensus of opinion is correct. Twentieth-century numismatists (CNI vi, 46–67; CNA i, 362–73; Ahumada Silva 1986b; Rizzolli 1991, 421–46) for the most part retained the classification of the coinage of the counts of Gorizia as first elaborated by scholars of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries (Coronini Cronberg 1785; Welz von Wellenheim 1839; Schweitzer 1851). Some of the attributions of the earlier authors nevertheless should have been recognised as anachronistic not only in terms of the fabric and style of the coins in question but also with respect to the hoard evidence. While some modern authors such as Koch in CNA and Rizzolli were in general very careful in their analysis of the evolution of the coinage, their contributions to scholarship on the coinage of Gorizia in particular were limited to the explication of single issues or even single coins without challenging the traditional chronology of the coinage (see also Grubinger 1949). Other scholars have without exception

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followed this flawed chronology in their own discussions of the historical and juridical aspects of the coinage (e.g. Saccocci 1998b). Only recently has Passera (2004; 2005) adopted a fresh approach to the question of the chronology of Gorizia’s coinage based on a thorough analysis of the relatively rich hoard evidence, and initial impressions are that his results accord far more readily with the stylistic evolution of the coinage. In his new chronology, for example, Passera dates coins evidently struck from dies engraved with almost identical punches in the mint of the counts of Gorizia at Lienz and in the mint of the patriarchs of Aquileia to precisely the period in which a common mint-master is documented for the two mints and not to different centuries as in the traditional chronology. He also attributes coins to all the counts under whom the written evidence attests to some sort of monetary activity instead of merely a few of them. What follows is therefore based largely on Passera’s recent study, the conclusions of which have also been almost entirely accepted and taken up by Rizzolli (2004; 2006, 646–54). From a general point of view, the coins of Gorizia belong to the so-called agleier pfennige, the characteristics of which have already been discussed (see section (b) above, pp. 570–1). The coin finds and the documentary evidence indicate that all the agleier circulated in the same monetary area, comprising the modern regions of western Carinthia, Slovenia, Istria and Friuli. This is especially relevant to the case of Gorizia. The fact that scholars have often studied its mint, which was located in Lienz in the East Tyrol, in the context of the mints of Tyrol, may give the impression that Gorizia’s coinage was legal tender even in the county of Tyrol, but this certainly was not the case. The coins of both counties did belong to the same system of account as denominations of the Veronese–Venetian libra (see section (a) above, pp. 559–60) and this greatly simplified monetary exchanges between the two counties, but it was only in the second half of the fifteenth century that Count Johann fully adopted the Tyrolean system in Gorizia. A. Engelbert III (1187–1220) and Meinhard II (1187–1232) The earliest coins that can be attributed to Gorizia are denari scodellati of Engelbert and Meinhard. These coins were very similar to the denari scodellati struck under Patriarch Pilgrim II in Aquilieia (1195–1204). Their legends do not give any indication of the issuing authority but they do identify two different mints, Lienz and Latisana, which were almost certainly fiefs of the advocates of the patriarch. It is therefore likely that the counts of Gorizia, who held this title, were responsible for these issues. There were two distinct issues of the mint at Lienz. The first has the obverse legend +DE LIVNZO or something similar around a bishop in the field and an anepigraphic reverse showing a church with two towers (CNA i, no. k4; Rizzolli 1991, no. l1; Passera 2004, nos. 1–3; cf. Rizzolli 2006, 647, A). The second has the obverse legend +LIVNZaLI4 or something similar around the full figure of the bishop and the same reverse type (889; CNA i, no. k5; Passera 2004, no. 2; Rizzolli 2006, no. Li3). The very rare coin of Latisana (Bernardi 1977) is distinguished by the obverse legend +PORTVM TE4aNa (CNI vi 92.1–3; CNA i, no. k3; Passera 2004, no. 3). As in Aquileia and Trieste, the coins of the two mints of Gorizia were probably first struck just after 1195, when imitations of the Friesacher coins were forbidden throughout the archbishopric of Salzburg (see section (b) above, p. 570). These first issues probably continued to be struck until 1202, when the settlement in a dispute between Patriarch Pilgrim and the counts of Gorizia declared that the latter held only the rights enjoyed by their father at the death of Patriarch Ulrich II in

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1182 (De Rubeis 1740, 647–50; Schwind and Dopsch 1895, 32–5 doc. 20). The settlement further recognised that the counts did not have the right to mint (monetam non habebat) before this time. In other words, the sentence was a clear prohibition against their continued striking of coinage (see Baum 2000, 28). According to Passera’s new classification used here, the counts respected this decision for the next seventy years. Until now, scholars have ignored this critical passage (e.g. most recently, Härtel 2001, 54; Rizzolli 2002, 198), not for any internal or objective reason but presumably because this piece of evidence upset the traditional chronology for the coinage of Gorizia, which was thought to have continued without substantial interruption throughout the thirteenth century. As noted above,the legends on the earlier coins of Gorizia indicated neither the issuing authority (the counts) nor the county (Gorizia) but only the mint. This probably means that the counts of Gorizia considered Lienz and Latisana as something more than simply the localities at which their coins were struck. They may very well have regarded them as possessions with privileges that the counts themselves did not possess, particularly with mints that perhaps had previously been active on behalf of the patriarchs of Aquileia. It appears that the branch of the family ruling over Tyrol considered their stronghold of Meran almost in the same way. Their earlier coins of Meran identified the mint with the inscription DE MaRa3 O, but refrained from identifying the issuing authority by name until Rudolf of Habsburg, as ‘king of the Romans’ (1273–91), granted minting rights to the counts of Tyrol in 1274, after which the name of the mint disappeared from the coin legends. It is difficult, all the same, to comprehend why the counts of Gorizia adopted this approach, since both Lienz and Latisana were fiefs nominally held from the patriarchs of Aquileia, as indeed was Gorizia itself. One possible explanation is that the counts of Gorizia might have seen some of the rights associated with those fiefs as justifying the exercise of minting privileges in legal terms, although the settlement of 1202 indicates that a very different view was held by others. An important consequence of the 1202 decision, at any rate, was that the mint at Latisana was definitively closed, and almost all of the subsequent issues of the counts of Gorizia were struck in Lienz. Rizzolli (1991, 86–7, 421) has also rightly noted that some coins traditionally attributed to Engelbert and Meinhard (CNI vi, 46–7.1–4, 46.1–3) must be considered as modern forgeries. B. Meinhard III (1232–58) and Meinhard IV and Albert I (II) (as counts of Gorizia and Tyrol) (1258–71) Scholars have traditionally attributed many issues struck in the name of Meinhard to these rulers (CNI vi, 47–9; CNA i, nos. k10–11; Rizzolli 1991, nos. l4–l9), but the style and fabric of these coins suggest that they were struck much later under Meinhard VI (see below, p. 589). This is also made likely by the complete absence of these coins from hoards dating from before the mid-fourteenth century. In the decades following the 1202 sentence, in other words, the Lienz mint evidently abided by it and did not strike any agleier, but it does appear to have struck coins for the counts of Gorizia during this period on another standard. The Ostrovo hoard from Croatia (App. 1, no. 130) contained Friesacher pfennige with the legends DE LVNZE and MEINHaRD (Baumgartner 1947, 60, 65; Rizzolli 1991, 89–90; Passera 2004, no. 4) that have been dated to the first half of the thirteenth century (CNA i, nos. k6–9). It therefore seems that the counts of Gorizia, deprived of the licence to produce coins at the agleier standard, instead struck them at the standard that prevailed among their properties in Carinthia, which was acceptable to the patriarchs of Aquileia. One of these coins carries a rose in the reverse field for the first time, which, together with the lion rampant

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on the obverse, made up the arms of the counts of Gorizia. The counts probably derived the rose from the symbol of the abbey of Rosazzo near Cividale, the name of which means ‘wild rose’ in the dialect of Friuli, and whose church they adopted as their family church in 1269 (Rizzolli 1991, 85; Baum 2000, 57). C. Albert I (II) (alone as count of Gorizia) (1271–1304) Things changed completely under Albert, who, as already noted, was among the most powerful of the counts of Gorizia. During the period 1258–75, he shared the revenues of the successful mint of Meran in Tyrol with his brother Meinhard (see section (k) below, pp. 621–2). After Albert and his brother divided the counties of Gorizia and Tyrol in 1271, and probably after he renounced his share of the Meran revenues in 1275 (Rizzolli 1991, 167–74), Albert resumed striking agleier in Lienz. He issued two different types of agleier coins or denari: denari with the obverse legend +aLBERTVS COMES gORICIE around the arms of the counts of Gorizia as advocate of the patriarch of Aquileia (per bend shield in base bendy of four or six to represent the fiefs of Friuli and in chief a lion rampant) and the reverse legend >DE> >LV> >ON> >ZE> around a long cross with a six-pointed star in the first and fourth angles and a crescent in the second and third angles (890; CNI vi, 57.4–8; Passera 2004, no. 5; Rizzolli 2006, nos. Li4–Li8); (b) denari with the obverse legend +aLBERTVS COMES around a lion rampant and the reverse legend +gORICIE DE LVONZE around a rose (891; CNI vi, 49–51.1–25; CNA i, no. k14 var.; Passera 2004, no. 6; Rizzolli 2006, nos. Li10–Li18). Of all the coins of this type formerly attributed to Albert I, Passera retained the attribution to Albert only for those that Rizzolli (1991, 422, 427–9 nos. l18–l34) described as Class II, which are evidently the earliest on the basis of style (Passera 2004, nos. 5–6; cf. Rizzolli 2006, 647–8, B). He attributed all the others to Albert III (see below, pp. 588–9). (a)

The two issues are generally regarded as contemporaneous, which is perhaps accurate, though it does seem possible to give priority to the coins with the per bend shield on the reverse. These coins appeared in an Austrian hoard of nearly eight hundred coins found at Gnoppitz Graben in 1902 (App. 1, no. 111), which, with a terminus post quem of 1274, is the earliest hoard containing Albert’s coins (Rizzolli 1991, 171–2). The hoard was probably closed in 1275 or soon thereafter, and the political situation in the region favours such an early dating. From 1274 to 1285, Albert sided with the patriarch of Aquileia in a war against Venice, and it is indeed plausible that the count took advantage of the patriarch’s need for military support to reclaim the right of coinage. The fact that Albert used the arms of the advocate of the church of Aquileia on these coins alongside the lion rampant of the counts of Gorizia perhaps even suggests that Patriarch Raimondo della Torre (1273–99) sanctioned the issue in some way. Even so, any extension of the right of coinage to Albert was presumably informal. The persistence of De Luonze in the reverse legend on the coins seems to indicate that the right of coinage stemmed only from this fief and not from the title of count of Gorizia. For similar reasons, the Lienz mint probably also started to strike its piccolo in 1275. This coin, with the obverse legend +ALBERTVS around a long cross and the reverse legend +COM GORICIE around a large letter L for Lienz (CNI vi, 53.41–2; CNA i, nos. k16–k16a; Passera 2004, no. 7; Rizzolli 2006, nos. Li4–Li5), was almost certainly modelled after the piccolo with long cross of Aquileia struck under Patriarch Gregorio (1251–69) (see section (b) above, p. 573).

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The second type of denaro must have been introduced a little later, probably after the renovatio monetae in Aquileia in 1277 (see section (b) above, p. 574) when the change in the value of Aquileia’s agleier of account may have forced the counts to adapt their coinage to this new value by introducing a second ‘denomination’ (Saccocci 1998b, 55–6). More important is the change in typology of the coat of arms between the two issues, which in fact gave rise to the traditional erroneous chronology. Scholars have typically assumed that the heraldry on Albert’s denari ‘evolved’ from a simple lion to the per bend shield with the lion in chief and bendy or barry in base. They cast aside stylistic considerations, in other words, simply regarding the coins with only the lion as the earlier issues and the coins with the per bend shield as subsequent issues. Passera redressed the balance when he noted that among later counts, only those who also held the title of advocate of the church of Aquileia used the per bend shield as their coat of arms. In the system of joint rule that prevailed in the county of Gorizia, this was usually the elder brother. Other counts used only the lion. As shall be seen, this solution appears to have put all of the pieces of the puzzle rather neatly into place. Passera has also attributed to Albert two other coins struck in the comital mint at Obervellach, which is otherwise documented only in 1313 and 1331 (Luschin von Ebengreuth 1923, 107–8; Rizzolli 1991, 174, 244; Passera 2004, nos. 13–14). These coins include a Friesacher denaro with rose and lion (CNA i, no. Cf1) and a bracteate with the per bend shield of the counts as advocates of the church of Aquileia (CNA i, no. Cf2). On the basis of the hoard evidence, the Friesacher denaro appears to have been struck throughout Count Albert’s rule while the bracteate probably dates from the period 1275–1304. Two other bracteates that Koch dated to about 1300 (CNA i, Cf3–Cf4) were more probably struck under Albert II (1307–27). D. Heinrich II (1304–23) and the minority of Johann Heinrich (1323–38) Heinrich ruled Gorizia alone until 1307, when he divided its properties with his brother Albert II (1307–27). Because the fiefs that Albert obtained in Carinthia and the Pustertal were few and relatively small, however, in effect Heinrich remained the sole ruler. He struck denari with the obverse legend +heNRIc coäeS GoRIc around a per bend shield bendy in base and the reverse legend +äoNeTa De LVoNZe around a rosette (892; CNA i, no. k17 var.; Passera 2004, no. 12; Rizzolli 2006, no. Li32). There are two main variants in this series, depending on whether the per bend shield in the obverse field is bendy of four or six in base. Rizzolli (1991, 241–3) dates the variant with the shield that is bendy of four in base earlier for stylistic reasons, and the Sachsenburg hoard of 1304/12, which contained only coins with the per bend shield of this type, now seems to confirm this dating (App. 1, no. 140). Heinrich also struck denari piccoli with the obverse legend +%h%coäeS around a rose and the reverse legend +GoRIcIe around a lion rampant (CNI vi, 57.3; CNA i, no. k19; Passera 2004, no. 11; Rizzolli 2006, no. Li29). The absence of coins attributable to the minority of Johann Heinrich suggests that the mint continued to strike coins in the name of Heinrich II in this period (1323–38) (Rizzolli 1991, 241–4). E. Albert II (III) (1307–27) After the division of Gorizia, the properties belonging to Albert were so few that he probably had no further role in the coinage of Gorizia, but one of his properties was Obervellach (Baum 2000, 121), where a mint is attested in 1313. It is therefore reasonable to attribute to this ruler a bracteate bearing only a lion, the family coat of arms (CNA i, nos. Cf3–Cf4).

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F. Albert III (IV) (alone) (1338–42) Albert ruled Gorizia alone and therefore also held the title of advocate of the church of Aquileia. As sole ruler, he struck denari with the obverse legend +aLBeRTVS cOäeS GORIcIe around the per bend shield and the reverse legend +äoNeTa De LVonZe around a rose (CNI vi, 57.3, 57.9–10; CNA i, nos. k20–k21; Passera 2004, no. 16; cf. Rizzolli 2006, nos. Li44–Li63). For the first time, the per bend shield on the obverse is barry rather than bendy in base, a characteristic that is maintained on all the succeeding coinages of Gorizia. Symbols such as an eagle, stars and crescents accompany the shield on the obverse of these coins. G. Albert III (IV), Heinrich III and Meinhard VI (VII) (joint rule) (1342–63) When Albert subdivided the territory of Gorizia with his brothers Heinrich and Meinhard in 1342, the portion belonging to him became permanently detached from the rest of the territory. Albert nevertheless maintained a role in the coinage of the mint of Lienz, albeit one subordinate to those of his brothers. An anonymous gold florin with the obverse legend +coMeS GoRIZIa around the usual fleur-de-lis and the same reverse legend and type as the Florentine model (CNI vi, 53.1–2, 56–7.1–2; CNA i, no. k22; Passera 2004, no. 15; Rizzolli 2006, nos. Li64–Li65) is therefore attributable not only to Heinrich and Meinhard but also to Albert. The earliest indication that the Lienz mint issued a gold coinage occurs in a mint contract of 1350/1 that makes provisions for one (Rizzolli 1991, 366). I. Albert III (IV) (1342–74) Although he was the elder brother, Albert did not rule over the fiefs of Friuli after 1342, which means that he was no longer advocate of the church of Aquileia and thus was not entitled to use the shield of the advocacy on his coins. Passera therefore rightly attributes to Albert only coins with the family symbols of the lion and rose, which numismatists have conventionally assigned to Albert II. Rizzolli (1991, 421–7) had originally identified these coins as belonging to his classes I and III, though coins of both these classes must be later than coins of Rizzolli’s class II on stylistic grounds. Albert’s earlier coins with the legends +aLBeRTVS coäeS on the obverse and +äoNeTa De LVoNZe on the reverse (CNI vi, 52.28–35; CNA i, no. k14a; Rizzolli 1991, nos. l35–l42; Passera 2004, no. 16; Rizzolli 2006, Li44–Li47) probably belong to Rizzolli’s class III. These coins retain the same reverse legend as those of Albert’s lone rule and have the same letter Z with the peculiar undulating horizontal lines. They were probably struck only from 1342 to 1344, since Heinrich and Meinhard issued a new six-year mint contract together on their own behalf in 1344 (Rizzolli 1991, 364–5). The coins of Rizzolli’s class I are almost identical to the preceding issues except for the reverse legend,which reads GORIcIe De LVONZe (CNI vi,49.1–7,50–1.14–25;Rizzolli 1991,nos.l10–l17; Passera 2004, no. 19; Rizzolli 2006, nos. Li66–Li75). These coins are datable to the mid-fourteenth century not only on stylistic grounds but also because the punches used for the inscriptions were almost identical to those used on the coins of Aquileia of the same period (e.g. 871). In 1351, in fact, all three brothers, including Albert, issued a contract to run the mint at Lienz to Zilio of Florence, who was also active in the mint of Aquileia at the same time (Rizzolli 1991, 367–9). The mint therefore most likely struck the coins of this last group during the period from 1351 to 1357, at which point Heinrich and Meinhard issued a new contract without Albert. It is worth noting

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that Zilio’s mint contract included provisions for coins to be struck at four-month intervals in the names of each of the three brothers, and with the new chronology put forward here, each of them is represented in the coins of this group. Another coin in the name of Albert, with the same types as before, has the legends +äoNeTaø aLBeRTI and +coMITIS:GoRIcIe, respectively, on the obverse and reverse (CNI vi, 52–3.36–9; CNA i, no. k14b; Passera 2004, no. 20; cf. Rizzolli 2006, nos. Li76–Li77). These coins are absent from the very rich Treubach hoard (App. 1, no. 148), dated to about 1365 (Alram 1994), and this led Passera (2004, 322) to suggest that it was struck under Albert III during the latter part of his life, after 1364. II. Heinrich III (1342–63) As the older of the two brothers who ruled over the Italian and Carinthian territories in the county of Gorizia after 1342, Heinrich held the advocacy and therefore also the right to use the per bend shield. Even so, only a single issue of silver denari in his name is known. Coins of this issue have the obverse legend +HaI3R>cOMeS>gORIcIEø around the shield of Gorizia and the reverse legend >DE> >LV> >O3> >ZE> around a long cross with crescents and rosettes in the angles (893; CNI vi, 58.3–6; CNA i, no. k28 var.; Passera 2004, no. 21; Rizzolli 2006, nos. Li108–Li111). Heinrich also issued an imitation gold florin modelled after the Florentine coin with the obverse legend +HaNRIc cOME:GøLø (CNI vi 58.1–2; CNA i, no. k27; Passera 2004, no. 22; Rizzolli 2006, no. Li112). Because the only other documentary reference to a moneta aurea after the one of 1350/1 (see above, p. 588) occurs in a mint contact of 1358 that only Heinrich and Meinhard awarded to the master Viviano of Lucca (Rizzolli 1991, 369–70), the florin in Heinrich’s name is perhaps best dated to after 1358. III. Meinhard VI (VII) (1342–85) First period, 1342–63 During the first period of Meinhard’s rule, which lasted until his brother Heinrich’s death in 1363, the Lienz mint struck a plentiful series of denari in his name with the obverse legend +MeInh RDVS coMeS and the reverse legend +goRIcIe De LVonZe around the family emblems of the lion and the rose, respectively (894–5; CNI vi, 47–8.1–8; Passera 2004, no. 23). As far as the fabric and style of these coins are concerned, particularly the lettering, their attribution to Meinhard III–IV (1232–71) must be rejected for the same reasons already noted above with respect to the analogous coins of Albert III. The stylistic affinity of these coins with those of Albert indicates that they were in production in 1351, when the counts established by contract the four-monthly rotation of authority over the coinage. The stylistic development of Meinhard’s denari nevertheless suggests that they had a longer life than those of his brother. On the basis of the rich Röthelstein hoard (App. 1, no. 139), Grubinger (1949) has identified six different groups from this series, all of them attested in the Treubach hoard (see above), which indicates that the series was complete by the time that it was closed. Meinhard also struck a florin in his name. It is virtually identical to that of his brother Heinrich but carries the obverse legend coMeS MeINH around the fleur-de-lis (CNI vi, 59.1–2; CNA i no. k23; Passera 2004, no. 24; cf. Rizzolli 2006, no. Li107). It should be dated to the period 1358–63.

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Second period, 1364–85 When Heinrich died, Meinhard obtained the advocacy and adopted the per bend shield on his coinage. It now seems very likely that he struck a long cross denaro similar to that of Heinrich III but with the legends +coMeS MaInhaRDVS and +goRIcIe De LVONZ (CNI vi, 61–2.1–3, attributed to Johann Meinhard, 1385–1430; CNA i, no. k26; Passera 2004, no. 26; Rizzolli 2006, nos. Li119–Li123). He also struck a new kind of florin with either +coäITIS äeInhaRDS or +coMITIS goRIcI eT LVnZ around the per bend shield in tressure on the obverse, displacing the traditional fleur-de-lis, and MeInaRD coMITIS on the reverse around the standing saint (CNI vi, 60.3–4; CNA i, no. k24; Passera 2004, no. 25; cf. Rizzolli 2006, nos. Li113–Li118). Mint contracts of this period often provide information about the silver content of the denari of Gorizia. Rizzolli (1991, 275–87) has calculated that, between 1350 and 1360, the theoretical fine weight of Gorizia’s agleier decreased from 0.72g to 0.53g. This debasement of a little more than 25 per cent helps to explain the abundance of these coins in this period in the new chronology accepted here. H. Heinrich IV (1385–1454) When Meinhard VI died in 1385, his sons Henrich IV and Johann Meinhard were still minors, so the patriarchs of Aquileia granted the advocacy of the church of Aquileia to Francesco I and II da Carrara of Padua until 1398. It is very likely that the counts of Gorizia halted their coinage in this period. Because the director of the mint of the patriarchs of Aquileia sent the count of Gorizia the share of the coins of Aquileia that were due to him on the occasion of a renovatio monetae in 1399 and asked him to declare the new coins as the official currency throughout the territories of Gorizia (De Rubeis 1747, 28–9), there can be little doubt that the mint of Lienz was still inactive at that time. A denaro in the name of a Count Heinrich that is attributable to this period on stylistic grounds nevertheless suggests that the mint reopened soon thereafter under the elder brother, Heinrich, who recovered the advocacy from the patriarch in 1399. It carries the per bend shield of the advocacy on the obverse and a long cross on the reverse with the traditional legends, respectively, +HaNRIC cOMeS goRICIe and Z MONeT De LVIONI (Ahumada Silva 1986b, no. 56, attributed to Heinrich II; CNA i, no. k32, possibly as a modern forgery of a denaro of Heinrich III; Passera 2004, no2. 26–7; Rizzolli 2006, nos. Li124–Li125). It should be dated to the period from shortly after the renovatio monetae in 1399 to the fall of the patriarchate to Venice in 1420. I. Heinrich IV (1385–1454) and Johann Meinhard (1385–1429) When King Sigismund of Luxembourg (1410–37, emp. 1433) invested the counts of Gorizia with the imperial fiefs in 1415, he specifically included the county of Gorizia and the right of coinage in the grant (Baum 2000, 196), in effect acknowledging a privilege that the counts had been exploiting for more than two centuries. The Venetian conquest of Friuli five years later meant that the practical consequences of the investiture were slight, because it also entailed the spread of Venetian hegemony over much of the area in which the coins of Gorizia circulated. The counts nevertheless probably continued to strike some coins on the strength of the grant by Sigismund. These coins were bracteates or semi-bracteates weighing about 0.35g and bearing the per bend shield, even though it no longer seems to have been the emblem of the advocacy, and sometimes a h on the reverse (CNI vi, 56.23–4, attributed to Heinrich II; CNA i, nos. k33–k34, dated to 1450; Passera 2004, nos. 28–30, dated to after 1415; Rizzolli 2006, nos. Li126–Li128, dated to before

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1430). The style and fabric of these bracteates are very close to those of many pfennige struck in the imperial territories in the fifteenth century, which suggests that they were introduced soon after the 1415 grant. They may have been struck until Heinrich’s death in 1454. J. Johann (1454–62) Johann resumed the traditional typology of Gorizia’s coinage, issuing an agleier identical to that of his father, Heinrich IV, but with the legends +IOhaIS coMITIS goRIT and MoNeTa NoVa LVeN on the obverse and reverse, respectively (CNA i, no. k36; Passera 2004, no. 31; Rizzolli 2006, no. Li129). A supposed variant of this coin (CNA i, no. k35) is known only through a line-drawing in Schweitzer (1851, 79) and is probably apocryphal, based on a misreading of the former coins. By this time, however, the old agleier currency had lost its commercial role, so this piece was struck to a different standard, as indeed the legend identifying the coin as a moneta nova suggests. The new standard was almost certainly that of the Tyrolean coinage. In 1460, during a war against Emperor Frederick III (1440–93, emp. 1452), Count Johann lost control of the chief town of Lienz for two years. This is reflected in the coinage (Rizzolli 1983a). During the brief period 1460–2, Johann struck vierer (quattrini) at the Tyrolean standard in a new mint in Toblach (Dobbiaco) in the Pustertal (Val Pusteria). The coins have the obverse legend IOaNNeS around the shield of Gorizia and the reverse legend cOäeS GOR around a cross with the letters D o B L, for Toblach, in the angles (896; CNI vi 63.4–7; CNA i, no. k38 var.; Passera 2004, no. 32; Rizzolli 2006, nos. To1–To12). K. Leonhard (1462–1500) Although the last ruler of the dynasty and forced to deal with such strong powers as the Habsburg dynasty, Venice and even the Turks, Leonhard was able to resume a rich and varied coinage, with some denominations enjoying a wide circulation. This was no doubt owing to the abundance of silver on the European bullion market in the later fifteenth century, which probably entered the territory of Gorizia mostly as customs payments. Leonhard also took up again the traditional title of count of Gorizia and Tyrol, striking all his coins at the Tyrolean standard. Leonhard’s earliest issue was a kreuzer with the obverse legend +LeOnh0RDVS around the per bend shield of Gorizia and the reverse legend +cO äeS gOR IcI around the Tyrolean double cross of Meran (897; CNI vi, 66.25; CNA i, no. k39; Passera 2004, no. 33; Rizzolli 2006, nos. Li130–Li135). Because this coin did not identify Lienz as the mint, Rizzolli (1983a; 2006, 580 nos. To13–To14) suggested that it might have been struck in Toblach in 1462. Another more common type of kreuzer has the legends +Leon|coM|goRI and Mo neT noV LVe on the obverse and reverse, respectively, sometimes accompanied by the dates 1477, 1478 or 1479 (898–9; CNI vi, 64–6.9–24; CNA i, no. k44 var.; Passera 2004, no. 34; Rizzolli 2006, nos. Li137–Li149a). Leonhard also struck large silver coins similar to testoni, a denomination that had become common in Italy by the end of the fifteenth century. Like the testoni of other mints, Leonhard’s coins featured his portrait as the issuing authority on the obverse. The larger coin was a six-kreuzer piece or sechser that weighed more than 3.00g. It has the obverse legend >øLeonøcoMø goRIøeTøTIRoø around a half-figure of Leonhard and the reverse legend gRoS coM PaLa coRI around a long cross with the coats of arms of Tyrol, the palatinate of Carinthia, Gorizia and Tyrol again in the angles (CNI vi, 64.2; CNA i, no. k42; Passera 2004, no. 36; Rizzolli 2006, nos. Li154–Li155).

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Figure 62. Gorizia: Leonhard, three-kreuzer coin (Schweitzer 1851, pl. [i].29)

The smaller coin was a three-kreuzer piece of 1.60g with the same legend and bust of Leonhard on the obverse and the legend äonø noV0 P0L0 coRI around two coats of arms on a long cross with the date 1498 above the shields divided between the first two angles of the cross on the reverse (CNI vi, 63.1; CNA i, no. k43; Passera 2004, no. 37; Rizzolli 2006, no. Li156; see Fig. 62). The most successful coins struck under Leonhard, however, were the small vierer or quattrini, which circulated widely, above all in South Tyrol, as single-finds clearly show (e.g. App. 1, nos. 80, 84). They have the obverse legend >LeOnh0RDVS around the shield of Gorizia and the reverse legend >cOäeS(wedge)gORIcI around a short cross with rosettes (900; CNI vi, 66–7.26–31; CNA i, no. k45 var.; Passera 2004, no. 39; Rizzolli 2006, nos. Li150–Li153). Another type supplants the initial rosette at the beginning of the legends with a cross and has the shield of Carinthia on a long cross as the reverse type (901–2; Fiala 1895, no. 2445; CNI vi, 67.32–6; CNA i, no. k46; Rizzolli 2006, no. Li157). L. Maximilian I (1500–19) Archduke of Austria Maximilian I of Habsburg (1493–1519,Rex Romanorum 1486,king of Germany 1493, emp. elect 1508) maintained both the pattern of Leonhard’s coinage and the relatively high levels of output of the kreuzer (903; CNI vi, 69.7–8) and vierer (904–6; Fiala 1895, no. 2449 var.; CNI vi, 69–70.9–21) for the first ten years of his rule over Gorizia. Some time between 1509 and 1511, the traditional mint of the counts of Gorizia at Lienz was definitively closed (Rizzolli 1984b, 37–9; 2002, 206), though in 1512, 1518 and 1519, the mint at Hall, in Tyrol, struck some half-batzen, a typical southern German denomination worth two kreuzer, for circulation in the county of Gorizia (907–9; CNI vi, 68.2–6).

(f ) padua 1. Historical background Medieval Padua was an important centre some thirty kilometres west of Venice, with a very long history. One of the most important cities of northern Italy during the Roman era and homeland of celebrated individuals such as the historian Livy, Padua nevertheless lost all importance under Lombard rule, when the administration even of its own territory was moved southward to the small village of Monselice. Its rebirth had begun during the Carolingian period, but the main developments probably took place during the tenth and eleventh centuries, mostly thanks to the growing political and economic role of its bishops. As with many other cities in the Po valley, the early development of Padua’s communal institutions in the twelfth century are documented; its communal consuls are mentioned for the first time in 1138. The city joined the Veronese League

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against Frederick I Barbarossa (1152–90, emp. 1155) in 1164 and the favourable outcome of this struggle gave it full municipal autonomy which lasted until 1328, excepting the rule of Ezzelino da Romano in 1237–56 (see section (a) above, p. 550). To this autonomous period belong two developments for which Padua remains world famous: the foundation of its university in 1222 and the arrival in 1229 of a Portuguese monk destined ever after to be associated with the city, the future St Antony (Daniele et al. 1985, passim). In the last phases of the communal period, from 1266 onwards, Padua increased its territory considerably, occupying first Vicenza and then Rovigo, thus extending its domain from the mountain slopes to the sea, to which the city’s municipal seal bears witness in the legend Muson, Mons Athes, Mare certos dant mihi fines (‘the [rivers] Musone and Adige, the mountains and the sea give me unmistakable borders’) (Rizzoli 1903, i, 29–31). The variegation of this very large territory, including fertile plains and lagoons full of fish but above all the rich pastures in the highlands, contributed substantially to the economic development of the city, most of all in the wool industry but also to a lesser extent in moneylending. To persuade God to forgive the sins of usury committed by one very famous moneylender, Rinaldo Scrovegni, his family built a chapel and had its walls entirely frescoed by a young but revolutionary Florentine painter. The chapel is this painter’s masterpiece; his name was Giotto di Bondone (c. 1267–1337) (Frugoni 2008). During the fourteenth century, Padua was deeply involved in the struggles between the most powerful centres of northern Italy, now mostly ruled by seigniorial dynasties, to create regional states. The general contours of this phase are described above (see section (a), pp. 551–2), but it is worth adding that Padua lost Vicenza to Cangrande della Scala of Verona in 1312 and that resistance to Veronese expansion brought forth new leaders from the old feudal aristocracy, for example Jacopo da Carrara. He was declared lord of Padua in 1319 but had to seek imperial protection a year later, effectively surrendering the city to imperial vicarii between 1320 and 1328. The city then spontaneously accepted occupation by the Scaligeri lords of Verona, which lasted ten years (1328–37), until the Carrara had grown sufficiently powerful to regain control of the city once more and this time to hold on to it for the rest of the fourteenth century, excepting only two years under the Visconti of Milan (1388–90). In the later fourteenth century, the Da Carrara were one of the most powerful dynasties in Italy, but their rule was marked by almost continuous war against Venice, to which Padua definitively succumbed in 1405. The medieval history of Padua is unfortunately compromised by the complete loss of the communal and Carrarese archives in the sixteenth century, which may explain the lack of general works covering the Middle Ages, apart from Simioni (1968), which remains superficial in its analyses. More scholarly treatments include, for the earlier medieval period, Castagnetti (1991) and, for the rule of the Carrara, Kohl (1998). The economic and social background of the communes and the Carrarese lordship are fully described in Hyde (1966) and Collodo (1990). 2. Coinage In terms of coinage, Padua is one of the few mints in Italy that was well studied early on by exacting historians in both of the eighteenth-century collections compiled by Argelati and Zanetti (Brunacci 1744; Verci 1775–89). In 1865, moreover, the Museo Bottacin was founded in Padua as one of Italy’s few numismatic museums, and at the beginning of the twentieth century, the local university initiated a course in numismatics (Gorini 1972, 28–31). Despite this, the coinage of

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Padua has not been studied in depth. Apart from articles treating very specific subjects such as hoards or single coin issues, there is only the booklet by Rizzoli (Rizzoli and Perini 1903), an early curator of the Museo Bottacin, which provided a fuller treatment and became the basis for the CNI. As a result, attributions and reconstructions that were sometimes very subjective and never supported through discussion have become entrenched. Saccocci is now attempting to redress the balance through a die-study of all of Padua’s coinage. Although very far from complete, his work has thus far yielded some progress, particularly with respect to distinguishing between the coins of Francesco I (1355–88) and Francesco II da Carrara (1388, 1390–1405). Otherwise, the works of Gorini (1972, 60–4) and Kohl (1998, 158–62, 281–4) cover some aspects of the coinage and mint under the Carrara lords. A. The commune (before 1271–1318) In 1049 Emperor Henry III (1039–56, emp. 1046) granted Bishop Bernardo of Padua (1048–59?) the right to mint coins in the weight of the coins of Verona: Heinricus divina favente clementia Romanorum imperator augustus …[B]ere[nha]rdi Pataviensis [episcopi licentiam et potestatem monetam] faciendi in civitate Pataviensi secundum pondus Veronensis [monetae] sibi su˛eque ecclesiae perpetualiter concedimus [atque permittimu]s. E[t ut certior auctoritas] huius nostrae concessionis videatur, in una superficie denariorum nostri nominis et imaginis impressionem, in altera vero eiusdem civitatis figuram imprimi iu[ss]imus (MGH Dipl. v, doc. 234)

Apparently no monetary activity followed this act, which had been related to the German emperor’s aim of fostering the circulation of money on the good Veronese standard during a period when such coins were being driven out by the more debased Venetian denari (Saccocci 1991a, 249–51; see above, section (a), pp. 554–5). Nonetheless, this act offered the bishop of Padua the possibility of striking coins, a possibility that, via a claim of inheritance by the communal authorities, gave the city the juridical basis for manufacturing its own coinage more than two centuries later. In fact the first documentary evidence for a Paduan coinage we have is in a contract for a sale dating from 1271, where the price is recorded as ‘forty-four lire of denari of Padua’ (Rizzoli and Perini 1903, 95 doc. 5). The currency quoted in the document has been convincingly identified with a very common bowlshaped billon denaro bearing a six-rayed star on both sides and the legends +CIVITaS and +De PADVa in the margins (910; CNI vi, 182–4.1–17). To judge from its weight, this piece clearly belongs to the Venetian–Veronese standard then in use in the region. The 1271 document is of course only a terminus ante quem, and it has therefore been suggested that the beginning of the coinage can be pushed as far back as 1256 (Gorini 1981, 281; Saccocci 1988b, 473–4), the year of the ‘liberation’ from the tyranny of Ezzelino. Now, however, we can rule out such an early date because of the dramatic spread throughout the Venezie of Mantua’s denaro, minted from 1257 on the Venetian standard (see Chapter 5, section (l), p. 392). This phenomenon is comprehensible only if there were no other competing coins available locally. The reason for the beginning of the coinage of Padua was probably not to celebrate the recovery of ‘freedom’, but to meet the demand for petty coinage after the disappearance of the denaro crociato of Verona that had dominated circulation since the end of the twelfth century (see section (m) below,p.657).This also provided the rationale for the introduction of new petty coins in Aquileia and probably also Meran as well as the re-introduction

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of the Venetian denaro. The beginning of the new coinage of Padua is therefore datable between about 1260 and 1271. The communal denari of Padua are fairly common in stray finds in the Venezie and points eastwards; some pieces have even been found in Bosnia (Saccocci 1988b, 473–4). This implies that the issue was successful and plentiful. At least six different combinations of punctuation marks suggest that there were several different issues, but for the moment it is impossible to fix their chronology. Perhaps the last coins (c. 1310–18) were those with a flat flan, since they are rare in the part still available for study of the Piovene Rocchette hoard, dating to c. 1310 (App. 1, no. 50). B. Padua under the vicarii imperiales (1320–8) In this period imitations of the famous and successful silver grossi of Meran known as aquilini (see section (k) below, pp. 621–2) were struck in Padua, with the legends PaDVa REGIa around an eagle on the obverse and CIVITaS around a long cross on the reverse. These imitations, which more or less respected the Meranese standard, were characterised, in Padua as elsewhere, by small coats of arms referring to the family of the emperor’s representatives. The significance and role of these imitations are discussed above (see section (a) above, pp. 559–60). Three representatives are identifiable from the coats of arms on the aquilini: Ulrich von Walsee, who was vicarius imperialis in 1320–1; Engelmar von Villanders, vice-capitano in 1323–8 under Conrad von Auffenstein, who was capitano for Vicarius Heinrich of Tyrol-Carinthia; and Ulrich von Pfannberg, capitano for the same vicarius in 1324–5 (Saccocci 1987a). Noting the impossibility of matching the periods of office of the three representatives with the characteristics of the different issues (the coins of Ulrich von Walsee are very common, while those of Villanders and Pfannberg extremely rare), Saccocci suggests the following chronology for each issue: aquilini with the arms of Walsee (911–14; CNI vi, 184–6.1–18 Rizzolli 1991, nos. Pa1–Pa4), 1320–4. (b) aquilini with the arms of Pfannberg (Saccocci 1987a, 164–6; Rizzolli 1991, no. Pa9), 1324–5. (c) aquilini with the arms of Villanders (915; CNI vi, 186–7.1–4; Rizzolli 1991, no. Pa8), 1325–8. (a)

In 1324, in fact, Heinrich of Tyrol-Carinthia led a huge expedition to assist Padua against Cangrande (see section (a) above, p. 551), disbursing nearly 600,000 grossi to Padua entirely in aquilini to cover the expedition’s expenses over a period of twenty days in June alone (Saccocci 1990a, 333–4). It therefore seems very probable that the coins in the name of Ulrich von Walsee were still in production at the time of the expedition, since they are the only aquilini of Padua that are relatively common. Rizzolli (1991, 231–2) has been critical of parts of this chronology, though on what basis is unclear. This strange pattern of minting, which involved coins being struck in the name of different kinds of authorities – vicarii, capitani and vice-capitani – over periods that sometimes do not correspond to those of the authorities they invoke, has also been explained by Saccocci (1987a, 176–7). In his opinion, an officer gained the right to put his coat of arms on the coin not only by being a representative of the emperor but probably also by publicly swearing to respect the statutes of the commune in the way that the podestà had previously done. This ceremony is actually documented for Ulrich von Walsee, though not for the other vicarii. It is nevertheless plausible that it was also held for Pfannberg and Villanders, who resided in the city. If this was actually the case, then the aquilini of Padua convey an important piece of information about the juridical aspects of the passage

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from communal to seigniorial coinages in Italy. The hypothesis is now supported by the fact that the earliest of these imitations of the aquilino struck in Treviso under vicarius imperialis Heinrich II of Gorizia (1319–23) do not carry Heinrich’s coat of arms but that of the podestà who held office at the beginning of Heinrich’s vicariato (see section (i) below, pp. 612–13). In terms of circulation, the aquilini of Padua benefited from the success of the coins they imitated and thus spread over a large area, as attested by their presence in hoards from Benevento in Campania to Schongau in Bavaria (App. 1, no. 89, 141). C. The Signoria I. Ubertino da Carrara (1338–45) After the Veronese interlude under the Scaligeri (1328–37), during which Padua did not strike coins, Ubertino da Carrara reopened the mint, resuming the old republican tradition almost completely. A coin that is clearly a direct heir of the communal denaro can be easily attributed to him. It has the legend CIVITAS around the letter V (for Ubertinus) in place of the old star on the obverse and the legend PADVA intersected by the rays of a six-pointed star extending from the field on the reverse (CNI vi, 188.1–2). Beginning with Ubertino’s new denaro, the petty coins of Padua are the best-attested ones in excavation finds throughout the north-eastern regions of Italy until at least 1385, when Venice introduced a new, greatly debased denaro (Saccocci 1988b, 477–8; see also below, section (l), p. 647). The reason for this diffusion of Padua’s coinage was the aggressive monetary policy of Francesco I, as we shall see, but it was helped by the probable decision of monetary authorities in Verona to increase the value their own lira by a third in 1349 (see section (m) below, p. 661). Because of this, the current coins of Verona no longer corresponded to the traditional standard of account of the denarius veronensis, which was used throughout the Venezie. This created room for all the other currencies that, like the denari of Padua, were based on the same standard. II. Jacopo II da Carrara (1345–50) Jacopo continued to strike the denaro revived by his predecessor, simply substituting the letter V on the obverse with a gothic I (for Iacobus) (921; CNI vi, 191.21–3). He also introduced a grosso in very good silver weighing c. 1.20g. On the obverse, it has a type of a long cross, quartered by the letters I A (again, for Iacobus) and two small four-wheeled carts, the heraldic symbol of the Carrara (their name deriving precisely from cart, carro in Italian); on the reverse, it has a figure of St Prosdocimus, one of the protectors of Padua, carrying in his right hand a model of the city (916–20; CNI vi, 189–90.1–10; on St Prosdocimus on the coinage, see Gorini 1965; Saccocci 2012; see also below, App. 2). This coin, called carrarino from the name of the family, had a value of two soldi in the money of Padua, or twenty-four denari, and was produced in huge quantities, at least to judge from its presence in hoards (Saccocci 1988b, 478–9) and the rarity of die-links among the very numerous extant examples. The fact that the carrarino was by now the only coin in production in all the Venezie that represented the value of account of the once-widespread aquilini and grossi of Verona, referred to in the sources as grossi a XX or as grossi a XXII, respectively, may account for its success (Saccocci 1995, 257–58). The carrarini of Jacopo II bear the mark of two mint-masters (P and trefoil), which in Padua meant contractors, since the mint was not a state office as in Venice. It is curious that the obverse of the coin appears to recall the type of the English long cross penny. This is surprising since these coins are very rarely found in northern Italy, even if they are often quoted,

Padua

597

as sterlings, in the documents (see Martinori 1915, s.v. sterling, sterlino). A late thirteenth-century decree provides a possible explanation; it establishes that the city’s silversmiths could work only silver with a standard of fineness equal to or better than sterling silver (argento de sterlinis) (Rizzoli and Perini 1903, 94 doc. 4). Presumably, the authorities chose the peculiar type of the new cararrino to indicate that the silver content of the coin was comparable to that of the sterlings, which were evidently well known in Padua. Saccocci (2012, 144–6) recently proposed that the image of the saint carrying a model of the city on the reverse of the coin, which is one of the earliest examples of this iconography on coins or otherwise (Camelliti 2010), perhaps alludes to a reference to the figuram civitatis in the grant of minting rights that Emperor Henry III made to the bishop of Padua in the eleventh century (see above, p. 594). The reference to the imperial grant suggests that the coin was introduced in 1348, when Charles IV (1347–78, emp. 1355) granted Jacopo the vicariato of the city (Kohl 1998, 93), but further research on this question is still needed. III. Jacopino and Francesco I da Carrara (1350–5) To the joint rule of Jacopino and Francesco I is attributed a very rare issue, known only in four specimens, one from an excavation site at Fiera di Primiero (App. 1, no. 80). It is a denaro of the usual type in which, however, the initial letter of the ruler on the obverse is replaced by a small cart (CNI vi, 191.1). Such a coin, where only the family arms indicate the ruler, would seem more suitable for an earlier period than one in which the personal name of the ruler was usually indicated. It would therefore be reasonable to attribute this piece to the very short rule of Marsilio da Carrara (1337– 8), immediately preceding that of Ubertino. The weight of the surviving specimens, however, is very low, so that for the moment it seems best to retain the traditional attribution. The absence of the personal name of any lord, after all, makes more sense on a coin struck under joint rule than produced under a sole ruler. Another type that the CNI (vi, 191.2) attributed to Marsilio is actually a double-struck coin, with inverted faces, of the same issue of uncertain date just described. IV. Francesco I da Carrara (1355–88) Francesco I was undeniably the most important ruler of the Carrara dynasty, and this is reflected in his coinage. Devoting the greater part of his rule to the enlargement of his city’s dominions and contesting the rival power of Venice, he employed monetary tactics extensively, as attested in some of the few surviving documents from the Carrarese administration. Unfortunately, it is impossible here to give a full account of the monetary policy of Francesco I because the attributions of the various coin types between Francesco I and his son and successor Francesco II remain uncertain, but some remarks can be made about the introduction of new denominations. Although the new attributions and chronology proposed here may seem poorly supported, it is important to bear in mind that they are based on Saccocci’s still largely unpublished research and work in progress undertaken in the course of his study of the coinage for this volume. More specifically, the LAMA Laboratory of the IUAV University in Venice has made a series of metallurgical analyses on the coins of Padua using the SEM/EDS method (see below, App. 3) that should help to resolve many questions of attribution. It is impossible here to provide a comprehensive summary of the results, but some of the data are published in Saccocci (2011). If not otherwise stated, all the metrological data given below come from these analyses.

598

Veneto

C A. Saccocci. Reproduced by Figure 63. Padua: Francesco I, ducato d’oro (Museo Civico Bottacin, Padua; image  kind permssion)

First period, 1355–78 For the first twenty-three years of his rule, the only coins that Francesco struck were almost certainly a traditional bowl-shaped denaro distinguished from the foregoing ones by the letter F (for Franciscus) on the obverse field (CNI vi, 199–200.67–78) and a silver carrarino grosso with the obverse legend FRaNcIScI De CaRaRIa around the cart between the letters  –  and with the traditional reverse type showing the standing image of St Prosdocimus. Five different marks are known for this issue, nI (922; CNI vi, 196–7.35, 38, 42–8), P (923; CNI vi, 196–7.39–41, 49–53), Bz (924; CNI vi, 196.36–7, 198.55–60), B (925; CNI vi, 198.54) and another monogram apparently made up of a F superimposed on a s (CNI vi, 203.16, considered as a ‘mule’ and attributed to Francesco II); only one of them, the Bz, can easily be attributed to a mint-master, in this case Broccardo Zuanne (Giovanni), documented in 1378 (Rizzoli and Perini 1903, 58). The unusual mark made up of the F and s is also present on some carrarini attributable to Francesco II (see below, p. 604), which perhaps indicates that the same mint-master was active for both the rulers. Second period, 1378–86 A substantial change in Francesco’s coinage occurred in 1378 after the lord of Padua allied with the king of Hungary and Genoa against Venice in the so-called ‘War of Chioggia’.The Gatari chronicle reported that authorities in Padua received three carts laden with gold and silver that they used to strike new coin denominations (Gatari and Gatari 1909–31, 156–7; cf. Rizzoli and Perini 1903, 97–8 doc. 11). Because the chroniclers’ description of the denominations seems unreliable when judged against the surviving coins and other evidence, Saccocci (1995, 260–2) suggested on the basis of the coins registered in contemporary documents that these new denominations were a gold ducat, a silver soldino and a four-denaro coin (quattrino). The results of the unpublished analyses mentioned above suggest that a coin worth four soldi and later called a carrarese was also struck in this period, though only briefly. The rare gold ducat, which is known in only two specimens, has the same weight as the Venetian ducat and the same types as Padua’s silver carrarino with the cart and St Prosdocimus, but both inside a gothic frame (CNI vi, 192.1; see Fig. 63). Three types of soldini are known, but probably only the one weighing about 0.50g with the cart on the obverse and simple long cross on the reverse (926; CNI vi, 198–9.63–5) belongs to Francesco I. The quattrino is almost certainly the billon piece with a comet on the obverse and St Giustina on the reverse, traditionally attributed to Francesco II (CNI vi, 204–5.31–6). The silver content is around 16 per cent and it seems stylistically very close to the carrarese introduced in 1386. Because some documents indicate that the quattrini produced after this date had a much lower

Padua

599

Figure 64. Padua: Francesco I and possibly Francesco II, grosso da 4 soldi with St Prosdocimus (Museo Civico C A. Saccocci. Reproduced by kind permission) Bottacin, Padua; image 

standard of fineness (see below, p. 600), it may be concluded that this type was in production just before the introduction of the carrarese. Of the coins in the name of Francesco, the most difficult to attribute is a rather rare piece of about 1.70g with the legend FRaNcIScI De CaRaRIa around a long cross quartered by two small crosses and two carts on the obverse and the legend Sa3TVS PROSDOcIMVS around St Prosdocimus standing on the reverse (CNI vi, 194–5.19–27; see Fig. 64). It is clearly a carrarese worth four soldi, the face value of the Venetian grosso, even if the name may not have been in use before 1386 (see below, p. 600). Two types of this coin are known, one without any mark and the other with a letter F in the right field of the reverse (Rizzoli and Perini 1903, 73 nos. 10a and 10b, respectively). The fineness of the first type is around 93 per cent silver, identical to that of the carrarino and soldo, making it possible to date the coins of this type to only two periods during the rule of Francesco I and II: the period 1378–86 under Francesco I, before the introduction of a debased carrarese, and the period after 1402 under Francesco II, when a mint contract mentions a carrarese with the same standard of fineness (Cessi 1985, 294–7). The fineness of coins of the second type varies from 93 per cent silver down to only 12 per cent; for a coin type that maintained the same mark, this is suggestive of a significant and rapid debasement. It therefore seems very likely that the coins of this type were struck in more or less the same period in which a similar debasement is documented in the sources for the carrarese introduced in 1386, from 75 per cent silver to 36 per cent (see below, p. 600). The coins of the first type without any mark and those of the type with the F that have a similar silver content were thus produced between 1378 and 1386, while the coins with the F but low fineness belong to the following period. In either case, the attribution of this series to Francesco I also seems to be confirmed by the fact that the two saints on the carrarese, Daniel and Prosdocimus, are the same as the ones represented on the carrarini, which undoubtedly belong to this lord. It is also very likely that the typology of the carrarino was changed at this time and that a new type with St Daniel instead of St Prosdocimus was introduced (CNI vi, 195.28–34). The choice of some of the new denominations was very significant: two or perhaps three of them were aimed at the same markets as the most important denominations in use in Venice, the ducat and silver soldo certainly and perhaps also the carrarese depicting St Prosdocimus. Francesco clearly intended his currency to compete with that of the enemy. In 1381, Francesco bought Treviso from the duke of Austria and later occupied Feltre, Belluno, Conegliano, Ceneda and many centres of Friuli, thus almost surrounding the territory of Venice. From 1384, he issued several decrees addressed to these communities concerning the circulation of Padua’s currency and obliging the people to exchange the Venetian soldino at 80 per cent of its value

600

Veneto

(Rizzoli and Perini 1903, 95–7 docs. 6–9, 116 doc. 21, 132–4 docs. 37–40; for the correct chronology of these documents, see Liberali 1935, 108–19). He evidently sought to drain his neighbour’s good coins from the market to finance his own coinage in a kind of monetary war to support his endless military confrontations with the Venetians. Third period, 1386–8 The monetary system introduced in 1378 probably changed in 1386, when Francesco introduced a new piece worth four Paduan soldi, now called a carrarese, having the same typology as the gold ducat but with St Daniel standing without a frame and the legend S DanIEL äaRTIR, instead of the ‘framed’ Prosdocimus on the reverse (927; CNI vi, 192–4.2–18). It is worth noting that on this coin, as on the carrarino of Jacopo II, the saint carries the city of Padua in his right hand. On the earlier coin, the city is represented by two towers, but on the carrarese, it is symbolised by a single building, which has been identified with the castello built in 1237 by Ezzelino and newly refurbished in 1374 (Gorini 1998). This coin was undoubtedly a fiduciary piece, since the decree imposing its circulation and value also established that the older coins of Padua were to retain their traditional value, ‘in spite of my new coin’ (moneta mea nova non obstante: Rizzoli and Perini 1903, 99 doc. 12), which clearly implies that the new and old coins were metrologically incompatible. A document of 1386–7 that records payments to the master of the mint in Padua, Milano di Giacomello, in fact shows that the fineness of this carrarese was markedly lower than that of the carrarino and the soldino even at the outset of the period, only 75 per cent compared with 93 per cent, and that it was further reduced over the ensuing year, from 75 per cent to 36 per cent (Rizzoli and Perini 1903, 99–108 doc. 13; Liberali 1935, 109). At the same time, the mint suspended production of the older and finer carrarino and soldino to prevent them from being immediately culled from circulation for hoarding. The same document indeed attests to the production of only carraresi and quattrini, the latter of which were probably overvalued from the outset. It is likely, however, that the heavily debased carraresi with St Prosdocimus and the letter F were struck just after the massive production of the examples with St Daniel, as shall be seen below. Quattrini were produced in huge quantities in this period, and analyses show that the only pieces metrologically compatible with the data on these coins in the document of 1386–7 mentioned above, which indicates that they contained around 3–5 per cent silver, are the erroneously named sestino negro and the so-called quattrino da due denari. Analyses give a higher fineness for both denominations, around 8–10 per cent silver, but the figures may be considered reasonably close owing to the effect of surface enrichment on coins of such a poor alloy (Condamin and Picon 1972). The identification of the former piece with the sestino negro recorded in some mint contracts dating from the rule of Francesco II was suggested by Rizzoli (Rizzoli and Perini 1903, 45–6), because the coin bears a head of a man with tightly curled hair left on the obverse and a large F on the reverse (CNI vi, 205.37–41, attributed to Francesco II; see Fig. 65). He thought that the word negro (black) referred to the head, which he saw as clearly belonging to a black man. The word referred, however, only to the poor alloy of the piece, as moneta nigra is commonly used to indicate billon coinage, and not to the portrait. The head probably represented the testa di moro (Moor’s head) on the crest of a helmet, which was one of the imprese of Francesco I, often used on his bronze tokens, the so-called tessere carraresi (Verci 1775–89, 453 no. 6). It is therefore likely that this coin is really the quattrino that Francesco I struck in huge quantities during the period 1386–7. It was once regarded as very rare, but its rarity may be explained by the likelihood that it was produced for only two years and then driven out of circulation by the Milanese denaro imperiale that

Padua

601

Figure 65. Padua: Francesco I, quattrino with Moor’s head (Museo Civico Bottacin, Padua; C A. Saccocci. Reproduced by kind permission) image 

Gian Galeazzo Visconti (1385–1402, duke 1395) introduced in 1388 (see below). The obverse type also recalls some of the Hungarian denari of King Louis I (1342–82), which have even turned up in Padua (Gorini 1973), most probably having arrived during the War of Chioggia in 1378–81. This piece might have been struck to facilitate the easy exchange of Padua’s coins and the Hungarian ones, which Francesco I had forbidden by decree in 1386 (Rizzoli and Perini 1903, 133 doc. 39). The quattrino da due denari (worth two denari), meanwhile, is certainly the very common piece with the large a and cross on the obverse and reverse, respectively, and the legends PaDVa and cIVITaS (928–9; CNI vi, 205–6.42–5, attributed to Francesco II). The obverse type is peculiar to coins struck on the monetary standard of Bologna, based on the so-called grosso bolognino. The denaro of Bologna was worth twice as much as the Venetian denaro (see section (g) below, p. 606) and consequently likewise twice Padua’s denaro. In the Veneto, a coin with an a as the obverse type therefore probably would have automatically been received as a double denaro. In contrast with the other quattrino, however, this coin is much too common to have been produced only for two years; instead, it is likely that production continued even into the rule of Francesco II. The monetary policy of Francesco I of draining foreign coins from his territory by imposing the circulation of debased pieces was probably successful at first, if indeed the mint of Padua was really able to strike 10.5 million carraresi and 16 million quattrini from the melting of foreign coins in the period from January 1386 to July 1387, as the mint-master reported (Rizzoli and Perini 1903, 99–108 doc. 13). Later, however, this policy led to the obvious consequence of debasement: the carrarese was newly tariffed in July 1387 at two soldi instead of four and in March 1388 at one soldo instead of two (Saccocci 1995, 263). The revival of the carrarese with St Prosdocimus and the letter F may also be attributed to the period 1387–8 in which the carrarese was officially worth two soldi and then one soldo on the ground that these later coins have a very low silver content, ranging from 33 per cent down to 12 per cent. The lower denomination of one soldo in fact had less than one-quarter of the silver content of the new carrarese with St Daniel upon its introduction in 1386.

V. Gian Galeazzo Visconti (1388–90) During the Visconti occupation of Padua, as in other cities subject to the lord of Milan, coins were minted in a Milanese denomination, the denaro of the lira imperiale (see Chapter 5, section (m), p. 461), but with the name of the conquered city – PaDVe – in the obverse legend (CNI v, 100–1). Most of these pieces were certainly struck in the mint of Milan and are therefore described in the section of the volume devoted to Milan, but some contemporary documents referring to Verona suggest that some of these pieces were struck in a local mint (see section (m) below, pp. 664–5). For the moment, however, no pieces clearly attributable to the mint of Padua have been distinguished.

Veneto

602

Table 57. Coinage of Padua under the Carrara lords, 1338–1405 Ruler

Reference

Characteristics and description

Ubertino I da Carrara (1338–40)

CNI vi, 188.1–2

Denaro piccolo, billon: Obv. cIVITaS, V. Rev. PaDVa, star.

Jacopo II da Carrara (1340–5)

CNI vi, 191.21–3

Denaro piccolo, billon: Obv. cIVITaS, I. Rev. PaDVa, star.

CNI vi, 188–9.1–20

Grosso carrarino da 2 soldi, silver (possibly struck from 1348 when Jacopo became imperial vicarius): Obv. cIVIT PaD, long cross w. Ia and carts in the angles. Rev. S PSDO cIMVS, saint enthroned.

Jacopino and Francesco I da Carrara (1350–5)

CNI vi, 191.1

Denaro piccolo, billon: Obv. cIVITaS, cart. Rev. PaDVa, star.

Francesco I da Carrara, alone (1355–88)

CNI vi, 199–200.67–78

Denaro piccolo, billon: Obv. cIVITaS, F. Rev. PaDVa, star.

first period, 1355–78

CNI vi, 196–8.35–62

Grosso carrarino da 2 soldi, first type, silver: Obv. FRaNcIScI De CaRaRIa, cart. Rev. S PROSDOcIäVS, saint standing.

Francesco I da Carrara

CNI vi, 192.1

Gold ducat: Obv. RANcIScI D caRaRIa, cart. Rev. cIVITaS PaDVa, saint standing.

CNI vi, 194–5.19–27

Grosso da 4 soldi (carrarese?) with St Prosdocimus, silver: Obv. RANcIScI D caRaRIa, cross fleury w. carts and small crosses in the angles. Rev. SaNTVS PROSDOcIMVS, saint standing.

CNI vi, 195.28–34

Grosso carrarino da 2 soldi, second type, silver: Obv. FRaNcIScI De CaRaRIa, cart. Rev. SaNTVS DAnIeL, saint standing.

CNI vi, 198–9.63–5

Soldo, silver: Obv. FR n De C R RI , cart. Rev. c IP D V , long cross.

CNI vi, 204–5.31–6 (attributed to Francesco II)

Quattrino with St Giustina, billon: Obv. RANcIScI D’ caRaRIa comet w. cross. Rev. SaNta IVStINa, saint standing.

second period, 1378–86

Padua

603

Table 57. (cont.) Ruler

Reference

Characteristics and description

Francesco I da Carrara

CNI vi, 192–4.2–18

Carrarese da 4 soldi w. St Daniel, debased silver/billon: Obv.  D caRaRIa P`DVe e ceTeR` cart. Rev. S DanIeL äaRTIR, saint standing.

CNI – ; Rizzoli and Perini 1903, 73 no. 10b

Carrarese da 4 soldi w. St Prosdocimus and F, debased silver/billon (1387?–88): Obv. RANcIScI D caRaRIa, cross fleury w. carts and small crosses in the angles. Rev. SaNTVS PROSDOcIMVS, saint standing.

CNI vi, 205.37–41 (attributed to Francesco II)

Debased quattrino, billon (erroneously identified in earlier works as the sestino negro in later sources): Obv. cIVItaS Moor’s head. Rev. PaDVa letter .

CNI vi, 205–6.42–5 (attributed to Francesco II)

Quattrino da 2 denari, billon (1387–88 and 1390–1405): Obv. PaDV, letter a. Rev. cIVITaS cross.

Gian Galeazzo Visconti (1388–90)

–

Probably no coins struck in the mint of Padua; for the denaro imperiale with PaDVe in the obv. legend, see Chapter 5, section (m), p. 461.

Francesco II (1390–1405)

CNI vi, 206.46–7

Denaro piccolo w. fat flan, billon: Obv. cIVITaS, F. Rev. PaDVa, star.

CNI vi, 201–3.1–18

Grosso carrarino da 2 soldi w. St Prosdocimus and  I on the obverse, silver: Obv. FRaNcIScI De CaRaRIa, cart. Rev. S PROSDOcIäVS, saint standing.

CNI vi, 205–6.42–5

Quattrino da 2 denari, billon (same type as Francesco I, third period): Obv. PaDV, letter a. Rev. cIVITaS cross.

CNI vi, 193.66, 203.20 (attributed to both Francesco I and II)

Soldo, silver: Obv. FR n De C R RI , cart. Rev. cIVITaS PaDVe, cross fleury.

CNI vi, 205.37–41

Sestino negro, billon (described as a quattrino in earlier works): Obv. RANcIScI D caRaRIa comet w. cross. Rev. cIVITaS PaDVe, cross fleury.

third period, 1386–8

(cont.)

Veneto

604 Table 57. (cont.) Ruler

Reference

Characteristics and description

After 1402

CNI – ; Rizzoli and Perini 1903, 73 no. 10b

Carrarese da 4 soldi w. St Prosdocimus and F, silver (same as Francesco I, third period, possibly minted again in this period with higher silver content): Obv. RANcIScI D caRaRIa, cross fleury w. carts and small crosses in the angles. Rev. SaNTVS PROSDOcIMVS, saint standing.

CNI vi, 206.48–50

Debased denaro piccolo, billon: Obv. PaDVa, terraqueous globe. Rev. cIVITaS, rose.

CNI vi, 203.19

Grosso carrarino da 2 soldi with St Antony, silver (known only from nineteenth-century drawing; possibly a worn and misread carrarino of Francesco I, second type): Obv. RaNcIScI De caRaRIa cart. Rev. SaNtVS ANtONI, saint standing.

CNI vi, 203.21

Soldo with St Antony, silver: Obv. FRaNcIScI D caRaRIa, eagle. Rev. SaNTVS aNTONIVS, saint.

1405

VI. Francesco II da Carrara (1390–1405) Soon after recovering the city from the Visconti in 1390, Francesco reopened the mint, which was active from at least as early as 1394 (Rizzoli and Perini 1903, 116–20 doc. 22). He did not resume the most debased of the coins of his father, the carrarese, which probably means that he did not continue his father’s aggressive monetary policy. This is suggested by the fact that coin production during the period from 1394 to 1399 was carried out mostly with the metal supplied by private individuals, not by the state as it had been under Francesco I (Rizzoli and Perini 1903, 116–25 docs. 22–4, 135–8 docs. 43–6). This less interventionist attitude, in terms of the coinage at least, may also explain the relative rarity of surviving decrees from Francesco II concerning monetary circulation (Rizzoli and Perini 1903, 115 doc. 20). Mint documents from the rule of Francesco II refer to four different denominations: a carrarino grosso, a soldino, a sestino negro (a black billon coin valued at six denari) and a denaro. All of these can now be identified with surviving coins. The silver carrarino of Francesco II is similar to the previous piece of Francesco I with St Prosdocimus, but with the letters F – I (for Franciscus Junior) on the obverse instead of F – F. Four different marks are known. They include the monogram with the letter F superimposed on a s as described above under Francesco I (CNI vi, 202.9), P (CNI vi, 201.1–5), I (CNI vi, 203.18) and  (CNI vi, 202.6–15). The monogram belongs to an unknown mint-master who probably also served under Francesco I, while the others are attributable to mint-masters and engravers known from the sources as Pietro dall’Olio of Padua with Rolando

Padua

605

del Cortivo also of Padua (1394), Jacopo di Zeri of Florence (1396) and Zuanne dell’Argento of Bologna (1398) (Rizzoli and Perini 1903, 58, 116–25 docs. 22–4; Zecche i, 965). Another carrarino type with F – I but with St Antony standing on the obverse (CNI vi, 203.19), known only from a drawing, is also attributable to Francesco II. Rizzoli and Perini (1903, 43) suggested that this piece, if it ever really existed, was very likely struck with silver robbed from the church of St Antony in 1405 when Francesco needed money to continue his war against Venice. The silver soldino is almost certainly the very rare coin with a cross fleury, known in two or three specimens, that differs from the similar piece of Francesco I with a plain cross (CNI vi, 203.20). One such coin was found together with other coins of Francesco II in the coffin of the so-called St Luca in Padua and associated with material datable to the mid-fifteenth century (App. 1, no. 45). It therefore seems more likely that it belongs to Francesco II rather than Francesco I, as indeed Murari (1955) supposed. The cross fleury perhaps derives, moreover, from that on the obverse of the denaro minted for Padua by Gian Galeazzo Visconti just before the rule of Francesco II, possibly because the Visconti pieces, which had been completely banned in 1399 (Rizzoli and Perini 1903, 115 doc. 20), were initially exchanged at a fixed rate with the new coins of Padua. Another soldino with an eagle displayed on the obverse and bust of St Antony on the reverse (CNI vi, 203.21) is known in a unique specimen from the hoard of Lonca di Codroipo in Friuli (App. 1, no. 28). Like the possible carrarino with the same saint described above, it was very probably struck in 1405. The sestino negro, as seen above, is not the piece with the testa di moro but is probably the so-called quattrino of Francesco with the comet and a cross fleury (930; CNI vi, 204.25–30), since this cross is very similar to that on the soldino of Francesco II. The recent metallurgical analyses carried out in Venice indicate, moreover, that it was struck from an alloy of 17 per cent silver, which is very similar to the 15 per cent prescribed in the documents quoted above, and at least one punch used for the legend of this coin, the one for the letter I, was also used for the carrarino undoubtedly attributable to Francesco II (see above). The quattrini of Francesco I had, as a result of monetary movements over the period 1386–90, evidently become sestini. The denaro piccolo is identical with the coin of Francesco I with the F and the six-pointed star, but has instead a flat flan (931; CNI vi, 206.46–7), as attested by the absence of these coins in some early hoards, such as that of Costoza near Vicenza (App. 1, no. 15). Two other coins of Padua are not recorded in the mint contracts mentioned above. The first is the common quattrino da due denari introduced by the father of Francesco II (see above, p. 601), which was probably produced well into the time of the last Carrara lord. This is also confirmed by its style, which appears very close to that of the flat denaro just described. The absence of any reference to the quattrino in mint documents from the time of Francesco II is perhaps because it was produced only in the first four years of his rule, which are not covered by documentary evidence, or because the documents, when mentioning denari parvi, were also referring to other denominations that shared the same silver percentage, for example the quattrino, and were indissolubly tied to the same unit of account (the libra parvorum). The second coin, which is not mentioned in the written sources, is a very small billon piece with the legend PaDVa around a terraqueous globe on the obverse and the legend cIVITaS around a rose on the reverse. It has been attributed to Francesco II (CNI vi, 206.48–50; see Fig. 66), but without any real evidence. Recent analysis has now confirmed that it belongs to Francesco II and is simply the denaro piccolo of the 1402 mint

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C A. Saccocci. Figure 66. Padua: Francesco II, new debased denaro piccolo (Museo Civico Bottacin, Padua; image  Reproduced by kind permission)

contract (Cessi 1985, 294–7); its weight of 0.18g and silver content of 9 per cent are very close to the 0.20g and 12 per cent fineness that are prescribed in the document. The same document also describes a carrarese da quattro soldi as being of good silver (alla liga veneziana, i.e. at the Venetian standard of about 95 per cent fine; see below, App. 3). This standard of fineness is very close to that of the carrarese with St Prosdocimus struck before 1386. It is unclear whether these coins were actually struck under Francesco II, but if they were, it cannot be excluded that the dies of Francesco I were re-used. In this case, it is possible that the coins with the letter F of very high fineness were struck not just before the debasement of 1386 but after 1402 under Francesco II. Table 57 summarises Padua’s coinage under the Carrara.

(g) rovi g o 1. Historical background Rovigo was a relatively small centre located towards the southern frontier of the Veneto between the mouths of the rivers Po and Adige.In the early Middle Ages,it was probably a castrum belonging to the bishops of Adria, but it came under the rule of the Este lords of Ferrara in 1194 and, except for intervals under the control of Padua (1308–19) and Venice (1395–1438), it belonged to the territory of Ferrara for most of the next three centuries. Rovigo was definitively absorbed into the Venetian Terraferma after the War of Ferrara in 1484, and it remained part of the Republic of Venice until its fall in 1797 (Stocco 1974). 2. Coinage Although Rovigo never ruled itself and never had its own mint, scholars have nevertheless long regarded a rare Venetian coin of about 0.70 g with the obverse legend +SøMARCVS VENETI around the lion of St Mark and the reverse legend +SøBELLøRODIGø, for Sanctus Bellinus Rodiginus (i.e. San Bellino di Rovigo), around the saint (CNI vi, 209–10.1–5; see Fig. 67) as having been struck in the town. The coin was certainly only intended to circulate in the territory of Rovigo, but it was struck in the mint of Venice some time soon after 1484, even if the legislation that regulated its minting no longer survives. The confusion over the location of the mint in which the coin was struck stems from the fact that Venetian authorities decided to strike the new coin in accordance not with their own monetary system but rather with Rovigo’s one, which was based on Ferrara’s lira of account, the marchesana. The lira marchesana was equivalent to the lira of Bologna but was higher in value than the lira of Venice. Numismatists have typically identified the coin of Rovigo as a quattrino in the Venetian system, but it was actually a double denaro in the Ferrarese system (Lazari 1851, 154–5; Papadopoli 1893–1919, ii, 480–1; Stocco 1985, 75–7; Paolucci 1991, 144). The extreme rarity of this coin suggests that it was struck only for a very short period immediately

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Figure 67. Rovigo: under Venetian rule, quattrino (CNI vi, pl. xx.5)

after the Venetian conquest. Similar coins were also struck for Ravenna (CNI x, 685.1–4; Paolucci 1991, 144).

(h) tre nto 1. Historical background Trento is located in the Adige valley, about a hundred kilometres north of Verona, at the convergence of two important Alpine roads, those passing through the Adige and the Brenta valleys. Trento (Tridentum) was a Roman municipium and grew in political importance during the early Middle Ages as it became the centre of a Lombard duchy. In 952, it was annexed to the March of Verona and then passed successively to the duchy of Bavaria and to the duchy of Carinthia (see section (a) above, pp. 548–9). Its geographical position gave the town a much closer relationship with the German kings than other Italian cities, which favoured the survival of feudal institutions here even while the communes were flourishing elsewhere. In 1027, Emperor Conrad II (1027– 39) effectively established the principality of Trento, with its borders taking in the greater part of present-day Trentino and South Tyrol, by conferring the counties of the Vinschgau (Ital. Val Venosta) and of Bozen (Ital. Bolzano) on the bishops. Conrad thus entrusted the bishops with full autonomy of government and dignity on a par with the other princes of the empire, while also making them directly subject to the empire (MGH Dipl. iv, doc. 101). The bishopric maintained its formal autonomy throughout the medieval and modern eras until the Napoleonic period. The political and institutional history of Trento was consequently very different from that of other Italian-speaking communities. Relations with the emperors were naturally very close, which gave the bishops of Trento a certain importance in imperial policy in the following centuries. Things changed under Emperor Frederick II (1212/18–50, emp. 1220), who, in the course of the struggle against his son Henry, installed an imperial podestà in Trento in 1236, thus removing political power from the bishops. The period of the imperial podesteria, which also saw Trento threatened by the increasing power of Ezzelino da Romano (see section (a) above, p. 550), lasted until 1255, when Bishop Egno d’Appiano, who had been consecrated to the see in 1247, was at least able to assume Trento’s episcopal throne. The first year of Egno’s tenure as bishop was the most difficult one of the war against Ezzelino, mostly because of Ezzelino’s alliance with Count Meinhard of Tyrol, who threatened Trento from the north. To dispel the threat, the bishop and city council decided to bring Meinhard on to their side by investing him with the advocacy of the principality and all its related fiefs in 1256. The bishops thus placed themselves in the hands of the most menacing of their subjects, the counts of Tyrol, to avoid a danger that vanished just a few years later when Ezzelino died in 1259. Under Meinhard II (1259–95), the counts increased their power rapidly, mostly through the acquisition of control over an ever greater number of fiefs within the principality. Finally, in 1268,

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they forced Bishop Egno to sign the so-called ‘peace of Bozen’, which effectively ratified the counts’ occupation of the entire territory of Trento. The bishops’ subsequent attempts to recover control of their principality failed until 1313 when Enrico of Metz (bishop of Trento, 1310–36) regained temporal power, albeit over a territory that was substantially reduced compared with half a century before. During the fourteenth century, Trento maintained its autonomy and had a frontline role in the political affairs of the Alpine regions, thanks to some great episcopal personalities, many of them belonging to important European families,such as Nicolò da Bruna (Brno) (1338–47),who also reopened the mint. The absorption of the county of Tyrol into the dominions of the Habsburg family in 1363 nevertheless left the bishops of Trento facing a much too powerful authority to be able to maintain an autonomous policy for very long. In 1363, the bishops subscribed to the first in a series of treaties called compattate that were periodically ratified throughout the fifteenth century and effectively entailed the submission of Trento to the Habsburgs.In terms of local governance,the bishopric remained an autonomous principality, whose peculiar position between the Italian and German states, both geographically and institutionally, probably explains its choice as the location for the famous Council of Trent that sanctioned the division between the Church of Rome and many of the German Länder (1545–63). The bibliography on the history of Trento in both Italian and German is extremely rich. Stella (1979a), Leitner et al. (1990) and De Finis (1996) are good modern references. 2. Coinage The literature on the coinage of Trento is not as rich as it might be, given its importance and sometimes innovative features. Until relatively recently, the city’s coinage had not received a thorough treatment in more than a century. The CNI relies on the contributions of nineteenth-century scholars such as Giovanelli (1812) and Gazzoletti (1858). Scholars have subsequently studied only specific topics such as important hoards (Ciani 1897), metrology (Luschin von Ebengreuth 1920, 129–35; Murari 1984a), the use of money (Stella 1958, 17–38) and coin circulation (Gorini 1987). Fortunately, there is now Rizzolli’s volume on the medieval monetary history of Tyrol (1991, 49–53, 71–85, 110–20, 260–5, 395–419), which gives a full account of the mint of Trento and its coinage. This work provides a detailed analysis of both the numismatic and documentary evidence and, unless otherwise noted, provides the basis for the following survey. The earliest documentary evidence for coin production in Trento occurs in a diploma of Emperor Frederick I Barbarossa (1152–90, emp. 1155) dated from 1182, which among other things forbade communities within the bishopric of Trento to mint on their own account and established that only the bishops enjoyed the right of coinage (MGH Dipl.x.4, doc. 821). This document therefore seems to suggest that the bishops were already striking coins before 1182, and in fact a very rare coin with a mitre on both sides and the legends +PI4COP and +TRENTO has been attributed to Bishop Salomone (1177–83) and his successors until 1230 on the basis of finds (CNI vi, 210–11.1–6, attributed to Bishop Alberto II, 1156–77; Rizzolli 1991, nos. t1–t6; see Fig. 68). The coin is a denaro of the same standard as that of Verona, which had circulated widely in the area since the beginning of the twelfth century and thus became the unit of account of the bishopric of Trento.In certain respects,for example the exterior border,this coin of Trento is almost identical with the new denaro of Verona called crociato, which was introduced some time before 1185 (see section (m) below, pp. 656–7). The two coins were therefore roughly contemporaneous and

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C A. Saccocci. Reproduced by Figure 68. Trento: Bishop Salomone and his successors, denaro (Private coll.; image  kind permission)

perhaps made by the same moneyers. During the period in which this denaro was in production, the bishops of Trento started to exploit the rich silver mines of Monte Calisio, which were active by 1185 (Piffer and Bevilacqua 1984, 59–62; Hägermann and Ludwig 1986). It is therefore reasonable to suppose that the mint was opened precisely to work the bullion coming from Calisio. If this is true, however, it seems unlikely that this coin remained in production for the whole period 1177– 1230. The extreme rarity of these pieces compared with the abundance of contemporary denari of Verona in coin hoards (e.g. App. 1, nos. 18, 142) suggests that more silver from Calisio poured into Verona than into Trento (see also Rizzolli 2006, 619). The second period of activity in the mint of Trento has been rightly connected with the socalled podesteria imperiale (1236–55). This phase saw the production of grossi possibly worth one soldo with a T (for Tridentum) as the obverse type accompanied by the legend +EPS TRIDENT and a cross quartered by different iconographic elements – stars, pellets, wedges – with the legend +IMþaTOR F (for imperator Fridericus) on the reverse. There are two major groups of these coins, one with pellets surrounding the T (932–3; CNI vi, 211.1; CNA i, no. h2a; Rizzolli 1991, nos. t24– t27) and another without (934–5; CNI vi, 212.2–5; Rizzolli 1991, nos. t28–t36; cf. CNA i, no. h2b), the former being heavier and earlier, according to the finds, and the latter being lighter and later. Alongside the grossi, the mint also struck denari on the Veronese standard with almost identical types and legends (936–8; CNI vi, 214–5.20–33; CNA i, no. h3 var.; Rizzolli 1991, nos. t13–t23). The exchange rate between the grossi and denari of this period is a matter of debate. The grossi were traditionally regarded as soldi (that is, twelve-denari coins), but Murari (1984a) suggested that the heavier ones could be sixteen-denari pieces. Rizzolli (1991, 74–8) subsequently, and rightly, characterised Murari’s hypothesis as unsubstantiated and implausible, but he has also been unable to provide a satisfactory interpretation of the exchange rate between the grossi and the denari, so the question remains open. According to Rizzolli (1991, 81–93, 110–20), mint output in Trento was greatest during the episcopate of Bishop Egno d’Appiano (1255–73). There are five kinds of grossi attributed to Egno, all of them worth twenty denari like the grossi of Verona, which had already been in production for at least ten years by that time (see section (m) below, pp. 657–8). The compilers of the CNI wrongly assigned the coins of the first three groups to the bishops who occupied the office during the podesteria. Coins of the first group, dating from 1255/6, have a bust of the bishop with his hand raised in benediction on the obverse surrounded by the legend +EPS TRIDENTI and, on the reverse, a cross and large F (for Fridericus, almost certainly Frederick I, who may very well have granted minting rights to the bishops, as opposed to Frederick II, who had strongly limited the bishops’ power) surrounded by the legend +INPERaTOR (939; CNI vi, 215–16.1–10; CNA i, no. h4 var.; Rizzolli 1991, nos. t37–t48). Coins of the second group, dating from 1256?/62–9, are almost identical but have the legend +IMPERaTOR on the reverse (Rizzolli 1991, nos. t54–t64; cf. CNI

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vi, 217.11–17). Coins of the third group, dating from 1269–70, are similar but have the bishop’s bust holding a cross on the obverse and a rosette instead of the cross on the reverse (Rizzolli 1991, nos. t65–t67; cf. CNI vi, 217–18.18–21). Coins of the fourth group, dating from 1270–2, have the same type on the obverse but a long cross quartered by rosettes on the reverse (940; CNI vi, 219.1–2; CNA i, no. h5; Rizzolli 1991, nos. t69–t74). Alongside the grossi, the mint also struck denari of the Veronese standard, as clearly prescribed in the mint contract for the Florentine master Belliotto de’ Rabuffati – sometimes also appearing in documents as Belliotto de’ Drobossatis or Drobosattis – for the production of both grossi and parvuli in 1269 and in 1272 (Rizzolli 1991, 295–7). On the obverse, these denari have a cross surrounded by the legend +EPS TRIDEN and, on the reverse, a large F surrounded by the legend +INþaTOR or +IMþaTOR (CNI vi, 218.22–7, attributed to the bishops during the time of the podesteria). Rizzolli (1991, nos. t49–t53, t68) assigned the coins to 1255/6 or 1269/70, depending upon whether they used an N or M for the second letter in the term Imperator, respectively. This is based on the similarity of the legends on the denari with those on the grossi. For the earlier period, however, the analogy is not convincing. A serious shortage of petty coins is attested in the mid-thirteenth century throughout the monetary area to which Trento belonged owing to the disappearance from circulation of the Veronese denaro, the crociato. As a consequence, the denari introduced by the mint of Mantua in 1257, which were the earliest petty coins struck on the Venetian–Veronese standard after the disappearance of the crociato, spread rapidly throughout the area (see section (a) above, p. 559), as witnessed by several finds in the territory of Trento and Tyrol (e.g. App. 1, no. 84). It is therefore very unlikely that any mint of this area, including Trento, was producing denari before 1257. It is much more likely that all the denari of Trento with an F were struck under the 1269 contract with Belliotto, which mentions them for the first time whereas an earlier contract of 1262 referred only to grossi (Rizzolli 1991, 295). It is even possible that some of these denari, the more debased ones, might have been struck in the first decade of the fourteenth century when the bishops were recovering their temporal power from the counts of Tyrol. In any case, there is no evidence of minting in Trento between 1273 and 1341. Only under Bishop Nicolò da Bruna (1341–7) is there clear evidence to indicate that the mint was again active and producing grossi (CNI vi, 219.1–3; Rizzolli 1991, no. t75), quarter-grossi (941; CNI vi, 220–1.4–16; CNA i, no. h8; Rizzolli 1991, nos. t76–t83) and denari (CNI vi, 221.17–21; Rizzolli 1991, nos. t84–t87). All have a bust of the bishop on the obverse surrounded by the legend +nIcOLaVS ePS, or +n ePS T on the denaro, and an eagle displayed very similar to the Tyrolean eagle on the reverse surrounded by the legend +TRIDE3TI3VS, except on the denaro, which has no legend. Both the denominations and the typology clearly show that Trento was now unequivocally part of the monetary area of the leading centre of Meran.

(i) trevi s o 1. Historical background Located twenty-five kilometres north of Venice, Treviso was a secondary centre during the Roman period but developed substantially under the Lombards, when it became a duchy. It maintained this role under Carolingian rule in the eighth and ninth centuries, as attested by its important mint. From the ninth to the twelfth century, Treviso was subject to feudal lordships, first that of

Treviso

611

Figure 69. Treviso: commune, denaro (Liruti 1749, pl. ix.90)

the counts and then the bishops, while the first evidence of the commune dates from 1164, when Emperor Frederick I Barbarossa (1152–90, emp. 1155) recognised the communal consuls. Municipal freedom lasted until the conquest of Treviso in 1237 by the Da Romano family, first Ezzelino and later his brother Alberico, from whom the city recovered its freedom only in 1259. In 1283, Gerardo da Camino became capitaneus generalis of the city, thus founding a dynastic lordship that lasted until 1312, when the authorities again proclaimed a commune. The mint reopened in this period and remained active even when Treviso passed under the rule of Count Heinrich II of Gorizia as imperial vicarius (1319–23). Conquered by the Scaligeri of Verona in 1329, Treviso then passed to Venice in 1339, remaining under Venetian control until the fall of the Serenissima in 1797, except for a short period during which it was controlled successively by the duke of Austria, the Carrara lords of Padua and the Visconti of Milan (1381–8). The medieval history of Treviso is best approached through the general survey by Rando and Varanini (1991). 2. Coinage The most important phase of the coinage of Treviso belongs without doubt to the period of the Carolingian Empire. The city was among the very few Italian mints that struck coins for Charlemagne from the beginning, and continued to issue coins for Louis the Pious (814–40) and Lothar I (co-emp. 817–40, emp. 840–55) (MEC 1, 208–24 and passim). The mint was later closed and replaced, probably in 889, by that of Verona (MEC 1, 254). The kings of Italy and emperors repeatedly granted minting rights to the bishops of Treviso, starting with Berengar I in 905 and ending with Frederick I in 1154 (Azzoni Avogaro 1775–89, 89–96; cf. Manuedda 1997–8, 81–3), but none of these grants was evidently followed by the actual production of coin. The mint of Treviso might have become active again just a few years after the end of the ‘tyranny’ of Ezzelino and then Alberico da Romano in 1259. This is suggested by a coin once known only from a drawing in Liruti (1749, pl. ix.90) that shows a coin with the same type as the communal denari of Padua (before 1271–1318), namely a star on both sides, but with legends that refer to the commune of Treviso, +CIVITaS and +TaRVISII (see Fig. 69). The piece has been attributed to the second commune (1312–19) (CNI vi, 232.11; Sagramora 1997, no. 25), but it resembles the prototype of Padua so closely that Saccocci (1989, 311–12) suggested that both series were issued contemporaneously, possibly in consequence of a monetary treaty between Padua and Treviso around 1266 when the two cities agreed another treaty concerning the extradition of fugitives, including coin forgers. This suggestion has long been supported only by scholars’ trust in Liruti, whose drawings and descriptions tended to be very reliable, but one such specimen recently appeared at auction (Inasta sale 16, 7 May 2006, lot 1251), thus strengthening the whole thesis. Well-documented production of coins in Treviso only started later, however, after the fall of the Da Camino in 1312 and the restoration of the commune. In addition to the coins

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themselves, the documentary record provides some very detailed evidence of this coinage. Documents show that, in 1317–18, the Great Council of Treviso accepted the proposal of a certain Lanceloto, a dyer, to produce denari (called bagattini) because of a shortage of good denari and the poor quality of those circulating in the city, such as the Venetian bianchi or half-denari (see section (l) below, pp. 637, 639–40) and other foreign pieces, probably Veronese denari with the legend CI VE CI VI; (see section (m) below, p. 660). The council also agreed to pay all the salaries of its officials and all extraordinary expenses with the newly produced coins for five years, an amount varying from 8,000 to 10,000 pounds per year (Perini 1904a, 63–7 doc. 9). The pieces produced by Lanceloto are easily recognisable; they are denari with a cross pattée on both sides and the legends +CIVITaS and +TaRVISIVM (CNI vi, 231.1–7; Sagramora 1997, nos. 22–3). Even though two variants are known, either with or without small stars in the angles of the cross, these coins are scarce and very rare in finds. This can be explained by the hoarding and culling that would have resulted, according to Gresham’s Law, if the coin had in fact been produced solely to replace the poor-quality money then circulating in the territory of Treviso (Saccocci 1989, 312). The production of small denari continued during the subsequent rule of the imperial vicarius Count Heinrich II of Gorizia (1319–23), to whom can obviously be attributed coins with the same crosses as before but with the legends +COMeS GOR[icie] and +TaRVISIVM (942; CNI vi, 233–4.10–15; Sagramora 1997, no. 26). This coin may also be attributable to the count’s son Johann Heinrich of Gorizia, who ruled as vicarius between 1323 and 1329, but its scarcity and the fact that documents cease to mention coins of Treviso after 1322 suggest that it was produced only under Heinrich II. In stray finds, above all from Friuli, these denari are more common than the previous ones struck by the commune (e.g. App. 1, no. 82), but they are still scarce compared with the coins of Venice, Padua and Verona. A document of 1322, which records an apparent attempt by officials in Treviso to boost the circulation of their petty coins by declaring that all payments of less than one lira be made half in denari and half in grossi, even suggests something of how difficult it was for the petty coins to break into circulation (Mueller 1989, 329). Certainly more successful, even if probably rarer than Heinrich’s denaro, was his other coin, the silver grosso (CNI vi, 232–3.1–9; Sagramora 1997, no. 26 [sic; recte: 27]). It was in fact the first example of a long series of coins issued by several Italian mints that imitated the types of the grosso aquilino of Meran with an eagle displayed and long cross (see section (a) above, p. 560), varying only in the legends; those of the imitation aquilini of Treviso read +COMeS GORICe and TaRVISIVM. Heinrich began to strike his aquilini because, as count of Gorizia, he belonged to the family that had struck the prototypes in Meran in the thirteenth century but by the early fourteenth century had long since withdrawn them from production. The original Tyrolean denomination had nevertheless been very useful; above all, it was reckoned in the same unit of account in use in Treviso, the Veronese lira, and was well known to the mostly German troops who had followed Heinrich to the city (Saccocci 1987a, 173–4). The aquilino of Treviso is also alone among these imitations in bearing a legend that refers explicitly not only to the city but also to the vicarius, probably because Heinrich saw himself more as a lord, as indeed he had been in his own territory of Gorizia, than as a mere representative of the emperor. For this reason, some authors supposed that the small coat of arms in the obverse legend of the coin,which has been variously interpreted (Rizzolli 1991,227–9),belonged to Heinrich himself (Murari 1972; Saccocci 1987a, 158–9 n. 6). Recent research nevertheless demonstrates beyond any

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doubt that the coat of arms belonged to Busio or Bugio Buzzacarini of Padua, who was podestà of Treviso from December 1319 to June 1320 (Mosca 2013). The last coin conventionally attributed to the mint of Treviso, from after the definitive conquest of the city by the Venetians in 1388, was actually struck in the mint of Venice. It is a copper denaro, called a bagattino, produced under the Venetian Doge Agostino Barbarigo (1486–1501). It has the lion of St Mark in soldo (see section (l) below, p. 653) on the obverse surrounded by the legend +S MARCVS VENETI and a standing image of St Liberalis, the protector of Treviso, surrounded by the legend S LIBERALIS TARVIXI (943–5; CNI vi, 235–7.1–14; Sagramora 1997, no. 32). The Council of Ten in Venice decreed the issue in 1492 to be used for the needs of the poor men in the territory of Treviso: ut cum eum provideatur necessitati pauperum (Perini 1904a, 84 doc. 30).

( j) tri e ste 1. Historical background Trieste is a harbour at the northern corner of the Adriatic Sea, just opposite Venice, in a favourable position to control the routes between Italy and the Balkans. It was a Roman colony and then a municipium (Tergeste); during the early Middle Ages, it became an important market for the salt produced in the neighbouring region of Istria. In 918, King Lothar II of Italy (931–50) granted the bishops of Trieste temporal power over the city (Schiaparelli 1924, 276–8 doc. 11). No other cities in Istria or Friuli benefited from this royal delegation of power, which perhaps explains why a virtually free urban community developed here earlier than elsewhere in the region. The earliest mention of Tergestina civitas (the ‘community of Trieste’) dates from 1139, though communal institutions are attested only from 1216. Around that time, Trieste came under threat from the major powers competing for control of the Istrian hinterland, namely the counts of Gorizia and the patriarchs of Aquileia, but Trieste was able to maintain its autonomy, mostly thanks to the increasing strength of the commune against the bishops, who were feudal dependants of the patriarchs. Full temporal power finally passed to the commune in 1295, after first of Trieste’s long series of confrontations with Venice (1283–91), which then dominated the coastal centres of Istria. In this and subsequent wars against the Venetians, Trieste was normally allied with the patriarchs of Aquileia and the counts of Gorizia, but the city fared poorly in these encounters. It managed to maintain its legal autonomy but effectively lost virtually any capacity to carry out a foreign and commercial policy independent from that of Venice. When the future duke of Austria, Rudolph IV of Habsburg (1358–65), obtained Istria from Count Albert of Gorizia (1342–74) in 1353, Trieste faced an additional risk from this very powerful family. The inhabitants of the city nevertheless evidently viewed the prospect of submission to the Habsburgs with less antipathy than occupation by the Venetians. In 1369, during the last of the wars against Venice, the council of Trieste offered the lordship over the city to Duke Leopold III of Austria (1365–79/86). The Austrians were not able to drive off the Venetians, however, and Trieste surrendered to its old enemy in the same year. The dominion of Venice lasted until 1380 when the army of Patriarch Marquard of Aquileia (1365–81) occupied the territory and the city passed under the control of the patriarchate. In 1382, the citizens of Trieste again offered themselves and their city to Leopold III, who accepted the gift and began a rule destined to last until 1918 when Trieste

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passed definitively to Italy after the First World War. The history of Trieste is best approached through Scussa (1863), Tamaro (1924; 1929–30) and Stella (1979b). 2. Coinage One of the best studies of the coinage of Trieste dates back to the later eighteenth century when Orniteo Lusanio, a nom de plume of Andrea Giuseppe Bonomo (1788), published a list of the coins of the bishops of Trieste. His attributions remain mostly correct and were supported by a good knowledge of the documentary evidence. In the nineteenth century, many authors treated this subject, most notably Fontana (1831), Kandler (1863) and Puschi (1887, passim). They added new coins to the Bonomo list, but also proposed new attributions and interpretations that were later proved wrong and sometimes fanciful. Most of their proposals were critically scrutinised by Kos (1916), but the compilers of the CNI unfortunately did not take his corrections into account, thus perpetuating the mistakes of nineteenth-century writers. Babudri (1921; 1929) indirectly contributed to the study of the coinage with a more complete chronology of the bishops (Babudri 1921), which better enabled later authors such as Ruaro Loseri (1972; 1974) and above all Bernardi (1986) to draw on the analysis of coin finds to provide a reliable and up-to-date classification of the coins. Bernardi (1995) also carried out a complete die-study of all the coins of Trieste, which makes this mint one of very few in Italy of which the output has been comprehensively analysed in this manner. More recently, Ruggia (2001; 2002) has put forward a not entirely convincing religious interpretation of the iconography on Trieste’s coinage. The coins of Trieste, normally struck in the name of the bishops, belong to the so-called agleier (Luschin von Ebengreuth 1871), the name for the denari of Aquileia, Trieste, Gorizia/Lienz and Ljubljana/Laibach that evolved from Friesacher prototypes but have their own peculiar features, above all a bowl-shaped flan, large unstruck border, and a common weight standard (from c. 1.30g down to 1.00g) and area of circulation (see sections (b) and (e) above, pp. 570–1 and 584 respectively). The right of the bishops of Trieste to strike coins is not documented, but it is very likely that they obtained it from the patriarchs of Aquileia, who held royal rights over the church of Trieste on the basis of a grant by Henry IV (1056–1106), confirmed and strengthened in 1082 (MGH Dipl. vi, docs. 338, 345). The relationship between the mint of Trieste and the ‘mother mint’ of Aquileia was apparently so close that Saccocci (1990b, 222–3) questioned whether a mint ever physically existed in Trieste. He noted that the coins of Aquileia and Trieste at the beginning of the thirteenth century were stylistically identical and made using the same punches. The coins of the two mints also underwent simultaneous changes in typology in periodic renovationes monetae that did not necessarily coincide with the succession of a new bishop in Trieste, but occurred only when the coinage of Aquileia needed to be changed. Saccocci thus suggested that the coinage of Trieste may very well have been struck in the mint of Aquileia. Bernardi (1995, 37) disagreed with this hypothesis and proposed instead that there were two separate mints that nevertheless depended on the work of the same personnel. This would explain the stylistic and technical affinities, but not the simultaneous renovationes monetae. One possible explanation, though supported only weakly in the document of 1253 relating to the bishops’ alienation of feudal rights discussed below that lists the moneta among their redditi rather than their possessiones (Bonomo 1788, App. 10), is that the bishops of Trieste might have exercised their right of coinage on the basis of income from the patriarchal mint. In recognition of this and to facilitate accounting, the patriarchs of Aquileia and the bishops

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of Trieste might have agreed that the silver coming into the mint be struck in the types of Aquileia and Trieste according to fixed percentages. In this hypothesis, the general character of the coins and the operation of the mint would have remained under the control of the patriarchs. Under such a scenario, it is of little consequence whether the production of the coins for both cities was firmly established in Aquileia or alternated between the two centres according to the necessities of the day. Mor (1949) indeed suggested, albeit in regard to an earlier period, that grants were only a transfer to local authorities of the income arising from minting, even if such transfers entailed the adoption of new legends and/or types that referred to the local authorities in question. It is also worth noting that Bernardi (1995, 90) found no die-links between different issues while the total number of dies recorded, 237 obverse and 375 reverse from a total of 1,386 coins analysed, indicates a possible overall total of 256 obverse and 445 reverse dies, according to the formula devised by Carter (1983). Considering that the coinage of the bishops of Trieste spanned some 125 years, this suggests a very low rate of production, whatever the productivity of the individual dies may have been (see also below on the coins of Givardo). Because of the close relationship between the coinage of Trieste and that of Aquileia, the coins of the two cities circulated together, were struck to very much the same metrology and standard, and were reckoned in the same units of account. These aspects of the coinage are thus covered above in the section devoted to the mint of Aquileia. According to some scholars, the first coin minted by the bishop of Trieste would have been a Friesacher imitation of the ERIaCEN4I4 type (Baumgartner 1935, 85; CNA i, 232–3), but Bernardi rightly rejects this hypothesis as unsupported (Bernardi 1986, 125; for the attribution of this and other Eriacensis pieces to Aquileia, see section (b) above, pp. 569–70). The first coin securely attributable to Trieste is therefore an anonymous denaro with the legend +TRIE4øEPI4COP and the same types (seated bishop and temple), style and shape as some coins of Patriarch Pilgrim II of Aquileia (1195–1204) and the counts of Gorizia (CNI vi, 237–8.1–6, attributed to a supposed Bishop Enrico Rapicio; Bernardi 1995, no. w1). These coins, which are the first to have a pure agleier style, are now attributed to the period after 1195, when the bishop of Salzburg forbade the minting of Friesacher imitations (see sections (b) and (e) above, pp. 571 and 584–5). This piece of Trieste may therefore be attributed to Bishop Wolcango (1190–9) (Bernardi 1995, 63). A very rare coin with the legends +TRIE4 EPI4COP and +CIVITA4 TRIE4E on which the temple with pediment on the reverse has been replaced by a dome-shaped temple can probably be attributed to the succeeding bishop, Givardo (1199–1212) (CNI vi, 238.1–2; Bernardi 1995, no. w2, attributed to Wolcango or Givardo,c. 1200). This coin almost certainly postdates 1204 when Patriarch Wolfker (1204–18) introduced an identical temple on the coinage of Aquilea (see section (b) above, p. 571). Its rarity suggests that this coin might have been something of an experiment, quickly replaced by virtually identical pieces with legends that referred explicitly to the bishop (gIOBaR, gIVaRDO or gIVaRDVS) (946; CNI vi, 238–9.1–12; Bernardi 1995, no. g), introduced to match the coins of Wolfker, which now for the first time bore the full name of the patriarch. Givardo’s coins should therefore be dated before 1209, based on the dating of Wolfker’s coins of Aquileia (see section (b) above, p. 571). The legend on the reverse of the coins of Trieste took the form +cIVITaS TeRgeSTVM, which remained in use, sometimes abbreviated, on all the city’s remaining issues. The subsequent coins are still in the name of Givardo but have the seated bishop on the obverse in a new style and the Agnus Dei on the reverse (CNI vi, 237–8.1–6, attributed to a non-existent Bishop Givardo II, 1255–60; Bernardi 1995, no. ga). They find a close parallel

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in Wolfker’s coins of Aquileia with an eagle, which have been dated to the period 1209–18 (see section (b) above, p. 571). Givardo’s coin therefore must be dated to the period between 1209 and his death in 1212. These series of Aquileia and Trieste formed the bulk of the Terzo di Aquileia hoard (App. 1, no. 63). Saccocci’s analysis of this hoard led him to suppose that a single mint might have produced the coins of both cities. He also carried out a die-study of both series and estimated that the annual output of the coins of Givardo was no more than 70,000 (Saccocci 1990b). The next bishop of Trieste, Corrado Tarsot (1213–30), struck only one issue with the seated bishop and the legend CONRaDVS eP on the obverse and the bust of a saint, perhaps St Justus, under three hills surmounted by three towers on the reverse (CNI vi, 240.1–3; Bernardi 1995, n. c). Bishop Leonardo (1231–3) also struck a single issue that was unchanged on the obverse except for the legend LeONaRDVS eP and had a saint standing on the reverse (CNI vi, 240–1.1–9; Bernardi 1995, n. l). The same types characterised an issue of the succeeding bishop, Volrico de Portis (1233– 54), which carried the obverse legend VOLRICVS, and must therefore be considered the earliest one of this ruler (947; CNI vi, 243.8–11; Bernardi 1995, no. vs). Volrico also struck two other issues with the same obverse but with a castle (948; CNI vi, 243.2–7; Bernardi 1995, no. vm) or a halberd (the emblem of Trieste) over a banner (949; CNI vi, 244.13–18; Bernardi 1995, no. va) on the reverse. In the rich Perteole hoard (1,164 coins), which contained only coins of Ljubljana/Laibach, Trieste and Aquileia (App. 1, no. 48), Aquileia is represented by coins of all the issues of Patriarch Berthold (1218–51), while Trieste is present in the issue of Bishop Leonardo and only two issues of Volrico, those with the saint and the castle. This probably means that the third issue, the one with the halberd, is later; it was certainly the only one in circulation during the period in which Volrico survived Patriarch Berthold (1251–4) (see Bernardi 1995, 58). The church of Trieste was in great difficulty by 1253, weighed down by debt and lacking sufficient revenue to rectify the problem. Bishop Volrico therefore decided to sell most of his feudal rights to the commune for 800 marks; as a guarantee for the sale, he also gave in pledge his right to mint coin. After the Volrico’s death, his successor, Arlongo de’ Visgoni (1254–80), initially sought to repudiate the sale and thus put the commune in a legal position to profit from the pledge in accordance with the previous agreement with Volrico (Bernardi 1995, 76–7). What the commune actually did was to mint a coin without the name and title of the bishop, but with St Justus standing and the legend SaNTVS IVSTVS on the obverse and a domed building on the reverse (950; CNI vi, 241–2.1–8; Bernardi 1995, no. t). This issue was struck, probably in parallel with the earliest episcopal issues, until 1257 when Arlongo recognised the sale and could therefore recover his ‘exclusive’ minting rights. During Arlongo’s episcopate, there are seven different issues in the name of aRLONgVS with the traditional reverse legend. These issues seem to match the issues of the patriarchs of Aquileia over the same period almost perfectly. The variety of issues is probably in consequence of an increase in the number of renovationes monetae, which are clearly documented in Aquileia (see section (b) above, pp. 572–3) and were almost certainly caused by the monetary upheavals that affected all of north-central Italy after the mid-thirteenth century (see section (a) above, pp. 559–60). Unfortunately, there is not enough evidence to determine the precise chronology of all the issues of Arlongo, but the introduction of coins with the name of the bishop on the concave rather than convex side (issue (b)i) may be dated soon after 1269 when the development is attested in Aquileia (Bernardi 1995, 83; see also section (b) above, pp. 572–3). The coins with the star on the

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obverse, moreover, appear to make up the last of Bishop Arlongo’s issues, since this type remained in use under his successor (issue (b)iii). For the rest, the chronology proposed by Bernardi and reported here must still be considered hypothetical. (a) 1254 to shortly after 1269: i. obv. bishop seated, rev. Agnus Dei (951; CNI vi, 245–6.1–8; Bernardi 1995, no. aa). ii. obv. similar, rev. rose with eight petals (952; CNI vi, 247.15–20; Bernardi 1995, no. ar). iii. obv. similar, rev. crescent with star (953–4; CNI vi, 247–8.21–9; Bernardi 1995, no. al). The third issue is the most plentiful of all the coins of Trieste (forty-three different dies for the obverse and forty-five for the reverse); Bernardi suggested that the reference to fregiacchesi della luna (‘Friesacher denari of the moon’) in Pegolotti’s coin list alluded to this piece (Bernardi 1995, 81; cf. Pegolotti 1936, 290). iv. obv. similar, rev. dove (955; CNI vi, 246.9–13; Bernardi 1995, no. l70). (b) Shortly after 1269–80: i. obv. saint’s bust, rev. domed temple over eight-peaked hill (956; CNI vi, 249.36–8; Bernardi 1995, no. at). Ruggia (2001) interpreted the reverse image, not entirely convincingly, as a representation of the Holy City of Jerusalem over the clouds. ii. obv. similar to nos. (a)i–iv, rev. two crossed halberds (CNI vi, 248.30–3; Bernardi 1995, no. ax). Supposing that renovationes monetae were carried out contemporaneously for the coinages of Aquileia and Trieste, it is likely that this issue was struck in 1274 when the mint of Aquileia produced a new coin (see section (b) above, p. 574). iii. obv. similar, rev. star (957; CNI vi, 248.34; Bernardi 1995, no. as). For the same reason as issue (b)ii, it seems likely that this issue, the last of Bishop Arlongo, can be dated to 1277, when another renovatio took place in Aquileia (see section (b) above, p. 574). After the death of Arlongo, the close relationship between the coinages of Trieste and Aquileia seems to have loosened. There were only two issues of the bishops of Trieste for the entire period from 1282 to 1320 but five of the contemporaneous patriarchs of Aquileia (see section (b) above, pp. 573–5). The most likely explanation is that the bishops’ almost total loss of temporal power in 1195, despite their retention of minting rights, now only occasionally gave them the opportunity to strike coins. The coins of Bishop Ulvino de Portis (1282–5) are known in a single issue with the same types as the last issue of Arlongo but with the legend VOLVINV eP on the obverse (CNI vi, 249.1; Bernardi 1995, no. u). Bishop Rudolf Pedrazzani (1302–20) likewise struck a single issue with the seated bishop and the legend ReDVLFVS ePS on the obverse and a halberd surmounted by a fivepeaked hill upon which stands a unicorn and the legend TeRGeSTINVS on the reverse (CNI vi, 250.1–3; Bernardi 1995, no. r). This was the last coin ever struck in the mint of the bishops of Trieste.

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(k) ty rol , count s ( m i nt s of m e ran and h al l ) 1. Historical background In the time of the Roman Empire, the area over which the medieval county of Tyrol developed was divided between Raetia, which lay north of the present centres of Meran and Klausen/Chiusa, and the Italian region of Venetia et Histria, which lay to the south of those points. This division was probably only administrative, but acquired cultural and ethnic aspects after the Lombard conquest of Italy in 568. The northern border of the Lombard kingdom was slightly farther south than the previous one between Raetia and Venetia et Histria, around Salurn (Ital. Salorno) in the valley of the river Adige, thus creating a division between territory mostly inhabited by Latin-speakers and territory abandoned by them and instead colonised by German tribes such as the Franks and above all the Baiouvari (Bavarians). This division became permanent; even now people living to the north of this border are mostly German-speaking while those on the southern side speak Italian, the subsequent and present political arrangements in the area notwithstanding. In the early Middle Ages, the future county of Tyrol was an undivided part of the duchy of Bavaria, but the German emperors assigned temporal power to the two bishoprics of Trento and Brixen during the eleventh century in various separate fiefs. In 1027, the bishops of Trento held the Vinschgau (Ital. Val Venosta) and the territory of Bozen (Ital. Bolzano) while the bishops of Brixen (Ital. Bressanone) held the Norital; by 1090, the bishops of Brixen also held the Pustertal (Ital. Val Pusteria) (see sections (c) and (h) above, p. 580 and 607, respectively). The Tyrolean dynasty thus emerged in the shadow of the two ecclesiastical principalities of Trento and Brixen. The founder of the dynasty was Albert I (d. 1125), son of Count Albert of Norital (sometimes called ‘of Ortenburg’). Albert I is repeatedly mentioned as advocate of the bishops of Trento, a title that probably brought him the Vinschgau in fief, though this is documented only later, from 1140. It was there that he built his castello at the entrance to the Passiertal (Ital. Val Passiria), near Meran. This property gave him and his heirs the title of count of Tyrol, and although it was small, this territory was located in a strategic position that controlled the upper Adige valley, which was the easiest and most commonly used route across the eastern Alps during the Middle Ages. All the successors of Albert I followed his policy of exploiting the advocacy to increase the property and power of the family, but until Albert III (1190–1253), who also became advocate of the bishops of Brixen around 1210, they posed no real challenge to the legitimate authority of the bishops. When Albert III died, the counts of Tyrol possessed a huge amount of territory on both sides of the Brenner Pass, including both the Pustertal and the Norital, but they remained in theory dependent on their ecclesiastical lords. Circumstances changed substantially after Albert III’s death in 1253. Because he had no male heirs, the county of Tyrol passed to his son-in-law, Meinhard (I, as count of Tyrol), who was already count of Gorizia (1253–8). By combining the fiefs that he controlled as count of Gorizia with those that he had obtained as count of Tyrol, Meinhard created one of the largest feudal dominions in all of northern Italy. His power and wealth were enormous, and he evidently viewed full political control over his fiefs in the bishopric of Trento as something that was not only desirable but also achievable. In addition, he might have feared that the bishop of Trento would refuse to renew his advocacy because he was not a direct heir of the counts of Tyrol. In any case, he began to challenge his lords and entered into an alliance with their arch-enemy, Ezzelino da Romano (see section (a) above, p. 550). The result of this struggle was that Bishop

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Egno d’Appiano of Trento (1255–73) was forced to renew the advocacy in 1256, as already noted (see section (h) above, pp. 607–8). Meinhard’s aggressive policy towards the bishops of Trento was continued by his son Meinhard II (1258–95), who ruled together with his brother Albert over their fiefs in the counties of both Tyrol and Gorizia, but Meinhard concerned himself principally with the Tyrolean fiefs while Albert focused on Gorizia. In 1271, Meinhard and Albert divided their properties accordingly, which enabled Meinhard to devote himself entirely to the creation of his own principality as count of Tyrol within the former territories of the bishoprics of Trento and Brixen. He was completely successful,thanks to his good relations with king and Rex Romanorum Rudolph of Habsburg (1273– 91), whose son married a daughter of Meinhard in 1274. Rudolph granted Meinhard the right of coinage in the same year and turned over to him the important duchy of Carinthia in 1286. From this point onwards, the county of Tyrol begins to appear in documents as a territorial principality comprising all the fiefs belonging to Meinhard. The name Tyrol had previously indicated only the count’s castello but now became the designation of the principality, of which Meinhard II was the founder. He also arranged his dominions along more modern lines, based on his Italian experience. He placed heavy constraints upon the feudal nobility and preferred to exercise power through ministeriales, officers in his direct service. This led to the birth of a lay middle class and, as a consequence, greatly favoured the economic development of the principality. Meinhard built his dominions at the expense of his legitimate lords, the bishops of Trento, who were very often prevented from even sitting upon their cathedra. They were instead forced to leave it vacant and accept Meinhard as the de facto ruler of all the bishopric’s territories. When Meinhard’s dominions passed, undivided, to his three sons, Ludwig (1295–1305), Otto (1295–1310) and Heinrich (1295–1335), they strove to realise their father’s last will and to translate their dominions into legitimate possessions. The longest surviving of them, Heinrich, finally achieved this goal in 1313 when the bishops of Trento definitively recovered their temporal power in Trento at the cost of recognising the counts’ analogous power over almost all the fiefs they held. This new principality, which was no longer dependent on an ecclesiastical authority and therefore became transmissible through inheritance or marriage, attracted the ambitions of some of the most important ruling families of the Holy Roman Empire. Tyrol was, after all, strategically situated to monitor and control trans-Alpine communication between the north and south of Europe from both a military and economic point of view. When Heinrich died in 1335, extinguishing the male line of the dynasty of Tyrol, the principality passed to Countess Margarete Maultasch (1335–63), who oversaw a power struggle for control over the region between the Luxembourg family of Bohemia, the Wittelsbachs of Bavaria and the Habsburgs of Austria. It was a very troubled period for Tyrol, crisscrossed by armies supporting the various pretenders, a situation for which Margarete must certainly shoulder some of the blame. Although married to Johann Heinrich of Bohemia, she drove her husband away in 1341 and a year later married Ludwig of Bavaria (d. 1361), son of the eponymous emperor, without any kind of dispensation from the Church. In 1363, however, she faced the prospect of a situation similar to that of 1335 when first Ludwig and then, sixteen months later, their son Meinhard III unexpectedly died. For the third time in little more than a century, the dynasty ruling Tyrol was thus threatened with extinction. At this point, however, Margarete took the decision that gave Tyrol five centuries of stability; through a formal deed of gift, she assigned all her dominions to the Habsburg dukes of Austria.

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During the rule of the Habsburgs as counts of Tyrol in the persons of Rudolph IV (1363–5), Albert III and Leopold III (1365–79), Leopold III (1379–86), Albert III again as regent (1386– 95), Leopold IV (1396–1406), Friedrich IV mit der leeren Tasche (i.e. ‘empty pockets’) (1406–39), Friedrich V as regent (1439–46) and Sigismund der Münzreiche (i.e. ‘rich in coins’) (1446–90), the region was well administered and its political importance increased. By the time of Rudolph IV, the bishopric of Trento, even if officially autonomous, was partially dependent on Tyrol (see section (h) above, p. 608); under Friedrich IV, the bishopric of Brixen was also forced to recognise the authority of the counts (see section (c) above, p. 580). The interests of the Habsburgs, however, were focused more towards the northern side of the county, namely the Inn valley, which represented the geographic core of their dominions. Meran thus began to diminish in importance; in 1420, Count Friedrich IV even transferred his residence to Innsbruck. The mint in Meran remained very active for several decades, as shall be seen, but in 1477, even the mint moved to Hall, marking the end of the history of Meran as a leading centre of Tyrol. The general history of Tyrol in the Middle Ages is covered by Stolz (1955), Riedmann (1977) and Leitner et al. (1990), while Wiesflecker (1955) and Baum (1994) provide good biographies of Meinhard II and Margarete Maultasch, respectively. 2. Coinage After one short contribution by an eighteenth-century scholar (Bartholomei 1749, 52–7), the numismatic literature on medieval Tyrol essentially begins with the monograph of Ladurner (1869), which gives a full account of the monetary development of the region before 1519, based mostly on documentary evidence. Luschin von Ebengreuth (1869) published a kind of supplement to Ladurner’s contribution, focusing specifically on the coinage of Meran and correcting many of his forerunner’s mistakes on the basis of a better knowledge of the coins and coin finds. At the beginning of the twentieth century, Perini (1902b; 1902c; 1904c; 1906a; 1906b) devoted a series of short papers to completing the catalogue and establishing a general chronology of the most plentiful series of the Meran coinage, that is, the grossi aquilini and grossi tirolini. The relevant parts of the CNI (vi, 93–135, 655–60) were based entirely on these contributions. Between 1918 and 1920, Luschin von Ebengreuth (1918; 1919; 1920) published an important series of articles on the monetary history of Tyrol, which provided an in-depth analysis of not only the chronology of the coinage of Meran, mostly based on a classic analysis of coin hoards, but also other important aspects such as weight standards, silver supply and mint activity. More recently, Rizzolli has added a thorough treatment of the medieval coinage of Tyrol. After two preliminary accounts of work in progress (Rizzolli 1979; 1984b), he published the definitive results of his studies in two major volumes devoted to the coinage of ‘Old Tyrol’, an expression referring to Tyrol’s extent in the nineteenth century rather than its medieval borders (Rizzolli 1991; 2006). These contributions are well documented and well supported by the analysis of the coins and coin finds; what follows relies mostly upon them, as indeed does the chapter on Tyrol in the CNA (i, 347–61). A. Meinhard I (1253–8) Rizzolli attributed the earliest coins of the counts of Tyrol from the mint of Meran to Count Meinhard I, who succeeded his father-in-law, Albert III, in 1253. Meinhard supposedly produced two different denari at the Veronese standard (berner). The first were imitations of certain coins of

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Figure 70. Tyrol: Meinhard I, Berner (CNI vi, pl. ix.3)

Trento (see section (h) above, p. 609) that had a large T in the field, for Tirol instead of Tridentum, and the legend +COMeS on the obverse and a cross and the legend +MaRaNO on the reverse (CNI vi, 117.116–17, attributed to Meinhard II, 1271–95; Rizzolli 1991, no. m1; CNA i, no. j1a; see Fig. 70). The attribution and chronology proposed by Rizzolli for this issue (1253/5–59) seem plausible, since the prototypes of Trento are dated to 1236–55 and Meinhard I was the first count of Tyrol to challenge the bishops of Trento openly with the aim of creating his own dominion, which might have provided a motive and opportunity for Meinhard to usurp the right of coinage. The possible legal justification for this coinage based on the fact that Meinhard was already minting as count of Gorizia, as Rizzolli suggested (1991, 93), is nevertheless highly debatable, because the counts of Gorizia almost certainly did not possess the right of coinage and had not produced coins since at least 1202 when the settlement of a dispute between the counts and the patriarchs of Aquileia explicitly declared that the counts were not in possession of minting rights (see section (e) above, pp. 584–5). B. Meinhard II and Albert II (1258–71) The second issue attributed by Rizzolli to Meinhard I is an imitation of the denari of Venice (see section (l) below, pp. 641–2) with a cross on both sides and the same legends as the previous issue (CNI vi, 117.118, attributed to Meinhard II, period 1271–95; Rizzolli 1991, no. m2; CNA i, no. j1b). This attribution nevertheless seems more doubtful, since the appearance and metrology of this coin suggest that it belongs instead to the new issues of denari that were struck in the late 1260s by many mints in the Veneto (see section (a) above, pp. 559–60), including that of Venice itself where Doge Lorenzo Tiepolo (1268–75) re-introduced this denomination after an interruption of more than half a century. It therefore seems more reasonable to attribute this piece to Meinhard II and Albert II. To the joint rule of Meinhard and Albert is also attributed a very innovative and successful coin of the mint of Meran, the grosso aquilino, characterised by an eagle displayed but turned slightly to the left with head turned back towards the right and the legend +cOMeS TIROL on the obverse and a long cross with the legend De MaRaNO (rarely De MeRaNO) on the reverse (958–61; CNI vi, 93–100.1–61; CNA 1, nos. j2a–b var.; Rizzolli 1991, nos. m3–m73). Its weight of about 1.50g, fineness of 80.7–86.6 per cent and value of twenty denari in the system of account according to the most recent research (Saccocci 1990a, 329–31; Rizzolli 1991, 103–4) indicate that this coin was worth the same as a Veronese grosso (see section (m) below, pp. 658–9), a denomination that was circulating widely in the area and was the standard adopted by the bishops of Trento for their own grossi (see section (h) above, pp. 609–10). According to Rizzolli, who follows the attribution to Meinhard and Albert first proposed by Perini (1902c), the mint introduced these coins in 1259 and produced them until 1274, when Rudolph of Habsburg granted Meinhard the right to mint, or until 1275,when Albert renounced his share of the income from the mint of Meran and surrendered

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it to Meinhard (see below, pp. 622–3). The starting date is based on the fact that the eagle on the aquilini is almost identical to the imperial eagle on the augustalis of Frederick II (MEC 14.514–17), which means that Meinhard chose the symbol of the Staufen as the principal device of his own coinage. This was probably a direct consequence of his marriage in 1259 to Princess Elisabeth of Bavaria, the widow of the last Hohenstaufen king of Germany, Conrad IV (1250–4). In support of this, it may be added that the count of Tyrol probably would have introduced a coin destined to replace the grosso of Verona only after the death of Ezzelino da Romano, the lord of Verona, in 1259. Until then, such a new issue would have risked damaging Ezzelino’s finances at a time when the counts of Tyrol were allied with him against the bishops of Trento. The introduction of this new denomination has been interpreted as a deliberate act of monetary war against the bishops of Trento, which is probably true, but it also hit a much more important target than the mint of that city. After the appearance of this new coin of Tyrol, valued at the same rate as the Veronese grosso, the coinage of Verona was almost completely driven out of circulation, as attested in both coin finds and the documentary evidence (see section (m) below, p. 658). The stream of silver from Germany that had supplied the mint of Verona was probably now diverted to the new mint of Tyrol, which could rely on control of the Alpine roads that the silver merchants had to use to reach Italian markets. To facilitate their own supply of silver, the counts imposed the so-called silberstange, or ‘silver rod’ rule, which obliged traders passing through Tyrol to exchange part of their bullion for the grossi of Meran (Rizzolli 1979, 360–1). The mint of Meran thus gained access to the huge monetary area of Verona, one of the largest in southern Europe (see section (m) below, pp. 656–8). Not surprisingly, the grossi of Tyrol enjoyed incredible success and became one of the most widely used currencies of their time; finds are known from Bavaria to southern Italy (e.g. App. 1, nos. 89, 141). Their appearance also had notable consequences in mints throughout the Veneto (see section (a) above, pp. 559–60). Rizzolli (1991, 447–8) divided the aquilini into five successive classes, mostly according to the various forms of the legend De MaRaNO, with the first class being subdivided into four groups, but no chronological data are associated with the subdivisions. C. Meinhard II alone (1271–95) Together with the grossi, the mint in Meran also struck denari, still at the Veronese standard (Berner pfennige), with the same types (eagle and long cross) and legends as the grossi (CNI vi, 100.60–1; Rizzolli 1991,nos.m74–6;CNA i,no.j3).They are therefore dated by Rizzolli to the same period as the grossi, 1259–74/5, but probably continued into the sole rule of Meinhard II until 1293 (Rizzolli 1991, 448), when a new type of Berner denari was introduced. The later date of 1274/5 seems likely as a terminus ante quem, but if the Venetian-style denari of Meran should be dated to after 1268, as suggested above, then Rizzolli’s date for the beginning of this Berner denari issue is probably too early. It is therefore reasonable to date these new aquilini parvi to after 1272, when the bishop of Trento allowed his mint-master, Belliotto de’ Rabuffati of Florence, also to strike grossi and denari for the count of Tyrol according to the Veronese standard (Rizzolli 1991, 117–18). The division in 1271 of the counties of Tyrol and Gorizia between Meinhard and Albert, respectively, did not influence the silver coinage, but a major change came about after king and Rex Romanorum Rudolph of Habsburg conceded minting rights to Meinhard in 1274 (RI vi, no. 142). It was more probably the grant than Albert’s renunciation of his income from the mint of Meran in 1275 that led to a monetary reform in which Meinhard completely changed the pattern of the

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coinage. The mint abandoned the production of aquilini and introduced a new kind of grosso with a double cross that intersected the legend MEINaRDVS on the obverse and an eagle displayed with head turned towards the left, the eagle of Tyrol, and the legend +COMES TIROL on the reverse. The coins thus adopted the name and title of the ruler at the expense of the identification of Meran. This perhaps suggests that the name of the city had not previously been used to indicate the mint, which was probably of no great interest to anyone, but only the marketplace in which the coins were accepted as legal tender. This would have been one way to circumvent the legal obstacle that the counts of Tyrol did not yet technically enjoy minting rights. Something similar probably happened in the county of Gorizia, as already noted (see section (e) above, pp. 584–5). The new coin was tariffed at twenty denari like the aquilino and therefore called a zwanziger in German, but since it was heavier and finer than the earlier coin, about 1.60g with an alloy of 86.8 per cent fine as opposed to 1.50g with a maximum fineness of 86.6 per cent, the official value of the aquilino was lowered to eighteen denari. The necessity to respect old debts and credits where the aquilino was still worth twenty denari nevertheless led to the birth in Meran of two different units of account, the libra denariorum veronensium veterum, or lira of old Berner denari, and the libra denariorum veronensium novorum, or lira of new Berner denari, in which the old Berner denaro was probably intended as a theoretical one-twentieth of the aquilino and the new one as a theoretical one-twentieth of the new grosso (Saccocci 1990a, 327–36). The old denari with the types of the aquilino almost certainly remained the only denari actually in production even after the reform of 1274 to supply the market in Meran with coins calibrated to the old libra veronensium. The new grosso enjoyed even greater success than the aquilino and under its vernacular name, kreuzer (‘cross coin’), eventually became one of the most widely used denominations of the German-speaking world. In the Italian states, it became famous as the tirolino and was imitated by several minor mints in Piedmont until 1311 when King Henry VII (1310–13, emp. 1312) promulgated a decree that forbade most of these imitations (see Chapter 3, section (a), pp. 99–100); mints in Mantua (see Chapter 5, section (l), pp. 392–3) and Verona (see section (m) below, pp. 659–60) also struck imitation tirolini. It is difficult to determine what value of account the tirolino represented in the Italian currencies, since the former Veronese grosso was still reckoned equal to the aquilino, as documents show some years later (see below, p. 625). It was very probably linked in some way to the libra imperialium or to the libra mezzaninorum of Lombardy, since they were the only currencies common to both the southern Piedmont and the borderland between Lombardy and the Veneto (Mantua and Verona). One hypothesis is therefore that the double cross (a short cross superimposed on a long cross) represented a combination of the traditional devices on the denari of Milan and other Lombard mints on the one hand (i.e. the short cross) and on the Veronese denaro on the other (i.e. the long cross), since the tirolino was in some way related to both of those currencies.

