Martin Van Buren: The Little Magician : The Little Magician [1 ed.] 9781616680541, 9781604567731

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Copyright © 2008. Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated. All rights reserved. Martin Van Buren: The Little Magician : The Little Magician, Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated, 2008. ProQuest Ebook

Copyright © 2008. Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated. All rights reserved. Martin Van Buren: The Little Magician : The Little Magician, Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated, 2008. ProQuest Ebook

MARTIN VAN BUREN: THE LITTLE MAGICIAN

Copyright © 2008. Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated. All rights reserved.

(A VOLUME IN FIRST MEN, AMERICA’S PRESIDENTS SERIES)

No part of this digital document may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means. The publisher has taken reasonable care in the preparation of this digital document, but makes no expressed or implied warranty of any kind and assumes no responsibility for any errors or omissions. No liability is assumed for incidental or consequential damages in connection with or arising out of information Martin Van Buren: The Little Magician : The Little Magician, Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated, 2008. ProQuest Ebook contained herein. This digital document is sold with the clear understanding that the publisher is not engaged in

OTHER BOOKS IN THE FIRST MEN, AMERICA’S PRESIDENTS SERIES Barbara Bennett Peterson, Editor Theodore Roosevelt: A Political Life Tom Lansford

President Herbert Hoover Don W. Whisenhunt 2006. ISBN 1-60021-476-2

2004. ISBN 1-59033-990-8

Citizen Lincoln Ward M. McAfee 2004. ISBN 1-59454-112-4

George Washington, America’s Moral Exemplar Barbara Bennet Peterson

Copyright © 2008. Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated. All rights reserved.

2005. ISBN 1-59454-230-9

President James K. Polk: The Dark Horse President Louise Mayo 2006. ISBN 1-59454-718-1

Franklin Delano Roosevelt, Preserver of Spirit and Hope Barbara Bennett Peterson 2006. ISBN 1-60021-117-8

John Quincy Adams: Yankee Nationalist Paul E. Teed

Chester Alan Arthur: The Life of a Gilded Age Politician and President Gregory J. Dehler 2007. ISBN : 978-1-60021-079-2 William Henry Harrison: General and President Mary Jane Child Queen 2007. ISBN 978-1-60021-407-3 Thomas Jefferson: A Public Life, A Private Life David Kiracofe 2008. ISBN 978-1-60456-061-9 John Tyler: A Rare Career Lyle Nelson 2008. ISBN-13: 978-1-60021-961-0 Woodrow Wilson: The Last Romantic Mary Stockwell 2008. 978-1-60021-815-6

2006. ISBN 1-59454-797-1

Martin Van Buren: The Little Magician : The Little Magician, Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated, 2008. ProQuest Ebook

MARTIN VAN BUREN: THE LITTLE MAGICIAN

Copyright © 2008. Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated. All rights reserved.

(A VOLUME IN FIRST MEN, AMERICA’S PRESIDENTS SERIES)

PIERRE-MARIE LOIZEAU

Nova Science Publishers, Inc. New York

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All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means: electronic, electrostatic, magnetic, tape, mechanical photocopying, recording or otherwise without the written permission of the Publisher. For permission to use material from this book please contact us: Telephone 631-231-7269; Fax 631-231-8175 Web Site: http://www.novapublishers.com NOTICE TO THE READER The Publisher has taken reasonable care in the preparation of this book, but makes no expressed or implied warranty of any kind and assumes no responsibility for any errors or omissions. No liability is assumed for incidental or consequential damages in connection with or arising out of information contained in this book. The Publisher shall not be liable for any special, consequential, or exemplary damages resulting, in whole or in part, from the readers’ use of, or reliance upon, this material.

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Independent verification should be sought for any data, advice or recommendations contained in this book. In addition, no responsibility is assumed by the publisher for any injury and/or damage to persons or property arising from any methods, products, instructions, ideas or otherwise contained in this publication. This publication is designed to provide accurate and authoritative information with regard to the subject matter covered herein. It is sold with the clear understanding that the Publisher is not engaged in rendering legal or any other professional services. If legal or any other expert assistance is required, the services of a competent person should be sought. FROM A DECLARATION OF PARTICIPANTS JOINTLY ADOPTED BY A COMMITTEE OF THE AMERICAN BAR ASSOCIATION AND A COMMITTEE OF PUBLISHERS. LIBRARY OF CONGRESS CATALOGING-IN-PUBLICATION DATA Loizeau, Pierre-Marie. Martin Van Buren : the little magician / Pierre-Marie Loizeau. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN H%RRN 1. Van Buren, Martin, 1782-1862. 2. Presidents--United States--Biography. 3. United States-Politics and government--1837-1841. 4. Democratic Party (U.S.)--History--19th century. 5. Governors--New York (State)--Biography. 6. Legislators--New York (State)--Biography. 7. New York (State)--Politics and government--1775-1865. I. Title. E387.L65 2008 973.5'7092--dc22 [B] 2008032260 Published by Nova Science Publishers, Inc.

New York

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The age was not his. He was the age’s.

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— John William Ward

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CONTENTS Preface

ix

Foreword

xi Barbara Bennett Peterson

Acknowledgments

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Introduction

xix 1

Chapter 1

The Early Years

Chapter 2

Onto the National Political Arena

41

Chapter 3

The Road to the White House

75

Chapter 4

A Tormented Presidency

119

Chapter 5

The Journey Backward

157

5

Selected Bibliography

189

About the Author

197

Suggested Elements of Iconography

199

Index

213

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PREFACE This book portrays the life of Martin Van Buren, an active architect of the Democratic Party and eighth president of the American republic, who still remains in the public mind as an obscure, if not forgotten, figure of our history. It depicts his rise to legal, then political prominence. Van Buren's long-winding road to the White House was marked by the creation of his "Albany Regency", a welldisciplined political machine that he effectively managed through the so-called spoils system and adroitly used to his own political advantage. Blessed with sound polictical acumen but despised for his constant political maneurvering, he was known as "the Little Magician" by his friends and enemies alike, with different motives. As president, Van Buren was beset with the Panic of 1837, a strong economic recession resulting mostly from his predecessor's wrong choices, but for which he paid a strong political price. This book details his life and career.

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FOREWORD President of the United States of America is an official title sought by many and won by only a few individuals. Most American presidents are of high merit and political acumen and reflect wisdom, leadership, and integrity. This series, titled First Men, America’s Presidents, published by NOVA Science Publishers, contains a book-length biography of each president of the United States of America. Every book contains information on the president’s early education, professional career, military service or political service prior to the presidency, interpretative discussion of both domestic and foreign policies during each presidency, and the conclusion of their political lives in public service. Every presidential biography in the NOVA series has been written by a professional historian or political scientist well versed in the field of presidential scholarship. The two major themes of this series are the character traits marking success in the presidency, and the changes in the office of the presidency through America’s history. Character matters in all walks of life, but perhaps matters most within the character of the president of the United States. The duties of the president of the United States are delegated through Article II of the Constitution of the United States of America, and from the successive laws passed by Congress over time. Each president takes the Oath of Affirmation: “I do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I will faithfully execute the Office of the President of the United States, and will to the best of my Ability, preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United States.” The president’s duties and responsibilities under the Constitution are to serve as “Commander in Chief of the Army and Navy of the United States, and the Militia of the several States, when called into actual Service of the United States.” The president may invite the counsel and opinions of his various department heads upon any subject related to the execution of the duties of their offices, either in writing or orally as has

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become the custom within the president’s Cabinet. The president “shall have the power to grant Reprieves and Pardons for Offenses against the United States, except in Cases of Impeachment.” Every president has realized that each must administer through constitutional principles, as each was elected by the voting majority of the people to be their chief executive through the Electoral College. Each president of the United States “shall have Power, by and with the Advice and Consent of the Senate, to make Treaties, provided two thirds of the Senators present concur.” As the president directs both the domestic and foreign activities of the government, he has the power to “nominate and by and with the Advice and Consent of the Senate.…appoint Ambassadors, other public Ministers and Consuls, Judges of the Supreme Court, and all other Officers of the United States, whose Appointments are not herein otherwise provided for, and which shall be established by law.” The president also receives foreign ambassadors and officials on behalf of the American people. The president “shall have the Power to fill up all Vacancies that may happen during the Recess of the Senate, by granting Commissions which shall expire at the End of their next Session.” The president under the Constitution shall give Congress a State of the Union address every year to acquaint them with his policy agenda and plans for the future. Usually in this address to Congress he recommends “to their Consideration such Measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient.” Above all, the president of the United States “shall take Care that the Laws be faithfully executed, and shall Commission all the Officers of the United States.” A strong role for the president had been envisioned by the Founding Fathers who rejected the obsolete Articles of Confederation and replaced the framework of government with the Constitution of the United States. Article II of the Constitution outlining the powers of the presidency provided that the office of the president would be held by one individual. It provided the president with enumerated powers including the power of the veto, and stipulated that the president’s election would be above the control of the Congress to ensure the separation of powers and the system of checks and balances. It stipulated that the president, vice president, and all civil officers of the United States must govern in the name of the American people lest they “be removed from Office on Impeachment for, and Conviction of Treason, Bribery, or other high Crimes and Misdemeanors.” From Presidents George Washington through John Quincy Adams, candidates for the presidency were selected in caucuses of senators and congressmen and then the state legislatures indirectly chose the president through the selection of Electors to the Electoral College. This system had worked for Washington, Adams, Jefferson, Madison and Monroe—they were statesmen who held wide appeal within Congress and the state legislatures and claimed to represent the

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Foreword

xiii

people. But as demands for greater democracy in the election process were heard, the process was changed. In the outcome of the election of 1824, John Quincy Adams was chosen president by the Congressional House of Representatives under constitutional law after no candidate had received a majority of the electoral ballots in the Electoral College. Jackson, the candidate who had received the most popular votes was not chosen president and his supporters called for more direct popular participation and worked to introduce changes. Hence, the voting process was altered in the name of democracy. In the election of 1828 President Andrew Jackson triumphed after voting had been given directly to the people and removed from the state legislatures. Democracy further triumphed by the elimination of the congressional caucuses in naming presidential candidates and the holding of national political party conventions to name them instead, allowing greater voice and participation of the people. The institution of the party convention to nominate presidential candidates remains, although winners in various state primaries command party delegates to vote the choice of the people. The presidency, molded by the character and designs of each president, oversees command, administration, diplomacy, ceremony, legislation, and public opinion. The modern strength of the presidency is a reflection of the mighty power of the United States within a global world. The majority of America’s presidents have served for one four-year term or less as some died in office. Four presidents served out part of their predecessor’s term and won subsequent re-election in their own right: Theodore Roosevelt, Calvin Coolidge, Harry S. Truman, and Lyndon Baines Johnson. Only one president, Grover Cleveland, was elected to two discontinuous terms of office and thus was both the twenty-second and the twenty-fourth president of the United States. Several outstanding presidents have been elected to two four-year terms or more. They were: George Washington, Thomas Jefferson, James Madison, James Monroe, Andrew Jackson, Abraham Lincoln, Ulysses S. Grant, Grover Cleveland, William McKinley, Woodrow Wilson, Franklin D. Roosevelt, Dwight D. Eisenhower, Richard Nixon, Ronald Reagan, William Jefferson (“Bill”) Clinton, and George W. Bush. Only one president, Franklin D. Roosevelt, was elected for a third and fourth term. Eight presidents have achieved their office as a result of being the vice president of a preceding president who died in office or resigned: John Tyler, Millard Fillmore, Andrew Johnson, Chester Arthur, Theodore Roosevelt, Calvin Coolidge, Harry S. Truman, Lyndon Baines Johnson, and Gerald R. Ford. Additionally, John Adams, Thomas Jefferson, Martin Van Buren, Richard M. Nixon and George H.W. Bush also rose from the office of vice president to president. Besides the vice presidency as a stepping stone to the presidency, two thirds of the presidents elected had held congressional office

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earlier in their political careers. Twenty presidents had served as Governors of states or territories before being elected. They were: Thomas Jefferson (Virginia), James Monroe (Virginia), Andrew Jackson (Florida), Martin Van Buren (New York), William Henry Harrison (Indiana), John Tyler (Virginia), James K. Polk (Tennessee), Andrew Johnson (Tennessee), Rutherford B. Hayes (Ohio), Grover Cleveland (New York), William McKinley (Ohio), Theodore Roosevelt (New York), William Howard Taft (The Philippines), Woodrow Wilson (New Jersey), Calvin Coolidge (Massachusetts), Franklin D. Roosevelt (New York), Jimmy Carter (Georgia), Ronald Reagan (California), William Jefferson Clinton (Arkansas), and George W. Bush (Texas). Some states with larger voting populations and hence more electoral votes have seen their native sons rise to the presidency of the United States. The American presidents have come from both coasts, east and west, and from both the upper-tier and the lower-tier states geographically, north and south. When elected, the president becomes the president of ‘all the people’, not just those of his political party. Since the president acts as America’s commander in chief, the majority of the presidents of the United States have served in the U.S. military. George Washington, Andrew Jackson, William Henry Harrison, Zachary Taylor, Franklin Pierce, Ulysses S. Grant, Rutherford B. Hayes, James Garfield, Chester Arthur, Benjamin Harrison, and Dwight David Eisenhower served in the capacity of generals. James Monroe, John Tyler, Abraham Lincoln, William McKinley, Theodore Roosevelt, Harry Truman, John F. Kennedy, Lyndon Baines Johnson, Richard Nixon, Gerald R. Ford, Jimmy Carter, Ronald Reagan, George Herbert Walker Bush, and George W. Bush also served their country in military service at various ranks, and always with dedication. The youngest elected president was John F. Kennedy (1960) at forty-three. The youngest man to ever serve as president was Theodore Roosevelt who at forty-two assumed the office following William McKinley’s assassination. The average age for an elected president was fifty-four. The oldest elected president was Ronald Reagan at sixty-nine (1980) and seventy-three (1984).1 One of the major features of American constitutional development has been the growth of the presidency both in power and prestige as well as in new Cabinet positions, departments and agencies under the control of the president. The Federal government has grown mightily in comparison with the states’ governments since the inception of the Constitution. Increases in presidential powers have been occasioned by wars, depressions, foreign relations, and the agenda of the presidents themselves. Henry F. Graff, Emeritus Professor at 1

David C. Whitney and Robin Vaughn Whitney, The American Presidents, Garden City, New York: Doubleday, 1993, pp. v-ix.

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Foreword

xv

Columbia University, described the office of the president as “the most powerful office in the world” in The Presidents. The Executive Office of the President (EOP) was created during the administration of President Franklin D. Roosevelt upon passage by Congress of the Reorganization Act of 1939. The EOP originally included the White House Office (WHO), the Bureau of the Budget, the Office of Government Reports, the National Resources Planning Board, and the Liaison Office for Personnel Management. In addition, wrote Henry F. Graff, the 1939 Act provided that an “office for emergency management” may be formed “in the event of a national emergency, or threat of a national emergency.” 2 Today the White House Office has become “the political as well as policy arm of the chief executive.” The larger, all-encompassing Executive Office of the President has expanded through time to include a myriad number of departments in addition to the first five listed above, and the president is advised by nearly 60 active boards, committees and commissions. During and immediately after World War II the following additional departments within the purview of the EOP were organized: Committee for Congested Production Areas, 1943-1944; War Refugee Board, 1944-1945; Council of Economic Advisers, 1946-; National Security Council, 1947-; and National Security Resources Board, 1947-1953. During the Cold War, additions to the EOP were made adding the following departments: Telecommunications Adviser to the President, 1951-1953; Office of the Director for Mutual Security, 1951-1954; Office of Defense Mobilization, 1952-1958; President’s Advisory Committee on Government Organization, 1953-1961; Operations Coordinating Board, 1953-1961; President’s Board of Consultants on Foreign Intelligence Activities, 1956-1961; Office of Civil and Defense Mobilization, 1958-1962; and National Aeronautics and Space Council, 19581993. By the Sixties, some of the earlier departments organized in the 1939 to 1960 decades were allowed to close, with newer agencies with a new focus and expanded technology taking their place. These newer agencies included: President’s Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board, 1961-1977; Office of Emergency Planning, 1962-1969; Office of Science and Technology, 1962-1973; Office of Economic Opportunity, 1964-1975; Office of Emergency Preparedness, 1965-1973; National Council on Marine Resources and Engineering Development, 1966-1971; Council on Environmental Quality, 1969-; Council for Urban Affairs, 1969-1970; and Office of Intergovernmental Relations, 1969-1973. By the mid-Seventies, once again there was a general reorganization with some of the earlier departments and offices being swept away and replaced by newer 2

Henry F. Graff, Editor, The Presidents, New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, Simon & Schuster Macmillan, 2nd edition, 1996, Appendix C pp. 743-745.

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Barbara Bennett Peterson

agencies reflecting new presidential agendas. Many of the new agencies reflected the urgencies in domestic policies and included: the Domestic Council, 19701978; Office of Management and Budget, 1970-; Office of Telecommunications Policy, 1970-1977; Council on International Economic Policy, 1971-1977; Office of Consumer Affairs, 1971-1973; Special Action Office for Drug Abuse Prevention, 1971-1975; Federal Property Council, 1973-1977; Council on Economic Policy, 1973-1974; Energy Policy Office, 1973-1974; Council on Wage and Price Stability, 1974-1981; Energy Resource Council, 1974-1977; Office of Special Representative for Trade Negotiations, 1974-; Presidential Clemency Board, 1974-1975; Office of Science and Technology Policy, 1976-; Office of Administration, 1977-; and Domestic Policy Staff, 1978-1981. Many of the departments, councils and agencies organized as part of the Executive Office of the President by the late 1970s and early 1980s included: Office of Policy Development, 1981-; Office of the U.S. Trade Representative, 1981-; National Critical Materials Council, 1984-; Office of National Drug Control Policy, 1988-; and National Economic Council, 1993-. By the twenty-first century the EOP continued several effective agencies started earlier: Council of Economic Advisers 1946-; National Security Council 1947-; Council on Environmental Quality 1964-; Office of Management and Budget 1970-; Office of Science and Technology Policy 1976-; Office of Administration 1977-; Office of the U.S. Trade Representative 1981-; Office of Policy Development 1981-; and the Office of National Drug Control Policy 1988-. In addition to the White House Office of the president, the Office of the Vice President functions and is administered as part of the EOP.3 At the turn of the millennium, the Department of Homeland Security, 2001- was established by presidential executive order and administered by the Executive Office of the President that continues to be evolutionary in response to new issues, demands, and events. Capable presidents have responded to America’s changing needs and responsibilities by retooling their administrations to meet new crises, opportunities, and challenges. This series, First Men, America’s Presidents, published by NOVA,explains the personal and public life of each president of the United States. Their qualities of character and leadership are aptly interpreted and offer strong role models for all citizens. Presidential successes are recorded for posterity, as are the pitfalls that should be guarded against in the future. This series also explains the domestic reasons and world backdrop for the expansion of the Executive Office of the President. The president of the United States is 3

Henry F. Graff, Editor, The Presidents, New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, Simon & Schuster Macmillan, 3rd edition, 2002, Appendix C pp. 743-747.

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Foreword

xvii

perhaps the most coveted position in the world and this series reveals the lives of all those successfully elected, how each performed as president, and how each is to be measured in history. The collective life stories of the presidents reveal the greatness that America represents in the world.

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Dr. Barbara Bennett Peterson First Men, America’s Presidents NOVA Series Editor Professor of History, Oregon State University (retired) Emeritus Professor University of Hawaii Former Adjunct Fellow East-West Center Professor of History, California State University San Bernardino, Palm Desert

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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I am very fortunate in having many good friends. All of them have encouraged me in this project and some of them have been particularly generous with their time. Author Stewart Ross and his wife Lucy have provided their invaluable contribution to my initial undertaking and I am grateful for their precious advice. Elizabeth Rushton has brought her share of careful proofreading and been extremely helpful and candid. As usual. I would like to thank specially my friend and colleague Jodi Dalloubeix for her keen observations, sage guidance and constant availability. She has helped me avoid many errors of fact and judgment and sharpened my analysis of the Little Magician. This book would not have been possible without her meticulous proofreading. I want to thank my friends Kirk and Connie Redmond for the comfortable summer I spent with them and their two children Caileen and Maura. This book also owes a special debt to my “M” friends (M for Martin), Maryline, Martine, Muriel and Morgane. Finally, as this book has invaded my private life during the past twelve months, I cannot disassociate this modest enterprise from my favorite trio, my wife Maryse, another M., and my two daughters Emilie and Chloé. Thank you for your support and patience. Thank you all very much.

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INTRODUCTION For many people, the name of Martin Van Buren, the eighth president of the United States, is little more than the title which appears under old museum paintings, or for Doonesbury cartoon lovers, a random name on the tombstone of a grave raided by robbers. It is often believed that his time in office was not marked by major accomplishments. But further consideration disproves such fleeting presumption. Van Buren served consecutively as local official, Surrogate, New York State Senator, state Attorney General, U. S. Senator, Governor of New York, Secretary of State, Minister to England, and Vice President before reaching the pinnacle of power. No vice president since John Adams in 1797 and Thomas Jefferson in 1801 had reached the presidency. It would take another century and a half for this to occur again. Van Buren is also one of the longest-standing political leaders of the nineteenth century and lived to see eight presidents from eight different states succeed him. He had a reputation for being an epicurean bon vivant, cultivating a refined and sociable taste for choice wines and good fare, yet he outlived all of his main political peers, be they allies or opponents. William Henry Harrison, his successor in the White House, died in 1841, Andrew Jackson in 1845, John Quincy Adams in 1848, and James Polk, like John C. Calhoun, in 1850. Henry Clay and Daniel Webster passed away in 1852. Little Van moved doggedly forward until his eightieth year. However, endurance alone does not capture the essence and the complexity of this intriguing figure and his political finesse. He was called the “Red Fox” for his bushy reddish sideburns, striking forehead and prominent nose. His elegant attire, engaging character and disarming obsequiousness combined with constant political maneuvering brought further credence to his long list of nicknames. The Little Dutchman. The Careful Dutchman. Slippery Elm. The Sly Fox. The Enchanter. King Martin. Pope Martin the First. The American Talleyrand. Matty

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Van. The Great Manager. Old Kinderhook. The Master Spirit. Blue Whiskey Van. Their number reflects the many facets of this unfathomable and immeasurable personality. “The Little Magician” is probably the best-known of all the Van Buren sobriquets. It is justified by the political alliances and skills he developed during his steady and long-winding ascension to the top of the political mountain. All the while, he honed his leadership qualities to build a strong political network in New York, the groundwork for his crowning national achievement, the Democratic Party. Van Buren’s political office-holding career spanned three eventful decades of antebellum America. It was a time of colossal change during which the nation was swept by the currents of technological revolution. Old industries died. New industries were born. The old agrarian patriarchy gave way to a new generation of avid economic leaders who constantly pushed the limits of modernity forward. A new society emerged, less rural, less uniform, more mobile and inevitably prone to a new pattern of inequalities. As the changes occurred, the people also yearned for more democracy. The great merit of the second generation of political leaders, after that of George Washington and before that of Abraham Lincoln, was to have tailored a political system in response to these changes and the subsequent need for democracy. It was done at the cost of hard-hitting debates on the floors of Congress and fierce campaigns during competitive state and national elections. The transition from the apparently stable and secure model of the Revolutionary era toward a more modern but also more composite system demanded the expert hand of political leaders endowed with creative sense and dynamism. Van Buren’s larger than life contribution to these adaptations is worth looking into. From his own transfer from Kinderhook to Albany to Washington, he was himself an American of his times, typically moving from the country to the city. Raised in the dual Dutch-American culture, he symbolized the ethnic imprint of the American identity. Like his contemporaries, he experienced the tensions of a progressive era, alternately enthused by its unlimited opportunities and worried by its insecurity and the sense of loss that extensive change brings. However, as a politician, he made a difference. His lesson of organization and party-building elevates him beyond the cast of ordinary politicians. He had his own flaws and lapses, which did not escape public criticism and which he paid dearly for in the political arena. As he was caught between the old Jeffersonian rule and the crucial need for a democratic system in step with the changing democracy, Van Buren’s stumbling block was his inability to remain loyal to his political convictions at all times. The Sly Fox did, as politicians do, make concessions to ensure his own political advancement. It would however be erroneous to assume that the evolution of his views in such fundamental domains as slavery were of this

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Foreword

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nature. The talents and lapses he exhibited throughout his career, his many-sided personality and unequal achievements do not make him the most memorable of American presidents, nor have they characterized him as the worst. This however in itself makes Martin Van Buren memorable and worthy of further investigation. The present preamble provides the framework of a study which modestly aims at restoring the rightful place of a forgotten or too often underestimated president. Between the extreme denunciation of John Randolph Roanoke for whom Van Buren “can’t inspire respect” and Jeffrey Rogers Hummel’s excessive praise in an essay called “Martin Van Buren: The Greatest American President,” there is room for a more appropriate middle ground. A participant in a recent poll ranking of presidents rated him “the first truly average president.”4 Given his nature, Martin Van Buren would not be offended by this moderate yet not second-rate position.

4

Jeffrey Rogers Hummel, “Martin Van Buren: The Greatest American President,” The Independent Review, IV, 2 (September 22, 1999), p. 255; William J. Ridings, Jr., and Stuart B. McIver, Rating the Presidents (New York: Citadel Press, 2000), p. 61.

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Chapter 1

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THE EARLY YEARS “Thank you, Marty,” said George H. W. Bush as if reciting a prayer the morning following his presidential victory in November of 1988. Although few could have predicted that one of the first thoughts in the newly elected president’s head would be that of Martin Van Buren, the 8th president of the United States, it is not surprising that the national leader so many have forgotten would be so vividly remembered by the new president elect. Van Buren was the last sitting vice president to rise directly from the nation’s number two spot to its number one, a path Bush followed one hundred and fifty-two years later. Whether Martin Van Buren turned in his grave upon hearing his name mentioned again is questionable but as noted by George Bush himself and by many commentators, these two men’s careers and paths to the White House bore striking similarities. Like Bush emerging from the popular Reagan years, Van Buren had served as vice president to one of the most charismatic and widely proclaimed two-term presidents in American history, Andrew Jackson. However, neither man, in the euphoria of the electoral triumph that allowed them to enter into the office of chief executive, anticipated their comparable destiny four years later. Their opponents painted them both as the scions of wealthy privileged families –this regal picture distancing them from the common folk precipitated their downfall. If George Bush does descend from a long line of affluent businesspersons, his old predecessor Martin Van Buren came from a much more modest background. Martin Van Buren’s birth on December 5, 1782, occurred only fourteen months after the battle of Yorktown, Virginia, that sealed the fate of the British in the Revolutionary War. Lord Cornwallis surrendered his army to General George Washington’s forces on October 19, 1781. Once in the White House, Van Buren would be known as the first president born after the United States had won its

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independence. He would also break another mold as the first president not born a British subject, not even of British ancestry. Martin Van Buren was born in Kinderhook, New York, a small village about twenty miles south of Albany, the state capital. Located in the Hudson River Valley, on the eastern bank, Kinderhook was a picturesque spot, with the distant Berkshires rolling to the east, the lofty Catskills overlooking the Hudson River and the local lake completing the serene landscape in the foreground. The place was typical of those old Dutch settlements where life had been moving slowly for more than a century. The Dutch were known for being sturdy and hard-working people who had been living on the traditions of their ancestors’ nation without any apparent change. As quoted by Mary Whitton, a biographer of early First Ladies: “Nor have any other immigrants from the Old Word preserved their ancient possessions so entire, nor their distinct national manners and habits.”5 They had been thriving on their Dutch principles and way of life, more or less peacefully. Or had they? The Dutch settlers’ simple existence during the colonial period had been repeatedly disrupted by ambushes and skirmishes from ruthless French or Indian fighters, a state of warfare through which they had honed their deeply ingrained Dutch values of resistance and endurance. But never more overtly than during the seven-year siege of the Hudson Valley had the Dutch population shown its unity and desire for individual liberty. Having no king to defer to, Netherlanders had a tradition of prioritizing their loyalty to their local communities unlike the English who had a strong commitment to national authority. Thus the Revolutionary War saw the Valley Dutch stubbornly retain their ancestors’ attitudes by successfully defending their local autonomy with steadfastness and ingenuity. Kinderhook, located in Columbia County, derives its name from Kinderhoeck, Dutch for Children’s Corner. Since their original arrival in the early seventeenth century – the earliest date Kinderhook appears on maps is 1614, settlers had been thriving on the area’s fertile land. “There are few better townships for agriculture,” wrote an early gazetteer.6 Also, with the river, trade had enjoyed a spectacular economic development from the 1640s onwards. Kinderhook also became a well-known stopover for postal riders who plied between New York and Albany. In 1686, Martin Van Buren’s great grandfather counted among the landowners to whom the Royal Governor reaffirmed their original patents as part of the Great Kinderhook Patent.

5 6

Mary Ormsbee Whitton, First First Ladies:1789-1865 (New York : Hastings House, 1948), p. 137. Whitton, op. cit.

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Throughout the 1700s, the area was also marked by the harsh territorial antagonisms between New Englanders and New Yorkers. The former’s claim that the Hudson River delimited their western boundary was contradicted by the latter’s tenacious insistence on owning land extending into Connecticut. In 1772, the King of England eventually settled the dispute by complying with New Yorkers and creating the Kinderhook District and the King’s District. In addition, the two clans were violently opposed in their cultural affiliation as New Englanders were primarily English while New Yorkers clung to their Dutch heritage. The Dutch Reformed Church was well established in Kinderhook and was attended by all its inhabitants on a regular basis. But the most distinctive cultural feature of the area was the strength of its language. Dutch had been spoken here since the earliest settlements and would continue to be well into the nineteenth century. As a child, Martin Van Buren spoke Dutch with his brothers and sisters at home. Martin was the son of Abraham Van Buren and Maria Hoes, descending from a long line of Van Burens who had come from Holland in the early seventeenth century. In 1631, Cornelis Maessen had emigrated from the village of Buurmalsen, near the city of Buren, in the province of Gelderland. He had come as a master farmer under the authority of Killiaen Van Renesselaer, who had purchased a vast estate of 700,000 acres of land known as the Colony of Renesselaerwyck. Van Renesselaer thus became the first – and the most successful of those wealthy seventeenth century “patroons”, like the Livingstons, the Van Schaaks, the Van Alens or the Hardenberghs who controlled immense tracts of land in the area like feudal lords. The estates and mansions still maintained today by local county historical societies testify to the glorious days of those mighty manor lords and their life of comfort and luxury. The first mention of the name Van Buren refers to Cornelis’s son, Marten, who appears in his contract of employment as ‘Cornelis Maesen Van Buyrmarsen’ and in the books of the ship on which he sailed as ‘Cornelis Maessen Van Buren’. In Dutch, ‘Van’ means ‘from’ or ‘of’ and precedes the place from which the person came, his birthplace or his residence. Buyrmarsen, also spelt ‘Buijrmaelsen’, ‘Buermalsen’ or ‘Bueren Malssen’, is the name of a small village near the old fortified town of Buren, a place made famous by Rembrandt’s painting, ‘View of Buren’. Thanks to the land they owned, Martin’s oldest forebears on American soil had benefited from a relatively comfortable living standard, but by the time he was born the family’s earnings had shrunk considerably and Martin’s father, a small freehold farmer, had to run a tavern to supplement his meager income. Martin was the third oldest son of six children. His parents had married in 1776,

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the year when America triumphantly declared its independence. His mother was a widow who already had two sons and a daughter by her previous marriage, so that Martin was surrounded by eight siblings. Like many other families in the village, thanks to Maria’s dowry, six slaves complemented the crowded household. This latter detail might appear astonishing if not paradoxical for a twenty-first century reader but in fact not all New Yorkers supported the idea of emancipation and slavery persisted in New York until 1827 when the peculiar institution was eventually abolished by law.7 Abraham’s two jobs did not make life any easier for the Van Burens, who had to work hard and struggle to make ends meet. Everyone in the family pitched in to help, working on the farm, picking crops, sowing and weeding, depending on the seasons. At other times, Martin and his brothers and sisters also helped in the busy little tavern which bustled with excitement as customers, locals and travelers alike sipped their beers and held lively and passionate discussions. Martin’s childhood revolved around the conventions of the day which played according to a well-defined social order headed by old, socially dominant families but in which the Van Burens now held a minor if not insignificant position. All his life, Martin would be affected by this state of inferiority in which the static, class-ridden society had trapped his family. Reminiscing on these old days, he later wrote not without perceptible bitterness that his father, a humble and generous man, was “utterly devoid of the spirit of accumulation,” and that “his property, originally moderate, was gradually reduced until he could ill afford to bestow the necessary means upon the education of his children.” The tavern attracted a very diverse clientele: the local regulars who enjoyed a dram or two at the end of a day’s work, the occasional travelers, state legislators and government workers on their way to or from the state capitol, traveling between Albany and New York City, including such famous names as John Jay, one of the “Founding Fathers” of the United States, Aaron Burr, the attorney general of New York and Alexander Hamilton, the leading author of The Federalist Papers. The association of these latter two influential political leaders inspired by the little tavern has an ironic, or rather ominous, twist in historical terms, as their incessant opposition on the national stage would later culminate in a last challenge that would see Hamilton mortally wounded by his long-standing enemy in a duel fought at Weehawken, N.J., on July 11, 1804.

7

In 1817, the passage of the gradual Abolition Act provided that on July 4, 1827, every black born in New York before July 4, 1799, would be free, and all black males born after that date would be free at the age of 28, and all females would be free at the age of 25.

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In the dull, inward-looking village of Kinderhook, where contact with the rest of the region was rare, the tavern offered young Martin a limited but fascinating glimpse of the glamour and vitality of another world. More importantly for the rest of his life, the endless political discussions within the tavern walls provided him with a precious and decisive initiation into and taste for politics. Martin, an avid and careful listener, learned quickly. He thus became acquainted with politicians of the time and familiar with the ins and outs of their work. Young but clever, he soon developed an immense interest in politics. This feeling was reinforced by his father’s involvement in political matters. The elder Van Buren had been a Whig and supported the Revolution against England, which in a region controlled by Loyalists was a mark of someone who held strong convictions. Also, he had been an early supporter of Thomas Jefferson, a Republican, in a region dominated by anti-Jeffersonians, the Federalists. His tavern, often used as a polling place in state and national elections, hosted frequent meetings of the Republicans in Columbia County during which Jefferson’s democratic principles became the major theme of long, sharp, passionate debates. All this political environment rubbed off on Martin who would later confess, “from my boyhood, I had been a zealous partisan, supporting with all my power the administrations of Jefferson and Madison.” In the restricted world of Kinderhook, this rudimentary political education that Martin benefited from acted as a little door that revolves on the hinges of fate. As it opens slowly onto the unknown, it reveals a narrow streak of light and a whole universe of mysteries and opportunities. And opportunities there were even in Kinderhook where the wind of change that had blown across the newly independent nation was giving rise to a slow but inexorable economic and social renewal. Kinderhook’s privileged location on the river, as well as many little towns in the Hudson Valley and Mohawk Valley, soon attracted many migrants, especially New Englanders, who settled on land left by runaway partisans of the king or relocated Indians. Before long, new enterprises were set up and new markets conquered well beyond the borders of New York. Agricultural production, wheat especially, was now exported to Europe. Inland waterways were being improved and the first experiments in artificial navigation were made. The age of canals, decades before the construction of the Erie Canal, emerged as a challenge to the long inadequate and restricted transportation network.8 New roads and turnpikes stretched in all directions like the tentacles of an octopus, reflecting the growth of an ever-busier area submitted to the effects of rapid 8

The construction of the Erie Canal started in 1817 and the first passage through the canal from Lake Erie to New York City occurred on October 26, 1827. See infra, pp. 34-35.

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progress itself impelled by new forces and energies. Old patterns, values and attitudes were challenged, some even already forgotten. A period of spectacular transformations was in progress. It was in this context of improved communication, faster information and social transformation that Martin was sent to Kinderhook’s school. It was a small, one-roomed, dilapidated establishment that befitted his modest origins, but even in this mediocre setting, blessed with “an uncommonly active mind”, he already showed promising intellectual aptitudes. He studied later in the Kinderhook Academy, of fairly good reputation in the state of New York and where standards were higher. There, he studied the basics of Latin, which in the nineteenth-century represented a rare privilege for a lower-class child, but did not measure up to the comprehensive study of ancient languages and literature that most children of the political and social establishment invariably acquired in more prestigious institutions. Because his parents’ meager economies barred him from any hope of acceding to college education, Martin was forced to leave school at the age of thirteen. His mother, who was convinced of his high potential, always pressed him to defy the social conventions that inhibited people of their class. Under her encouragement, he spent some time in search of a valuable occupation that would allow him to make a good start in life and break free of his social fetters. It was his father who, through a political acquaintance, managed to find him a decent position as an apprentice in the office of Francis Silvester, a prominent Kinderhook lawyer and like most of his rank, also a whole-hearted Federalist. He there received the rudiments of law but his daily tasks were less engaging as he spent most of his time sweeping floors, lighting log fires at night, running errands and doing other chores. He clerked for five years, which despite the tedious work, offered him a glimpse of the important legal activity at play even in such a small town as Kinderhook. Several spicy anecdotes punctuated those apprenticeship years, starting with a severe lecture by his instructor at the end of his very first day for his sloppy appearance. Martin, who was wearing “coarse linen and rough woolens his mother had spun and woven” had got dirty from cleaning all day.9 The unkind remarks so stung him that after an unexplained absence of two days, he returned to work, dressed in the same style three-cornered hat, knee breeches and buckled shoes that his elegant Federalist master donned. The story goes that the fine apparel had cost him a fortune but the fourteen-year-old who had had to borrow the money and to go into debt for it never showed any sign of regret. This little incident would reveal a characteristic trait of his personality as he would 9

Ted Widmer, Martin Van Buren (New York : Times Books, Henry Holt and Co., 2005), pp. 27-28.

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develop a taste for fine clothes, and all his life cultivate social manners that would allow him to shine as well in the company of Federalist opponents as in that of southern aristocrats or foreign dignitaries. Another story, illustrating the early detection of his talent as a promising first-rater in court, relates the dazzling performance he made during the trial of a minor case. He was invited to sum up the arguments before the jury for practice but, being too small, the justice asked him to stand on a bench, mischievously adding, “There, Mat, beat your master.” Silvester’s Federalist friends soon discovered Martin’s intelligent observation of public events and pronounced interest in politics and realized all the advantage their dominant party could take from counting the talented clerk among its members. It would have been easy to follow the example of his older half brother who had already signed in, and be in line with most Kinderhookers, who were of Federalist leaning. But as a Dutchman, Martin was stubborn and despite his employer’s exhortations, he would not give in. Like his father, he would remain faithful to his already firmly established democratic convictions. To Silvester’s insistent proselytism, he “replied calmly that [he] appreciated thoroughly the kindness of his feelings, and was well satisfied of the purity of his motives, but that [his] course had been settled after much reflection, and could not be changed.”10 He was hated for that, probably feared too, which in a sense was a form of recognition of and respect for his resolute stand and added to his growing reputation for cleverness and independence of character. In Silverster’s office, he had not only read law books but also eagerly digested every journal available on Jefferson’s politics. At the age of eighteen, he spent time campaigning for Jefferson. The turn of the century saw Martin develop a friendship with the Van Ness family, another prominent Kinderhook family which, unlike most other wellheeled, distinguished clans in the little town, supported Jefferson’s political views. Martin then became a favorite guest and got along well with the family’s two young brothers, John and William. His nascent political knack sent him as a delegate to a regional caucus in Troy, where he was noted for his intelligence and energy and was said to have contributed to John’s nomination to Congress. In 1802, they paid Martin a trip to New York City where he entered the office of William Van Ness, one of the two brothers, who was already a successful lawyer and up-and-coming Republican in the capital city. Martin was lucky to spend a year in the company of the eminent lawyer who though young already rubbed shoulders with the political élite of the Empire City. He was introduced to 10

Martin Van Buren, The Autobiography of Martin Van Buren, ed. John C. Fitzpatrick (New York: Augustus M. Kelley Publishers, 1969), p. 14; James C. Curtis, The Fox at Bay: Martin Van Buren and the Presidency (Lexington, KY: University Press of Kentucky, 1970), p. 6.

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Revolutionary War hero Aaron Burr, a well-known but controversial figure tangled up in romantic affairs and political intrigue, but whose cunning, sharp wit and unrelenting service to the Democratic-Republican party had led to his election as vice president of the United States in 180011. As a matter of fact, Van Ness was a close friend and ally of Burr’s, the most compelling proof being his role as “second” to the wily New Yorker during the famous duel that claimed the life of Alexander Hamilton. Burr exerted a kind of fascination on Martin, which he later related in his memoir: “He treated me with much attention, and my sympathies were excited by his subsequent position.” Much has been written about the Aaron Burr/Van Buren connection, from contemporary politicians as well as modern scholars and writers. Gore Vidal’s Burr is one of the most recent pieces in which the novel’s main character, Charles Schuyler, a young journalist employed by Burr, has also been charged by powerful friends in journalistic circles with digging out evidence that his boss was Van Buren’s natural father. The rumor has often been commented upon but never substantiated by any confession from the would-be genitor. More than fictional, it was doubtless functional, namely spread for political ends by Van Buren’s political opponents at critical political times in his career. Yet these attempts at sullying his name by making him a bastard never took hold. In 1804, Burr ran for Governor of New York but against all odds, Van Buren, a staunch adherent of Jefferson, opposed him and supported Morgan Lewis, the regular but less popular Republican candidate, causing a stir and temporary antagonism among leading Republicans, including some of Martin’s friends, who remained loyal to Burr. The Van Ness clan took it as a mark of treason and on the day of the ballot, they challenged his qualifications to vote, then his first appearance as an elector, putting him through obvious indignity. But in the face of humiliation, Van Buren never reacted violently. His natural composure and wisdom came into action, becoming his most dreadful weapons and frustrating his most ardent adversaries. Lewis won the governorship. New York City, then with a population of 60,000, offered Martin more than mere political opportunities. Above all, he was there to complete his law studies and it is true that the city afforded him the perfect environment for that purpose. 11

The 1800 election was unique in American presidential history as each elector voted for two candidates. The one with the highest number of electoral votes was elected president and the one with the second highest became vice president. Such a system resulted in a confusing tie between Thomas Jefferson, the Democratic-Republican presidential candidate and Burr, his running mate, who both received seventy-three votes. As Burr would not concede the election, the outcome was in the hands of the House of Representatives which eventually chose the Virginian. Due to the rough-and-tumble of that election, the Twelfth Amendment to the Constitution, ratified in 1804, provided for separate voting for the president and vice president.