D. The succession to Meinhard II The new grosso of Meran quickly became an immobilised coin, maintaining the same legends and types for a long period under various authorities until the arrival of the Habsburgs in 1363. Even afterwards, the types remained unchanged, but the legends began to refer once again to the actual ruling authorities under the Habsburgs. The different issues were nevertheless distinguished by many mint-marks, the prolific use of which was probably imported by the numerous mint contractors from Florence and Tuscany who administered the mint of Meran (Nada Patrone 1963,

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176–86; Rizzolli 1991, passim, 295–371 for the documentary evidence), such as the Florentine Frescobaldi, whose symbol is possibly noticeable on one of the issues (974; CNI vi, 106.44; CNA 1, no. j5 Bz. 6; Rizzolli 1991, nos. m100–m107). Through the in-depth analysis of style, mint marks and above all coin finds, scholars have been able to delineate a chronology for the different issues, with Rizzoli’s work providing a probably definitive arrangement (1991, 449–59). According to this arrangement, the mint produced six principal groups of tirolini, the sequence of which is as follows: (a)

with distinctive ‘bands’ on the eagle’s wings, 1274–1306: Meinhard II (–1295); Otto, Ludwig and Heinrich (–1305); Otto and Heinrich (–1306) (962–76; CNI vi, 100–7.1–48; CNA 1, nos. j5 Bz. 1–2, 6, 8, 10 var., 11–14; Rizzolli 1991, nos. m77–m136). (b) without bands but with the C in Comes closed (c), 1306–35: Ludwig and Heinrich (–1310), Heinrich (–1335) (977–9; CNI vi, 107–10.49–64; CNA 1, no. j8 Bz. 18, 21; Rizzolli 1991, nos. m141–m178 ). (c) without bands but with a distinctive abbreviation mark after the legend MeINaRDV; 1335–41: Margarete Maultasch (980–1; CNI vi, 111.74; CNA 1, no. j12 Bz. 34; Rizzolli 1991, nos. m187– m223). (d) as before but with cross fourchée in the obverse legend and the letters in the legend always pointed, after 1341: Margarete Maultasch (CNI vi, 112.80–2, 115.104; Rizzolli 1991, nos. m233– m252; CNA i, no. j16). (e) as before but in a cruder style, before 1363: Margarete Maultasch (CNI vi, 113.87–8, 114– 15.92–103; Rizzolli 1991, nos. m253–m269; CNA i, no. j17). (f ) as before but even cruder, 1363: Margarete Maultasch (CNI vi, 115.105; Rizzolli 1991, nos. m270–m272; CNA i, no. j18). Together with grossi tirolini, the mint of Meran also produced half-grossi (zehner) with the same types and legends. They were probably minted only until 1335, since all the known specimens belong stylistically to the first two groups of tirolini (982;CNI vi,117.113–14;Rizzolli 1991,nos.m137–m140, m179). E. Heinrich (1295–1335) and Margarete Maultasch (1335–63) As sole ruler, Count Heinrich (1310–35) introduced a new denomination that soon became a great success within the Tyrol, the vierer (Ital. quattrino, Eng. four-pence coin). It had the legend +REX heNRICVS around a short cross quartered by rosettes on the obverse and the legend +COMES TIROL around the Tyrolean eagle on the reverse (CNI vi, 118.3–7; Rizzolli 1991, nos. m180–m180a; CNA i, no. j10). The weight of these very rare quattrini varies from 0.50g to 0.74g. The title rex on the coin refers to Heinrich’s brief reign as king of Bohemia between 1306 and 1310. Because of the rarity of Heinrich’s vierer and its stylistic similarities to some tirolini that are absent from hoards dating from before 1332, Rizzolli (1991, 203) suggests that this coin was minted just before Heinrich’s death in 1335. Like the tirolino, the vierer became an immobilised coin and was minted until 1363 with the same types and legends in the name of Heinrich even during the rule of Margarete Maultasch (CNI vi, 656.7 a–b; Rizzolli 1991, nos. m224–m229, m273–m279; CNA i, nos. j13, j19). Denari at the Veronese standard, or Berner, were also struck during Heinrich’s rule, almost certainly between 1321 and 1325 when they are mentioned in mint contracts. Weighing 0.25–0.40g,

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they have the double cross and the legend COME or sometimes CONE for Comes on the obverse and only the eagle of Tyrol on the reverse (CNI vi, 118.1–2; Rizzolli 1991, nos. m181–m186; CNA i, no. j11). Rizzolli (1991, 152) regarded an earlier kind of Berner denari with a three-branched plant, known only from an eighteenth-century drawing (CNI vi, 117.115; CNA i, no. j7), as merely a pattern. In the 1320s, during Heinrich’s rule, the role of the coinage of Meran in Italy greatly increased thanks to imitations of the old aquilino by some mints in the Po valley. The causes of this phenomenon have already been discussed (see sections (a), (f ) and (i) above, pp. 559–60, 595–6 and 612–13, respectively), and it is worth noting here only that these imitations were produced mostly in the monetary area where the coinage of Verona had traditionally held sway. This clearly indicates that the aquilino still retained its equivalence with the old Veronese grosso of twenty denari, which favoured its penetration south of the Alps as attested in several hoards (e.g. App. 1, nos. 1, 7, 43). Count Heinrich’s political and military role in the area as imperial vicarius of Padua (1321–8) further promoted the circulation of the Meranese coinage in the March of Verona-Treviso. F. Habsburg rule (1363–1490) The international success of the coinage of Meran made it important not to change the typology and denominational profile too radically. The coins thus maintained their characteristics even after the beginning of Habsburg rule in 1363; the only difference was that the coins now carried the name of the actual ruler instead of Meinhard or Heinrich. Under Rudolph IV (1363–5), the mint produced zwanziger or tirolini as well as vierer with the traditional types and the obverse legend RVDOLFVS (CNI vi, 119–20.1–2; CNA i, nos. j20–j21; Rizzolli 2006, nos. m280–m287), but during the joint rule of the brothers Albert III and Leopold III (1365–73), the older legends of Meinhard and Heinrich were resumed for the two denominations. The later immobilised types are distinguishable from the pre-Habsburg coins only by the small lilies used as issue marks and by the style, which is similar to the pieces of Rudolph (Rizzolli 1979, 381–2; cf. CNA i, nos. j22–j23; Rizzolli 2006, nos. m288–m300). The Berner denari of this period have the the legend RHCO for Rex Henricus Comes (Rizzolli 2006, no. m314). The use of the name of the actual ruler, LVPOLDVS or LIVPOLDVS, resumed with the coins of Leopold III (1373–86) on all the grossi (983;CNI vi,122–3.1–12;CNA i,no.j26a;Fiala 1895,no.2621 var.), the vierer and the Berner denari (CNI vi, 123–6.14–38; CNA i, no. j32). Leopold’s son with the same name, Leopold IV, ruled slightly later (1395–1406) and minted coins with identical legends, which makes it very difficult to distinguish between the coins of the two rulers. The compilers of the CNI (vi, 122–6.1–38), for example, made no attempt to do so, and the subdivision proposed by Rizzolli (1979, 383–90; cf. CNA i, nos. j24–j32, j36–j40) does not correspond perfectly with that suggested in the more recent contribution of Moser et al. (1985, 163–90). Rizzolli eventually revisited the question and updated his classification (Rizzolli 2006, nos. m315–m474, m503–m548), subdividing the coins in the name of the two Leopolds into three periods: 1373–9, for the coins of Leopold III with the mint-master’s initial; 1379–86, for the coins of Leopold III without the mintmaster’s initial; and 1395–1405, for the kreuzer and vierer of Leopold IV (984–5; CNI vi, 123–6.14–38; CNA i, no. j40; Rizzolli 2006, nos. m520–m526 ; Fiala 1895, no. 2622). After the death of Leopold III, Albert III ruled over Tyrol (1386–95) once again as regent of the young Leopold IV. His zwanziger, vierer and berner bear the traditional types and the legend aLBeRTVS (CNA i, nos. j33–j35; Rizzolli 2006, nos. m475–m502a). In 1401, under the adult rule

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of Leopold IV (1395–1406), the mint debased all the denominations. The grosso lost 10 per cent of its silver content, the vierer 20 per cent and the denaro 40 per cent (Moser et al. 1985, 150, 198–204; Rizzolli 2006, 88–92). Major changes in the coinage of Meran also took place during the reign of Friedrich IV (1406– 39), who was nicknamed mit der leeren Tasche (literally, ‘with empty pockets’, meaning penniless) because of his persistent financial difficulties. The grosso, now mostly called kreuzer, maintained the traditional typology except for the legend, FRIDRIcVS (CNI vi, 127.1; CNA i, no. j41; Rizzolli 2006, no. m553). The vierer was struck in four different issues, however, of which only the first two had the usual types of the double cross and eagle (CNI vi, 127–8.2–7; CNA i, no. j42; Rizzolli 2006, nos. m549–m552, m554–m555). In the other two, either a large F (CNI vi, 131.43– 4; CNA i, no. j44; Rizzolli 2006, nos. m557–m559) or a cross pattée charged with the shield of Austria (CNI vi, 128–31.8–42; CNA i, no. j43; Rizzolli 2006, nos. m560–m579) replaced the double cross. In these two issues, the legends are +DVX FRIDRIcVS and +COMeS TIROL. To judge from the numerous variants listed in the standard catalogues, the mint struck these vierer in huge quantities. Despite his financial difficulties, Friedrich probably made the vierer the basis of monetary circulation in Tyrol instead of the kreuzer, which was actually abandoned in 1427 (Rizzolli 1979, 390–3). The documentary evidence also shows that he debased the coinage in 1407, 1421 and 1427, reducing the silver content by 30 per cent overall during his rule (Rizzolli 2006, 99–122). The coinage of Meran flourished again with Sigismund (1446–96) to such an extent that he acquired the nickname der Münzreiche (‘the rich in coins’). The abundance of the coinage under Sigismund was based on the exploitation of the extraordinarily productive new silver mines of Schwaz in the Inn valley, which enabled the count to carry out a successful reform of the monetary system of Tyrol at the very beginning of his rule. He struck a new kind of kreuzer with a higher silver content than the last such coins of Friedrich IV, and in large quantities, some 9 million per year in 1469 and again in 1477 according to some documents (Rizzolli 2006, 177–80). The new kreuzer had the traditional legends and types, but the style was much more modern (986–90; CNI vi, 132–4.1–19; CNA i, no. j45; Rizzolli 2006, nos. m600–m608). According to Alram et al. (1997, 123–31), which updates the studies of Wieser (1965) and Moeser and Dworschak (1936) on which the CNA (i) is based, the mint struck nineteen successive groups of this denomination, the first eleven in the mint of Meran and the last eight in the mint of Hall after 1477 (see below, p. 627). Metallurgical analysis has recently verified the sequence (Linke et al. 2001) and the classification given here accords with the analysis. The exchange rate of the new grosso against the old vierer, which had become the basis of monetary circulation in Tyrol,was now 1:7 instead of 1:5,indicating that the new kreuzer underwent an increase in value of about 40 per cent in terms of the local currency (Rizzolli 1979, 390–3; 2006, 142–4). Alongside the new grosso, the mint also produced, in three different issues, a new revalued vierer, which exchanged against the kreuzer at the old rate of 5:1. The coins of the first issue have a cross pattée quartered by rosettes and the legend +SIgISäVnDVS on the obverse and a Tyrolean eagle with the legend +coäeS TIRoL on the reverse (991–2; CNI vi, 134.20–21; CNA i, nos. j46; Rizzolli 2006, nos. m580–m582). The coins of the second issue are similar but have the cross quartered by a shield and the letters D – V – X instead of the rosettes on the obverse (CNA i, no. j47; Rizzolli 2006, nos. m583–m586). The coins of the third issue are again similar but have a cross charged with a large S on the obverse (CNI vi, 134–5.24–8; CNA i, no. j48; Rizzolli 2006,

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nos. m587–m589a). According to Koch, a fourth kind of vierer was probably struck only in the mint of Hall (995; CNI vi, 134.22–3; CNA i, no. j49; Rizzolli 2006, nos. h12–h13). The silver mines of Schwaz, which had underpinned the increased activity in the mint of Meran, eventually caused its demise. In 1477, Sigismund relocated the mint from Meran to Hall, closer to Schwaz, almost certainly to avoid the lengthy transport of silver across two Alpine passes to Meran and then of coins back to Innsbruck where the count maintained his residence. The inhabitants of Meran complained vociferously to the count about the change and even rioted, but Sigismund was obdurate, thus ending the numismatic history of this Alpine centre.

(l) ve ni c e 1. Historical background Few cities in Europe can boast so important a role in medieval European history as Venice. Thanks to its location among the lagoons at the northern end of the Adriatic Sea and at the southern terminus of the shortest and easiest route between the eastern Mediterranean and northern Europe, the city became the main junction between east and west in every sense. As an heir to the Roman juridical tradition by virtue of its close connection with Byzantium, moreover, Venice almost certainly provided an important model for the development of the communes in northern Italy. According to a tradition that evolved between the ninth and eleventh centuries to give Venice an illustrious pedigree, the city was founded by refugees from Aquileia after Attila the Hun destroyed that city in 452, but the reality is rather different. Venice began to take shape as a late Roman settlement of fishermen, salt-farmers and boatmen punctuated by a few villas and slowly developed into a well-organised community. The Lombard invasion of Italy in 568, which reduced the ancient Roman (and by that time Byzantine) region of Venetia et Histria to the territory around the lagoons from Cavarzere to Grado also forced new groups of people to take refuge there. The population of the lagoons increased when the Lombards occupied Padua in 602. When the mainland capital, Oderzo, also fell in 669, the Byzantine duke (magister militum), a military and political officer subordinate to the exarch of Ravenna, transferred his seat to Cittanova on the shore of the lagoons and renamed it Heraclea. Heraclea remained the seat of the duke until the eighth century, but the focus of economic and political activity eventually gravitated to the more defensible inner islands, which also favoured the increased autonomy of the lagoon communities. When Pope Gregory II (715–31) opposed the edict of the iconoclast Emperor Leo III (714–41) against sacred images and its extension into Italy, the Byzantine armies in Italy reacted by proclaiming their own dukes and in 727 the Venetians also elected their own duke, named Orso, who can be considered the first doge of Venice. After Charlemagne (768–814, emp. 800) conquered the Lombard kingdom in 774 and was crowned emperor in Rome by Pope Leo III (795–816) in 800, mounting tension between the Western and the Eastern Empire led Charlemagne’s son Pippin, as king of Italy, to attack Dalmatia and the lagoons in 810. Because the entire area belonged at least in name to Byzantium and the Byzantine Roman cultural tradition, however, the Venetians were able to avail themselves of Byzantine support and repulsed Pippin’s offensive with the aid of the Byzantine fleet. In the subsequent Peace of Aachen initially negotiated between Charlemagne and Byzantine Emperor

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Michael I Rhangabe (811–13) in 812 and finally realised in 814, the western emperor recognised Venice as part of the Byzantine Empire. Despite the formal restoration of Byzantine power over the lagoons, Venice grew increasingly autonomous. The recovery of the relics of St Mark from Alexandria (828/32) and the transformation of the ducal chapel into a basilica devoted to the saint were accompanied by the rise of the legend that the evangelist had landed in the lagoons and been forewarned of his final resting place by an angel in a dream; the angel is supposed to have pronounced the famous phrase that became part of the Venetian coat of arms: Pax tibi, Marce, evangelista meus [hic requiescet corpus tuum]. In the context of the existing struggle between the patriarchate of Aquileia, which pertained to the kingdom of Italy, and the patriarchate of Grado, which more or less corresponded with the territory of Venice, the legend had obvious political significance. It established a close connection between Venice and one of the founding saints of Christianity, thus symbolising the independence of the church and community of Venice, not only from Rome, but also from both the Western and the Eastern Empire. In 840, at the request of Doge Pietro Tradonico of Venice (837–64), Emperor Lothar I (coemp. 817–40, emp. 840–55) renewed the Treaty of Aachen in the so-called Pactum Lotharii (MGH Capit. ii, 130–5 doc. 233; Cessi 1942, doc. 55), but this time Venice was the signatory rather than Byzantium. The treaty entrusted the Venetian fleet with the defence of the sea, since there was no Frankish fleet and the Byzantine fleet was elsewhere, and thus implicitly recognised the right of the city to control the Adriatic. This act was not the formal declaration of independence that historians once believed it was, but it clearly acknowledged Venetian autonomy. Initially, the economic development of Venice depended on the exploitation of the rich salt pans in the lagoons. As the sole Byzantine harbour on the edge of the Western Empire, however, the economy of Venice focused increasingly on trade between Constantinople and the West. The absence of arable in the immediate vicinity of the city, moreover, forced it to rely on commerce to sustain its growing population. In particular, the city depended on river-bound trade for the provision of staple commodities from productive areas farther inland. Control of the rivers thus assumed strategic importance. Comacchio, situated near the mouth of the river Po, at first enjoyed a more favourable position, but the Venetians eliminated the threat that Comacchio posed to their economic well-being when they attacked and destroyed the city in 881. Under Doge Pietro II Candiano (932–9), they repeated the operation in 932, this time deporting the inhabitants. Venice increased its power in the tenth century by gaining commercial control over the Istrian littoral and still further in 1000 when Doge Pietro II Orseolo (991–1009) placed the Byzantine Dalmatian coast under Venetian protection and assumed the title Dux Dalmatinorum. A real turning point in Venetian history came in 1081 when the Norman Robert Guiscard attacked Byzantine territories on the eastern coast of the Adriatic from his newly occupied Apulian ports of Bari, Brindisi and Otranto. The new Byzantine emperor, Alexius I Comnenos (1081– 1118), sought help from Venice, which supported the Byzantines because of the threat that the Normans posed to Venetian maritime trade in the Adriatic and with Constantinople. A Venetian naval force defeated the fleet of Robert’s brother Bohemond, which had been besieging Durazzo. The Normans eventually took the town all the same, but the Byzantines generously rewarded Venice for its intervention. In 1082, Alexius I granted the Venetians a chrysobulla that increased the customs exemptions they had enjoyed in Constantinople since 992. It opened up many of the empire’s trading posts to the Venetians, recognised the Venetian quarter in the Byzantine capital

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and sent large amounts of gold to Venetian churches. This act, which greatly increased the city’s autonomy vis-à-vis Byzantium, is often seen as tantamount to the formal birth of an independent Venetian state. In the twelfth century, Venice was able to consolidate its political and economic power by participating in the crusader siege of Tyre (1124), exercising strong pressure on Byzantium through a series of raids against the eastern Mediterranean shores and forcing the cities of Istria to recognise Venetian dominion over the mainland (1145–53), which gave the doge the title Totius Istriae Dominator. In 1104, Venice also founded its famous Arsenale, which housed a weapons warehouse, naval equipment and provisions, repair shops and a protected naval base. Authorities also created a ‘Council of the Wise Men’ in this period to support the doge in his decisions, a council that would later evolve into the most important legislative assembly in Venice, the Maggior Consiglio or ‘Greater Council’. In 1164, Venice promoted the Veronese League, which later joined the Lombard League against the Western emperor Frederick I Barbarossa (1152–90, emp. 155) (see section (a) above, p. 549). This was done substantially on behalf of the emperor of Byzantium, who financed this operation, but the relationship with the Byzantines suddenly deteriorated in 1171, when Emperor Manuel Comnenos (1143–80) dissolved the Venetian colony in Constantinople, arresting the residents and confiscating their goods. A year later, Vitale II Michiel (1156–72), the first doge of Venice to put his name on the city’s coinage, sailed with a fleet to the Aegean, but his expedition was unsuccessful and the doge himself was killed by rebels for suspected treachery after his return to Venice. He was then succeeded by Sebastiano Ziani (1172–8), the richest man in Venice, and a new method of election was used for the first time, with eleven electors nominated to put forward a recommendation for doge and their choice subjected to the assembly’s ratification. This was the beginning of the complex and famous method of election and lottery that was used in later centuries. During Ziani’s dogeship, the so-called ‘Congress of Venice’ (1177) was convened in the city between Pope Alexander III (1159–81) and Emperor Frederick I. The agreement that ensued brought to an end the war between the cities of northern Italy and the Roman Church on one hand and the Hohenstaufen Empire on the other and served as a preliminary to the terms of the Peace of Constance (1183). Tradition has it that Pope Alexander used the occasion to present Venice with the ring subsequently used in the ceremony that came to be known as the ‘marriage with the sea’. Already by the mid-twelfth century Venice was probably the mightiest maritime centre in the eastern Mediterranean, but its power greatly increased after the Fourth Crusade. Called by Pope Innocent III (1198–1216) in 1198, the Fourth Crusade was undertaken by some of the great feudal lords of France, initially headed by the count of Champagne and then, after his death in 1201 but before the departure of the Crusade, by the marquis of Montferrat. In 1201, the crusaders’ envoys made arrangements with Venice for the sea passage of the armada: more than 33,000 men were to be transported for a vast sum equivalent to 20,000 kilograms of silver. The ships were ready by the spring of 1202, but the crusaders were unable to honour the agreed financial terms in full. Doge Enrico Dandolo (1192–1205) proposed that the balance of the debt should be paid out of future plunder and therefore requested the crusaders to help Venice recapture Zara, which had rebelled. Having done so, the crusaders decided to attack Constantinople at the request of the pretender Alexius, son of Emperor Isaac II (1185–95, 1203–4), who had been overthrown by his brother Alexius III (1195–1203). Some scholars now think that Venice did not exert any particular

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pressure in this decision, but in any case the crusaders, with the stalwart and indispensable aid of the Venetian fleet under the vigorous leadership of the blind nonagenarian Dandolo, definitively took Constantinople in April 1204 and pillaged it for three days. The Venetians and the crusader barons then occupied the Byzantine Empire and transformed it into a Latin feudal state, the emperor of which was chosen by a council of six Venetians and six barons. The Byzantine emperor was given a quarter of the Byzantine territory while the remaining three-quarters were divided up between Venice and the barons with half going to each party. The doge thus became ‘Lord of a quarter and a half of the empire’, as Dandolo’s new entitulature had it. Apart from three-eighths of the city of Constantinople, the main gains for the Venetians were Negropont in Euboea, the two bases of Modon and Corone on the southern shores of Morea (the Peloponnese), and lastly Candia (Crete). The dominant position assumed by Venice in the eastern Mediterranean after the Fourth Crusade, which also had important monetary consequences as shall be seen, gave the city a considerable advantage over the other maritime commercial powers, above all Genoa. After a series of bloody incidents between the citizens of Venice and Genoa in Tyre and Acre, the Venetian warships that accompanied the city’s Levantine merchant fleet inflicted heavy losses on the Genoese fleet off the coast of Acre in 1258, thus starting the First Genoese War of 1258–70. The Venetians returned home from Acre carrying the columns that still adorn the southern side of St Mark’s square. This was the beginning of a struggle with Genoa that would end only after four wars, more than a century later. A few years after the battle of Acre, in 1261, the Venetians suffered a much more serious reversal when Byzantine Emperor Michael VIII Palaiologos (1260–82) formed an alliance with the Genoese and took Constantinople in July, thus putting an end to the Latin Empire. The Venetians were initially expelled from Constantinople but were readmitted in 1268. Two years later, the two competing powers signed a fragile peace. The rivalry between the two maritime republics broke out into open conflict once more in the Second Genoese War of 1294–9. The war was marked by a great naval victory for the Genoese in 1298 at Curzola, an island off the Dalmatian coast, and the incursion of a small Venetian fleet into the harbour of Genoa with the assistance of Francesco Grimaldi, the head of the Genoese Guelfs who had captured Monaco in 1297 and gave rise to the ruling dynasty that still holds the throne there today. Venice and Genoa signed a new peace in 1299. The constitutional order of Venice also developed into its definitive form during the thirteenth century. Around 1220, authorities instituted the Quarantia (‘Council of the Forty’), which specifically oversaw financial and monetary affairs but also functioned as a court of appeal. At some point before 1255, authorities created the council of the Pregadi (literally, people ‘invited’ to give their advice), which would later be called the Senate. This council was formed to oversee naval affairs and certain international questions, which it could address either alone or as delegated by the Maggior Consiglio. Later, after the Maggior Consiglio had increased in size, it assumed responsibility for electing the Senate, to which it delegated the task of dealing with many of the most important affairs of state. The most important step in the building of the Venetian state was the reform that Doge Pietro Gradenigo (1289–1311) carried out in 1297, which became famous as the ‘Locking’ (Serrata) or less frequently the ‘Enlargement’ of the Maggior Consiglio. In theory, membership of the council had previously been open to all Venetian citizens who ran for it and were approved by the Quarantia, but in practice it was restricted to members of the thirty most influential families of

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the city. With this reform, admission into the Maggior Consiglio was reserved to those who were already members or had been members within the previous four years and to descendants of former members of the council since 1172. Candidates were still subject to the approval of the Quarantia and ‘descendants’ also needed to be vetted by a special board of three electors. All were nevertheless automatically eligible in this new system, which more than doubled the number of members of the Maggior Consiglio to more than a thousand. The rules for admission were subsequently made even more restrictive, with a higher quorum of votes from the Quarantia required for approval of candidacy. In 1323, membership of the Maggior Consiglio finally became permanent and hereditary. This created the ‘blood nobility’ linked to the republican institutions of Venice that ruled the city until the end of the Venetian Republic in 1797 and constituted the strongest bulwark against the evolution of the commune into a signoria, as occurred in many other Italian cities. Around 1300, important innovations were also made in shipping, now making it possible to sail regularly even during the winter months. The state owned great galleys that sailed on trading missions in regular convoys twice a year to four destinations, namely the Eastern Empire (including the Aegean, Constantinople and the Black Sea), Cyprus and Syria, Alexandria and Flanders. In 1329 the Pregadi decided to auction the use of the state galleys and offer them on lease to the highest bidder voyage by voyage on given routes and under binding conditions. If the main concern of Venetian policy since the late eleventh century had been the establishment of its maritime power, during the fourteenth century the city paid more attention to the situation on the mainland surrounding the lagoons. The growth of aggressive lordships (signorie), heirs to the communes, had begun to threaten the free passage of commodities along the inland routes on which Venice relied for its survival. In 1308, the Venetians saw an opportunity to consolidate their control over the river Po by intervening in a dispute over the succession at Ferrara and sending troops to take control of the nearby fortress commanding the bridge over the Po. The pope, who was the legal overlord of Ferrara, reacted by placing the republic under interdict from Avignon. This represented an enormous threat to a commercial centre such as Venice, accompanied as it was by the preaching of a Crusade against the republic by the pope himself, who even guaranteed a plenary indulgence for anyone who participated in attacks against Venetian citizens (Soranzo 1905, 127–43, 177–8). Such attacks took place in many parts of northern Italy and even seem to be attested in coin finds (see below, p. 643). The Venetians, driven out of the fortress on the Po, also renounced their ambitions with regard to Ferrara and instead agreed with Verona to dig a canal starting from the river Adige that would allow them to reach the Po upstream of Ferrara. The papal interdict was then revoked in 1313. After the failure of the war against Ferrara, the Venetian authorities acted more carefully on the mainland and sought to control the politics of the area mainly through alliances. Only when they felt that a single power was becoming so strong as to be able to dominate the entire territory unchallenged would they intervene directly. When the dominions of the Scaligeri of Verona grew to threatening proportions through the addition of Padua, Treviso and many other cities, the Venetians acted to thwart the ambitions of these lords in the so-called Guerra Veneto–Scaligera (‘Veneto–Scaligera War’, 1336–9; see section (a) above, pp. 551–2 and section (m) below, p. 654). The favourable course of the war gave Venice the opportunity to gain its first real foothold on the mainland in 1339 with the important city of Treviso, which controlled the main overland trade route towards the north.

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In the autumn of 1347, Venice began to suffer, earlier than elsewhere in Italy, from the Black Death, which appears to have first arrived in Italy on a Venetian vessel returning from the trading base of Caffa in Crimea. Within eighteen months, the city had lost between one-third and half of its inhabitants. In the years after the arrival of the Black Death, the political situation in north-east Italy remained fairly calm, probably owing to the demographic impact of the plague, which discouraged aggressive military policies. In the eastern Mediterranean, however, commercial competition between Venice and Genoa never ceased and in fact led to further war between the two cities in the Third Genoese War of 1350–5. This war was marked by the unsuccessful attempt of the Venetian fleet to occupy the Genoese base of Pera near Constantinople. There were also many naval battles, the last of them being won by the Genoese, who even captured the commander of the Venetian fleet, Nicolò Pisani. Genoa’s victory nevertheless yielded the city no advantage; racked by internal strife, it submitted to the lord of Milan, Giovanni Visconti, who signed a compromise agreement with Venice in 1355. In the same year, the septuagenarian doge Marin Falier (1354–5) was condemned and beheaded after the Council of Ten, a juridical board established at the beginning of the fourteenth century precisely to prevent conspiracies against the state, found him guilty of treason for ‘attempted dictatorship’. The sentence carried out against Falier was of course a strong admonition to all subsequent doges to remain faithful to the republic. In succeeding decades, a very dangerous situation developed that jeopardised the very survival of the ‘Republic of the Lion’, as forces of the duke of Austria, the patriarch of Aquileia, the Carrarese lord of Padua, the king of Hungary and later Genoa repeatedly joined together to oppose Venice. In 1358, it was forced to cede to the Hungarian king all of its possessions in Dalmatia, which had belonged to the city for three and a half centuries. From 1363 to 1366, the Venetians then had to face down a serious revolt in Crete. Eventually, in 1378, Venice entered once more into open conflict with Genoa in the Fourth Genoese War, also called the War of Chioggia (1378–81). This time, however, Genoa gained the assistance of Padua and Hungary. The origins of the war lay in the Venetian conquest of the Greek island of Tenedos in 1376, which both Venice and Genoa coveted as a potential base at the western entrance of the Dardanelles. The Genoese despatched a taskforce towards Tenedos in May 1378, but the galleys soon encountered the Venetian fleet under the command of Vettor Pisani, who scored a brilliant naval victory against them off the coast of Anzio in the Tyrrhenian Sea. In May 1379, however, the Genoese defeated the Venetian admiral in his base at Pola in Istria and even penetrated into the lagoons to seize Chioggia with the aid of land forces from Padua. Never had Venice been in greater danger. The Venetians mobilised their reserves to combat the threat and soon managed to impose a blockade on Genoese-held Chioggia, cutting off the occupying troops. Meanwhile, another Venetian squadron, which had been away from the Adriatic on a plundering expedition, was inflicting heavy damage on Genoese trade. In June 1380, after this squadron had returned from its expedition and joined the blockade, the Venetians forced the Genoese to surrender their position in Chioggia and thereby regained their control of the Adriatic. The consequent Peace of Turin in 1381 seemed more favourable to Genoa than to Venice, but the latter’s greater political stability enabled it to emerge victorious from this last of the Genoese wars. In the face of the threat to their city posed by Genoa, the kings of Hungary and the Carrarese lords of Padua, the Venetians decided to encourage the expansion of the rival lordship of the Visconti of Milan, which they probably deemed sufficiently distant from Venice to present any immediate threat. With the initial consent of Venice, Gian Galeazzo Visconti (1378/85–1402, duke

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1395) conquered practically all the cities in the Venetian hinterland over the course of 1387–8, which no doubt far exceeded the expectations of the Venetians. The closest and most dangerous of Milan’s newly conquered possessions was Padua, a traditional enemy of the Venetians. It nevertheless comes as no surprise that when Francesco II da Carrara (1388/90–1405) recovered Padua from the Milanese two years later, the authorities in Venice aided the effort by allowing his troops to pass unmolested through their territory. Even after recovering his city, Francesco continued to fight mainly against the Visconti, but the rivalry between Venice and Padua quickly resumed once Gian Galeazzo died in 1402 and the Visconti threat dissipated. When Francesco revived his father’s expansionist policies by occupying Verona in 1404, the Venetians reacted harshly, both militarily and diplomatically, simultaneously assuming control of Bassano, Belluno and Vicenza. In Verona, the citizens soon rebelled against Francesco, shook off his rule in June 1405 and opened the city gates to the Venetians. A few months later, Venice finally conquered Padua itself: Francesco and two other members of his family were thrown into prison and strangled by order of the Council of Ten. By this time, it had presumably become clear to the Venetian authorities that direct rule was the only way to maintain peace in the city’s hinterland and they quickly decided to annex the newly occupied territories. Several important commercial routes radiating from Venice on the mainland thus passed definitively under its control, securing Venetian properties on the mainland and, not least, facilitating a substantial increase in the fiscal base of the state. The Venetians obviously viewed their rule over the mainland as beneficial because they extended their dominions over the following years by conquering and annexing the territories of the patriarchate of Aquileia in Friuli (1420) and the cities of Brescia (1426) and Bergamo (1428) in eastern Lombardy, and finally even Ravenna and other centres in Romagna (1441), thus creating the richest and most powerful regional state in Italy. In 1409, moreover, Venice had recovered Dalmatia, and even before this, in 1386, had definitively gained the island of Corfu. Over the course of the fifteenth century, it consolidated the organisation of its new territorial state. The Venetian authorities proved very farsighted, basing their power on a kind of treaty (pactum) between them and their subjects that established the lines of their policy. The pacta were formally fruits of consensus, which made it easier for the local population to accept the new ruler. The tendency of the Venetians to favour the lower classes against the feudal nobility that had ruled before their arrival, combined with the maintenance of an important role for the old communal institutions, fostered a generally sympathetic attitude towards Venice as overlord that lasted for the whole life of the republic and survived long after its eventual fall in 1797. The conquest of the mainland represents the starting point of the golden age of the republic, which endured through the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, when Venice excelled not only in commerce and industry but also in culture. Even in terms of personal liberty, ‘human rights’ and social organisation, the Venetian state may be regarded as among the most advanced in Europe. As for the eastern Mediterranean, Venice experienced no particular difficulties in its relations with the Levant during the first half of the fifteenth century, but the definitive conquest of Constantinople by the Ottoman Turks in 1453 and their consequent expansion into the Balkans posed a new danger that grew to tremendous proportions in the following centuries. The republic became embroiled in a war with the Turks in 1463–79 and again in 1499–1503, suffering territorial losses in the Balkans that were partially offset by the acquisition of Cephalonia and complete control over Cyprus. At the outset, however, the advance of the Turks did not affect Venetian trade above

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all because the Turks initially displayed little interest in fracturing the Venetian trade network. The situation soon became very different as Venetian merchants endured not only Turkish attacks but also the general shift of international commerce towards the Atlantic routes. At the beginning of the sixteenth century, Venice was still so powerful both politically and economically that it was able to recover, without any significant territorial loss, from the war launched against it by the greatest European coalition ever seen, the so-called League of Cambrai, promoted by Pope Julius II (1503–13) and led by the Habsburg Emperor Maximilian I (1509–16). The bibliography on Venetian history is so large that it is impossible to mention anything more than the most general contributions. The Treccani Foundation recently published a series devoted to the history of Venice at the highest scholarly level; volumes i–v give a full account about the medieval period (Ruggini et al. 1992; Cracco and Ortalli 1995; Tenenti and Tucci 1996a; 1996b; Arnaldi et al. 1997). The individual contributions in these volumes often deal with specific themes, but more general overviews can be found in Cessi (1968) and Cracco (1986). Lane’s survey (1973) is devoted almost exclusively to the maritime and commercial history of Venice, while Luzzatto’s analysis of the economic development of the city (1961) is still useful. The best account of the origins of Venice is that in Carile and Fedalto (1978). Finally, two booklets on the history of the Veneto, including Venice, created for teaching in secondary schools, also provide a good introduction (Fumian and Ventura 2000).

2. Coinage Despite the importance of Venice in Italian history,its mint and coinage attracted scholars’attention later than many other Italian mints, which were the subject of major contributions already by the eighteenth century, mostly in the multi-volume collections assembled by Argelati (1750–9) and Zanetti (1775–89). This is probably because the coins of Venice, which usually bore the name of the ruling doge, were easily attributable and datable, and therefore did not require classification as urgently as the coins of other mints. It was thus not until the mid-nineteenth century that the earliest extensive studies on the coinage of Venice began to appear, the first being that of Lazari (1851) on the coins of the Venetian dominions. Padovan (1881) followed with several studies in the journal Archivio veneto that were based almost exclusively on archival evidence and Papadopoli (1893–1919) contributed a mammoth four-volume monograph. Papadopoli’s magnum opus may be considered among the best studies of a medieval and modern coinage in Italy ever published, but it should be stressed that all the nineteenth-century contributions regarding the mint of Venice are of the highest standard. This may be ascribed to the impression that Lazari made on the subject, not only because his book represented an extraordinarily good example but even more because, after his premature death from tuberculosis in 1864, Papadopoli purchased all his notes, transcriptions of documents and records of coins as well as the collection of coins that he had assembled in preparation for writing a general history of Venetian coinage (Saccocci 1986b; on Lazari, see also MEC 14, 486–7), thus making the material available for further research. Papadopoli’s monograph, which also became the basis for the volume of the CNI devoted to medieval Venice, discouraged purely numismatic research on the coinage of Venice for several decades simply because it was so comprehensive in its coverage. Until relatively recently, the only other major contribution that focused on the actual coins of the

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city was the catalogue of the Papadopoli collection itself, which is preserved in the Museo Correr of Venice (Castellani 1925). The data that Papadopoli made available in his volumes nevertheless attracted the attention of historians who sought to analyse the economic and commercial aspects of the Venetian coinage in depth. Cessi (1937) gathered together an important collection of documents with a long introduction in which he attempted to explain many issues regarding Venetian monetary policy. Despite Cessi’s sometimes obscure language, many of his conclusions still remain valid. Luzzatto (1937) and Lane (1958–9) explored specific themes such as the relationships between gold and silver and the various account systems in use in Venice. Research on the commercial, economic and political aspects of the coinage on the basis of the documentary evidence but with little more than passing attention to the numismatic and archaeological record has its finest expression in Lane and Mueller (1985), a classic work of medieval monetary history in which the almost total absence of any reliance on numismatic evidence has not much compromised its conclusions. The authors were able to rely on the newly edited Capitolar dale Broche of the mint of Venice, a register containing all the rules and regulations concerning the mint from 1358 to 1556 (Bonfiglio Dosio 1984). In the meantime, other authors had once more begun to devote attention to the actual coinage of Venice, most notably in some important shorter contributions of a general character by Grierson (1957b; 1988) and Bertelè (1973). More recently, Stahl has provided a long series of contributions on Venetian coinage, beginning with a study of the tornesello (1985a) and culminating in a major monograph on the mint of Venice (2000), which also deals with all aspects of its coinage. The following survey is based mostly on the chapters devoted to the history of the coinage in Stahl’s book for the period until 1423 and on Papadopoli’s book thereafter, with further attention given to specific issues that are still debated. Thanks to Lane and Mueller (1985) and above all Stahl (2000), the general features of Venetian coinage and monetary history – the setting of monetary policy, the development of the systems of account, coin circulation, mint activity, etc. – have now been more or less fully described, which almost certainly makes the coinage of Venice the best known of all the coinages of medieval Italy. In addition, the coin dealer Paolucci compiled two excellent bilingual books (Italian–English) for collectors (1990; 1991) that were conceived as catalogues of types but also pay close attention to the historical and monetary background of the coinage.

A. Vitale II Michiel (1156–72) The earliest coin in the name of a Venetian doge was issued by Vitale II Michiel, the unfortunate ruler killed by rebels in 1172. It was a denaro following the format of the pseudo-imperial denari enriciani with the bust of St Mark (see Chapter 2, section (d), pp. 61–5), but with the legend +VøMICHLDVX instead of +ENRICVS IMPø on the obverse (CNI vii, 17.1; Stahl 2000, 10–14; see Fig. 71). The denomination was long considered to be a half-denaro, even until relatively recently (Buenger Robbert 1995, 415), simply because later coins with identical typology had this value. This nevertheless happened only after the introduction in Venice of a new libra worth twice the traditional one that was current under Michiel’s successor, Sebastiano Ziani (see below, pp. 636–7). At the time of Doge Michiel, in other words, the coin still represented a denaro like the enriciano it resembled, as Murari (1967) observed.

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Figure 71. Venice: Vitale II Michiel, denaro (Museo Civico Correr, Papadopoli coll., Venice; C A. Saccocci. Reproduced by kind permission) image 

The coins of Michiel are now very rare – only three specimens are known – and are almost completely absent from hoards. A single piece was found near Cividale in Friuli according to an anonymous manuscript among the papers of the eighteenth-century archaeologist Ludovico della Torre in the Archaeological Museum of Cividale, but the information is uncertain owing to its incomplete description and the absence of any surviving image of the coin (Alcune osservazioni n.d.; App. 1, no. 79). This suggests that their issue was very small, in sharp contrast with the abundance of silver otherwise attested in the region at that time. This has led to the suggestion that the production of coins worth one Venetian denaro had become uneconomic because of competition from the Friesacher denari, which were overvalued in Venetian terms and by that time had spread over all north-eastern Italy (Saccocci 1996, 289–96; see also section (a) above, p. 556). Although this coin gave rise to a ‘republican’ coinage that lasted for more than six centuries, scholars have paid very little attention to the reason why Michiel should have introduced the name of the doge on the coinage for the first time. Only Saccocci and Stahl have addressed the question. According to Saccocci (in Jimenez et al. 1984, 152–3), the Venetian promotion and financing of the League of Verona against Frederick I in 1164 – Byzantine support for which is suggested by the contemporary visit of Byzantine ambassador Chalouphes to Venice bearing money (Kinnamos 1976, 172–4) – provided an opportune moment for the Venetians to introduce a new coin that abandoned any reference to the German emperor. Stahl (2000, 13) argued instead that Venice probably initiated a fully independent coinage in 1171 when the city was in opposition to the Western Empire and also had poor relations with Byzantium after the Byzantine emperor ordered the arrest of Venetians in Constantinople and the seizure of their goods (see above, p. 629). In either case, the introduction of the new denaro must be dated to 1164 or later. B. Sebastiano Ziani (1172–78), Orio Malipiero (1178–92) Under the succeeding doge, Sebastiano Ziani, there was a major reform of the coinage that had noteworthy consequences not only in Venice but throughout the monetary area of the Veneto, even if the absolute silence of the written sources on the matter has discouraged analysis by scholars. All the coins known with the name of this doge are imitations of the contemporaneous bowlshaped denari of Verona with a cross on both sides (see Chapter 2, section (e), p. 73) but have legends that refer to the doge and St Mark (996–7; CNI vii, 17–20.1–28; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 74 nos. 1–2). Doge Ziani evidently decided to replace the traditional libra of Venice, based on the denari bearing the bust of St Mark, with a new one equivalent to the libra of Verona, which was worth twice as much as the Venetian libra and had been widely used even within the territory of Venice since the mid-twelfth century (Buenger Robbert 1971, 30–5; Saccocci 1991a, 252–3). This must have happened at the very beginning of Ziani’s rule, since documents of 1172 were already

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registering payments in Venetian or Veronese denari of equal value (Stahl 2000, 14). It is true that Ziani’s famous ‘price list’ of 1173 still expressed prices in denari Veronenses (Cessi 1937, xiv–xv), but this is probably because the new Venetian libra was at first still called the libra Veronensis in recognition of the fact that it was equal in value. Strong competition from the Freisacher denari, which had previously undermined the sustained production of denari in the Venetian mint under Vitale Michiel, probably provided the motivation for the changeover and adoption of the Veronese libra. This is because the denari of Verona remained unaffected by the spread of the Freisacher coins thanks to the way that they were reckoned in the Veronese system of account (Saccocci 1996, 289–96; see also sections (a) and (b) above, p. 556 and 567, respectively). The weight of the surviving denari of Sebastiano Ziani as well as those of his successors Orio Malipiero and Enrico Dandolo range from 0.30g to 0.40g, while their fineness, according to recent chemical analyses, varies from 26 to 22 per cent silver (De Ruitz 2001, 163; for some earlier data, see Stahl 2000, 14 n. 55). The results of more recent analyses carried out at the University of Padua (Coletti 2008–9, 61–3) appear to confirm a slight decline in the average silver content between the denari of Orio Malipiero (26.01 per cent) and those of Enrico Dandolo (21.80 per cent), a difference that some authors (e.g. Buenger Robbert 1971, 45–6) had already taken for granted on the basis of a single analysis reported by Papadopoli. The denari of the succeeding doge, Orio Malipiero (1178–92) (998–1002; CNI vii, 20–6.1–58; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 78 nos. 1–5), are much more common in finds than those of Ziani, which suggests a large increase in minting during his rule. This is despite the fact that Verona debased its denari in the 1180s, probably in 1183 (see section (m) below, pp. 655–7), which should have led to the hoarding of the Malipiero denari. The hoard pattern in this period actually indicates that Venetian denari were indeed hoarded together with the old undebased denari of Verona, albeit to a lesser extent than the good Veronese coins (see section (a) above, p. 557). It nevertheless seems that the Venetian authorities somehow adapted to the new circumstances soon after the debasement and were able to defend the circulation of their petty coinage even though it was the ‘good money’ on the market. It is possible that the debasement of the actual denaro of Verona led the Venetians to distinguish their own ‘Veronese’ denaro from the Veronese prototype by describing their coin as a denarius venetialis rather than a denarius veronensis as before. References to librae denariorum venetialium in fact begin to be fairly common in the archival evidence precisely from the mid-1180s (Pascolini 2002–3, app.). It was probably to avoid the confusion between this new lira of Venice and the old one in use until the time of Michiel and normally called the libra nostrae monetae or ‘lira of our own currency’ (Buenger Robbert 1971, 10–11) that Malipiero resumed the denaro of this obsolete lira with the bust of St Mark and valued it at a half-denaro in the new ‘Venetian’ currency. This coin is the so-called bianco of Venice (CNI vii, 26.59–60; cf. 1037, 1057). C. Enrico Dandolo (1192–1205) The importance of the Venetian Doge Enrico Dandolo for the monetary history of Venice certainly exceeds his importance as a political leader, despite his leading role in the Fourth Crusade. In monetary affairs, Dandolo’s importance rests on the introduction during his dogeship of the grosso, which constituted a major advance in the coinage that reverberated across most of Europe and throughout the Mediterranean basin. The new silver coin of Venice represented such a complete innovation in relation to all preceding coins because of its greater weight and above all its elevated fineness. The Venetian grosso was almost certainly the first coin of this type and certainly

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the first successful one. As such, it was the starting point of a revolution that transformed the entire medieval monetary system, even giving rise to a lexical distinction between moneta grossa (silver and later also gold coins) and moneta parva (billon and later also copper coins), which lasted until the end of the ancien régime. The introduction of grossi in Italy has been the subject of several short studies (Grierson 1971–2, 33–40; Cipolla 1975, 31–7; Saccocci 1994; Matzke 2000). The new coin (1003; CNI vii, 27.1; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 86 no. 1), presumably officially called a ‘silver ducat’, had a complex typology and elevated style that was paralleled only in the coinage of Byzantium at the time. Stahl (2000, 18–19) identified the source for the imagery on the grosso, the doge receiving a standard from St Mark on the obverse and Christ enthroned on the reverse, as the twelfth-century Byzantine electrum aspron trachy. The original standard of the grosso is not known, but according to a capitulary of the mint-masters for silver dating from 1278, it then weighed 2.18g and contained 98.5 per cent silver (Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 311–38 doc. 4; Stahl 1988). It seems very probable that these values were the original ones, since there is no reason to believe that the ducat suffered any alteration during the first eighty years of its production. According to recent analyses (De Ruitz 2001, 164), the fineness of grossi dating to 1229–53 was somewhat lower than the legal standard, varying from 96.4 per cent to 97.2 per cent, but this slight difference is probably due more to the imprecision of medieval refining techniques than any deliberate efforts of Venetian mint authorities. The silver ducat of Dandolo has also been the object of a complete die-link study, comprising an innovative chronological analysis of the single punches used to depict the heads of the personages (Stahl 1999b). According to Stahl, the total output of grossi under this doge might have reached some 450,000 pieces, using the conservative figure of 10,000 coins per die. Even with a higher rate per die,the result nevertheless seems low,in view of the fact that it was probably struck over a period of eleven years and was likely already known in Pisa by 1202 (see below, p. 639). The rarity of its early grossi is a characteristic that Venice shares with other Italian mints (see Chapter 1, section (b), p. 17; Chapter 4, section (b), p. 262), which gives the impression that the denomination was initially unsuccessful, but this fails to account for the enthusiasm with which other mints produced the new denomination. The most likely explanation for the rarity of early grossi is that some anomalous factor has made the number of surviving examples, and through them their dies, unrepresentative of the original output. One possibility was the large-scale exportation of the grossi and their reminting as foreign coins, or perhaps their initial intensive circulation as cheap money that was not subject to hoarding. When the denomination later became subject to hoarding, thus increasing the survival rate of the coins and dies, most of the earlier coins would have been sufficiently worn to exclude them from hoards. It is noteworthy that in Greece, for instance, the average dating of Venetian grossi from stray finds is earlier than that of the grossi from hoards, which means that these coins circulated there before they became subject to hoarding (Touratsoglou and Baker 2002, 215). Despite the numerous sources on the silver ducat of Enrico Dandolo, details concerning the first appearance of the coin are not entirely clear, mostly due to the fact that the earliest chronicles reporting its introduction, those of Martin da Canal from about 1275 and Andrea Dandolo from the early fourteenth century, disagree over the date of the introduction (for the passages in question, see Buenger Robbert 1971, 38–44). Da Canal apparently linked the birth of the new coin to the Fourth Crusade (1202), even if he did not state this explicitly, whereas Andrea Dandolo clearly stated that the new coin went into production during the second year of the dogeship of his

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ancestor Enrico (1193/4). Starting from this discrepancy, there arose a debate over the role, value and purpose of the new coin that cannot yet be considered closed (Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 80– 5; Cessi 1937, xvii–xxvi; Buenger Robbert 1974; Queller 1975; Lane and Mueller 1985, 112–23; Saccocci 1994; Stahl 1999a; 2000, 16–22; Travaini 2006). Taking account of the earlier research, Stahl nevertheless proposed a scenario in which the existing monetary systems in 1194 no longer suited the needs of the Venetian economy and prompted the introduction of the new silver ducat at that time. He observed that the international currencies on which the Venetian economy mostly depended, especially the Veronese and Byzantine ones, had recently undergone debasement, while the traditional monetary system of Venice that Enrico Dandolo had inherited, based only on the petty denominations of the denaro and the half-denaro, was clearly inadequate. In 1194, moreover, the silver ducat would have been worth twenty-four denari or an even two soldi rather than twentysix denari as Andrea Dandolo reported in his chronicle. It is therefore likely that all three of Enrico Dandolo’s denominations – the grosso, the denaro (1004–5; CNI vii, 27–9.2–22; Papadopoli 1893– 1919,i,86–7 nos.2–5) and the half-denaro (CNI vii,29.23) – were struck through his entire dogeship. Only around the time of his death in 1205 was the denaro abandoned and a new denomination, the quartarolo, introduced (see below, p. 640). Other evidence supports this chronology. In 1202, for example, the arithmetical treatise of Fibonacci (1857, 106) included an indirect reference to the Venetian grosso, suggesting that the new denomination was already well known in the commercial network of Fibonacci’s city of Pisa (Stahl 2000, 17). At Batroun in Syria (modern Lebanon), moreover, the customs fee for a ship importing a load of wheat was indicated as a marzapanus (Muller 1879, 83). According to the Dutch linguist Kluyver (1904), marzapanus is a form of the word matapan, which derived from the Arabic maudaban (i.e. seated) and had apparently become the soubriquet of the Venetian grosso, doubtless referring to the image of the seated Christ on the reverse. The Arabic epithet for the grosso is attested in Italy at Trento in a document of 1220 (Pellegrini 1993, 71 doc. 31). It is therefore probable that the fee quoted in Batroun was in some way related to the Venetian coin. It must be added that Kluyver’s thesis, though widely accepted, has its detractors and cannot be taken for granted; the linguistic arguments are now summed up in Saccocci (2010c, 153). This reconstruction nevertheless fails to offer adequate explanation for the success of the new grossi. Even if the debasement of the Byzantine currency accounts for the use of the Venetian silver ducat in the commercial networks where Venice was active, it does not explain why so many cities in northern and central Italy quickly adopted heavy silver denominations comparable to the new coin, nor does it explain why the Venetian coin went on to become the dominant coin in Mediterranean trade. It is therefore worth reporting other explanations that have been proposed for this problem. Buenger Robbert (1971, 38–51) and subsequently Lane and Mueller (1985, 112– 23) suggested that the grosso, although significantly heavier and finer than the denaro of Venice, was effectively a debased and therefore overvalued coin because the official rate of exchange between the grosso and the denaro was higher than that implied by their respective silver contents. As the cheap money of the market, the Venetian grosso easily penetrated into circulation and attracted bullion to the mint. This is precisely what happened in the monetary area of Venice fifty years earlier when the heavy Friesacher denaro invaded the region because it was overvalued in terms of the Venetian currency (see sections (a) and (b) above, pp. 556 and 567, respectively). Saccocci (1994) accepted this thesis but further suggested that the Venetian grosso, which the mint introduced mostly to work the huge flow of silver bullion coming from the eastern Alps

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more quickly, owed its great success to the fact that it was tied to the miliarese, a traditional unit of account used in Mediterranean trade and corresponding to one-twelfth of the ‘old’ gold hyperpyron. This is confirmed by the fact that, in Greece, hyperpyra of account were later reckoned as worth twelve grossi. In the later twelfth century, moreover, on the basis of the exchange rate between the ‘old’ hyperpyron and the Veronese pound adopted by Venice after 1172, the miliarese of account had a probable value of about twenty-six denari, exactly as Andrea Dandolo reported in his chronicle account of the introduction of the grosso. In this last point only, Saccocci’s thesis appears to contrast with the scenario that Stahl proposed, but the two hypotheses are actually compatible. As noted above, Verona debased its lira before 1185, which encouraged hoarding of the finer denari that belonged to the equivalent lira of Venice (see section (a) above, p. 557). After a while, however, the Venetian denari again began to circulate, as attested in their frequent presence in stray finds (Stahl 2000, 204–5). This may be easily explained if monetary authorities in Venice, when introducing the grosso in 1193/4, marked the difference in silver content between the respective lire of Venice and Verona through different valuations of the grosso. For their own lira, authorities might have valued it at an ‘even’ twenty-four denari or two soldi, while reckoning the Veronese lira at the welldocumented twenty-six denari or a miliarese of account, which would have enabled the denari of Venice to avoid competition with the Veronese coins. Presumably, the difference was so small that the two series tended to circulate within the market at par, which probably would have slowed the circulation of the Venetian coins and eventually made it inconvenient to produce them. This perhaps explains why the mint of Venice abandoned its denaro after the death of Enrico Dandolo in 1205 and the exchange rate of 1:26 between the grosso and denaro of account became the only rate in use, in Venice as elsewhere. The second new coin of Enrico Dandolo, the quartarolo or ‘small quarter’ (CNI vii, 29.24–5; cf. 1023, 1038–9, 1072–3), corroborates the miliarese hypothesis. The billon quartarolo, with a weight of c. 0.70g and a negligible silver content, has an epigraphic type on the obverse and a cross on the reverse. Because it was tariffed at one-quarter of a denaro, as Andrea Dandolo reported (Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 85), most scholars have concluded that the coin’s name derived from its value and that it functioned simply as small change on the internal markets of Venice. The majority of finds of the quartarolo are nevertheless recorded outside Venice and the Venezie, above all in the former Byzantine territories. Saccocci (2001a) therefore hypothesised that the name of this coin was in reality a translation of the Greek tetarteron, which was the name of a Byzantine copper coin that was current at the time, and that the Venetian coin, corresponding to an eastern prototype, was also destined for international circulation. A coin with such a low intrinsic value could circulate outside its homeland only if it were calibrated to a well-known system of account and, above all, if it were officially convertible into some more precious denomination. Both of these conditions would have been fulfilled if the Venetian grosso, as suggested, likewise corresponded to the Byzantine miliarese. D. Pietro Ziani (1205–29), Jacopo Tiepolo (1229–49), Marino Morosini (1249–53), Ranieri Zeno (1253–68) After the death of Enrico Dandolo in 1205 and the interruption of the minting of denari, the Venetian monetary system remained unchanged for more than sixty years, during which only silver ducats or grossi, half-denari and quartaroli were minted, by four different doges. The only innovation was introduced by Jacopo Tiepolo, under whom some secret marks began to appear on the field

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of the grossi as mint-masters’ marks (1011–18; CNI vii, 31–2.1–10; Papadopoli 893–11919, i, 98–9 nos. 1–5). In this period the mint of Venice built its international reputation thanks to the grosso, which became the most widely used currency in southern Europe and the Mediterranean basin (Stahl 1999c, 89–95). It seems obvious that the grosso, with its quasi-Byzantine character, would profit from the suddenly important commercial and political role that the Venetians assumed in the newly instituted Latin Empire (1204–61). The evidence from coin finds and archival documents nevertheless suggests that Venetian coinage began to arrive in Greece for the most part no earlier than the mid-thirteenth century (Stahl 2001a; Touratsoglou and Baker 2002). The earliest finds of grossi are attested in the Venezie (see section (a) above, pp. 557–8) while the few German finds are a little earlier than the Eastern ones (e.g. Saccocci 1991a, 256). This has led to the conclusion that the earliest grossi, as overvalued coins, were probably more important for attracting silver bullion from the north to the Venetian mint than in financing Venetian trade with the East (Saccocci 1994, 339). It is nevertheless possible that Venetian grossi reached the East from the beginning in the form of the silver miliaresi that, according to Western sources, reached Islamic markets from Europe in huge numbers during the first half of the thirteenth century (Watson 1967, 11–14). What kind of coins those miliaresi were is still debated, but it seems very likely that Venetian silver grossi were among the coins to which this term referred (Saccocci 2010c). Since they almost certainly would have been exported as bullion (see Chapter 1, section (b), pp. 16–17), it is unsurprising that, like ingots and jewellery, they would have left few traces in the documentary evidence and in coin finds in the regions where they arrived. The reference to the Venetian grosso in the Liber Abbaci in 1202 perhaps attests to its early fame in the Arabic world, as this treatise was essentially based on Arabic mathematical theories and was probably conceived by Leonardo Pisano during his long stay at Bougie in modern Algeria (Sigler 2003, 3–4). The contemporary mention of a grosso matapan in Syria, as noted above, is unfortunately uncertain. It is nevertheless clear that the Venetian system of account became more complex around this time. Together with the traditional libra denariorum, by now called libra denariorum parvorum or, in the vernacular, libra di piccoli (i.e. lira of ‘small’ denari), there also came into use the libra denariorum grossorum made up of 240 silver grossi. This indicates that the grosso and the denaro in some way belonged to different systems, even if probably linked by the exchange rate of 1:26. This made it possible for the grosso, unlike many other Italian grossi that became the basis of their respective libre, to maintain a face value that corresponded to its silver content even when the value of the unit of account fluctuated. Around the mid-thirteenth century, the grosso indeed fluctuated and its exchange rate against the denaro shifted to a very strange 1:26.11 (Lane and Mueller 1985, 124), which might have necessitated the alteration to the system of account. E. Lorenzo Tiepolo (1268–75), Jacopo Contarini (1275–80) Around the middle of the thirteenth century, a crisis of production and circulation affected many traditional coinages of northern Italy after the value of the various lire of account began to fall, possibly in response to the re-introduction of gold coinage in Florence and Genoa (see Chapter 1, section (b), pp. 17–18). The contemporaneous opening of the mint of Meran, which was able to capture most of the silver from Germany that had supplied the mints of the Po valley (see sections (a) and (k) above, pp. 559–60 and 622–3), compounded the crisis in north-eastern Italy. Venice nevertheless coped better in these difficult circumstances because of the autonomy of the grosso

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from the Venetian lira, as already seen. After a gap of sixty years, Lorenzo Tiepolo even resumed production of the piccolo or ‘small’ denaro with a coin identical to the earlier ones in appearance but lower in weight and probably in fineness (1055–6; CNI vii, 42–3.24–33; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 112 no. 2; cf. Stahl 2000, 14; De Ruitz 2001, 166), which required pushing the exchange rate between the grosso and the denaro up to 1:28. At the same time, the mint introduced another petty coin identical in appearance to the quartarolo but twice its weight (CNI vii, 43.35), which is difficult to explain in terms of its face value since a double quarter-denaro would actually be a half-denaro, a denomination already represented by the bianco at that time. This further suggests that the quartarolo was merely tariffed as a quarter-denaro but was really a different denomination that corresponded to the Byzantine tetarteron, as proposed above. F. Giovanni Dandolo (1280–9), Pietro Gradenigo (1289–1311), Marino Zorzi (1311–12), Giovanni Soranzo (1312–28) In 1282, the Maggior Consiglio increased the official exchange rate between the grosso and the denaro from 1:28 to 1:32, which shows that the pressures on the market to revalue the grosso had not yet ended. This was most probably because the Venetian grossi were facing strong competition from Serbian grossi that faithfully imitated the Venetian typology and not only began to penetrate Venetian trade networks but also entered into circulation in Italy more broadly, despite prohibitions by Venetian and other Italian authorities (Ivaniševi´c 2001, 203–6). Such difficulties probably explain the apparent decline in the production of grossi during the rule of Giovanni Dandolo suggested by the hoard evidence (Stahl 2000, 402). The alteration of the exchange rate between the grosso and the piccolo also gave birth to a third money of account in Venice, the libra ad grossos (i.e. the lira based on the grosso, or more accurately the lira of piccoli paid in grossi), which was a ‘ghost’ money of 240 theoretical denari, with each one representing 1/26.11 the value of the actual grosso, according to the obsolete exchange rate between the two denominations. It was under Giovanni Dandolo that the mint in Venice felt the need to strike its own gold coinage, thirty-two years after Genoa and Florence had begun to produce theirs. By a resolution of 31 October 1284, the Maggior Consiglio ordered the issue of a gold coin, later called a ducat, instructing the moneyers to produce sixty-seven coins of fine gold per mark, implying a theoretical weight of 3.545g per coin, at a standard similar or superior to that of the florin, with each coin to be worth eighteen grossi, and delegating to the doge, his councillors and the presiding officers of the Quarantia the choice of the types (Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 123). Production started in 1285, and the coin, although not an absolute novelty like the grosso, attained still greater success, eventually even displacing the Florentine florin in the fifteenth century as the dominant gold coin in international trade not only in the Mediterranean but also in much of Europe. Under all seventy-three of the doges to issue the ducat until 1797, it maintained the same imagery. On the obverse, it had the image of St Mark standing and delivering a standard (vexillum) to the doge kneeling before him, with legends referring to the saint and ruling doge; on the reverse, it had Christ standing within an elliptical aureole adorned with stars and surrounded by the legend SIT T XRE DAT § TV REGIS ISTE DVCAT meaning ‘It is to You, Christ, that this duchy (ducatus) is entrusted, which You govern’ (1061–2; CNI vii, 46–7.1–4; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 137 no. 1). It was probably this legend that gave the coin its name. As far as style and technique are concerned, the ducat remained unchanged throughout its long life, even in the nineteenth century when the Austrian occupiers of Venice struck ‘hammered’ ducats.

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Why the Venetian authorities should have delayed the introduction of a gold coinage after other Italian cities had developed one and why they subsequently abandoned their abstention when they did have been much discussed. The explanation of the delay may lie in the traditional monetary policy of Venice, which was very pragmatic and designed not only to raise income from the profits of minting but also to supply its merchants with successful coins (Stahl 2000, 99–102). Such a policy would tend to avoid any change to a system that was perfectly functional, like that based on the silver grosso. The most satisfying explanation for the introduction of the ducat thus far suggested indeed ties the new coin to the preservation of the existing system. According first to Cessi (1937, xxxix–xlvii) and later to Lane and Mueller (1985, 280–5), the gold ducat was introduced mostly to ‘defend the grosso’ when the silver coin faced growing difficulties in circulation. This would explain why Venetian authorities fixed the exchange between the gold coin and the grosso at the relatively low rate of 1:18. The pattern of the coin hoards suggests that the production of grossi declined during the rule of Giovanni Dandolo but then increased under his successor Pietro Gradenigo, which perhaps confirms that the introduction of the gold ducat actually supported the production of the silver coins (Stahl 2000, 34–5, 401). An unusual concentration of hoards containing Venetian coins in northern Italy, closing from around 1310, signals the start of a new phase of difficulties for the grosso. Although non-economic factors such as the interdict that Pope Clement V (1305–14) imposed against Venice in 1310–13 might have contributed to the curious pattern of hoarding (Saccocci 1982; 2004, 9–38; see also above), there can be little doubt that the Venetian grosso was disappearing from circulation in the West and no longer circulated substantially there after about 1330. A hoard of more than four thousand north Italian grossi from the nearby city of Padua that was closed in 1328/9, for instance, contained not a single coin of Venice (App. 1, no. 43). The main difficulty for Venice was almost certainly competition within the wider monetary area to which it belonged from cheaper silver grossi such as the aquilini and the tirolini of Meran, the Serbian grossi and the ‘new’ Veronese grossi struck from 1312 (see section (m) below, p. 660), which might have captured much of the silver bullion that had previously supplied the mint of Venice (see section (a) above, pp. 559–60). Pietro Gradenigo was also the last doge to strike the ‘double’ quartarolo and Giovanni Soranzo the last to strike the quartarolo itself. Under Soranzo, in an important resolution of 12 September 1328, the Quarantia officially revalued the ducat from eighteen to twenty-four grossi. This made a lira of grossi equal to ten ducats, an even exchange rate that later fossilised, giving rise to a new ghost money, the libra di grossi a oro or a lira of grossi paid in gold (Lane and Mueller 1985, 333–41). G. Francesco Dandolo (1329–39), Bartolomeo Gradenigo (1339–42) There was a major reform of the coinage under Doge Francesco Dandolo that, coming after the reforms of his ancestors, Enrico and Giovanni, attests to the Dandolo doges’ enduring concern with monetary affairs, a concern that the famous chronicler Andrea Dandolo, as doge, likewise shared (see below, pp. 644–6). Around 1331, the mint introduced two new silver denominations, the mezzanino and soldino; at the same time, monetary authorities decided that a fifth (the quinto) of all the silver passing through Venice should be carried to the mint and transformed into the new mezzanini and soldini (Stahl 2000, 41–3). The silver mezzanino, or ‘little half’, had the standing doge with the banner on the obverse and the half-figure of St Mark on the reverse; it was issued as a half-grosso equal to sixteen denari, with a fineness of 78 per cent and a weight of 1.15g (1107–8; CNI vii, 64–5.19–25; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 163 nos. 7–9). The silver soldino (‘small soldo’) had

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the kneeling doge with standard on the obverse and an unwinged lion rampant with standard on the reverse, with a fineness of 67 per cent and a weight of c. 1.00g (1109–11; CNI vii, 65–6.26–37; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 163–4 nos. 10–15). It was issued at a rate equal to twelve piccoli. Stahl (2000, 44) suggested that the changes of 1331 were revolutionary in several respects. Most importantly, the advent of the soldino meant that the solidus or soldo established by Charlemagne in the later eighth century as a unit of account worth twelve denari was represented in Europe by an actual coin for the first time. Strictly speaking, many Italian grossi were already tariffed at twelve denari, but the soldino was the first European coin to be indissolubly tied, even in the longer term, to the unit of account called the soldo. In the face of fluctuations in the silver prices, Venetian authorities preferred to change the silver content of the soldino rather than its official value of twelve denari. This approach was unique to the soldino and differed from the approach taken towards the grossi and other silver and gold coins. The two new coins also became the basis of all the different lire of account in Venice, which were unified under a single standard. This gave rise to a further theoretical unit of account, called libra di grossi a moneta (or the lira of grossi paid in ‘silver change’, i.e. soldini or mezzanini), as a counterpart of the libra di grossi a oro. The new standard based on the soldino, however, represented a debasement in terms of the silver content of all of these lire and thus favoured the circulation of the new coins as the cheap money of the market (Lane and Mueller 1985, 326–32). As early as 1332, documentary sources from nearby Treviso, at that time part of the Scaligeri dominions, attest to a strong presence of these ‘debased’ Venetian soldini in the territory (Mueller 1989, 329–30). According to one source, moreover, the mint produced 65,000 soldini per day in 1334, which translates into an annual rate of 16.5 million soldini, a fairly high number for a medieval coin (Stahl 2000, 375). The reasons for Francesco Dandolo’s monetary reform almost certainly lay in the efforts of the Venetian authorities to cope with the earlier debasement of competing currencies in the Venezie, the traditional monetary area of Venice (Saccocci 1995, 252–5; Stahl 2000, 41–2; see also above, section (a), p. 560), which put Venetian coins, above all the grosso, at serious risk of being culled or clipped. After the reform, the grosso and the ducat were in fact left to float independently of the Venetian currency. While the grosso once again became an official denomination of the Venetian lira in 1379, the ducat continued to float freely until the end of the fifteenth century. The mezzanino and soldino, although originally intended for circulation in the West, later circulated also in the East. The soldino indeed circulated freely in Dalmatia and Greece where it replaced the grosso and was imitated extensively in Greece (Stahl 2000, 217–23). It enjoyed long-lasting success there whereas the mezzanino was less popular and was abandoned after just a few years for reasons that are still unclear. Doge Bartolomeo Gradenigo consequently struck no mezzanini. H. Andrea Dandolo (1343–54), Marin Faliero (1354–5), Giovanni Gradenigo (1355–6), Giovanni Dolfin (1356–61), Lorenzo Celsi (1361–5), Marco Corner (1365–8) As discussed above, the launch of the soldino enabled the mint of Venice to compete successfully against other mints on the mainland. After just a few years, however, the Venetian mint was confronted with a serious crisis in the production of silver coinage due to a shortage of bullion, almost certainly caused by the contemporary glut of gold and the consequent increase in silver prices (Stahl 2000, 47–50). This led another doge of the Dandolo family, Andrea, to reform Venice’s monetary system once again. The first step in this reform was the introduction, some time in 1346, of a new type of mezzanino worth sixteen denari (1130–7; CNI vii, 69–71.1–15, 72.19, 72–3.24–32;

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Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 181–2 no. 3), which became the basis of the lira a moneta of account (Stahl 2000, 51–5). The advisors of the Quarantia determined that the new coin was to be produced in silver almost as pure as that of the grosso, which was theoretically 98.9 per cent fine, unlike the former mezzanino of Francesco Dandolo, which was only about 78 per cent fine. This nevertheless represented a debasement of the Venetian currency, because a reduction in the weight of the new mezzanino from about 1.15g to about 0.78g meant that the fine weight of the new coin was lower than that of the old one. In the very conservative terms of the Venetian coinage, the new mezzanino was characterised by a fairly innovative iconography that depicted the doge passing a candle to St Mark on the obverse (instead of the traditional standard) and the resurrection of Christ on the reverse. For the first time, moreover, the coin carried an explicit reference to the mint-master responsible for its production, the initial of his Christian name. The elevated style and high silver standard of the new mezzanino suggests that Venetian monetary authorities conceived it as a substitute for the grosso, but the coin probably failed in this respect since there are no mezzanini attested in finds from anywhere farther east than Dalmatia. The circulation of Venetian coins through the rest of the Balkans, Frankish Greece and the Mediterranean was still composed mainly of grossi in that period. During the rule of Andrea Dandolo, the Black Death struck Venice, killing from one-third to half of the population and greatly hindering all mint activity (Stahl 1989). Once the plague had passed, the doge and his monetary authorities again reformed the coinage. A decree of the Quarantia dated 8 April 1353 (Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 175) made provisions for the introduction of a new soldino, which had the traditional types but now also carried the mint-master’s initial in the reverse field (1138–45; CNI vii, 71–2.16–18, 72.20–3, 74.33–6; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 182 no. 5). Unlike the prototype, it was struck from almost pure silver at the same standard as the grosso and new mezzanino. In terms of the mezzanino struck in 1346, it nevertheless represented a further debasement of the Venetian lira because of the significantly reduced weight of the new coin, now only about 0.55g instead of about 1.00g. With the introduction of the new soldino, the mint interrupted production of the mezzanino, which makes it likely that it similarly suspended production of the old soldino some years earlier when it introduced the mezzanino. On 29 July 1353, the Quarantia made provisions for the production of a new coin intended for the colonies of Corone and Modon, Negroponte and Crete (Stahl 1985a, 91 doc. 1). This was the tornesello (1146; CNI vii, 77.58–9; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 183 no. 8). Its alloy was fixed as one part silver to eight parts copper (11 per cent silver) and was struck at 320 to the mark for a weight of about 0.75g. It was tariffed at three piccoli or a quarter of the soldino, but had only 15 per cent of the silver of the soldino and was therefore heavily overvalued, evidently intended to circulate only in the colonies without returning into the Venetian market. The tornesello, whose name is derived from the French tournois, was designed to replace the Frankish deniers tournois that had circulated in Greece since the Fourth Crusade. The new coin became so popular that it drove all other coinages from the area from its first arrival until the Turkish conquest in the fifteenth century. Like the Frankish denier, the tornesello has a cross on the obverse but carries a new frontal view of the lion of St Mark with splayed wings on the reverse. This device subsequently enjoyed great success on Venetian coinage and became known as the leone in moleca, or ‘lion in a soft-shelled crab’; it was also called, more prosaically, the leone in soldo, or ‘lion on coin’. The monetary reforms by Andrea Dandolo were very probably intended first and foremost to attract silver to the mint. The reform of 1346 in particular was a response to the shortage of silver

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on the market, while the 1353 reform was also meant to ensure that the mint generated as much revenue for the state as possible during a period in which the Venetian economy as a whole was still recovering from the consequences of the plague. The flow of silver nevertheless must have remained weak, at least to judge from the fact that the minting of the most glorious Venetian coin, the grosso, was halted, almost certainly from the beginning of the rule of Giovanni Dolfin in 1356. I. Andrea Contarini (1368–82), Michele Morosini (1382) Having tied the standard of their coinage to the lira of account by means of a soldo worth twelve denari, the Venetians put their coinage at risk of needing to be altered whenever the value or purchasing power of the lira of account changed, for whatever reason. This happened frequently during the rule of Andrea Contarini. Owing to the increasing price of silver, in terms of Venetian currency, the mint carried out its first debasement under Contarini in 1369. In a resolution of 19 December (Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 345 doc. 14), the Senate ordered the production of new soldini that were to have a silver content about 7 per cent lower than the coins of the previous type, with a fine weight of about 0.49g instead of about 0.53g, and delegated the selection of new dies to the doge and the heads of the councils. These are the soldini of the so-called ‘third type’ with the traditional obverse type accompanied by the initial of the moneyer but with the leone in moleca on the reverse, borrowed from the torneselli (1187–91; CNI vii, 95.3–6, 96–7.13–21, 97–8.25–30, 98.32–4, 99.40; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 216 no. 5 var.). The last quarter of the fourteenth century was a period of important monetary changes and movements in Venice. Although the general reason for this can be sought in the bullion famine that apparently hit all of Europe in this period (Day 1978; Spufford 1988, 339–62), it seems very probable that most changes resulted from a monetary war of sorts in which Venice was involved, alongside conventional military struggles, against other monetary authorities in the region. In particular, the extremely aggressive monetary policies of the Carrarese lords of Padua forced the Venetians to adopt their own countermeasures. In 1378, in recompense for entering the War of Chioggia on the side of the Genoese and Hungarians against Venice, Padua received a huge quantity of gold and silver bullion from the king of Hungary that its mint immediately transformed into coinage to finance the war (see section (f ) above, p. 598). These coins, which were overvalued in terms of the Venetian lira also in use in Padua, invaded the territory of the Serenissima; in 1379, Venetian authorities prohibited their circulation (Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 211). It is therefore plausible that the re-introduction of the grosso in Venice in the same year, twenty-three years after the last issue, was a direct consequence of the new situation. The relevant decree of the Senate, dated 4 May 1379, indicates that the coin was debased by about 9 per cent, which brought its fineness down to the same standard as the soldino (Cessi 1937, docs. 163–4; Stahl 2000, 70). The value of the new grosso was fixed at four soldini or forty-eight denari and its weight at 1.99g instead of 2.18g, as previously. The grossi of this second type more or less maintained the traditional imagery but also had a star and the initial of the mint-master’s name in the reverse field (1192–6; CNI vii, 95– 6.7–10, 98.31, 99.37; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 215 nos. 2–3). The soldini struck after 1379 were also slightly altered by the addition of a star on the obverse with the initial of the mint-master’s name (soldini of the fourth type:1197–2000;CNI vii,97.22–4,98.35–6,99.39;Papadopoli 1893–1919,i,216 no. 6). Nearly all of the relevant contributions to the numismatic literature suggest that Andrea Contarini struck no piccoli, but Majer (1933) published a denaro belonging to this doge more than eighty

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years ago. Since then, archaeologists have unearthed several additional specimens, bringing the total to at least eight (Saccocci 2004, 151 n. 67). J. Antonio Venier (1382–1400) Even after the conclusion of the War of Chioggia in 1381, the cessation of hostilities did not restore the supply of silver bullion to the mint of Venice as merchants continued to carry their precious metal abroad. The diffusion of debased coins mainly from the mint of Padua throughout northeastern Italy compounded the difficulties of the Venetian mint while enabling Padua to attract silver to its mint. From the mid-fourteenth century, for example, the piccoli of Padua dominated circulation even inside Venice itself, as demonstrated by coin finds; the piccoli of Padua were the first important coins of the Venezie to be nicknamed bagattini, a word that later came to indicate the denari of Venice (Saccocci 1988b). The dearth of bullion and the consequent increase in its price after 1390 also led to widespread clipping and culling that, for the first time, affected not only silver coins but also the gold ducat (Stahl 2000, 75–7). The Venetian authorities reacted with a series of debasements, the earliest affecting the piccolo. In 1385, applying a resolution of the Senate dated 1379 (Bonfiglio Dosio 1984, 46–7; Cessi 1937, doc. 175), the mint lowered the weight of the piccolo to 0.23g and the fineness to 16.1 per cent silver (CNI vii, 111.46–7; cf. 1304). In 1390, the mint further debased the piccolo to a fineness of 11.1 per cent (Bonfiglio Dosio 1984, 53). Coin finds suggest that these alterations greatly contributed to the success of the piccolo. The percentage of Venetian denari from coin finds in the Venezie rises sharply starting precisely with the coins of Antonio Venier. As for the silver coins, the mint reduced the weight of the soldino by about 5.9 per cent to about 0.47g in 1391 (Bonfiglio Dosio 1984, 59–60) and subsequently, in 1394, the Senate ordered the striking of a new grosso reduced in weight so that it would be exactly four times the weight of the soldino (Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 348–9 doc. 17). This is the grosso of the so-called third type, which maintained the traditional imagery except for bearing two stars on the obverse and the legend TIBI LAVS  GLORIA on the reverse (1257–65; CNI vii, 110–11.37–45; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 229–30 no. 3). Finally, on 7 October 1399, the Senate ordered a further reduction in the weight of both the grosso and the soldino to 1.82g and 0.45g, respectively, while retaining their fineness of 95.2 per cent silver (Bonfiglio Dosio 1984, 66; Stahl 2000, 77). On the new soldini of the so-called fifth type, the star over the mint-master’s initial was in the right field of the obverse rather than on the left as before (1271–5; CNI vii, 107–8.10–14, 108–9.19–25; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 230 no. 5). Recent research on a Syrian hoard has also suggested a more precise sequence for the grossi of Antonio Venier (Phillips and Tyler-Smith 2002, 268–78). Around this time, the engravers in the Venetian mint produced coin-dies for grossi that incorporated a portrait of Doge Antonio Venier in the place of the generic head of the doge on the obverse (Stahl 1993; 2001b, 305–6). This tiny portrait is probably the first accurate representation of an actual person on a medieval coin. Stahl (1985b) attributed the dies to members of the Da Sesto family, a famous dynasty of die-cutters in Venice. K. Michele Steno (1400–13), Tomaso Mocenigo (1414–23) In the first quarter of the fifteenth century, Venice conquered much of the land around the lagoons, including three territories that formerly exploited the right to mint. In 1404–5, during the rule of Michele Steno, Verona and Padua came under Venetian control, and in 1420, under Tomaso

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Mocenigo, Aquileia fell to the city. The gold and silver coins of ‘the most serene [republic of Venice]’, la Serenissima, already circulated in the region, but Venetian monetary policy now focused on closing the other neighbouring mints, draining the region of foreign coins and then banning those coins while imposing the circulation of its own overvalued petty coinage (Mueller 1980). Venetian authorities had evidently learned from their experience with the tornesello just how much potential for profit there was in such a practice. The prohibition of foreign coins in the region was successful, but the efforts to drain the region of these coins was less effective, at least to judge from hoards of the fifteenth century that still contained coins of Padua and Aquileia (e.g. App. 1, nos. 56, 61). Two senatorial resolutions of 14 February 1406 indicate that the mint introduced new coins for circulation in the new dominions (Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 352–3 doc. 19). The first made provisions for the coining of mezzanini, also called soldi because each had the same value as the old mezzanino in Venice, namely sixteen denari, but was a soldo in the money of account in the territories of Verona and Vicenza where the libra had been valued at exactly one-third more than the Venetian one since 1349 (see section (m) below, p. 661). The new coin maintained the types of Andrea Dandolo’s mezzanino and weighed one-third of a grosso (1285–6; CNI vii, 115–16.19– 25; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 239 no. 5). The second resolution ordered the mint officials to strike piccoli for Verona and Vicenza with the same fineness as the tornesello (11.1 per cent silver). The new coins were to weigh 0.31g and circulate in Verona and Vicenza at a rate of twelve to one Veronese soldo. In terms of typology, they had a cross quartered by annulets on the obverse and the head of St Mark on the reverse (CNI vii, 117.37). In 1410, moreover, the mint began to produce a new silver grosso for circulation in Dalmatia to replace the Friesacher pfennige of Aquileia (CNI vi, 618–9.1–8; Paolucci 1991, nos. 791–2), but the new coin, which bears a legend that refers explicitly to Dalmatia, will be discussed and illustrated in the MEC volume devoted to the Balkans (MEC 11). The mint continued to experience problems in maintaining its supply of bullion and further debased its silver coins. In 1407, the Senate ordered a reduction in the weight of the grosso from 1.82g to 1.75g but left the fineness unchanged (Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 39–51 doc. 17). Under Tomaso Mocenigo, the mint lowered the weight of both the grosso and soldino in 1417 and in 1421, bringing the weight of the grosso down to 1.60g, with the result that it was thenceforth called a grossetto or ‘small grosso’, and the soldino down to 0.40g (Bonfiglio Dosio 1984, 90–8). These coins carried the initials of both the Christian and family names of the mint-master (CNI vii, 119–20.4– 10). In the meantime, there were major reforms of the gold and silver mints between 1416 and 1421 that nevertheless failed to augment the bullion supply appreciably, probably because the blockade of Venice by King Sigismund of Luxembourg (1410–37, emp. 1433) from 1412 to 1433 made it impossible for the republic to obtain any of the huge quantities of gold and silver coming out of the Bohemian and Slovakian mines (Stahl 2000, 85–96). Even during this less-than-brilliant period in its history, the mint of Venice was able to win a new peripheral market for its silver coins in England, which Venetian soldini invaded at the beginning of the fifteenth century. On the English market, the soldini circulated as cheaper substitutes of the English half-penny and soon became known as ‘galley ha’pennies’ (Spufford 1963; Daubney 2009). During the rule of Mocenigo, the Venetian mint also produced a very rare petty coin similar in design to the half-denaro or bianco, which had not been struck since the mid-thirteenth century. Described as a double bagattino by the compilers of the CNI (vii, 123.31), it weighs more than the contemporary denaro and has a

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cross quartered with triangular pellets on the obverse and the head of St Mark on the reverse. The actual value of the coin is nevertheless unclear. L. Francesco Foscari (1423–57), Pasquale Malipiero (1457–62) During the dogeship of Foscari, Venice conquered vast new territories in Lombardy including Brescia in 1426 and Bergamo in 1428. According to what was by then a well-established tradition, the Venetian mint soon struck new coins especially for the new dominions. In a resolution of 9 July 1429, the Senate ordered the issue of two new coins for the territories of Brescia and Bergamo (Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 364–5 doc. 23). The larger denomination was a grossone of eight soldi that had the same fineness as the Venetian grosso, which was worth four soldi, but weighed less than two grossi, only 3.08g instead of 3.20g (1324; CNI vii, 133–4.75–82; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 269 no. 3). The smaller denomination was a half-grosso of two soldi weighing a quarter of the grossone (1325–6; CNI vii, 134.84–5; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 270 no. 7). Both coins carry the figure of the standing doge on the obverse and bust of St Mark on the reverse. The two coins were accounted as four-soldi and soldo pieces in the lira imperiale in use in Lombardy, which was worth twice as much as the Venetian lira. They were slightly debased compared with the grosso and therefore returned to circulate also in the Venezie, where they are attested in coin finds (e.g. App. 1, no. 21). The continuous wars in which the Venetians were embroiled, even if they emerged victorious, emptied the public treasury. To meet the growing demand for cash, the government of the Serenissima often issued huge quantities of coins of a lower standard and in base alloy that were very profitable to the state. A Senate resolution of 1447 concerning the issue of piccoli for Brescia clearly stated that the reason for these issues was ‘to avoid that the wealth of the Venetian citizens need be heavily taxed’ (Mueller 1980, 287; Bonfiglio Dosio 1984, 131–2). Already in 1442, almost all the piccoli circulating in the dominions were therefore debased (Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 366–7 doc. 25); in the same year, the Senate ordered the issue of quattrini and half-quattrini for use in all transactions in the newly acquired (1441) territory of Ravenna (Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 368 doc. 26). These two very rare coins both have a cross fleury on the obverse while the quattrino has a lion rampant on the reverse (CNI vii, 135.96) and the half-quattrino a lion in moleca (CNI vii, 135.97). In 1446, to overcome an invasion of false piccoli that was creating serious difficulties for trade, the Senate decreed the abandonment of the old type of piccolo, the oldest Venetian coin still in use, and the issue of a new piccolo with the same weight and fineness but different types, the choice of which was reserved to the College of the Doge. According to Papadopoli (1893–1919, i, 262–3, 369–70 doc. 28), the new piccolo had the traditional cross on the obverse but a lion rampant on the reverse and was no longer bowl-shaped (1327; CNI vii, 134.89–90; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 271, no. 11). This coin was very short-lived and did not survive the death of Foscari in 1457, but the fact that it is very common in coin finds throughout the Venezie confirms its attribution. A senatorial resolution of 18 December 1453 also ordered the issue of a quattrino, a billon coin valued at four piccoli, which was to circulate throughout the Venetian territorial state except in the city of Venice itself. Papadopoli (1893–1919, i, 263–4, 370 doc. 29) identified this coin as the common piece of about 0.93g with a cross pattée on the obverse and lion rampant on the reverse (1330–1; CNI vii, 135.91–5; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 272 nos. 12–13). The mint also struck piccoli for Brescia under Francesco Foscari, as noted in the 1447 resolution of the Senate mentioned above, but the decree concerning their issue does not survive. Papadopoli (1893–1919, i, 260–1) rightly identified these piccoli as the billon pieces of about 0.47g with a cross

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pattée and the legend F F D V (Franciscus Foscari Dux Venetiarum) on the obverse and a lion in moleca on the reverse (1328–9; CNI vii, 135.98–9; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 273 no. 16). A number of these coins recently appeared in a hoard that contained mostly denari of the Lombard lira imperiale (App. 1, no. 39). M. Cristoforo Moro (1462–71) Under this doge, the mint issued only two new coins. The first was the pure copper piccolo, by that time usually called a bagattino, which has a naturalistic bust of the doge on the obverse and the lion in moleca on the reverse (CNI vii, 143.19–23). Mint documents mentioned this issue as early as 7 July 1462 (Bonfiglio Dosio 1984, 151), which places this modest copper coin among the revolutionary gold forerunners of Italian Renaissance coin portraiture, such as the ducats of Naples under King Ferdinand I (Ferrante) (1458–94) (e.g. MEC 14.942), Ferrara under Marquis Borso d’Este (1450–71) (CNI x, 430–1.11–16) and Milan under Duke Francesco Sforza (1450– 66) (e.g. 708), all struck between the late 1450s and early 1460s (Saccocci 1991b, 47–8 and passim; Grierson 2002; Vettorato 2008; Travaini 2013b, 360–5). Even as a pure copper coin, the Venetian bagattino was revolutionary because it antedated the copper cavalli of Naples and L’Aquila in the name Ferdinand I, first struck in 1472 (MEC 14.989–96; see also 370–2). It must be said, however, that the Venetian coin was probably only a pattern, since few examples are known. The second coin, struck in accordance with a senatorial decree of 3 September 1463 (Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 284–5, 373–4 doc. 33), was the piccolo copoluto, so-called because it was slightly bowl-shaped (1340; CNI vii, 143.24–26; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 290–1 no. 9). It superseded the piccolo of Francesco Foscari, which had been heavily forged. N. Nicolò Tron (1471–3) The bullion famine that presumably affected the European economy virtually from the beginning of the fifteenth century came to an end between 1465 and 1470 with a whole series of new discoveries of silver ore in the Alps and in the Erzgebirge, particularly at Schwaz in Tyrol and at Schneeberg in Saxony, respectively (Spufford 1988, 359–63). This naturally had important consequences for the mint of Venice, which was located in one of the most important markets for bullion in Europe. The earliest indication of any sharp improvement in the supply of bullion in Venice was on 20 May 1472 when the Council of Ten, having just assumed sole competence in monetary affairs, ordered the ‘urgent’ issue of soldini at thirty-six pounds or 720 pieces to the mark (c. 0.33g per coin) and valued at 124 to the ducat (Papadopoli 1893–1919, ii, 570–1 doc. 38). The new soldini differed from earlier ones in that they had a quatrefoil framing the lion on the reverse (1345–7; CNI vii, 144–5.1–9; Papadopoli 1893–1919, ii, 12 nos. 15–18). The most important reform that the Council of Ten carried out to exploit the new-found abundance of silver on the market was its order, in a resolution of 27 May 1472, for the issue of a new silver denomination that was 94.8 per cent fine and valued at twenty soldi or exactly one lira (Papadopoli 1893–1919, ii, 571–2 docs. 39–40). For the first time since the Roman aes grave of the third century BC, the lira or libra of account was represented by an actual coin; the gold florin of Florence in 1252 was initially tariffed at one lira to facilitate its circulation but was never conceived as being indissolubly tied to it and in fact was allowed to float freely in terms of the various lire of account. The new Venetian coin weighed about 6.52g and was the largest coin that the mint of Venice had ever produced. The doge’s portrait on the obverse further reinforced the

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innovative character of the coin in the context of the Venetian coinage, while the reverse carried the more conservative lion in moleca inside a crown (1341–4; CNI vii, 146–8.17–32; Papadopoli 1893–1919, ii, 10–1 nos. 5–13). Papadopoli (1893–1919, ii, 5) believed that the dies for this lira were the work of the engraver Antonello Grifo di Pietro, called Antonello della Moneta, but without any clear evidence. Stahl (2001b, 308) instead tentatively suggested that the die-cutter was the famous medallist Vittore Gambello, better known as Camelio, based on the close similarities between the coin’s reverse and the reverse of a medal signed by him, but this attribution is compromised by the apparently contradictory evidence that Camelio became master engraver at the mint only twelve years later. The Venetian ruling class, so proudly republican, certainly would have had serious reservations about this almost-monarchical portrait coin, which later became known as the lira tron or trono from the name of the doge, but the death of the doge just one year later forestalled the impending confrontation over the matter. The Maggior Consiglio nevertheless addressed the issue at an early opportunity in its customary revision of the ducal pledge by definitively forbidding any portrait of the doge on Venetian coins; it further declared that ‘on all denominations struck by our mint, the image of the doge should be on his knees before the image of St Mark, as on the ducat’ (Papadopoli 1893–1919, ii, 574 doc. 44). When the lira was introduced, the authorities in Venice decided to discontinue production of the grosso or grossetto, which survived only as a unit of account. Production of the tornesello likewise ceased,though no documents survive to indicate precisely when and why this decision was taken. The mint nevertheless produced a series of copper coins, some of which were intended for circulation in the Venetian territories (CNI vii, 150.49–50) and others for circulation in Lombardy (CNI vii, 150.51). No documentation has survived regarding the production of piccoli or bagattini for general circulation, but such coins are known in two types. Both are pure copper and have the portrait of the doge on their obverse, but the first has a winged lion rampant carrying the standard on the reverse (1348; CNI vii, 149–50.37–47; Papadopoli 1893–1919, ii, 13–14 nos. 20–5) while the second has the lion in moleca within a square frame (CNI vii, 150.48). With respect to the coins destined for the dominions, there are in fact two senatorial resolutions. In the first, dated 22 October 1472, the Senate ordered the issue of a copper coin in compliance with a request from the communities of Verona and Vicenza (Papadopoli 1893–1919, ii, 573 doc. 42); in the second, dated 28 January 1473, it ordered the production of bagattini for Bergamo (Papadopoli 1893–1919, ii, 574 doc. 43). The piccoli for Verona and Vicenza are very probably the copper coins of the same types as the more common bagattini struck for general circulation with the lion in moleca but lighter and without the square frame (CNI vii, 150. 49–50). The bagattini for Bergamo would then be the copper coins with the doge standing and the bust of St Mark (CNI vii, 150.51). In a resolution of 12 July 1473, the Council of Ten ordered the issue of a ten-soldi coin or half-lira, leaving the choice of type to the College of the Doge (Papadopoli 1893–1919, ii, 572–3 doc. 41). Sixteen days later, the doge died and the coin was never formally issued. Specimens with the doge’s portrait and St Mark enthroned (CNI vii, 148.34–5) are presumably patterns. O. Nicolò Marcello (1473–4) With the advent of the new doge, the authorities finally put into production the half-lira of ten soldi that had been postponed owing to the death of Doge Tron. The new coin differed from the earlier pattern. It had the doge kneeling before St Mark between the mint-master’s initials on the obverse instead of the portrait, in accordance with the recent decision of the Maggior Consiglio,

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and Christ enthroned on the reverse with the new legend TIBI LAVS  GLORIA (1350–1; CNI vii, 150–2.1–11, 152.15–17; Papadopoli 1893–1919, ii, 24–5 nos. 7–12). It weighed 3.26g and came to be called a marcello, from the family name of the doge. The example of the lira illustrated in the CNI (vii, plate XX.17), but without description, indicates that the mint also began to produce a new lira under Nicolò Marcello, but production was halted probably owing to his premature death. P. Pietro Mocenigo (1474–6), Andrea Vendramin (1476–8), Giovanni Mocenigo (1478–85), Marco Barbarigo (1485–6) The mint altered the reverse legend of the marcello or half-lira under Pietro Mocenigo, substituting TIBI SOLI GLORIA for the former TIBI LAVS  GLORIA (1353–4; CNI vii, 155–6.6–16, 156–8.20–31, 159.36; Papadopoli 1893–1919, ii, 30–1 nos. 8–18). More importantly, it struck a new lira of twenty soldi that soon became known as a mocenigo from the family name of the doge. Even if slightly larger with a thinner flan, the new lira maintained the same weight as the trono. It had a ducat-like scene on the obverse and St Mark standing on the reverse with the mint-master’s initial on the saint’s pedestal (1352; CNI vii, 154–5.1–5, 156.17–19, 158.35; Papadopoli 1893–1919, ii, 29–30 nos. 3–7). On 14 March 1481, under Giovanni Mocenigo, the Council of Ten ordered the issue of a pure copper coin valued at two bagattini (Papadopoli 1893–1919, ii, 572–3 doc. 51) for use throughout the Venetian state (1370–3; CNI vii, 168.31–6, 169.39–40; Papadopoli 1893–1919, ii, 52–3, nos. 33–7). Q. Agostino Barbarigo (1486–1501) The gold ducat, which was valued at 124 soldi in 1472 and therefore tied to the soldo of account, became subject to fluctuations in bullion prices later in the century. In 1491, owing to a shortage of gold, the Council of Ten decided for the first time in nearly two hundred years to reduce the weight of the ducat slightly from 3.56g to 3.53g by raising the cut from sixty-seven ducats to the mark to 67½ (Papadopoli 1893–1919, ii, 580–1 doc. 55). Silver was nevertheless in abundant supply, brought to Venice mainly by German merchants, allowing the generous production of silver coins. Apart from large issues of marcelli and mocenighi, the mint issued three new types of soldini in 1493, 1497 and 1499, respectively (Papadopoli 1893– 1919, ii, 64–6, 582–4, docs. 57–9). The first carried an almost mirror image of the ducat type on the obverse with the kneeling saint extending the standard to the standing but genuflecting doge and Christ standing with the cross on the reverse accompanied by the legend RESVRESIT (CNI vii, 198.138). The second bore the doge standing with the standard on the obverse and the lion in moleca on the reverse (CNI vii, 193–4.98–9). The third, the only one of the three that is not extremely rare, had the same type as the ducat on the obverse and the Redeemer standing on the reverse with the legend LAVS TIBI SOLI (1389–91; CNI vii, 196–7.122–9, 198.134–6; cf. Papadopoli 1893– 1919, ii, 78 no. 38). This last coin was very slightly lighter (0.32g instead of 0.33g), almost certainly because it was intended to replace the foreign coins, especially the ‘German bez’, that had invaded Venetian territory (Papadopoli 1893–1919, ii, 64–5; Bernardelli 1990, 390–1). Conventional Italian dictionaries normally identify the bez or bezzo with the Swiss batzen, but the numerous finds of German coins in the Veneto from the late fifteenth century are almost exclusively Bavarian and Austrian heller and pfennige. The question therefore remains unresolved. The Venetian coin became famous under the name marchetto for ‘little St Mark’, as opposed to the ‘big’ one, the lira mocenigo. In 1498, the Council of Ten also ordered the issue of a new coin of good silver called the grossetto per navigar, or ‘small grosso to be shipped’, because it was intended to be transported overseas to the

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East in the place of bullion as a speculative manoeuvre (Papadopoli 1893–1919, ii, 63–4, 581–2 doc. 56). The new coin more or less respected the traditional typology of the grosso (CNI vii, 200.157). Given the abundance of silver on the market, the Venetian authorities reissued the tornesello, which had not been struck since 1472, and decided to deal with the shortage of petty coins for small transactions in response to complaints especially from the provinces by resuming a plentiful billon coinage. In 1490, the Council of Ten decreed the issue of quattrini bianchi at a rate of three to the marchetto, initially intended for Verona and its territory and then, from 1498, also Vicenza (Papadopoli 1893–1919, ii, 67, 596–8 docs. 77–9). These coins had a ‘Pisan’ cross on the obverse and the lion in moleca on the reverse (CNI vii, 202.167–70). Around the same time, the mint began to strike bagattini at the rate of six to the marchetto for the city of Brescia with the same types (Papadopoli 1893–1919, ii, 67, 596 doc. 78; CNI vii, 202.171–2). In 1491, it initiated the issue of a special bagattino (Papadopoli 1893–1919, ii, 68, 600–1 docs. 81–2), the only denomination still in pure copper, with the kneeling doge on the obverse and a cross pattée on the reverse for Padua (1387–8; CNI vii, 184–5.23–8, 187.46–8; cf. Papadopoli 1893–1919, ii, 81–2). In 1498, during the rule of Barbarigo, the mint also struck billon piccoli for Verona and Vicenza in the doge’s name (Papadopoli 1893–1919, ii, 594–5, doc. 75) with the kneeling doge on the obverse and bust of St Mark on the reverse (CNI vii, 186.40–1), as well as an anonymous silver coin worth a half-soldo with the lion of St Mark and the Virgin holding the Child (1392; Paolucci 1991, 134, no. 691) intended to replace the bad foreign coins circulating in the dominions (Papadopoli 1893–1919, ii, 65, 468, 584–5 doc. 60).

(m) ve rona 1. Historical background Pre-Roman in its origins, Verona was one of the most important centres in northern Italy because of its geographical location controlling the southern approach to the most important passage through the central and eastern Alps, the Adige valley. The Roman city was probably larger and richer than the settlement during most of the Middle Ages, as its monumental ancient remains suggest, but its strategic role increased after the fall of the Roman Empire when the Alps became a frontier between different peoples and kingdoms. For this reason, from the tenth to the twelfth century, when full control of the kingdoms of Germany and Italy as well as the most important trans-Alpine connection between them was one of the main objects of German royal policy,Verona became the capital of a new territorial district encompassing the whole mainland of the Veneto, the Marcha Veronensis (see above, section (a), pp. 548–50). After the Peace of Constance recognised the communes in 1183, the March of Verona was split into different autonomous territories but the commune of Verona, attested from 1136 onwards, maintained an expectation of predominance towards the entire region, which helps to explain much of its subsequent history. By the end of the twelfth century, the city had clearly embarked upon an expansionist policy that was nevertheless limited by the development of other major communes in the Veneto. In 1236, with the support of Emperor Frederick II (1212/18–50, emp. 1220), the powerful feudal ruler Ezzelino da Romano managed to unify a large part of the former Marcha Veronensis under his rule (see section (a) above, p. 550). Under Ezzelino, Verona regained its position as the accepted political and administrative capital of the March.

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After the fall of Ezzelino in 1259, Verona restored its communal institutions but real power lay from the beginning in the hands of Mastino, a member of the noble Della Scala or Scaligeri family, who was appointed podestà in 1259 itself and became capitano generale in 1262. With the succession of Alberto in 1277, the Della Scala family also obtained formal recognition of its power, thus giving rise to one of the more important signorie of medieval Italy. Under Cangrande (1308–29), who is also known for hosting Dante Alighieri in exile, the Scaligeri undertook a policy of territorial expansion that extended their rule to Vicenza (from 1312), Belluno and Feltre (1321/3), Padua (1328), Treviso (1329), Brescia (1332), Parma and even Lucca (1335). Cangrande also sponsored considerable economic and cultural development in the city. Verona’s aggressive territorial policy often led the German emperors to intervene in this region that was so important for their movement across the Alps. Henry VII of Luxembourg (1310–13, emp. 1312) regarded Cangrande as an ally against Tyrol and thus awarded him the imperial vicariatus of Verona and Vicenza (1311–12).After Henry’s death,however,kings Frederick of Habsburg (1314– 30) and Louis IV of Bavaria (1314–47, emp. 1328) sought to limit Veronese expansionism by placing the threatened cities of Treviso and Padua under their protection, through imperial vicarii. Royal intervention, despite the support of two huge and expensive military expeditions, nevertheless had no enduring effect on the Scaligeri. Padua voluntarily submitted to Cangrande in 1328 while Treviso fell easily to him a year later. Cangrande’s successors, Alberto II (1329–51) and Mastino II della Scala (1329–52), continued his expansionist policy after his death. They extended their power to take in cities in Lombardy, Emilia and Tuscany. Once again, moreover, Verona ruled over almost the entire Venetian mainland, which posed a great danger to Venice itself. Verona was in fact in a position to control all the land routes on which Venice relied for its commercial activity and indeed many of its day-to-day needs. The Venetian authorities therefore decided to stop the aggressive expansionism of the Scaligeri. In alliance with Florence and supported by Emperor Louis IV, the Venetians fought and won a war against the city, the so-called guerra Veneto-Scaligera of 1336–9, and stripped Verona of all its dominions except Vicenza and Lucca. Under the later Scaligeri,Cangrande II (1351–9),Alboino and Cansignorio (1359–65),Cansignorio alone (1365–75), Bartolomeo II and Antonio (1375–81), and finally Antonio alone (1381–7), the role of Verona in international affairs greatly decreased. Some of these lords were active against such neighbours as Mantua and Trento on a relatively small scale and Verona under Alboino and Cansignorio joined the league against the Visconti of Milan in 1361, but the Scaligeri were much more focused on domestic affairs; in the sphere of foreign policy, they were content only to maintain good relations with Venice. Their greatest interest was probably to consolidate their personal power, as suggested by the fact that Cansignorio had his brother Cangrande II killed in 1359 and Antonio also very likely ordered the murder of his brother Bartolomeo II in 1381. The object of upholding its good relations with Venice forced Verona to take part alongside the Venetians in the war against the Carrarese lords of Padua and the Visconti of Milan in 1385, though doing so effectively brought about the end of Scaligeri lordship. After suffering defeat in successive battles at Brentelle near Padua in 1386 and Castagnaro near Legnano in 1387, Verona fell to Gian Galeazzo Visconti. The city remained under Visconti rule even after the death of Gian Galeazzo in 1402, but briefly regained independence in 1404 when Guglielmo and Brunoro della Scala recovered power with the support of the Carrarese and the Estense of Ferrara. Only a month later, however, control over the city passed to Francesco II da Carrara (see section (f ) above,

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pp. 604–5) and then finally and almost definitively, just few months before the decisive victory of Venice over Padua in October 1405, to the Republic of St Mark. Verona subsequently flourished as one of the richest and most developed centres of the Venetian dominions, though without recovering its political autonomy, except for a short period in 1509– 16 when it became the stronghold of the imperial army during the war between Venice and the so-called League of Cambrai led by Emperor Maximilian I (1486–1519, emp. elect 1508). The general history of Verona is covered in Zalin (2001). The city’s medieval history is well treated in a widely scattered body of scholarship but is best approached through Simeoni (1959– 63) and the relevant sections in Castagnetti (1991) and Varanini (1995). The history of the Scaligeri is especially well summarised in contributions to the exhibition catalogue Gli Scaligeri (Varanini 1988).

2. Coinage The currency of Verona was the chief unit of account (caput monetae) throughout the territories of the Italian north-east from as early as the tenth century. This has left innumerable traces in the written evidence, where references to prices in all sorts of transactions are undoubtedly given most frequently in the libra veronensis (see section (a) above, pp. 554–5). The coinage of Verona has accordingly attracted the attention of scholars since the eighteenth century when numismatic research was carried out mainly on the basis of archival evidence, in the tradition of Muratori, rather than from coin cabinets. Argelati’s compilation of such studies included the contribution of Zagata (1750–9), while two slightly later papers by the canon G. Dionisi (1775–89a; 1775–89b) in the collection compiled by Zanetti remain among the best contributions to the subject. After such promising beginnings, however, scholars practically neglected the coins of Verona until the beginning of the twentieth century, when Perini (1902a) put forward a new classification of the whole series. The chronology and attributions suggested by Perini became the basis for the CNI (vi, 1922) and remained unquestioned until the 1950s when Murari started to revolutionise the traditional classification, thanks mostly to a more modern analysis of the coin finds (see below, pp. 656–8). While accepting most of Murari’s advances, Saccocci has subsequently refined the chronology and attributions through comparison of Verona’s output with that of the other mints in the wider monetary area of the Veneto (see below, pp. 658–9). Both Murari and Saccocci have also studied monetary circulation and the economic role of the Veronese currency during the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries in depth (Murari 1965–6; Saccocci 1988a; 1990a). A. The commune (1183–1236) and Ezzelino da Romano (1236–59) The very last imperial coins of Verona, the fourth series of the so-called denari enriciani (63–5; see also Chapter 2, section (e), p. 73), may also be considered as the first communal issues of the city’s mint. The issues consisted of small and lighter denari that weighed from 0.35g down to 0.22g and correspond to group D in the classification of Murari (1951–2; cf. CNI vi, pl. 24.2–4). These coins are metrologically and typologically identical to the Venetian coins of Doge Sebastian Ziani (1172–8), who of course adopted the Veronese standard for the coins of his own city. The Veronese issues were therefore already in production by the beginning of Ziani’s dogeship. They are fairly common, which suggests that the mint began to strike them just after the foundation

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of the Veronese League in 1164 (see section (a) above, p. 549) when the commune was called to contribute, including financially, to the war against Frederick I. It was probably after the Peace of Constance in 1183 that the mint in Verona first struck a coin that bore no reference to imperial authority. This was a denaro of about 0.35g with a fineness of 25–27 per cent, according to recent analyses (1398–1403; CNI vi, 263–4.1–12; Perini 1902a, 56–7; Saccocci 2008a, 94). It has a long cross on each side that intersects both the blundered legend on the obverse and VERONA on the reverse; the absolute homogeneity of the blundered obverse legends leaves no doubt that the blundering was intentional. Because the blundered legend had been read as +FRIER, though without any real evidence, the compilers of the CNI and other earlier contributions to the literature attributed the coin to Frederick II and dated it to the period 1218– 50. In his study of a hoard found in Vicenza (App. 1, no. 76), however, Murari (1950) convincingly argued that the beginning of the issue should be dated just after the Peace of 1183, since some pieces of this type were found inside the grave of Pope Lucius III (1181–5) (App. 1, no. 72), who was buried in the cathedral of Verona in 1185. This hypothesis is confirmed by two documents already mentioned above (see section (a), p. 557) from the territories of Trento and Venice that refer to a denarius crociatus or incruciatus of Verona in 1189 and 1193, respectively (Saccocci 1991a, 254). During the Middle Ages, the term cruciatus (crosado or crociato, meaning ‘crossed’) was often used in northern Italy to indicate a coin bearing a long cross rather than simply any coin with a cross. To explain the blundered legend on the obverse, it is notable that the inaccurate and therefore often incomprehensible legend HENRICV4 IMP on the last and very common enriciani of Verona had become the most recognisable feature of the Veronese coinage. Monetary authorities in the city thus sought to maintain this kind of legend in the new issue but, evidently considering it problematic to place any reference to the emperor on the coins in the political situation after the Peace of Constance, transformed it into an abstract and apparently meaningless decoration. In any case, the new issue met with incredible success. The crociato was not only the most widespread coin of Verona but probably one of medieval Italy’s most successful denari. Crociati of Verona are plentifully attested in almost all the archaeological sites of the period in the present regions of Veneto, Trentino, Tyrol and Friuli, and are very common in south Germany, Switzerland, Carinthia, Slovenia and Croatia. They are also attested all over Italy from Piedmont to Sicily, albeit less frequently outside the greater Veneto. In the excavations of the Confessione di San Pietro in the Vatican, they were among the most common coins (App. 1, no. 103). They have turned up sporadically in the south of France, where they were also imitated by the mints of Viviers and Arles (Bernard and Sublet 1995, 13), and they have appeared in Greece and Palestine (Saccocci 2004, 82– 3). In Germany, under the name Berner, the Veronese crociato was so famous that its typology, with the long cross intersecting the margin, was even used as an exemplum of the final victory of the true faith all over the world in the religious poem Die Renner, composed around 1300 by Hugo von Trimberg (Schröder 1903; Saccocci 1990a, 324–5). The introduction and spectacular success of this coin have already been dealt with above in the Introduction (see section (a) above, pp. 557–9), since they concern the relationships and competition between all the mints active in the area. Here, it is necessary only to reiterate that the international diffusion of the crociato benefited from the withdrawal of the denaro from production in Venice after the famous grosso matapan was introduced around 1200 (see section (l) above, pp. 637–40). In fact, the crociato remained the only piece in circulation representing the basis (i.e.

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the denaro) of the Venetian lira of account, which had been worth the same as the lira of Verona since 1172. Theory would have it that the crociato was struck from before 1185 to 1276, since it was only in the latter year that the documentary evidence attests to a monetary reform in Verona (see below, pp. 658–9). It is more likely, however, that the life of the crociato was actually a little shorter. In the mid-thirteenth century, the proliferation of abusive mints and the large-scale penetration into the Veneto of the denari produced in Mantua on the Venetian–Veronese standard from 1257 are suggestive of a conspicuous shortage of petty coins in the area. This probably means that the Veronese denaro was no longer in production by the end of the 1250s. The crociato should therefore be conservatively dated from around the time of the Peace of Constance to the end of Ezzelino da Romano’s rule, or from before 1185 to 1259. Any further chronological subdivision in the sequence of these coins seems impossible at present,thanks to their great homogeneity.Diaz Tabernero (2001; 2003, 27–9) has recently sought to differentiate some issue groups on the basis of the location of the quoin at the end of one or more of the arms of the cross, but it is unlikely that these are anything more than chance groupings. Saccocci’s still-unpublished analysis of the Ajello hoard containing more than 4,500 of these coins (App. 1, no. 142), meanwhile, places greater emphasis on the diameter of the field and the shape of the punches used for the apices of the letters a and V, noted already by Murari (1950, 34). The problem is that all the possible diameters as well as all the different punches and even all the groups suggested by Tabernero are attested in each of the known hoards, which precludes the establishment of any kind of sequence. The great success of the Veronese denaro, thanks in part to its close relationship with the grosso of Venice, probably made monetary authorities in Verona disinclined to participate in the early thirteenth-century rush in which several north Italian mints including Venice, Genoa, Milan, Pisa and Lucca raced to strike their own moneta grossa (see Chapter 1, section (b), pp. 16–17). Verona started to produce its own grosso rather later, probably not before the 1230s (see below). When it appeared, the new coin employed an unusual typology that closely recalled the Veronese denaro (1404–5; CNI vi, 265–8.13–47; Perini 1902a, 57 no. 24). On both the obverse and reverse, the grosso has an inner core that corresponds perfectly in typology and epigraphy with the crociato, surrounded by an outer ring that repeats the same legends but switches them between the obverse and reverse. The weight of the new coin was about 1.70g, and old analyses put its fineness at 95.6 per cent (Perini 1902a, 58). This corresponds very closely with the information in the coin list of Pegolotti (1936, 290), the relevant part of which dates from 1290 (Grierson 1957a). The new coin was tariffed at twenty denari. Monetary authorities in Verona evidently had no wish for their coin to compete with the Venetian grosso, which was probably already worth twenty-six denari by the beginning of the century (see section (l) above, pp. 640–1). The lack of information means that the chronology of the Veronese grosso, which the compilers of the CNI attributed to Frederick II (1218–50), is still uncertain, but the terminus ante quem is 1254/6 when the hoards of San Nicolò and Vigo di Cavedine in the Trentino, both of which included grossi of Verona, were closed (App. 1, nos. 64, 77). The hoard of Casaleone (Verona), the latest coins of which can be dated from about 1230–50 (App. 1, no. 8), was probably closed a little earlier, but the hoard is so small that it is perhaps unwise to use it to date the coins it contains more precisely. A reference to denari piccoli veronesi in a document of 1247 (Perini 1902a, 92 doc. 10) does not necessarily imply that a denarius grossus of Verona was already in production, since references to denari veronesi might have alluded to other coins of the same value such as the denari of Trento and

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Venice. Perini (1902a, 38) suggested 1230 as the date for the introduction of the grosso of Verona, though without any real evidence. More recently, Saccocci (1994, 331 n. 63) hypothesised that the mint of Verona introduced the grosso after 1236 when the mint in Trento, which belonged to the monetary area of Verona, began to strike grossi probably worth twelve Veronese denari; it was only later, in 1255, that the mint of Trento introduced a larger grosso at the same standard as the grosso of Verona, valued at twenty denari (see section (h) above, p. 609). This suggests that Verona had not yet introduced its grosso in 1236; otherwise, Trento very probably would have followed the standard of the leading mint of Verona. The strict stylistic homogeneity of examples of the Veronese grosso suggests that the coin was not in production for very long, even if it is still fairly common in modern collections. It is common today almost certainly because it was struck in huge quantities and then widely hoarded rather than because it remained in production for a long time. In the Orsoline hoard from Verona, which is datable to after 1280 on the basis of the coins of the Venetian Doge Giovanni Dandolo (1280– 9) (App. 1, no. 73), there was only a single grosso from Verona, compared with more than three thousand Venetian matapani and Serbian imitations. By the time the Orsoline hoard was closed, in other words, the local grosso had already been driven largely out of circulation, at least in Verona. Some Veronese grossi are attested in the roughly contemporaneous Telve hoard from the territory of Trento (App. 1, no. 62), but it is unknown how many examples of each of the various series represented in the hoard were actually present. There is no clear evidence about the period in which the Veronese grosso began to disappear from the market, but it can probably be dated to the late 1250s. The introduction of the new gold coins of Florence and Genoa in 1252 had already started to hamper the circulation of almost all the earlier silver grossi in Italy (see Chapter 1, section (b), pp. 17–19), while the opening of the mint of Meran within the monetary area of Verona and the production of its successful grosso aquilino from 1259 absorbed much of that silver that had previously supplied Verona’s mint (see section (a) above, pp. 559–60). It is also noteworthy that the only coins explicitly mentioned in a 1261 contract from Vicenza, which formerly belonged to the dominions of Ezzelino da Romano along with Verona, were grossi of Venice and Meran (De Ruitz 2001, 172 no. 8). It is therefore reasonable to date the Veronese grosso to the period of Ezzelino’s rule (1236–59), even though the coins themselves carry no direct reference to the tyrant. B. Commune and early Scaligeri (1259–1308) The compilers of the CNI (vi, 269–72) described all the anonymous coins of Verona after the crociato and corresponding grosso under the heading ‘Early Scaligeri (1259–1329)’, but subsequent research has now convincingly attributed all of these coins to shorter periods, even if not normally to individual rulers. The earliest of these anonymous coins is almost certainly a denaro with the traditional long cross intersecting the margin but with the legend SANT ENO instead of the blundered inscription on the obverse (CNI vi, 271.20–2; see Fig. 72). According to Saccocci (1988a, 352),the mint might have begun to strike this coin in 1276 when new statutes of the commune were promulgated. One clause in the new statutes established that the podestà and the anziani (‘elders’), together with representatives elected by the merchants, should provide for the production of a new coinage including both moneta parva and moneta grossa, or billon petty coins and silver grossi (Sandri 1940, 130). When these statutes were compiled, the regime was still formally republican, albeit under the de facto rule of Mastino della Scala. It is therefore plausible that a coin produced according to the new statutes would bear only the name of the patron saint of the city. The coin

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Figure 72. Verona: commune, denaro crociato with the legend SANT ENO (Museo Civico Bottacin, Padua; image  C A. Saccocci. Reproduced by kind permission)

list in the so-called Columbia mathematical treatise, dated to about 1280, confirms the existence of a new Veronese denaro different from the earlier crociato. The list indicates that the denaro of Verona was appreciably less fine than the crociato, only about 22 per cent instead of 27 per cent (Travaini 2003, 86–101 esp. 100). The statutes also refer to a grosso, though none of the surviving grossi of Verona are attributable to this period. Saccocci (1988a, 353–4) suggested that a Veronese imitation of the tirolino of Meran (see below) was already in production before 1304, identifying it with certain denari grossi worth nineteen denari mentioned in additions to the statutes of Verona dated from 1304 and 1306, but this hypothesis must be rejected, as explained below. The San Zeno denaro evidently enjoyed very limited circulation, as implied by its complete absence from the coin finds in the excavations of the Teatro Romano in Verona (App. 1, no. 86), which was otherwise very rich in coins dating from the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. The total dearth of the San Zeno denari in the Teatro Romano was almost certainly due to competition from the newly struck denari of Venice and Padua, which circulated widely because their metrology was obviously better suited to the needs of the monetary market in the second half of the thirteenth century (see section (a) above, pp. 559–60). The difficulties of the city’s mint are also attested later in a clause added to the statutes of Verona in 1306 that allows only foreign coins to circulate even in Verona itself, namely the aquilini of Meran and grossi matapan of Venice; the sole exception was the enigmatic denaro a XVIIII (Sandri 1940, 423–4). C. Cangrande I and Alboino (1308–11) In 1311, King Henry VII granted Cangrande and his brother Alboino the vicariato of the city of Verona. The two Scaligeri brothers regarded the privilege as one of great importance; Murari (1983, 294–5) suggested that they celebrated the event with a special issue of coins that carried, for the first time, the Scaligeri coat of arms (the ladder). The coin is an almost perfect imitation of the grosso tirolino of Meran with the eagle and double cross (see section (k) above, p. 623), except for the legends, SANcT or SANTVS ENO on the obverse and DE VERONA on the reverse, with the small coat of arms at the end of the obverse legend and the crowned eagle displayed in the obverse field (CNI vi, 271.18–19). Coins of this type are very rare but are attested already from the Garlasco and Monfalcone hoards dating to 1311–12 (App. 1, nos. 22, 32; cf. Saccocci 2004, 22), while the Meranese prototype of the coin, the tirolino without the bands on the wings, is now dated to after 1306 (see section (k) above, pp. 623–4). On these grounds, the tirolino of Verona must be dated to between 1306 and 1311, which excludes its identification with the denarios grossos mentioned in the statutes of 1304 and 1306, as acknowledged above. Within this very brief period, the presence on this coin of both the Scaligeri coat of arms and the crowned eagle as a symbol of regal power suggests that it was

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struck in connection with King Henry’s grant of the vicariato to the Della Scala brothers in 1311. The coin’s rarity further suggests that production was very short-lived, probably limited to only a few months in 1311. At the end of the same year, Henry VII forbade the striking of imitations of the Meranese grossi tirolini in various mints of the Piedmont (Perini 1901), which might have persuaded the monetary authorities in Verona to abandon production of their own tirolini. D. Cangrande I della Scala (lone rule) and successors (1311–36) One of the most important monetary reforms in Verona can probably be ascribed to Cangrande, though this is not directly documented. Study of the coins themselves has led to the attribution to this ruler of two important anonymous pieces. The first is a traditional denaro crociato in which the formerly blundered legend has become CI  CI VI (1408; CNI vi, 269–70.1–6). Giovanelli (1812, 99) interpreted this legend as Civitas Veronae Civitas Vincencie and Murari (1983, 296) correctly dated the coin to 1312 when Cangrande received the vicariato of Vicenza. This date is confirmed by a reference to crociati veronesi veteres in 1322 (Azzoni Avogaro 1775–89, 186), which implies the existence of new denari of Verona, since neither written sources nor coin finds of this period attest to crociati from other mints that might have been ‘new’ at the time. Saccocci (1995, 256 n. 37) attributed only the crociati with the ligatured  and square E to this period and considered the very rare ones with an uncial ñ to be later (Saccocci 1988a, 359 no. 13). The attribution of this coin to Cangrande makes it reasonable also to attribute to him certain grossi of the same type as those issued under Ezzelino but with a small ladder at the beginning of the outer legend on the reverse (1406–7; CNI vi, 271.16–17; Perini 1902a, no. 27). Perini (1902a, 37–8) already assigned these coins to Cangrande on the basis of his reading of the blundered legend as ERIR (for Enricus, i.e. Henry VII) and Murari (1983, 295) followed him, but Perini’s reading is unconvincing. The revival of the old Veronese grosso to coincide with the revival of the denaro crociato, to which the grosso had been tied, seems more plausible. Cangrande’s monetary reform thus took into account the whole monetary system, not just one coin denomination. Both of the new pieces were debased, according to the old analyses of Perini (1902a, 59–60), and their introduction gave rise to two different monies of account in Verona during the period 1322–45, the libra veronensis vetus, presumably based on the traditional crociato, and the libra veronensis nova, based on the denaro introduced by Cangrande (Saccocci 1995, 253). Because they were overvalued, the new coins penetrated easily into circulation, especially the denaro, spreading well beyond the territories under Veronese rule. This situation changed suddenly in 1331–2, however, when the mint in Venice recovered a leading role in monetary circulation in the Veneto thanks to its new soldino and mezzanino (see sections (a) and (l) above, p. 560 and 643–4). The passive monetary policy of the Scaligeri in the early 1330s probably facilitated the spread of the Venetian coins. In 1332, when the Scaligeri ruled over most of the Terraferma, they officially accepted the circulation of the new coins of Venice even though they were clearly debased, as attested in contemporary documents (Mueller 1989, 329–30). E. Albert II (1329–52) and Mastino II (1329–51) della Scala I. First period, 1336–49 The last anonymous piece of Verona is a petty coin that is typologically identical to the thirteenthcentury grosso (1409–11; CNI vi, 270–1.7–15; Perini 1902a, no. 26), weighs about 0.60g and,

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according to Murari (1971b), is about 12–13 per cent fine. Murari identified this coin with the mediatino and dated its introduction to the time of the war against Venice (1336–9). This hypothesis is convincing given that such coins are found in hoards dating from the mid-fourteenth century (App. 1, no. 15, 37). The mediatino was also highly overvalued. In his description of the coin, the fourteenth-century chronicler Conforto da Costoza (1915, 14) states that it was initially valued at two denari, but metrological analysis instead suggests that its silver content corresponds to about 1¼ denari. An overvaluation of this magnitude is entirely consistent with a war coin. The coin’s name nevertheless suggests that its introduction coincided with a change in the monetary basis of the Veronese coinage in which the denaro of the Lombard libra mezzanorum, well known in Verona under the name of libra mediatinorum, replaced the traditional denaro of the libra veronensis (Saccocci 1995, 255). II. Second period, 1349–52 The passage in the chronicle of Conforto goes on to state that the mediatino of Verona was tariffed at 1¼ denari in 1349, though an error in the transcription led Perini (1902a, 96 doc. 24) and then Murari (1971b, 44) to indicate the coin’s value at one denaro. Conforto’s reference must have been occasioned by a major monetary reform of which the devaluation of the mediatino was merely one aspect. Drawing upon a will of 1354 that values the libra of Veronese denari at a third more than the libra of an unspecified earlier period (Perini 1902a, 95 doc. 19), Saccocci (1995, 257–9) sought to reconstruct the reform. He dated to 1349 the introduction of the Veronese imitation aquilino of Meran with the usual long cross and eagle (see section (k) above, pp. 621–2) but the obverse legend VERONE with a small ladder between the letters and ä for Albertus and Mastinus and the reverse legend CIVITaS (1412; CNI vi, 272–3.1–7; Perini 1902a, 62 no. 30a; Rizzolli 1991, no. Ve3). The libra mediatinorum was abandoned, the mediatino became a fraction of the aquilino, and the old libra veronensis vetus, which had been merely a unit of account since 1312, resumed as the basis of Verona’s coinage. The silver aquilini and their imitations were the last coins accounted according to the old lira of Verona. This lira was valued at a third more than the current Veronese lira, as attested in the will of 1354, which means that the coins produced after the reform were worth more than the earlier ones. An important consequence of this reform was that the equivalence between the currencies of Verona and Venice, which had endured for almost two centuries (1172–1349) and had greatly favoured the circulation of both coinages alongside one another, was broken. Because the coins of Verona were now higher in value than the analogous Venetian ones, the Veronese coinage was the ‘good money’ on the market and therefore lost any international role and became a solely local currency. With the return to a purely Veronese standard, production of the denaro crociato may also have resumed. These were perhaps the coins with the round open ñ described above (p. 660), though there is no clear evidence to support this hypothesis. F. Bartolomeo and Antonio della Scala (1375–81) Conforto’s passage about the mediatino ends by indicating that the circulation of this coin was completely forbidden in 1378, when a new coin worth twelve denari (i.e. one soldo) was struck. The soldo is doubtless the silver coin of about 0.70g with a crested helmet and a bust of San Zeno accompanied by an obverse legend that refers explicitly to the two rulers (1413–15; CNI vi, 274.1–2; Perini 1902a, 62–3 no. 31). The silver soldo was clearly never intended to replace such a

662

Veneto

petty coin as the mediatino, but it is likely that Conforto neglected to mention another coin that was probably introduced along with the soldo and effectively replaced the mediatino, the so-called billon quattrino, with the obverse legend >B[ar]TOLOäeVS around a ladder and the reverse legend >anTOnIVS around a cross pattée (1416–18; CNI vi, 274–5.3–9). The name quattrino suggests that the coin was worth four denari,but the name was in fact entirely a matter of convention,because the actual denomination of the coin is unknown (Dionisi 1775–89b, 325, editor’s note 166). Except for the discovery of a single example in excavations at Vittoria in Sicily (Uggeri Patitucci 1975, 467), the quattrino is attested only in finds from sites within the territory under Verona’s direct control. G. Antonio della Scala (1381–7) After the death of Bartolomeo in 1381, Antonio continued to strike the quattrino, but with the legend referring to him moved to the obverse around the ladder where the legend referring to his brother had been and the family name DeLa ScALA added on the reverse where the legend referring to himself had been (CNI vi, 275.26). Antonio’s quattrino thus has the legend >anTOnIVS around a ladder on the obverse and the family name around a cross pattée on the reverse. Together with this rare coin, Antonio also struck a new silver grosso, now very rare, worth two soldi and weighing c. 1.80g with the crested helmet on the obverse and San Zeno standing on the reverse accompanied by the legends +anThS DeLa ScALA and S ENO De VERONa, respectively (CNI vi, 275.1–2). It was probably introduced to compete with the new Venetian grosso that went into production in 1379 (see section (l) above, p. 646). H. Gian Galeazzo Visconti of Milan as lord of Verona (1387–1402) When Gian Galeazzo conquered Verona, he acquired control of a city and a territory in which the traditional Lombard money of account, the libra mezzana or tertiolorum, was already well known, since it had been the basis of the local monetary system, along with the mediatino, for some years. The introduction of Milanese currency in Verona thus posed no particular difficulties, and Gian Galeazzo seized the opportunity, striking a rich series of coins. It is very difficult to establish the chronology of these issues, but a few scattered documents and comparison with the output of other mints in the wider region make it possible to subdivide the monetary production for Verona into two different phases, the first from the conquest to 1398 and the second from 1398 until Gian Galeazzo’s death in 1402. I. First period, 1387–98 To the first period belong a billon sesino (half-soldo) of about 1.10g with a Visconti snake and cross, known in several varieties, and the very common denaro of about 0.60g with the gothic letters g z and cross. Both these coins bear the legend VERO3E on the obverse, but on the basis of style, it is possible that both of these coins were produced in the mint of Milan and then exported to Verona, so they are described in the catalogue with the coins of the Lombard capital (642–4). In addition, there is an extremely rare silver grosso or pegione with the snake flanked by the letters g z and the legend +cOMES VIRtVtVM D MLI c on the obverse and San Zeno seated and the legend SøZENVS [sic] VERO3A on the reverse (CNI vi, 277.5). The spelling error in the name of the Veronese saint in the reverse legend must have been made by a Milanese engraver working in Milan rather than one in Verona.

Verona

663

Table 58. Coinage of Verona from the Peace of Constance (1183) to the Venetian conquest (1405) Ruler

Reference

Characteristics and description

Commune (1183–1236) and Ezzelino da Romano (1236–59)

CNI vi, 263–4.1–12 (attributed to Frederick II)

Denaro piccolo, billon: Obv. FV I{ IV I{, long cross. Rev.  RO N a, long cross.

Ezzelino da Romano only (1236–59)

CNI vi, 265–8.22– 13–47 (attributed to Frederick II)

Grosso da 20 denari, silver: Obv. +{I+I+{I+, interior legend  Ro N a, cross intersecting interior legend. Rev. +>VE>Ro>Na>, interior legend {I I {I , cross intersecting interior legend.

Commune and early Scaligeri (1259–1308)

CNI vi, 271.20–2 (attr. to the early Scaligeri)

Denaro piccolo, billon (from 1276): Obv. Sa NT E NO, long cross. Rev. DE VE RO Na, long cross.

Cangrande I and Alboino della Scala (1308–11)

CNI vi, 271.18–19 (attr. to the early Scaligeri)

Grosso tirolino, silver (1311): Obv. +SANTVS ENO (ladder), crowned eagle displayed. Rev. DE VE RO NA, double cross.

Cangrande I della Scala (sole rule, 1311–29) and successors until 1336, from 1312

CNI vi, 269–70.3–6 (attr. to the early Scaligeri)

Denaro piccolo, billon: Obv. CI  CI VI, long cross. Rev.  RO 3 0, long cross.

CNI vi, 271.16–17 (attr. to the early Scaligeri)

Grosso with ladder, silver: Obv. as above, Ezzelino only. Rev. as above, Ezzelino only, but w. ladder in the outer legend.

Albert II (1329–52) and Mastino II (1329–51) della Scala and successors until 1378, first period, 1336–49

CNI vi, 270–1.7–15 (attr. to the early Scaligeri)

Mediatino da due denari, billon: Obv. +cI+VI+cI+VI, cross w.  Ro N a. Rev. anTOnIVS, cross.

CNI vi, 274–5.3–9

Antonio della Scala (1381–7)

CNI vi, 275.1–2

Grosso da due soldi, silver: Obv. +anThSøDeLa ScaLa, crested helmet. Rev. SøENO De VERONa, saint standing.

CNI vi, 275.3

Quattrino, billon: Obv. +anTOnIVS, ladder. Rev. +DeLa SCaLa, cross.

Gian Galeazzo Visconti of Milan as lord of Verona (1387–1402), first period, 1387–98

Gian Galeazzo Visconti as lord of Verona, second period, 1398–1402

Coins of this period in the name of Gian Galeazzo Visconti that refer to Verona or San Zeno were struck in Milan and are covered in the section on Milan; the only possible exceptions are the sesini and denari described below, which might have been introduced in Verona in 1388. CNI vi, 276.1–4

Grosso or pegione, silver: Obv. (snake)coMESøVIRtVtVMøDøMEDIoL03Iøc, cross. Rev. øSøEnoø øDøVERon0ø, saint enthroned.

CNI vi, 277.6–11

Soldo, silver: Obv. +coMESøVIRtVtVMøDøMLIøVERonE, cross. Rev. (snake) øSøEnoøDøVERon0ø, bust of saint.

Crippa 1986, 87 no. 12

Sesino, billon: Obv. +g0LE0ZøcOMESøVIRtVtVM, cross. Rev. +DøMEDIOL03IøVEROnEøc, snake between g.

Crippa 1986, 90 nos. 16a–c

denaro, billon: Obv. +coMESøVIRtVtVMø, cross fleury. Rev. +DøMLIøVERonEøc, g .

II. Second period, 1398–1402 In 1398, Gian Galeazzo, now duke of Milan, announced that his mints of Milan and Verona would produce an abundance of new grossi, soldini and sesini (Zerbi 1984, 320). A few months later, in a letter to the toll-house of Verona, he prescribed that the master of the Veronese mint be allowed to enter the city with all his tools without paying any fee (Perini 1902a, 96 doc. 25).

Vicenza

665

Taken together, the two pieces of information suggest that the mint of Verona was opened or re-opened (see below) soon after the announcement in 1398. If so, the coins with the legend SøEno DVERona on the reverse, which present a very homogeneous style, certainly date after the announcement. They include the silver grosso or pegione of about 2.30g (1419–20; CNI vi, 276– 7.1–4; Perini 1902a, 65–6 nos. 35–6) and silver soldino of about 1.60g (1421–2; CNI vi, 277.6–11; Perini 1902a, 66–7 no. 38), both with a floriated cross on the obverse and St Zeno seated on the reverse. Scholars formerly attributed a sesino (1423; CNI v, 95.65 var.; Crippa 1986, 87 no. 12) and a billon denaro (Crippa 1986, nos. 16 a–c) of Gian Galeazzo to the mint of Milan, but their peculiar style, as well as the obvious differences between them and the analogous coins of the regular Milanese series, makes it more likely that they were struck in the mint of Verona. As with all the output of the Veronese mint under the Visconti, the sources mention these denominations only during the period 1398–1402, which suggests that they were produced in connection with the major reform of the Milanese coinage in 1398 (see Chapter 5, section (m), pp. 462–5), though the obvious differences in silver content and the markings on these coins have not yet been studied in detail. These fairly common pieces may even have been introduced ten years earlier, in 1388, when Andriolo de’ Toscani acquired the right to strike coins in Verona for two years and created a company to auction the mint contract (Motta 1893, 204 doc. 39). The absence of any further evidence for mint activity in Verona during the succeeding decade compared with the fairly rich evidence after 1398 nevertheless makes it very uncertain that the mint became active at such an early date. After the Venetian conquest of Verona in 1405, the mint there ceased operations and struck no further coins prior to 1500,though the mint of Venice did produce some denominations specifically for circulation in the territory of Verona. These special coins were needed in Verona to deal with the difference in value between the traditional Veronese lira, which remained the principal unit of account in Verona, and the Venetian lira, which was worth significantly less (four lire of Venice to three lire of Verona) and probably had been since 1349, as noted above. The coins of the Venetian mint produced for Verona are described above under Venice. Table 58 summarises the coinage of Verona, 1183–1405.

(n) vi c e n za 1. Historical background Located at the foot of the Alps almost halfway between Venice and Verona, Vicenza was an important centre on the via Postumia during Roman times and was a municipium from 49 bc. Its political importance grew considerably under the Lombards, when it became the centre of a duchy. Under King Desiderius (756–74), Vicenza also struck coins (see MEC 1, 60). From the ninth to the twelfth century, it was subject to feudal lordship, first to that of the counts of Vicenza and then its bishops; the first evidence of the commune dates from 1147. As a commune, Vicenza joined the Lega Veronese in 1164 and then the Lega Lombarda in 1167 against Emperor Frederick I (1152–90, emp. 1155). Municipal independence lasted until Ezzelino da Romano’s conquest of Vicenza in 1236 and was recovered only upon his death in 1259. Because troops of Padua liberated the city, however, the new commune was born under the guardianship of that city. In 1266, this guardianship

666

Veneto

became a full overlordship and Vicenza lost its autonomy, never to be recovered. The city remained under the dominion of Padua until 1311 when it passed into the control of the Scaligeri of Verona and Cangrande I della Scala also became its imperial vicarius in 1312. In 1387, Vicenza fell under the rule of the Visconti of Milan and finally, in 1404, submitted to Venice. Under Venetian rule, the city enjoyed two centuries of development, both economic and cultural, which entailed its complete architectural renewal in the sixteenth century, inspired mostly by its greatest adopted son, Andrea Palladio (1508–80). There is a general survey of Vicenza’s medieval history in Cracco (1988).

2. Coinage A document cited in an unreliable source (Maccà 1802, 42–4; cf. Saccocci 1991a, 250 n. 62) indicates that Emperor Henry III (1039–56, emp. 1046) granted the bishop of Vicenza minting rights in 1047. This is entirely plausible, in itself, and indeed the bishop of Padua obtained the same right just two years later (see section (f ) above, p. 594), but the document is not published among the sources for Henry III in the MGH and is now nowhere to be found, if indeed it ever existed. The fact that such a document would put Vicenza two years ahead of Padua in obtaining this politically important concession may raise further doubts about its authenticity. Some local historians of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries were inclined to accept uncritically evidence that portrayed the history of their city more favourably than that of rival communes. There are nevertheless indirect indications that an act existed giving the authorities in Vicenza the right to regulate the currency in the territory. Although Vicenza produced no coins after the Lombard period, the mint of Verona under Cangrande struck some coins that were intended to circulate in the territory of Vicenza as if it were an altogether different monetary district. The first of these is the Veronese denaro with the legend CI VE CI VE, which has been plausibly interpreted to represent Civitas Veronae Civitas Vincencie and therefore dated to 1312 when Cangrande also obtained an imperial vicariato over Vicenza (see section (m) above, p. 660). If this was indeed the case, then the coin is no less ‘Vicentina’ than Veronese, strictly speaking, even though it was undoubtedly struck in Verona and is therefore described above in the entry for that mint. Unique to Vicenza, however, is an imitation of the grosso aquilino, modelled after the coin of Meran with the usual types, the eagle displayed and long cross, but with legends that explicitly referred to Vicenza, CIVITaS on the obverse and VICeNCIe on the reverse (1424; CNI vi, 283.1– 2; Rizzolli 1991, no. Vi1). The obverse legend also has a small coat of arms with bends embattled counter-embattled (i.e. bends on both sides). Murari (1956) recognised the coat of arms as that of Bailardino di Nogarole, podestà of Vicenza during the periods 1313–17 and 1320–9 when the city was under the rule of Cangrande della Scala. Murari further suggested that the coin was struck, almost certainly in the mint of Verona, during the latter period, 1320–9, which the evidence from coin finds has subsequently confirmed (Rizzolli 1991, 235–8). Cangrande probably ordered the production of Vicenza’s imitation of the aquilino for the same reasons that many other mints of the Po valley struck imitation aquilini, partly for economic motives but also in the interest of the vicarius and his mostly German military contingent (see section (a) above, p. 560). It is nevertheless unclear why the lord of Verona should have ordered its production only for Vicenza and not for Verona. One possible explanation is that Cangrande, whose mint was already striking a different

Vicenza

667

kind of grosso for Verona (see section (m) above, p. 660), sought to discourage competition between the aquilino, which was evidently popular on the international market, and his Veronese grosso. Vicenza retained a measure of theoretical monetary autonomy in its territory in the fifteenth century, possibly as a vestige of an even earlier usage, in a unit of account called the libra de moneta Vicentina (De Ruitz 2001, 136–46, though drawing mainly on the unreliable Maccà 1802).

APPENDIX 1

C O I N H OA R D S A N D SINGLE-FINDS (a) i nt roduc ti on This appendix lists and summarises only the hoards and single-finds cited in this volume, whether from within the Italian regions covered in the volume (see section (b) below, pp. 668–88), other Italian regions (section (c), pp. 688–90) or elsewhere (section (d), pp. 691–700). The entries represent only a small proportion of a much larger database derived mainly from two sets of files, one assembled by Philip Grierson and augmented by his assistants (i.e. Lucia Travaini, Michael Matzke, William R. Day, Jr.) and the other put together by Andrea Saccocci and recently collated by Lorenzo Passera. In addition, access to the extensive files compiled by Ermanno Arslan and his associates has made it possible to enlarge upon the database; the authors would like to express their extreme gratitude to Dr Arslan for allowing them to consult his files. They are also grateful to Michele Asolati, who allowed them to consult his database of unpublished site finds from archaeological excavations in the Veneto. For the abbreviations used in this appendix, see Table 59. The symbol (†) is used for coin finds in graves. See Map 6 for the locations of the hoards and finds in northern Italy and the immediately surrounding areas listed in the appendix.

(b) n orth e rn i taly 1. Hoards Ajello hoard, see 142. South-eastern Europe 1. Bassano, territory (VI, Ven.) before 1905 (dep. c. 1311): 94 , possibly part of the Carribollo hoard; 16 grossi of Venice (1 Pietro Ziani, 1205–29; 3 Ranieri Zeno, 1253–68; 1 Lorenzo Tiepolo, 1268–75; 2 Jacopo Contarini, 1275–80; 3 Giovanni Dandolo, 1280–9; 6 Pietro Gradenigo, 1289– 1311), 50 grossi tirolini of Meran (in the name of Meinhard II, 1274–1306), 28 Serbian imitations of Venetian grossi (Stephan Dragutin, 1272–82/1316; Stephan Uroš II Milutin, 1282–1321) (Gerola 1905; Stahl 2000, 445 no. 68; Saccocci 2004, 13 no. 3). 2. Biella (BI, Pied.) 1851 (dep. after 1255): coins of twenty different mints, incl. all seven represented in the monetary accord of 1254 (i.e. Bergamo, Brescia, Cremona, Parma, Pavia, Piacenza, Tortona) plus Vercelli and others (Promis 1852, 35; Ricci 1910, 130; Crocicchio et al. 1992, 12). ; denari enriciani of 3. Bolca (VR, Ven.) before 1939 (dep. third quarter twelfth century): 42 Verona in the name of an emperor Henry (struck 1140/50–64) (Balbi de Caro 1993a, 1993b, 129, caption for illustration no. 75; Saccocci 2001b, 30 no. I.7.11). 668

Northern Italy

669

Table 59. Abbreviations used in the appendix of coin hoards and single-finds BG BI BL BN BO BZ CN CO CR GE GO LO LU MB MI MN MO NO

Bergamo Biella Belluno Benevento Bologna Bolzano Cuneo Como Cremona Genoa Gorizia Lodi Lucca Monza e Brianza Milan Mantua Modena Novara

PA PC PD PN PR PT PV RG RN Roma SCV SS SV TN TO TV UD VA

Palermo Piacenza Padua Pordenone Parma Pistoia Pavia Ragusa Rimini Rome Vatican City Sassari Savona Trento Turin Treviso Udine Varese

VE VI VR

Venice Vicenza Verona

Camp. Em.-Rom. Fr.-V. G. Laz. Lig. Lom. Mar. Pied. Sard. Sic. Tr.-A. A.

Campania Emilia-Romagna Friuli-Venezia Giulia Lazio Liguria Lombardy Marches Piedmont Sardinia Sicily Trentino-Südtirol/Alto Adige Tuscany Veneto

Tusc. Ven.

4. Bovolone (VR, Ven.) 2005 (dep. third quarter twelfth century): 129 , found in archaeological excavations; 129 denari enriciani of Verona in the name of an emperor Henry (1140/50–1183); XRF/EDS analysis was carried out on twelve of them, indicating their silver content to be 42–80 per cent on the surface but only 14–18 per cent in the core (Arzone 2008b). ; all denari enriciani of Verona 5. Brez (TN, Tr.-A. A.) 1906 (dep. mid-twelfth century): 71 in the name of an emperor Henry (struck c. 1106–64) (unpublished, on deposit in the Museo Provinciale del Castello del Buonconsiglio di Trento, examined by authors). 6. Cameri (NO, Pied.) 1881 (dep. after 1356): 15 , c. 600 ; gold coins incl. florins of Florence, 4 genovini of Genoa (2 Simon Boccanegra, 1339–44; 2 idem, 1356–63), ducats of Venice (Francesco Dandolo, 1329–39; Andrea Dandolo, 1343–54), 1 half-ambrosino of Milan (Giovanni and Luchino Visconti, 1339–49); silver coins incl. grossi and half-grossi of Milan (Azzone Visconti, 1329–39; Giovanni and Luchino Visconti, 1339–49), grossi of Pavia (with St Syrus), grossi minori of Como, an unidentified coin of Montferrat (NSc 1881, 416–17; BNS 1 (1882), 106–10, 107–8; Fiorelli 1882, 244). ‘Carige parcel’, see 41. Northern Italy (IV) ; 1 grosso of Brescia (three 7. Carribollo di Marostica (VI, Ven.) 1904 (dep. c. 1311): 921 saints type with St Apollonius, c. 1300–37), 2 imitation tirolini of Mantua (c. 1311), 3 grossi aquilini of Meran (1259–74), 381 grossi tirolini of Meran (in the name of Meinhard II, 1258–95, struck 1274–1306), 322 grossi of Venice (6 Pietro Ziani, 1205–29; 12 Jacopo Tiepolo, 1229–49; 3 Marino Morosini, 1249–53; 60 Ranieri Zeno, 1253–68; 30 Lorenzo Tiepolo, 1268–75; 42 Jacopo Contarini, 1275–80; 62 Giovanni Dandolo, 1280–9; 102 Pietro Gradenigo, 1289–1311), 212 imitations of

Coin hoards and single-finds

670

LIECHTENSTEIN

151

107

S W I T Z E R L A N D

153 105

155 153a

122

E

154 156 26

19 147

VALLE D’AOSTA

9 29

13,13a

34,35 31

6

24

C

8a

11

L O M B A R D Y

2

14

52 42

71a–b

N

30a

53 46,46a,47 22 10a 65,66 57 75

12

P I E D M O N T

A

93 83

R

EMILIA16

23

F

60

0 0

25

50 25

75 km 50 miles

Map 6. Selected coin hoards and single-finds in northern Italy and immediately surrounding areas

Northern Italy

A

U

S

T

671

R

I

A

36 25

TRENTINO5 54

A LT O 77

17

49 84 A D I G E 55 80 30 62 64 20,21

3

37 V 72–4 86–8

10

E

50 58

76

4

N

1 7

E

85 18 61

56

T

59 79

VENEZIA GIULIA

SLOVENIA

28 82

15 51 43–5 33

FRIULI-

48 63

32

O 69–71

CROATIA

81

8 78 97 92

ROMAGNA

Not included 27 Lombardy (or Switzerland) 38–41 North Italy 67–68a Veneto 142 South-eastern Europe

102

100

T U S C A N Y 90

99

SAN MARINO

MARCHES

672

Coin hoards and single-finds

Venetian grossi of Serbia (10 Stephan Dragutin, 1276–82/1316; 202 Stephan Uroš II Milutin, 1282–1321) (Gerola 1930, 180–2; Perini 1904b, 143; 1905; Stahl 2000, 445 no. 67; Saccocci 2004, 13 no. 2). ; 1 grosso da 6 imperiali of Bergamo 8. Casaleone (VR, Ven.) 1929 (dep. after 1236): 18 (1236 to early fourteenth century), 5 grossi da 6 imperiali of Cremona (1200–30s), 1 grosso da 6 imperiali of Milan (1185–1230s), 8 grossi da 20 denari of Verona (Ezzelino da Romano, c. 1236– c. 1259), 1 grosso of Venice (Jacopo Tiepolo, 1229–49), 2 grossi of Parma (1230s to second half thirteenth century) (Travaini 1987; Saccocci 1991c, 658). 8a. Casargo, Codesino (LC, Lom.) c. 1890 (dep. after 1450): unspecified number of B, midfifteenth century, consisting of coins the Montferrat and Milanese types, including examples erroneously identified with an undocumented and unsubstantiated mint at Valenza in the Piemonte (Ambrosoli 1901; Pozzi 1993, 37 no. 32). /B, of which 19 , 9. Castiglione Olona (VA, Lom.) 1958 (dep. c. 1360): 25 , 505 /B catalogued; gold coins incl. 2 florins of Florence (1 1313/i: Totto di Tedaldo; 1 369 1348/ii–1367: unknown), 5 genovini of Genoa (Simone Boccanegra, 1339–44), 3 half-ambrosini of Milan (Luchino and Giovanni Visconti, 1339–49), 8 ducats of Venice (1 Giovanni Soranzo, 1312–28; 1 Bartolomeo Gradenigo, 1339–42; 5 Andrea Dandolo, 1343–54; 1 Giovanni Dolfin, 1356–61), 1 florin of Avignon (anonymous popes, 1324–70); silver coins incl. 29 grossi and 2 denari of Como (Azzone Visconti, 1335–9), 1 grosso of Cremona (with St Hymerius, c. 1300– 30), 1 grosso popolino of Florence (1312/i: unknown), grossi of Milan (7 grossi ambrosini minori, 1298/9–1310; 2 grossi ambrosini minori and 15 grossi aquilini of Henry VII of Luxembourg, 1310–13, as king, 1310–12; 257 Azzone Visconti, 1329–39; 32 Luchino and Giovanni Visconti; 4 Giovanni Visconti, 1349–54; 6 Bernabò and Galeazzo Visconti, 1354–78), 4 soldi of Azzone Visconti of Milan, 4 sesini of Milan (2 Giovanni Visconti; 2 Bernabò and Galeazzo Visconti), 4 denari of Milan (2 Azzone Visconti; 2 Giovanni Visconti), 3 grossi of Piacenza, 6 gros tournois of France (Philip IV, 1285–1314) (Dell’Acqua 1960–1; Chiaravalle 2003). 10. Cavriana (MN, Lom.) 1895 (dep. after 1255): c. 100 /B, found while demolishing a wall: silver coin types incl. grosso of Acqui (mid-thirteenth century), grosso of Asti (thirteenth century), grosso da 4 denari of Bergamo (1236–c. 1250), grosso da 4 denari of Como (c. 1239–54), grosso of Cortemilia (marquises of Carretto, mid-thirteenth century), grosso da 6 imperiali of Cremona (after 1254), grosso da 4 denari of Lodi (c. 1240–50), grosso da 8 denari pavesi of Tortona (1248–54) and grosso da 1 soldo (after 1254), grosso da 8 denari of Vercelli (after 1255); billon coins incl. 2 variants of half-denari scodellati with star of Bergamo (1254/6), obolo (?) of Brescia, at least three types of denari mezzani or nuovi of Como (1239/54), denaro inforziato with stars and denaro cremonese with stars of Cremona (1254/6), half-denaro (1230–56) and denaro piccolo of Mantua (anonymous bishops, 1257–72), denari terzoli of Milan with O croxato and rosettes (1250s), denaro imperiale of Piacenza and denaro mezzano of Tortona (Gnecchi 1897, which describes only the types represented; Magnaguti 1940, 124). ‘Cherasco hoard’, see 40. Northern Italy (III) 10a. Chignolo Po (PV, Lom.) before 1896 (dep. c. 1400): 54 and 27 ; gold coins incl. 7 papal ducats of Bologna (anonymous), 3 florins of Florence, 12 genovini of Genoa (3 Simon Boccanegra, 1 1339–44, 2 1356–63; 3 Gabriele Adorno, 1363–70; 5 Nicola Guarco, 1378–83; 1 Antoniotto Adorno, 1383–4), 7 florins of Milan (1 Galeazzo II Visconti, 1354–78; 1 Bernabò Visconti, 1354–85; 5 Gian Galeazzo Visconti, 1385–1402), 3 ducats of Rome (Senate, 1350–1438/9), 19 ducats of Venice

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(1 Bartolomeo Gradenigo, 1339–42; 1 Giovanni Dolfin, 1356–61; 5 Andrea Contarini, 1368–82; 1 Michele Morosini, 1382; 11 Antonio Venier, 1382–1400); other gold coin included 1 papal florin of Avignon (Clement VI, 1348–52), 1 florin of Bohemia (Charles IV, 1346–78), 1 ducat of Hungary (Sigismund, 1387–1435); silver coins incl. 27 Milanese and 2 Pavese pegioni of the Visconti but without more precise attribution (Ambrosoli 1897; Cesano 1925c, 164; Huszár 1970–2, 81 no. 5; Stahl 2000, 438 no. 39). 11. Cisano Bergamasco (BG, Lom.) 1922 (dep. c. 1300): 260 /B, on deposit in the Civiche Raccolte Numismatiche, two more than in the original description of Vincenzi; coins of Milan incl. 62 grossi ambrosini (c. 1254/6–1310, of which at least 2 reduced, 1298/9–1310), 26 denari (3 denari enriciani, twelfth–thirteenth century; 16 denari imperiali scodellati (mainly class C, 1230s–c. 1250); 7 denari imperiali piani (class E, 1254/6–98), 1 obolo enriciano (thirteenth century); other coins incl. 92 denari imperiali of Bergamo (44 d. scodellati and 48 d. piani, 1236–c. 1300), 10 grossi of Brescia (Venetian type, 1257–98/9), 1 denaro mezzano scodellato with O croxato of Como (1251/3), 5 denari cremonesi with stars of Cremona (after 1254), 11 grossi minori of Genoa (class E and later, from 1236), 1 denaro imperiale scodellato of Ivrea (second half thirteenth century), 1 grosso da 6 denari with stars of Pavia (after 1254) and 7 denari of Pavia (in the name Frederick I, mainly after 1220), 3 grossi da 6 imperiali and 6 denari imperiali of Piacenza, 4 grossi of Tortona (Frederick II, after 1254), 29 grossi of Venice (4 Jacapo Tiepolo, 1229–49; 3 Marino Morosini, 1249–53; 22 Ranieri Zeno, 1253–68), 1 denaro imperiale scodellato of Chur/Coira (Bishop Heinrich III of Montfort, 1251–72) (Vincenzi 1922; Murari 1981, 38; Chiaravalle 1984, 574 no. 2; Martini et al. 1987, 86 nos. 2–3, 5, 9; Crocicchio et al. 1992, 13; Stahl 2000, 443 no. 60; examined by authors). /B, of which 12. Collegno, church of San Massimo (TO, Pied.) 1950 (dep. after 1248): 103 13 were classified; 1 denaro of the marquises of Savona (MARSAGONA type, twelfth–thirteenth century), 1 denaro of Tortona (1248–1322), 1 denier of Provence (Alfonso II of Aragon, 1196–1209), 4 deniers of Valence (anonymous bishops, 1157–1276), 2 deniers and 1 obol of Lyon (anonymous bishops, 1157–1315), 3 deniers of Vienne (anonymous bishops, twelfth–fourteenth century) (Fava 1970). /B, found during works for 13. Como, via Perti (CO, Lom.) 1890 (dep. 1385–7): c. 6,000 opening a new road, the via Tommaso Perti; coins of Milan incl. 1 denaro enriciano, 5 denari imperiali (2 Henry VII, 1310–13; 3 Louis IV of Bavaria, 1314–46, struck 1326–30), c. 551 denari imperiali viscontei (17 Azzone Visconti, 1329–39; 14 Luchino, 1339–49; 7 Giovanni, 1349–54; c. 350 uncertain, 1329– 54; 170 Bernabò, 1354–85), 55 quattrini (Azzone Visconti), 1,481 grossi pegioni (418 Bernabò and Galeazzo Visconti, 1354–78; 23 Galeazzo alone, 1354–78; 185 Bernabò alone, 1354–85; 855 Gian Galeazzo Visconti, 1385–1402), more than 3,006 sesini (1 Bernabò and Galeazzo; 1 Galeazzo; 4 Bernabò; more than 3,000 Gian Galeazzo); other Lombard coins incl. 52 denari imperiali of Como (Azzone Visconti, 1335–9), 4 denari imperiali of Cremona (Azzone Visconti), 53 denari imperiali and 633 grossi pegioni of Pavia (Galeazzo II and Gian Galeazzo Visconti, 1359–1402); coins of Verona incl. 4 denari (2 Cangrande and successors, 1312–36 or 1349–78; 2 Antonio della Scala, 1381–7), 2 quattrini (Bartolomeo and Antonio della Scala, 1381–7), large but unspecified number of sesini (Gian Galeazzo Visconti, 1387–1402); other coins incl. 3 denari of Alessandria with the bust of St Peter (fourteenth century), 4 denari of Ancona (fourteenth century), 1 denaro of Ascoli (thirteenth–fourteenth century), 1 denaro of Bologna (thirteenth–fourteenth century), 2 papal denari of Bologna (Gregory XI, 1370–76), 1 quattrino of Ferrara (Nicolò d’Este, 1361–88), 5 denari of Genoa (thirteenth–fourteenth century), 3 quattrini of Padua (1355–1405), 1 picciolo of

674

Coin hoards and single-finds

Parma, 9 papal denari of Parma (John XXII, 1316–34, struck 1326), 1 soldino of Venice (Andrea Contarini 1368–82), 1 papal denaro of John XXII of uncertain mint, 2 denari of the counts of Savoy (fourteenth century), 3 billon coins of the Republic of Berne (fourteenth century), 1 denaro of King John of Bohemia (1310–46) (Ambrosoli 1891; Giussani 1932–3; Magnaguti 1940, 123; Pozzi 1993, 43–4 no. 46.1; Saccocci 1998d, 607 no. I.11; Chiaravalle 2006, 101–2). 13a. Como, via Garibaldi (CO) 1939 (dep. c. 1455): 189 , found during excavation works, 188 examined; 3 papal ducats of Bologna (anonymous, beginning fifteenth century), 9 florins of Florence (end fourteenth century), 11 genovini of Genoa (1 Simon Boccanegra, 1339–44 or 1356– 63; 1 Nicola Guarco, 1378–83; 3 Tomaso Campofregoso, 1415–21, 1436–7, 1437–43; 2 Filippo Maria Visconti, 1421–35; 4 Raffaele Adorno, 1443–7), 29 ducats of Milan (Filippo Maria Visconti, 1412– 47), 14 ducats of Rome (12 Senate, 1350–1438/9; 2 Eugenius IV, 1431–47, struck from 1439), 33 ducats of Venice (1 Francesco Dandolo, 1329–39; 2 Lorenzo Celsi, 1361–5; 1 Marco Corner, 1365– 8; 1 Michele Morosini, 1382; 3 Antonio Venier, 1382–1400; 4 Michele Steno, 1400–13; 3 Tommaso Mocenigo, 1414–23; 18 Francesco Foscari, 1423–57), 9 florins of Basel (Sigismondo, 1411–37, from 1429), 1 ducat of Hungary (Ladislaw, 1453–7), 11 florins of Frankfurt (Sigismund and Frederick III, 1440–93), 2 ducats of Luxembourg (att. to a Frederick?), 66 Rhenish florins (29 Cologne, 8 Mainz, 17 Palatinate, 12 Trier) (Numismatica 5 (1939), 82–3; Giussani 1940; Magnaguti 1940, 137; Zecchinelli 1957, 176; Pozzi 1993, 45–6, no. 46.5; Chiaravalle 2006, 103; cf. Messaggero, 16 June 1939). and 292 and B, out of probably 14. Concorezzo (MB, Lom.) 1913 (dep. after 1312): 6 more than 400 coins; gold coins incl. 6 florins of Florence (1252–1310); Lombard silver coin incl. 2 grossi of Cremona (St Hymerius, from c. 1299) and 1 grosso of Pavia (St Syrus, from c. 1299) plus the following coins of Milan: 3 grossi ambrosini (before 1298/9), 9 grossi ambrosini minori da 10 imperiali (from c. 1298/9–1310), 1 grosso maggiore of Henry VII (1310–13, as king, 1310–12), 7 double grossi of Henry VII, as emperor, with St Ambrose and two standing saints (1312–13); other silver coins incl. 1 grosso bolognino of Arezzo, 2 grossi bolognini of Bologna, 1 grosso aquilino of Meran, 3 grossi of Piacenza, 15 grossi of Venice (Marino Morosini, 1249–53; Ranieri Zeno, 1253–68; Lorenzo Tiepolo, 1268–75; Jacopo Contarini, 1275–80; Pietro Gradenigo, 1289–1311), 199 gros tournois of Philip IV of France (1285–1314), including 1 à fleur-de-lis (RIN 26 [1913], 570; Cesano 1925c, 163; Chiaravalle 1984, 574–5 no. 3; Saccocci 1982, 286 no. 9; Vanni 1997, 9; Stahl 2000, 446 no. 70; examined by authors). 15. Costozza (VI, Ven.) before 1990 (dep. c. 1355/60): 115 B, found in a cave; 6 denari of Padua (Francesco I da Carrara, 1355–88), 73 mediatini (1336–78) and 36 denari of Verona (CI VI CI VE, 1311–c. 1336) (Saccocci 2004, 148 n. 52). 16. Cuneo, ‘près de la ville piémontoise de Coni’ (CN, Pied.) before 1836 (dep. c. 1200): 2 denari of the marquises of Savona (MARSAGONA type, twelfth–thirteenth century); other coins included at least 1 denaro secusino of Savoy (Amedeo III, 1103–48), at least 1 denier of Forcalquier (Guillaume, 1150–1208), at least 1 denier couronné of Provence (Alphonse I of Aragon, 1166–96), at least 1 denier of Valence (anonymous bishops, twelfth century), at least 1 denier of Vienne (anonymous bishops, eleventh century) (Promis 1836b, 350–1). /B; several dozen denari 17. Daone (TN, Tr.-A. A.) date unknown (dep. c. 1200): c. 600 enriciani of Verona in the name of an emperor Henry (series ii–iv, 1106–83), 563 denari crociati of Verona (before 1185–c. 1250) (unpublished, on deposit in the Museo Provinciale del Castello del Buonconsiglio di Trento, examined by authors).

Northern Italy

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18. Digoman, Valle d’Agordo (BL, Ven.) 1894 (dep. c. 1230): 1 , c. 15,000–18,000 /B (probably more); one gold coin of Islamic Spain; silver coins incl. at least 10 grossi of Venice (1 Enrico Dandolo, 1192–1205; 9 Pietro Ziani, 1205–29); billon coins included denari of Trento (1177–1230), denari of Venice (Sebastiano Ziani, 1172–78; Orio Malipiero, 1178–92; Enrico Dandolo, 1192–1205), denari crociati of Verona (before 1185–c. 1250) (Ostermann 1896; Perini 1898, 2–3; Cesano 1925c, 163; Magnaguti 1940, 124; Stahl 2000, 442 no. 51; Asolati and Crisafulli 2010, 36–44). 19. Duno Valcuvia (VA, Lom.) 1957 (dep. prob. mid-twelfth century): 56 , all heavy-weight Milanese denari of c. 0.90–1.10g, found during excavations for the reconstruction of a Roman church, originally rebuilt around 1200 but destroyed in 1943 during the war; all known coins were denari enriciani scodellati of Milan (35 rough-style, Murari 1984a, nos. 12–13; 21 neat-style, Murari 1984a, nos. 14–15, c. 1100–50) (Chiaravalle 1992b; examined by authors). ‘Fasciolo parcel’, see 75. Verrua Po (PV). 20. Feltre (BL, Ven.) 1869 (dep. before 983): 1,126 + 40 fragments , dispersed, with portions in several museums in the Veneto, including those in Padua, Rovereto, Trento, Trieste, Venice and possibly elsewhere; 1 denaro of Lucca (Otto I–II, 962–83), 1 denaro of Pavia or Milan (Lambert as emperor, 896–8), 3 denari of Pavia (1 Hugh and Lothar, 946–50, 2 Berengar II and Adalbert, 950–61), 579 denari of Venice (8 Hugh of Arles, 926–47; 183 Berengar II [hitherto attributed to Berengar I], 950–61; 388 Otto I–II, 962–83), 542 denari of Verona + 40 fragments (33 Berengar II, 950–61; 509 [+ fragments] Otto I–II, 962–83) (Kunz 1869, 79; Perini 1902a, 49; Dagostini 2003–4, Saccocci 2009b, 141). , several dozen 21. Feltre, church of Ognissanti (BL, Ven.) 2001 (dep. after 1464): 4 , 22 B, found in a grave during archaeological excavations, with the position of the coins around the skeleton suggesting that they were hidden beneath the burial clothes; gold coins incl. 4 ducats of Genoa (2 Charles VII of France, 1423–57; 2 Francesco Sforza, 1464–6); silver coins incl. 2 grossoni da 8 soldi and 20 grossetti of Venice (Francesco Foscari, 1423–57); several dozen billon coins of the same module in a leather purse, fused together by oxidation, the only one discernible being a fifteenth-century minuto of Genoa (unpublished, examined by authors). , 42 B (of 131 coins 22. Garlasco Lomellina (PV, Lom.) 1909 (dep. after 1312): 3 , 57 recovered), all but one datable up until the early fourteenth century; gold coins incl. 2 florins of Genoa (class N, 1270s–1280s), 1 ducat of Venice (Pietro Gradenigo, 1289–1311); silver coins incl. 1 grosso bolognino of Arezzo (thirteenth–fourteenth century), 2 fiorini grossi or popolini of Florence (1305–8), 3 grossi tirolini of Meran (in the name of Meinhard II, 1258–95, struck 1274–1306), 2 pierreali of Messina (Peter I of Aragon and Constance, 1282–5), 2 grossi of Parma (thirteenth century), 1 grosso aquilino minore of Pisa (after 1270), 1 fragment of a grosso da 6 imperiali with star of Tortona (after 1254), 7 grossi of Venice (1 Marino Morosini, 1249–53; 1 Giovanni Dandolo, 1280–9; 5 Pietro Gradenigo, 1289–1311), 1 grosso tirolino of Verona (Cangrande, 1311); billon coins incl. 4 denari of Asti (class E, from 1260s), 3 denari inforziati and 10 denari imperiali with stars of Cremona (after 1254), 1 sesino or quattrino of Cremona (1406–20, probably intrusive), 14 denari of Genoa (up until class N, until 1270s–1280s), 2 denari mezzani of Ivrea (second half thirteenth century), 1 denaro mezzano scodellato of Mantua (1153–1257), 8 denari imperiali of Milan (with rosette, 1298/9–1310), 6 grossi ambrosini minori of Milan (1298/9–1310), 5 denari of Parma (1302), 4 denari mezzani or oboli of Pavia, 8 denari imperiali of Pavia (c. 1254–1310), 28 denari imperiali of Piacenza incl. 12 with star (second half thirteenth century); other coins included 1 Byzantine miliaresion of Nicephoros II Phocas (963–9), 7 gros tournois (?) and 1 maille tierce (?) of France (Philip IV, 1285–1314) (Ricci

676

Coin hoards and single-finds

1910; Magnaguti 1940, 130; Saccocci 1982, 286 no. 8; Chiaravalle 1984, 575–6 no. 5; Martini et al. 1987, 18 nos. 11–14, and 86 no. 10; Chiaravalle 1988a; Crocicchio et al. 1992, 13; Saccocci 2004, 18 no. 14). 23. Genoa, Vallechiara section of the old city (GE, Lig.) 1872 (dep. c. 1400): large but uncertain number of /B, found during the renovation of an old house; c. 1,080 petachine of Genoa (CIVITAS IANVE, fourteenth century; Charles VI, 1396–1409, struck from 1401); ‘Fattone assaggiaro un certo numero, e tra l’altre i nn. 19, 27, 28 [all of the CIVITAS IANVE type], furono trovate a 550 ossia di alcun poco superiori a quelle di Carlo VI che si trovano a 530’ (Desimoni 1890, xix–xx, 20–1 n. 1, quoted). 24. Ivrea (TO, Pied.) before 1865? (dep. after 1240): more than 1,000 , 23 examined; 1 denaro mezzano scodellato of Acqui (Frederick II, c. 1240–64), 3 denari secusini of Savoy (1 traditionally assigned to Umberto II, 1080–1103; 2 traditionally assigned to Amedeo III, 1103–48), 19 coins of Provence (Maggiora-Vergano 1865). 25.Lana,Adige valley (BZ,Tr.-A.A.) before 1983 (dep. c.1396):more than 400 ;1 grosso tirolino of Acqui (Oddone Bellingieri, 1305–13), 4 grossi tirolini of Ivrea (before 1311), 2 grossi aquilini nuovi of Mantua (c. 1349–69), 1 grosso tirolino of Mantua (c. 1311), 1 grosso aquilino of Meran (Meinhard II, 1258–95,with Albert II,1258–71,struck 1259–74),417 grossi tirolini of Meran (417 Meinhard II,1258– 95, struck 1274–1306; 1 Leopold III, 1365–86), 1 grosso aquilino of Padua (Engelmar of Villanders, 1323–8, struck 1325–8), 1 grosso tirolino of Verona (1311), 3 grossi aquilini of Verona (Alberto II and Mastino II della Scala, 1349–52), 1 grosso aquilino of Vicenza (1320–9) (Rizzolli 1991, 109, 224, 241, 259; cf. 1983b, 37–43; 2006, 63–5 and passim). /B; coins of Milan 26. Lenno, Lago di Como (CO, Lom.) 1941 (dep. after 1398): 632 incl. 207 grossi pegioni (5 Galeazzo II and Bernabò Visconti, 1354–78; 202 Gian Galeazzo Visconti, 1385–1402, incl. the last issue from 1398), 225 soldi (Gian Galeazzo Visconti), 111 sesini (17 Galeazzo II and Bernabò Visconti; 94 Gian Galeazzo Visconti); other Italian coins incl. 3 petachine of Genoa (CIVITAS IANVE type, fourteenth century), 5 grossi pegioni of Pavia (Galeazzo II Visconti, 1359–78; Gian Galeazzo Visconti), 45 soldi of Verona (Gian Galeazzo Visconti, 1387–1402); there were also 2 vierer of Berne (after 1384) (Chiaravalle 1984, 576 no. 6). 27.Lombardy (or Switzerland) before 1967 (dep.first quarter twelfth century):100 ,probably part of a larger hoard, which came into the possession of an American dealer in 1967; 100 denari scodellati of Milan (1 Otto III, 983–1002; 1 Henry II–IV, 1004–1106; 1 Conrad II, 1026–39; 97 Henry IV–V (Murari 1984a, nos. 12–13), c. 1100–25) (Metcalf 1984). 28. Lonca di Codroipo or Lonca di Rivolto (UD, Fr.-V. G.) 1913 (dep. c. 1410, perhaps just before 4 December 1412 when the town was sacked by the Venetians under Pandolfo , 2 Æ, found in a terracotta vase during works to renovate the flooring of a Malatesta): 834 stable; 765 denari of Aquileia (1 Nicolò di Boemia, 1350–8; 21 Marquardo di Randeck, 1365–81; 40 Giovanni di Moravia, 1387–94; 243 Antonio I Gaetani, 1395–1402; 460 Antonio II Panciera, 1402–11), 3 carrarini and 1 soldo with the figure of St Antony (unique) of Padua (Francesco II da Carrara, 1390–1405); 65 coins of Venice incl. 3 mezzanini of Andrea Dandolo (1343–54), 3 grossi of Andrea Contarini (1368–82), 22 grossi and 5 soldini of Antonio Venier (1382–1400), 27 grossi and 5 soldini of Michele Steno (1400–13); the remaining two copper coins of Venice are intrusions from the early seventeenth century (RassN 11 [1914], 21; Rizzoli 1914–15; 1933, 182; Brozzi 1985, 205–6 no. 12; Saccocci 1988b, 78–9).

Northern Italy

677

/B; gold 29. Lurate Caccivio, ‘Lurate Abbate’ (CO, Lom.) 1887 (dep. c. 1320): 29 , 1244 coins incl. 14 florins of Florence, 8 florins of Genoa (1270s–1300), 7 ducats of Venice (6 Pietro Gradenigo, 1289–1311; 1 Marino Zorzi, 1311–12); silver and billon coins incl. 2 grossi tirolini of Acqui (Oddone Bellingeri, 1305–13), 15 grossi of Arezzo (thirteenth–fourteenth century), 3 grossi tornesi of Asti (1290s to first quarter fourteenth century), 26 bolognini of Bologna (c. 1233–1337), 1 grosso of Brescia (with St Apollonius c. 1300–30), 35 denari of Brindisi (Henry VI, 1194–7), 1 grosso tornese and 7 grossi matapan of Chivasso (Teodoro I Paleologo of Montferrat, 1307–38), 2 grossi of Cremona (with St Hymerius, c. 1300–30), 1 grosso tornese of Cuneo (Charles II of Anjou, 1307–9), 5 grossi matapan of Ponzone (2 anonymous, 3 Enrico and Corrado, second half thirteenth century to 1310), 13 popolini of Florence, 7 grossi tirolini of Ivrea (c. 1300–13), 25 grossi aquilini of Meran (Meinhard II and Albert II, struck 1259–74), 163 grossi tirolini of Meran (in the name of Meinhard II, struck 1274–1306), 24 pierreali of Messina (8 Peter I of Aragon and Constance, 1282–5; 3 James I, 1285–96; 13 Frederick III, 1296–1337), 4 grossi of Modena (Frederick II, before 1293), 1 grosso of Parma (with St Hylarius [?],1302–11),3 grossi of Pavia (1254–99/1299–1323 [?]),26 grossi of Piacenza (thirteenth century-1313), 5 grossi aquilini of Pisa (c. 1270–1312), 1 grosso of Reggio Emilia (Nicolò Maltraversi, 1237–43), 4 grossi of Siena (mid-thirteenth century?), 2 grossi of Tortona (1254–c. 1300), 3 grossi of Trento (thirteenth century),1 grosso matapan of Turin (Filippo di Savoy,1301–37),574 grossi of Venice (9 Pietro Ziani, 1205–29; 10 Jacopo Tiepolo, 1229–49; 6 Marino Morosini, 1249–53; 90 Ranieri Zeno, 1253–65; 39 Lorenzo Tiepolo, 1268–75; 35 Jacopo Contarini, 1275–80; 64 Giovanni Dandolo, 1280–9; 317 Pietro Gradenigo, 1289–1311; 4 uncertain); coins of Milan included 5 denari (4 Louis the Pious, 814–40; 1 Louis IV of Bavaria, 1314–46, struck 1326–30), 25 grossi ambrosini (c. 1254–98), 5 grossi ambrosini maggiori (5 Henry VII, 1310–13, as king, 1310–2), 54 grossi ambrosini minori (49 commune, 1298/9–1310; 5 Henry VII, 1310–12); foreign coins included 81 gros tournois and 1 half-tournois of France (181 Philip IV, 1285–1314), 18 gros tournois of Provence (Charles II of Anjou, 1285–1309), 1 imitation grosso matapan of Serbia (Ambrosoli 1888a; Cesano 1925c, 163; Magnaguti 1940, 121; Saccocci 1982, 284–5 no. 7; 1998b, 55 no. 6; 2004, 15–16 no. 9; Vanni 1997, 8; Stahl 2000, 433 no. 21; Chiaravalle 2006, 102; Baldassarri 2010c, 413 no. 21). 30. Martignano (TN, Tr.-A. A.) before 1839 (dep. c. 1235): c. 100 /B; denari of Trento, grossi of Venice (Enrico Dandolo, struck 1194–1205), denari of Venice (Orio Malipiero, 1178–92; Enrico Dandolo, 1192–1204), denari crociati of Verona (before 1185–c. 1250) (Giovanelli 1839, 41–2; Rizzolli 1991, 75, 94). 30a. Menaggio (CO, Lom.) 1974 (dep. after c. 1450): c. 30 coins, fd in a wall cavity of an old house, of which 8 B were recovered; 7 denari imperiali of Casale (Giovanni III Paleologo, 1445–64), 1 denaro erroneously identified with an undocumented and unsubstantiated mint at Valenza in the Piemonte (Arslan 1977; Pozzi 1993, 514–15). 31. Milan, ‘una piccolo città industriale a pochi chilometri da Milano’ (MI, Lom.) before 1908 (dep. c. 1330): 289 /B; 135 coins of Milan incl. 130 denari imperiali (2 commune, 1254–1310; 120 Henry VII, 1310–13; 8 Louis IV of Bavaria, 1314–46: 1 as king, 1326–8, 7 as emperor, 1328–30), 4 denari terzoli (commune, c. 1250–1310), 1 obolo (Louis IV as king, 1326–8); other coins incl. 4 denari mezzani (mainly thirteenth century) and 75 denari imperiali of Pavia (1254/6–c. 1330), 18 denari imperiali of Como (16 Henry VII as emperor, 1312–13; 2 Louis IV of Bavaria, 1328–30), 16 coins of Cremona (14 denari of Frederick II, 2 oboli or half-denari), 1 denaro of Brescia (with St Apollonius, c. 1300–37), 5 coins of Novara (3 denari imperiali with St Gaudentius, first half fourteenth century, and 2 coins described as oboli, after 1254), 21 denari of Piacenza (14 with pellet and 8 with six-pointed

678

Coin hoards and single-finds

star, after 1254), 2 denari of Parma (commune), 1 denaro mezzano of Tortona (commune, second half thirteenth century), 3 denari imperiali of Chivasso (anonymous marquises, 1305–11), 1 denaro of Ancona, 1 denaro of Arezzo, 1 denaro piccolo of Verona, 1 denaro of Ponzone (Enrico and Corrado, second half thirteenth century to 1310), 1 denaro of Dogliani (Giovanni di Saluzzo, 1297–c. 1350), 1 denaro mezzano of Vercelli (in the name of Frederick II, mid-thirteenth century) (Grillo 1909; Vanni 1997, 9). 32. Monfalcone, via del Duomo (GO, Fr.-V. G.) 1892 (dep. after 1312): at least 2,019 + 1 /B, removed from the found in a terracotta vase while laying foundation for a new theatre – 1 hoard was later donated to the Museo di Trieste (Bernardi 1995, 60, citing Puschi’s ticket for the coin in the Museo di Trieste); 1 grosso tirolino of Acqui (Oddone Bellingeri, 1305–13), 42 denari of Aquileia (4 Gregorio di Montelongo, 1251–69; 5 Raimondo della Torre, 1273–99; 3 Pietro Gerra, 1299–1301; 25 Ottobono de’ Razzi, 1302–15; 5 unknown, 1251–1315), 3 denari of Gorizia (Albert I, 1271–1304), 2 grossi tirolini of Incisa (1305–10), 5 grossi tirolini of Ivrea (c. 1300–13), 3 grossi tirolini of Mantua (1276–1328, struck around 1311), 206 grossi aquilini of Meran (Meinhard II, 1258–95, with Albert II, 1258–71, struck 1259–74), 920 grossi tirolini of Meran (in the name of Meinhard II, struck 1274–1306), 2 denari piccoli of Padua (before 1271–1328), 2 grossi of Trento (1 anonymous, 1235–55; 1 Eginone d’Appiano/Egino of Eppan, 1248–73), 5 denari of Trieste (4 Arlongo de’ Visgoni, 1254–80; 1 Rodolfo Pedrazzani da Robecco, 1302–20), 788 grossi of Venice (2 Pietro Ziani, 1205–29; 4 Jacopo Tiepolo, 1229–49; 2 Marino Morosini, 1249–53; 34 Ranieri Zeno, 1253–68; 45 Lorenzo Tiepolo, 1268–75;70 Jacopo Contarini,1275–80;84 Giovanni Dandolo,1280–9;519 Pietro Gradenigo,1289– 1311; 3 Marino Zorzi, 1311–12; 34 Giovanni Soranzo, 1312–28), 2 grossi tirolini of Verona (Cangrande della Scala, 1311), 10 Serbian imitations of Venetian grossi (Stephan Uroš II Milutin, 1282–1321) (Puschi 1893; Moeser 1899; Perini 1902b, 3–4; Magnaguti 1940, 124; Saccocci 1982, 282–3 no. 4; 1988b, 474; 1991a, 661; 2004, 16–17 no. 11; Brozzi 1985, 207–8 no. 16; Rizzolli 1991, 109, 235–6; Bernardi 1995, 60; Callegher 1996, 348–9 no. 2; Stahl 2000, 448 no. 79). 33. Monselice (PD, Ven.) 2005 (dep. after 996): found in a grave during archaeological excavations; 11 denari of Verona (Otto III, probably as emperor, 996–1002) (Passera 2015). 34. Monza (†), Duomo, sarcophagus of Teodolinda (MB, Lom.) 1941 (dep. probably 1308, on the occasion of a documented translation of the body, but perhaps as early as c. 1250, on the basis , 9 B, found during the inspection of the sarcophagus, all datable to just of the material): 8 after the middle of the thirteenth century or earlier; silver coins incl. 1 denaro scodellato of Novara (after c. 1254), 3 denari imperiali of Pavia (1254/6–1310), 4 denari imperiali of Piacenza (thirteenth century); billon coins incl. 2 denari inforziati of Cremona (1155–1330), 2 denari terzoli scodellati of Milan (possibly immobilised enriciani struck during the time of Frederick II, 1218–50), 4 denari mezzani of Pavia (c. 1220–50), 1 denaro of Parma in the name of Frederick II (1220–50) (Chiaravalle 1987a; Saccocci 1999b, 87; cf. Merati 1963, 3). [and B?], 168 examined, 35. Monza, Porta de’ Gradi (MB, Lom.) 1897 (dep. c. 1250): c. 300 ‘tutti d. del peso di circa un grammo e mezzo l’uno, ben conservato, anzi a fior di conio’ (i.e. newly minted grossi of four imperiali and their equivalents), found in the cavity of a brick during excavations of an old house near the Porta de’ Gradi; 168 coins examined incl. 62 grossi of Bergamo (Frederick II, 1218–50, emp. 1220), 33 grossi of Como (Frederick II, 7 with +CIVITaS CVMaNa, 26 with CVMaNVS+), 10 grossi of Cremona (with f and long-cross, in the name of Frederick II), 2 imperial grossi of an unknown mint (Frederick II, with crowned head and cross), 4 grossi of Milan (in the name of an emperor Henry), 28 grossi of Modena (with ä in rev. field, struck from 1240),

Northern Italy

679

15 grossi of Parma (Frederick II, 1220–50), 5 grossi of Pavia (c. 1220–50), 9 grossi of Reggio Emilia (Nicolò Maltraversi, 1233–43) (Varisco 1898; Magnaguti 1940, 125; Saccocci 1998b, 55 no. 2). /B; 12 denari mezzani of 36. Naturns/Naturno (BZ, Tr.-A. A.) 1932 (dep. c. 1195): 226 Brescia (1184–c. 1200), 1 denaro inforziato of Cremona (after 1165), 1 denaro of Mantua (after 1153), 128 denari of Milan (19 Otto II–III, 973–1002; 27 Henry II–IV, 1004/1106; 7 Conrad II, 1026–39; 2 denari enriciani, c. 1100–50; 65 denari terzoli, c. 1150–1200); 6 denari imperiali (1162–7 and later), 10 coins of Brixen (1 Bishop Richer and successors, 1174–9; 9 anonymous, after 1179), 64 south German pfennige of the twelfth century (2 Freising?, 3 Nürnberg, 23 + 1? Augsburg, 2 + 1? Konstanz + 1 imitation, 2 Ravensburg, 1 Kempten, 20 uncertain) (Rizzolli 1991, 374–7). /B deposited in the 37. Negrar, Valpolicella (VR, Ven.) before 1971 (dep. c. 1350): c. 4,000 Museo Civico di Castelvecchio in Verona, mostly billon mediatini of Verona with a small number of denari crociati of Verona (Cangrande and successors, 1312–36), plus denari of Brescia, Mantua, Padua, Pavia, and at least 1 mezzanino of Venice (Andrea Dandolo, 1343–54) (Murari 1971b, 44; Saccocci 1988a, 357 no. 86; 1991a, 661; 2004, 148 n. 52; examined by authors). /B; 1 clipped grosso aquilino and 50 38. Northern Italy (I), before 1988 (dep. 1331–5): 67 mezzani or mediatini of Mantua (c. 1336–49), 16 denari mezzani of Parma (1331–5) (Murari 1988b, 297–300). 39. Northern Italy (II), provenance and circumstances unknown, originally found during World War II (for Italy, 1940–5) and recently reappearing in internet auction (dep. second half and B described as ‘small, thin, and crude’, divided fifteenth century): unknown number of into seven distinct types of Genoa, Milan and Venice; the main types incl. denari minuti of Genoa (uncertain), sesini of Milan (Filippo Maria Visconti, 1412–47; republic, 1447–50), bagattini of Venice for Brescia (Francesco Foscari, 1447–57) (examined in part by the authors). 40. Northern Italy (III), ‘Cherasco’ parcel, provenance, date and circumstances unknown (dep. and B, parcel of grossi and denari, partly fused together, on deposit early fourteenth century): in the Museo Giovanbattista Adriani in Cherasco; 2 denari of Asti (class E, 1270s), 24 denari of Bergamo (1236–c. 1300: 9 denari imperiali scodellati, 25 denari imperiali piani), possibly 3 grossi da 4 imperiali of Bergamo, 1 denaro mezzano scodellato of Brescia (1257–c. 1300), 1 grosso (as an impression on another coin only) and 5 denari of Cremona (1157–c. 1300: 1 denaro inforziato piano, 1 denaro cremonese scodellato, 3 denari imperiali piani from after 1254), 2 denari imperiali scodellati of Milan (class C, 1230s–1254/6), 1 denaro imperiale piano of Piacenza, 6 grossi da 6 imperiali with stars of Tortona (after 1254) (unpublished, examined by authors). 41. Northern Italy (IV), ‘Carige’ parcel, provenance, date and circumstances unknown (dep. mid-thirteenth century): c. 75 B, from the Gavazzi collection and sharing the same patina, etc., preserved in the collection of the Banca Carige in Genoa, added to the collection in 2000, initially inserted separately at the end but later integrated into the collection for publication; incl. denari of Genoa (classes A–H, 1139 to early 1250s), perhaps also composed of further groups (unpublished, examined by authors; cf. Barbieri 2004, 19–27). 42. Offanengo (CR, Lom.) 1896 (dep. thirteenth century?): precise details of the hoard now lost, made up of 1,725 B mainly from the early thirteenth century with some late thirteenthand/or early fourteenth-century coins,possibly intrusions;of the original hoard,only 41 coins were retained, 5 of which were added to the Brera collection (Milan) without indication of provenance, leaving 36 coins, plus 2 further denari terzoli of Milan recently sold at auction (Christie’s [Milan], 9– 10 June 2003); the examined coins incl. 8 denari mezzani scodellati of Brescia (1184–1249), 10 denari

680

Coin hoards and single-finds

inforziati of Cremona (9 1165–1230s; 1 late specimen with gothic letters, c. 1300–30), 3 denari piani of Mantua (c. 1150–1254), 18 denari of Milan (10 denari terzoli scodellati, twelfth–thirteenth century; 8 denari imperiali, 1162–7 and later); original hoard incl. 168 denari of Brescia, 98 denari ‘arcaici’ and 31 ‘recenti’ of Cremona, 11 denari of Mantua, 322 denari federiciani (probably denari imperiali [?]), 1,083 denari enriciani and 12 oboli enriciani of Milan (Chiaravalle 1988b; Coti Zelati 2001). ; 1 grosso tirolino of Acqui 43. Padua, ‘Polverara’ hoard (PD, Ven.) 1840 (dep. c. 1328): 4033 (Oddone, 1305–13, struck c. 1310), 1 grosso tirolino of Cortemilia (Otto III, 1284–1313), 5 grossi tirolini of Ivrea, 1 grosso tirolino of Mantua (c. 1311), 289 grossi aquilini of Mantua (c. 1320–8), 804 grossi aquilini of Meran (1259–74), 1,182 grossi tirolini of Meran (in the name of Meinhard II, 1274–1306), 6 grossi of Bologna and/or Modena, 1290 grossi aquilini of Padua (1,189 Ulrich of Waldsee, 1320–4; 21 Ulrich of Pfannberg 1324–5; 80 Engelmar of Villanders, 1325–8), 9 grossi aquilini of Treviso, 1 grosso tirolino of Verona (1311), 435 grossi aquilini of Vicenza (1320–9) (Rizzolli 1991, 219–52, passim, esp. 234–39; Saccocci 1991c, 661; 1998b, 55 no. 7; Rizzolli 1995, 290 no. 11.10). 44. Padua? (PD, Ven.) before 1951 (dep. after 1178): 476 B; 446 denari enriciani of Verona in the name of Henry (series ii–iv, 1106–83), 29 denari of Venice (Orio Malipiero, 1178–92), 1 denaro terzolo of Milan (second half twelfth century) (Murari 1951–2). 45. Padua (†) tomb of San Luca in the abbey of Santa Giustina (PD, Ven.) 1998 (dep. 1464 and , B, Æ, Pb: 1 1562, when the grave was re-opened for the recognition of the saint’s body): 37 denaro imperiale of Milan (Henry VII, 1311–13); 4 coins of Padua (1 denaro of Iacopo II, 1345–50; 1 denaro of Francesco I, 1355–88; 1 carrarino and 1 soldino Francesco II, 1390–1405); 24 coins of Venice (1 uncertain denaro, 1382–1446; 1 soldino of Antonio Venier, 1382–1400; 1 soldino of Michele Steno, 1400–1413; 1 soldino of Tommaso Mocenigo, 1414–23; 4 soldini and 4 denari nuovi of Francesco Foscari, 1423–57; 1 grossone with the engraved inscription 1464, 4 denari piccoli copoluti of Cristoforo Moro, 1462–71; 1 anonymous mezzanino, ex lege 1519; 1 bezzo of Andrea Gritti, 1523–39; 1 bezzo of Francesco Venier, 1554–6; 1 anonymous bagattino, 1555–6, 2 da 2 soldi, 1560; 1 da 4 soldi and 1 da 2 soldi pieces of Girolamo Priuli, 1559–67), 1 denaro enriciano of Verona in the name of an emperor Henry (series III, 1140/50–64), 2 bronze medals of the sixteenth century, 2 Roman Æ and 1 lead tessera (Gorini 2003). 46. Pavia, church of San Giovanni Domnarum (PV, Lom.) 1914 (dep. after 1160): c. 400 , of which remains a nucleus of 165 intact; 89 denari of Pavia (88 denari enriciani, after 1116; 1 in the name of Frederick I, 1152–90), 76 deniers of Le Puy (anonymous bishops, 1080–1180) (Gianani 1914; 1915, 55–7; Magnaguti 1940, 133; Arslan 1995b, 251–62; cf. Arslan 2008, 363). 46a. Pavia (†), tomb of St Syrus in the Basilica dei SS. Martiri Gervasio e Protasio (PV, Lom.) 1877 (dep. first half twelfth century): 4 ; 1 denaro enriciano of Lucca, 1 denaro of Pavia, 1 denier of Lyon, 1 uncertain petty coin, possibly Norman (Prelini 1880–90, ii, 490–3; Saccocci 1999). 47. Pavia, viale Monte Grappa (PV, Lom.) nineteenth century (dep. c. 1300): 8 , 21 , other /B; 8 gold florins of Florence (1252–1303), 20 gros tournois of France with round O, 1 gros tournois of Holland (Phillips 1997, 299, 300, 301, 307–8, 326–7). 48. Perteole, ‘casa Zelio Fabbro’ (UD, Fr.-V. G.) before 1990 (dep. c. 1250): 1,164 ; 681 denari of Aquileia (Berthold of Meran, 1218–51: 414 with eagle, 266 with Virgin), 480 denari of Trieste (55 Leonardo, 1231–3; 425 Volrico de Portis, 1233–54), 3 coins of Ljubljana (Bernhard II of Carinthia, 1201–56) (Bernardi 1995, 58; Callegher 1996, 349 no. 3; Ahumada da Silva 2000). 49. Pfatten/Vadena (BZ, Tr.-A. A.) 1885 (dep. before 1177): /B; more than 5,200 denari enriciani of Verona in the name of an emperor Henry (series ii–iii, 1106–64), 3 pfennige of Regensburg (Ciani 1895, 80; Perini 1902a, 52; Murari 1988a, 133–5; Rizzolli 1991, 33; 2006, 617–18).

Northern Italy

681

50. Piovene-Rocchette (VI, Ven.) c. 1900 (dep. c. 1311): 1388 B; 1 denaro of Ancona, 10 denari of Aquileia (1 Gregorio di Montelongo, 1251–69; 9 Raimondo della Torre, 1270–99), 1 denaro of Asti, 20 denari imperiali of Bergamo (Frederick II, thirteenth–fourteenth century), 140 denari of Brescia (118 imperiali; 22 with St Apollonius, c. 1300–30), 2 denari of Cremona, 1 denaro of Ferrara in the name of Frederick, 180 denari of Mantua (129 episcopal, 1153–c. 1250, 2 of the Virgilius type, 1257–72, 49 illegible), 2 denari of Meran (1 unspecified; 1 Meinhard II and Albert II, 1258–74), 100 denari of Padua (1171–1328), 10 denari of Parma in the name of Frederick II (as emperor, 1220–50), 1 denaro of Ravenna, 70 denari of Trento, 791 denari of Venice (10 Orio Malipiero, 1178–92; 15 Enrico Dandolo, 1192–1205; 56 Lorenzo Tiepolo, 1268–75; 33 Jacopo Contarini, 1275–80; 207 Giovanni Dandolo, 1280–9; 313 Pietro Gradenigo, 1289–1311; 145 unidentifiable; 12 false or worn) and 9 half-denari (1 Lorenzo Tiepolo; 8 Pietro Gradenigo), 50 denari of Verona (2 enriciani, 1100–83; 27 crociati, before 1180–c. 1250; 21 commune and early Scaligeri, 1276–1312) (Ciani 1904; Magnaguti 1940, 127; Saccocci 1982, 283 no. 5; Saccocci 1991c, 660; 1998d, 607 no. i.7; 2004, 19–20 no. 17; Bernardelli et al. 1996, 40 no. 1). ; 51. Ponte di Brenta, via Fornace (PD, Ven.) 1947 (dep. first half twelfth century): 230 121 denari enriciani of Venice and 109 denari enriciani of Verona (in the name of emperors Henry IV–V, 1056–1125); the coins were analysed for silver content and dated in relative terms as follows, with mean weight and fineness for each group: for Venice, 3 Group A (1112?–c. 1140, ± 3.8), 30 Group B (c. 1140–before 1150?, 0.419g ± 0.046, 0.505g ± 0.018, 22.6 per cent ± 1.9), 26 Group C (after 1140?–c. 1150, 0.403g ± 0.062, 19.5 per cent 21.8 per cent ± 1.8), 62 Group D (c. 1150–64, 0.411g ± 0.062, 16.5 per cent ± 2.6); for Verona, ± 3.3), 11 Group B1 (c. 1135– 40 Group A (c. 1100–c. 1135, 0.565g ± 0.050, 47.9 per cent ± 5.7), 58 Group B2 (c. 1135–c. 1150, 0.511g ± 0.054, 39.8 c. 1150, 0.525g ± 0.060, 40.7 per cent ± 5.3) (Jimenez et al. 1984; Murari 1985a; Murari 1988a). per cent /B, out of a larger 52. Romanengo (CR, Lom.) 1951 (dep. early fourteenth century): 29 number, and three unidentifiable fragments; 2 denari imperiali of Cremona (c. 1254–1330), 1 denaro imperiale of Incisa (anonymous marquises, early fourteenth century), 1 denaro imperiale of Ivrea (end thirteenth to early fourteenth century), 3 grossi tirolini of Meran (in the name of Meinhard II, 1274–1306), 2 denari imperiali with rosette of Milan (1298/9–1310), 1 grosso ambrosino minore of Milan (1298/9–1310), 1 denaro imperiale of Parma (1302), 4 denari imperiali of Pavia (1254/6–1310), 9 denari imperiali of Piacenza (thirteenth–fourteenth century), 6 gros tournois of France (Philip IV, 1285–1314) (Chiaravalle 1982; 1984, 576–7 no. 8). 53. Salerano sul Lambro (LO, Lom.) date unknown (dep. second quarter thirteenth century): 13 B, on deposit in the Coin Cabinet in Milan; 4 denari mezzani scodellati of Brescia (1184–1249), 4 denari inforziati piani of Cremona (c. 1200–30s), 2 denari scodellati (c. 1155–1250) and 1 denaro piano (c. 1153–1250) of Mantua, 2 denari terzoli of Milan (class B.5, 1230s) (unpublished, examined by authors). 54. Salter, Val di Non (TN, Tr.-A. A.) before 1812 (dep. second half of thirteenth century): 2 grossi of Bergamo, 1 grosso of Lodi, 1 grosso of Mantua, 1 grosso of Tortona, 2 grossi of Trento (Giovanelli 1812, 11, 28–32, 82–88; Gerola 1934, 163; Rizzolli 1991, 75, 94; Saccocci 1991c, 658–9). 55. Salurn/Salorno (BZ, Tr.-A. A.) 1850 (dep. c. 1150): 269 ; denari enriciani of Verona in the name of an emperor Henry (series ii–iii, 1106–64) (Rizzolli 1991, 33, 36, 66 n. 17). and B, found in a 56. Salvarosa (TV, Ven.) 1854 (dep. c. 1450): 17 , more than 1,000 terracotta vase during the demolition of the rural church of San Floriano di Campagna; gold coins incl. 16 ducats of Venice (Giovanni Gradenigo, 1355–6; Antonio Venier, 1382–1400; Michele Steno,

682

Coin hoards and single-finds

1400–13; Tommaso Mocenigo, 1414–23; Francesco Foscari, 1423–57), 1 ducat of Rome (Senate, 1350–1438); silver coins of Venice incl. a small number of grossi (Tommaso Mocenigo, Francesco Foscari), 52 mezzanini (5 Michele Steno, 47 Francesco Foscari), several hundred soldini (1 Giovanni Dolfin, 1356–61; 2 Andrea Contarini, 1368–82; c. 20 Antonio Venier; ‘several hundred’ of Michele Steno; ‘hundreds’ of Tommaso Mocenigo; ‘hundreds’ of Francesco Foscari); other silver coins incl. c. 70 denari of Aquileia (Antonio I Gaetani, 1395–1402; Antonio II Panciera, 1402–11; Ludovico II of Teck, 1412–37), two grossi of Milan (Gian Galeazzo Visconti, 1385–1402); a few Hungarian and Bohemian coins; billon coins incl. denari of Venice (Francesco Foscari) (Saccocci 1989, 309–12; Stahl 2000, 440 no. 45; cf. Gazzetta Veneta 1854, no. 142). 57. San Martino Siccomario, Cascina Santa Croce (PV, Lom.) before 1887 (dep. first half thirteenth century): presumably c. 10,000 /B (alla voce popolare …pezzi che apparvero disperse ed in molte mani), of which c. 2,000 examined, mostly petty coins of the late twelfth to early thirteenth century found in a vase during works to plant trees close to the river Ticino; examined coins incl. a few denari of Asti, some dozens of denari of Genoa with some half-denari and 1 grosso, c. 300 denari mezzani each of Brescia and Mantua (scodellati and piani), fewer denari inforziati and denari cremonesi of Cremona (before 1254), c. 100 denari terzoli and 1 grosso of Milan, 1 denaro of Parma (Otto IV, 1198/1208–18), c. 1,000 of Pavia (mainly denari mezzani with some oboli and grossi, until 1220/50); other coins included French deniers tournois (Louis IX, 1226–70) (Brambilla 1887, 93–101; Desimoni 1890, xx; some of the coins examined by authors). ; denari of Verona (1 Henry II, 58. Sarcedo (VI, Ven.) before 1910 (dep. before c. 1100): 13 1004–14; 6 anonymous, 1004–24; 5 Conrad II, 1026–39; 1 Henry IV–V, series I, 1056–1106) (Rizzoli 1910). ; 59. Savorgnano del Torre (UD, Fr.-V. G.) 1881 (dep. middle thirteenth century): 800+ coins of Aquileia (Wolfger, 1204–18; Berthold, 1218–51), Trieste (Givardo, 1209–12; Corrado, 1212– 32; Leonardo, 1232–4; Volrico de Portis, 1234–54); no further information (Ostermann 1884–7, 93). 60. Savona (SV, Lig.) 1992 (dep. c. 1350): 81 B and Æ, found during excavations in the Contrada San Domenico; 72 quartari of Genoa in four variants (late thirteenth to early fourteenth century), 2 quartari with +TOMaINVS (late thirteenth century), 2 denari of Savona (c. 1350), 4 half-deniers of Arles (c. 1250–1317), 3 half-deniers of Viviers (c. 1260–1306) (Baldassarri 2009, 358–9). and B; 14 denari of Aquileia (2 Ludovico 61. Serravalle (TV, Ven.) c. 1900 (dep. 1414): 185 della Torre, 1359–65; 2 Marquardo di Randeck, 1365–81; 1 Filippo d’Alençon, 1381–7; 9 Giovanni di Moravia 1387–94), 2 bagattini or piccoli of Ferrara (Niccolò III d’Este 1393–1441), 1 grosso pegione of Milan (Bernabò Visconti, 1354–85), 1 grosso pegione of Pavia (Galeazzo II Visconti, 1359–78), 4 carraresi da 4 soldi of Padua (Francesco I da Carrara, 1355–88, struck 1386–8) and 1 carrarino da 2 soldi (Francesco II da Carrara, 1390–1405) plus 46 denari piccoli (36 Francesco I, 10 Francesco II), 1 denaro piccolo of Treviso (Heinrich II of Gorizia, 1319–23), 1 grosso tirolino of Meran (in the name of Meinhard II, 1274–1306) and 1 quattrino (Leopold III–IV, 1386–1406), 1 denaro of Verona (Cangrande della Scala and successors,1312–36);coins of Venice incl.1 mezzanino (Andrea Dandolo, 1343–54),28 soldini (6 Andrea Contarini,1368–82;22 Antonio Venier,1382–1400),54 piccoli (Andrea Contarini,1368–82;51 Antonio Venier,1382–1400;1 Michele Steno,1400–13;1 Tomaso Mocenigo, 1413–23), 19 uncertain (Antonio Venier to Francesco Foscari, 1385–1446); other coins incl. 1 fünfer of Berne (fifteenth century), 2 groschen of Bohemia (Wilhelm I, 1381–1407), 1 pfennig of Ingolstadt (Albert III, 1365–78), 1 pfennig of Regensburg (Stefan II, 1349–75), 1 pfennig of Vienna (Albert III, 1365–95), 2 contemporary forgeries of Venetian denari, 1 uncoined flan (Fasano 2001–2).

Northern Italy

683

; grossi of 62. Telve, Val Sugana (TN, Tr.-A. A.) 1807 (dep. c. 1290?): unknown number of Venice (Pietro Ziani, 1205–29; Jacopo Tiepolo, 1229–49; Marino Morosini, 1249–53; Giovanni Dandolo, 1280–9), grossi of Verona, at least 1 French gros tournois and Serbian imitations of Venetian grossi (Stephan Uroš II Milutin, 1282–1321) (Giovanelli 1812, 95–100, 160; Saccocci 1987b, 321 no. viii.5). , very probably from a 63. Terzo d’Aquileia (UD, Fr.-V. G.) 1969 (dep. after 1205): 367 greater number (as suggested by numerous examples of the very rare denari of Wolfker that later came on to the antiquities market); 316 denari of Aquileia (Wolfker, 1204–18), 38 denari of Trieste (Givardo, 1209–12), 13 grossi of Venice (3 Enrico Dandolo, 1192–1205; 10 Pietro Ziani, 1205–29); of these, 1 denaro each of Aquileia and Trieste and 2 Venetian grossi were later stolen from the Museo Archeologico di Aquileia (Bernardi 1975, 188–9; 1995, 57; Brozzi 1985, 207 no. 15; Callegher 1996, 349–50 no. 5; Saccocci 1990b; Stahl 2000, 441 no. 50). and several hundred 64.Trento,San Nicolò (TN,Tr.-A.A.) before 1837 (dep.after 1252):c.60 B; denari imperiali of Acqui, grossi and denari imperiali of Bergamo, grossi and denari of Brescia, 1 denaro mezzano of Busca or Alessandria (Manfred II Lancia, probably 1252–6), 2 denari mezzani of Tortona (1248–54) (Giovanelli 1839, 44–8; Gerola 1934, 163; Rizzolli 1991, 75, 94; Saccocci 1991c, 659). 65. Velezzo Lomellina (PV, Lom.) nineteenth century (dep. c. 1300): , 91 examined; incl. 32 grossi ambrosini minori of Milan (1298/9–1310), 3 grossi of Pavia (with St Syrus, c. 1299–1310), 28 grossi of Venice (1 Pietro Ziani, 1205–29, 8 Jacopo Tiepolo, 12 Ranieri Zeno, 2 Giovanni Dandolo, 4 Pietro Gradenigo, 1289–1311, 1 uncertain), 3 grossi bolognini of Bologna, 7 pierreali of Messina (2 Pietro and Costanza, 1282–5, 3 Giacomo, 1285–96, 2 Federico III, 1296–1337), gros tournois of France (4 of Louis IX, 1226–70, 14 of Philip IV, 1285–1314, with both the round O and long o) (Phillips 1997, 299, 308; Italian segment unpublished, examined by authors). 66. Velezzo Lomellina (PV, Lom.) 1981 (dep. after 1220): 167 B, preserved in the Civiche Raccolte Numismatiche of Milan (inv. 738); 1 denaro enriciano of Pavia with recumbent crescents around the obverse monogram (c. 1116–60), 166 denari mezzani of Pavia in the name of Frederick I with two pellets (c. 1220–54/6) (unpublished, examined by authors). 67. Veneto, eastern Veneto, before 1978 (dep. c. 1325): uncertain number of ; at least 1 grosso tirolino of Ivrea (c. 1305–13), grossi aquilini of Mantua (struck c. 1320–8), grossi aquilini and grossi tirolini of Meran (in the name of Meinhard II, 1274–1306; Heinrich, 1306–35), grossi aquilini of Padua (Engelmar of Villanders, 1325–8), at least 1 grosso aquilino of Treviso (Heinrich II of Gorizia, 1319–23), grossi of Venice (until Giovanni Soranzo, 1312–28), at least 1 grosso aquilino of Vicenza (1320–9), Serbian imitations of Venetian grossi (Stephan Dragutin, 1276–82/1316; Stephan Uroš II Milutin, 1282–1321) (Murari 1978, 34 n. 18; Rizzolli 1991, 235–6, 239). and B, now conserved 68. Veneto, date and circumstances unknown (dep. after 1353): 317 in various private collections; 1 grosso bolognino of Bologna (before 1233–1337), 20 grossi tirolini of Meran (in the name of Meinhard II, 1274–1306, all clipped), 91 grossi of Padua (Jacopo II da Carrara, 1345–50), 40 mezzanini of Venice (Andrea Dandolo, 1346–54), 165 grossi of Verona (early Scaligeri, Cangrande and successors, 1312–36) (unpublished, examined by authors; cf. Saccocci 2004, 148–9). 68a. Veneto, find site otherwise unknown, prob. 1914–18 (dep. c. 1370): more than 700 , appertaining to an inheritance, of which 591 have been summarily classified and 108 have been catalogued; the classified coins incl. 90 florins of Florence (1303–60), 82 genovini of Genoa (1 ghibellino, 1311–13 [?]; c. 20 third type, c. 1305/6–39 [all CNI iii, 34.40 (?)]; c. 60 Simone Boccanegra, 1339–44 and 1356–63; 1 Gabriele Adorno, 1363–70), 63 half-florins or half-ambrosini of Milan

684

Coin hoards and single-finds

(anonymous but attributable to Giovanni and Luchino Visconti,1339–49,second period,late 1340s) and 2 florins (1 Galeazzo II and Bernabò Visconti, 1354–78; 1 Galeazzo II alone, 1354–78), 1 florin of Gorizia (1342–63),4 florins of Savona (1350–96),100 ducats of Venice (2 Pietro Gradenigo,1289– 1311; 1 Giovanni Sorzano, 1312–28; 23 Francesco Dandolo, 1329–39; 10 Bartolomeo Gradenigo, 1339–42; 56 Andrea Dandolo, 1343–54; 1 Giovanni Gradenigo, 1355–6; 5 Giovanni Dolfin, 1356–61; 1 Lorenzo Celsi 1361–6; 1 Marco Corner 1365–8), plus a wide range of French, German, Austrian, Bohemian and Hungarian coins, mostly datable to the period 1330–70 (Orlandoni and Martin 1973; Coin Hoards 1 (1975), 109 no. 429; Saccocci 1991c, 661; Stahl 2000, 434 no. 26). 69. Venice (†), tomb of San Giovanni Elemosinario in the church of San Giovanni in Bragora (VE, Ven.) before 1972 (dep. c. 1355–60): 129 coins, mainly Venetian, all datable to the period from 1172 to 1388; coins of Venice incl. 73 denari piccoli (1 Sebastiano Ziani, 1172– 8; 5 Orio Malipiero, 1178–92; 3 Enrico Dandolo, 1192–1205; 15 Lorenzo Tiepolo, 1268–75; 7 Jacopo Contarini, 1275–80; 11 Giovanni Dandolo, 1280–9; 11 Pietro Gradenigo, 1289–1311; 1 Giovanni Soranzo, 1312–28; 8 Francesco Dandolo, 1329–39; 5 Bartolomeo Gradenigo, 1339– 42; 6 Andrea Dandolo, 1343–54), 18 bianchi (1 Jacopo Tiepolo, 1229–49; 2 Ranieri Zeno, 1253–68; 3 Lorenzo Tiepolo; 3 Jacopo Contarini; 3 Giovanni Dandolo; 5 Pietro Gradenigo; 1 Bartolomeo Gradenigo, 1339–42); other coins incl. 2 denari of Brescia (St Apollonius, c. 1300–30), 4 denari of Mantua (anonymous bishops, 1257–72), 11 denari of Padua (7 before 1271– 1328; 2 Jacopo II, 1345–50; 2 Francesco I da Carrara, 1355–88), 1 denaro of Trento (imperial podestà, 1236–55), 6 denari of Verona (5 crociati, before 1185–c. 1250; 1 of Cangrande and successors, 1312–36) (typewritten summary of Guido Zattera, dated 1972, a copy of which is on deposit in the Museo Civico Bottacin of Padua; Saccocci 1999b, 87; Stahl 2000, 427 no. 1). 70. Venice (†), tomb of St Secundus in the church of Santa Maria del Rosario ai Gesuati (VE, Ven.) 1988 (dep. probably in four phases, on the basis of internal evidence: I – mid-twelfth century; and II – during the dogeship of Pietro Gradenigo,1289–1311;III – after 1452;IV – after 1570):79 B, mainly Venetian; coins of Venice incl. 49 denari (4 Sebastiano Ziani, 1172–8; 25 Orio Malipiero, 1178–92;14 Enrico Dandolo,1192–1205;3 Lorenzo Tiepolo,1268–75;2 Giovanni Dandolo,1280–9; 1 Pietro Gradenigo), 11 half-denari (3 Pietro Ziani, 1205–29; 4 Jacopo Tiepolo, 1229–49; 2 Marino Morosini, 1249–53; 1 Pietro Gradenigo, 1289–1311; 1 uncertain, thirteenth century), 1 quartarolo (Giovanni Dandolo), 3 soldini (Tommaso Mocenigo, 1414–23, datable to 1423; 2 Francesco Foscari, datable to 1432 and 1452,respectively),1 sesino or doppio quattrino (Alvise I Mocenigo,1570–7);other coins incl. 2 denari of Mantua (anonymous bishops, 1257–72), 3 denari of Padua (before 1271–1328), 1 denaro of Trento (anonymous, 1255–6), 8 denari of Verona (crociati, before 1185-c. 1250) (Saccocci 2007a). 71. Venice (†), tomb of St Mark in the basilica of San Marco (VE, Ven.) before 1835 (dep. probably 1094, on the basis of written evidence): many denari of Venice with St Mark and and eleventh-century denari enriciani of Milan and Lucca scattered inside the tomb (Manin 1835, 27–50; Saccocci 1999b, 85; Stahl 2000, 427 no. 2). 71a. Vercelli, quartiere detto ‘la Furia’ in un cortiletto tra le ex-vie Campana e Camperie (VC, Pied.) 1931 (dep. c. 1370): at least 6 , out of probably a larger number; genovini of Genoa (2 third type, c. 1305/6–39; 4 Simone Boccanegra, 1339–44) (RassN 29 [1932], 186–8). 71b. Vercelli, territorio vercellese (VC, Pied.) before 1906 (dep. c. 1370): 17 and 76 ; gold coins incl. 6 ducats of Venice (3 Andrea Dandolo, 1343–54; 1 Giovanni Gradenigo, 1355–6; 1 Marco Cornaro, 1365–8; 1 Andrea Contarini, 1368–82), 5 genovini d’oro of Genoa (Simone Boccanegra,

Northern Italy

685

1339–44 and/or 1356–63), 6 florins of Florence (Francesco di Bartolino, 1360/1); silver coins incl. 76 grossi pegioni of Milan (Galeazzo II, 1354–78, and Barnabò Visconti, 1354–85, star and rosette issue, struck c. 1355–mid 1360s) (Marchisio 1906, 105–6; Cesano 1925c, 163; Magnaguti 1940, 129). 72. Verona (†), tomb of Pope Lucius III (1181–5) in the cathedral church of Santa Maria Matricolare (VR, Ven.) 1879 (dep. probably in 1185, at the death of the pope): 2 B and other precious objects; 2 denari crociati of Verona (before 1185–c. 1250) (Murari 1950, 36). , found on a prop73. Verona, ‘delle Orsoline’ hoard (VR, Ven.) 1929 (dep. c. 1280): 3477 erty belonging to the convent of the nuns of Sant’Ursula, near the church of San Zeno; 3440 grossi of Venice (64 Pietro Ziani, 1205–29; 225 Jacopo Tiepolo, 1229–49; 69 Marino Morosini, 1249–53; 1225 Ranieri Zeno, 1253–68; 710 Lorenzo Tiepolo, 1268–75; 706 Jacopo Contarini, 1275–80; 441 Giovanni Dandolo, 1280–9), 1 grosso of Verona (Ezzelino da Romano, c. 1236– c. 1239), 37 Serbian imitations of Venetian grossi (RassN 26 [1929], 266–7; Gerola 1930; Luschin von Ebengreuth 1953–4; Stahl 2000, 444 no. 63; examined by authors). 74. Verona, Orto Botanico (VR, Ven.) 1874 (dep. before 1164?) 151 B from a larger hoard; all denari enriciani of Verona in the name of Henry (series ii–iii, middle twelfth century) (unpublished, examined by authors). 75. Verrua Po, ‘Fasciolo parcel’ (PV, Lom.) early twentieth century (dep. c. 1180): parcel of 793 , thought to have been a hoard found in the village of Verrua Po south of Pavia, which appeared on the antiquities market in the auction of the collection of Giovanni Battista Fasciolo, who died in the 1970s (Varesi auction 42, ‘Collezione Fasciolo’ [18 November 2003], lots 1686–97 and further specimens picked from lots and sold separately), now on deposit in the Museo Bottacin, Padua (inv. 34867); coins recorded incl. 587 denari and 1 half-denaro of Genoa (class A–C, 1139–1190s), 204 denari of Asti (class A–B, 1140–c. 1200), 1 denaro inforziato piano of Cremona (1157 to early thirteenth century) (unpublished, examined by authors; cf. Varesi sale 42, 18 November 2003). 76. Vicenza, Corso Palladio (VI, Ven.) 1948 (dep. end twelfth to early thirteenth century): c. 3,000 B; denari crociati of Verona (before 1185–c. 1250) (Numismatica 14 [1948], 67–8; Murari 1950). 77. Vigo di Cavedine (TN, Tr.-A. A.) 1896 (dep. after 1257): 423 , 27 B; silver coins incl. 2 grossi of Acqui (c. 1240–50), 2 grossi of Asti (c. 1200–60), 40 grossi da 4 denari imperiali of Bergamo (c. 1240s–54), 1 Venetian type grosso of Brescia (1257/8), 3 grossi da 4 imperiali of Como (c. 1240s– 54), 1 grosso da 4 imperiali of Cremona (with f, c. 1230–50), 1 grosso of Lodi (c. 1240–50), 9 grossi of Tortona (1 1248–54, 8 after 1254), 133 grossi da 12 denari of Trento (1236–55) and 56 grossi da 20 denari (1255–6), 171 grossi of Verona (c. 1236–c. 1259), 4 grossi of Venice (2 Jacopo Tiepolo, 1229– 49; 2 Ranieri Zeno, 1253–68); billon coins included 2 half-denari of Brescia (1257/66), 9 denari of Mantua (1257–72), 3 denari of Trento (1236–55), 11 denari crociati of Verona (before 1185–c. 1250), 2 denari of Venice (1 Sebastiano Ziani, 1172–8; 1 Orio Malipiero, 1178–92) (Ciani 1897; Perini 1898; Magnaguti 1940, 125; Rizzolli 1991, 76, 94; Saccocci 1991c, 659). 78. Villa Saviola (MN, Lom.) 1883 (dep. c. 1315/30): some hundreds of B; incl. ‘alcune centinaia’ of denari imperiali of Pavia (c. 1254/6–1323), c. 100 denari imperiali of Milan (Henry VII, struck 1311– 12), c. 10 denari imperiali of Como (Henry VII, struck 1312–13), 2 denari imperiali of Piacenza with g (Galeazzo I Visconti, 1313–22); the hoard is preserved in the collection of the Castello Visconteo in Pavia, which identifies coins that did not figure in Brambilla’s original description as belonging to the hoard, for example denari mezzani of Pavia and denari imperiali of Cremona (after 1254) and of Bergamo, but Brambilla’s description of the hoard is probably more reliable (Brambilla 1887, 101–3; examined by authors).

686

Coin hoards and single-finds 2. Single-finds

79. Cividale del Friuli, territory of Cividale, precise location unknown (UD, Fr.-V. G.) almost certainly before 1825, circumstances otherwise unknown: at least 1 denaro of Venice (attributed to Vitale Michiel II, 1156–72) (Alcuni osservazioni n.d.). 80. Fiera di Primiero (TN, Tr.-A. A.) 1995–6, archaeological excavations in the church of and B, more than half Venetian; coins of Venice incl. 1 mezzanino Santa Maria Assunta: c. 660 (Andrea Dandolo, 1343–54), 35 soldini (1 Antonio Venier, 1382–1400; 16 Michele Steno, 1400–13; 3 Tommaso Mocenigo, 1414–23; 14 Francesco Foscari, 1423–57; 1 uncertain, 1382–1457), 358 denari (1 Sebastiano Ziani, 1172–8; 7 Orio Malipiero, 1178–92; 4 Enrico Dandolo, 1192–1205; 2 Lorenzo Tiepolo 1268–75; 5 uncertain, 1268–82; 1 Jacopo Contarini, 1275–80; 8 Giovanni Dandolo, 1280–9; 14 Pietro Gradenigo, 1289–1311; 2 Francesco Dandolo 1329–39; 1 Bartolomeo Gradenigo, 1339– 42; 8 Andrea Dandolo, 1343–54; 4 Giovanni Dolfin, 1356–61; 3 Andrea Contarini, 1368–82; 35 Antonio Venier, 1382–1400; 65 Michele Steno, 1400–13; 2 Antonio Venier and/or Michele Steno, 1382–1413; 26 Tommaso Mocenigo, 1414–23; 49 Francesco Foscari, 1423–57; 121 uncertain, 1382– 1446), 1 denaro per Verona e Vicenza (Tommaso Mocenigo), 15 denari ‘di nuovo tipo’ and 1 quattrino for the Terraferma (Francesco Foscari), 8 piccoli copoluti (Cristoforo Moro, 1462–71), 13 bagattini or piccoli (Giovanni Mocenigo 1478–85); other Italian coins incl. 10 denari and 1 piccolo of Aquileia (Antonio II Panciera, 1402–11) and 8 soldi (Ludovico II of Teck, 1412–37), 2 denari of Brescia (c. 1254– c. 1337), 1 vierer or half-pfennig of Toblach/Dobbiaco (Giovanni, 1460–2), 4 bagattini or piccoli of Ferrara (Nicolò III d’Este, 1393–1441), 17 half-denari of Gorizia (Leonhard, 1454–1500); 3 denari of Mantua (anonymous bishops, 1257–72), 11 vierer of Meran (3 Leopold III or IV, 1365–1406; 8 Friedrich IV, 1406–39) and 3 grossi (Sigismund, 1439–90); 12 vierer of Meran or Hall (Sigismund), 2 denari of Milan (Gian Galeazzo Visconti, 1378/85–1402), 194 denari of Padua (7 before 1271–1328; 3 Ubertino da Carrara, 1338–45; 8 Jacopo II da Carrara, 1345–50; 1 Jacopino and Francesco I da Carrara, 1350–5; 120 Francesco I da Carrara, 1355–88; 55 Francesco II da Carrara, 1390–1405) and 5 quattrini da 2 denari (Francesco I–II da Carrara, 1355–1405), 5 denari provisini of Rome (Senate, c. 1300–c. 1404), 1 denaro piccolo of Trento (Bishop Nicolò da Bruna, 1338–47), 1 denaro piccolo of Treviso (1317–18) and 1 denaro (Heinrich II of Gorizia, 1319–23), 15 denari crociati of Verona (3 before 1185–c. 1250; 12 Cangrande and successors, 1312–36 or 1349–78), 11 uncertain Italian denari (fourteenth–fifteenth century); other coins incl. 1 sechser of Hall (Sigismund, 1477–90), 1 pfennig of Landshut (Heinrich XVI, 1393–1450), 1 uniface hälbling of Leuchtenberg-Hals (Johann III and Georg I, 1416–30), 1 crowned denar of Poland (Wladislaw III Warne´nczyk, 1434–44), 1 denar of Hungary (Wladislaw I, 1440–4); the remaining 78 pieces are modern, mainly Italian and German (unpublished, from the files of Michele Asolati). ,1 81. Pernumia, church of Santa Giustina (PD, Ven.) 1998, archaeological excavations: 4 Æ; coins of Venice incl. 1 denaro (Christus Imper type, 1002–27), 1 bagattino (Nicolò Tron, 1471– 3), 1 early modern soldino (Marc’Antonio Memmo, 1612–15), 2 denari enriciani of Verona (series I, 1039–1106) (unpublished, examined by authors; cf. Saccocci 2000c, 61, 64 and n. 30). 82. Prata di Pordenone (PN, Fr.-V. G.) 2007, archaeological excavations in the church of San Giovanni: 98 B, some found in graves; 3 denari of Aquileia (2 Bertrando di San Genesio, 1334–50, 1 Filippo di Alençon, 1381–7), 1 denaro of Brescia (1254–1337), 1 denaro of Mantua (anonymous bishops, 1257–72), 27 denari of Padua (4 before 1271–1328; 1 Ubertino da Carrara, 1338–45; 3 Jacopo II, 1345–50; 15 Francesco I, 1355–88; 4 Francesco II, 1390–1405), 1 denaro of Parma (Frederick II,

Northern Italy

687

1218–50), 4 denari of Treviso (Heinrich II of Gorizia, 1319–23), 50 denari of Venice (2 Lorenzo Tiepolo, 1268–75; 1 Giovanni Dandolo, 1280–9; 1 Andrea Contarini, 1368–82; 4 Antonio Venier, 1382–1400; 3 Michele Steno, 1400–13; 2 Tommaso Mocenigo, 1414–23; 7 Francesco Foscari, 1423– 57, but struck before 1446; 30 uncertain (2 fourteenth century; 28 Antonio Venier to Francesco Foscari, 1382–1457), 7 denari of Verona (3 before 1185–c. 1250; 4 Cangrande and successors, 1312–36), 1 uncertain Italian (thirteenth-fourteenth century), 1 Duchy of Bavaria (Heinrich IV, 1393–1450), 2 Hungary (1 Sigismund, 1387–1437; 1 Ferdinand, 1527–64, dated 1530) (Saccocci 2009a). 83. Santo Stefano Belbo (CN, Pied.) before 1968, circumstances unknown: 1 /B; 1 denaro of the marquises of Savona (MARSAGONA type, twelfth-thirteenth century) (Vergano 1968). 84. Truden/Trodena, church of St Blasius/San Biagio (BZ, Tr.-A. A.) 1994, building works and and B,mostly petty coins;1 denaro piccolo of Aquileia (Raimondo archaeological excavations:200 della Torre, 1273–99), 1 quattrino of Bologna (anonymous popes, fourteenth-fifteenth century), 5 quattrini of Gorizia (3 Leonhard, 1454–1500, struck 1462–1500; 2 Maximilian I, 1500–19, struck 1500–11), 15 denari of Mantua (9 anonymous bishops, 1257–72; 6 Bonacolsi lords, 1272–1312), 6 denari of Padua (2 before 1271–1328; 4 Francesco I da Carrara, 1355–88), 6 denari of Trento (imperial podestà, 1236–55), 1 denaro piccolo of Treviso (1317–18); 74 coins of Meran incl. 3 grossi tirolini (in the name of Meinhard,struck 1274–1306),23 quattrini/vierer (1 in the name of ‘King’Heinrich,1335–46; 5 Leopold III, 1373–86; 1 Albert III, 1386–95; 12 Leopold IV, 1396–1406; 3 Friedrich IV, 1406–39; 1 Sigismund, 1439–96), 48 denari (45 anonymous: 1 1253/5–c. 1259, 42 1321/25, 2 1335; 2 Leopold III; 1 Leopold IV); 47 coins of Venice incl. 1 soldino (Andrea Dandolo, 1343–54, soldino nuovo), 33 denari piccoli (1 Orio Malipiero, 1178–92; 11 Lorenzo Tiepolo, 1268–75; 3 Jacopo Contarini, 1275– 80; 10 Giovanni Dandolo, 1280–9; 8 Pietro Gradenigo, 1289–1311), 1 bianco (Orio Malipiero), 12 uncertain; 39 coins of Verona incl. 38 denari (3 enriciani in the name of an emperor Henry, series iii– iv, 1140/50–83; 30 crociati, before 1185–c. 1250; 5 Cangrande della Scala and successors, 1311–36), 1 quattrino (Bartolomeo and Antonio della Scala, 1375–81); other coins included 2 early seventeenthcentury vierer of Hall, 1 unidentified fragment, and 2 modern coins (Rizzolli 1995; Stahl 2000, 430 no. 10). 85. Venzone, territory (UD, Fr.-V. G.) before 2000, archaeological surveys: 2 denari of Venice (Otto I–III, 961–996 [?]) (Passera 2002, 106 no. 114). , B, Æ; 86. Verona, Teatro romano (VR, Ven.) 1904–23, archaeological excavations: 347 medieval coins incl. 1 denaro of Ancona (thirteenth–fourteenth century), 1 grosso bolognino of Bologna (fourteenth century), 1 denaro imperiale of Brescia (Pandolfo Malatesta, 1404–21); 2 mezzanini of Cremona (thirteenth century); 1 half-denaro of Gorizia (fifteenth century); 1 denaro of Lucca (eleventh century); 2 denari of Mantua (anonymous bishops, 1257–72) and 1 bagattino (fifteenth century), 3 grossi tirolini of Meran (in the name of Meinhard, struck 1274–1306) and 2 quattrini/vierer (fifteenth century); 9 denari of Milan (1 Carolingian, eighth–ninth century; 8 fourteenth–fifteenth century) plus 2 sesini (fourteenth century) and 2 trilline (fifteenth century), 1 denaro of Novara (thirteenth century), 1 quattrino of Padua (1386–7) and 3 quattrini da 2 denari (1387–1405) plus 22 false aquilini (1320–8), 2 denari of Trento (1 1255–73, 1 1341–7); 21 coins of Venice incl. 1 grosso (thirteenth century), 11 denari (9 twelfth century, 2 thirteenth–fourteenth century), 1 double bagattino, 1 bagattino, 1 tornesello, 2 quattrini for the mainland, 3 bagattini for Padua, 1 bagattino for Verona and Vicenza (all fifteenth century); 111 coins of Verona incl. 1 grosso (thirteenth century), 43 denari (29 crociati, before 1185–c. 1250; 14 Cangrande and successors, 1312–36), 40 mediatini (1336–78), 14 quattrini; other coins incl. 1 pfennig of Landshut for the dukes of Bavaria

688

Coin hoards and single-finds

(fourteenth–fifteenth century) and modern coins (unpublished, information provided by Lorenzo Passera). 87. Verona, Cortile del Tribunale di Verona (VR, Ven.) before 1987, archaeological excavations: and Æ; medieval coins incl. 1 denaro of Venice (Otto I–II, 967/73–83), 80 denari 567 coins enriciani of Verona (eleventh–twelfth century) and a few denari crociati (before 1185–c. 1250) plus two very worn coins, possibly late Ottonian denari of Verona (almost illegible, after 1000); other coins were mostly Roman with some Byzantine datable from the first to the sixth century (Saccocci 2000c, 61, 64 n. 24; Arzone 1987; cf. Hudson 1985). 88. Verona, area of the Roman Capitolium (VR, Ven.) 1983–2004, archaeological excavations: 912 /B/Æ, mostly Roman with a relatively small number of medieval and modern coins (28); medieval coins incl. 1 denaro (uncertain, 1382–1446) and 1 soldino of Venice (Michele Steno, 1400– 13), 4 denari enriciani of Verona (series ii–iv [?], 1106–83) and 1 denaro crociato (before 1185–c. 1250) and 1 soldo of Verona (Gian Galeazzo Visconti, 1388/98–1402), uncoined flans the size of eleventhcentury denari enriciani (Arzone 2008a, 531–82).

(c) o th e r i tal i an re g i on s 1. Hoards 88a. Ancona (†) tomb of St Cyriacus in the cathedral church of San Ciriaco (AN, Mar.) 1755 ; at least 2 denari of Venice (St Mark without nimbus, after 1082 to (dep. probably 1097): c. 10 before c. 1110), at least 1 denaro of Pavia (Otto III, 983–1002), at least 1 denaro of Lucca (Henry IV, 1056–1106) (Corsini 1756; Pirani 1986, 60–3; Saccocci 2004, 181). ; 286 grossi aquilini (1259–74) 89. Benevento (BN, Campania) 1960 (dep. c. 1320–30): 725 and 274 grossi tirolini of Meran (1274–1306), 102 grossi aquilini of Padua (1320–8), 3 grossi aquilini of Treviso (1319–23), 3 grossi aquilini of Vicenza (1320–9), 18 grossi aquilini of Mantua (1320–8), 1 grosso tirolino of Ivrea (before 1311), 1 grosso tirolino of Verona (1311), 6 grossi of Venice (2 Ranieri Zeno, 1253–68; 1 Jacopo Contarini, 1275–80; 3 Pietro Gradenigo, 1289–1311), 31 Serbian imitations of the Venetian grosso (1 Stephan Dragutin, 1276–82/1316; 30 Stephan Uroš II Milutin, 1282–1321) (Galasso 1964; MEC 14, 415 no. 9; Besly 1985, 401 no. 653; Rizzolli 2006, 627–33). 90. Lucca, Roman walls, ‘Galli Tassi’ (LU, Tusc.) 2002 (dep. 964): 32 , found during archaeological excavations of a section of the western walls beneath the Galli Tassi complex; 4 denari of Lucca (Otto I, 962–73), 17 denari of Pavia (2 Lothar II, 945–50; 1 Berengar and Adalbert, 950–61; 14 Otto I, 962–73), 4 denari of Rome (Benedict V, 964), 2 denari of Venice (Hugh of Arles, 926–47), 3 pennies of England (Edgar, 959–75, pre-reform, before 973), 1 pfennig of Mainz (Otto I, 962–73), 1 Western imitation of an Arab dirham (Saccocci 2001–2). 91. Martis nell’Anglona (SS, Sard.) 1907 (dep. 1180–1200): 123 B recorded, from a hoard now in the Museo Nazionale Romano; 119 denari and 3 half-denari of Genoa (classes A–C, CNI iii, 3–5.1–17, 1139–80s), 1 denaro of Asti (class B, CNI ii, 11.19, c. 1160–1200) (unpublished, examined by authors; hoard provenance recorded on the tickets of the coins in the museum). 92. Modena (†), tomb of St Geminianus in the Duomo (MO, Em.-Rom.) 1955 (dep. 1184, during the recognition of saint on 12 July): 72 /B; 8 denari of Cremona (Frederick I, 1152–90, emp. 1155: 3 denari cremonesi piani with open ã, c. 1155–80; 4 denari cremonesi piani with closed A, struck from c. 1180; 1 denaro inforziato, struck from c. 1165), 1 denaro ferrarino of Ferrara (Frederick I, probably struck 1175–84), 19 denari enriciani of Lucca (last quarter of the eleventh century to early

Other Italian regions

689

twelfth century, 1 mid-twelfth century), 1 denaro mezzano piano of Mantua (anonymous bishops, c. 1153–c. 1250), 5 denari terzoli of Milan (in the name of an emperor Henry, struck from 1167), 36 denari imperiali scodellati of Nosedo/Milan (Frederick I, struck 1162–7), 1 denaro enriciano of Venice (with bust of St Mark, before c. 1110–c. 1164), 1 denaro enriciano of Verona (Henry IV–V, II series, 1056–1140/50) (Missere Fontana and Travaini 2005). and B; 6 denari imperiali 93. Nibbiano (PC, Em.-Rom.) 1850 (dep. soon after 1256): 901 scodellati and 32 denari imperiali piani of Bergamo (1237–c. 1300), 4 grossi da 6 imperiali with stars and 623 denari imperiali of Cremona (mainly from 1254), 8 denari imperiali scodellati and 14 denari imperiali piani of Milan (classes C and E1, 1230s–60s), 1 grosso of Parma (Frederick II as emp., 1220– 50), 1 denaro mezzano of Pavia (thirteenth century), 8 grossi da 6 imperiali with stars and 203 denari imperiali of Piacenza (from 1254), 1 denaro imperiale scodellato of Chur/Coira (Bishop Heinrich III of Montfort, 1251–72) (Bazzini and Ottenio 2002, 165–8). , found in a small pot 93a. Noceto-Gragnana (MS, Tusc.) 1913 (dep. after 1424): 88 during work on an aqueduct between Noceto and Gragnana; 22 grossi bolognini of Bologna (15 communal, thirteenth–fourteenth century; 1 Gian Galeazzo Visconti, 1402; 6 anonymous papal, first quarter fifteenth century), 4 grossi marchesani of Ferrara (3 Nicolò II d’Este, 1361–88; 1 Nicolò III d’Este, 1393–1441), 5 grossi of Florence (1405–24), 6 grossi of Genoa (1 pre-ducal, class Q, c. 1305–39; 4 Simone Boccanegra, 1339–44, 1356–63; 1 Nicola Guarco, 1378– 83), 2 soldini of Genoa (Tommaso di Campofregoso, 1415–21), 1 petachina of Genoa (pre-ducal, class Q, 1305–39), 38 grossi da tre soldi of Lucca (issues of 1372 and 1387), 3 grossi of Milan (1 Gian Galeazzo Visconti, 1378/85–1402, last issue, 1398–1402; 2 Filippo Maria Visconti, 1412–47, first period, second phase, c. 1423–5), 1 grosso bolognino of Mantua (Francesco I Gonzaga, 1382–1407), 1 grosso aquilino of Treviso (Heinrich II of Gorizia, 1319–23), 1 grosso aquilino of Vicenza (Cangrande della Scala, 1320–9) (Baldassarri et al. 2010). and 450 B, acq. by the Museo Nazionale 94. Oschiri (SS, Sard.) before 1929 (dep. c. 1315): 390 Romano in 1929; silver coins incl. 4 grossi of Genoa (3 class H and 1 class N, c. 1250–80s), 9 grossi da 2 soldi of Lucca (1279–c. 1310), 1 pierreale of Messina (Giacomo II of Aragon, 1285–96, struck 1291–6), 39 carlini of Naples (21 Charles I of Anjou, 1279–85; 18 Charles II of Anjou, 1295– 1302), 226 grossi aquilini minori of Pisa (223 in the name of Frederick I, c. 1270–1312; 3 Henry VII, 1312–13), 111 mailles tierces of Philip IV of France (1285–1314, struck 1295, 1308–11); billon coins incl. 297 denari of Genoa classes A to O (1139–1290s), 153 denari aquilini minuti or bianchi of Pisa (c. 1265–90) (Balbi de Caro 1983, 16 no. 5; MEC 14, 410–3; Travaini 1980; 1983; Baldassarri 2010c, 413 no. 23). and 249 B recorded, from a hoard now in 95. Padria (SS, Sard.) 1907 (dep. 1270s/80s): 110 the Museo Nazionale Romano; 110 grossi minori of Genoa classes E to N (1236–80s), 231 denari and 18 half-denari classes A to M (1139–1260s) (unpublished, examined by authors; hoard provenance recorded on the tickets of the coins in the museum). recorded; parcel of Islamic or 96. Palermo (PA, Sic.) 1927 (dep. thirteenth century): 20 pseudo-Islamic half-dirhams or miliaresi, preserved in the Civiche Raccolte Numismatiche of Milan (inv. 157) (unpublished, examined by authors). and B, found 97. Parma (PR, Em.-Rom.) 1880 (dep. second half of the twelfth century): 106 ‘a poca distanza dalle mura di Parma, a settentrione ed in vicinanza della via Emilia, nel fondo detto la Buffolara’; 18 denari mezzani of Brescia (1184–1249), 9 denari inforziati of Cremona (1165–1230s), 1 denaro mezzano of Mantua (bishops, c. 1153–c. 1250), 66 denari of Milan (5 denari imperiali, 1162–7

690

Coin hoards and single-finds

and later; 61 denari terzoli), 12 other coins not identified (Mariotti 1881; Gavazzi 1902, 76–8; cf. Fiorelli 1882, 39). and 1620 B; found in the region of Olomene, 98. Pattada (SS, Sard.) 1906 (dep. c. 1315): 56 18 km from Pattada; silver coins incl. 6 grossi aquilini of Pisa (c. 1270–1312), 50 gros tournois of France (49 Philip IV, 1285–1314; 1 Louis X, 1314–16); billon coins incl. 1,120 denari of Genoa classes A to N (1139–1280s) (1139–1339), 5 denari of Asti classes B to E (1160–1290s), 1 denaro imperiale of Bergamo (c. 1256–65), 493 denari aquilini minuti of Pisa (c. 1265–90), 1 half-denier of the bishop of Viviers (Perantoni Satta 1957, 140–1; Dessì 1907; Baldassarri 2010c, 413 no. 24). 99. Pieve a Nievole (PT, Tusc.) 1997–8 (dep. after 1039): 26 ; 5 denari enriciani of Pavia (Henry III, 1039–56), 21 denari of Venice (anonymous, 1002–27) (Saccocci 2003). 100. Rimini, San Mauro (RN, Em.-Rom.) 1757 or earlier (dep. after 1082): unknown number coins found in a sack, described as bracteates with bowl-shaped flans and a large unstruck of border; denari of Venice (Christus imper’ type, 1002–27; Conrad Imper’ type, 1027–39; Enricus Imper’ type, 1039–82; with bust of St Mark, post 1082) (Bianchi 1757, 188–90). 101. Rome, San Paolo Fuori la Mura (Roma, Laz.) 1843 (dep. second half eleventh century): 1 , more than 1,000 , 2 or 3 B/Æ, subsequently dispersed, found in the bell-tower of the basilica; denari of more than 30 mints, incl. Lucca, Pavia, Milan, Verona (4 Otto I/III to denari enriciani, until 1106), Venice (up to denari enriciani with St Mark, post 1082–1164), Vienne, Geneva, SaintJean de Maurienne, Besançon, Chalons-sur-Saône, Lyon, Toulouse, Limoges, Angoulème, Melle, Issoudun, Bourges, Tours, Paris, Orléans, Sens, Nevers, Troyes, Langres, Chartres, Chateaudun, Le Mans, Rennes, Rouen, Basel, Zurich, Speyer, Worms, Cologne, Brussels, Frisia, Groningen, ‘Regia Civitas’ (Hungary), Lincoln, Stamford, Colchester (Cartier 1846; Cordero di San Quintino 1849a; Morel-Fatio 1849; Dumas 1979, 117 no. 46; Baldassarri 2010c, 417 no. 59). 2. Single-finds /B/Æ, 102. Imola, Villa Clelia (BO, Em.-Rom) 1978–89, archaeological excavations: 73 mainly Roman, Ostrogothic, Byzantine; medieval coins incl. 3 denari enriciani of Lucca (Henry III– IV, 1039–1106), 5 denari of Venice (Otto I–III, 962–96); 2 of the Venetian coins were found inside a grave (Ercolani Cocchi 1978, 385–99; Curina 1990, 196–202). 103. Vatican, Confessione di San Pietro (SCV [Roma], Laz.) before 1950, archaeological excavations: 1,900 coins (812 Roman, 102 papal, 526 medieval Italian, 460 foreign medieval); north Italian coins (i.e. from the regions covered in this volume) incl. 2 denari of Cremona (1 denaro imperiale and 1 denaro cremonese), 20 denari of Milan (1 Louis the Pious, 814–40; 1 Berengar I, 888–924, emp. from 915; 1 Berengar I and Arnulf I, 894–6; 4 Otto I–III, 962–1002; 9 denari enriciani, 1004–1125 and later; 3 Conrad II, 1024–39; 1 Gian Galeazzo Visconti, 1378–1402), 40 denari of Pavia (Lothar 1 (co-emp. 817–40, emp. 840–55); 17 Otto I–III; 1 Arduin of Ivrea, 1002–4; 18 denari enriciani; 3 denari in the name of Frederick, c. 1160–1300), 183 denari of Venice (182 denari enriciani, c. 1082–1164; 1 Giovanni Dandolo, 1280–9), 89 denari of Verona (1 Otto I, 951–73, emp. from 962; 71 denari enriciani, 1039–1183; 16 crociati, before 1185–c. 1250; 1 crociato Cangrande and successors, 1312–36) (Serafini 1951). 104. Vittoria, necropolis of the Colle d’Oro (RG, Sic.) before 1975, archaeological excavations: 1 quattrino of Verona (Bartolomeo and Antonio II della Scala, 1375–81), Byzantine folles (ninth century) (Uggeri Patitucci 1975, 465).

Other coin finds

691

(d) o th e r coi n f i nd s 1. Hoards 105. Airolo, Ticino (Switzerland) 1995, excavations in the church of Santi Nazario and Celso (dep. after 1484?): 114 B, all petty coins, found closely assembled with metal decorations of a small wooden box, probably for votive alms, in the destruction strata of the church’s crypt; denari, halfdenari, bagattini, some trilline and quattrini mostly of the Piedmont and northern Italy but also including other Italian and foreign coins, mostly dated to the third quarter of fifteenth century; incl. 53 denari imperiali of Asti (anonymous, after 1447), 6 denari of Casale Monferrato (Giovanni IV, 1445–64), 2 denari minuti of Genoa (until Charles VII, 1458–61), 8 coins of Milan (2 denari of Gian Galeazzo,1378/85–1402;1 denaro of Filippo Maria,1412–47;1 denaro and 4 trilline of Galeazzo Maria, 1468–76), 12 bagattini of Venice (Francesco Foscari, 1423–57) and other coins of Cremona, Lucca (after 1479), Macerata, Pesaro, Rome, Siena, Naples, Sicily, Athens, Normandy, France, Fribourg (Switzerland), Zurich, Schaffhausen, Pfalz-Mosbach; the latest coins in the hoard are a forte and an obolo di bianchetto of Savoy (Carlo I, 1482–90) and a denaro picciolo of Fano (Pope Innocent VIII, 1484–92) (Diaz Tabernero et al. 2012, 109–16). 105a. Br˘ae¸sti, Boto¸sani (Moldavia, Romania) 1952–3 (dep. c. 1400): 106 ; 1 genovino of Genoa (Simon Boccanegra, 1339–44), 70 ducats of Venice (2 Giovanni Soranzo, 1312–28; 3 Bartolomeo Gradenigo, 1339–42; 11 Andrea Dandolo, 1343–54; 1 Marino Falier, 1354–5; 2 Giovanni Gradenigo, 1355–6; 3 Giovanni Dolfin, 1356–61; 4 Lorenzo Celsi, 1361–5; 2 Marco Corner, 1365–8; 14 Andrea Contarini, 1368–82; 1 Michele Morosini, 1382; 27 Antonio Venier, 1382–1400), 27 imitation Venetian ducats (4 in the name of Giovanni Soranzo, 21 in the name of Andrea Dandolo, 2 in the name of Giovanni Dolfin), 7 florins of Hungary (2 Louis I of Anjou, 1342–82; 2 Maria, 1382–5; 3 Sigismund I of Luxembourg, 1387–1437, struck 1387–1401), 1 tanka of Delhi (Sultan Mahmoud I, 1358) (Iliescu 1977a, 156–7; 1977b, 359; Stahl 2000, 438, no. 40). , of which 227 106. Bregenz, Vorarlberg (Austria) before 1994 (dep. after 1404): c. 900 recorded; at least 154 grossi pegioni of Milan (until Gian Galeazzo Visconti, 1378/85–1402, last emission, 1398–1402) and 42 grossi pegioni of Pavia (Galeazzo II and Gian Galeazzo Visconti), 1 carrarino of Padua (Jacopo II da Carrara, 1345–50), 1 soldino of Venice (Francesco Dandolo, 1343–54), 28 pfennige of south Germany and northern Swiss mints; the tirolino of Crevacuore (after 1460) originally associated with the hoard is an intrusion (Klein 1999, 292, 306; 2008, 301, 308; with updated information of authors). 107. Chur, Graubünden (Switzerland) 1997, excavation of the church of St Nikolai (dep. c. 980/5): 14 , found as a small deposit in pre-ecclesiastical structures; 4 denari of Milan (Otto II, 973–83), 6 denari of Pavia (1 Otto I with +OTTO PIVS RE, 962–73; 5 Otto II, 973–83), 4 pfennige of the German Rhenish mints of Breisach, Cologne, Mainz and Worms (Zäch and Diaz Tabernero, 2002, 110–20). 107a. Constance, Rosgartenstraße (Gemany) 1905 (dep. c. 1400): 394 ; Italian coins included 1 bolognino d’or of Bologna (commune, 1376–1400), 54 florins of Florence, 33 genovini of Genoa (9 anonymous attributable to Simone Boccanegra, 1339–44, 7 var.; 13 Simone Boccanegra, 1356–63, 6 var.; 5 Gabriele Adorno, 1363–70, 2 var.; 1 Nicolò Guarco, 1378–83), 1 florin of Gorizia (Meinhard VI, 1364–85), 4 florins of Milan (1 Galeazzo II and Barnabò Visconti, 1354–78; 1 Galeazzo II Visconti, 1354–78; 2 Barnabò Visconti, 1354–85), 9 ducats of Rome (Senate, 1350–1439), 127 ducats of Venice (Pietro Gradenigo, 1289–1311; Giovanni Soranzo, 1312–28; Francesco Dandolo,

692

Coin hoards and single-finds

1329–39; Bartolomeo Gradenigo, 1339–42; Andrea Dandolo, 1343–54; Marino Falier, 1354–5; Giovanni Gradenigo, 1355–6; Giovanni Dolfin, 1356–61; Lorenzo Celsi, 1361–5; Marco Corner, 1365– 8; Andrea Contarini, 1368–82; Michele Morosini, 1382; Antonio Venier, 1382–1400); other coins included those of Austria, Bohemia, Flanders, France, Germany, Holland, Hungary, Silesia (Blätter für Münzfreunde (1905), 3346; Joseph 1908; Klein 1999, 290–1). 108. ‘Elsen parcel’, before 1997 (dep. first half thirteenth century): 315 B, recorded while in possession of Jean Elsen in Brussels; denari of Genoa (classes A through F, 1139–c. 1240); similar to the London parcel but with higher percentage of older types (Graff 1999; Baldassarri 2009, 355–6). 108a. Fécamp, Seine-Maritime (France) 1963 (dep. 980–5): c. 8,584 ; mostly coins of France; Italian coins included 3 denari of Pavia (2 Otto I, 862–73, 1 Otto I with Otto II, 967–73); French coins incl. 84 deniers of Auxerre, 20 of Bourges, 31 of Brioude, 68 of Chartres, 1,313 of Le Mans, 21 of Le Puy, 52 of Limoges, 23 of Meaux, 41 of Melle plus 1 contemporary forgery, 43 of Orléans, 30 of Paris, 495 of Quentovic, 6,044 of Rouen, 110 of Tours, and smaller numbers (i.e. fewer than 20) of numerous other mints; other foreign coins incl. 6 pennies of Anglo-Saxon England (Dumas-Dubourg 1971; Duplessy 1985, 62–4 no. 137). 108b. Finges/Pfynwald, Forest of Finges, between Loëche and Sierre, Vallese (Switzerland) , 2 B, mostly issues of Italian mints, 1908 (dep. first half fifteenth century): at least 106 , 490 plus coins of France, Germany, the Low Countries, Hungary; Italian gold coins incl. 2 bolognini d’oro of Bologna, 4 (?) florins of Florence, 26 genovini of Genoa (2 third type, c. 1305/6–39; 17 Simone Boccanegra, 1339–44; 3 Gabriele Adorno, 1363–70; 2 Nicola Guarco, 1378–83; 1 Leonardo Montaldo, 1383–4; 1 Charles VI of France, 1396–1409), 4 florins of Milan (1 Galeazzo II and Bernabò Visconti, 1354–78; 1 Galeazzo II Visconti alone, 1354–78; 1 Bernabò Visconti alone, 1354– 85; 1 Gian Galeazzo, 1378–1402), 1 ducat of Rome (Senate, 1350–1489), 40 ducats of Venice (4 Francesco Dandolo, 1329–39; 7 Andrea Dandolo, 1343–54; 1 Giovanni Dolfin, 1356–61; 5 Lorenzo Celsi, 1361–5; 2 Marco Corner, 1365–8; 8 Andrea Contarini, 1368–82; 8 Antonio Venier, 1382– 1400; 5 Michele Steno, 1400–13), Italian silver coins incl. 3 half-grossi of Savoy (Amedeo VIII, 1391–1434), 20 ambrosini minori of Milan (1 Henry VII, 1310–13; 16 Louis IV of Bavaria, 1314–46, struck 1326–30; 3 Louis IV and Azzone Visconti, 1329–30), 2 grossi (1 Azzone Visconti, 1329–39; 1 Giovanni Visconti, 1349–54) and 332 grossi pegioni of Milan (292 Galeazzo II and Bernabò Visconti, 1354–78; 35 Bernabò Visconti alone, 1354–85; 5 Gian Galeazzo alone, 1385–1402), 51 grossi pegioni of Pavia (48 Galeazzo II Visconti, 1359–78; 3 Gian Galeazzo, 1378–1402), 3 grossi of Venice (1 Ranieri Zeno, 1253–68; 1 Pietro Gradenigo, 1289–1311; 1 Giovanno Soranzo, 1312–28), 2 grossi of Modena (thirteenth century); billon coins incl. 2 sesini of Milan (1 Galeazzo II and Bernabò Visconti, 1354– 78; 1 Gian Galeazzo Visconti, 1385–1402); similar coins presumably from a hoard found in Loëche perhaps also belong the same hoard of Finges/Pfynwald (RassN 6 [1909], 82; Demole 1909; 1910; Schärli 1984, no. 37; Saccocci 1998b, 56 no. 11; Stahl 2000, 439 no. 42). 109. France, ‘dans le department des Basses-Alpes’ (France) before 1863 (dep. 1378–87): unknown number of , 698 examined; 4 demi-carlins de Piémont (i.e. half-grosso or octhène de Piémont, Joanna I of Anjou, 1343–81, struck in Tarascon, Provence, 1365); other coins incl. those of Provence, Venaissin, Montélimar, Dauphiné (Carpentin 1863; Duplessy 1995, 164 no. 430). 110. Gaimersheim/Ingolstadt, Bavaria (Germany) before 1898 (dep. c. 1440): 1 grosso tirolino of Ivrea, tirolini of Meran, other coins of Bavaria (fourteenth–fifteenth century) (Rizzolli 1991, 224; 2006, 393; cf. Riggauer 1898).