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Martin was aware of this privilege and made the most of his year, working relentlessly day and night, devouring law books, immersing himself in the most complicated legal cases, eager to understand every single detail, taking notes extensively and all along taking pleasure in it. His desire for knowledge was insatiable and enhanced by rare intellectual faculties. Having now acquired the skills and competence necessary to be a qualified lawyer, Martin was admitted to the bar in 1803 and aged twenty-one decided to return to his native village and start a professional business, in fact a partnership with his half brother, James J. Van Alen, who already ran a well-established practice. “I wasn’t worth a shilling,” he would later admit, “when I commenced my professional career.” In fact, his career as a lawyer was rather ‘short’, only twenty-six years, but despite his modest beginnings, so he claimed, it turned out to be an active and very successful one indeed. Soon reaching professional eminence, renowned for uncommon eloquence and tenacity, he quickly built a name for himself. He was admitted as attorney and counselor, enrolled in the Columbia bar, then reached the Supreme Court as a counselor in February 1807. In his biography of Van Buren, William Emmons, a contemporary of his protagonist, draws a vivid portrait of the brilliant lawyer with a lyrical flight of fancy: “Gifted with a large share of good sense, with a quickness of apprehension almost intuitive, with a nice discrimination, and with great accuracy of judgment, and illustrating these qualities by powers of reasoning and oratory rarely surpassed, he was peculiarly qualified for the discussion of those varied and complicated questions of law and of fact, which are so often presented for decision in our higher tribunals.”12 Martin’s growing practice proved very lucrative although as a plebeian, he mainly defended the cause and interests of farmers and shopkeepers, small businessmen and bankers. More generally, easy money was made by well-known and well-established attorneys who chose the side of wealthy influential leaders of the community, the great landowning families which had reigned absolutely over the Hudson Valley since colonial times. February 1807 marked an important date in Martin Van Buren’s private life, as on the twenty-first of that month, at the age of twenty-five, he married Hannah Hoes, his childhood friend and distant cousin, just three months younger. The ceremony took place at Haxtun House in West Catskill, about a dozen miles south of Kinderhook. The place was the home of Judge Moses J. Cantine, whose wife was no other than Hannah’s sister. Like Martin, Hannah was of Dutch descent. 12

William Emmons, Biography of Martin Van Buren, Vice President of the United States (Washington: Jacob Gideon, 1835), reprint, p. 6.

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One of her seventeenth-century ancestors had been among the first “patentees” of Kinderhook, after whom the family status had improved with each generation. Her parents, Johannes Dircksen Hoes and Maria Quackenboss Hoes both spoke Dutch and she grew up speaking that language. Her name was anglicized from the family’s original Dutch name “Goes.” Van Burens, Van Alens and Hoeses belonged to a family clan in the Kinderhook area whose members had intermarried for several generations since the colonial period. Hannah, for example, was the granddaughter of Martin’s mother’s brother. It also appears that at the time of Martin and Hannah’s marriage, Barent, Hannah’s brother, was courting one of Martin’s sisters. Very little is known of their married life as Martin Van Buren’s eight hundred page autobiography (written in the 1860s but kept for about sixty years in manuscript up till 1920 when it eventually got into print) does not even mention her. This was certainly not a mark of disrespect for his wife. In the mid-nineteenth century, it would have been judged indecent to refer to a lady publicly. Private life had to remain private. Records show only two known pictures of her, a miniature at the Columbia County Historical Society and an engraving in Laura C. Holloway ’s Ladies of the White House (1882) in which the reader is informed that “there never was a woman of a purer and kinder heart.” The latter portrait reveals the traits of an attractive young woman and the scant descriptions available describe her as small, shy and unassuming but also very friendly and sweet-tempered. The happy couple lived one year in Kinderhook, where their first of five sons, Abraham, was born, on November 27, 1807. The next year, Martin was appointed Surrogate for Columbia county, displacing his partner and half-brother, who belonged to the defeated faction. The new position led the couple to set up residence in Hudson, a rather important city for the time, with a population of 3,300. Located no farther than ten miles south of Kinderhook, Hudson was known as a pleasant place in which to live with its elaborate grid pattern, a charming layout in streets and squares, its elegant stores along the river, and its multiple aqueducts conveying the water from several springs. It was above all a booming commercial and shipbuilding center and a prosperous seaport from which sloops and steam-packets sailed down several times a week to New York. At the time, “Mr. Fulton’s folly” was the talk of the town. Robert Fulton’s famous invention, the steamboat Clermont, was the first commercially successful of its kind, steaming down rivers with an average speed of 4.7 miles an hour. Hudson had been founded in 1783 by a group of seacoast New Englanders, most of them Quakers, who thought the British would reclaim the colonies. They had left their islands of Nantucket and Martha’s Vineyard which they deemed vulnerable and settled on a strategic spot originally known as Claverack Landing, an ideal place

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for shipbuilding with the Adirondack forests to the north and a market for ships with New York City at the south. They created Hudson which became the first chartered city in the United States. Hannah gave birth to two more children in Hudson, John in 1810 and Martin Jr. in 1812. One more baby –whose sex and name still remain a mystery– was born in 1814 but died at just a few weeks old.

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ENTERING THE POLITICAL ARENA Hudson, now the prosperous county seat, was certainly the place to be for a top-notch lawyer like Martin Van Buren. Through industry and intellect, he had built a firm reputation which made him a wealthy professional, bringing in a comfortable $10,000 a year, as his growing practice would lead him pleading cases beyond Columbia County, in the courts of Albany as well as New York City. This pecuniary comfort did not lead him astray and he refused a life of luxury. Rather, he took advantage of the situation to purchase the very extensive law library of an attorney, and as if to make up for his childhood’s lack of schooling, he “applied himself to a systematic and extended course of reading,” a pleasure which, no doubt, amply rounded off his “deficient” educational background. Martin was rather short, five feet six inches, with blue eyes and curly blond hair that would later turn red and a bulging forehead. Although not physically handsome, his delicate personality won him a bevy of admirers. He excelled in the arts of social manners and urbanity but never with exaggeration. His successful office gained him acquaintances and he was fond of social pleasures, meeting new people and making more friends among the growing middle class of the Hudson Valley. Thin and always immaculately dressed, he looked “more the dandy than the demagogue” when pleading a case. But a snob he was not. Unfortunately he missed the stentorian voice that often identified his most eminent colleagues, and, though extremely eloquent, he was not known as a stunning orator in court, but he made up for these minor defects with the more powerful qualities of a formidable intellect. First of all, his apparent calm concealed an inexhaustible vitality. Never idle, never sick, he was always brimming with energy, working long hours, up at 4:30 in the morning and seldom in bed before midnight, reading the last reviews of a file or writing up important notes for an upcoming plea. A Rip van Winkle he was not. Whatever the time of the day, he always brought the utmost care and application to any of his activities. His patient homework and the extremely meticulous preparation of his cases proved redoubtable weapons. When in court,

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he excelled through a perfect mastery of detail and methodic presentation of the facts. His subtle approach to cases combined unerring precision, sound acumen and shrewd common sense, all qualities perfected by a flawless memory and, to crown it all, a calculated, distinctive, and often disarming, sense of humor. His intellectual rigor and instinctive perspicacity soon had him unravel the threads of the most complex legal problems. At an early age in America, the art of law had reached “a consummate vigor.” Nineteenth century lawyers had an aura of knowledge and excellence that granted them a respect few other professions could claim. They were seen as supreme authorities, the exclusive guarantors of the Common Law. At the time, the severe and highly demanding discipline counted such famous representatives as Marshall and Kent, prominent attorneys whose prestige was unheard of in other non public or non political professions and their power on civil life considerable. Typically, Columbia County and the Hudson River Valley were the scene of intense legal activity. The Revolutionary War had not erased the many hostilities nurtured by the colonial system of land tenure, a system that was deemed archaic and unfair by tenants who denounced the unjustified and excessive territorial power enjoyed by their landlords. On the other hand, the rich proprietors took a dim view of the rapidly growing aspiration for democracy that seeped through the nation in general and the Valley in particular. It was in this sensitive and highly contentious context that Martin Van Buren exercised his talents as a defender of the small freeholders and other common people and a rival of the landed gentry who found legal counsel among the rich Federalists of the county. His unambiguous position placed him in a political minority among his peers but at the same time established him as the Republicans’ leading lawyer. His most ardent adversaries included a certain Elisha Williams, who by all accounts counted among the finest, most eloquent and charismatic barristers of the time and best-known Federalists. The socioeconomic situation pitted the two gifted attorneys against one another in many cases. The rivalry reached high peaks and sometimes took a nasty turn as the two protagonists used their mastery of words to level cutting remarks at each other well beyond the courtroom boundaries. For example, not without condescension, Williams relished making fun of his adversary’s short stature: “Poor little Matty” he wrote, “what a blessing it is for one to think he is the greatest little fellow in the world. It would be cruel to compel this man to estimate himself correctly. Inflated with pride, flattered for his pertness, caressed for his assurance, and praised for his impertinence, it is not to be wondered that in a market where those qualifications pass for evidence of

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intrinsic merit he should think himself great.”13 Benjamin F. Butler, a former pupil and old friend of Van Buren’s, would later comment on the two lawyers’ invariable disputes and compare their characters, strengths and weaknesses, memories of his own observations during his days as a law student:

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“Never were two men more dissimilar. Both were eloquent; but the eloquence of Williams was declamatory and exciting, that of Van Buren insinuating and delightful. Williams had the livelier imagination, Van Buren the sounder judgment. The former presented the strong points of his case in bolder relief, invested them in a more brilliant coloring, indulged a more unlicensed and magnificent invective, and gave more life and variety to his arguments by his peculiar wit and inimitable humor. But Van Buren was his superior in analyzing, arranging, and combining the insulated materials, in comparing and weighing testimony, in unraveling the web of intricate affairs, in eviscerating truth from the mass of diversified and conflicting evidence, in softening the heart and moulding it to his purpose, and in working into the judgments of his hearers the 14 conclusions of his own perspicuous and persuasive reasonings.”

By consistently taking the side of the common people, Van Buren made a valuable contribution to the redefinition of the social and economic relations taking place in this post-Revolutionary period. There was no dramatic change overnight, the process was a slow and gradual one as new practices and values encountered fierce resistance. Yet those years brought the ferment that laid the foundation for a more definite and durable expression of everyday local democracy, in step with the national politics of the times under the command of President Jefferson. Yet democracy does not guarantee unfailing stability, as illustrated by the turmoil in the incipient world of New York politics. Again, the Democratic party found itself divided in the state election of 1807 for which Martin Van Buren proved one of the staunchest supporters of Daniel D. Tompkins for governor, this time against Morgan Lewis, whom in the factional changes of New York politics, he considered less true than the former to the orientations defined by Jefferson.

13

Elisha Williams quoted in Dr. James Sullivan, ed., The History of New York State, Book XII, Chapter 5, Part 2. Online edition by Holice, Deb and Pam. < http://www.usgennet.org/usa/ny/state/his/bk12/ch5/pt2.html> 14 Edward Morse Shepard, Martin Van Buren (New York: Elibron Classics, 2003). Reprint (Boston & New York: Houghton, Mifflin & Co., 1899), pp. 20-21. First edition by Houghton, Mifflin & Co.,1888.

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New York State had indeed seen the emergence of factions from preRevolution times evolving into well-organized political bodies. Factions had opposed different social classes, ethnic groups, religious communities, including catholic and protestant Irish immigrants who perpetuated their native country’s hostilities in the New World, Yorkers (Dutch) antagonizing Yankees (English), farmers opposing merchants, all seeking to defend their own specific interests. Out of the continuous conflict that plagued the political climate of the 1790s the two-party system in the United States emerged: the Federalists and the Democratic-Republicans. The former led by President John Adams (1797-1801) and his ambitious Secretary of the Treasury Alexander Hamilton, the latter by Thomas Jefferson and James Madison. These were the first two parties under the government of the Constitution. The serious political strife during Adams’s second term, in particular over the unpopular Alien and Sedition Acts, led to the disaffection of the Party and the control of state legislatures in key states by Democratic-Republicans, which set the stage for Jefferson’s close but precious victory in the 1800 presidential election. After eight years of political supremacy, power had tilted away from the Federalists. In the country as in New York the two parties had clear-cut but contrasting political visions. The Federalists advocated a powerful active centralized government and feared the extremes of populist democracy, placing economic interests before all, thus strongly encouraging finance, industry and commerce, in a word the élite business world of the wealthy. For their part, the Democrat-Republicans emphasized the importance of agrarianism, supported a more balanced distribution of wealth, rejecting the Federalist vision that a country could not be prosperous without the economic dynamism engineered by the money men, the privileged few. They distrusted strong central government arguing that it was dedicated to certain well-targeted interests, regardless of local necessities and priorities. For them, the protection of local and state prerogatives was essential in politics and, most importantly, individual freedom was sacred. Van Buren never changed his course and remained faithful to those Jeffersonian principles of limited government but in the quasi-permanent chaotic and destructive infighting of New York’s political scene, even within his own party, he had to walk a fine line between competing factions to avoid alienating friends and colleagues and compromising possible alliances. But right from the beginning, he had an unquenchable passion for politics and a nose for choosing the winning side even amid the New York maelstrom. His good fortune as a lawyer served his purpose as it opened doors into a larger social world, a prerequisite to power. He enjoyed the fruits of this advantageous position with his first “political” reward, his nomination by Governor Tompkins, acquiescing to

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Republican friends’ insistent recommendation, as Surrogate of Columbia county, a post that put him in contact with people of great influence as he was in charge of settling estates and unraveling the complex implications of wills and title deeds. The job offered a perfect avenue for informal but precious political conversation, spreading the “good word”, gaining influence, widening his acquaintances among lawyers and officials throughout the state, expanding his network of political friendship, making new or necessary alliances, and preparing the ground for upcoming elections. Just like the senior Van Buren’s, the many taverns and inns that had opened in the area, a number of which could be found in the surroundings of courthouses, served as political tribunes where Martin gathered with his Republican friends to discuss the problems of the day. On the lighter side, the story goes that the young and ambitious lawyer/politician, without being a heavy drinker, enjoyed the taste of beer and could easily hold a few pints without weakening his political discernment. All along, he stubbornly supported Jefferson’s administration and its decisions, however painful they might sometimes be. One of them, the Embargo Act of 1807, was certainly among the most restrictive measures adopted by Congress but also one vehemently backed by Van Buren. At the time, the Napoleonic Wars that opposed the French and English nations severely impacted on American shipping and freedom of the seas. The embargo represented Jefferson’s response to England’s defiant objection to American neutrality, especially after one of its warships sailing in United States territorial waters fired on a navy frigate, the Chesapeake, killing three American sailors. The new Act prohibited all export of cargo from U.S. ports, and specifically all foreign ships from taking cargo at American ports. It won support in the West and in the South but led to near-rebellion by angry merchants on the east coast, notably in New England and New York, both regions Federalist strongholds and hardest hit by the halt of foreign trade. The measure was sometimes derided as the “O-grab-me” (embargo spelled backwards) act, or the “dambargo”, or still “go-bar-'em” act. The crisis gave Van Buren one of his first opportunities to appear on the national political scene as he organized meetings and rallies to justify and defend the new law, help preserve national unity, and thwart Federalist opposition. His determination never faded and won him popular acclaim. Despite the gravity of the situation and the difficult circumstances, “he neither apostatized, nor flinched, nor doubted,” writes William Emmons, adding:

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“His support of the government was not merely active, but zealous; nor was his, the zeal of ordinary men. It absorbed his whole soul; it led to untiring exertion; it was exhibited on all occasions, and under all circumstances. Neither the contumely of inflated wealth, nor the opposition of invidious talent, nor the weekly riving of a licentious press, nor a succession of defeats in his own county, could induce him to conceal or to modify his political sentiments, or to temporize 15 in his policy or conduct.”

Yet inevitably, as he climbed the political ladder, Martin Van Buren’s visibility and exposure increased and made him the focus of attention. Many Federalists came to despise him especially those in his hometown who knew him best, and certainly feared him most. But not only here. Hostility also arose within his own party where competition between the different factions was tough and merciless. Leadership of the Republican Party in New York brought about intense fighting between two of the nation’s most outstanding politicians of the time, Aaron Burr and DeWitt Clinton. As he soon discovered that the former was a falling star doomed to defeat, regardless of earlier cooperation in their common effort to fend off the long-running influence of the wealthy landed families of New York, Martin deftly and opportunely changed sides and threw his support behind the more powerful Clinton. This well-calculated political alliance paid off as Clinton’s faction had been instrumental in his nomination as county surrogate. Martin had this rare intuitive ability, a very useful one in politics, to go with the wind, navigate between different trends and opinions while keeping his course, anticipate dangers to better avoid them, and maintain cordial relationships all along. That was particularly true with Burr’s allies whose friendship he managed never to lose. But such behavior also has its limits, and one day or another, it may become counterproductive. Van Buren’s approach did cost him disappointments and resentment for his lack of reliability, his undisclosed intentions, his hidden tactics. “Where does he stand?” claimed his critics who judged him devious and untrustworthy and blamed him for placing his immoderate personal ambition before common interest. Couldn’t Van Buren be counted on? Was he unprincipled? Was his commitment to the Republican cause just an illusion? Obviously the answer leaves no ambiguity. Martin had already proved his total political engagement and the criticism arose essentially from politically motivated rivals. As a matter of fact, Martin was not devoid of ambition but at this point in his career, he remained wise and cautious to avoid being ensnared in the factional mayhem that severely harmed the Republican party at a time when the Federalists were losing ground. Nevertheless, by keeping his political intentions secret or 15

Emmons, op. cit., pp. 11-12.

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dealing in an enigmatic or ambiguous way even with his own allies, whom he sometimes left in total confusion, he developed a reputation as a sly dissimulator and unscrupulous opportunist. Though by no means a unanimous one, the charge would resurface recurrently during his political career. As his career went on, Martin Van Buren would soon realize the extent and limits of his popularity. After being appointed Chairman of DemocraticRepublican meetings (1809), he distinguished himself by strenuously opposing the re-chartering of the Bank of the United States (1811), denouncing it in a powerful speech as an anti-democratic, anti-republican measure, which he suspected had been improperly put forward by the agents of the bank. In fact, its supporters were accused of seeking to take the place of the national bank. A number of legislators were implicated in what was uncovered as a state of corruption, allowing them to buy stock at an unbeatable price that promised quick and substantial profit. Governor Tompkins warned members of the legislature “to beware of the methods of bank managers.” Therefore Van Buren wholeheartedly approved and upheld the governor when he prorogued the legislature on 27 March, 1812, to prevent the passage of the bill. 1812 remains an important milestone in his long career as he threw himself into his first race for office. The obstacles were numerous and came from all directions, the entire federal party, the Lewisites, the Burrites, and the supporters of the Bank of the United States. First, the nominating battle within the Republican Party was tough and ruthless as he was in opposition to two wealthy and highly motivated challengers with greater political experience. After eking out this first stage victory, he had to face the federalist candidate, Edward P. Livingston, the offspring of a well-known, rich and influential New York family who seemed to be the likely winner of the coveted State Senate seat. After leading a trying and fierce campaign, Martin did emerge victorious, but by a majority of less than two hundred out of forty thousand votes. He became the new state senator for the Middle District of New York. He was only twenty-nine years old. The young senator became a leader in the fight against imprisonment for debt. Loyal to his early commitments to defending small farmers, he regarded the sentence as unfair and iniquitous, tantamount to a punishment “for the misfortune of being poor, of being unable to satisfy the all-digesting stomach of some ravenous creditor.”16 His new status now allowed him to defend the cause more powerfully. This particular question would remain close to his heart for another fifteen years until legislation eventually put an end to the practice.

16

Widmer, op. cit., p. 42.

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Martin also became a member of the Court for the Correction of Errors, the highest court in New York. More significantly, 1812 can be deemed as a turbulent political year for the young politician as in addition to his difficult state election, it was the year of a national presidential election, whose campaign was largely dominated by the debate over the appropriateness of the war against the British, the so-called War of 1812 which had broken out a very short time before he took office, on July 4. In November, the presidential election opposed incumbent president, James Madison, a Virginian and above all a highly respected father of the Constitution and a fervent Jeffersonian Democratic-Republican, to DeWitt Clinton, New York City’s mighty and redoubtable mayor and the state’s lieutenant governor, who had been nominated by the Republican members of the legislature in the summer. It was ironical, an understatement, to see two members of the same party running against each other for the supreme post but also quite typical of the severely fragmented condition of the Republican party, even at national level. Van Buren, in favor of restoring unity, was confronted with a dilemma. As a committed Jeffersonian, he had consistently supported President Madison’s policies, including the latest one, the war against the British and the way it was conducted. In this respect, it seems important to bear in mind that contrary to many of his contemporaries, Van Buren, with Dutch blood running in his veins, raised in a Dutch-speaking community, and imbued with Dutch culture, saw the British as “foreigners.” He had no reason not to cast his vote for the president. On the other hand, having capitalized on the war’s growing unpopularity in the eastern states, DeWitt Clinton was determined to break from “the Virginia dynasty.”17 Understandably, the Federalists unanimously and bitterly opposed the war, a purely Republican project, “Mr. Madison’s war,” claiming it had not been adequately prepared. Less conventionally, having no party nominee, they threw their support behind the Republican New Yorker, who thereby became the Federalist candidate! Historian Henry Adams made a scathing description of Clinton’s political diversion: “No canvas for the Presidency was ever less creditable than that of DeWitt Clinton in 1812. Seeking war votes for the reason that he favored more vigorous prosecution of the war; asking support from peace Republicans because Madison had plunged the country into war without preparation; bargaining for Federalist votes as the price of bringing about a peace; or coquetting with all parties in the atmosphere of bribery in bank charters–Clinton strove to make up a majority 18 which had no element of union but himself and money.” 17 18

George Washington and Thomas Jefferson were both from Virginia. Henry Adams quoted in Sullivan, op. cit.

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Van Buren was deeply disturbed by Clinton’s stance because he thought it only added to Republican pandemonium and served the Federalists’ anti-war crusade. At the same time, he nursed a certain respect for Clinton, an eminent leader of the Democratic party, whose distinguished uncle, George Clinton, an “illustrious patriot” and former governor of New York, had served the nation as vice president under the administrations of Jefferson (second term) and Madison (first term).19 Joining his vote to those of the Federalists may have turned his stomach but out of solidarity for his party in the State – the Republican party of New York was largely pro-Clinton, he complied with the majority and at the first session of the new legislature in November, voted for the presidential elector favorable to DeWitt Clinton for president. On December 2, it appears that the latter did win the state of New York in the electoral college but eventually could not stop President Madison from being elected for a second term. There were no grounds for contention, as the results showed a comfortable 128-89 victory for the Virginian. Elbridge Gerry, former Massachusetts governor, was chosen as vice president to balance the ticket with the Southerner Madison. Van Buren was subsequently accused by his opponents of having opposed not only the election of Madison but also the prosecution of the great struggle against England. The latter charge was highly exaggerated if not unfounded. Firstly, he had never wavered in his conviction that the war was indispensable to maintain the nation’s international respect and secure its independence (the War of 1812 would later be labeled “the second War of Independence!”) and consistently showed his vigorous support for the government on that question. Secondly, in April 1813, he played an active role in the re-election of Governor Daniel D. Tompkins, one of the few north-east political leaders to openly support the war, and whose widely-acclaimed patriotism made his re-election critical to the prosecution of the war. In the “highly declamatory, but clear and forcible address” he prepared for the electors of the state on the occasion, Van Buren pointed out that “war and war alone was our only refuge from national degradation,” and that the independence and freedom ensured by republicanism were imperiled “by the seductive wiles and artful blandishments of the corrupt minions of aristocracy,” referring to the pro-British Federalists, adding that citizens were now addressed “in the language which alone becomes freemen to use, – the language to which alone it becomes freemen to listen.”20

19 20

George Clinton died on April 20, 1812, the first vice president to die in office. Shepard, op. cit., pp. 60-61.

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The re-election of Governor Tompkins accentuated Van Buren’s hostility toward DeWitt Clinton who, along with a great number of friends, voted in favor of the opponent.21 From then on, the two men would share a mutual contempt and would almost continuously confront one another. The harsh legislative sessions of 1813 and 1814 during which the Federalists expressed all their disagreements with and exhibited all their disdain of the Madison administration ultimately led to a resurgence of patriotism and in the elections of April 1814, legislators, Van Buren to begin with, definitely advocated the cause of the war. After torturous debates, the need for a strong war policy was adopted despite persistent Federalist opposition. The Republicans were in a position of strength now as they controlled the Assembly, the Senate and the governorship. Yet, as the war raged on, the nation seemed trapped in a mounting crisis. The British had burned Washington D. C., including one of the nation’s greatest symbols, the White House. In September, two weeks after the American navy won an important but extremely difficult victory at Lake Champlain, an emergency session of the legislature was called to help the national administration enforce a series of indispensable and vigorous war measures. Van Buren, whose “readiness and dexterity in debate,” “powerful reasoning” and ardor to defend the war gained him much admiration and positioned him as a first-rank political leader, gave himself body and soul to this enterprise.22 The most spectacular of these policies was one he himself introduced, the Classification Bill, which provided for the enrollment of 12,000 volunteers, white men aged 18-45, to be placed at the disposal of the government for two years, and which senator Thomas Hart Benton called the “most energetic war measure ever adopted in this country.”23 The end of the war was negotiated with the signing of the Treaty of Ghent on December 24, 1814 but the fighting continued until early in the following year when the United States forces defeated the British at the Battle of New Orleans on January 8, 1815. The victory was celebrated with great enthusiasm in the United States, and elevated General Andrew Jackson to the status of hero. Van Buren was chosen to draft the resolution of thanks voted by the legislature of New York, a grand eulogy to the victorious warrior:

21

Governor Tompkins, popular though he was, was charged with keeping inadequate records during the war, which gave Clinton partial argument to justify his choice. 22 Emmons, op. cit., p. 16. 23 Shepard, op. cit., p. 62.

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“Therefore, resolved Unanimously, as the sense of this legislature, that Major General Andrew Jackson, and the gallant officers and soldiers under his command, for their noble defense of the city of New Orleans, that important military post and grand emporium of commerce, especially in the ever memorable conflict of the 8th of January last, an event surpassing the most heroic and wonderful achievements which adorn the annals of mankind, do eminently deserve the unanimous applause, and the lasting gratitude of their country. Resolved, unanimously, that the thanks of this legislature be, and they are hereby presented to Major General Jackson, and the officers and soldiers under 24 his command, for that heroic and glorious achievement.”

The end of the war gave heart to the Republicans who had almost invariably upheld the Madison administration and their political successes momentarily alleviated internal disagreements and tensions. Van Buren’s determinant role in favor of the war effort and his brilliant leadership position in the Senate raised his political status and contributed to his appointment on February 17, 1815 as New York’s Attorney General, as a result of the removal of Abraham Van Vechten. Some time later, he was designated judge advocate and this position earned him considerable attention as he engaged and won a conviction of treason for cowardice against Brigadier General William Hull who had capitulated against minor British forces without resistance and surrendered Detroit in 1812.25 The early signs of his multifarious qualities were now in action and at thirtytwo, he was one of the state’s most prominent leaders of the prevailing Republican party, along with and siding with Governor Tompkins, a notable state senator, an active and successful lawyer, and in addition to the pleasures of the bar, he would now also enjoy the dignities of the bench. On March 4, 1816, he was appointed by the legislature as Regent of the University of the State of New York and re-elected to the Senate in the following month. Few politicians could boast such a vertiginous ascendancy. However, rapid as this rise might be, his path was strewn with thorns, the most prickly of which being personified by his worst political enemy, yet a brilliant and gifted statesman, DeWitt Clinton. Despite early cooperation, Van Buren had become suspicious of Clinton’s insistent hunt for Federalist votes during the 1812 presidential campaign. In exchange for this support, Clinton had backed Rufus King, one of the most prominent Federalists in New York, for his 1813 Senate 24

“Resolutions expressive of the sentiments of the legislature of New York in relation to the victory of the 8th of January, 1815, prepared by Mr. Van Buren, February 13th, 1815” in Emmons, op. cit., p. 74. 25 Hull was sentenced to death by firing squad but President Madison rescinded the execution because of the general’s remarkable service records, notably during the Revolutionary War.

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campaign. Van Buren soon lost all illusions and came to the conclusion that the man had no party principles but his own personal ambition, the end justifying the means. Each man had a deep-seated aversion to the other and worked hard to annihilate him as they struggled for dominance over state politics for over a decade. In such a context, it may seem ironical, even paradoxical, to have called this post-war period the ‘Era of Good Feelings!’ Indeed the two New Yorkers constantly accused each other of playing the game of the opposing party, of “coquetting” with the Federalists. The feud went on non-stop, verging on fanaticism, complete with vicious personal attacks. In contrast with his own stately frame, Clinton liked to mock Van Buren’s diminutive appearance; he called him “that prince of villains,” and compared him to the undignified Jonah of the Bible, who once vomited by the whale, had “a very bewildered and dismal physiognomy, not knowing from whence he came nor to what place bound.”26 Not wanting to be outdone, Van Buren had his own caustic way of assailing his adversary, but seldom resorted to personal degrading insults. Out of exasperation, he did once call him “the snake,” but he preferred an ideological approach, denouncing disloyalty to the party and apostasy from its values and referring to Clinton’s clique as “very profligate men”, “a set of desperadoes, who, instigated by the hope of official plunder, will never be content to limit their depredation to the boundaries of the State.” Excoriating the former presidential candidate’s faction, he asked, “Where are those political blacklegs who have alternately belonged to, deceived, and betrayed all parties,” assuming that they might stand as “pillars in the Clintonian edifice.”27 Van Buren was not truly sorry when under the strong influence of Governor Tompkins in the Albany council, according to the “spoils system” then in vogue, Clinton was removed from the Mayoralty of New York City.28 The downfall of the Federalists after 1815 did not erase the bitter disagreements within the Republican Party whether at national or state level. New York best exemplified this observation as its fragmentation intensified into everfiercer factional in-fighting. Out of this quandary emerged two major rival factions acting, as it were, as the two political parties of the state. Each claimed to be best representative of the core principles of the Democratic-Republican Party and battled for its control. Facing the ruthless ambitious Clinton’s faction stood 26

Widmer, op. cit., pp. 46-48. James C. Curtis, The Fox at Bay: Martin Van Buren and the Presidency (Lexington, KY: The University Press of Kentucky, 1970), p. 10. 28 He had served as Mayor of New York City in 1803-1807, 1808-1810 and 1811-1815. At the time, the Mayor was appointed by the state government, until 1821 when this nominating authority was granted to the Common Council. 27

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the Bucktails, a rival political organization formed by Van Buren and like-minded individuals all sharing a total commitment to a sound Jeffersonian ideology and an unconcealed animosity toward DeWitt Clinton. Van Buren soon became the legislative leader of the Bucktails, whose support had largely contributed to his appointment as Attorney General. Initially, most of them were members of the State Senate, lawyers, journalists, bankers or small entrepreneurs, immigrants, children of tavern-keepers like Van Buren, of yeoman farmers and so forth. Though, or because, they did not come from wealthy land-owning families and their names resonated with no particular fame, they drew a common identity from their membership to the state’s middle class and thereby developed a strong friendship, from which soon emerged a close-knit influential party organization. Their curious name they came from the distinctive deer's tail members wore in the hat at conventions and congressional meetings, originally the official badge of the Tammany Society.29 Van Buren’s colleagues constituted a set of talented and promising young men, some of whom would later move up through the political hierarchy and make a successful career at national level. Among them was Benjamin F. Butler, a former student in Van Buren’s office, who lived with the Van Burens for a while and now shared a law partnership in his mentor’s Albany office. The two men would develop an uninterrupted friendship all their lives. The group also included other skillful politicians such as John W. Edmonds, William L. Marcy and Silas Wright, the latter two future governors of New York. The party’s messages were articulated through the Albany Argus, a newspaper which Van Buren had helped to found and now used as his mouthpiece and which would soon become New York Democracy’s official newspaper. As a response to the constant maneuverings of disparate factions more inclined to promote their own local, economic interests, or serve personal ambitions, Van Buren and “his” Bucktail organization got down to restoring order in the party and were dedicated to maintaining unity and loyalty to Jeffersonian Republicanism. A second feature of the organization, logically derived from the first, was its definition of the “caucus doctrine,” whereby each candidate for elective office should be chosen democratically behind closed doors as the result of the party’s internal debate and then publicly defended by all the members, including the opposing minority. The doctrine required honesty and sacrifices from its members who had to hold back, at least momentarily, their personal resentments. It applied to Van Buren himself who, along with the Bucktails, in 1817 submitted to the Republican caucus’ majority decision to nominate DeWitt Clinton for governor. He then observed: 29

The Tammany Society was founded in New York City in 1789 by William Mooney as a charitable association. From 1798 on, it became a strong political force under the influence of Aaron Burr who dedicated it to the fight against Federalist principles.

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“If we could be found capable of opposing [the caucus’] decision for no other reason than because we found ourselves in the minority, our bad faith would reduce us from our present elevated position as the main body…of the Republican party of the State, to that of a faction, like the Burrites and Lewisites, 30 which struggles for short seasons and then disappears from the State.”

Despite his open hostility toward DeWitt Clinton, Van Buren did a second outstanding concession to his archrival that same year. When it came to promarket economic expansion, he usually adopted a position of reserve, a mark of his lifelong commitment to the parties involved in local economic life, like farmers, shopkeepers and small bankers. Yet inexorably New York had now entered a period of significant social and economic mutation. The state demography almost doubled between 1800 and 1817 from less than 80,000 to 150,000.31 Its urban population, in particular, shot up abruptly, and most conspicuously in New York City, which was definitely establishing itself as the economic capital of the USA. This spectacular development was accelerated greatly by the ever-increasing surge of westbound migrants from New England. Also, the War of 1812 had put in sharp focus some of the state’s economic weaknesses, in particular its inadequate transportation network. It was established that the military operations could have produced better and faster results had the links between Lake Erie and Lake Champlain, that is between the west and the east of the state, been facilitated by suitable infrastructures. Thus, the lessons of the war had highlighted the need for and spurred on the construction of the Erie Canal project, a vast enterprise to unite the waters of the great lakes with the Hudson in order to promote commercial links and serve military purposes should the need ever arise. The “Eighth Wonder of the World,” as some enthusiasts would later call it, was also sarcastically dubbed “Clinton’s Big Ditch” in reference to its illustrious but controversial commissioner. The canal was indeed DeWitt Clinton’s pet project, which accounts for the Bucktails’ and Van Buren’s early opposition to its state financing. In any case, they were ideologically reluctant to promote vast government costly projects. Yet the canal received huge support from the population. It bore the promise of faster communications, better trade activities and renewed economic dynamism. Simply put, it symbolized the public’s fascination for progress, the dream of a rosy future. Linking Albany on the Hudson River with Buffalo on Lake Erie, it would also become a major channel in 30

Quoted in Jeffrey D. Grynaviski, “McDonald’s, Martin Van Buren, and the American Mass Party,” Research Paper (Durham, NC: Duke University, 2002), p. 19. 31 http://www.techno-science.net/?onglet=glossaire&definition=2296

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the westward movement of migrants from the East Coast. Van Buren soon realized he had made a mistake as his opposition would result in disaffection from his fellow New Yorkers. That is why, overcoming his personal enmity with Clinton, he decided to vote like the majority of the New York legislature and authorize the construction of the first section of the canal. A substantial 7 million dollars were provided for the gigantic 363 mile long, 40 feet wide, and four feet deep structure. In a great speech favoring the law, Van Buren declared with barely concealed emotion that his vote would be “the most important vote he ever gave in his life;” that “the project, if executed, would raise the State to the highest possible pitch of fame and grandeur.”32 An exceptional scene followed the vote as Clinton personally thanked Van Buren and the two men shook hands. But the truce was only temporary. Tompkins had resigned from the governorship and was elected vice president on the ticket with James Monroe. Clinton’s accession to the governorship in April 1817 had been greatly facilitated by his efficient role in the construction of the Erie Canal as he had received the quasi unanimous favors and votes of the Republicans. But it does not seem to have improved his relationships with Van Buren for long. Now in place, “the Father of the Erie Canal” could scrub his hands and relish the benefits of “his” vast undertaking, a political gold mine which comforted his position as party chief, and manage the state as he pleased with whom he pleased –or so he thought–. His apostate 1812 presidential bid was now history. The triumphant vote had given the man a free hand to rule. Political maneuvers now included making a clean sweep of embarrassing officeholders in the state’s government. The Bucktails, because of their constant struggle to topple him and oppose his canal policy, were obviously first in the line of fire. As for Van Buren himself whose utter disagreement on such matters as patronage turned to open rupture with the governor, his minority status in the Albany council did not bode well. 1819 turned out to be one of Martin Van Buren’s most difficult years. Far more painful than his political struggles, was the worrisome situation at his home in Albany where the family had moved in 1816. Probably because of the alternately cold and wet periods that struck the state capital in the winters of 18171818 and 1818-1819, his wife, Hannah, fell seriously ill, suffering from a severe pain in the lungs, contracting what historian John Robert Irelan, also a physician, diagnosed as “consumption,” another word for tuberculosis. Bearing her fifth child, she was soon compelled to rest and stay at her house, which she would never leave after September 1818. After giving birth to ‘Smith’, “a fine strong infant”, in the following January, her poor health declined sharply and on 32

Shepard, op. cit., p. 66.

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February 5, 1819, at the age of thirty-five, Hannah breathed her last. Laura Langford, the first historian of Presidents’ wives, gives a moving picture of Hannah’s last days, according to the description made to her over sixty years later by Mary Cantine, a niece of the deceased:

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“Aunt Hannah lived but a short time after their removal to Albany, dying at the early age of thirty-five, when her youngest child was still an infant. I can recall but little about her till her last sickness and death, except the general impression I have of her modest, even timid manner –her shrinking from observation, and her loving gentle, disposition. The last, long sicknesses (she was confined to the house for six months) are deeply engraved on my memory. When told by her physicians that she could live, in all probability, but a few days longer, she called her children to her and gave them her dying counsel and blessing, and with the utmost composure bade them farewell and committed them 33 to the care of the Saviour she loved, and in whom she trusted.”

Martin was devastated by the death of his wife, his “Jannetje,” as he affectionately called her in the tradition of their ancestors, Jannetje being Dutch for Hannah. He never remarried, even though two women supposedly crossed his path. There were rumors of a romantic interlude with a certain Ellen Randolph, a granddaughter of Thomas Jefferson. Whether it was the age difference or not – she was still in her mid-twenties while Martin was a middle-aged U. S. Senator – the liaison did not endure and she married another man in 1825. In his memoirs, Van Buren referred to Ellen Randolph as “a very interesting young lady . . . and my warm friend.” A second rumor links 68-year-old Martin Van Buren to Margaret Sylvester, aged 40, the daughter of his former law professor about fifty years before. He supposedly proposed to her in 1851 but she declined, stating that she preferred to remain single, but they remained close friends. Although relatively little is known about Martin and Hannah’s relationship, theirs had reportedly been a very happy marriage. He had been devoted to her and it seems that in return, with her feminine grace and charm, despite her natural shyness, she had functioned as his sprightly official hostess to help him climb New York’s social, legal and political echelons in his early career. What little is known about her cannot inform the modern reader well enough on her possible performance as First Lady had she lived long enough to accompany her husband in the Executive Mansion. It seems, however, according to her obituary notice, 33

Laura Carter Holloway Langford, The Ladies of the White House: Or, in the Home of the Presidents (Philadelphia: A. Gorton & Co., 1882). Reprint New York: A. M. S. Press, 1976, pp. 335-336.