Other coin finds

693

111. Gnoppnitz Graben, Kärnten (Austria) 1902 (dep. c. 1275?): 793 ; 136 denari of Aquileia (1 Berthold of Meran, 1218–51; 131 Gregorio di Montelongo, 1251–69; 4 Raimondo della Torre, 1273–99), 6 denari of Gorizia (Albert I [II], 1271–1304), 84 denari of Trieste (12 Volrico de Portis, 1234–54; 1 Commune 1254–7; 73 Arlongo de’ Visgoni, 1254–80) (Bernardi 1975, 188–9; 1995, 58; Rizzolli 1991, 171–2; cf. von Jaksch 1902). , 214 examined: 1 denaro 112. Holsegård, Bornholm (Denmark) 1884 (dep. after 1004): 217 of Verona (anonymous, 1004–14/24), 55 pennies of Anglo-Saxon England, other coins mainly continental issues (esp. Otto I, 936–73, emp. from 962; Otto III, 983–1002, emp. from 996; Henry II, 1002–24, as king, 1002–14) (Galster 1977–8, 55–60 no. 23). 113. Inowrocław (Poland), 1885 (dep. after 1037): c. 93 ; 1 denaro of Aquileia (Poppo, 1019–45, struck after 1028); other coins are Islamic, Byzantine, Anglo-Saxon, German, Bohemian (Slaski and Tabaczy´nski 1959, 24–25 no. 39; Albrycht-Rapnicka 1961, 100). 114. Klosterneuburg, near Vienna (Austria) before 1911? (dep. c. 1440): 1 grosso tirolino of Cortemilia (Otto III of Carretto, 1284–1313) (Rizzolli 1991, 224; cf. Domanig 1911). 115. Kowale, Trzebnica (Poland) 1867 (dep. after 1002): c. 500 ; 2 denari of Verona and Pavia (Otto III, 996–1002), other coins of Ancient Rome, the Muslim world, England, France, Germany, Bohemia (Haisig et al. 1966, 49–50 no. B24). 116. La Joux (France) c. 1910/15 (dep. first half fourteenth century): 1 , 155 B recorded, found in a corroded metal box in a garden; silver coin was a gros tournois of France (Philip III, 1270–85); billon coins incl. 23 denari of Asti (until class E, 1140–1290s), 1 denari of Genoa (class K?, c. 1254/6), 1 obole of the barony of Vaud (Louis I-II of Savoy, 1285–1302/1302–50), 32 deniers and 3 oboles of the bishops of Geneva (thirteenth-fourteenth century), 90 deniers and 3 oboles of the bishops of Lausanne (thirteenth-fourteenth century), 1 denier of the archbishops of Lyon (thirteenth century), 1 denier of the archbishops of Vienne (twelfth-fourteenth century) (Martin 1965; Martin 1991, 727). 117. Lenz/Lantsch, Grisons (Switzerland) 1962, excavations near the chapel of St Cassian (dep. before 1162): 23 B, found in a purse in grave 15; 23 early denari terzoli of Milan, to be subdivided into two groups, 10 rough style and 13 neater, class A.1 (cf. Murari 1984a, 274, nos. 13–5) (Matzke and Diaz Tabernero 2004). 118. Levantine hoard, ‘Tripoli’, before 1996 (dep. 1270s/80s): 125 , 5 B recorded; parcel from the Levant; recorded coins incl. 120 or 125 grossi of Genoa (24 class E, from 1236; 77 class H, c. 1250; 24 class N, 1270s-80s) and 5 denari of Genoa (4 partly fragmented earlier specimens, 1 class N, 1270s-80s) (Baldassarri 2010c, 419 no. 80; examined by authors; Marcus Phillips, pers. com.; soon to be published in detail). 119. ‘London parcel’, before 1977 (dep. 1240s): c. 718 B recorded from different lots on the coin market in London; 3 denari mezzani of Brescia (1184–1240s), 4 denari inforziati piani of Cremona (1 1165–1230s; 3 1184–1230s), c. 594 denari of Genoa (classes A through F, 1139-c. 1240), probably 115 denari of Milan (some old denari enriciani, 1039-c. 1100; mainly denari terzoli, 1167–1240s), 2 denari of Siena (after 1192), 1 denaro of Messina (Henry VI and Costanza, 1194–7) (Metcalf 1977; Baldassarri 2009, 356). 120. Ljubljana (Slovenia) 1897 (dep. c. 1340): c. 500 ; 194 denari of Aquileia (11 Gregorio di Montelongo, 1251–69; 17 Raimondo della Torre, 1273–99; 25 Pietro Gera, 1299–1301; 44 Ottobono de’ Razzi, 1302–15; 46 Pagano della Torre, 1319–31; 51 Bertrando di San Genesio, 1334–50), 126 denari of Gorizia (66 Albert I [II], 1271–1304; 53 Heinrich II, 1304–23; 1 Albert III, 1338–74;

694

Coin hoards and single-finds

6 uncertain), 2 coins of Ivrea (in the name of an emperor Frederick, c. 1310), 177 grossi of Meran (51 Meinhard II and Albert II, 1258–71; 63 Meinhard II alone, 1271–95; 63 uncertain), 13 denari of Trieste (1 Commune, 1254–7; 12 Arlongo de’ Visgoni, 1254–80) (Bernardi 1975, 188–9; Bernardi 1995, 60; Metcalf 1979, 166–7; Mirnik 1981, 110, 493; cf. Müllner 1897). 121.Lübeck,Schleswig-Holstein (Germany) probably 1876 (dep.after 1037/early 1040s): c.2,800 ; 1 denaro of Pavia (Henry III with Pã | PIã | CI, 1039–56); other coins incl. mainly English pennies (at least 43 Æthelred, 978–1016; 1,901 Cnut the Great, 1016–35), 158 Danish, 4 Irish, 1 Swedish, 1 Bohemian (Bˇretislav I, 1037–55), 1 Arabian coin, at least 450 German pfennige (Dannenberg 1877). 122.Maloja/Stampa,Graubünden (Switzerland) 1947 (dep.c.1370):6 and 362 ,on deposit in the Rätisches Museum, Chur; incl. 3 genovini d’oro of Genoa (2 Simone Boccanegra, 1339–44; 1 Gabriele Adorno, 1363–70), 1 ducat of Venice (Andrea Dandolo, 1343–54), florins of Koblenz incl. 1 grosso of Milan (Archbishop Kuno of Trier, 1362–88) and Pfalz (Rupert I, 1333–90); (Luchino and Giovanni Visconti, 1339–49), 280 grossi pegioni and 1 sesino of Milan (Bernabò and Galeazzo II, 1354–78, star and rosette issues), 1 grosso and 81 grossi pegioni of Pavia (Galeazzo II, rosette and bullseye annulet issues) (Joos 1956, 136–8; Nauli 1978; examined by authors). 123. Marbach/Neckar, Baden-Württemberg (Germany) 1986 (dep. 1390s): 1,004 , mostly datable to before 1385, except from 2 coins from the 1390s; 2 genovini d’oro of Genoa (Simone Boccanegra, 1339–44), 8 florins of Milan (Bernabò Visconti, 1354–85, uncirculated and die-linked in three groups with one new variant), 6 ducats of Venice (1 Lorenzo Celsi, 1361–5; 1 Marco Corner, 1365–8; 4 Andrea Contarini, 1368–82), other German and Italian florins and ducats (Klein 1991; Klein 1999, 291, 304; Klein 2005, 47–8, 50, 189–92; Klein 2008, 302, 307; Klein 2012, 120–1; examined by authors). 123a. Martigues, Bouches-du-Rhône (France) 1980 (dep. after 1370): 102 , found in a moneybox during archaeological excavations; 20 florins of Florence, 18 genovini of Genoa (Simon Boccanegra, 1339–44, 1356–63; Gabriele Adorno, 1363–70; Domenico Campofregoso, 1370–8), 8 ducats of Venice (Andrea Dandolo, 1343–54; Lorenzo Celsi, 1361–5; Andrea Contarini, 1368–82), 15 florins of Avignon (Urban V, 1362–70), 41 florins of Provence (John of Naples, 1343–52) (Jouanaud 1981; Besly 1985, 390 no. 612; Duplessy 1985, 95 no. 206). ; incl. 1 denaro of 124. Metsaküla, also known as Kelia (Estonia) 1929 (dep. after 965): 73 Verona (Otto I-II, 962–83), other coins mostly Scandinavian, Islamic, German, Bohemian (Potin 1967, no. 3; Molvõgin 1994, no. 1). 124a. Mumbai/Bombay, Broach district (India) 1882 (dep. c. 1382): 448 plus some fragand fragments; Italian gold coins included 5 genovini ments and 4 small ingots, about 1,200 of Genoa (Simone Boccanegra, 1356–63), 33 ducats of Venice (2 Bartolomeo Gradenigo, 1339–42; 8 Andrea Dandolo, 1343–54; 3 Giovanni Dolfin, 1356–61; 1 Lorenzo Celsi, 1361–5; 6 Marco Corner, 1365–8; 13 Andrea Contarini, 1368–82), some of which may be imitation; other coins included examples from Armenia, Egypt, Persia, Dehli (Codrington 1882; Aravamuthan 1938, 1; Stahl 2000, 436 no. 31). 125. Nice (France) before 1865 (dep. after 1322): at least 2 , other details unknown; 2 imitation florins of the FLOR eX ch0 type (marquises of Carretto, c. 1350) (Morel-Fatio 1865, 434–6). 126. Nieder-Iuvalta, Graubünden (Switzerland) 1921 (dep. after 1257): 5 /B, found during excavations below the ruins of the castello of Nieder-Iuvalta near the Rhine south of Chur; 2 denari

Other coin finds

695

imperiali piani of Bergamo (after 1257/60), 1 denaro imperiale of Cremona with stars (after 1254), 1 denaro imperiale piano of Milan (after 1254/56), 1 grosso of Piacenza (thirteenth century) (Jecklin and Hahn 1922, 31–3, 50–1, tbl. iv.51–5). 126a. Niederried, near Interlaken (Switzerland) 1850 (dep. first half thirteenth century): c. 210 /B, of which at least 56 preserved, found beneath two large stones during construction of the road alongside the Lake of Brienz; c. German style 45 eagle pfennige of Breisach or Solothurn (4 preserved, c. 1185–1230), 165 Milanese style denari consisting mainly of denari terzoli of Milan (49 preserved, class B, c. 1167–1230s) with some denari mezzani of Brescia (1184–1249) and a few denari mezzani scodellati of Mantua (3 preserved, 1153–1257) (Buchenau 1911, 4808–9, 4846; Jucker 1960, 104; Schärli 1984, 282, 299 no. 16; Swiss coin find inventory). 127. Oberhofen-Rabenschwand, near Salzburg (Austria) 1904–5 (dep. after 1441): nearly 10,000 /B; Italian coins incl. 2 grossi tirolini of Incisa (before 1311), 3 grossi tirolini of Ivrea (before 1311), 8 grossi of Mantua (2 grossi tirolini datable to 1311; 2 grossi aquilini attributable to Rinaldo Bonacolsi, 1309–28, struck 1320–8; 4 grossi aquilini nuovi attributable to the period c. 1349–69), 672 grossi of Meran (530 in the name of Meinhard II, 1274–1306; 1 Rudolf IV, 1363–5; 48 Leopold III, 1365–86; 21 Albert III, 1386–95; 72 Leopold IV, 1395–1411), 1 Milanese-type grosso (reportedly Galeazzo II Visconti, 1354–78, but probably a pegione of Gian Galeazzo, 1378–1402), 1 grosso aquilino of Padua 1320–4, 1 grosso aquilino of Verona (1349–1378); other coins mostly south German and Austrian, incl. some Augsburg pfennige with the mintmark of the moneyer Johann Stephan Grässling, active in 1441, which establishs the terminus post quem (Dworschak et al. 1920; Saccocci 1988b, 476; Rizzolli 1991, 224, 241, 259). ; 1 half-denaro (?) of Capua in the 128. Obrzycko (Poland) before 1842 (dep. c. 975): 8,000 name of Pandolfo and Landolfo (possibly Landolfo II [d. 958] and Pandolfo I Testadiferro [943–81], 943–58, or more likely Pandolfo I and Landolfo III, 959–68), 3 denari fragments of Milan (Otto I as emp., 962–73), denari fragments of Pavia (2 Berengar II, 950–62; Otto I, 951–73), 1 denaro of Rome (Otto I and Pope John XIII, 965–72, struck 965–7), other coins mostly Islamic, Indian, Byzantine, Anglo-Saxon, French, German, Bohemian, Hungarian (Slaski and Tabaczy´nski 1959, 45–6 no. 86; Albrycht-Rapnicka 1961, 100; cf. Friedländer 1844). 129. Oos, Baden-Baden, Baden-Württemberg (Germany) 1836 (dep. c. 1230): more than 77 ; 1 grosso maggiore of Genoa, grossi of Venice (Pietro Ziani, 1205–29; Jacopo Tiepolo, 1229–49), 5 pennies of England (Henry II, 1154–89; Henry III, 1216–72; all struck 1189–1222) and coins of Cologne, Speyer, Strasbourg, Trier (Wielandt 1950–1, 98–118). , plus jewellery, pot 130. Ostrovo, Vinkovci (Croatia) 1898 (dep. c. 1260 or later): c. 3,500 hoard; 1 grosso of Venice (Jacopo Tiepolo, 1229–49), more than 1,500 coins of Austria (incl. 1 pfennig of Lienz for the counts of Gorizia), other coins of Hungary, Germany, England (Luschin von Ebengreuth 1922, 108–9; Baumgartner 1947, 60, 65; Metcalf 1979, 144; Mirnik 1981, 100–1 no. 420; 1988, 506; Rizzolli 1991, 89–90; cf. Brunšmid 1899–1900). 131. Paladru, Rhône-Alpes (France) before 1865 (dep. after 1263): uncertain number of /B, 287 examined, found by a peasant while clearing a field of the remnants of a ruined villa; Italian coins incl. 1 obolo of Piacenza (1140 to thirteenth century), 7 denari of Savona (marquises, twelfth–thirteenth century), c. 20 denari of Savoy (1 Umberto II, 1092–1103; 4 Amedeo III, 1103– 48; 1 Umberto III, 1148–89; 10–12 Pietro II, 1263–8) and 3 oboli (Umberto III), 2 denari crociati of Verona (before 1185–c. 1250); other coins of Vienne, Valence, Lyon, Clermont, Orange, Viviers,

696

Coin hoards and single-finds

Avignon, Besançon, Langres, Burgundy (Hugh IV, 1218–72), Forcalquier (William V, 1209–20), Provence (Alphonse I–II, 1167–96/1196–1209; Charles I, 1246–66) (Géry 1865; Duplessy 1995, 108 no. 257). 132. Paretz, near Potsdam (Germany) 1882 (dep. after 967): uncertain number of , hundreds of fragments of Islamic dirhams and c. 40 Western coins recorded, incl. those of England, France, Germany, Italy; 10 Italian coins incl. 1 denaro of Milan (Otto I and Otto II, 967–73), 7 denari of Pavia (1 Hugh [926–47] and Lothar [931–50], 931–47; 1 Berengar II and Adalbert, 950–62; 5 Otto I as emp., 962–73), 1 denaro of Rome (Otto I and Pope John XIII [965–72]) (Friedländer 1882; Kiersnowski 1964, 50–1 no. 128). and B; incl. pfennige 133. Porrentruy/Pruntrut, Jura (Switzerland) 1990 (dep. 1422/5): 1,160 and other coins of north-west Switzerland, south-west Germany, Alsace and Lorraine; Italian coins incl. grossi pegioni of Como and Milan (until Gian Galeazzo Visconti, 1378/85–1402), 1 grosso pegione of Pavia (Gian Galeazzo Visconti, last issue, 1400–2) (Fedel 2004). ; 1 denaro of Aquileia (Ottobono 134. Prem, Innerkrain (Slovenia) 1867 (dep. c. 1330): 326 de’ Razzi, 1302–15), 1 grosso tirolino of Cortemilia (Manfredo II del Carretto, 1313–22), 1 grosso tirolino of Incisa (early fourteenth century), 4 grossi tirolini of Ivrea (before 1311), 7 grossi aquilini of Meran (1259–74), 312 grossi tirolini of Meran (in the name of Meinhard II, 1274–1306) (Luschin von Ebengreuth 1869, 322–31; Perini 1902b, 3). 135. Prizbórow, Sulecin ˛ (Poland) 1914 (dep. 1011): 2,629 coins, incl. ancient Roman, Byzantine, English, Danish, German, Bohemian, etc.; 4 Italian coins incl. 3 denari of Pavia (Otto III, 983–1002, emp. from 996), 1 denaro of Verona (Henry II, 1004–24, emp. from 1014) (Slaski and Tabaczy´nski 1959, 54–5 no. 105; Albrycht-Rapnicka 1961, 109). 135a. (Le) Puy-en-Velay, Haute-Loire (France) 1943 (dep. c. 1000): 156 , accounting for only half of the original hoard, mostly French; Italian coins incl. 4 denari of Pavia (3 Otto II, 973–83; 1 Otto III, 983–1002) (Lafaurie 1952; Duplessy 1985, 103–5 no. 267). 136. Ragow, Oberspreewald-Lausitz (Germany) 1886 (dep. after 1002, c. 1010): 200/400 coins, incl. ancient Roman, Byzantine, Islamic, English, Danish, German, Bohemian, etc.; 1 Italian coin was a denaro of Verona (Otto III, 983–1002) (Dannenberg 1887b; Kiersnowski 1964, no. 151). 137. Reichenhall, Bavaria (Germany) 1753 (dep. c. 1180): c. 6,500 , mainly Bavarian pfennige of Regensburg, Freising and Salzburg, more than 500 pfennige of Nürnberg and c. 100 of Bamberg, more than 370 Austrian pfennige, other different German pfennige and silver bars; at least 1 denaro imperiale of Nosedo (1162–7 and later) (Obermayr 1763; Emmerig 1993, 255–6, no. 39). 138. Rhäzüns/Razén, Splügen/Spluga, Graubünden (Switzerland) 1904 (dep. after 1412): ; Italian coins incl. 67 grossi pegioni of Milan (1 Barnabò Visconti, 1354–85; 2 Gian c. 1,500 Galeazzo Visconti, 1385–1402; 57 Giovanni Maria Visconti, 1402–12; 7 Gian Carlo Visconti, 1412), 29 grossi pegioni of Monza (Estore Visconti, 1407–1412/13), 2 grossi pegioni of Pavia (Filippo Maria, 1402–12), others unknown (SNR 12 [1904], 275–6; Jecklin and Gnecchi 1904; Jecklin and Hahn 1922, 28–9; Nauli 1978; Schärli 1984, 301 no. 36). ; 139. Röthelstein, near Mixnitz an der Mur, Steiermark (Austria) 1948 (dep. c. 1370): 122 25 denari of Aquileia (2 Pietro Gera, 1301; 23 Bertrando di San Genesio, 1334–50), 68 Gorizia (Meinhard IV, 1342–63), 1 Trieste (Arlongo de’ Visgoni, 1254–80); German and Austrian coins incl. 5 worn pfennige of Bavaria (Ludwig II, 1253–94; Rudolf and Ludwig, 1294–1310, 1313–17; Stephan II, 1347–75), 1 Niederbayern (Heinrich, 1253–90), 1 bishopric of Passau (Bernhard von Prambach, 1285–1313), 10 pfennige of Vienna (Ottokar or Rudolf, 1261–81; Albrecht I, 1282–1308;

Other coin finds

697

Friedrich der Schöne, 1308–30; Albrecht III, 1365–95), 11 pfennige of Graz (Friedrich der Schöne, 1308–30; Albrecht II, 1330–58; Rudolf IV, 1358–65) (Grubinger 1949; Bernardi 1975, 188–9). 140. Sachsenburg, near Spittal an der Drau, Kärnten (Austria) 2004 (dep. 1315): 22 ; 8 denari of Aquileia (1 Gregorio di Montelongo, 1251–69; 1 Raimondo della Torre, 1273–98; 2 Pietro Gera, 1299–1301; 4 Ottobono de’ Razzi, 1302–15), 13 denari of Gorizia (3 Albert I, 1274/5–1304; 10 Heinrich II, 1304–23), 1 denaro of Trieste (Arlongo de’ Visgoni, 1254–80) (Alram and Winter 2005, 294, 307–10; Rizzolli 2006, 633–4). , 2,513 B; 3 grossi tirolini 141. Schongau, Bavaria (Germany) 1979 (dep. 1355–65): 1,317 of Acqui (Oddone, 1305–13, struck c. 1310), 2 grossi tirolini of Cortemilia (1 Ottone III del Carretto, 1284–1313; 1 Manfredo II del Carretto, 1313–22), 3 grossi tirolini of Incisa (anonymous marquises, early fourteenth century), 6 grossi tirolini of Ivrea (early fourteenth century), 1 grosso aquilino and 4 grossi tirolini of Mantua, 1,296 grossi tirolini of Meran (Meinhard II, 1274–95, struck 1274/5–1335), 1 grosso aquilino of Padua, 1 grosso tirolino of Rivara (counts of Valperga, c. 1300–10), 2 grossi tirolini of Verona (1311); German/Austrian coins included 8 pfennige of Augsburg, 2 pfennige of Munich (Dukes Rudolf I and Ludwig IV, 1294–1317), 4 pfennige of Schongau (Duke Ludwig II, 1268–94), 1,499 heller of Schwäbisch Hall (c. 1200– c. 1350) (Kellner 1981; Rizzolli 1991, 199, 224, 241, 533, 539; Saccocci 1988b, 476). 142. South-eastern Europe, ‘Ajello hoard’, before 1991, circumstances unknown (dep. end twelfth to early thirteenth century): 5,482 B, hoard or portion thereof, thought to be south-eastern European in provenance, acquired by American coin dealer John Ajello, who kindly placed it temporarily on deposit at the ANS, New York City, where Andrea Saccocci examined it in 1992; 5,479 denari crociati of Verona (before 1185–c. 1250), 2 denari of Venice (Orio Malipiero, 1178–92), 1 denaro of Trento (1177–c. 1190s) (unpublished, examined by authors). 143. South Germany, ‘Hoard of 1050’, before 1995, circumstances unknown (dep. c. 1050): c. 1,700 , almost entirely of south German and northern Swiss mints with some French deniers; the only Italian coin was a denaro of Pavia (Inclita Civitas type in the name of Otto III, struck under Henry II as king, 1004–14) (Klein 2001). described 144. Stein bei Laibach, Laibacher Kreis (Austria) 1856 (dep. c. 1312–35): 300–400 as soldi and denari of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, with a sample described in greater detail, incl. denari of Aquileia (Berthold of Meran, 1218–51; Gregorio di Montelongo, 1251–69; Raimondo della Torre,1273–99;Pietro Gera,1299–1301;Ottobono de’Razzi,1302–15) and Gorizia (Heinrich II,1304–23),grossi of Meran (12 grossi aquilini,1259–74;10 grossi tirolini,1274–1306),1 grosso tirolino of Ivrea (early fourteenth century), denari of Trieste (Volrico de Portis, 1234–54; commune, 1254–7; Arlongo de’ Visgoni, 1254–80) (Mittheilungen der k. k. Central-Commission zur Erforschung und Erhaltung der Baudenkmale 1 [1856], 185–6; Kenner 1860, 288–90; Rizzolli 1991, 235–6; Bernardi 1995, 59). 145. Stockholm, Uppland (Sweden), 1868 (dep. 1012): 483 + 55 , mostly German, Scandinavian, Irish, Islamic, Byzantine; 4 denari of Verona (3 Otto I–II, 962–83; 1 anonymous, 1004–14/24) (Hatz 1983, 47 no. 16). 146. Syria, precise location unknown, before 1997 (dep. c. 1325): at least 240 ; 1 grosso tornese of Cuneo (Charles II of Anjou, 1307–9), 184 gros tournois of France (1 Louis IX, 1226–70, struck 1266–70; 165 Philip III–IV, 1270–1314; 18 Philip V, 1316–22), 12 gros tournois of Provence (Charles I of Anjou, 1246–85, struck 1267–85, or Charles II, 1285–1309), 1 gigliato of Provence (Robert the Wise of Anjou, 1309–43), 2 pennies of England (Edward I, 1272–1307), 6 half-gros of Tripoli

698

Coin hoards and single-finds

(1 Bohemond VI or VII, 1251–75 or 1275–87; 5 Bohemond VII), 10 gros of Cyprus (8 Henry II, 1285–1324; 2 Hugh IV, 1324–59), 25 half-gros of Cyprus (24 Henry II; 1 Hugh IV) (Phillips 1997, 302–23). 146a. Thoisy-la-Berchère Chateau, cant. Saulieu, arr. Montbard, dép. Côte-d’Or (France) 1849 (dep. 1363–70): unknown number of , of which 11 are identified; 2 genovini of Genoa (1 Simone Boccanegra, 1356–63; 1 Gabriele Adorno, 1363–70), 1 florin of Savona, 1 ducat of Venice (Giovanni Soranzo, 1312–28), 1 florin of Aquitaine (Edward III, 1327–62), 1 florin of Orange (Raymond V, 1340–93), 1 florin of Dauphiné (Humbert II, 1333–93), 1 florin of Austria (Albert II, 1330–58), 2 florins of Bohemia (1 John, 1310–46; 1 Charles I, 1346–78), 1 florin of Hungary (Charles Robert, 1308–42) (Duplessy 1985,150–1,no.385,citing Cabinet des Médailles,registre A,98–9,nos.2774–84, registre C, 181). 147. Tremona, Ticino (Switzerland) 1991 (dep. early thirteenth century): 804 B; 701 denari terzoli of Milan (with up to two wedges on the obverse, post 1167–c. 1200), 103 denari inforziati of Cremona with open ä (1165–c. 1200) (Luraschi 2004; Arslan 2008, 362–73; Toffanin 2013, 79–81). 148. Treubach, Oberösterreich (Austria) 1987 (dep. 1357–68): 2,358 B, mostly south German heller; ‘Italian’ coins incl. 1 vierer of Meran (1335–c. 1341), 102 denari of Gorizia (2 Albert I, 1274/75– 1304, 4 Albert III, struck from 1342–58, 96 Meinhard VI, 1352–63) (Alram 1994; Rizzolli 2006, 343–5). Tripoli, see 118. Levantine hoard 149. Tübingen, Baden-Württemberg (Germany) 2002 (dep. 1400/3): c. 1,500 , mostly pfennige, heller and a few groschen of Alsace, Swabia and north Switzerland; Italian coins incl. 117 grossi pegioni of Milan and Pavia with new variants ending before 1398 (Klein 2003, 246–51; 2005, 48, 50–1, 189–92; 2008, 301, 308; examined by authors). 150. Turkey, south Anatolia, the so-called ‘Barbarossa hoard’, 1982–5 (dep. 1190): c. 8,000 coins, mostly German and some English, plus ingots and jewels, found near the river Gösku (also called the Saleph or Calycadnus) and evidently lost or deposited by crusaders during Emperor Frederick I Barbarossa’s (1152–90) expedition in 1189–90; ‘Italian’ coins incl. episcopal issues of Brixen/Bressanone (Richer, 1174–7; Heinrich III, 1178–96) (Klein 1986; Rizzolli 1991, 42–9). 151. Vaduz, Altenbach (Liechtenstein) 1957 (dep. c. 1370): 26 and more than 2,406 ; gold coins included 3 genovini d’oro (Simone Boccanegra, 1339–44), 1 florin of Milan (Bernabò and Galeazzo II, 1355–75), 1 ducat of Venice (Andrea Dandolo, 1343–54), 18 others; silver coins included 159 grossi tirolini of Meran, 1 grosso aquilino of Padua, 1 grosso tirolino of Ivrea, 4 grossi and 1 soldo of Milan (Azzone Visconti, 1329–39), 1 grosso of Como (Azzone Visconti), 2,239 Swiss and German pfennige (Frommelt 1967; Schärli 1984, 299 no. 21; Zäch 1992). Valleirey, see 116. La Joux and B; 1 half152. Vaulruz, Vaud (Switzerland) early nineteenth century? (dep. c. 1380): 17 grosso of Chivasso (Giovanni III Paleologo of Montferrat, 1378–81), 2 sesini of Milan (1 Bernabò and Galeazzo II Visconti, 1354–78; 1 Bernabò alone, both pelleted annulet issue), 1 grosso pegione and 1 sesino of Pavia (Galeazzo II, c. 1360–1378: pegione, rosette issue; sesino, pelleted annulet issue), 1 quarto of Pinerolo (Amedeo III of Savoy-Achaia, 1367–1402), 2 half-grossi, 3 quarti and 2 bianchetti of Savoy (Amedeo VI, 1343–83), 1 denier of the comté of Geneva (struck 1360–2), 3 deniers of Lausanne (before 1375) (Martin 1971; Schärli 1984, 300 no. 24). 153. Zernez, Engadin, Graubünden, ‘La Güstizia’ on the Susch–Zernez road during railway and B, 50 specimens works (Switzerland) 1912 (dep. late 1240s): large but unspecified number of

Other coin finds

699

recorded; 10 denari mezzani scodellati of Brescia (1184–1249), 4 grossi da 4 imperiali and 13 denari mezzani or nuovi of Como (grossi with crowned eagle and denari with +CVMaNV4 with new variants, 1239–49), 2 denari inforziati of Cremona (c. 1200–30s), 5 denari mezzani scodellati of Mantua (c. 1150–1254), 5 denari terzoli of Milan (with four wedges and late issue marks, c. 1200–40s), 1 grosso da 4 imperiali and 12 denari mezzani of Pavia (1220–50), 1 denaro mezzano of Piacenza (BNAM 10 [1912], 64; Jecklin and Hahn 1922, 30–1, 44–50; Schärli 1984, 299 no. 17).

2. Single-finds 153a. Airolo, Ticino (Switzerland) 1995, excavations in the nave of the church of Santi Nazario and Celso, nave (dep. after 1349): 21 B, all petty coins, found together in the refill of the hole for casting church bells reused as foundation for a baptismal font; Italian coins incl. 1 denaro of Genoa (first half thirteenth century), 1 denaro imperiale of Bergamo (c. 1265–99), 2 denari imperiali of Cremona (c. 1300–30), 1 denaro enriciano of Milan (first half twelfth century), 6 denari imperiali of Milan (1 Henry VII as king, struck 1311–12; 1 Louis IV as emperor, 1328–9; 1 Azzone Visconti, 1329–39; 2 Luchino and Giovanni, 1339–49; 1 Giovanni alone, 1349–54), 3 denari mezzani and 2 denari imperiali of Pavia (c. 1220/1300), 1 denaro of Parma (thirteenth century) and 1 denaro imperiale of Parma (1322–9), 2 denari imperiali of Piacenza (1299–1313); only other coin was 1 pfennig of Basel (1335–41) (Diaz Tabernero et al. 2012, 118–19). 154. Mezzovico-Vira, near Lugano (Switzerland) before 1990, archaeological excavations in /B, mainly Milanese, with 18 Roman, 21 modern the church of Sant’Abbondio: 52 medieval and 1 token; medieval coins incl. 1 obolo of Asti (c. 1290–1313), 1 denaro imperiale of Chivasso (Teodoro I, 1307–38), 2 denari mezzani scodellati of Brescia (1184–1250), 2 denari mezzani scodellati of Como (c. 1239–49 and 1254–6), 1 denaro inforziato piano and 1 scodellato of Cremona (1165–1250), 1 denaro cremonese (1254–1300) and 1 denaro imperiale of Cremona (c. 1300–30), 1 Milanese type denaro of Fermo (Francesco Sforza, 1434–46), 1 denaro (thirteenth century) and 1 denaro minuto (late fourteenth century) of Genoa, 1 bagattino of Mantova (Ludovico III Gonzaga, 1444–78), 18 denari imperiali and denari of Milan (1 communal, 1298–1311; 2 Henry VII, 1310–13; 1 Giovanni Visconti, 1349–54; 3 Gian Galeazzo Visconti, 1385–1402; 6 Filippo Maria Visconti, 1412–47; 1 Repubblica Ambrosiana, 1447–50; 3 Francesco Sforza, 1450–66; 1 Galeazzo Maria Sforza, 1466–76), 1 obolo or denaro terzolo of Milan (Henry VII, 1310–13, as king, 1310–12), 1 quattrino (Azzone Visconti, 1329– 39), 2 trilline of Milan (1 Filippo Maria; 1 Francesco Sforza), 1 trillina of Monza (Estore Visconti, 1407–13), 1 denaro of Parma (thirteenth century), 6 denari mezzani of Pavia (2 c. 1160–1220, 4 c. 1220–50), 1 denaro bissolo of Pavia (Filippo Maria Visconti, 1402–12), 1 sesino and 1 denaro of Pavia (Francesco Sforza, 1447–50), 1 denaro piccolo of Padua (Francesco I da Carrara, 1355–88), 1 quattrino of Pisa (second republic, 1495–1509), 1 denaro of Siena (c. 1250), 1 denier tournois of Athens (Guy II de la Roche, 1287–1308), 1 pfennig of Basel (Johann II, 1335–64) (Geiger 2002a, 131–41; Diaz Tabernero et al. 2012, 252–65). 155. Quinto, oratory San Martino of Deggio (Switzerland) 2008, archaeological excavations: 15 B; 12 medieval coins incl. 1 denaro mezzano scodellato of Acqui (c. 1254–60), 1 denaro of Brescia (Pandolfo Malatesta, 1406–1408/21), 2 denari mezzani scodellati of Como (c. 1251–56), 1 denaro inforziato piano of Cremona (c. 1165/1200), 1 denaro imperiale of Cremona (Azzo Visconti, 1334–39), 4 denari imperiali and denari of Milan (1 communal,1313–1327;1 unidentified Visconti lord,1329–78;

700

Coin hoards and single-finds

2 Gian Galeazzo Visconti, 1385–1402), 1 trillina of Milan (Galeazzo Maria Sforza, 1466–76), 1 angster of Zurich (c. 1400) (Diaz Tabernero et al. 2012, 306–10). 156. Sonvico, near Lugano (Switzerland) 1986/7, archaeological excavations in the chapel of San /B; 1 piccolo of Aquileia (Pagano della Torre, 1319–32), 1 denaro imperiale scodellato Martino: 44 of Bergamo (1236–c. 1250), 1 denaro mezzano scodellato (c. 1239–49) and obolo of Como (Azzone Visconti, 1335–9), 1 denaro imperiale of Cortemilia (Manfredo II del Carretto, 1313–22), 2 denari cremonesi and 1 denaro imperiale of Cremona (c. 1250–1300), 1 denaro mezzano scodellato of Mantua (thirteenth century), 14 denari imperiali and denari of Milan (1 commune, 1298–1311; 1 Henry VII, 1310–13; 1 Louis IV of Bavaria, 1314–46, as emperor, struck 1328–30; 2 Luchino Visconti, 1339– 49; 1 Giovanni Visconti, 1349–54; 6 Gian Galeazzo Visconti, 1385–1402; 1 Filippo Maria Visconti, 1412–47; 1 Repubblica Ambrosiana, 1447–50) and 1 obolo or denaro terzolo of Milan (Louis IV of Bavaria, 1314–46, as king, 1326–8), 1 denaro mezzano of Parma (John of Bohemia, 1331–3), 6 denari mezzani (5 c. 1220–50, 1 c. 1300–30) and 6 denari imperiali of Pavia (c. 1300–30), 1 denaro imperiale of Piacenza (1299–1313), 1 aquilino minuto of Pisa (c. 1264–79), 1 piccolo of Siena (c. 1316–17), 1 bagattino of Venice for Brescia (Francesco Foscari, 1423–57), 1 denaro of Verona (Cangrande della Scala, 1311–29), 1 denaro bissolo of Bellinzona (c. 1503–48) (Geiger 2002a, 136 no. 16; Diaz Tabernero et al. 2012, 328–35).

APPENDIX 2

H E R A L D RY, S A I N T S, S Y M B O L S

(a) h e ral dry In heraldic descriptions, when a shield is undivided, the first word gives the tincture or colour of the field and what follows describes the nature and colour of the heraldic device. A shield set at an angle instead of vertically is described as couché, the position in which a charging knight would hold a shield. When a shield is partitioned, the word describing the nature of the division (paly, quarterly, etc.) precedes the colour of the field. English heraldic terminology, much of it borrowed from French, takes great liberties with orthography, so French forms are included below where they are markedly different. Useful handbooks in English, with a focus on British heraldry, are those of Boutell as revised by Scott-Giles and Brooke-Little (1966), Fox-Davies (1985), Rothery (1985), and Woodcock and Robinson (1988). None of these perfectly addresses the needs of the numismatist, to say nothing of one whose focus is medieval northern Italian numismatics, but they at least provide the necessary guidance to syntax, vocabulary, etc., in English. For parallels in Italian, the State Archives in Florence (Archivio di Stato di Firenze) maintains an extensive bibliography and Italian glossary of heraldic terminology on its website (www.archiviodistato.firenze.it/ceramellipapiani2/index .php?page=Dizionario) to complement the Enrico Ceramelli Papiani (1896–1976) collection of blazons (i.e. descriptions of armorial bearings) and digital images of the coats of arms of Florentine noble families that it holds. Other useful websites include Araldica civica (www.araldicacivica.it/) for Italian civic heraldry and the Blasonario subalpino and Blasonario sabaudo transalpino (http://xoomer .virgilio.it/blasonpiemon/index1.html) for the heraldry of Piedmont and Savoy. The principal handbooks to Italian heraldry are those of di Crollalanza (1876–7;1886–90),Guelfi Camajani (1921), and Bascapè and del Piazzo (1983). Also useful are the compilations of Litta (1819–96) and Spreti (1928–35). The following glossary does not pretend to be comprehensive but supplements the list below of civic and seigniorial coats of arms and other heraldic devices represented on north Italian coins and the descriptions of them below in the catalogue. Addorsed (adossé) Argent Azure Bar (burelles) Barry or Barruly (burelé)

Back to back ‘Silver’, heraldic term for silver or white Heraldic term for blue Ninth Honourable ‘Ordinary’; horizontal bar across the field A field with bars across it 701

702 Base Bearing Bend (bande)

Bendwise Bendy Bezant Blazon Bordure Brisure Burelé Canting arms Charge Checky (échiquettée) Chevron Chief Compony Contourné Cotise (cotice) Couché Couped (coupé)

Courant Crest Cross Crusily Dancetty (dancetté) Demi or Demy Dexter

Heraldry, saints, symbols The lower part of the shield Originally a ‘Charge’ or figure on a shield, now more frequently used in ‘armorial bearings’ to refer to all that is depicted Fourth Honourable ‘Ordinary’; a broad band extending from the top left (‘Dexter’) to the bottom right of a shield (‘Sinister’); a band extending from top right to bottom left is described as a ‘Bend sinister’ Describes a ‘Charge’ (or charges) shown at the same angle as a bend A pattern of diagonal lines see ‘Roundel’ Written description of armorial ‘Bearings’ A border round a shield Some modification of a shield serving as a mark of cadency (to mark a cadet descent, i.e. the arms of junior members of a family) see ‘Barruly’ Arms with ‘Charges’ alluding to the name of the bearer ‘Bearing’ or figure on the shield With checker-board pattern, also ‘Checquy’ or ‘Chequy’ Seventh Honourable ‘Ordinary’; broad diagonal bands meeting to form an inverted V Second Honourable ‘Ordinary’; the upper third of the shield, at the most, marked by a line across the shield Used to describe a ‘Bordure’ or row of squares of alternating tinctures; also ‘Gobony’ Indicates that a device, usually a heraldic beast, is turned to the right instead of, as is usual, to the left Very narrow diagonal band, often used as a brisure In reference to a shield, meaning that it is shown at an angle With the end or ends cut off; in reference to a ‘Charge’, it means cut with a straight edge, and when describing a Honourable ‘Ordinary’, it indicates that the ends do not extend to the sides of the shield ‘Running’ Device mounted on the ‘Helmet’ First Honourable ‘Ordinary’; some of the many variations are described below (App. 4, Glossary) Shield or ‘Charge’ powdered with crosses or crosslets Zigzag line of partition larger than ‘Indented’ Upper half of beast, bird, monster, etc. ‘Right’ when describing ‘Charges’ from behind the shield; it is the left-hand side of the shield when seen by the spectator, i.e. viewed from the front

Heraldry

703

Addition or alteration to differentiate very similar coats of arms Most frequently used bird in early heraldry, usually shown ‘Displayed’, i.e. with outstretched wings Embattled (bretessé) Crenellated Ermine One of the two furs, shown as black tails on white; see also ‘Vair’ Escarbuncle (escarboucle) A decorated ornament radiating from the centre of the shield Escutcheon ‘Shield’, synonymous with ‘Inescutcheon’ when used as a Charge Estoile Star with wavy limbs Fess ( fasce) Fifth Honourable ‘Ordinary’; a broad horizontal bar across the centre of a shield. If several are present they are called bars Field Background tincture of the shield, always mentioned first in the ‘Blazon’ Fitchy Pointed, most often applied to a cross with a spike on the lower limb or at the ends of all the limbs Fleur-de-lis A symbol of uncertain origin identified in the later Middle Ages as a lily; it is described as ‘Flowered’ or ‘Florencée’ when there is a stalk surmounted by a small flower on either side of the central fleur, as in the arms of Florence; sometimes also ‘Lis’ or ‘Lys’ Griffin Bearded and winged monster with an eagle’s foreparts and a lion’s hindparts; the male griffin is without wings and has spikes protruding from its body Guardant With head turned towards the spectator; a lion passant guardant is described as ‘Leopard’ Gules Red (from French gueules or Arabic gule) Hatching Monochrome system for depicting tinctures Hauriant A fish in pale with the head upward Impalement The placing of two coats of arms side by side in a shield ‘Per pale’ or above one another ‘Per fess’, usually to display the arms of a husband and his wife or of an office and the office-holder Indented Zigzag line of partition Inescutcheon Sixth Honourable ‘Ordinary’; a small shield (Germ. Herzschild) used as a ‘Charge’ on another shield, sometimes placed in the centre of the larger one, usually quartered Issuant (issant) Beast or monster emerging or rising Label (lambel ) A narrow band across the top of a shield, usually couped and with three or five downward projections (‘pendants’ or ‘points’, also called ‘dependant points’); often used as the mark of difference for the eldest son Leopard Term used for a ‘Lion passant guardant’ Lion Most common beast in heraldry, usually shown ‘Passant’ or ‘Rampant’ Lis or Lys see ‘Fleur-de-lis’ Lozenge Diamond shape Lozengy A pattern of criss-crossing diagonal lines Difference Eagle

704 Mascle (macle) Millrind Nebuly Or Ordinary

Pale ( pal) Palewise Pallet Paly Papalonné Passant Pendant or Point Per bend Per fess Per pale Pile Powdered Proper Purpure Quatrefoil Queue-fourché Rampant Regardant Rising Roundel Sable Salient

Heraldry, saints, symbols A hollow or voided lozenge design through which the field appears Iron clamp used to hold a millstone in place and represented in heraldry by two batons arched and couped back to back and linked with each other; also known as a ‘Fer de moulin’ Wavy line of partition ‘Gold’, heraldic term for gold or yellow One of the major armorial geometrical ‘Charges’ also called Honourable Ordinaries, usually nine in number: cross, chief, pale, bend, fess, inescutcheon, chevron, saltire, bar; other such geometrical charges are called Sub-Ordinaries or plain Ordinaries Third Honourable ‘Ordinary’, a vertical band extending from the top of a shield to the bottom Describes devices placed one above the other (i.e. in the direction of a pale, vertically), also called ‘In pale’ Vertical band narrower than a ‘Pale’ Shield divided by vertical bands Term used for a field apparently covered with scales, so-named for the supposed resemblance of these scales to butterfly wings ‘Walking’ (used of lions and other four-legged beasts) Downward projection of a label Divided into two diagonally Divided into two horizontally Divided into two vertically Triangular Sub-Ordinary see ‘Semé’ Represented in natural colour(s) Heraldic term for purple Stylised leaf resembling a four-leaf clover ‘Fork-tailed’, used of lions with a double tail (‘double queued’) where the tail has a single base, but in the Middle Ages the distinction between the two kinds of double tail was often ignored Used to describe a lion or other beast erect and in a fighting posture; if a lion is not further described it is assumed to be rampant Beast, bird or monster with turned head looking back over its shoulder Used to describe birds that are ‘Volant’ but not beasts or monsters A solid circle forming a common charge called a bezant (i.e. a gold coin) when or, an ogress or pellet when sable, a plate when argent, a pomme when vert and a torteau (‘tartlet’, small cake) when gules Heraldic term for black Beast jumping, leaping or rearing

Heraldry Saltire (sautoir) Segreant Sejant Semé Sinister Tincture Torteau Trefoil Tressure Vair Vert Volant

705

Eighth Honourable Ordinary, St Andrew’s cross, with the shape of the letter X ‘Rampant’ when used to describe ‘griffins’ ‘Seated’ (used of lions, other beasts and monsters) ‘Sown’ or ‘powdered’, i.e. having an indefinite number in the field, as in ‘semé-de-lis’ ‘Left’ when describing ‘charges’ from behind the shield; it is the right-hand side of the shield when viewed from the front Designation for colours (azure, gules, purpure, sable, vert), metals (argent, or) and furs (ermine, vair) see ‘Roundel’ Stylised leaf resembling a three-leaf clover Narrow band near the edge of the coat of arms, often ornamented with ‘Fleurs-de-lis’ One of the two furs (see ‘Ermine’), usually shown as alternate bell-like forms of argent and azure Heraldic term for green (also ‘sinople’ in French heraldry) ‘Flying’ Civic and seigniorial coats of arms on coins

The civic coats of arms described herein are those that, in the course of time, were used as heraldic symbols of their respective cities, even though it is likely that their use on coinage often preceded and thus probably led to their eventual adoption as coats of arms. Other symbols that appeared on coins and identified them with particular cities, for example Genoa’s city-gate, are listed below under ‘Other symbols’. Achaia Adorno Alençon Aquileia Austria Benzoni Bonacolsi Caetani

See below, Savoy-Achaia. Or a bend checky argent and sable (on some coins of Genoa under the rule of Gian Galeazzo Maria Sforza, 1487–94, and governorship of Agostino Adorno). Azure three fleurs-de-lis or (for France) a bordure gules semé with plates (on coins of Philip of Alençon, patriarch of Aquileia, 1381–7). Azure an eagle crowned or (on coins of Aquileia). Gules a fess argent (on some fifteenth-century coins of the counts of Tyrol). Papelonné azure and argent in chief argent (?) a dog passant sable (?) (on the soldino of Crema in the name of Giorgio Benzoni, 1405–14). Barry of six or seven gules and or (in the obverse inscriptions of coins of Mantua under the Bonacolsi, 1311–28). Argent two bendlets wavy azure (on the coins of Antonio I Caetani, patriarch of Aquileia, 1395–1402).

706

Heraldry, saints, symbols

Per fess nebuly sable and argent (in inscriptions on coins of Savona under Spinetta di Campofregoso, 1420–1); also, Per fess sable and argent. Carraresi or Da Carrara Argent a wagon-frame (Ital. carro) gules seen from above, the four wheels shown from the side (on the coins of Padua). Ceva Barry of six or and sable (on coins of the marquises of Ceva). Como Or a crowned eagle displayed sable (i.e. imperial eagle, on coins of the imperial mint of Como until 1335). Crema Per fess gules and argent (in the reverse inscription of Giorgio Benzoni’s bolognino of Crema, 1404–14). Fieschi Bendy of six argent and azure (on coins of Masserano); also, double-headed eagle crowned and displayed (on coins of Masserano). France Azure three fleurs-de-lis or (see below, Orléans). Gonzaga Barry of six or and sable (in obverse inscriptions of coins of Mantua from the second quarter of the fourteenth century and as the reverse or obverse type from 1369); later quartered with gules lion rampant argent crowned or (the lion sometimes being double-queued); after Emperor Sigismund of Luxembourg (1410–37, emp. from 1433) made Giovanni Francesco Gonzaga marquis of Mantua in 1433, the family bore the quartered shield as an inescutcheon on an imperial shield of argent cross pattée gules between four eagles displayed sable beaked and legged gules. Gorizia Per bend in chief azure a lion rampant or in base bendy or barry of four to six argent and gules (on coins of the counts of Gorizia, from 1274 onwards). Luxembourg Barruly argent and azure lion queue-fourchée gules crowned or. Milan Or an eagle displayed sable crowned or quartered with argent a serpent azure devouring a child gules (the serpent being the Visconti coat of arms, originally the arms of Matteo II Visconti, lord of Milan in 1354–5; see below, Visconti). Montferrat Argent a chief gules (on coins of Chivasso and Casale for the marquises of Montferrat, from 1338 onwards, and Asti under the rule of the Paleologhi, 1356–78). Moravia Azure an eagle checky argent and gules (on coins of Giovanni of Moravia, patriarch of Aquileia, 1387–94). Nogarola or Da Nogarole Azure three bendlets embattled and counter-embattled (on the grosso aquilino of Vicenza under Bailardino Nogarola as podestà, 1320–9). Orléans Shield of France (see above) with a label of three points argent (on coins of Duke Charles of Orléans as lord of Asti, first period, 1408–22?); also, quartered shield, Orléans and Visconti Campofregoso

Heraldry

Paleologo

Panciera Pfannberg Randeck Razzi or Robari Saluzzo Savona

Savoy Savoy-Achaia Scaligeri or Della Scala Teck

707

(on coins of Charles as lord of Asti, second period, 1447–65; see below, Visconti). Quarterly with arms of the Eastern Empire in the first quarter (gules double-headed eagle displayed or), of Jerusalem (argent, a cross potent between four crosses potent or) and Aragon-Majorca (or four palets gules) in the second, of Saxony (barry of ten sable and or) and Bar (azure semé of crosslets fitchy two barbels hauriant addorsed or), of Serbia and the Paleologhi in the fourth (gules a cross or between four firesteels addorsed or), with the arms of Montferrat (see above) as inescutcheon (on coins of Casale for Marquis Guglielmo VIII Paleologo II of Montferrat, 1494–1518). Gules a bend checky argent and azure; also, as above, but the base point azure thereon an estoile or (on coins of Antonio II Panciera di Portogruaro, patriarch of Aquileia, 1402–11). Gules three lozenges in fess argent (but lozengy on the grosso aquilino of Padua under Ulrich von Pfannberg as vice-capitano of the imperial vicario, 1324–5). Argent a fess between three fleurs-de-lis gules (on coins of Marquardo di Randeck, patriarch of Aquileia, 1365–81). Per pale dexter barry of six sable and or impaling sinister vert and or a bend vair (on coins of Ottobono de’ Razzi, patriarch of Aquileia, 1302–15). Argent a chief azure; also, party per fess azure and argent (on coins of Carmagnola for the marquises of Saluzzo from 1475). Gules a pale argent on a chief or a demi-eagle displayed and issuant sable crowned or (does not appear on the coins of Savona as such); also, gules a pale argent (in the inscriptions of some coins of Savona and as mint mark on the gold florins of Savona); also, eagle displayed with wings inverted and issuant (Charles VI, 1396–1409), party per pale with French arms to dexter, and later (Louis XI, 1461–4), quarterly with azure and a fleur-de-lis or in the second and third quarters; under the Visconti (Filippo Maria Visconti, 1421–35), the eagle rising quarterly with the Visconti viper in the second and third quarters or party per pale with the viper to sinister, and later (Francesco Sforza, 1464–6), party per pale, the Visconti viper to sinister. Gules a cross argent (on coins of the counts and dukes of Savoy). Shield of Savoy (see previous entry) and thereon a bend azure (on coins of Savoy-Achaia [Turin, Pinerolo, Moncalieri], 1301–1418). Gules a ladder of four rungs in pale argent (on coins of Verona). Described and depicted variously: Barry bendy or and sable, Barry bendy sinister or and sable, Fusilly bendwise sinister sable

Heraldry, saints, symbols

708

Torre

Trivulzio Tyrol Venice Villanders (Villandro)

Visconti

Walsee

and or, Paly bendy or and sable (on coins of Ludovico II of Teck, partriarch of Acquileia, 1412–20). Argent a tower gules (as reverse type on coins of Raimondo della Torre, patriarch of Aquileia, 1273–99); also, quartered with key palewise (as reverse type on coins of Raimondo della Torre); also, azure a tower gules over two sceptres in saltire argent ornamented with fleurs-de-lis or (as reverse type on coins of patriarchs Pagano della Torre, 1319–31, and Ludovico della Torre, 1359–65). Paly of six or and vert (on coins of Mesocco). Argent an eagle displayed gules beaked and legged or with clover-leaf bars on the wings or crowned or grasping a trefoil branch or (on coins of the counts of Tyrol). Azure a winged lion sejant guardant nimbate or (for St Mark) holding under its forepaw a book inscribed PAX TIBI MARCE EVANGELISTA MEVS. Per fess azure and gules in chief three piles issuant from base argent and argent chevronels inverted and conjoined argent (on the grosso aquilino of Padua under Engelmar von Villanders as capitano of the imperial vicario, 1325–8). Argent a serpent azure devouring a child gules (on coins of Milan and other mints under the Visconti and Sforza); after becoming imperial vicario under Charles IV of Luxembourg (1347–78, emp. from 1355), Matteo II Visconti (1354–5) quartered these arms with the German eagle (see above, Milan); Emperor Albert II (1438–40) granted the Visconti a crown to the head of the serpent, thus: argent a serpent azure crowned or devouring a child gules. Sable a fess argent (on the grosso aquilino of Padua under Ulrich von Walsee as imperial vicario and for sometime thereafter, 1320–4).

(b) sai nt s , pat ron s and oth e r p rote c tor s Most of the saints depicted on medieval northern Italian coins and/or referred to in their legends were patrons of their respective cities of issue, typically early Christian martyrs and/or early bishops. In some northern Italian cities, patron saints shared patronage duties with other saints before the twelfth century, while in other places, the established patrons were joined by others or even displaced by new ones during the communal period or later. Many northern Italian cities also struck coins that depicted and/or referred to Christ and/or the Virgin Mary, probably regarding them as patrons or co-patrons. The primary sources for the lives of the saints are assembled in the Acta Sanctorum (AS) among other places, and can also be found in the Patrologia Latina (PL) and Patrologiae Graeca (PG), though modern editions, when available, are generally preferred. The main guides to saints’ lives in the

Saints

709

Latin, Greek and Eastern sources are the volumes of the Bibliotheca hagiographica (BHG; BHL; BHO), while Dalarun et al. (2003) have put together a guide to the vernacular Italian sources. Two vernacular sources, both from fourteenth-century manuscripts in Florentine libraries and identifiable from internal evidence as Lombardo-Veneto, have recently been published by Verlato (2009).The Bibliotheca Sanctorum is somewhat outdated but remains one of the more comprehensive dictionaries of the saints and covers the more obscure Italian saints absent from other guides. The entries summarise the hagiography and historiography for each saint, often in detail, and provide bibliographies as well as separate treatments of the iconography for the better known saints (Vizzini et al. 1961–70). The Lexikon für Theologie und Kirche (LThK) is nearly as comprehensive as the Bibliotheca Sanctorum in its treatment of the saints and more up-to-date. The concise Oxford and Penguin dictionaries and other such single-volume handbooks are sometimes helpful but overlook most of the lesser-known saints. Older editions of Butler’s Lives of the Saints need to be approached with caution because of their heavy reliance on secondary sources,but the revised edition published in the 1990s corrects this and provides a brief bibliography for each saint (Butler 1995–9). Bellotta (1988) has collected biographies of patron saints in Italy, but his work does not cover many of the more obscure saints and is marred by his failure to provide sources or bibliographical references. Peyer (1955), Golinelli (1991; 1994a; 1994b) and Webb (1996) have produced good general studies on the veneration of saints in Italy during the communal period in the context of the rise of the city-states. Webb’s book even contains a brief discussion of saints depicted or referred to on coinage that raises some important questions (pp.231–6).Also useful is Thompson’s assessment of religion in communal Italy, particularly the sections devoted to patron saints (2005, 108–20, 179–216). Because so many of the saints referred to or depicted on northern Italian coins were early Christian martyrs and/or early bishops of the places where they were venerated most enthusiastically, the literature on saints in late antiquity and the early Middle Ages is sometimes also relevant. The starting point is Brown (1981; 1982; 1995), but the veneration of saints specifically in late antique and early medieval northern Italy is covered more comprehensively in Orselli (1965; 1985), Picard (1988) and Everett (2000). Finally, Kaftal’s monumental studies of the iconography of the saints in Italian painting are aimed chiefly at art historians but are very useful to the numismatist. They cover all but the most obscure of the saints listed below, give separate bibliographies for the art history and hagiography of each saint, and are thoroughly indexed. The volumes on the depiction of saints in northern Italian painting (Kaftal 1978; 1985) are most important for the saints depicted or referred to on northern Italian coins, but the volumes on Tuscan and on central and south Italian painting (Kaftal 1952; 1986) should not be overlooked. There has been surprisingly little work specifically on saints depicted or referred to on Italian coins. In the nineteenth century, Bazzi and Santoni (1886) and Ambrosoli (1891, 143–9), among others, produced lists of saints on Italian coins alongside their respective issuing authorities and/or places of issue, though without comment on the saints, their attributes or the reasons for their veneration. The firm Crippa Numismatica has a similar list on its website, though again without further comment (www.crippanumismatica.it/santi.htm). Saccocci (1999b) and Travaini (2004) have studied coin finds in saints’ tombs in Italy and Arslan (2001) discussed the first appearance of a saint’s image on a medieval Italian coin, that of St Michael Archangel on the coinage of Pavia under the Lombard King Cunipert (678–700). Other studies focus on particular saints on coins or saints on the coins of particular places, for example the recent article of Štekar (2008) on local

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patron saints on the early thirteenth-century coins of Aquileia, Trieste and other nearby cities. Travaini nevertheless broached the broader subject (2004; 2012) and one of her students has now carried out a general survey of saints on Italian coins (Moneta 2010). The list below enumerates only the saints specifically depicted and/or referred to in the legends on the coins of the northern Italian regions covered in this volume. The chief objective of this list is to assist numismatists in identifying northern Italian coins, particularly those in poor condition, on the basis of their religious iconography. It is not intended as an abridged dictionary of the saints on the coins. The basic biographical information it provides should therefore be treated with caution. Above all, the reader should bear in mind that the concise entries below disguise a wide range of contentious issues in the interpretation of the hagiography and the often conflicting hagiographical traditions. This is reflected in the various dictionaries of the saints, which frequently disagree over the essential details of saints’ lives. The feast days referred to below are those celebrated in the Western Church. Abundus or Abundius (Ital. Abbondio; on coins of Como) was consecrated as bishop of Como in 449 and appointed papal legate to Constantinople by Pope Leo the Great (440–61) in 450. He was martyred on 2 April 468 and became patron of Como where his remains are preserved in the Basilica dei Santi Apostoli. He is honoured there on 31 August and is depicted with a deer or resurrecting a dead child. Ambrose (Lat. Ambrosius, Ital. Ambrogio; on coins of Milan) was born in Trier c. 340, appointed governor of Aemilia and Liguria (with the capital in Milan) c. 370, named bishop of Milan while still catechumen (i.e. not yet baptised) by popular acclamation in 374, and died 4 April 397. He is patron of Milan where he is honoured on 7 December, the date on which he was ordained in 374. One of the Latin Fathers of the Church, he is depicted as a bishop with mitre, pastoral staff and a whip or beehive. Anselm the Younger of Lucca (Lat. Anselmus, Ital. Anselmo; on coins of Mantua) was nephew of Bishop Anselm of Lucca (1057–71; Pope Alexander II, 1061–73). Born in Mantua in 1036, he was nominated to succeed his uncle as bishop of Lucca in 1071, was prelate there until his death in Mantua 1086, and was an important figure in church reform and the Investiture Controversy. He is patron of Mantua where he became a Benedictine monk c. 1075 and honoured on 18 March, the date of his death. He is pictured with the symbols of his episcopal office, the pastoral staff and mitre. Antony of Padua (Lat. Antonius, Ital. Antonio; on coins of Padua) was born Fernando Martins de Bulhões to a wealthy noble family in Lisbon c. 1195 and took the name Antony upon joining the Franciscan order c. 1220. He came to Italy soon thereafter, died there near Padua on 13 June 1231 and was canonised by Pope Gregory IX (1227–41) on 30 May 1232. He is one of the four patrons of Padua, where he is commemorated on the date of his death. His early attributes were his Franciscan habit, a book in his left hand and a youthful face, to which were later added the lily and the Christ Child. Apollonius (Ital. Apollonio; on coins of Brescia) was the fourth bishop of Brescia and martyr who consecrated St Faustinus as priest and St Jovita as deacon. He is venerated in Brescia where his feast is celebrated on 7 July. He is depicted in his epicopal habit in the act of benediction. Bassianus or Bassian (Ital. Bassiano; on coins of Lodi) was an early bishop of Lodi and confidant of St Ambrose, whose deathbed and funeral he attended. He died in 409, probably 19 January, the date of his feast. He is patron of Lodi.

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Bellinus (Ital. Bellino; on coins of Rovigo under Venice), bishop of Padua by 1128, was allegedly assassinated by a member of the Capodivacca family in 1147, probably on 26 November. He is patron of the diocese of Rovigo-Adria, where his feast is celebrated on the probable date of his martyrdom. Bessus or Besse (Ital. Besso; on coins of Ivrea) is a saint venerated in Ivrea around whom there are different traditions. One holds that he was a member of the so-called Theban Legion and was martyred c. 286, while another sees him as a martyred eighth-century bishop of Ivrea. He is one of the patrons of Ivrea and, reflecting the different traditions that surround him, is honoured there on both 10 August and 1 December. His relics were reputedly translated to the city during the time of Arduino (b. 955), marquis of Ivrea and king of Italy (1002–14), and they are still conserved there in the cathedral, alongside those of the city’s other patron, St Sabinus. Blaise (Lat. Blasius or Blaxius, Ital. Biagio; on coins of Musso of the Trivulzio fiefs) is thought to have been a bishop of Sebastea in Armenia who was martyred, possibly under Roman Emperor Licinius (308–24), on 3 February 316. This saint is the patron of the principal church of Musso, which confirms the attribution of coins that refer to him to the city’s mint. He is often pictured with the iron wool-comb of the carder, the instrument of the torture that he suffered during his martyrdom, and two crossed candles. Carpophorus (Ital. Carpoforo;on coins of Mesocco of the Trivulzio fiefs),according to tradition, was one of a group of six Christian soldiers martyred near Como on 7 August c. 295 during the rule of Roman Emperor Maximian (286–305). St Felix of Como, the city’s first bishop (d. 391), oversaw the construction of the church in Como dedicated to Carpophorus. There is also a church dedicated to the saint within the ruins of the castello in Mesocco. It was first built in the eighth century and extended in the early thirteenth but is now in ruins and only the foundation of the original structure remains. The feast of Carpophorus is celebrated on the day of his martyrdom. He is represented as a soldier with a martyr’s palm. Celestine (Lat. Celestinus or Coelestinus, Ital. Celestino; on coins of Mantua) was Pope Celestine I (423–32). He is venerated in Mantua because his relics are believed to be in the city’s cathedral, though sources suggest only that he was initially interred in the catacombs of Santa Priscilla in Rome and then moved in 820 by order of Pope Paschal I (817–24) to the basilica of Santa Prassede. He is honoured on 6 April in the Roman Church and is depicted with a dove, dragon and flame. Constantius (Ital. Costanzo; on coins of Carmagnola for the marquises of Saluzzo) was a soldier of the so-called Theban Legion who, according to one tradition, escaped martyrdom and fled to the Valle Maira west of Cuneo, while in another, he was martyred during the persecutions of Roman Emperor Diocletian (284–305). He is patron of Villar San Costanzo in the diocese of Saluzzo and also venerated in Saluzzo. He is generally honoured on 22 September, the feast of St Maurice. He is depicted as a soldier carrying a white banner with the red tri-lobed cross of St Maurice. Daniel of Padua (Ital. Daniele; on coins of Padua) was deacon and martyr. According to tradition, he was martyred during the persecutions of Roman Emperor Diocletian (284–305) at the beginning of the fourth century. He is one of the patrons of Padua, where his feast is celebrated on 3 January. He is depicted in the habit of a deacon with a martyr’s palm and sometimes, as on the coins, the standard of the city, hence the designation Daniel Vexillifer (Daniel standard-bearer). Donatus of Arezzo (Ital. Donato; on coins of Pinerolo for the princes of Savoy-Achaia) was an early bishop of Arezzo, supposedly martyred 7 August 363. He is patron of Arezzo and Pinerolo.

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His feast is celebrated on the day of his reputed martyrdom in Arezzo, but on the last Sunday of August in Pinerolo. He is depicted in episcopal habit sometimes with a communion chalice and sometimes fighting a dragon with a sword. Evasius (Ital. Evasio; on coins of Casale Monferrato for the marquises of Montferrat) was an early bishop of Asti, martyred in the third or fourth century (1 December). He is patron of Casale Monferrato, where his relics are conserved in the cathedral dedicated to him, and also venerated in Asti.His feast is celebrated in Casale Monferrato on 12 November to commemorate the day in 1403 that Italian mercenary Facino Cane (1360–1412) returned his relics to the town from Alessandria. but he is honoured in Asti on the date of his martyrdom. He is depicted with a pastoral staff and episcopal mitre. Faustinus (Ital. Faustino; on coins of Brescia) was a nobleman of Brescia and priest who was martyred with his brother Jovita during the time of Roman Emperor Hadrian (117–34). He is patron of Brescia with Jovita. Their feast is celebrated on 15 February, the traditional day of their martyrdom. They are depicted in their respective habits with martyrs’ palms. Gaudentius of Novara (Ital.Gaudenzio;on coins of Novara) was bishop of Novara,consecrated in 398 by Simplician, successor of Ambrose to the see of Milan. Gaudentius oversaw the diocese of Novara until his death on 22 January 417 or 418. He is patron of Novara and is also venerated in Ivrea where he was born. His feast is celebrated on the anniversary of his death and he is depicted in episcopal habit with a pastoral staff. George (Ital. Giorgio; on coins of Mantua, Masserano and Mesocco of the Trivulzio fiefs) was born c. 280 to a Christian noble family in Lydda, Palestine, and was martyred in Nicomedia (˙Izmit, Turkey) on 23 April 303. The legend of St George and the dragon is of Eastern origin and later, probably from the early eleventh century or slightly before, and was brought to the West by returning crusaders. Both Mantua and Masserano had churches dedicated to the saint in the Middle Ages. St George is patron of knights and noble houses, which explains his appearance on the coins of the Trivulzio fiefs. He is also patron of the Genoese bank Casa di San Giorgio and several northern Italian towns. Honoured on the day of his martyrdom, he is typically depicted as a soldier with a suit of armour or chain-mail, often bearing St George’s cross on a banner or shield, often mounted and slaying a dragon. Gervasius (Ital. Gervasio; on coins of Milan) and Protasius were the twin sons of the martyr St Vitalis of Milan and in some traditions also of the martyr St Valerie as the wife of Vitalis, though other traditions regard Valerie as a virgin. The twins were martyred in the first or second century and later joined St Ambrose as patrons of Milan after Ambrose supposedly discovered their relics in 386. Their feast is celebrated on 19 June. They are depicted in Roman habits, sometimes with the instruments of their martyrdom, namely a scourge for Gervasius and a sword for Protasius. Hermagoras (Ital. Ermagora; on coins of Aquileia) was an early bishop of Aquileia, traditionally thought to have been the first. According to one tradition, he was appointed by St Mark the Evangelist to lead the Christian community of Aquileia, was consecrated by St Peter, and martyred perhaps as early as c. 70. Another more plausible tradition nevertheless regards Hermagoras as a figure of the third century, possibly the immediate predecessor of Bishop (St) Hilary (Ital. Ilario) of Aquileia (c. 276–85). Hermagoras is patron of Aquileia and Udine where he is honoured on 12 July. He is depicted in epicopal habit with the pastoral staff and alongside his deacon, Fortunatus. Hyacinth (Lat. Hyacinthus, Ital. Giacinto; on coins of Como). See below, Protus.

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Hymerius or Himerius (Ital. Imerio; on coins of Cremona) was bishop of Amelia in Umbria some time between the fourth and sixth centuries. Bishop Liutprand of Cremona (961–72) oversaw the translation of the saint’s relics from an oppido Sancti Flaviani sito in episcopatu Imeliensi to Cremona c. 965. The relics were later lost but rediscovered in the twelfth century and entombed with those of another martyr named Archelaus (Ital. Archelao), of whom nothing is known. Hymerius is a patron of Cremona, where his feast is celebrated on 17 June. Jesus of Nazareth or Jesus Christ (Lat. Iesus Nazarenus or Iesus Christus, Ital. Gesù Cristo; on coins of Acqui, Chivasso, Cortemilia, Incisa, Ponzone, Turin, Venice) was the Son of God and Saviour of Man in the Christian tradition. He is most commonly shown on medieval Italian coins enthroned, as on the Venetian grosso matapan and its Piedmontese imitations, but is also pictured in bust, standing, and rising from the sepulchre. The most important feast days associated with Christ are the Nativity (Christmas), celebrated on 25 December, and the Resurrection (Easter), celebrated on the first Sunday after the first full moon after the vernal equinox, as established in the First Council of Nicaea (Bithynia, or modern ˙Iznik, south-east of Istanbul) in 325. John the Baptist (Lat. Iohannes, Ital. Giovanni Battista; on imitation gold florins of the marquises of Carretto, Chivasso for the marquises of Montferrat, Lienz for the counts of Gorizia, Moncalieri for the princes of Achaia-Savoy, and Savona; also on coins of Incisa, Turin) is the Precursor of Christ in the Christian tradition. He was conceived 24 September, born 24 June, and beheaded 29 August. His feast is celebrated on the days of both his birth and his martyrdom, an honour reserved for Jesus Christ, the Virgin Mary and a few of the Church Fathers. John is patron of Turin and Genoa as well as Florence. The basilica of San Giovanni in Laterano in Rome is dedicated to both John the Baptist and John the Evangelist. The Baptist is usually depicted as an anchorite in a coarse camel-hair tunic, often with a pastoral staff and a lamb. John the Evangelist (Lat. Iohannes, Ital. Giovanni Evangelista; on coins of Chivasso for the marquises of Montferrat) was one of the original twelve apostles of Christ and author of the Gospel of John in the New Testament of the Bible. He is also often associated with the three Epistles of John and the book of Revelation by one John the Elder of Patmos, the island to which the Evangelist was briefly exiled towards the end of his life, though his authorship of these writings is debated. He nevertheless spent most of his later life in Ephesus in Asia Minor and died c. 100. His feast is celebrated on 27 December and, in honour of a tradition in which John was taken to Rome and thrown into a vat of boiling oil but miraculously escaped, on 6 May. He is usually pictured with an eagle and a chalice with a serpent emerging from it. Jovita (Ital. Giovita; on coins of Brescia). See above, Faustinus. Justina (Ital. Giustina; on coins of Padua and later, in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, Venice) was condemned for her faith during the persecutions of Roman Emperor Diocletian (284–305) by a tribunal of Maximian in Padua and martyred on 7 October 304. Her body was entombed outside the city walls. In the sixth century, a basilica was built around the sepulchre that later evolved into a Benedictine abbey dedicated to the saint. The complex was rebuilt on a more modest scale after an earthquake completely destroyed the earlier one in 1117 and then greatly extended in the sixteenth century. In addition to the tomb of Justina, it now contains those of Prosdocimus, her supposed baptist (q.v.), and several other saints. St Justina is one of the patrons of Padua and is venerated also in Venice and Piacenza, where she is honoured on the day of her martyrdom. She is pictured as a young woman with a martyr’s palm and book, often with pierced breasts in later depictions.

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Justus (Ital. Giusto; on coins of Trieste) was martyred in Trieste during the persecutions of Roman Emperor Diocletian (284–305) in the early fourth century, reputedly by drowning on 2 November 303 after he was cast in the sea with lead weights tied to his hands and feet. His body, washed ashore by the currents, was soon recovered and safely interred. The church dedicated to the saint was built next to the cathedral by the middle of the sixth century; the two churches were joined together in the later thirteenth century to form a new cathedral dedicated to St Justus. The saint is patron of Trieste, where he is honoured on the day of his martyrdom. He is depicted with a martyr’s palm and book. Liberalis (Ital. Liberale; on coins of Treviso under Venetian rule) was a fourth-century saint, sometimes associated with the region around Ancona but actually from the ancient Roman city of Altinum (Quarto d’Altino), which was abandoned after being destroyed by Attila the Hun (406– 53) in 452. Liberalis was a disciple of (St) Heliodorus, first bishop of Altinum (d. c. 400). When Liberalis died on 27 April c. 400, he was entombed in Altinum but his remains and those of others were translated to Treviso probably towards 452 to protect them from Attila’s army. His sepulchre now rests in the crypt of Treviso’s cathedral. He is patron of Treviso, where his feast is celebrated on the anniversary of his death. He is represented in a liturgical tunic or sometimes, as in a painting of Giorgione, in soldier’s armour. Longinus (Ital. Longino; possibly on coins of Mantua), according to legend, was a Roman centurion who was present at the crucifixion of Christ and pierced Christ’s side with his lance to ascertain whether he was still alive. He then acknowledged that Christ was the Son of God and converted to Christianity. The Gospels do not give the soldier’s name, which probably derived from the Greek term λόγχη (longche) for ‘spear’ or ‘lance’, but it is mentioned in the apocryphal Gospel of Nicodemus. The traditions surrounding Longinus are many and varied; in Mantua, he is regarded as responsible for translating a reliquary to the city that supposedly contained the blood of Christ. Longinus is honoured on 15 March. Mark the Evangelist (Lat. Marcus, Ital. Marco Evangelista; on coins of Venice), according to Roman tradition, was a disciple of (St) Peter (q.v.) in Rome and wrote his gospel on the basis of Peter’s teachings. According to an Egyptian tradition, Mark founded the Christian church in Alexandria and was martyred near there on 25 April c. 70. In the early ninth century, a group of Venetian merchants translated his supposed relics from Alexandria; the relics were certainly in Venice by 829 and from the time of their arrival there, Mark was the city’s patron. His feast is celebrated on the day of his martyrdom and he is represented with a winged lion, which also became the symbol of Venice. Martin (Lat. Martinus, Ital. Martino; on coins of Chivasso for the marquises of Montferrat, Masserano), probably in reference to Martin of Tours (316/17–397), the bishop of Tours (372– 97) credited with a miraculous intervention to ensure that Clovis, the Merovingian king of the Salian Franks (c. 466–511), upheld a promise to be baptised as a Christian. The saint’s connections with Chivasso and/or the marquises of Montferrat as well as Masserano are unclear. He is honoured on 11 November. He is sometimes depicted in episcopal habit but more often using a sword to divide his cloak, especially while on horseback, and share it with a beggar. Mary the Virgin (Ital. Maria, also Madonna, Vergine; on coins of Aquileia, Crevacuore, Mantua, Mesocco of the Trivulzio fiefs, Masserano, Milan, Savona, Venice) was the mother of Jesus of Nazareth (q.v.). She is honoured in the feasts of the Annunciation (25 March), when the Archangel Gabriel announced to her that she would conceive and bear the baby Jesus; the Assumption

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(15 August), when her body was taken up into heaven; and the Immaculate Conception (8 December),when she was conceived.Several of her apparitions are also celebrated with special feasts.Mary is often depicted with a covered head holding the Christ Child and sometimes with Christ after his crucifixion, as in Michelangelo’s Pietà. Michael the Archangel (Ital. Michele Arcangelo; on imitation silver grossi of the Venetian type of Cortemilia for the marquises of Carretto and of the marquises of Ponzone) is an important biblical figure. His feasts are celebrated on 29 September (Michaelmas), probably to commemorate the establishment of the basilica dedicated to him on the via Salaria in Rome in the fifth century, and 8 May, the anniversary of two of his several apparitions, one in 494 at Monte Gargano and another in 663 at nearby Sipontum (Manfredonia). Both Cortemilia and Ponzone have parish churches dedicated to San Michele, the one at Ponzone constructed only in the sixteenth century but presumably replacing a much earlier church dedicated to the same saint. He is depicted as an angel, often as a warrior in armorial dress with a sword and set of scales, and sometimes slaying a serpent. Peter (Lat. Petrus, Ital. Pietro; on coins of Chivasso for the marquises of Montferrat and Mantua) was an apostle of Christ and first bishop of Rome. He was martyred in Rome under the Emperor Nero (54–68) c. 64/7 and is honoured on 29 June. In Chivasso, he was presumably adopted as an early patron as the holder of the keys to heaven in recognition of the town’s Latin name Clavasium (key), but he was displaced in the early modern period by the Blessed Angelo, a fifteenth-century scholar. The main church of Chivasso, Santa Maria Assunta, is dedicated to the Assumption of the Virgin Mary, but it was built and consecrated only in the early fourteenth century. In Mantua, the cathedral is dedicated to St Peter. The saint is generally depicted as an older man with a beard carrying a pair of keys, one gold and the other silver. Peter (Lat. Petrus, Ital. Pietro; on coins of Alessandria) was bishop of Alexandria (Egypt) from 300 until he was martyred on 26 November 311. The medieval cathedral of Alessandria (Italy) is dedicated to the saint, who is honoured on the day of his martyrdom. Prosdocimus or Prosdochimus (Ital. Prosdocimo; on coins of Padua) was the first bishop of Padua. He probably lived in the later third and early fourth century. A later tradition that he followed (St) Peter from Antioch to Rome and was sent by the apostle to evangelise Padua is regarded as apocryphal. Another tradition holds that he baptised Justina (q.v.), the most famous martyr of Padua. After his death, Prosdocimus was buried in a cemetery outside the city walls in the area where the basilica of Santa Giustina was later built; his remains are entombed in the basilica. He is one of the patrons of Padua, where his feast is celebrated on 7 November. Prosdocimus is depicted as an older man in episcopal habit carrying an ampule, symbol of a baptist. Protasius (Ital. Protasio; on coins of Milan). See above, Gervasius. Protus (Ital.Proto;on coins of Como) was martyred with his brother Hyacinth in Rome,possibly during the persecutions of Emperor Valerian (254–9). In 1845, the tomb, charred remains and epitaph of Hyacinth were discovered in the cemetery of the martyr Basilla on the via Salaria; part of the nearby tomb of Protus was also found but was empty, probably because Leo IV (847–55) translated his relics to Rome, as the written record suggests. The feast of Protus and Hyacinth is celebrated on 11 September, the date on which Hyacinth’s remains were deposited, according to his epitaph on the marble slab used to close his burial niche: d p iii idvs septebr yacinthvs martyr. Secundus (Ital. Secondo; on coins of Asti) was supposedly martyred in Asti on 29 March 119 for overseeing the burial of another martyr, (St) Marcian (Ital. Marciano), the first bishop of Tortona

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(d. 120), notwithstanding the incongruence of the respective dates of their martyrdoms. Secundus is patron of Asti, where his feast is now celebrated on the first Tuesday in May. He is depicted as a soldier, often mounted. Syrus (Ital. Siro;on coins of Pavia) was an early fourth-century bishop of Pavia,probably the first. In one tradition, he is regarded as a late first-century martyr and follower of (St) Hermagoras (q.v.), first bishop of Aquileia. Syrus is patron of Pavia and his relics are conserved in the city’s cathedral, Santa Maria Assunta. His feast is celebrated on 9 December and he is depicted in episcopal habit with pastoral staff. Theodore of Amasea (Ital. Teodoro; on coins of Chivasso and Casale for the marquises of Montferrat) was one of the Greek military saints, sometimes called Theodore Tyro. Recruited into the Roman army and ordered to perform a sacrifice to the pagan gods, he refused and instead, on 17 February probably between 306 and 311, set fire to the Sibylline temple in Amasea (Amasya) and immolated himself. He is honoured on 9 November in the Roman Church but on the date of his martyrdom in the Greek Orthodox Church. Theodore was probably taken over as a patron of the marquises of Montferrat during the time of Teodoro II Paleologo (1381–1418) as his namesake and in recognition of the founder of the Paleologo dynasty in the Piedmont, Teodoro I Paleologo of Montferrat (1306–38). The saint is typically pictured as a young soldier. Theonas (Ital. Teona or Teone; on coins of Masserano?) was bishop of Alexandria in Egypt, c. 281–c. 300. He is commemorated on 28 December in the Eastern tradition but on 27 August in the West. The connection between the saint and Masserano is unclear, though it is possible that the coin legend apparently referring to him, SANTVS TEONES on the extremely rare gold ongaro of Masserano, may allude instead to St Theonestus (q.v.), to whom other coins of Masserano clearly refer. Theonestus (Ital. Teonesto; on coins of Masserano) was an obscure figure, possibly a precursor of Eusebius of Vercelli (283–371) who was martyred probably in the early fourth century. Theonestus is mentioned only in the eighth-century vita of Eusebius, which states that Eusebius wanted to be buried near the remains of Theonestus in the Christian cemetery outside the walls of Vercelli. Theonestus is patron of Vercelli, where his feast is celebrated on 20 November, and the main church in Masserano is dedicated to him. Zeno (Ital. Zeno or Zenone; on coins of Verona) is thought to have come to Verona from Roman Africa. He succeeded Bishop Gricinus to the see of Verona c. 362 and died c. 372. He is patron of Verona, where he is honoured on 12 April, sometimes given as the anniversary of his death but more likely his traditional date of birth, and 21 May, which commemorates the translation of his relics from a church within the city to the newly rebuilt basilica San Zeno outside the walls in 807. Zeno is pictured in episcopal habit and is the patron of fishermen and new-born children.

(c) o th e r sym bol s Most of the types on the coins of medieval northern Italy were relatively simple. The cross was the most ubiquitous image on coins, particularly from the twelfth to the early fourteenth century, but it was used so widely that it never served to distinguish the issues of one mint from those of another. Other images on the coins were mostly either heraldic in character or else depictions of saints, both described above. Still others were depictions of animals, buildings, objects and personages that had

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a symbolic function but whose real meaning is often obscure. They can be roughly divided into four principal categories: (1)

Representations of power: from the middle of the fifteenth century, consisting mainly in portraits of issuing authorities (emperors, kings, dukes, bishops, etc.) and such things as batons, halberds, sceptres, weapons and castles. (2) Religious symbols: churches, temples, symbols or attributes of saints (e.g. the lion of St Mark, the eagle of St John the Evangelist), the lamb (Agnus Dei), holy objects or relics. (3) Imprese (see glossary): various images, sometimes comprehending pagan and mythological figures such as Pegasus and Hercules, or referring to some attitude or achievement of the issuing authority. (4) Civic symbols: images that referred to a specific city (e.g. the city-gate [Lat. ianua] on the coins of Genoa [Lat. Ianua], Virgil on the coins of Mantua) or marked the coinage of a specific city, having been in use throughout the life of its production (e.g. the star on the coins of Padua). The distinction between the different categories is not always straightfoward, so the symbols listed below are simply grouped together in alphabetical order. In the interest of facilitating research according to typology, the list also includes certain heraldic devices that appeared on coins as types in themselves rather than as part of coats of arms (e.g. the ladder of the Scaligeri of Verona and the eagle of various mints), even when they have already been discussed above in the section on heraldry. The significance of many of the symbols listed is obscure, as noted, and little attempt is made here to decipher them. The list below is nevertheless sufficient to draw attention to yet another area of medieval Italian numismatics in need of further inquiry. Band of cloth, knotted (Ital. fascia annodata; on coins of Milan). Banner (Ital. stendardo, gonfalone; with halberds [Ital. alabarde], on coins of Trieste). Bishop or Patriarch (Ital. Vescovo, Patriarca; pictured in bust, seated [enthroned], or standing, on coins of Aquileia, Brixen (Bressanone), counts of Gorizia, Mantua, Milan, Pavia, Trento, Trieste). Bite or Clamp (of a harness) (Ital. morso; on coins of Milan). Brush (Ital. spazzola; on coins of Milan). Burning torches with buckets (Ital. fiaccole ardenti con secchie; on coins of Milan and Pavia), described in the CNI as tizzoni con secchie (‘burning logs with buckets’). Cardinal’s hat (Ital. cappello cardinalizio; on coins of Paolo di Campofregoso as doge and then governor of Genoa, 1483–8). Cart (Ital. carro; as symbol of the Da Carrara family, on coins of Padua). Castle (Ital. castello; on coins of Aquileia and Bergamo). Church or Temple (Ital. chiesa, tempio; on coins of Aquileia, Bergamo, Domodossola, Trieste). City-gate (Lat. Ianua or porta, Ital. porta; on coins of Genoa). Often erroneously described as a castle (castello) but intended in Genoa as a symbolic representation of the city’s name, which in Latin is Ianua. City view (Ital. veduta della città; on coins of Mantua, Trieste). Clasped hands (Ital. stretta di mano, due mani congiunte; on coins of Mantua). Comet (Ital. cometa; on coins of Padua). Crescent (Ital. crescente), see Star.

718

Heraldry, saints, symbols

Cross (Lat. crux, Ital. croce; the most widely used image on medieval coins; the varieties appearing most commonly on northern Italian coins are listed below, App. 4, Glossary). Cross-bearing orb (Lat. globus cruciger, Ital. globo crucifero; on Rhenish-type florins, like those of Mesocco). Crossed halberds (Ital. alabarde incrociate; on coins of Trieste). Crossed sceptres or Crossed batons (Ital. bastoni di comando incrociati, scettri incrociati; on coins of Aquileia, Trieste). Crown (Ital corona; royal and ducal crown on coins of Asti, Masserano, Milan, Montferrat). Crucible (Ital. crogiuolo; on coins of Mantua). Diamond ring (Ital. anello con diamante; on coins of Mesocco and Pavia). Doe (Ital. cerbiatta; on coins of Mantua). Dog (Ital. cane; on coins of Mantua). Dove (Ital. colomba; on coins of Milan, Trieste). Duke, Marquis, Count, Knight (Ital. Duca, Marchese, Conte, Cavaliere; pictured in bust, seated, standing, kneeling, mounted; on coins of Asti, Chivasso, Cremona, Mantua, Milan, Pavia, Venice). Eagle (Ital aquila; on coins of Acqui, Aquileia, Casale, Chivasso, Como, Cortemilia, Crevacuore, Genoa, Incisa, Lienz for the counts of Gorizia, Mantua, Meran for the counts of Tyrol, Masserano, Milan, Padua, Savona, Trento, Treviso, Verona, Vicenza; also, as symbol of St John the Evangelist on coins of Aquileia, Chivasso). Emperor or King (Ital imperatore, re; pictured in bust, seated [enthroned], standing, mounted; on coins of Aquileia, Asti, Bergamo, Como, Cremona, Cuneo, Masserano as saint but reproducing the Hungarian ducat, Milan, Savona). Female figure (Ital. figura femminile; pictured with nimbus and holding the pyx, on coins of Mantua). Fleur-de-lis, Lis, Lys (Ital. giglio; on the imitation gold florins of Chivasso for the marquises of Montferrat, Cortemiglia for the marquises of Carretto, Lienz for the counts of Gorizia, Milan, Savona; also used by the patriarchs of Aquileia and on coins of Asti, Casale [Montferrat], Cuneo [Piedmont – county], Mesocco). Gauntlet (Ital. manopola; on coins of Mantua). Griffin (Ital. grifone; on coins of Genoa). Hassock (Ital. cuscino), see Pillow or Hassock. Helmet, crested (Ital. elmo con cimiero; on coins of Aquileia, Brescia, Carmagnola, Casale, Chivasso, Mesocco, Milan, Pavia, Verona). Hercules (Ital. Ercole; on coins of Brescia). King (Ital. re), see Emperor. Knotted band of cloth, Knotted cloth or Knotted veil, see Band of cloth, knotted. Ladder (Ital. scala; as symbol of the Della Scala family, on coins of Verona). Lamb (Ital. agnello; on coins of Chivasso, Trieste). Lion (Ital. leone; on coins of Brescia, Castelleone, Cremona, Lienz for the counts of Gorizia, Masserano, Milan; double-tailed of Bohemia, on coins of Aquileia; winged, as symbol of St Mark, on coins of Venice). Mitre (Ital. mitria, mitra; on coins of Aquileia, Trento, and as attribute of episcopal saints on coins of many other mints).

Other symbols

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Moor’s head (Ital. testa di moro; on coins of Brescia, Padua). Mt Olympus, see Olympus, Mt Olympus, Mt (Ital. Monte Olimpo; on coins of Mantua). Pegasus (Ital. pegaso; on coins of Mantua). Phoenix (Ital. fenice; on coins of Mantua, Milan). Pillow or Hassock (Ital. cuscino; on coins of Aquileia). Porcupine (Ital. istrice; as personal symbol of King Louis XII of France, on coins of Asti, Milan). Portrait (Ital. ritratto; on coins of Asti, Brescia, Carmagnola for the marquises of Saluzzo, Casale, Cremona, Lienz for the counts of Gorizia, Mantua, Milan, Venice). Pyx (Ital. pisside; on coins of Mantua). Rings (Ital. anelli; on coins of Pavia). Rose (Ital. rosa; on coins of Lienz for the counts of Gorizia, Padua). Saint (Ital. san, santa, santo; Lat. santa, sanctus; pictured in bust,seated,standing,kneeling,mounted; on coins of most mints). Saint with city model (Ital. santo con città; on coins of Asti, Padua). Shield (Ital. scudo; on coins of Aquileia, Asti, Brescia, Carmagnola for the marquises of Saluzzo, Casale and Chivasso for the marquises of Montferrat, Ceva, Cuneo, Genoa, Lienz for the counts of Gorizia, Mantua, Mesocco, Milan, Padua, Pavia, Savona). Stag (Ital. cervo; on coins of Casale). Star (Ital. stella; on coins of Cremona, Padua, Treviso, Trieste; with crescent, Trieste). Sun (Ital. sole; on coins of Mantua). Tower (Ital. torre; on coins of Aquileia). Tree, Trunk, Plant (Ital. albero, tronco, pianta; on coins of Casale for the marquises of Montferrat, Meran for the counts of Tyrol). Trophy (Ital. trofeo; on coins of Mantua). Unicorn (Ital. liocorno, unicorno; on coins of Trieste). Viper (Ital. biscia; as heraldic symbol of the Visconti and Sforza families, on coins of Asti, Cantù, Como, Genoa, Milan, Monza, Pavia, Verona). Virgil (Ital. Virgilio; pictured in bust and standing, on coins of Mantua).

APPENDIX 3

M E T RO L O G Y A N D C O M P O S I T I O N A L A N A LY S E S (a) m et rolog y The various weight systems in use in medieval northern Italy, as elsewhere in medieval Europe, went back to the Roman system. The Roman pound is traditionally taken as 327.45g, the figure proposed by Böckh (1838) and followed by, among others, Hultsch (1882). Scholars have since put forward figures varying from 322.56g (Naville 1951, 108–9) to c. 330g, but none has won general acceptance and all imply a greater degree of precision than is justified or even possible, given the nature of the evidence. It therefore seems best to retain the figure on which so many calculations have been based and which, if more precise than the evidence warrants, cannot be far wrong. The Roman pound consisted of twelve ounces (unciae) of 27.29g each, which consisted of twenty-four scruples (scrupula) of 1.14g each, which in turn were made up of twenty-four grains (grani) of 0.047g each. There were other intermediate units in the Roman system, e.g. the drachm (drachma, 3.41g) of three scrupula and the carat-weight (siliqua, 0.189g) of four grains that sometimes gained currency in medieval north Italian systems, but the principal components of the various systems were the pound or libra, mark or marca (see below), ounce or oncia, scruple/pennyweight or denaro (dwt), and grain or grano, generally (but not always) in the same relationship, which may be expressed as shown in Table 60. From the fall of the empire, however, the Roman system everywhere underwent independent development so that before long local systems were no longer identical with it. The absolute sizes of the units changed. In some places, there were also modifications in the structure of the system. This sometimes involved the introduction of altogether new weights such as the mark, a Germanic weight unit equal to eight ounces and thus two-thirds of the pound. In medieval Western Europe, the marks of Cologne (233.85g) and Troyes (244.75g) were particularly important and widely used. In northern Italy, the mark became the principal unit of weight for coinage and precious metals in Venice, Milan and Genoa, though in the last city it consisted of nine ounces of 26.40g each (i.e. 237.56g) instead of eight. The relatively light weight of the Genoese ounce nevertheless meant that the city’s mark was broadly in line with other Italian and foreign marks,and it was notably very close to the Venetian mark. Modifications in structure sometimes entailed such unusual combinations of the old Roman weights as well as unusual divisions, e.g. the oncia of only twelve denari used in Bergamo or that of sixteen dramme used in Brescia. The weights used for coinage and precious metals in northern Italy nevertheless appear to have undergone less radical change since the fall of the Roman Empire than other kinds of weights and measures. Conversion tables (tavole di ragguaglio or simply ragguagli) between the older local 720

Metrology

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Table 60. North Italian weight systems Libra

Oncia

Denari

Grani

1lb =

12oz = 1oz =

288dwt = 24dwt = 1dwt =

6912gr. 576gr. 24gr.

weights and measures and the new metric units published after the changeover to the metric system in Italy around 1800 are the main sources for pre-metric Italian weights and measures. They show that many cities were using libre for coinage and precious metals that were within 5 per cent (±) of the Roman pound, i.e. between 311.08g and 343.83g. The conversion rates that Pegolotti (1936) gives between the libre used in various Italian cities in the early fourteenth century generally correspond even more closely with the rates derived from such ragguagli, often within 1 per cent. It is nevertheless unclear exactly how far back the figures in nineteenth-century ragguagli can be safely pushed, especially in the smaller cities and towns, many if not most of which, even if independent during the Middle Ages, had long been under the sway of one of the larger cities by 1800 and had often lost all or part of their own weight systems to that of the dominant city. Table 61 shows the absolute size of monetary weights in medieval northern Italy in terms of modern metric units (grams), but it needs to be read with caution because of the extent to which it is based on nineteenth-century ragguagli. It is also important to bear in mind that most if not all cities also had more than one weight for the libra, sometimes several, usually including one reserved specifically for coinage and precious metals (as well as other items for which a fairly high degree of precision was usually desired such as medicines, silk and spices). Where the particular weight of the libra used for coinage can be distinguished among the various ones in use in a given city, it is almost always the smaller or lighter variant, usually called the libra piccola or libra sottile, though it is also the case that the particular variant used for coinage cannot always be determined. Wherever it has proved impossible to identify the precise variant of the libra used for coinage, Table 61 gives the figures for the libra piccola or sottile. Of the sources used to compile Table 61,the most accessible are Martini (1883) and Zupko (1981), but see also Doursther (1840). More detailed research on medieval Italian monetary weights should take into account the various tavole di ragguaglio published in Italy in the nineteenth century, e.g. Tavole di ragguaglio fra le nuove e le antiche misure, e fra i nuovi e gli antichi pesi della repubblica italiana (e del Regno d’Italia), 3 vols. (Milan, 1803–11); Tavole di ragguaglio fra le misure e pesi dello Stato pontificio colle misure e pesi del sistema metrico, 2 vols. (Rome, 1857–8); Tavole di ragguaglio dei pesi e delle misure già in uso nelle varie provincie del Regno col sistema metrico decimale, approvate con decreto reale 20 maggio 1877, n. 3836, edizione ufficiale (Rome, 1877). There are detailed studies of local systems of weights and measures in the Lombard cities (Frangioni 1992), in Genoa (Rocca 1871) and in Mantua (Navarrini 1987), and there are shorter accounts of monetary weights for Venice (Lane and Mueller 1985, 526–8) and Savona (Ferro 2001, 275–8). There is probably still much to learn about the way that local weights and measures in different cities related to one another from close comparison of the data available in published merchants’ manuals (Borlandi 1936; Pegolotti 1936; Borlandi 1963; Ciano 1964), not to mention the several unpublished ones in Florentine manuscript libraries alone, and archival sources for Italian weights and measures, particularly from the fifteenth century onwards,

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Table 61. Conversion table of monetary weights in northern Italy with modern metric units City (mint)

Pound (12oz) Libra

Mark (8oz) Marco

Ounce (24dwt) Once

Pennyweight (24gr.) Denaro

Grain Grano

Acqui Alessandria Asti (same as Turin) Bergamo Brescia Casale Monferrato Como Crema Cremona Domodossola Genoa Incisa (same as Turin) Ivrea Lodi Mantua Milan Monza (same as Milan) Novara Padua Pavia Rovigo Savona (same as Genoa) Tortona Trento Treviso Turin Udine Venice Vercelli Verona Vicenza

325.396 314.071 368.842 325.128 320.812 327.862 316.662 325.474 309.488 326.793 316.779 368.842 368.884 320.735 310.529 [352.496] [352.496] 325.474 338.883 318.725 301.461 316.779 324.258 – 338.883 368.842 301.230 – 368.844 333.176 338.883

– – 245.896 – 233.531 – – – – – – 245.896 – – – 234.997 234.997 – – – – 237.562 – – – 245.896 – 238.498 245.896 – –

27.108 26.172 30.737 27.094 26.734 27.322 26.388 27.123 25.791 27.233 26.398 30.737 30.740 26.728 25.877 29.375 29.375 27.123 28.240 26.560 25.118 26.398 27.021 31.542 28.240 30.737 25.102 29.812 30.737 27.765 28.240

1.129 1.090 1.281 – – 1.138 1.099 1.130 1.075 1.135 1.099 1.281 [1.281] 1.114 – 1.224 1.224 [1.130] – 1.107 1.046 1.100 1.126 – [1.177] 1.281 [1.046] 1.242 1.281 1.157 [1.177]

0.0471 0.0454 0.0533 – – 0.0474 0.0460 0.0471 0.0448 0.0473 0.0458 0.0533 [0.0534] 0.0464 – 0.0510 0.0510 [0.0471] – 0.0461 0.044 0.0458 0.047 – [0.0490] 0.0533 [0.0436] 0.0518 0.0533 0.0482 [0.0490]

Note: The figures in square brackets for the weights of the denaro and grano of several cities are not given in the sources consulted, but have been extrapolated from the larger figures for the oncia on the basis of twenty-four denari to the oncia and twenty-four grani to the denaro. The means used to arrive at the figures given above are discussed in Zecche i, 324–9.

have yet to be fully explored. The glossaries compiled by Martinori (1915) and Edler (1934) are also useful. The fineness of coin alloys is expressed today in percentages or in thousandths (millièmes), but in the Middle Ages, when decimal fractions were not used, it was done with a complex mixture of weight fractions, in carati (carats, 1/24ths ounce) and simple fractions of carats (halves, quarters, etc.)

Compositional analyses

723

or grani (grains, usually 1/4th carats but in Germany 1/12th) for gold and in once (ounces, 1/12ths, there being twelve ounces in the Roman pound), and denari (pennyweights) (usually 1/24ths in Italy) for silver. The fineness was therefore indicated in terms of these fractions per unit, 20 carats meaning, e.g. 20/24 of gold and 4/24 of base metal, i.e. 833/1000; the ‘carat system’ is still in use for gold. In many mints, the fineness of silver was reckoned not on the basis of pure metal (100 per cent) but on that of argent-le-roi (see below, Glossary), silver that was 11oz 12d fine, which is to say 95.8 per cent silver or 958/1000.

(b) c om p o siti onal analyse s In the Middle Ages, merchants, moneychangers and government officials analysed the composition of medieval gold and silver coins as a defence against debasement and counterfeiting, while numismatists have carried out such analyses mainly in the interest of classifying coins based on an understanding of their original standard, monetary processes and mint technology; compositional analyses are also useful for detecting modern forgeries. Before the middle of the twentieth century, the methods employed in the distant past were still the only ones available to numismatists, namely the ascertainment of specific gravity based on the principle of Archimedes, and the touchstone assay for gold and chemical analysis. Of these, only the specific gravity method is theoretically non-destructive. The touchstone assay is only marginally invasive, but this sometimes precludes its use in the only area of numismatics where its application can be expected to produce reliable results, namely on gold coins. Over the past few decades, however, museums and collectors have more readily accepted the trade-off between the relatively low level of invasiveness entailed in the touchstone assay and the quality of the data recovered to carry out numerous analyses by this method. Chemical analysis, apart from requiring much technical skill and appropriate apparatus, is either partially or, in the case of the fire assay (cupellation), wholly destructive. Among modern methods, non-invasive analyses of whole coins are obviously preferable but present many problems. The most effective techniques are based on nuclear methods that measure the varying levels at which different metals absorb neutrons,protons or gamma rays and thus require access to major facilities. These methods include neutron activation analysis (NAA), proton activation analysis (PAA), prompt gamma activation analysis (PGAA) and neutron resonance capture analysis (NRCA). These methods are not only effective in assessing the precious-metal component of whole coins, which is their principal application in numismatic research, but also sensitive to low concentrations of important trace elements. Despite various limitations and the considerable problems posed by recycling and re-refining, the accessibility of a range of impurities and trace elements enables numismatists to consider questions of the provenance of the precious metals used to produce the coins. Other techniques entail a higher but generally marginal degree of invasiveness, ranging from the preparation of areas on coin edges or light polishing of features on coin faces to drilling samples from coin edges. Invasive techniques nevertheless offer the only effective means of obtaining an accurate analysis of silver and billon coins because they permit a proper assessment of the state of corrosion, whereas measurements of whole coins by NAA, for example, may overlook corrosion of copper-rich microstructure. As long as the coin is weighed before any metal is removed and no numismatic data are obscured, moreover, the use of marginally invasive techniques normally presents very few problems. Metallurgists working closely with numismatists have performed many marginally invasive analyses of this sort using methods such as wavelength

724

Metrology and compositional analyses

dispersive x-ray flourescence spectrometry (WDXRF), which can be extremely helpful despite their recognised limitations in relation to surface corrosion, enrichment and oxidation. Analytical methods appropriate to numismatics are covered,for example,in Caley (1964),Gordus (1970), Hughes and Oddy (1970), Oddy and Hughes (1972), Oddy (1983), Morrisson et al. (1987), Wälchli and Vuilleumier (1991), Corti (2001), Gratuze et al. (2001) and Matzke and Stern (2003), but are perhaps best approached through the volumes of Metallurgy in Numismatics, especially Oddy and Cowell (1998). More thorough explanations of modern analytical methods can be found in volume x of the Metals Handbook of ASM International, formerly the American Society of Metals, entitled Materials Characterisation (1986). 1. Gold coins Although numismatists have often used the specific gravity method to analyse south Italian gold coins, they have demonstrated less interest in assessing the fineness of northern Italian gold coins in this way. They have generally accepted that the gold coins of Genoa, Venice and other north Italian mints were as fine as the technology permitted or else have been content to rely upon the data compiled by medieval merchants and maestri d’abbaco and preserved in coin lists that survive from the later thirteenth century onwards (Travaini 2003). The only systematic research, based on specific gravity observations, are the studies of Bacharach (1973, 93–6) and Grierson (1988) on the fineness of the Venetian gold ducat, with the latter also taking contemporary imitations of the ducat into account. Bacharach’s data came from a group of twenty-one coins acquired in Egypt, which varied relatively widely in weight from 3.20g to 3.56g, and included specimens mainly in the names of Antonio Venier (1382–1400) and Michele Steno (1400–13) plus one example each of Tommaso Mocenigo (1414–23) and Cristoforo Moro (1462–71). The analyses suggested that the coins were between 87 and 96 per cent fine. In terms of both weight and fineness, in other words, the coins examined by Bacharach were not struck strictly to the Venetian standard (see Chapter 6, section (l), pp. 642, 647–9). Grierson undertook his study in direct response to Bacharach’s findings, which struck him as surprising. Like other numismatists and monetary historians, he had taken for granted that the Venetian ducat was at least as fine as the gold florin of Florence, as indeed the 1284 order for striking the new ducat specifically stated. To assess Bacharach’s results, Grierson arranged to have twenty-one of the twenty-three Venetian ducats then in his collection tested for fineness by the specific gravity method in the British Museum, London. His coins, acquired in Western Europe, covered the entire period from the introduction of the ducat in 1285, according to the 1284 ordinance, through the dogeship of Agostino Barbarigo, which ended with this doge’s death in 1501, including examples of all but seven of the twenty-seven doges who ruled Venice during that period. The coins weighed between 3.49g and 3.57g and their weights were for the most part clustered tightly around the ducat’s theoretical weight of 3.56g. Grierson originally planned to supplement the analyses of the coins in his collection with the results of tests carried out on the Venetian ducats in the collection of the British Museum, but decided against doing so after the examination of his coins yielded the expected results, that the Venetian ducat was about as fine as the technology of the period permitted, with all but one of the specimens being 23½ carats (97.9 per cent ) and even the outlier less than a quarter-carat below that. As for the discrepancy between the two studies, Grierson felt unable to draw definitive conclusions because of the absence

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of details regarding Bacharach’s methodology and presumably also the lack of images of the coins in Bacharach’s article. He nevertheless noted that Bacharach’s results were fairly close to those obtained for imitations of Venetian ducats that contemporaries called ducati turchi (cf. Bendall and Morrisson 1979) and was inclined to view the specimens that Bacharach had used for his analyses as contemporary Levantine imitations. No other analyses of the metal content of north Italian gold coins have ever been published, not even of the Genoese series for which such analyses could help to distinguish the various genovini d’oro mentioned in early coin lists, to say nothing of other series for which, admittedly, a sufficiently representative sample would perhaps be more difficult to assemble. The only other gold coin catalogued in this volume that has been analysed by specific gravity, apart from the Venetian ducats, is the base imitation gold florin of the marquises of Carretto (109, sp. gr. 14.53 = 61 per cent , 14½ carats). 2. Silver and billon coins Because they are generally more common and less precious than gold coins, numismatists of the nineteenth and early twentieth century were less reluctant to analyse silver and billon coins by destructive chemical methods. The advent of modern methods, which during the past several decades has made it possible to analyse silver and billon coins without damaging or destroying them, has greatly increased this kind of analysis. Caley and Gordus were the principal pioneers in the early development of modern methods of coin analysis during the 1960s and 1970s. Gordus was even preparing with Grierson a wide-ranging study on several important series of medieval Italian silver coins, including some of the royal/imperial denari of Milan and Pavia catalogued in this volume, but they never published the results owing to concerns about their inconsistency. Several different methods have been used to analyse northern Italian coins: – – – – –

Particle-induced X-ray emission (PIXE), Energy-dispersive X-ray microanalysis in a scanning electron microscope (SEM/EDX), Energy-dispersive X-ray fluorescence (EDXRF), Neutron activation analysis (NAA) and Inductively coupled plasma mass spectrometry with laser sampling (LS-ICP-MS).

Coins of many northern Italian mints have been analysed individually but very few series have been investigated on a broader scale. The following coinages are those that have undergone more thorough investigation in regard to their metal content. A. Royal and imperial coinage The northern Italian royal and imperial coinages covered in this volume (from the Saxon emperors to the Peace of Constance, 962–1183) were analysed through destructive chemical methods in the later nineteenth and the twentieth century. Biondelli (1869, passim) assayed several denari of Milan of the tenth to the twelfth century, reaching the important conclusion that the denarii veteres of the twelfth-century sources, to which the later denarius imperialis of Frederick I (1152–90, emp. 1155) was equated, were the denari of the eleventh century. Destructive analyses were also carried out on some early coins of Milan from the Mulazzini and Gnecchi collections, though the values reported for some imperial coin types seem too low (Gnecchi and Gnecchi 1884, xix, 15–21). Brambilla

726

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(1883, passim) analysed coins minted by almost all the kings and emperors in Pavia, illustrating that the silver fineness of the Pavese coins fell from 85 per cent under Otto I to only 43 per cent under Henry IV–V (1056–1125). Murari (1951–2, 20) chemically assayed some coins from a hoard of denari enriciani of Verona, demonstrating that they ranged from 51 per cent fine to 23 per cent, which confirmed the chronological arrangement of the coins that he suggested on the basis of style. The introduction of modern methods has had a greater impact on the study of the royal coinages of the Veneto. Saccocci organised the analysis of all the Venetian and Veronese denari enriciani from the Ponte di Brenta hoard through the XRF method (Jimenez et al. 1984), obtaining results close to those of Murari. The analysis of all the coins from the hoard rather than just a sample of them led Saccocci to propose a new arrangement and chronology of the twelfth-century denari of Venice and Verona. More recently, Saccocci (2009b) organised the analysis of some early denari of Venice and Verona struck in the name of an emperor Otto using the SEM/EDX method, verifying that the coins of Venice were more debased compared with those of Verona, which perhaps accounts for their wider circulation in the area. One very debased specimen of Venice, moreover, led him to suggest a relative chronology for the entire Ottonian series of the Venetian mint. B. Milan and Pavia Following the tradition of early Italian numismatics, which was always very interested in the economic aspects of coinage, nineteenth-century scholars such as Biondelli (1869, passim), Brambilla (1883, passim) and the Gnecchi brothers (1884, xix and passim) used compositional analyses for the classification and description of the coins of the main Lombard mints of Pavia and Milan. They obtained their results by destructive methods on ‘sacrificed’ specimens of their own collections but unfortunately never described the precise method of analysis. Later authors such as Crippa (1986) have also used and reported the same results, which are likewise used in this volume to the extent they do not contradict the indications of fineness in the written sources. Gnecchi and Gnecchi (1884, 32 no. 6) sometimes gave values that are clearly too low, which led to confusion over some denominations, for example the Milanese quattrino of Azzo Visconti that Gnecchi described as an ottavo di soldo on the basis of its presumed low fineness (see Chapter 5, section (m), pp. 442–3). C. Aquileia Linke and Schreiner (2002) and Linke et al. (2004, 174–5) used various types of induced X-ray analysis to study the composition of twelfth-century Friesacher pfennige, the silver pennies of Friesach and other towns in Carinthia, Austria, particularly with respect to their minor and trace elements. Some of the primitive Friesacher pfennige without a mint name, which have recently been considered imitations and attributed to the mint of Aquileia, were analysed by the same method (Linke and Schreiner 2002, 492–4). Their composition appeared to be distinct from that of all the Austrian Friesacher pfennige, which seems to confirm the attribution to Aquileia. Contemporary analyses of fourteenth-century denari of Aquileia showed that the coins were generally struck to the weight standard prescribed in the respective mint contracts but often at a slightly lower standard of fineness, the difference sometimes being even greater than the allowed remedy or tolerance of 1.5 per cent (Bernardi 1975, 23; for the remedy, see p. 22). Modern analyses nevertheless suggest that, with respect to the coins of Nicolò of Bohemia (1350–8) from a single hoard struck according to a contract of 1356, the weight was lower but the fineness higher than

Compositional analyses

727

the prescribed standard, so that the fine weight of the coins was equivalent to what was prescribed in the contract. The analyses of Orli´c et al. (2007) on three denari of Aquileia (two of Antonio I Gaetani, 1395–1402; one of Louis II of Teck, 1412–37) measured only the corrosion products present in the specimens. D. Padua The authors of this volume have carried out analyses of several coins of Padua using the SEM/EDX method during their preparation of the text on the mint of Padua. The results are unpublished, but several attributions depend on the results obtained through those analyses. The figures obtained corresponded very closely to stipulations of the standard of fineness in surviving mint contracts and has sometimes facilitated the reclassification of the relevant coins. E. Tyrol Linke et al. (2003; 2004, 175–7) used the same methods that they employed for their studies on the Friesacher pfennige (see above) to analyse the fifteenth-century silver Tiroler kreuzer or grossi tirolini of Tyrol struck in the mints of Meran and, after the transfer of the mint in 1477, in Hall. From a sample of 180 coins, 103 were struck in Hall and 44 in Meran. The mint in which the remaining coins (33) were struck was uncertain and the object of the study was thus to determine the origin of the coins in this last group, which the authors were able to do by matching the differing characteristics of the coins in the test group with those of the coins in one or other of the control groups. F. Venice Papadopoli (1893–1919) used destructive chemical methods to analyse a great number of the coins described in his catalogue and survey of Venetian coinage to provide information on the metal content of the denominations produced in the Venetian mint.Stahl built upon this large database by using the XRS (X-ray spectroscopy) and XRF methods to analyse silver grossi, soldini and mezzanini (2000, 351–69) as well as billon torneselli (1985a, 41–3). De Ruitz (2001) has also published a study devoted principally to the metal content of Venetian coins until the time of Francesco Foscari (1423–57), presenting a new series of destructive chemical anlyses that gave results identical to those already known. Three recent analyses are also worth noting. Santoro (2003) used the PIXE method to analyse ten silver grossi of Venice from the second half of the thirteenth-century (three of Ranieri Zeno, 1253–68; three of Lorenzo Tiepolo, 1268–75; one of Jacopo Contarini, 1275–80; three of Giovanni Dandolo, 1280–9) acquired on the antiquities market in Salerno, possibly from a south Italian hoard. These coins weighed 2.00–2.16g and were 96–98 per cent fine, with one outlier, a coin of Giovanni Dandolo,only 94 per cent fine.Copper was the dominant alloy.Orli´c et al.(2007) analysed an imitation grosso of King Stephan V Uroš II Milutin of Serbia (1282–1321) using micro-Raman spectroscopy with a visible laser beam and X-ray emission spectroscopy induced by a radioactive source and found the coin to be about 90 per cent silver, but they were more interested in the other elements present in the alloy, namely copper, gold, iron, lead and selenium. Finally, Coletti (2008– 9) analysed a small hoard of Venetian denari of Orio Malipiero (1178–92) and Enrico Dandolo (1192–1205) using XRF and SEM/EDX methods. The results confirmed that the denaro of Enrico Dandolo was slightly debased compared with that of Malipiero.

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Metrology and compositional analyses

G. Counterfeit coins (contemporary forgeries) Over the past few decades, research in medieval archaeology has brought to light the widespread but hitherto little studied phenomenon of counterfeit coin production largely in isolated castelli located mostly, though by no means exclusively, in mountainous areas. Archaeological excavations have unearthed crucibles, uncoined flans, small ingots, counterfeit coins and sometimes even dies. Saccocci (2008a; 2010a) analysed some of the counterfeit coins found in excavations of two castelli in Friuli, Sacuidic (Udine) and Toppo (Pordenone). They were normally silvered, with a very thin layer of pure silver and a core of pure copper.

APPENDIX 4

G L O S S A RY: C O I N N A M E S, W E I G H T S A N D N U M I S M AT I C TERMS Coins were occasionally given official names in mint ordinances, proclamations, etc., but are more often described as denari or grossi, terms that initially implied a specific identity or value but were also used in the general sense of ‘coin’, so that some further description was often necessary, e.g. grosso da dodici denari (‘groat of twelve pennies’). Official names were in any case supplemented by a variety of popular names, often of a mocking character. The list that follows covers the medieval coin names of northern Italy, together with a few names of weights and of coins that did not originate in the area but were familiar there and occur in its records. Some coin names are based on terms of value, but the majority, at least initially, referred to specific coins. Confusion can arise from the way in which coin names that were initially specific, and based on the type (e.g. ambrosino) or value (e.g. sesino), could be generalised to cover coins of a particular size or denomination and then used for ones on which these particular features are absent or the values to which they referred no longer held good. The most useful collection of Italian coin names and numismatic terms is in Martinori (1915), though its identifications and explanations are not always correct. For coin names alone, there is now also the glossary in Travaini (2003) for which the author draws directly on coin lists in medieval arithmetic tracts and merchants’ manuals. The strong Mediterranean orientation in Mateu y Llopis (1946) and the author’s familiarity with both Spanish and Italian medieval documentary records likewise makes this a valuable reference. For similar reasons, the glossary in MEC 6 on the coinage of the Iberian peninsula is also helpful. The better German and French numismatic dictionaries are often useful for northern Italy,where cross-border influence was sometimes considerable (Schrötter 1930; Belaubre 1996; Amandry 2001). Etymologies proposed in standard dictionaries, however, are often unsatisfactory and should not be relied upon, since their authors have usually known little or nothing about the coins. Edler’s otherwise very useful glossary of medieval Italian business terms (1934) pays little attention to coinage. This glossary also includes a number of technical or semi-technical terms used in minting or coin descriptions that may not always be familiar to readers who are not numismatists. Agio (Ital. aggio, from Lat. avantagium), a term used to describe the difference between the face or legal value of a coin and that of its precious metal content. It is also used for the profit made in exchanging one currency against another and, by extension, any difference in value between currencies. 729

730

Glossary: coin names, weights and numismatic terms

Agleier, Aglaier, Agler (from Germ. Aglai, ‘Aquileia’; Ital. aquileiese, Lat. aquilegiensis), the name given to denari of Aquileia and related mints (Trieste, Gorizia-Lienz, Ljubljana/Laibach) in the German sources and now commonly used in the same sense by German numismatists. Agostale, Agostaro, Agustalis, see Augustale. Agugliono or Aghuglino, see Aquilino. Al marco, see Al pezzo. Al pezzo (Ital., literally, ‘to the piece’), a technical term used to describe coins of which the individual weights were checked at the mint before being issued, so as to ensure that they fell within whatever margin of acceptability was laid down in the mint contract. This practice was normal for gold coins and was sometimes also applied to silver ones, but silver and billon coins were in contrast generally struck al marco, i.e. so many to the mark (or some other weight unit) without the weight of the individual coins being closely controlled. Alloy (Fr. aloi, Ital. lega, from Lat. alligare, ‘to combine’, but later given a false etymology from the Fr. à loi, which implies making an alloy that conforms to a ‘legal’ standard). Numismatists use the word in three senses: a basic verb meaning to combine a ‘noble’ metal (gold and/or silver) with a ‘base’ one, usually copper, and two derivative nouns, either the mixture thus created or, less frequently, the base metal involved in the operation. Ambrosino, Ambrogino, Ambrogiano, the name commonly given to silver grossi of Milan bearing the effigy of St Ambrose (Sant’Ambrogio), struck from 1254/6, initially at the weight standard of 2.90g, until the first decades of the fourteenth century; later, until the sixteenth century, the term was used to describe coins of the middling denominations of some mints in Lombardy and Piedmont. Ambrosino d’oro, the first gold coin of Milan, was introduced c. 1303 and was similar in terms of weight and fineness to the gold florin of Florence and gold ducat of Venice. The gold ambrosino had an initial value of 10 soldi imperiali. Anvil die (also pile or standard; Ital. pila), the lower of the two dies between which coins were struck. Aquilino (for ‘little eagle’, from the Lat. and Ital. aquila), a name given to coins bearing an imperial eagle struck in Ghibelline cities such as Pisa and most commonly associated in northern Italy with the silver grossi of the counts of Tyrol struck in Meran 1259–74 and their many imitations, but sometimes also used for coins of Como and Milan, among others. The aquilino of Tyrol was originally valued at 20d and so was sometimes called Zwanziger (Germ.), but its official value for new transactions was lowered to 18d in 1274 after the introduction of the slightly heavier and finer grosso tirolino, which was valued at 20d. Argent-le-roi (Lat. argentum regis), the highest fineness that could be obtained at reasonable expense in the Middle Ages (11oz 12d = 958/1000), adopted for the French gros tournois of King Louis IX (1226–70), first struck in 1266, and also the Venetian grosso, first struck towards the end of the twelfth century. It was later widely used as the standard for ‘pure’ silver. Assay (Lat. assagium, Ital. saggio), in metallurgy, the compositional analysis of a metal or alloy. There were three methods available in the Middle Ages: (1) specific gravity, (2) touchstone (q.v.) and (3) fire assay or cupellation. See above, App. 3.2. Augustale, Augustalis (also agostale, agostaro, etc.), the name of the gold coin created by Emperor Frederick II (1197–1250, emp. from 1220) in 1231, 20½ carats fine (854/1000) and struck sixty to the pound so that it weighed 5.34g. The name was also commonly used at the time for its successor,

Glossary: coin names, weights and numismatic terms

731

the reale d’oro (q.v.) of Charles I of Anjou (1266–85), which was of roughly the same weight and fineness. Half-augustali were also struck. Bagatino, Bagattino, Baghattino, a popular designation for petty coins (denari piccoli) first in the Veneto and later also in Emilia-Romagna, eastern Lombardy and elsewhere. They are mentioned in the records for Venice in 1272 in reference to foreign denari (possibly of Padua), for Padua in 1274, for Ferrara during the period 1264–80 (in reference to a new denomination probably struck according to the Venetian monetary system) and for Treviso in 1317. Around 1300, the Sienese poet Cecco Angiolieri (1956, 146) used the term to describe coins of little value in Tuscany. Mantua and Ferrara both struck bagattini in the second half of the fourteenth century and Venice produced them for circulation in other cities under Venetian rule from the time of Francesco Foscari (1423– 57). In the later fifteenth century, the term was also used to describe copper coins of Reggio Emilia and Modena, possibly because they were reckoned as denari of the Venetian lira. Bezant (besante, bizante, etc.), the name usually applied in the West to the Byzantine gold solidus or nomisma of 4.55g, which was badly debased in the second half of the eleventh century and later replaced by the hyperpyron (see perpero). Although not struck in Italy, the bezant, or perpero as it came to be called, was familiar and is encountered in documents, first in reference to the actual gold coins from the East and then as a pure unit of account called the bezant of miliaresi (see miliaresi). Billon (modern Ital. biglione; from Fr. bille, ‘bar’, i.e. the bar of metal out of which coin flans were cut for striking). The term is sometimes confused with bullion (Ital. buglione), which has a very different meaning (see bolzonaglia), but is properly used to describe silver more or less heavily alloyed with copper. Some thirteenth-century sources regard a fineness of 50 per cent as the dividing line between ‘silver’ and ‘billon’, and so it is in this catalogue. Coins below 20 per cent are generally characterised as ‘black billon’ (moneta nigra), since in colour, especially when worn and/or not heavily blanched (see blanching), they are virtually indistinguishable from copper. The Italian word biglione, despite its relatively modern introduction, is now obsolete; in Italian, heavily alloyed silver is more generally described as mistura (q.v.). Bissolo, Bissone, Bissona, Bisuolo or Bissola (from Ital. biscia, the Visconti viper or serpent), the name used for the debased denaro of Milan and some related mints in the fifteenth century. Blanching (from Fr. blanchir, Ital. biancare), in the production process, refers to the treatment of blank silver or billon coin flans, once they are annealed (i.e. allowed to cool slowly after being heated over coals and then hardened by beating), with a liquid compound of wine stone (i.e. the argol or tartar from completely fermented wines that forms in casks), rock alum, salt and sometimes urine to remove accumulated oxides and discolourations from annealing as well as a small portion of the alloying metal. The process rendered the surface of coins finer than they were otherwise and is therefore sometimes referred to as surface enrichment. This helps to explain why the touchstone assay was little used on silver coins and why modern methods of metal content analysis based only on surface measurements can be misleading. Blank, see Flan. Bolognino, originally a coin of Bologna but extended to the many imitations of such coins struck elsewhere, though not generally in northern Italy. The word is most commonly used for the small grossi initially weighing c. 1.40g and having a value of twelve denari bolognesi. The original types were a large a and the four letters IPRT arranged clockwise in the form of a cross around a

732

Glossary: coin names, weights and numismatic terms

central pellet, in both cases forming the end of the circular legend (Bononia and Enricus IPRT, for imperator, respectively), but the imitations differed, sometimes significantly. Bolzonaglia, Bolzonaia, Bulzonale (from Ital. bolzone, ‘battering ram’, ‘hammer’, ‘punch’), obsolete coins that had been bolzonate (i.e. hit by a hammer, punched, or perhaps cut to demonetise them). Pegolotti (1936, 17–18) described both bolzonaglia and buglione as scrap metal, presumably destined for the melting cauldron and intended for coining, but he carefully distinguished between the two terms: bolzonaglia referred specifically to ‘monete piccole non corsibole [i.e. current] in quelli luoghi ove sono per fondere o per disfare’ whereas buglione referred to gold and silver in plate, rods (or ingots) and broken vessels. Bracteate (from the Lat. bractea, for ‘leaf’), very thin silver coins struck with only a single die. Since the seventeenth century, scholars have used the term to describe a wide range of uniface pfennige and their fractions. In the twelfth century, these coins dominated many parts of Germany, especially in the north-east and south-west, and were also used on a lesser scale in neighbouring areas. Brescotano (also denari or denari grossi di Brescoa, Brescova, Brescua, Briscoa, etc.; see also Rascia), some of the names used to describe the Balkan imitations of Venetian grossi struck in Brskovo, a mining settlement in the Tara valley of medieval Serbia, today Montenegro. The Brskovo mint was striking its Venetian-style grossi by 1276 and continued to produce them in very large numbers throughout the first quarter of the fourteenth century. The bruscoli contrafatti a Viniziani mentioned in the Marciana coin list of c. 1305 as containing 10d and 13 gr. of silver per ounce of alloy (878/1000) (Travaini 2003, 110) were very likely also Brskovo’s Venetian-style grossi. Bruno, Bruneto, Brunetto, Brunito (from Lat. bruneus, ‘brown’), the name given to debased denari especially of Pavia from 1102 onwards as a result of the brownish colour they assumed from the higher proportion of copper in the alloy and the resulting oxidation. Bruscolo, see Brescotano. Bussola or Bussolotto (from Ital. bossolo, ‘small vase’), the popular names given to some coins of Mantua, especially the silver grossi and half-grossi that carry an image of a pyx on the reverse. The names are attested from the time of Ludovico III Gonzaga (1444–78) onwards. Cagnolo (from Ital. cane, ‘small dog’), the popular name of some billon and/or copper coins of Mantua that bear the image of a dog on the obverse, first struck under Gianfrancesco Gonzaga as marquis (1407–44, marquis from 1433). Carat (from Gr. keration; Lat. siliqua), originally a very small unit of weight used widely in the Near East and Mediterranean areas for weighing gold and based on the seed of the carob tree (Ceratonia siliqua). It was standardised slightly differently from region to region at between 0.18g and 0.21g; in the Roman weight system it was 0.189g or 1/144th of the Roman ounce. Since the solidus, the gold coin of the empire from Constantine the Great onwards, weighed 24 carats (4.55g), the term carat acquired a secondary meaning of 1/24th as a measure for the fineness of gold, a use that survives today. It was divided into four grains, since the carat weight corresponded to four grains (barleycorns) of c. 0.05g (see grain). Jewellers have retained the carat in the modern metric system but have rounded it off as 0.20g. Carlino (carolinus, carolenus, karolenus, etc., from Carolus), the name of the gold and silver coins of 4.43g and 3.34g, respectively, introduced in Naples under Charles I Anjou (1266–85) in 1278. The carlino d’oro only barely survived the reign of Charles II (1285–1309), but the carlino d’argento remained the standard name of the main silver denomination in south Italy until the end of

Glossary: coin names, weights and numismatic terms

733

the Middle Ages, though the official term was qualified over the years to mark changes in weight, rulership or design (gigliato [q.v.], coronato, etc.), with the qualifying terms often used as nouns. Carrarese or Carrarexe (from the family name of the lords of Padua, Da Carrara), the silver grosso of four soldi that Francesco I da Carrara (1350–88) first struck some time before 1386. In an attempt to finance his war against Venice through the issue of fiduciary currency, Francesco heavily debased the carrarese in 1386–7, but the manoeuvre proved unsuccessful and forced him to devalue the coin first down to two soldi and ultimately to one. Carrarino (also from the family name of the lords of Padua, Da Carrara), the silver grosso of two soldi introduced by Jacopo II da Carrara (1345–50); it was the most stable and successful coinage of Padua under the Da Carrara and was produced until the fall of the city to Venice in 1405. Carrettino, the name used by an anonymous late thirteenth-century chronicler and others to describe the small petty coins of less than 0.50g that the marquises of Carretto and several other authorities in the Piedmont began to strike from c. 1255, probably in an effort to offset a severe shortage of petty coins that was affecting virtually all of Italy at the time. Cavallotto (from Ital. cavallo, ‘horse’), the name given to grossi initially weighing c. 3.80g on account of the image of either a horse or mounted knight that they carried; they were struck especially in the Piedmont during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. Cesaglia, a term used to describe pieces of broken coins and coin clippings. Class, the numismatic term for a group of coins having the same basic type(s) (q.v.) and believed to be part of a single issue (q.v.). Coin weights (Ital. pesi monetali, denerali; Fr. poids monétaires, denéraux), customarily issued in brass or copper in many parts of Europe from the thirteenth century onwards for verifying the correct weight of single coins, especially of gold, or more exceptionally for weighing sums of money. Such weights may reproduce in simplified form the type of the coin envisaged or may bear an inscription identifying them, e.g. poids de l’angel, or a numeral indicating how many were struck to the mark, e.g. lxxii. The standard reference is Dieudonné (1925, 135–47 for the Italian coin weights), a survey of the collection of the Cabinet des Médailles, but it lists relatively few Italian examples datable from before the sixteenth century. There is no survey of medieval Italian coin weights, but Mazza (1982) lists seventy-one examples for Milan during the period 1354–1500. Concave coins, see Scodellati. Cornuto (from Ital. corna, ‘horns’), the name given to the large grosso initially weighing 5.40g on account of the image of a crested shield with a stag’s antlers that it carried; it was struck especially in the Piedmont in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. Counterfeit (Ital. contraffazione), a contemporary forgery (Ital. falso dell’epoca), sometimes called a ‘deceptive imitation’, which carries the same types and legends as the original and, though usually inferior in fineness and/or weight, presumably was intended to pass as such. To be distinguished from an imitation (q.v.). Countermark (Ital. contromarca), a small letter or design punched on the face of a coin by some public authority, usually with the object of changing the value of the coin or, if the coin were foreign, authorising its acceptance as legal tender. It occurs especially on Italian coins in the Near East and Black Sea and sometimes also on the coins of those areas that were approved for circulation in Genoese and Venetian possessions there.