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that humility was “her crowning grace, she possessed it to a rare degree . . .” and that the peace of her temper was disturbed by “. . . no love of show, no ambitious desires, no pride of ostentation ever.” Such traits did not predispose her to the highest spheres where public exposure, even in the nineteenth century, was inevitable. Dolley Madison had glowed in her First Lady role, refashioning the function of presidential wife with a keen sense of public relations, setting trends, refurbishing the president’s quarters, and hosting weekly parties. The rare descriptions left of Hannah do not place her in the same category. Yet future First Ladies, self-effacing as they might be, would enjoy a degree of popularity that Hannah would likely have been up to. DeWitt Clinton was not extremely affected by Martin’s sorrow as it took just five months after Hannah’s death – that is barely two years after his nomination as governor – for Van Buren to be removed from the office of attorney-general, and replaced by Thomas J. Oakley, a Federalist, in July. Thurlow Weed, then the editor of the Albany Register, publicly supported the decision arguing that “rotation in office is the most striking and brilliant feature of excellence in our benign form of government; and that by this doctrine, bottomed, as it is, upon the Magna Charta of our liberties, Van Buren’s removal was not only sanctioned, but was absolutely required.”34 More than the grotesque and dubious character of this justification, what the reality showed was that the Clinton forces were indeed fully operational in their capacity to remove the obstacles from their leader’s path. When Martin Van Buren made a bid for the state Supreme Court, his appointment was immediately vetoed by the overbearing governor. In the face of such a predicament, many an ordinary individual would have sunk into a profound and lasting state of depression. The double loss, though not on the same level, of his prestigious position in the state leadership and of his life’s sweetheart – he had also lost his parents not long before, his father in 1817 and his mother in 1818, cruel as it might be, did not leave him unarmed and powerless. He did feel downcast for a while as his grief was real and the physical and emotional strain hard to endure. Yet Van Buren was not the kind of person to perpetually complain of his lot and it did not seem to have affected his political career for long. Despite his suffering and temporary weariness, he forged ahead with his political agenda based on Jeffersonian principles and a whole-hearted commitment to unifying the Democratic-Republican party. His ambitions remained intact and loomed large.

34

Shepard, op. cit., pp. 67-68.

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Hannah left Martin a widower with four sons to raise. Naturally, his first concern was for these children whom he decided to place in the care of neighbors and relatives, his sister Dirckie in particular, in whom he found invaluable support. The four sons would all later serve their father in his career, including during his Presidency. Abraham (1807-1873), the oldest, graduated from West Point where he ranked as major and in 1837 served as his father’s secretary in the White House. He went back to the army and was promoted for bravery during the Mexican War at the battles of Contreras and Churubusco. His second son, John (1810-1866) went to Albany Academy and Yale. His addiction to gambling caused great embarrassment, both in the family and in the university faculty and cost his father “great expense and many sleepless nights.” He was dubbed “Prince John” by Martin’s adversaries when he accompanied his father in London. Back in the U.S., he married, practiced law and became New York’s attorney general like his father. Elected in the House of Representatives, he distinguished himself as a staunch opponent to slavery. Martin Junior (1812-1855) studied political science and history and also served his father as a political assistant throughout his career. He compiled a treasure of notes and information that his father used for writing his memoirs. He never married, and afflicted by poor health like his mother, he died abroad in his early forties. Unlike his brother Martin, the youngest son, Smith Thompson (1817-1876), was blessed with the strong physical stature of a proud Dutchman. He also actively assisted his father both in Washington and in Albany, drafting a number of his speeches and as literary executor of his father’s Estate, he later edited the Van Buren papers. The two women he married were related to famous names. The first, Ellen King James, would turn out to be the aunt of Henry James and the second, Henrietta Eckford Irving, was a niece of Washington Irving. 1819 marked another important year in the United States’ intricate history, with, again, New York at the center of the national debate underway. The question of slavery was dividing the nation and it became particularly acute when Representative John Tallmadge, Jr., NY, proposed an amendment that would prohibit further introduction of slaves and gradually abolish slavery in Missouri. The measure was strongly supported by Senator Rufus King, a distinguished Federalist of the old school who, among other common points, shared Martin Van Buren’s aversion for and distrust of DeWitt Clinton – after having been allies for a while. As King filed for re-election in the U. S. Senate, Van Buren made it a point to exert all his influence to promote his friend’s high-standing name and facilitate his chances in the ballot-box, and this for different reasons.

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In the legislature of 1820, a pamphlet was produced, “skillfully written” and “in a tone of exalted patriotism,” that was addressed to the Republican members urging their support of King. The latter’s career was extolled in reference to his pioneering role in the system of government as a Founding Father and signer of the constitution, to his courageous support of “Mr. Madison’s war,” though it was a republican initiative, to his exemplary services as a volunteer in the Revolutionary War, to his outstanding diplomatic role as minister to the court of St. James under both Washington and Jefferson and more generally to his remarkable career as a devoted patriot and statesman. To crown it all, though the pamphlet did not mention it explicitly, King’s opposition to Clinton constituted a major asset for Van Buren whose dithyrambic support of King was linked to another upcoming electoral race, the one leading to the gubernatorial election of April 1820. The latter campaign exacerbated the feud between the pro-Clinton Republican faction and its Federalist associates who carried their “boss” in triumph and the Bucktails who, more determined than ever in their fight against the incumbent governor after their leader’s removal as attorney general, unreservedly promoted Daniel D. Tompkins, the other contender and the current vice president. At that point, the Federalist Party had dwindled to scarcely a faction and most of its former members had merged into new political affiliations. In New York, a majority had joined the Clintonian Republicans, a preview of the future Whig party. A smaller number of the defunct party had ranked with the Van Buren-led Bucktails. They were, like King and other names of great renown such as John C. Hamilton, the so-called “High-Minded Federalists,” whom Van Buren coaxed to increase the ranks of his growing political machine and anticipate future benefits. In return for his helping hand in Tompkins’s campaign, Van Buren had decided to throw his support behind King for his re-election to the U. S. Senate. Clinton eked out a narrow victory but Van Buren’s rallying cry had forced the removal of key Clinton appointees and the governor’s opponents now led both branches of the legislature as well as the council of appointment. In other words, Clinton’s election paradoxically placed him in a position of weakness. It was at this period that Van Buren was dubbed the ‘Red Fox’, or the ‘Sly Fox of Kinderhook’ by his enemies. His ‘negotiated’ support of Rufus King appeared to some as an overt sign of his wily ways. But that was only part of the truth. The two men were associated by more than mere electoral give-and-take, as their converging views on the momentous slavery issue never stood out more conspicuously than presently and drew them closer together. King’s anti-slavery views were echoed by Van Buren who declared that his friend’s strong opposition to the admission of Missouri into the Union as a slave state “concealed no plot”

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against the Republicans who, he added, would give that crucial question “a true direction.” But his definition of the “true direction” remains open to speculation as he did not provide any detail on its meaning. Van Buren’s attitude towards slavery then appeared ambiguous, not only in the eyes of his political opponents. The criticism was intensified when he added his name to call for a public meeting on Missouri in Albany, then failed to attend and eventually refused to have his name mentioned on the document stating the meeting’s anti-slavery resolutions that was to be sent to Washington. Did this retreat reflect any change of mind? If it did not seem significant, it certainly consolidated the charges that he was guided by an excessively cautious and calculating mind. His enigmatic stance and elusive maneuvers were soon derisively referred to as vanburenish “non committalism.” His attitude on slavery became clearer with his vote, in January 1820, for a resolution of the legislature of New York instructing the members of Congress “to oppose the admission, as a state in the Union, of any territory not comprised within the original boundaries of the United States without making the prohibition of slavery therein an indispensable condition of admission.” Ultimately the 1820 Missouri Compromise that was reached in the United States Congress highlighted the sectional interests that split the nation. Henry Clay, with his strong national convictions, had led the way in the elaboration of the compromise. He then came to be known as ‘the Great Compromiser.’ It stated that Maine would enter as a free state (state number 23), slavery would be excluded from the territory of Louisiana north of 36° 30′, but that Missouri would be introduced in the Union as a slave state (state number 24). 1820 was also a presidential year and Van Buren had the honor of being chosen as a presidential elector to replace one unavailable member of the Electoral College. His vote concurred with the quasi unanimous choice of his fellow electors and contributed to the triumph of James Monroe who trounced his rival John Quincy Adams with a 231 to 1 victory. Van Buren also voted for the reelection of Daniel D. Tompkins as vice president. On February 6, 1821, at the age of thirty-eight, Van Buren gained election to the United States Senate, the prestigious upper chamber of Congress, ousting the sitting senator, Nathan Sanford, the Clintonian candidate who was also supported by the Federalists. In the same year, he was chosen from Otsego county (his ownership of land in that area made him eligible) and not from his own Albany county which was still Federalist-bent and therefore opposed to his political influence, as a member of the convention to revise the archaic and sclerotic 1777 state constitution. Also, Van Buren deemed it too favorable to Clinton’s governing style, that is one that engineered unlimited authority and unlimited power, especially the power of appointment. Initially, he had shown some

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hesitation about calling the convention, but its support by a great number of Bucktails and New Yorkers as well as the populist and egalitarian impulse sweeping the state and the nation led him to realize that he had to pitch in. His sound judgment and sagacity seemed capital to elaborate an historic document that should be better adapted to modern times and more apt to address their new challenges. The enterprise was itself a challenge as a compromise embracing all the partisan needs of each and every participant seemed hard to reach. As chairman of the committee on appointment to state offices, he was to play a very important and influential role in that convention as it opened on August 28, 1821. In the face of the many changes demanded by some to promote democratization and the conservative forces firmly opposed to it, Van Buren adopted a moderate, middle-of-the-road position, trying to contain the extreme forces, were they strictly conservative or radically progressive. He believed in popular rule but also in the success of a democratic government inspired “not by the feelings of temporary excitement, but by that sober second thought which is never wrong.”35 This was illustrated no better than in his attitude towards the prickly issue of universal suffrage, one of the most sensitive reforms demanded by the populist forces of the time. He was definitely reluctant to have it adopted straightaway, arguing the state was not ready for making that “one step beyond,” and favored restricting the right to vote to householders, who formed a stabilizing element of the social composition. He would not let the “invaluable right” be “cheapened” indiscriminately, fearing an overwhelming urban voter increase, particularly in New York City, at the expense of rural districts. Unlike many in his party, he opposed a proposal limiting suffrage to whites exclusively and advocated the introduction of a $250 property clause for black people. Yet the restriction, already required of white citizens, kept many black voters away from qualifying. He also called, with most participants, for a radical reform of patronage which for so long had remained the privilege of the Council of Appointment and Revision and proposed a redistribution of the powers of appointment more in accordance with the popular will. However he opposed the election of a number of minor state officers by the people preferring to grant their appointment to the legislature and the governorship, probably not without ulterior motive as he hoped that these would rest mainly in the hands of Bucktails. The practice of patronage 35

Nathaniel H. Carter and William L. Stone, reporters, and Marcus T. C. Gould, stenographer, Reports of the Proceedings and Debates of the Convention of 1821, Assembled for the Purpose of Amending the Constitution of the State of New York (Albany, 1821), p.177. In Donald B. Cole, Martin Van Buren and the American Political System (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1984), p. 70; Widmer, op. cit., p. 50.

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was eventually reapportioned in a more balanced way, through the counties, thus putting an end to its centralization in the capital. Though abuses were not eliminated overnight, the transfer allowed the reduction of the previous wide-scale corruption. Among other stands, Van Buren opposed an elective judiciary, voiced his disapproval of a clean sweep of the existing Supreme Court – a courageous position, not shared by his party friends, as most of the Court’s members counted among his fiercest political adversaries, and advocated executive veto. All in all, the document that emerged from the convention did take into account the forceful popular aspirations across the state by getting rid of some obsolete antidemocratic restrictions and providing in-depth amendments to the surviving ones. Major changes included a much-needed extension of voting rights, the enlargement of suffrage from 100,000 to 260,000 and the reduction of the governor’s tenure from three to two years. The move reflected the political adaptations that an increasingly powerful and forward-looking state like New York had to implement while limiting the risks that a sudden, radical and precarious liberalization of the governing process could generate. If Van Buren was not the only great luminary behind the numerous changes brought to the constitution, he certainly played a great part in maintaining a necessary – or so he thought – balance in the scope and profundity of the revision. Because of his educational and professional background, he had the capacity to connect with the common people and hear their claims. Unlike many of the other drafters, his social and political ascent had been fraught with enormous difficulties and achieved at the cost of important sacrifices. He knew where he came from and despite his dandy attire he was naturally more sympathetic to popular outlook than many of his political peers. At the same time, his twenty-year political experience had instilled in him a conservative character that protected him from hasty and illadvised decisions. In other words, his openness to the populist trend was counterbalanced by a cautious and independent mind, preserving him from yielding to extremisms or acquiescing demagogically to unreasonable demands. He feared taking measures which went beyond society’s capacity to absorb them. He considered effective progress to be a slow and secure process that needed time and maturation. Confessing his being “timid in all matters of innovation,” he added in his autobiography that his motives in changing the constitution were always based on “safe and reasonable grounds.” Again, his moderate inclinations brought grist to the mill of his detractors who judged him either undemocratic or too concerned by the safeguarding of his own political interests.

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The truth was more balanced than such biased opinion. Van Buren did follow a strategic and tactical course of action, with the consistent goal of keeping the Republican word in the vanguard of political power. He believed that parties, whichever, were better governing entities than individuals. To promote the Republican cause, the political leader he was sought to adopt an objective and even-handed position that responded to the democratic egalitarian impulse while restraining its most pernicious effects. In any case, the convention had impacted upon his course as it marked his sensitivity to the populist surge, now a determining factor in his approach to politics. Van Buren comes into the records as the most effective of the drafters of the new constitution, its most powerful member. He neither agreed with all the changes adopted, nor proclaimed that those he had endorsed were perfect. But the vigor and tact he displayed in the debates, the impressive scope of his legal and juridical knowledge and the wisdom and clairvoyance of his positions consolidated his rank at the top of the state’s political hierarchy. Interestingly, one of the main extensions of the convention was the removal of many Clintonians from the government as it had abolished the offices they held. Like the law of connected vessels, less Clinton meant more Van Buren. Looking back on the past decade, Van Buren could measure and savor the extent of his prodigious ascent. He had emerged as the brilliant winner of two important elections; he had helped make New York an artisan of victory in the War of 1812 and displayed his inflexible patriotic fiber all along. He had crossed swords with virulent political enemies, DeWitt Clinton their most imposing figure, and resisted their provocations. He had imposed his imprint on the political activity of Albany. His friend Daniel D. Tompkins who had just been re-elected Monroe’s vice president, had lost his first-rank stature on New York politics after his defeat for the governorship, which gave Van Buren a free hand on the state leadership. Through his extraordinary political talent and high sense of public duty, Van Buren had played a remarkable role in the State Senate where he had quickly and easily established himself as the undisputed leader of the Republicans. More generally, he had strengthened his hold on the state's Republican Party. Before departing for Washington, Van Buren had utilized his long-established network of friends and allies to build what was known as the “Albany Regency,” an informal but powerful political organization which could maintain his influence in the state while he was serving in the nation’s capital. Among its members were some of the most eminent politicians the state could boast, with long established political careers, some already counting among the Bucktails, like William Learned Marcy, a prominent lawyer who would subsequently

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endorse the titles of state comptroller, U. S. Senator, New York governor and U. S. Secretary of State, Azariah Cutting Flagg, editor of the Plattsburgh (N.Y.) Republican, an expert on finance and a relentless Jeffersonian Democrat who would serve as secretary of state and also as state comptroller, Benjamin F. Butler, Van Buren’s lifetime close friend, Silas Wright Jr., also a skilled politician and close personally to Van Buren, a future U. S. Senator and New York governor, John A. Dix, a man of many and diverse accomplishments in public life who would be elected to the U. S. Senate to complete the unexpired term of Silas Wright and Benjamin Knower, a successful hatter in the capital with expertise in business, which was of great help in the organization. All the members showed total trust toward each other. Instead of being driven by the common feelings of competition and rivalry, they assembled their talents to serve the cause with loyalty and exceptional effectiveness. Even opponents such as Thurlow Weed watched the way they operated with admiration, declaring “that he had never known a body of men who possessed so much power and used it so well.” “They were men of great ability,” he wrote in his memoirs, “great industry, indomitable courage, and strict personal integrity.”36 With “lieutenants in every county and captains in every town,” the New York Regency was a tightly disciplined body set up to ensure control of political offices in the state.37 The revised constitution, through which Van Buren had skillfully provided a great deal of patronage to the Bucktails, had laid the ground for the success of the Regency’s control operations. Van Buren could now leave the state with a sense of accomplishment. “I left the service of the State”, he wrote, “for that of the Federal Government with my friends in full and almost unquestioned possession of the State Government in all its branches, at peace with each other and overflowing with kindly feelings toward myself. . . .”38 With immense satisfaction he now sensed that his elaborate network would preserve what it had taken him a full ten years to get: control of the legislature and command of patronage. For more than a generation, the Regency would indeed control the politics of New York and powerfully influence those of the nation. Under its sway, the spoils system would soon become a familiar and acknowledged procedure at all levels of the country’s affairs, whether local, state or national. Even though Van Buren did not originate the practice – it was introduced well before his name came to be known in public life – he managed to exploit it with 36

Shepard, op. cit., p. 112; Cole, op. cit., p. 95. Samuel P. Orth, Politics and People: The Ordeal of Self-Government in America (Cleveland, OH: The Burrows Brothers Company, 1906). Reprint (New York: Arno Press Inc., 1974), p. 129. 38 Martin Van Buren, Autobiography, op. cit., p. 401. Robert V. Remini, “ The Albany Regency, " New York History 39 (1958), p. 33. 37

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an unprecedented level of effectiveness. One of the major reasons for its success was the high level of competence required from its officers. It was not a mere network of close friends arbitrarily rewarded with political gifts. The system was all but corrupt. Simply, it was considered that the prerequisites for parties to operate smoothly were money and jobs. In other words, political, not personal, aspirations underlay the distribution of jobs. As such, Van Buren became the architect of “machine politics,” a political strategy based on adroit communication and meticulous discipline. So cleverly did he manipulate the machine politics and the spoils system that he came to be known as the ‘Little Magician’. As the first statewide organization of the type in New York history, the Albany Regency is often considered to be the prototype of the modern political machine, an instrument designed to make parties win elections. The Regency became, in the words of Donald B. Cole, “a well-organized, smoothly running machine, the pride of its supporters, the envy of its rivals, and the prototype of political machines for the next century.”39 Van Buren had the firm conviction that a solid party is indispensable to conduct the affairs of a country. He had seen the gradual dissolution of old-party formations during the early days of the so-called “era of good feelings,” and abhorred the idea of reproducing the same obsolete models. Contrary to John Adams who wrote that the “division of the republic into two great parties . . . is to be dreaded as the greatest political evil under our Constitution,” or George Washington who in his farewell address advised his fellow-countrymen against “the baneful effects of the spirit of party,” Van Buren proclaimed his political credo unstintingly: the party takes precedence over the individual. That is why out of the muddle of factions and cacophony of opinions, through his genius for party organization he had brought order and harmony in New York. He could leave the state with relief and the deserved satisfaction of having accomplished his mission…at least at the state level. Now the whole nation opened up before him. A new era was ahead.

39

Cole, op. cit., p. 86.

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Chapter 2

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ONTO THE NATIONAL POLITICAL ARENA Martin Van Buren moved to Washington D. C. on November 5, 1821, one month before his first session in the Senate. Despite his spectacular rise in New York, he knew that the transition from state to national responsibilities would demand both renewed energy and extreme caution. He was not the kind of man to rush headlong into things. Blessed with the wisdom of an experienced lawyer and the physical and intellectual vigor of a middle-aged politician, he arrived in the capital full of ambition and the desire to serve his country as well as he had his state. As he put it in his autobiography, he had left his home state “not without hope that [he] might . . . . by good conduct be able to realize similar results in the enlarged sphere of action to which [he] was called.”40 In Washington D. C., he had legitimately acquired a reputation as the man who pulled the strings in Albany and had played a leading role in the capital city in the last ten years. True, he had suffered a few setbacks but he had been resilient and clever enough to cope with adversity and overcome temporary misfortunes. He was by no means regarded as a political tenderfoot among the establishment in the capital. His name was already familiar in the halls of Congress where officials took particular interest in the political developments of New York, one of the most influential states in the nation. Moving to Washington, undeniably a promotion in his career, did not mean he had the least intention of abandoning New York and the Bucktails and the Regency. “The transfer from the State to the Federal Service,” as he later wrote, “has generally been considered as a discharge from responsibility for the management of the affairs of the former, but neither

40

Martin Van Buren, The Autobiography of Martin Van Buren, ed. John C. Fitzpatrick (New York: Augustus M. Kelley Publishers, 1969), p. 401.

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friends nor foes would permit such a result in my case.”41 His heart belonged there and he would never betray his origins. Just as important, he knew that the success of his national scheme, in the Senate and in his future missions, were predicated on the power and influence he could still exert, even vicariously, in his native state. Van Buren took his seat in the United States Senate one month after his arrival in the capital, on December 3. His talents were quickly confirmed and he soon occupied important positions, becoming a member of the judiciary and finance committees, and remaining for many years the chairman of the former. Ever the dandy, Martin Van Buren was faithful to his reputation, not quite an American version of Beau Brummel yet always impeccably dressed in his stylish neatly cut clothes. His flaxen hair started receding a little on top but did not alter his immaculate appearance in any way. His large reddish mutton-chop sideburns now served as his physical trademark and earned him the nickname of the “Red Fox.” Some of his colleagues reported that his figure was turning slightly plump, a mark of middle age for sure, but also the inevitable result of his taste for good wines and food. Martin enjoyed living in comfortable rooms but refused a life of luxury. That was against his nature. Although he had now amassed a good fortune, out of industry and perseverance, certainly not from party money, his tastes remained simple, taking pleasure in reading and going out for walks whenever time and weather permitted. His pleasing nature endeared him with many in the capital, regardless of their political parties. Always charming, cultivating affability, he excelled at socializing, especially with the ladies of Washington whom he delighted with delicate attentions, friendly talks and a great sense of humor. But soon gossips linked the debonair blond widower with stories of flirtations with eligible young women in the capital. Churchill C. Cambreleng, a congressman from New York, spread the rumor that he was about to marry “Mrs. O. L.,” to which Van Buren replied by calling him “a rogue” seeking to put him in a “peck of trouble.” This was also the time of his alleged courtship of the aforementioned Ellen Randolph, Thomas Jefferson’s granddaughter, which aroused a flow of suspicious chitchat, especially the day she asked the Marine band at a ball to play her favorite tune, “The Yellow-haired Laddie.” Van Buren liked to entertain correspondence with female confidantes, “to hear the gossip of the female world . . . for those small concerns [are] among the real comforts of life.” The practice occasionally roused the jealousy of men as was the case with Catherine McLane whose husband, Louis McLane of Delaware, blamed Van Buren for being “morally licentious.” 42 41 42

Ibid., p. 113. Donald B. Cole, Martin Van Buren and the American Political System (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1984), p. 106.

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The freshly elected senator spent his first month in one of Pennsylvania Avenue’s congressional boarding-houses, Strother’s, where he joined some of his New York colleagues but soon moved out to Georgetown, at Peck’s Hotel, a better place offering an opportunity to live in close contact with high-flying politicians, such as his senatorial colleague of New York Rufus King and other prominent college educated congressmen, including a number of “High-Minded Federalists.” Although he did not share all their political views, he enjoyed the company and geniality of these wealthy and prestigious upper class messmates, which got him some criticisms for being drawn toward aristocratic republicans. The truth was, in some way, he was repeating in Washington the method he had honed in New York, that is hobnobbing with aristocrats to propel his political ascendancy. Only this time the sphere of action was national. Another aspect of Van Buren’s friendships worth considering is, for a number of them, their southern affiliations. It is remarkable that the first visit he received in Washington was from John C. Calhoun of South Carolina, the Secretary of War. The young senator was fascinated by the self-assured and amiable Southerner. They spent long hours talking and playing whist together. Then he became friends with Congressman John Randolph of Roanoke, from Virginia, as they shared a common passion for horses and enjoyed riding on the roads about the capital.43 In spite of the alleged flirtations with their wives Catherine and Judith, in fact nothing more than epistolary gossiping, Van Buren also came close to two future important figures, respectively Louis McLane and William Cabell Rives, another Virginian, with whom he shared similar views on important matters like slavery. For two years (1823-1825), Van Buren’s performance in the Senate was subject to the appreciation of Andrew Jackson of Tennessee, the much-admired general so far acclaimed as “the frontier hero” and “Old Hickory” but who would soon occupy a more significant place in the ambitious little senator’s career. Mutual respect, more than real friendship, characterized their relationship at the time, Van Buren judging it “kind and courteous.” For his part, Jackson was an avid listener of Van Buren’s speeches which in his opinion displayed luminous intellect and practical wisdom. The general noticed how explicit the Little Magician was and refuted the charge of ‘non-committalism’ against him : “I had heard a great deal about Mr. Van Buren, especially about his non-committalism. I made up my mind that I would take an early opportunity to hear him and judge for myself. One day . . . His turn came; and he rose and made a clear, straightforward argument, which, to my mind, disposed of the whole 43

“Roanoke” refers to Roanoke Plantation in Charlotte County, Virginia, not to the city of the same name. The phrase “Randolph of Roanoke” has been made popular by John Greenleaf Whittier’s eponymous poem.

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subject. I turned to my colleague, Major Eaton, who sat next to me. ‘Major,’ said I, ‘is there anything non-committal about that?’ ‘No, sir,’ said the major.”44 Yet all of his Senate speeches were not immediately received as unequalled specimens of eloquence. His first appearance at the lectern turned out to be a disastrous experience, even considered by some as “the worst debut performance in the history of the Senate.”45 He had chosen to speak about a land claim in Louisiana, which for the New York newcomer that he was at the time was an ambitious initiative to bear to his credit. But whether or not this budding desire to expand his scope of interest impressed him, it seemed to be beyond his abilities. Unable to control his voice and fluency, he delivered a dull and dry speech which proved atypically unfocused, vague and tangled up in unclear argument. Nervous and confused, he resumed his seat in a state of humiliation which left his –rare– adversaries exulting. Not for long. After a short interlude and a few sighs to recover his equanimity, not resigning himself to the idea of playing the loser, he drew on his resources, overcame his initial awkwardness and spoke for two hours with articulate and communicative elocution. He ultimately won the debate. But the lesson was not lost on the Kinderhooker who measured the limits of his oratorical skills and resolved to focus more on behind the scenes work, a method he had become familiar with and which had proved itself successful during his New York years. That was not all concerning the experience acquired in the Empire State. In fact the New York practice was rich in lessons. Despite his feeling that he had come to national politics insufficiently prepared, Van Buren now had a growing ambition to reorganize, reinvent the political system. Having restored the twoparty system in New York, logic had it that he should embark in the same adventure at the national level. He was well aware that despite the general political apathy of the moment, at least on the surface, calling for a “general resuscitation of the old democratic party” would place him on the side of political opposition and raise successive antagonisms, controversies and virulent attacks. That was the price to pay to achieve his great goal and despite his first year senator status, he was ready to assume his national role and responsibilities. Van Buren’s legendary composure never held him back from showing his disagreements when necessary, as shown with James Monroe, freshly reinstalled for a second term in the White House. His skepticism, to say the least, toward the 44

45

Edward Morse Shepard, Martin Van Buren, (New York: Elibron Classics, 2003) Reprint (Boston & New York: Houghton, Mifflin & Co., 1899), p. 151. First edition by Houghton, Mifflin & Co., 1888. Ted Widmer, Martin Van Buren (New York : Times Books, Henry Holt and Co., 2005), p. 80. Shepard, op. cit., p. 54.

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Chief Executive was shared by more than one. The president’s unanimous reelection in 1820 had been greeted with moderate enthusiasm. His policy of party amalgamation pleased no one on either side of the political chessboard. Constantly seeking compromise or using excessive kindness to mollify his challengers, the president was never really convincing. His conciliatory attitude gave counterproductive results and fanned smoldering tensions. The decline of Federalism that had characterized the early Era of Good Feelings had not been offset by a resurgence of Republican power. But during that period, Republican strength had been maintained in Congress where party structure had remained – sometimes painfully– cohesive enough to let the president exercise his leadership. Monroe now ignored this precious tie with the legislature and his bland, falsely attractive amiable approach to politics found little positive echo. As Rufus King observed, “. . . the measures of Government are without friends in Congress.” 46 Van Buren was convinced that the time had come for change and he based this conviction by reaching into his past experience in New York. The BucktailClintonian conflicts now gave way to the Federalist-Republican opposition. He felt the president’s compromise policies were doomed to failure and weakening the Republican party. Just as he had deplored DeWitt Clinton’s inconsistency, he looked suspiciously at Monroe’s Federalist, or former Federalist, entourage. Also, it was clear that the country was changing fast and its political system had to adjust to these rapid transformations. America’s diversity and consequent complexity required a more adequate form of government taking into account, and thereby seeking to reduce, the growing sectional differences. The Missouri Compromise, for example, had revealed and exacerbated divisions between the North and the South over the issue of slavery – but postponed the resolution for another generation. A scenario Van Buren had already encountered in his state was the Republican party’s split into factions. From one state to another, ambitious figures were emerging and converging to Washington, backed by faithful supporters acting like vassals who pledged to elect their leaders to higher office. By exerting growing influence, these go-getters also multiplied inner tensions and disunited the party. The capital thus seemed to be the focal point of self-interested clans, a situation which Van Buren looked at with dismay and disgust. “Instead of discipline, he encountered laxity,” James C. Curtis observes. “In the place of organization, he found factional chaos. He had abandoned a vigorous, growing city that served as nerve center for an expansive state economy, to enter an isolated community rent by internal dissension.”47 46

James C. Curtis, The Fox at Bay: Martin Van Buren and the Presidency (Lexington, KY: The University Press of Kentucky, 1970), p. 14. 47 Ibid.

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Van Buren’s distrust of the president was aggravated by an early patronage squabble over the nomination of Solomon Van Rensselaer, a former Clintonfriendly Federalist, whom the Bucktails had recently removed from the post of adjutant general of the militia, as postmaster at Albany. Frustrated and infuriated by a patronage decision taken without consulting all the parties involved, including himself, Van Buren decided to launch a counteroffensive by operating his own local network. He asked the Regency to sound the alarm and draft resolutions, in New York’s but also in other states’ legislatures, and force the president to change his mind. The protest message was relayed in the press across the nation to stir up a massive denunciation of the selection. Despite the vigor and publicity of the protest, and though it was not directly aimed at the president himself but rather at the postal department, the young senator’s initiative proved of no avail. Legislatures outside New York, though sympathetic, did not react, cautious enough not to clash with the administration. Van Buren’s unsuccessful effort with Van Rensselaer was balanced by his success in ousting John W. Taylor, a well-known Clintonian, from the post of Speaker of the House. Southerners, who had ranted against Taylor for his anti-slavery position in Missouri, sided with Van Buren to unseat the New Yorker who stayed only five months in the prestigious position before being replaced by Philip B. Barbour of Virginia. President Monroe’s decision, as well as his non partisan approach to governing and the lack of discipline within the Republican party fueled Van Buren’s arguments to organize a new party that would restore the spirit of Jeffersonian Republicanism. The ‘Republican’ label covered different realities at the time as it applied to Monroe’s supporters as well as to his opponents whom Van Buren naturally belonged to. The latter group, including other prominent figures like James Buchanan of Pennsylvania, had demonstrated a fierce opposition to Monroe’s nationalism since the War of 1812. Although they did not form a monolithic entity, they were known as the ‘Radicals’ of the North. They had their counterparts in the South, the so-called “Old Republicans,” who likewise espoused Jefferson’s ideals and abhorred the nationalist doctrine and with whom Van Buren developed friendships in the Senate. Thus he came close to a number of powerful Southerners like Nathaniel Macon of North Carolina, John Taylor of Virginia or John Forsyth and William Crawford of Georgia. To solidify these alliances, Van Buren set out on frequent journeys to the South, which fueled much speculation in Washington as observers tried to determine what were the real motives behind those long escapades into the Southland. Some suspected him of seeking to reactivate the Republican party by restoring Burr and Jefferson’s New York-Virginia axis. Guesswork also connected his trips with his courtship of

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Virginia Governor’s wife, Ellen Randolph. The truth was Van Buren was working hard to establish contacts and expand his network of political partners. And what appeared to some as pleasure trips was in fact a delicate enterprise that required all the finesse and subtle diplomacy of a consummate politician like the master of the Regency. His trips brought him into contact with Thomas Ritchie, a powerful political thinker and editor of the Richmond Enquirer, Virginia’s central Republican newspaper. They got along instantaneously and started a long-lasting friendship. Ritchie had much in common with Van Buren as he headed the ‘Richmond Junto,’ the state’s leading Republican machine as Van Buren did the Regency. The two were similar structures run by similar men whose personal friendship would soon rub off on their political relationship. The two leaders would then use their machines to exchange mutual political information and Van Buren would rely on Ritchie’s influence to draw precious support in the Old Dominion. The New-York-Virginia axis was, as it were, back in motion. But Van Buren’s efforts to weave a vast web of southern alliances also encountered its flow of obstacles. As a Northerner, he was often perceived with distrust and many saw in his Senate position a way to defend the interests of his native state and fortify his own political organization. Hence his gentleness of manner and congeniality did not receive as much sympathy as he probably hoped. The ‘Red Fox’ and ‘Little Magician’ sobriquets had reached Washington and extended further south earning him positive but also negative recognition. His detractors identified him as polite but wily, friendly but obsequious, tactful but duplicitous. Relations were complicated at best as he entered a world torn by endless divisions and ruthless political feuds. His insistence on “discipline” and “order” did not always ring out as convincing watchwords in a region dominated by fiercely independent interests and his hopes to alleviate the tensions between the North and the South found stronger resistance than he had anticipated. But Van Buren never wavered in his course and he was convinced that these southern pilgrimages would necessarily serve his ambitions in the long run. His faith in party building overcame the distrust, apprehension and incomprehension he might have aroused here and there in the region. He argued that parties would help to smooth over sectional differences between the slave-holding South and the free states of the North. More generally, as Samuel P. Orth observes, the populist wave flowing across the nation made the time propitious for change:

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“The aristocracy that had so long controlled the offices of state and nation was on the wane. A great influx of immigration had re-peopled our cities, and filled the valley of the upper Mississippi with a pioneer population. The artisan of the city, the yeoman of the country, the woodsman of the forest, was clamoring for franchise and power. About the year 1820 a reaction set in against the dynasty of Virginia, the family aristocracy of New York, the oligarchy of New England, and the manorial rulers of the south. The franchise restrictions of the old states were swept aside by new constitutions, appointive offices were made elective, qualifications for office were lowered; the spirit of democracy moved over the 48 troubled waters of American politics.”

A number of the policy issues that crystallized in the 1820s gave Van Buren an opportunity to show his allegiance to fundamental principles of the Jeffersonian doctrine: state rights, limited government, and apply them to the important questions in progress in the Washington congressional debates: slavery, internal improvements and their financing, the tariff, the limits of jurisdiction of the Supreme Court, the strict or loose construction of the Constitution. One of the big issues that came into sharp focus during that period was slavery. In March 1822, a bill to organize a new territorial government for Florida included a proviso stating that no slave should be directly or indirectly imported into that territory “except by a citizen removing into it for actual settlement and being at the time a bona-fide owner of such slave.” The introduction of slaves from abroad was already prohibited. Van Buren, along with northern senators like Harrison Gray Otis of Massachusetts and Rufus King, voted the restriction, but they were in a minority. The opposition of southern senators was comforted by some in the North (Rhode Island, New Jersey, Indiana) who refused to arbitrate what they considered a purely southern question. Van Buren’s vote confirmed his utter aversion for the institution and thereby extension of slavery. But for him, and for a number of Northerners, the question of slavery was settled with the passage of the Missouri Compromise. That is why he thereafter refrained from going on an anti-slavery crusade. Furthermore, he had grown up in a slaveholding family and as a young man he himself had owned a slave but Tom, such was his name, had run away in 1814. When he was discovered living in Worcester, Massachusetts, Van Buren agreed to have him captured “without violence” and he sold him to another man for $50. On this particular question of slavery, Van Buren actually found a compromise position, agreeing wholeheartedly with Northerners to 48

Samuel P. Orth, Politics and People: The Ordeal of Self-Government in America (Cleveland, OH: The Burrows Brothers Company, 1906). Reprint (New York: Arno Press Inc., 1974), pp. 131132.

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impede its spread and also pleasing Southerners by supporting the right to slavery in the states where the practice was already in force. This compromise position reflected perfectly the diminutive New Yorker’s desire to preserve southern sympathy in his political choices. But it was not easy to express it in all the great issues he had to take a stand on. One of them concerned the federal financing of internal improvements which appeared to be a contentious point among Republicans. Should the General government provide funds for the building of canals and roads and did it have the authority to do so? Opponents pointed out that nothing in the Constitution gave Congress such power and demanded a strict interpretation of the Constitution. They also argued that it strengthened federal authority in a dangerous way as what was now granted for building roads could be extended to any sort of project, depriving states of their rights. Great projects like the construction of the Erie Canal were in progress, and many others being planned. In 1822 and again in 1823, bills generically referred to as “the Cumberland Road bill” came to the floor during congressional sessions. Unlike Old Republicans such as Nathaniel Macon, Van Buren joined the majority and voted in favor of the bills which provided money to repair the road and appropriated a $9,000 fund for the erection of toll-gates. A few years later, he confessed his vote had been a mistake, “an inconsistency with his principles upon internal improvements.” Although he argued that his vote had been limited to the Cumberland Road which, already constructed, was in desperate need for maintenance, but did not reflect a general position, he realized that it contradicted his support of strict construction of the Constitution, and also alienated him from the southern states to which he had sent out a wrong signal. In January 1824 and again in 1825, he vainly proposed a constitutional amendment to bring the construction of roads and canals to the power of the states involved in order to protect their “sovereignty.” His anti internal improvements position was becoming clearer as he repeatedly voted against the federally supported extension or creation of projects. As someone who cared for the population, in particular people with financial difficulties, Van Buren also reiterated his aversion to imprisonment for debt and participated in lengthy debates to defend the bill in favor of its abolition in cases involving no fraud and being the result of misfortune. Though it was now on the wane as his political activities took up most of his time, his legal career had left an indelible mark on his life, his personality, his way of thinking and his knowledge of society. It had confronted him with terrible family situations and the idea that people could be locked up because they could not pay their taxes or debts was simply intolerable.

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The tumultuous debates on tariff that marked the session of 1824 saw Van Buren adopt a protective stance, though in moderate and varying terms. As Edward M. Shepard observes, it is “difficult to understand the significance of all of Van Buren’s votes” on this question. He had shown his disagreement on the protective duties granted to New England manufacturers during previous administrations. Now he seemed to defend the tariff on wool and flax to help New York’s farmers, and protect the cultivation of hemp and the production of articles manufactured from the plant fiber, also to satisfy New Yorkers and other northern producers. In fact Van Buren did not deliver a general speech on the question but discussed the details in the committee rooms. In general terms, he opted for a lowkey middle-of-the-road position never favoring a high tariff policy. This posture probably reflected his lack of experience and unripe judgment on national affairs at this point. It also avoided unwanted hostilities on a matter that he did not deem of prime importance. Again, if he seemed to please Northerners, he also sought to ingratiate himself with Southerners by supporting some of the amendments that lowered the tariff in other areas, notably Nathaniel Macon’s proposal to remove the tariff on cotton bagging. Van Buren’s views on the Supreme Court were much clearer as they gave him an opportunity to articulate his defense of state rights. In March 1823, Secretary of the Navy Smith Thompson proposed to have the young senator appointed to the Court. Van Buren acquiesced provided that President Monroe proceed to the nomination at the earliest opportunity. As the procedure dragged on, he eventually declined the offer and bitterly complained about Monroe’s unreliability and “habitual indecision and intercourse with court parasites.”49 As chairman of the Senate Judiciary Committee, Van Buren was an outspoken critic of the nationalist Supreme Court whose size and power he deemed excessive and brought forth a number of measures for the improvement of judicial procedure. He was particularly critical of the Court’s practice of judicial review, whose foundation was laid by Federal law in 1803 (Marbury v. Madison). In it, the Supreme Court established its power to interpret the U.S. Constitution and determine the constitutionality of laws passed by Congress and the state legislatures. Van Buren sided with Southerners in pushing several bills to limit the Court’s jurisdiction over state legislation after a number of decisions made by the state courts and legislatures had been quashed by the federal Court under the alleged justification that they impaired “the obligation of contracts.” In particular Van Buren backed one of the measures brought forward by Richard Mentor Johnson, a Kentucky senator, proposing an amendment to the Constitution for 49

Curtis, op. cit., p. 20; Shepard, op. cit., p. 118.

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states to exercise a right of appeal each time they would be involved in Supreme Court cases. Though it did not pass, the opportunity had been too good for Van Buren to show his concurrence of views with Southerners. In early 1824, New Yorkers added their voice to the southern anti Supreme Court chorus after the federal judges, under the rigorous authority of Chief Justice John Marshall (the longest-serving Chief Justice in Supreme Court history, 18011835), had overruled a state decision granting a monopoly on steamship travel in New York state to a group of investors, including Robert Fulton, the inventor of the steamship Clermont. The Court invoked the federal commerce clause of the Constitution that allowed the federal government to regulate interstate commerce and in the specific case to break the monopoly and give access to the waterways of New York to any external steamship trader needing them for their business. After the famous Marbury v. Madison decision, the present Gibbons v. Ogden was one of the most important cases of the Marshall Court. On March 11 of that year, Van Buren recommended a corrective measure to check such judicial interferences. He reported a bill from the Judiciary Committee requiring that no state law should be declared invalid, that is unconstitutional, without a minimum vote of five of the seven justices of the Court. Though the bill was rejected, it undeniably placed Van Buren as one of the great advocates of state rights against the forceful arbitration of the Supreme Court. Van Buren probably remembered the words of a famous Southerner, President Jefferson himself, who had declared ironically about the supremacy of Marshall’s Court: “The Constitution is a mere thing of wax in the hands of the judiciary, which they may twist and shape into any form they please.” Less ironically, but quite as scathingly, he said: “It is a very dangerous doctrine to consider the judges as the ultimate arbiters of all constitutional questions. It is one which would place us under the despotism of an oligarchy.”50 In May, Van Buren travelled to Virginia to meet with his political mentor, the main artisan of the Declaration of Independence, the Sage of Monticello. The stately stature of Thomas Jefferson, still alert despite his old age, eighty-one years old, made a strong impression on the New Yorker who stayed with his “master” for several days. Van Buren, who did not lose a word of the former president’s conversation, listened with admiration and thrill to the great man’s judicious remarks. Yet Jefferson’s wish to see the judicial tenure reduced to short term appointments, as he expressed it during that visit, did not seem to have been a convincing enough argument for the senator. Later Van Buren will indeed require 50

William J. Ridings, Jr., and Stuart B. McIver, Rating the Presidents (New York: Citadel Press, 2000), p. 21.

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an amendment to have Judges follow the models of their counterparts in the executive and legislative branches, proposing to make their office elective rather than appointive.

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“The experience of ages proves that with few exceptions too few to impair the rule, men cannot be held to the performance of delegated political trust without a continued and practical responsibility to those for whose benefit it is conferred . . . . Irresponsible power of itself excites distrust, and sooner or later causes, on the part of its possessor, an impatience of popular control and, in the sequel, a desire to counteract popular will. The only effectual and safe remedy will be to amend the constitution so as to make the office elective, and thus compel the Judges, like the incumbents of the Executive and Legislative departments, to come before the people at stated and reasonable periods for a 51 renewal of their commissions.”

Two years later, in 1826, again in his quality as Chairman of the Judiciary Committee, Van Buren participated in the debate over a bill to enlarge the Court by three members. He declared that there was absolutely no reason why the Judges should not be present in the circuit courts of appeals. Such presence would enlarge their visibility and ensure their competence for the function. Isolated in Washington, they remained unaccountable before the people, an intolerable situation in a so-called democracy. Van Buren recommended a radical and comprehensive reorganization of the judiciary that would eliminate the current overwhelming authority of the federal Court and redistribute powers to the state courts. As he had already argued at the Constitutional Convention in New York, judges are only humans with the same human weaknesses and vulnerabilities, “passions, prejudices and ignorance,” as any other citizen. For that reason, they should not be comfortably ensconced in the capital, shielded from popular appreciation and criticism and enjoying illegitimate impunity. He saw the sentiment of “idolatry” that seemed to grow up around the Supreme Court, particularly pervasive among the press of the country, as a great danger of centralized jurisdiction. The integrity and great competence of Marshall and his justices raised no doubt in his mind but what he denounced was the flaws and abuses of the all-powerful system they incarnated: “[But] to the sentiment which claims for the judges so great a share of exemption from the feelings that govern

51

Autobiography, op. cit., pp. 184-185. See also Max M. Mintz, “The Political Ideas of Martin Van Buren,” New York History 30 (October, 1949), p. 437.

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the conduct of other men, and for the court the character of being the safest depository of political power, I do not subscribe.”52 As the Monroe’s second term was drawing to an end with the year 1824, the presidential campaign was soon up and running and the November election loomed large on the political horizon, feeding vigorous debates and conversations and fueling competitive ambitions. It seemed a propitious time for Van Buren to show his capacity to mobilize his troops and develop his Jeffersonian ideals. But the period will not remain in memories and history books as the most exciting and well-advised part of his political career. The populist drive was on the march, particularly in the Empire state where the so-called People’s Party, a new political force which the Clintonians soon joined, proved efficient enough to curtail the Regency’s hold on the affairs of the state. They protested against the state legislature’s power to choose presidential electors. One of their eminent representatives, Thomas Hart Benton, proposed instead that the president be elected by a direct popular vote. Van Buren opposed such a plan because in his opinion it deprived the states of most of their influence. In March, he advocated a constitutional amendment to reform the election system in the interest of the states. To ward off Benton’s suggestion, Van Buren opted for the intervention of an electoral college selected from as many districts as the country numbered in order to represent the electorate of all the states. In other words, electors would be chosen by the people in each state rather than by the legislatures as was presently the case. Should there be no majority at the first scrutiny, then the electors would be reconvened and would select one among the top two candidates, instead of leaving this choice to the House of Representatives. Van Buren justified his opposition to the latter option as being prejudicial to the larger states. Each state had indeed only one vote regardless of its size. Unfortunately, having not heard the clamor for a popular choice, his plans received little echo and considerably hurt the Regency’s power in New York. This unfortunate miscalculation also shattered his hopes of seeing his favorite candidate in the best position to win the election. James Monroe’s policy of amalgamation had been counterproductive since no consensual candidate had emerged from the multitudinous Republican factions and sections. Traditionally members of the party in Congress had nominated their candidate but with divisions within the Republican party, a number of state legislatures made that choice. As a result, the presidential race staged an unusual number of powerful aspirants. Pennsylvania and Tennessee nominated war hero Andrew Jackson. South Carolina nominated Secretary of War John C. Calhoun of South Carolina. 52

Shepard, op. cit., p. 84, p. 136.

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Kentucky chose House Speaker Henry Clay, the Great Compromiser and Massachusetts opted for John Quincy Adams, the successful Secretary of State and former president’s son. Van Buren endorsed neither of them and after some hesitation turned instead to Treasury Secretary William Harris Crawford of Georgia. The candidate, a Virginian by birth, seemed to be the most capable of implementing Van Buren’s Jeffersonian principles. Although it had not always been the case, he was now a staunch defender of states rights and strict construction. As such, a number of Old Republicans including Nathaniel Macon and Mordecai Noah, the famous newspaper editor and Jewish American writer, also threw their support behind him. Van Buren saw Crawford as the only candidate able to win the South and embody the coalition of Northerners and Southerners he was working on to unite the party. Crawford appeared in his eyes as a genuine “democrat,” a word whose meaning was becoming political as well as ideological, one he would later use to justify his choice. Unfortunately, Crawford’s nomination was challenged by an unexpected setback in the campaign which momentarily forced Van Buren to reconsider his initial support. Indeed the Georgian candidate suddenly suffered a paralyzing stroke that considerably weakened his chances. He was unable to speak or see for a few weeks. As he gradually regained his speech and sight, though never completely, he decided to stay in the race. Despite blandishments from other candidates to see him rally their camps, Van Buren stuck to the stricken giant. Crawford was unquestionably the candidate he needed to create his party. He was a gifted politician and a statesman of great skill and experience. In 1811, he had been elected president pro tempore. Could it be a happy omen?53 Loyal to the republican tradition, Van Buren insisted upon calling a congressional caucus to appoint the official candidate of the party, a necessary step to ensure order and discipline in the party, even though those latter words seemed to have lost their true meaning. Van Buren, as well as most other Crawford supporters, were convinced their candidate would win. But the attacks on the caucus multiplied and challenged its legitimacy. Van Buren himself was accused of elitism as the leader of the “caucus party,” of being out of tune with the ‘people’, especially as regards to their right to nominate their candidates. On February 14, 1824, the caucus was eventually convened for the selection of the official republican candidate. Van Buren hoped that party habit would have the last word and that even opponents to the practice would assent to participate in the debates and ensuing vote. But the reality proved quite different. A warning 53

When Vice President George Clinton died in office on April 12, 1812, Crawford, as president pro tempore, became the Acting Vice President, a position he held until March 4, 1813.

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sign was sent by John Calhoun who, ignoring their friendship, expressed his overt opposition to the caucus and denounced Van Buren’s extremism on states rights. Significantly, of the 261 members of Congress, only 66 attended, most of whom were from New York, North Carolina, Virginia and Georgia. Crawford received 64 votes for president and Albert Gallatin 57 for vice-president. The results did not make much sense as the victory barely masked the negative message sent by an overwhelming absentee majority. Far from yielding to adversity, Van Buren ignored the poor attendance at the caucus and wrote to the Regency stating the selection method was a necessary ritual to bring coherence within the party and put an end to the old party division. It strengthened his North-South alliance scheme, tightened the bond between the Regency and the Junto and highlighted the prevailing role played by himself and Thomas Ritchie in two important states. Meanwhile, John Calhoun had withdrawn from the race. Van Buren remained optimistic. His plans were fruitful and the machine on its way to success. Or so he thought. Back in his home state, where state support for a caucus nomination had failed, his optimism backfired. In April, Van Buren’s followers made an enormous strategic gaffe. To counter the rapprochement of the People’s Party and the unpopular Clintonians, which they thought might compromise Crawford’s success in the state, they offered a resolution removing DeWitt Clinton from the Canal Board. Fearing unpopularity, the People’s Party did not oppose the proposal and to its initiators’ great satisfaction, the vote was almost unanimous. The Regency now hoped that Clintonians and their reform impulse were definitively eliminated from the political stage. Though the maneuver seemed to have worked to perfection, one key factor had been overlooked: public reaction. Clinton, who had left his governor’s seat to Joseph C. Yates the year before and whose political life seemed to have been on the wane since, still kept a high degree of sympathy among New Yorkers as “the Father of the Erie Canal.” The news of his removal immediately triggered a storm of criticism from Buffalo to Albany. It was perceived as an outrageous trick against the honorable man who all of a sudden enjoyed renewed popular esteem. Although Van Buren was not behind the stupid blunder, his name was so intimately attached to its perpetrators that it indirectly reflected on him too. He was derided in the Daily Advertiser, a former Federalist paper, as “Martin the Pope!” The consequences then became highly predictable. Clinton regained confidence and recovered political influence. He soon restored his collaboration with the People’s Party and accepted their nomination for the governorship. When in November Van Buren arrived in Albany for the ballot, the magic seemed to have deserted him and he was booed by a boisterous crowd of Clinton supporters shouting “Regency! Regency!” Clinton was triumphantly

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elected to the governor’s seat. Again. “There is such a thing in politics,” Van Buren grumbled, “as killing a man too dead!”54 Only two of the eight new senators belonged to the Regency and in the lower house, three quarters of the seats were now occupied by opponents. “The Democrats,” Shepard writes, “were punished at the polls for the wanton attack on Clinton and for their unprincipled treatment of the electoral bill.”55 In mid November, the New York legislature met to select the state presidential electors. Although the task still fell to the lame duck legislature, Van Buren and his men did not fare much better. They paid the price for their overconfidence and were outwitted by Adams and Clay. Out of the thirty-six electoral votes, Crawford received only five. Jackson, who could not hope for more in the Empire State, had one; Clay, four; and Adams twenty-six. In the following month, depressed and disillusioned, Van Buren returned to the Capital for the national vote. He was in such a state of agony that he wondered about his own political sense and the validity of his choices and strategies. In his Autobiography, he made that eloquent observation about his feeling at the moment, “I left Albany for Washington as completely broken down a politician as my bitterest enemies could desire.”56 Did Crawford still have a chance? Effervescence was now mounting in Washington where electoral calculation dramatized the final days of the national campaign. Each candidate was putting their last cards on the table to enhance their chances. Rumors of opportunistic rapprochements were in the air. There were great hopes but also great fears. If Adams won, Thurlow Weed would take hold of New York. If Jackson won, Clinton would comfort his position in New York. And if Crawford lost, Van Buren speculated, then Clinton might walk up the steps to the White House in 1828! The race was so tight that the electoral vote ballot remained inconclusive. The confusion was total as, in accordance with the popular vote, none of the candidates held a majority. Andrew Jackson scored best but not enough to win as he received 99 votes, John Quincy Adams 84 and William Crawford 41. With 37 votes, Henry Clay finished fourth and was forced to quit the race. Only John Calhoun, who had soon realized his chances to become president were very slim and consequently maneuvered for the vice presidency, received 182 votes and pulled off a clever victory. For the others, the presidential stalemate threw the election into the House of Representatives. Thirteen states were necessary to win. Adams, who was about certain to get nine, seemed definitely the best in line but 54

Autobiography, op. cit., p. 144. Shepard, op. cit., p. 113. 56 Autobiography, op. cit., p. 149. 55

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still had to find an additional four. Jackson could count on seven, Crawford on four and Clay, who had secured three potential votes, could pull the strings for one or the other. Adams had supported Henry Clay’s American System and nursed great hopes in return. Predictably, after a great deal of behind-closed-doors maneuvering, Clay soon announced that he was backing Adams. Although the two men held one another in contempt, the peppery New Englander versus the hard-drinking Westerner, their awkward alliance delivered a crucial blow to rivals and added uncharacteristic anger to Van Buren’s misery. With twelve states, the New Englander still needed one more vote to obtain the majority and unfortunately not the least notorious! The election would indeed revolve around the most coveted and undetermined of all states: New York. Van Buren struggled to get the New York delegation out of Adams’s reach. He counted on one crucial vote in particular, Stephen Van Rensselaer’s, to prevent the much-feared outcome and force the election to another ballot. Then there would still be some time to pressure and negotiate with the delegates. After initially promising he would not vote for Adams, ‘the last of the patroons’ was approached by Adams’s forces, Henry Clay and Daniel Webster, who spent precious little time in his company. If they did not immediately have him change his mind, they did manage to throw him into confusion. The tactic paid off as, overcome by torment and agitation, he eventually cast his vote, a decisive one, for Adams. With the minimum majority of thirteen states – Jackson and Crawford received seven and four, respectively – John Quincy Adams, the erudite and puritanical New Englander, emerged victorious from the cut-throat battle even though he had received less than one-third of the popular vote and Jackson had polled more votes than any other candidate. That is not the least of the paradoxes of American presidential elections, one that will be repeated several times throughout the American history. And to the present day, the 1824 election remains one of the most hotly contested races the United States has ever known. Though it was said by some observers that the forty-one electoral votes received by the ailing Crawford served as a fine example of the Little Magician’s political skill, another story had it, later on, that Van Buren never really expected him to win the presidency. More the Red Fox than the Magician, he was suspected of having schemed to keep the New York delegation divided on the first vote in order to throw Crawford’s votes for Adams on the next ballot, and emerge as the artisan of his victory. Then he would have enjoyed the glory of the winners and been in a strong position to expect subsequent political rewards. This is hard to believe given his relentless opposition to Adams throughout the campaign. Rather, his plan was to get a second ballot with the hope that the House would then swing in favor of Crawford.

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Yet this time, certainly for the first time in his political life, Van Buren had failed enormously, to say the least. The Magician had bungled all of his tricks. His legendary shrewdness and common sense had deserted him. Crawford was definitely a second fiddle, a wrong choice, and obviously a paradoxical one. His record, honorable as it was, rested in Congress, and thus represented the very system that Van Buren was precisely trying to reform. Crawford was a product of the Washington political machine, a thousand miles away from the preoccupations of the people, as expressed by state leaders. Sticking with him after his stroke reflected more obstinacy than clear-sightedness. Van Buren vehemently opposed the electoral reform in New York to preserve Crawford’s presidential chances. In vain. He alienated himself from a growing number of Republicans who did not share his blind enthusiasm for the Georgian candidate whose victory in the congressional caucus proved fallacious and discredited him even more. With his indomitable determination to reform the Republican party, Van Buren actually weakened the Regency’s control on the Empire State. He failed to convince New Yorkers of the legitimacy of a southern candidacy. Few were those who espoused the cause of a New York-Virginia axis. By refusing to compromise with the Adams or Jackson forces when it became inevitable that one of the two would win, he only made things worse for himself as there was no other outcome than defeat and the personal humiliation that accompanies it. According to one of Adams’s supporters, Van Buren was so discomfited that he looked like “a wilted cabbage.” The strife-ridden campaign had definitely put an end to the Era of Good Feelings. The wounds would be hard to heal. The election had been a battleground of great personalities, more than of principles and topical issues. The hostilities and ill feelings it revealed left little space for future compromise. The hope initially expressed by some of these personalities, whether John Adams himself, DeWitt Clinton or even Andrew Jackson, that party distinctions should be eliminated and, “the republic dwell together in a union of sentiment as well as in a union of states, was”, as Orth observes, “a vision seen only by dreamers, and possibly only in an undiscovered Utopia.”57 On March 4, 1825, the presidency of John Quincy Adams started without the usual euphoria and jubilation that come with victory days. Few campaigns had been so negative in the past and left so much rancor. Van Buren had received a severe blow and his name had lost its appeal. He had come to Washington three years before with great hope and the ambition to reproduce on the national stage the political machine he had engineered in his native state. But as he played down 57

Orth, op. cit., p. 131.

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the difficulties, overconfidence led him astray. Now was the time to repair his tattered credibility and reconsider his modus operandi. Bitter and humiliating as the defeat was, both in his home state and in the union, it did not take long before the saddened loser recovered his usual drive and energy. From the ashes of defeat, there always emerge pieces intact. Van Buren’s enemies, jubilant and revengeful, also revealed themselves ignorant or forgetful of the Kinderhooker’s resilience and recuperative power. First, Van Buren decided, he had to re-conquer New York state. He knew that his national goals would never be reached without consolidating his political foundations ‘at home’. DeWitt Clinton’s powerful hold over the state kept the Regency at bay so that for Van Buren, the governor became the number one problem to settle. First, he instructed his lieutenants to get down to the preparation of the fall legislative elections. The network immediately went into action and thanks to meticulous work throughout the state, the Bucktails regained control of the legislature in November 1825. Although he did not want to repeat past errors but move forward gradually, Van Buren felt it was a propitious time to deal with Clinton. The former presidential candidate was currently walking on air. His lifelong Erie Canal enterprise was just completed and he triumphantly opened it by sailing along into Buffalo on board the packet boat Seneca Chief. In New York City, his symbolical “Wedding of the Waters” celebrated the junction of rivers from east to west. The canal illustrated the Empire State’s extraordinary economic growth. With its population exceeding a million, the highest demographic figure in the nation, New York also enjoyed the wealthiest state status. Meanwhile Clinton had garnered, and continued to garner, the political benefits of this tremendous success. Solving the Clinton problem meant eliminating the problem. For that, a rapprochement proved necessary. Van Buren, who feared that Clinton might opportunistically rally the national administration, was relieved when the governor turned down Adams’s offer to become minister to England. In fact, the two New Yorkers shared a barely veiled antipathy for the president, a common stand which constituted a first step towards reconciliation. Still, Van Buren remained wary and wondered if Clinton’s refusal of the post was not an early sign of his presidential aspirations for 1828. In reality, few prominent men stood out as viable contenders for the next race to the White House. Adams, the most unpopular president since the creation of the Republic, would unlikely be reelected. Crawford had lost credibility in 1824 and, for the moment, Vice President John Calhoun limited his ambition to performing his duties as the presiding officer of the Senate. Clay, because he was suspected of having negotiated his vote for Adams in return for his appointment as Secretary of State, had

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compromised his chances. The latter episode would remain known in history as the famous ‘corrupt bargain’. John Randolph quoted Tom Jones to denounce the alleged political deal as “a coalition of Blifil and Black George – a combination, unheard of until now, of the Puritan and the blackleg.”58 Jackson’s supporters disseminated the charge extensively in the four years that followed the 1824 election and used it to assert that their favorite had been deprived of victory by a sordid ploy. Old Hickory, deeply affected and frustrated by his ‘defeat,’ needed some respite from the political hullabaloo and at this point did not voice his intentions. Amazingly, the first move towards reconciliation between Van Buren and Clinton can be credited to the governor through an impromptu initiative from his wife and her brother James Jones. Van Buren had fortuitously met the two persons on board the little steamer that took him back from New York to Washington after the debacle in his state and just before the catastrophe in the national ballot. Sitting at the breakfast table, Jones had been sympathetic enough to cheer up a downhearted Van Buren. “Now is the time,” he said, “admirably fitted for a settlement of all difficulties between Mr. Clinton and yourself.” Van Buren had replied that for now his “fortunes were at too low a web to be made the subject of a compromise” but when they improved he would remember that “generous offer.”59 He did. The détente with Clinton appeared in late 1826 when Clintonians and the Bucktails cooperated to have their men elected or appointed at key Cabinet and Senate posts. Naturally the marriage of convenience attracted a lot of attention and opponents were quick to react. Among a flurry of criticisms, the most scathing was expressed by author Jabez D. Hammond, a supporter of Adams, who referred to the singular alliance as ‘backstairs intercourse’. Van Buren could not care less. The Little Magician was back. Despite a temporary division within the Regency ranks during the governorship campaign, which Clinton concluded with a narrow victory over William B. Rochester, Van Buren’s strategy was taking shape. Without the Clinton obstacle, his political base in New York was solidified with the Regency humming at full speed again. Careful but ambitious, Van Buren had no time to waste. The next urgent step was to secure his re-election in the U. S. Senate. Despite some fears about unreliable allies and to the great displeasure of his enemies, he was easily reelected by the legislature of New York on February 6, 1827, and kept his seat in the Upper House. As a number of Clinton’s men voted for him, he was again 58

Albert Bushnell Hart, Epochs of American History, Volume II, Formation of the Union 1750-1829 (New York: Longman, Green & Co., 1897, eighth edition), p. 134. 59 Autobiography, op. cit., p. 149.

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suspected of having struck a deal with the governor. Van Buren would have helped elect Clinton to the governorship and in return Clinton would have instructed his men to vote for Little Van in the Senate. Despite the controversy, there is no evidence that such a political plot actually took place. The reconciliation between the two men seemed too fresh and tenuous for Van Buren to take such a risk. Lessons from the recent past had taught him to refrain from sticking his head in the lion’s mouth. His rapprochement with Clinton served other purposes. The governor was indeed one of the leading New Yorkers behind General Jackson whom Van Buren now started to coax as an essential piece of the grand mission he had assigned himself: the reconstruction of a new party deeply anchored in the Jeffersonian ideals of state rights and anti-Federalism, and coherent, united and disciplined enough to persist in time. In that perspective, the 1824 election did not only have negative effects. In fact Van Buren’s monumental task was greatly facilitated by the new president himself. Adams’s program was so nationalistic that it appeared for many as a resurgence of Federalist principles, so much so that it served as a wake up call within the republican ranks. Previously separate factions now re-united to form a strong anti-Adams bloc. In addition to Van Buren himself, a number of congressmen began to have strong words for the president: Vice President Calhoun’s men like Robert Hayne and James Hamilton, Jr. of South Carolina, Andrew Jackson’s supporters John Eaton and Thomas Hart Benton and even former Crawford’s allies Louis McLane and Nathaniel Macon. After remaining extremely cautious in the aftermath of the 1824 disaster, Van Buren soon decided to change his strategy and become more openly critical of Adams’s course of action. He denounced the president’s patronage choices that included former Federalists along with Republicans. For him, the selection was emblematic of the revival of Monroe’s amalgamation policy and he complained that the president did not seem to care whether his support came “from Jew or Gentile.” Van Buren equated his latitudinarian interpretation of the Constitution to those of Alexander Hamilton. In his first annual Message, the president set forth his imposing plan for national development: expansion of internal improvements, maintenance of a high protective tariff, federal backing of national education and creation of a national university, construction of astronomical observatories, “light houses to the skies” as he described them, federal funding of scientific explorations, creation of a new Department of the Interior, and support of a strong central bank. In their boldness and magnitude, the economic issues that he developed seemed so close to Clay’s American System, that, in Van Buren’s words, “not one of the followers of the old Republican faith – no intelligent friend of the reserved rights of the states could fail to see in them the most ultra

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latitudinarian doctrines.”60 The New Yorker and the other anti-Adams forces formed a strong states’ rights coalition in the halls of Congress and voiced their opposition to just about every move the president made. They lashed at the administration’s blind and systematic economic nationalism. Doing otherwise, Adams countered, “would be treachery to the most sacred of trusts.” Almost defiantly, he claimed that government officers “should not be palsied by the will of our constituents.” He certainly could not have better alienated himself from the people’s support. To crown it all, the self-righteous president’s inflammatory statements were perceived by Republicans as outright provocation against the whole nation as he extolled the virtues “of the nations of Europe and of their rulers.”61 One major point of contention came with the sending of a diplomatic mission to the Panama Congress, an assembly of pan-American nations to discuss hemispheric issues. The motives for opposition varied. For the little New York senator, participating in such a confederation would challenge the American tradition of isolationism. It was “contrary to the scope and spirit of the Constitution and at variance with one of the most prominent recommendations of the Father of [the] Country in regard to our foreign policy.”62 For others like Senator Hayne, the issue of abolishing the slave trade would pit the U. S. delegation into an embarrassing position. Van Buren tried to pass a strategic motion seeking to ruin Adams’s hopes of sending ministers to the Panama Congress. In vain. Yet the aborted attempt did not so much weaken Van Buren’s plan as reinforce the growing opposition against Adams that was being carefully organized. A number of other presidential initiatives were thwarted and nominations defeated. To the little Magician’s delight, the long legislative debates at hand allowed to garner a great deal of political benefits. First, despite the president’s denial, they helped consolidate the prevailing opinion that the administration was under ‘Federalist’ control. The strength of the opposition also tightened the links between Northerners and Southerners, which encouraged Van Buren to work for the reconstruction of the New York-Virginia alliance that had broken up with the disastrous 1824 campaign. Even more significantly, the converging forces offered a new political landscape that set the stage for Van Buren’s ambitious plans.

60

Autobiography, op. cit., p. 195. George B. Tindall and David E. Shi, America: A Narrative History (New York: Norton & Co., 2000), p. 314. 62 Autobiography, op. cit., p. 199. 61

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Although his political power was not yet clearly established, one consensual man seemed to stand out as capable of embodying the opposition front: Andrew Jackson. With the vast popular appeal his wartime heroism still exerted, Old Hickory could cast his net wide and receive support from initially disparate or even antagonistic populist factions. Little prone to the burden of public scrutiny, yet Jackson saw himself as the voice of the people. He found it hard to come to terms with the alleged ‘corrupt bargain’ which had denied him the success he had won in the popular ballot. “The people have been cheated,” he kept repeating.63 Behind the scenes, Van Buren soon understood that the Tennessean hero’s anger could exacerbate the spirit of revolt against Adams and crystallize the strong democratic currents underway. Blessed with extraordinary political sense, the Little Magician discerned the vast electoral potential that the brave veteran, a rising star, could generate and the benefits that could be drawn from working in close association. With great determination, Van Buren threw his support behind Jackson with the secret hope that the hero would help spur and expand his embryonic national party. In December 1826, Van Buren began to plan for the election of Jackson. Following a procedure he had honed during his New York years, he set out forging a network of strategic alliances and friendships. During the Christmas holidays, he spent some time at the residence of Mr. and Mrs. Fitzhugh in Ravenswood, Virginia, where he discussed the matter with John C. Calhoun, the vice president who gradually distanced himself from Adams to embrace the Tennessean cause. During that delightful visit, which Van Buren afterwards remembered as “a green spot in the pilgrimage of life,” they both agreed to unite “heart and hand to promote the election of General Jackson.”64 In May of that year, Van Buren had already approached Calhoun to establish a new partisan newspaper in Washington. The United States Telegraph, a recent paper launched by Missouri editor Duff Green, then became the voice of the opposition in the capital. When the Senate steered its printing away from the National Intelligencer, edited by Joseph Gales and William W. Seaton, former Crawford supporters recently converted to Adams, towards the Telegraph, there was no doubt about who was behind such a coup. Back in New York in summer, the little Kinderhooker vacationed at Saratoga Springs where he continued his partybuilding undertaking. The place was ideal to combine the seriousness of political activism and the joys of entertainment. As Van Buren lavishly greeted guests from all parts of the country, Charles Francis Adams, the president’s nineteen63

Despite the widespread suspicion, there has never been evidence that Adams entered into any such bargain with Clay. 64 Autobiography, op. cit., p. 514.

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year-old straitlaced son, described the place as the den of worldly pleasures, with “riding, singing, drinking, dancing . . . the constant order of the day and night.”65 Probably more hurtful, most guests were political opponents of his father. Van Buren relished the happiness of the moment, an opportunity he could not miss to bring together the followers of Calhoun, Crawford, and Jackson, including the latter’s strongest supporter in New York, DeWitt Clinton. He relentlessly pursued his alliance building work seizing each and every opportunity to pick up new members and complement his vast nationwide list of friendships. In addition to Calhoun and Ritchie, he attracted such powerful names as James Buchanan of Pennsylvania, Amos Kendall of Kentucky, Thomas Hart Benton of Missouri and naturally Jackson men of Tennessee. They formed a vast political entity which, although not yet utterly monolithic, was revolted enough to assemble its opposition forces and although broad-based, cohesive enough to mature into an effective national party. It must be conceded, however, that Van Buren’s support of Jackson had not been immediate after the 1824 debacle. His skepticism over Jackson’s political orthodoxy dated back to the Era of Good Feelings when the general had written a letter to James Monroe in which he shared the president’s abhorrence of party distinctions and antagonisms and praised his quest for conciliation. The letter, dated October 23, 1816, emphasized the need for appointments to be made on merit alone since there was no longer much difference between Federalists and Republicans. In addition, Senator Jackson’s consistent votes in favor of internal improvements and tariff protection had aroused suspicion among many Republicans, resolute advocates of states rights. One of them, Judge William Smith, of South Carolina, met Van Buren in Boston to express his concern about the general’s adherence to republican principles. However, almost a decade after the disturbing letter, the Dutchman realized that the wind had turned and the Old Hero’s vigorous opposition to Adams overcame the remaining doubts about his party obedience. And there really was no other reliable candidate for 1828. The judge felt reassured by the Dutchman’s confident answer. Faithful to what could be called his ‘innate’ pragmatism, Van Buren explained that they “might be able to compete successfully with the power and patronage of the Administration,” in other words defeat Adams, “by adding the General’s personal popularity to the strength of the old Republican party.” He added that his “next candidate would be Jackson” and that he had “abundant evidence” that the general was “well grounded in the principles of our party.”66 65 66

Cole, op. cit., p. 149. Autobiography, op. cit., p. 198.

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Van Buren spent part of his Christmas 1826 holiday drafting a long letter to Thomas Ritchie in which he developed his reasons for backing Jackson’s candidacy, set forth the main points of his own political philosophy and confirmed his faith in the Jackson alliance. Probably one of the most important documents he had ever written, the letter, dispatched on January 13, 1827, remains a classic of American political theory. He reaffirmed his apology of the old two-party system claiming that party distinctions clarified the political divide between Federalists and Republicans and that “the old ones are the best of which the . . . case admits.” Substituting “party principles for personal preferences,” he called for a fullblown commitment to party loyalty, hoping to force the Jackson alliance into the Jeffersonian theories of state rights and government simplicity. The nation would remain united by preserving the interests of the states and the individuals. He even pointed out the prophetic vision that in case parties should fail, “geographical divisions founded on local interests or what is worse prejudices between the free and slave holding states will inevitably take their place.” To be strong, the coalition he was building should be balanced enough to preserve the role of sectional blocs and local sensitivities, and to commit its members to the common republican cause against their common federalist enemy. Insisting on the urgency of such a coalition, he pressed his friend Ritchie to help him revive the old fundamental alliance. “Political combinations between the inhabitants of the different states are unavoidable,” he said, “and the most natural and beneficial to the country is that between the planters of the South and the plain Republicans of the North.” Van Buren defended the legitimacy of political combinations to prevent sectional tension over the question of slavery. Having dissipated his former doubts over Jackson, Van Buren did not overlook the possible difficulties that the general’s nomination might pose. His popularity as a war hero and brave patriot should not be the only cause of his election. It should necessarily be combined with “the portion of the old party yet remaining.” Van Buren added: “His election as the result of his military service without reference to party, and so far as he alone, is concerned scarcely to principle, would be one thing. His election as the result of a combined and concerted effort of a political party, holding in the main, to certain tenets and opposed to certain prevailing principles, might be another and far different thing.”

The letter, that invited its reader to endorse Jackson’s candidacy, called on Ritchie to help Van Buren re-organize the Old Republican party. It clearly emphasized the primacy of principles over that of personality. It did strike a responsive chord and a few weeks later, Thomas Ritchie had gone over to

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Jackson. A new entity was sealing the union of Jackson, Calhoun, Ritchie and Van Buren. They formed the new Democratic-Republicans, as opposed to Adams’s minority of National-Republicans. They would eventually drop the label Republican and become familiarly known as the ‘Democrats’.67 During the 1824 campaign, Clay had inveighed against the possibility of a Jacksonian victory based on military record and declared the general unfit for the office: “I cannot believe,” he had declared, “that killing 2,500 Englishmen at New Orleans qualifies for the various, difficult and complicated duties of the Chief Magistracy.”68 Despite his popularity, Jackson had a number of enemies who did not hesitate to amplify his reputation as a killer. They vilified him as an ignorant and barbarous murderer, a quarreler who reveled in duels and got involved in countless frontier brawls. In reality, all these comments testified to the growing impact of the general’s inevitable candidacy. Van Buren was not impressed by the negative portraits in the National Intelligencer and other pro-Adams newspapers. Green’s Telegraph, relayed by a network of republican papers across the states, spread a far more favorable image of Jackson and soon circulated campaign propaganda for the Tennessean. As he traveled through the South, Van Buren’s satisfaction reflected the growing enthusiasm for Jackson. As the real campaign started off, Van Buren worked every minute of the day to secure Jackson’s victory. He became, in Adams’s own ironical words, “the great electioneering manager for General Jackson.”69 The extreme care and minutiae he showed did not prevent the growing success of his political machine. Its resonance across the country exacerbated rancor and animosity among opponents. He was demonized as “the life and soul” of a “cabbalistic organization” in the columns of the National Intelligencer.70 But the mounting criticisms did not affect him much as they could not stop his machine’s inexorable progress. In June 1827, the Dutchman went back to New York to promote his presidential candidate. He had been careful enough not to introduce Jackson sentiment too early as it could have revealed to have been counterproductive and fatal to the cause. First and foremost, he wanted to reassure doubters about the general’s legitimacy as the truly Republican candidate. The state election in November was naturally his major short-term preoccupation. There was a great deal of work ahead as New York remained faithful to its reputation as a 67

Martin Van Buren to Thomas Ritchie, January 13, 1827. Martin Van Buren Papers, Box 7, Reel 7, Manuscript Division, Library of Congress, Washington DC. 68 Tindall, op. cit., p. 313. 69 Cole, op. cit., p. 153. 70 Widmer, op. cit., p. 67.

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remarkable but extremely difficult state to manage. If many had joined the coalition whole-heartedly, some ‘Republicans,’ like Jabez Hammond, still refused to support a Southerner for the presidency, albeit a war hero, just as the South, he was sure, would never give the presidency to a Northerner. Like a few other skeptics, he also questioned the soundness of Van Buren’s concept of a party: “I can not be charmed [by] party names,” he said, especially if it all came to an “agreement of the Executive authority to the Slave holding states.”71 As Van Buren focused his attention on local matters, he also found his native state under the threat of the anti-Masonic upheaval that had broken out in the western counties and extended throughout the state. The abduction and suspected murder of William Morgan, an avowed opponent to Freemasonry who had threatened to publish a book revealing the secret rituals of the organization, had sparked an outburst of protests that was now spreading to the neighboring states, in Pennsylvania and New England. As Jackson was a mason, the movement could disrupt the state’s fragile political stability if it mobilized on a large scale. Van Buren accordingly instructed the Regency to avoid any public interference in the Morgan affair and work hard to neutralize the crisis. Despite the political appropriation of the affair by such anti-Jacksonians as Thurlow Weed who formed and led the Anti-Masonic political party, the agitation gradually abated without too much harm. Relieved by the encouraging turn of events, though the situation remained uncertain, Van Buren resumed his trips through the South in order to preach the good word and, quite specifically, meet with and convert undecided Crawfordites to the Jackson cause. Van Buren and the Bucktails were working effectively in New York and nationally a splendid organization, the Democracy, was taking shape. Exerting more and more weight on the political affairs of the country, it was becoming the most serious obstacle to Adams’s sights on the upcoming elections. The Regency swung into action with party discipline rigorously respected and caucuses regularly held to contain the incumbent president’s forces. In the November election, Jacksonians’ runaway victory in New York secured them a comfortable majority in the legislature and boded well for 1828. Van Buren, who was always thinking ahead of anyone else, still mused about his own personal hold over the state. He was well aware that DeWitt Clinton had been a longtime supporter of Jackson. The 1824 campaign in particular had strengthened the ties between the two men. Clinton had consistently backed the general, who remained grateful thereafter and felt he owed him a personal debt. 71

Jabez D. Hammond to Martin Van Buren, May 23, 1827. Martin Van Buren Papers, Box 7, Reel 7, Manuscript Division, Library of Congress, Washington DC.

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As James A. Hamilton observed in accompanying Jackson at a celebration of the battle of New Orleans in December, the Old Hero “thought very highly” of the New York governor.72 The Dutchman was also held in high esteem but had been a more recent convert to the Southerner. Could this be a disadvantage? If Jackson won the White House, which of the two kingmakers would he choose to lead New York? If Clinton was picked, Van Buren thought, he would be in the front line to control federal patronage and stage the ground for his own access to the presidency. As Hamilton left New Orleans, it was clear that Jackson remained undecided on the New York question. His hesitation left Van Buren with somewhat mixed feelings. Not for long. The Empire State’s whole political picture changed with the death of DeWitt Clinton on February 11, 1828. Tragic and shocking as it was for a man only aged fifty-nine, the death of New York’s ‘Magnus Apollo’ was an unexpected windfall for Van Buren to whom it now fell to carry the state unrivalled. Yet Van Buren delivered an emotional eulogy at a Congress meeting held in New York Capitol on February 19. With remarkable eloquence, he praised the late governor for the “high order of his talents, the untiring zeal and great success with which those talents have . . . been devoted to the prosecution of plans of great public utility.” He referred to the Erie Canal as “the greatest improvement of the age.” “The triumph of his talent and patriotism,” he pursued, “cannot fail to become monuments of high and enduring fame.” The two old antagonists, who curiously supported the same man, represented two different generations of politicians. Clinton belonged to the old stock of imposing statesmen endowed with the majestic presence and dignified manners of aristocrats, who ruled like sovereigns and intimidated their opponents but who encountered difficulties in adjusting to the modern system of party politics. Although he had flirted with the so-called People’s Party, his popularity with the masses remained limited, not because his accomplishments had not received a fair appreciation but because, as Van Buren commented in his Autobiography, of “the stateliness and seeming hauteur of his manners.”73 It seemed obvious that, if in public the Dutchman immensely regretted the loss of a great statesman like Clinton, in private he could not help savoring the political benefits of the situation. Jackson’s worrisome indecision had been remedied by providence. Even though some Clintonians decided to rally Adams’s ranks, a number of anti-Clinton New Yorkers who had been reluctant to follow Jackson because of his friendship with the ex-governor now had no scruples about supporting the Old Hero. For Van Buren, the political 72 73

Cole, op. cit., p. 158. Autobiography, op. cit., pp. 166-168.

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road was cleared. He had, in the words of Jackson biographer James Parton, a hand “full of cards,” all of them “trumps.”74 If the state of New York was shaken by the death of its governor, it was the whole nation which had, seven months before, mourned the loss of two of its most outstanding figures, former presidents John Adams and Thomas Jefferson, who, in a last concomitant and symbolic gesture, died on the same day, July 4, 1826, just fifty years after they had both signed the nation’s founding document. The political landscape was definitely changing. The era of charismatic personalities was giving way to a more complex and confrontational yet democratic approach to politics. Politics pursuing its course, the grief-stricken nation was then agitated by the very sensitive and divisive issue of the tariff, a question that threatened the delicate balance of the Democratic coalition of Northerners and Southerners. Congress and the administration were pressed by New England textile manufacturers to impose higher protective measures in response to the artificially low prices of British woolens on the American market. As Congress, which the Jacksonian majority had led since December, considered a new tariff bill, Van Buren was bound to tackle the problem head-on. Again, accusations of noncommittalism and evasion resurfaced as he sought compromise. The truth is Van Buren marshaled a new tariff securing limited protection of the manufacturing interests while preserving the exercise of free trade fiercely upheld by southern states. Despite the coherence of the measure and the balance of interests combined in it, trying to bring together such different groups as the protectionist national Republicans, the northern merchants and the noninterventionist Calhounites, no one seemed really pleased with the bill. As the measure prompted the British to reduce their imports of cotton, once again, Southerners felt betrayed by Washington politicians. Bitter South Carolinians, with John Calhoun at their head, named the revised tariff the “tariff of abominations.” Van Buren, who expected the negative reactions, was not really disappointed. His critical role in including a moderate raise on duties for the importation of selected raw materials received support from the western and Middle-Atlantic states. In addition, he remained convinced that notwithstanding their resentment, Southerners would not vote for a committed nationalist like Adams. They had no choice but to follow Jackson. The Old Hero, while remaining in the background, was accumulating the benefits. As John Randolph put it, the tariff “referred to manufactures of no sort of kind, but the manufacture of a President of the United

74

James Parton, Life of Andrew Jackson (New York: Mason Bros, 1860), III, p. 131.