734

Glossary: coin names, weights and numismatic terms

Crociato, crosato, croxado, crosazzo (from Ital. croce, ‘cross’, in the sense of ‘crossed’ or ‘bearing a cross’), theoretically all coins having a cross as the main type or both types but in practice usually reserved for coins having a long cross that intersected the marginal legend. Most important was the denaro crociato of Verona, struck from before 1185 to c. 1250, which circulated widely and was probably the model for other long-cross denari produced in Italy. Cross (Ital. croce), the most widely used image on medieval coins, especially in the period of the denaro (q.v.). Specialists in heraldry have devised an elaborate terminology for the various forms of the cross (Fox-Davies 1985, 99–101; Rothery 1985, 17–34; Woodcock and Robinson 1988, 200), but only the following are found on coins in this volume: cross ancrée (Ital. ancorata), with anchor-shaped cross ends. cross fleurdelisée (Ital. gigliata), with fleurs-de-lis added to the arms of the cross. cross fleury (Ital. trifogliata), with each arm ending in a trefoil but also used here in the same sense as cross fleurdelisée. cross fourchée (Ital. biforcuto), with bifurcate ends. cross of Jerusalem (Ital. di Gerusalemme), a cross potent with a crosslet in each quarter. cross moline (Ital. unghiata), with bifurcate ends curving outwards. cross patonce, similar to cross pattée with broadening limbs that terminate in three pointed lobes. cross pattée (Ital. patente), with expanding arms. cross pommée (Ital. pomettata), with spheres at the end of each cross arm. cross potent (Ital. potenziata), with a bar at the end of each arm (from Fr. potence, ‘crutch’). Greek cross (Ital. greca), with four arms of equal length. long cross, with ends extending to the edge of the flan and usually bisecting the legend. patriarchal cross (Ital. patriarcale, di Lorena), with two cross-bars. saltire (Ital. decusse), a diagonal cross. short cross, with the cross confined to the field, generally taken for granted but sometimes referred to as such as a matter of emphasis or to distinguish certain coins that carry them from other similar ones bearing a long cross. Tyrolean double cross, long cross overlaid with a saltire short cross. Denaro (Lat. denarius, Fr. denier, Ger. pfennig, Eng. penny; abbreviated ‘d’), the silver and later billon coin that became the standard unit of currency in Western Europe in the eighth century. Denari were identified in documents, whenever necessary, usually by their place of origin (e.g. genovino, pavese, veronese), but sometimes by their issuing authority and/or legends (e.g. enriciani) or relative value (e.g. mezzani), and occasionally even by the mint officials who oversaw their issue (e.g. the gherardini of Naples). The progressive debasement of the denaro in most parts of Europe in the later Middle Ages resulted in its widespread replacement by coins of higher value such as the quattrino (q.v.) and the sesino (q.v.), worth 4d and 6d, respectively, but the term remained in general use as the basis of the system of account, reckoned in lire (pounds) and soldi (shillings). The word was occasionally used in the general sense of ‘coin’, in gold as well as silver and billon, and when multiples were introduced they were often described as denari grossi (q.v.), while the original ones became denari piccoli (q.v.). Denerale, the Italian form, little used, of Fr. denéral; see Coin weights. Denier tournois, see Tornese.

Glossary: coin names, weights and numismatic terms

735

Die (Lat. cuneus, Ital. conio, Fr. coin monétaire), the stamp used in coining, the lower one, which is fixed, being known as the anvil die or pile (Ital. pila) and the upper hand-held one as the punch die or trussel (Ital. torsello). Die-axis, the relation between the position of the reverse type of a coin and that of the obverse. It is usually expressed in print in one of three ways: (1) by the use of small arrows (e.g. ↑↑, or, since the obverse is assumed to be ↑, as ↑); (2) by analogy with the hands of a clock (↓ would be 6 o’clock); or (3) by following the degrees of a circle (↑ would be 0°). Most medieval coins have irregular die-axes, though some, such as Venetian grossi and gold ducats, have more regular axes, usually, but not always, 180° as in the Byzantine tradition. Die-link, the relationship between two or more coins when the obverses or reverses share a common die. The study of die-links often helps to establish chronology and sometimes to show whether particular groups of coins were struck in the same mint or in different ones. Dinar (from Lat. denarius aureus, ‘gold coin’), the standard gold coin of the Muslim world from the seventh century onwards. Its weight, slightly below that of the Byzantine solidus or nomisma on which it was originally modelled, is generally put at 4.25g. In Sicily, the Arabs normally minted only the quarter-dinar (rubaʽi), as did the Normans (1072–1194) and Hohenstaufen kings (1194– 1264) after them under the name tarì (q.v.). Imitations of the dinar, called mancusi (q.v.) in Latin sources, were struck in Europe mainly from the eighth to the eleventh century, particularly in Italy and Iberia in areas that bordered Muslim territory. Dirham or Dirhem (Arab. from Greek δραχμή), the standard silver coin of the Muslim world, which originally weighed and theoretically continued to weigh c. 2.90g; it went back to the Sassanian drachma or dirhem. Doppia (Sp. dobla), in strict usage, any coin that is ‘double’ that of whatever is taken as the standard, but usually reserved for gold denominations such as the Castillan doblas of 4.00g. In the fifteenth century, the term was sometimes used to refer to double ducats, and in the sixteenth century, it referred exclusively to the double scudo (see écu). Double striking, the blurring of the type and/or legend occasioned by the die or coin having slipped between successive hammer blows. The result is a defective impression that sometimes makes it difficult to decipher significant details in the legend and/or type. To be distinguished from overstrike (q.v.). Ducat (Lat. ducatus, Ital. ducato), initially the name given to the Venetian silver grosso (ducatus argenteus), Venice being formally a duchy and the coin being struck in the name of its doge (dux). It was subsequently used also to describe the gold ducat (ducatus aureus) introduced in 1284/5 and then eventually only for the gold coin. In the fifteenth century, the term displaced that of florin as the generic name for any gold coin of approximately the same weight, partly because the Venetian ducat was slightly heavier than the florin, 3.56g as opposed to 3.536g, partly because it was by that time probably produced in appreciably greater quantities, and perhaps also because the reputation of the florin had suffered more considerably in Europe owing to the fact that some of its many imitations (q.v.) were significantly inferior to the original in terms of fineness and weight. Écu (Fr., Ital. scudo, Sp. escudo, ‘shield’), the name given to many French coins, usually gold, having initially, in 1266 under King Louis IX (1226–70), a shield of France in tressure as the obverse type. The term is sometimes also used to describe a variety of the so-called chaise d’or known as the écu à la chaise, which was first struck in 1337 by Philip VI (1328–50) but has the shield only

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Glossary: coin names, weights and numismatic terms

as a secondary feature. In 1385, Charles VI (1380–1422) introduced a new coin reminiscent of the thirteenth-century écu that added a crown to the shield and was called the écu à la couronne. In 1475, Louis XI (1461–83) introduced a new type of écu with a sun above the crowned shield called the écu au soleil. This coin was struck at a reduced standard and became, in effect, a different denomination. It circulated widely throughout much of Europe and in the sixteenth century precipitated the introduction of coins of the same weight and fineness from mints almost everywhere. The term écu soon began to indicate not only the French écu au soleil but also coins of other states regardless of their typology. Electrum, the technical term in antiquity for an alloy of gold and silver and widely used by classical and Byzantine numismatists, but for medieval coins of Western Europe the descriptive expression ‘base gold’ is more usual. Emission, see Issue. Enriciano (Lat. henricianus or enricianus), the name sometimes given to the silver, and later billon, denaro of the royal and imperial mints (in northern Italy, Milan, Pavia, Venice and Verona) struck in the name of an emperor Henry (Henricus) in the eleventh and twelfth centuries, even beyond the reign of Henry V (1106–25). Exergue, the bottom segment of a coin, marked off from the rest by a horizontal ‘exergual’ line. Most medieval coins have no exergue, but there are exceptions, e.g. some coin types of Venice from the late fifteenth century onwards. Field, the central space of a coin or that left blank on either side of the main design. On Islamic coins, which are entirely epigraphic, the central space is customarily described as the area. Fineness, the proportion of precious metal used in an alloy in relation to its total weight. See alloy. Fiorino, see Florin. Flan (Lat. flatonis, Old Ital. fiadone or fiedone, Old Fr. flaon), also Blank or Planchet, the disk of unstamped metal used in making a coin. Florin (Lat. florenus, Ital. fiorino), originally the name of the silver grosso (q.v.) of Florence and later used also for the same city’s base denaro (q.v.), but more familiar as the name of the coin of pure gold (florenus aureus, fiorino d’oro) struck ninety-six to the pound and weighing 3.536g, which was introduced in Florence in 1252. Its types were the fleur-de-lis, which was the symbol of the city as well as a symbolic representation of the city’s name, and the standing figure of St John the Baptist, the principal patron saint of Florence. The term was for a time used for any gold coin, so that a French écu à la chaise, though much heavier and quite different in type, was sometimes called a florenus ad cathedram, but later it tended to be limited to gold coins of about the same weight (3.50g) and module (20mm) as the original florin, especially the many that imitated the types of the Florentine coin. In northern Italy, florin imitations (q.v.) were struck in Savona, Lienz for the counts of Gorizia and several Piedmontese mints during the fourteenth century, and written sources of the period sometimes mention Genoese florins. The Piedmontese mint of Turin struck a lightweight hybrid (q.v.) imitation florin for the princes of Savoy-Achaia, with a shield on the obverse displacing the Florentine fleur-de-lis but the same standing image of St John the Baptist, patron of Turin, on the reverse. In Milan under Azzone Visconti (1329–39), the mint briefly struck a full-weight florin with the fleur-de-lis of the Florentine coins on one side and the standing image of St Ambrose in the place of St John the Baptist on the other, though later Milanese gold coins developed an independent iconography that reflected Visconti rule.

Glossary: coin names, weights and numismatic terms

737

Franc, initially the name of a French gold coin (franc à cheval) of 3.89g introduced by King John (II) the Good (1350–64) and having for its obverse type the king on horseback at full gallop. It was first struck in 1360 for use in paying the king’s ransom to the English after his capture at the battle of Poitiers, the mint instruction giving the name of the new coin and referring to the treaty with England ‘by which we have been delivered from captivity and are now free’ (francs). The franc à cheval was succeeded in 1365 by the franc à pied of Charles V (1364–80), with a standing figure of the king. Frisacense, Fresacense, Fresiacense, Fresiachino, Frisiacense, Frisiachino, Frissero, etc. (Lat. frisacensis, Germ. Friesacher), used to describe the twelfth- and thirteenth-century silver denari or pfennige of Friesach in Carinthia (Austria) and their imitations of Aquileia, Gorizia-Lienz and other mints in the region. In Italy, the term remained in use until the fifteenth century to describe the coins of Aquileia and related mints (Gorizia-Lienz, Trieste, Laibach) except within the territory of Aquileia and in neighbouring German lands where they were called aquilegenses or Agleier (q.v.). Genovino (Lat. ianuinus), the term used for all of Genoa’s main denominations of coins during the pre-ducal period (1139–1339) either as an adjective for the petty coins (denari genovini) or as a noun for the silver and gold coins (e.g. genovino d’argento, genovino d’oro), but associated increasingly mainly with the gold coin of the same fineness and weight as the florin, which had as obverse and reverse types, respectively, a Genoese gate as a symbolic representation of the city’s name and a cross. Gigliato (Fr. gillat), the large silver coin of 4.01g that Charles II of Anjou (1282–1309) introduced in Naples in 1303 to replace the lighter carlino of 1278 (3.34g, 1/96th lb) and taking its popular name – it was still technically a carlino – from the cross fleurdelisée with a fleur-de-lis in each quarter that formed its reverse type. The gigliato was produced in great quantities during the reign of Robert the Wise of Anjou (1309–43), whose coins were often referred to as robertini. Even for some time after Robert’s death, the gigliato or robertino continued to be struck in his name. It circulated extensively in the eastern Mediterranean, briefly eclipsed the Venetian grosso as the most important Western silver coin there in the middle decades of the fourteenth century, and was widely imitated there. In the Piedmontese city of Cuneo, Robert also struck a terzo di gigliato. Grain (Lat. granum, Ital. grano), the seed of some cereal whose average weight forms the notional base of most natural weight systems, as distinct from the artificial but more rational metric system. Most European weight systems are based on either the barleycorn (troy grain) of c. 0.065g or the lighter wheat-grain of c. 0.05g. It is to the latter group that the cities of northern Italy and their weight systems belong. Grida (Lat. quiritare, ‘to shout’; late Lat. crida, ‘proclamation’; also tariffa), the term formerly used to denote a public proclamation or edict that a banditore first broadcast by shouting it out to the public. In late medieval Italy, the term was often used specifically in reference to legal announcements concerning coinage, coin values and exchange rates. Gros tournois (Ital. grosso tornese), the French silver coin of twelve deniers tournois introduced by King Louis IX of France (1226–70) in 1266, weighing 4.22g and having a silver content in fine silver of 4.04g (95.97 per cent fine). Struck in great quantities by St Louis and his two successors down to the 1290s, it was the first important gros struck north of the Alps that circulated widely in northern Italy, particularly in the Piedmont where it spawned a number of imitations in the later thirteenth century.

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Grossetto, the name given to a grosso (q.v.) that has undergone a reduction in weight (Martinori 1915, 195) or more generally to a small grosso. Grosso (Lat. grossus, Fr. gros, Germ. groschen, Eng. groat), the ‘large penny’ (denaro grosso) first struck in Venice and Genoa towards 1200 as a multiple of the debased denaro, which soon came into use in other parts of Italy and in due course spread elsewhere. Grossone, a word often used for a grosso (q.v.) rather larger than usual, especially in the mint contracts and gride (q.v.) in which its value is specified in petty coinage, e.g grossone da 10 soldi. Hoard (Ital. tesoretto, ripostiglio), a group of coins lost or hidden as a group, as distinct from coins lost separately or ‘singly’ (see single-find) even if sometimes found together, e.g. accumulated at the bottom of a drain.There are four distinct types of hoards (Grierson 1975,130–6):(1) ‘accidental’, typically a small number of coins that a person might have carried in a purse or small coin bag while going about his or her daily business; (2) ‘emergency’, often concealed in response to some sort of imminent danger; (3) ‘savings’, usually assembled over time by culling (i.e. the systematic removal from circulation of unworn or heavy coins) and more likely to contain high-value coins of good-quality gold and/or silver; and (4) ‘abandoned’, buried or deposited without any intention of retrieval. Coin finds in saints’ tombs, which are common in Italy, are good examples of abandoned hoards and are therefore defined as hoards in this book and integrated as such in the lists of coin finds above (App. 1). Grave-finds nevertheless have peculiar characteristics, both in terms of their composition and the extent to which they reflect monetary circulation, they often have more in common with coin finds on excavation sites than with other types of hoards (Saccocci 1999b, 92–4). Hybrid (Ital. ibrido), used in two senses: (1) as a mule (q.v.) and also (2) as an imitation coin that carries either the same obverse type or the same reverse type as the model but not both, e.g. imitation florins (q.v.) with the fleur-de-lis on the obverse or the standing image of St John the Baptist on the reverse but accompanied by another type on one side. Hyperpyron, see Perpero. Imitation (Ital. imitazione), a term used here to describe a coin that carries the same obverse and reverse types as another coin but identifies the issuing authority and/or place of issue in the legends, sometimes referred to as ‘signed imitation’. Coin imitations of this sort are a common phenomenon in medieval numismatics. It was often possible to increase the acceptability of a coin by making it resemble one already familiar and of good reputation. The English silver sterling, the French gros tournois and the Florentine gold florin were widely imitated especially in the fourteenth century. In northern Italy, there were imitations of not only the gros tournois and the florin but also the silver grosso of Venice, the grosso aquilino and grosso tirolino of the counts of Tyrol, and the denaro imperiale of Milan.Henry VII of Luxembourg (1310–13,emp.1312) even planned to revive Frederick II’s gold augustale in Milan but died before he was able to realise his ambition. It is important to stress that imitations were not counterfeits because they were not, strictly speaking, intended to deceive. They were not even necessarily inferior to their models in terms of fineness and weight, even if there was always a temptation to make them so. The distinction between counterfeits and imitations nevertheless is not always clear. Immobilisation, the term used to describe the retention of a basic coin design and/or legend for lengthy periods, sometimes long after its details (e.g. the name of the ruler) have ceased to be appropriate.It was a common phenomenon in French feudal mints,some of which perpetuated the

Glossary: coin names, weights and numismatic terms

739

names and monograms of Carolingian rulers until as late as the twelfth century, but was rarer in the mints of large and well-ordered states. It was nevertheless widespread in northern Italy, enduring for a time during the transition from royal/imperial coinages to communal ones in some places (e.g. Milan and Pavia), particularly in the case of the denari enriciani (q.v.). The mint in Verona also struck coins with immobilised legends and types. Immobilisation had/has two notable consequences: (1) for contemporaries, it made the coins more susceptible to fraud through counterfeiting, which helped to encourage the progressive deterioration of the monetary stock in terms of the metallic content of the coins; (2) nowadays, it complicates the classification of the coins, especially in the absence of relevant written sources and/or metal content analyses, which must then depend on changes, often very subtle, in the weight, style and fabric of the coins as well as close comparison with the coins of neighbouring mints. Imperiale (Lat. imperialis), the name of the reformed denaro of Emperor Frederick I Barbarossa (1152–90, emp. from 1155) introduced in Lombardy by 1162 and subsequently adopted by Milan and other Lombard cities to become the dominant currency in the wider area of Milanese influence in the thirteenth century. Outside the region, the imperiale was the model for a number of Piedmontese imitations (q.v.), an important point of reference for other ostensibly distinct coins that were calibrated to it at fixed rates of exchange, and the basis for a system of account that facilitated exchange between parts of the Regnum Italiae. Impresa (from Ital. imprendere, literally ‘to undertake’, thus meaning ‘undertaking’ or ‘enterprise’ in the sense of ‘feat’, ‘exploit’, ‘achievement’), the technical term in heraldry for the personal badges, usually associated with a more or less explanatory motto, which were much in fashion during the Renaissance and supplied many Italian rulers with reverse coin types. Initial mark, abbreviated ‘i.m.’, a term used for the symbol, usually a cross, which normally precedes the legends on medieval coins. Variations in the form of the cross, or its replacement by a rosette or some other symbol, were sometimes used to identify a particular mint or issue (q.v.). Inscription, see Legend. Iperpero, see Perpero. Issue (also Emission), coins known or presumed to have been issued in accordance with some specific mint directive or ordinance; more loosely, any related group of coins. Jetton (from Fr. jeter, ‘to throw’ or ‘to cast’; Ital. gettone or, more specifically, tessera mercantile), usually a counter of brass or copper, sometimes bearing a coin-related design, widely held to have facilitated arithmetical operations on a counting board, and more especially by merchants in ‘casting up’ accounts, but perhaps also employed more generally in commercial transactions as vouchers, tokens or substitute currency. Lega, see Alloy. Legend (also Inscription), the text or letters on a coin, often consisting of the ruler’s name and title, the name of the city or mint of issue, and sometimes a religious motto, though many variations are possible. Some numismatists distinguish between an ‘inscription’, in the sense of what is actually ‘inscribed’ on the coin, and a ‘legend’, a transcription of the same but written out in full, with all abbreviations resolved. Libra (Ital. libbra or lira, Fr. livre, Germ. pfund, Eng. pound; abbreviated ‘lb’), the chief unit in the Roman weight system, traditionally taken as having been the equivalent of 327.45g, though the precise figure is uncertain. It was divided into 12 unciae of 27.29g. In the Middle Ages, the word was

740

Glossary: coin names, weights and numismatic terms

used in two senses: (1) as the local weight standard, which varied from place to place (see above, pp. 720–2), with the oncia usually 1/12th of the libra, the denaro 1/24th of the oncia and the grano 1/24th of the denaro; (2) as a unit of account, divided into 20 solidi (soldi or sous) of 12 denari each, i.e. 240d. In some places, it was replaced during the Middle Ages by the mark (q.v.) of Cologne or Troy as the standard unit of weight. Lira, see Libra. Malachino, Malechino, Malaquino, etc., referred to coins of Majorca or Malaga; the word is used in twelfth- and thirteenth-century sources for the gold coins of the Almoravid and Almohad dynasties of North Africa. See also marabotino and massamutino. Mancus (Lat. mancusus or mancosus, Ital. mancuso or mancoso; from Arab. manq¯ush, ‘engraved’), the term used in many Latin and vernacular sources in Western Europe between the eighth and thirteenth centuries for Eastern gold coins, once associated only with the Muslim dinar (q.v.) of 4.25g and with Western gold coins of the same weight (e.g. the imitations of the dinar in north Spain), but perhaps referring equally to Byzantine gold coins of reduced weight that circulated in eighth-century Sicily and Italy. It is also possible that references to mancusi allude not to actual coins but to a unit of account based on their original value against Carolingian denari, since the sources that give the rate of exchange between mancusi and Western denari invariably indicate that one mancuso was worth thirty denari, but the long-term stability that this suggests is unlikely between real coins. Marabotino (Lat. marabotinus; from Arab. al-Mur¯abit¯un, the name of the Almoravid ruling dynasty), the gold coin (4.45g) of the Almoravids of north-west Africa and Spain (1062–1147). In the late twelfth-century accounts of the camera apostolica, the marabotino was equivalent to the bezant or hyperperon. Marcello or Marzello, the name given to the half-lira (10s) silver coin of Venice (3.26g), originally planned during the dogeship of Nicolò Tron (1471–3) but realised under his successor Nicolò Marcello, from whom the coin takes its name. Marchesano or Marchexano, the name usually given to the early fourteenth-century Piedmontese imitations of the gros tournois (grosso tornese) struck by the marquises of Carretto and Montferrat in their mints at Cortemilia and Chivasso, respectively, and prohibited by King Henry VII of Luxembourg (1309–13, emp. from 1312) in a grida of 1311; recently, however, one scholar interpreted the use of the term marchexanum in Henry’s grida as an adjective modifying tyrallinum. The term was later used to describe a lightweight variant of the grosso bolognino of Ferrara first struck under Niccolò II d’Este (1361–88) as well as the corresponding denaro piccolo and the lira of account that was based on them. Some gold and silver coins struck in the name of Marquis Ludovico III Gonzaga of Mantua (1444–78) were also called marchesani. Mark (Ital. marca or marco, Fr. marc), an early Germanic unit of weight generally equated with two-thirds of a Roman pound (q.v.) or eight ounces and taken over as two-thirds of the pound in many systems of account, i.e. 13s 4d. Since the pound varied in weight from place to place, so did the mark. There is a useful list of the principal marks of Western Europe (e.g. Cologne, Paris) in Luschin von Ebengreuth (1926, 166–70). In northern Italy, the mark rather than the pound was the most important unit of weight for coinage (e.g. in Milan and Venice) and mint instructions generally defined the weights of coins in terms of the number to be struck to the mark.In Germany, the mark also became a unit of account equivalent to 160 pfennige; in Italy, Aquileia and related mints adopted the same system (marcha frisacense, marcha aquilegense).

Glossary: coin names, weights and numismatic terms

741

Massamutino (Lat.massamutinus,mazmudinus;from Arab.Masmudah,the name of the Berber tribe of the Almohads), the name given in Christian Europe to the gold coin (4.45g) of the Almohad (al-Muwahhid¯un) dynasty of North Africa and Spain (1130–1269). Matapan or Matapane (from Arab.marzaban,a measure of capacity used in Armenia,corresponding to 1/10th of an Armenian moggio), the name given to the silver grosso of Venice in reference to its value of 1/10th of either the Venetian lira piccola or the unit of account called the bezant of miliaresi (q.v.). Linguists have severely criticised the widely held notion that the term matapan derived from the Arabic maudaban,‘seated’,in reference to the seated image of Christ on the reverse. Medaglia or Maglia (Lat. medalea, Fr. maille), an alternative name for obol (q.v.) as the half of any unit, most frequently used in reference to the denaro to denote half-denari. Its use is more common in Tuscany than in northern Italy. Mediatino, the name of the overvalued anonymous doppio denaro of Verona probably introduced during the period 1336–9 with the same typology as Verona’s thirteenth-century grosso. Although originally valued at 2d, its silver content (12–13 per cent) made it worth 1¼d. It was devalued in 1349 to reflect its actual value and then definitively banned from circulation in 1378. Its name derives from the fact that it was exchanged at par with the Lombard mezzano (q.v.). Mezzanino, the name of a mostly silver coin of Venice (78 per cent fine) weighing 1.15g and valued at 16d, or half a Venetian grosso, when it was introduced, probably in 1331. The first attempt at the mezzanino was quickly abandoned, but the coin was revived in 1346 only to be discontinued in 1353, and then was resurrected yet again in 1406 for circulation in what were by then the Venetian possessions of Verona and Vicenza. Mezzano, the term used for the denari (q.v.) struck in Lombardy from the twelfth to the early fourteenth century, generally used for denari that were half the value of the (Milanese) denaro imperiale (q.v.), struck in Bergamo, Brescia, Como, Cremona, Mantua, Pavia, and also in Verona in the form of the mediatino (q.v.). Miliarese, Migliarese, Millarès (from late Lat. miliarensis), the vernacular forms of miliaresion (q.v.), used in Provençal, Italian and Catalan documents of the twelfth to fourteenth centuries and applied to a variety of Muslim silver coins, usually the quadrangular dirham or half-dirham of Almohad North Africa and its imitations, commonly encountered in Mediterranean commerce. They were reckoned according to a unit of account called the bezant of miliaresi (Arab. dinar dirahim), with each bezant (q.v.) equivalent to ten miliaresi. The term was probably also used to refer to Italian grossi (q.v.) struck at or very near the standard of the Almohad half-dirham (c. 1.40g), but despite its origins, was not used for the Byzantine miliaresion, which Emperor Alexius I Comnenus (1081–1118) withdrew from production in 1092. Miliaresion (Gr. νόμισμα μιλιαρήσιον, from late Lat. miliarensis), the name of the standard Byzantine silver coin, which from the eighth to the eleventh century was worth one-twelfth of the nomisma and which, after it was discontinued as a result of the monetary reforms of Alexius I Comnenus (1081–1118) in 1092, remained in use as a money of account, one-twelfth of the hyperpyron. In south Italian documents of the tenth and eleventh centuries, both Greek and Latin, the term frequently occurs as a unit of account paid in copper follari (e.g. miliarenses ex rame bona), but not as a circulating coin. Mint (Lat. moneta; Ital. zecca, often appearing in medieval sources as çeca, çeccha, sicla, etc.; Fr. atelier monétaire, hôtel des monnaies), a place where coins are struck. The Italian zecca comes from Arab. d¯ar al-sikka, the word sikka meaning originally, like cuneus, a wedge, subsequently a coin-die,

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Glossary: coin names, weights and numismatic terms

and eventually a place where coin-dies were used. The term passed from Arabic to Norman Sicily and then to the Norman mainland, ultimately spreading from there to the rest of Italy. Its adoption in Italy is discussed in Travaini (1988, 42, 55 n. 9), but the full story of its displacement of the Latin moneta as ‘mint’ is yet to be written. Mint mark (Ital. segno della zecca), a symbol or one or more letters placed on a coin to indicate where it was struck; to be distinguished from privy mark (q.v.). Mint-master (Lat. magister monete, dominus monete, Ital. mastro (maestro) di zecca or della moneta, massaro, signore, zecchiere, gabelotto), the person responsible for operating a mint, usually not a permanent government official (except in Venice and a very few other places) but a wealthy banker or merchant, sometimes foreign, who could put up the necessary capital and take over the running of a mint under contract for a term of years in the hope that he could make a profit sufficient to justify the operation. The narrowly defined terms in which he was obliged to operate nevertheless meant that this was not always possible, and mints often remained inactive for months or even years. Minuto (Lat. minutus), a word frequently used for small denari or piccoli (q.v.). Mistura (‘mixture’, from Lat. mixtura), the term customarily used by Italian numismatists for billon (q.v.). Mocenigo, the name commonly given to the fine silver lira of Venice (94.8 per cent) struck under Doge Pietro Mocenigo (1474–6) and weighing 6.52g. In the sixteenth century, the term was also used in reference to large silver coins of Mantua and Modena worth one lira of account in the Venetian system. Module, the diameter of a coin after striking, usually expressed in millimetres. Moneyer (Lat. monetarius, Ital. monetiere), technically, the person who actually strikes the coins by hammering the blank flans between two coin-dies, often assisted by a garzone, a young apprentice who would place the blanks on the fixed lower die (anvil or pile) over which the moneyer would position the hand-held die (trussel) for striking with a hammer. The term is nevertheless commonly used to refer to the person responsible for running the mint and also to other mint personnel. The various classes of mint personnel are discussed in Travaini (1988) and Stahl (2000, 246–80, 286–301, 315–19). Mule or hybrid, a coin produced by two dies, usually of successive issues, not intended to have been used together. In English, the term ‘hybrid’ tends to be used when dealing with classical coins and mule for medieval and modern ones. Nomisma (Gr. νόμισμα) or Solidus in Latin, the standard gold coin of the Byzantine Empire, weighing 4.55g and theoretically of pure gold (see also perpero). The term was carried over in Greek documents of the Norman and Hohenstaufen periods, where it is often spelled numisma, as a money of account in the penal clauses of legal documents, much as guineas were used for a few reckonings of a traditional character in modern Britain long after the coin had ceased to be struck. Nomisma (or numisma) appears only rarely in north Italian documents, but solidus aureus occurs somewhat more frequently in the same sense as numisma in south Italy. Obol (Lat. obolus, Ital. obolo), the name given in Western Europe during the Middle Ages to the half of any monetary unit but usually meaning ½d, though in Italy medaglia or maglia was sometimes preferred for this. In Byzantine territory, the term was normally used for the bronze follis. Obverse (Ital. diritto, dritto, recto, Fr. droit, face), the side of the coin that bears the more important device or inscription, often in reference to the issuing authority and usually struck by the fixed

Glossary: coin names, weights and numismatic terms

743

lower die (q.v.), though it is sometimes difficult to determine which design or inscription was more ‘important’, especially where one side of the coin carried an image of Christ or a saint, which has sometimes led to confusion in coin descriptions. Oncia or Onza (Lat. uncia, Eng. ounce; abbreviated ‘oz’), notionally one-twelfth part of a Roman lb or 27.29g, though in northern Italy where the weight of the libra and/or mark (q.v.) varied from place to place, so too did the ounce (see above, pp. 720–2). Ottavino, a small gold coin of Genoa (0.44g) equivalent to one-eighth of a gold genovino or half of a quartarola. Ottino (also oggino), the name sometimes used for a coin of 8d struck in Milan and Asti during the fifteenth century. Ottolino (Lat. ottolinus), also Otoniense (Lat. otoniensis), the name sometimes applied to the old denari (q.v.) of Pavia struck in the name of Emperor Otto the Great (951–973, emp. from 962) and his two successors. Ounce, see Oncia. Overstrike, a coin struck on to another, older coin, which in effect served as the blank for the new coin, leaving visible traces of the earlier impression. Overstriking in the north Italian series is relatively rare but sometimes occurred between coins that typically circulated together, e.g. the early denari of Asti and Genoa in north-western Italy. Pagliola, Pagliuola, Paiola (from late Lat. Palola), the Italian term that eventually came to denote a minuscule quantity of gold but originally, in the thirteenth century, referred to unrefined gold, especially dust from sub-Saharan West Africa, and evidently derived from the name of a river that European writers called the Palolus (Casaretto 1928, 181–8), probably the source for Marco Polo’s river of gold called the di Paiolo. It is notable, too, that the pagliola standard of nearly 21 carats might have provided the basis for the standard of the 20½-carat gold augustale (q.v.) of Emperor Frederick II in 1231. The term pagliola was later used more broadly to describe unrefined gold from elsewhere, including Central Europe. Parcel (Ital. tesoretto, gruzzolo), a group of coins very probably lost or hidden as a group but of uncertain provenance, which makes it impossible to draw any definitive conclusions about its deposition. Parpagliola (from Fr. parpailloles), the term first used in Dauphiné, Provence and Savoy in the mid-fourteenth century to refer to a coin valued at 15d called a double blanc (Ital. doppio bianco), subsequently extended to other middling-quality silver coins, and then appearing in Italy at first in reference to foreign grossi but later to locally struck coins of relatively poor alloy in Asti, Casale Monferrato and elsewhere. Pavese (Lat. papiensis, from Papia, the Latin name of the Lombard city Pavia), first the old goodquality imperial denaro of Pavia (denaro pavese, denarius papiensis) that circulated widely in Italy in the tenth and eleventh centuries, also called ottolino (q.v.); later and more generally the name of the denaro and coinage of Pavia. Pegione, Pigione, Picchione, a vernacular term often used in Lombardy for the debased silver grosso (q.v.) of Milan and Pavia (c. 66 per cent fine) struck from the time of Bernabò and Galeazzo II Visconti (1354–78) and later also for coins of a similar value from other mints. Some scholars believe that the popular name for these coins was originally picchione,as often attested in the sources, and that it derives from the vernacular Italian piccione (Eng. ‘pigeon’); in this sense, it was used as a pejorative in reference to the tiny imperial eagle that some of them carried. Other scholars

744

Glossary: coin names, weights and numismatic terms

understand the term to derive from the Italian peggio (Eng. ‘worse’) in reference to the reduced fineness of the coins; this is suggested by the chronology of these debased grossi and by the fact that the earliest attested form of the term is the Latin pegionus, which occurs in a ducal document of 1391. Perpero (Lat. perperum), the usual Italian form (also hyperpyro, iperpero, yperpero, etc.) of the Greek νόμισμα ὑπέρπυρον (hyperpyron), meaning ‘highly refined’ (literally ‘on fire’), the term applied to the reformed Byzantine nomisma (q.v.) introduced by Alexius I Comnenus (1081–1118) in 1092 with the traditional weight of 4.55g but only 20½ carats (854/1000) fine, giving it a gold content of 3.89g. The term remained in use for baser nomismata of the thirteenth and early fourteenth century but was transferred to the heavy silver stavraton that replaced them after they ceased to be struck in the mid-fourteenth century, even though the silver coin had only half the value of the original hyperpyron. Petachina, also Petacchina or Patacchina (from Fr. patac, patacco, patard, etc.), a word probably of Provençal origin that came to be widely used in Genoa, Savona and throughout north-western Italy in the fourteenth century for coins of good-quality billon (c. 50 per cent ); in Genoa and Savona, the name was used for sesini (q.v.) of c. 1.25g and 19mm. Piccolo (Lat. parvus; ‘little’ or ‘small’; also picciolo, piczolo, pixolo), principally the name often given to the denaro after the introduction of the (denaro) grosso (q.v.) in the thirteenth century to distinguish between the two. This gave rise to the libra denariorum parvorum (It. lira di denari piccoli), which substituted the old libra denariorum (q.v.) as the most important money of account in almost all the territories of the Regnum Italiae. The precise meaning of the term piccolo must nevertheless be deduced from the context in each case. Piedfort or Piefort (Ital., Fr. piéfort, Germ. Dickstück), a piece carrying the same typology and epigraphy as a coin but struck on a flan that was heavier and thicker than usual and often in a different metal. It served as a model for a new coin and/or to publicise its design and other details. Pile, one of several terms used for the anvil die (q.v.). Planchet, see Flan. Pound, see Libra. Privy mark (Ital. punto segreto, segno, sigla, Fr. différent, point secret), a symbol or letter placed on a coin as an element of mint administration and/or control. Privy marks were used to identify mints (mint marks), the persons responsible for them (mint-masters or moneyers) (q.v.) or actual issues, especially when it was thought necessary to distinguish between issues of different weight or fineness. Provisino (Fr. provinois), originally the denier the counts of Champagne struck in the mint at Provins and having for its type a degenerate monogram that has the appearance of a comb (Fr. peigne),which was interpreted as a pun on the name Champagne,i.e.a ‘comb’in the field (Fr. champ) of the coin. French provisini are common in later twelfth-century Italian finds and documents, but when the term appears in documents of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, it refers instead to the imitations of the French coins struck under the authority of the Roman Senate that served as the principal currency unit in parts of central Italy. Punch (Ital. punzone, also ferretto), a small tool used by engravers to cut coin-dies (q.v.). A single punch might contain all or part of a letter, a privy mark or part of a larger image, e.g. the head of a saint. The best contemporary description of their use to manufacture coin-dies is in Cellini (1857, 108–15). Crespellani (1887) catalogued the large collection of punches in the Medagliere Estense

Glossary: coin names, weights and numismatic terms

745

in Modena, with some north Italian examples and a few images, and Corradini (1995) has more recently summarised the collection. Punch die, the upper hand-held die, also called a trussel (q.v.). Punto segreto, see Privy mark. Quartaro, a petty coin of Genoa valued at ¼d first attested in the 1280s and continued in the fourteenth century, very probably surviving the transition to ducal government in 1339. Quartarola, the gold coin of Genoa first struck in 1252 to the same theoretical weight standard as the south Italian tarì (0.88–0.89g) but nominally of fine gold. It was the first north Italian gold coin of the so-called ‘return to gold’ or ‘gold revolution’ of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries and effectively established the metrological basis for not only the later full-weight genovino d’oro, which was equivalent to four quartarole, but also the nearly contemporary gold florin of Florence, probably struck on the basis of an accord with Genoa, and the later gold ducat of Venice (q.v.). Quartarolo, a petty coin of Venice containing very little silver equal to ¼d, first struck under Doge Enrico Dandolo (1192–1205) and continued throughout the thirteenth century but eliminated around 1335. It might have been intended less as a fractional denomination of the denaro (q.v.) than as a substitute for the Byzantine tetarteron (Gr. νόμισμα τεταρτηρόν, used in the same sense as quartarolo, ‘small fourth’) in the trading network of Venice, as suggested by the number of finds of quartaroli in south Italy, Greece and the Near East. Quattrino, a 4d coin that, as a result of the debasement of the denaro piccolo (q.v.), replaced this in many Italian states in the fourteenth century as the lowest denomination struck on the basis of the system of account. Quattrini were usually called after their place of origin (quattrino fiorentino, papale, etc.). Ragguaglio (Ital., literally ‘comparison’), the term used in Italy in the nineteenth century for comparisons between older weights and measures and their equivalents in the new metric system, often called tavole di ragguaglio (conversion tables; see above, pp. 720–2). The term was previously also used by Italian states for the reduction of local weights and measures to those of the dominant city. Rascia, a name often used in Italy for the kingdom of Serbia, probably from Raška, the name of a town, river and region in south-central Serbia and also one of the two original principalities of the medieval kingdom of Serbia. The expression grossi di Rascia, like the term brescotani (q.v.), referred to the imitations of Venetian grossi produced in Serbia, first struck by Stephan Dragutin (1276–82/1316). There is an allusion to the coins of Rascia in Dante (1971–5, Paradiso xix.140–1) and they are discussed in Lane and Mueller (1985, 262–7). Reale (Lat. regalis), the vernacular name of many ‘royal’ coins, especially but not exclusively ones of gold, but not used for northern Italian coins. Remedy (also tolerance, Ital. tolleranza), the term used to describe the margin of error allowed in the weight and fineness of coins issued from the mint. Renovatio (or mutatio) monetae (Lat.), the withdrawal of the coinage in circulation and its replacement by a new one, a practice that was carried out in some states at regular intervals or from one ruler to another. If weight and fineness were left unchanged, the practice still served the useful purpose of keeping the coinage in good condition by taking worn coins out of circulation, but the procedure was normally a fiscal device with the government profiting from the exchange,

746

Glossary: coin names, weights and numismatic terms

especially when the new coins were of less intrinsic value than their predecessors. In northern Italy, the procedure is well documented only for Aquileia and related mints. Retrograde, an inscription that reads backwards instead of forwards, usually through the carelessness of the die-sinker. Reverse (Ital. rovescio), the opposite face of a coin to the obverse (q.v.). Robertino, the common name of the Neapolitan gigliato (q.v.) of Robert the Wise of Anjou (1309–43) and its imitations. Rubaʽi (‘quartered’, from Arab. rubʽ ‘quarter’), the quarter-dinar, called tarì (q.v.) in Italian documents; it was the normal gold denomination in Muslim Sicily under the Fatimids and their successors. Russini or Rassini (from either Uroš, the name of the ruling dynasty of Serbia, or Rascia/Raška, a Serbian place name), the term used in the 1311 grida (q.v.) of Henry VII for the Serbian imitations of the Venetian silver grosso matapan. See Rascia. Sangiorgino, a name sometimes used in the early fourteenth century for the gold genovino of Genoa (Travaini 2003, 40–1, 112, 147), an allusion to the late thirteenth-century Palazzo San Giorgio in Genoa, which later became the first headquarters of the Genoese bank Casa di San Giorgio. It is nevertheless unclear whether the description of genovini as sangiorgini was meant to refer to a specific issue or type. Saracenato or bisante saracenato, the name given in the twelfth- and thirteenth-century documents to the imitations of the Muslim dinar struck in Palestine by the crusaders. Scodellato (Ital., from scodella, ‘bowl’), a term used to describe the bowl-shaped or concave form of many northern Italian denari of the tenth to the fourteenth century (e.g. those of Milan, Bergamo, Brescia, Cremona, Mantua and other mints that produced coins of the Milanese type as well as those of Venice, Verona and other Veneto mints). It was produced by using either flat dies of different diameter or dies that were actually concave/convex. Scudo, see Écu. Secusino, Seghisino, Seghusino, the name given to the early denari of the counts of Savoy struck in Susa. Segno, see Privy mark. Sesino, Sestino, Sexino (Lat. sextinus), the name applied from the fourteenth century onwards to a wide variety of coins especially of Genoa and Milan having the value of 6d or a half-soldo. Siliqua, see Carat. Single-find (Ital. rinvenimento or ritrovamento sporadico), the term used, somewhat misleadingly, to refer not necessarily to a coin found singly but generally to one lost singly. Grierson (1965) distinguished between two categories of single-finds, (1) stray finds and (2) excavation or site finds, the principal difference being that stray finds have come to light largely by chance while excavation finds have come to light as the result of systematic archaeological research, although now both types are also discovered increasingly through the work of metal-detectorists. Grierson further divided excavation finds into location finds, where only a restricted area is involved (e.g. a single building), and area finds, where a broader extent of land is excavated (e.g. an entire complex of buildings or village). Soldino, a late medieval coin with the value of one soldo or 12d, struck in Genoa, Milan and Venice from the fourteenth century onwards. In Venice, it first appeared in 1332 during the dogeship of Francesco Dandolo (1329–39), initially weighing 0.96g of relatively poor silver (670/1000)

Glossary: coin names, weights and numismatic terms

747

for a fine weight of 0.64g, but from 1344 weighing only 0.55g of virtually pure silver (965/1000) and later undergoing further changes of weight and fineness. Called a ‘galley ha’penny’ in England, it circulated widely there especially at the beginning of the fifteenth century Soldo (Lat. solidus, Fr. sou or sol, Germ. schilling, Eng. shilling), see Soldino and Solidus. Solidus (Lat.), originally the standard gold coin of the late Roman Empire introduced by Constantine in 309, weighing 24 carats (4.55g) of pure gold. It continued as the Latin name of the Byzantine nomisma and its imitations in the West. In northern and central Italy, under the Lombards, it was a unit of account worth three tremisses, the only denomination struck in the Lombard kingdom. After the monetary reforms of Charlemagne in the later eighth century and the changeover to a monometallic silver currency in much of Europe, it was used to refer to a unit of account consisting of 12d, twenty of which comprised a pound (libra) (q.v.), and it retained this meaning throughout the period covered in this volume, but also came to be represented in the circulating coinage of some mints in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. See Soldino. Standard, strictly speaking, an authorised exemplar of a unit of weight, which would differ from one region to another, and, by extension, the system of weight based on this. The word is sometimes also used for both the prescribed fineness and weight of a given coin or issue, i.e. the ‘standard’ of fineness, and the lower anvil die (q.v.). Sterling (Eng., from Middle English steor, ‘fixed’ or ‘stable’; Ital. sterlino, Fr. esterlin), in reference to the stability in terms of weight and fineness of the English ‘sterling’ penny of the Norman and later periods. English sterlings are relatively rare in Italian coin finds but not unheard of, and they are well attested in the documentary record. In Italy, governments often regulated the fineness of sterling silver in their statutes, e.g. in Padua in 1265. Taglio (Ital., Lat. tallia, Fr. taille, Eng. ‘cut’), a term that refers to the number of coins obtained or ‘cut’ from a given weight of alloy. Talento (Lat. talentum), sometimes occurring in medieval documents as a synonym for pound (q.v.), either as a weight or a unit of account. Tarì or Tarenus, from an Arabic adjectival meaning ‘fresh’ in the sense of ‘newly struck’, used by Italians for the Muslim quarter-dinar (rubaʽi) (q.v.) of Sicily and for mainland imitations struck in Amalfi and Salerno. Sicilian tarì originally weighed 1.06g and were of virtually pure gold, but their fineness dropped to 16⅓ carats (681/1000) under the Normans and they ceased to be struck as a definite weight unit during the time of William II (1166–89), so that the coins had to be weighed for all transactions. The word was later used in two senses: (1) as a tarì weight of 0.89g (called a trappeso) in 16⅓ carats gold and (2) as a money of account of corresponding value, often used in international transactions. Its weight, but not its fineness, appears to have provided the metrological basis for the first gold coins of Genoa and Florence in 1252, since the Genoese quartarola weighed 0.89g and the larger gold florins and genovini of the two cities were four times that weight. Tariffa, see Grida. Terzarolo, the name of a gold coin of Genoa valued at one-third of a gold genovino or florin (c. 1.14g) and first struck under Doge Simone Boccanegra (1339–44). Terzolo (Lat. [denarius] terciolis), a Milanese denaro of one-third silver and money of account introduced around the middle of the twelfth century and later valued at half a denaro imperiale (q.v.) like other denari mezzani (q.v.).

748

Glossary: coin names, weights and numismatic terms

Testone (from Ital. testa, ‘head’), initially, in the second half of the fifteenth century, the name sometimes given in Italy to gold and silver coins that began to feature a portrait of the issuing authority as the obverse type. After the introduction of large heavy silver coins valued at the local lira of account and bearing a portrait, first in Venice under Doge Nicolò Tron (1471–3) in 1472 and then in Milan under Duke Galeazzo Maria Sforza of Milan (1466–76) in 1474, the term was used to describe good silver coins of 6.00–10.00g. Their manufacture soon spread to the Swiss cantons and Germany where they were called dicken (literally ‘thick’) on account of their thick fabric and large size. Tirolino, the name applied to the silver grosso of the counts of Tyrol struck in Meran for the first time in 1274. The slightly heavier and finer successor to the grosso aquilino, the new coin carried a similar eagle on the reverse but a distinctive Tyrolean double cross (long cross overlaid with a saltire short cross) on the obverse. Like the aquilino (q.v.), it was valued at 20d and accordingly sometimes called a Zwanziger (Germ.). The tirolino was widely imitated, especially in the Piedmont. Tornese (Lat. turonensis, Fr. tournois), the Italian name of the denier originally struck by the abbey of St Martin of Tours and having for types a cross and a building derived from the ‘temple’ of Carolingian coins and called by numismatists a châtel tournois. In the thirteenth century, the mint of St Martin’s was taken over by the French crown, and the same type of coin, with its traditional TVRONVS CIVIS legend, was struck at a great number of royal mints in southern and western France. In 1266, Louis IX (1226–70) introduced a gros tournois worth 12d tournois and it rapidly became one of the most influential coins in Western Europe. The gros tournois was imitated widely and several north Italian mints produced imitations (e.g. Asti, Chivasso, Cortemilia, Turin). Henry VII of Luxembourg (1310–13, emp. from 1312) even planned to strike his own version of the coin but died before he was able to do so. Tornesello (‘small denaro of Tours’), the name of a billon coin struck in Venice for circulation in the Venetian colonies in the Aegean. It was initially valued at 3d in Venetian money when it was introduced towards the end of the dogeship of Andrea Dandolo (1343–54). Touchstone (Ital. pietra di paragone), the term used for the dark fine-grained stone, e.g. basalt, used in conjunction with touch-needles or references (Ital. tocche d’oro) to determine the fineness particularly of gold objects and, by extension, for any assay carried out by touchstone. The touchstone assay involves rubbing a coin or other object on to a touchstone, treating the streaks with a nitric acid solution, and comparing the resulting changes in the colour of the streaks with the changes occurring in streaks made from references. The touchstone assay is accurate to within a 1–2 per cent margin of error, relatively easy and inexpensive to put together, and causes only negligible damage to the coins. The method was commonly used to test the fineness of gold coins in the Middle Ages but was less reliable for silver, partly because of the subtler changes in the colour of silver rubbings when treated with the nitric acid solution and partly because of the surface enrichment in silver coins that resulted from blanching (q.v.). A set of touch-needles can be seen on a moneychanger’s table depicted on the lower left-side panel of Andrea Orcagna’s mid-fourteenth-century San Matteo triptych in the Galleria degli Uffizi, Florence. Tram (from Gr. δραχμή or drachma), silver coin of the kingdom of Cilician Armenia (1199–1375) on the Anatolian coast north of Cyprus. In the thirteenth century, it had an ideal weight of about 2.90g, the same as the Islamic dirham, and was about 90 per cent fine, but it fell to about 2.00g and 50 per cent fine in the fourteenth century. It belongs to the earliest purely Armenian coinage in terms of epigraphy, language and typology.

Glossary: coin names, weights and numismatic terms

749

Tressure, the ornamental frame around the image on many late medieval coins. It usually consists of a series of cups or arches. Where the number of these is small, the type is described as being enclosed in a trefoil or a quatrefoil instead of a tressure with three or four arches or lobes. Trillina or Terlina, a Milanese petty coin of 3d struck from the time of Giovanni Maria Visconti (1402–12) onwards. Tron or Trono, the name given to the fine silver lira of Venice (94.8 per cent, 6.52g), first struck under Doge Nicolò Tron (1471–4) and carrying his portrait; it was subsequently replaced by the mocenigo (q.v.), so named after Tron’s successor, Nicola Mocenigo (1474–6), which did not carry a portait because Venetian authorities prohibited them on their coins after Tron’s death. Trussel (from Fr. trousseau, Ital. torsello) or punch die (q.v.), the upper hand-held die used in coining. Turonensis, see Tornese. Type, the main design on each face of the coin and, by extension, a class or group of coins having the same design. Uncia, see Oncia. Yperpero, see Perpero. Zecca (from Arab. sikka, ‘mint’), see Mint. Zecchino (Eng. sequin), the name often used for the gold ducat (q.v.) of Venice or other gold coins of the same type and value. It came into use only in the sixteenth century.

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vi c e n z i 1922 C. Vicenzi, ‘Note su un ripostiglio di monete medioevali (XII–XIII secolo) rinvenuto a Cisano (Bergamo)’, RIN 35 (1922), 157–70. vi g nati 1879 C. Vignati (ed.), Codice diplomatico laudense, vol. i (Milan, 1879). vi l lani 1991 G. Villani, Nuova cronica, ed. G. Porta, 3 vols. (Parma, 1991). vi l lari 1937 P. Villari, L’Italia da Carlo Magno alla morte di Arrigo VII, 2nd edn (Milan, 1937). vi m e rcati s o z z i 1842 P. Vimercati Sozzi, Sulla moneta della città di Bergamo nel secolo decimoterzo (Bergamo, 1842). vi m e rcati s o z z i 1881 — Appendice alla dissertazione storico-critica sulla moneta della città di Bergamo nel secolo XIII (Bergamo, 1881). vi olante 1953 C. Violante, La società milanese nell’età precomunale (Bari, 1953). vi olante 1989 — ‘La funzione del danaro nella lotta per le investiture’, in Le chiese e lo sviluppo dell’economia monetaria medioevale (Pisa, 1989), 111–63. vi ol i ni 1943 C. Violini, Galeazzo Maria Sforza, quinto duca di Milano (Turin, 1943). vi z z i ni et al. 1961–70 G. Vizzini et al. (eds.), Bibliotheca Sanctorum, 12 vols. plus index and appendices (Rome, 1961–70). vog e l 1977 K. Vogel (ed.), Ein italienisches Rechenbuch aus dem 14. Jahrhundert (Columbia X 511 Al 3) (Munich, 1977). voltm e r 1992 E. Voltmer, ‘I collaboratori piemontesi di Federico II e di Manfredi’, in Bianca Lancia d’Agliano: fra il Piemonte e il Regno di Sicilia (Atti del convegno, Asti-Agliano, 28–29 aprile 1990), ed. R. Bordone (Alessandria, 1992), 23–37. von jak sc h 1902 A. von Jaksch, ‘Münzfund von Gnoppnitz-Graben’, Mitteilungen des Clubs der Münzund Medaillenfreunde in Wien 13 (1902), 131. w älc h l i and vui l le um i e r 1991 W. Wälchli and P. Vuilleumier, ‘Touchstone testing of precious metals’, Gold Technology 3 (1991), 9–18. waley 2009 D. P. Waley, The Italian City-Republics, 4th edn, ed. T. Dean (Harlow, 2009). wat s on 1967 A. M. Watson, ‘Back to gold – and silver’, EconHR n.s., 20 (1967), 1–34. we b b 1996 D. Webb, Patrons and Defenders: the Saints in the Italian City-states (London, 1996). we i nf urte r 1999 S. Weinfurter, Heinrich II. (1002–1024): Herrscher am Ende der Zeiten (Regensburg, 1999). we l z von we l le nh e i m 1839 L. Welz von Wellenheim, ‘Münzen der Grafshaft Görz’, NeueZFTV 5 (1839), 52–89. we nne r 1980 M. W. Wenner, ‘The Arab/Muslim presence in central Europe’, International Journal of Middle East Studies 12 (1980), 59–79. w i c k ham 1981 C. Wickham, Early Medieval Italy: Central Power and Local Society, 400–1000 (London, 1981). w i e land t 1950–1 F. Wielandt, ‘Beiträge zur oberrheinischen Münzgeschichte der Hohenstaufenzeit. Die Münzfunde von Oos, Rotenfels und Illingen’, Jahrbuch für Numismatik und Geldgeschichte 2 (1950– 1), 68–125. w i e se r 1965 F. Wieser, ‘Die Kreuzerprägung des Erherzog Sigmund von Tirol’, NZ 81 (1965), 14–20. w i e sf le c ke r 1955 H. Wiesflecker, Meinhard II. von Tirol (Innsbruck, 1955). w i nke l mann 1880 E. Winkelmann (ed.), Acta Imperii inedita saeculi XIII: Urkunden und Briefe zur Geschichte des Kaiserreichs und des Königreichs Sicilien in den Jahren 1198 bis 1273 (Innsbruck, 1880). w i nte r 2002 H. Winter, ‘Die Frühzeit des Friesacher Pfennigs. Die Numismatische Evidenz’, in al ram et al. 2002, 135–266. woodcoc k and rob i n s on 1988 T. Woodcock and J. M. Robinson, The Oxford Guide to Heraldry (Oxford, 1988). z äc h 1992 B. Zäch, ‘Der Vaduzer Münzschatzfund als Quelle zum Geldumlauf im 14. Jahrhundert’, in 1342. Zeugen des späten Mittelalters: Festschrift 650 Jahre Grafschaft Vaduz, ed. H. Frommelt (Vaduz, 1992), 114–39.

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S A L E C ATA L O G U E S

The following sale catalogues are normally referred to by the surname of the collector only. Further information on the collectors will be found in the section on Collectors, dealers and donors preceding the Catalogue. Boyne (W.) Grantley (Lord) Hollschek (K.) Lockett (R. C.) Magnaguti (A.) Martinori (E.)

Sotheby (London) 29 June 1896. Boyne’s medieval north Italian coins were in this sale, the second of two in which his collection was dispersed. Glendining (London) 1943–5, eleven sales. The coins that concern medieval northern Italy were in the first sale of 29 November 1943 (gold coins) and the eighth sale of 25 October 1944. Dorotheum (Vienna) 21 May 1958. Hollschek’s medieval north Italian coins, largely from the Windisch-Grätz collection, were in this sale, the seventh of twenty from 1959 to 1964. Glendining (London) 29 February 1956. The collector’s medieval European coins, including the north Italian ones, were in this sale, the third of thirteen from 1955 to 1961. Santamaria (Rome) 1949–59, twelve sales (under the title Ex Nummis Historia). Magnaguti’s medieval north Italian coins were in the fifth sale of 12 March 1953, the sixth of 28 January 1954 and the seventh of 1957. Santamaria (Rome) 24 November 1913.

813

C O L L E C TO R S, D E A L E R S AND DONORS with i nt roduc ti on by p h i l i p g ri e r s on A history of the Fitzwilliam Museum collection and the College collections, as well as that of the Grierson collection and the Grantley collection on which Grierson’s collection was largely based, has been given in MEC 1, 393–8. The bulk of the coins in this volume form part of the Grierson collection. The most numerous exceptions are those that came as part of the Blunt collection in 1990 and purchases made by the Fitzwilliam Museum through the Grierson Fund from 1991 onwards, but there are also a number of fine fifteenth-century pieces that came from the bequests of James S. Henderson (1933) and Arthur W. Young (1936), both of whom appreciated the artistic qualities of early Renaissance coins. Comparatively few northern and central Italian coins in the Grierson collection are ex-Grantley. Apart from a few gold coins in the first of the Grantley sales (Glendining, 29 November 1943, lots 290–331, half of them modern), some pre-Norman coins in the seventh (25 July 1944, lots 2832– 5) and a Salernitan tarì classed with the Islamic coins in the eleventh (26 April 1945, lot 4477), the Italian coins were concentrated in the eighth sale of 18 December 1944. There they were distributed in alphabetical order through the Italian series, lots 3124–337, which were virtually all bought for stock by the three London firms of Spink, Baldwin and Seaby, mainly by the first two of these. The contents of these lots were still in the market when Grierson started collecting in 1945. In the case of the Spink and Seaby purchases, however, individual coins had already begun to appear in monthly fixed-price lists,and in Baldwin’s case other collectors,notably R.C.Lockett and W. H. Bennett, had been given first choice, so that in contrast to what occurred with the French provincial series, relatively few Grantley lots passed to Grierson in their entirety. Consequently, of the north Italian coins purchased by him in London over the years 1945–8, only a few were ex-Grantley. More Grantley material came to him later, however, at the third R. C. Lockett sale of February 1956, though he failed to buy as much as he had hoped at the sale. Among the gold coins (lots 174–218), he bought for the Fitzwilliam Museum a spectacular double ducat of Gian Galeazzo Sforza (lot 215; 745), but nothing for himself; he would have liked the Milanese double ducat of Louis XII of France (lot 218), but stood down for it in favour of the British Museum, where it now rests. In the long series of silver and billon coins (lots 469–521), he bought only three lots, one of senatorial coins of Rome (32 coins, ex Grantley 3304) and two of Venetian coins (lots 519–20, 76 coins). 817

818

Collectors, dealers and donors

If the foundations of Grierson’s collection were laid in England in the years 1945–8, it was greatly expanded from Italian sources over the next few years, starting with the acquisitions from Ratto in Milan in 1946, from Santamaria, Baranowsky and De Nicola in Rome in 1947, and from De Falco in Naples in 1948. He later bought many Italian coins from Nascia in Milan. Most acquisitions were casual purchases from stock and made on visits to Italy, or were made from dealers’ lists. Purchases at auction were relatively few, even from the two largest collections of Italian coins sold in the 1950s and 1960s, the Magnaguti and Signorelli cabinets, disposed of by Santamaria in twelve and six sales, respectively, over the years 1949–65 and 1951–5. Grierson also acquired a few Italian coins in auction sales elsewhere. At the seventh sale of the gigantic Hollschek collection on 21 May 1958 in Vienna (Dorotheum), which consisted entirely of Italian coins, many going back to the Windisch-Grätz collection, he bought twelve lots. In the Italian series from the Dolivo collection (MMAG Basel sale 27, 15 November 1963), he bought several coins, including two of outstanding interest, a rare tornese struck at Turin by Filippo of Savoy, prince of Piedmont-Achaia (175), and an apparently unique grosso quite unusual in its type, a crested helmet and a galloping knight, of Amedeo IX of Savoy (178). The coins in this volume with a recorded hoard provenance include a parcel of forty Venetian grossi found in Jordan that Grierson acquired in the 1950s (1104–5, 1127, 1193–5, 1213–15, 1218, 1223–7, 1229, 1231–5, 1247–63, 1265, 1284), a much smaller group of the same coins from a Syrian hoard (1196, 1219, 1238–40, 1264) and another small group of these coins from a hoard found in the former Yugoslavia (1211, 1217, 1230, 1241, 1283). There are relatively few other coins in this volume with a recorded hoard provenance. One early denaro of Verona derived from a Polish parcel (24) and four other early Veronese denari came from a hoard found in Padua (58–9, 61, 63). One coin of Aquileia is thought have derived from the Terzo d’Aquileia hoard found in 1969 (833), one Genoese denaro (228) came from a hoard of 315 of these described in Jean Elsen (Brussels) list 103 (27 April 1999) and one Venetian soldino acquired in 1959 came from a Greek hoard (1275). One coin, a Genoese copper quartaro (251), is a single-find from the banks of the Thames in London, and another, a Venetian grosso of Giovanni Sorzano (1100), is thought to have been found in Bulgaria. Two other Venetian coins (1363–4) were found in Cyprus. The list that follows is primarily intended as an index and key to the provenances recorded in the catalogue. The scholars, collectors and dealers of each generation generally know each other but are unable to identify their predecessors, so some explanatory matter has been inserted where this seemed advisable. The use of the word ‘scholar’ to describe individuals indicates that these have published work on numismatics; it does not imply that other collectors may not have also been scholars. There is some overlap in the names of the dealers as well as the individual sales with the list in MEC 1, 399–414, and more considerable overlap with the ones in MEC 13, in preparation, and MEC 14, 579–87. Names in capitals have their own entry in the text. a e s ru d e s. a . Coin auctioneers in Chiasso (Switzerland) from 1978. 834 a n d r e a n i , Christian. Coin dealer in Giulianova (prov. Teramo, Abruzzo), Italy, and scholar who operates through Ebay. 656 a s h m o l e a n m u s e u m , Oxford. 1029 a r s e t n u m m u s . See nasc i a , G. a s ta rt e . Coin and antiques dealers and auctioneers since 1998 operating out of Lugano, Switzerland, and Mantua, Italy. 456, 487, 517

Collectors, dealers and donors

819

au c t i o n e s a . g. ba s e l . Coin and antiques dealers and auctioneers in Basel from 1973 to 2003. 5 ba l dw i n , Messrs A. H. & Sons. One of the leading London coin dealers since the 1890s. 2, 9, 14, 16, 18, 19(?), 20, 34, 38–9, 41, 122, 130, 144, 154, 218, 221–2, 240–1, 271, 278, 322, 329, 367–8, 374, 394, 396–9, 403–6, 419, 425–6, 432, 442–3, 452, 469–70, 479, 482, 510, 522, 525, 530–1, 533, 561, 567, 576, 581, 583, 646, 648, 667, 696, 738–9, 782, 795, 799, 811, 822, 826, 843, 885, 912, 920, 958, 981, 987, 991, 996, 998, 1005, 1008, 1013, 1016–18, 1031–2, 1041, 1058–60, 1063–4, 1070, 1074, 1080–1, 1091, 1094, 1096, 1102–3, 1109–11, 1117, 1123, 1130, 1133, 1138–44, 1150–6, 1158–9, 1161–2, 1164–5, 1167–74, 1177–8, 1180, 1183, 1187, 1189–91, 1197–1200, 1209, 1220, 1237, 1245, 1271, 1276, 1278, 1287, 1291–2, 1297, 1306, 1319, 1322, 1332, 1348, 1361, 1371, 1376, 1405, 1421 ba n c h e l l i , Gabriele (Calenzano, prov. Florence). Ebay vendor. 234 ba n k l e u (Zurich). Since the late 1940s one of the chief coin dealers and auctioneers in Switzerland, the auctions often held between 1954 and 1971 in association with Adolph h e s s Nachf. at Lucerne. Initially the coin department was a section of Bank Leu itself, but from 1 January 1992 to its closure in 2011 it traded as an ‘independent subsidiary’ of the bank under the name of le u num i smati k . 441, 866, 875, 882, 1149 ba r a n ow s k y , Michele (1889–1968). A Russian born in St Petersburg who settled in Italy in 1920 and set up as coin dealer and auctioneer in Milan, moving later to Rome, where the firm continues active under members of his family. 71, 237, 253, 377, 388, 471–2, 590, 681, 686, 690, 699–700, 704, 706, 708, 720, 722, 727, 730–1, 753, 758–9, 775, 780–1, 830, 856, 876, 910–11, 913, 918–19, 922, 924, 928–9, 931, 943–5, 953, 962, 986, 1019, 1055, 1128, 1175, 1181, 1268, 1270, 1274, 1286, 1290, 1295–6, 1303, 1305, 1325, 1330, 1346–7, 1357–8, 1364, 1366, 1369–70, 1372, 1387, 1389–91, 1419 ba s e l c o i n fa i r (Basler Münzenmesse). Annual coin fair held since the 1970s. 85 b e r g h au s , Peter (1919–2012). Scholar, one of the most eminent numismatists of the twentieth century. 892 b e rt e l è , Giovanni (1924–). Son of the Italian diplomat, scholar and collector Tommaso Bertelè (1892–1971). Giovanni donated to the collection a small group of Veronese coins, presumably obtained from his father, which were originally part of a hoard found in Padua some time before 1952. 58–9, 61, 63 b e rto l ot t i , Giuseppe (1818–92). Solicitor by profession, author of several articles on Milanese coins, collector especially of Milanese coins and, more modestly, of ancient Roman coins, and source of a number of coins that came to g ri e r s on through ul ri c h - ban sa . 31, 43, 50–1, 53, 74, 539, 543, 545–6, 549–50, 552–3, 555–7, 560, 562, 564–6, 568–9, 571, 577, 579–80, 588, 591, 678–9 b l u n t , Christopher Evelyn (1904–87). Scholar and collector, whose important collection came to the Fitzwilliam Museum in February 1990. Blunt’s English medieval coins are especially significant, but the collection also contained about 1,700 continental coins, founded largely on the g r a n t l e y d u p l i c at e s that Blunt purchased in 1947 from ow s to n s m i t h . The Blunt continental coins that duplicated those already in the collections of the Fitzwilliam Museum or the g ri e r s on collection were sold in spi nk ’s auction no. 71 on 11 October 1989 (lots 370–560), the proceeds being used to improve the English side of the collection. The Blunt collection thus now comprises 772 continental coins, including some northern Italian coins. 13, 21, 23, 27, 36, 69, 284, 370–1, 373, 428, 540, 777–8, 847, 873, 964, 966, 968–9,

820

Collectors, dealers and donors

971, 973–4, 976–80, 982, 997, 1014, 1027, 1040, 1042–3, 1049, 1052, 1067, 1085, 1099, 1299, 1393–5 b o u lto n , Sir Samuel (1830–1918). Businessman, philanthropist, collector. His collection, formed largely in the decade before 1914, was bought from his heirs by Spink’s in 1943 and provided g ri e r s on with many coins, though only a few north Italian ones. 125, 132, 134, 283, 290, 293, 315, 318, 336, 360–1, 578, 599, 659, 675, 685, 697, 710, 725, 732, 801, 806, 854, 916, 926, 1404 b o u r g e y , Étienne (1865–1942). One of the chief Paris coin dealers and auctioneers from the 1890s onwards. After Étienne’s death the firm was carried on by his son Émile (d. 1993) and in due course by his granddaughter Sabine. 90, 96, 364 b oy n e , William (1814–93). English scholar and collector resident in Florence whose important collection was sold by Sotheby in two sales in 1896. Some of his Italian coins were purchased by A. W. yo u n g and came to the Fitzwilliam Museum through this benefactor. 603–4, 610, 614, 618–19, 624, 674, 721, 749, 751, 756, 835–6, 841, 848, 850, 1062, 1125, 1135, 1145–6, 1148, 1210, 1242, 1244, 1277, 1280–1, 1289, 1407 bu t t r e y , Theodore V. (1929–). Scholar, former Keeper of Coins and Medals in the Fitzwilliam Museum, collector, and donor of mainly ancient coins but also some medieval ones. 563, 620a, 649, 914, 1010 c a h n , Adolph E. (1840–1918). Coin dealers and auctioneers in Frankfurt am Main. One of the major coin firms in Europe from the 1870s to 1936, when it was taken over by Julius Cahn’s secretary, Elisabeth Button (d. 1962), as Frankfurter Münzhandlung. The traditions of the firm were carried on in Switzerland by m m ag . 886 c i a r a ba l à , Antonio (Cerreto d’Esi, prov. Ancona). Ebay vendor. 231 c i v i ta s g a l l e r i e s . Coin dealers in Middleton, Wisconsin, run by Benjamin R. Bell and Joshua Moran. 219 c l a r k , T. F. Collector, whose coins were sold by m a l l oy in 1974; untraced. 779 c l a s s i c a l n u m i s m at i c g ro u p i n c . (abbrev. c n g ). Coin dealers, under Victor England, from the 1980s onwards, initially at Quarryville (Pennsylvania) and subsequently (from 1994) at Lancaster (Pennsylvania). In 1991, they took over the numismatic section of the London firm of B. A. s e a b y . Now under the direction of Eric J. McFadden. c n g , see c l a s s i c a l n u m i s m at i c g ro u p i n c . c o i n g a l l e r i e s . Branch of the New York firm s tac k ’ s dealing in ancient and foreign coins. 649 c o r p u s c h r i s t i c o l l e g e . A collection bequeathed to the college by the Rev. S. S. l ew i s (1836–91) and deposited on indefinite loan to the Fitzwilliam Museum in 1991. Lewis was a Fellow of the college and collector of classical antiquities. On the history and contents of his coin collection, see MEC 1, 398. The catalogue numbers in references are those in a MS catalogue in the Coin Room that Peter Spufford prepared in the 1960s. 825, 1246 c r i p pa , Carlo. Coin dealer in Milan from the 1960s onwards and author of a major multi-volume work on Milanese coinage. 25, 288, 451, 743, 1206 dav i e s s h e r b o r n , C. See s h e r b o r n , C. Davies day , William R., Jr. (Cambridge). Scholar, co-author of MEC 12 and donor. 54 d e c o s s o n , Baron C. A. Collector especially of medieval armour and weaponry, but also Byzantine and medieval European coins and medals as well as manuscripts and other items. His coins and medals were sold by s ot h e b y on 19 March 1951. 762, 1061

Collectors, dealers and donors

821

d e fa l c o , Giuseppe. Coin dealer in Naples from the 1940s to the late 1980s, succeeded on his retirement by his son Alberto. 37, 72, 88, 256, 258–9, 270, 281–2, 312, 326, 331, 341–2, 346, 358, 400, 446, 523, 623, 948, 972, 1038, 1323, 1380 d e n i c o l a , Luigi. Coin dealer in Rome from the late 1940s to late 1960s. 109, 145, 712, 714, 728, 744, 760, 770, 838, 842, 844, 846, 849, 851, 855, 857, 865, 872, 874, 878, 904, 949, 951–2, 954–5, 957, 1408, 1410 d e n a r i u s . Coin dealers in Milan active briefly in the early 1980s. 94 d e r r i m a n , J. P. Collector in the late 1940s who acquired some of his coins while serving in North Africa during the Second World War. 403 d e w i c k , Rev. Edward Samuel (1844–1917), of St John’s College, Cambridge. A distinguished antiquary and donor of a large collection of coins to the Fitzwilliam Museum in 1918. 17, 42, 429, 541, 596, 673, 734, 791, 794, 797, 989, 1075, 1084, 1184, 1216, 1397, 1400 d i l l e n , Joseph (‘Jeff’), Brussels. Coin dealer 1938–c. 1943, when he died in a German concentration camp. His widow carried on the firm until her death in 1955. The coins that g r i e r s o n bought from her over the years included a few northern Italian ones. 33, 313, 352 d i vo , see h e s s d o l i vo , Dimitri (1891–1961). Swiss doctor, scholar and collector. His important collection of medieval and early modern coins was sold anonymously, as ‘Collection d’un amateur suisse’, by m m ag base l in four sales between 1962 and 1965. His Italian series, which was especially important for Savoy, Piedmont and northern Italy more generally, was in the second sale (Vente publique XXVII) of 15 November 1963. 105, 116–17, 121, 133, 175, 178–9, 182, 477, 832 d o rot h e u m (Vienna). Auctioneering firm since the eighteenth century. 809, 867, 1030, 1044, 1338–9 e l s e n , Jean (1944–). One of the foremost coin dealers and auctioneers in Brussels from 1976 onwards. 189, 227, 244, 274–5, 308, 347, 1377 e u g u b i u m . Firm in Gubbio (province of Perugia) run by Andrea Cavicchi since 1995. 79, 83, 120, 601 fa s c i o l o ,Giovanni Battista.Italian collector who died in the mid-1970s.His collection of mainly Genoese and related coins was sold by va r e s i on 18 November 2003. 188, 265–6, 297, 344, 350–1, 381–4, 389–92 f l o r a n g e , Jules (1862–1936). Paris coin dealer, auctioneer (1892 onwards) and scholar. The firm was inherited by his sons Charles (who had started a separate firm in 1928) and Jules, effectively the latter, after whose death it passed to his long-time secretary Nadia k a pa m a d j i (1901–78), who continued to run it under the name of Florange. 169–71, 640–41 f o r e s t i , Pietro. Collector in Carpi (province of Modena) whose coins were sold in Milan by Rodolfo r at to on 5 December 1911. 926 f o r r e r , Leonard Steyning (1895–1968). Son of L. Forrer of s p i n k ’s, for which firm he initially worked. He set up independently as a coin dealer in the late 1940s, but his firm closed in 1955 and he joined Schulman’s in Amsterdam, where he worked until his death. 147, 174, 360, 506, 1050, 1053 f r a n c e s c h i , Bartolomeo (1907–91). Coin dealer in Brussels in succession to Charles Dupriez (d. 1952) from the 1940s until his retirement in 1986, the firm continuing under his son Druso. 805, 927, 1221, 1337, 1349

822

Collectors, dealers and donors

f r i e n d s o f t h e f i t z w i l l i a m m u s e u m , purchased with funds from. 773 f r i s i o n e (Genoa). See g h i g l i o n e g ava z z i , Carlo (d. 1947). Collector of Italian coins whose collection was divided between his heirs, including his relative u l r i c h - ba n s a , through whom a number of Milanese coins subsequently came to g r i e r s o n . g ava z z i ,Giuseppe (1831–1913).Industrialist and agriculturalist,scholar and collector whose coins, noteworthy especially for the rich Milanese and Lombard component, were sold by Rodolfo r at to (Milan) on 24 April 1911. 318, 675, 685 g e n oa c o i n fa i r (Mostra Filatelico Numismatica). Fair held annually since the 1980s. 276–7, 299–301 g e n ova , Miss Bestrakofka (Dumbarton Oaks). Source of a coin found in Bulgaria. 1100 g h i g l i o n e (Genoa). Active in Philately since 1885 but coin dealers and auctioneers only since 1987 in collaboration with the Genoese firm f r i s i o n e , which itself has been active in Genoa since 1955. 135, 289, 337, 349, 355, 380 g i n o r i c o n t i , Piero, prince of Trevignano (1865–1939). Florentine businessman, politician, scholar, collector. 788 g l e n d i n i n g & co. A London auctioneering firm founded in 1900 by Douglas Glendining and specialising in coins and medals, of which it handled virtually all of the important collections put on the market in London between the 1920s and the 1970s. See also g r a n t l e y . 45–8, 66–8, 70, 73, 215, 218, 330, 332–3, 489, 594, 607, 733, 912, 920, 999–1001, 1003, 1006–7, 1011–12, 1020–1, 1026, 1028, 1046, 1048, 1065–6, 1076, 1086, 1106, 1114–15, 1124, 1236, 1245, 1285, 1300–2, 1308–9, 1334, 1351, 1381, 1383, 1421 g r a n t l e y , Lord (1855–1943). One of the most eminent coin collectors of his generation; see MEC 1, 396–7. g l e n d i n i n g sold his immense collection of some fifty thousand coins in eleven sales over the years 1943–5, the Italian ones mainly in the eighth sale of 18 December 1944. 6, 86–7, 122, 130, 144, 184–6, 278, 367–8, 372, 375–6, 442, 484, 493, 498, 502, 509, 511, 513, 518–20, 524, 528, 532, 534, 536, 538, 642, 652–3, 659, 664, 676, 682–3, 808, 890, 894–5, 900, 960–1, 963, 965, 967, 970, 987, 991, 1022, 1029, 1082, 1097, 1119, 1131, 1134, 1136–7, 1163, 1166, 1179, 1182, 1188, 1202–3, 1205, 1208, 1273, 1279, 1293, 1318, 1320, 1324, 1326, 1354, 1360, 1365, 1367–8, 1374, 1384–6 g r a n t l e y d u p l i c at e s . Coins included anonymously as lots 151–65 at a Glendining sale of 10 May 1943. These several thousand coins were purchased by ow s to n s m i t h and subsequently acquired from him by b l u n t in 1947. Blunt retained some 1,700 coins (of which 772 now form part of the Blunt collection at the Fitzwilliam Museum) and disposed of the remainder. g r i e r s o n acquired some of the Grantley Duplicates from Blunt in 1948, and thus coins from these lots have passed to the Fitzwilliam Museum both directly through the Blunt collection and indirectly through the Grierson collection. 13, 777, 847, 966, 968–9, 971, 973–4, 976–80, 1014, 1027, 1040, 1042, 1049, 1052, 1067 g r i e r s o n , Philip (1910–2006). Scholar and collector. For his collection, see MEC 1, 395– 6 and above, pp. 817–18. Since 1991 a substantial number of coins have been bought for the Fitzwilliam Museum through the Grierson Fund, endowed by him for this purpose. A number of Grierson’s coins were bought on his travels. Acq. Rome: 1108, 1122; Acq. Milan: 605; Acq. Venice: 26, 860, 863, 868, 870, 877, 879, 883, 887, 932, 1039, 1072, 1204, 1328; Acq. Washington 1073; Prov. unknown: 20, 75.

Collectors, dealers and donors

823

g u e r r ato , Sergio. Donor of two coins of Verona. 55–6 h a s l u c k , Frederick William (1878–1920), of King’s College. Classical scholar and archaeologist whose collection was divided between the British Museum and the Fitzwilliam Museum, which received some 1,600 coins, mainly acquired in the Near East but including some others. 859, 1201 h aw e s , H. Untraced; contributed a coin to the Fitzwilliam Museum collection in 1903. 1083 h a z l i t t , William Carew (1834–1913). Bibliographer, man of letters, author in a number of fields, including some popular reference books on numismatics. His collection of European coins, which included some impressive rarities, was sold by s oth e by on 5 July 1909. 1176 h e s s , Adolph (Frankfurt a. M.) (1820–93). A major firm of coin dealers and auctioneers from the 1870s to 1931. At Frankfurt, it was taken over by Peus, but Hermann Rosenberg (1896–1970) set up a successor to it at Lucerne in 1931 under the name of a d o l p h h e s s n ac h f . It conducted important sales through the 1930s and, in association with ba n k l e u , between 1954 and 1971. It was taken over by Jean-Paul Divo of Zürich in 1995, and its sales since 1995 have been entitled h e s s - divo . Hess: 121, 136, 193; Hess-Divo: 896 h e s s - d i vo . See h e s s h o l l s c h e k , Karl (1859–1941). An Austrian businessman whose immense general collection of more than two hundred thousand coins was dispersed in twenty d o rot h e u m sales over the years 1959–64. The Italian coins, which came largely from the w i n d i s c h - g r ä t z collection, made up the seventh sale of 21 May 1958. 611, 613, 703, 809, 867, 888–9, 933, 935, 937, 1023–5, 1118, 1120–1, 1327, 1333, 1335–6, 1338–9 i n a s ta . Coin dealers and auctioneers in San Marino since 2001. 449 i v e s, h e r b e rt e . (1882–1953). Scholar and collector, scientist and engineer, Ives was president of the American Numismatic Society (ANS) from 1942 to 1946, and upon his death bequeathed his extensive collection of gold coins to the ANS. 746, 769 k a pa m a d j i , Nadia (1901–78). See f l o r a n g e k r a f t , Alexander (Munich). Ebay vendor. 633 k r au s s , Thornsten (Munich). Ebay vendor. 570 k r e s s , K. Coin dealers and auctioneers in Salzburg, Austria, and Munich, Germany. Kress took over in April 1944 from Otto Hebling in Munich, who had been operating there since 1888, and continued trading until May 1986. 1113 k u n s t u n d m ü n z e n A.G. (Lugano). Coin dealers and auctioneers. See n a s c i a , G. l a n z . Coin dealers and auctioneers founded by Hermann Lanz in Graz, Austria, in 1947. The firm continued to operate in Graz under the founder’s son, Ernst Hermann Lanz, until 1989, when he was murdered in his place of business. See the note on the inside front cover of the sales catalogue n u m i s m at i k l a n z (Munich) auction 51 (28.11.1989). Ernst’s brother, Hubert Lanz, had taken over the Kastner firm in Munich in 1977 and re-christened it n u m i s m at i k l a n z . 52, 433, 984–5 l e u n u m i s m at i k , see ba n k l e u . l e v i n s o n , Robert A. (1953–). Scholar and collector, and lawyer by profession in Los Angeles, whose collection of coins of Aquileia was sold by n u m i s m at i k l a n z on 21 November 2000. 831

824

Collectors, dealers and donors

l e w i s , S. S. See c o r p u s c h r i s t i c o l l e g e l o c k e t t , Richard Cyril (1873–1950). One of the greatest collectors of the twentieth century, but mainly of ancient Greek coins and coins of the British Isles. His collection was dispersed in thirteen g l e n d i n i n g sales between 1955 and 1961, the European medieval ones, mainly ex-g rant ley , being in the third sale of 29 February 1956. 184–6, 372, 375–6, 484, 493, 498, 502, 509, 511, 513, 518–20, 524, 528, 532, 534, 536, 538, 642, 652–3, 658, 664, 675–6, 682–3, 745, 801, 806, 808, 890, 894–5, 900, 960–1, 963, 965, 967, 970, 1022, 1029, 1082, 1097, 1119, 1131, 1134, 1136–7, 1163, 1166, 1179, 1182, 1188, 1202–3, 1205, 1208, 1273, 1279, 1293, 1318, 1320, 1324, 1326, 1354, 1360, 1365, 1367–8, 1374, 1384–6 l o p r e s to , Samuel L. Ebay vendor. 309 m ag n ag u t i , Count Alessandro (d. 1966). Scholar and collector of Mantua whose immense coin collection was dispersed in twelve sales by Santamaria from 1949 to 1959. His medieval northern Italian coins figured in sales V (1953), VI (1954) and VII (1957). 118 m a l l oy , Alex G., Inc. Coin dealer and auctioneer at Salem, NY, from the 1960s onwards. 203, 687, 779, 1207, 1401 m a n f r e d i , M. (Vienna). Ebay vendor. 49 m a r c h e s i , Gino. Coin dealers in Bologna since the late 1960s. 431 m a rt i n o r i , Edoardo (d. 1935). Scholar and collector, specialising in the coins of Rome and the Papacy. The sale catalogue of his collection (santamari a 24.11.1913) is an extremely useful general reference work on Italian coinage. 283, 599 m at z k e , Michael (Freiburg/Brsg., Germany). Scholar and co-author of MEC 12, formerly the Assistant Keeper of Coins and Medals in the Fitzwilliam Museum, now Curator of the coin cabinet in the Historisches Museum in Basel. 1266 m e l o n i , Patrizio (Fiesse, prov. Brescia). Ebay vendor. 335 m m ag ba s e l . See m ü n z e n u n d m e da i l l e n a . g. ba s e l m o n e ta r i u m . Numismatic branch of Schweizerische Kreditanstalt (Crédit Suisse) in Berne and Zurich from 1970 to 1996. 11, 22, 461 m ot t e , Georges. Industrialist in Roubaix in northern France. His important collection of mainly French coins, of which Rolland published a sumptuous catalogue in 1932, was sold by Bourgey (Paris) on 12 November 1951. 366 m u n i c h c o i n fa i r (Numismata München). Annual coin fair held since 1970. 24 m ü n z e n s t u b e t h u n . Coin dealers in Thun, Switzerland, since 1989. 80 m ü n z e n u n d m e da i l l e n a . g. ba s e l (abbreviated here as m m ag ). Coin dealers and auctioneers. The firm, one of the most important in Europe, was founded in 1933 under the name of Münzhandlung Basel by the brothers Erich (1913–92) and Herbert (1915–2002) Cahn, sons of Ludwig Cahn and grandsons of the Frankfurt a. M. dealer Adolph E. Cahn. The name was changed to the present one in 1942. The company was dissolved in 2004 and remaining stock was transferred to Münzen und Medaillen GmbH,Weil am Rhein.77,89,94,104–5,112,116–17, 121, 133, 175, 178–9, 182, 198, 477, 593, 628, 702, 716, 745, 755, 804, 832, 993–4, 1149, 1424 m ü n z z e n t ru m r h e i n l a n d (Solingen). Coin dealers and auctioneers in Solingen since 1995, when Heinz-W. Müller took over the Münzzentrum firm in Cologne. Until 2000, the firm traded under the name Müller Solingen and then from January 2001 as Münzzentrum Rheinland. 32, 57, 60, 62, 654, 1402–3, 1409, 1415, 1418, 1422

Collectors, dealers and donors

825

n a s c i a , Giuseppe (1916–82). Coin dealer in Milan, originally from Naples, also trading as a r s e t n u m m u s from 1953 onwards in Milan and as k u n s t u n d m ü n z e n in Lugano. 101, 108, 131, 151, 157, 162, 177, 181, 434, 490–1, 496, 503, 508, 515–16, 527, 529, 724, 784–5, 787, 819, 823; Ars et Nummus: 84, 119, 183, 317, 457, 468, 476, 486, 602, 620, 813–14, 941, 1311–17, 1321, 1352; Kunst und Münzen: 8, 81, 82, 123, 585–6, 592, 634, 650, 662, 666, 668, 671, 693, 695, 698, 707, 713, 752, 771–2, 783, 786, 796, 815–16, 824, 930, 950, 1423 n i e t e r , Hans. Owner of a collection of mainly German coins bought by B. A. s e a b y in 1945 and including a few Italian pieces. 959 n i g g e l e r , Walter (1878–1964). Born in Bergamo, Italy, and brought up in Berne, Switzerland, where he was an engineer by profession. He collected mainly ancient Roman coins but also Italian ones. His collection was auctioned in four sales from December 1965 to November 1967 by the firms ba n k l e u and m m ag Basel with the Italian coins in the last one. 1149 n o m i s m a (San Marino). Coin dealers and auctioneers in San Marino since 1993. 113, 115, 128, 272, 450, 505, 684 n u m a rt i ta l i a n a . Coin dealers active in Milan from 1976 to 1985. 677 n u m i s m at i k l a n z . Coin dealers and auctioneers in Munich since 1977 under Hubert Lanz, who took over the Munich firm Kastner, which had been trading there since 1972. 828, 831, 869, 884, 915, 1186, 1304, 1340 n u m m o ru m au c t i o n e s . Coin dealers and auctioneers active in Lugano from 1974 to 1979. 559, 621, 663, 774, 807 o ’ h ag a n , Henry Osborne. Owner of a very large general collection sold by s ot h e b y in four auctions in 1907–8, with the Italian coins being in the second auction of 27 April 1908. 1176 o l d u n i v e r s i t y c o l l e c t i o n . Collections of coins bequeathed to the University (including bequests from Andrew Perne in 1589, Owen Mayfield in 1686 and Roger Gale in 1774; for details, see MEC 1, 393) and housed in the University Library until 1856, when the two cabinets of coins were transferred to the Fitzwilliam Museum. 369, 1342, 1379 ow s to n s m i t h , Welborn (c. 1877–1954). Collector and purchaser of the vast lots of g r a n t l e y d u p l i c at e s at the g l e n d i n i n g sale of 17 June 1943, which he subsequently sold to b l u n t . 13, 428, 540, 547, 1043, 1299, 1395 pag a n i , Antonio (1895–1965). Coin dealer in Milan in the 1940s and 1950s, scholar and collector, and decorated soldier of the Bersaglieri during the First World War. 504 pao l u c c i , Raffaele. Coin dealer and auctioneer in Bergamo, Italy, and Birstall, UK, since 1995, also trading under the names Antiqua in Bergamo and Galerie des Monnaies et Antiquités in Luxembourg and Bergamo. 431 p h i l l i p s , M. and S. (Biggleswade). Marcus Phillips (1945–) and Susan Phillips (née Tyler-Smith) (1951–), scholars, collectors and dealers since 1986. 216, 220, 225, 228, 242–3, 252, 612, 1196, 1219, 1238–40, 1264 p i l a rt z , Heinrich. Coin dealers and auctioneers in Cologne, Germany, from 1950 to 1969; continued until 1995 as Münz Zentrum, then taken over by Müller in Solingen where it was rechristened as m ü n z z e n t ru m r h e i n l a n d in 2001. 862, 864

826

Collectors, dealers and donors

p l at t , Maison. Firm of Paris coin dealers and auctioneers founded by Clement Platt (1874–1952) in 1906. He was succeeded by his son Marcel in association with M. M. Kampmann (d. 1977). 1275 p o s t , F. Martin (d. 2005). Scholar and collector whose family trust donated to the Fitzwilliam Museum (via Cambridge in America) his teaching collection comprising mainly ancient coins but also containing some medieval ones. 214, 544 r at to , Mario (1906–90). Coin dealer and auctioneer, originally in Paris – where he bought out Henri Rolland in 1928 and was succeeded by Jean Vinchon – but subsequently, in succession to his father Rodolfo, in Milan. Succeeded by his son Marco. 4, 78, 93, 98, 100, 102–3, 124, 152, 159, 172–3, 180, 195, 239, 247, 297, 348, 438, 440, 453, 462, 483, 582, 598, 606, 630, 643, 645, 647, 655, 657, 660, 665, 669, 688, 691, 694, 701, 709, 718, 723, 726, 741, 750, 767–8, 793, 803, 806, 818, 897, 902–3, 905, 934, 940, 983, 1356 r at to ,Rodolfo (1864–1949).Founder in Milan and Lugano in 1900 of one of the major European firms of coin dealers and auctioneers, taken over by his son Mario. 28, 30, 44, 92, 97, 125–7, 129, 132, 134, 137, 139–40, 143, 146, 153, 155–6, 158, 160, 163, 165, 167, 187, 191, 206–7, 217, 229, 245, 248–51, 257, 269, 273, 280, 285, 287, 290–4, 298, 303, 306, 311, 315, 318, 320, 323–4, 328, 336, 340, 345, 354, 356–7, 359, 361, 379, 385–6, 393, 408–10, 412, 414–18, 420–2, 427, 435, 437, 439, 444, 448, 454–5, 459, 463, 466–7, 474–5, 479–80, 485, 488, 495, 497, 500–1, 506–7, 512, 542, 573, 587, 608, 629, 632, 672, 675, 685, 705, 711, 717, 725, 729, 754, 790, 812, 817, 820–1, 898, 926, 936, 942, 946, 956, 1071, 1329, 1341, 1406 r av i o l a , M. Coin dealer in Turin, trading with R. Barzan during the 1950s and independently in the early 1960s. 114, 141–2 r i n a l d i , Oscar (1898–1972). Coin dealer in Mantua (from 1925) and subsequently (from 1956) in Verona. He contributed to the literature of the subject by founding and editing Italia numismatica (1950–71). 107, 833, 1088, 1185, 1362 s a m b o n , Jules or Giulio (1836–1921). Dealer, auctioneer, scholar and collector. Sambon was French by nationality but born in Naples and throughout his life did business in both France and Italy (Rome, later Florence) indifferently. From 1899 onwards his son Arthur J. (or Arturo G.) Sambon (1886–1947), a prolific writer on medieval Italian coinage, had a business in Paris, the firms being formally separate but with father and son working in close association. There are two important sales of ‘Sambon’ medieval coins, both of south Italian ones, the first auctioned by G. Sambon in Milan on 4 December 1887 and the second by Canessa of Naples on 10 December 1921 in conjunction with the collection of L. Giliberti, secretary of the Circolo Numismatico Napoletano. 23, 853 s a n ta m a r i a , P. and P. One of the most important coin dealers and auctioneers in Rome over the years 1893–1992, the firm having been founded in 1893 by the cousins Pietro (1863–1930) and Pio (1881–1947) and carried on by Pio’s sons Alberto (1900–84) and Ernesto (1904–92), latterly in association with Alberto’s son Livio. The firm was wound up in 1992. 95, 99, 106, 110, 118, 161, 166, 176, 194, 200–1, 210, 236, 304, 310, 316, 327, 339, 353, 363, 407, 436, 447, 460, 464–5, 499, 514, 710, 788, 888–9, 891, 938, 992, 995, 1056, 1350, 1353, 1355, 1378 s e a b y , B. A. One of the leading firms of coin dealers and numismatic publishers in London under its founder Herbert (‘Bert’) Seaby (1898–1979) and Bert’s son Peter (1920–92). Victor England of the c l a s s i c a l n u m i s m at i c g ro u p took over the coin side of the firm in 1991 and Batsford took over its publishing activities in 1993, but the firm continues to operate in London

Collectors, dealers and donors

827

under the old name of Seaby. 86–7, 199, 211, 314, 319, 334, 402–3, 411, 424, 526, 548, 558, 575, 584, 589, 595, 609, 627, 631, 635–6, 670, 737, 761, 764, 837, 840, 852, 861, 871, 880–1, 907, 939, 947, 959, 988, 1375 s e a r l e , Rev. William George (1829–1913). Fellow of Queens’ College, vicar of Abington (Cambs.), scholar, collector and benefactor of the Fitzwilliam Museum, though only a few of the many coins he gave to the Museum can be specifically identified. 886, 1045, 1068, 1107, 1126, 1298, 1343–4, 1363 s h e r b o r n , Charles Davies (1861–1942). Professionally a specialist in plant and animal nomenclature on the staff at the Natural History Museum in South Kensington. He gave his large collection of Byzantine copper coins to the Fitzwilliam Museum in 1930 and a small number of Venetian coins in 1939. 1034–5, 1077, 1087, 1116 s i g i s m u n d , archduke of Austria. His collection of European coins was sold in two auctions by Adolph h e s s (Luzern) on 28 March 1933 and 11 July 1933, the Italian ones being in the former. 121 s i m m o n s g a l l e ry . Coin and antiques dealers and auctioneers in London since 1982, trading as Simmons & Simmons until 1996 and thereafter as Simmons Gallery. 1002, 1392 s i m o n e t t i , Luigi. Florentine coin dealer of the mid-twentieth century. 40, 164, 196, 204, 458, 617, 689, 810, 901, 1211, 1217, 1230, 1241, 1283, 1331, 1399, 1411 s i n g e r , Gordon A. (‘Andy’). American coin dealer, initially with Lucien Birkler in Washington, subsequently on his own at Greenbelt (Maryland), for a time as Numismatic Consultants (with Brian Kritt) and later under his own name. 12, 378, 521, 535, 829, 906, 1345, 1355 s ot h e b y , Wilkinson and Hodge (London). One of the most important numismatic auctioneers since the eighteenth century. Displaced by g l e n d i n i n g in the 1920s as a more significant firm of coin auctioneers in London but continuing to play a role in the trade throughout the twentieth century. 697, 762, 1061, 1176 s p i n k & s o n s (London). Art and antique dealers since the seventeenth century, including, from the 1890s, coins. In 1891, under the guidance of a newly recruited member of the staff, Leonard Forrer (1869–1953), who was to be a prominent member of the coin world for the next halfcentury, the firm began the publication of (Spink’s) Numismatic Circular, a monthly list of coins for sale, with short supplementary notes and articles of a prominent character. In 1892, the firm began to hold coin auctions, and in 1979, it set up a branch in Zurich, as well as ones in Melbourne and New York. Between 1990 and 1994, Spink coin sales in Zurich were held in conjunction with Taisei (coin dealers and auctioneers based in Hong Kong, Singapore and Tokyo). 3, 6, 10, 125, 132, 134, 148, 279, 283, 286, 290, 293, 305, 315, 318, 321, 336, 360–1, 445, 478, 554, 578, 599, 616, 622, 626, 639, 644, 659, 680, 685, 697, 710, 725, 732, 740, 742, 748, 776, 789, 792, 798, 800, 802, 826, 854, 916, 923, 926, 1029, 1047, 1078–9, 1089, 1092, 1095, 1132, 1147, 1176, 1192, 1222, 1310, 1398, 1404, 1412–14, 1416 s tac k ’ s . The main firm of coin dealers and auctioneers in New York since the 1930s. 746, 769, 893 s t e r n b e r g , Frank (1912–94). Coin dealer and auctioneer at Zurich from the late 1940s onwards, the firm being carried on after his death by his daughter Claudia. 138 s t e wa rt , James Rivers Barrington (1913–62). Australian collector (specialising in the coinage of the Near East, especially Cyprus in the Middle Ages) and archaeologist, whose coins were sold by ba l dw i n in 1976. 1393–4

828

Collectors, dealers and donors

s t i av e l l i , Carlo. First director of the Civic Library and Museum of Pescia (Biblioteca e Museo Civico di Pescia, province of Pistoia, Tuscany) and collector whose coins were sold at auction by s a n ta m a r i a on 6 April 1908. 710 š t i b l a r , Stanislav (Ljubljana, Slovenia). Ebay vendor. 235 s t r a da , Marco (1858–1943). Banker, collector and scholar in Milan who collaborated in the compilation of the CNI. His collection of Italian and above all Milanese coins was sold by k u n s t u n d m ü n z e n on 13 May 1988. 771–2, 786, 1423 s t ro e h l i n , Paul-Frédéric-Charles (1864–1908). Coin dealer and collector in Geneva and for many years editor of the RSN. His vast and miscellaneous stock was sold after his death by L. f o r r e r in Geneva and by s ot h e b y in London in three sales. The Italian coins were dispersed in auctions in Geneva beginning on 15 November 1909 and in London beginning on 30 May 1910. 360, 697 t i n c h a n t , Paul (1893–1981). Coin dealer in Brussels from the early 1930s to his retirement in 1964. 343, 401, 423, 597, 600, 765, 975 to d e r i , Giuseppe (1931–). Scholar and coin dealer in Florence and active mainly in the 1970s. 1, 7, 35, 387, 921, 1037, 1057, 1090, 1112, 1157 to r c o l i , Bruno. Coin dealer in Motta Visconti near Milan in the 1980s. 168 t r e s o ru m . Coin dealers in Baden-Baden and Berlin, Germany, run by Ute Rocke-Blatz and Gerald Blatz. 578a t r i n i t y c o l l e g e . The collection of Trinity College, Cambridge, deposited on indefinite loan in the Fitzwilliam in 1937, with further items added in 1957. See MEC 1, 397–8. 719, 1098, 1101 u l r i c h - ba n s a , Barone Oscar (1892–1982). Italian scholar and collector, an eminent specialist in late Roman numismatics. His medieval coins, coming mainly from his relative Carlo g ava z z i , were disposed of during his lifetime, many being acquired by g r i e r s o n at various times by sale, exchange or gift. He and Grierson first met in September 1947 in Venice, where Ulrich-Bansa then lived. 31, 43, 50–1, 53, 74, 473, 492, 539, 543, 545–6, 549–50, 552–3, 555–7, 560, 562, 564–6, 568–9, 571, 577, 579–80, 588, 591, 678–9 va r e s i . Coin dealers in Pavia since 1967 and auctioneers since 1984. 76, 111, 188, 190, 192, 202, 205, 208–9, 212–13, 223, 226, 232, 238, 246, 254–5, 260–8, 295–7, 302, 307, 325, 338, 344, 350–1, 362, 365, 381–4, 389–92, 551, 572, 661, 715, 1176a v e c c h i , Italo. Coin dealers and auctioneers in London in the late 1990s. 29, 692 wat s o n , A. Donor of a coin to the Fitzwilliam Museum. 1396 w e b e r , F. Parkes (1863–1962). Donor of coins to the Fitzwilliam Museum in January 1907. 747 w i n d i s c h - g r ä t z , Ernst, Prinz zu (1827–1918). Austrian collector from the 1840s onwards, whose immense collection was published in 7 vols. (1895–1917) by E. Fiala and others. The Italian coins are in the second volume (Prague 1897). The collection was sold piecemeal in the 1920s and 1930s, most of the medieval coins being acquired privately by K. h o l l s c h e k . 611, 613, 867, 888–9, 933 wo l f e , Charles Henry. Coin dealer at Lakeside (Ohio), in the second half of the twentieth century. 1282, 1359, 1382 wo r m s e r , Moritz. (1878–1940). President of the American Numismatic Association from 1921 to 1926. 147, 479, 506, 725

Collectors, dealers and donors

829

yo u n g , Arthur William (1852–1936). One of the major benefactors of the Fitzwilliam Museum collection. See MEC 1, 394–5. 603–4, 610, 614, 618–19, 624, 674, 721, 749, 751, 756, 835–6, 841, 845, 848, 850, 1062, 1125, [1135?], 1145–6, 1148, 1210, 1242, 1244, 1277, 1280–1, 1289, 1407 z e d da , Giulia (Sassari, Sardinia). Ebay vendor. 233

ARRANGEMENT OF THE C ATA L O G U E num b e ri ng . The coins are numbered separately in each volume. Cross-references between volumes use these numbers preceded by that of the volume and a full-stop (e.g. MEC 1.318 means no. 318 in vol. 1). le g e nd s and de sc ri p ti on s . These are given only in outline, with details only where they may not be clear from the illustration, though in many series the full legends have been set out as a matter of course. i de nti f i cati on s and re f e re nc e s . These are given according to the standard reference works for each series; see the ‘Commentary’ section referred to on each plate. The degree of precision in the references varies according to the amount of work that has been done on each particular series, so that sometimes no more than a type identification is possible. we i g h t s . These are given in grams (abbreviated g). m etal . The customary symbols for gold ( ), silver ( ) and copper (Æ) are used. B indicates billon and Pb lead. Where the coins have been analysed, this information is given in the text. For gold coins, the relative specific gravity (SG) is followed by the Au% as if the alloy were Au/Ag only. di e - axe s . Die-axes are given to the nearest 10 , the tops of the obverse and reverse designs being taken on the same alignment as the illustration on the plate. Where the design has no feature by which to align it, the die-axis has been omitted. Only a few medieval series have regular die-axes, but late Roman and Byzantine coins were normally 180 . si z e . Diameters of the flans or die-faces are not normally given, since the coins are illustrated natural size. p rove nanc e s . The first letters of the accession number indicate to which Fitzwilliam Museum or Cambridge collection the coin belongs. CM LS

Department of Coins and Medals, Fitzwilliam Museum Lewis coll., Corpus Christi College, on indefinite loan to the Fitzwilliam Museum 830

Arrangement of the catalogue ME PG

QC -R TR YG

831

Prefix for coins forming part of the Medieval collection of the Fitzwilliam Museum. Grierson collection (bequeathed to the Fitzwilliam Museum, 2006). Grierson numbered all the coins in his collection, and coins in MEC 1 and 14 are cited by their Grierson number, e.g. PG 1952. Coins purchased through the Grierson Fund before 2006 were also assigned Grierson collection numbers, e.g. CM.1907–2003: Grierson Fund (PG 19,269). These Grierson collection numbers have now been incorporated into the Fitzwilliam Museum’s accession numbers, e.g. CM.PG.14092–2006. Queens’ College collection, on deposit at the Fitzwilliam Museum. Retrospectively catalogued coins. Trinity College collection, on indefinite loan to the Fitzwilliam Museum. Prefix for coins bequeathed to the Fitzwilliam Museum by Arthur W. Young.

Information about these collections and the individuals, firms and sales referred to in the provenances will be found in the section entitled ‘Formation of the collections’ in MEC 1, 393–8, and in the section on ‘Collectors, dealers and donors’ above. While the provenances seek to present a continuous sequence of known ownership, there may be breaks of which there is no record.

P L AT E S

ROYA L , I M P E R I A L A N D P S E U D O - I M P E R I A L C O I N AG E S All coins on plates 1–4 are denari. The arrangement is based mainly on typology. Commentary on the coinages of Otto I to Otto III on pp. 38–42, 50–2, 59–61, 66–8.

OT TO I , E M P E RO R , 9 6 2 – 7 3 PAVIA Obv. +IHPER0TOR, O|TøT|O. Rev. +OTTO PIVS RE, in field P0|ø|PI0, triangle or wedge below.

1 2

1.46g 150°. CNI iv, 479.9; Brambilla 1883, pl. 4.7. 1.10g 200°.

OT TO I ( 9 6 2 – 7 3 ) A N D OT TO I I ( 9 6 7 – 83 ) , E M P E RO R S, 9 6 2 – 83 VENICE Obv. +OTO IMPERATOR, cross w. four pellets. Rev. PITIVLVN IV (blundered XPISTIANA RELIGIO), temple w. inscription II+IP (for IMP?). 1.22g 330°. CNI v, 44.6 var. (Milan). 6 1.29g 290°. Rev. PITIVIVAIRV, stylised temple façade w. 7 cross. CNI v, 44.2 var. (Milan)

VERONA Denaro scodellato Obv. OTTO INPERATOR, cross. Rev. VE|Nã|RO, cross. 1.08g 100°. CNI vi, 253.2; Perini 1902a, no. 5. 3 1.06g 40°. 4 1.21g 80°. 5

OT TO I I , E M P E RO R , 9 7 3 – 83 PAVIA Obv. +IHPER0TOR, O|TT|O. Rev. +0VgVSTVS, P0|PI0, wedge below. 1.14g 180°. CNI iv, 478.8; Brambilla 1883, pl. 4.5. 8 1.03g 210°. Rev. without wedge. CNI iv, 478.8 var.; 9 Brambilla 1883, pl. 4.3.

MILAN Obv. +IMPEP0TOP, OTTO monogram. Rev. 0V1 |+D | IOL0 | NIV. 1.33g 300°. CNI v, 41.4 var.; Murari 1984a, no. 1. 10

OT TO I I I , 9 83 – 10 0 2 , E M P E RO R F RO M 9 9 6 PAVIA First type (or posthumous issue?) Obv. +H TERCIV4 CE, O|TøT|O. Rev. +CIVIT0S gLOR, P0|ø|PI0.

1 CM.PG.13197–2006: Grierson bequest; Toderi 14.10.1972 (list 3 [1972], no. 448). 2 CM.PG.1824–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 28.1.1946. 3 CM.PG.4159–2006: Grierson bequest; Spink 15.4.1947. 4 CM.PG.13513–2006: Grierson bequest; M. Ratto 25.9.1977.

11 12

1.11g 130°. CNI iv, 481.2 var.; Brambilla 1883, pl. 5.1 var. 1.01g 150°.

5 CM.PG.16173–2006: Grierson bequest; Auctiones Basel sale 21.9.1989, lot 321. 6 CM.PG.151–2006: Grierson bequest; Spink 22.2.1945; ex Grantley coll. 7 CM.PG.13960–2006: Grierson bequest; Toderi 27.5.1982. 8 CM.PG.17799–2006: Grierson bequest; Kunst und Münzen 18.1.1997 (list 72, no. 855).

834

9 CM.PG.1825–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 28.1.1946. 10 CM.PG.1598–2006: Grierson bequest; Spink 17.1.1946. 11 CM.PG.16689–2006: Grierson bequest; Monetarium 28.5.1993 (May 1993 list, no. 143). 12 CM.PG.655–2006: Grierson bequest; gift of G. A. Singer, 28.9.1994.

m e di eval e uropean coi nag e 12

p late 1

p late 1 ( cont.)

OT TO I I I , 9 83 – 10 0 2 , E M P E RO R F RO M 9 9 6 ( cont.) PAVIA (cont.) Second type Obv. +H TERCIV4 CES, O|TøT|O. Rev. +IHPERãTOR, Pã|ø|PIã. 1.25g 180°. CNI iv, 483.29; Brambilla 1883, pl. 5.8. 13 1.16g 160°. 14 1.25g 300°.Obv. +p TERCIV4.Rev. +IMPERãTOR.CNI 15 iv, 482.20; Brambilla 1883, pl. 5.9. 1.21g 180°. Obv. +H TERCIV4 CE. Rev. +IHPERãTOR. 16 CNI iv, 483.27; Brambilla 1883, pl. 5.10. 1.05g 120°. Rev. ø|Pã|ø|PIã. CNI iv, 483.27 var.; Bram17 billa 1883, pl. 5.10 var. 1.30g 80°. Obv. +H TERCIV4(triangle). Rev. +IMPERã 18 TOD, without pellet. CNI iv, 481.9 var.; Brambilla 1883, pl. 5.3 var. 13 CM.1.2744–1990: Blunt 1990; ex W. Owston Smith 1947; ex Grantley duplicates. 14 CM.PG.3932–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 1.2.1947. 15 CM.ME.380-R: no provenance. 16 CM.PG.1826–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 28.2.1946.

19 20

1.22g 310°. Obv. +H TLRCIV4CL(triangle). Rev. +IHPERãTOR. CNI iv, 482.20 var. 1.22g 20°. Obv. +H TLRCIV4 CL, letters in field connected by beaded line, quadrangle in centre. Rev. +IHPERãTOR, w. central pellet. CNI iv, 483.31 var.

MILAN Obv. +IMPER0TOR, OTTO monogram. Rev. 0V1|+D|IOL0| NIV. 1.16g 280°. CNI v, 45.8; Murari 1984a, no. 5. 21 1.08g 200°. 22

17 CM.2081–1918: Dewick bequest 1918, no. 457. 18 CM.PG.1827–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 28.1.1946. 19 CM.PG.19583–2006: Grierson bequest; no provenance (but with old Baldwin ticket).

837

20 CM.PG.3140–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 28.8.1946. 21 CM.1.2742–1990: Blunt 1990, bt in Rome 1957. 22 CM.PG.16,687–2006: Grierson bequest; Monetarium 28.5.1993 (May 1993 list, no. 143).

ROYA L , I M P E R I A L A N D P S E U D O - I M P E R I A L C O I N AG E S OT TO I I I , 9 83 – 10 0 2 , E M P E RO R F RO M 9 9 6 ( cont.) VERONA First period Denaro piano Obv. OTTO IMRñRãTOR, cross. Rev. VE|ã3|O, cross. 1.06g 320°. CNI vi, 255.20 var.; Perini 1902a, no. 80. 23

Second period Denaro piano Obv. ROTãRPMI OTTO, cross. Rev. VE|ã3|RO, cross. 0.70g 340°. CNI vi, 255.21 var. 24

A R D U I N O F I V R E A , 10 0 2 – 4 Commentary on pp. 42, 52–3. PAVIA Obv. +HINVS RE[gE]M, d|0R|O. Rev. +IHDER0TOR, in field P0|P ø 0|I.

25

0.95g 120°. CNI iv, 485.10; Brambilla 1883, pl. 5.13.

AU TO N O M O U S I S S U E S, L AT E OT TO N I A N O R E A R LY S A L I A N P E R I O D, 10 0 2 – 2 7 Commentary on p. 61. VENICE Obv. +CRISTVS IMPER, cross w. four pellets. Rev. OII – – IIO, temple w. inscription CI, A below.

26 27

0.98g 100°. CNI vii, 9.3; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 52 no. 1. 1.10g 10°.

H E N RY I I , A S H E N RY I O F I TA LY, 10 0 4 – 2 4 ( emp. 1014 ) Commentary on pp. 42, 53–5, 69–70. PAVIA Obv. +INRICVS IMþ, cross w. four pellets. Rev. PAPIA over staff w. cross. 1.21g 310°. CNI iv, 486.5; Brambilla 1883, pl. 6.4. 28 MILAN Obv. +IMPER0TOR, |RIC|N (in the form of a cross, reading  IN RIC). Rev. 0V1|+D|IOL0|NIV.

23 CM.1.2743–1990: Blunt 1990, bt in Rome 1961, ex Sambon coll., no. 1034. 24 CM.339–2004: Grierson Fund (PG 19,395); Munich coin fair 1999. 25 CM.PG.13192–2006: Grierson bequest; Crippa 31.5.1971. 26 CM.PG.4667–2006: Grierson bequest; Venice 14.9.1947.

29 1.03g 130°. CNI v, 46.1; Murari 1984a, no. 10. 0.86g 280°. 30 31 Æ 0.67g 100°. Contemporary forgery. VERONA Obv. [+IN]PERãTOR, cross. Rev. [+H]AOãV, cross. 0.59g 40°. CNI vi, 258.1. 32

27 CM.1.2755–1990: Blunt 1990, bt in Milan 1947. 28 CM.PG.3328–2006: Grierson bequest; R. Ratto 3.10.1946. 29 CM.PG.13443–2006: Grierson bequest; Vecchi 1.12.1972. 30 CM.PG.4702–2006: Grierson bequest; R. Ratto 30.9.1947.

838

31 CM.PG.10194–2006: Grierson bequest; Ulrich-Bansa 5.9.1955; ex Bertolotti. 32 CM.327–2004: Grierson Fund (PG 19,382); Münzzentrum Rheinland (Solingen) sale 117, 10.9.2003, lot 2240.

m e di eval e uropean coi nag e 12

p late 2

p late 2 ( cont.)

C O N R A D I I , A S C O N R A D I O F I TA LY, 10 2 4 / 6 – 39 ( emp. 10 2 7 ) Commentary on pp. 43–4, 55. PAVIA Obv. +0VgV4TV4 gEø, CHV (ligatured) | ROD | N (in the form of a cross, reading CHV ON ROD). Rev. +INPER0TOR, P0|P ø 0|I. 1.17g 150°. CNI iv, 488.7; Brambilla 1883, pl. 6.7. 33 1.05g 210°. 34

MILAN Obv. +IMPER0TOR, U|C I O|N. Rev. 0V1|+D|IOL0|NIV. 0.99g 270°. CNI v, 47.1; Murari 1984a, no. 11. 35

H E N RY I I I , 10 39 – 56 Commentary on pp. 44, 55–6. PAVIA Obv. +ãVgV4TV4 CEø, H|RIg|N, w. four pointed angles in the free spaces. Rev. +INPERãTOR, P0|P ø 0|I. 1.11g 140°. CNI iv, 490.4; Brambilla 1883, pl. 6.13. 36 1.28g 190°. 37 Obv. +ãVgV4TV4 gL, in the field H|DIg|N, pellet in each pointed angle. Rev. +INPERãTOR, in the field P0 | PI0 | CI.

38 39 40 41 42

0.96g 240°. CNI iv, 489.8; Brambilla 1883, pl. 6.12. 1.13g 150°. Rev. triangle in the field l. between P and g. 0.99g 50°. Rev. triangle on the top. 1.09g 340°. Obv. +ãVgV4TgV4. Rev. +IHDERãTOD. CNI iv, 488.1 var.; Brambilla 1883, pl. 6.11 var. 0.94g 330°.

H E N RY I I I – I V, 10 39 – 110 6 Commentary for Henry III–IV to c. 1100 on pp. 44–5, 55–8, 61–3. MILAN Obv. +IMDER0TOR, 0V1|+D|IOL0|NI.

in

the

field

33 CM.PG.7167–2006: Grierson bequest; Dillen 23.4.1950. 34 CM.PG.1828–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 28.1.1946. 35 CM.PG.13196–2006: Grierson bequest; Toderi 14.10.1972 (list 3 [1972], no. 395). 36 CM.1.2746–1990: Blunt 1990, bt in Rome 1957.

H|DIC|N.

Rev.

43

0.82g 100°. CNI v, 46.1 var.; Gnecchi and Gnecchi 1884, pl. 3.1.

37 CM.PG.6655–2006: Grierson bequest; De Falco 9.9.1949. 38 CM.PG.2567–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 15.4.1946. 39 CM.PG.13568–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 10.7.1974. 40 CM.PG.12334–2006: Grierson bequest; Simonetti 20.1.1967.

841

41 CM.PG.1792–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin, 2.2.1946. 42 CM.2076–1918: Dewick bequest 1918, no. 452. 43 CM.PG.10193–2006: Grierson bequest; Ulrich-Bansa 5.9.1955; ex Bertolotti.

ROYA L , I M P E R I A L A N D P S E U D O - I M P E R I A L C O I N AG E S H E N RY I I I – I V, 10 39 – 110 6 ( cont.) VENICE Christiana religio type, 1039–c. 1082 Obv. +ENRICVS IMPER, cross w. four pellets. Rev. OII – – IIO, temple w. inscription CI, A below. 0.89g 230°. CNI vii, 10.2; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 55 44 no. 1. 0.80g 250°. Rev. VEHECI. CNI vii, 10.3. 45 0.94g 130°. 46

St Mark type, c. 1082–1110 Obv. +ENRICVS IMPERA, cross w. four pellets. Rev. +S MARCVS CIA, bust of St Mark. 0.83g 200°. CNI vii, 11.5 var.; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 47 56 no. 3. 0.87g 30°. Rev. +S M0DCVS CIA. CNI vii, 11.4 var.; 48 Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 56 no. 2 var.

H E N RY V, 110 6 – 25, A N D S U C C E S S O R S, U N T I L 118 0 s Commentary for coinages of Henry IV–V and successors on pp. 45–6, 57–8, 63–5, 70–3. PAVIA Denaro bruneto, 1115–c. 1160 Obv. +ãVgV4[ ], H|RIg|3, in the free spaces four pointed angles. Rev. [ ]PERã[ ], Pã|ø|Pã|I. 1.01g 45°. Cf. CNI iv, 490.2–3. 49 MILAN Denaro, new type, c. 1100/9–c. 1150 Obv. +IM[PERA]TOR, | DIC|N. Rev. MEDIOLANV, cross. 0.98g 150°. CNI v, 47.13; Murari 1984a, no. 13 var. 50 1.25g 200°. Rev. MEDIOLAHV. CNI v, 47.14 var. 51 Obv. IIIFEARAITOD, 0S[tE3SI], [+S]0NtVS>SecON[DVS], bust of St Secundus. 94 B 0.66g 40°. CNI ii, 26.12 var.; Bobba and Vergano 1971, 33.

D U K E L O U I S I I O F O R L É A N S, L O R D O F A S T I A N D K I N G O F F R A N C E , 14 6 5 – 1515 Third period: later issues with Roman lettering, c. 1491–8

AS DUKE OF ORLÉANS AND LORD OF ASTI, 14 65 – 9 8 First period: coinage with gothic lettering, c. 1470s Gran bianco or blanc Obv. +Lu$D 0uRe LI0n$ d$äLI, quartered shield in quatrefoil on cross fleury. Rev. +aSte$nItet ä S cvStOD$ScDO, St Secundus standing w. sword and city model. 95 B 2.92g 190°. CNI ii, 28.7 var.; Bobba and Vergano 1971, 36. Fava 1977, no. 29. Quarto di grosso or sesino Obv. + DVXøaVReLIa3e3SIS , L between two rosettes and w.central pellet. Rev. +ø>øetøMeDIOLa3Iøøcø>ø, cross. 96 B 0.89g 270°. CNI ii, 29.22; Bobba and Vergano 1971, 37; Fava 1977, no. 32. 97 B 0.64g 0°.

89 CM.PG.10061–2006: Grierson bequest; MMAG Basel 9.3.1959 (list 187, no. 449). 90 CM.PG.9974–2006: Grierson bequest; Bourgey 20.12.1958. 91 CM.ME.84-R: no provenance. 92 CM.PG.4712–2006: Grierson bequest; R. Ratto 30.9.1947.

Testone Obv. †LVDOVICVSøDVXøAVRELIANESIS, bust w. hat l. Rev. øZ øMEDIOLANIøACøASTøDN çø, quartered shield w. crown between two fleurs-de-lis. 9.43g 340°. CNI ii, 31.35; Bobba and Vergano 1971, 38; 98 Fava 1977, no. 34. AS KING OF FRANCE, DUKE OF MILAN AND L O R D O F A S T I , 14 9 8 – 1512 First period: star and crown series, c. 1498–1503, w. title of king of Sicily and Jerusalem, until 1501 Cavallotto, first type Obv. +LVøD.GøFRANøREXø MLIøDøACøASTøDNS, crowned shield. Rev. øSANT ø SE CODøA S TENSIS¤, mounted St Secundus carrying city model. 3.99g 270. CNI ii, 36.37; Bobba and Vergano 1971, 44; 99 Fava 1977, no. 46°.

93 CM.PG.1203–2006: Grierson bequest; M. Ratto 24.5.1956. 94 CM.PG.13843–2006: Grierson bequest; Denarius (Milan) sale 1, 5.11.1981, lot 555; ex MMAG Basel sale 15, lot 349. 95 CM.PG.10407–2006: Grierson bequest; Santamaria sale 7.10.1959, lot 191.

850

96 CM.PG.9975–2006: Grierson bequest; Bourgey 20.12.1958. 97 CM.PG.6982–2006: Grierson bequest; R. Ratto 30.9.1949. 98 CM.PG.8928–2006: Grierson bequest; M. Ratto sale 20.1.1956, lot 616. 99 CM.PG.10893–2006: Grierson bequest; Santamaria sale 4.5.1961, lot 283.

m e di eval e uropean coi nag e 12

p late 6

p late 6 ( cont.)

A S T I ( cont.) D U K E L O U I S I I O F O R L É A N S, 14 6 5 – 1515 ( cont.) 101 B 1.79g 240°. Obv. +LVDOVCøD:GøREXøFRANøSICILøIHLM¤. Rev. + MLIøDVXøASTENSIS[ø]QVE[ø]DOMINVS. CNI ii, 34.18.

AS KING OF FRANCE, DUKE OF MILAN AND L O R D O F A S T I , 14 9 8 – 1512 ( cont ) Parpagliola Obv. +LVDOVICD:GøREXøFRANøSICILøIHL¤, quartered shield w. small crown above. Rev. +MLIøDVXøASTENSISøQVEøDOMINVS, cross in quatrefoil w. fleur-de-lis in each quadrant. 100 B 2.19g 250°.CNI ii,34.16;Bobba and Vergano 1971,41–2; Fava 1977, no. 41.

100 CM.PG.1199–2006: Grierson bequest; M. Ratto 24.5.1956.

Soldino w. crowned porcupine Obv. (crown)øLV:D:GøFRANøREXøM[LIø]D:AST, crowned porcupine l. Rev. (crown)øMLIø[DV]X:ASTENSISøQøDNS:, cross fleury. 102 B 0.88g 20°.CNI ii,39.60 var.(hybrid);Bobba and Vergano 1971, 45; Fava 1977, no. 48.

101 CM.PG.11123–2006: Grierson bequest; Nascia 9.9.1961.

853

102 CM.PG.1200–2006: Grierson bequest; M. Ratto 24.5.1956.

PIEDMONT A S T I ( cont.) D U K E L O U I S I I O F O R L É A N S, 14 6 5 – 1515 ( cont.) AS KING OF FRANCE, DUKE OF MILAN AND L O R D O F A S T I , 14 9 8 – 1512 ( cont )

T H I R D P E R I O D : C O I N AG E AC C O R D I N G TO T H E O R D I N A N C E O F 15 0 8 , 15 0 8 – 12

Soldino w. crowned shield Obv. (crown)[LV]:D:GøFRANCORVMøREXø, crowned shield. Rev. (ermine’s tail) øMLNø DVXøASTENSISøQøDNSø, cross fleury. 103 B 0.81g 50°. CNI ii, 41.81 var.; Bobba and Vergano 1971, 47; Fava 1977, no. 51.

Grosso da 6 soldi Obv. †øLVDOVICVSøD:GøFRANCORVMøREXø, crowned shield between two fleurs-de-lis.Rev. †:SøSECONDVS >ASTENSIS>:,haloed bust of St Secundus facing l. 3.74g 170°. CNI ii, 33.5; Bobba and Vergano 1971, 40–1; 106 Fava 1977, no. 38.

S E C O N D P E R I O D : RO S E T T E S E R I E S, c. 15 0 3 – 8 Cavallotto, second type Obv. †LVøD:GøFRANøREXøMLIøDøACøASTø DNS, crowned shield. Rev. > SøSECONDVS>ASTENSIS> ø >, mounted St Secundus on ground-line carrying city model. 3.62g 90°. Cf. CNI ii, 38.49–54; Bobba and Vergano 104 1971, 45; Fava 1977, no. 47. Half-trillina Obv. †LVøD:GøFRANCOøREXø, two fleurs-de-lis w. pellet above and below. Rev. (ermine’s tail)øASTENSISøQVE DNS>ø, cross fleury. 105 B 0.72g 160°. CNI ii, 35.30 var.; Bobba and Vergano 1971, 43; Fava 1977, no. 43.

Grosso da 3 soldi Obv. †øLVDOVICVSøD:GøFRANCOrøREX , crowned porcupine l. Rev. †øMLIøDVXøASTENSISøQVEøDNS:ø, crowned shield. 1.92g 330°. CNI ii, 40.76; Bobba and Vergano 1971, 107 46–7; Fava 1977, no. 50. Trillina Obv. +LV[øDøGøF]RANCOrøREXø, three fleurs-de-lis. Rev. [†] MLIøDVXøASTENSISøQVEø D[NS], cross fleury. 108 B 1.21g 300°. CNI ii, 40.70 var.; Bobba and Vergano 1971, 46; Fava 1977, no. 49.

C A R R E T TO, M A R QU I S E S Commentary on pp. 141–6. MINT OF CORTEMILIA (?) A N O N Y M O U S M A R Q U I S E S, A F T E R 13 2 2 Florin Rev. +FLOR ex ch0, fleur-de-lis. Obv. SøIOH0 NNESøBø(eagle’s head l.), St John Baptist.

109

3.27g 300° (SG 14.53: c. 61% Au). Gavazzi 1902, 83; Gamberini di Scarfea 1956, 235 no. 650; Astengo 1956, 79–84; Bernocchi 1974–85, v, 145 nos. 388–93.