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States.”75 As for Van Buren, characteristically, his handling of the delicate tariff issue illustrated his exceptional managerial skills in the political game and his emergence into the restricted circle of prominent national power brokers. Despite his commitment to his national organization, Van Buren never lost sight of his home state and kept a close eye on the developments of the campaign there. With Clinton’s death, the governorship had fallen to former Lieutenant Governor Nathaniel Pitcher, a Bucktail. However, the Anti-Masonic sentiment that still prevailed in the west was casting some doubt over Pitcher’s re-election chances. The probable nomination of an Anti-Mason candidate for governor made the Regency more vulnerable. Hence the intense pressure Van Buren was receiving from its members who, as he told a friend, were “persecuting” him, to return to Albany and run for governor. The Little Magician, though flattered, considered the offer very carefully before making his decision. Why would he return to New York now that he was comfortably established in the U.S. Senate? Would such a move back home foreclose his own national prospects? Several reasons led him to consent to run. First, by conducting a campaign under the Jackson banner, he would make sure that the state would go for the Old Hero. True, the tariff had fueled his enemies’ anger but Little Van remained immensely popular in many parts of the state. As both an accomplished politician and a native of the Empire State, there was no doubt about his capacity to defend the interests of New Yorkers. It was important to take the people factor into account because Van Buren had never before led a ‘popular’ campaign. As Lot Clark from the Regency argued in a letter he sent to his ‘master’ in April, people needed to worship a “distinguished individual” to go for a party. By campaigning, he would become a familiar name and win the trust of “justices, constables and all the minor active men in the towns.”76 Also, by leaving the Senate, Van Buren’s exposure to hostility would be limited, which would help the Party. In New York, he would dispense patronage and consequently shore up his influence on the state. His presence would prevent National-Republican forces from making decisive inroads. On strictly personal terms, Van Buren was perceptive enough to understand the political advantages of a strong position like the New York governorship. It would bring the compelling prestige and glory any ambitious politician needed. Devoid of any military record, there was no better avenue to lead a major national campaign in the future. Comforted and strengthened by all these arguments, and upheld by his New York friends “with a degree of unanimity and earnestness that did not admit of a refusal,” he left Washington at the end of 75 76

Tindall, op. cit., p. 315. Cole, op. cit., p. 171.

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the Senate sessions in May 1828 and headed for Albany more determined than ever.77 The move toward greater democracy had been signaled by the 1826 law that granted the people, instead of the legislature, the choice of presidential electors (in 22 of the 24 states). Consequently, the campaign in New York took a ‘popular’ turn. Van Buren spent most of his summer touring across the western counties. It was a long, difficult but necessary political tour, especially to abate the AntiMason excitement still prevalent in the western area. Making numerous stops in small but rapidly-growing towns like Auburn and Seneca Falls, his presence did not go unnoticed. With his extravagant but “exquisite personal . . . appearance,” the red-haired politician certainly looked more like a dandy than a native-born Kinderhooker. Dressed in the most colorful and flamboyant attire, he dazzled local residents with his meticulous daintiness. One of them, Henry B. Stanton, feminist Elizabeth Cady’s future husband, evoked his first encounter with Van Buren in the First Presbyterian Church in Rochester:

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“On this occasion he wore an elegant snuff-colored broadcloth coat, with velvet collar to match; his cravat was orange tinted silk with modest lace tips; his vest was of pearl hue; his trousers were white duck; his silk hose corresponded to his vest; his shoes were Morocco; his nicely fitting gloves were yellow kid; his 78 hat, a long-furred beaver, with broad brim, was of Quaker color.”

Across the Union, the campaign for Jackson stirred the patriotism of voters and won the popular acclaim Van Buren had expected. There was passion, fervor and great excitement in the many rallies, meetings and parades organized to celebrate the general. “Jackson Forever” topped the famous handbills and posters which emphatically identified the tall frontiersman as “the Hero of Two Wars and of Orleans!” and symbolically endorsed him as “The Man of the People!”79 By contrast, Adams lacked the common touch. With his reputation as a rigid intellectual and idealist, he seemed distant and estranged from his constituents. Significantly, one of Jackson’s slogans went: “Adams can write, Jackson can fight!” As election day approached, the incumbent president’s followers looked apathetic. They apprehended the inexorable outcome. Rightly so.

77

Autobiography, op. cit., p. 220. Henry B. Stanton, Random Recollections (Johnstown, NY: Blunck & Leaning, 1885), pp. 20-21. 79 Campaign slogans obviously ignored Jackson’s other facet: he was actually the wealthy owner of a fine plantation in Tennessee, the Hermitage. 78

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The majority for “Old Hickory” revealed overwhelming, with 178 against 83 in the electoral vote and polling an impressive 56% in the popular vote, with 647,000 against 509,000. Only New Englanders had massively voted for Adams, their homegrown candidate. The New York results were tighter as Jackson’s victory was obtained with a short advance of 5,000 popular votes. Anyway the outcome of the general election would not have changed had New York fallen into Adams’s hands, as the general’s lead was comfortable enough without New York’s electoral votes. Van Buren was swept into the governor’s chair with a lower majority than Jackson. He was elected with 136,794 votes, namely 30,000 more than Smith Thompson, Adams’s candidate. But he had been confident of victory and even bet with one of his friends that he would defeat Thompson. He was now so well-established in his native state that he seemed to have reached the acme of his political power in New York, and no adverse party could remove him from his dominant position for many years. One of the major satisfactions of the presidential election lay in Jackson’s victory in five northern states, a significant breakthrough, and eight southern states. As Donald B. Cole notes, Van Buren’s tariff policy tipped the scales in favor of Jackson in at least six states: New York, Pennsylvania, Kentucky, Ohio, Illinois, and Indiana. Van Buren’s tenacity had paid off as he could appreciate the tangible benefits of his unrelenting efforts. His North-South alliance was no wishful thinking. Looking back on the past three years, Little Van had reasons to be jubilant. Like a new phoenix, he had risen from the ashes of the 1824 debacle. His own party had regained power in the Empire State, he had been easily re-elected in the U. S. Senate, had emerged unharmed from the delicate and controversial tariff issue and had made a bold return to his home state whose destiny he was now in control of. Even more appreciably, his national political organization was well anchored across the whole nation and had carried Jackson to the White House. Right after the election, he sent a congratulatory letter to the president-elect celebrating “the true honorable triumph we have obtained” (author’s emphasis).80 Yet at that point, thankful as he certainly was, the general left no clues about his appreciation of Van Buren’s contribution to his success. Did he share the same enthusiasm about their collaboration? Or was he wary of the Little Magician’s

80

Martin Van Buren to Andrew Jackson, November 16, 1828. Martin Van Buren Papers, Box 8, Reel 7, Manuscript Division, Library of Congress, Washington DC.

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reputation for intrigue and scheming? The coming years would no doubt reveal the true nature of their relationship.

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Chapter 3

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THE ROAD TO THE WHITE HOUSE Van Buren’s governorship marked the end of his law career. He would never again defend a case at the bar. Politics had become his full-time job. He officially entered into the office of governor of New York on January 1, 1829. In his inaugural address which he delivered five days later, he drew attention to new issues that a fast-growing state like New York inevitably had to address. Urbanization, he thought, was breeding new habits, new needs, and new attitudes, for better or for worse. With the emergence of juvenile delinquency, now a particularly thorny problem afflicting the towns, in conjunction with the worrying spread of slums, he proposed to create a system of houses to confine young criminals. Three months later, a law required New York City’s health commissioner to grant a yearly $8,000 to the Society for the Reformation of Juvenile Delinquents. Van Buren also addressed the sensitive subject of banking. He had always been opposed to the multiplication of banks. Nor was he in favor of the existing state bank and the monopoly through which the State accepted a money bonus for a bank charter. “Experience,” he said, “has shown that banking operations, to be successful, and consequently beneficial to the community, must be conducted by private men upon their own account.”81 The good of the community was indeed his main concern as he submitted a so-called “Safety Fund” system to the Legislature. The plan, drawn up by Joshua Forman, a lawyer from Onondaga County, aimed at curtailing the abuses of New York’s banking industry. It required incorporated banks to join a special association and contribute a fixed 81

Edward Morse Shepard, Martin Van Buren (New York: Elibron Classics, 2003). Reprint (Boston & New York: Houghton, Mifflin & Co., 1899), p. 169. First edition by Houghton Mifflin & Co., 1888.

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percentage of their capital to a reserve fund. Under state supervision, the fund would serve as a safety valve to redeem dishonored banknotes of any bank that went out of business and allow member banks to guarantee one another’s credit and solvency. Despite the fierce opposition of the New York City bankers who had no intention of insuring the soundness of country banks, which led to heated debate, the Safety Fund scheme was adopted by the Legislature. Considered to be one of the wisest banking innovations of the century, the fund provided a safe banking system for the New Yorkers and its balanced and original concept inspired other states which passed similar laws. The third major subject which he submitted to the Legislature was a reform to prevent the use of money in elections except for printing expenditures. He attacked the practice as unfair, corruptive and discrediting political commitment. Its constant increase, he said, might soon lead to the point where “a man in middling circumstances, however virtuous, will not be able to compete upon anything like equal terms with a wealthy opponent.”82 He accordingly proposed to appoint town committees to attend the polls and enforce severe penalties to offenders. Although Van Buren’s efforts on the latter proposal remained “a dead letter on the statute book,” his overall program, modest though it was, showed that he was determined to serve his state with a meticulous knowledge of and prompt response to a number of important social issues of the day.83 Seldom had a state inaugural received such a wide-ranging ovation, pleasing almost everyone on either side of the political spectrum. In fact, the new governor’s talents were praised well beyond the state borders. But soon, flattering as it might be, this great popularity would again place Van Buren face to face with his continuous dilemma: should state or national politics take precedence in his career? He was pressed by a growing number of friends including Virginia’s Thomas Ritchie and other Southerners to join Jackson’s Cabinet. The president-elect had delayed his appointments until February 1829 and tongues were wagging throughout the capital about who would head each Cabinet department. “I received a letter from Gen. Jackson,” Van Buren writes in his autobiography, “soon after his arrival at Washington, offering me the place of Secretary of State of the United States—a wholly unsolicited step.”84 As the news spread, not all of Van Buren’s friends were enthusiastic about the prospect of letting him leave the Empire State where his heart belonged and where much hope had been placed in his leadership capacity to take up the 82

83

Ibid., p. 171. Martin Van Buren, The Autobiography of Martin Van Buren, ed. John C. Fitzpatrick (New York : Augustus M. Kelley Publishers, 1969), p. 222.

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crucial challenges of the upcoming years. Going back to Washington was also interpreted by some as stepping down to join an ephemeral administration (Jackson repeated that he would serve only one term). General Hamilton, of South Carolina, bluntly told Van Buren that “if [he] went into the Cabinet, [he] would cut [his] throat.”85 Just as he had mused a few months earlier over the appropriateness of going into the governorship, Van Buren weighed the pros and cons of returning to national responsibilities. But his decision was not too difficult to make. Although his role in New York was very important, it was not vital to preserve republican control. The Regency was now an extremely efficient and well-oiled machine and there was no imminent great threat, either from Federalists or from daunting dominant personalities from an adverse camp. DeWitt Clinton was dead and a new era was underway. Repeating the successful modus operandi of his U.S. State Senate years, Van Buren would keep close ties with his local base, remain well-informed of the political developments in the state and exert his influence from Washington when necessary. He also knew that the vantage position in the nation’s capital would help him consolidate the tenuous North-South alliance he was so dearly attached to. And most of all, a fine and ambitious politician like Van Buren could not miss the opportunity offered to him. The prestigious State Department, the top government office in charge of foreign affairs, was not an end in itself. First and foremost, as proved several times in the short history of the nation with four successive presidents (Jefferson, Madison, Monroe, J. Q. Adams), it was a springboard to the White House. Van Buren carried out the duties of New York’s chief magistracy for a short period of 43 days, from January 1 to March 12, the date of his official resignation. The news of his appointment as Secretary of State of the United States and his subsequent departure raised an immense flow of affection in the Legislature where both branches expressed their gratitude and “their earnest wish that he might enjoy a full measure of happiness and prosperity in the new sphere of public duty to which he was about to be removed.” Obviously the most flattering sentiments came from the Republican representatives who expressed “their attachment to his person, their respect for his character, and their regret at the separation that was about to take place,” and thanked him ‘for the numerous and important services which he had rendered to the state, particularly in sustaining those political principles which they believed to be most intimately blended with

84 85

Ibid, p. 224. Ibid., p. 231.

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its highest and dearest interests.”86 He was succeeded in the governorship by his Lieutenant Governor, Enos T. Throop, a member of the Regency. The appointments of the new presidential Cabinet, which were announced on February 26, confirmed the widespread view that, despite his capacity to connect with people and his popular heroism, Old Hickory was someone who most of the time relied only on himself. He ignored the advice and recommendations given him and made his choices on purely personal value judgments. Besides Van Buren, they included his Tennessee colleagues John H. Eaton as Secretary of War and John McLean as Postmaster General, as well as Samuel D. Ingham of Pennsylvania in the Treasury, John M. Berrien of Georgia as Attorney General, and John Branch of North Carolina as Secretary of the Navy.87 The list was met by great dissatisfaction among many Jackson supporters including Van Buren himself who declared that “there was probably not one of these malcontents more disappointed than myself by the composition of the administration.”88 It was derided by more than one in the United States and abroad as lacking luster. Apart from Van Buren who “in ability and reputation easily stood head and shoulders above his associates,” it did not appear to feature any strong renowned political leader but this was not entirely accurate.89 Van Buren was not the only influential and ambitious personality chosen by Jackson. The controversy about the selection highlighted an inner power struggle within the new administration, opposing Van Buren and the ‘new’ vice president, John C. Calhoun. The South Carolinian, who was entering his second term of office as Vice President, the only vice president in the history of the United States who had had the privilege to serve two consecutive terms in two different administrations, also set his sights on the White House. Some weeks before, he had advised the general against Van Buren’s selection for the State Department, proposing instead Senator Littleton Waller Tazewell of Virginia. To make things worse, Samuel Ingham, Calhoun’s favorite, had been chosen by Jackson for the Treasury at the expense of Louis McLane, whom Van Buren had strongly recommended. In addition, two of the newly appointed Secretaries, John Berrien and John Branch, leaned towards Calhoun. Not unexpectedly, this odd combination of competitive interests excited jealousy and antagonisms. “Disguise it as we may,” James Buchanan noted in a letter to 86

William Emmons, Biography of Martin Van Buren, Vice President of the United States (Washington: Jacob Gideon, 1835). Reprint, pp. 32-33. 87 As McLean declined the offer to be appointed to the Supreme Court after four days, the postal department was granted to William T. Barry of Kentucky. 88 Autobiography, op.cit. p. 231. 89 Donald B. Cole, Martin Van Buren and the American Political System (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1984), p. 180; Shepard, op. cit., p. 179.

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George B. Porter, “the friends of Van Buren and those of Calhoun are becoming very jealous of each other.”90 The triumphant election of 1828 had not dismissed all of Van Buren’s misgivings about Old Hickory’s political consistency. The fact is that, as historian Joseph Rayback observes, “Jackson’s concepts of political principles were very fuzzy.”91 As the inaugural approached, the little Kinderhooker expressed his feelings about the event to his friend James A. Hamilton, who would serve as interim Secretary of State until Van Buren definitively entered office on April 4: “I hope the General will not find it necessary,” he said, “to avow any opinion upon Constitutional questions at war with the doctrines of the Jeffersonian School.”92 In a famous 1828 speech on the powers of the vice president, Van Buren had sounded the alarm against the return of the spirit of centralization. Calling for the strict interpretation of the Constitution, he had claimed to restore the full authority of the states “as the instruments best able to encourage the economy, advance the public interest, and protect the liberties of the people.”93 More than a mere campaign denunciation of Adams’s policies, his speech had defined the philosophy of the emerging Democratic party and given the general’s supporters a distinct identity. The Jacksonian Democracy, to repeat the phrase common in history books, in some respects referred more to the era of Jackson’s presidency than to Andrew Jackson himself. True, the Old Hero had united divergent factions into a coalition, a remarkable achievement, but presently, at the dawn of ‘the Age of Jackson,’ it was Martin Van Buren who had formulated and stimulated the ‘Democracy.’ As Van Buren biographer Shepard notes: “To Van Buren more than to any man of his time must be awarded the credit of forming the creed of the Jacksonian Democracy.”94 Yet without the general’s personal appeal, charisma and popular feel, the new organization might have floundered. The truth is Jackson’s openness and leadership qualities combined with Van Buren’s political savvy and unwavering faith in the Democracy formed a powerful base that heralded a successful presidential term.

90

James Buchanan to George B. Porter, January 22, 1829, James Buchanan Miscellaneous Papers, New York Historical Society. 91 Joseph G. Rayback, “Martin Van Buren: His Place in the History of New York and the United States,” New York History, 64:2 (April 1983):130. 92 James A. Hamilton, Reminiscences of James A. Hamilton: or Men and Events, at Home and Abroad, During Three Quarters of a Century (New York: Charles Scribner & Co., 1869), p. 94. 93 Rayback, op. cit., p. 130. 94 Shepard, op. cit., p. 178.

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Van Buren the widower was joining an administration headed by another widower. Shortly before the inauguration, tragedy struck the Jackson family. While making preparations for their trip to Washington, Rachel, Old Hickory’s wife, died of a heart attack at the Hermitage, their family estate near Nashville, Tennessee. Like a premonition, a few weeks earlier, she had accepted Andrew’s election with great reluctance and declared: “I had rather be a doorkeeper in the house of my Lord than live in that palace in Washington”95 During the last two presidential campaigns, she had become the focus of attention as opponents had dragged up the story of her ‘scandalous’ adultery and bigamy.96 This was a very strong accusation in those days, which suggested debauchery and immorality, arguments which the Adams clan had used and abused to denigrate Andrew Jackson. Rachel was depicted in the press as a “black wench” and a “profligate woman.”97 In addition, she was mocked as poor, uneducated and most of all, “fat, forty but not fair,” an appearance which transgressed the codes of femininity defined by the ‘cave dwellers,’ the Washington élite. The expression “fair, fat and forty,” already used to depict Dolley Madison twenty years earlier, and later for First Lady Julia Grant had been here distorted by a merciless press to ridicule the candidate’s wife and thereby tarnish her husband’s image. Mrs. Jackson died on December 22, 1828. Many believed her heart broken by the outrageous slurs cast on her reputation. “I can and do forgive all my enemies,” remarked an inconsolable Andrew Jackson on her death, “but those vile wretches who have slandered her must look to God for mercy.”98 95

Mary French Caldwell, General Jackson’s Lady (Nashville, TN: Kingsport Press, 1936), p. 423. In Betty Boyd Caroli, First Ladies: An Intimate Look at How 36 Women Handled What May Be the Most Demanding, Unpaid, Unelected Job in America (New York: Oxford University Press, 1987), p. 36. 96 Rachel had been first married to Lewis Robards, a rich Kentucky landowner who soon revealed abusive and pathologically jealous. He sent her to his mother’s home in Nashville. It was during that period that she met Andrew Jackson, a young boarder at her mother-in-law’s. When she heard with relief that Robards had legally divorced her in 1791, she and Andrew decided to marry. But the information was wrong. He had only petitioned the legislature. Robards’s actual divorce did not occur until 1793, which made Rachel, by law, guilty of adultery during the two year interval. She married Andrew Jackson a second time in Nashville, on January 1794. But the controversial episode was resurrected first during the 1824 campaign and more violently during Andrew’s second presidential race. 97 John William Ward, Andrew Jackson, Symbol for an Age. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1962), p. 196. 98 Nancy Skarmeas, First Ladies of the White House (Nashville, TN: Ideals Publications Inc., 1995), p. 14. The explicit epitaph on Rachel's tomb, “A being so gentle and virtuous that slander might wound but could not dishonor,” was written by Jackson's political ally Sen. John Henry Eaton. See also Margaret Truman’s comment on the affair: “There is no doubt that Rachel Jackson, wife of President Andrew Jackson, was murdered by the nation's newspapers before she even

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The seventh president of the United States was nearly sixty-two years old when he was inaugurated on March 4, 1829. One of the most popular Chief Executives in the nation’s history, he would also be known as one of the most sickly as tuberculosis and dysentery greatly affected his presidential years. On Inauguration Day, the Old Hero, still mourning the loss of his sweetheart, was plagued by a terrible cough and a persistent headache. The sound of his voice was so low that his address could be heard only by those nearest to him. A crowd of 20,000 people had formed an immense mass round the Capitol and had their eyes fixed on their hero in the portico. Sensing his weak condition, they kept hailing him with shouts of triumph. His speech made no clear reference to the major issues of the tariff, national unity, internal improvements and the Second Bank of the United States. He made little mention of the key policies that he would pursue in his presidency, such as safeguarding the rights of the individual states which he referred to as “those sovereign members of our Union,” “a just and liberal policy” for Indians, “the extinguishment of the national debt” and rotation in federal office holders “to select men whose diligence and talents will insure in their respective stations able and faithful cooperation. . . .”99 After reading his speech, the oath was administered by the Chief Justice. Jackson was the first president coming from the West and the first to have won his election with the support of the masses of common citizens who had recently acquired enfranchisement. The day marked the triumph of democracy. It really was the people’s day. Countrymen, farmers, hunters, scouts, frontiersmen, blacks, whites, women and children had poured into the usually quiet town of Washington to see their savior enter into office. They formed a peculiar but picturesque combination, as the highest members of the Washington political elite were uncharacteristically rubbing elbows with mud-covered Kentucky and Tennessee peasants, a rural population which so strongly represented the Jeffersonian ideal. But as the rowdy multitude escorted its Hero to the White House, happiness soon turned to wild excitement. The ensuing reception in the

reached the White House.” Margaret Truman, First Ladies (New York: Random House, 1995), p. 259. 99 The full text of Jackson’s inaugural speech is available on several websites. See for example:

The draft of this Inaugural Address, [undated, ca. March 4, 1829], in Jackson's hand, is available on :

He complemented his comment in his First Annual Address to Congress by calling rotation in office “a leading principle in the republican creed.”

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presidential Mansion was described by James Hamilton as “regular saturnalia.”100 The parlors were literally invaded by the boisterous mob who leaped onto the furniture, tramped food on the carpets and spilled whiskey and brandy all over the floors. The White House became such a pandemonium that Jackson was forced to slip out and escape to his lodgings at Gadby’s. Margaret Bayard Smith draws a vivid picture of that unusual evening. The scene reminded her of what she had read about the French Revolution and the mobs in the Tuileries and at Versailles:

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“But what a scene did we witness! The Majesty of the People had disappeared, and a rabble, a mob of boys, negros [sic], women, children, scrambling, fighting, romping. What a pity, what a pity! No arrangements had been made, no police officers placed on duty and the whole house had been inundated by the rabble mob . . . Cut glass and china to the amount of several thousand dollars had been broken in the struggle to get the refreshments, punch and other articles had been carried out in tubs and buckets, but had it been in hogsheads it would have been insufficient, ice-creams, and cake and lemonade, for 20,000 people, . . . Ladies fainted, men were seen with bloody noses and such a scene of confusion took place as is impossible to describe, —those who got in 101 could not get out by the door again, but had to scramble out of windows.”

After all the energy he had spent in getting Jackson elected, it was a bit curious that Van Buren did not attend the inaugural. But governing a busy state like New York was time consuming and the Kinderhooker had promised not to leave until he had finished his job. As he arrived in the federal capital in late March, the new Secretary of State was accompanied by his oldest son Abraham who had just graduated from West Point Military Academy and who would serve as his father’s private secretary. After a brief stay in a crowded and unbecoming hotel, they settled in a wonderful mansion on Lafayette Square, near the White House, at Pennsylvania Avenue and 15th Street. Decatur House, a fine neoclassical edifice, had been the residence of Henry Clay who considered it to be “the best private dwelling in the city.”102 Van Buren’s third son, Martin Junior, also came to live with his father. John, who had graduated from Yale a year earlier, had now set up residence in New York City where he indulged in an extravagant lifestyle. His father was so embarrassed by his son’s profligate behavior that he asked his friend James A. Hamilton to keep a close eye on the 100

Letter from James Hamilton to Martin Van Buren, March 5, 1829, Martin Van Buren Papers, Box 8, Reel 7, Manuscript Division, Library of Congress, Washington, D.C. 101 Letter from Margaret Bayard Smith to Mrs. Kirkpatrick, March 11, 1829, White House Historical Association. 102

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young man. Smith, the youngest, was still in school in Massachusetts and came to visit his father in the capital during vacation time. Soon after settling down, the new Secretary of State walked to the White House to pay his respects to the president. “A solitary lamp in the vestibule and a single candle in the president’s office,” he recalled in his autobiography, “gave no promise of the cordiality with which I was, notwithstanding, greeted by General Jackson on my visit to the White House.” Though it was their first meeting as political friends, Van Buren was surprised by the warmth and kindness of his host during that dramatic moment. They had a frank and sincere discussion on pending matters that evening, which reassured Van Buren and dissipated the misgivings he still had a few weeks before. The meeting marked the beginning of an unusual but close relationship. “From that night to the day of his death,” Van Buren added, “the relations, sometimes official, always political and personal, were inviolably maintained between that noble old man and myself, the cordial and confidential character of which can never have been surpassed among public men.”103 Even though this statement may be typical of Van Buren’s hyperboles in his memoir, the two statesmen remained good friends and close associates ever after. They never truly became intimate friends but always showed mutual respect. Their daily horseback rides together would reveal to be fruitful encounters to exchange views on the affairs of state and compromise on the course to follow. This sincere and genuine collaboration, which was also marked by occasional clashes and disagreements on political decisions and orientations, would deepen as they knew each other better and prove to be a vital force in the shaping and development of the nation’s Democratic politics for almost two decades, until Jackson’s death in 1845. Ironically, the two men’s friendship stemmed from their remarkably different character. Jackson was Van Buren’s elder by sixteen years. Despite his diminishing health, he had kept the image of the tall (6 feet 1 inch), harsh and rugged frontier hero in the popular mind. Lean, severe-looking with deep penetrating blue eyes and still “tough as hickory,” he imposed respect with his impressive military type stature. Van Buren seemed to be his physical antithesis. Short, plump, soft, ‘Little Van’ cultivated his dandy appearance with his impeccable ruffled shirts and neckerchiefs. He enjoyed the company of women, some much younger than him, which set people talking. One of his harshest critics, Tennessee’s folk hero Davy Crockett used his most acid tongue to assess the New Yorker’s lifestyle and deride his effeminate looks.

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“Van Buren is as opposite to General Jackson as dung is to diamond . . . [He] travels about the country and through the cities in an English coach; has English servants, dressed in uniform—I think they call it livery . . . ; no longer mixes with the sons of little tavern-keepers; forgets all his companions and friends in the humbler walks of life . . . ; eats in a room by himself; and is so stiff in his gait, and prim in his dress, that he is what the English call a dandy. When he enters the Senate-Chamber in the morning he struts and swaggers like a crow in a gutter. He is laced up in corsets, such as women in town wear, and, if possible, tighter than the best of them. It would be difficult to say, from his personal appearance whether he was a man or woman, but for his large red and 104 gray whiskers.”

Strong-willed but short-tempered, and in addition to being prone to violent rages and tantrums, Jackson also suffered the invectives of his opponents who denounced his unstable character. They portrayed him as a stubborn and aggressive man overwhelmed by obsession, perpetual anger and powerful emotions beyond reason or control. But his supporters saw in his passions the authentic and spontaneous character of a fighter, praising his unfailing courage in the face of adversity and confidence in the goodwill of his mission. To Van Buren, the old general set an example of moral integrity characterized by “strong sense, perfect purity and unconquerable firmness.” He underlined his qualities of “practical good sense, sound and ripe judgment, knowledge of human nature, indomitable and incorruptible spirit and general capacity for business. . . .”105 Above all else, Van Buren was the shrewd and calculating politician, “the Magician,” a nickname with a double meaning, whether you were friend or foe. John Quincy Adams once compared the New Yorker to the fourth U. S. president: “There are many features in the character of Mr. Van Buren,” he wrote, “strongly resembling that of Mr. Madison—his calmness, his gentleness of manner, his discretion, his easy and conciliatory temper. But Madison had none of his obsequiousness, his sycophancy, his profound dissimulation and duplicity.”106 Frequently denounced, the New Yorker’s reputation as a sly and unscrupulous tactician was powerfully rebutted by Jackson himself who presented his Secretary of State as “one of the most frank men” he had ever met in his life and saluted “a

103

Autobiography, op. cit., p. 232. William J. Ridings, Jr., and Stuart B. McIver, Rating the Presidents (New York: Citadel Press, 2000), p. 59. 105 Autobiography, op. cit., p. 229, p. 267. 106 Ridings, op. cit., p. 59. 104

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true man with no guile.”107 This came as one of the best compliments Van Buren had ever received at that point in his career. He had always felt it unfair to be taken for a manipulator. With an ironic twist, he commented in his memoirs: “I have always believed that if I had possessed a tithe of the skill in subtle management and of the spirit of intrigue, so liberally charged upon me by my opponents, and upon the strength of which they gave me the title of ‘magician,’ I could have turned aside the opposition . . . without much difficulty.”108 For all their differences, Jackson and Van Buren shared a number of common points that certainly identified them to each other and made them closer. Probably more than anything else, both men exemplified the American tenet of social mobility as a reward of personal merit. Born in poverty, having left home with limited education, they had had only themselves to rely on to ascend the social ladder. Through hard work and tenacity, they became successful lawyers and prominent political leaders in their early twenties. Both had chosen to defend the interests of small farmers and shopkeepers in the Jeffersonian spirit. As they made their way up, politics proved to be their second nature. Serving in the U. S. Senate in the 1820s, they both led the fight against the Adams-Clay coalition. Their careers converged to the point where they now became embarked in that same formidable adventure, at the command of the nation’s destinies, a period that would set the stage for Van Buren’s presidency. They shared similarities in their private lives too. Married at the same age, twenty-four, they were now both widowers. Neither would remarry. Despite the age difference, they had a common passion: horses. They were often seen horseback riding together in the mornings and gambling on horse races. Their similar background, common interests and shared values greatly facilitated their relationship. Always showing mutual respect, they felt very comfortable with each other. The president enjoyed the company of his Secretary of State who was the guest of frequent dinners at the White House. But Van Buren loved socializing so much that his taste for parties aroused some jealousies in the capital. Even within the Republican ranks, Van Buren’s lifestyle was judged too “aristocratic” as he spent a lot of his evenings hobnobbing with Washington’s glitterati at formal social events. However it would be wrong to claim that Van Buren was leading a carefree way of living. Personal and professional responsibilities never deserted him as he was confronted with the harsh realities of political life as soon as he joined the new Cabinet. First, Van Buren found that the new administration was 107 108

Cole, op. cit., p. 188. Autobiography, op. cit., p. 226n.

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disorganized. As no clear objectives seemed to be set, a number of observers had strong words for the improvisation that ruled the affairs of state. They lashed out at Jackson’s lack of experience and did not hesitate to call him “utterly incompetent.” Some even went as far as saying that Van Buren was the only reliable man and the future of the administration rested on him. Exaggerated as such an extreme statement was, the Careful Dutchman set about restoring some order amid that confusion. First among the problems was the crucial question of party patronage. Jackson’s appointments had raised a storm of criticisms from Northerners as well as Southerners. Van Buren received a letter from his friend Thomas Ritchie in which the leader of the Richmond Junto complained about the absence of Virginians in the administration and regretted to say that “the appointments [had] thrown a cloud over [their] friends.” He added: “We are sorry to see the personal friends of the President appointed; we lament to see so many of the Editorial Corps favored with the patronage of the Administration . . . The course of appointments at Washington is calculated to cool and alienate some of our friends.”109 Ritchie implicitly solicited his northern friend to put pressure on the president for Virginians not to be forgotten. Within two weeks, Van Buren proved his qualities as a powerful mediator as John Campbell of Virginia was appointed Treasurer of the United States. Other minor appointments were considered in the following months. Ironically, it was with New York patronage that Van Buren had more difficulty. In April, Jackson informed his collaborators that he intended to appoint Samuel Swartwout, a member of the opposition whom Regency enemies supported, as collector of the Port of New York. The position was a powerful and sensitive one as New York’s customs collection represented one of the major sources of income for the federal government. An adventurous merchant and deceitful land speculator, Swartwout did not enjoy a brilliant reputation but had the favors of Jackson because of their common connection with the Aaron Burr trial in 1807. Jackson was also rewarding Swartwout for his support in the 1824 election. Van Buren knew that New York Democrats were doggedly opposed to what they saw as a disgraceful nomination. He wrote his friends in New York City to organize a counter-offensive by showing the president how determined they were and to get a more competent and more commendable administrator to the post. After consulting the Secretary of the Treasury Ingham, he asked New York Senators Charles E. Dudley and Nathan Sanford to exercise their influence 109

Letter from Thomas Ritchie to Martin Van Buren, March 27, 1829 Autobiography, op. cit., p. 247.

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and help “prevent a great evil.” Next he informed the president of his “clear and decided opinion (and a firmer or better grounded conviction I never entertained in my life) that the appointment of Mr. Swartwout . . . would not be in accordance with public sentiment, the interests of the Country or to the credit of the administration.” After considering his Secretary of State’s sincere and forceful opinion, Jackson’s reply was polite but firm and clearly non-negotiable: “I have looked over your views . . . with great attention and care, . . . [but] have settled in the determination to place Mr. Swartwout in the office of Collector.”110 Deeply disturbed by the president’s inflexible position, physically exhausted and morally depressed, after resisting “all the reasonings” his friends had imposed on him about the dim prospects of the administration, Van Buren now considered leaving his office. “I took my hat,” he wrote in his memoirs, “and walked the streets of Washington until a late hour of the night deliberating whether I ought . . . to resign a post surrounded by such embarrassments.”111 His position was indeed an awkward one. What credit could he now have in New York, if he had lost control of its patronage? Could the party possibly survive when the leader of the Regency and the artisan of the Democratic victory had such little influence in the government that he could not protect the interests of his native state? But the next morning, disturbed as he was, he realized that resigning would be the worst step to take. It would considerably weaken the party in New York and definitely annihilate his presidential ambitions. He put on a brave face and kept the criticisms for himself, swearing not to let the president go wrong again. Jackson was playing fair as he wrote a letter to Van Buren’s state supporters in which he insisted that he alone assumed the whole responsibility for the appointment, against his Secretary of State’s recommendations. The decision was accepted, although reluctantly, by New Yorkers. “I congratulate you,” Congressman Churchill C. Cambreleng sarcastically wrote in a letter to Van Buren, “that the appointments for New York are at an end—and now mark me—if our Collector is not a defaulter in four years, I’ll swallow the Treasury if it was all coined in coppers.”112 As Secretary of State, Van Buren had some initial difficulties in making his appointments within his own department but as often, he soon found the resources to change the course of events in his favor. On arriving in Washington, he had been unpleasantly surprised to note that the president had already named ministers 110

Letter from Martin Van Buren to Andrew Jackson, April 23, 1829; Letter from Andrew Jackson to Martin Van Buren, April 24, 1829, Ibid., pp. 263-265. 111 Ibid., p. 266. 112 Letter from Churchill C. Cambreleng to Martin Van Buren, April 28, 1829, Ibid., p. 268n.

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to England and France without consulting him. These two important posts abroad had been granted to Senator Littleton Tazewell of Virginia and Edward Livingston of Louisiana, two men Van Buren had no connection with and whom he felt would be hard to control. As former Chairman of the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations, Tazewell had the required credentials for the post, which somewhat annoyed the rather inexperienced Van Buren. He was also a political friend of Calhoun’s, which definitely upset Van Buren. Calhoun had sought to place him as Secretary of State, and this, in truth, provided enough ground for Van Buren to try and keep him away from his team. Livingston, who had been a U. S. Representative from New York and had just been elected U.S. Senator for Louisiana, belonged to the influential faction of Westerners close to Jackson. Van Buren took a dim view of leaving the diplomacy with Paris in the hands of someone he could not have much control over. Luckily for the Secretary of State, the two men did not confirm their nominations immediately, which gave him the opportunity to negotiate adroitly with the president. He argued that younger men were needed for such delicate posts –Tazewell was fifty-four and Livingston sixty-four– which Jackson did not deny. Ever the schemer, Van Buren then ordered the two men to take office in Europe no later than August, knowing perfectly well they would not be ready by then and would refuse to be rushed away. The plan worked and cleared the road for Van Buren to appoint closer and younger associates. To keep Tazewell definitively out of the way, the Secretary of State concurred with Jackson to have Attorney General Berrien, not yet in office, appointed minister to England. He offered the attorney generalship to his friend Louis McLane with the promise that he would later be appointed to the Supreme Court at the first possible opportunity. As Berrien declined the offer for the post in London, it naturally fell to McLane. The second part of the scheme was less complicated. Van Buren replaced Livingston by William C. Rives. At thirty-six, Rives was the young and talented man Van Buren needed for the highly demanding post in France. But more than his age, it was his origins that brought Van Buren great satisfaction. As a Virginian, Rives was the ideal alternative to the Calhounite Tazewell. After the bitter disappointment in his native state, these two major changes restored some of Van Buren’s credibility as a spoilsman. But as Donald B. Cole observes, he was just not “the” spoilsman some historians have exaggeratedly called him. Patronage had started before he arrived in Washington. True, he knew the political power of the spoils system from his past experiences in the machine politics of New York. He encouraged Jackson to use it and both felt that staying too long in office gave rise to a corruptive sense of power but again, statistics

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show that during his first year in office, the president’s “rotation in office,” as he called it, affected no more than 9% of the officials in the federal government.113 Yet, as Orth reports, “690 officers [were] removed to make way for Democrats of the reigning school; a greater number by three times than all the Presidents preceding Jackson had dismissed.”114 In any case Van Buren continued to dispense patronage with subsequent political benefits as he mapped out a meticulously balanced selection which favored Northerners as well as Southerners. Key appointments in his department included a New Yorker, Cornelius Peter Van Ness, as minister to Spain115; a New Englander from Maine, William Pitt Preble, to the Netherlands; a Kentuckian, Thomas Patrick Moore, to Colombia (New Granada) and his Virginian friend John Randolph, to Russia. One year later, through his influence, there had been 131 removals of postmasters in New York out of a total of 491 removals in the whole postal department.116 But at the same time, Van Buren resisted the pressures to remove officials he deemed competent even though they were not his political allies, as was the case of Calhounite Samuel L. Gouverneur as postmaster in New York City. Van Buren's service as Secretary has never been considered by historians as one of the most outstanding chapters in his career. Yet he exhibited particular talents in the art of diplomacy right from the beginning of his mandate. One of the major and delicate missions in that new role was to strengthen the integrity and reliability of Jackson’s foreign policy. Despite his peaceful inaugural speech, the new president had raised doubts among a great number of foreign diplomats in Washington who expressed profound skepticism about his know-how in international relations and who feared his zealous nationalism might turn excessive, if not aggressive. In this respect, one of Van Buren’s first tasks was to soothe these distrustful souls who seemed to regret John Quincy Adams’s expertise. He quickly briefed Jackson on the necessity to address the diplomatic corps and dismiss their fears by softening his language and pointing out his peaceful intentions in a most convincing way. The president agreed and with the help of his Secretary made a short but forceful statement that was followed by invitations to a dinner and entertainment. The “unexceptionable quality of the 113

George B. Tindall and David E. Shi, America: A Narrative History (New York: Norton & Co., 2000), p. 334. 114 Samuel P. Orth, Politics and People : The Ordeal of Self-Government in America (Cleveland, OH.: The Burrows Brothers Company, 1906). Reprint (New York: Arno Press Inc., 1974), p. 141. 115 Like Van Buren, Van Ness was born in Kinderhook, NY, the same year, 1782. He was now Governor of Vermont. 116 Cole, op. cit., p. 195.

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banquet” as well as the president’s “kindly old-school manners” and the “amicable assurances of his address” were greeted favorably by the foreign representatives whose “anxieties . . . were completely relieved” and “prejudices materially softened.”117 Despite his relative inexperience, Van Buren soon showed he possessed the qualities of an efficient diplomat. His affable manners and smooth talk, his common sense, his shrewd and conciliatory character helped soften the bellicose image the administration might have initially projected. His partnership with Jackson worked wonderfully and before long he resolved a number of thorny diplomatic problems. First among these was the long-standing feud with the United Kingdom over the limited access to each other’s ports. Van Buren wanted to remove the protectionist measures which affected the West Indies trade in particular. After the Revolution, American ships had been refused entry to the British-controlled ports in the Caribbean Islands. In 1818, President Monroe closed American ports to British ships from the West Indies. In 1825, negotiations were led by the British to re-open the ports on a reciprocal basis but President Adams showed no intention to compromise and the initiative did not receive the assent of Congress. Van Buren adopted quite a different stance and made the question a priority. With the assistance of his friends Cambreleng and McLane, he took the greatest care in his negotiations with British Foreign Secretary Lord Aberdeen and this time, a compromise was reached. With the assurance of London’s goodwill, a bill was passed on May 29, 1830, allowing Andrew Jackson to open American ports to the British. The president complied and on October 5, access was officially given to British ships. A month later, British Caribbean ports were opened to American ships, duty free, for the first time since the War of 1812. Van Buren and his collaborators had succeeded where the previous administration, however excellent their reputation had been in matters of diplomacy, had failed. The success undeniably reinforced Van Buren’s credibility and the perception that he was the right man for Jackson in the Department of State. His political skills had served his diplomatic role. By using strong political allies, Cambreleng and McLane, and by convincing Jackson of the conciliatory position to adopt, he demonstrated that his rank as the nation’s chief diplomat was not usurped. What’s more, this important success was perfectly timed to fit the fall elections in Congress. The party was strengthened in New England, in Maine particularly, where local merchants were promptly informed that the West Indian market was no longer restricted to their Canadian competitors.

117

Autobiography, op. cit., pp. 260-262.