C E VA , M A R QU I S E S Commentary on pp. 147–9. G U G L I E L M O, 13 2 6 – 51 Half-grosso Obv. +ûgL :FIL DI:na (û for small ! over pellet), shield. Rev. +û aRChIO:CEVE (û for small ! over pellet), cross. 1.51g 20°. CNI ii, 202.5 var. 110

103 CM.PG.1198–2006: Grierson bequest; M. Ratto 24.5.1956. 104 CM.PG.11804–2006: Grierson bequest; MMAG Basel 10.12.1964 (November list, no.126). 105 CM.PG.11595–2006: Grierson bequest; MMAG Basel sale 27, 15.11.1963, lot 189; ex Dolivo coll.

Denaro Obv. + […]eIhO, cross. Rev. +>c>e>V>e>, shield. 111 B 0.51g 330°. CNI –.

106 CM.PG.10408–2006: Grierson bequest; Santamaria sale 7.10.1959, lot 192. 107 CM.PG.10719–2006: Grierson bequest; Rinaldi, 10.10.1960. 108 CM.PG.10588–2006: Grierson bequest; Nascia, 13.7.1960.

854

109 CM.PG.6674–2006: Grierson bequest; De Nicola, 5.9.1949. 110 CM.PG.10409–2006: Grierson bequest; Santamaria sale, 7.10.1959, lot 214. 111 CM.691–2000: Grierson Fund (PG 18,658); Varesi sale 33, 30.5.2000, lot 826.

m e di eval e uropean coi nag e 12

p late 7

p late 7 ( cont.)

FIESCHI FIEFS SEIGNIORIAL COINAGE OF THE FIESCHI COUNTS OF LAVAGNA Commentary on pp. 152–4. MINT OF CREVACUORE

MINT OF MASSERANO

A N O N Y M O U S I S S U E S, L AT E F I F T E E N T H / E A R LY S I X T E E N T H C E N T U RY

L U D OV I C O I I A N D P I E R L U C A F I E S C H I , 15 2 1 – 8

Grosso tirolino Obv. +äoneTa < nOVa, eagle. Rev. < cR ePa cHO RII., Tyrolean double cross. 112 B 0.80g 330°. CNI ii, 218.5.

Trillina (Milanese type of Francesco II Sforza, 1522–5) Obv. [ …]A ø ARGENTEA, FLI w. crown above. Rev. [>S]ANCTA ø ET ø B AV [ø CRVX], cross fleury. 114 B 0.64g 60°. CNI ii, 298.23. 115 B 0.87g 45°.

Quarto di grosso or sesino (Milanese and Astigiano type of Emperor Charles V, 1535–56) Obv. (crown) CARVACOR ø MONETA, two-headed eagle. Rev. ø SANTA ø ET ø B ø AVE ø CRVX ø, ornate cross. 113 B 1.24g 340°. CNI ii, 219.13.

I N C I S A , M A R QU I S E S Commentary on pp. 156–7. A N O N Y M O U S C O I N AG E , E N D T H I RT E E N T H C E N T U RY TO E A R LY F O U RT E E N T H C E N T U RY Grosso matapan Obv. ø ONeTøac: – (abbreviation mark above) |c |h –S: Ioh0Sø, passing banner-staff to marquis. Rev. Christ enthroned between Ic and Xc, pellet l. of r. leg. 112 CM.PG.9944–2006: Grierson bequest; MMAG Basel 1.11.1958 (list 184, no. 140). 113 CM.243–2004: Grierson Fund (PG 19,403); Nomisma (San Marino) sale 26, 29.2.2004, lot 87.

116

1.50g 180°. CNI ii, 293.3 var.

114 CM.PG.11230–2006: Grierson bequest; M. Raviola, 17.4.1962. 115 CM.244–2004: Grierson Fund (PG 19,432); Nomisma (San Marino) sale 26, 29.2.2004, lot 1458.

857

116 CM.PG.12564–2006: Grierson bequest; MMAG Basel sale 39, 9.5.1969, lot 110, ex MMAG Basel sale 27, 15.11.1963, lot 263; ex Dolivo coll.

PIEDMONT IVREA Commentary on pp. 159–62. COMMUNAL ISSUES

(Issues of Savoy will be discussed under the KINGDOM OF ARLES in MEC 17) E A R LY C O I N AG E , E A R LY 125 0 s– 12 6 6

118

Denaro mezzano scodellato Obv. +[IMþ0T]OR, in the field H|P ø R|ø I ø. Rev. +IVREa, cross. 117 B 0.42g 20°. CNI ii, 295.10.

1.22g 320°. CNI ii, 295.4 var.

Denaro imperiale, before 1311 Obv. +øSøBESVS , in the field I ø P ø E ø T ø around pellet. Rev. +yPOREgIa, cross w. trefoil in each angle. 119 B 0.72g 270°. CNI ii, 295.7.

L AT E R C O I N AG E , c. 1305 – 13 Grosso tirolino, before 1311 Obv. +FREDERICVS;Iþ,eagle.Rev. (trefoil). 120 B 0.67g 150°. CNI ii, 208.29. T E O D O RO I PA L E O L O G O, 13 0 7 – 3 8 E A R LY I S S U E S, 130 7 – 11 Grosso matapan Obv. øTheODORø – ä|c|h – $M0TIH., saint passing banner to marquis. Rev. Christ enthroned between Ic and Xc, annulet r. of l. foot. 1.88g 190°. CNI ii, 204.7. 121 Denaro imperiale Obv. +MaRchIO, T ø h ø e ø O ø around central pellet. Rev. (trefoil)>(trefoil)|+Mon|TISFe|RaTI|(trefoil)>(trefoil). 122 B 0.78g 10°. CNI ii, 204.11.

Grosso bianco Obv. +IOheS> äaR chIO(, mounted horseman w. sword and shield to l. Rev. +(äOnTIS(rosette above crosslet)eRRaTI(, cross in quatrefoil. 2.10g 240°. CNI ii, 206.9. 123 Quarto di grosso Obv. +ä:IOheSûä RchO:äOTIS::, cross. Rev. +SûIOheSûeV n geLIST û, eagle w. shield. 124 B 1.28g 0°. CNI ii, 207.20 var. 125 B 1.19g 60°. Obv. +IOheS%äaRc[hIO%äOTIS%]F. Rev. [+%S%]IOheS%eVange[LISTa%]. CNI ii, 206.13. Obolo bianco or denaro viennese Obv. +ûIohaneSû, cross. Rev. + äoTISeRaTI, ä w. small cross above. 126 B 0.45g 90°. CNI ii, 207.26. 127 B 0.41g 330°. C O I N AG E A F T E R T H E S E C O N D C O N Q U E S T O F A S T I , 13 5 6 – 7 2 Forte bianco (formerly attributed to Giovanni III, 1378–81) Obv. +IoheSûMaRchIoû, cross. Rev. +MonTISûFeRaTIû, Aleramic shield between two keys. 128 B 0.85g 310°. CNI ii, 209.1.

117 CM.PG.11597–2006: Grierson bequest; MMAG Basel sale 27, 15.11.1963, lot 266; ex Dolivo coll. 118 CM.PG.8603–2006: Grierson bequest; Santamaria sale 11.3.1953, lot 160; ex Magnaguti coll. 119 CM.PG.11488–2006: Grierson bequest; Ars et Nummus sale 29.11.1962, lot 123. 120 CM.880–2004: Grierson Fund (PG 19,433), Eugubium 21.4.2004 (list 14, no. 470).

121 CM.PG.12563–2006: Grierson bequest; MMAG Basel sale 39, 5.9.1969, lot 70; ex MMAG sale 27, 15.11.1963, lot 232; ex Dolivo coll.; ex Hess Luzern sale (28.3.1933), lot 238; ex Archduke Sigismund coll. 122 CM.PG.2802–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 11.5.1946; ex Grantley 3136. 123 CM.PG.43–2006: Grierson bequest; Kunst und Münzen 10.2.1981 (list 44, no. 366). 124 CM.PG.11521–2006: Grierson bequest; M. Ratto 25.3.1963.

858

125 CM.PG.1612–2006: Grierson bequest; Spink 17.1.1946; ex Boulton coll.; ex R. Ratto sale 25.2.1913, lot 645. 126 CM.PG.4752–2006: Grierson bequest; R. Ratto 30.9.1947. 127 CM.PG.6985–2006: Grierson bequest; R. Ratto 30.9.1949. 128 CM.882–2004: Grierson Fund (PG 19,455); Nomisma (San Marino) sale 27, 30.5.2004, lot 661.

m e di eval e uropean coi nag e 12

p late 8

p late 8 ( cont.)

M O N T F E R R AT, M A R QU I S E S ( cont.) T E O D O RO I I PA L E O L O G O, 13 81 – 1418 F I R S T P E R I O D : S AVOYA R D A N D M I L A N E S E - S T Y L E I S S U E S, 1381 – c. 14 0 0 Quarto di grosso or sesino Obv. +TEoeoDoRV>[äa]Rc[hI]o, shield in tressure w. triple annulets in corners. Rev. +äOnTIS> Fe[R]Ra[TI], gothic t in the shape of an 4 in tressure. 129 B 1.02g 190°. CNI ii, 210.8. Denaro called sigleta or figliete Obv. +S[aN]TVSTheODORVS, bust of St Theodore. Rev. .+MO3eTa![Mo]3TIS eRRaTI, cross. 130 B 0.99g 160°. CNI ii, 212.24 var. S E C O N D P E R I O D : M I L A N E S E - S T Y L E I S S U E S, c. 14 0 0 – 18 Grosso undecimo, after 1404 Obv. +>teODORVS > M0Rch[IO>], shield between t and e w. sun above in quatrefoil. Rev. +>MO3tISFeRR0tI$>[$]c>, cross fleury. 1.57g 240°. CNI ii, 210.6. 131 129 CM.PG.6986–2006: Grierson bequest; R. Ratto 30.9.1949. 130 CM.PG.2801–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 11.5.1946; ex Grantley 3136. 131 CM.PG.10580–2006: Grierson bequest; G. Nascia 25.6.1960 (June list, no. 455).

Grosso decimo, after 1404 Obv. +>teoD[oRVS > Ma]RchIo>, gothic t in quatrefoil. Rev. (shield)>MoNtIS[FeRR]atI :c, cross fleury. 1.70g 30°. CNI ii, 210.4. 132 Sesino or quarto di grosso, after 1404 Obv. +$teODORVS$ > $M0RchIO$, m between two rosettes w. annulet above and below. Rev. +>MONtISFeRR0tI$c>, cross w. rosette in each angle. 133 B 0.72g 120°. CNI ii, 211.18 var. Denaro called sigleta or figliete Obv. +[>SaN]tVS>teODO[RVS>], bust of St Theodore. Rev. [+>MO3]eta> MO3tIS[FeRa]tI[>], cross w. rosette in fourth angle. 134 B 0.80g 120°. CNI ii, 213.33. 135 B 0.74g 300°. Obv. +>Sa[3tVS>te]ODORVS>. Rev. +>MO3et[a>] MO3t[ISFeRatI>].

132 CM.PG.1613–2006: Grierson bequest; Spink 17.1.1946; ex Boulton coll.; ex R. Ratto sale 25.2.1913, lot 646. 133 CM.PG.11596–2006: Grierson bequest; MMAG Basel sale 27 15.11.1967, lot 238; ex Dolivo coll.

861

134 CM.PG.1614–2006: Grierson bequest; Spink 17.1.1946; ex Boulton coll.; ex R. Ratto sale 25.2.1913, lot 647. 135 CM.1683–2002: Grierson Fund (PG 19,267); Ghiglione sale 30, 15.11.2002, lot 224.

PIEDMONT M O N T F E R R AT, M A R QU I S E S ( cont.) MINT OF CASALE

G U G L I E L M O I X PA L E O L O G O, 14 9 4 – 1518

Commentary on pp. 180–8.

F I R S T P E R I O D, 14 9 9 / 15 05 – c. 15 0 9

G I OVA N N I G I AC O M O PA L E O L O G O, 1418 – 4 5 Half-grosso or soldino Obv. +>IohaNeS IachOBVS>, small shield on floriated cross fourchée. Rev. +>MaRchIO>MONtISFeRatI>, shield on tree in trefoil. 136 B 1.05g (clipped) 220°. CNI ii, 98.2; Fava 1974b, no. 6. G I OVA N N I I V PA L E O L O G O, 14 4 5 – 6 4 Sesino Obv. +>IOha3eS>MaRchIO>, shield between I and O. Rev. +>MO3tISFeRRatIøc ø > ø, cross fleury. 137 B 0.72g 270°. CNI ii, 98.2; Fava 1974b, no. 7. 138 B 0.70g 320°. Denaro imperiale Obv. +$IOha3eS$MaRchIO$, shield. Rev. +øMO3tISFeRRatIø cø, cross w. pellet in each angle. 139 B 0.34g 280°. Obv. [ ]S$MaRc[ ]. Rev. [ ]FeRRatIøc[ ]. CNI ii, 98–9.4–6; Fava 1974b, no. 8. 140 B 0.52g 210°. Obv. [ ]MONtIF[ ]. Rev. +[ ]tIFeRRat$. 141 B 0.38g 40°. Obv. [ ]IO[ ]cI`[ ]. Rev. [ ]ONt[ ]. 142 B 0.48g 80°. Obv. [ ]$MacIO[ …]. Rev. [ ]$3aRc[ ]. G U G L I E L M O V I I I PA L E O L O G O, 14 6 4 – 8 3 Denaro imperiale Obv. +gVIL[eRMVSøMaRc]hO, shield. Rev. [+øMO3tIS] FeRaIIO[ ], cross w. pellets in each angle. CNI ii, 101.10 var. 143 B 0.60g 350°.

136 CM.PG.9529–2006: Grierson bequest; Hess (Luzern) 2.4.1958. 137 CM.PG.4713–2006: Grierson bequest; R. Ratto 30.9.1947. 138 CM.PG.10261–2006: Grierson bequest; Sternberg 25.3.1959. 139 CM.PG.4716–2006: Grierson bequest; R. Ratto 30.9.1947. 140 CM.PG.4715–2006: Grierson bequest; R. Ratto 30.9.1947.

Cavallotto Obv. (head of saint)GVLIELMVSMAMOFERC, bust of young marquis l. Rev. > S > TEODORVS , mounted St Theodore fighting dragon. 2.89g 70°. CNI ii, 109.62; Fava 1974b, no. 17. 144 Trillina Obv. >GVLM[AR]MONFERA, GM w. abbreviation mark above and rosette below. Rev. +TVAMADORAMVS, cross fleury. 145 B 1.01g 180°. CNI ii, 117.135. Trillina, after 1508 Obv. +GVLMARMONFERA, GM w. two rosettes above and two ornate fleurs-de-lis below. Rev. >TVAMADORAMVS, cross fleury w. four pellets. 146 B 0.71g 120°. CNI ii, 116.124. S E C O N D P E R I O D, c. 15 0 9 – 10 Scudo d’oro Obv. MONETaaVREgMMOFEVIþPSIMP, crowned twoheaded eagle w. shield. Rev. +XPS:VINCIT:XPS:REgNaT:XPS: IMPERaT:, cross fleury. 3.33g 250°. CNI ii, 104.16; Fava 1974b, no. 14. 147 Testone Obv. GVLIELMVSMARMONTFEC, bust of marquis l. Rev. +SA CRIROIMP PRINCVICA PP, shield. 9.02g 30°. CNI ii, 106.32; Fava 1974b, no. 15. 148 9.19g 200°. Obv. GVLIELMVSMARMONTFERC. 149 CNI ii, 106.38. Medal or proof for testone Obv. GVLIELMVSMARMONTFEC, bust of marquis l. Rev. +SA CRIROIMP PRINCVICA PP, shield. 150 Æ 8.13g 150°. Cf. CNI ii, 106.33 var.

141 CM.PG.11231–2006: Grierson bequest; M. Raviola 17.4.1962. 142 CM.PG.11233–2006: Grierson bequest; M. Raviola 17.4.1962. 143 CM.PG.6987–2006: Grierson bequest; R. Ratto 30.9.1949. 144 CM.PG.2800–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 2.5.1946; ex Grantley 3136. 145 CM.PG.9161–2006: Grierson bequest; De Nicola 6.11.1957.

862

146 CM.PG.6989–2006: Grierson bequest; R. Ratto 30.9.1949. 147 CM.PG.4621–2006: Grierson bequest; Forrer 17.10.1947; ex Wormser coll. 148 CM.PG.1611–2006: Grierson bequest; Spink 17.1.1946. 149 CM.ME.85-R: no provenance. 150 CM.ME.86-R: no provenance.

m e di eval e uropean coi nag e 12

p late 9

PIEDMONT M O N T F E R R AT, M A R QU I S E S ( cont.) Trillina or half-quarto Obv. MONTISøFERRAø, gM w. crested crown. Rev. +øSøEVAXIVSøCVSTOSø, bust of St Evasius between S and V. 158 B 0.84g 330°. CNI ii, 118.147.

MINT OF CASALE (cont ) G U G L I E L M O I X PA L E O L O G O, 14 9 4 – 1518 ( cont.) S E C O N D P E R I O D, c. 15 0 9 – 10 ( cont.)

F O U RT H P E R I O D, A F T E R 1511

Grosso da 9 soldi (?) Obv. (head of saint)MONETaaRGENTEGMMOFE, crowned two-headed eagle w. shield. Rev.  ETVICARIþPSaIMPI, St Evasius w. reliquary and crozier enthroned. 3.26g 200°. CNI ii, 110.69 var.; Fava 1974b, no. 18. 151 Soldino or pegione Obv. +MaRGMMOFEVIþPSIMP, bust of St Evasius w. reliquary and crozier. Rev. (head of saint)INHOCSIGNOVINCES, cross fleury. 152 B 0.92g 330°. CNI ii, 114.108. 153 B 0.91g 170°. Obv. +MaRGMMOFEVIþPSIMP. Rev. (head of saint)INHOCSIGNOVINCES. CNI ii, 114.109 var. 154 B 0.91g 350°. Obv. +MaRGMMOFEVIþPSIMP. CNI ii, 114.109. Trillina Obv. GVMAR MONTFE, crowned and crested shield. Rev. †SVBTVVMPRESIDIVM, cross fleury. 155 B 0.77g 90°. CNI ii, 120.162. Denaro Obv. DøPOTE [C]IOM, stag. Rev. [AD]ORAMVSTVM, cross fleury. 156 B 0.58g 320°. CNI ii, 121.175 var. T H I R D P E R I O D, F RO M c. 1510 Grosso da 6 soldi or cavallotto (?) GV:MAR øMON:FER:, crested arms. Rev. Obv. + PRINC:VICA:PP:SACRI:RO:IMP:, houseleek w. watering-pot. 2.99g 330°. CNI ii, 110.76 var.; Fava 1974b, no. 19. 157 151 CM.PG.11109–2006: Grierson bequest; Nascia 9.6.1961. 152 CM.PG.11522–2006: Grierson bequest; M. Ratto 25.3.1963. 153 CM.PG.4714–2006: Grierson bequest; R. Ratto 30.9.1947. 154 CM.PG.14152–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 10.12.1982. 155 CM.PG.6991–2006: Grierson bequest; R. Ratto 30.9.1949.

Medal or proof for quadruple-ducat Obv. +GVLIELMVSøMARCHIOøXXIII, bust of marquis r. Rev. MONTISøFERRATI, stag w. shield. CNI ii, 103.5; Fava 1974b, no. 12. 159 Æ 8.81g 30°. Cornuto Obv. + GVLI:MA: MO:FE:, crowned and crested shield w. mantle. Rev. : S : TEODORVS:ø, mounted St Theodore fighting dragon. 5.71g 320°. CNI ii, 107.44 var.; Fava 1974b, no. 16. 160 Grosso da 6 soldi (?) Obv. (head of saint)GVLIELMVSøMARøMONTøFERøCø, crowned two-headed eagle w. shield. Rev. PRINCøVICAøPPøSACRIøROøIMø, cross fleury. 2.91g 130°. CNI ii, 111.82 var.; Fava 1974b, no. 21. 161 Parpagliola Obv. GVLIELMVSøMARøMONTøFERATIø, shield w. two-headed eagle above. Rev. PRINCøVICARIVSøPPøSACRIøROøIMPø, voided cross in quatrefoil. 162 B? 1.70g (clipped) 0°. CNI ii, 111.85 var.; Fava 1974b, no. 22. Half-parpagliola Obv. øGVLIELMVSøMARøMONTISFEø, quartered shield. Rev.

PRINCøVICARIV[SøPPø]SACRIøRø, voided cross in quatrefoil. 163 B 0.94g 160°. CNI ii, 113.119 var. 164 B 0.69g 270°.

156 CM.PG.6992–2006: Grierson bequest; R. Ratto 30.9.1949. 157 CM.PG.10578–2006: Grierson bequest; Nascia 25.6.1960 (June list, no. 447). 158 CM.PG.6990–2006: Grierson bequest; R. Ratto 30.9.1949. 159 CM.PG.9923–2006: Grierson bequest; M. Ratto 28.4.1969. 160 CM.PG.3353–2006: Grierson bequest; R. Ratto (Milan) 3.10.1946.

864

161 CM.PG.8604–2006: Grierson bequest; Santamaria 8.4.1953. 162 CM.PG.10579–2006: Grierson bequest; Nascia 25.6.1960 (June list, no. 448). 163 CM.PG.6988–2006: Grierson bequest; R. Ratto 30.9.1949. 164 CM.PG.12331–2006: Grierson bequest; Simonetti 20.9.1967.

m e di eval e uropean coi nag e 12

p late 10

PIEDMONT N OVA R A Commentary on pp. 192–5. COMMUNAL ISSUES 165 B 0.45g 280°. CNI ii, 370.6. 166 B 0.50g 100°. Obv. ì|S¤T|¤g¤ in field. CNI ii, 371.9.

C O I N AG E I N T H E N A M E O F A N A N O N Y M O U S E M P E RO R , S E C O N D H A L F T H I RT E E N T H C E N T U RY Denaro mezzano Obv. +IMþaTOR, ì|S¤T|¤g¤. Rev. +NOVaRIa, cross w. starlet at end of each arm.

Denaro mezzano Obv. +IMþaTOR, g surrounded by four six-pointed stars. Rev. +HOVaRIa, cross w. starlet at end of each arm. 167 B 0.44g 280°. CNI ii, 371.10.

P I E D M O N T, C O U N T Y ( I ) HOUSE OF ANJOU, LORDSHIP MINT OF CUNEO

RO B E RT O F A N J O U, 13 0 9 – 4 3

Commentary on pp. 200–4.

First period, 1317–39

C H A R L E S I I O F A N J O U, 13 0 5 – 9 Quinto di grosso or sesino astigiano Obv. +KaRoLVS ScL REX, cross. Rev. +coES PEDIIonTIS, shield. 0.81g 200°. CNI ii, 221.6 var. 168 0.77g 270°. Obv. +K0ROLVS SCl REX. Rev. 169 +COESøPED!MOnTIS. Tardani forgery (this and the two following specimens all from the same pair of dies). Cf. CNI ii, 221.7; Promis 1852, tbl. 1 no. 10. 1.08g 20°. Tardani forgery. 170 1.34g 250°. Tardani forgery. 171 165 CM.PG.6983–2006: Grierson bequest; R. Ratto 30.9.1949. 166 CM.PG.9928–2006: Grierson bequest; Santamaria 23.10.1958. 167 CM.PG.6984–2006: Grierson bequest; R. Ratto 30.9.1949.

Terzo di Gigliato Obv. +ROBTøDIøgR[ øI]eRLøeT[øSICILøREX], king enthroned. Rev. +%cOMeS%PeDeMOnTIS%, cross fleury w. fleur-de-lis in each angle. 1.03g 260°. CNI –; cf. CNI ii, 222.2. 172 MINT OF TARASCON (PROVENCE) J OA N N A I O F A N J O U, 13 4 3 – 81 Half-grosso or octhéne, 1365–72 Obv. $I$Ih’R$eT$S cLReg$ $, queen enthroned. Rev. cOM TS$V cE$ K PDH ( K ligatured), long cross w. fleur-de-lis in each angle. 1.55g 300°. CNI ii, 222.1–2 var. 173

168 CM.PG.14219–2006: Grierson bequest; Torcoli 21.9.1983 (list, no. 180). 169 CM.ME.87-R: gift of N. Kapamadji 1971. 170 CM.ME.88-R: gift of N. Kapamadji 1971.

866

171 CM.ME.89-R: gift of N. Kapamadji 1971. 172 CM.PG.10277–2006: Grierson bequest; M. Ratto sale (5.5.1959), lot 56. 173 CM.PG.9406–2006: Grierson bequest; M. Ratto 12.4.1958.

m e di eval e uropean coi nag e 12

p late 11

p late 11 ( cont.)

P I E D M O N T, C O U N T Y ( I I ) HOUSE OF SAVOY-ACHAIA, LORDSHIP AND PRINCIPALITY Commentary on pp. 208–20. 176 B 1.13g 330°. CNI i, 504.8; Biaggi 1989, 62–3 no. 7. 177 B 1.06g 20°. Obv. +PhILIPPRICES. CNI i, 504.9.

F I L I P P O O F S AVOY, 1 2 8 2 – 13 3 4 , P R I N C E O F AC H A I A , 13 0 1 – 7 A N D 13 2 4 – 3 4 MINT OF TURIN Grosso matapan, c. 1301–7 Obv. [øP]hILIPVSø – P (w. abbreviation mark)|C|S – øSøIOøTORIø, St John passing banner-staff to prince. Rev. Christ enthroned between Ic and Xc, w. abbreviation marks above. 1.63g 200°. CNI i, 503.3; Biaggi 1989, 59–61 no. 6. 174 Grosso tornese, c. 1301–7 (probably 1306–7) Obv. +PhILIPPRICES (abbreviation mark above R)|+BñnñáDITVSá QVI VñnITáIn nOäInñáDnI (abbreviation mark above DnI), cross. Rev. +TORI3VS CIVIS|ring of fleurs-de-lis, shield in tressure w. rosettes. 4.00g 160°. CNI i, –; Biaggi 1989, 56–8 no. 5c (this 175 specimen). Denaro tornese Obv. +PhILIP PRICES (abbreviation mark above R), cross w. pellet in first angle. Rev. +TORInVS CIVIS, star w. two pellets. 174 CM.PG.5697–2006: Grierson bequest; Forrer 17.1.1949. 175 CM.PG.11591–2006: Grierson bequest; MMAG Basel sale 27 15.11.1963, lot 165; ex Dolivo coll.

A M E D E U S O F S AVOY- AC H A I A , 13 6 7 – 14 0 2 MINT OF PINEROLO OR TURIN (?) Grosso, after 1392 Obv. +%aMeDeVS$ % De% S aBaVDIa%, mounted prince w. sword riding r. Rev. DeI%gRacIa%PRIncePS%achaVe%%c, crowned and crested shield. 2.51g (holed) 300°. Biaggi 1989, 176–7 no. 19a (this 178 specimen). MINT OF MONCALIERI (?) Half-grosso Obv. aMeDeVS = De = SaBaVDIa =, crowned and crested shield. Rev. +DeI=gRa=PRIncePS=ach=Zc=, cross ancrée in quatrefoil. 1.65g 270°.CNI i,507.7 var.;Biaggi 1989,184–5 no.24d 179 (this specimen).

176 CM.PG.9445–2006: Grierson bequest; Santamaria sale 24.2.1958, lot 1313. 177 CM.PG.11519–2006: Grierson bequest; Nascia 25.3.1963.

869

178 CM.PG.11592–2006: Grierson bequest; MMAG Basel sale 27 15.11.1963, lot 168; ex Dolivo coll. 179 CM.PG.11593–2006: Grierson bequest; MMAG Basel sale 27 15.11.1963, lot 169; ex Dolivo coll.

PIEDMONT P I E D M O N T, C O U N T Y ( I I ) ( cont.) HOUSE OF SAVOY-ACHAIA, LORDSHIP AND PRINCIPALITY 182 B 1.43g 190°. CNI i, 512.24; Biaggi 1989, 233–4 no. 34c. 183 B 1.39g 90°.Obv. +LVDOVIcVS:D:SaBaD >,cross in quatrefoil w. diagonal band and a trefoil in second and third angles. Rev. +PRIncePS:achaIe:c >. CNI i, 512.20; Biaggi 1989, 233–4, no. 34b. 184 B 1.39g 20°. Obv. +LVDOVIcVS%D%SaBaVD>. Rev. +PRIncePS%achaIe%c>. CNI i, 511.13; Biaggi 1989, 233–4, no. 34a.

A M E D E U S O F S AVOY- AC H A I A , 13 6 7 – 14 0 2 ( cont.) MINT OF TURIN Forte Obv. (crossed lances)aMeDeVS%D%SaBaVD, bust of St John the Baptist. Rev. (crossed lances)PRIncePS%ach%c%, shield w. four pellets. 180 B 1.22g 340°. CNI i, 508.18 var.; Biaggi 1989, 193–4 no. 29c. L U D OV I C O O F S AVOY- AC H A I A , 14 0 2 – 18 MINT OF TURIN Half-grosso (crude style w. pellets) Obv. +LVDOVIcVS>D>SaBaVD’ , shield in quatrefoil w. five pellets. Rev. +PRIncePS>achaIe>c , cross moline. 181 B 1.77g 270°. CNI i, 511.8; Biaggi 1989, 229–30 no. 32d. Quarto di grosso Obv. +LVDOVIcVS:D:SaBaD (DO ligatured), cross in quatrefoil w.a trefoil in each angle.Rev. +PRIncePS:achaIe:c,cross botonnée.

Forte Obv. +De%SaBaVDIe>, gothic L w. three trefoils. Rev. +PRIn cePS%ach>, shield w. three annulets. 185 B 1.27g 240°. CNI i, 513.26; Biaggi 1989, 235–6 no. 35a. 186 B 0.98g 40°. Rev. +PRIncePS%ach>. CNI i, 513.29. Viennese Obv. + LVDOVIcVS%D[%SB]>, shield in quatrefoil. Rev. PR In ce PS, long cross moline. 187 B 1.13g 330°. CNI i, 514.36 var.; Biaggi 1989, 238–9 no. 37a.

P O N Z O N E , M A R QU I S E S Commentary on pp. 222–4. E N R I C O A N D C O R R A D O, B E F O R E 1 2 9 0 – 1311 ( ? ) Grosso matapan Obv. hen  cuRø – (abbreviation mark above) |c |h – SäIch0eLø, saint r. passing banner-staff to marquis l. Rev. Christ enthroned between Ic (abbreviation mark above) Xc (abbreviation mark above). CNI iii, 2.1 var. 1.67g 180°. 188 Denaro imperiale Obv. +eTûcunRaDVSû, h ø e ø n ø R ø around central pellet. Rev. ReX>c>, cross in tressure. 2.79g 210°. CNI iii, 35.49 var.; Lunardi 1975, no. 16 255 var.

D E V E L O P E D T R I - M E TA L L I C S Y S T E M , 12 7 0 s– c. 130 0 ( cont ) Class O (reduced genovino d’oro; other issues w. trefoils in legends), c. 1290–1300 (cont.) Quartarola Obv. + I 0 N V 0 (inverted shield) , gateway w. pellet below. Rev. +øc øVNR:0:D.Vø.SøRñXø, cross. 0.85g 260°. CNI iii, 19.18 var.; Lunardi 1975, no. 8 var. 248 0.86g 300°. Obv. + I 0 N V 0 (cauldron or 249 drum with handle) . Rev. +cVNR$0$DVSøReX%. CNI iii, 20.21 var. Quartaro Obv. + Q

0 R T 0 R O , griffin facing r. Rev. +øCøVøNøRø0øDøVøSø, cross w. trefoil in fourth angle.

250 Æ 0.56g 130°. CNI iii, 39.24; Lunardi 1975, no. 24 var. 251 Æ 0.69g 240°. 252 Æ 0.79g 10°.Obv.[+øQøVø]aøRøT[øaøRøOø].Rev.cross w.trefoil in each angle. CNI iii, 39.20. Class P (w. rosettes in legend), c. 1300–5 Genovino d’oro Obv. + > I > a > N > V > a (nicchio), gateway w. pellet on each arch and two pellets above in the vanes. Rev. cVNR$a$DVSøReX, cross. 3.50g 100°. CNI iii, 25.70. 253 C O I N AG E O F T H E QVAM DEVS PROTEGAT T Y P E , c. 1305 / 6 – 39

Petachina or sesino Obv. +cIVIT0S:I03e:Rø, gateway. Rev. +cONR0DVSøReXøS:, cross. 256 B 1.30g 290°. CNI iii, 28.24 var.; Lunardi 1975, no. 14 var. 257 B 1.23g 300°. Obv. +cIVIT0S:I03Ve:Rø. Rev. +cO3R0DV.S:ReX:S:. CNI iii, 28.25 var. 258 B 1.25g 150°. Obv. +cIVIT0S:I03e:Sø. Rev. +cO3R0DVS:ReX:S:. CNI iii, 29.36 var. 259 B 1.38g 330°. Obv. +cIVIT0S:I0IIVe:y:. Rev. As last. CNI iii, 29.38 var. Quartaro Obv. +øQøVøaøRøTøaøRøOø, griffin facing r. Rev. +øCøVøNøRøaøDøVøSø, cross. 260 Æ 0.97g 30°. CNI iii, 37.9; Lunardi 1975, no. 24. 261 Æ 0.95g 200°. Rev. +øcøVøNøRøaøDøVøSø. CNI iii, 37.10. 262 Æ 0.95g 290°. As last. Quartaro Obv. +øIøa[øNøVøaø]C, cross, o in second angle extending from I in legend and giving the appearance of an inverted q. Rev. [+øQøVø0øR]øTø0øR[øOø], griffin facing r. 263 Æ 0.98g 140°. Cf. CNI iii, 37.4–8; Lunardi 1975, no. 23. Overstruck?

Class Q.1 Genovino d’oro Obv. +B:Ia3Va:QVa:DeVS:TegaT>, gateway in tressure. Rev. +:co3RaDVS:ReX:ROMa3ORVM, cross in tressure. 3.52g 40°. CNI iii, 32.27 var.; Lunardi 1975, no. 15 var. 254

248 CM.PG.4614–2006: Grierson bequest; R. Ratto 30.9.1947. 249 CM.PG.5517–2006: Grierson bequest; R. Ratto 20.9.1948. 250 CM.PG.5789–2006: Grierson bequest; R. Ratto 20.9.1948. 251 CM.PG.5790–2006: Grierson bequest; R. Ratto 20.9.1948. 252 CM.1654–2001: Grierson Fund (unnumbered); M. and S. Phillips, May 2001, fd Customs House, Thames, London.

253 CM.PG.8779–2006: Grierson bequest; Baranowsky 7.7.1955. 254 CM.2037–2001: Grierson Fund (PG 19,097); Varesi sale 36, 8.6.2001, lot 22. 255 CM.2038–2001: Grierson Fund (PG 19,098); Varesi sale 36, 8.6.2001, lot 24. 256 CM.PG.6250–2006: Grierson bequest; De Falco 15.3.1957 (list 36, no. 504). 257 CM.PG.4682–2006: Grierson bequest; R. Ratto 30.9.1947. 258 CM.PG.6251–2006: Grierson bequest; De Falco 15.3.1957 (list 36, no. 505).

880

259 CM.PG.6253–2006: Grierson bequest; De Falco 15.3.1957 (list 36, no. 506). 260 CM.2059–2001: Grierson Fund (PG 19,119); Varesi sale 36, 8.6.2001, lot 305. 261 CM.2060–2001: Grierson Fund (PG 19,120); Varesi sale 36, 8.6.2001, lot 305. 262 CM.2061–2001: Grierson Fund (PG 19,121); Varesi sale 36, 8.6.2001, lot 305. 263 CM.2058–2001: Grierson Fund (PG 19,118); Varesi sale 36, 8.6.2001, lot 305.

m e di eval e uropean coi nag e 12

p late 16

p late 16 ( cont.)

G E N OA ( cont.) DUCAL COINAGE, 1339–1528 Commentary on pp. 287–301. A N O N Y M O U S D O G E S, 13 3 9 TO E A R LY F I F T E E N T H C E N T U RY Half-grosso or soldo Obv. +I0IIV0:Q:DeV:Teg0ö:, gateway in tressure. Rev. +:cOIIR0DVS:ReX:ROM0:0:, cross in tressure. 1.79g 220°. CNI iii, 35.51; Lunardi 1975, no. 17. 264 1.76g 80°. Obv. +:I0IIV0:QV0II:DeVS:Teg:. Rev. 265 +:cOIIR0DVS:ReX:Roä0:0:. CNI iii, 84.9 var.; Lunardi 1975, no. 51. 1.73g 30°. Obv. +:I0IIV0:QV0II:DeVS:PROT:. 266 Denaro minuto Obv. I0NV0:Q:D::B, gateway. Rev. cO N0 DV SF, long cross. 267 B 0.80g 90°. CNI iii, 35.54 var.; Lunardi 1975, no. 18 var.

264 CM.2039–2001: Grierson Fund (PG 19,099); Varesi sale 36, 8.6.2001, lot 25. 265 CM.132–2003: Grierson Fund (PG 19,348); Varesi sale 42, 18.11.2004, lot 1137; ex Fasciolo coll.

Quartaro Obv. +øQøI0NV0ø, gateway. Rev. .cU(abbreviation mark above) R DøR eX, long cross. 268 Æ 0.77g 50°. CNI iii, 36.1 var.; Lunardi 1975, no. 22. SIMONE BOCCANEGRA, FIRST DOGE, 13 3 9 – 4 4 First type w. DVX … PROTEGAT Genovino d’oro Obv. +áDVXáIa3VeáQVaáDeVSáTegaTáa, gateway in tressure. Rev. +áco3RaDVSáReXáRoMa3oRVMáLø, cross in tressure. 3.51g 30°. CNI iii, 46.53 var.; Lunardi 1975, no. 26 var. 269 3.42g 60°. Obv. +:DVX:Ia3Ve:QVa:DeVS: 270 TegaT . Rev. +:cO3RaDVS:ReX:ROMa3ORVM:. CNI iii, 44.33 var.

266 CM.133–2003: Grierson Fund (PG 19,357); Varesi sale 42, 18.11.2004, lot 1138; ex Fasciolo coll. 267 CM.2046–2001: Grierson Fund (PG 19,106); Varesi sale 36, 8.6.2001, lot 304.

883

268 CM.2057–2001: Grierson Fund (PG 19,117); Varesi sale 36, 8.6.2001, lot 305. 269 CM.PG.5515–2006: Grierson bequest; R. Ratto 20.9.1948. 270 CM.PG.5514–2006: Grierson bequest; De Falco 9.9.1948.

LIGURIA G E N OA ( cont.) DUCAL COINAGE, 1339–1528 (cont.) SIMONE BOCCANEGRA, FIRST DOGE, 13 3 9 – 4 4 ( cont.)

G I OVA N N I VA L E N T E , T H I R D D O G E , 13 5 0 – 3

Second type w. DVX IANVE or DVX IANVENSIVM Terzarola Obv. + DVX Ia3Vñ P , gateway in tressure. Rev. +:CO3RaDVü.RñXøP:, cross in tressure. 1.15g 210°. CNI iii, 50.88 var.; Lunardi 1975, no. 27 var. 271 1.11g 350°. Obv. +¤DVX¤Ia3Vñ¤V¤. Rev. 272 +:CO3RaDVü.RñXø. CNI iii, 49.80 var. Quartarola Obv. +øDVXøIaNVeøcø, gateway. Rev. +¤cV3RaDVüøReX, cross. 0.88g 140°. CNI iii, 51.98 var.; Lunardi 1975, no. 28 var. 273 Denaro Obv. +øDVXøIa3Vñø, gateway. Rev. CV3RaDVüøRñXø, cross. 274 B 0.50g 140°. CNI iii, 53.120 var.; Lunardi 1975, no. 30. 275 B 0.42g 280°. Obv. +øDVXøIa3VE . CNI iii, 53.123. 276 B 0.47g 90°. Obv. +øDVXø[IaNVE]. Rev. (starting at 320°) C[ ]ñXø, cross. Cf. CNI iii, 53.117. 277 B 0.47g 90°.Obv. +øDVX Ia3VE ,star below gateway.Rev. (starting at 320°) CV3RAD[ ]Xø, cross. Cf. CNI iii, 53.118. Third type w. DVX …PRIMVS Genovino d’oro Obv. +øDVX:Ia3Ve3SIVM:PRIMVS:g:, gateway in tressure. Rev. +co3RaDVüøReX:RoMa3oRVM:n:, cross in tressure. 3.54g 20°. CNI iii, 57.159 var.; Lunardi 1975, no. 33 var. 278 Grosso Obv. +DVX:Ia3Ve3SIVM:PRIMVü., gateway w. c below in tressure. Rev. +>co3RaDVS>ReX>a>, cross in tressure. 3.01g 170°. CNI iii, 58.165 var.; Lunardi 1975, no. 34 279 var. 3.00g 340°. Obv. + DVX:Ia3Ve3SIVM:PRIMVü.. 280 2.95g 270°. Obv. +DVX Ia3Ve3SIVM PRIMVü., d 281 below gateway. Rev. +>co3RaDVS>ReX>n>. CNI iii, 59.173 var. 2.90g 180°. Obv. +DVX:Ia3Ve3SIVM:PRIMVü., g 282 below gateway. CNI iii, 59.179 var. 271 CM.PG.3930–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 1.2.1947; ex Grantley 302. 272 CM.59–1999: Grierson Fund (PG 18,407); Nomisma sale 12, 4.11.1998, lot 757. 273 CM.PG.4615–2006: Grierson bequest; R. Ratto 30.9.1947. 274 CM.881–2004: Grierson Fund (PG 19,434); Elsen, May 2004 (list 228, no. 748). 275 CM.375–2005: Grierson Fund (PG 19,616); Elsen, April 2005 (list 232, no. 835). 276 CM.6360–2007: Grierson Fund; Genoa coin fair 10.7.2007. 277 CM.6361–2007: Grierson Fund; Genoa coin fair 10.7.2007.

Grosso Obv. +>DVX>I0NVñ>TñRCIVS, gateway w. T below in tressure. Rev. +>CVNR0DVS>RñX>, cross in tressure. 3.11g 0°. CNI iii, 61.14 var.; Lunardi 1975, no. 35. 283 2.15g 210°. 284 S I M O N E B O C C A N E G R A , F O U RT H D O G E , 13 5 6 – 6 3 Genovino d’oro Obv. +DVX:Ia3Ve3SIVM:VaRöVüø:c, gateway in tressure. Rev. +co3RaDVü.ReX:RoMa3oRVM:S:, cross in tressure. 3.48g 140°. CNI iii, 62.5 var.; Lunardi 1975, no. 36. 285 3.53g 230°. Obv. +DVX:IaIIVeâSIVMVaRTVüøF. Rev. 286 +co3RaDVü.ReX:RoMa3oRVM:c. CNI iii, 63.8 var. Grosso Obv. +DVX:Ia3Ve3SIVM.VaRöü., gateway w. V below in tressure. Rev. +>co3RaDVS>ReX>þ>, cross in tressure. 2.87g 150°. CNI iii, 69.69 var.; Lunardi 1975, no. 37. 287 2.99g 320°. Obv. +DVX:I03Ve3SIVM.VaRTü., c 288 below gateway. Rev. +>cO3RaDVS>ReX>a>. CNI iii, 66.47 var. G A B R I E L E A D O R N O, F I F T H D O G E , 13 6 3 – 7 0 Genovino d’oro Obv. +DVX:I03Ve3SIVM.VINTü.", gateway in tressure. Rev. +cO3R0DVü.ReX:ROMA3ORVNä, cross in tressure. 3.53g 230°. CNI iii, 69.6 var.; Lunardi 1975, no. 38. 289 Grosso Obv. +DVX:Ia3Ve3SIVM.VINTü., gateway w. S below in tressure. Rev. +>cO3RaDVS>ReX>F>, cross in tressure. 3.00g 90°. CNI iii, 71.26 var.; Lunardi 1975, no. 39. 290 2.62g 310°. Obv. +DVX:IaIIVe3SIVM.VaRTü., L 291 below gateway. Rev. +>co3RaDVS>ReX>I>. CNI iii, 71.24 var.

278 CM.PG.3929–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 1.2.1947; ex Grantley 302. 279 CM.PG.158–2006: Grierson bequest; Spink 22.11.1945. 280 CM.PG.5792–2006: Grierson bequest; R. Ratto 20.9.1948. 281 CM.PG.6238–2006: Grierson bequest; De Falco 2.10.1956. 282 CM.PG.6239–2006: Grierson bequest; De Falco 2.10.1956. 283 CM.PG.1620–2006: Grierson bequest; Spink 17.1.1946; ex Boulton coll.; ex Martinori sale, lot 1174. 284 CM.1.2750–1990: Blunt coll.; acq. Cambridge 1949.

884

285 CM.PG.3321–2006: Grierson bequest; R. Ratto (Milan) 3.10.1946. 286 CM.PG.7731–2006: Grierson bequest; Spink 7.11.1950. 287 CM.PG.5793–2006: Grierson bequest; R. Ratto 20.11.1948. 288 CM.PG.12,267–2006: Grierson bequest; C. Crippa 22.8.1967. 289 CM.1684–2003: Grierson Fund (PG 19,268); Ghiglione sale 30, 15.11.2002, lot 262. 290 CM.PG.1621–2006: Grierson bequest; Spink 17.1.1946; ex Boulton coll.; ex R. Ratto sale, 14.3.1910, lot 572. 291 CM.PG.5794–2006: Grierson bequest; R. Ratto 20.9.1948.

m e di eval e uropean coi nag e 12

p late 17

p late 17 ( cont.)

G E N OA ( cont.) DUCAL COINAGE, 1339–1528 (cont.) N I C O L A G UA R C O, E I G H T H D O G E , 137 8 – 8 3

A N TO N I OT TO A D O R N O, S E V E N T H D O G E , 137 8 [ 13 8 4 – 9 0 ] Grosso Obv. +DVX:Ia3Ve3SIVM:SePöIMü, gateway w. I below in tressure. Rev. +>cO3RaDVS>ReX>R>, cross in tressure. 2.92g 90°. CNI iii, 73.9 var.; Lunardi 1975, no. 42. 292 292 CM.PG.5795–2006: Grierson bequest; R. Ratto 20.11.1948.

Grosso Obv. +DVX:Ia3VeIISIVM:OT0VVSø, gateway w. a below in tressure. Rev. +>co3RaDVS>ReX>U>, cross in tressure. 2.92g 90°. CNI iii, 75.18 var.; Lunardi 1975, no. 44. 293

293 CM.PG.1622–2006: Grierson bequest; Spink 17.1.1946; ex Boulton coll.; ex R. Ratto sale, 14.3.1910, lot 574.

887

LIGURIA G E N OA ( cont.) DUCAL COINAGE, 1339–1528 (cont.) A N TO N I OT TO A D O R N O, 13 9 4 – 6 Denaro minuto, second type Obv. øL:Ia3Va:I:, gateway w. ¤ below. Rev. cO 3R 0D VS, long cross. 294 B 0.75g 210°. CNI iii, 81.12 var.; Lunardi 1975, no. 48. 295 B 0.79g 40°. Obv. øn:Ia3Va:R:. CNI iii, 81.16 var. 296 B 0.42g 20°. Obv. øS:Ia3Va:":. CNI iii, 81.17 var. A N TO N I OT TO A D O R N O, G OV E R N O R U N D E R C H A R L E S V I O F F R A N C E , 13 9 6 – 7 Grosso Obv. +GVBN[ ]aNVeNSIVM>, gateway w. V below in tressure. Rev. +cO3RaD>ReX>R>S>, cross in tressure. 2.75 100°. CNI iii, 80.6 var.; cf. Lunardi 1975, no. 47. 297 Denaro minuto Obv. [ø]n:I03V0[ ], gateway [w. ¤ below]. Rev. cO NR 0D VS, long cross w. fleur-de-lis in the second angle. 298 B 0.61g 170°. CNI iii, 82.29 var.; Lunardi 1975, no. 49. 299 B 0.69g 110°. Obv. øä:I03V0:S:. CNI iii, 82.27. 300 B 0.79g 260°. Obv. øäøI03[ ]. CNI iii, 82.27. 301 B 0.63g 350°. Obv. [ ]3V0:Bø. Cf. CNI iii, 82.25–31. 302 B 0.63g 340°. [ øI0IIV0ø]n, overstruck w. rev. type. CNI iii, 82.22–3. CHARLES VI OF FRANCE, LORD OF G E N OA , 13 9 6 – 14 0 9 Mint-masters Bernardus de Palacio, Urbanus Marchexanus [BøV]: attested 1404 (Desimoni 1890, 275). Petachina Obv. +K:ReX:F:D:I0NVe:V:, divided shield w. fleur-de-lis and gateway, Bø below. Rev. +cOIIRaDVS:ReX.Vü., cross. 303 B 1.31g 310°. CNI iii, 87.42 var.; Lunardi 1975, no. 56. 304 B 1.30g 200°. Rev. +cONR0DVS:ReX:V. CNI iii, 88.42 var. 305 B 1.28g 70°. Rev. +cONR0DVS:ReX:R:V:. CNI iii, 88.43. 306 B 1.30g 240°. Rev. +cONR0DVS:ReX:R:V. CNI iii, 87.34.

294 CM.PG.5804–2006: Grierson bequest; R. Ratto 20.9.1948. 295 CM.2047–2001: Grierson Fund (PG 19,107); Varesi sale 36, 8.6.2001, lot 304. 296 CM.2048–2001: Grierson Fund (PG 19,108); Varesi sale 36, 8.6.2001, lot 304. 297 CM.131–2003: Grierson Fund (PG 19,347); Varesi sale 42, 18.11.2004, lot 1136; ex Fasciolo coll.; ex M. Ratto, 20.3.1952, lot 288. 298 CM.PG.5805: R. Ratto 20.9.1948. 299 CM.6362–2007: Grierson Fund; Genoa coin fair 10.2.2007. 300 CM.6362–2007: Grierson Fund; Genoa coin fair 10.2.2007.

Denaro minuto Obv. KøRñX[:F:D:I]0N:B, gateway w. star below. Rev. CO NR 0D VS, long cross w. fleur-de-lis in the second angle. 307 B 0.89g 0°. CNI iii, 91.73 var.; Lunardi 1975, no. 57. T E O D O RO I I PA L E O L O G O O F M O N T F E R R AT, C A P TA I N O F G E N OA , 14 0 9 – 13 Grosso Obv. +I0NV0øQøDeVüøPROTeg0T:ø, gateway between T and ä w. Y below in tressure. Rev. +cONR0DVø ReX ROM0n[ ], cross in tressure. 2.67g 200°. CNI iii, 93.6 var.; Lunardi 1975, no. 58. 308 B A R N A B A D I G OA N O, E I G H T E E N T H D O G E , 1415 Soldino Obv. +B>D>G>DVX>IaNVeN XVIII, gateway w. ä below in tressure. Rev. coNR0DVS>ReX>Ro>R, cross in tressure. 309 B 1.98g 30°. CNI iii, 95.4 var.; Lunardi 1975, no. 63. TO M M A S O D I C A M P O F R E G O S O, N I N E T E E N T H D O G E , 1415 – 2 1 Ducato d’oro (ducat) Obv. T:":c:DVX:I0NVeNSIVü.XVIIII n, gateway in tressure. Rev. +coNR0DVü.RoM0NoRVü.ReX:I, cross in tressure. 3.51g 0°. CNI iii, 96.10 var.; Lunardi 1975, no. 64 var. 310 Grosso Obv. +ö>">c>DVX:I0NVeNS:XVIIIIøR, gateway between t and c w. a below in tressure. Rev. +>cONR0DVS>ReX>ROMa:n>, cross in tressure. 2.52g 300°. CNI iii, 97.15 var.; Lunardi 1975, no. 65. 311 2.31g 240°. Obv. +ö>">c>DVX>I0NVENS>XVIIII, Y 312 below gateway. Rev. +>cONR0DVS>ReX>ROMaN:n>, cross in tressure. CNI iii, 99.32 var.

301 CM.6362–2007: Grierson Fund; Genoa coin fair 10.2.2007. 302 CM.2049–2001: Grierson Fund (PG 19,109); Varesi sale 36, 8.6.2001, lot 304. 303 CM.PG.4683–2006: Grierson bequest; R. Ratto 30.9.1947. 304 CM.PG.4742–2006: Grierson bequest; Santamaria 20.6.1947. 305 CM.PG.3876–2006: Grierson bequest; Spink 10.1.1947. 306 CM.PG.3327–2006: Grierson bequest; R. Ratto 3.10.1946. 307 FM.CM.2050–2001: Grierson Fund (PG 19,110); Varesi sale 36, 8.6.2001, lot 304.

888

308 FM.CM.344–2004: Grierson Fund (PG 19,453); Elsen sale 78, 20.3.2004, lot 974. 309 FM.CM.536.2002: Grierson Fund (PG 19,177); S. L. Lopresto 27.3.2002. 310 CM.PG.6541–2006: Grierson bequest; Santamaria 5.9.1949. 311 CM.PG.5796–2006: Grierson bequest; R. Ratto 20.9.1948. 312 CM.PG.6260–2006: Grierson bequest; De Falco 15.3.1957 (list 36, no. 519).

m e di eval e uropean coi nag e 12

p late 18

p late 18 ( cont.)

G E N OA ( cont.) DUCAL COINAGE, 1339–1528 (cont.) TO M M A S O D I C A M P O F R E G O S O, N I N E T E E N T H D O G E , 1415 – 2 1 ( cont.)

313 314

Soldino Obv. +T>">c DVX:I0NVeNS:XVIIII, gateway between ö and c w. I below in tressure. Rev. +coNR0DVü.ReXøRoM0No:I, cross in tressure.

315

313 CM.PG.9228–2006: Grierson bequest; J. Dillen 6.10.1957.

1.76g 270°. CNI iii, 100.47 var.; Lunardi 1975, no. 66. 1.94g 50°. Obv. +T>">c>DVX:I03Ve3:XVIIII. Rev. +coNR0DVü.ReX:RoM0NoRøI. CNI iii, 100.51 var. 1.72g 250°. Obv. +T>8>c:DVX:I0NVeNS:XVIIII, Y below gateway. Rev. +coNR0DVü.ReXøRoM0No. CNI iii, 102.63.

314 CM.PG.7328–2006: Grierson bequest; Seaby 13.8.1950.

891

315 CM.PG.1623–2006: Grierson bequest; Spink 17.1.1946; ex Boulton coll.; ex R. Ratto sale 14.3.1910, lot 577.

LIGURIA G E N OA ( cont.) DUCAL COINAGE, 1339–1528 (cont.) 322 B 1.41g 40°. CNI iii, 111.87 var.; Lunardi 1975, no. 71. 323 B 1.12g 290°. Obv. (snake):F>ä>DVX>äeD>">I0:. Rev. +:cOIIR0D>ReX>RO:B:. CNI iii, 112.96 var.

FILIPPO MARIA VISCONTI, DUKE OF M I L A N, L O R D O F G E N OA , 14 2 1 – 3 5 Mint-masters Nicolaus de Pernixe, Martinus Lomellinus [nøä]: elected first and second semester of 1427, respectively (Desimoni 1890, 277). Ducat Obv. (snake)%F%ä%DVX%äeDIOL0III%"%I0ø, gateway in tressure. Rev. +:cOIIR0DVS%ReX%ROIII0IIO:0:, cross in tressure. 3.53g 160°. CNI iii, 103.4; Lunardi 1975, no. 67. 316 Grosso, first type Obv. $F%ä%DVX%äeDIoL0III%"%I0, gateway in tressure w. shield above. Rev. +%coIIR0"VS%ReX%RoIII0no%a%, cross and leaves in tressure. 2.51g 130°. CNI iii, 106.39 var. (Obv. CNI iii, 106.39; 317 Rev. CNI iii, 105–6.31–2); Lunardi 1975, no. 68. Grosso, second type Obv. (snake):F>ä>DVX>ä>">I0nVe>n, gateway between F ä w. ¤ below in tressure. Rev. +cOIIR0DVS>ReX>ROIII>ä, cross in tressure. 3.02g 10°. CNI iii, 108.59 var.; Lunardi 1975, no. 69. 318 Soldino Obv. (snake):F:ä:DVX:äeDIOL0III:":I0ø, gateway in tressure. Rev. +:cOIIR0DVS:ReX:ROä0II:a:, cross in tressure. 319 B 1.67g 240°. CNI iii, 111.83 var.; Lunardi 1975, no. 70. 320 B 1.05g (cracked flan) 150°. Obv. (snake):F:ä:DVX: äeDIOL0III:":I0:. CNI iii, 110.82 var. (Obv. CNI iii, 110.82 var.; Rev. CNI iii, 110.83). 321 B 1.42g 180°. Obv. (snake):F:ä:DVX:äeDIOL0III:":I0: :. Rev. +:cOIIR0DVS:ReX:ROä0:a:. CNI iii, 110.78 var. Petachina Obv. (snake):F>ä>DVX>ä>">I0:, gateway. Rev. +:cOIIR0D >ReX>RO>a:, cross.

316 CM.PG.4617–2006: Grierson bequest; Santamaria 26.9.1947. 317 CM.PG.11487–2006: Grierson bequest; Ars et Nummus 29.11.1962, lot 93. 318 CM.PG.1664–2006: Grierson bequest; Spink 17.1.1946; ex Boulton coll.; ex R. Ratto sale 24.4.1911, lot 803; ex Gavazzi coll. 319 CM.PG.1576–2006: Grierson bequest; Seaby 17.1.1946. 320 CM.PG.5800–2006: Grierson bequest; R. Ratto 20.9.1948. 321 CM.PG.7734–2006: Grierson bequest; Spink 9.11.1950.

Denaro minuto Obv. FøäøDVXø øä D I0:, gateway w. star below. Rev. cO IIR 0D (snake), long cross. 324 B 0.40g 170°. CNI iii, 114.112 var.; Lunardi 1975, no. 72. 325 B 0.59g 280°. Obv. F:ä:D[VX: :ä]:D:I0:. Rev. cO NR 0D (snake). CNI iii, 114.116. 326 B 0.47g 340°. Obv. FøäøDVXø øäøD I0, > below gateway. TO M M A S O D I C A M P O F R E G O S O, T W E N T I E T H A N D T W E N T Y- F I R S T D O G E , 14 3 6 – 4 2 Ducat, second type, w. DVX …XXI Obv. +%ö%c%DVX%I0IIVeIISIVII%XXI#&#, gateway in tressure. Rev. +%coIIR0DVS%ReX%Roä0II%B%, cross in tressure. 3.54g 280°. CNI iii, 116.9; Lunardi 1975, no. 76. 327 Soldino, second type, w. DVX …XXI Obv. +:ö:c:DVX:I0IIVeIIS:XXI:, gateway in tressure. Rev. +:coIIR0DVS:ReX:Roä0:0:, cross in tressure. 328 B 1.14g 80°. CNI iii, 119.40 var.; Lunardi 1975, no. 79. 329 B 1.47g 230°. Obv. [+:ö]:c:DVX:I0IIV[eII:XXI]. Cf. CNI iii, 119.38–9. Petachina Obv. +:T>c>DVX>I0>XXI:, gateway. Rev. +:coIIR0D>ReX> Ro:a:, cross. 330 B 1.33g 160°. CNI iii, 123.73; Lunardi 1975, no. 80. 331 B 1.18g 70°. Obv. +ö>c>DVX>I0II>XXI:. Rev. +:cOIIR0D>ReX>RO:a:. CNI iii, 123.73 var. 332 B 1.31g 230°. Obv. +ö>c>DVX>I0II>XXI. Rev. +:cOIIR0D>ReX>RO:I:. CNI iii, 124.83 var. 333 B 1.37g 50°. Obv. [+:T>]c>DVX>I0>X[XI]. Rev. +:coIIR0D>ReX>Ro:í:. Cf. CNI iii, 123.80–1.

322 CM.PG.8862–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 29.12.1955. 323 CM.PG.5801–2006: Grierson bequest; R. Ratto 20.9.1948. 324 CM.PG.5802–2006: Grierson bequest; R. Ratto 20.9.1948. 325 CM.2051–2001: Grierson Fund (19,111); Varesi sale 36, 8.6.2001, lot 304. 326 CM.PG.6259–2006: Grierson bequest; De Falco 15.3.1957. 327 CM.PG.6542–2006: Grierson bequest; Santamaria 5.9.1949.

892

328 CM.PG.5797–2006: Grierson bequest; R. Ratto 20.9.1948. 329 CM.PG.3464–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 15.10.1946. 330 CM.PG.10218–2006: Grierson bequest; Glendining 14.9.1951, lot 193. 331 CM.PG.6265–2006: Grierson bequest; De Falco 15.3.1957. 332 CM.PG.10216–2006: Grierson bequest; Glendining 14.9.1951, lot 193. 333 CM.PG.10217–2006: Grierson bequest; Glendining 14.9.1951, lot 193.

m e di eval e uropean coi nag e 12

p late 19

p late 19 ( cont.)

G E N OA ( cont.) DUCAL COINAGE, 1339–1528 (cont.) R A F FA E L E A D O R N O, T W E N T Y- S E C O N D A N D T W E N T Y- T H I R D D O G E , 14 4 3 – 7 Ducat Obv. +:R: :DVX:I nven:XXII: :, gateway in tressure. Rev. +:con R DvX:REX:Roä noR:e:, cross in tressure. 3.52g 310°. CNI iii, 127.2; Lunardi 1975, no. 83. 334 Soldino Obv. +:R:0:[]3S[T]XIV:, gateway in tressure. Rev. +:cOIIR0DVS: [ ], cross in tressure. 335 B 1.13g 180°. CNI –.

Petachina Obv. +:R>0>DVX>I0nv>XXIII:, gateway. Rev. +:cOnR0D> ReX>Ro>F:, cross. 336 B 1.30g 340°. CNI iii, 130.31 var.; Lunardi 1975, no. 89. Denaro minuto Obv. R:0:DV X:I0n:, gateway. Rev. cO nR 0D e>, long cross. 337 B 0.58g 60°. CNI iii, 128.11, 16; Lunardi 1975, nos. 84–5. L U D OV I C O D I C A M P O F R E G O S O, T W E N T Y- F I F T H D O G E , 14 4 7 – 5 0 Denaro minuto Obv. L:C:DV S:I0n:, gateway. Rev. cO nR 0D 0>, long cross. 338 B 0.58g 340°. CNI iii, 133.59, 144.9; Lunardi 1975, no. 96.

334 CM.PG.14441–2006: Grierson bequest; Seaby 1.7.1984, SCMB July-August 1984, no. OG.119. 335 CM.545–2005: Grierson Fund (unnumbered); P. Meloni 12.5.2005.

336 CM.PG.1625–2006: Grierson bequest; Spink 17.1.1946; ex Boulton coll.; ex R. Ratto sale 23.2.1913, lot 807. 337 CM.692–2002: Grierson Fund (PG 19,173); Ghiglione sale 29, 15.5.2002, lot 352.

895

338 CM.2052–2001: Grierson Fund (PG 19,112); Varesi sale 36, 8.6.2001, lot 304.

LIGURIA G E N OA ( cont.) DUCAL COINAGE, 1339–1528 (cont.) P I E T RO D I C A M P O F R E G O S O, T W E N T Y- S I X T H D O G E , 14 5 0 – 8

P RO S P E RO A D O R N O, T W E N T Y- S E V E N T H D O G E , 14 61

Ducat Obv. +:P:c:DvX:I nven:XXVI:, gateway in tressure. Rev. +:con R DvX:REX:Roä no:o:, cross in tressure. 3.54g 300°. CNI iii, 135.9; Lunardi 1975, no. 97. 339 Grosso Obv. IhS:P?c?DvX%Ianv%XXVI:, gateway. Rev. +?cOnRaD%ReX% RO%$B?, cross. 3.12g 20°. CNI iii, 135.17; Lunardi 1975, no. 98. 340 3.19g 160°. Rev. +?cOnRaD%ReX%RO%øI?. Cf. CNI iii, 341 136.20–1. 2.81g 280°. Obv. IhS:P%c%DvX%Ianv%XXVI:. Rev. 342 +%cOnRaD%ReX%RO%X%. CNI iii, 136.27. 3.26g 30°. Obv. as first. Rev. +?cOnRaD%ReX%RO%X?. 343 CNI iii, 137.29 var. Petachina Obv. +:P:c:DVX:I0nV:XXVI:, gateway. Rev. +:cOnRaD:ReX: RO:D:, cross. 344 B 1.15g 340°. CNI iii, 137.33; Lunardi 1975, no. 99. Denaro minuto Obv. P:c:Dv X:I0n:, gateway. Rev. co nR 0D P>, long cross. 345 B 0.50g 340°. CNI iii, 138.44; Lunardi 1975, no. 100. 346 B 0.46g 300°.

L U D OV I C O D I C A M P O F R E G O S O, T W E N T Y- S E V E N T H D O G E ( sic) , 14 61 – 2 Grosso Obv. IhS$:L:c%DVX%I nV%XXVIIá, gateway between L and c w. cluster of pellets below. Rev. +:cOnR D%ReX%R%O% %, cross. 2.27g 250°. CNI iii, 144.6 var.; Lunardi 1975, no. 108. 350 PAO L O D I C A M P O F R E G O S O, T W E N T Y- E I G H T H D O G E , 14 6 2 – 3 Soldino Obv. øPøcøDuXøI nueøXXVIIIø, gateway in tressure w. open compass above. Rev. +øcOnR DøReXøROänOøBø, cross in tressure. 351 B 1.17g 270°. CNI iii, 146.11; Lunardi 1975, no. 113. GALEAZZO MARIA SFORZA, DUKE OF M I L A N, L O R D O F G E N OA , 14 6 6 – 7 6

CHARLES VII OF FRANCE, LORD OF G E N OA , 14 5 8 – 61 Denaro minuto Obv. †:c:R:F: [:D:]I0n:, gateway. Rev. co nR 0D [ ], long cross. 347 B 0.63g 180°. CNI iii, 141.28 var.; Lunardi 1975, no. 104. 348 B 0.56g 130°. †:c:R:F: [:D:I0n:]. Rev. [co] nR 0D [c >]. CNI iii, 141.22.

339 CM.PG.6543–2006: Grierson bequest; Santamaria 5.9.1949. 340 CM.PG.5798–2006: Grierson bequest; R. Ratto 20.9.1948. 341 CM.PG.6288–2006: Grierson bequest; De Falco 15.3.1957 (list 36, no. 528). 342 CM.PG.6289–2006: Grierson bequest; De Falco 15.3.1957 (list 36, no. 529). 343 CM.PG.8554–2006: Grierson bequest; Tinchant 4.4.1957. 344 CM.134–2004: Grierson Fund (19,349); Varesi sale 42, 18.11.2003, lot 1175; ex Fasciolo coll.

Denaro minuto Obv. P:0:DV X:I0n:, gateway. Rev. co nR 0D [K>], long cross. 349 B 0.56g 250°. CNI iii,142.6; Lunardi 1975, no. 106.

Ducat Obv. (snake)$g:S:DvX:äeDIOL nI:D:I n$, gateway in tressure. Rev. +:conR DvX:REX:Roä no: :, cross in tressure. 3.51g 290°. CNI iii, 149.1; Lunardi 1975, no. 118. 352 3.50g 200°.Rev. +:conR DvX:REX:Roä no:IPø.CNI iii, 353 150.14 var. Grosso Obv. (snake):g:SDvXøäeDIoL øDøI n:, gateway. Rev. +con R DøReXøRoä noøIP:, cross. 3.42g 140°. CNI iii, 153.41; Lunardi 1975, no. 121. 354 3.51g 280°. Obv. (snake):gøSøDvXøäeDIoL øDøI n:. Rev. 355 +:conR DøReXøRoä noø c:. CNI iii, 157.37.

345 CM.PG.5806–2006: Grierson bequest; R. Ratto 20.9.1948. 346 CM.PG.8555–2006: Grierson bequest; De Falco 15.3.1957 (list 36, no. 530). 347 CM.345–2004: Grierson Fund (PG 19,454); Elsen sale 78, 20.3.2004, lot 985. 348 CM.PG.3393: Ratto (Paris) 27.9.1946. 349 CM.693–2002: Grierson Fund (PG 19,174); Ghiglione sale 29, 15.5.2002, lot. 357. 350 CM.135–2004: Grierson Fund (PG 19,350); Varesi sale 42, 18.11.2003, lot 1181; ex Fasciolo coll.

896

351 CM.136–2004: Grierson Fund (19,351); Varesi sale 42, 18.11.2003, lot 1182; ex Fasciolo coll. 352 CM.PG.7080–2006: Grierson bequest; J. Dillen 23.3.1950. 353 CM.PG.4618–2006: Grierson bequest; Santamaria 26.9.1947. 354 CM.PG.5575–2006: Grierson bequest; R. Ratto 20.9.1948. 355 CM.694–2002: Grierson Fund (PG 19,175); Ghiglione sale 29, 15.5.2002, lot 359.

m e di eval e uropean coi nag e 12

p late 2 0

LIGURIA G E N OA ( cont. ) DUCAL COINAGE, 1339–1528 (cont.) B AT T I S TA D I C A M P O F R E G O S O, T H I RT I E T H D O G E , 14 7 8 – 8 3 Ducat Obv. $B:c:DvX:I nven:XXX$, gateway w. compass above in tressure. Rev. +:conR DvX:REX:Roä'o:g:, cross in tressure. 3.50g 0°. CNI iii, 153.1 var.; Lunardi 1975, no. 124. 356 Grosso Obv.$BøcøDvXøI nvenøXXX$, gateway w. compass above. Rev. +conR DøReXøRoä noøIøIø, cross. 3.42g 140°. CNI iii, 156.16; Lunardi 1975, no. 125. 357 AG O S T I N O A D O R N O, G OV E R N O R F O R T H E D U K E O F M I L A N, 14 8 8 – 9 9 Denaro minuto Obv. +>0V> [ ], gateway. Rev. øc [ ] Fg, long cross. 358 Æ 0.50g 40°. Cf. CNI iii, 160.4; Lunardi 1975, no. 133. 359 Æ 0.35g 100°. Obv. +>0V> >0g>. Rev. [ c ] R R  . CNI iii, 161.16. GIAN GALEAZZO MARIA SFORZA, DUKE O F M I L A N, L O R D O F G E N OA , 14 8 8 – 9 4

LOUIS XII OF FRANCE, LORD OF G E N OA , 14 9 9 – 15 0 7 Testone Obv. †øLVDOVIC.REXøFRANC.IAøDø, gateway in tressure. Rev. +:CORAD>REX>ROMNOr SB, cross in tressure. 9.60g 270°. CNI iii, 181.35 var.; Lunardi 1975, no. 150. 363 8.73g 0°. Obv. †.LVDOVIC.REXøFRANC. CüøIAøD., 364 gateway between two fleurs-de-lis in tresssue. Rev. +COAD REX ROMANOR SB, cross w. fleur-de-lis in the second and third angles. CNI iii, 184.60 var. Denaro minuto Obv. [L]R II[D], gateway. Rev. [øCø] øIø [] øCø, long cross. 365 B 0.44g 350°. CNI iii, 199.94 var.; Lunardi 1975, no. 166. L O U I S X I I O F F R A N C E , L O R D O F G E N OA ( F O R T H E S E C O N D T I M E ) , 15 0 7 – 1 2

C O I N AG E O F T H E M I L A N E S E S Y S T E M , A F T E R 14 9 0 Testone da 15 soldi Obv.(snake)øIO:G:M:SFo:DVx:M:VI:AC IANVE:Dø,gateway in tressure. Rev. +øCONRADü:REx:ROMANOr:)ø, cross in tressure w. star in the second, third and fourth angles. 8.28g 310°. CNI iii, 165.29 var.; Lunardi 1975, no. 140. 360

Testone da 20 soldi or lira genovese (without porcupine) Obv. +LVDOVIC$XII$REX$FRANCOr$IA$D, crowned shield. Rev. +>COMVNITAS>IANVE>AC:>:, gateway surmounted by cross between stars. 12.01g 50°. CNI iii, 192.27 var.; Lunardi 1975, no. 162. 366 A N TO N I OT TO A D O R N O, 15 2 2 – 7

C O I N AG E O F T H E G E N O E S E S Y S T E M , F RO M 14 9 2 Testone da 20 soldi or lira genovese Obv. (snake)øIO:G:M:SF:DVx:M:VI:AC IAN:Dø, gateway in tressure. Rev. +øCONRADü:REx:ROMANOrøFøS, cross in tressure w. star in the second, third and fourth angles. 13.25g 310°. CNI iii, 168.149; Lunardi 1975, no. 143. 361

356 CM.PG.5516–2006: Grierson bequest; R. Ratto 20.9.1948. 357 CM.PG.5799–2006: Grierson bequest; R. Ratto 20.9.1948. 358 CM.PG.8006–2006: Grierson bequest; De Falco list 36 (15.3.1957), no. 533. 359 CM.PG.5803–2006: Grierson bequest; R. Ratto 20.9.1948.

Half-lira genovese Obv. (snake) ø IO:G:M:SF:DVx:M:VI:AcøIøDø (AC ligatured), gateway between two six-pointed stars. Rev. +øCONRAD:Rex: ROMANORøFøS, cross w. six-pointed star in the second and third angles. 5.98g 170°. CNI iii, 172.89 var.; Lunardi 1975, no. 169. 362

Testone Obv. +ANTONIOTVSøADVRøGENVEøDVX, gateway between A – A. Rev. +CONRADVSøREXøROMANOrøBC, cross. 9.40g 210°. CNI iii, 208.39 var.; Lunardi 1975, no. 176 367 (without countermark).

360 CM.PG.1626–2006: Grierson bequest; Spink 17.1.1946; ex Boulton coll.; ex Forrer sale (Geneva) 15.11.1909, lot 1889; ex Stroehlin coll. 361 CM.PG.1627–2006: Grierson bequest; Spink 17.1.1946; ex Boulton coll.; ex R. Ratto sale 14.3.1910, lot 590. 362 CM.2040–2001: Grierson Fund (PG 19,100); Varesi sale 36, 8.6.2001, lot 84. 363 CM.PG.6544–2006: Grierson bequest; Santamaria 5.9.1949.

898

364 CM.PG.11877–2006: Grierson bequest; Bourgey sale 14.6.1966, lot 159. 365 CM.2041–2001: Grierson Fund (PG 19,101); Varesi sale 36, 8.6.2001, lot 95. 366 CM.PG.8169–2006: Grierson bequest; G. Motte sale (Paris) 12.11.1951, lot 332. 367 CM.PG.8040–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 15.10.1950; ex Grantley 3155.

m e di eval e uropean coi nag e 12

p late 21

p late 21 ( cont.)

G E N OA ( cont. ) DUCAL COINAGE, 1339–1528 (cont.) G OV E R N O D E I 12 R I F O R M ATO R I D I L I B E RTÀ , 15 2 8

A N TO N I OT TO A D O R N O, 15 2 2 – 7 ( cont. ) Half-testone Obv. +ANTONIOT[VSø]ADVRøG[EN]VEøDVX, gateway between A – A. Rev. +CONRADVSøREXøROMA[N]OøNC, cross. 4.33g (cracked flan) 270°. CNI iii, 210 var.63; Lunardi 368 1975, no. 177.

368 CM.PG.8041–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 15.10.1950; ex Grantley 3155.

Due soldi (?) Obv. +LIBERTAS>GENVENSIVM (without border), gateway. Rev. +CONRADøREXøROMANOrøFA (without border), cross. 369 B 2.00g 180°. CNI iii, 219.3 var.; Lunardi 1975, no. 188.

369 CM.ME.91-R: Old University collection.

901

LIGURIA S AVO N A , M A R QU I S E S 372 B 0.66g 270°. Obv. MaR4aGONa (legend beginning at 240°).Rev. LO INPERaTOR,annulet in second angle with pellet. 373 B 0.59g 340°. Obv. MaR4agONa, Rñ|Ö|FR. Rev. LOøINPERaTOI. 374 B 0.65g 150°. Obv. legend beginning at 120°. Rev. LOøINPERaTOR.

MINT(S) OF SAVONA AND/OR FINALE (?)

Commentary on pp. 303–6. A N O N Y M O U S M A R Q U I S E S, c. 118 8 TO E A R LY F O U RT E E N T H C E N T U RY Denaro Obv. MAR4AgONA (rough M and S, legend beginning at 180°), in the field Rñ|O|FR. Rev. LO INPERATOR, cross with annulet in each angle. 370 B 0.66g 150°. Promis 1836, 348, no. 2; Varesi 2003, 353 no. 520. 371 B 0.69g 300°. Obv. MaR4acONa (neat M and S, legend beginning at 270°). Rev. LO INPERaTOR.

Obolo Obv. MAR4ACONA (legend beginning at 240°), in the field Rñ|O|FR. Rev. LO INPERATOR, cross with annulet in each angle. 375 B 0.26g 330°. Cf. Promis 1836, 348, no. 2; Varesi 2003, 353 no. 520. 376 B 0.26g 60°. Obv. double struck. Rev. LO I3PERATOR.

S AVO N A , C O M M U N E Commentary on pp. 307–24. 380 B 0.57g 160°. CNI iii, 576.7; Giuria 1984, 50–2.

E A R LY C O M M U N A L I S S U E S, 13 2 7 – 9 Denaro imperiale Obv. + Sa O Na, crowned eagle. Rev. +:IMPeRIaL, cross with pellet in second angle. 377 B 0.74g 90°. CNI iii, 577.3; Giuria 1984, 42; Ferro 2001, tbl. 1. 378 B 0.61g 320°. C O M M U N A L I S S U E S AC C O R D I N G TO T H E M I N T C O N T R AC T O F 13 5 0 , c. 13 5 0 – 9 6 Fiorino d’oro (florin) Obv. MONETa SaONEø, fleur-de-lis. Rev. øSøIOHa NNESøBø(shield), standing St John the Baptist. 3.45g 80°. CNI iii, 575.4; Giuria 1984, 45; Ferro 2001, 379 tbl. 4. Half-petachina eagle. Rev. Obv. + S a O NE (shield) , crowned + MO NE Ta , cross with shield in second and third angles.

370 CM.PG.4103–2006: Grierson bequest; Blunt 20.3.1947. 371 CM.PG.2141–2006: Grierson bequest; Blunt 25.10.1946. 372 CM.PG.12811–2006: Grierson bequest; Lockett III 415; ex Grantley. 373 CM.PG 4104–2006: Grierson bequest; Blunt 20.3.1947. 374 CM.PG.5843–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 19.2.1949. 375 CM.PG.12812–2006: Grierson bequest; Lockett III 415; ex Grantley.

Denaro piccolo or obolo Obv. >cOäVnIS>S0One, eagle displayed with body turned slightly to left and tail to right. Rev. >äOn[eT]>S0One, cross. 381 B 0.41g 170°. CNI iii, 579.11. 382 B 0.60g 200°. Obv. +cOäV[ ]ne. Rev. [ ]OneT0[ ]. Cf. CNI iii, 579.12–14. 383 B 0.55g 90°. Obv. +cOänVIS>S0One. Rev. +äOne[ ]S0One. CNI iii, 579.14. 384 B 0.39g 210°. Obv. [ ]S0One. Rev. +[ ]T0>S0One. CNI iii, 579.14. C H A R L E S V I O F F R A N C E , 13 9 4 / 6 – 141 0 Denaro Obv. †coäVnIS S0One , eagle. Rev. †äoneT0 S0One, cross. 385 B 0.68g 280°. CNI iii, 581.6 var.; Giuria 1984, 86 no. 3 var.

376 CM.PG.12813–2006: Grierson bequest; Lockett III 415; ex Grantley. 377 CM.PG.6539–2006: Grierson bequest; Baranowsky 3.9.1949. 378 CM.PG.14012–2006: Grierson bequest; Singer 1.11.1982. 379 CM.PG.6540–2006: Grierson bequest; R. Ratto 30.9.1949. 380 CM.695–2002: Grierson Fund (PG 19,176); Ghiglione auction 29, 15.5.2002, lot 497. 381 CM.138–2003: Grierson Fund (PG 19,353); Varesi auction 42, 18.11.2003, lot 1491; ex Fasciolo coll.

902

382 CM.140–2003: Grierson Fund (PG 19,355); Varesi auction 42, 18.11.2003, lot 1492; ex Fasciolo coll. 383 CM.143–2003: Grierson Fund (PG 19,387); Varesi auction 42, 18.11.2003, lot 1494; ex Fasciolo coll. 384 CM.145–2003: Grierson Fund (PG 19,389); Varesi auction 42, 18.11.2003, lot 1494; ex Fasciolo coll. 385 CM.PG.6993–2006: Grierson bequest; R. Ratto 30.9.1949.

m e di eval e uropean coi nag e 12

p late 2 2

p late 2 2 ( cont.)

S AVO N A , C O M M U N E ( cont. ) FILIPPO MARIA VISCONTI, DUKE OF M I L A N, 14 2 1 – 3 5 Denaro Obv. +cOäVnIS S0One, eagle. Rev. +äOneT0 S0On0, cross with Visconti snake in first angle. 386 B 0.42g 270°. CNI iii, 585.15 var.; Giuria 1984, 108 no. 3. 387 B 0.61g 210°. COMMUNAL ISSUES UNDER GENOESE P ROT E C T I O N, 14 3 5 – 5 8

Denaro piccolo or obolo Obv. +cOäV[ ]>S0One, eagle displayed with body facing forward and tail between legs. Rev. [ ]eT0>S0[ ], cross. 389 B 0.35g 200°. Cf. CNI iii, 579.13–14. 390 B 0.37g 200°. Obv. +cOäVn[ ]. Rev. +äOne[ ]ne. Cf. CNI iii, 579.13–14. 391 B 0.41g 90°. Obv. +cOäVn[ ]0One. Rev. [ ]0>S0On[ ]. Cf. CNI iii, 579.13–14. 392 B 0.61g 350°. Obv. [ ]S0On[ ]. Rev. [ ]OneT[ ]S0[ ]. Cf. CNI iii, 579.12–15.

L O U I S X I O F F R A N C E , 14 61 – 4 Half-petachina Obv. +cOäV[nIS]>S0One>,eagle.Rev.[+>ä]oneT0>S0On0>, Half-petachina or ottene da 3 denari cross. CNI –; Giuria 1984, 114 no. 2. Obv. †cIVIö0öIS:øS0one, crowned eagle. Rev. †coäV 388 B 0.57g 0°. nIS:øS0one, cross with fleur-de-lis in the first angle. 393 B 0.45g 60°. CNI iii, 586.6; Giuria 1984, 122–3 no. 2. 386 CM.PG.3324–2006: Grierson bequest; R. Ratto 3.10.1945. 387 CM.PG.13957–2006: Grierson bequest; Toderi 27.5.1982. 388 CM.PG.6538–2006: Grierson bequest; Baranowsky 2.9.1949. 389 CM.139–2003: Grierson Fund (PG 19,354); Varesi auction 42, 18.11.2003, lot 1492; ex Fasciolo coll.

390 CM.141–2003: Grierson Fund (PG 19,356); Varesi auction 42, 18.11.2003, lot 1492; ex Fasciolo coll. 391 CM.142–2003: Grierson Fund (PG 19,386); Varesi auction 42, 18.11.2003, lot 1494; ex Fasciolo coll.

905

392 CM.144–2003: Grierson Fund (PG 19,388); Varesi auction 42, 18.11.2003, lot 1494; ex Fasciolo coll. 393 CM.PG.6995–2006: Grierson bequest; R. Ratto 30.9.1949.

L O M BA R DY A N T I G N AT E Giovanni II Bentivoglio (1494–1509): see BOLOGNA (MEC 13), cf. Chimienti 2009, 65–7, 176–83.

BERGAMO Commentary on pp. 338–45. C O M M U N A L I S S U E S I N T H E N A M E O F E M P E RO R F R E D E R I C K I I , 1 2 2 0 – 5 0 R E F O R M E D C O I N AG E , 1257 / 6 0 – c. 12 9 9

C O I N AG E B E F O R E T H E L O M BA R D M O N E TA RY L E AG U E S, 12 36 – c. 125 0 Grosso da 6 denari imperiali Obv. IMPRT – FREDERI|CV4, laureate bust r. Rev. þ|g|a – M|V|M, church w. four towers on rocks. 2.10g 10°. CNI iv, 45.138; CNB 3, no. 7. 394 1.90g 310°. CNB 5. 395 2.12g 60°. Rev. pellet over the top of the church. CNB 396 10, no. 10. Grosso da 4 denari imperiali Obv. IMPRT – FREDERI|CV4, laureate bust r. Rev. þ|g|a – M|V|M, church w. two side towers on rocks. 1.34g 340°. Rev. two stars above. CNI iv, 44.129; CNB 397 15, no. 4. 1.44g 20°. CNI iv, 44.123; CNB 13, no. 21. 398 1.35g 210°. Rev. two annulets above church. CNB 18, 399 no. 22. 1.32g 140°. As last. CNB 18, no. 23. 400 1.30g 200°. Rev. two crescents above. CNI iv, 44.126; 401 CNB 19, no. 47. 1.56g 170°. CNB 19, no. 48. 402 1.34g 190°. Obv. pellet above bust. Rev. cross above r. 403 CNI iv, 44.125; CNB 22, no. 10. Denaro imperiale scodellato Obv. +IMPRT – FREDERICV4, laureate bust r, pellet l. Rev. þ|g| a – M|V|M, church w. two side towers on rocks. 404 B 0.87g 280°. CNI iv, 35.45; CNB 37, no. 37.

394 CM.PG.3847–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 14.12.1946. 395 CM.ME.92-R: no provenance. 396 CM.PG.8856–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 19.12.1955. 397 CM.PG.1907–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 28.2.1946. 398 CM.PG.1906–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 28.2.1946. 399 CM.PG.1908–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 28.2.1946. 400 CM.PG.6653–2006: Grierson bequest; De Falco 9.9.1949.

Denaro imperiale piano, 1257/60–c. 1265 (CNB: 1260/5–65/70) Obv. +IMPRT – FREDERICV4, laureate bust r. Rev. þ|g|a – M|V|M, church w. four towers on rocks. 405 B 0.88g 80°. Rev. star above and wedge l. CNI iv, 46.143; CNB 45, no. 18. 406 B 0.78g 10°. Rev. supports of central arch formed by pellets. CNI iv, 45.139 var.; CNB 50, no. 15. Denaro imperiale piano, c. 1265–99, first issue group (CNB: 1265–70) Obv. +øIäþøFñDñRICVS, laureate bust r. Rev. þ|g|a – ä|V|ä, church w. two towers on rocks. 407 B 0.87g 90°. CNI iv, 40.90 var.; CNB 57, no. 27. 408 B 0.92g 70°. Obv. + IäþøFñDñRICVS. Rev. star above r. CNI iv, 40.93; CNB 60, no. 17. Denaro imperiale piano, c. 1265–99, second issue group (CNB: 1282–90) Obv. +Iäþ$Fñ5RICVS, laureate bust r. Rev. þ|g|a – ä|V|ä, church w. two towers on rocks. 409 B 0.86g 20°.Obv.crescent and annulet in field r.Rev.pellet in central arch. CNI iv, 39.89 var.; CNB 74, no. 8. 410 B 0.91g 260°. Obv. +Iäþ:Fñ5RICVS, crescent in field r. Rev. rosette or star in central arch, crescent above l. and annulet above r. CNI iv, 39.89; CNB 77, no. 11. 411 B 0.90g 270°. Obv. +Iäþ$Fñ5RICVS, annulet in field r. Rev. pellet in central arch. CNI iv, 37.66 var.; CNB 81, no. 49. 412 B 0.81g 290°. Obv. +Iäþ$Fñ5RICVS>, fleur-de-lis in field r. Rev. rosette or star in central arch, annulet above r. CNI iv, 39.87; CNB 88, no. 11. 413 B 0.89g 300°.

401 CM.PG.6006–2006: Grierson bequest; Tinchant 29.3.1949. 402 CM.PG.1507–2006: Grierson bequest; Seaby 12.1.1946. 403 CM.PG.6389–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 11.6.1949; ex Seaby April 1946; ex Derriman coll. 404 CM.PG.1910–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 28.2.1946. 405 CM.PG.2540–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 26.3.1946. 406 CM.PG.2539–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 26.3.1946.

906

407 CM.PG.4726–2006: Grierson bequest; Santamaria 20.6.1947. 408 CM.PG.7021–2006: Grierson bequest; R. Ratto 30.9.1949. 409 CM.PG.7018–2006: Grierson bequest; R. Ratto 30.9.1949. 410 CM.PG.7020–2006: Grierson bequest; R. Ratto 30.9.1949. 411 CM.PG.1437–2006: Grierson bequest; Seaby 31.12.1945. 412 CM.PG.7019–2006: Grierson bequest; R. Ratto 30.9.1949. 413 CM.ME.93-R: no provenance.

m e di eval e uropean coi nag e 12

p late 2 3

p late 2 3 ( cont.)

B E R G A M O ( cont.) C O M M U N A L I S S U E S I N T H E N A M E O F E M P E RO R F R E D E R I C K I I , 1 2 2 0 – 5 0 ( cont.) R E F O R M E D C O I N AG E , 1257 / 6 0 – c. 12 9 9 ( cont ) Denaro imperiale piano, c. 1265–99, third issue group (CNB: 1282–90) Obv. +Iäþ$Fñ5RICVS, laureate bust r. Rev. þ|g|a – ä|V|ä, church w. cupola of four wedges and two towers on rocks. 414 B 0.88g 0°. Rev. pellet in central arch. CNI iv, 36.55; CNB 98, no. 9. 414 CM.PG.7015–2006: Grierson bequest; R. Ratto 30.9.1949. 415 CM.PG.7016–2006: Grierson bequest; R. Ratto 30.9.1949.

415 B 0.90g 170°. Obv. +Iäþ%Fñ5RICVS. Rev. as last, w. ã above l. and r. CNI iv, 37.59 var.; CNB 96, no. 13. 416 B 0.86g 330°. Obv. annulet r. Rev. annulet w. ã above l. and r. CNI iv, 37.59; CNB 97, no. 14. 417 B 0.84g 340°. Obv. +Iäþ$Fñ5RICVS, star r. Rev. two stars above. CNI iv, 36.53 var.; CNB 99, no. 20.

416 CM.PG.7017–2006: Grierson bequest; R. Ratto 30.9.1949. 417 CM.PG.5497–2006: Grierson bequest; R. Ratto 10.9.1948.

909

L O M BA R DY B E R G A M O ( cont. ) C O M M U N A L I S S U E S I N T H E N A M E O F E M P E RO R F R E D E R I C K I I , 1 2 2 0 – 5 0 ( cont. ) R E F O R M E D C O I N AG E , 1257 / 6 0 – c. 12 9 9 ( cont. ) Denaro imperiale piano, c. 1265–99, fourth issue group (CNB: 1270–82) Obv. +Iäþ$Fñ5RICVS, laureate bust r. Rev. þ|g|a – ä|V|ä, church w. cupola of three wedges and two towers on rocks. 418 B 0.88g 60°. Obv. V r. Rev. pellet in central arch and above r. CNI iv, 33.26; CNB 114, no. 16. 419 B 0.89g 20°. Obv. hammer r. Rev. as last but without pellet above r. CNI iv, 35.40; CNB 128, no. 14. 420 B 0.94g 160°. Obv. +Iäþ%Fñ5RICVS, three small bows r. CNI iv, 34.34 var.; CNB 131, no. 8. 421 B 0.87g 50°. Obv. +Iäþ%Fñ5RICVS, O r. w. annulet above. CNI iv, 33.22; CNB 106, no. 10.

422 B 0.86g 350°. As last. CNB 106, no. 11. 423 B 0.74g 330°. Obv. T w. annulet above in field r. CNI iv, 32.10; CNB 112, no. 5. 424 B 0.88g 170°. Obv. V|ã in field r. Rev. V above l. CNI iv, 34.32; CNB 126, no. 11. Half-denaro imperiale or obolo (CNB: 1270–82) Obv. (wedge)+IäþaTOR(wedge), laureate bust r. Rev. +þgaäVä, church on rock outcrop between two annulets. 425 B 0.39g 140°. CNI iv, 43.114 var.; CNB 171, no. 1. 426 B 0.43g 300°. Obv. +øIäþaTO R. Rev. +þgaäVä. CNI iv, 43.117 var.; CNB 173, no. 1.

BRESCIA COMMUNAL ISSUES, 1184–1337 Commentary on pp. 347–54. C O I N AG E I N T H E N A M E O F F R E D E R I C K I , 118 4 – 1 2 4 9

N E W C O I N AG E AC C O R D I N G TO T H E S TAT U T E O F 1 2 5 7

Denaro mezzano scodellato Obv. +FREDERICV4, P ø R ø I, abbreviation mark above. Rev. +BRIø4IA, cross. 427 B 0.72g 270°. CNI iv, 78.1; Mainetti Gambera 1991, no. 1; Pialorsi 1996, no. 1. 428 B 0.73g 50°.Obv.two wedges around I in field.Rev.wedge between A and +. CNI iv, 78.2; Mainetti Gambera 1991, no. 2. 429 B 0.68g 220°. Rev. wedge between I and A. CNI iv, 78.4; Mainetti Gambera 1991, no. 4. 430 B 0.60g 330°.

C O I N AG E W I T H S S FAU S T I N U S A N D J OV I TA , 1257 – c. 130 0 Denaro mezzano scodellato, 1257–8 Obv. +IMPERATOR, bust of saint facing. Rev. +BRI(trefoil)4IA, cross w. four trefoils. 432 B 0.50g 110°. CNI iv, 82.37; Mainetti Gambera 1991, no. 22; Pialorsi 1996, no. 6. Half-denaro scodellato, 1258–66 Obv. +IMþATOR, bust of saint facing. Rev. +BRI(trefoil)4IA, cross. 433 B 0.25g 340°. CNI iv, 82.40; Mainetti Gambera 1991, no. 24; Pialorsi 1996, no. 7.

C O I N AG E AC C O R D I N G TO T H E M O N E TA RY L E AG U E O F 1 2 5 4 Grosso da 6 denari, 1254–7 Obv. +BRI 4IA, cross. Rev. +BRI 4IA, cross. 1.55g 30°. Cf. Mainetti Gambera 1991, no. 15. 431

418 CM.PG.7012–2006: Grierson bequest; R. Ratto 10.9.1948. 419 CM.PG.1909–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 28.11.1946. 420 CM.PG.7014–2006: Grierson bequest; R. Ratto 10.9.1948. 421 CM.PG.3325–2006: Grierson bequest; R. Ratto (Milan) 3.10.1946. 422 CM.PG.7013–2006: Grierson bequest; R. Ratto 30.9.1949. 423 CM.PG.4794–2006: Grierson bequest; Tinchant 22.4.1947.

C O I N AG E W I T H S T A P O L L O N I U S, c. 13 0 0 – 11 A N D L AT E R Grosso Obv. S 0POLONIV DBRISI0, St Apollonius enthroned. Rev. øS IOVIT0ø S øF0VSTINVS, two saints standing w. cross on staff. 1.86g 150°. CNI iv, 80.25 var.; Mainetti Gambera 1991, 434 no. 55 var.; Pialorsi 1996, no. 10.

424 CM.PG.1436–2006: Grierson bequest; Seaby 31.12.1945. 425 CM.PG.1912–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 28.2.1946. 426 CM.PG.1911–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 28.2.1946. 427 CM.PG.4688–2006: Grierson bequest; R. Ratto 30.9.1947. 428 CM.1.2749–1990: Blunt coll.; ex W. Owston Smith 1947. 429 CM.2080–1918: Dewick bequest 1918, no. 456.

910

430 CM.ME.94-R: no provenance. 431 CM.680–2001: Grierson Fund (PG 19,190), Paolucci sale 9, 15.3.2001, lot 39; ex Marchesi (December 1982, list no. 114). 432 CM.PG.1915–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 28.2.1946. 433 CM.PG.16129–2006: Grierson bequest; Lanz sale 49, 23.5.1989, lot 49. 434 CM.PG.11108–2006: Grierson bequest; Nascia 9.9.1961.

m e di eval e uropean coi nag e 12

p late 2 4

p late 2 4 ( cont.)

B R E S C I A ( cont. ) COMMUNAL ISSUES, 1184–1337 (cont.) C O I N AG E W I T H S T A P O L L O N I U S, c. 13 0 0 – 11 A N D L AT E R ( cont. ) Denaro imperiale piano Obv. +S aPOLOnIVS, bust of saint facing. Rev. +(trefoil) BRISIa(trefoil), cross w. four trefoils. 435 B 0.70g 180°. CNI iv, 81.29; Mainetti Gambera 1991, no. 39; Pialorsi 1996, no. 11.

435 CM.PG.7004–2006: Grierson bequest; R. Ratto 30.9.1949. 436 CM.PG.10433–2006: Grierson bequest; Santamaria 30.3.1960.

Half-denaro or obolo Obv. +[øSøaPO]LOnIVS, bust of saint facing. Rev. +(trefoil) BRISIa(trefoil), cross. 436 B 0.24g 120°. Obv. +[øSøaPO]LOnIVS. CNI iv, 82.43; Mainetti Gambera 1991, no. 47; Pialorsi 1996, no. 12. 437 B 0.27g 270°. Obv. +øSøaPO[L]OnIVS. 438 B 0.26g 40°. Obv. +SøaPOLOnIVS. CNI iv, 82.44; Mainetti Gambera 1991, 48. 439 B 0.24g 200°. As last.

437 CM.PG.7005–2006: Grierson bequest; R. Ratto 30.9.1949. 438 CM.PG.12297–2006: Grierson bequest; M. Ratto 21.9.1967.

913

439 CM.PG.4680–2006: Grierson bequest; R. Ratto 30.9.1947.

L O M BA R DY B R E S C I A ( cont. ) SEIGNIORIAL ISSUES Commentary on pp. 354–6. PA N D O L F O M A L AT E S TA , L O R D O F B R E S C I A , 14 0 4 – 2 1 C O I N AG E O F 14 0 6 – c. 14 2 0 Grosso da 26 denari Obv. +.PanDVLFøDäaL aTESTøDøBRIXIEøC, shield w. crested helmet. Rev. øSøFaVStIn V S$ S IOVIta:> $, two saints holding banner. 2.32g 50°. CNI iv, 83.5 var.; Mainetti Gambera 1991, 440 no. 65; Pialorsi 1996, no. 13. 2.14g 280°. 441

Quattrino Obv. +$DE%MaLatEStIS>, dP w. ì above in duefoil. Rev. +$DOMIMVS$BRIXIE$c>, shield. 442 B 0.84g 200°. CNI iv, 86.31 var.; Mainetti Gambera 1991, no. 97; Pialorsi 1996, no. 16. Denaro Obv. +% %PaMDVLFVS$>$, cross. Rev. + D$BRIXIE c>, head l. 443 B 0.57g 180°. CNI iv, 86.35 var.; Mainetti Gambera 1991, no. 106; Pialorsi 1996, no. 18. 444 B 0.33g 0°.

COMO IMPERIAL AND COMMUNAL ISSUES Commentary on pp. 360–4. C O I N AG E I N T H E N A M E O F F R E D E R I C K I I , c. 1 2 3 9 TO M I D - 1 2 5 0 s C O I N AG E U N D E R I M P E R I A L A D M I N I S T R AT I O N, c. 12 39 – 4 9 Grosso da 4 denari imperiali Obv. FREDERICV4 IMPERT, crowned bust r. w. sceptre. Rev. CVMA HV4+, crowned heraldic eagle. 1.29g 250°. CNI iv, 177.9. 445 1.33g 190°. Obv. star in field l. CNI iv, 178.12. 446 C O I N AG E U N D E R T H E A N T I - I M P E R I A L R E G I M E , c.. 12 4 9 – 5 0 / 1 Grosso da 4 denari imperiali, c. 1249–51 Obv. FREDERICV4 IMPERT, crowned bust r. w. sceptre. Rev. +$CVM0 3V4(crescent), uncrowned eagle. 1.24g 40°. CNI iv, 179.24. 447

440 CM.PG.10278–2006: Grierson bequest; M. Ratto sale 5.5.1959, lot 133. 441 CM.PG.4843–2006: Grierson bequest; Bank Leu 25.4.1969. 442 CM.PG.2537–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 26.3.1946; ex Grantley 3129. 443 CM.PG.1916–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 28.2.1946.

Denaro mezzano Obv. +[FRED]ERICV4, ì|P ø R|I. Rev. +(wedge)CVMI4(wedge), cross. 448 B 0.37g 140°. CNI iv, 175.1. C RO S S E D O ( ]) A N D S U B S E QU E N T I S S U E S, c. 125 0 / 1 – 4 Denaro mezzano Obv. +FREDERICVS ] between two wedges|R P|I. Rev. ] ø CVMI4 ø, cross. 449 B 0.49g 150°. CNI iv, 176.5. Denaro mezzano Obv. +[FRED]ERICV4, ì|P ø R| I . Rev. +(crescent) CVMI4(crescent), cross. 450 B 0.46g 150°. CNI iv, 176.3.

444 CM.PG.7006–2006: Grierson bequest; R. Ratto 30.9.1949. 445 CM.PG.1619–2006: Grierson bequest; Spink 17.1.1946. 446 CM.PG.6654–2006: Grierson bequest; De Falco 9.9.1949. 447 CM.PG.9926–2006: Grierson bequest; Santamaria 23.10.1958.

914

448 CM.PG.3351–2006: Grierson bequest; R. Ratto 3.10.1946. 449 CM.538–2005: Grierson Fund; InAsta (San Marino) auction 11, 23.4.2005, lot 924. 450 CM.248–2004: Grierson Fund (PG 19,449); Nomisma (San Marino) sale 26, 4.3.2004, lot 2709.

m e di eval e uropean coi nag e 12

p late 25

p late 25 ( cont.)

C O M O ( cont. ) IMPERIAL ISSUES, FOURTEENTH CENTURY Commentary on pp. 84–5, 87–8. 453

H E N RY V I I O F L U X E M B O U R G, E M P E RO R , 131 2 – 13

1.65g (clipped) 350°. CNI iv, 181.1. F R A N C H I N O I RU S C A , V I C A R I O I M P E R I A L E , 13 2 7 – 3 5

Parvus imperialis Obv. +henRICVSIøþ , eagle. Rev. +øCVMaNVSø, cross. 451 B 0.53g 170°. CNI iv, 181.2. 452 B 0.60g 180°. As last.

Grosso, c. 1330–5 Obv. +øLVDOVIcøIMPeRaTORø, crowned eagle. Rev. øSøaBOnDI V.D.CVMISø, St Abbondio enthroned between øFø – øRø. 1.58g (clipped) 20°. CNI iv, 182.2. 454

L O U I S I V O F B AVA R I A , E M P E RO R , 13 2 8 – 9 Grosso, c. 1328–30 Obv. +øLVDOVIcøIMPeRaTORø, crowned eagle. Rev. øSøaBOnDI VøD[øCVM]ISø, St Abbondio enthroned.

SEIGNORIAL ISSUES Commentary on pp. 365–9. A Z Z O N E V I S C O N T I O F M I L A N, L O R D O F C O M O, 13 3 5 – 9 Grosso da 2 soldi Obv. +>c VM a3 VS>, cross fleury w. flower in each angle. Rev. øS.aBO 3DIVS>, St Abbondio enthroned. 2.50g 330°. CNI iv, 187.1; Tribolati 1920. 455 Half-grosso or soldo Obv. +aZO>VIcecomeS>, cross fleury in quatrefoil. Rev. >S.aBOnDI V.D.cVmIS>, St Abbondio enthroned. 1.10g 220°. CNI iv, 184.2 var. 456 Denaro Obv. >cVMa3VS, Visconti snake. Rev. +>S.aBO[N]DIVS>, head of St Abbondio. 457 B 0.43g (double struck) 190°. CNI iv, 184.4.

451 CM.PG.13141–2006: Grierson bequest; Crippa 26.6.1972. 452 CM.PG.1955–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 28.2.1946. 453 CM.PG.15049–2006: Grierson bequest; M. Ratto 21.6.1988. 454 CM.PG.3334–2006: Grierson bequest; R. Ratto 3.10.1946.

Obv. +øVIcecoMeSø, . Rev. +>cVMa3VS>, cross. 458 B 0.49g 110°. CNI iv, 184.5. 459 B 0.50g 150°. As last. Obv. ø>ø|aço|øVIceø|øcoMS|ø>ø. Rev. +>cVMa3VS>, cross fleury. 460 B 0.42g 100°. CNI iv, 185.12. 461 B 0.41g 110°. Obv. ø>ø|aço|VIceø|øcoM|ø>ø. F R A N C H I N O I I RU S C A , L O R D O F C O M O, 14 0 8 – 1 2 Quattrino, c. 1412 Obv. +$F$R$D$cVMaRVM$c$, cross. Rev. >[Sa3cT]VSøaBO3 DIVS, bust of St Abbondio. 462 B 0.50g 340°. CNI iv, 185.5.

455 CM.PG.4690–2006: Grierson bequest; R. Ratto 30.9.1947. 456 CM.373–1998: Grierson Fund (PG 18,356); Astarte auction 1, 11.5.1998, lot 456. 457 CM.PG.13543–2006: Grierson bequest; Ars et Nummus (May 1976 list, no. 687). 458 CM.PG.13607–2006: Grierson bequest; Simonetti 30.5.1972.

917

459 CM.PG.4689–2006: Grierson bequest; R. Ratto 30.9.1947. 460 CM.PG.5496–2006: Grierson bequest; Santamaria 3.9.1948. 461 CM.PG.16688–2006: Grierson bequest; Monetarium 28.5.1993 (May 1993 list, no. 148). 462 CM.PG.15044–2006: Grierson bequest; M. Ratto 21.6.1988.

L O M BA R DY CREMONA COMMUNAL AND SEIGNIORIAL ISSUES Commentary on pp. 374–86. 469 B 0.90g 20°. CNI iv, 192.23; Fenti 2001, no. 13 (type f3). 470 B 0.66g 40°. Obv. +FREDERICVS. CNI iv, 192.23 var.; Fenti 2001, no. 13/12 (type f3/f2, described as a mezzano).

C O I N AG E I N T H E N A M E O F F R E D E R I C K I , F RO M 115 5 E A R L I E R I S S U E S U N T I L T H E M O N E TA RY C R I S I S, P E R I O D S I – I V, 1155 – c. 125 0

C O I N AG E W I T H S T H Y M E R I U S, 130 0 / 2 – 30

Denaro inforziato, period II.1, c. 1165–80s Obv. +FREDERICV4, ì|P ø R|I (wedge). Rev. +CRE MONã, cross w. pellet in first and second angles and wedge in third and fourth angles. 463 B 0.66g 180°. CNI iv, 191.13; Fenti 2001, no. 5 (type c2). 464 B 0.76g 200°. CNI iv, 191.14. Grosso da 6 denari imperiali, c. 1200–30s Obv. +FREDERICV4, ì|P ø R|I (wedge). Rev. +CREMONa, cross w. pellet in first and second angles and wedge in third and fourth angles. 1.93g 190°. CNI iv, 190.10; Fenti 2001, no. 7 (type c4). 465 Denaro inforziato, period II.3, c. 1180s–1230s Obv. +FREDERICV4, ì|P ø R|(wedge) I (wedge). Rev. +CRE MONa, cross w. pellet in first and second angles and wedge in third and fourth angles. 466 B 0.70g 320°. CNI iv, 191.15 var.; Fenti 2001, no. 5 var. (type c2 var.). Grosso da 4 denari imperiali, period IV, 1230s–40s Obv. +IMþaTOR, ø f ø. Rev. CR EM oN aø, long cross (legend partly ligatured w. cross) w. pellet in second and third angles. 1.37g 150°. CNI iv, 190.6; Fenti 2001, no. 9 (type d2). 467

K I N G J O H N O F B O H E M I A , 13 3 0 – 4 Denaro imperiale Obv. +IOHANNES, crowned bust. Rev. +cREMONa, cross w. star in first and second angles. 473 B 0.61g 300°. CNI iv, 194.1; Fenti 2001, no. 17 (type h1). AZZONE VISCONTI, LORD OF MILAN A N D C R E M O N A , 13 3 4 – 9 Denaro imperiale Obv. +øazOøVIcEcoMES, cross fleury. Rev. < (snake) DE Ma NT Va, Tyrolean double cross.

1.43g 120°. CNI iv, 222.1; Murari 1988b, 314 no. 14; Saccocci 1996–2002, 152 no. 15.

Grosso aquilino, c. 1320–8 Obv. +øVIRgILIVS>(shield)>, eagle. Rev. $ >DE Ma NT Va>, long cross. 1.34g 180°. CNI iv, 223.3 var.; Murari 1988b, 314 no. 15; 488 Rizzolli 1991, no. Ma2; Saccocci 1996–2002, 152 no. 16. 1.33g 150°. Obv. +$VIRgILIVS>(shield)>. CNI iv, 223.3. 489

GONZAGA LORDSHIP Commentary on pp. 393–412. 495

L U D OV I C O ( O R L U I G I ) I G O N Z AG A , C A P I TA N O , 13 2 8 – 6 0 I S S U E S O F c. 1336 – 4 9 Soldo di mezzani or mediatini, also called grossetto Obv. +(shield)VIRgILIVS, bust facing w. hat. Rev. +DE Ma3TVa], cross fleury. 667 B 1.05g (clipped) 80°. CNI v, 137.181; Crippa 1986, 130 no. 10. Trillina Obv. +ILIPVS+MaRIa$, crowned døx. Rev. +DVX+MEDIOLa3I %c$, cross fleury. 668 B 0.71g 300°. CNI v, 139.203; Crippa 1986, 132 no. 15.

657 CM.PG.10402–2006: Grierson bequest; M. Ratto 17.9.1959. 658 CM.PG.10041–2006: Grierson bequest; Lockett III 487; ex Grantley 3203. 659 CM.PG.1638–2006: Grierson bequest; Spink 17.1.1946; ex Boulton coll. 660 CM.PG.12570–2006: Grierson bequest; M. Ratto 23.4.1969 (list 1 [1969], no. 332). 661 CM.1187–1999: Grierson Fund (PG 18,547); Varesi sale 31, 26.10.1999, lot 227.

662 CM.329–1993: Grierson Fund (PG 16,738); Kunst und Münzen sale 29, 20.5.1993, lot 2049. 663 CM.PG.13642–2006: Grierson bequest; Nummorum Auctiones sale 4, 16.6.1979, lot 187. 664 CM.PG.10042–2006: Grierson bequest; Lockett III 487; ex Grantley 3203. 665 CM.PG.12571–2006: Grierson bequest; M. Ratto 23.4.1969.

946

666 CM.330–1993: Grierson Fund (PG 16,739); Kunst und Münzen sale 29, 20.5.1993, lot 2062. 667 CM.PG.1930–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 28.2.1946. 668 CM.331–1993: Grierson Fund (PG 16,740); Kunst und Münzen sale 29, 20.5.1993, lot 2064.

m e di eval e uropean coi nag e 12

p late 38

p late 38 ( cont.)

M I L A N ( cont. ) F I L I P P O M A R I A V I S C O N T I , D U K E 141 2 – 4 7 ( cont. ) F I R S T P E R I O D, T R A N S I T I O N A L A N D R E VA L U E D C O I N AG E , c. 14 2 3 – 6 Grosso da 3 or 4 soldi Obv. +ILIPV[M`RI`$DVX]$MEDIOL`3I$c, quartered shield w. three stars. Rev. S `BROSIV MEDIOL`3I, St Ambrose enthroned between two stars. 3.18g 150°.CNI v,123.47–8 var.;Crippa 1986,121 no.2. 669

669 CM.PG.10391–2006: Grierson bequest; M. Ratto 17.9.1959.

Grosso da 2 soldi Obv. +ILIPVS$M`RI`$DVX$MEDIOL`3I$3c, quartered shield. Rev. S `BROSIV MEDIOL`I, St Ambrose enthroned. 2.30g 140°. CNI v, 124.59; Crippa 1986, 123 no. 3c. 670 Denaro imperiale Obv. +øDVXøMEDIOL`NIøcø, cross fleury w. leaves in the centre. Rev. +S[ø`MBRO]SIVSøMLIø, bust of St Ambrose. 671 B 0.51g 340°. CNI v, 141.223 var.; Crippa 1986, 174 no. 25b.

670 CM.PG.1245–2006: Grierson bequest; Seaby 20.10.1945.

949

671 CM.338–1993: Grierson Fund (PG 16,747); Kunst und Münzen sale 29, 20.5.1993, lot 2083.

L O M BA R DY M I L A N ( cont. ) F I L I P P O M A R I A V I S C O N T I , D U K E , 141 2 – 4 7 ( cont. ) T H I R D P E R I O D, 14 36 – 47 Ducat Obv. +ILIPVM 0RI0$0 N GLV $ $ $ ø, mounted duke. Rev. $+$DUX$ $MED IOL0 NI$c$, crested arms between crowned I and crowned äa in tressure. 3.51g 250°. CNI v, 119.6 var.; Crippa 1986, 120 no. 1c. 672 3.50g 190°. Rev. $+DUX$ $MED IOL0 NI$c. 673 3.49g 270°. Obv. +ILIPVM0 RI0$0N G LV % % $. Rev. 674 $+DUX$ $MED IOL0 NI$c$. CNI v, 119.9 var. T H I R D P E R I O D, H I G H - VA L U E R E F O R M C O I N AG E , 14 36 – c. 14 38 / 4 0 Grosso da 2 soldi Obv. ILIPVM0R I0øDVXø D IOL03I ø, mounted duke. Rev. S 0BROSIV øDIOL0NIø, St Ambrose enthroned. 2.02g 320°. CNI v, 120.18; Crippa 1986, 127 no. 7. 675 Soldo Obv. øILIPVM0RI0øDVXøDIOL03Iø, crested arms. Rev. S 0BROSV øDIOL0I, St Ambrose enthroned w. open cape and rosette brooch. 0.97g 80°. CNI v, 134.156; Crippa 1986, 128 no. 8. 676 Trillina Obv. [+]ILIPV M0RI0ø ø ø, crested helmet. Rev. +3EDIOL 03Iøcø, crowned d w. abbreviation mark. 677 B 0.65g 180°. CNI v, 139.198 var.; Crippa 1986, 132 no. 14. 672 CM.PG.3318–2006: Grierson bequest; R. Ratto 3.10.1946. 673 CM.2093–1918: Dewick bequest 1918, no. 469. 674 CM.YG.392-R: Young bequest 1936; ex Boyne 374. 675 CM.PG.10043–2006: Grierson bequest; Lockett III 487; ex Boulton coll.; ex R. Ratto sale 24.4.1911, lot 111 or 112; ex Gavazzi coll.

T H I R D P E R I O D, L AT E R R E S TO R E D C O I N AG E , c. 14 38 / 4 0 – 47 Grosso da 2 soldi Obv. øILIPVM0RI0 03gLV øDøMø, crowned quartered shield. Rev. S `BROSIV MeDIOL` I, St Ambrose enthroned. 2.15g 40°. CNI v, 130.114 var.; Crippa 1986, 124 no. 4. 678 2.34g 150°. Rev. ø 0BROSIIV MeDIOL0 Iø. CNI v, 679 130.116 var. 2.25g 170°. Obv. øILIPVM0RI0ø03gLV øDøMø, pellet 680 below last M. Rev. øS 0BROSI[V] MeDIOL03I. CNI v, 130.110 var. Sesino Obv. (viper)øILIP[VM0]RI0øDVXøMLIøc, cross w. fleur-de-lis in each angle. Rev. øS0*ROSIVDIO[L03Iø], half-figure of St Ambrose. 681 B 1.01g 280°. CNI v, 136.166–8; Crippa 1986, 129 no. 9. 682 B 1.05g 330°. Obv. (viper)ILIPV[M0RI0]øDVXøMLIøcø. Rev. øSø0MBROSIVøM[EDIO]L03Iø ø. CNI v, 136.169 var. Denaro imperiale Obv. +FILI[PVSøäaRI]a, crowned knotted cloth. Rev. DV[XøMe]DIOLa[3]IøC, cross fleury. 683 B 0.52g 160°. CNI v, 140.209; Crippa 1986, 133 no. 16b. 684 B 0.39g 210°.

676 CM.PG.10044–2006: Grierson bequest; Lockett III 487; ex Grantley 3203. 677 CM.PG.13621–2006: Grierson bequest; Numart Italiana 20.3.1979 (list 7, no. 466). 678 CM.PG.10163–2006: Grierson bequest; Ulrich-Bansa 5.9.1955; ex Bertolotti coll. 679 CM.PG.10162–2006: Grierson bequest; Ulrich-Bansa 5.9.1955; ex Bertolotti coll. 680 CM.PG.1637–2006: Grierson bequest; Spink 17.1.1946.

950

681 CM.PG.10160–2006: Grierson bequest; Baranowsky 27.3.1959. 682 CM.PG.10045–2006: Grierson bequest; Lockett III 487; ex Grantley 3203. 683 CM.PG.10046–2006: Grierson bequest; Lockett III 487; ex Grantley 3203. 684 CM.534–2002: Grierson Fund (PG 19,125); Nomisma auction 19, 9.10.2001, lot 456.

m e di eval e uropean coi nag e 12

p late 39

L O M BA R DY M I L A N ( cont.) A M B RO S I A N R E P U B L I C , 14 4 7 – 5 0

F R A N C E S C O S F O R Z A , D U K E , 14 5 0 – 6 6

Commentary on pp. 486–7.

Commentary on pp. 487–91.

Grosso da 2 soldi Obv. +øcOMV3IT0SøMEDIOL03Iø, cross fleury. Rev. øS ø0MBRO SIV MEDIOL03Iø, St Ambrose enthroned w. star fibula. 2.30g 10°. CNI v, 143.5; Crippa 1986, 143 no. 2. 685 2.30g 100°. 686 1.78g 320°. Overstruck? 687

F I R S T P E R I O D, E A R LY C O I N AG E , 145 0 – 6

Sesino Obv. +øcOMV3IT0SøMEDIOL03Iø, shield in quatrefoil. Rev. øS ø0MBROSIVøMEDIOL03Iø, half-figure of St Ambrose. 688 B 0.95g 80°. CNI v, 144.14–16; Crippa 1986, 143 no. 3. 689 B 0.99g 20°. 690 B 1.03g 0°. Denaro imperiale Obv. +cOMV3IT0SøMLIø, cross fleury. Rev. +Sø0MBROSIVøMLIø, head of St Ambrose. 691 B 0.55g 240°. CNI v, 144.18; Crippa 1986, 144 no. 4a. L AT E R E P U B L I C A N D E A R LY R E I G N O F FRANCESCO SFORZA OR FOREIGN I M I TAT I O N S Denaro imperiale (formerly attributed to Valenza Po) Obv. [ ]cOä[ ], cross fleury. Rev. illegible, head of St Ambrose. 692 B 0.28g 300°.CNI ii,423.1 (Valenza Po);cf.CNI v,144.17– 22, 158–9.123–4; cf. Crippa 1986, 144 no. 4a, 170 no. 21. 685 CM.PG.1641–2006: Grierson bequest; Spink 17.1.1946; ex Boulton coll.; ex R. Ratto sale 24.4.1911, lot 126; ex Gavazzi coll. 686 CM.PG.10145–2006: Grierson bequest; Baranowsky 27.3.1959. 687 CM.PG.54–2006: Grierson bequest; Malloy 4.12.1992 (list 29, no. 160). 688 CM.PG.10396–2006: Grierson bequest; M. Ratto 17.9.1959. 689 CM.PG.12298–2006: Grierson bequest; L. Simonetti 20.9.1967.

Grosso da 2 soldi Obv. +DVXøMLIøPPIEø0N[GLERIEø8øCO]MESøø, quartered shield between crowned  and crowned S w. triple annulet above. Rev. S [0MBROSIV ME]DIOL[03Iø], St Ambrose enthroned w. star fibula. 1.63g (clipped) 0°. CNI v, 151.56 var.; Crippa 1986, 163 693 no. 10. 2.32g 0°. Obv. +DVX[øMLIøP]PIEø0NGLERIEø8øCOMESø, 694 initials without crowns. Rev. $S$aMBROSIV MEDIOL03Iø. CNI v, 150.46 var.; Crippa 1986, 162 no. 9. Soldo Obv. +øSøDVX[øML]IøPPIEø0NGLEø, quartered shield. Rev. +8 øCOSø0cøcREMOøDøcø, cross fleury. 695 B 1.38g 150°. CNI v, 154.80–1; Crippa 1986, 165 no. 14. Sesino Obv. +DVXøMLIøP0PIEø0NGLERIEø, crowned viper between  – S. Rev. +8øCOMESø0cøcREMONEøDøcø, cross fleury w. pellet in each quarter. 696 B 0.82g 170°. CNI v, 156.96; Crippa 1986, 167 no. 17a. 697 B 1.09g 120°. 698 B 0.72g 330°. Obv. viper uncrowned. CNI v, 156.95; Crippa 1986, 167 no. 17b.

690 CM.PG.10146–2006: Grierson bequest; Baranowsky 27.3.1959. 691 CM.PG.10397–2006: Grierson bequest; M. Ratto 17.9.1959. 692 CM.255–1997: Grierson Fund (PG 18,234); Vecchi sale 7, 6.10.1997, lot 1900. 693 CM.332–1993: Grierson Fund (PG 16,741); Kunst und Münzen sale 29, 20.5.1993, lot 2071. 694 CM.PG.10393–2006: Grierson bequest; M. Ratto 17.9.1959.

952

695 CM.333–1993: Grierson Fund (PG 16,742); Kunst und Münzen sale 29, 20.5.1993, lot 2074. 696 CM.PG.2704–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 18.4.1946. 697 CM.PG.1644–2006: Grierson bequest; Spink 17.1.1946; ex Boulton coll.; ex Sotheby auction 30.1910, lot 691; ex Stroehlin coll. 698 CM.PG.16403–2006: Grierson bequest; Kunst und Münzen 10.7.1991 (list 65, no. 1036).

m e di eval e uropean coi nag e 12

p late 4 0

L O M BA R DY M I L A N ( cont. ) F R A N C E S C O S F O R Z A , D U K E , 14 5 0 – 6 6 ( cont. ) F I R S T P E R I O D, E A R LY C O I N AG E , 145 0 – 6 ( cont. )

T H I R D P E R I O D, P O RT R A I T C O I N AG E , 14 6 2 – 4

Denaro imperiale Obv. +DVXøMLIøPPIEø0NGLE, crowned viper between  – S. Rev. +8øCOø0cøcREMONEøDø, cross fleury. 699 B 0.59g 180°. CNI v, 157.111; Crippa 1986, 172 no. 23a. 700 B 0.49g 330°. Rev. +8øCOø0cøcREMONEøDNS. CNI v, 157.108 var.

Ducat Obv. (viper)RaNcIScVSøSORtIaøVIcEcø, bust of duke r. Rev. +DVXøMEDIOLaNIøPaPIEø8øcø, duke in armour riding r. 3.46g 160°. CNI v, 146.12 var.; Crippa 1986, 157 no. 3a. 708

S E C O N D P E R I O D, F I R S T R E F O R M C O I N AG E , 1456 – 6 2 Grossone da 4 soldi Obv. +R0NcISchVSøSORTI0øDVXøMLIøcø, crested arms between $$ – $S$ in quatrefoil. Rev. øSø0*ROSI$ $DIOL0NI$, St Ambrose enthroned. 2.82g 310°. CNI v, 150.41; Crippa 1986, 161 no. 7. 701 Soldo, later revalued as quindicino Obv. +øRøSøDVXø øML0Iøcø, crowned viper w. brush above in tressure. Rev. +[øSø0]*ROSIVSøDIOL0NIø, half-figure of St Ambrose. 702 B 1.32g 180°. CNI v, 152.64; Crippa 1986, 164 no. 12. S E C O N D A N D T H I R D P E R I O D S, 1456 – 64 Trillina Obv. +øRøSøD

VXøMLIøcø, crested +øPPIEø0NGLEø8øCOø, crowned  ø S.

703 704 705 706

helmet.

Rev.

B 0.91g 250°. CNI v, 156.101; Crippa 1986, 169 no. 20. B 0.71g 80°. B 0.65g 160°. Rev. +øPPIEøaNGLEø8øCOø. B 1.26g 160°.

F O U RT H P E R I O D, C O I N AG E W I T H T I T L E A S D U K E O F G E N OA , 14 64 – 6 Grossone da 5 soldi Obv. (viper)RaNøStIaøDUXøMLIøacøIaNVEøDøc, bust of duke r. Rev. øSøa*ROSIø øDIOLaNI, St Ambrose enthroned. 3.10g 200°. CNI v, 150.39 var.; Crippa 1986, 160 no. 6. 709 Grosso or grossetto da 2½ soldi or trentino Obv. (brush)RøSøDUXøMLIøacøIaNVEøDøcø, quartered shield. Rev. +øSøaMBROSIVSøMEDIOLaNI, half-figure of St Ambrose. 2.33g 280°. CNI v, 150.43; Crippa 1986, 161 no. 8. 710 2.04g 180°. 711 Quindicino Obv. +øøSøDVXøIø øacøIaEøDøcø, crowned viper in tressure. Rev. +øSøa*ROSIVSøDIOLaNIø, bust of St Ambrose. 712 B 1.58g 10°. CNI v, 152.60; Crippa 1986, 163 no. 11. Sesino Obv. +øRaNcIScVSøSOøDUXøMLIø, crowned viper. Rev. +acøIaNVEøøcREMONEøDøcø, cross w. annulets at the end of each arm. 713 B 0.94g 210°. CNI v, 155.93 var.; Crippa 1986, 166 no. 16.

Soldo, c. 1459–62 Obv. +R0NcIScøSORtI0øVIcEcOø, quartered shield w. pellet above. Rev. +øDVXøDIOL0IøPPIEø8øcOøcø, cross fleury. 707 B 1.25g 60°. CNI v, 153.72–3; Crippa 1986, 164 no. 13. 699 CM.PG.10150–2006: Grierson bequest; Baranowsky 27.3.1959. 700 CM.PG.10149–2006: Grierson bequest; Baranowsky 27.3.1959. 701 CM.PG.10392–2006: Grierson bequest; M. Ratto 17.9.1959. 702 CM.PG.3410–2006: Grierson bequest; MMAG Basel 30.9.1946. 703 CM.PG.9814–2006: Grierson bequest; Hollschek VII, lot 793. 704 CM.PG.10148–2006: Grierson bequest; Baranowsky 27.3.1959.

705 CM.PG.3346–2006: Grierson bequest; R. Ratto 3.10.1946. 706 CM.PG.10147–2006: Grierson bequest; Baranowsky 27.3.1959. 707 CM.334–1993: Grierson Fund (PG 16,743); Kunst und Münzen sale 29, 20.5.1993, lot 2075. 708 CM.PG.5582–2006: Grierson bequest; Baranowsky 3.9.1948. 709 CM.PG.10394–2006: Grierson bequest; M. Ratto 17.9.1959.