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Van Buren’s second diplomatic achievement concerned relations with France which had been strained since the days of the post-Revolution’s First Republic. About two thousand American merchant vessels had been captured and plundered in the last decade of the nineteenth century, particularly during the so-called “Quasi-War” between the two countries (1798-1800). Hostilities had continued “ad nauseum under successive administrations” and now Van Buren was in charge of settling the ‘spoliation claim’ dispute.118 He entrusted his minister William C. Rives with seeking an agreement with the French. After arduous but fruitful negotiations, a treaty was signed on July 4, 1831. Louis Philippe agreed to pay 25,000,000 francs to American citizens as damage claims dating back to the Napoleonic Wars (1799-1815). It took a few more years for the problem to be completely resolved but again, Van Buren had scored a significant diplomatic triumph. Under the Secretary of State’s sway, the administration also worked hard on settling disputes and restoring peaceful commercial relations with other European nations such as Spain and Portugal and initiated a diplomatic normalization with Russia. Van Buren also successfully concluded a commercial treaty with Turkey that gave the United States navigational rights to the Black Sea and eased longstanding tensions with the Barbary States, that is the Ottoman Empire regencies. The United States foreign policy was also oriented towards the American continent itself. On entering the presidency, Jackson had made no secrets of his intentions of acquiring Texas and completing western expansion. For that purpose, Van Buren was granted a $5,000,000 package to offer to the Mexican government. Unlike the diehard nationalist president, the Secretary of State saw the purchase with purely political motivations as he knew it would be beneficial for the party in the South and accordingly, for himself. Yet he shared few of Jackson’s nationalistic aspirations and started the transaction without great enthusiasm. But the Mexican government firmly resisted what they considered to be an arrogant move from the Americans and expressed their strong opposition to the loss of their northern province. Texas remained Mexican, for the moment. Another difficult issue for Van Buren was to try and reach a long-term agreement to settle the longstanding border dispute between the United States and British Canada, more specifically between Maine and New Brunswick. Since the Treaty of Paris of 1783 ending the American Revolution, the definition of the boundary had remained a bone of contention. Neither Jay’s Treaty (1794) nor the Treaty of Ghent (1814), whose resolutions had been based on imperfect maps, had resolved the problem. With the absence of natural boundaries —the Atlantic and 118

Ibid., p. 272.

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St. Lawrence systems were not separated by a range of mountains— positions on each side had radicalized and half a century after its creation, the American Republic was desperately in need of a solution. The area presented an important economic value with its vast stands of virgin pine trees which were coveted by the shipping and lumber industries. The rivers served as ideal circuits for the transportation of the timber to sawmills and markets and the St. John and Aroostook River valleys provided fertile farmland. The Secretary of State spared no effort on improving relations and seeking a compromise that would take into account the claims and interests on both sides but despite the progress made, each party stood firm and no significant step was taken to definitively settle the issue. The Age of Jackson was certainly one of the most contentious and eventful in American history. More than in international matters, it was at a domestic level that the slings and arrows of political life kept the administration under pressure. As is often the case after a hard-fought election, the losers, especially when they have been unseated, become the most fierce critics of the new government. The National Republicans, now headed by Henry Clay, lampooned Jackson and his Cabinet for their inexperience, amateurism and ineffectiveness in the conduct of national affairs. Because of his unabashed support of political patronage, which he encouraged Jackson to use, the Secretary of State became one of their favorite targets. They blamed him for extending to the national level the corrupt ‘spoils system’ he had implemented in New York. Their unrelenting efforts at vilifying the practice as an instrument of partisan policy revealed the bitterness of their electoral defeat as well as the vengefulness of their desire to regain power. The denunciation of patronage became their rallying cry as they sought to raise a general climate of discontent which, they thought, would jam the Little Magician‘s political mechanism. More impetuous than ever, Jackson defended his policies with zealous conviction and supported the rotation of office for reasons of coherence in the administration, as a necessary tool to renew officials and ideas, and as a powerful weapon against corruption and private interests. Unruffled by the denigration of the opposite clan, Van Buren held true to his own beliefs even though his behavior aroused the opponents’ ire and in the process he grew closer to Jackson, to the point where he became one of his most trusted advisers and confidants. But political opposition did not merely arise from the National Republicans. Before long, the Democratic coalition which had triumphantly carried Old Hickory to the White House revealed its frail nature as it was undermined by intense infighting. With his conciliatory nature and belief that unity made a strong party, Van Buren applied himself to smoothing things over among the various warring factions within the Democracy. Most outstanding among them were two

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groups: the Westerners, led by William B. Lewis and Andrew J. Donelson, who both resided in the White House, John H. Eaton, the Secretary of War and Amos Kendall in the Treasury; and the Calhounites with Cabinet members Branch, Berrien and Ingham. But most critically, the Secretary of State himself was involved in the party divisions as it was the profoundly hostile Van BurenCalhoun relationship that broke up the alliance and would soon reach the point of total rupture. During the 1828 campaign, the two men had joined their forces to support Jackson but behind the scenes, they had been engaged in a severe inner battle for power. Calhoun had suspected Van Buren of opposing his bid for the vice presidency and Van Buren believed Calhoun had been secretly seeking to create new internal alliances in order to seize leadership of the party. In addition, the inflammatory tariff question had shaken the stability of the North-South axis so much cherished by Van Buren. The truth was a great deal of public speculation surrounded Jackson’s succession, especially in the event of his retirement at the end of his first term. It was clear that Calhoun was nursing presidential dreams while Van Buren’s aspirations remained unknown. The Secretary of State definitely knew he drew strong support but as he was careful not to damage his relationship with Jackson, he kept his ambitions to himself. Consumed by jealousy, the vice president hated Van Buren’s growing closeness to Jackson. His anger and fears were all the more exacerbated as he was convinced the Little Magician was secretly but actively paving his way to the presidency and would be a strong candidate in due course. As early as 1824, the New York American had already expressed the possibility of having a New York native inaugurated president on March 4, 1833, suggesting that “Van Buren was the strongest prospective candidate.”119 Also, the unfavorable impression left by Jackson’s appointments in the Cabinet, “the most un-intellectual which the country had ever had,” had increased the power and prestige of Van Buren and made him the strongest man in the administration. Francis T. Brooke of Virginia wrote his friend Henry Clay that the Secretary of State would be de facto president.120 Calhoun, the ‘cast-iron man’ who wanted no competition for the top spot, could not stand the idea of leaving the country in the hands of a New Yorker, even more so if it were to be Van Buren, whom he derided as a “weasel.” Like Van Buren, Calhoun was a distinguished statesman and known as “the Voice of the South” but his reputation was more long-standing. 119

Robert E. Moody, “The Influence of Martin Van Buren on the Career and Acts of Andrew Jackson,” Michigan Academy of Science, Arts and Letters, VII (1927), p. 231. 120 James A. Hamilton, Reminiscences of James A. Hamilton; or Men and Events, at Home and Abroad, During Three Quarters of a Century (New York: Charles Scribner & Co, 1869), p. 215; Moody, op. cit., p. 229.

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Yet although he was “an able doctrinaire,” Shepard comments, his views were “narrow and dogmatic. The jealous and ravenous temper of the rich slave-holders of South Carolina already possessed him.”121 Unexpectedly, the political disagreements between the two men took a nasty personal turn as they crystallized over the famous Peggy Eaton affair. Margaret O’Neale Timberlake was the daughter of a popular Washington innkeeper, with whom Senators Eaton and Jackson had boarded on earlier trips to Washington. At that time, Peggy was married to John B. Timberlake, a naval officer and a friend of Eaton’s. With her husband’s assent, Peggy was looked after by Eaton during the officer’s frequent missions across remote seas. In April 1828, Timberlake committed suicide aboard ship off the coast of Spain. Against all the customs of society, only eight months later, Eaton and the grief-stricken widow became husband and wife. Because Peggy was suspected of having begun her relationship with Eaton, himself a widower, before Timberlake died, she became the talk of the town among Washington’s élite. Rumors were spread about her two daughters being fathered by Eaton, about her miscarriage while Timberlake was at sea and about her record two dozen lovers before marrying the War Secretary. But it was with Floride Calhoun that the scandal broke out when Peggy called on her and the vice president’s wife, breaking conventional codes, flatly refused to return the call. The unethical Mrs. Eaton was then snubbed in society by all the respectable Washington ladies, including Cabinet wives and other high government officials’ wives who all justified their ostracizing Peggy as a moral duty to defend proper behavior. Even Jackson’s niece and official White House hostess, Emily Donelson, ignored and slighted her. Jackson, who was a friend of Eaton’s and who had fought several duels and been injured several times in defense of his beloved Rachel, knew only too well the ravages of gossip, innuendo and slander. Therefore, he made it a point to protect the virtue and reputation of his ’little friend Peg.’ Flying into a rage, he ordered a meeting in the White House and yelled: “She is as chaste as a virgin!” before terrified Cabinet members. However, of the entire Cabinet only Martin Van Buren came to the Eatons’ defense. He was in fact in a comfortable position that suited his impartial and conciliatory nature. The ‘petticoat war,’ as this episode of history is often referred to, having started two months before his arrival in Washington, he decided to observe strict public neutrality and treat everyone “with respect and kindness” and “not allow [himself], by [his] own acts, to be mixed up in such a quarrel.”122 But, unlike other Cabinet members, he continued to enjoy socializing with Peggy and 121 122

Shepard, op. cit., p. 180. Autobiography, op. cit., p. 342.

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paid regular visits at the Eaton home. Probably enjoying the role with cunning delight, he exacerbated the confrontation in his cordial behavior. To his credit, it must be noted that his attitudes in cultivating friendship and socializing with the Eatons was not without political risks in this conflicting context. Going against the social culture of the time in the nation’s capital could backfire on him and forfeit his political ascendancy. He may have defended Peggy for diverse reasons but although this remains a matter of speculation, his motivation probably resulted in some way from a sense of identification. Like him, she came from a modest background. She had grown up in her father’s tavern, in her case the Franklin House, where, like him, she had been acquainted with congressmen and senators and initiated to their political conversation. In addition to his bond with the young woman, Van Buren enjoyed the status of a free man. As a widower, having no daughters of his own, he was not directly concerned about the problem, which is why his gallantry garnered no recriminations from Washington’s fashionable society. He could pay the usual social attentions to Mrs. Eaton as much as he wished, a ritual he dutifully observed, with no ulterior motive, in the frequent company of bachelor friends of the diplomatic corps. Another probable reason why he did not shun Mrs. Eaton was that he judged the ostracism imposed on her simply unfair. Looking back, the “Eaton malaria,” as Van Buren dubbed it, revealed the emergence of a new force in the capital: political wives.123 By no means confined to a strictly ornamental role beside their husbands, they had become an influential ‘class’ in their own right, one which set the social rules of the community. In the Eaton affair, they showed how the social sphere under their command gained the upper hand over the all-male political field. The social code they determined forced their husbands to stand by their sides and bow to their opinions, thereby causing rifts among Cabinet members and prompting the outraged president into a vigorous intervention. No doubt the scandal made women feel their growing power over the destiny of the country. However in the present case, the probable winner of them all was neither a woman nor a native Washingtonian. According to James Parton, it was the polished, plump little Dutchman who by exerting his subtle diplomacy in an indiscriminate round of private calls and public dinners was changing the face of the Republic. In 1860, as he related the new Secretary of State’s first visit to the Eaton home, the famous nineteenth-century biographer wrote: “The political history of the United States for the last thirty years dates

123

Ibid., p. 403.

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from the moment when the soft hand of Mr. Van Buren touched Mrs. Eaton’s knocker.”124 Indeed the political landscape changed in part as a result of the Peggy Eaton crisis. Jackson was pleased by Van Buren’s polite attentions and common sense during the whole affair. Consequently his confidence in his premier redoubled and he would remain grateful ever after. Reversely, Vice President Calhoun fell from Jackson’s favor as after holding Henry Clay responsible for the turmoil, the president was now firmly convinced that the severe South Carolinian was the master-minder behind it all. Although it resulted more from political good fortune than calculated strategy, the whole episode tilted the balance of power in Van Buren’s favor. As noted by John Quincy Adams, the Cabinet was soon split between two main factions, Calhoun’s “moral party” and Van Buren’s “frail sisterhood.”125 In December 1829, Jackson’s health declined and the question of his replacement in the Oval Office resurfaced. Fearing death, the president sent his old friend John Overton a long letter that served as a kind of political will. In it, he revealed his contempt for Calhoun and the attachment he had formed for his Secretary of State: “I have found him everything that I could desire him to be, and believe him not only deserving my confidence, but the confidence of the nation. Instead of his being selfish and intriguing, as has been represented by some of his opponents, I have ever found him frank, open, candid, and manly. As a counselor, he is able and prudent, republican in his principles, and one of the most pleasant men to do business with I ever knew. He, my dear friend, is not only well qualified, but desires to fill the highest office in the gift of the people, who in him, will find a 126 true friend and safe depository of their rights and liberty.”

Though it remained private matter, Jackson could not have designated his successor more clearly. Yet, as he recovered, the feeling of emergency disappeared and obviously, there was still time before knocking on Heaven’s Door. The official designation of an heir apparent would come later on. The divisions in the administration resulted in Jackson’s ignoring his Cabinet and resorting instead to an intimate group of advisers familiarly known as his ‘Kitchen Cabinet’. Van Buren was the only official Cabinet member who belonged to it. Others included journalists and editors of influential pro-Jackson 124

James Parton, Life of Andrew Jackson (New York: Mason Brothers, 1860), p. 87. Cole, op. cit., p. 206; Ted Widmer, Martin Van Buren (New York: Times Books, Henry Holt and Co., 2005), p. 80. 126 Shepard, op. cit., pp. 189-190. 125

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newspapers. The little Dutchman soon became its legitimate leader but cautious by nature, he did not position himself in the forefront of the political stage and refused to attack Calhoun head-on or express any public desire for succeeding Old Hickory. Yet he remained more active than ever, always anxious to publicly support the president. A variety of political and economic issues gave him several opportunities to articulate the Jacksonian administration’s ideological outlook and reinforce his own authority within the administration. More than a mere counselor on foreign and domestic issues, Van Buren became Jackson’s assistant in drafting important state papers and in the process helped formulate the principles which underlay their common ideology. Converting theoretical principles into practical policies revealed an arduous task in the contentious and sectional context of the time. It would certainly take more than one presidential term to get through all of them. As the representative of the old Jeffersonian principles, the Secretary of State was assailed by Old Republicans from the South on the complex and sensitive questions of internal improvements, state rights and the still very controversial tariff. Van Buren, the harmonizer, remained deeply involved in trying to find a middle ground between Jackson’s nationalism and the Old Republicanism of the South. In 1830, a famous debate opposed Calhoun’s supporter Robert Hayne of South Carolina to Daniel Webster of Massachusetts. Senator Hayne launched into a full-scale attack on Easterners whom he accused of preventing the sale of western land. Ignoring Webster’s protest, he pursued with a forceful defense of state rights and the doctrine of nullification whereby state law took precedence over federal legislation. According to this principle, an extension of Thomas Jefferson’s belief in the supremacy of state rights, any state had the right to nullify, or invalidate, any actions of the federal government it deemed unconstitutional. In late 1828, Calhoun had issued the South Carolina Exposition and Protest as a result of what he had billed “the tariff of Abominations.” The debate then proceeded with Webster opposing a vibrant plea for the primacy of the federal government over the states. The debate presented a dilemma for Van Buren. As an all-time committed Jeffersonian, he espoused the cause of state rights, a position that endeared him to Southerners, including Senator Hayne. Even the Albany Argus took sides for Hayne. On the other hand, defending nullification would be interpreted as treason by Jackson and would label him as a supporter of Calhoun’s, a scenario he would not even think of! For the president, things were quite clear. In the name of the Union, he would not tolerate the principle of minority veto advocated by the vice president. The tensions continued to smolder until nullifiers and pro-nationalist forces met and confronted their views at the Jefferson Day dinner. The event,

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commemorating the former president’s birthday, was held on April 13, 1830, at Brown’s Indian Queen Hotel in Washington. Initially, the dinner had been planned by Senators Hayne and Thomas Hart Benton in a spirit of reconciliation between western and southern Democrats. But the sagacious Secretary of State soon smelled a rat, sensing that “some irregular and unauthorized proceedings were contemplated which might menace the stability of the Union.” He understood that Calhoun and his men, who had “until quite recently” abhorred “the Virginia principles of Ninety-eight” defined by Jefferson, were now using them as “a mask or stalking horse” to challenge the party and lambaste Jackson. Such an adverse atmosphere needed a counter-offensive which Jackson and Van Buren prepared carefully.127 At ten o’clock, after dozens of prepared toasts praising state rights and limited federal power, and raising the specter of nullification, Jackson stood up and hushed all conversation anxious to deflect what he considered to be a perversion of the Jeffersonian doctrine. Staring defiantly at his vice president, he raised his glass and declared solemnly: “Our Union: It must be preserved.” The joyous atmosphere suddenly gave way to a tone of gravity and solemnity. One keen observer noted that Calhoun could barely repress his anger. His glass “trembled in his hand” and “a little of the amber fluid trickled down the side.”128 Jackson’s trenchant words could not be taken for granted. They deserved contradiction. Embittered but unabashed by anything he had just heard, the resilient Calhoun found a forceful response: “The Union—next to our liberty the most dear. May we all remember that it can only be preserved by respecting the rights of the States and distributing equally the benefit and burden of the Union.” Two toasts, two radically opposed views. One underscored the prevalence of federal authority embodied by the presidential function, an emanation of universal suffrage, a concrete representation of the people’s aspirations. No local interest, be it from a sovereign state, could overcome popular demand. The other exalted the virtues of the states’ rights philosophy, defining the Union as a voluntary joining of states whose absolute sovereignty preserved against the excesses of national power. The dramatic scene was then followed by the inevitable interference of the Secretary of State. Typically, though without great inspiration, he found the conciliatory words that somewhat relaxed the atmosphere. But his toast did not quite smooth the rough edges: “Mutual forbearance and reciprocal concessions; thro’ their 127

Autobiography, op. cit., p. 413. Interestingly, Calhoun had started his political career as a staunch nationalist and changed course in the 1820s to become a strong defender of state rights such as they had been described by Jefferson and Madison in their Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions in 1798 to protest against the Alien and Sedition Acts. 128 Cole, op. cit., p. 209.

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agency the Union was established —the patriotic spirit from which they emanated will forever sustain it.” His midway position in favor of making “concessions” to the South while extolling the “patriotic spirit” of the Union may again denote a lack of clear commitment and appear as a convenient subterfuge to avoid negative effects on his own political ambitions. Yet his emphasis on the Union was unambiguous and bonded him definitely with Jackson against Calhoun. More than ever, he appeared as the candidate for the succession . . . when need arise.129 Van Buren had many opportunities to exercise his leadership of the Kitchen Cabinet and provide expert counseling to the president. One of them arose soon after the famous dinner when a controversy broke out after a bill passed in Congress on May 20 authorizing a federal purchase of stock to continue the construction of a road between Maysville and Lexington, Kentucky. Supporters of the legislation argued that by appropriating funds for internal improvements, the government would send a positive signal to the states and would bind them together into a cohesive and consistent Union. Van Buren, like many other Democrats, simply disagreed denouncing the risks of excessive competition and disputes between the states whose voracious appetites would never be satisfied in times of booming expansion. The Union would suffer from local tensions and perpetual dissension. In the present case, the road was an entirely local, and not inter-state, project and as such, Van Buren considered that federal support was not justified. On one of their daily rides, he convinced Jackson to reject the bill and in the following days drafted the president’s veto message. When Jackson issued it on May 27, opponents deplored that “the hand of the magician’ was visible in every line of it.”130 The message reaffirmed the old republican school obligation to fight latitudinarian constructions of the Constitution and made it clear that “the works which might be thus aided should be ‘of general, not local—National, not State’ character.” It also emphasized the Jeffersonian principle of economy in the federal government. Significantly, Jackson imposed two conditions for further consideration of federally-aided internal improvements: “the Public Debt should be paid and amendments to the Constitution adopted.”131 This episode again justified Van Buren’s title as a ‘magician.’ By persuading Jackson to abide by the old Jeffersonian rule, he reassured southern Democrats like Thomas Ritchie who had nourished misgivings on the president’s republican orthodoxy ever since the inauguration. At the same time, federal assistance for future roads and canals was not totally ruled out. As confessed by a number of 129

Autobiography, op. cit., p. 416. Ibid., p. 326. 131 Ibid., p. 328. 130

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historians, by encouraging Jackson to uphold state rights and veto the bill, “Van Buren had turned Jacksonian Democracy imperceptibly away from the uncompromising nationalism of the President.”132 Not quite unexpectedly, the Peggy Eaton affair and the Maysville veto marked the little Dutchman’s emergence as Jackson’s right-hand man. During the first year of the administration, the president had taken frequent advice from his western friends, a faction including Andrew J. Donelson, his private secretary, William B. Lewis and the embattled John H. Eaton. But now, undeniably, the Secretary of State was becoming the president’s number one confidant. He definitely asserted his supremacy as Democrats achieved good scores in the fall’s elections in Congress. “His” veto had materialized in political success. John Calhoun’s jealousy kept increasing as Van Buren grew in popularity and power. His attempts at eliminating the little New Yorker from the White House race had been of no avail. And worse was to come. His own presidential ambitions were literally reduced to pieces when Jackson discovered the South Carolinian’s earlier hostility toward him. The president was shown a letter corroborating reports that as Secretary of War in the Monroe Administration, in 1818, Calhoun had favored the arrest of General Jackson for his bloody and reckless activities during the Seminole War. After receiving news from the Florida frontier that the general had arbitrarily executed a Scottish trader, Alexander Arbuthnot and a young English lieutenant of Marines, Robert Ambrister, the former ‘War Hawk’ had proposed to try Jackson in a court martial. As Calhoun acknowledged the facts, all the violence of Old Hickory’s rage was now hurled at his vice president. The feud sparked a curt correspondence between the two men, each blaming the other for his deception and disloyalty, and provoked their rupture in the government. Although he denied being involved in the matter and refused to voice his opinion on it, Van Buren was purposefully catapulted into the dispute by Calhoun and his clique. The South Carolinian accused him of seeking to wreck his career and published a scathing diatribe in the Telegraph, a newspaper owned by his friend Duff Green. In return, the Globe, edited by a staunch Jacksonian and a member of the Kitchen Cabinet, Francis P. Blair, attacked Calhoun and defended Van Buren. The situation gave rise to a state of tension and confusion as the party found itself divided on both sides of the Mason-Dixon Line. The Democracy could be in danger. Calhounites and National Republicans seized the opportunity to assail Van Buren. They blamed him for his underhand dealings and insidious influence on the president. The Secretary fell prey to the most cynical and 132

Cole, op. cit., p. 212.

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contemptuous statements. Some congressmen, like New York’s Henry R. Storrs, even predicted that his career was over.133 Exaggerated as such declarations might have been and though his standing remained strong with the confidence of his president, Van Buren suddenly felt vulnerable. Beset by “doubt and anxiety,” weary of “plots, intrigues and calumnies,” as had been the case periodically in his career, he first thought of retiring from political life.134 But he soon realized the situation was not hopeless. As he struggled to find a way out, he designed a plan that would both aid Jackson and strengthen his own position as a potential successor to the president. During one of his morning rides with the Chief Executive along the Potomac river, Van Buren offered him his resignation. “Never, Sir!” Jackson replied vehemently, “even you know little of Andrew Jackson if you suppose him capable of consenting to such a humiliation of his friend by his enemies.”135 But the clever little Dutchman insisted and carefully detailed his plan with chosen words. He observed that his departure would dismiss the charge that he had too much influence in the government and would ultimately benefit the two of them as well as the cause they defended. The president’s firm resistance gradually subsided and gave way to a full understanding of the benefits that could be drawn from the Secretary’s plot. Van Buren’s (completed by Eaton’s) resignation would provide an excuse to proceed to a complete overhaul of the Cabinet while avoiding a party battle in Congress. Jackson would get rid of Calhoun’s backers and replace them by Van Buren’s allies. It was an ingenious bloodless coup. On April 11, 1831, Van Buren sent Jackson his official letter of resignation, explaining that the Cabinet needed a more harmonious reorganization. Being accused by his opponents of preparing his own election to the White House rather than serving his country as a loyal public officer, careful to avoid suspicion, he had no other choice than leave the Cabinet. He also claimed his presence in the Cabinet might be harmful to the president who had consented to run for reelection in 1832. Actually Van Buren had worked hard behind the scenes for “Old Hickory” to serve a second term. The New Yorker still needed to perfect his party machine to ensure his election and he knew 1832 was too close for him to be a viable candidate. By endorsing Jackson’s bid for a second term, time would play for him and he would appear as Jackson’s natural successor, a position which in the popular mind was still attributed to Vice President Calhoun. The resignation marked the sagacity of a political genius like Van Buren who thus exploited his 133

Ibid., p. 218. Autobiography, op. cit., p. 398, p. 402. 135 Ibid, p. 403. 134

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adversaries’ argument to deny being a self-seeking candidate while not concealing his aspiration to become president someday. This perspective was confirmed in another letter Van Buren sent to his Regency friends in which he justified his move not as a loss of confidence from the president but because he had become a potential presidential candidate for future elections. “Never was a presidential candidate more adroitly or less dishonorably presented to his party and to the country,” writes historian Edward Shepard. “For the adroitness lay in the frank avowal of a willingness or desire to be president and a resolution to be a candidate —for which, so far as their conduct went, his adversaries were really responsible, . . .”136 As planned, Jackson ordered the dissolution of the Cabinet and got rid of Calhoun’s stooges Ingham, Branch and Berrien. John Eaton became governor of Florida. Edward Livingston was named to replace Van Buren, McLane was recalled from Britain to take the Treasury, Governor Cass of Michigan took over War and Senator Woodbury of New Hampshire took charge of Navy. Roger B. Taney, later the Chief Justice, became the new Attorney General. All of them were close to Van Buren and loyal to Jackson who concomitantly appointed the Magician ambassador to the Court of Saint James in replacement of McLane. Although Van Buren insisted that this was a victory for him and the president, the resignation and consecutive reconstitution of the Cabinet were diversely appreciated on either side of the political spectrum. New York’s James A. Hamilton called it “the stroke of a master.”137 Calhoun denounced the change as one more subterfuge for Van Buren to gain power without the burden of accountability that a conscientious politician should assume. The United States Gazette presciently observed that the New Yorker’s plan would stage the ground for his future objectives: the vice presidency and ultimately the presidency. Others considered this was the price to pay for his many ruses and marked the president’s loss of confidence. A number of New Yorkers were also worried that his expatriation to England would keep him away from domestic issues and reduce his influence. Part of the truth is Van Buren’s resignation and appointment as ambassador were a means to break his image as a mere politician. Even though he led a strong political machine, one of the strongest the country had known, he still needed a national stature beyond the excellence of his successful political career. His service abroad, he thought, would enlarge his scope of competence and increase his visibility on the national and international stages. As a talented but 136 137

Shepard, op. cit., pp. 197-198. James A. Hamilton to Martin Van Buren, May 1, 1831. Martin Van Buren Papers, Box 13, Reel 10, Manuscript Division, Library of Congress. Washington DC.

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mostly behind the scenes worker, his years as United States senator (seven) and Secretary of State (three) had not had enough popular impact. The 1828 election of Jackson, the man of the people, served as a great lesson. Special service record is needed to tread the presidential avenue. But unlike the general, he was no hero. And he would never be. To fill this emptiness, he now had an opportunity to “nationalize” himself. His new function in England would provide the conditions to reach that status. By making the appointment, Jackson expressed his gratitude to the little Dutchman who enjoyed the idea of spending some time on the Old Continent and particularly in the fashionable city of London. As he embarked on the President for his English mission from New York on August 16, 1831, accompanied by his son John and Aaron Vail, the Secretary of Legation, Van Buren felt suddenly “transferred from the turmoil and contentions of Washington . . . to the quietude of a midsummer Ocean.”138 No later than a month after his arrival, he wrote to Hamilton about the delightful life he was now leading in the English capital as a diplomat. He rented an expensive but superb house in a chic neighborhood, Stratford Place, for $2,500 a year. He was paid a comfortable salary of $9,000 a year completed by another $9,000 as living expense. “Money—money is the thing,” he wrote emphatically.139 As suited the dainty little minister, social life occupied a great deal of his time. The respite from ruthless American politics was delightful. He was now a keen but detached observer of the British political system. His many social engagements included William IV, the new king who treated him with all due respect and distinguished favor. Little Van definitely made a good impression as the highest diplomatic representative of his country. Van Buren met another Dutchman, author Washington Irving who after spending a couple of years in Spain where he had written Columbus and collected information for his Tales of the Alhambra, presided over the American Legation in London. Irving and Van Buren, who enjoyed about the same age and had spent their youth in the same beautiful Hudson Valley, were both bons vivants and admirers of the brilliant London society. Irving had lived in London before (1824) and had even had a romantic affair with Mary Shelley, the author of the famous Frankenstein or the Modern Prometheus. Sharing many interests, the two Dutchmen struck a lifelong friendship. “The more I see of Mr. Van Buren,” Irving observed after a few months, “the more I feel confirmed in a strong personal regard for him. He is one of the gentlest and most amiable men I have ever met

138 139

Autobiography, op. cit., p. 445. Shepard, op. cit., p. 226n.

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with; with an affectionate disposition. . . .”140 The popular writer took great pleasure in introducing the little diplomat to English society. They both traveled throughout the country during the Christmas season visiting Oxford and historic sights like Blenheim and Warwick Castles and more literary landmarks like Shakespeare’s Stratford-on-Avon or Walter Scott’s Kenilworth. They spent a fortnight in Barlborough Hall where they gathered with locals for the festive Christmas celebrations and were introduced to “old English hospitality,” with glee singers, mummers and morris dancers coming by on Christmas Eve. They reveled in wassail bowls, boar’s heads crowned with holly, played snapdragon with much fun while the yule log burned in the fireplace. After days of these pagan Christmas pleasures, they returned to London where Van Buren relished in the typical high life enjoying the company of women as much as men. One evening, he met his French counterpart, the cunning and controversial Prince Talleyrand, whom some caricatured as ‘the lame devil’ and others admired as ‘a man of the Enlightenment’. Though he did not speak French nor the prince English and despite the man’s old age, Van Buren was impressed by his sagacity and clairvoyance and delighted by his kindness and cordiality. They became instant friends. In February 1832, as the queen celebrated her birthday during her first drawing-room of the season, Van Buren received the unpleasant news from Washington that the Senate had refused to confirm his nomination as ambassador. The King and Queen and other members of the Royal Family expressed their deep regret and profound sympathy towards the little minister and let him know that he could remain in England as long as he would. But on that day Van Buren knew that he had been caught up by the torments of Washington and his quiet six month interlude on the British soil was over. The rejection, voted after three months of intense debate, is known as one of the most outstanding cases in the history of American politics where executive appointment of a foreign minister is overruled by the Upper House. Observers agree that the political context in the Senate was rather propitious to that decision since the Democrats had much difficulty keeping control of the chamber. During the Twenty-first Congress, editors Isaac Hill and Henry Lee had also seen their nominations refused. This time, though, the affair was more serious and had historic consequences. Van Buren’s appointment had taken place during a congressional recess. As legislators reconvened for the Twenty-second Congress in December 1831, Calhoun, Webster and Clay, known as “the Great Triumvirate,” joined their forces again to launch into a full-scale attack against 140

Ibid., pp. 225-226.

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Van Buren’s appointment. Webster justified his position by referring to the episode of the West Indies negotiations with Great Britain and pointed an accusing finger on the instructions Secretary of State Van Buren had then given to McLane, his predecessor in London. He maintained that the settlement reached with the British had been a nasty political coup aiming at discrediting the previous National Republican administration’s policies in order to enhance the weight of the Democrats. According to the eloquent senator, Van Buren’s instructions had blown a whiff of indignity over American diplomacy. Concluding in a tone of solemnity, he defined his opposition to the nomination “as a duty,” against an American minister who had been sent abroad “as the representative of his party and not as the representative of his country.”141 Clay continued this very political condemnation with an attack on the spoils system, “a detestable system” which Van Buren had used and abused in New York before applying it at national level.142 William L. Marcy, a senator from New York, and one of Van Buren’s close political allies, rushed to the defense of his friend and made this historically famous declaration that after every election, winners “see nothing wrong in the rule that to the victor belong the spoils of the enemy.”143 For all his good intentions, Marcy then became identified with this unfortunate quotable faux pas. The ballot was finally taken in January 1832 and intentionally made a tie as a result of the absence of a pre-arranged number of anti-Jacksonian senators, which left Calhoun, as president of the Senate, cast a revengeful and deciding tiebreaking vote. The vice president exulted. “It will kill him, sir, kill him dead,” he said to Thomas Hart Benton with a tone of triumph and jubilation. “He will never kick, sir, never kick.” Benton did not quite share this view as he warned Senator Moore, who had also voted against Van Buren, “You have broken a minister, and elected a Vice-president.”144 He was right. The rejection raised a torrent of indignation around the country and in the eyes of many, Van Buren was recalled to Washington as a victim of, if not martyr to, political jealousy. In a letter to the Magician, Cambreleng wrote that he considered this “as a providential interposition in your favor. . . the thing is admirable –you will be our V. P. in spite of yourself– and you will ride over your adversaries . . .”145 Newspapers from a variety of states defended Van Buren and even antagonistic editorialists concurred to fear the action of the legislature as counterproductive. Van Buren’s chances as 141

Orth, op. cit., pp. 142-143. Ibid., p. 144. 143 Ibid., p. 146; Shepard, op. cit., pp 232-233. 144 Shepard, Ibid., p. 234. 145 Letter from Cambreleng to Van Buren, 27 January, 1832. Autobiography, op. cit., p. 454. 142

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the Jacksonian candidate for vice president had only been given a boost and the lately moribund Democratic party was recovering its energy. The majority of its members, still divided a few months before on Van Buren’s candidacy, were now united in their opposition to the Senate’s rejection. “All prior objections and hostile feelings are now merged in the recent outrage upon him, the President and the Country,” commented one prominent Virginian.146 Before returning home, Van Buren decided to take a tour of the Continent. He visited Paris and Cologne and made it a point to spend some time in the Netherlands, sensing that this would be “the only opportunity” for him to investigate his family roots. He was received as a hero in the land of his ancestors, like a child of the country, and his presence inspired pride and fervor among enthusiast locals who, they hoped, would sooner or later see their distant cousin become president of the United States. Meanwhile, the Democrats felt a need to concretize their restored harmony by holding a national convention, the first ever of the party, where they would democratically nominate their candidate for vice president. It took place in May 1832 in Baltimore, Maryland, and on the first ballot, Van Buren received 260 of the 326 votes. With two thirds of the delegates in his favor, definitely an outstanding mark of confidence, a resolution was adopted to make the little Dutchman Jackson’s running mate for the upcoming election. The people had already opted for the president to run for a second mandate. Now the politicians had nominated the most highly skilled among them to be vice president. By delaying his return home, Van Buren had carefully sidestepped the political turbulences in his country. His absence at the Democratic convention had thwarted his enemies’ criticisms that he was returning to once again make plans and maneuver to win the nomination. His absentee victory came as a severe blow in their face! He made the most of his remaining days on the old continent as he also knew that his travel came as a precious ephemeral respite from a number of thorny issues exacerbating the political debate, in particular the growing conflict over the tariff and the Bank. He arrived in New York on July 5, 1832. With the cholera epidemic spreading in New York, he judged it more decent to keep a low profile and declined all offers of public triumphant outpouring. No sooner had he set foot on his homeland than he was thrown back to the real world of political turmoil. A letter from the president was waiting for him and as requested in it, he promptly went to Washington to meet Jackson. “Stretched on a sick-bed a spectre in 146

James C. Curtis, The Fox at Bay: Martin Van Buren and the Presidency (Lexington, KY: The University Press of Kentucky, 1970), p. 37.

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physical appearance” but still “a hero in spirit,” the general held Van Buren’s hand and declared, “the bank, Mr. Van Buren is trying to kill me,” and without “passion or bluster,” he added, “but I will kill it!”147 The bank had been chartered in 1816 for a period of twenty years. Nicholas Biddle, its bold and defiant president, had relentlessly lobbied for its re-chartering during the greater part of Jackson’s first term. But the matter had taken a controversial and inflammatory turn in 1831 just as Van Buren had left the Cabinet. Biddle’s demand had eventually found support among the National Republican leaders Clay and Webster and infuriated an impetuous president who had decided to remain firm on his position. Ensued a tough but inevitable confrontation between the strongminded Executive and vigorous pro-bank members of Congress. Jackson denounced the excessive power of the bank on the national economy, its unchallenged monopoly over the financial orientations of the country and the permanent quest for its own special interests in absolute disregard for the people’s well-being. The bill to renew the bank charter had passed in Congress on July 3. A few days later, the worn out but indomitable president issued his famous bank veto. It had been prepared by Amos Kendall, the populist Kentucky newspaper editor and noted anti-bank activist. Van Buren had taken no direct part in it, but responding to the president’s request for advice, had made a few suggestions to the wording of the message. Without surprise, the veto expressed Jackson’s primary distaste of “the advancement of the few” and his concern for the many. “Every monopoly and all exclusive privileges are granted at the expense of the public,” he declared, castigating the “artificial distinctions” that “make the rich richer and the potent more powerful.”148 The message intensified the crisis into what has been called “the Bank War.” Biddle reacted with a caustic comment on a veto inspired by “the fury of a chained panther, biting the bars of his cage” and warning that its author “must pay the penalty of his own rashness. . . .”149 To Van Buren’s surprise, the veto aroused divisions among the Democrats. Some of them supported the extension of the charter as a vital need to buttress the country’s extraordinary ongoing economic expansion. Others stressed the necessity to develop the power of state banks. Faithful Jacksonians lined up behind their leader insisting on the threat the bank exerted over the liberty and

147

Autobiography, op. cit., p. 626. “Andrew Jackson Bank Veto Message, July 10, 1832.” In 149 Nicholas Biddle Letter to Henry Clay. In 148

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independence of the country.150 Yet, politically, the veto tempered these divisions since it appeared to be an effective weapon against the opposition and was greeted rather favorably by most members of the party. Jackson’s dominant authority over congressional attacks obviously strengthened their power. For some, the new crisis stirred up the distant memory of the 1824 “corrupt bargain” and renewed hostile sentiments against their perpetrators who had now embarked on another harmful cause. They shared Jackson’s view that “there are no necessary evils in government.” The message also reassured supporters of state rights as it reiterated the very Jeffersonian tenet that a government’s true strength consists in “leaving individuals and States as much as possible to themselves . . . leaving each to move unobstructed in its proper orbit.” Van Buren, on his side, did not spontaneously and wholeheartedly embrace the president’s visceral hostility to the central bank. But typically guided by an extreme caution, his reservations about Old Hickory’s aggressive posture remained elusive. As a New Yorker, he kept his distances from Jackson’s western allies who pressed their hero to maintain a hard line against the bank. But after careful consideration, with his keen sense of observation and unbroken presidential ambition, he made the unity of the party a priority and remained loyal and deferential to the rigid but still very popular nation’s leader. With the campaign ahead, his line of action allowed no discordant signal. Even though the veto was not totally to his liking, he decided to adopt it unreservedly. As the measure proved a political victory, he made no secret of his satisfaction. “The veto,” he wrote in the following days, “is popular beyond my most sanguine expectations.”151 Despite the current difficulties, the November election was prepared with optimism. In New York, the Democrats nominated William L. Marcy for the governorship. His opponent, Francis Granger, the National Republican candidate, counted on the Anti-Masons and their potential Democratic sympathizers to make the difference. But the rallying cry of the bank veto combined with Van Buren’s influence to discourage independent initiatives got the better of Granger’s hopes. Nationally, a new party including National Republicans and “an unlikely batch of Northern quasi-Federalists and Southern states’ rightists” was taking shape.152 The Whigs, as they would become known in the following years, had held their convention in December 1831 and nominated Henry Clay for president and John 150

Jackson’s veto message deplored the excessive influence of foreign stockholders in the bank, “More than eight millions of the stock of this bank are held by foreigners. By this act the American Republic proposes virtually to make them a present of some millions of dollars.” 151 Curtis, op. cit., p.38. 152 Widmer, op. cit., p. 87.