954

710 CM.PG.1642–2006: Grierson bequest; Spink 17.1.1946; ex Boulton coll.; ex Santamaria sale 6.4.1908, lot 820; ex Stiavelli coll. 711 CM.PG.5581–2006: Grierson bequest; R. Ratto 20.9.1948. 712 CM.PG.9155–2006: Grierson bequest; De Nicola 6.11.1957. 713 CM.336–1993: Grierson Fund (PG 16,745); Kunst und Münzen sale 29, 20.5.1993, lot 2077.

m e di eval e uropean coi nag e 12

p late 41

L O M BA R DY M I L A N ( cont. ) FRANCESCO SFORZA, DUKE, 14 5 0 – 6 6 ( cont. ) F O U RT H P E R I O D, C O I N AG E W I T H T I T L E A S D U K E O F G E N OA , 14 64 – 6 ( cont. ) Coin weight (?) Obv. Quartered shield between  – S w. abbreviation mark above each letter. 714 Æ 3.30g.

Ducat (in the name of Galeazzo Maria alone), 1467–8 Obv. (head of St Ambrose)[gøMaø]SøVIcEcOMESøDVXøMLIøVø, bust of duke r. Rev. +PPøaNgLEø8øcOøacøIaNVE[øDNSøc], crested arms between g – , each above torch w. two pails. CNI v, 163.8; Crippa 1986, 193 no. 2a. 3.43g 0°. 721 GALEAZZO MARIA SFORZA ALONE, 14 6 8 – 7 6

Commentary on pp. 496–501.

BIANCA MARIA VISCONTI AND G A L E A Z Z O M A R I A S F O R Z A , 14 6 6 – 8

Commentary on pp. 491–6.

P R E - R E F O R M C O I N AG E , F I R S T P E R I O D, 14 6 8 – c. 147 0

Grosso or grossetto da 2½ soldi or trentino Obv. (brush)BøMøGøMøDUCESøMLIøacøIaNVEøDøcø, quartered shield. Rev. +øSøaMBROSIVSøMEDIOLaNIø, half-figure of St Ambrose. 2.00g 240°. CNI v, 159.1; Crippa 1986, 182 no. 1. 715

Ducat Obv. (head of St Ambrose)[gøMaø]SøVIcEcOMESøDVXøMLIøVø, bust of duke r. Rev. +PPøaNgLEø8øcOøacøIaNVE[øDNSøc], crested arms between g – M, each above torch w. two pails. CNI v, 163.9; Crippa 1986, 193 no. 2b. 3.46g 0°. 722

Quindicino Obv. øBLøMøgøMaø øDVcESøMLIø, crowned viper in tressure. Rev. +øSøaMBROSIVSøMEDIOLaNIø, bust of St Ambrose. 716 B 1.40g 200°. CNI v, 159.3; Crippa 1986, 183 no. 2. 717 B 1.51g 280°. Rev. +øSøa*ROSIVSøDIOLaNIø. CNI v, 160.7 var. Sesino Obv. +BLaNc[aøMøDVcI]Saø MLIøcø, crowned viper between B – g. Rev. +gøMøDVX[øMLIø]acøIaNVEøDøcø,cross fleury w.pellet in each angle. 718 B 0.98g 320°. CNI v, 160.9; Crippa 1986, 183 no. 3. Trillina Obv. +DVcISaøMLIøacøcRøDøc, crowned initials B ø M. Rev. +DVXøMLIøacøIaNVEøDøc, crowned initials g ø M. 719 B 0.63g 90°. CNI v, 160.11; Crippa 1986, 184 no. 4. 720 B 0.79g 210°. Obv. +DVcISaø MLIøaøcREDøcø. Rev. +DVXøMLIøacøIaNVEøDøcø. CNI v, 161.16 var.

714 CM.PG.9156–2006: Grierson bequest; De Nicola 6.11.1957. 715 CM.1188–1999: Grierson Fund (PG 18,549); Varesi sale 31, 26.10.1999, lot 257. 716 CM.PG.3409–2006: Grierson bequest; MMAG Basel 30.10.1946. 717 CM.PG.3344–2006: Grierson bequest; R. Ratto 3.10.1946. 718 CM.PG.10395–2006: Grierson bequest; M. Ratto 17.9.1959.

P R E - R E F O R M C O I N AG E , S E C O N D P E R I O D, c. 147 0 – 4 Ducat Obv. (head of St Ambrose)gøMaøSøVIcEcOMESøDVXøLIøVø, bust of duke r. Rev. +PPøaNgLEø8øcOøacøIaNVEøD3Søøcø, crested arms between g – M, each above torch w. two pails. 3.47g 320°. CNI v, 164.15; Crippa 1986, 194 no. 3. 723 Grossone da 8 soldi Obv. (viper)gaLEaZøMaøSøVIcEcOSøDVXøMELI.V.øcø, bust of duke r. Rev. S aM BROSIøMELIø, mounted St Ambrose and soldier w. banner. 3.74g 30°. CNI v, 174.104; Crippa 1986, 201–2 no. 9. 724 Grosso da 4 soldi Obv. (viper)gøMaøSøVIcEcOMESøDVXøMELIøVø, bust of duke r. between g and øM. Rev. øS øaMBROSIø, St Ambrose advancing against escaping soldiers. 2.79g 80°. CNI v, 174.105 var.; Crippa 1986, 205 no. 12. 725 2.29g 330°. Rev. øS aMBROSIø. CNI v, 175.106 var. 726

719 CM.TR.685-R: Trinity College loan 1937. 720 CM.PG.10151–2006: Grierson bequest; Baranowsky 27.3.1959. 721 CM.YG.393-R: A. W. Young bequest 1936; ex Boyne 379. 722 CM.PG.4620–2006: Grierson bequest; Baranowsky 27.9.1947. 723 CM.PG.8195–2006: Grierson bequest; M. Ratto 28.9.1969.

956

724 CM.PG.11130–2006: Grierson bequest; Nascia 25.9.1961. 725 CM.PG.1646–2006: Grierson bequest; Spink 17.1.1946; ex Boulton coll.; ex R. Ratto sale 21.4.1914, lot 242; ex Wormser coll. 726 CM.PG.8669–2006: Grierson bequest; M. Ratto 28.4.1969.

m e di eval e uropean coi nag e 12

p late 4 2

L O M BA R DY M I L A N ( cont. ) G A L E A Z Z O M A R I A S F O R Z A A L O N E , 14 6 8 – 7 6 ( cont. ) øCOøACøIANVEøDø,crested arms between Gø – øM,each above torch

P R E - R E F O R M C O I N AG E , S E C O N D P E R I O D, c. 147 0 – 4 ( cont. ) Trillina Obv. +gøMøDVXøMELIøVø, crowned initials g ø M. Rev. øacøIa NVEøDøøc, crested helmet. 727 B 0.91g 260°. CNI v, 180.157; Crippa 1986, 210 no. 16. 728 B 0.94g 30°. Obv. +øgøMøDVXøMLIøVø. Rev. acøIa NVEøDøc, crested helmet. CNI v, 179.148 var. 729 B 0.84g 90°. Obv. +øgøMøDVXøMLIøVø, crowned initials g M. Rev. øacøIa NVEøDøøc, crested helmet. CNI v, 180.160 var. Denaro imperiale Obv. +øgøMøDVXøMLIøVø, crowned knotted cloth. Rev. +øacøIaNVEøDøøc, cross fleury. 730 B 0.46g 180°. CNI v, 182.175 var.; Crippa 1986, 213 no. 19. 731 B 0.32g 350°. Obv. +gøMøDVXøMLIøV. Rev. +acøIaNVEøDøøc, cross fleury. CNI v, 181.170 var. R E F O R M C O I N AG E , 1474 – 6 Ducat or testone d’oro Obv. (head of St Ambrose)GøMøSFøVICECOSøDVXøMLIøVø, bust of duke r. Rev. +PPøANGLEøQøCOøACøIANVEøDø, crested arms between Gø – øM, each above torch w. two pails. 3.48g 90°. CNI v, 164.120 var.; Crippa 1986, 196 no. 5. 732 Grossone da 20 soldi, later also called testone Obv. (head of St Ambrose)GALEAZøMøSFøVICECOSøDVXøMLIøQITø, bust of duke r. w. annulet in l. field. Rev. øPPøANGLEøQø

727 CM.PG.10152–2006: Grierson bequest; Baranowsky 27.3.1959. 728 CM.PG.9154–2006: Grierson bequest; De Nicola 6.11.1957. 729 CM.PG.3343–2006: Grierson bequest; R. Ratto 3.10.1946. 730 CM.PG.10153–2006: Grierson bequest; Baranowsky 27.3.1959.

w. two pails. CNI v, 169.58; Crippa 1986, 197 no. 6a. 9.56g 240°. 733 9.41g 270°. CNI v, 169.58 var. 734 9.55g 90°. Rev. PPøANGLEøQ øCOøACøIANVEøD. CNI v, 735 170.69 var. 9.58g 80°. Obv. (head)GALEAZøMøSFøVICECOøDVXøML 736 IøQIT. Rev. PPøANGLEøQ øCOøACøIANVEøDø, viper in the shield crowned. CNI v, 169.73; Crippa 1986, 197 no. 6b. Grossone da 10 soldi Obv. (head of St Ambrose)GALEAZøMøSFøVICECOSøDVXøMLIøQITø, bust of duke r. Rev. (head of St Ambrose)PPøANGLEøQøCOøACø IANVEøDøCø, crowned quartered shield between crowned initials G – M. 4.72g 180°. CNI v, 171.78 var.; Crippa 1986, 200 no. 8. 737 Grossone da 5 soldi Obv. (head of St Ambrose)GøMøSFøVICECOSøDVXøMLIøVø, three torches w. two pails each. Rev. (head of St Ambrose)PPø ANGLEøQøCOøACøIANVEøDø, crowned viper between crowned initials G – M. 2.97g 90°. CNI v, 175.113 var.; Crippa 1986, 203 no. 10. 738 2.88g 30°. Obv. (head)GøMøSFøVICECOøDVXøMLIøVø. 739 CNI v, 175.114 var. Grosso da 3 soldi Obv. (head of St Ambrose)GøMøSFøVICECOSøDVXøMLIøVø, dove w. scroll. Rev. (head of St Ambrose)PPøANGLEøQøCOøACøIANVEøDø, crowned knotted cloth. 2.33g 330°. CNI v, 176.120; Crippa 1986, 206–7 no. 13. 740

731 CM.PG.10154–2006: Grierson bequest; Baranowsky 27.3.1959. 732 CM.PG.1402–2006: Grierson bequest; Spink 6.12.1945; ex Boulton coll. 733 CM.PG.8528–2006: Grierson bequest; Glendining auction 19.11.1952, lot 278. 734 CM.2091–1918: Dewick bequest 1918, no. 467. 735 CM.ME.103-R: no provenance.

958

736 CM.ME.104-R: no provenance. 737 CM.PG.10035–2006: Grierson bequest; Seaby 2.2.1959. 738 CM.PG.5691–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 15.1.1949. 739 CM.PG.5690–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 15.1.1949. 740 CM.PG.7732–2006: Grierson bequest; Spink 9.11.1950.

m e di eval e uropean coi nag e 12

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L O M BA R DY M I L A N ( cont. ) GIAN GALEAZZO MARIA SFORZA U N D E R T H E R E G E N C Y O F L U D OV I C O M A R I A S F O R Z A , 14 8 0 – 9 4

GALEAZZO MARIA SFORZA ALONE, 14 6 8 – 7 6 ( cont. ) R E F O R M C O I N AG E , 1474 – 6 ( cont. ) Soldo Obv. (head of St Ambrose)GøMøSFøVICECOSøDVXøMLIøVø, quartered shield. Rev. (head of St Ambrose)PPøQøCOøACøIANVEøDø, divided shield. 741 B 1.18g 270°. CNI v, 177.132; Crippa 1986, 208 no. 14b. 742 B 1.05g 60°. Obv. (head of saint)GøMøSFøVICECOøDVXø MLIøVø. CNI v, 177.125. 743 B 1.14g 200°. Rev. (head of saint)PPIEøQøCOøACøIANVEøDø. CNI v, 177.127. 744 B 1.16g 0°. GIAN GALEAZZO MARIA SFORZA UNDER THE REGENCY OF BONA OF S AVOY, 14 7 6 – 8 0

F I R S T P E R I O D, c. 14 81 – 9 2 Grossone da 20½ soldi or testone, issue in the earlier style Obv. (head of St Ambrose)IOGZøMøSFøVICECOMESøDVXøMLIøSXø, bust of duke r. Rev. (head of St Ambrose) ø øLVøPATRVOø øGVB NANTEø ø, crested arms. 9.61g 120°. CNI v, 190.33; Crippa 1986, 248 no. 4. 747 9.70g 330°. 748 9.50g 70°. Obv. (head of St Ambrose)øIOGZøMøSFø 749 VICECOMESøDVXøMLIøSXø. CNI v, 190.32. Grosso da 5 soldi Obv. (head of St Ambrose)IOGZø øMøSFøVICECOøDVXøMLIø øSEXTø, crown w. branches. Rev. (head of St Ambrose) øLVDOVICOøPATRVOøGVBNATOREø, brush w. motto scroll. 3.07g 320°. CNI v, 193.59; Crippa 1986, 250 no. 6. 750 3.02g 200°. 751

Commentary on pp. 501–2. F I R S T P E R I O D, 147 6 – 8 Double ducat or doppia Obv. (head of St Ambrose)IOøGøMøSFøVICECOSøDVXøMLIøSXø, bust of duke r. Rev. + øPPøANGLEø øQøCOSøC, crested arms. 6.90g 330°. CNI v, 186.14 var.; Crippa 1986, 226 no. 1. 745 S E C O N D P E R I O D, 147 9 – 8 0 Grossone da 20 soldi or testone Obv. (head of St Ambrose)BONAøøIOøGZøMøDVCESøMELI.VI., bust of duchess. Rev. (head of St Ambrose)SOLAøFACTAøSOLVMøDEVM øSEQVORø, rising phoenix on pyre. 9.45g 40°. CNI v, 184.12; Crippa 1986, 237 no. 2a. 746

741 CM.PG.5516–2006: Grierson bequest; R. Ratto 20.9.1948. 742 CM.PG.1643–2006: Grierson bequest; Spink 17.1.1946. 743 CM.PG.12294–2006: Grierson bequest; Crippa 21.7.1967. 744 CM.PG.9153–2006: Grierson bequest; De Nicola 6.11.1957. 745 CM.9–1956: P. Grierson 26.4.1956; ex Lockett III 215; ex MMAG Basel sale 6.12.1946, lot 312.

Commentary on pp. 502–3.

Denaro Obv. +IOGZøMøSFøVICOøDXøMLI, viper. Rev. +LVøPATRVOøGVB NANTEø, crowned initials øIøGø. 752 B 0.32g 340°. CNI v, 196.86 var.; Crippa 1986, 252 no. 9. Grosso da 5 soldi, issue in the later style Obv. IOGZøMøSF ø VICECOøDVXøMLIøSX, crested helmet. Rev. +øLVDOVICOøPATRVOø GVBERNANTEø, bust of St Ambrose between øSø – øAø. 2.75g 200°. CNI v, 192.54 var.; Crippa 1986, 249 no. 5. 753 2.75g 200°. Obv. øIOGZøMøSFø VICECOøDVXøMLIøSX. Rev. 754 +>LVDOVICO>PATRVO>GVBNANTE>. CNI v, 191– 2.42–7.

746 CM.PG.8755–2006: Grierson bequest; Stack’s 1.10.1954; ex Ives coll. 747 CM.ME.105-R: J. P. Weber January 1907. 748 CM.PG.1645–2006: Grierson bequest; Spink 17.1.1946. 749 CM.YG.394-R: A. W. Young bequest 1936; ex Boyne 385. 750 CM.PG.10388–2006: Grierson bequest; M. Ratto 17.9.1959. 751 CM.YG.396-R: A. W. Young bequest 1936: ex Boyne 385.

960

752 CM.339–1993: Grierson Fund (PG 16,748); Kunst und Münzen sale 29, 20.5.1993, lot 2101. 753 CM.PG.4705–2006: Grierson bequest; Baranowsky 27.9.1947. 754 CM.PG.4706–2006: Grierson bequest; R. Ratto 30.9.1947.

m e di eval e uropean coi nag e 12

p late 4 4

L O M BA R DY M I L A N ( cont. ) G I A N G A L E A Z Z O M A R I A S F O R Z A U N D E R T H E R E G E N C Y O F L U D OV I C O M A R I A S F O R Z A , 14 8 0 – 9 4 ( cont. ) 758 B 1.05g 180°. CNI v, 195.79; Crippa 1986, 252 no. 8. 759 B 0.86g 90°. Obv. +IOGZøMøSFøVIøDVXøMLIøSX (with smaller lettering). CNI v, 195.80. 760 B 0.82g 250°.

F I R S T P E R I O D, c. 14 81 – 9 2 ( cont. ) Grosso da 3 soldi Obv. ø IOGZ øMøSFøVI COøDVXøMLIøSXø, crested arms. Rev. (head of St Ambrose) >LVDOVICO>PATRVO>GVBNANTE>, bit w. scroll. 2.34g 40°. CNI v, 194.65; Crippa 1986, 251 no. 7. 755 2.42g 100°. Obv. (head of saint)IOGZøMøSFøV 756 ICOøDVXøMIøSXø. CNI v, 194.73 var. 757 Æ 2.29g 150°. Obv. IO[GZøMøSFøVI] COøDVXøMIX. Rev. (head of saint)>LVDOVICO> PATRVO>GVBNANTE. Jeton?

S E C O N D P E R I O D, c. 14 9 2 / 3 – 9 4 Grossone da 21½ soldi or testone Obv. (head of St Ambrose)IOGZøMøSFøVICECOøDVXøMLIøSXø, bust of duke r. Rev. (head of St Ambrose)øLVDOVICVSøPATRVVSøGVB NANSø, bust of regent r. 9.33g 280°. CNI v, 189.25; Crippa 1986, 247 no. 3. 761

Trillina Obv. +IOGZøMøSFøVIøDVXøMLIøSXø, knotted cloth with crown. Rev. +LVøPATRVOø GVBNANTEø, cross fleury. L U D OV I C O M A R I A S F O R Z A , 14 9 4 – 9 , 15 0 0

Commentary on p. 504. Double ducat or doppia Obv. (head of St Ambrose)LVDOVICVSøMø SFøANGIVSøDVX MLI, bust of duke r. Rev. +PPøANGLEøQøCOøACø IANVEøDøCø, mounted duke with crown and sword. 6.96g 150°. CNI v, 197.3; Crippa 1986, 261 no. 1b. 762

Testone proof or medal, 1497 Obv. (head of St Ambrose)LVDOVICøMøSFø 1497 øANGLVøDVXøM, bust of duke r. Rev. PPøANGøQøCOøACøIANVEøD, crowned shield between L – V. 766 Æ 7.98g 180°. CNI v, 200.28; Crippa 1986, 266 no. 7.

Testone Obv. (head of St Ambrose)LVDOVICVSøMø SFøANGLVSøDVXøMLI, bust of duke r. Rev. (head of St Ambrose)PPøANGLEøQøCOøACø IANVEøDøC, crowned shield between torches with pails. 9.23g 0°. CNI v, 199.19; Crippa 1986, 263 no. 2. 763 9.56g 340°. Obv. (head of St Ambrose)LVDOVICVSøM 764 SFøANGLVSøDVXøMLI. CNI v, 199.19 var. 9.69g 280°. Obv. (head of St Ambrose)LVDOVICVSøMø 765 SFøANGLVSøDVXøMLIø. Rev. (head of St Ambrose)PPø ANGLøQøCOøACøIANVEøDøC. CNI v, 199.19 var.

Trillina Obv. [+L]VøMøSFøANGLVSøDVXøM[LI], crowned initials øLVø. Rev. PPø[Q]øCO øAC øIANVEøD ø, crested helmet. 767 B 1.03g 330°. CNI v, 200.29; Crippa 1986, 263 no. 3.

755 CM.PG.3411–2006: Grierson bequest; MMAG Basel 30.9.1946. 756 CM.YG.395-R: A. W. Young bequest 1936; ex Boyne 385. 757 CM.ME.106-R: no provenance. 758 CM.PG.10156–2006: Grierson bequest; Baranowsky 27.2.1959. 759 CM.PG.10155–2006: Grierson bequest; Baranowsky 27.2.1959.

Denaro Obv. [+L]VøMøSFøANGLVSøDVX[øMLI], cross fleury. Rev. +PPøQøCOøAC[øIA]NVEøDø, viper. 768 B 0.61g 180°. CNI v, 201.32; Crippa 1986, 265 no. 4.

760 CM.PG.9158–2006: Grierson bequest; De Nicola 6.11.1957. 761 CM.PG.1249–2006: Grierson bequest; Seaby 20.10.1945. 762 CM.PG.7883–2006: Grierson bequest; Sotheby sale 19.3.1951, lot 49; ex De Cosson coll. 763 CM.ME.107-R: no provenance.

962

764 CM.PG.1250–2006: Grierson bequest; Seaby 20.10.1945. 765 CM.PG.9159–2006: Grierson bequest; Tinchant 4.4.1957. 766 CM.ME.108-R: no provenance. 767 CM.PG.10390–2006: Grierson bequest; M. Ratto 17.9.1959. 768 CM.PG.10389–2006: Grierson bequest; M. Ratto 17.9.1959.

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p late 45

L O M BA R DY M I L A N ( cont. ) L O U I S X I I O F F R A N C E , 14 9 9 – 15 0 0 , 15 0 0 – 1 2

Commentary on pp. 504–14. 775 B 0.82g 50°. CNI v, 216.124; Crippa 1986, 293 no. 16.

F I R S T P E R I O D ( O R D I N A N C E O F 14 9 9 ) , 14 9 9 – 15 05 Testone Obv. +LVDOVICVSøDGøFRANCORVMøREX, bust of duke with beret r. Rev. M EDI OLA NIø DVX, mounted St Ambrose with crowned shield below. 9.58g 30°. CNI v, 209.58 var.; Crippa 1986, 282 no. 3a. 769 Soldino Obv. +øLVDOVICVSøDGøFRANCORøREXø, crowned quartered shield. Rev. †øDVXøME DIOLANIø[Cø], half-figure of St Ambrose. 770 B 1.16g 0°. CNI v, 215.116; Crippa 1986, 292 no. 14. Trillina Obv. +LVøDGøFRANCORøREXø, two fleurs-de-lis with annulet and pellet in trefoil. Rev. †MEDIOLANIøDVXøCø, cross fleury. 771 B 0.78g 90°. CNI v, 217.133; Crippa 1986, 295 no. 18. 772 B 0.54g 340°. S E C O N D P E R I O D ( O R D I N A N C E O F 15 05 ) , 15 05 – 8 Grossone regale da 18 soldi Obv. +øLVDOVICVSøDøGøREXøFRANCORVMø, bust of duke w. beret r. Rev. (head of St Ambrose)ø ETøMEDIOLANIøDVXøETøCø, crowned quartered shield between two crowns. 7.60g 30°. CNI v, 211.77 var.; Crippa 1986, 285 no. 5. 773 Grosso regale da 6 soldi Obv. +LVDOVICøDGøFRANCORøREXø, bust of St Ambrose between øSø – øAø. Rev. (head of St Ambrose)øETøMEDIOLANIø DVXøETøCø, porcupine with crown above. 2.12g 340°. CNI v, 212.90; Crippa 1986, 288 no. 8. 774 Trillina Obv. †øLVøDGøFRANCORøREXø, L w. crown. Rev. †øMEDIOLANI øDVXøCø, bust of St Ambrose between øSø – øAø. 769 CM.PG.8756–2006: Grierson bequest; Stack’s 1.10.1954; ex Ives coll. 770 CM.PG.9157–2006: Grierson bequest; De Nicola 6.11.1957. 771 CM.PG.15026–2006: Grierson bequest; Kunst und Münzen sale 26, 13.5.1988, lot 1361; ex Strada coll. 772 CM.PG.15027–2006: Grierson bequest; Kunst und Münzen sale 26, 13.5.1988, lot 1361; ex Strada coll. 773 CM.10–1979: gift of Friends of the Fitzwilliam Museum with support of the Victoria and Albert Museum.

T H I R D P E R I O D ( O R D I N A N C E O F 15 0 8 ) , 15 0 8 – 11 Grosso regale da 6 soldi Obv. (head of St Ambrose)øLVDOVICVSøDøGøFRANCORøREXø, crowned shield between two fleurs-de-lis. Rev. MEDIOLANI DVXøETøCø, St Ambrose enthroned. 3.79g 260°. CNI v, 212.85; Crippa 1986, no. 6. 776 Grosso regale da 3 soldi or bissona Obv. +LVDOVICVSøDøGøFRANCORøREXø, crowned shield between two crowned vipers. Rev. (head of St Ambrose) †MEDIOLANIøDVXøETøCET†, crowned knotted cloth. 2.29g 70°. CNI v, 213.94; Crippa 1986, 290 no. 10. 777 1.61g 30°. Obv. +LVDOVICVSøDøGøFRANCORøREX. 778 CNI v, 213.93. Soldino Obv. +LVDOVICøDGøFRANCORøRE[X], crowned shield. Rev. (head of St Ambrose)øMEDIOLANIøDVXøETøCø, cross fleury. 779 B 0.98g 40°. CNI v, 214.105; Crippa 1986, 291 no. 12. Trillina Obv. +LVøDGøFRANCORøREXø, three fleurs-de-lis. Rev. †MEDI OLANIøDVXøETøCø, cross fleury. 780 B 1.10g 250°. CNI v, 217.128; Crippa 1986, 294 no. 17. 781 B 0.77g 20°. Rev. †MEDIOLANIøDVXøCø. CNI v, 217.127 var. 782 B 1.12g 150°. Rev. †MEDIOLANIøDVXøøCø. CNI v, 217.126. Denaro Obv. +LVøDGøFR[ANCORø]RXø, fleur-de-lis. Rev. †DVXøMEDIOLA NIø, cross fleury. 783 B 0.33g 260°. CNI v, 217.139 var.; Crippa 1986, 296 no. 19.

774 CM.PG.13643–2006: Grierson bequest; Nummorum Auctiones sale 4, 16.6.1979, lot 280. 775 CM.PG.10157–2006: Grierson bequest; Baranowsky 27.3.1959. 776 CM.PG.9336–2006: Grierson bequest; Spink 16.3.1958. 777 CM.PG.6800–2006: Grierson bequest; Blunt 19.12.1949; ex Grantley duplicates. 778 CM.PG.4098–2006: Grierson bequest; Blunt 20.3.1947. 779 CM.PG.13589–2006: Grierson bequest; Malloy 20.8.1974 (list 10, no. 464); ex Clark coll.

964

780 CM.PG.10159–2006: Grierson bequest; Baranowsky 27.3.1959. 781 CM.PG.10158–2006: Grierson bequest; Baranowsky 27.3.1959. 782 CM.PG.2532–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 21.3.1946. 783 CM.340–1993: Grierson Fund (PG 16,749); Kunst und Münzen sale 29, 20.5.1993, lot 2109.

m e di eval e uropean coi nag e 12

p late 4 6

L O M BA R DY M I L A N ( cont. ) L O U I S X I I O F F R A N C E , 14 9 9 – 15 0 0 , 15 0 0 – 1 2 ( cont. ) F O U RT H P E R I O D ( O R D I N A N C E O F 1511 ) , 1511 – 12 Grosso regale da 3 soldi or bissona Obv. LVDOVICøDøGøFRANCORøREXø, crowned viper between two fleurs-de-lis. Rev. (head of St Ambrose)†MEDIOLANIøDVXøETøCø †, knotted cloth w. crown. 2.32g 60°. CNI v, 214.102; Crippa 1986, 291 no. 11. 784 2.15g 160°. Obv. øLVDOVICøDøGøFRANCORøREXø. Rev. 785 (head of St Ambrose)†MEDIOLANIøDVXøETøCETø †. CNI v, 214.104 var.

Soldino Obv. +LVøDGøFRANCORøREXø, crowned quartered shield. Rev. [MEDIOL]ANIøDVXøETøC, crowned shield per pale. 786 B 0.89g 60°. CNI v, 215.113 var.; Crippa 1986, 292 no. 13. Sesino Obv. †øLVDOVICøDGøFRANCORøREX, L with crown. Rev. MEDI OLANIøDVXøETøCø, crowned viper. 787 B 0.68g 120°. CNI v, 215.120 var.; Crippa 1986, 293 no. 15.

A P P E N D I X : E M P E RO R C H A R L E S V O F H A B S B U R G, 15 3 5 – 5 6 Silver medal or third-scudo, by Leone Leoni Obv. øIMPøCAESø CAROLVSøVøAVG, laureate, cuirassed and draped bust r. Rev. øSøPøQøMEDIOLøOPTIMOøPRINCIPI, in exergue PIETAS,

veiled Piety with patera enthroned l. w. trophies to her l. and r. 11.86g 190°. CNI v, 234.35; Crippa 1990, 77 no. 26b. 788

MONZA SEIGNORIAL ISSUES OF THE VISCONTI LORDS Commentary on pp. 515–17. 789

E S TO R E V I S C O N T I , 14 0 7 – 13

2.29g 80°. CNI iv, 444.9.

Grosso da 1½ soldi or pegione Obv. >hEStOR$VIcEcOMES$MODOETIE$$c, crowned viper between h and e in quatrefoil. Rev. $S$aBROSIV $3OStER$, bearded St Ambrose enthroned between two annulets.

PAV I A COMMUNAL ISSUES (For imperial issues of Pavia, see above, royal and i m pe ri al coi nag e s ) Denaro mezzano Obv. [+ãVgV]4V[4 gE], FE|RIg|N in beaded border. Rev. +INPERãOR, P ã|ø|P I ã, pellet above. 791 B 0.55g 240°. CNI iv, 494.19; Brambilla 1883, pl. 7.13.

C O I N AG E I N T H E N A M E O F A N E M P E RO R F R E D E R I C K

Commentary on pp. 519–23. N E W M E Z Z A N O C O I N AG E , c. 12 2 0 – 5 0 Grosso da 4 imperiali Obv. +ãVgV4V4 gE, FE|RIg|II in beaded border. Rev. +INPERãOR, P ã|ø|P I ã, three pellets above. 1.43g 80°. CNI iv, 494.10; Brambilla 1883, pl. 7.5. 790

784 CM.PG.11124–2006: Grierson bequest; Nascia 9.9.1961. 785 CM.PG.10587–2006: Grierson bequest; Nascia 13.7.1960. 786 CM.PG.15025–2006: Grierson bequest; Kunst und Münzen sale 26, 13.5.1988, lot 1356; ex Strada coll.

C O I N AG E AC C O R D I N G TO T H E C O N V E N T I O N O F 125 4 , 125 4 – 9 8 Grosso da 6 imperiali Obv. +ãVgV4V4 gE, in the field FE|RIg|N in beaded border. Rev. +INPERãOR, Pã| |Pã|I, pellet above. 1.71g 240°. CNI iv, 493.1; Brambilla 1883, pl. 7.10. 792

787 CM.PG.11125–2006: Grierson bequest; Nascia 9.9.1961. 788 CM.PG.8773–2006: Grierson bequest; Santamaria 10.6.1955; ex Ginori Conti. 789 CM.PG.1639–2006: Grierson bequest; Spink 17.1.1946.

966

790 CM.PG.3349–2006: Grierson bequest; R. Ratto 3.10.1946. 791 CM.2074–1918: Dewick bequest 1918, no. 450. 792 CM.PG.1668–2006: Grierson bequest; Spink 17.1.1946.

m e di eval e uropean coi nag e 12

p late 47

p late 47 ( cont.)

PAV I A ( cont. ) COMMUNAL ISSUES (cont.) S T S Y RU S C O I N AG E , 1 2 9 8 – 13 3 0 s 794 B 0.58g 40°. CNI iv, 497.14 var.; Brambilla 1883, pl. 8.4 var.

E A R LY S T S Y RU S C O I N AG E , 12 9 9 – 132 3 Grosso da 10 imperiali, valued at 12 imperiali from 1315 Obv. S0ncTVS [retrograde] SyRVS, St Syrus standing in arch. Rev. +INPEPãOP, P ã| ¤ |P I ã, pellet above. CNI iv, 497.8; Brambilla 1883, pl. 8.10. 2.09g 140°. 793 Denaro imperiale Obv. +ãVgV4V4 gE, cross. Rev. +I3PEPãOP, Pã|ø| P I ã, triple pellet or trefoil above. 793 CM.PG.12293–2006: Grierson bequest; M. Ratto 21.9.1967. 794 CM.2075–1918: Dewick bequest 1918, no. 451.

R E D U C E D S T S Y RU S C O I N AG E , 132 3 – 1330 s Denaro imperiale Obv. +ãVgV4V4 gE, cross. Rev. +INPEPãOP, Pã| |P ã|I. 795 B 0.52g 330°. CNI iv, 497.15; Brambilla 1883, pl. 8.6. 796 B 0.40g 150°. 797 B 0.41g 120°. Rev. +INPEPãOP, Pã| |P ã|I, triple pellet r. CNI iv, 497.16 var.

795 CM.PG.14151–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 10.12.1982. 796 CM.PG.17800–2006: Grierson bequest; Kunst und Münzen 18.1.1997 (list 72, no. 857).

969

797 CM.2073–1918: Dewick bequest 1918, no. 449.

L O M BA R DY PAV I A ( cont. ) SEIGNORIAL ISSUES OF THE VISCONTI AND SFORZA LORDS G A L E A Z Z O I I V I S C O N T I , L O R D, 13 5 9 – 7 8

G I A N G A L E A Z Z O V I S C O N T I , 137 5 / 8 – 14 0 2

Commentary on pp. 526–8.

Commentary on pp. 527–30.

RO S E T T E I S S U E , c. 136 0 TO L AT E 136 0 s

S M A L L A N N U L E T I S S U E , M I D - 137 0 s TO 139 2 A N D L AT E R

Grosso da 1½ soldi or pegione Obv. +gaLEaZøVIcEcOMESøDøMEDIOLa3Iøþþøc, crested arms between torches w. pails in tressure w. rosette in each angle. Rev. øSøSIRVS> >PaPIa> >, St Syrus enthroned w. fibula. 2.48g 60°. CNI iv, 498.1 var.; Brambilla 1883, pl. 9.1 798 var. 2.34g 300°. Obv. +gaLEaZøVIcEcOMESøDøDIOLa 799 3Iøþþøc. Rev. $SøSIRVS> >PaPIa> >. Grosso da 1½ soldi or pegione (transitional issue with annulets?) Obv. +gaLEaZøVIcEcOMESøDøMEDIOLa3Iøþþøc, crested arms between torches w. pails in tressure w. annulet in each angle. Rev. $S$SIRVS> >PaPPIa>, St Syrus enthroned w. fibula. 2.47g 100°. CNI iv, 499.8 var.; Brambilla 1883, pl. 9.3 800 var. P E L L E T E D A N N U L E T I S S U E , L AT E 136 0 s TO M I D - 137 0 s Grosso da 2 soldi Obv. +gaLEaZøVIcEcOMESøDøMEDIOLa3IøPP.c, crested arms between g –  in tressure w. annulet in each angle. Rev. øSøSIRVSÖ ÖPaPIaÖ Ö, St Syrus enthroned w. fibula. 2.52g 320°. CNI iv, 501.3; Brambilla 1883, pl. 8.15. 801 Sesino, later devalued to quattrino Obv. ø+gaLEaZø øVIcEcOESø, crested arms between g w. Ö below and  w. annulet below. Rev. +D3SøMEDIOLa3IøPaPIEøc, torch with two pails with Ö r. 802 B 1.07g 90°. CNI v, 82.19/20; Crippa 1986, 61 no. 3a. 803 B 1.33g 270°. 804 B 1.07g 270°. 805 B 0.92g 170°.

Grosso da 1½ soldi or pegione (St Ambrose issue with annulets for Milan) Obv. +gaLEaZøVIcEcOMESøD MEDIOLa3Iøþþ.c, crested arms between torches w. pails in tressure w. annulet in each angle. Rev. SøaMBRVS MEDIOLa3, St Ambrose enthroned w. large fibula. 2.49g 10°. CNI v, 81.9 var.; Crippa 1986, 60 no. 2. 806 Soldo, from 1392 Obv. [$ø]+øcOMES$ $VIRtVtVM$, viper in tressure. Rev. +:5:MEDIOL0nI[>]c$, cross fleury. 1.63g 30°. CNI v, 93.51; Crippa 1986, 85 no. 8. 807 Sesino, from 1392 Obv. $cOMES$ $øVIRtVtVM$, crowned crested helmet. Rev. +:5:MEDIOL0nI%c$, decorated cross. 808 B 1.04g 30°. CNI v, 97.88; Crippa 1986, 87–8 no. 13c. F I L I P P O M A R I A V I S C O N T I , C O U N T, 14 0 2 – 4 7, D U K E O F M I L A N F RO M 141 2

Commentary on pp. 530–1. A S C O U N T O F PAV I A O N LY, 14 0 2 – 12 Grosso da 1½ soldi or pegione Obv. [+øFIL]IPVSøMaRIaøcOMESøPaPIEøcø, shield per pale w. sun above between  – M in quatrefoil. Rev. [øSøSI]RVSø EPSøPaPIEø, bearded St Syrus enthroned. 2.16g 120°. CNI iv, 502.4 var.; Brambilla 1883, pl. 9.5. 809 Sesino Obv. +, fleur-de-lis. 1.00g 320°. CNI vi, 13.13; Bernardi 1975, no. 19; 842 Themessl 1911, no. 20 var. Piccolo w. fleur-de-lis Obv. +gRegORI.PaTI, cross. Rev. +øaQVILegIaø, fleur-de-lis. 843 B 0.37g 90°. CNI vi,16.52;Bernardi 1975,no.23;Themessl 1911, no. 24 var. 844 B 0.47g 310°. Rev. +aQVILegIa. CNI vi, 16.50. Second issue Denaro w. cross Obv. gRegO RIV.PA, patriarch enthroned w. crozier and book. Rev. øaQVI LegIaø , cross w. rays.

842 CM.PG.6633–2006: Grierson bequest; De Nicola 5.9.1949. 843 CM.PG.5262–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 12.6.1948. 844 CM.PG.6637–2006: Grierson bequest; De Nicola 5.9.1949. 845 CM.YG.405-R: A. W. Young bequest 1936.

846

1.15g 210°. CNI vi, 14.30; Bernardi 1975, no. 21; Themessl 1911, no. 21 var. 1.20g 220°.

Third issue Denaro w. eagle, towards 1269 Obv. gRegO RIV.PAø, patriarch enthroned w. crozier and book. Rev. ø øaQVI LegIaø ø , eagle. 1.00g 200°. CNI vi, 14.24; Bernardi 1975, no. 22; 847 Themessl 1911, no. 22. 1.04g 0°. 848 0.98g 270°. 849 Piccolo w. long cross Obv. gRegORIPaTI, cross w. pellet in each angle. Rev. aQ LE gI a , long cross w. pellet in each angle. 850 B 0.40g 110°. CNI vi, 15.44; Bernardi 1975, no. 24; Themessl 1911, no. 26. 851 B 0.40g 170°. Obv. gRegORIøPaTI. CNI vi, 15.41.

846 CM.PG.6635–2006: Grierson bequest; De Nicola 5.9.1949. 847 CM.PG.4915–2006: Grierson bequest; Blunt 10.1.1948; ex Grantley duplicates. 848 CM.YG.406-R: A. W. Young bequest 1936; ex Boyne 422. 849 CM.PG.6634–2006: Grierson bequest; De Nicola 5.9.1949.

979

850 CM.YG.407-R: A. W. Young bequest 1936; ex Boyne 422. 851 CM.PG.6636–2006: Grierson bequest; De Nicola 5.9.1949.

V E N E TO AQU I L E I A , PAT R I A R C H S ( cont. ) R A I M O N D O D E L L A TO R R E , 1 2 7 3 – 9 9

OT TO B O N O D E ’ R A Z Z I , 13 0 2 – 15

First issue Denaro w. tower, 1274–7 Obv. øRaIMO NDVPAø, patriarch enthroned w. crozier and book. Rev. øaQVILe geNSISø, tower. 0.99g 200°. CNI vi, 18.10; Bernardi 1975, no. 27; 852 Themessl 1911, no. 27. 1.18g 70°. 853

Denaro w. shield, before c. 1312 Obv. ‰OTOBO NVS‰Pa‰, bust of patriarch w. crozier and book, shield w. eagle below. Rev. +a QVILe ge3SI S, shield. 1.03g 210°. CNI vi, 21.2 var.; Bernardi 1975, no. 34; 862 Themessl 1911, no. 35. 0.97g 350°. 863

Second issue Denaro w. eagle, 1277 Obv. !RaIMO! !NDVPA!, Virgin enthroned w. Child. Rev. !aQVILe! !geNSIS!, eagle. 1.14g 310°. CNI vi, 18.7; Bernardi 1975, no. 28; 854 Themessl 1911, no. 29.

Denaro w. eagle on shield, after c. 1312 Obv. ¤OTOBO 3VSøPaø, patriarch enthroned w. crozier and book. Rev. +a QVILe ge3SI S, shield w. eagle’s head. 0.92g 320°. CNI vi, 21.6; Bernardi 1975, no. 35; 864 Themessl 1911, no. 34 var. PAG A N O D E L L A TO R R E , 1319 – 3 2

Piccolo w. tower and eagle, 1277?–81? Obv. +RaIMONDVPaø, tower. Rev. aQVILegeNSIS[:], eagle. 855 B 0.33g 180°. CNI vi, 19.21–5 var.; Bernardi 1975, no. 29; Themessl 1911, no. 31.

Denaro w. stars Obv. øPagaN øPaThaø, patriarch enthroned w. crozier and book. Rev. ø øaQVI LEgIaø ø, tower over crossed sceptres between stars. 1.09g 10°. CNI vi, 23.14; Bernardi 1975, no. 37. 865

Third issue Denaro w. crossed sceptres, 1281–7 Obv. RaIMV 3DVPa, patriarch enthroned w. crozier and book. Rev. +aQVILege3SIS, crossed sceptres. 1.10g 340°. CNI vi, 17.5; Bernardi 1975, no. 30; 856 Themessl 1911, no. 30.

Piccolo w. crossed sceptres and tower Obv. Pa ga NV Pa, crossed intersecting sceptres. Rev. øaQ[VILE]gIa, tower. 866 B 0.26g 350°. CNI vi, 24.22 var.; Bernardi 1975, no. 40; Themessl 1911, no. 37 var.

Denaro w. keys and towers, 1287–99 Obv. RaIMV 3DVPa, patriarch enthroned w. crozier and book. Rev. aQV ILe ge3 SIS,long cross w.key in first and second angles and tower in third and fourth angles. 1.10g 200°. CNI vi, 17.1; Bernardi 1975, no. 31; 857 Themessl 1911, no. 28. 0.87g (clipped) 220°. 858 1.08g 290°. 859

B E RT R A N D O D I S A N G E N E S I O, 13 3 4 – 5 0

P I E T RO G E R A , 1 2 9 9 – 13 0 1 Denaro w. eagle Obv. >PeTRVS PaTKa, patriarch enthroned w. crozier and book. Rev. +>aQVILe>ge3SIS>, eagle w. breast-shield. 1.09g 110°. CNI vi, 20.1 var.; Bernardi 1975, no. 33 var.; 860 Themessl 1911, no 33. 0.98g 70°. 861

852 CM.PG.4400–2006: Grierson bequest; Seaby 27.5.1947. 853 CM.ME.126-R: no provenance; ex [J.] Sambon 1889, no. a.3. 854 CM.PG.1605–2006: Grierson bequest; Spink 17.1.1946; ex Boulton coll. 855 CM.PG.6639–2006: Grierson bequest; De Nicola 5.9.1949. 856 CM.PG.4575–2006: Grierson bequest; Baranowsky 17.9.1947. 857 CM.PG.6638–2006: Grierson bequest; De Nicola 5.9.1949.

First issue, 1334–8(?) Grosso da 2 denari w. St Hermagoras Obv. +BeR TR0n DøPa Th0 (0n ligatured), long cross, D e V S in the angles. Rev. øShMaChOR aQVILeG3Sø, saint w. crozier. 2.01g 240°. CNI vi, 25.3 var.; Bernardi 1975, no. 42; 867 Themessl 1911, no. 40 var. Denaro w. St Hermagoras Obv. +BeR TR0n DøPa Th0 (0n ligatured), long cross. Rev. øSøhHa ChOR, saint enthroned w. crozier. 1.05g 280°. CNI vi, 26.10; Bernardi 1975, no. 43; 868 Themessl 1911, no. 42 var.

858 CM.ME.125-R: no provenance. 859 CM.28.1456–1920: Hasluck bequest 1920. 860 CM.PG.4580–2006: Grierson bequest; bt Venice 16.9.1947. 861 CM.PG.4401–2006: Grierson bequest; Seaby 27.5.1947. 862 CM.PG.8766–2006: Grierson bequest; Pilartz 23.11.1957 (1957 list, no. 255). 863 CM.PG.4584–2006: Grierson bequest; bt Venice 16.9.1947.

980

864 CM.PG.6234–2006: Grierson bequest; Pilartz 23.11.1957 (1957 list, no. 254). 865 CM.PG.7968–2006: Grierson bequest; De Nicola 15.4.1957 (April 1957 list, no. 1177). 866 CM.PG.12557–2006: Grierson bequest; Bank Leu 5.5.1959. 867 CM.PG.9798–2006: Grierson bequest; Hollschek VII 36; ex Windisch-Grätz 2526. 868 CM.PG.4583–2006: Grierson bequest; bt Venice 16.9.1947.

m e di eval e uropean coi nag e 12

p late 51

p late 51 ( cont.)

AQU I L E I A , PAT R I A R C H S ( cont. ) 871

B E RT R A N D O D I S A N G E N E S I O, 13 3 4 – 5 0 ( cont.) First issue, 1334–8(?) (cont.) Half-denaro w. patriarchal bust Obv. +BøP aTR IaR Cha, long cross. Rev. +øaQVILegI[a]+, bust of the patriarch. 0.48g (chipped) 50°. CNI vi, 27.15; Bernardi 1975, 869 no. 45; Themessl 1911, no. 44 var. Second issue, 1338(?)–50 Denaro w. Virgin and Child Obv. BeRTR anDVSøPø, Virgin enthroned w. Child. Rev. +aQVIL egenSø, eagle w. B on its breast. 0.94g 40°.CNI vi,26.6;Bernardi 1975,no.47;Themessl 870 1911, no. 43. N I C O L Ò D I B O E M I A ( B O H E M I A ) , 13 5 0 – 8 Denaro w. lion Obv. >äOneTa>nIcOLaI, crowned lion. Rev. +PaThe$aQV ILege, ornate cross. 869 CM.PG.13950–2006: Grierson bequest; Numismatik Lanz auction 23, 11.5.1982, lot 1107. 870 CM.PG.4582–2006: Grierson bequest; bt Venice 16.9.1947.

0.90g 140°. CNI vi, 28.6; Bernardi 1975, no. 52; Themessl 1911, no. 48 var.

L U D OV I C O D E L L A TO R R E , 13 5 9 – 6 5 First issue (?) Denaro w. saint and tower Obv. LVDOV IcI Pa , saint enthroned w. crozier, tower between lions’ heads. Rev. aQVI LegIa , tower over crossed sceptres between letters L and V. 0.86g 90°. CNI vi, 30.6 var; Bernardi 1975, no. 55; 872 Themessl 1911, no. 50. 0.94g 90°. Obv. LVDOV IcI Pa . CNI vi, 30.6 var. 873 Second issue (?) Denaro w. sceptres and eagle Obv. +äOneTa LVDOVIcI†, crossed sceptres in tressure. Rev. PaTRIaRcha aQVILegenS, eagle. 0.83g 60°. CNI vi, 29.1 var.; Bernardi 1975, no. 54; 874 Themessl 1911, no. 49 var.

871 CM.PG.4402–2006: Grierson bequest; Seaby 17.5.1947. 872 CM.PG.6641–2006: Grierson bequest; De Nicola 5.9.1949 (list 6, no. 992).

983

873 CM.1.2754–1990: Blunt coll., acq. Graz 1951. 874 CM.PG.6640–2006: Grierson bequest; De Nicola 5.9.1949.

V E N E TO AQU I L E I A , PAT R I A R C H S ( cont. ) M A R Q UA R D O D I R A N D E C K , 13 6 5 – 81

881

Early period, 1365–78(?) Denaro w. eagle on mound Obv. +äOneTa äÅQVÅDIøPaTeøaQø, eagle on mound. Rev. øSøheRäa cORa[ ], half-figure of saint w. crozier above shield between letters ä and a. 0.78g 300°. CNI vi, 30.1; Bernardi 1975, no. 57; 875 Themessl 1911, no. 51 var.

882

Later period, 1378(?)–81 Denaro w. Tyrolean double cross Obv. +äaRQVÅDVS PaTa , reliquary w. globe above and letter ä below. Rev. ‰aQ VILe gen SIS , Tyrolean double cross. 0.72g 10°. CNI vi, 31.6; Bernardi 1975, no. 58; Themessl 876 1911, no. 52. 0.79g 140°. 877 F I L I P P O D I A L E N Ç O N, 13 81 – 7 Denaro Obv. +FILIPVS cÅDInaLIS, coat of arms. Rev. +PaTRIÅcha

aQVILenSIS, eagle. 0.85g 20°. CNI vi, 32.1 var.; Bernardi 1975, no. 60. 878 0.79g 220°. Obv. +FILIPVS cÅDInaLIS$. Rev. 879 +PaTRIÅcha aQVILenSIS$. CNI vi, 32.8 var.; Themessl 1911, no. 53.

0.82g 290°. CNI vi, 35.16 var.; Bernardi 1975, no. 63; Themessl 1911, no. 56. 0.70g 210°. Rev. [+]SanTVS heRäachORaS. CNI vi, 34.14. A N TO N I O I G A E TA N I , 13 9 5 – 14 0 2

Denaro w. crested helmet and eagle, 1395–8(?) Obv. anTOnIVS P aTRha, crested helmet surmounted by eagle’s head between a – n w. coat of arms below left. Rev. >aQV ILe gen SIS, eagle. 0.69g 110°. CNI vi, 35.1; Bernardi 1975, no. 65; 883 Themessl 1911, no. 57 var. Denaro w. arms and long cross, 1398(?)–1402 Obv. +anTOnIVS PaTRIÅcha, shield. Rev. aQV ILe gen SIS, long cross w. rosette in each angle. 0.82g 180°. CNI vi, 36.9; Bernardi 1975, no. 64; 884 Themessl 1911, no. 58 var. A N TO N I O I I PA N C I E R A , 14 0 2 – 11 Denaro, called also soldo Obv. +anTOnIVS PaTRIaRca, shield. Rev. >aQV ILe gen SIS, eagle. 0.66g 260°. CNI vi, 36.1; Bernardi 1975, no. 67; 885 Themessl 1911, no. 59 var. 0.67g 290°. 886

G I OVA N N I D I M O R AV I A , 13 8 7 – 9 4 Denaro w. Moravian eagle Obv. IOaneS PaTRIÅca¤aQVIø, crowned eagle. Rev. >S heReäachORaSÖ, saint enthroned w. sceptre. 0.75g 260°. CNI vi, 33.1; Bernardi 1975, no. 62; 880 Themessl 1911, no. 55. Denaro w. helmet Obv. IOaneS P aTRIha, crested helmet between rosettes and coat of arms w. eagle below. Rev. +SanTVS heRäachORaS, bust of saint.

875 CM.PG.12558–2006: Grierson bequest; Bank Leu 5.5.1969. 876 CM.PG.4576–2006: Grierson bequest; Baranowsky 27.9.1947. 877 CM.PG.4577–2006: Grierson bequest; bt Venice 16.9.1947. 878 CM.PG.6642–2006: Grierson bequest; De Nicola 5.9.1949. 879 CM.PG.4579–2006: Grierson bequest; bt Venice 16.9.1947.

L U D OV I C O I I D I T E C K , 141 2 – 2 0 Denaro, called also soldo Obv. +LVdOVIcVs$dVX$d$öech, shield w. patriarchal coat of arms. Rev. PaTha aQVILe, Virgin enthroned with Child. 0.69g 50°.CNI vi,38.2;Bernardi 1975,no.69;Themessl 887 1911, no. 61. Piccolo Obv. +LOdOVIcVSø, L. Rev. P ö h a, long cross. 888 B 0.18g 40°. CNI vi, 38.4 var.; Bernardi 1975, no. 70 var.; Themessl 1911, no. 62 var.

880 CM.PG.2887–2006: Grierson bequest; Seaby 15.6.1946. 881 CM.PG.1500–2006: Grierson bequest; Seaby 12.1.1946. 882 CM.PG.12555–2006: Grierson bequest; Bank Leu 25.4.1969. 883 CM.PG.4578–2006: Grierson bequest; bt Venice 16.9.1947. 884 CM.PG.13951–2006: Grierson bequest; Numismatik Lanz sale 23, 11.5.1982, lot 1124.

984

885 CM.PG.3892–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 11.1.1947. 886 CM.ME.127-R: [W. G.] Searle [18.6.1910]; bt Cahn March 1886, no. 1038. 887 CM.PG.4581–2006: Grierson bequest; bt Venice 16.9.1947. 888 CM.PG.10434–2006: Grierson bequest; Santamaria 30.3.1960; ex Hollschek VII; ex Windisch-Grätz 2543.

m e di eval e uropean coi nag e 12

p late 5 2

p late 5 2 ( cont.)

GORIZIA, COUNTS Commentary on pp. 582–92. 892

MINT OF LIENZ E N G E L B E RT I I I , 118 7 – 1 2 2 0 , A N D M E I N H A R D I I , 118 7 – 1 2 3 2 Denaro, 1195–1202 Obv. +LIVNç aLI4,seated bishop w.crozier and book.Rev.anepigraphic, church on five columns w. two towers. 0.99g 310°. CNI –; CNA i, no. k5; Rizzoli 1991, no. l2; 889 Passera 2004, no. 2; Rizzolli 2006, no. Li3. A L B E RT I ( I I ) , 1 2 71 – 13 0 4 ( A L O N E ) Denaro, w. long cross, 1274/5–1304 Obv. +aLBERTVü.COMES:gORICIE:, shield of Gorizia. Rev. >DE> >LV> >ON> >ZE>, long cross w. 6-pointed star in first and fourth angles and crescent in second and third angles. 0.99g 30°. CNI vi, 57.4; Rizzolli 1991, no. l48; Rizzoli 890 2006, no. Li7; Passera 2004, no. 5. Denaro, w. lion and rosette, 1274/5–1304 Obv. +0LBERTVS>COMES:, lion. Rev. +gORICIE>DE LVONZE, rose. 1.00g 120°. CNI vi, 50.13; CNA i, no. k14 var.; Rizzolli 891 1991, no. l25; 2006, no. Li18; Passera 2004, no. 6. H E I N R I C H I I , 13 0 4 – 2 3 Denaro Obv. +ha3RIc%cOäeS%gORIc(wedge),shield of Gorizia w.small rosette above. Rev. +äO3eTa%De%LVO3Ze%, rose.

889 CM.PG.10431–2006: Grierson bequest; Santamaria 30.3.1960; ex Hollschek VII 393; ex Windisch-Grätz 2425. 890 CM.PG.9765–2006: Grierson bequest; Lockett III 647; ex Grantley.

0.73g (clipped) 300°. CNI vi, 54.9 var.; CNA i, no. k17 var.; Rizzolli 1991, no. l53 var.; 2006, no. Li32; Passera 2004, no. 12. H E I N R I C H I I I , 13 3 8 – 6 3

Denaro, 1342–63 Obv. +HaI3R>cOMeS>gORIcIEø, shield of Gorizia. Rev. >DE> >LV> >O3> >ZE>, long cross w. crescent in first and fourth angles and rosette in second and third angles. 0.82g 290°. CNI vi, 58.3 var.; CNA i, no. k28 var.; Riz893 zolli 1991, no. l70; 2006, no. Li109; Passera 2004, no. 21. M E I N H A R D V I ( V I I ) , 13 4 7 – 8 5 Denaro Obv. +äeInaRDVS[>]cOäeS, lion. Rev. +gORIcIe[ ]De ¤LVOnZ, rose. 1.03g 40°. CNI vi, 47.2 var.; Passera 2004, no. 23; 894 Rizzolli 2006 –. 0.82g 280°. Obv. +>[äeIN]haDVS>cOMeS. Rev. 895 +gORIcIe>D>LVOnçe. CNI vi, 48.1 var. J O H A N N, 14 5 4 – 6 2 MINT OF TOBLACH (DOBBIACO) Quattrino or vierer, 1460–2 Obv. IOaNNeS, shield of Gorizia. Rev. [cO]äeSGOR, cross w. D O B L in the angles. 896 B 0.32g 210°. CNI vi 63.4–7; CNA i, k38 var.; Passera 2004, no. 32; Rizzolli 2006, no. To10 var.

891 CM.PG.6561–2006: Grierson bequest; Santamaria 5.9.1949. 892 CM.PG.8617–2006: Grierson bequest; gift of P. Berghaus 1.3.1953. 893 CM.PG.8775–2006: Grierson bequest; Stack’s 5.11.1953.

987

894 CM.PG.9766–2006: Grierson bequest; Lockett III 647; ex Grantley. 895 CM.PG.9767–2006: Grierson bequest; Lockett III 647; ex Grantley. 896 CM.PG.18261–2006: Grierson bequest; Hess-Divo sale 274, 26.3.1998, lot 137.

V E N E TO G O R I Z I A ( cont. ) 901 B 0.31g 10°. CNI vi, 67.32; CNA i, no. k46; Fiala 1895, no. 2445; Rizzolli 2006, no. Li157. 902 B 0.37g 210°.

L E O N H A R D, 14 6 2 – 15 0 0 Mint uncertain Kreuzer, w. Tyrolean cross, 1462? Obv. +Leonh0RDVS, shield of Gorizia. Rev. +co äeS goR IcI, Tyrolean cross. 0.88g 80°. CNI vi, 66.25 var.; CNA i, no. k39; Passera 897 2004, no. 33; Rizzolli 2006, no. Li134. MINT OF LIENZ Kreuzer, w. Tyrolean cross, new type Obv. +Leon|coM|goRI, shield of Gorizia. Rev. Mo neT noV LVe, Tyrolean cross w. | in first angle. 0.91g 240°. CNI vi, 66.23 var.; CNA i, no. k44 var.; 898 Passera 2004, no. 34; Rizzolli 2006, no. Li146. 0.89g 90°. 899 Quattrino or vierer, w. rosettes Obv. >LeOnh0RDVS, shield of Gorizia. Rev. >cOäeS(wedge) gORIcI, cross w. rosette in each angle. 900 B 0.40g 160°. CNI vi, 66.26; CNA i, no. k45 var.; Passera 2004, no. 39; Rizzolli 2006, no. Li150. Quattrino or vierer, w. shield of Carinthia on long cross Obv. +LeOnh0RDVS, shield of Gorizia. Rev. +cO äeS gOR IcI, shield of Carinthia on long cross.

M A X I M I L I A N, 15 0 0 – 19 Kreuzer (no date) Obv. +COMES>GORICIE, shield of Gorizia. Rev. ILLV TRIS aRCH DVX>, Tyrolean double cross. 0.91g 40°. CNI vi, 69.7 var. 903 Quattrino or vierer (no date) Obv. +COMES‡GORICIS, shield of Gorizia. Rev. +ARCHIDVCIS, shield of Austria. 904 B 0.39g 170°. CNI vi, 69.12 var.; Fiala 1895, no. 2449 var. 905 B 0.50g 250°.Obv. +COMES‡GORICI.Rev. +ARCHIDVCISø. CNI vi, 69.16. 906 B 0.45g 280°. Obv. +COMES‡GORICIE. Rev. +ARCHIDV CIS. CNI vi, 69.13. Half-batzen, 1518–19 Obv. >aRCHIDVXøCaRINTH>, crowned shield of Carinthia. Rev. qCOMITATVSø GORICIEø1518, crowned ornate shield of Gorizia. 1.87g 230°. CNI vi, 68.3 var. 907 1.92g 170°. 908 1.82g 330°. 909

PA D UA Commentary on pp. 593–606. COMMUNAL ISSUES, 1256–1328 Denaro piccolo, before 1271 Obv. +øCIVITaSø, six-pointed star. Rev. +øDePaDVaø, six-pointed star. 910 B 0.24g 10°. CNI vi, 183.3; Rizzoli and Perini 1903, 63 no. 1b.

911 912 913

U L R I C H VO N WA L D S E E , I M P E R I A L V I C A R I O , 13 2 0 – 1 ( and possibly later?)

914

1.31g 280°. CNI vi, 186.16; Rizzoli and Perini 1903, 65 no. 2i; Rizzolli 1991, no. Pa1. 1.47g 340°. Obv. +$PaDVa($ above small ¤)RegIa. CNI vi, 185.12; Rizzoli and Perini 1903, 64–5 no. 2; Rizzolli 1991, no. Pa2. 1.44g 50°. Obv. +øPaDVa(RegIa(. Rev. cI VI Ta S, St Prosdocimus enthroned w. crozier and model city, P in field r. 1.43g 310°.CNI vi,189.1;Rizzoli and Perini 1903,67–8 916 no. 4. 1.06g 220°. As last. 917 1.09g 190°. Obv. >cI VI T>P aD.. Rev. ¤S>PSDO 918 cIHVS>.CNI vi,189.3 var.;Rizzoli and Perini 1903,p.68, no. 4Ad. 1.10g 330°. As last. 919 1.15g 310°. Obv. as last. Rev. ¤SPSDO cIMVS>, trefoil 920 in field r. Cf. CNI vi, 189.5 (for rev.). Denaro piccolo Obv. +>cIVITaS>, :I: in field. Rev. + P a D V a, intersecting 6-pointed star dividing the legend. 921 B 0.29g 330°. CNI vi, 191.21; Rizzoli and Perini 1903, 69 no. 5.

0.89g 10°. Obv. øFRacISIøDe$KRaRIaø. Rev. Ö. .SøPROS DOcImVSø, B in field r. CNI vi, 196.36 var. (rev.), 197.49 var. (obv.).

Soldo, introduced in 1378 Obv. +FR nøDeøCh R I ø, cart. Rev. ø+cø øIøPø ø Dø øV ø, long cross w. pellet at end of each arm. 0.47g 250°. CNI vi, 198.63. 926 Carrarese, 1386–8 Obv. [$øDøKRaRI]aøP`$ $DVeøe[øceTeR]`$, cart between  and  in tressure. Rev. [øSø] DanIe Løä[aR$ T]IR, standing saint w. model city and banner, n w. triple annulet above and below in field r. 1.78g 10°. Cf. CNI vi, 192.2. 927 Quattrino w. a and cross, by 1387 (and through the rule of Francesco II, 1390–1405) Obv. +>P>a>D>V>, a between 4 pellets. Rev. +>CIVITaS>, cross w. 2 pellets in each angle. 928 B 0.79g 30°. CNI vi, 206.45. 929 B 0.87g 190°. F R A N C E S C O I I DA C A R R A R A , 13 9 0 – 14 0 5

F R A N C E S C O I DA C A R R A R A , 13 5 5 – 8 8 Carrarino, first type, 1355–78 Obv. øRancIScIøDe:caRaRIaø, cart between  and . Rev. Ö:. :S:PROS DOcIäVS$, standing saint w. crozier between n and I. 0.90g 330°.CNI vi,196.35 var.;Rizzoli and Perini 1903, 922 75 no. 12Ae var. 0.90g 30°. Obv. øFRacISIøDeøKRaRIaø. Rev. Ö .SøPROS 923 DOcImVSø, P in field l. CNI vi, 196.40 var. 0.96g 270°. Obv. øFRancIScIøDeøcaRaRIaø, Rev. Ö 924 øSøPROS DOcImVS$, saint between B and Z. CNI vi, 196.36 var.

916 CM.PG.1667–2006: Grierson bequest; Spink 17.5.1946; ex Boulton coll. 917 CM.ME.131-R: no provenance. 918 CM.PG.4585–2006: Grierson bequest; Baranowsky 27.9.1947. 919 CM.PG.4586–2006: Grierson bequest; Baranowsky 27.9.1947. 920 CM.PG.8871–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 29.12.1955; ex Glendining sale 1.12.1955, lot 217. 921 CM.PG.14485–2006: Grierson bequest; Toderi 6.7.1985.

Sestino negro w. comet and cross fleury Obv. %FRa[ncI]ScI{caRaRIA, comet w. tail pointing up, cross in centre,between two annulets.Rev. †cIVITaS PaDVe,cross fleury. 930 B 0.74g 70°. CNI vi, 204.27 var.; Rizzoli and Perini 1903, 83 no. 20d. Piccolo Obv. +>CIVITaS>, . Rev. + P a D V a, intersecting 6-pointed star. 931 B 0.45g 210°. CNI vi, 206.46.

922 CM.PG.4588–2006: Grierson bequest; Baranowsky 27.9.1947. 923 CM.PG.1665–2006: Grierson bequest; Spink 17.1.1946. 924 CM.PG.4587–2006: Grierson bequest; Baranowsky 27.9.1947. 925 CM.ME.132-R: no provenance. 926 CM.PG.1666–2006: Grierson bequest; Spink 17.1.1946; ex Boulton coll.; ex R. Ratto sale 5.12.1911, lot 800; ex Foresti coll. 927 CM.PG.7559–2006: Grierson bequest; Franceschi 26.9.50.

992

928 CM.PG.4592–2006: Grierson bequest; Baranowsky 27.9.1947. 929 CM.PG.4593–2006: Grierson bequest; Baranowsky 27.9.1947. 930 CM.PG.16405–2006: Grierson bequest; Kunst und Münzen 10.7.1991 (list 65, no. 1303). 931 CM.PG.4591–2006: Grierson bequest; Baranowsky 27.9.1947.

m e di eval e uropean coi nag e 12

p late 5 4

p late 5 4 ( cont.)

T R E N TO Commentary on pp. 608–10. I M P E R I A L P O D E S T À , 1236 – 55 Soldo, w. pellets in obv. field Obv. +øEPSøTRIDENø, T between two pellets w. pellet above. Rev. +øIMþaTORøFø, cross w. 6-pointed star in first and second angles and pellet in third and fourth. 1.43g 40°. CNI vi, 211.1; CNA i, no. h2a; Rizzolli 1991, 932 nos. t24, t26. 1.31g 20°. As last. 933 Soldo, without pellets in obv. field Obv. +øEPSøTRIDENø, T, wedge lower l. Rev. +øIMþaTORøFø, cross w. 6-pointed star in first and fourth angles, wedge in second and third. 1.18g 310°. CNI vi, 212.5 var; Rizzolli 1991, nos. 934 t31–t36; cf. CNA i, no. h2b. 1.12g 320°. As last. 935 932 CM.PG.4572–2006: Grierson bequest; bt Venice 16.9.1947. 933 CM.PG.9799–2006: Grierson bequest; Hollschek VII 454; ex Windisch-Grätz 2867. 934 CM.PG.9734–2006: Grierson bequest; M. Ratto 18.5.1958.

Piccolo Obv. EPSøTRIDENø, T. Rev. +:IMþ0TORø, cross. 936 B 0.26g 240°. CNI vi, 214.27 var.; CNA i, no. h3 var.; Rizzolli 1991, no. t19. 937 B 0.23g 210°. Obv. EPS TRIDEN. Rev. +:IMþ0TOR:, pellet r. CNI vi, 214.27 var.; CNA i, no. h3 var.; Rizzolli 1991, no. t16. 938 B 0.28g 80°. Obv. :EPS.TRIDEN, pellet above P. Rev. (trefoil)IMþaTOR, cross. CNI vi, 215.33; CNA i, no. h3 var.; Rizzolli 1991, no. t13.

935 CM.PG.9800–2006: Grierson bequest; Hollschek VII 1154. 936 CM.PG.6628–2006: Grierson bequest; R. Ratto 30.9.1949. 937 CM.PG.9801–2006: Grierson bequest; Hollschek VII 1154.

995

938 CM.PG.10432–2006: Grierson bequest; Santamaria 30.4.1960.

V E N E TO T R E N TO ( cont. ) 940

E G N O D E ’ A P P I A N O, 1 2 4 8 – 7 3 Grosso, 1255–6 Obv. +øEPSøTRIDENTIø (ì above EPS), bust of saint. Rev. +øINPER aTOR>, +F. 1.63g 20°. CNI vi, 216.6 var.; CNA i, no. h4 var.; 939 Rizzolli 1991, no. t44. Grosso, 1270–2 Obv. +øEPSøTRIDENTIø (ì above EPS), bust of saint. Rev. IM PE Ra TO(, long cross w. rosette in each angle.

1.58g 350°. CNI vi, 219.1; CNA i, no. h5; Rizzolli 1991, nos. t69–t73.

N I C O L Ò DA B RU N A ( B R N O ) , 13 3 8 – 4 7 Quadrante or quarter-grosso Obv. +:nIcOLaVS:‡:ePS:, bust of bishop. Rev. +TRIDE3TI3VS: -:, eagle. 941 B 0.55g 100°. CNI vi, 220.5; CNA i, no. H8; Rizzolli 1991, no. t76.

TREVISO Commentary on pp. 610–13. COUNTS OF GORIZIA, 1319–29

VENETIAN RULE

H E I N R I C H I I O F G O R I Z I A , 1319 – 2 3

AG O S T I N O B A R B A R I G O, 14 8 6 – 15 0 1

Denaro piccolo Obv. +COMeSGORø, cross. Rev. +T0RVISIVM, cross. 942 B 0.34g (chipped) 280°. CNI vi, 233.10; Perini 1904a, 51 no. 22.

Bagattino or denaro piccolo Obv. øS. LIBERãLIS TãRVIXIø, standing saint between N and M. Rev. +øSãNCTVSøMãRCVSøVENETIø, lion of St Mark. 943 Æ 1.55g 300°. CNI vi, 237.12; Perini 1904a, 55–6 no. 28 var. 944 Æ 1.25g 10°. Obv. S. LIBERaLIS øTaRVIXI.. Rev. +øSøMãRCVSøVENETIø. CNI vi, 236.6. 945 Æ 0.98g 100°. Obv. øS. LIBERãLIS øTãRVIXIø, without N and M. CNI vi, 236.10 var.

TRIESTE Commentary on pp. 613–17. G I VA R D O, A F T E R 1 2 0 4 – 9

VO L R I C O D E P O RT I S, 1 2 3 3 – 5 4

Denaro Obv. +gIVaRDVS EPISCOPø, seated bishop w. crozier and book. Rev. +cIVITaSøTeRgeSTVM, church w. cupola on three columns between two towers. 1.06g 40°. CNI vi, 239.8; Bernardi 1995, no. g4. 946

Denaro w. saint Obv. VOLRI CVSePø, seated bishop w. crozier and book. Rev. +ø:cIVITaS TeRgeS:ø, standing saint w. palm branch and book between two towers, star in field r. 1.20g 240°. CNI vi, 243.9; Bernardi 1995, no. VS. 947 Denaro w. circuit of walls Obv. VOLRI CVS.ePø, seated bishop w. crozier and book. Rev. +cIVITaSøTeRgeSø TVMø, circuit of walls w. three gates. 1.16g 340°. CNI vi, 243.4 var.; Bernardi 1995, no. VM. 948

939 CM.PG.7946–2006: Grierson bequest; Seaby 27.5.1961. 940 CM.PG.9735–2006: Grierson bequest; M. Ratto 18.5.1958. 941 CM.PG.11650–2006: Grierson bequest; Ars et Nummus 2.11.1964 (October 1964 list, no. 1226).

942 CM.PG.6629–2006: Grierson bequest; R. Ratto 30.9.1949. 943 CM.PG.9142–2006: Grierson bequest; Baranowsky 6.11.1957. 944 CM.PG.4596–2006: Grierson bequest; Baranowsky 29.9.1947. 945 CM.PG.9143–2006: Grierson bequest; Baranowsky 6.11.1957.

996

946 CM.PG.5577–2006: Grierson bequest; R. Ratto 20.9.1948. 947 CM.PG.4086–2006: Grierson bequest; Seaby 20.3.1947. 948 CM.PG.6613–2006: Grierson bequest; De Falco 9.9.1949.

m e di eval e uropean coi nag e 12

p late 55

p late 55 ( cont.)

T R I E S T E ( cont.) VO L R I C O D E P O RT I S, 1 2 3 4 – 5 4 ( cont.) Denaro w. standard Obv. VOLRI CVSeP, seated bishop w. crozier and book. Rev. +cIVITa4TeRge4TVM, standard w. halberd between two 6pointed stars. 1.01g 0°. CNI vi, 244.15; Bernardi 1995, no. VA. 949 C O M M U N A L C O I N AG E , 1 2 5 4 – 7 Denaro Obv. øSaNTVS IVSTVSø, standing saint w. palm branch and book, star in field r. Rev. +CIVITa4 TeRge4TVM, walled city w. three towers, central tower surmounted by a cupola. 1.26g 10°. CNI vi, 241.1; Bernardi 1995, no. T. 950 ARLONGO DE’ VISGONI, 1254–8 0 E A R LY I S S U E S, 125 4 to shortly before 12 6 9 Denaro w. lamb Obv. øaRLON gVSøeøPø, seated bishop w. crozier and book. Rev. +cIVITa4 TeRge4TVM, lamb. 0.85g 160°. CNI vi, 246.8 var.; Bernardi 1995, no. AA. 951

949 CM.PG.6614–2006: Grierson bequest; De Nicola 5.9.1949. 950 CM.PG.13274–2006: Grierson bequest; Kunst und Münzen 12.1.1974 (list 26, no. 354). 951 CM.PG.6616–2006: Grierson bequest; De Nicola 5.9.1949.

Denaro w. rosette Obv. øaRLON gVSøePø, seated bishop w. crozier and book. Rev. +cIVITa4 TeRge4TVMø, rose. 0.99g 200°. CNI vi, 247.18 var.; Bernardi 1995, no. AR. 952 Denaro w. crescent moon and star Obv. øaRLON gV4øePø, seated bishop w. crozier and book. Rev. +cIVITa4 TeRge4TVMø, crescent moon w. 6-pointed star above. 0.88g 50°. CNI vi, 247.21; Bernardi 1995, no. AL. 953 1.10g 210°. 954 L AT E R I S S U E S, shortly before 1269 to 1280 Denaro w. dove Obv. øaRLON gV4øePø, seated bishop w. crozier and book. Rev. +cIVITa4 TeRge4TVM , dove. 0.93g 90°. CNI vi, 246.10; Bernardi 1995, no. l70. 955 Denaro w. saint Obv. $aRLOgVS%EPISCOPIS%, bust of St Justus facing. Rev. CIVITaS%TERGESTV$, domed temple over eight-peaked hill. 1.01g 160°. CNI vi, 249.36 var.; Bernardi 1995, no. AT. 956 Denaro w. 6-pointed star Obv. øaRLON gV4øePø, seated bishop w. crozier and book. Rev. +øcIVITa4ø TeRge4TVM, 6-pointed star. 1.14g 180°. CNI vi, 248.34; Bernardi 1995, no. AS. 957

952 CM.PG.6618–2006: Grierson bequest; De Nicola 5.9.1949. 953 CM.PG.4573–2006: Grierson bequest; Baranowsky 27.9.1947. 954 CM.PG.6619–2006: Grierson bequest; De Nicola 5.9.1949.

999

955 CM.PG.6617–2006: Grierson bequest; De Nicola 5.9.1949. 956 CM.PG.6615–2006: Grierson bequest; R. Ratto 30.9.1949. 957 CM.PG.6620–2006: Grierson bequest; De Nicola 5.9.1949.

V E N E TO T Y RO L , C O U N T S Commentary on pp. 618–27. MINT OF MERAN M E I N H A R D I I , 1 2 5 8 – 9 5 ( w. A L B E RT I I , 1 2 5 8 – 71 ) and later, to 13 6 3 Grosso aquilino or zwanziger, 1259–74/5 Obv. +cOMeS(TIROL(, eagle displayed. Rev. Dø.ø e Me Ra NO, long cross. 1.46g 250°. CNI vi, 94.7; CNA 1, no. j2a–b var.; 958 Rizzolli 1991, no. m66. 1.35g 290°. Obv. +cOMES(TIROL(. Rev. >DE Ma Ra 959 3O. CNI vi, 99.54; Rizzolli 1991, no. m43a. 1.51g 240°. Obv. +cOMES(TIROL:. Rev. DE ME Ra NO. 960 CNI vi, 99.56; Rizzolli 1991, no. m38 var. 1.46g 190°. Obv. +øcOMES(TIROL(. Rev. DEø Maø Ra 961 3O. CNI vi, 98.45 var.; Rizzolli 1991, no. m22.

970 971 972 973 974

Grosso tirolino or zwanziger, from 1274/5 First series, from 1274/5 to 1306 Obv. ME IN aR DVS, Tyrolean double cross. Rev. +COMES>(>TIROL, eagle displayed. 1.48g 150°. CNI vi, 101.3; CNA 1, no. j5 Bz. 1; Rizzolli 962 1991, no. m81. 1.53g 80°. Obv. ME IN aR DVS. Rev. +COMES (shield) 963 TIROL. CNI vi, 102.13; CNA 1, no. j5 Bz. 2; Rizzolli 1991, no. m82. 1.34g 330°. As last. 964 1.47g 210°.Obv. ME IN aR DV.Rev. +COMESTIROL. 965 CNI vi, 103.21; CNA 1, no. j5 Bz. 8; Rizzolli 1991, no. m109. 1.30g 210°. As last. 966 1.59g 210°. Obv. ME IN aR DV. Rev. +COøMESøTIøROL. 967 CNI vi, 103.25; CNA 1, no. j5 Bz. 11; Rizzolli 1991, no. m121. 0.99g 290°. As last. 968 1.42g 260°. Obv. âE IN aR DVS. Rev. +COMES (branch 969 w. three flowers) TIROL. CNI vi, 104.30–31 var.; CNA 1, no. j5 Bz. 10 var.; Rizzolli 1991, no. m112 var.

958 CM.PG.2681–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 18.4.1946. 959 CM.PG.3812–2006: Grierson bequest; Seaby 23.11.1946; ex H. Nieter coll. 960 CM.PG.9771–2006: Grierson bequest; Lockett III 467; ex Grantley 3408. 961 CM.PG.9770–2006: Grierson bequest; Lockett III 467; ex Grantley 3408. 962 CM.PG.6621–2006: Grierson bequest; Baranowsky 3.9.1949. 963 CM.PG.9772–2006: Grierson bequest; Lockett III 467; ex Grantley 3408. 964 CM.1.3317–1990: Blunt coll. 965 CM.PG.9773–2006: Grierson bequest; Lockett III 467; ex Grantley 3408.

975 976

1.38g 160°. Obv. IIE IN aR DVS. Rev. +COMES (branch w. three flowers) TIROL. CNI vi, 104.30–31 var.; CNA 1, no. j5 Bz. 10 var.; Rizzolli 1991, no. m112. 1.12g 290°. As above. 1.42g 210°. Obv. ME IN aR DV. Rev. +COMES+TIROL. CNI vi, 105.34; CNA 1, no. j5 Bz. 12; Rizzolli 1991, nos. m125–m127 var. 0.87g 210°. Obv. ME IN aR DV. Rev. +COMES TIROL. CNI vi, 106.43 var.; CNA 1, no. j5 Bz. 13; Rizzolli 1991, no. m128. 1.42g 160°. Obv. NE IN aR DVS. Rev. +COMES (signum rocchi similar to that on some coins of Florence) TIROL. CNI vi, 106.44; CNA 1, no. j5 Bz. 6; Rizzolli 1991, no. m101; cf. Bernocchi 1974–85, ii, nos. 314–17 (1252– 1303), 1551 (1347/ii), 1647–58 (1353/i). 1.45g 330°. Obv. ME IN aR DV. Rev. +COMES (symbol) TIROL. CNI vi, 107.47; CNA 1, no. j5 Bz. 14; Rizzolli 1991, no. m131. 1.45g 190°. As last.

Second series, from 1306 to 1335 1.48g 90°. Obv. ME IN aR DV. Rev. +COMES (cup) 977 TIROL. CNI vi, 107.49; CNA 1, no. j8 Bz. 21; Rizzolli 1991, no. m152. 1.25g 240°. Obv. ME IN aR DV. Rev. +COMES (leaf) 978 TIROL. CNI vi, 109.58; CNA 1, no. j8 Bz. 18; Rizzolli 1991, no. m142. 1.33g 70°. As last. 979 Third series, from 1335 to 1341 0.85g 330°. Obv. >ME IN aR DV. Rev. 980 +>COMES>>TIROL>. CNI vi, 111.74; CNA 1, no. j12 Bz. 34; Rizzolli 1991, no. m193. 1.04g 120°. Obv. MøE :I:ø3 a.R. :DV. Rev. 981 C.OM:EøSø>T.I.R.O:L4 . Cf. Rizzolli 1991, nos. m198–m199, m203–m205, m218, m220–m223.

966 CM.PG.6643–2006: Grierson bequest; Blunt 9.1.1948; ex Grantley duplicates. 967 CM.PG.9774–2006: Grierson bequest; Lockett III 467; ex Grantley 3408. 968 CM.PG.6644–2006: Grierson bequest; Blunt 9.1.1948; ex Grantley duplicates. 969 CM.PG.6645–2006: Grierson bequest; Blunt 9.1.1948; ex Grantley duplicates. 970 CM.PG.9775–2006: Grierson bequest; Lockett III 467; ex Grantley 3408. 971 CM.PG.6646–2006: Grierson bequest; Blunt 9.1.1948; ex Grantley duplicates. 972 CM.PG.5543–2006: Grierson bequest; De Falco 9.9.1948. 973 CM.PG.1841–2006: Grierson bequest; Blunt 9.1.1948; ex Grantley duplicates.

1000

974 CM.PG.6647–2006: Grierson bequest; Blunt 9.1.1948; ex Grantley duplicates. 975 CM.PG.4601–2006: Grierson bequest; Tinchant 22.4.1947. 976 CM.PG.6648–2006: Grierson bequest; Blunt 9.1.1948; ex Grantley duplicates. 977 CM.PG.6649–2006: Grierson bequest; Blunt 9.1.1948; ex Grantley duplicates. 978 CM.PG.6651–2006: Grierson bequest; Blunt 9.1.1948; ex Grantley duplicates. 979 CM.PG.6650–2006: Grierson bequest; Blunt 9.1.1948; ex Grantley duplicates. 980 CM.PG.6652–2006: Grierson bequest; Blunt 9.1.1948; ex Grantley duplicates. 981 CM.PG.2683–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 18.4.1946.

m e di eval e uropean coi nag e 12

p late 56

V E N E TO T Y RO L , C O U N T S ( cont. ) M E I N H A R D I I , 1 2 5 8 – 9 5 ( w. A L B E RT I I , 1 2 5 8 – 71 ) ( cont. )

987

Half-grosso or zehner (?) Obv. [legend?], Tyrolean double cross. Rev. +[]øTIROL, eagle displayed. 982 B 0.63g (badly worn). Cf. CNI vi, 117.113–14.

988 989

L E O P O L D I I I , 13 6 5 – 8 6 Grosso tirolino or zwanziger Obv. LIV PO LD VS, Tyrolean double cross. Rev. +COMES>TIROL (two 5-pointed stars), eagle displayed. 1.07g 110°. CNI vi, 122.1 var.; CNA i, no. j26a; Fiala 983 1895, no. 2621 var. Quattrino or vierer Obv. +LVPO>LDVS, cross w. rosette in each angle. Rev. +cOMeS>TIROL>, eagle displayed. 984 B 0.61 140°. CNI vi, 124.17 var.; CNA i, no. j40; Fiala 1895, no. 2622. 985 B 0.54 90°. As last. S I G I S M U N D, 14 3 9 – 9 6 MINT OF MERAN Grosso tirolino, dated [14]60 Obv. +SI gIS äVn DVS|, Tyrolean double cross, w. another | in the field below terminal | in the legend. Rev. +coäeSø60øTIRoL|, eagle displayed. 0.96 170°. CNA i, no. j45 var. 43; Rizzolli 2006, 986 no. m600 var. Grosso tirolino, 1460–77 Obv. +SI gIS äVn DVS♦, Tyrolean double cross. Rev. +coäeS.>.TIRoL♦, eagle displayed.

982 CM.1.3318–1990: Blunt coll. 983 CM.PG.11523–2006: Grierson bequest; M. Ratto 25.3.1963. 984 CM.PG.10801–2006: Grierson bequest; Lanz 21.7.1960. 985 CM.PG.10800–2006: Grierson bequest; Lanz 21.7.1960. 986 CM.PG.5347–2006: Grierson bequest; M. Baronowsky 6.11.1957.

990

0.87g 30°. CNI vi, 134.16; CNA i, no. j45 var. 15; Fiala 1895, no. 2637 var.; Moeser and Dworschak 1936, 81 no. 27 var.; Rizzolli 2006, no. m607 var. 1.07g 120°. Obv. +SI gIS äVn DVS, w. ♦ in field below terminal S in legend. CNI vi, 133.14 (obv.); cf. CNA i, no. j45 var. 20–1; Rizzolli 2006, no. m607. 1.04g 20°. Obv. +SI gIS äVn DVS♦, w. ♦ in field below terminal ♦ in legend. CNI vi, 132.5 var.; CNA i, no. j45 var. 26. 1.04g 240°. Obv. +SI gIS äVn DVS♦ (cross formed by quadrilateral divided into quarters), w. ♦ in field below terminal ♦ in legend. Rev. [+]coäeS.>.TIRoL♦. Cf. Moeser and Dworschak 1936, 81 no. 26.

Quattrino or vierer Obv. [+SIg]ISMVnDVS, cross w. rosette in each angle. Rev. +CO[MeS>]TIROL, eagle displayed. 991 B 0.44g 290°. CNI vi, 134.20–21; CNA i, no. j46; Rizzolli 2006, no. m580. 992 B 0.30g 300°. MINT OF HALL Fiorino d’oro (florin) or gulden, 1477–96 Obv. SIGISMø0RchI DUX0øVSTRIe, standing archduke facing. Rev. +MoneT0ø0VRe0øcoMITIøSTIRoL, elaborate cross w. shield in each angle. 3.24g 280°. Moeser and Dworschak 1936, 78 no. 10 var. 993 3.29g 280°. Obv. SIGISMøaRcHI DUXøaVSTRIE. 994 Rev. +Mo3EtaøaVREaøCOMITISøTIROL. Moeser and Dworschak 1936, 78 no. 13. Quattrino or vierer, 1477–96 Obv. +SIgISäVnDVS, shield of Austria in tressure. Rev. +coäeS>TIRoL, eagle displayed. 995 B 0.50g 10°. CNI vi, 134.22; CNA i, no. j49; Fiala 1895, no. 2639; Moeser and Dworschak 1936, 82 no. 34b; Rizzolli 2006, no. h12.

987 CM.PG.2551–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 2.4.1946; ex Grantley 3620. 988 CM.PG.324–2006: Grierson bequest; Seaby 5.4.1945. 989 CM.1892–1918: Dewick bequest 1918, no. 268. 990 CM.ME.378-R: no provenance. 991 CM.PG.2552–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 2.4.1946; ex Grantley 3620.

1002

992 CM.PG.9930–2006: Grierson bequest; Santamaria 23.10.1958. 993 CM.PG.1067–2006: Grierson bequest; MMAG Basel sale 35, 16.6.1967, lot 296. 994 CM.PG.1255–2006: Grierson bequest; MMAG Basel sale 35 16.6.1967, lot 299. 995 CM.PG.9931–2006: Grierson bequest; Santamaria 29.10.1958.

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V E N E TO VENICE For imperial and early anonymous coinages, see royal and i m pe ri al coi nag e s For commentary, see pp. 627–53. S E B A S T I A N O Z A N I , T H I RT Y- N I N T H D O G E , 117 2 – 8

P I E T RO Z I A N I , F O RT Y- S E C O N D D O G E , 1205–29

Denaro Obv. +ø4EBøDVXø, cross. Rev. +ø4øMHRCV4, cross. 996 B 0.28g 300°. CNI vii, 18.11; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 74 no. 1 var. 997 B 0.29g 150°. Rev. +ø4øMARCV4. CNI vii, 18.12; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 74 no. 1.

Grosso Obv. +øPøZIaNI – D|V|X – øSøMøVeNeTI, saint w. book passing banner-staff to doge. Rev. Christ enthroned between IC and XC w. abbreviation marks above. 2.15g 190°. CNI vii, 30.1; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 93 1006 no. 1. 2.10g 180°. Obv. ø+øPøZIaNI – D|V|X – øSøM.VeNeTI. 1007 CNI vii, 30.3. 2.16g 180°. Obv. ø+.P.çIaNI – D|V|X – SM.VeNeTI. 1008 CNI vii, 30.5 var. 2.10g 180°. Obv. ø+.P.ZIaNI – D|V|X – øSMVeNeTI. 1009 CNI vii, 30.4. 2.16g 180°. Obv. +PZIaNI – D|V|X – øSMVeNeTI. 1010 CNI vii, 30.4 var.

O R I O M A L P I E RO, F O RT I E T H D O G E , 117 8 – 9 2 Denaro Obv. +AVRIODVX, cross. Rev. +ø4MARCV4, cross. 998 B 0.30g 290°. CNI vii, 25.45 var.; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 78 no. 1, var. 999 B 0.39g 180°. Obv. +AVBIODVX. Rev. +4MARCV4. CNI vii, 24.33. 1000 B 0.30g 280°.Obv. +AVRIODVX.Rev. +4MARCV4,pellet above and below first 4 in legend. CNI vii, 26.54. 1001 B 0.39g 10°. Obv. +øAVRøDVX. Rev. +ø4øMARCV4. CNI vii, 22.18; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 78, no. 5. 1002 B 0.59g 310°. Obv. +øãVR DVXø. Rev. +4[ ]ãV4. Cf. CNI vii, 21.11 for obv. (contemporary forgery). E N R I C O DA N D O L O, F O RT Y- F I R S T D O G E , 119 2 – 1 2 0 5 Grosso (also called ducato d’argento and matapan) Obv. XøHøDaNDOL – D|V|X – øSøMøVENETI, saint w. book passing banner-staff to doge. Rev. Christ enthroned between IC and XC w. abbreviation marks above. 1.97g 180°. CNI vii, 27.1; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 86 1003 no. 1. Denaro piccolo Obv. +ENRICDVX, cross. Rev. +4MARCV4, cross. 1004 B 0.32g 0°. CNI vii, 27.4; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 86 no. 2 var. 1005 B 0.32g 10°. As last. 996 CM.PG.1835–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 28.1.1946. 997 CM.1.2757–1990: Blunt coll.; acq. Rome 1957. 998 CM.PG.3163–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 28.8.1946. 999 CM.PG.10210a-2006: Grierson bequest; Glendining 14.9.1951, lot 193. 1000 CM.PG.10211–2006: Grierson bequest; Glendining 14.9.1951, lot 193. 1001 CM.PG.10212–2006: Grierson bequest; Glendining 14.9.1951, lot 193. 1002 CM.2222–2003: Grierson Fund (PG 19,317); Simmons Gallery 24.6.2003.

J AC O P O T I E P O L O, F O RT Y- T H I R D D O G E , 1229–49 Grosso Obv. øIaTeVøPL – D|V|X – øSøM.VeNeTIø, saint w. book passing banner-staff to doge. Rev. Christ enthroned between IC and XC w. abbreviation marks above. 2.17g 180°. CNI vii, 32.4; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 98 1011 no. 2. 2.16g 170°. Obv. øIa.TeVøPL.ø. – D|V|X – 1012 øSM.VeNeTIø. CNI vii, 32.8; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 98 no. 4 var. 2.05g 180°. Obv. øIaTeVøøPL. – D|V|X – øSM.VeNeTI. 1013 CNI vii, 32.4 var. 2.01g 180°. Obv. øIaTeVøPL. – D|V|X – SMVeNeTIø. 1014 CNI vii, 32.4 (obv.). 2.09g (pierced twice) 180°. Obv. øIAøTeVøPL – D|V|X 1015 – øSMVeNeTI. CNI vii, 31.2 var. 2.20g 220°. Obv. [ ]NV.PL – D|V|X – SMVENE[ ]. 1016 Possibly false. 2.48g 180°. Obv. øIAN7VøPL – D|V|X – øs2VeNTIø. 1017 Probably false. (plated) 2.14g 180°. Obv. øIATeVPL. – D|V|X – 1018 øSM.VeNeTIø. False.

1003 CM.PG.8186–2006: Grierson bequest; Glendining 14.9.1951, lot 193. 1004 CM.PG.19581–2006: no provenance. 1005 CM.PG.3162–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 28.8.1946. 1006 CM.PG.8187–2006: Grierson bequest; Glendining 14.9.1951, lot 193. 1007 CM.PG.8198–2006: Grierson bequest; Glendining 14.9.1951, lot 193. 1008 CM.PG.1948–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 28.2.1946. 1009 CM.ME.377-R: no provenance. 1010 CM.6285–2007: gift of T. V. Buttrey. 1011 CM.PG.8190–2006: Grierson bequest; Glendining 14.9.1951, lot 193.

1004

1012 CM.PG.8189–2006: Grierson bequest; Glendining 14.9.1951, lot 193. 1013 CM.PG.1947–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 28.2.1946. 1014 CM.PG.5044–2006: Grierson bequest; Blunt 17.3.1948; ex Grantley duplicates. 1015 CM.ME.137-R: no provenance. 1016 CM.PG.5854–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 12.2.1949. 1017 CM.PG.5853–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 12.2.1949. 1018 CM.PG.5855–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 12.2.1949.

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V E N E TO V E N I C E ( cont. ) M A R I N O M O RO S I N I , F O RT Y- F O U RT H DOGE, 1249–53

1026

Grosso Obv. øMM9ROC (two pellets w. horizontal bar above) – D|V|X – øSM.VeNeTIø, saint w. book passing banner-staff to doge. Rev. Christ enthroned between IC and XC w. abbreviation mark above. 2.15g 180°. CNI vii, 34.9 var. 1019 2.18g 180°. Obv. øMøM9ROC (two pellets w. horizon1020 tal bar above) – D|V|X – øSøMøVeNeTIø. Rev. pellet l. of r. leg. CNI vii, 33.3. 2.10g 180°. Obv. øNNø9ROC C (two pellets w. hori1021 zontal bar above) – D|V|X – øSøN.VeNeTIø.Rev. :: below l. elbow. CNI vii, 34.13 var. 2.15g 180°.Obv. øMM9ROC (three pellets w.horizon1022 tal bar above) – D|V|X – øS.M.VeNeTIø. Rev. :: below l. elbow and pellet r. of l. leg. CNI vii, 34.15 var.

1027 1028 1029 1030 1031 1032 1033

Quartarolo Obv. [ ]øM9ROceN8øDVX, in the field VøNøCøEø. Rev. +ø4øMaRcV4ø, cross w. lily in each angle. 1023 B 0.64g 200°. CNI vi, 35.23; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 101 no. 5.

1034 1035

R A N I E R I Z E N O, F O RT Y- F I F T H D O G E , 1253–6 8 Contemporary cast bronze copy of the grosso, possibly of Eastern provenance Obv. øRaøgeNo – D|V|X, saint w. book passing banner-staff to doge. Rev. Christ enthroned between IC and XC w. abbreviation marks above. 1024 Æ 5.22g 160°. Rev. annulet below r. elbow. CNI –; cf. Schindler 1952, 149 no. 6. Grosso Obv. øR0øgeNOø – D|V|X – øSøMøVeNeTIø, saint w. book passing banner-staff to doge. Rev. Christ enthroned between IC and XC w. abbreviation mark above. 2.18g 180°. Rev. pellet r. of l. leg. CNI vii, 36.14; 1025 Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 106 no. 1.5.

1019 CM.PG.6586–2006: Grierson bequest; Baranowsky 3.9.1949. 1020 CM.PG.8192–2006: Grierson bequest; Glendining 14.9.1951. 1021 CM.PG.8191–2006: Grierson bequest; Glendining 14.9.1951. 1022 CM.PG.11384–2006: Grierson bequest; Lockett III 519; ex Grantley 3322. 1023 CM.PG.9803–2006: Grierson bequest; Hollschek VII 1196. 1024 CM.PG.9804–2006: Grierson bequest; Hollschek VII 1196. 1025 CM.PG.9802–2006: Grierson bequest; Hollschek VII 1196.

1036

2.18g 180°.Obv. øRaøgeNOø – D|V|X – øSøM.VeNeTIø. Rev. pellet between feet. CNI vii, 36.15; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 106 no. 1.6. 1.71g 180°. Rev. annulet between feet. CNI vii, 38.24 var.; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 106 no. 1.15. 2.10g 200°. Obv. øRaøgeNOø – D|V|X – øSøM.VeNeTI. Rev. ø.ø l. of r. leg. CNI vii, 38.33; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 106 no. 1.24 var. 2.17g 180°. Rev. annulet below r. elbow. CNI vii, 37.21; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 106 no. 1.11 var. 2.11g 150°. Rev. annulet l. of r. leg. CNI vii, 37.19; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 106 no. 1.13 var. 1.87g 180°. Obv. øRaøgeNOø – D|V|X – øSøM.VeNeTIø. Rev. .ø. l. of r. leg. CNI vii, 38.33; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 106 no. 1.24. 2.04g 170°. Rev. pellet below l. elbow. CNI vii, 36.9; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 106 no. 1.3. 1.95g 180°. Rev. pellet l. of r. leg. CNI vii, 36.12 var.; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 106 no. 1.4. 2.09g 180°. Obv. øRaøgeNOø – D|V|X – øSøM.VeNeTI. Rev. annulet r. of l. leg. CNI vii, 37.23; Papadopoli 1893– 1919, i, 106 no. 1.14 var. 1.51g (clipped or filed?) 180°. Obv. [ ] – D|V|X – SM.VeNeTI, legend l. and most of legend r. eradicated by filing. Rev. annulet below l. elbow. CNI vii, 36.22 var.; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 106 no. 1.12 var. 1.62g 150°. Rev. triangular pellet below r. elbow. CNI vii, 36.8; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 106 no. 1.19 var.

Bianco or mezzo denaro Obv. +øRaøgeNODVX, cross w. triangular pellet in each angle. Rev. +ø4øMaRcV4VøNø, bust of saint facing. 1037 B 0.56g 280°. CNI vii, 39.36 var.; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 107 no. 2. Quartarolo Obv. +øRaøgeNODVXø, in the field VøNøCøEø. Rev. +ø4øMaRcV4ø, cross w. lily in each angle. 1038 B 0.95g 30°. CNI vi, 39.40 var; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 107 no. 4. 1039 B 0.65g 0°. CNI vi, 39.38; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 107 no. 3.

1026 CM.PG.8788–2006: Grierson bequest; Glendining 14.9.1951, lot 193. 1027 CM.PG.5045–2006: Grierson bequest; Blunt 17.3.1948; ex Grantley duplicate. 1028 CM.PG.8787–2006: Grierson bequest; Glendining 14.9.1951, lot 193. 1029 CM.PG.9338–2006: Grierson bequest; Spink 16.3.1958; ex Ashmolean duplicate; ex Lockett III 518; ex Grantley 3321. 1030 CM.PG.12530–2006: Grierson bequest; Dorotheum 1968. 1031 CM.PG.13087–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 27.1.1970.

1006

1032 CM.PG.14159–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 10.12.1982. 1033 CM.ME.138-R: no provenance. 1034 CM.275–1939: C. Davies Sherborn 1939, no. 14. 1035 CM.276–1939: C. Davies Sherborn 1939, no. 16. 1036 CM.ME.139-R: no provenance. 1037 CM.PG.14482–2006: Grierson bequest; Toderi 28.5.1985; from small hoard of c. 1975. 1038 CM.PG.13968–2006: Grierson bequest; De Falco 8.6.1982. 1039 CM.PG.4670–2006: Grierson bequest; bt Venice 14.9.1947.

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V E N E TO V E N I C E ( cont. ) L O R E N Z O T I E P O L O, F O RT Y- S I X T H DOGE, 126 8–75

1052

Grosso Obv. øLaøTeVPL. – D|V|X – øS.M.VeNeTI, saint w. book passing banner-staff to doge. Rev. Christ enthroned between IC and XC, both w. abbreviation mark above. 2.04g 180°. CNI vii, 39.1; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 1040 112 no. 1.1. 1.73g (pierced) 180°. Obv. legend r. completely 1041 obscured. Rev. triangular pellet l. of r. leg. CNI vii, 40.6; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 112 no. 1.5. 2.26g 180°. 1042 2.15g 180°. Rev. triangular pellet below l. elbow and 1043 l. of r. leg. CNI vii, 40.10; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 112 no. 1.9. 2.07g 180°. Rev. triangular pellet between feet. CNI 1044 vii, 40.8; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 112 no. 1.7. 2.09g 170°. CNI vii, 40.8; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 1045 112 no. 1.7. 2.00g 160°. Rev. diamond-shaped pellet l. of r. leg. 1046 CNI vii, 41.15; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 112 no. 1.15. 2.12g 180°. Rev. diamond-shaped pellet below r. 1047 elbow. CNI vii, 40.13; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 112 no. 1.14. 2.14g 180°. Rev. diamond-shaped pellet below l. 1048 elbow and l. of r. leg. CNI vii, 41.17 var.; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 112 no. 1.16. 2.16g 180°. Rev. diamond-shaped pellet below r. 1049 elbow and l. of r. leg. CNI vii, 41.19 var.; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 112 no. 1.17. 1.86g 180°. Obv. øLaTNeVPL – D|V|X – øSVeNeTIø, 1050 star r. of doge’s legs and annulet above and l. of saint’s head. Rev. no discernible marks. 1.95g 190°. Obv. LTaeVPLø – D|V|X – øSMVeNeTIø, 1051 star r. of doge’s legs and annulet above and l. of saint’s head. Rev. star between feet.

1053

1040 CM.PG.5046–2006: Grierson bequest; Blunt 17.3.1948; ex Grantley duplicate. 1041 CM.PG.1836–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 28.1.1946. 1042 CM.PG.5048–2006: Grierson bequest; Blunt 17.3.1948; ex Grantley duplicate. 1043 CM.1.2758–1990: Blunt coll.; ex Owston Smith 1967. 1044 CM.PG.12531–2006: Grierson bequest; Dorotheum 1968. 1045 CM.805–1910: W. G. Searle 18.6.1910. 1046 CM.PG.8267–2006: Grierson bequest; Glendining 14.9.1951, lot 193.

1054

1.66g 180°. Obv. øL0Te[.V.]PL. – D|V|X – øSM[.V.]eNeTI, star r. of the doge’s legs. Rev. no discernible marks. 1.75g 170°. Obv. L0TeVPLø – D|V|X – SMVeNeTI, star r. of the doge’s legs. Rev. pellet and star between feet. 1.98g 180°. Obv. L00IeVLLø – D|V|X – [ ], legend at r. obscured. Rev. no discernible marks.

Denaro piccolo Obv. +øLaTEøDVX, cross. Rev. +4øMaRCV4, cross. 1055 B 0.28g 330°. CNI vii, 42.28 var. 1056 B 0.25g 140°. Obv. +øLaøTEøDVX, cross. Rev. +ø4øMaRCV4ø, cross. CNI vii, 42.31; Papadopoli 1893– 1919, i, 112 no. 2. Bianco or mezzo denaro Obv. +øLøTeOPVLøDVXø, cross w. triangular pellet in each angle. Rev. +ø4øMaRCV4øVøNø, bust of saint facing. 1057 B 0.31g (chipped) 310°. CNI vii, 43.34 var. J AC O P O C O N TA R I N I , F O RT Y- S E V E N T H DOGE, 1275–8 0 Grosso Obv. øIaø@TaRINø – D|V|X – øSøM.VeNeTI, saint w. book passing banner-staff to doge. Rev. Christ enthroned between IC and XC, both w. abbreviation mark above. 2.12g 180°. Rev. pellet below r. elbow. CNI vii, 43.2; 1058 Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 118 no. 1.2. 2.12g 180°. Obv. øIaø@TARIN – D|V|X – øSøM.VeNeTI. 1059 Rev. pellet below l. elbow. CNI vii, 44.3; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 118 no. 1.3. 2.08g 180°. Obv. Iaø@TARIN – D|V|X – øSøM.VeNeTI. 1060 Rev. pellet l. of r. leg and between feet. CNI vii, 44.12; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 118, no. 1.8.

1047 CM.PG.6245–2006: Grierson bequest; Spink 19.9.1956. 1048 CM.PG.8262–2006: Grierson bequest; Glendining 14.9.1951, lot 193. 1049 CM.PG.5047–2006: Grierson bequest; Blunt 17.3.1948; ex Grantley duplicates. 1050 CM.PG.5696–2006: Grierson bequest; Forrer 17.1.1949. 1051 CM.ME.140-R: no provenance. 1052 CM.PG.5049–2006: Grierson bequest; Blunt 17.3.1948; ex Grantley duplicates. 1053 CM.PG.5695–2006: Grierson bequest; Forrer 17.1.1949.

1008

1054 CM.ME.141-R: no provenance. 1055 CM.PG.6587–2006: Grierson bequest; Baranowsky 3.9.1949. 1056 CM.PG.6574–2006: Grierson bequest; Santamaria 5.9.1949. 1057 CM.PG.14481–2006: Grierson bequest; Toderi 28.5.1985; from small hoard of c. 1975. 1058 CM.PG.3153–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 28.8.1946. 1059 CM.PG.1946–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 28.2.1946. 1060 CM.PG.5847–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 12.2.1949.

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p late 6 0

V E N E TO V E N I C E ( cont.) G I OVA N N I DA N D O L O, F O RT Y- E I G H T H DOGE, 128 0–9 Ducato d’oro (ducat), from 1285 Obv. øIOøDaNDVL – ø|S|ø|M|ø|V|e|N|e|T|I – D|V|X, saint passing banner-staff to doge. Rev. øSITøTøXþeøDaTøQøTV ReGISøISTeøDVcaT, Christ in elliptic aureole. 3.49g 180° (SG 19.23: c. 99% ). CNI vii, 47.2 var.; 1061 Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 137 no. 1 var. 3.55g 180°. CNI vii, 47.1; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 1062 137 no. 1. Grosso Obv. [ø]IoøDaNDVL – D|V|X – SøM.VeNeTI, saint w. book passing banner-staff to doge. Rev. Christ enthroned between IC and XC, both w. abbreviation mark above. 2.11g 180°.Rev.annulet below l.elbow.CNI vii,48.15; 1063 Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 137–8 no. 2.5. 2.13g 180°. Obv. IoøDaNDVL – D|V|X – 1064 øSøMøVeNeTI. CNI vii, 48.17 var.; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 137–8 no. 2.5 var. 2.09g 190°. Obv. øIoøDaNDVL – D|V|X – 1065 øSøMøVeNeTIø. Rev. annulet l. of r. leg. CNI vii, 49.23 var.; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 137–8 no. 2.6 var. 2.15g 180°.Obv. IoøDaNDVL – D|V|X – SøMøVeNeTI. 1066 Rev. annulet l. of right leg. CNI vii, 49.24; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 137–8 no. 2.6 var. 2.11g 180°.Obv. IoøDaNDVL – D|V|X – SøMøVeNeTI. 1067 Rev. three annulets joined in pyramid l. of right leg. CNI vii, 49.30; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 137–8 no. 2.10. 2.00g 180°. Obv. øIoøDaNDVL – D|V|X – 1068 øSøMøVeNeTI. Rev. three annulets joined in a pyramid below l. elbow. CNI vii, 49.29; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 137–8 no. 2.8 var. 2.07g 180°. Rev. three annulets joined in a pyramid 1069 below right elbow.CNI vii,49.28;Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 137–8 no. 2.9 var. 2.11g 180°. Obv. øIoøDaNDVL. – D|V|X – 1070 øSøMøVeNeTIø. Rev. three annulets joined in pyramid below l. and r. elbows. CNI vii, 50.36 var.; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 137–8 no. 2.12 var.

1061 CM.PG.7884–2006: Grierson bequest; Sotheby 19.3.1951, lot 55; ex de Cosson coll. 1062 FM.CM.YG.408-R: A. W. Young bequest 1936; ex Boyne 432. 1063 CM.PG.2702–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 18.4.1946. 1064 CM.PG.13252–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 22.5.1971. 1065 CM.PG.8264–2006: Grierson bequest; Glendining 14.9.1951, lot 193. 1066 CM.PG.8263–2006: Grierson bequest; Glendining 14.9.1951, lot 193. 1067 CM.PG.5043–2006: Grierson bequest; Blunt 17.3.1948; ex Grantley duplicates.

Denaro piccolo Obv. +øIOøDaøDVXø, cross. Rev. +ø4øMaRCV4ø, cross. 1071 B 0.23g 140°. CNI vii, 51.41; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 138, no. 3. Quartarolo Obv. +øIOøDaNDVL.DVX, in the field VøNøCøE. Rev. +ø4øMaRCV4ø, cross w. lily in each quadrant. 1072 B 0.54g 270°. CNI vii, 51.48; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 138 no. 6 var. 1073 B 0.73g 30°.Obv. +øIOøD0NDVLøDUXø,in the field VøNøCøE. CNI vii, 51.48 var.; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 138 no. 6 var. P I E T RO G R A D E N I G O, F O RT Y- N I N T H D O G E , 1 2 8 9 – 1311 Ducat Obv. øPeøGRaDONIcOø – ø|S|ø|M|ø|V|e|N|e|T|I|ø – D|V|X, saint passing banner-staff to doge. Rev. øSITøTøXPeøDaTøQøTV ReGISøISTeøDVcaT., Christ in elliptic aureole. 3.53g 180° (SG 19.27: c. 99% ). CNI vii, 52.3; Castel1074 lani 1925,no.4910 var.;Papadopoli 1893–1919,i,144,no.1 var. 3.51g 170°. CNI vii, 52.3 var.; Papadopoli 1893–1919, 1075 i, 144, no. 1 var. Grosso Obv. øPeøGRaDONIcOø – D|V|X – øSøMøVeNeTIø, saint w. book passing banner-staff to doge. Rev. Christ enthroned between IC and XC, both w. abbreviation mark above. 2.06g 180°. CNI vii, 52.4; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 1076 144 no. 2.1 var. 2.05g 160°. 1077 1.92g 180°. Rev. pellet below l. elbow. CNI vii, 52.6; 1078 Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 144 no. 2.3 var. 1.90g 180°. Rev. pellet below l. elbow. CNI vii, 52.6; 1079 Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 144 no. 2.3 var. 1.87g 180°. Rev. pellet (?) below l. elbow. CNI vii, 1080 52.6; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 144 no. 2.3 var.

1068 CM.806–1910: W. G. Searle 18.6.1910; ex NCirc xiii (1905), no. 15117. 1069 CM.ME.142-R: no provenance. 1070 CM.PG.5028–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 10.12.1982. 1071 CM.PG.4710–2006: Grierson bequest; R. Ratto 30.9.1947. 1072 CM.PG.4669–2006: Grierson bequest; bt Venice 14.9.1947. 1073 CM.PG.13493–2006: Grierson bequest; bt Washington 10.8.1976. 1074 CM.PG.6578–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 15.10.1949.

1010

1075 CM.1839–1910: Dewick bequest 1918, no. 215. 1076 CM.PG.8265–2006: Grierson bequest; Glendining 14.9.1951, lot 193. 1077 CM.277–1939: C. Davies Sherborn 1939. 1078 CM.PG.6226–2006: Grierson bequest; Spink 19.9.1956. 1079 CM.PG.11639–2006: Grierson bequest; Spink 7.10.1963. 1080 CM.PG.5844–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 12.2.1949.

m e di eval e uropean coi nag e 12

p late 61

V E N E TO V E N I C E ( cont.) P I E T RO G R A D E N I G O, F O RT Y- N I N T H D O G E , 1 2 8 9 – 1311 ( cont.)

G I OVA N N I S O R A N Z O, F I F T Y- F I R S T D O G E , 131 2 – 2 8

Grosso (cont.) Obv. øPeøGRaDONIcOø – D|V|X – øSøMøVeNeTIø, saint w. book passing banner-staff to doge. Rev. Christ enthroned between IC and XC, both w. abbreviation mark above. 2.09g 180°.Rev.annulet below l.elbow.CNI vii,53.10; 1081 Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 144 no. 2.6 var. 2.02g 180°. Rev. As last, w. annulet below l. elbow. 1082 CNI vii, 53.10; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 144, no. 2.6 var. 2.16g 170°.Rev.annulet below l.elbow.CNI vii,53.10; 1083 Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 144 no. 2.6 var. 2.03g 180°. Rev. annulet below l. elbow. CNI vii, 1084 53.10; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 144 no. 2.6 var. 2.10g 180°. Rev. annulet below l. elbow and below r. 1085 elbow. CNI vii, 53.10 var.; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 144 no. 2.9 var. 2.14g 190°. Rev. annulet l. of r. leg. CNI vii, 53.12. 1086 1.98g (pierced) 180°. Obv. øPeøGRaDONIcO – 1087 D|V|X – øSøMøVeNeTIø. Rev. trefoil below l. elbow. CNI vii, 53.15; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 144 no. 2.11 var.

Ducat Obv. øIOøSVþaNTIOø – ø|S|M|V|e|N|e|T|I – D|V|X, saint passing banner-staff to doge. Rev. øSITTøXPeøDaT.Q:TV RegISø ISTeDVcaT., Christ in elliptic aureole. 3.57g 180° (SG 19.14: c. 99% ). CNI vii, 59.14 var.; 1091 Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 154 no. 1 var.

Denaro piccolo Obv. +øPeøgR`øDVXø, cross. Rev. +ø4øM`RCV4ø, cross. 1088 B 0.31g 40°. CNI vii, 54.27; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 145 no. 3. M A R I N O Z O R Z I , F I F T I E T H D O G E , 1311 – 1 2 Grosso Obv. øM`øgeORgIOø – D|V|X – [øSøMøVeNeTIø], saint w. book passing banner-staff to doge. Rev. Christ enthroned between IC and XC, both w. abbreviation mark above. 1.92g 180°. Rev. trefoil below l. elbow. CNI vii, 56.6 1089 var.; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 148 no. 2. 1.91g 180°. 1090

1081 CM.PG.1945–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 28.2.1946. 1082 CM.PG.11381–2006: Grierson bequest; Lockett III 519; ex Grantley 3322. 1083 CM.ME.143-R: H. Hawes 1903. 1084 CM.1840–1918: Dewick bequest 1918, no. 216. 1085 CM.1.2759–1990: Blunt coll. 1086 CM.PG.8266–2006: Grierson bequest; Glendining 14.9.1951, lot 193. 1087 CM.277–1939: C. Davies Sherborn 1939, no. 16. 1088 CM.PG.10874–2006: Grierson bequest; Rinaldi 21.4.1961 (list 629).

Grosso Obv. øIO.SVþaNTIO – D|V|X – øS.M.VeNeTI, saint w. book passing banner-staff to doge. Rev. Christ enthroned between IC and XC, both w. abbreviation mark above. 2.06g 180°. CNI vii, 59.19; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 1092 154–5 no. 2 var. 1.65g (worn and pierced) 10°. CNI vii, 59.19; 1093 Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 154–5 no. 2 var. 2.19g 190°. Obv. øIO.SVþaNTIO – D|V|X – 1094 øSøM.VeNeTI. Rev. pellet below l. elbow. CNI vii, 59.21 var.; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 154–5 no. 2.3 var. 2.04g 190°. Obv. øIO.SVþaNTIO – D|V|X – 1095 øSøMøVeNeTIø. Rev. pellet below l. elbow. CNI vii, 59.21 var.; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 154–5, no. 2.3 var. 2.19g 170°. Obv. øIOøSVþaNTIOø – D|V|X – 1096 øSøMøVeNeTIø. Rev. 5-petal flower (or 5-pointed star?) below l. elbow. CNI vii, 59.23 var.; Papadopoli 1893– 1919, i, 154–5, no. 2.10 var. 2.15g 170°. Obv. IOøSVþaNTIOø – D|V|X – 1097 øSøMøVeNeTIø. Rev. trefoil below l. elbow. CNI vii, 60.30 var.; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 154–5 no. 2.9 var. 2.04g (pierced) 180°. Obv. øIOøSVþaNTIOø – D|V|X – 1098 øSøMøVeNeTIø. Rev. trefoil below l. elbow. CNI vii, 60.30 var.; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 154–5 no. 2.9 var. 2.18g 180°. Obv. øIO.SVþ`NTIOø – D|V|X – 1099 SMVeNeTIø. Rev. annulet below l. elbow. CNI vii, 59.22 var.; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 154–5 no. 2.6 var. 1.44g (clipped or filed) 180°. Obv. [ ]NTIOø – D|V|X – 1100 SøM[ ], much of legend obscured by clipping or filing. Rev. annulet below l. elbow. CNI vii, 59.22 var.; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 154–5 no. 2.6 var. 2.16g 180°. Obv. IOSVþ0NTIOø – D|V|X – 1101 SMVeNeTI. Rev. three annulets joined in a pyramid l. of r. leg. CNI vii, 59.27 var.; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 154–5 no. 2.13 var.

1089 CM.PG.165–2006: Grierson bequest; Spink 22.2.1945. 1090 CM.PG.14480–2006: Grierson bequest; Toderi 28.5.1985. 1091 CM.PG.6579–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 15.10.1949. 1092 CM.PG.6227–2006: Grierson bequest; Spink 19.9.1956. 1093 CM.ME.144-R: no provenance. 1094 CM.PG.5846–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 12.2.1949. 1095 CM.PG.6228–2006: Grierson bequest; Spink 19.9.1956.

1012

1096 CM.PG.1819–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 18.1.1946. 1097 CM.PG.11367–2006: Grierson bequest; Lockett III 569; ex Grantley 3322. 1098 CM.TR.687-R: Trinity College loan 1937, no. 1440. 1099 CM.1.2760–1990: Blunt coll. 1100 CM.PG.12658–2006: Grierson bequest; Miss Bestrakofka Genova (Dumbarton Oaks); fd in Bulgaria. 1101 FM.CM.TR.688-R: Trinity College loan 1937, no. 1441.

m e di eval e uropean coi nag e 12

p late 6 2

V E N E TO V E N I C E ( cont.) F R A N C E S C O DA N D O L O, F I F T Y- S E C O N D D O G E , 13 2 9 – 3 9

1110

Ducat Obv. øFRaøDaNDVLo – ø|S|ø|M|ø|V|e|N|e|T|I – D|V|X, saint passing banner-staff to doge. Rev. øSITøTøXPeøDaT.QTV RegISøISTeDVcaTø, Christ in elliptic aureole. 3.53g 180° (SG 19.27: c. 99% ). CNI vii, 62.3 var.; 1102 Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 162 no. 2 var.

1111

Grosso Obv. FRaDaNDVLO – D|V|X – øSMVeNeTI, saint w. book passing banner-staff to doge. Rev. Christ enthroned between IC and XC, both w. abbreviation mark above. 2.13g 200°. CNI vii, 63.13 var.; Papadopoli 1893–1919, 1103 i, 162 no. 5.1 var. 2.01g (pierced) 150°. Obv. [ø]FRaDaNDVLOø – 1104 D|V|X – øSMVeNeTIø, CNI vii, 64.14; Papadopoli 1893– 1919, i, 162 no. 5.1 var. 2.10g (pierced) 0°. Obv. øFRaøDaNDVLO – D|V|X – 1105 øSøMøVeNeTI. CNI vii, 64.16 var.; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 162 no. 4.1 var. 1.91g (pierced) 130°. Obv. FRaD0NDVIO – D|V|X – 1106 SMVeNeTI. Rev. annulet r. of l. leg. CNI vii, 64.18 var.; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 162 no. 5.3. Mezzanino or mezzo grosso, 1331–9 Obv. øFRaøDaN DVLOøDVXø, doge standing facing l. holding banner-staff w. both hands. Rev. øSøMaRcø øVeNeTIø, bust of St Mark facing w. r. hand elevated in benediction, w. mint mark •••$ on lower fold of garment. 1.13g 170°. CNI vii, 64.21; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 1107 163 no. 8. 1.05g 180°. 1108 Soldino, 1331–9 Obv. ø+FRøaøDaN DVLoøDVXø, kneeling doge w. banner-staff. Rev. +øSøMaRcVS.VeNeTIø, lion w. banner-staff. 0.95g 130°. CNI vii, 65.28 var.; Papadopoli 1893–1919, 1109 i, 163 nos. 10–11 var.

1102 CM.PG.6580–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 15.10.1949. 1103 CM.PG.1837–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 28.1.1946. 1104 CM.PG.19028–2006: Grierson bequest; ‘Trésor de Jordanie’, no. 1. 1105 CM.PG.19029–2006: Grierson bequest; ‘Trésor de Jordanie’, no. 2. 1106 CM.PG.5036–2006: Grierson bequest; Glendining 9.3.1948, lot 7. 1107 CM.807–1910: W. G. Searle 18.6.1910.

0.85g 200°. Obv. ø+øFRaøDaN DVLOøDVXø. Rev. +øSøMaRcVSøVeNeTIø. CNI vii, 65.28; Papadopoli 1893– 1919, i, 163 nos. 10–11. 0.84g 150°. Obv. ø+FRaøDaN DVLOøDVXø. CNI vii, 65.29 var.

Denaro piccolo Obv. [ ]R`øD`øDV[ ], cross. Rev. [ ]`RCV[ ], cross. 1112 B 0.24g 290°. CNI vii, 66.41; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 164 no.13. B A RTO L O M E O G R A D E N I G O, F I F T Y- T H I R D D O G E , 13 3 9 – 4 2 Ducat Obv. BagRaDO3IcO – S|M|V|e|N|e|T|I – D|V|X, saint passing banner-staff to doge. Rev. øSITøTøXPeøD0T.QøTV RegISøISTeDVcaT., Christ in elliptic aureole. 3.55g 340° (SG 19.21: c. 99% ). CNI vii, 67.2 var.; 1113 Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 167 no. 1 var. Grosso Obv. BaøgRaDONIcO – D|V|X – øSøMøVeNeTI, saint w. book passing banner-staff to doge. Rev. Christ enthroned between IC and XC, both w. abbreviation mark above. 2.16g (pierced) 20°. CNI vii, 68.10 var.; Papadopoli 1114 1893–1919, i, 168 no. 2.1 var. 2.11g (pierced) 170°. Obv. BaøgRaDONIcO – 1115 D|V|X – øSøMVeNeTIø. CNI vii, 68.10 var.; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 168 no. 2.1 var. 2.14g 170°. Obv. øBaøgRaDONIcO – D|V|X – 1116 øSøMøVeNeTIø. Rev. annulet r. of l. leg. CNI vii, 68.11 var.; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 168 no. 2.3 var. 2.17g 280°. Obv. øBaøgRaDONIcO – D|V|X – 1117 øSMVeNeTIø. Rev. annulet r. of l. leg. CNI vii, 68.9 var.; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 168 no. 2.3 var. 2.11g (pierced) 160°. Obv. BaøgRaDONIcOø – 1118 D|V|X – øSM.VeNeTIø. Rev. annulet r. of l. leg. CNI vii, 68.9 var.; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 168 no. 2.3 var.

1108 CM.PG.6570–2006: Grierson bequest; bt Rome 1.9.1949. 1109 CM.PG.13788–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 18.3.1981. 1110 CM.PG.3161–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 28.8.1946. 1111 CM.PG.5845–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 19.2.1949. 1112 CM.PG.14483–2006: Grierson bequest; Toderi 28.5.1985. 1113 CM.PG.11908–2006: Grierson bequest; Kress sale 134, 21.11.1965, lot 862.

1014

1114 CM.PG.5034–2006: Grierson bequest; Glendining 9.3.1948, lot 7. 1115 CM.PG.5035–2006: Grierson bequest; Glendining 9.3.1948, lot 7. 1116 CM.278–1939: C. Davies Sherborn 1939, no. 17. 1117 CM.PG.1820–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 28.1.1946. 1118 CM.PG.9805–2006: Grierson bequest; Hollschek VII 1205.

m e di eval e uropean coi nag e 12

p late 6 3

p late 6 3 ( cont.)

V E N I C E ( cont.) B A RTO L O M E O G R A D E N I G O, F I F T Y- T H I R D D O G E , 13 3 9 – 4 2 ( cont.) Soldino Obv. ø+øBøaøgRaDO NIcODVXø, kneeling doge w. banner-staff. Rev. +øSøMaRcVSøVeNeTIø, lion w. banner-staff. 0.96g 200°. CNI vii, 69.18 var.; Papadopoli 1893–1919, 1119 i, 168 no. 3 var.

1119 CM.PG.1821–2006: Grierson bequest; Lockett III 519; ex Grantley 3322.

1120

0.85g 190°. Obv. +BaøgRaDO NIcøODVX.

Denaro piccolo Obv. +øBaøGRaøDVXø, cross. Rev. +4MaR{V4, cross. 1121 B 0.45g 120°. CNI vii, 69.19 var.; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 169 no. 4 var.

1120 CM.PG.9805a-2006: Grierson bequest; Hollschek VII 1205.

1017

1121 CM.PG.9806–2006: Grierson bequest; Hollschek VII 1205.

V E N E TO V E N I C E ( cont.) A N D R E A DA N D O L O, F I F T Y- F O U RT H D O G E , 13 4 3 – 5 4 Mint-masters for silver (for the mint-masters, see Stahl 2000) Angelo de Priuli [a]: confirmed 5 September 1326, 19 July 1328, 16 August 1328, 23 November 1328, 19 November 1333, 10 February 1334, 7 March 1343, 18 February 1344. Marco Navager [ä]: elected 19 November 1333; confirmed March 1343; ceased 14 July 1348. Nicoletto Albizo [n]: elected 9 February 1348; confirmed 7 April 1350, 9 July 1350. Nicolò Barisano [n]: ceased 14 July 1348. Giovanni Papaziza [c (w. tail)]: elected 16 June 1349; confirmed 7 April 1350, 25 July 1350. Secondo Aventurado [S]: elected 16 June 1350; confirmed 14 April 1353. Nicoletto Steno [n]: elected 9 July 1350. Unknown master [J]. Ducat Obv. 0NDRD0NDVLO – ø|S|M|V|e|N|e|T|I – D|V|X, saint passing banner-staff to doge. Rev. øSITøTøXPeøD0T.QøTV RegI SISTeDVcaT, Christ in elliptic aureole. 3.53g 200° (SG 19.24: c. 99% ). CNI vii, 74.38 var. 1122 3.51g 170° (SG 19.19: c. 99% ). CNI vii, 74.39 var. 1123 Grosso Obv. `NDRD`NDVLO – D|V|X – øSøM.VeNeTIø, saint w. book passing banner-staff to doge. Rev. Christ enthroned between IC and XC, both w. abbreviation mark above, w. four pellets forming small cross below each elbow. 2.09g 330°. Obv. CNI vii, 75.49 var.; Papadopoli 1893– 1124 1919, i, 181 no. 2.3 var. 2.09g 180°. Obv. `NDRøD`NDVLOø – D|V|X – 1125 øSøM.VeNeTIø. Rev. four pellets below each elbow and annulet r. of l. leg. CNI vii, 75.47 var.; Papadopoli 1893– 1919, i, 181 no. 2.3 var. 1.73g (broken piercing) 140°. 1126

1122 CM.PG.6569–2006: Grierson bequest; bt Rome 1.9.1949. 1123 CM.PG.6581–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 15.10.1949. 1124 CM.PG.5031–2006: Grierson bequest; Glendining 9.3.1948, lot 7. 1125 CM.YG.409-R: A. W. Young bequest 1936; ex Boyne 436. 1126 CM.808–1910: W. G. Searle 18.6.1910; ex NCirc VIII (1900), no. 63098.