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Sergeant of Pennsylvania for vice president. They made the bank re-charter a strong issue which turned out to be a test of strength against the impetuous Jackson. Van Buren was not spared either. As usual, his enemies launched a denigration campaign against the little Dutchman, hurling their rage at his secret political methods, the alleged underhand dealings and shenanigans that had served his own interests but dishonored American politics. The assault was such that some southern Democrats feared the New Yorker might weaken their party ticket and suggested the name of Virginian Philip P. Barbour as a more reliable running mate. If their attempt, like the opposition’s attacks, proved of no avail, it did, however, prefigure the adversity of the days to come. November 1832 temporarily effaced the current fears as the moment of truth arrived in the polls. The Democratic-Republican ticket won a smashing victory over their rivals. Jackson received a popular vote of 687,502 (55%) against 530,189 for Clay. The electoral vote was even more convincing, with 219 of the 286 votes for the incumbent president and only 49 for Clay. Van Buren received 189. In New York, Jackson and Van Buren’s victory was a landslide as they swept all of the state’s 42 electoral votes and Marcy was elected governor with a comfortable margin. Only Pennsylvania darkened this triumphant picture as Van Buren lost its 30 votes to native son William Wilkins. Jackson also lost some influence in the South compared to four years before. Despite these minor imperfections, the two Democratic leaders had won the election without much difficulty. As inauguration ceremonies took place in popular triumph and cheerful celebration, Van Buren received a letter from Amos Kendall suggesting a new orientation for the party. Placing the Union as the supreme mission of the Democracy, the Kentuckian thought it wise and useful to operate a rapprochement with the defeated National Republicans and form a coalition of northern, middle and western states to oppose Calhoun and his nullification doctrine. The new corps would then easily secure a majority in the Senate. Van Buren, often criticized for his equivocal language, this time made himself quite plain and clear. His prompt reply expressed an unambiguous opposition to a strategy that recalled the amalgamation policies under President Monroe. He judged the proposal inconsistent with the principles of the Democracy and incompatible with the New York-Virginia axis he had constantly strived to maintain. Such an initiative would endanger the old alliance with the South and spark a critical sectional crisis. With a view to 1836, Van Buren also knew he could not afford to lose the support from the South. Pleading for “a moral force” to cut short “the incipient treason of the South,” Kendall remained unconvinced by the vice president’s motives and

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argued that there were “good republicans” in the opposition.153 Van Buren was shocked by Kendall’s suggestions and wondered if Jackson was not behind it. For a while, the specter of Old Hickory’s “fuzzy” political principles crossed the New Yorker’s mind.154 The sectional confrontation that Van Buren feared did take place just a few weeks after the election, as a vindictive John C. Calhoun resorted to put into practice the theory of nullification he had outlined in his 1828 Exposition and Protest. On November 24, South Carolinians held a special convention during which the tariff laws of 1828 and 1832 were declared null and void. Feeling the gravity of the situation, Van Buren advised the president to react with moderation. In the preparation of his annual message, Jackson seemed to follow his vice president and converge to a conciliatory solution. But it did not last long. Infuriated by Calhoun’s bold enterprise and more patriotic than ever, Jackson issued his famous nullification proclamation on December 10, 1832, declaring that “the Constitution of the United States, then, forms a government, not a league.” He threatened to use military force to arrest the adepts of “treason” and crush “this wicked faction in its bud.” Comparing the nullification theory to “a bag of sand with both ends opened,” he then added explicitly, “the union shall be preserved.”155 Adding fuel to the flame, he convinced Congress to adopt his Force Bill on January 16, 1833, giving him free hand to resort to the militia to collect dues in South Carolina, should the need arise. Again, Van Buren was trapped in the middle, still shared between his dislike for Calhoun’s scheme and his strong precious southern friendships, between his misgivings on Jackson’s nationalistic leanings and, given his position in the administration, his loyalty to the president. In addition, he was pressed by those dedicated Democrats who, like himself, did not identify with the doctrinal “heresies” expressed in the proclamation. For all the embarrassment of his awkward position, the Careful Dutchman assumed his middle-ground role with his trademark sense of diplomacy and political tact. Careful to preserve the union and protect himself, he served Jackson well by temporizing the general’s resistance and impulsive instincts and claiming “great discretion and good temper.” 156

153

Curtis, op. cit., p. 40. Cf. supra, p. 96. 155 Cole, op. cit., pp. 239-240. Curtis, op. cit., pp.40-41. 156 Cole, ibid., p. 239. 154

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Despite the fierce opposition of some inflexible New Yorkers, the nullification crisis subsided when Congress passed a new tariff bill in March with the assent of Jackson. The compromise text had been largely drafted by Clay and his friends who did not miss the opportunity to restore the authority that they had lost in the executive branch. The bill was a fine example of clever maneuvering as it both recognized the positive effects of the administration policy while gradually reducing tariff duties until 1842, by which time a rate of 20% could not be exceeded. Consequently, South Carolina rescinded its nullification ordinance. Jackson’s Force Bill now proved unnecessary. The confrontation had ended with face saving on each side but with no real convincing settlement. Through his successive anti states rights positions, Jackson had alienated a number of southern Democrats. Simultaneously, his northern allies, particularly in the Empire State, had shown little enthusiasm in supporting a bill that lowered the tariff, even moderately, to serve the interests of the South. Van Buren, on his side, shared many of these criticisms but also knew the many dangers of disunion. His political flair led him to remain evasive on the issue. At the end of a speech explaining that he would not oppose a balanced tariff that did not penalize one portion of the population and did not favor another, one observer asked another whether the vice president opposed or favored the tariff. The man confessed he was just as confused and completely unable to answer. As he arrived in Washington to be sworn in as vice president, the little Dutchman came face to face with the bank war again. Ignoring his second-incommand’s plea for peace and restraint, Jackson pursued his efforts at weakening the Bank. He decided to withdraw the federal funds it held and gradually place them in so-called “pet banks,” a network of smaller state banks. Aware that this decision might ignite another political firestorm, Van Buren demurred at endorsing the removal of the deposits, a measure he judged unsound, unwise and ill-timed. But the threat of a Union party suggested by Kendall refrained him from showing his disagreement as rumors of a clandestine alliance between the president and the nationalistic Webster were spreading in newspaper columns around the nation. After hesitating a while, the Little Magician understood that his opposition would be pointless in countering a policy that the president defended obsessively. As usual, Van Buren threw his loyal support behind Jackson who eventually prevailed in the crisis. In the Senate, Van Buren felt a sweet inner satisfaction at presiding an assembly that had rejected him in a recent past. But this personal victory did not remove the obstacles on his path. The financial panic that shook the country in the winter fanned the heated debates opposing congressmen and the administration. The Whigs, a disparate coalition of National Republicans, states’ rights

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supporters, nullifiers, remnants of the Anti-Masons and dissident Democrats held a slim but important majority in the Senate.157 They had strong words for Jackson whom they took for an utter despot and nicknamed ‘King Andrew I.’ Van Buren himself was not spared by the Whig coalition led by Clay, Webster and Calhoun. They blamed him for his co-responsibility in the current contagion of business bankruptcies. The Little Magician, who for a time carried a pair of pistols as a precaution against the occasional outbursts of violence, orchestrated the debates with authority and methodically maintained order all along, ordering the galleries evacuated if need be. Despite the complexity of his task, he faced the attacks against him with his legendary poise and self-confidence. On March 7, 1834, in an impassioned speech against Jackson’s disastrous economic policies, Henry Clay implored Van Buren to dissuade the president from going ahead obstinately. All the while, the vice president listened imperturbably “as if treasuring up every word.” At the end of his tirade, his face drained of its color, the exhausted senator returned to his seat expecting a reply from Van Buren. As the vice president rose and approached Clay with an alarming look, the stupefied crowd of spectators fell silent fearing a strong altercation between the two adversaries. Then, tension at its climax, Van Buren bowed and solemnly asked: “Mr. Senator, allow me to be indebted to you for another pinch of your aromatic Maccoboy.” An instant wave of laughter swept across the galleries and left Clay, the imposing leader of the opposition, speechless and bitterly humiliated. After he had helped himself, the little vice president innocently walked back to his podium with his serene and dignified demeanor.158 The wide variety of issues during the Twenty-Third Congress lengthened the debates, exacerbated the antagonisms and, despite his apparent composure, weighed heavily on Van Buren. Among them was the crucial question of slavery. With the Nat Turner rebellion and the creation of William Lloyd Garrison’s Liberator, the abolitionist movement gained strength and sent scores of petitions before Congress. Again, Van Buren’s position appeared ambiguous. As a New Yorker, he had supported emancipation in his state but anxious not to lose his southern connections, he considered the matter had to be resolved by the states case by case. Either too northern for some or too southern for others, he was constantly in the midst of these conflicting interests. As a fine and cautious politician, he weighed all the details in the balance but knew he was walking a 157

Of the 41 Democrats who had supported the bank re-chartering in Congress, 28 joined the Whig coalition. 158 Robert V. Remini, Henry Clay: Statesman for the Union (New York: W. W. Norton & Co., 1991), pp. 452-453; John Niven, Martin Van Buren: The Romantic Age of American Politics (New York: Oxford University Press, 1983), pp. 354-355.

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tightrope. “God knows,” he confessed to a southern friend, “I have suffered enough for my southern partialities. Since I was a boy, I have been stigmatized as the apologist of southern institutions, and now forsooth you good people will have it . . . that I am an abolitionist.”159 The 1834 midterm elections relieved Van Buren of the many uncertainties of the moment. Jackson’s power was proven to be intact and his infallible determination in the bank war had received a strong popular support. For the vice president, the strategy to follow was now clear. He carefully avoided disagreements, invariably helping his leader and defending his course of action. The two men reached a new understanding and worked closely again. In compliance with the aspirations of the people, the U.S. Executive branch became a united and efficient team. Naturally Van Buren’s supportive position did not amount to mere submission and was not the least bit innocent. His acquiescence to policies he did not necessarily approve of was motivated by his growing desire and excitement to become president. This strategy paid off and Old Hickory sent the word high and loud that he wanted Van Buren to be his successor. The forces present in the upcoming elections were now easy to determine as Van Buren’s philosophy of a two party system materialized in the current political landscape. Two clear-cut structures had emerged from years of political fights, incompatibilities of temper, underground alliances and striking ideological divergences. Though the Whigs still represented more a coalition than a party, their political action drew its energy and coherence from a common desire to crush the Jacksonian executive hegemony. As the race to the White House began, the battle between Democrats and Whigs entered a new stage. But the Senate vote to censure the president in March 1834 had not affected Old Hickory’s popularity greatly and Van Buren’s chances of succession were not seriously put into question. The two men, different in temper and character, had proven to be complementary in the Executive Branch. The military hero had been capable of headstrong decisive actions during crises. The skilled politician had been more of a pacifist adopting conciliatory attitudes, always softening Jackson’s curt rhetoric and harshness “without depriving it of its strength and force.”160 Old Hero was now about to pass the torch to Sly Fox. As expected, on May 20, 1835, the second Democratic convention at Baltimore, Maryland chose Van Buren as the party’s 1836 presidential candidate. The unanimous, first ballot vote nomination did not completely hush the discordant voices of a few disgruntled skeptics. However, it is safe to say that the Little Magician started the campaign 159 160

Widmer, op. cit., pp. 88-89. Moody, op. cit., p. 240.

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with the support of a powerful, well-organized and disciplined Democratic party, one whose existence he had largely contributed to create. Richard Mentor Johnson of Kentucky, a hero of the war of 1812, was chosen to run for the vice presidency. As usual, the presidential battle took a dramatic turn with its ugly string of invectives, sarcasms, insults and calumnies. Van Buren, the clever and beguiling politician, proficient at manipulation and compromise, expert at outmaneuvering his rivals, was now receiving blows like a boomerang. His central position stirred up his enemies’ vengeful desires. In a way, Calhoun opened the ball with a zoological description of his successor as vice president: “He is not of the race of the lion or the tiger, he belongs to a lower order –the fox.” William H. Seward, the young Whig senator defeated by William M. Marcy for the post of New York governor, used a venomous metaphor comparing the Democratic nominee to “a crawling reptile, whose only claim was that he had inveighed the confidence of a credulous, blind, dotard old man.”161 In the South, enraged opponents vented their contempt for a man they depicted as “secret, sly, selfish, cold, calculating, distrustful, treacherous.”162 David Crockett ridiculed the one he called “Aunt Matty” as an ageing dandy strutting and swaggering like a crow in the gutter. Even such a moderate Whig as Alexander E. Everett, a former U. S. minister to Spain, added his voice to the chorus of adverse characterizations. In a letter dated November 5, 1836, he made another scathing portrait of Van Buren: “A narrow, sordid, selfish spirit pursuing little ends by little means. No power, depth or reach of mind; no generosity of feeling; no principle or cause, no faith in the existence of such qualities in others. . . .”163 Senator John Randolph of Virginia, though not an enemy, but an acerbic orator, once quipped about the Red Fox’s political methods that he “rowed to his objective with muffled oars,” charging him as “an adroit, dapper, little managing man,” who “can't inspire respect.”164 Cartoonists and humorists of all stamps had a field day. With varied quality, they transferred their aversion of Jackson to his presidential heir. Some showed him dressed in women’s clothes in an effort to magnify the traits of his alleged effeminacy, a sign of weakness in pre-feminist, antebellum America. Others pictured him as a midget standing in the general’s shadow and hanging on to his coattails like a submissive follower. With less visual impact but even more conviction, more serious critics voiced their hostility to the expansion of Jacksonian policy. If Van Buren was not 161

Widmer, op. cit., pp. 88-89. Orth, op. cit., p. 151. 163 Ibid., p. 154. 164 William Cabell Bruce, John Randolph of Roanoke, 1773 — 1833: A Biography Based Largely on New Material (New York: G.P Putnam's Sons, 1922), Volume 2, p. 203; Niven, op. cit. p. 358. Cf. supra, p. 3. 162

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expected to be a despotic president, his detractors warned that the Democratic candidate would continue to assert the independence of the executive branch and enlarge the prerogatives of White House power. Knowing the price of a decisive campaign like this, the most important in his career, Van Buren looked unperturbed by all these attacks. Avoiding personal confrontation, he focused on ideas and emphasized two points in particular, his attachment to cooperation between the states and his unlimited devotion to the Jeffersonian principles of republican doctrine. On all other subjects, he acted in a “vanburenish” way adopting a typical middling, “noncommittal” stance. Convinced this was the safest approach for a candidate to preserve his chances, he carefully avoided any comment that would hurt feelings North and South.. “He neither asserts nor contradicts,” noted one observer.165 Instead, Van Buren made the most of his polite manners and engaging personality. Whether he calculated it or not to disconcert them, this protective attitude aroused the exasperation of his opponents. Biting statements such as the following diatribe from a leading New England Whig paper proliferated in the press:

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“Political knavery was never before carried to such an extent in this country as it has been by Martin Van Buren. To all intents and purposes, on all great national questions, on which all leading statesmen have taken sides, Martin Van Buren is seated on the fence. What confidence can be placed by any party in such a trimmer? He is the professed friend of all factions; in other words, he is not to 166 be trusted by any.”

Contrary to the Democrats, the new Whig Party did not hold a national convention. Because of their lack of organization, they could not decide upon one man to run against Van Buren. Instead they put up three separate candidates, each running in the section of the nation where he was strongest. The strategy was clear. They hoped each regional candidate would gather enough support to deny Van Buren a majority of electoral votes and send the election to the U. S. House of Representatives. The three favorite sons were Daniel Webster of Massachusetts, who ran for the North, Hugh Lawson White of Tennessee, who ran in the South and Southwest, and William Henry Harrison of Indiana (then living in Ohio) for the West. In the wake of nullification, the South Carolinian legislature also named Willie P. Mangum to be their own anti-Jackson candidate.

165 166

Moody, op. cit., p. 240. Orth, op. cit., p. 152.

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Although this time he was not the Democratic candidate, Andrew Jackson was the key factor of this election. For many voters, particularly in Democratic strongholds like Virginia, Pennsylvania, or even in Van Buren’s native state, New York, Old Hickory enjoyed an immense popularity which the Little Magician capitalized on. Marketing himself as Jackson’s “right-hand man” and natural heir, Van Buren, sometimes referred to as ‘the crowned prince,’ was sure to reap the rewards of two successful mandates. Though he did not appeal to the voters as much, the New Yorker, inspired confidence and enlisted respect for his well honed political qualities and pleasant sociable personality. He seemed to have so many friends that John Quincy Adams compared him with “the Sosie of Molière’s Amphitryon, ‘l'ami de tout le monde’.”167 On the other side, the Whig forces presented the Democratic candidacy as a presage of future social and economic troubles and oriented their campaign on stigmatizing Jackson’s destructive politics which Van Buren, a “third-rate man,” would continue and aggravate. Despite all their determination and the vigor of their fight, there was no miracle for the Whigs. With Jackson’s precious endorsement, Van Buren easily outdistanced the three Whig candidates combined. He amassed 170 electoral votes to 73 for Harrison, his nearest rival, 26 for White, 14 for Webster and 11 for Mangum. The popular vote showed a significant advantage as well, with 765,483 for Van Buren, 549,508 for Harrison, 145,352 for White, 41,287 for Webster and 3,648 for Mangum.168 Beyond the dazzling figures, though, loomed a number of worrisome signs for the victorious party. The electoral vote had been won with a smaller margin than four years before. The results in the South, in particular, did not bode well as Van Buren carried fewer states, losing Tennessee and Georgia, traditionally two Democratic bastions. Because of internal rivalries in the Whig camp, but without true popular support, Van Buren eked out narrow victories in a disturbing number of states, such as Pennsylvania, Virginia, Alabama and North Carolina. As a whole, the margins were significantly inferior to those of 1832. Last but not least, Johnson failed to receive the electoral majority, forcing his vice presidential election into the Senate, the first and only such case in American history. At the age of fifty-four, Martin Van Buren became the eighth president of the United States, the first of Dutch ancestry, the first who had not been active in the Revolution, the first born under the Stars and Stripes, as an American citizen. His election came as the fulfillment of a long-harbored ambition. Unlike Jackson four 167 168

Robert, Frédéric. L’Histoire Américaine à travers les Présidents Américains et leurs Discours d’Investiture, 1789-2001 (Paris: Ellipses, 2001), p. 66.

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and eight years before, his success had been prepared in his own quiet, inconspicuous style. He had always worked behind the scenes, relentlessly labored in the background, meticulously weighed the effect of any of his actions. This self-effacing personality had recurrently caused him the reputation of being dark, mysterious, hard to understand. Transferred into the merciless world of politics, such an obscure, unfathomable character had become an object of scorn by his enemies and sometimes by his allies. Nature abhorring a vacuum, often out of ignorance or malevolence, a multitude of apocryphal stories had billed the Little Magician as a sly plotter, a conniver, the master of intrigue and profound dissimulation. Fortunately, this inglorious judgment was not shared by all. If Martin Van Buren was a master in the arts of organization and discretion, first and foremost, it was due to his perseverance and talent as a shrewd but principled politician. He had achieved a long remarkable career as a lawyer, senator, State Secretary and vice president. The tavern-keeper’s son had worked his way up to reach his ultimate goal. His was the exemplary rags to riches story, the narrative of the self-made man. Not of a war hero, simply of a brave American citizen chosen democratically to preside over the destinies of his country. No, it was not a dream any more. Yes, Martin Van Buren was president of the United States. There were colossal responsibilities to assume, complex challenges to take up, a position which the president-elect was well prepared for and looking forward to. Because of his long, fifteen-year experience in the violent Washington political business, he was armed to face adversity. But more than anything else, he drew his great force from the political party system that he had created and which, in 1836, seemed to be the norm, accepted by all. More than any one else, he knew what direction to give to his country.

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Chapter 4

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A TORMENTED PRESIDENCY On March 4, 1837, Martin Van Buren and Andrew Jackson arrived together at the Capitol for the Inauguration ceremony. They rode in a majestic carriage, a “beautiful phaeton,” made from the timber of the U.S.S. Constitution frigate, carried by four horses, and escorted by a long retinue of cavalrymen and infantrymen marching at the pace of drummers, fifers and bandsmen performing patriotic tunes. Large U.S. flags were hung on either side of the streets where a crowd of enthusiasts had lined up to acclaim the outgoing and incoming presidents. It was a cool but glorious spring day lightened by a “clear sky” and “balmy vernal sun.” Jackson was leaving office with the same popular fervor he had entered it. As he joined his seat under the eastern portico, “a murmur of feeling rose up from the moving mass below, and the infirm old man . . . bowed to the people. . . .”169 The formal procedure went on in a dignified way, the audience of twenty thousand listening silently to Van Buren’s clear and graceful speech. At the end of the ceremony, Jackson stood up and left the officials’ stand to thunderous applause. The clapping resonated like a poignant tribute to Old Hero whose personal magic seemed so intact and overpowering that Thomas Hart Benton described the scene as a time when “the rising was eclipsed by the setting sun.”170 In his letter accepting the nomination of the Democratic party, Martin Van Buren had given the tone of his presidency. As “the honored instrument” of his party, he had pledged “to tread generally in the footsteps of President Jackson . . . 169

N. P. Willis, quoted in James Parton, Life of Andrew Jackson (New York: Mason Bros, 1860), III, p. 628. Donald B. Cole, Martin Van Buren and the American Political System (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1984), p. 289.

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happy, if I shall be able to perfect the work which he has so gloriously begun.”171 In his inaugural address, he confirmed his loyalty to his predecessor to whom he felt an immense admiration and, though not explicit in the speech, infinite gratitude given the general’s crucial and unconditional support in the election.

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“In receiving from the people the sacred trust twice confided to my illustrious predecessor, and which he has discharged so faithfully and so well, I know that I can not expect to perform the arduous task with equal ability and success. But united as I have been in his counsels, a daily witness of his exclusive and unsurpassed devotion to his country's welfare, agreeing with him in sentiments which his countrymen have warmly supported, and permitted to partake largely of his confidence, I may hope that somewhat of the same cheering approbation will be found to attend upon my path.”

Praising the Founding Fathers for their universal “great experiment,” Van Buren's message called for greater unity and pleaded for a common sense of responsibility. “It impresses on my mind a firm belief that the perpetuity of our institutions depends upon ourselves.” The new president reaffirmed his faith in Jefferson’s “generous patriotism” and the need for “harmony” and “forbearance.” One great delicate subject agitating the nation at the time was the institution of slavery. Significantly, the word was used for the first time in the history of inaugural speeches. For all the audacity of his endeavor, Van Buren reiterated his desire for moderation and compromise and pledged to oppose “the slightest interference” against the wishes of states where it existed. His position certainly reflected the fact that he was born in a slave state and raised in a slave-holding family. Pointing to the dangers of sectional tensions, he reproved the recent abolitionist activism for its disruptive effects on the Union. He was also aware of the serious threat a powerful abolitionist movement would pose to the nationwide cohesion of the Democratic party. In particular, he would oppose any congressional attempt at abolishing the peculiar institution in the District of Columbia. In fact, neither a pro-slavery nor an anti-abolitionism advocate, Van Buren adopted a stand that revealed his determination to maintain political peace. His many references to the great achievements of his predecessors have often been interpreted by historians as a statement of self-depreciation, a confession that he lacked the fiber of a statesman. Similarly, his insistence on tranquility and 170 171

Benton, Thomas Hart, Thirty Years’ View, or a History of the Working of the American Government for Thirty Years from 1820 to 1850, Volume 1 (New York: Appleton, 1856), p. 735. Wilson, Major L., “Lincoln on the Perpetuation of Republican Institutions: Whig and Republican Strategies,” Journal of the Abraham Lincoln Association 16.1 (1995): 15 pars. October 17, 2007. .

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repose sounded like an anticipation of worse times to come and an inability to face them. Was Van Buren so apprehensive and powerless? Times had changed. He was a young president, the youngest the nation had known. But this relative youth and inexperience were by no means a handicap as they reflected the current of freshness that swept the country and announced a new age of leaders. The grand all-encompassing mission of a president was to protect and preserve the institutions of his forefathers by adapting them to the demands of a modern context. The times pleaded for new forms of leadership. Heroes were no more. In the metamorphosing 1830s America, adaptation, pragmatism and forward-looking were the watchwords. The 1837 American nation was radically different from the one Jackson had taken in hand in 1829. The pace of transformation was so much faster that more than a change, it was a revolution the country was undergoing. The extensive westward movement in particular set the stage for new patterns of class, race and ethnic diversity. A period of large-scale demographic developments was underway. The nation's urban population increased from less than 550,000 in 1820 to 1.8 million in 1840. In the same period, the population in the western states rose from 2.2 million to 6.4 million, a sudden explosion contrasting with the slower eastern growth from 7.2 million to 10.7 million. Cincinnati, Ohio, provides a striking example. While it was not listed among the big American towns in 1820, two decades later the ‘City of Seven Hills’ was ranked number six, with 46,338 inhabitants and has been known ever since as the first major “boomtown” America produced in those years. Similar demographic eruptions appeared in such towns as New Orleans (rising from 27,176 to 102,193) or even Chicago which in 1833, with 350 inhabitants, was organized as a town and four years later, with its population swelling to 4,000, was officially incorporated as a city –on the day of the new president’s inaugural address. The social fabric changed with the surge of European immigrants who came to work in the booming manufacturing industry. From 1820 to 1840, their numbers multiplied tenfold from 8,000 to over 80,000. Concomitantly, the progress of technology transformed the modes of communication. Transportation diversified with the advent of the railroad, itself a source of attraction for immigrants in search of work. As longer distances could be traveled faster, the speed and the volume of trade increased dramatically. The network of canals continued its expansion, particularly in Western states like Ohio and Illinois eager to link their rivers to the Great Lakes. As new farms mushroomed in the North, the production of corn and wheat skyrocketed while in the Deep South and Southwest, thanks to the successful cotton gin factories, the number of cotton

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bales rose from 334,338 to 1,346,232. The increase in the culture expanded Southerners’ dependence on slave labor.172 This unprecedented economic boom and change in the social structure thus gave way to a whole different reality which the political world could not ignore. The emergence of the second American party system provided a partial response and offered a new political landscape as most factions, so active in the early Jackson years, had been swallowed up by the two leading parties. This political organization of democracy would keep a steady course till the concluding years of antebellum America. The general spirit of novelty which accompanies the arrival of every new administration typically nurtured great expectations among the people who cherished the hope that new perspectives would augur a bright future. Naturally, the new president was the one person who crystallized these aspirations as the expected figurehead of a new age. The function granted him the emblematic image of the promoter and catalyst of innovations. “Hurrah for Martin the First!” wrote Whig merchant Philip Hone in his diary. Though an adversary, he predicted a quieter political climate after the permanent tumult of Jackson years. “He will be a party president,” observed the wealthy New Yorker, “but he is too much of a gentleman to be governed by the rabble who surrounded his predecessor and administered to his bad passions.”173 As he took his first steps in the presidential avenue, Van Buren ran into a dilemma, as he was torn between his temptation to cast the Democratic party in his own mould and his desire to keep Jackson’s imprint. Selecting his Cabinet, his political flair led him to define stability as his priority. To that purpose, he decided to bring his predecessor’s team just a few slight touches of his own. This continuity was not really surprising since Van Buren himself had put his own weight in Jackson’s second term appointments. Why get rid of political friends? With a single exception, he retained the entire existing Cabinet: Georgia’s John Forsyth as Secretary of State, New Hampshire’s Levi Woodbury as Treasury Secretary, Kentucky’s Amos Kendall as Postmaster General, his former law partner Benjamin F. Butler as Attorney General and despite his age, New Jersey’s sixty-six-year-old Mahlon Dickerson as Secretary of the Navy. The president only needed someone to fill the vacant War Department in replacement of Lewis Cass whom Jackson had appointed minister to France. One of his major preoccupations being to restore sound political relations with the South after two disruptive decades, he decided to defer to the wishes of disgruntled Southerners who 172 173

Wilson, Major L., The Presidency of Martin Van Buren (Kansas City: University Press of Kansas, 1984), p. 38.

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complained about their lack of representation in the government. After Virginia’s William C. Rives who wanted the Department of State declined the offer, he appointed another Southerner, South Carolina’s Joel Roberts Poinsett. The choice of a man both identified with the South and loyal to the Union was definitely a judicious one to avoid continuous tensions. Though not inclined to swagger, the new president barely concealed his pleasure at having successfully combined the continuity of Jackson’s course of action and his own policy of openness with the South, which allowed him to accomplish what he had set out to do: harmony. With his legendary finesse, Van Buren had set up a fine governmental organization. Cutting short with the informal gatherings his predecessor secretly organized with advisers, he restored the Cabinet’s traditional role. Weekly meetings were held, daily when necessary, each Secretary operating in close cooperation with the president. He also built up a network of close allies in Congress with such leading Democrats as his protégé Silas Wright and other personal friends Thomas Hart Benton, James Buchanan and Franklin Pierce who invariably supported the cause of the government in the Senate. Churchill Cambreleng assumed the same mission in the House as Chairman of the Ways and Means Committee while James K. Polk, a staunch Jacksonian was the respected Speaker (re-elected in September 1837). By exerting a significant amount of control over Congress with these reliable Democratic stalwarts, Van Buren secured his long-sought enterprise to combine peace and efficiency. The president started off his term with confidence and optimism. Despite the disappointment of some forgotten Democrats who had vainly demanded “rotation in office” and the occasional criticisms over the government’s lack of political force, the new administration presented a well-balanced combination of competence and experience. In a few months, the Little Magician had found the political calm his predecessor had ignored during the greater part of his eight years in power. With the nation’s economic prosperity, and its major points of contention resolved or in control (the Bank, the national debt, the tariff), the president simply sought to stay the course across peaceful waters. Martin Van Buren moved into the White House with his sons Abraham and Martin Junior who both served as close political assistants to their father. Abraham was appointed Second Auditor of the Treasury as well as his father’s private secretary –the same role that Jackson’s nephew Andrew had assumed in the previous administration– and, according to contemporary observers, acquitted himself “very creditably.”174 He brought daily reports of the proceedings of 174

Mary Ormsbee Whitton, First First Ladies: 1789-1865 (New York: Hastings House, 1948), p. 148.

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Congress to his father, who welcomed his keen judgment and wise suggestions. Martin Junior was granted a post in the Land Office but inherited his mother’s physical weakness and soon suffered from chronic health problems. The two other sons, John and Smith Thompson, went back to Albany some time after the president’s inauguration but remained close confidants whom Van Buren consulted regularly to sound out his native state’s political atmosphere. During his first year in office, the president relied on his friend Peggy Eaton to serve as the Mansion’s hostess. Dolley Madison, who had returned to the capital after the death of her husband, former president James Madison, had taken up residence just across from the White House. Still the queen of Washington society, and a close friend of Van Buren’s, she occasionally rediscovered the pleasures of her old familiar role of White House hostess. The courteous president often escorted the former First Lady to social events, but no romance was ever reported. White House receptions were less ‘democratic’ than during the previous administration. They were as festive but much more refined and limited in number. Access to the president was restricted by uniformed guards, a practice that was not really disapproved of as guest lists for Saturday-night dinner parties included political foes as well as friends. Both former president John Quincy Adams and Henry Clay enjoyed the privilege of coming to the sumptuous dinners concocted by the talented imported chef. In a sincere but uncharacteristic way, the former House Speaker praised the chief executive for his “generous and liberal hospitality.”175 Van Buren was quite active socially and declined few of the frequent invitations he received around the capital, from his cabinet members, congressmen and foreign ambassadors. Warm and friendly, he kept his political life and social life apart, at least in appearance. True to his nature, the president always found a political interest in his social intercourse, keeping abreast of the latest exciting news around town and casually passing on some opportune information he wanted to spread across well-targeted circles. The presidential honeymoon, though, was short-lived. Ominous signs soon revealed the advent of a major crisis. On the very eve of the inauguration, a mob of angry workers started a riot to protest the exorbitant price of flour and other staple foods. The next day, while the president boasted that “the cost of two wars [had] been paid, not only without a murmur, but with unequaled alacrity,” Isaac Hone’s trading firm suspended its payment. In New Orleans, several cotton houses went bankrupt in the following days. Within weeks, banking institutions, including the famous I. and L. Joseph, stopped payment and were followed by a cascade of failures around the country. Like “a chorus of owls,” to quote Ralph 175

Wilson, Presidency, op. cit., p. 24.

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W. Emerson, newspapers carried hundreds of similar and just as worrisome stories about establishments in disarray. Across the nation, firms closed down, financial houses went out of business or were about to do so and lots of people lost their jobs. In May, the so-called Panic of 1837 was in full rage sweeping across the country with a rate and intensity unprecedented in history. Historian Samuel P. Orth described this economic downfall in the following terms:

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“The Panic of 1837 desolated every hamlet and brought woe to every home. Want and failure stalked the land. Mills were closed, mortgages foreclosed, whole towns swept off the map, fortunes vanished in a night. Prices became ridiculous, wages were reduced to the starvation point, and profits were the substance of reverie. No subsequent panic wrought such havoc with the great 176 masses of our people as did the crisis of 1837.”

The sudden panic, striking contagiously from city to city, was in fact part of a worldwide depression. But it hit particularly hard in America where the rapid economic expansion had fueled a period of prosperity that so many of its citizens enjoyed as God’s blessing. The brutal free fall came as a crushing blow and a cruel reminder that brisk economic welfare may harbor hidden threats and turn out ephemeral. The psychological and emotional dimension conveyed by the word panic reveals the scope of human suffering as much as the severity of the economic debacle. But what were the reasons for the sudden Panic? Jackson’s controversial monetary and banking policies again sparked heated debates. By ordering the withdrawal of all federal funds from the National Bank of the U. S., he had utterly “killed” the institution as promised and set off the collapse of credit. The decision had given momentum to the inflationary policies of certain state banks. Old Hickory was also blamed for his “hard-money” policies. One of his directives in particular, the highly unpopular Specie Circular issued in December 1836, became the source of all frustrations and disagreements. In an effort to check the excessive speculation funded by the immoderate availability of loose money and generated by the seemingly limitless boom, the Jackson administration had issued an order requiring collectors of public revenue to accept only silver and gold (“hard” money) in payment for public land, rather than paper currency, the “soft” money that private and state banks circulated in great quantities. The measure was aimed to discontinue “the

176

Samuel P. Orth, Politics and People: The Ordeal of Self-Government in America (Cleveland, OH: The Burrows Brothers Company, 1906). Reprint (New York: Arno Press Inc., 1974), pp. 157158.

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monopoly of the public lands in the hands of speculators and capitalists.”177 Jacksonians were confident that since the availability and circulation of specie (metal) were more limited than paper notes, they would stabilize an out-of-control economy. But the instability had been deepened by the perverse effects of the booming economy as America’s imports from England surpassed its exports and resulted in an unfavorable balance of trade with that country. Part of the remedy came with the sale of cotton to English mills, and the vast reinvestments of English profits in American transport and manufacturing infrastructures. However, responding to financial domestic troubles and concerned about the shortage of specie, the Bank of England now demanded payment in silver and gold from U.S. banks and decided to raise its discount rate to dissuade British merchant bankers from further investing in America. The abrupt tightening up of British credit struck a massive blow at America’s growth. With the exports of southern cotton to England in sharp decline and the ensuing fall in prices, cotton brokerage firms like the prominent Herman, Briggs and Co. failed because they were unable to pay their outstanding loans to British banks. Similarly, New York’s leading banks could not collect payment on loans granted to these firms. Unable to pay off their creditors in silver and gold as required, they had no choice but to suspend their payments as well. On May 10, the financial panic was in full motion. Running out of hard currency reserves, banks refused to convert paper currency into gold and silver. The greater part of the American banking industry collapsed like a pack of dominoes. At least 800 banks suspended payment in specie and 618 banks failed before the end of the year. With the constriction of credit, the Panic slipped into outright depression. As gold almost disappeared from circulation, and paper money depreciated in value, company managers were forced to pay their employees in small denomination ‘shinplasters’ that were of dubious value and easy to counterfeit. The financing of state projects such as the construction of roads and canals was halted, leaving thousands of workers out of jobs. In New England, all but one textile mill closed down. Many shoe factories met the same fate. In the largest urban center of the country, New York City, masons, carpenters, and other building artisans were without employment. Twenty thousand people lost their jobs. As prices of food suddenly skyrocketed, destitute families thronged to soup kitchens, begged on the street for food, and/or died of starvation. Meanwhile the city’s almshouses and other charitable institutions were overflowing. Agriculture faced equal tragedy as prices continued their downward spiral and farmers could no longer sell their 177

Cole, op. cit., p. 277.

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products on the domestic and foreign markets. Unable to honor the payment of the loans they had contracted out for the land they worked, many were ruined and doomed to foreclosure. Vast expanses of fertile land went untilled. Harbors looked like deserted islands as boats and barges lay idle at the docks. With the shock and magnitude of the ruthless crisis, as if a war had broken out, a general apathy seemed to cover the entire country. Stunned by the scenes of devastation under his eyes, Henry S. Fox, the British minister, poured out his feelings in a poignant letter to his government:

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“It would be difficult to describe, or to render intelligible in Europe, the stunning effect which this sudden overthrow of the commercial credit and honor of the nation has caused, in a Country like America where mercantile business fills the greater part of everyman’s time, and forms the general politics of society. The conquest of the land by a foreign power could hardly have produced a more 178 general sense of humiliation and grief.”

All areas of the country were afflicted, leaving powerless citizens in a state of torpid sadness. Everywhere except in the political spheres. The Whigs were quick to react as they found in the crisis the predictable consequence of Jackson’s extreme and blatantly irrational banking policies. Van Buren was held responsible for deliberately following his predecessor’s course of action. His Jeffersonian belief in the limited powers of government and participation in the demolition enterprise of the banking structure were under attack. Topping the list of opponents were the usual protagonists readily determined to launch their assault on, and destabilize, a vulnerable president. In March, Daniel Webster had kicked off the combat in a scathing tirade against the Specie Circular. John C. Calhoun, who had resigned as Jackson’s vice president and refused to be associated with his policies, now felt in a position of force and charged at the little “weasel” like a vulture swooping on its prey. He saw in Van Buren a “practical politician,” who considered “justice, right, patriotism, etc.” as “mere vague phrases.” For him, the man in the White House was “very weak” and could be “easily crushed with anything like a vigorous effort.”179 Even in the Democratic ranks, opinions were divided. Though in minority, Congressmen John F. Clairborne and John I. Ward purely and simply asked for repeal of the circular. William C. Rives and New York senator Nathaniel P. Tallmadge alerted the party on the threats of presidential unpopularity and loss of 178

James C. Curtis, The Fox at Bay: Martin Van Buren and the Presidency (Lexington, KY: The University Press of Kentucky, 1970), p. 73. 179 Cole, op. cit., p. 294.

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Democratic impact in the West and the South if the circular remained unchanged. Others, however favorable to the directive, also urged for modification in order to dampen the fires of protest. One of them, Jackson’s nephew Andrew J. Donelson, proposed a compromise solution to ease credit and allow land buyers to use paper currency, but only in large bills. Pro-Democratic newspapers like Thomas Ritchie’s Richmond Enquirer and the Albany Argus relayed the mounting demand for change in their editorials. But from his Hermitage estate, Andrew Jackson, whose voice was still authoritative and respected, defended the legitimacy of the circular proclaiming that it was “popular with the people.” He implored Van Buren to remain firm and not yield to the demands of rapacious financial forces. So did a number of president’s friends like Silas Wright and Churchill C. Cambreleng. “The specie order,” said New York State Comptroller Azariah C. Flagg, “did not cause the disease and its repeal cannot cure it.”180 But now, beyond ideological considerations and political squabbles, some urgent concrete solution needed to be found to set the country back in motion and alleviate the distress of several million Americans. Chief Executive Van Buren had to act. Under political and social pressure, he called an emergency session of the Cabinet. Meetings were held daily during a week. Careful not to squander public funds, the president decided to propose an issue of Treasury notes to absorb expenses. But short-term remedies proved insufficient to solve the crisis. On May 15, after considering further possibilities, he finally issued a call for a special session of Congress in September, the first in American history not held for military purposes. The president was in a difficult position. Was there any possible executive action to stop the crisis? Overwhelmed by doubt and stress, he developed dyspepsia, a form of chronic indigestion and stomach disorder, which he treated with water, soot, and powdered charcoal.181 When Congress reconvened on September 4, Van Buren was nervous but ready to face the eminent and powerful assembly, an event scheduled on the following day. His message, prepared with the greatest care, impressed its audience for its remarkable clarity and sharp insightfulness. It was “one of the greatest of American state papers” observes biographer Edward M. Shepard.182 Van Buren first articulated a detailed analysis of the current financial situation. Typically, he adopted a very cautious approach to the causes of and solutions to 180

Azariah Flagg to Martin Van Buren, April 10, 1837. Martin Van Buren Papers, Box 27, Reel 17, Manuscript Division, Library of Congress, Washington DC. 181 John R. Bumgamer, The Health of the Presidents: The 41 United States Presidents Through 1993 from a Physician's Point of View (Jefferson, NC: MacFarland & Company, 1994), p. 56. 182 Edward Morse Shepard, Martin Van Buren (New York: Elibron Classics, 2003). Reprint (Boston & New York: Houghton, Mifflin & Co., 1899), p. 326. First edition by Houghton, Mifflin & Co., 1888.

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the problem. With serene and dignified demeanor, and sure to rally Jacksonians and Old Republicans to his opinion, he cleared the current and precedent governments of any wrongdoing, arguing that the charges against their anti-Bank and hard-money policies were unfounded. The origin of the crisis was to be found in the extensive credit granted by little conscientious bankers and in the outrageous greed of frantic speculators whose behavior deregulated the normal course of an initially strong and sound economy. Faithful to the Jeffersonian cause, he reiterated his long-established distrust of federal interventionism to assist needy individual members of society. “Those who look to the action of this Government for specific aid to the citizen,” the president told the special session, “to relieve embarrassments arising from losses by revulsions in commerce and credit lose sight of the ends for which it was created and the powers with which it is clothed. It was established to give security to us all in our lawful and honorable pursuits, under the lasting safeguard of republican institutions. It was not intended to confer special favors on individuals. . . .” He pursued with the same tone of conviction to demonstrate the unflinching adherence of his administration to the minimal government credo of the republican ideology. “All communities are apt to look to government for too much. Even in our own country, where its powers and duties are so strictly limited, we are prone to do so, especially at periods of sudden embarrassment and distress. But this ought not to be. The framers of our excellent Constitution and the people who approved it with calm and sagacious deliberation acted at the time on a sounder principle. They wisely judged that the less government interferes with private pursuits the better for the general prosperity.”