1127

2.10g (pierced) 200°. Obv. ø`NDRøD`NDVLOø – D|V|X – øSM VeNeTIø. CNI vii, 75.48 var.; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 181 no. 2.2 var.

Soldino vecchio, 1343–53 Obv. ø+ø0NDRøD0N DVLODVXø, kneeling doge w. banner-staff. Rev. +øSøMaRcVSøVeNeTIø, lion w. banner-staff. 0.92g 180°. CNI vii, 76.52 var.; Papadopoli 1893–1919, 1128 i, 182 no. 4 var. 0.86g 30°. Obv. ø+øaNDRøDAN DVLOøDVXø. CNI vii, 1129 76.52 var. Mezzanino nuovo, 1343–53 Obv. aND0DVl øSMVeNe DVX,saint receiving candle from doge. Rev. øXPSøReS VReSITø, Christ emerging from sepulchre. 0.73g 100°. Obv. n between saint and doge in lower 1130 field. CNI vii, 70.2 var.; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 181–2 no. 3 var. 0.74g 330°. Obv. ø0ND0Dl øSMVeNe DVX, ä in field. 1131 Rev. øXPSøReS VReSITø ø. CNI vii, 70.8 var. 0.71g 180°. Obv. aNøDaDVl SMVeNe DVX, [ ] in 1132 field. Rev. øXPSøReS VReSIT ø. CNI vii, 71.12 var. 0.74g 310°.Obv. aNDaDVl SMVeNeø DVX, 4 in field. 1133 Rev. øXPSøReS VReSITø ø. CNI vii, 72.19 var. 0.75g 130°. Obv. ø0ND0Dl SMVeNeø DVX, 4 in field. 1134 CNI vii, 72.19 var. 0.72g 250°. Obv. øaND0Dl SMVeNeø DVXø, 4 in field. 1135 CNI vii, 72.19 var. 0.70g 340°. Obv. 0ND0Dl øSøM.VeNeø DVX, a in 1136 field. Rev. øXPSøReSø VReSIT ø. CNI vii, 72.24 var. 0.72g 180°.Obv. ø0ND0Dl øSMVeNeø DVX, a in field. 1137 Rev. øXPSøReSø VReSITø ø. CNI vii, 73.26 var.

1127 CM.PG.19030–2006: Grierson bequest; ‘Trésor de Jordanie’, no. 3. 1128 CM.PG.6588–2006: Grierson bequest; Baranowsky 3.9.1949. 1129 CM.59–1973: no provenance. 1130 CM.PG.5862–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 12.2.1949. 1131 CM.PG.11371–2006: Grierson bequest; Lockett III 519; ex Grantley 3322. 1132 CM.PG.164–2006: Grierson bequest; Spink 22.2.1945.

1018

1133 CM.PG.5861–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 12.2.1949. 1134 CM.PG.11372–2006: Grierson bequest; Lockett III 519; ex Grantley 3322. 1135 CM.ME.145-R: uncertain provenance [Young bequest 1936 (?)]; ex Boyne coll. 1136 CM.PG.11374–2006: Grierson bequest; Lockett III 519; ex Grantley 3322. 1137 CM.PG.11373–2006: Grierson bequest; Lockett III 519; ex Grantley 3322.

m e di eval e uropean coi nag e 12

p late 64

p late 64 ( cont.)

V E N I C E ( cont.) A N D R E A DA N D O L O, F I F T Y- F O U RT H D O G E , 13 4 3 – 5 4 ( cont.) Soldino nuovo, so-called second type, 1353–4 Obv. +ø`NDRøDaN DVLOøDVXø, kneeling doge w. banner-staff. Rev. +øSøMaRcVøSøVeNeTIø, lion w. banner-staff. 0.54g 330°. Rev. c (w. tail [|] extending below) l. CNI 1138 vii, 72.17 var.; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 182 no. 5 var. 0.45g 110°. Obv. +øaNDR[ ] øDVLOøDVXø. Rev. 1139 +øSøMaRcV4øVeNeTIø, c (w. tail [|] extending below) l. CNI vii, 72.18 var. 0.54g 130°. Obv. ø+øaNDRøDAN øDVLOøDVXø. Rev. 1140 +øSøMaRcVSøVeNeTIø, S l. CNI vii, 72.21 var. 0.56g 290°. Obv. ø+øaNDRøDAN DVLODVXø. Rev. S l. 1141 CNI vii, 72.21 var. 1138 CM.PG.5864–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 12.2.1949. 1139 CM.PG.13376–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 10.5.1950. 1140 CM.PG.5866–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 12.2.1949.

0.51g 180°. Obv. ø+øaNDRøDAN DVLODVX. Rev. +øSøMaRcVS=VeNeTIø, S l. CNI vii, 72.21 var. 0.54g 30°. Obv. +ø`NDRøD`N DVLOøDVXø. Rev. S l. 1143

1142

CNI vii, 72.21 var. 0.51g 90°. Obv. ø+ø`NDRøDaN "DVLODVXø. Rev. +øSøMaRcVøSøVeNeTIø, J l. CNI vii, 74.35 var. 0.49g 50°. Obv. ø+`NDRøD`N DVLODVXø. Rev. 1145 +øSøMaRøcVSøVeNeTIø, J l. CNI vii, 74.35 var.

1144

1141 CM.PG.5865–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 12.2.1949. 1142 CM.PG.5867–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 12.2.1949. 1143 CM.PG.4411–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 30.5.1947.

1021

1144 CM.PG.5863–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 12.2.1949. 1145 CM.YG.410-R: A. W. Young bequest 1936; ex Boyne 436.

V E N E TO V E N I C E ( cont.) A N D R E A DA N D O L O, F I F T Y- F O U RT H D O G E , 13 4 3 – 5 4 ( cont.) Tornesello, 1353–4 Obv. .+øaNDR:DaNDVLO:DVXø, cross. Rev. +øVeXILIFeR øVeNecIaR., winged lion. 1146 B 0.80g 170°. CNI vii, 77.58 var.; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 183 no. 8 var. M A R I N O FA L I E R , F I F T Y- F I F T H D O G E , 13 5 4 – 5 Mint-masters for silver Unknown master [J]. Soldino Obv. "+MaRIN.FaL eDROøDVX, kneeling doge w. banner-staff. Rev. +øS=MaRcVS=VeNeTIø, lion w. banner-staff. 0.55g 170°. Rev. S l. CNI vii, 78.8 var.; Papadopoli 1147 1893–1919, i, 187 no. 3 var. 0.52g 130°. Obv. "+MaRIN.FaL eDROøDVX. Rev. 1148 +øSøMaRcVS" VeNeTIø, J l. CNI vii, 77.5 var. G I OVA N N I G R A D E N I G O, F I F T Y- S I X T H D O G E , 13 5 5 – 6 Mint-masters for silver Secondo Aventurado [S]. Giovanni Papaziza [c (w. tail)]. Uncertain master [J]. Ducat Obv. IogRaDoNIco – ø|S|ø|M|ø|V|e|N|e|T|I – D|V|X, saint passing banner-staff to doge. Rev. øSITøTøXPeD0TQTV RegISISTeDVcaTø, Christ in elliptic aureole. 3.51g 190° (SG 19.20: c. 99% ). CNI vii, 82.16–17 1149 var.; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 191 no. 1 var.

1146 CM.YG.411-R: A. W. Young bequest 1936; ex Boyne 436. 1147 CM.PG.163–2006: Grierson bequest; Spink 22.2.1945. 1148 CM.ME.146-R: A. W. Young bequest 1936; ex Boyne 436. 1149 CM.PG.12520–2006: Grierson bequest; Bank Leu/MMAG sale 3.11.1967, lot 237; ex Niggler coll.

Soldino Obv. "+øIOhSøgRaD OIcOøDVXø, kneeling doge w. banner-staff. Rev. +øSøMaRøcVS" VeNeTIø, lion w. banner-staff. 0.54g 150°. Rev. J l. CNI vii, 81.8 var.; Papadopoli 1150 1893–1919, i, 191–2 no. 4 var. 0.43g 180°. Rev. S l. CNI vii, 81.9 var. 1151 0.46g 150°. Rev. +øSøMaRcVSøøVeNeTI=, S l. CNI vii, 1152 81.9 var.; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 191 no. 3 var. 0.52g 350°. Obv. +IOhSøgRaD OIcOøDVX. Rev. 1153 +øSøMaRcVSøVeNeTI=, c (w. tail [|] extending below) l. CNI vii, 81.12 var. 0.53g 30°. Obv. "+IOhSøgRaD OIcOøDVXø. Rev. 1154 +øSøMaRøcVS" VeNeTIø, c (w. tail [|] extending below) l. CNI vii, 81.13 var. 0.45g 340°. Obv. "+IOhSøgRaD OIcOøDVXø. Rev. 1155 +øS=MaRcVS=VeNeTIø, c (w. tail [|] extending below) l. CNI vii, 81.14 var. G I OVA N N I D O L F I N, F I F T Y- S E V E N T H D O G E , 13 5 6 – 61 Mint-masters for silver Secondo Aventurado [S]: confirmed August 1358, 11 June 1359. Andrea Foscarini [`]: confirmed 12 October 1358. Uncertain master [J]. Unknown mint-master [I]. Ducat Obv. IOøDeLPhyNO – ø|S|ø|M|ø|V|e|N|e|T|I – D|V|X, saint passing banner-staff to doge. Rev. øSIT.TXPeøDaTøQøTV RegISøISTeøDVcaTø, Christ in elliptic aureole. 3.53g 180° (SG 19.19: c. 99% ). CNI vii, 85.19 var.; 1156 Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 196 no. 1 var. 3.53g 10°. Obv. IOdeLPhyNOø – ø|S|M|V|e|N|e|T| 1157 I – D|V|X. Rev. øSIT.T.XPeøDaTøQTV RegISøISTe øDVcaT. CNI vii, 85.18 var.

1150 CM.PG.5868–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 12.2.1949. 1151 CM.PG.5869–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 12.2.1949. 1152 CM.PG.5870–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 12.2.1949. 1153 CM.PG.5871–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 12.2.1949.

1022

1154 CM.PG.5872–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 12.2.1949. 1155 CM.PG.1822–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 28.1.1946. 1156 CM.PG.6582–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 15.10.1949. 1157 CM.PG.14479–2006: Grierson bequest; Toderi 28.5.1985.

m e di eval e uropean coi nag e 12

p late 65

p late 65 ( cont.)

V E N I C E ( cont.) G I OVA N N I D O L F I N, F I F T Y- S E V E N T H D O G E , 13 5 6 – 61 ( cont.) Soldino Obv. "+øIOhSøDeLP hyNOøDVXø, kneeling doge w. banner-staff. Rev. +øSøMaRcVS=VeNeTI=, lion w. banner-staff. 0.54g 80°. Rev. ` l. CNI vii, 84.5 var.; Papadopoli 1158 1893–1919, i, 196, no. 2 var. 0.40g (clipped?) 90°. Obv. "+IOh.SDeLP hyNODVXø. 1159 Rev. +øSøMaRcVSøVeNeTI=, I l. CNI vii, 84.7 var. 0.56g 170°. Obv. "+øIOhS.DeLP hyNODVXø. Rev. 1160 +øSøMaRcVS=VeNeTI=, J l. CNI vii, 84.9 var. 0.55g 300°. Obv. "+øIOhSDeLP hyNOøDVXøø. Rev. 1161 +øSøMaRcVSøVeNeTIø, J l. CNI vii, 84.9–10 var. 0.54g 270°. Obv. "+øIOhSøDeLP hyNOøDVX. Rev. 1162 +øSøMaRcVS=VeNeTI=, J l. CNI vii, 84.9–10 var. 1158 CM.PG.3159–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 28.8.1946. 1159 CM.PG.5935–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 12.2.1949. 1160 CM.ME-147-R: no provenance.

1163

0.53g 250°. Obv. +øIOhS.DeLP hyNOøDVXø. Rev. +øSøMaRcVS=VeNeTI=, J l. CNI vii, 84.9–10 var. 0.55g 130°. Obv. "+øIOhSøDeLP hyNOøDVXø. Rev. 1164 +øSøMaRcVS=VeNeTIø, S l. CNI vii, 85.14 var. 0.44g (pierced) 220°. Obv. "+øIOhSøDeLP hyNODVX. 1165 Rev. +øSøMaRcVSøVeNeTI" S l. CNI vii, 85.14 var. Tornesello Obv. +øIOøDeLPhyNOøDVXø, cross. Rev. +øVeXILIFeRøVeNecIaL, winged lion. 1166 B 0.65g 150°. CNI vii, 86.26 var.; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 197 no. 4 var.

1161 CM.PG.5932–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 12.2.1949. 1162 CM.PG.5934–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 12.2.1949. 1163 CM.PG.11378–2006: Grierson bequest; Lockett III 519; ex Grantley 3322.

1025

1164 CM.PG.5933–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 12.2.1949. 1165 CM.PG.3160–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 28.8.1946. 1166 CM.PG.11377–2006: Grierson bequest; Lockett III 519; ex Grantley 3322.

V E N E TO V E N I C E ( cont.) L O R E N Z O C E L S I , F I F T Y- E I G H T H D O G E , 13 61 – 5

M A R C O C O R N E R , F I F T Y- N I N T H D O G E , 13 6 5 – 8

Mint-masters for silver Andrea Foscarini [a]: ceased 22 November 1364 (succeeded by son Giusto Foscarini). Secondo Aventurado [S]: confirmed June 1362, September 1362, 8 October 1363; [re-]elected 14 April 1364. Unknown masters [I, N].

Mint-masters for silver Andrea Foscarini? [a]: continued use of dies by son Giusto Foscarini [?]. Giusto Foscarini []: confirmed 11 January 1366, 12 January 1368. Secondo Aventurado [S]: confirmed 12 January 1368.

Ducat Obv. LaVRøceLSIø – ø|S|ø|M|ø|V|e|N|e|T|I|ø – D|V|X, saint passing banner-staff to doge. Rev. øSITøT.XPeøDaT.QTV RegISøISTeøDVcaT, Christ in elliptic aureole. 3.52g 300° (SG 19.19: c. 99% ). CNI vii, 89.14 var.; 1167 Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 200 no. 1 var. Soldino Obv. +LaVRøce LSIøDVX, kneeling doge w. banner-staff. Rev. +øSøMaRcVSøVeNeTIø, lion w. banner-staff. 0.54g 230°. Rev. N l. CNI vii, 87.1; Papadopoli 1893– 1168 1919, i, 200 no. 2. 0.53g 340°. Rev. +øSøMaRcVS=VeNeTI=, S l. CNI 1169 vii, 87.3. 0.56g 270°. Obv. +LaVRøCe LSIDVX. Rev. 1170 +øSøMaRcVS=VeNe[I=, S l. CNI vii, 87.3 var. 0.54g 20°. Obv. +LaVRøCe LSIDVX. Rev. 1171 +øSøMaRcVS=VeNeTI=, S l. CNI vii, 87.3 var. 0.54g 150°. Obv. ø+LaVRøCe LSIøDVX. Rev. 1172 +øSøMaRcVS=VeNeTI=, S l. CNI vii, 87.4. 0.54g 90°. Rev. +øSøMaRcVSøVeNeTI=, a l. CNI vii, 1173 88.5 var. 0.55g 280°. Obv. +LaVRøCe LSIøDVX. Rev. 1174 +øSøMaRcVS=VeNeTIø, I l. CNI vii, 87.8 var. Tornesello Obv. +øLaVRøceLSIøDVXø, cross. Rev. +øVeXILIFeRøVeNecIaL, winged lion. 1175 B 0.68g 60°. CNI vii, 90.28 var.; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 201 no. 4 var.

1167 CM.PG.6583–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 15.10.1949. 1168 CM.PG.5936–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 12.2.1949. 1169 CM.PG.5938–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 12.2.1949. 1170 CM.PG.5940–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 12.2.1949. 1171 CM.PG.13253–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 22.5.1971. 1172 CM.PG.5939–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 12.2.1949.

Ducat Obv. MaRCCORNaRIO – ø|S|ø|M|ø|V|e|N|e|T|I – D|V|X, saint passing banner-staff to doge. Rev. øSITøT.XPeøDaTøQTV RegISøISTeøDVcaTø, Christ in elliptic aureole. 3.54g 260° (SG 19.21: c. 99% ). CNI vii, 93.15; 1176 Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 204 no. 1 var. Contemporary forgery of the ducat Obv. M0PcODPN0IO – S|M|V|e|N|e|T|I – D|V|b, saint passing banner-staff to doge. Rev. øI0V[IIPb]T0sIIø TV0IIPbST0, Christ in elliptic aureole. 1176a Æ 2.14g 330°. Gamberini di Scarfea 1956, 158 no. 419; 1963, 63 no. 150. Soldino Obv. +MaRCCOR NaRDVX, kneeling doge w. banner-staff. Rev. +øSøMaRcVS=VeNeTIø, lion w. banner-staff. 0.56g 310°. S l. CNI vii, 91.3 var.; Papadopoli 1893– 1177 1919, i, 203 no. 2 var. 0.56g 110°. Rev. +øSøMaRcVS=VeNeTI=, a l. CNI 1178 vii, 92.5 var. 0.52g 340°. Rev. +=SøMaRcVSøVeNeTI=,  l. CNI 1179 vii, 92.9 var. 0.56g 150°. Rev. +øSøMaRcVS=VeNeTI=,  l. CNI 1180 vii, 92.9 var. Tornesello Obv. +øMaRccORNøDVXø, cross. Rev. +VeXILIFeRøVeNecIaL, winged lion. 1181 B 0.64g 190°. CNI vii, 94.21; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 204 no. 5. 1182 B 0.67g 340°. Rev. +VeXILIFeRøVeNecIaR. CNI vii, 94.22–23 var.

1173 CM.PG.3158–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 28.8.1946. 1174 CM.PG.5937–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 12.2.1949. 1175 CM.PG.6589–2006: Grierson bequest; Baranowsky 3.9.1949. 1176 CM.PG.162–2006: Grierson bequest; Spink 22.2.1945; Sotheby sale 5.7.1909; ex Hazlitt coll.; ex Sotheby sale 29.4.1908, lot 423; ex O’Hagan coll. 1176a CM.589–2013: Varesi sale 62a, 30.4.2013, lot 1210.

1026

1177 CM.PG.5941–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 12.2.1949. 1178 CM.PG.5942–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 12.2.1949. 1179 CM.PG.11379–2006: Grierson bequest; Lockett III 519; ex Grantley 3322. 1180 CM.PG.5943–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 12.2.1949. 1181 CM.PG.6590–2006: Grierson bequest; Baranowsky 3.9.1949. 1182 CM.PG.11380–2006: Grierson bequest; Lockett III 519; ex Grantley 3322.

m e di eval e uropean coi nag e 12

p late 6 6

p late 6 6 ( cont.)

V E N I C E ( cont.) A N D R E A C O N TA R I N I , S I X T I E T H D O G E , 13 6 8 – 8 2 Mint-masters for silver Filippo Barbarigo [F]: confirmed 10 May 1370, 24 May 1372, 14 January 1376, 10 December 1377, 20 July 1381. Bianco da Mosto [B]: confirmed January 1376; ceased 12 June 1381. Cristoforo Zanchani [c]: confirmed 20 July 1381. Ducat Obv. aNDR8TaReNO ø|S|M|ø|V|e|N|e|T|I – D|V|X –, saint passing banner-staff to doge. Rev. øSIT.T.XPeøDaTQTV RegISøISTeøDVcaT, Christ in elliptic aureole. 3.54g 150° (SG 19.23: c. 99% ). CNI vii, 100.42 var.; 1183 Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 215 no. 1 var.

1183 CM.PG.3928–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 1.2.1947. 1184 CM.1841–1918: Dewick bequest 1918, no. 217.

1184

3.51g 70°. Obv. aNDR8TaReNO – ø|S|ø|M|ø|V|e|N|e|T|I – D|V|X. Rev. øSIT.T.XPeøDaTQTV RegISøISTeøDVcaT. CNI vii, 100.50 var.

Contemporary forgery of the ducat Obv. [ ]NDR8TaR[ ] – S|M|V|e|N|e|T|I – D|V|X, saint passing banner-staff to doge. Rev. øSIT.[ ]D0TII PV@ISTcøDVcaT, Christ in elliptic aureole, pellet l. of aureole. 1185 Æ 1.78g 150°. Soldino, 1368–9 Obv. +aNDR8TaRDVX, kneeling doge w. banner-staff. Rev. +øSøMaRcVSøVeNeTIø, lion w. banner-staff. 0.42g 220°. Rev. F l. CNI vii, 96.11 var.; Papadopoli 1186 1893–1919, i, 216 no. 4.

1185 CM.PG.9337–2006: Grierson bequest; Rinaldi 1.3.1958 (February 1958 list, no. 328). 1186 CM.PG.13953–2006: Grierson bequest; Numismatik Lanz sale 23, 11.5.1982, lot 1345.

1029

V E N E TO V E N I C E ( cont.) 1197

A N D R E A C O N TA R I N I , S I X T I E T H D O G E , 13 6 8 – 8 2 ( cont.) Soldino, so-called third type, 1369–79 Obv. +aNDR8 TaRDVX, kneeling doge w. banner-staff. Rev. +øSøMaRcVSøVeNeTIø, winged lion. 0.49g 330°. Obv. D l. CNI vii, 95.4; Papadopoli 1893– 1187 1919, i, 216 no. 5 var. 0.47g 60°. Obv. F l. Rev. +øSøMaRcVS!VeNeTI!. CNI 1188 vii, 96.16; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 216 no. 5 var. 0.51g 70°. Obv. F l. Rev. +SøMaRcVS!VeNeTI!. CNI 1189 vii, 96.17; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 216 no. 5 var. 0.54g 180°.Obv. F l.Rev. +øSøMaRcVS!VeNeTI.ø.CNI 1190 vii, 96.20 var.; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 216 no. 5 var. 0.51g 250°. Obv. +øaNDR8 TaRDVX, F l. Rev. 1191 +øSøMaRcVSøVeNeTIø. CNI vii, 97.20 var.; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 216 no. 5 var. Grosso, second type Obv. `NDRø8T`ReN O – D|V|X – øSøM.VeNeTIø, saint w. book passing banner-staff to doge. Rev. Christ enthroned between IC and XC, both w. abbreviation mark above. 1.97g 160°. Rev. ¤ l. and F r. CNI vii, 95.8; Papadopoli 1192 1893–1919, i, 215 no. 2 var. 1.88g (pierced) 50°. 1193 1.92g (pierced) 110°. Obv. aNDRø8T`ReNO – D|V|X 1194 – øSøM.VeNeTIø. CNI vii, 96.9; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 215 no. 2. 1.85g (broken piercing) 230°.Obv. `NDRø8T`ReNO – 1195 D|V|X – øSøMøVeNeTIø, small cross l. of the saint’s r. knee. Rev. ¤ l. and c r. CNI vii, 98.31 var.; Papadopoli 1893– 1919, i, 215 no. 2. 1.96g 100°. Obv. `NDRø8T`ReN O – D|V|X – 1196 øSøM.VeNeTI, small cross l. of the saint’s r. knee. Rev. ¤ l. and c r. CNI vii, 98.31. Soldino, so-called fourth type, 1379–82 Obv. +aNDR8 TaRDVX, kneeling doge w. banner-staff. Rev. +øSøMaRcVSøVeNeTIø, winged lion.

1187 CM.PG.3154–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 28.8.1946. 1188 CM.PG.11382–2006: Grierson bequest; Lockett III 519; ex Grantley 3322. 1189 CM.PG.3155–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 28.8.1946. 1190 CM.PG.5947–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 12.2.1949. 1191 CM.PG.5948–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 12.2.1949. 1192 CM.PG.172–2006: Grierson bequest; Spink 22.2.1945. 1193 CM.PG.19032–2006: Grierson bequest; ‘Trésor de Jordanie’, no. 5.

0.48g 80°. Obv. ¤ l. and F r. Rev. +øSøMaRcVS!VeNeTI!.CNI vii,97.23;Papadopoli 1893–

1919, i, 216 no. 6 var. 0.51g 190°. Obv. B l. Rev. +øSøMaRcVSVeNeTI. CNI vii, 97.25 var.; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 216 no. 5 var. 0.49g 80°.Rev. +øSøMaRcVS!VeNeTIø.CNI vii,97.27; 1199 Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 216 no. 5 var. 0.51g 210°. Rev. +øSøMaRcVS!VeNeTI!. CNI vii, 1200 98.29 var.; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 216 no. 5 var. 1198

Tornesello Obv. +øaNDR8TaRDVXø, cross. Rev. +VeXILIFeRøVeNecIaL, winged lion. 1201 B 0.62g (chipped) 340°. CNI vii, 101.58 var.; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 217 no. 7. 1202 B 0.69g 350°. Obv. +øaNDR8TaRDVXø. Rev. +VeXIL IFeRøVeNeTIaL. CNI vii, 102.62; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 217 no. 8. 1203 B 0.55g (cracked flan) 130°. Obv. +øaND[ ]aRDVXø. Rev. +Ve[ ]IFeRøVeNeTIaL. CNI vii, 102.62 var. 1204 B 0.64g 80°. Obv. +a[N]DR8TaRDVXø. Rev. +VeX ILIFeRøVe[N]eTIaL. CNI vii, 102.68 var.; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 217 no. 8 var. 1205 B 0.65g 140°. Obv. +aNDR8TaRDVX. Rev. +VeXIL IFeRøVeNeTIaL. CNI vii, 102.68 var. M I C H E L E M O RO S I N I , S I X T Y- F I R S T D O G E , 13 8 2 Mint-master for silver Filippo Barbarigo [F]. Ducat Obv. MIchLMaVRO – S|M|V|e|N|e|T|I – D|V|X, saint passing banner-staff to doge. Rev. øSIT.T.XPeøDaTQTV RegISøISTeøDVcaT, Christ in elliptic aureole. 3.52g 10° (SG 19.22: c. 99% ). CNI vii, 105.15 var.; 1206 Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 221 no. 1 var.

1194 CM.PG.19033–2006: Grierson bequest; ‘Trésor de Jordanie’, no. 6. 1195 CM.PG.19031–2006: Grierson bequest; ‘Trésor de Jordanie’, no. 4. 1196 CM.307–1999: Grierson fund (PG 18,478); M. and S. Phillips (21.5.1999); from a Syrian hoard. 1197 CM.PG.5944–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 12.2.1949. 1198 CM.PG.5946–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 12.2.1949. 1199 CM.PG.3156–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 28.8.1946.

1030

1200 CM.PG.5945–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 12.2.1949. 1201 CM.28.1449–1920: Hasluck bequest 1920. 1202 CM.PG.11383–2006: Grierson bequest; Lockett III 519; ex Grantley 3322. 1203 CM.PG.11375–2006: Grierson bequest; Lockett III 519; ex Grantley 3322. 1204 CM.PG.4668–2006: Grierson bequest; bt Venice 14.9.1947. 1205 CM.PG.11376–2006: Grierson bequest; Lockett III 519; ex Grantley 3322. 1206 CM.PG.11956–2006: Grierson bequest; Crippa 22.10.1966 (list 3 [1966], no. 172).

m e di eval e uropean coi nag e 12

p late 6 7

p late 6 7 ( cont.)

V E N I C E ( cont.) M I C H E L E M O RO S I N I , S I X T Y- F I R S T D O G E , 13 8 2 ( cont.) Soldino Obv. +MIchøMa VROcøDVX, kneeling doge w. banner-staff. Rev. +øSøMaRcVS‰VeNeTI‰, winged lion. 0.49g 180°.Obv. l.and F r.CNI vii,103.4;Papadopoli 1207 1893–1919, i, 220 no. 3 var. 1207 CM.PG.18497–2006: Grierson bequest; Malloy sale 54, 14.9.1999, lot 521.

Tornesello Obv. +MIchLMaVROCDVX, cross. Rev. +.VeXILIFeR øVeNecIaL, winged lion. 1208 B 0.62g 120°. CNI vii, 106.18 var.; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 221 no. 4 var.

1208 CM.PG.11385–2006: Grierson bequest; Lockett III 519; ex Grantley 3322; bt Athens.

1033

V E N E TO V E N I C E ( cont.) A N TO N I O V E N I E R , S I X T Y- S E C O N D D O G E , 13 8 2 – 14 0 0 Mint-masters for silver Filippo Barbarigo [F]: confirmed 1383; ceased 18 May 1385. Pietro Viaro [þ]: elected 30 May 1385. Marco Baffo [J]: elected 20 August 1385; ceased 7 March 1391. Cristoforo Zanchani [c]: confirmed 14 September 1393, 18 November 1393, 5 July 1395, 24 August 1402. Initial of uncertain master [I] = Jacopo Contarini: confirmed 2 July 1394. Initial of unknown master [R].

1217 1218 1219

Ducat Obv. 0NTO.VeNeRIOø – ø|S|ø|M|ø|V|e|N|e|T|I – D|V|X, saint passing banner-staff to doge. Rev. øSIT.T.XPeøD0T.QTV RegISøISTeøDVc0Tø, Christ in elliptic aureole. 3.52g 180° (SG 19.01: c. 98% ). CNI vii, 110.33 var.; 1209 Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 221 no. 1. 3.51g 50°. 1210

1221 1222 1223 1224 1225 1226

Grosso, second type Obv. aNTOVeNeRIO – D|V|X – øSøMøVeNeTIø, saint w. book passing banner-staff to doge. Rev. Christ enthroned between IC and XC, each w. abbreviation mark above. 1.95g 250°. Rev. ¤ l. and P r. CNI vii, 106.2 var.; 1211 Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 229 no. 2 var. 2.00g 170°. CNI vii, 106.2 var.; Papadopoli 1893–1919, 1212 i, 229 no. 2 var. 1.97g (worn and pierced, remains of fitting attached) 1213 340°. Obv. [ ] – D|V|X – øSøMøVeNeTIø. 1.94g (pierced) 270°. Obv. aNTOVeNeRIO – 1214 D|V|X – øSøMøVeNeTI. CNI vii, 106.2 var.; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 229 no. 2 var. 1209 CM.PG.3098–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 16.8.1946. 1210 CM.YG.3294-R: Young bequest 1936; ex Boyne 440. 1211 CM.PG.12340–2006: Grierson bequest; Simonetti 20.9.1967; from a Yugoslav hoard. 1212 CM.ME.615-R: no provenance. 1213 CM.PG.19040–2006: Grierson bequest; ‘Trésor de Jordanie’, no. 13. 1214 CM.PG.19041–2006: Grierson bequest; ‘Trésor de Jordanie’, no. 14. 1215 CM.PG.19042–2006: Grierson bequest; ‘Trésor de Jordanie’, no. 15. 1216 CM.1861–1918: Dewick bequest 1918, no. 237. 1217 CM.PG.12339–2006: Grierson bequest; Simonetti 20.9.1967; from a Yugoslav hoard.

1215 1216

1220

1227 1228

1229 1230 1231 1232

1.93g (pierced) 270°. 1.92g (pierced) 270°. Rev. ¤ l. and J r. CNI vii, 106.4. 1.96g 70°. 1.93g (pierced) 250°. 1.97g 40°. Obv. aNTOVeNeRIOø – D|V|X – øSøM.VeNeTIø. Rev. l. and c r. CNI vii, –. 1.86g (pierced) 330°. Obv. aNTOVeNeRIO – D|V|X – øSøM.VeNeTI. Rev. ¤ l. and F r. CNI vii, 108.16; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 229 no. 2. 1.91g 50°. 2.00g 270°. 1.88g (pierced) 180°. 1.96g (pierced) 90°. 1.97g (pierced) 140°. 1.98g (pierced) 30°. Obv. aNT[ ]eNeRIO – D|V|X – øSøM.VeNeTI. Cf. CNI vii, 96.15–16. 1.90g (pierced) 40°. Obv. [ ]OüVeNeRIO – D|V|X – øSø[ ]. Cf. CNI vii, 96.15–16. 1.72g (cracked flan w. hole) 100°. Obv. aNTO.VeNeRIO – D|V|X – øSøM.VeNeTI. Rev. l. and F r. CNI vii, 108.16 var.; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 229 no. 2 var. 1.99 (pierced) 90°. As last. 1.86g 270°. Obv. aNTO[ ] – D|V|X – øSøMøVeNeTI. Rev. ¤ l. and R r. Cf. CNI vii, 109.26–27; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 229 no. 2. 1.93g (pierced) 140°. Obv. aNTOüVeNeRIO – D|V|X – øSøMøVeNeTI. 1.96g 260°.

1218 CM.PG.19039–2006: Grierson bequest; ‘Trésor de Jordanie’, no. 12. 1219 CM.308–1999: Grierson Fund (PG 18,479); M. and S. Phillips 21.5.1999; from a Syrian hoard. 1220 CM.PG.5852–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 12.2.1949. 1221 CM.PG.1294–2006: Grierson bequest; Franceschi 29.6.1957. 1222 CM.PG.11640–2006: Grierson bequest; Spink 7.10.1963. 1223 CM.PG.19036–2006: Grierson bequest; ‘Trésor de Jordanie’, no. 9. 1224 CM.PG.19038–2006: Grierson bequest; ‘Trésor de Jordanie’, no. 11. 1225 CM.PG.19037–2006: Grierson bequest; ‘Trésor de Jordanie’, no. 10.

1034

1226 CM.PG.19035–2006: Grierson bequest; ‘Trésor de Jordanie’, no. 8. 1227 CM.PG.19047–2006: Grierson bequest; ‘Trésor de Jordanie’, no. 20. 1228 CM.ME-616-R: no provenance. 1229 CM.PG.19034–2006: Grierson bequest; ‘Trésor de Jordanie’, no. 7. 1230 CM.PG.12341–2006: Grierson bequest; Simonetti 20.9.1967; from a Yugoslav hoard. 1231 CM.PG.19045–2006: Grierson bequest; ‘Trésor de Jordanie’, no. 18. 1232 CM.PG.19043–2006: Grierson bequest; ‘Trésor de Jordanie’, no. 16.

m e di eval e uropean coi nag e 12

p late 6 8

V E N E TO V E N I C E ( cont.) A N TO N I O V E N I E R , S I X T Y- S E C O N D D O G E , 13 8 2 – 14 0 0 ( cont.) Grosso, second type (cont.) Obv. aNTOVeNeRIO – D|V|X – øSøMøVeNeTI, saint w. book passing banner-staff to doge. Rev. Christ enthroned between IC and XC, each w. abbreviation mark above. 1.96g (pierced) 20°. 1233 1.97g (pierced) 140°. 1234 1.82g (pierced) 80°.Obv. aNTOüVeNeRIO – D|V|X – 1235 øSøMøVeNeTI. Rev. ¤ l. and illegible mint-master’s mark r. Cf. CNI vii, 109.26–27; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 229 no. 2.

1244

Grosso, third type, without mint-master’s mark, 1394–1409 Obv. aNTO.VeNeRIO – D|V|X – ø øSøM.VeNeTI, saint w. book passing banner-staff to doge, l. and r. Rev. ø+øTIBIøLaVSø øøGLORIaø, Christ enthroned. 1.67g 200°. CNI vii, 111.37 var.; Papadopoli 1893– 1236 1919, i, 229–30 no. 3 var. 1.50g (pierced) 310°. 1237 1.74g 180°. Obv. aNTO.VeNeRIO – D|V|X – ø 1238 øSøM.VeNeTI. CNI vii, 111.38 var. 1.77g 320°. 1239 1.73g 150°. Obv. aNTO.VeNeRIO – D|V|X – ø 1240 øSMVeNeTI. CNI vii, 111.38 var. 1.69g 330°. Obv. aNTOVeNeRIO – D|V|X – ø 1241 øSMVeNeTI. CNI vii, 110.37. 1.90g 190°. Obv. aNTO.VeNeRIO – D|V|X – 1242 øSøM.VeNeTI. CNI vii, 111.40. 1.83g 100°. Obv. aNTOVeNeRIO – D|V|X – 1243 øSøM.VeNeTI. CNI vii, 111.40 var.

1248

1233 CM.PG.19044–2006: Grierson bequest; ‘Trésor de Jordanie’, no. 17. 1234 CM.PG.19046–2006: Grierson bequest; ‘Trésor de Jordanie’, no. 19. 1235 CM.PG.19048–2006: Grierson bequest; ‘Trésor de Jordanie’, no. 21. 1236 CM.PG.5037–2006: Grierson bequest; Glendining 9.3.1948, lot 7. 1237 CM.PG.13086–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 27.1.1970. 1238 CM.310–1999: Grierson Fund (PG 18,480); M. and S. Phillips 21.5.1999; from a Syrian hoard. 1239 CM.311–1999: Grierson Fund (PG 18,482); M. and S. Phillips 21.5.1999; from a Syrian hoard.

1245 1246 1247

1249 1250 1251 1252 1253 1254 1255 1256

1.67g (pierced twice, w. one hole broken through to perimeter) 80°. CNI vii, 111.40 var. 1.82g 270°. Obv. aNTO.VeNeRIO – D|V|X – øSMVeNeTI. Rev. ø+.TIBIøLaVSø øøGLORIaø. CNI vii, 111.40 var. 1.88g 10°. Obv. aNTOV.eNeRIO – D|V|X – øSMVeNeRI. Rev. ø+øTIBIøLaVSø øøGLORIaø. CNI vii, 111.40 var. 1.77g (pierced) 140°. Obv. aNTOVeNeRIO – D|V|X – ø øSøM.VeNeTI. Rev. ø+øTIBIøLaVS øøGLORIaø. CNI vii, 111.39 var. 1.71g (pierced) 30°.Obv. aNTO VeNeRIO – D|V|X – ø øSøM.VeNeTI. Rev. ø+øTIBIøLaVSø øøGLORIaø. CNI vii, 110.37. 1.87g (pierced) 150°. Obv. aNTO.VeNeRIO – D|V|X – SMVeNeTI. 1.87g (pierced) 80°.Obv. aNTOüVeNeRIO – D|V|X – ø øSM.VeNeTI. Rev. ø+øTIBIøLaVS øøGLORIaø. 1.78g (pierced) 120°. Obv. aNTOü.VeNeRIO – D|V|X – ø øSMVeNeTI. 1.80g (pierced) 110°. Obv. aNTO.VeNeRIO – D|V|X – ø øSM.VeNeTI. Rev. ø+øTIBIøLaVSø øøGLORIaø. 1.87g (pierced) 0°. Obv. aNTO VeNeRIO – D|V|X – ø [ ]TI. CNI vii, 110.37. 1.80g (pierced) 310°. Obv. aNTOü.VeNeRIO – D|V|X – ø øSøM.VeNeTI. 1.76g (pierced) 120°. Obv. aNTOü.VeNeRIO – D|V|X – ø øSMVeNeTI. 1.84g (pierced) 320°. Obv. aNTOü.VeNeRIO – D|V|X – ø [ø]SM.VeNeTI.

1240 CM.312–1990: Grierson Fund (PG 18,481); M. & S. Phillips 21.5.1999; from a Syrian hoard. 1241 CM.PG.12342–2006: Grierson bequest; Simonetti 20.9.1967; from a Yugoslav hoard. 1242 CM.YG.3295-R: A. W. Young bequest 1936; ex Boyne 440. 1243 CM.ME.617-R: no provenance. 1244 CM.YG.3296-R: A. W. Young bequest 1936; ex Boyne 440. 1245 CM.PG.8875–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 29.12.1955; ex Glendining 1.12.1955, lot 218. 1246 CM.LS.5354–1991: Lewis coll. 1991. 1247 CM.PG.19049–2006: Grierson bequest; ‘Trésor de Jordanie’, no. 22. 1248 CM.PG.19050–2006: Grierson bequest; ‘Trésor de Jordanie’, no. 23.

1036

1249 CM.PG.19051–2006: Grierson bequest; ‘Trésor de Jordanie’, no. 24. 1250 CM.PG.19052–2006: Grierson bequest; ‘Trésor de Jordanie’, no. 25. 1251 CM.PG.19054–2006: Grierson bequest; ‘Trésor de Jordanie’, no. 27. 1252 CM.PG.19055–2006: Grierson bequest; ‘Trésor de Jordanie’, no. 28. 1253 CM.PG.19056–2006: Grierson bequest; ‘Trésor de Jordanie’, no. 29. 1254 CM.PG.19057–2006: Grierson bequest; ‘Trésor de Jordanie’, no. 30. 1255 CM.PG.19058–2006: Grierson bequest; ‘Trésor de Jordanie’, no. 31. 1256 CM.PG.19059–2006: Grierson bequest; ‘Trésor de Jordanie’, no. 32.

m e di eval e uropean coi nag e 12

p late 6 9

V E N E TO V E N I C E ( cont.) A N TO N I O V E N I E R , S I X T Y- S E C O N D D O G E , 13 8 2 – 14 0 0 ( cont.) Grosso, third type, without mint-master’s mark, 1394–1409 (cont.) Obv. aNTO.VeNeRIO – D|V|X – ø øSøM.VeNeTI, saint w. book passing banner-staff to doge, l. and r. Rev. ø+øTIBIøLaVSø øøGLORIaø, Christ enthroned. 1.83g (pierced) 270°. Obv. aNTOüVeNeRIO – 1257 D|V|X – [ ]NeTI. Rev. ø+øTIBIøLaVS øøGLORIaø. 1.77g (pierced) 270°. Obv. aNTOü.VeNeRIO – 1258 D|V|X – ø øSøM.VeNeTI. Rev. ø+øTIBIøLaVSø øøGLORIaø. 1.77g (pierced) 10°. Obv. aNTO.VeNeRIO – 1259 D|V|X – øSøM.VeNeTI. Rev. ø+øTIBIøLaVS øøGLORIaø. 1.70g (pierced) 30°. Rev. ø+øTIBIøLaVSø øøGLORIaø. 1260 1.80g (pierced) 20°. 1261 1.78g (pierced) 200°. Obv. aNTOü.VeNeRIO – 1262 D|V|X – ø øSøM.VeNeTI. 1.80g (pierced) 100°. Obv. aNTOü.VeNeRIO – 1263 D|V|X – SMVeNeTI. Rev. ø+øTIBIøLaVS øøGLORIaø. 1.84g 270°. Obv. aNTOü.VeNeRIO – D|V|X – 1264 øSøM.VeNeTI. Rev. ø+øTIBIøLaVSø øøGLORIaø, ¤ l. and r. CNI vii, 111.43 var. 1.72g (broken) 280°. Obv. aNTOVeNeRIO – 1265 D|V|X – ø øSøMøVeNeTI. Soldino Obv. +aNTOVeN eRIOøDVX, kneeling doge w. banner-staff, ¤ l. Rev. +øSøMaRcVSøVeNeTIø, winged lion. 0.49g 290°. Obv. J r. CNI vii, 107.9 var. 1266 1257 CM.PG.19060–2006: Grierson bequest; ‘Trésor de Jordanie’, no. 33. 1258 CM.PG.19061–2006: Grierson bequest; ‘Trésor de Jordanie’, no. 34. 1259 CM.PG.19062–2006: Grierson bequest; ‘Trésor de Jordanie’, no. 35. 1260 CM.PG.19063–2006: Grierson bequest; ‘Trésor de Jordanie’, no. 36. 1261 CM.PG.19064–2006: Grierson bequest; ‘Trésor de Jordanie’, no. 37. 1262 CM.PG.19065–2006: Grierson bequest; ‘Trésor de Jordanie’, no. 38.

1267 1268

0.45g 130°. 0.48g 100°. Obv. R r. Rev. +øSøMaRcVS‰VeNeTIø. CNI vii, 109.28 var.

Tornesello Obv. +aNTOVeNeRIOøDVX, cross. Rev. +øVeXILIFeR øVeNeTIaL, winged lion. 1269 B 0.64g 140°. CNI vii, 112.49; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 231 no. 7 var. 1270 B 0.62g 310°. Obv. +a3TO.Ve3eRIO.DVX. Rev. +VeX ILIFeRVe3eTIaL. CNI vii, 112.57 var. Soldino, so-called fifth type, 1399–1400 Obv. +aNTOVeN eRIOøDVX, kneeling doge w. banner-staff, above mint-master’s mark r. Rev. +øSøMaRcVSøVeNeTIø, winged lion. 0.48g 250°. Obv. +øaNTO.VeN eRIOøDVXø, c r. 1271 Rev. +øSøMaRcVSøVeNeTIø. CNI vii, 107.12; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 230 no. 5. 0.37g 0°. Obv. +øaNTOVeN eRIOøDVX, c (or G?) r. 1272 Rev. +SMaRcVSVeNeTI. 0.36g 180°. Obv. +aNTO.VeN eRIOøDVX, F r. CNI 1273 vii, 108.19 var. 0.49g 60°. Obv. +øaNTO.VeN eRIOøDVXø, F r. Rev. 1274 +øSøMaRcVSøVeNeTIø. CNI vii, 108.20. 0.37g 330°. Obv. I r. CNI vii, 109.24 var. 1275

1263 CM.PG.19066–2006: Grierson bequest; ‘Trésor de Jordanie’, no. 39. 1264 CM.309–1999: Grierson Fund (PG 18,483); M. and S. Phillips 21.5.1999; from a Syrian hoard. 1265 CM.PG.19053–2006: Grierson bequest; ‘Trésor de Jordanie’, no. 26. 1266 CM.166–1999: gift of M. Matzke. 1267 CM.ME.618-R: no provenance. 1268 CM.PG.10142–2006: Grierson bequest; Platt 17.4.1959; from a Greek hoard.

1038

1269 CM.PG.6593–2006: Grierson bequest; Baranowsky 3.9.1949. 1270 CM.ME.619-R: no provenance. 1271 CM.PG.6591–2006: Grierson bequest; Baranowsky 3.9.1949. 1272 CM.PG.13089–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 27.1.1970. 1273 CM.ME.620-R: no provenance. 1274 CM.PG.11386–2006: Grierson bequest; Lockett III 519; ex Grantley 3322. 1275 CM.PG.6592–2006: Grierson bequest; Baranowsky 3.9.1949.

m e di eval e uropean coi nag e 12

p late 7 0

V E N E TO V E N I C E ( cont.) M I C H E L E S T E N O, S I X T Y- T H I R D D O G E , 14 0 0 – 13 Mint-masters for silver Marco Navager [J]: confirmed 17 April 1402. Pietro Tiepolo [þ]: confirmed 28 May 1418. Uncertain master [a] = Andrea Balbi: confirmed 2 July 1394; or Andrea Nani, ceased 6 February 1420. Uncertain master [D] = Donato Grioni: ceased 17 April 1402; or Daniele da Canale, confirmed 2 January 1412. Uncertain master [F] = Francesco Papaziza: elected 12 October 1393, confirmed 24 August 1402; or Fantino Morosini: confirmed 2 January 1412, ceased 27 March 1416; or Francesco Pesaro: ceased 20 July 1421. Unknown master [\]. Ducat Obv. MICh0eLøSTeNO – ø|S|ø|M|ø|V|e|N|e|T|I – D|V|X, saint passing banner-staff to doge. Rev. øSIT.T.XPeøD0T.QTV RegISøISTeDVc0Tø, Christ in elliptic aureole. 3.53g 10° (SG 19.16: c. 99% ). CNI vii, 116.29 var.; 1276 Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 238 no. 1 var. 3.53g 190°. 1277 Grosso, third type Obv. MIchaeLøSTeN – D|V|X – ø øSøM.VeNeTI, saint w. book passing banner-staff to doge., l. and r. Rev. ø+øTIBIøLaVSø øøGLORIaø, Christ enthroned. 1.64g 310°.CNI vii,117.32 var.;Papadopoli 1893–1919, 1278 i, 238 no. 2 var. 1.84g 60°. 1279 1.56g 310°. 1280 1.74g 340°. 1281 1.74g 270°. 1282 1.67g 300°. Obv. MIchaeLøSTeN – D|V|X – ø 1283 øSøM.VeNeTIø. CNI vii, 117.33. 1.73g (pierced) 90°. Obv. MIchaeLøSTeNO – 1284 D|V|X – ø øSøMøVeNeTI. CNI vii, 117.35 var.

1276 CM.PG.6584–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 15.10.1949. 1277 CM.YG.3297-R: Young bequest 1936; ex Boyne 440. 1278 CM.PG.2764–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 25.4.1946. 1279 CM.PG.11387–2006: Grierson bequest; Lockett III 519; ex Grantley 3322. 1280 CM.YG.3298-R: Young bequest 1936; ex Boyne 440. 1281 CM.YG.3299-R: Young bequest 1936; ex Boyne 440. 1282 CM.PG.13061–2006: Grierson bequest; Wolfe 25.5.1970.

Mezzanino or soldo for Verona and Vicenza Obv. ø ø0Nc0cVR øSMVENE DVX, saint receiving candle from doge, a between them in lower field. Rev. ø øXPSøReS VReSITø, Christ emerging from sepulchre. 0.74g 90°. Cf. CNI vii, 115–16. 1285 0.54g 0°. Obv. ø øMIcSTeNø SMVeNe DVX, \ in lower 1286 field. CNI vii, 116.25 var.; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 239 no. 5 var. Soldino Obv. +MIchaeL [STeN]DVX, kneeling doge w. banner-staff, above mint-master’s mark r.Rev. +øSøMaRcVS[øVeNeTIø],winged lion. 0.28g 200°. Obv. D r. CNI vii, 113.6; Papadopoli 1893– 1287 1919, i, 238–9 no. 3 var. 0.42g 60°. Obv. +øMIchaeLø STeNDVX, F r. Rev. 1288 +øSøMaRcVSøVeNeTIø. CNI vii, 114.7 var. 0.31g 130°. Obv. +M[ ] STeN.DVX, J r. Rev. 1289 +øSøMaRcVSø[VeNe]TIø. CNI vii, 114.48. 0.37g 90°. Obv. +MIchaeLø STeN.DVX, F r. Rev. 1290 +øSøMaRcVS.VeNeTIø. CNI vii, 114.9–15 var. 0.25g (clipped) 160°. Obv. +M[Ic]haeL STeNDVX, P 1291 r. Rev. +[øSøMaRc]VSøVeNeTIø. CNI vii, 115.16. 0.38g 190°.Obv. +MIchaeLø STeNDVX,w.6-pointed 1292 star above \ r.Rev. +øSøMaRcVSøVeNeTI.CNI vii,115.17 var. 0.41g 100°. Obv. +øMIchaeLø STeNDVX, \ r. Rev. 1293 +øSøMaRcVSøVeNeTIø. CNI vii, 115.17 var. 0.38g 300°. Obv. +MIchaeL STeNDVX, \ r. Rev. 1294 +øSøMaRcVSøVeNeTI. CNI vii, 115.17 var. Tornesello Obv. +øMIchaeLøSTe3.DVXø, cross. Rev. +.VeXILIFeR øVeNeTIaL, winged lion. 1295 B 0.46g 120°. CNI vii, 118.41; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 240, no. 7 var. 1296 B 0.66g 180°. Obv. +MIchaeLøSTe3.DVXø. Rev. +øVeX ILIFeR"Ve3eTIaLø. CNI vii, 118.41 var.

1283 CM.PG.12343–2006: Grierson bequest; Simonetti 20.9.1967; from a Yugoslav hoard. 1284 CM.PG.19067–2006: Grierson bequest; ‘Trésor de Jordanie’, no. 40. 1285 CM.PG.8261–2006: Grierson bequest; Glendining 14.9.1961, lot 193. 1286 CM.PG.6594–2006: Grierson bequest; Baranowsky 3.9.1949. 1287 CM.PG.5950–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 12.2.1949. 1288 CM.ME.621-R: no provenance. 1289 CM.YG.1433-R: Young bequest 1936; ex Boyne 440.

1040

1290 CM.PG.6601–2006: Grierson bequest; Baranowsky 3.9.1949. 1291 CM.PG.5949–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 12.2.1949. 1292 CM.PG.13088–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 27.1.1970. 1293 CM.PG.11388–2006: Grierson bequest; Lockett III 519; ex Grantley 3322. 1294 CM.ME.622-R: no provenance. 1295 CM.PG.6595–2006: Grierson bequest; Baranowsky 3.9.1949. 1296 CM.PG.6596–2006: Grierson bequest; Baranowsky 3.9.1949.

m e di eval e uropean coi nag e 12

p late 71

V E N E TO V E N I C E ( cont.) TO M M A S O M O C E N I G O, S I X T Y- F O U RT H D O G E , 1414 – 2 3 Mint-masters for silver Francesco Pesaro [F]: ceased 20 July 1421. Tomaso Soranzo [TS]: ceased 20 April 1423. Paolo Michiel [PJ]: ceased 16 May 1423. Uncertain master [a] = Andrea Balbi: confirmed 2 July 1394; or Andrea Nani: ceased 6 February 1420]. Uncertain master [D] = Donato Grioni: ceased 17 April 1402; or Daniele da Canale: confirmed 2 January 1412. Ducat Obv. TOM.MOceNIgO – ø|S|ø|M|ø|V|e|N|e|T|I – D|V|X, saint passing banner-staff to doge. Rev. øSIT.T.XPeøD0TøQ.TV RegISøISTeDVc0Tø, Christ in elliptic aureole. 3.55g 110° (SG 19.18: c. 99% ). CNI vii, 121.10 var.; 1297 Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 251 no. 1 var. 3.53g 190°. Obv. TOMøMOceNIgO – 1298 ø|S|ø|M|ø|V|e|N|e|T|I|ø – D|V|X. Rev. øSIT.T. XPeøD0TQTV RegISøISTeDVc0Tø. CNI vii, 121.10 var. Grosso, third type Obv. TOMMOceNIgO – D|V|X – ø øSøMøVeNeTI, saint w. book passing banner-staff to doge. Rev. [+]TIBI[ø]LaVS øøGLORIaø, Christ enthroned. 1.60g 300°. TOMMOceNIgO – D|V|X – ø 1299 øS[øMø]VeNeTI, l. and another r. Rev. [+]TIBI[ø]LaVSø øøGLORIaø. CNI vii, 122.22; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 251 no. 2 var. 1.60g (pierced) 210°. Obv. TOMøMOceNIgO – 1300 D|V|X – ø ø[SøM.V]eNeTIø, w. 6-pointed star l. and another r. Rev. [+]TIBI[ø]LaVS øøGLORI aø. CNI vii, 122.25 var. Grosso, third type, w. mint-master’s mark, the so-called grossetto, 1421–23 Obv. TOMMOceNIgO – D|V|X – ø øSøMøVeNeTI, saint w. book passing banner-staff to doge. Rev. [+]TIBI[ø]LaVS øøGLORIaø, Christ enthroned. 1.55g (pierced) 150°. Obv. T l. and S r. CNI vii, 119.6; 1301 Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 251–252 no. 3 var. 1.55g (pierced) 30°. Obv. TOMMOceNIgO – 1302 D|V|X – ø øSøM.VeNeTI, P l. and J r. CNI vii, 119.8 var.

1297 CM.PG.9732–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 12.5.1958. 1298 CM.809–1910: Searle 18.6.1910. 1299 CM.1.276–1990: Blunt coll.; ex Owston Smith 1947. 1300 CM.PG.5040–2006: Grierson bequest; Glendining 9.3.1948, lot 7.

Soldino Obv. +TOMMOce NIgODVX, kneeling doge w. banner-staff. Rev. +øSøMaRcVSøVeNeTIø, winged lion. 0.31g 70°. Obv. above F r. CNI vii, 118.2; Papadopoli 1303 1893–1919, i, 252 no. 4. Denaro piccolo Obv. +TOMOcDVX, cross. Rev. incuse. 1304 B 0.26g. CNI vii, 122.26; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 253, no. 6. Tornesello Obv. +TOMMOceNIgODVXø, cross. Rev. +.VeXILIFeRVeNe TIaLø, winged lion. 1305 B 0.58g 130°. CNI vii, 123.33 var.; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 253 no. 9 var. F R A N C E S C O F O S C A R I , S I X T Y- F I F T H D O G E , 14 2 3 – 5 7 Mint-masters for silver Nicolò Venier [nV]: attested 14 July 1429, 12 April 1432. Zuanne Barbo [\B]: attested 12 April 1432. Alessandro Pasqualigo [aP]: elected 25 November 1443. Carlo Querini [KQ]: elected 27 December 1443. Zuanne Zorzi []: elected 29 September 1445. Francesco Lando [FL]: elected 29 September 1445. Nicolò Balastro [NB]: elected 9 July 1447. Dario Zusto [DI]: elected 24 September 1447. Marin Morosini [J M]: elected 22 June 1449. Marco Barbarigo [äB]: elected 26 May 1450. Nicolò Foscarini [Nf ]: elected 22 July 1450. Benedetto Sorzano [BS]: elected 14 May 1452. Natale Corner [Nc]: elected 24 September 1452. Unknown master [J L]. Ducat Obv. FRaCøFOScaRI – ø|S|ø|M|ø|V|e|N|e|T|I |ø – D|V|X, saint passing banner-staff to doge. Rev. øSITT.XPeøDaTQTV Reg ISISTeøDVcaT, Christ in elliptic aureole. 3.51g 190°. CNI vii, 132.66 var.; Papadopoli 1893–1919, 1306 i, 269 no. 1 var. 3.26g 0°. Obv. FRacFOScaRI – ø|S|ø|M|ø|V|e|N|1307 e|T|I – D|V|X. Rev. øSIT.T.XPeøDaTQTV RegISIST eDVcaTø. CNI vii, 132.67 var.

1301 CM.PG.5039–2006: Grierson bequest; Glendining 9.3.1948, lot 7. 1302 CM.PG.5041–2006: Grierson bequest; Glendining 9.3.1948, lot 7. 1303 CM.PG.6597–2006: Grierson bequest; Baranowsky 3.9.1949.

1042

1304 CM.PG.13954–2006: Numismatik Lanz sale 23, 11.5.1982, lot 1372. 1305 CM.PG.6598–2006: Grierson bequest; Baranowsky 3.9.1949. 1306 CM.PG.6585–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 15.10.1949. 1307 CMME.623-R: no provenance.

m e di eval e uropean coi nag e 12

p late 7 2

p late 7 2 ( cont.)

V E N I C E ( cont.) F R A N C E S C O F O S C A R I , S I X T Y- F I F T H D O G E , 14 2 3 – 5 7 ( cont.) Grosso or grossetto Obv. FRacFOSc aRI – D|V|X – ø SMVeNeTI, saint w. book passing banner-staff to doge. Rev. ø+ø TIBILaVSø øøGLORI a, Christ enthroned. 1.59g (holed) 150°. Obv. \ l. and B r. CNI vii, 124.5 1308 var.; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 270 no. 5 var. 1.57g 310°. Obv. FRaFOScaRI – D|V|X – ø 1309 SM.VeN[eTI], \ l. and B r. Rev. ø+. TIBIøLaVSø G[LORIa]. CNI vii, 124.14 var. 1.59g 60°. Obv. FRaøFOScaR I – D|V|X – ø 1310 øSøM.VeNeTI, a l. and P r. Rev. ø+. TIBIøLaVSø øøGLORI øaø. CNI vii, 125.6 var. 1308 CM.PG.5064–2006: Grierson bequest; Glendining 9.3.1948, lot 7. 1309 CM.PG.5063–2006: Grierson bequest; Glendining 9.3.1948, lot 7. 1310 CM.PG.166–2006: Grierson bequest; Spink 22.2.1945.

1.34g 210°. Obv. FRaøFOScaRI – D|V|X – ø øSøMøVeNeTI, K l. and Q r. Rev. + TIBIøLaVS øGLORI a. CNI vii, 126.18. 1.38g 10°. Obv. FRaøFOScaRI – D|V|X – 1312 øSøMøVeNeTI,  l. and r. Rev. + TIBIøLaVS øGLORI øaø. 1311

CNI vii, 126.20 var. 1.36g (hole) 90°. Obv. FRaøFOScaRIø – D|V|X – øSøMøVeNeTIø, F l. and L r. Rev. + TIBIøLaVSø øGLORI a. CNI vii, 126.23 var. 1.06g 50°. Obv. FRaøFOScaRIø – D|V|X – 1314 øSøMøVeNeTI, N l. and B r. Rev. + TIBIøLaVSø øGLORI[ ]. Cf. CNI vii, 127.28–30.

1313

1311 CM.PG.12039–2006: Grierson bequest; Ars et Nummus 27.10.1966 (September list [1966], no. 852). 1312 CM.PG.12041–2006: Grierson bequest; Ars et Nummus 27.10.1966 (September list [1966], no. 855).

1045

1313 CM.PG.12035–2006: Grierson bequest; Ars et Nummus 27.10.1966 (September list [1966], no. 856). 1314 CM.PG.12118–2006: Grierson bequest; Ars et Nummus 27.10.1966 (September list [1966], no. 848).

V E N E TO V E N I C E ( cont.) F R A N C E S C O F O S C A R I , S I X T Y- F I F T H D O G E , 14 2 3 – 5 7 ( cont.) Grosso or grossetto (cont ) Obv. FRaøFOScaRIø – D|V|X – øSMøVeNeTI, saint w. book passing banner-staff to doge. Rev. + TIBIøLaVS øøGLORI a, Christ enthroned. 1.32g 150°. Obv. D l. and I r. CNI vii, 127.32 var. 1315 1.37g 120°. Obv. FRaøFOScaRI – D|V|X – 1316 SM[VeN]eTIø, J l. and M r. Rev. + TIBIøLaVSø øGLORI a. CNI vii, 128.35–6. 1.20g 130°. Obv. FRaøFOScaRI – D|V|X – 1317 [øSøMø]VeNeTI, ä l. and B r. Rev. + TIBIøLaVS øGLORI a. CNI vii, 128.38 var. 1.36g 180°. Obv. FRaøFOScaRIø – D|V|X – 1318 øSøMøVeNeTI, N l. and f r. Rev. + TIBIøLaVS øGLORI a. CNI vii, 128.40 var. 0.93g 300°. Obv. FRaøF[OSCaRI] – D|V|X – 1319 [SøMøVeN]eTI, B l. and S r. Rev. [ ]ETøGLO[ ]. CNI vii, 129.44 var. 1.33g 190°. Obv. FRaøFOScaRI – D|V|X – 1320 [øSø]MøVeNeTI, N l. and c r. Rev. ø+ø TIBIøLaVS ETøGLORI aø. CNI vii, 129.48. 1.25g 130°. Obv. [ ] – D|V|X – øSøMøVeNeTI, J l. and 1321 L r. Rev. ø+TIBILaVS øGLOR[ ]. CNI vii, 131.56 var. Soldino Obv. +[FRaøFOSCa RIø]DVXø, kneeling doge w. banner-staff. Rev. [+øSøMaR]cVSøVeNeT[Iø], winged lion. 0.23g 130°. Obv. n above V r. CNI vii, 124.3 var.; 1322 Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 270–1 no. 8 var.

1315 CM.PG.12040–2006: Grierson bequest; Ars et Nummus 27.10.1966 (September list [1966], no. 854). 1316 CM.PG.12038–2006: Grierson bequest; Ars et Nummus 27.10.1966 (September list [1966], no. 851). 1317 CM.PG.12037–2006: Grierson bequest; Ars et Nummus 27.10.1966 (September list [1966], no. 849). 1318 CM.PG.11365–2006: Grierson bequest; Lockett III 519; ex Grantley.

Denaro piccolo for Verona and Vicenza Obv. cross, FR aF OD VX in quadrants and annulet below each pair of letters. Rev. +øSøMøVeNeTIø, head of saint. 1323 B 0.25g 140°. CNI vii, 136.100; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 273 no. 17 var. Grossone da 8 soldi, 1429–57 Obv. øFRaNcIScVSøFOScaRIøDVXø, doge w. banner-staff. Rev. ø+øSaNcTVSøWaRCVSVeNeTI, bust of saint. 2.84g 280°. CNI vii, 133.76 var.; Papadopoli 1893– 1324 1919, i, 269 no. 3 var. Mezzo grosso (2 soldi), 1429–57 Obv. øFRaøFOSc [aRIø]DVXø, doge w. banner-staff. Rev. øSMaR[c] VeNeTIø, bust of saint facing. 0.72g 340°. CNI vii, 134.84 var.; Papadopoli 1893– 1325 1919, i, 270 no. 7 var. 0.76g 290°. Obv. FRaøFOSc aRIøDVX. Rev. øSøM[aRc 1326 VeN]eTIø. CNI vii, 134.84 var. Denaro piccolo, new type, 1446–57 Obv. +øFRaøFOøDVXø, cross. Rev. lion between øSø øMø. 1327 B 0.31g 190°. CNI vii, 134.90; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 271, no. 11 var. Denaro piccolo or bagattino for Brescia, after 1447–57 Obv. cross, F F D V in the quadrants. Rev. winged lion. 1328 B 0.59g 270°. CNI vii, 135.98; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 273 no. 16. 1329 B 0.41g 310°.

1319 CM.PG.1823–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 28.1.1946. 1320 CM.PG.11364–2006: Grierson bequest; Lockett III 519; ex Grantley. 1321 CM.PG.12036–2006: Grierson bequest; Ars et Nummus 27.10.1966 (September list [1966], no. 857). 1322 CM.PG.5951: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 12.2.1949. 1323 CM.PG.6668: Grierson bequest; De Falco 9.9.1949.

1046

1324 CM.PG.4753: Grierson bequest; Lockett III 519; ex Grantley 3322. 1325 CM.PG.6599: Grierson bequest; Baranowsky 3.9.1949. 1326 CM.PG.11366: Grierson bequest; Lockett III 519; ex Grantley 3322. 1327 CM.PG.9812–2006: Grierson bequest; Hollschek VII 1219. 1328 CM.PG.4666–2006: Grierson bequest; bt Venice 14.9.1947. 1329 CM.PG.4699–2006: Grierson bequest; R. Ratto 30.9.1947.

m e di eval e uropean coi nag e 12

p late 7 3

V E N E TO V E N I C E ( cont.) F R A N C E S C O F O S C A R I , S I X T Y- F I F T H D O G E , 14 2 3 – 5 7 ( cont.)

C R I S TO F O RO M O RO, S I X T Y- S E V E N T H D O G E , 14 6 2 – 71

Quattrino for the mainland, 1453–7 Obv. +øFRaøFOSCaRIøDVXø, cross. Rev. +øSøMaRcVSøVeNeTIø, lion. 1330 B 0.53g 160°. CNI vii, 135.91; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 272 no. 12. 1331 B 0.55g 260°. PA S Q UA L E M A L I P I E RO, S I X T Y- S I X T H D O G E , 14 5 7 – 2 Mint-masters for silver Polo Zancariol [P]: attested 24 December 1461. Unknown masters [ST, F or ]. Ducat Obv. PaøMøaRIPeTø – ø|S|M|ø|V|e|N|e|T|I – D|V|X, saint passing banner-staff to doge. Rev. SITøTøXPeøDaTøQTV RegI SISeøDVeaT, Christ in elliptic aureole. 3.52g 150° (SG 19.14: c. 98% ). CNI vii, 139.17 var.; 1332 Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 278 no. 1 var. Grosso or grossetto Obv. PaMaRIPeTRO – D|V|X – [SøM].VeNeTI, saint w. book passing banner-staff to doge. Rev. +TIBIø[LaVS eT]GLORIaø, Christ enthroned. 1.09g 0°. Obv. P l. and  r. CNI vii, 136.1 var.; 1333 Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 278 no. 2 var. 1.05g (pierced) 200°. Obv. PaMaRIPeTRO – D|V|X – 1334 SøMøVeNeTI, S l. and T r. Rev. ø+ø TIBIøLaVSø eTøGLORI aø. CNI vii, 138.9–10 var. 0.81g (clipped or filed?) 130°. Obv. PaøMaRIPeTRO – 1335 D|V|X – [SøMøVeNeTI],  l. and uncertain mint-master’s mark r. Rev. [ø+ø TIBIøLaVSø eTøGLORI aø], legend eradicated. Cf. CNI vii, 138.11–13. Quattrino or duino imperiale Obv.[+øPaøMaRI]PeTROøDVXø,cross.Rev. +øSøMaRCVSøVeNeTIø, lion. 1336 B 0.48g 10°. CNI vii, 139.21; Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 279 no. 4.

1330 CM.PG.6601–2006: Grierson bequest; Baranowsky 3.9.1949. 1331 CM.PG.12338–2006: Grierson bequest; Simonetti 20.9.1967. 1332 CM.PG.4406–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 30.5.1947. 1333 CM.PG.9807–2006: Grierson bequest; Hollschek VII 1218. 1334 CM.PG.5042–2006: Grierson bequest; Glendining 9.3.1948, lot 7.

Mint-masters for silver Domenico Bondumier [_B]: attested 14 May 1462. Daniele Da Lezze [__]: attested 14 May 1462. Ducat Obv. cRISTOFM0VRO – ø|S|ø|M|ø|V|e|N|e|T|I – D|V|X, saint passing banner-staff to doge. Rev. SITøTøXPeøD0T.QTV RegISøISTeøDVc0T, Christ in elliptic aureole. 3.52g 180° (SG 19.19: c. 99% ). CNI vii, 142.15 var.; 1337 Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 289 no. 1 var. Grosso or grossetto Obv. [cRIST]OFMaVRO – D|V|X – SMVeNeTI, saint w. book passing banner-staff to doge. Rev. [+øTIBIøLaVS] ETøGLORI[A]ø, Christ enthroned. 1.09g 0°. Obv. _ l. and B r. CNI vii, 140.2 var.; 1338 Papadopoli 1893–1919, i, 289 no. 2 var. 1.15g 200°. Obv. cRISTOF[MaVRO] – D|V|X – 1339 SøMøVeNeTI, _ l. and _ r. Rev. +øTIBIøLaVSø ETøGLORI Aø. CNI vii, 140.3 var. Piccolo copoluto, 1463–71 Obv. cross, C M D V in the quadrants and pellet below each letter and at ends of cross. Rev. [+øSøMø]VeN[eTIø], bust of lion. 1340 B 0.14g 180°. Cf. CNI vii, 143.24–6; Papadopoli 1893– 1919, i, 290–1 no. 9. N I C O L Ò T RO N, S I X T Y- E I G H T H D O G E , 14 71 – 3 Mint-masters for silver Caroso Pesaro [KP]: attested 21 March 1472. Unknown master [LM]. Tron or lira da 20 soldi, 1472–3 Obv. (leaf)øNICOLãVSø øTRONVSøDVX, bust of doge l. Rev. øSANCTVSø øMARCVSø, winged lion in wreath. 6.37g 260°. CNI vii, 147.24 var.; Papadopoli 1893– 1341 1919, ii, 10–11, no. 5. 5.03g (pierced) 80°. Obv. (leaf)øNICOLãVS 1342 TRONVSøDVX. Rev. øSANCTVSø øMARCVSø. CNI vii, 148.28; Papadopoli 1893–1919, ii, 11 no. 7. 6.49g 210°. 1343 4.03g (clipped) 190°. 1344

1335 CM.PG.9808–2006: Grierson bequest; Hollschek VII 1218. 1336 CM.PG.9809–2006: Grierson bequest; Hollschek VII 1218. 1337 CM.PG.8397–2006: Grierson bequest; Franceschi 4.4.1982. 1338 CM.PG.9811–2006: Grierson bequest; Hollschek VII 1219. 1339 CM.PG.9810–2006: Grierson bequest; Hollschek VII 1219.

1048

1340 CM.PG.13955–2006: Grierson bequest; Numismatik Lanz sale 23, 11.5.1982, lot 1385. 1341 CM.PG.4649–2006: Grierson bequest; R. Ratto 30.9.1947. 1342 CM.ME.624-R: Old University coll. 1343 CM.810–1910: Searle 18.6.1910; ex NCirc xiii (1905), no. 15127. 1344 CM.810a–1910: [Searle 18.6.1910]; cf. NCirc xiii (1905), no. 15128.

m e di eval e uropean coi nag e 12

p late 74

V E N E TO V E N I C E ( cont.) N I C O L Ò T RO N, S I X T Y- E I G H T H D O G E , 14 71 – 3 ( cont.)

P I E T RO M O C E N I G O, S E V E N T I E T H D O G E , 14 74 – 6

Soldino, 1472–3 Obv. NIøTRONV SøDVXø, kneeling doge w. banner-staff, K above P r. Rev. bust of lion in quatrefoil. 0.33g 50°. CNI vii, 144.2; Papadopoli 1893–1919, ii, 12 1345 no. 15. 0.30g 40°. Obv. NIøTRON VSøDVX, L above M r. 1346 CNI vii, 145.6; Papadopoli 1893–1919, ii, 14 no. 17 var. 0.29g 200°. Obv. NIøTRONV SøDVXø, L above 1347 M r. CNI vii, 145.8; Papadopoli 1893–1919, ii, 14 no. 15.

Mint-masters for silver Francesco Baffo [FB]: attested 28 May 1474. Polo Malipiero [PM]: attested 16 November 1474. Unknown master [NV].

Bagattino, 1472(?)–3 Obv. øNICOLãVS.TRON VSøDVXø, bust of doge l. Rev. øSãNCTVSøMã RCVS øVø, lion holding banner. 1348 Æ 2.01g 90°. CNI vii, 149.46; Papadopoli 1893–1919, ii, 13 no. 22.

Marcello or mezza lira Obv. Peø2OCENIGO – ø|S|ø|M|ø|V|E|N|E|T|I – D|V|X, saint passing banner-staff to doge. Rev. øTIBIøSOLIø øGLORIãø, Christ enthroned between IC and XC, both w. abbreviation mark above. 3.03g 190°. Obv. P l. and 2 r. CNI vii, 156.20; 1353 Papadopoli 1893–1919, ii, 30 no. 8. 2.97g 20°. 1354

N I C O L Ò M A R C E L L O, S I X T Y- N I N T H D O G E , 14 7 3 – 4

Mocenigo or lira Obv. Peø2OCEN IGO – Sø ø2ãCVS øVø – D|V|X, saint passing banner-staff to doge. Rev. øTIBIøSOLIø øGLORIãø, Christ on pedestal or sepulchre. 6.51g 200°. Rev. øFø øBø on pedestal. CNI vii, 155.5 var.; 1352 Papadopoli 1893–1919, ii, 29 no. 3 var.

Soldino Obv. PEøMOCEN IGøDVX, kneeling doge w. banner-staff. Rev. bust of lion in quatrefoil. 0.33g 50°. Obv. N above V r. CNI vii, 158.32. 1355

Mint-masters for silver Zuanne Tajapiera [T]: attested 20 July 1473. Francesco Baffo [FB]: attested 28 May 1474.

A N D R E A V E N D R A M I N, S E V E N T Y- F I R S T D O G E , 14 7 6 – 8

Ducat Obv. NIcOLM0RceLL – S|ø|M|ø|V|e|N|e|T|I – D|V|X, saint passing banner-staff to doge. Rev. SIT.T.XPeøD0T.QTV RegISøISTeøDVc0T, Christ in elliptic aureole. 3.51g 170°. CNI vii, 153.24 var.; Papadopoli 1893–1919, 1349 ii, 23 no. 3 var.

Mint-masters for silver Marco Pizzamano [MP]: attested 18 September 1475. Alvise Zorzi [ãZ]: attested 4 April 1476. Piero Malipiero [PI M]: attested 4 August 1477.

Marcello or mezza lira Obv. NIM0RCELL – S|ø|M|ø|V|E|N|E|T|I – D|V|X, saint passing banner-staff to doge. Rev. Ö+.TIBIÖLaVS Ö ÖGLORIaÖ, Christ enthroned. 3.05g 220°. Obv.  l. and T r. CNI vii, 151.7 var.; 1350 Papadopoli 1893–1919, ii, 24 no. 8. 2.97g 20°. Obv. F l. and B r. CNI vii, 152.15 var. 1351

Ducat Obv. aNDReaS.VeNDRaMINVSø – S|ø|M|ø|V|e|N|e|T|I – D|V|X, saint passing banner-staff to doge. Rev. SIT.T.XPeDaT.QTV RegIS.ISTe.DVcaT, Christ in elliptic aureole. 3.53g 170° (SG 19.19: c. 99% ). CNI vii, 163.31 var.; 1356 Papadopoli 1893–1919, ii, 37, no. 1 var.

1345 CM.PG.15008–2006: Grierson bequest; Singer 6.4.1988. 1346 CM.PG.6603–2006: Grierson bequest; Baranowsky 3.9.1949. 1347 CM.PG.6602–2006: Grierson bequest; Baranowsky 3.9.1949. 1348 CM.PG.2529–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 21.3.1949.

1349 CM.PG.14017–2006: Grierson bequest; Franceschi 18.11.1982. 1350 CM.PG.6573–2006: Grierson bequest; Santamaria 5.9.1949. 1351 CM.PG.8260–2006: Grierson bequest; Glendining 14.9.1951, lot 193. 1352 CM.PG.12034–2006: Grierson bequest; Ars et Nummus 27.10.1966 (September list [1966], no. 860).

1050

1353 CM.PG.6572–2006: Grierson bequest; Santamaria 5.9.1949. 1354 CM.PG.11357–2006: Grierson bequest; Lockett III 510; ex Grantley 3323. 1355 CM.PG.6575–2006: Grierson bequest; Santamaria 5.9.1949. 1356 CM.PG.12245–2006: Grierson bequest; M. Ratto 10.12.1966.

m e di eval e uropean coi nag e 12

p late 75

V E N E TO V E N I C E ( cont.) 1361

A N D R E A V E N D R A M I N, S E V E N T Y- F I R S T D O G E , 14 7 6 – 8 ( cont.) Marcello or mezza lira Obv. ãND.VENDRã2IN – S|M|ø|V|E|N|E|T|I – D|V|X, saint passing banner-staff to doge. Rev. øTIBISOLIø øGLORIAø, Christ enthroned between IC and XC, both w. abbreviation mark above. 2.69g 250°. Obv. 2 l. and P r. CNI vii, 160.4; 1357 Papadopoli 1893–1919, ii, 39 no. 12. 3.04g 230°. Obv. ãND.VENDRã2IN – 1358 S|ø|M|ø|V|E|N|E|T|I – D|V|X, ã l. and Z r. Rev. øTIBIøSOLIø GLORIAø. CNI vii, 161.14 var.; Papadopoli 1893–1919, ii, 38 no. 10 var. 3.16g 230°. Rev. TIBI SOLI GLORIA. CNI vii, 161.15; 1359 Papadopoli 1893–1919, ii, 38 no. 11 var. 3.02g 180°. Obv. PI l. and 2 r. Rev. øTIBIøSOLI øGLO 1360 RIA. CNI vii, 162.22 var.; Papadopoli 1893–1919, ii, 38 no. 9 var. G I OVA N N I M O C E N I G O, S E V E N T YS E C O N D D O G E , 14 7 8 – 8 5 Mint-masters for silver Marin Boldù [MB]: attested 1 June 1478. Alvise Zorzi [ãZ]: attested 4 April 1476. Piero Malipiero [PI M]: attested 4 August 1477. Alvise Barbarigo [ãB]: attested 1 October 1479. Ferigo Ferro [FF]: attested 3 April 1480. Lunardo Dandolo [LD]: attested 3 February 1481. Zuanne Marcello [IM]: attested 19 December 1481. Andrea Molin [ãM]: attested 13 November 1482. Piero Contarini [PC]: attested 18 April 1483. Ducat Obv. IOø9OceNIGOø – S|ø|9|ø|V|e|N|e|T|I – D|V|X, saint passing banner-staff to doge. Rev. SITøT.XPeøDaT.QøTV RegISøISTeøDVcaT, Christ in elliptic aureole. 1357 CM.PG.6604–2006: Grierson bequest; Baranowsky 3.9.1949. 1358 CM.PG.6605–2006: Grierson bequest; Baranowsky 3.9.1949. 1359 CM.PG.13059–2006: Grierson bequest; Wolfe 25.7.1970. 1360 CM.PG.11355–2006: Grierson bequest; Lockett III 520; ex Grantley 3323. 1361 CM.PG.8741–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 12.5.1958.

3.51g 210° (SG 19.19: c. 99% ). CNI vii, 176.95; Papadopoli 1893–1919, ii, 48 no. 1 var.

Mocenigo or lira Obv. IOø2OcENIGO – øSø2øVENETIø – D|V|X, saint passing banner-staff to doge. Rev. øTIBIøSOLIø øGLORIãø, Christ on pedestal or sepulchre, large pellet l. 6.49g 300°. CNI vii, 177.105; Papadopoli 1893–1919, 1362 ii, 49 no. 9. Marcello or mezza lira Obv. IOø2OCENIGO – S|ø|M|ø|V|E|N|E|T|I – D|V|X, saint passing banner-staff to doge. Rev. øTIBIøSOLI GLORIãø, Christ enthroned between IC and XC, both w. abbreviation mark above. 2.94g 240°. Obv. 2 l. and B r. CNI vii, 165.6 var.; 1363 Papadopoli 1893–1919, ii, 50 no. 18. 3.28g 190°. Obv. IOø2OCENIGO – ø|S|ø|M|ø 1364 |V|E|N|E|T|I – D|V|X, ã l. and B r. Rev. øTIBISOLI GLORIãø. CNI vii, 167.22 var.; Papadopoli 1893–1919, ii, 51 no. 27. 3.03g 320°. Obv. F l. and r. Rev. øTIBISOLI øGLORIãø. 1365 CNI vii, 167.27 var.; Papadopoli 1893–1919, ii, 50, no. 13 var. 3.13g 100°. Obv. As last, w. L l. and D r. Rev. øTIBIøSOLI 1366 GLORIãø. CNI vii, 169.37; Papadopoli 1893–1919, ii, 50 no. 14. 3.20g 350°.Obv. IOø2OCENIGO – S|ø|M|ø|V|E|N|E| 1367 T|I – D|V|X, I l. and 2 r. Rev. øTIBIøSOLIø øGLORIãø. CNI vii, 170.51; Papadopoli 1893–1919, ii, 49 no. 11. 3.24g 170°. Obv. IOø2OCENIGO – ø|S|ø|M|ø|V|E|N| 1368 E|T|I – D|V|X, ã l. and 2 r. Rev. øTIBIøSOLI GLORIãø. CNI vii, 171.57; Papadopoli 1893–1919, ii, 50 no. 14. 3.22g 40°. Obv. IOø2OCENIGO – S|ø|M|ø|V|E|N|1369 E|T|I – D|V|X, P l. and C r. Rev. øTIBIøSOLIø øGLORIãø. CNI vii, 172.67 var.; Papadopoli 1893–1919, ii, 51 no. 25.

1362 CM.PG.10872–2006: Grierson bequest; Rinaldi 21.4.1961 (April list [1961], no. 637). 1363 FM.CM.811–1910: Searle 18.6.1910; ex NCirc xiii (1905), no. 15131. 1364 CM.PG.6607–2006: Grierson bequest; Baranowsky 3.9.1949. 1365 CM.PG.11359–2006: Grierson bequest; Lockett III 520; ex Grantley 3323. 1366 CM.PG.6606–2006: Grierson bequest; Baranowsky 3.9.1949.

1052

1367 CM.PG.11360–2006: Grierson bequest; Lockett III 520; ex Grantley 3323. 1368 CM.PG.11358–2006: Grierson bequest; Lockett III 520; ex Grantley 3323. 1369 CM.PG.6608–2006: Grierson bequest; Baranowsky 3.9.1949.

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V E N E TO V E N I C E ( cont.) G I OVA N N I M O C E N I G O, S E V E N T YS E C O N D D O G E , 14 7 8 – 8 5 ( cont.)

M A R C O B A R B A R I G O, S E V E N T Y- T H I R D D O G E , 14 8 5 – 6

Doppio bagattino, 1481–5 Obv. IO[A]NeSøMO CeNIGDVXø, kneeling doge facing r. holding banner-staff w. both hands, w. F in l. and r. fields. Rev. winged lion. 1370 Æ 2.38g 270°.CNI vii,168.34 var.;Papadopoli 1893–1919, ii, 52, no. 33. 1371 Æ 2.87g 180°. Obv. IOãNeSøMO CeNIGDVX. CNI vii, 168.34 var. 1372 Æ 2.24g 40°. Obv. IOãNeSøM OCeNIGDVX. CNI vii, 168.36; Papadopoli 1893–1919, ii, 53, no. 37. 1373 Æ 2.55g 130°. CNI vii, 168.36 var.; Papadopoli 1893–1919, ii, 53, no. 36.

Mint-masters for silver Alvise Loredan [ãL]: attested 22 August 1484. Zuanne Michiel [ZM]: attested 16 July 1485. Marcello or mezza lira Obv. ø 2øBãRBãDICO – ø|S|ø|M|ø|V|E|N|E|T|I – D|V|X, saint passing banner-staff to doge. Rev. øTIBI.SOLIø øGLORIãø, Christ enthroned between IC and XC, both w. abbreviation mark above. 3.10g 40°. Obv. ã l. and L r. CNI vii, 179.9; Papadopoli 1374 1893–1919, ii, 58 no. 9 var. 3.23g 240°. Obv. ø 2ãRCBãRBãDICO – ø|S|M| 1375 ø|V|E|N|E|T|I – D|V|X, Z l. and 2 r. Rev. øTIBIøSOLI GLORIãø. CNI vii, 179.11; Papadopoli 1893–1919, ii, 58 no. 7.

AG O S T I N O B A R B A R I G O, S E V E N T Y- F O U RT H D O G E , 14 8 5 – 15 0 1 Mint-masters for silver Gerolamo Pesaro [GP]: attested 12 July 1486. Zan Francesco Trevisan [ZFT]: attested 11 August 1486. Cristofolo Canal [CK]: attested 12 November 1487, 6 June 1498. Nicolò Pasqualigo [NP]: attested 16 February 1488. Giacomo Bagadin [IB]: attested 11 March 1489. Zan Francesco Miani [\ä]: attested 15 September 1490. Lazaro Morosini [LM]: attested 15 January 1496. Francesco Foscarini [FF]: attested 15 May 1497. Zan Alvise Pisani [ZãP]: attested 6 October 1499. Marco Donà [MD]: attested 30 January 1500. Stefano Ferro [STF]: attested 23 March 1501. Ducat Obv. ãVGøBãRBãDICO – ø|S|ø|2|ø|V|e|N|e|T|I – D|V|$%$, saint passing banner-staff to doge. Rev. SIT.T.XPeøD0T.QøTV RegISøISTeøDVc0T, Christ in elliptic aureole. 3.51g 240° (SG 19.22: c. 99% ). CNI vii, 200.152 1376 var. (?).

1370 CM.PG.6609–2006: Grierson bequest; Baranowsky 3.9.1949. 1371 CM.PG.2530–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 21.3.1946. 1372 CM.PG.11404–2006: Grierson bequest; Baranowsky 5.11.1962. 1373 CM.ME.625-R: no provenance.

1377

3.47g 320°. Obv. ãVGøBãRBãøDICO – ø|S|ø|2|ø|V]|e|N|e|T|I – D|V|X. Rev. SIT.T. XPeDãT.QTVø øRegISøISTeøDVcãTø.

Mocenigo or lira Obv. ø:ø ãVGøBãRBãDICO¤S¤2ãRCVS.VENET – D|V|X, saint passing banner-staff to doge. Rev. øTIBIøSOLIø øGLORIãø, Christ on pedestal or sepulchre. 6.48g 190°. Obv. øFø øFø on pedestal. CNI vii, 192.83 1378 var.; Papadopoli 1893–1919, ii, 75 no. 15. 6.41g 0°. Obv. ãVGøBãRBãDICOøSø2ãRCVSøVENET – 1379 D|V|X. Rev. øZø ã øPø on pedestal. CNI vii, 195.106 var.; Papadopoli 1893–1919, ii, 75 no. 20. 6.49g 0°. Rev. øMø øDø on pedestal. CNI vii, 196.115; 1380 Papadopoli 1893–1919, ii, 75 no. 20.

1374 CM.PG.11356–2006: Grierson bequest; Lockett III 520; ex Grantley 3323. 1375 CM.PG.4089–2006: Grierson bequest; Seaby 20.3.1947. 1376 CM.PG.8671–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 12.5.1958.

1054

1377 CM.PG.14018–2006: Grierson bequest; Elsen 19.11.1982. 1378 CM.PG.6571–2006: Grierson bequest; Santamaria 5.9.1949. 1379 CM.ME.626-R: Old University coll. 1380 CM.PG.13966–2006: Grierson bequest; De Falco 8.6.1982.

m e di eval e uropean coi nag e 12

p late 7 7

V E N E TO V E N I C E ( cont.) 0.30g 20°. CNI –; cf. Papadopoli 1893–1919, ii, 78 no. 38. 0.32g 10°. Rev. MøD on pedestal. CNI vii, 197.125. 1390 0.34g 180°. Rev. STøF on pedestal. CNI vii, 198.136. 1391 1389

AG O S T I N O B A R B A R I G O, S E V E N T YF O U RT H D O G E , 14 8 5 – 15 0 1 ( cont.) Marcello or mezza lira Obv. ø:ø ãVGVSTINBãR BãDICO – ø|S|ø|M|ø V|E|N|E|T|I|ø – D|V|X, saint passing banner-staff to doge. Rev. øTIBIøSOLIø øGLO RIAø, Christ enthroned between IC and XC, both w. abbreviation mark above. 3.23g 250°. Obv. G l. and P r. CNI vii, 181.3; Papadopoli 1381 1893–1919, ii, 75 no. 25. 3.12g 110°. Obv. ø ãVGVSTINBãR BãDICO – 1382 ø|S|ø|M|ø V|E|N|E|T|I – D|V|X, G l. and P r. CNI vii, 181.1 var.; Papadopoli 1893–1919, ii, 75 no. 25 var. 2.91g 70°. Obv. ø:ø ãVGVSTINBãR BãDICO – 1383 ø|S|ø|M|ø V|E|N|E|T|I – D|V|X, w. ZF l. and T r. Rev. øTIBIøSOLIø øGLORI[A]ø. CNI vii, 182.5. 3.16g 60°. Obv. ø:ø ãVGVSTINBãRBãDICO – 1384 ø|S|ø|M|ø V|E|N|E|T|I – D|V|X, w. C l. and K r. CNI vii, 184.22. 3.01g 270°. Obv. N l. and P r. CNI vii, 185.29. 1385 2.67g (pierced) 40°. Obv. ø:ø ãVGøBãRBãDI CO – 1386 ø|S|ø|M|ø V|E|N|E|T|I|ø – D|V|X, I l. and B r. Rev. øTIBIøSOLIø øGLORIãø. CNI vii, 185.34; Papadopoli 1893– 1919, ii, 76 no. 28. Bagattino for Padua, 1491–1501 Obv. +ãVGBãRBãDICODVX, cross w. pellet in each quadrant and at end of each arm. Rev. SãNCTVSøMãRCVS VENETIø, winged lion w. banner-staff. 1387 Æ 1.49g 120°. Obv. \ä below. CNI vii, 187.46 var.; cf. Papadopoli 1893–1919, ii, 81–2 nos. 57–61. 1388 Æ 1.33g 340°. Obv. øãVGøBãRBãDICOøDVX. Rev. SãNCTVSøMãRCV SøVENETIø, CK below. CNI vii, 185.28 var. Soldino or marchetto, 1499–1501 Obv. ãVøBãRB øDVXø øSøMøVø, saint passing banner-staff to doge. Rev. øLãVSøTI BIøSOLIø, Christ on pedestal or sepulchre, L2 (?) on pedestal.

1381 CM.PG.5033–2006: Grierson bequest; Glendining 9.3.1948, lot 7. 1382 CM.PG.13060–2006: Grierson bequest; Wolfe 25.7.1970. 1383 CM.PG.5032–2006: Grierson bequest; Glendining 9.3.1948, lot 7. 1384 CM.PG.11361–2006: Grierson bequest; Lockett III 520; ex Grantley 3323. 1385 CM.PG.11363–2006: Grierson bequest; Lockett III 520, ex Grantley 3323.

A N O N Y M O U S, 14 9 7 – c. 15 0 0 Mezzanino or half-soldo con la madonna (Struck under laws of 16 September 1497, and 7 June and 31 August 1499) Obv. anepigraphic, lion of St Mark. Rev. anepigraphic, half-figure of Virgin holding Child. 0.18g 220°. CNI –; Paolucci 1991, 134, no. 691. 1392 L E O N A R D O L O R E DA N, S E V E N T Y- F I F T H D O G E , 15 0 1 – 2 1 Mint-masters for silver Piero Cocco [PC]: attested 24 June 1501. Alvise Miani [ãä]: attested 24 November 1503. Domenico Gritti [DG]: elected 2 February 1517. Bernardo Donà [BD]: elected 22 June 1517. Zan Agostino Pizzamano [IãP]: attested 14 June 1518. Da 16 soldi Obv. LEONãRøLã VRED$ ø DVXøSøMøVENETI, saint passing bannerstaff to doge. Rev. øGLORIAø øTIBIøSOLIø, Christ enthroned, øIø øãø øPø below. 4.39g 240°. CNI vii, 221.153; Papadopoli 1893–1919, 1393 ii, 105 no. 26 var. Da quattro soldi Obv. øLEOøLãVRE øSø2øVENETIø – D|V|X, saint passing banner-staff to doge. Rev. øTIBIøSOLIø øGLORIãø, half-figure of Christ between IC and XC, both w. abbreviation mark above. 1.15g 250°. Obv. øDøGø below. CNI vii, 218.127; 1394 Papadopoli 1893–1919, ii, 107 no. 40. 1.19g 350°. Obv. LEOøLãVRED øSøMãRCVENET – 1395 D|V|X, $BøD$ below. Rev. $ $ $ GLORIã $ $ $ TIBIøSOLI. CNI vii, 221.151 var.; Papadopoli 1893–1919, ii, 108 no. 44.

1386 CM.PG.11362–2006: Grierson bequest; Lockett III 520, ex Grantley 3323. 1387 CM.PG.6611–2006: Grierson bequest; Baranowsky 3.9.1949. 1388 CM.ME.627-R: no provenance. 1389 CM.PG.11402–2006: Grierson bequest; Baranowsky 5.11.1962. 1390 CM.PG.11403–2006: Grierson bequest; Baranowsky 5.11.1962.

1056

1391 CM.PG.6610–2006: Grierson bequest; Baranowsky 3.9.1949. 1392 CM.2223–2003: Grierson Fund (PG 19,316); Simmons Gallery 24.6.2003. 1393 CM.1.2762–1990: Blunt coll.; fd in Cyprus, gift of J. R. Stewart 1946. 1394 CM.1.2764–1990: Blunt coll.; fd in Cyprus, gift of J. R. Stewart 1946. 1395 CM.1.2763–1990: Blunt coll.; ex Owston Smith 1947.

m e di eval e uropean coi nag e 12

p late 7 8

V E N E TO V E N I C E ( cont.) L E O N A R D O L O R E DA N, S E V E N T Y- F I F T H D O G E , 15 0 1 – 2 1 ( cont.) 0.29g 80°. Rev. PøC on pedestal. CNI vii, 206.32 var.; Papadopoli 1893–1919, ii, 108 no. 49 var. 0.29g 50°. Obv. LEøLãV DVX øSøMøVø. Rev. LãVSøTI 1397 BIøSOLI, øãøäø on pedestal. CNI vii, 210.59 var.; Papadopoli 1893–1919, ii, 109 no. 54.

Soldino or marchetto Obv. LEOøLãV .DVX øSøMøVø, saint passing banner-staff to doge. Rev. øLãVSøTI BIøSOLIø, Christ on pedestal.

1396

V E RO N A COMMUNAL AND SEIGNIORIAL ISSUES Commentary on pp. 655–65. 1406 1407

C O M M U N E , 118 3 – 1 2 3 6 A N D E Z Z E L I N O DA RO M A N O, 1 2 3 6 – 5 9 Denaro piccolo, before 1185–c. 1250 Obv. FV I[{] IV I[{], long cross. Rev.  RO N a, long cross. 1398 B 0.37g 90°. CNI vi, 263.2; Perini 1902a, 56 no. 23a. 1399 B 0.34g 270°. As last. 1400 B 0.37g 270°. As last. 1401 B 0.36g 270°. Rev.  RO N a, pellet or wedge on l. arm of cross. CNI vi, 263.3; Perini 1902a, 56 no. 23b. 1402 B 0.30g 0°. As last. 1403 B 0.34g 180°. As last. E Z Z E L I N O DA RO M A N O, 1 2 3 6 – 5 9 Grosso da 20 denari piccoli Obv. +{I++{I+I, interior legend  Ro N a, cross dividing interior legend. Rev. +>VE>Ro>Na>, interior legend {I I {I , cross dividing interior legend. 1.62g 0°. CNI vi, 265.13; Perini 1902a, 57 no. 24. 1404 1.60g 0°. Obv. +{I+F+{I+I,  Ro N a. Rev. 1405 +>VE>Ro>Na>, {I  {I I. CNI vi, 266.25; Perini 1902a, 58 no. 24m. CANGRANDE I DELLA SCALA AND S U C C E S S O R S, 1311 – 3 6 Grosso da 20 denari piccoli, 1312–36 Obv. +{I+I+{I+, interior legend  RO 3 a, cross dividing interior legend. Rev. +(ladder of four rungs)VE>RO>3a>, interior legend {I I {I , cross dividing interior legend. 1396 CM.377–1999: Gift of A. Watson. 1397 CM.1843–1918: Dewick bequest 1918, no. 219. 1398 CM.PG.160–2006: Grierson bequest; Spink 22.2.1945. 1399 CM.PG.12336–2006: Grierson bequest; Simonetti 20.9.67. 1400 CM.1838–1918: Dewick bequest 1918, no. 214. 1401 CM.PG.13267–2006: Grierson bequest; Malloy 9.3.1973.

1.14g 320°.CNI vi,271.16–17 var.;Perini 1902a,no.27. 1.15g 290°.

Denaro piccolo, 1312–36 Obv. CI  CI VI, long cross. Rev.  RO 3 0, long cross. 1408 B 0.31g. CNI vi, 269.3 var. A L B E RTO I I D E L L A S C A L A , 13 2 9 – 5 2 A N D M A S T I N O I I D E L L A S C A L A , 13 2 9 – 51 F I R S T P E R I O D, 1336 – 4 9 Mediatino (due denari) Obv. +cI+V:I+CI[ ], cross w.  Ro N øaø in the angles. Rev. [ ] Ro Nøãø[ ], cross w. cI VI cI VI in the angles. 1409 B 0.38g 280°. CNI vi, 270.8. 1410 B 0.49g 350°. Obv. +cI[+ ]VI+cI+VI,  Ro N a. Rev. + .VE Ro Na , cI VI cI VI. CNI vi, 270.13 var. 1411 B 0.45g 120°. Obv. +[ …]+V:I+cI[I …],  Ro N 0. Rev. +[ E] RO N 0 , cI VI cI VI. S E C O N D P E R I O D, 134 9 – 5 2 Grosso aquilino Obv. +ø>øCIVITaSø>ø, eagle w. pellet below head and another below r. wing. Rev. Ö(pellet above)VE Ro NE (ladder of five rungs)ä, long cross. 0.96g 40°. CNI vi, 273.5; Perini 1902a, 62 no. 30a; 1412 Rizzolli 1991, no. Ve3.

1402 CM.331–2004: Grierson Fund (PG 19,390); Münzzentrum Rheinland sale 117, 10.9.2003, lot 2240. 1403 CM.332–2004: Grierson Fund (PG 19,391); Münzzentrum Rheinland sale 117, 10.9.2003, lot 2240. 1404 CM.PG.1631–2006: Grierson bequest; Spink 22.2.1945; ex Boulton coll. 1405 CM.PG.3144–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 28.8.1946. 1406 CM.PG.4599–2006: Grierson bequest; R. Ratto 30.9.1947.

1058

1407 CM.YG.3300-R: Young bequest 1936; ex Boyne 560. 1408 CM.PG.6631–2006: Grierson bequest; De Nicola 5.9.1949. 1409 CM.333–2004: Grierson Fund (PG 19,392); Münzzentrum Rheinland sale 117, 10.9.2003, lot 2240. 1410 CM.PG.6630–2006: Grierson bequest; De Nicola 5.9.1949. 1411 CM.PG.12335–2006: Grierson bequest; Simonetti 20.9.1967. 1412 CM.PG.192–2006: Grierson bequest; Spink 1.3.1945.

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V E N E TO V E RO N A ( cont.) 1419 1420

B A RTO L O M E O A N D A N TO N I O D E L L A S C A L A , 137 5 – 81

2.24g 180°. CNI vi, 276.3 var. 2.31g 150°. Obv. (snake)coMES.VIRtVtVMøDø MEDIoL03Iøc. Rev. SøEnoø øDøVERon0ø. CNI vi, 276.3 var.

Soldo Obv. +BThS:anThS , winged helmet w. dog’s head. Rev. (ladder of four rungs) SancTuSøenoø, bust of saint. 1413 B 0.96g 320°. CNI vi, 274.1; Perini 1902a, 62–3 no. 31. 1414 B 1.05g 20°. Obv. +BThS:anThS:. Rev. (ladder of four rungs) SancTuSøeno. CNI vi, 274.2. 1415 B 0.99g 80°. Obv. +BThSøanThSø. Rev. (ladder of four rungs) SancTuSøeno. CNI vi, 274.2 var.

Soldo Obv. +coMES.VIRtVtVMøDøMLIøV’onE  c., floriated cross. Rev. (snake) øSøEnOøDEøVEROnaø, bust of saint w. crozier. 1.85g 100°. CNI vi, 277.7 var.; Perini 1902a, 66–7 1421 no. 38. 1.90g 270°. 1422

Quattrino Obv. >BTOLOäeVS, ladder of five rungs. Rev. anTOnIVS, cross. 1416 B 0.66g 260°. CNI vi, 274.3; Perini 1902a, 63 no. 32. 1417 B 0.70g 80°. Obv. pellet below bottom rung of ladder. CNI vi, 275.7; Perini 1902a, 63 no. 32d (?). 1418 B 0.63g 20°. As last.

Sesino Obv. +øg0LE0ZøcOMESøVIRtVtVMø,cross w.trefoil in each quarter.Rev. øDøMEDIOL0nIøVEROnEøcø,viper between g –  w.pellet below each letter. 1423 B 0.88g 200°. CNI v, 95.65 var.; Crippa 1986, 87 no. 12.

G I A N G A L E A Z Z O V I S C O N T I , 13 8 7 – 14 0 2 ( D U K E O F M I L A N F RO M 13 9 5 ) S E C O N D P E R I O D, 139 8 – 14 0 2 Grosso or pegione da un soldo e mezzo Obv. (snake)coNES.VIRtVtVMøDMEDIoL03Iøc, floriated cross in quatrefoil w. pellet in each angle. Rev. øSøEnoø øDøVERon0ø, St Zeno enthroned w. crozier between two lions’ heads.

VICENZA COMMUNE, THIRTEENTH-FOURTEENTH CENTURY Commentary on pp. 666–7. B A I L A R D I N O D I N O G A RO L E , P O D E S T À , 13 2 0 – 9 Grosso aquilino Obv. +$CIVITaS$ (shield) , eagle. Rev. $VI CE NC IE, long cross w. > above vertical arm of cross. 1413 CM.PG.193–2006: Grierson bequest; Spink 1.3.1945. 1414 CM.PG.4157–2006: Grierson bequest; Spink 15.4.1947. 1415 CM.334–2004: Grierson Fund (PG 19,393); ex Münzzentrum Rheinland sale 117, 10.9.2003, lot 2240. 1416 CM.PG.194–2006: Grierson bequest; Spink 1.3.1945. 1417 CM.ME.628-R: no provenance.

1424

1.32g 340°. CNI vi, 283.2 var.; Rizzolli 1991, no. Vi1.

1418 CM.335–2004: Grierson Fund (PG 19,394); Münzzentrum Rheinland sale 117, 10.9.2003, lot 2240. 1419 CM.PG.4600–2006: Baranowsky 27.9.1947. 1420 CM.ME.632-R: no provenance. 1421 CM.PG.8874–2006: Grierson bequest; Baldwin 29.12.1955; ex Glendining 1.12.1955, lot 218.

1060

1422 CM.336–2004: Grierson Fund (PG 19,395); Münzzentrum Rheinland sale 117, 10.9.2003, lot 2240. 1423 CM.PG.15024–2006: Grierson bequest; Kunst und Münzen sale 26, 13.5.1988, lot 1194; ex Strada coll. 1424 CM.PG.11600–2006: Grierson bequest; MMAG Basel sale 27, 15.11.1963, lot 631.

m e di eval e uropean coi nag e 12

p late 8 0

CONCORDANCES Concordances are given below for the CNI and the Grantley collection: (a) CNI with MEC 12 (b) Grantley collection with MEC 12

(a) 

cni

with

mec

12

MEC 12 numbers are enclosed in brackets where the identity with the reference is not complete. CNI, vol. i

MEC 12

CNI, vol. i

MEC 12

CNI, vol. i

MEC 12

Piedmont, County (II) 503.3 174 504.8 176 504.9 177 507.7 179

508.18 511.8 511.13 512.20 512.24

180 181 184 183 182

513.26 513.29 514.36

185 186 187

CNI, vol. ii

MEC 12

CNI, vol. ii

MEC 12

CNI, vol. ii

MEC 12

Acqui 1.1 3.12

76 77

Alessandria 5.5

78

Asti 9.1 9.3 9.5 11.19 11.21 11.22

81 (80) 79 85 83 82

12.27 13.38 14.45 14.49 16.3 19–20.3–6 20.12 20.13 22–23.4–6 26.12 28.7 29.22

86 84 87 88 89 90 92 91 93 94 95 96–7

31.35 33.5 34.16 34.18 35.30 36.37 (38.49–54) 39.60 40.70 40.76 41.81

98 106 100 101 105 99 104 102 108 107 103

1062

Concordances CNI, vol. ii

MEC 12

1063

CNI, vol. ii

MEC 12

CNI, vol. ii

MEC 12

149 160 144 151 157 161 162 163–4 152 153–4 146 145 158 155 156 121 122 123 125 124 126–7 120 128 132 131

210.8 211.18 212.24 213.33

129 133 130 134–5

Novara 370.6 371.9 371.10

165 166 167

Montferrat, marquises 98.2 (illus. pl. 8.4) 136 98.2 (illus. pl. 8.6) 137–8 98–9.4–6 139–42 101.10 143 103.5 159 104.16 147 106.32 148 106.33 (150)

106.38 107.44 109.62 110.69 110.76 111.82 111.85 113.119 114.108 114.109 116.124 117.135 118.147 120.162 121.175 204.7 204.11 206.9 206.13 207.20 207.26 208.29 209.1 210.4 210.6

Tortona 421.2 422.8

199–200 201

CNI, vol. iii

MEC 12

CNI, vol. iii

MEC 12

CNI, vol. iii

MEC 12

202–4 205–7 209–11 213–15 231 222–4 230 227 233 244–5

10.65 11.72 11.73 12.75 12.78 12.81 13.88 14.94 15.104 16.109 16.110

235 208 212 216–17 225–6 218, 220–1 228–9 (234) 240–3 239 (238 obv.)

19.18 20.19 20.21 23.55 24.59 25.70 26.1 28.24 28.25 29.36 29.38

248 238 rev. 249 236 237 253 247 256 257 258 259

Ceva, marquises 202.5 110 Fieschi fiefs 218.5 219.13 298.23

112 113 114–15

Incisa, marquises 293.3 116 Ivrea 295.4 295.7 295.10

118 119 117

Milan 423.1

692

Genoa 3.1 4.2 5.14 5.18 6.19 7.28 7.29 8.45 9.49 10.60

Piedmont, county (I) 221.6 168 221.7 (169–71) 222.2 (172) 222.1–2 173 Saluzzo, Marquises 57.16 193 62.65 194 66.107 195 67.113 196 68.126/68.130 197

Concordances

1064 CNI, vol. iii Genoa (cont.) 32.27 35.49 35.51 35.54 36.1 37.4–8 37.9 37.10 38.18 39.20 39.24 44.33 46.53 49.80 50.88 51.98 53.117 53.118 53.120 53.123 57.159 58.165 59.173 59.179 61.14 62.5 63.8 66.47 69.6 69.69 71.24 71.26 73.9 75.18 80.6 81.12 81.16 81.17

MEC 12

CNI, vol. iii

MEC 12

CNI, vol. iii

MEC 12

254 255 264 267 268 (263) 260 261–2 246 252 250–1 270 269 272 271 273 (276) (277) 274 275 278 279–80 281 282 283–4 285 286 288 289 287 291 290 292 293 297 294 295 296

82.22–3 82.25–31 82.27 82.29 84.9 87.34 87.42 88.42 88.43 91.73 93.6 95.4 96.10 97.15 99.32 100.47 100.51 102.63 103.4 105–6.31–2 106.39 108.59 110.78 110.82 110.83 111.83 111.87 112.96 114.112 114.116 116.9 116.111 119.38–9 119.40 123.73 123.80–1 124.83 127.2 128.11,16

302 (301) 299–300 298 265–6 306 303 304 305 307 308 309 310 311 312 313 314 315 316 317 rev. 317 obv. 318 321 320 obv. 320 rev. 319 322 323 324 325–6 327 232 (329) 328 330–1 (333) 332 334 337

130.31 133.59 135.9 135.17 136.20–1 136.27 137.29 137.33 138.44 141.22 141.28 142.6 144.1 144.6 144.9 146.11 150.14 153.1 153.41 156.16 157.37 160.4 161.16 165.29 168.149 172.89 181.35 184.60 192.27 199.94 208.39 210 219.3

336 338 339 340 (341) 342 343 344 345–6 348 347 349 352 350 338 351 353 356 354 357 355 (358) 359 360 361 362 363 364 366 365 367 368 369

Ponzone, Marquises 2.1 188 2.5 190 3.6 189 38.16 192 rev. 40.30 191, 192 obv.

Concordances CNI, vol. iii

CNI, vol. iii

MEC 12

CNI, vol. iii

MEC 12

Savona, commune 575.4 379 576.7 380 577.3 377–8

579.11 579.12–14 579.12–15 579.13–14

381 (382) (392) (389–91)

579.14 581.6 585.15 586.6

383–4 385 386–7 393

CNI, vol. iv

MEC 12

CNI, vol. iv

MEC 12

CNI, vol. iv

MEC 12

Bergamo 32.10 33.22 33.26 34.32 34.34 35.40 35.45 36.53 36.55 37.59 37.66 39.87 39.89 40.90 40.93 43.114 43.117 44.123 44.125 44.126 44.129 45.138 45.139 46.143

423 421–2 418 424 420 419 404 417 414 415–16 411 412–13 409–10 407 408 425 426 398–400 403 401–2 397 394–6 406 405

82.37 82.40 82.43 82.44 83.5 86.31 86.35

432 433 436–7 438–9 440–1 442 443–4

Como 175.1 176.3 176.5 177.9 178.12 179.24 181.1 181.2 182.2 184.2 184.4 184.5 185.5 185.12 187.1

192.23 194.1 194.43 194.44 195.3 195.4 196.8 197.18

469–70 473 471 472 475–6 474 477 478

448 450 449 445 446 447 453 451–2 454 456 457 458–9 462 460–1 455

Lodi 208.1

479

Cremona 189.2 190.6 190.10 191.13 191.14 191.15

468 467 465 463 464 466

Mantua 220.2 220.3 220.6 221.1 221.13 222.1 222.4 222.5 223.3 223.4 223.5 223.7 223.8 224.3 225.1 226.16 227.3 228.10 228.15

481 482 480 483 484–5 487 492 486 488–9 493–4 495 490–1 496 497–8 500 499 501–2 503 504

Brescia 78.1 78.2 78.4 80.25 81.29

MEC 12

1065

427 428 429–30 434 435

Concordances

1066 CNI, vol. iv

MEC 12

CNI, vol. iv

MEC 12

CNI, vol. iv

MEC 12

263.30 263.34 264.40 264.41 264.45 290.17

538 517 534 535–6 537 515

494.19 497.8 497.14 497.15 497.16 498.1 499.8 501.3 502.4 502.9 503.14 505.11 506.14

791 793 794 795–6 797 798 800 801 809 810–11 812 813 814

Trivulzio fiefs 428.36 430.54 430.55 430.57 431.63 431.64 433.84 434.98 435.101 436.113 439.138 440.154 441.162

824 825 825 (826 rev.) (826 obv.) 827 820 821 822 823 818 817 819

Mantua (cont.) 230.3 230.9 231.13 232.20 232.21–4 233.33 234.46 240.43 242.67 242.68 245.93 246.102 248.122 252.163 252.166 253.169 253.171 253.174 255.189 255.190 256.201 256.204–5 257.213 259.229 260.1 260.3–4

506 509 508 510 (511) 507 505 526 (516 rev.) (516 obv.) 527 528 529 525 524 523 518 519 520–1 522 532 (531) 530 533 512–13 (514)

Monza 444.9

789

Pavia 478.8 479.9 481.2 481.9 482.20 483.27 483.29 483.31 485.10 486.5 488.1 488.7 489.8 490.2–3 490.4 493.1 494.10

8–9 1–2 11–12 18 15, 19 16–17 13–14 20 25 28 41–2 33–4 38–40 (49) 36–7 792 790

CNI, vol. v

MEC 12

CNI, vol. v

MEC 12

CNI, vol. v

MEC 12

49.6

542–3, 545–7 53–4 548, 550–1 560 571–2 (553) 557 558

53.1 53.2 53.4 55.9 55.10 56.17 57.3 57.6 57.8

554–5 556 559 569–70 578a 581–2 608 562–7 561

Milan 41.4 45.8 46.1 47.1 47.13 47.14 48.2 48.6

10 21–2 29–31, 43 35 50 51 (539–41) 544

49.7 49.9 50.16 50.18 51.5 52.13 52.14

Concordances

1067

CNI, vol. v

MEC 12

CNI, vol. v

MEC 12

CNI, vol. v

MEC 12

57.9 57.10 58.14 58.17 58.18 58.20 58.25 58.28 60.1 60.32 61.10 62.14 63.24 63.26 65.7 65.12 67.1 68.12 69.17 69.18 70.4 71.3 71.5 71.6 73.3 73.7 73.10 76.13 78.36 79.41 79.42–4 79.45 83.4 84.14–16 85.17 85.19 85.20 86.26 86.27 87.36

568 573 576 574 575 577–8 579–80 591 590 592 583–5 589 586 587–8 593 594 595 596–7 598 599–600 607 609 601 602–3 610–11 604–6 612–13 618–20a 624–6 617 614–15 616 623 (631) 632 621 627 622 628–9 630

88.9 89.19 90.25 91.26 91.27 93.47 94.56 96.76 96.77 96.82 98.103 99.107 99.110 100.124 102.137 103.4 109.56 110.64 110.67 110.72 111.76 115–16.3–18 117.23 119.6 119.9 120.18 123–4 123.47–8 124.59 130.110 130.114 130.116 134.149 134.156 136.166–8 136.169 137.181 138.191 139.198 139.203

639 646 633, 635–7 638 634 647–51 652–3 654 655 642 (656) 640 641 645 643–4 659 660 657 661 662 658 663 664 672–3 674 675 (692) 669 670 680 678 679 665 676 681 682 667 666 677 668

140.209 141.223 143.5 144.14–16 144.17–22 144.18 146.12 150.39 150.41 150.43 150.46 151.56 152.60 152.64 153.72–3 154.80–1 155.93 156.95 156.96 156.101 157.108 157.111 158–9 159.1 159.3 160.7 160.9 160.11 161.16 163.8 163.9 164.15 164.120 169.58 169.73 170.69 171.78 174.104 174.105 175.106

683–4 671 685–7 688–90 (692) 691 708 709 701 710–11 694 693 712 702 707 695 713 698 696–7 703–6 700 699 (692) 715 716 717 718 719 720 721 722 723 732 733–4 736 735 737 724 725 726

Concordances

1068 CNI, vol. v

MEC 12

CNI, vol. v

MEC 12

CNI, vol. v

MEC 12

Milan (cont.) 175.113 175.114 176.120 177.125 177.127 177.132 179.148 180.157 180.160 181.170 182.175 184.12 186.14 189.25 190.32 190.33 191–2.42–7 192.54 193.59 194.65 194.73

738 739 740 742 743–4 741 728 727 729 731 730 746 745 761 749 747–8 754 753 750–1 755 756

195.79 195.80 196.86 197.3 199.19 200.28 200.29 201.32 209.58 211.77 212.85 212.90 213.93 213.94 214.102 214.104 214.105 215.113 215.116 215.120 216.124 217.126

758 759–60 752 762 763–5 766 767 768 769 773 776 774 778 777 784 785 779 786 770 787 775 782

217.127 217.128 217.133 217.139 234.35

781 780 771–2 783 788

Nosedo 52.11

72–5

Pavia 81.9 82.19–20 93.51 97.88 156.89 156.100

806 802–5 807 808 815 816

Venice 44.2 44.6

7 6

Verona 95.65

1423

CNI, vol. vi

MEC 12

CNI, vol. vi

MEC 12

CNI, vol. vi

MEC 12

Aquileia 3.1–18 6.3 7.2 7.3 8.4 9.3 10.11 10.14 12.4 12.5 12.8 12.10 13.30 14.24

828 829–30 832 831 833 836–7 835 834 840 838 841 839 842 847–9

14.30 15.40 15.41 16.50 16.52 17.1 17.5 18 18.10 19.21–5 20.1 21.2 21.6 22.1 24.22

845–6 850 851 844 843 857–9 856 854 852–3 855 860–1 862–3 864 865 866

25.3 26.6 26.10 27.5 28.6 29.1 30.1 30.6 31.6 32.1 32.8 33.1 34.14 35.1 35.16

867 870 868 869 871 874 875 872–3 876–7 878 879 880 882 883 881

Concordances CNI, vol. vi

MEC 12

36.1 36.9 38.2 38.4

885–6 884 887 888

Gorizia, counts 47.2 48.1 50.13 54.9 57.4 58.3 63.4–7 66.23 66.25 66.26 67.32 68.3 69.7 69.12 69.13 69.16

894 895 891 892 890 893 (896) 898–9 897 900 901–2 907–9 903 904 906 905

Padua 183.3 185.3 185.12 186.16 187.4 189.1 189.3 189.5 191.21 192.2 196.35 196.36 196.40 197.49 198.63 204.27 206.45

910 913–14 912 911 915 916–17 918–19 (920 rev.) 921 (927) 922 924, 925 rev. 923 925 obv. 926 930 928–9, 931

CNI, vol. vi

MEC 12

Trento 211.1 212.5 214.27 215.33 216.6 219.1 220.5

932–3 934–5 936–7 938 939 940 941

Treviso 233.10 236.6 236.10 237.12

942 944 945 943

Trieste 239.8 241.1 243.4 243.9 244.15 246.8 246.10 247.8 247.21 248.34 249.36

946 950 948 947 949 951 955 952 953–4 957 956

Tyrol, counts 94.7 98.45 99.54 99.56 101.3 102.13 103.21 103.25 104.30–1 105.34 106.43 106.44 107.47

958 961 959 960 962 963–4 965–6 967–8 (969–71) 972 973 974 975–6

1069 CNI, vol. vi

MEC 12

107.49 109.58 111.74 122.1 124.17 132.5 132.5 133.14 134.16 134.20–1 134.22

977 978–9 980 (983) 984–5 989 (990) 988 obv. 987, 988 rev. (991–2) 995

Venice, duchy 35.23 39.38 39.40

1023 1039 1038

Verona 253.2 255.20 255.21 258.1 260–1.1–7 261.9–12 263.2 263.3 265.13 266.25 269.3 270.8 270.13 271.16–17 273.5 274.1 274.2 274.3 275.7 276.3 277.7

3–5 23 24 32 (55) (55) 1398–1400 1401–3 1404 1405 1408 1409 1410 (1406–7) 1412 1413 1414–15 1416 1417–18 (1419–21) (1421–2)

Vicenza 283.2

1424

Concordances

1070 CNI, vol. vii Venice 9.3 10.2 10.3 11.4 11.5 14.24 15.31 15.39 Venice, duchy 18.11 18.12 21.11 22.18 24.33 25.45 26.54 27.1 27.4 30.1 30.3 30.4 30.5 31.2 32.4 32.8 33.3 34.9 34.13 34.15 36.8 36.9 36.12 36.14 36.15 36.22 37.19 37.21 37.23

MEC 12 26–7 44 45–6 48 47 67 66 68–71 996 997 (1002 obv.) 1001 999 998 1000 1003 1004–5 1006 1007 1009–10 1008 1015 1011, 1013, 1014 obv. 1012 1020 1019 1021 1022 1036 1032 1033 1025 1026 1035 1030 1029 1034

CNI, vol. vii

MEC 12

CNI, vol. vii

MEC 12

38.24 38.33 39.1 39.36 40.6 40.8 40.10 40.13 41.15 41.17 41.19 42.28 42.31 43.2 43.34 44.3 44.12 47.1 47.2 48.15 48.17 49.23 49.24 49.28 49.29 49.30 50.36 51.41 51.48 52.3 52.4 52.6 53.10 53.12 53.15 54.27 56.6 59.14 59.19 59.21

1027 1028, 1031 1040 1037 1041–2 1044–5 1043 1047 1046 1048 1049 1055 1056 1058 1057 1059 1060 1062 1061 1063 1064 1065 1066 1069 1068 1067 1070 1071 1072–3 1074–5 1076–7 1078–80 1081–5 1086 1087 1088 1089–90 1091 1092–3 1094–5

59.22 59.23 59.27 60.30 62.3 63.13 64.14 64.16 64.18 64.21 65.28 65.29 66.41 67.2 68.9 68.10 68.11 69.18 69.19 70.2 70.8 71.12 72.17 72.18 72.19 72.21 72.24 73.26 74.35 74.38 74.39 75.47 75.48 75.49 76.52 77.5 77.58 78.8 81.8 81.9

1099–1100 1096 1101 1097–8 1102 1103 1104 1105 1106 1107–8 1109–10 1111 1112 1113 1117–18 1114–15 1116 1119–20 1121 1130 1131 1132 1138 1139 1133–5 1140–3 1136 1137 1144–5 1122 1123 1125–6 1127 1124 1128–9 1148 1146 1147 1150 1151–2

Concordances

1071

CNI, vol. vii

MEC 12

CNI, vol. vii

MEC 12

CNI, vol. vii

MEC 12

81.12 81.13 81.14 82.16–17 84.5 84.7 84.9 84.9–10 85.14 85.18 85.19 86.26 87.1 87.3 87.4 87.8 88.5 89.14 90.28 91.3 92.5 92.9 93.15 94.21 94.22–3 95.4 95.8 96.9 96.11 96.15–16 96.16 96.17 96.20 97.20 97.23 97.25 97.27 98.29 98.31 100.42

1153 1154 1155 1149 1158 1159 1160 (1161–3) 1164–5 1157 1156 1166 1168 1169–71 1172 1174 1173 1167 1175 1177 1178 1179–80 1176 1181 (1182) 1187 1192–3 1194 1186 (1226–7) 1188 1189 1190 1191 1197 1198 1199 1200 1195–6 1183

100.50 101.58 102.62 102.68 103.4 105.15 106.2

1184 1201 1202–3 1204–5 1207 1206 1211–12, 1214–15 1216–18 1208 1266–7 1270 1220–5, 1228–9 1272 1273 1274 (1230–5) 1275 1209–10 1241, 1248, 1253 1236–7 1238–40 1247 1242–6 1264 1268 1269 1287 1288 (1290) 1289 1291 1292–4 1286 1276–7 1278–82 1283 1284

118.2 118.41 119.6 119.8 121.10 122.22 122.25 122.26 123.33 124.3 124.5 124.14 125.6 126.18 126.20 126.23 127.32 128.35–6 128.38 128.40 129.44 129.48 131.56 132.66 132.67 133.76 134.84 134.90 135.91 135.98 136.1 136.100 138.9–10 138.11–13 139.17 139.21 140.2 140.3 142.15 143.24–6

1303 1295–6 1301 1302 1297–8 1299 1300 1304 1305 1322 1308 1309 1310 1311 1312 1313 1315 (1316) 1317 1318 1319 1320 1321 1306 1307 1324 1325–6 1327 1330–1 1328–9 1333 1323 (1334) (1335) 1332 1336 1338 1339 1337 (1340)

106.4 106.18 107.9 107.12 108.16 108.19 108.20 109.24 109.26–7 109.28 110.33 110.37 111.37 111.38 111.39 111.40 111.43 112.49 112.57 113.6 114.7 114.9–15 114.48 115.16 115.17 116.25 116.29 117.32 117.33 117.35

Concordances

1072 CNI, vol. viii Venice (cont.) 144.2 145.6 145.8 147.24 148.28 149.46 151.7 152.15 153.24 155.5 156.20 158.32 160.4 161.14 161.15 162.22

MEC 12

CNI, vol. viii

MEC 12

CNI, vol. viii

MEC 12

1345 1346 1347 1341 1342–4 1348 1350 1351 1349 1352 1353–4 1355 1357 1358 1359 1360

163.31 165.6 167.22 167.27 168.34 168.36 169.37 170.51 171.57 172.67 176.95 177.105 179.9 179.11 181.1 181.3 182.5

1356 1363 1364 1365 1370–1 1372–3 1366 1367 1368 1369 1361 1362 1374 1375 1382 1381 1383

184.22 185.28 185.29 185.34 187.46 192.83 195.106 196.115 197.125 198.136 200.152 (?) 206.32 210.59 218.127 221.151 221.153

1384 1388 1385 1386 1387 1378 1379 1380 1390 1391 1376 1396 1397 1394 1395 1393

(b)  g rantley collection with lot

MEC 12

First sale (Glendining, 29.11.1943) 302 271, 278 Eighth sale (Glendining, 25.10.1944) 3127 86–7 3129 442 3136 122, 130, 144 3155 367–8 3177 484, 493, 498, 502, 509, 511, 513, 518 3304 184–6

mec

12

INDEXES