His apparent firmness, however, was not as rigid as it might sound. Van Buren was a man of compromise. But beyond the natural flexibility that any democratic government may consent in negotiations, ideological boundaries had been fixed, or rather reaffirmed, out of which the president clearly would not wander. Van Buren never diverged from the notion that the economy would pick up naturally provided that the system be cleansed from its speculative and destructive forces. It was no surprise to see the Whig opposition in Congress howl violently at such adherence to inaction at a time when the distressed people in this country were in desperate need for change. Naturally Van Buren was not insensitive to the rampant suffering of American citizens and he did lay out an emergency plan presenting a variety of immediate measures. In compliance with the Deposit-Distribution Act of 1836, he proposed to postpone the last payment of surplus federal funds to state banks precisely because there was no longer such surplus to distribute. Contrary to the

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demands of radicals, in an effort to prevent exporters from crumbling under debt, he also suspended the payment of customs bonds required from merchants until October 1 and asked Congress to explore further possibilities of postponement. Finally, again in disagreement with radicals, he repeated his intention to issue ten million dollars worth of treasury notes to get more money into circulation. To demonstrate his understanding of the fate endured by many companies, he did not require that all debt owed to the government be paid in hard currency. The political reactions were immediate and, not surprisingly, very contrasted. Francis P. Blair’s Washington Globe described the message as “the boldest and highest stand ever taken by a chief magistrate, . . . a second declaration of independence.” The staunch backers of the Party like James Buchanan and Thomas Ritchie praised the president for speaking his mind with “moral courage.” Whigs played their legitimate role as opponents by denouncing the president’s excessive cautiousness and lack of determination to relieve popular misery. Most of Van Buren’s program, though, went through the House and Senate without the usual chorus of disapproval. But the package did not go through without a hitch. One proposal in particular, the most spectacular one developed in the message, known as the “divorce bill,” did give rise to a storm of criticism. Van Buren announced his intention to create an Independent Treasury, separating government funds from state banks. Concerned about the safety of federal monies and determined not to let his opponents raise the specter of a national bank again, he presented the removal of federal funds from poorly managed “pet banks” and their control by designated federal agents as an absolute safeguard necessity. For Van Buren and his advisers, the deposit of government funds in safer sub-treasuries would regulate and stabilize the financial system. The message carefully avoided charging state banks with the origin of the panic, but it was clear that the bill sought to disassociate the government from establishments involved in precipitating the current economic downturn. In order to brush away anticipated fears, Van Buren took care to specify that his program would not require to extend executive patronage. Cautious and respectful though it was, elaborated with very carefully chosen, harmless words, and communicated in a familiar and sincere tone, the message revealed a radical change from Jackson’s policies. With the Independent Treasury, the federal needs took precedence over state interests. Paradoxically, the new president, a most prominent architect and chief organizer of the Democratic party, was departing from one of the founding principles upon which it had been built. The political balance which Van Buren had so persistently tried to maintain was reversed. With the adjustment of governmental priorities, the proposal put the very identity of the party in question.

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Little surprised by the Whig outcry his message produced, Van Buren hoped for a more cordial reception from Democrats. But the news he received in the following days proved more disturbing than reassuring. A number of disenchanted reactions came from state leaders including Van Buren’s loyal supporters. His native state’s governor, William L. Marcy, sounded the revolt in a conversation with Butler, the attorney general who had made a special visit to Albany. Shared between bitterness and anger, he asked “if the men at Washington expected that I was to proclaim a Divorce between the government of the state and the banks.” Butler assured the governor there was no such consideration. “What sort of supporters of Mr. V. B. shall we be,” Marcy added indignantly, “if we repudiate his doctrines as applicable to the states?”183 This sensitive point about local party loyalty elicited no reply. In Virginia’s Richmond Enquirer, Thomas Ritchie expressed his reservations on the continuance of party unity if the administration remained committed to the divorce bill. Most Virginian politicians were anxious to keep solid bonds between their state and the banks. Despite his friendship with the president, the leader of the Junto suddenly felt in disagreement with him over the removal of federal deposits and warned about the loss of public confidence in banks such a decision would spawn and about the disruptive consequences it might harbor for the future of the party. Although it enjoyed a majority in both Houses, the president’s party showed striking divisions over the Independent Treasury issue in the assembly. James Buchanan and Silas Wright endorsed the proposal and defended its ideology as being perfectly consistent with the Jeffersonian doctrine of limited government. But the conservative Democrats railed against a measure that would increase executive patronage and expand executive power. The Senate, though, adopted the creation of the Independent Treasury on October 3, 1837, with a tight victory of twenty-five over twenty-three votes. But in the House, the dissident conservative voices proved more effective in their promotion of states’ rights. On October 14, the passage of the bill was defeated by a vote of 120 to 107. Bad news never coming alone, the fall elections in New York resulted in a dramatic reversal of power as Whigs gained sixty-seven seats and tore down a bastion of the Regency. On June 25, 1838, despite a few concessions made by Van Buren and the repeal of the Specie Circular (in May), the bill was defeated again in the U. S. House of Representatives by a vote of 125 to 111. New York’s fall gubernatorial election was equally disastrous. Under the leadership of Thurlow Weed, the Whigs became better organized and constituted a united bloc against the weakening Regency. Their newspaper editors pilloried the Democrats on their 183

Curtis, op. cit., p. 92.

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responsibility for the panic. In a concerted effort, the whole Whig machine made the most of public discontent and incensed its candidate William H. Seward as the alternative to incompetence, an effective strategy which entailed a huge voter turnout and deposed William L. Marcy. Full of rancor and disappointment, the defeated governor put the blame on the federal government for defining policies in total ignorance and contempt of local political preoccupations. “The Election was conducted chiefly with reference to the policy of the federal Gov.” Marcy said. “If we had had nothing but our own policy to vindicate I can not bring myself to doubt that we should have had a different result.” If anything, this election appeared to be a clear indication of the growing disaffection and distance between state leaders and the president. With the earlier defeat of the Richmond Junto and the misfortunes of New York Democrats, the Albany-Richmond axis, long cherished by Van Buren as the driving force of the party, had been critically damaged by the Whigs. One of them, Philip Hone, concluded that the Democratic defeat in New York ushered in a new era of Whig prominence at national level. “This election probably determines the question in this state, and Mr. Van Buren’s chance for re-election may now be considered desperate.”184 President Van Buren came more and more under attack for his persistent trust in the Independent Treasury and his inability to redress the country’s rundown economy. He was no Andrew Jackson to arouse the wild excitement and fervor that transcend momentary difficulties. Though a lawyer by trade, he missed that capacity to inspire and mobilize people with powerful oratorical force. Not devoid of charm and geniality, he missed that special magnetic appeal that stirs up popular loyalty and enthusiasm. This was simply not his style. Van Buren could certainly not prevent the disaster that struck as he came into office. He inherited a situation that stemmed from his predecessor’s unwise financial policies. Yet a president is a president and the buck stops at his door. It seemed that the model of machine politician that had been his force throughout his career could not regenerate into the exalted posture of statesman. “Van Buren knew how to marshal men, but he could not marshal facts,” writes Samuel P. Orth. “He knew how to use issues, but he could not face issues. . . .” As he put on the trappings of Chief Executive, “his cunning left him, his vitality departed. . . . His skill as a leader vanished. He could not hold his party together. And misfortune, that had throughout his long career been a stranger to him, now called at his door with her troop of melancholy followers. . . .”185 184 185

Ibid., pp. 136-137. Orth, op. cit., p. 157.

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In addition to the overwhelming economic downfall, Van Buren had to face the myriad difficulties inherent in a president’s job. They did not all reach the same degree of importance but their accumulation weighed heavily on him. Until the presidential days, he had demonstrated a rare talent as a settler of crises and taken pride in his cautious but effective approach to problems. But the volume of White House business, increased the amount and frequency of issues, each of them more urgent than the other. Behind his apparent calmness and serenity, a persistent inner feeling of anxiety was taking hold of him and his combative edge somewhat seemed to desert him. As the depression raged on, Van Buren was also embarrassed by a few Cabinet changes. One of them occurred in June 1838 when, after a quarrel in his department, Secretary of the Navy Mahlon Dickerson decided to resign. It did not come as a great disappointment for the president who needed a younger and more able adviser to fill the vacant post. Van Buren offered it to Washington Irving, also a native of Kinderhook, and a popular writer with whom he had struck a lifelong friendship since the London mission in the early 1830s. Despite the great honor he was given, fearing the hostile political climate in the capital and the attacks of the press, Irving preferred to decline the offer. Against all expectations, Van Buren then selected James Kirke Paulding, another man of letters, also from New York. The appointment aroused a number of sarcastic remarks in Whig circles and raised a great deal of disapproval, especially among the many Democrats who saw in Paulding an inept politician with no significant personal accomplishments other than his literary works. New Yorkers wondered why Marcy, who had been longing for the position, had been so lamentably ignored. Benjamin Butler, the Attorney General, also resigned in July of the same year. Unhappy in Washington, he had reluctantly held the place under the insistence of his friend and former law partner Van Buren, but now his decision to return to his native New York with his family was irrevocable. He was replaced by Felix Grundy, a staunch Jacksonian from Tennessee who had served in the U. S. Senate since 1829. He headed the department for barely eighteen months until he resigned in December 1839, after being elected as a Democrat to the U. S. Senate. Henry D. Gilpin from Pennsylvania filled in for the rest of Van Buren’s mandate. The other major change occurred in May 1840, when Amos Kendall in poor health preferred to leave his Postmaster General office and work more privately as editor of the Extra Globe, yet working actively to help the incumbent president prepare the upcoming election. He was succeeded by John Milton Niles, a U. S. senator from Hartford, Connecticut.

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Another trouble in personnel matters agitated Van Buren’s administration. In his second annual message on December 3, 1838, the Chief Executive reiterated the necessity of separating federal funds from the banks, arguing that the measure would eliminate chances of fraud, as was the case with the recent scandal of the New York customs house. Alarmed by the shortages in the accounts, officials discovered that over a period of eight years the former Collector of the Port of New York, Samuel Swartwout, had stolen over $1,250,000 of government revenue and absconded abroad. Swartwout had been appointed in 1829 by Andrew Jackson despite Van Buren’s and Cambreleng’s prophetic protest. Now Van Buren had to bear the burden of his predecessor’s ill-advised decision. But his pick for the succession did not demonstrate much greater inspiration. In March 1838, the president named Jesse D. Hoyt, an able lawyer and politician who enjoyed the strong support of New York’s Tammany Hall, and charged him with improving the management of customs duties and preventing any fraudulent practice in the future. However, in the late days of his administration, Van Buren was appalled by the mounting rumors and suspicion over Hoyt’s mishandling of funds, embezzlement and large scale corruption. The scandal would lead to a polemical investigation under John Tyler’s administration. Not quite the Little Magician that had made his reputation, Van Buren seemed to be overwrought by a combination of circumstances that slipped out of his reach. Yet these personnel intricacies belonged to the normal course of presidential business. With variable consequences, all administrations throughout history have been the scene of fraud, defections and controversial appointments. Van Buren’s was not an isolated case. There were other issues of greater magnitude which presented more serious risks for the welfare of the nation. It seems, however, that strained as he was by the multiplicity of problems, Van Buren proved more sagacious in their settling and exhibited more ability in his executive role as negotiator and arbitrator. Looking back on the late 1830s, one is struck by the period’s growing passions, heated debates and ruthless altercations over the issues of slavery and race relations. Van Buren’s election, which came at a critical time of sectional tensions, magnified the profound divide between the two sides. His own standpoint was subject to speculation considering that he was a Northerner at heart but one with well-known sympathies for the South. But the choice of his vice president, a military hero who was credited with the killing of Indian chief Tecumseh, had raised strong opposition among slave-holding Southerners. Though he belonged to the South, Richard Mentor Johnson, of Kentucky, was despised because of the consecutive love affairs he had had with three of his slaves. Julia Chinn was the first of the three. She was a mulatto he had inherited

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from his father. Johnson and Julia had two daughters who would later marry white men. He paid for their education and bequeathed them large tracts of land on their weddings.186 After Julia’s death in 1833, Johnson lived with another of his female slaves until she ran away with an Indian some time later. He then turned to her teenage sister. What appears to have been the most disturbing and unbearable for his contemporaries was that Johnson chose to live openly with these slaves and went as far as to marry the first one. After a visit to Johnson’s plantation home in Kentucky, Amos Kendall alerted Van Buren that his vice president was devoting “too much of his time to a young Delilah of about the complection of Shakespears swarthy Othello. [sic]”187 There was always a troubled agitation during the thorny debates over slavery in Congress knowing that the unconventional president of the Senate, seen by many as a traitor to the southern cause, was living with a mulatto slave who rode with him in his carriage and accompanied him to most of his social events, which elevated her to a rank she was not entitled to according to the social mores of the time. A Kentucky Democrat summed up the situation quite well by saying, “He seems happy, but how can he expect his friends to countenance and sustain him, when he lives in adultery with a buxom young Negro wench?”188 As usual, Van Buren’s profound inner feelings on the peculiar institution were hard to discern. He had friends and enemies on both sides of the MasonDixon Line, which alternately earned him praise or vilification. The ambiguity of his position could be traced throughout his life and career. Born in a slave state and slaveholding family, he had owned a slave himself, Tom. Nonetheless, he had remained evasive over the Missouri Compromise. In 1821, during the Constitutional Convention in New York, he had favored suffrage to all householders including black people owning a $250 property. As abolitionists gained political steam in the mid 1830s, he had opposed most of their initiatives, passing down orders to his lieutenants to disturb their meetings and if possible intercept their promotion mail. As thousands of petitions flooded Congress to outlaw slavery, in May 1836, he supported the infamous Gag Rule which systematically tabled all of them, a policy which, as John Adams put it, was a violation of the First Amendment’s freedom of speech: “The stake in the question is your right to petition,” he said, “your freedom of thought and of action, and the 186

After Johnson’s death in 1850, under the insistence of his brothers, a local court produced a document denying that he ever had children and –partially– washed away the family humiliation. 187 Cole, op. cit., p. 357. 188 Bill Kauffman, “Race Meets Politics on the American Frontier,” American Enterprise, March 1999.

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freedom in Congress of your Representative.”189 In his inaugural speech, Van Buren had broken a precedent by bringing the topic of slavery to the forefront but had refrained from exposing a clear-cut opinion, pleading, unsurprisingly, for moderation. Through his frequent trips to the South, he had never abandoned his New York network but pursued a fine political strategy that proved to be imperative in maintaining the North-South axis, strengthening the Democracy and ensuring his own election. Since he had entered public life, he had carefully avoided leaning on one side and reaped the political benefits of his middle-of-theway position. As the slavery crisis intensified, whether he could still adopt the same strategy and capitalize on all-embracing but antagonizing interests became the question. This non-intervention tactic was temporarily challenged by the Amistad case in 1839 for which Van Buren deviated from his usual position to demonstrate an unequivocal pro-southern slaveholding inclination. In defiance of all existing treaties, Portuguese slave hunters had abducted a group of fifty-three Africans from Sierra Leone and shipped them to Havana, Cuba, where they were sold to two Spanish planters. During the transfer south aboard the schooner Amistad, the slaves revolted and killed the captain and three crewmembers. Determined to sail eastbound back to Africa, but mistakenly heading west, the ship was seized off Long Island, NY, on August 24. The planters were freed and the slaves arrested and imprisoned in New Haven, CT, until they were tried on charges of piracy and murder. President Van Buren issued an executive order for the Africans to be returned to their owners in Cuba. But the case raised the indignation of abolitionists in the North who organized the slaves’ defense. Behind the scenes, the president and his advisers endeavored to rig the court in their favor, in vain. The judge ruled against the administration arguing that the planters’ claims to property were invalid since the Africans were illegally held as slaves. The case was eventually brought before the Supreme Court in January 1841 and a majority of the justices came down in favor of the slaves, thirty-nine of whom survived the long nightmare and were returned to Sierra Leone in January 1842. This minor episode of American history was recently magnified by Steven Spielberg’s 1997 controversial movie Amistad. But beyond the temporary Hollywood hype, this case is memorable for it marks one of the rare occurrences of Van Buren’s outright support of slavery during his presidential term. With 189

The “Gag Rule” read: "All petitions, memorials, resolutions, or papers relating in any way or to any extent whatsoever to the subject of slavery or the abolition of slavery, shall, without being either printed or referred, be laid upon the table; and that no further action whatever shall be had thereon.” < http://www.billofrightsinstitute.org/Newsletters/FAIH/2005-2006/adams.pdf>

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much publicity and a great variety of comments in the press, his position enhanced the sectional impact of the incident. Not surprisingly, the South cheered and the North jeered. Abolitionist William Jay ranted against Van Buren’s executive order, stating that it should be “engraved on his tomb, to rot only with his memory.”190 Steven Spielberg did not spare Van Buren in his portrait of him as a despicable character with little sense of, and interest in, human rights. But judging antebellum America’s issues by today’s standards reveals more about a director’s obsession with box office imperatives than about his attachment to historical truth. Condemnable as his defense of slavery might appear, Van Buren led a country which was still profoundly inspired by the paradoxical philosophy of its Founding Fathers who, despite their craving for freedom, had failed to condemn the peculiar institution. Van Buren’s own inconsistency as president still reflected this ambiguous cultural dichotomy. This comment does not clear him from any wrongdoing but, as exemplified in Richard Mentor Johnson’s case, this was an era when holding slaves was more moral than loving slaves. And in 1840, with the economic recession and the upcoming electoral campaign, it would have been politically suicidal to abandon southern support. Still Van Buren’s stance was risky. Abolitionism was gaining ground daily in the North, even in the president’s home state. Its leaders became more active, better organized and after holding a convention in Albany on April 1, 1840, created the Liberty party. They intensified their pressure on the president who received a rising volume of mail pleading for more humanity towards black people. But as southerners still questioned the president’s sincerity on the question, Van Buren had trouble to find a comfortable center. His son John expressed a more radical and practical opinion when he recommended that his father carry “the Southern half of the Union” rather than win “ a few negro votes of white people” in the North.191 In 1836, Van Buren’s bid for the presidency coincided with the Texas revolution, an inconvenient, ill-timed event for a peacekeeping candidate who sought to steer clear of the explosive issue of slavery. On April 21, the victory of Sam Houston and his army of volunteers over Mexicans at the battle of San Jacinto led to the Treaty of Velasco which established Texas, so far a province of Mexico, as an independent republic. The ensuing widespread enthusiasm across the nation induced Texans to demand the American recognition of their regime. Despite the obstructionist action of Van Buren’s allies in Congress, President Jackson, who had never concealed his profound interest in the province, complied 190 191

Cole, op. cit., p. 364. Ibid., p. 362.

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with the Texas request one day before leaving office. Van Buren reluctantly inherited a contentious situation which, he feared, might extend to claims for annexation. His prediction soon proved true, when on August 4, 1837, the Houston agent in Washington Memucan Hunt formally addressed a note pressing the U. S. to annex the Republic of Texas. The call struck a responsive chord with the nationalist congressmen and newspaper editors. But it also fanned the flames of sectional discord. Northerners were radically opposed to adding another slave state to the Union and considered the request an utter provocation or, worse, a “slave-owner conspiracy.”192 Van Buren moved cautiously to prevent a split that could harm his party and the North-South axis, a fragile yet vital alliance for the stability of the Union. Stuck in the economic quagmire, beset by Democratic infighting, and in full preparation for the special session, he delayed the Texas demands for weeks until late August when, after consulting his Cabinet, he finally rejected the proposal. Based on constitutional grounds, he declared that there was no reasonable justification to violate neutrality and annex a sovereign state. Van Buren then entered a second stage in Mexican-American relations which under Jackson had been severely strained by the growing distrust between the two neighboring countries. A long-standing dispute over injury claims threatened to fan the smoldering resentment into military action. Van Buren subsequently sent a special mission to Mexico to reach an agreement fixing the terms of compensation due to some American citizens for the injuries they endured and the wrongs inflicted on their property during the numerous disputes over the past decades. Faced with Mexico’s procrastination, the president addressed the issue in his first annual message in December 1837 and asked Congress to “decide upon the time, the mode and the measure of redress.” Yet, ever the moderator, he added, “Whatever may be your decision, it shall be faithfully executed, confident that it will be characterized by that moderation and justice which will, I trust, under all circumstances govern the councils of our country.”193 Cautious though it was, Van Buren’s attitude was greeted by a storm of criticism. For the Whig National Intelligencer, the president was secretly seeking war with Mexico in order to deflect the emotion caused by the Panic. John Quincy Adams, who thought the government was determined to annex Texas, gave vent to his anger. “The annexation of Texas and the proposed war with Mexico are one and the same thing,” he protested.194 Adams was convinced that the war was deliberately planned to secure the annexation and favor the expansion of slavery, 192

In fact, the Texas territory might have been divided into five states, a right which further enraged northern opponents such as John Quincy Adams. 193 Jonathan French, The True Republican (Philadelphia: Daniel Richardson, 1841), p. 196. 194 Curtis, op. cit., p. 166.

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thereby forcing the North to endorse southern institutions. On the other hand, a number of Southerners attacked Van Buren for being, once more, fainthearted and indecisive. From his Hermitage retreat, physically frail but still very alert mentally, Old Hickory exhorted his successor to bolder and more effective action. But behind the scenes, and in collaboration with James Buchanan who presided over the Senate’s Foreign Relations Committee, Van Buren continued to seek a pacific outcome to the claims dispute. As the vigor of annexationists evaporated in the continuous delays imposed by Congress, the Mexican authorities were finally convinced by Van Buren’s quest for peace. They agreed on examining the claims and fully cooperated for a peaceful solution. On September 11, 1838, after weeks of delicate negotiations, the two parties came to a mutual understanding and a convention was signed with the neutral arbitration of the King of Prussia. In his pursuit of a pacifist course, Van Buren had prevented the Texas Revolution. His careful but shrewd sense of diplomacy contrasted with Jackson’s intrepid nature and more belligerent foreign policy. The latter approach had invigorated the American nation but also attracted a lot of criticism around the world. Though by no means in a triumphant mood in those difficult times, Van Buren was relieved to have spared his country warfare outside and inside of its borders. Yet America was not the haven of peace that her president would probably have liked to create. The social, economic and political conditions of the times kept the country in ebullience and the government on its guard. But enjoying executive authority and setting goals is one thing. Having the means to reach them is another. The army, for example, was suffering from a cruel lack of forces and could barely meet the needs of its manifold defense missions. One of these, the relocation of Indians, mobilized a great number of soldiers and left little latitude for the administration in case of an emergency on another front. Always seeking to pacify his southern supporters, the president decided to pursue Jackson’s policy of relocating Native Americans to the West. Before Van Buren had taken office, Old Hickory, whose hatred of Indians was no secret, had forced the passage of the Indian Removal Act and put strong pressure on tribal chiefs to sign successive removal treaties. Thousands of Indians were ordered off their tribal lands in the South to move west of the Mississippi River on “Indian Territory,” including modern-day Oklahoma and parts of Kansas and Nebraska. But the process did not go smoothly and met strong resistance. Congress received a petition with 15,000 signatures of Cherokee Indians asking to cancel the Treaty of New Echota and many White Americans challenged its legality. Ralph Waldo Emerson wrote a letter imploring Van Buren to suspend “so vast an outrage upon

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the Cherokee Nation.”195 The president, though, remained inflexible and completed the last stages of the removal. During his term, resigned to their fate, over 12,000 Indians made the grueling one thousand mile journey westward from Georgia to their designated territory. Escorted by an unprepared and poorly trained army of 7,000 soldiers, they were plagued by dysentery, exposure and other diseases and pilfered by unscrupulous whites. About four thousand of them died during the forced march along what has since been called the “Trail of Tears.” In his December 1838 State of the Union Address, Van Buren congratulated his administration for the success of the “just and friendly” operation adding cynically that it had been “directed by the best feelings of humanity.” Nevertheless he conceded that the Seminole tribe presented a fierce resistance and constituted “the only exception to the successful efforts of the Government” in its relocation agenda.196 The “second Seminole War,” also initiated by his predecessor, took place in the Florida Everglades swamps where Indians waged an effective guerilla strategy. It was a bloody and protracted conflict, which cost the administration the trifling sum of $40 million and caused the deaths of thousands of Seminole Indians as well as American soldiers. The president’s anger –and hypocrisy– was almost palpable as he commented on the Indians’ unfailing, obstinate, determination to preserve their land. “The continued treacherous conduct of these people; the savage and unprovoked murders they have lately committed, butchering whole families of the settlers of the Territory . . . their frequent attacks . . . and the barbarity with which they have murdered . . . leave the Government no alternative but to continue the military operations against them until they are totally expelled from 197 Florida.”

If the war received a quasi unconditional support in the South, it became increasingly unpopular in the North, where Whigs and a number of Democrats railed against the human cost of the conflict, the government’s mismanagement of public funds to serve southern interests, and its blatant inability to bring hostilities 195

Ralph Waldo Emerson to Martin Van Buren, April 23, 1838 Martin Van Buren Papers, Box 32, Reel 19, Manuscript Division, Library of Congress, Washington DC. 196 In James D. Richardson, A Compilation of the Messages and Papers of the Presidents, Section 2 (of 2) of Volume 3: Martin Van Buren, p. 18. Ebook available on “Haystack: Electronic Literature Archive.”

197 Ibid

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to a conclusion. Despite these protests, the war would drag out well after Van Buren left office, until 1842. The nation’s problems were not isolated disturbances adding up successively over the time line of Van Buren’s term. Many of the crises overlapped and forced the president into action on various grounds simultaneously. During his first year in the White House, he had to cope with tensions on the Canadian-American borderlands where two conflicts arose in the span of a few months. A violent insurrection in southern Canada erupted in the fall of 1837. Angry Canadian separatists under the leadership of William Lyon Mackenzie and Louis Jean Papineau launched a revolt against British colonial rule. They rapidly gained support from neighboring Americans living along the border in New York, ironically the American president’s home state. The idea of fighting against the old familiar British oppressor to defend the same sacred principles of freedom and democracy which had guided their ancestors during the Revolutionary War prompted many New Yorkers to sympathize with the Canadian cause. But the aid also entailed extensive unrest along the American side of the frontier where Canadian refugees retreated to prepare their raids against the British. “This frontier is in a state of commotion,” observed N. Ganon, a Washington emissary, in a letter to Van Buren.198 As he received the news, the president, already grappling with the Independent Treasury, bumped into a major difficulty, the shortage of soldiers. With his army already engaged in the Seminole war in Florida, he had no choice but to order the northern state governors (New York, Vermont and Michigan) to intervene and use all possible coercive means to repel any similar attempts, ease the tensions and enforce American neutrality. In the meantime, Mackenzie and his followers, including a majority of volunteer Americans, seized Navy Island, a little Canadian islet in the Niagara River. They established a provisional government and by Christmas 1837, a garrison of 700 men, with guns and supplies acquired on the American side, guarded the fortified position. Since the Washington administration had apparently not taken the full extent of the turbulence on its border and seemed unprepared to re-establish order, the British government decided to respond promptly. They ordered Loyalist Canadian forces to attack the ship which ran supplies to Navy Island. On the night of December 29, the Canadian militia crossed the Niagara and found the Caroline moored at Schlosser, New York, not knowing the pier was American territory. They boarded the American forty-six ton steamer, set it ablaze and loosened it adrift. The ship sank just over Niagara 198

N. Ganon to Martin Van Buren, December 28, 1837, in Richardson, Ibid., p. 8.

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Falls. One American, Amos Durfee, was killed and several wounded during the raid. Reports of the episode soon reached inland New York and spread across the nation. This intrusion of American soil aroused indignation and strong anti-British sentiment. An English ship was burnt in revenge and many Americans clamored for a war against the invader. The outcry was amplified by the exaggerated accounts of the incident. “It’s infamous,” wrote George Templeton Strong of New York City in his diary, “–forty unarmed American citizens butchered in cold blood, while sleeping, by a party of British assassins, and living and dead sent together over Niagara.”199 Recognizing the gravity of the situation and the urgent need to react, Van Buren contacted Major General Winfield Scott. “Blood has been shed;” he told him alarmingly, “you must go with all speed to the Niagara frontier.” Scott immediately left for Buffalo with instructions to call out the militia if necessary and use his “influence” to prevent border residents from joining the rebels. The following day, on January 5, 1838, Van Buren issued a proclamation warning that any offenders to the U. S. neutrality would be arrested. The same day, he also charged Forsyth with addressing an official protest to the British ambassador Henry S. Fox, denouncing the “extraordinary outrage” and “the destruction of the property and assassination of citizens of the United States on the soil of New York.”200 Pursuing his peace-seeking efforts, the president asked Congress to revise existing legislation and increase executive power to avert and punish infringements to neutrality. In early March, despite the opprobrium that Whigs heaped on the administration for its incapacity to prevent and avenge the Caroline humiliation, the Democrats in the House managed to pass a new neutrality law, already approved by the Senate in January, to supersede the ineffective Neutrality Act of 1818. The new measure, signed by Van Buren on March 10, was applicable for two years and empowered civilian (not military) officials to confiscate arms, vehicles and supplies from any group trying to cross the border. The law greatly contributed to solving the crisis. Even though further incidents broke out some time later, in particular the burning of the British steamer Sir Robert Peal, proving that sympathy for the rebellion was not totally extinct, they remained sporadic and short-lived. Very soon the situation was under control and calm was restored. With his firm but nonviolent disposition, the president had finally reaped the fruits of his persistent efforts to combine diplomacy and action. He had successfully aborted one of the greatest threats to peace of his presidency.

199

Allan Nevins and Milton Halsey Thomas, eds., The Diary of George Templeton Strong, 18351875, 4 Volumes (New York: Macmillan Co., 1952), I, p. 81. 200 John Forsyth to Henry S. Fox, January 5, 1838, Richardson, op. cit.

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Anglo-American cooperation remained a fragile bond, though, and it took only a few months for a new crisis to surface, or rather re-surface, on the northeast border between Maine and Canada. Maine and New Brunswick had long been at loggerheads over the exact location of the international boundary separating the two countries. Neither the Treaty of Paris in 1783 nor subsequent commissions and treaties found definitive solutions to end the dispute. As Jackson’s Secretary of State, Van Buren had already addressed the issue with all due circumspection but obtained mixed results. Demonstrating potential diplomacy skills, he had prevented a major crisis but did not remedy the situation then, leaving the disagreements to simmer for another decade. Both sides still claimed ownership of the 7,000 acres of virgin and fertile land in the valley of the St. John River. In January 1839, the Maine legislature sent an expedition to the area of the Aroostook River to clear it of its trespassers, lumberjacks and poachers, but the leader of the operation Rufus McIntire was soon captured. The New Brunswick lieutenant governor, Sir John Harvey, immediately issued an order to withdraw all American forces from what he considered to be Canadian land. From there the crisis escalated into open conflict. Enraged by the arrest and following proclamation, the impulsive Maine governor John Fairfield, a friend of Van Buren’s, then decided to dispatch troops into the region. After a first contingent of 300 militiamen, followed by a second of 1,000, he then asked his legislature to send another 10,000 men and to release appropriate funds to cover the operation. Again Van Buren was in a tight spot but showed his skills as a fine negotiator. After consulting his Cabinet in an emergency meeting on February 24, he delivered a message to Congress two days later, going over the events along the Aroostook River, and summarizing the decisions taken. He clearly denied New Brunswick’s claim of original jurisdiction in the area and justified Fairfield’s expedition against “a numerous band of lawless and desperate men” who “had trespassed upon that portion of the territory in dispute. . . .” “But,” he pursued, “between an effort . . . to preserve the prosperity in dispute from destruction by intruders, and a military occupation . . . of the territory, with a view to hold it by force, while the settlement is a subject of negotiation, there is an essential difference. . . .”201 If Van Buren defended Fairfield, he also deplored his reckless military adventure which only exacerbated the tensions. The angry governor was in such a state of exasperation that he tried to intimidate the president with political blackmail. “Should you go against us upon this occasion –or not espouse our cause with warmth and earnestness and with a true American feeling, God

201

Richardson, op. cit., p. 20.

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only knows what the result would be politically.”202 By no means impressed by the menacing tone, Van Buren continued his diplomatic action to prevent war and worked out a memorandum with the British minister Henry S. Fox enjoining both sides to withdraw their troops from the valley. To make sure he had been understood, again he turned to Winfield Scott and sent him on a delicate mission to Augusta. It took several days for Scott to convince the governor and the state assembly of the need for a peaceful compromise. Once assured of Harvey’s reciprocal move, Fairfield eventually deferred to the federal orders. The so-called “Aroostook War” was never declared. No blood was shed. The whole affair would then continue its diplomatic course until 1842, when the negotiations started by Van Buren found a successful conclusion with the signing of the AshburtonWebster Treaty that clearly defined the border between Maine and New Brunswick. Once again, the president had kept America out of war. With his consistent quest for “peace with honor” through intense diplomatic efforts, he had achieved a remarkable foreign policy record.203 His clever approach to conflict and unfailing commitment to neutrality won him the support and admiration of the British authorities. In times of ever-menacing tension on many fronts, cooperation between Washington and London was no petty accomplishment. Unfortunately, the full scope of his achievement was not recognized at home. Angry people on the borders of Maine and New York expected him to follow a tougher course of action. Many considered they had been stripped of American property without any compensation. They felt they had been neglected by the administration in the name of sound international relations. In Bangor, Maine, a crowd of several hundred men hanged Van Buren’s effigy in protest. For them, America had lost its honor, and the president was responsible for this. Politically, Van Buren had again taken great risks. In his own camp, he did not find the full support that would have made his task easier. Party leaders in northern states questioned his ideological sincerity and always blamed the federal authority for showing complete lack of interest in local issues. As head of a party defending state rights, it took some courage to place national well-being before local satisfaction, especially in a state led by a Democratic governor and legislature. Fairfield’s threatening manner proved the bitter resentment in Albany. At the same time, New York’s loyal Democrats suspected the president of showing a feigned artificial desire for neutrality. Yet in hindsight, it seems 202

John Fairfield to Martin Van Buren, February 22, 1839. Martin Van Buren Papers, Box 35, Reel 21, Manuscript Division, Library of Congress, Washington DC. 203 Charles Winslow Elliott, Winfield Scott: The Soldier and the Man (New York: Macmillan, 1937), pp. 358-366.

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reasonable to say that Van Buren adopted the best possible policy, one that stands in jarring contrast with his predecessor’s frequent warlike and irresponsible conduct. In times of hard felt economic recession, and without the support of such modern media as television and the internet, he set off an effective communication apparatus. On several occasions, by choosing a reliable emissary, Winfield Scott, to enforce executive orders, he displayed strong authority without brutality and favored active persuasion rather than straightforward domination. With his regular Cabinet meetings and swift reports to Congress, he initiated the appropriate measures in a state of emergency while setting the stage for peace. Ironically, he did not encounter a great deal of resistance among Whigs whose spokesmen, for the most part, shared both his firmness and anti-war sentiment. Despite the limited amount of rest granted to any national leader in the face of perpetual domestic and international trouble, renewed social life in the White House brought the president a salutary respite from his daily string of worries and contingencies. With no First Lady, the occasional White House hostess contributions he received from Peggy Eaton and Dolley Madison were very helpful. But for a man who had earned the reputation of an active socialite since his arrival in Washington, his first two years in office remained rather dull and austere. He did not organize any important social event until early 1838. Aghast at the lack of entertainment and female presence, the aging but still colorful Dolley arranged a private dinner in the executive mansion to introduce her young South Carolina cousins Angelica and Marian Singleton during their visit of the capital in March 1838. It did not take long for the elegant and refined twenty-one-year-old Angelica to fall into the arms of the president’s eldest son, Abraham, who was equally captivated by the exquisite charms of a southern belle. After a few months of courting, they married in November 1838 with the assent of a proud father thrilled to give his son’s hand to this most amiable and strikingly beautiful creature. The marriage was not without political advantage either as it strengthened the president’s ties with the Richmond Junto and the old South. Born in a wealthy aristocratic family on a vast plantation, in Sumter district, S. C., Angelica had been raised in southern luxury, surrounded by servants and slaves. She studied at Philadelphia’s illustrious Madame Grelaud’s Seminary and was now married, twenty-two years old, and ideally fit for life in high-flying circles. The happy couple honeymooned in Europe where they were greeted with all the pomp and circumstance of a royal family. In England, they were presented at the Court of Saint James and invited for dinner with the new queen, Victoria. In France, they were entertained by King Louis-Philippe at Saint Cloud. Angelica, who was the first de-facto “First Lady” ever to travel abroad, witnessed the ritualistic decorum with fascination. She was deeply impressed by the form of

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receiving adopted by the queen, Marie-Amélie. Seated still on an elevated platform like an Egyptian Goddess, the female monarch was surrounded by a retinue of ladies posing with bouquets and dressed with long-trained white gowns. She never shook hands with her guests. Martin Van Buren was fond of Angelica and wasted no time installing her as White House Hostess after her European trip. The young lady relished her new role and with the precious counseling of Cousin Dolley, she restored gaiety and fun in the presidential mansion. Sumptuous teas, dinners, levees and balls returned to favor and achieved immediate success and popularity in the capital. After her first open house on New Year’s Day 1839, the Boston Post described the White House as “a place of much more than usual attraction” and its new hostess as “a lady of rare accomplishments, very modest, yet perfectly easy and graceful in her manners and free and vivacious in her conversation. She was universally admired. . . .” Inspired by her recent continental tour, Angelica greeted her guests in a very royal manner. Seated on a dais at the end of the Oval Room like a queen on a throne, wearing a royal purple dress and a headdress adorned with three ostrich feathers, with an entourage of ladies-in-waiting in long-trained white dresses around her, she offered a distinctly majestic tableau. Thanks to Angelica, the White House days of frugality were now part of the past. Van Buren’s old reputation as a lavish entertainer was soon restored and the whole Washington social élite looked forward to his large gracious receptions. One formal open house in the spring of 1838 was attended by five thousand lucky guests. Suited to a president who appreciated good fare, substantial European-like menus were served, complete with the most expensive wines and liquors. Maine’s John Fairfield described one of the scrumptious Sun King-like meals given by Van Buren. It “began with soup and continued with fish, turkey, beef, mutton, ham, pheasant, and a game bird . . . Desserts included ice-cream, jelly, almonds, raisins, apples, and oranges.”204 Royal style entertainment went on for months attracting all the Washington glitterati, political friends as well as opponents, foreign ministers, diplomats and visiting dignitaries. The president also enjoyed the company of intellectuals, historians and men of letters like Washington Irving, Nathaniel Hawthorne and James Fenimore Cooper, some of them playing some temporary role in the administration. In order to provide an environment more worthy of the big social events organized for all the beau-monde, Van Buren had parts of the White House renovated for after years of neglect and the harsh Washington winters, it was in unsuitable condition and badly in need of repair. A number of visitors, women in 204

Ted Widmer, Martin Van Buren (New York: Times Books, Henry Holt and Co., 2005), p. 128.

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particular, had complained of “the chill of the house.” Jessie Benton Frémont, Thomas Hart Benton’s daughter, reported that “in all long rains the floors of kitchens and cellars were actually under water.”205 Consequently, the plumbing was upgraded and a furnace was installed to give the mansion its first, though rudimentary, central heating system. The oval salon was redecorated and Van Buren initiated the tradition of the “blue room.” All in all, Congress allocated twenty-seven thousand dollars for furnishings, a round but reasonable sum given the restoration and redecoration work needed to match the house with the splendor of its social life. It must be added that, important though it was, the expenditure was by no means extravagant compared with previous administrations. The house was repainted, new carpets added and furniture reupholstered. Yet, as the Panic wore on till the end of Van Buren’s term, the image of ostentation that prevailed in the White House contrasted with the misery and desolation of the country. It is estimated that one third of the Americans were out of work by late 1837, with many more who were only on part-time jobs. After a brief respite in 1838, the economy collapsed again in 1839 with a new wave of bankruptcies across the country and a dramatic rise in prices of food, clothing and other staple goods. The elaborate furnishings of the White House, the overly refined appearance of the president as well as the elegant gowns worn by the First Lady were soon seen in a negative light. Van Buren was beleaguered by a firestorm of criticism for his heartless indifference to the distress of his people. This context provided an ideal warfront for his political enemies. They seized the opportunity to cast a strong negative image of the president as “a democrat by profession and an aristocrat in principle.”206 The most scathing Van Buren-bashing charge came from a Pennsylvania Whig representative, Charles Ogle, who delivered what seemed to be a neverending three-day speech (April 14, 15 and 16, 1840), “On The Regal Splendor of the Presidential Palace.” It was as exaggerated as it was long, profoundly hilarious and grotesque. Seizing upon an appropriations bill of $3,665 sent by the administration to Congress for landscaping the White House grounds and repairing some furniture, Ogle recapitulated the complete list of purchases made by the compulsive shopper and dandy at the command of the nation. The speech sounded like a guided tour of the presidential mansion. “And now … let us enter [the] palace, and survey its spacious courts, its gorgeous banqueting halls, its sumptuous drawing rooms, its glittering and dazzling saloons, with all their magnificent and sumptuous array of gold and silver, crimson and orange, blue and 205 206

Cole, op. cit., p. 345. Wilson, Presidency, op. cit., p. 196.

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violet, screens of Ionic columns, marble mantels, with Italian black and gold fronts, gilt eagle cornices, rich cut glass and gilt chandeliers, suspended by beautiful Grecian chains, gilt eagle-head candelabras.…” He described the East Room, “adorned with regal splendor far above any of the grand saloons at Buckingham Palace, Carlton House, or Windsor Castle” and its “set of chairs . . . which took the round sum of SIX HUNDRED DOLLARS of the PEOPLE’S CASH to pay for. … Martin Van Buren—plain, republican hard-handed democratic-locofoco Martin Van Buren—has it now garnished with gold framed mirrors ‘as big as a barn-door,’ to behold his plain republican self in.” Then came the Blue elliptical room, “the choicest room of the palace…. furnished very much after the style of the most brilliant drawing-rooms at the Tuilleries. … Mr. Van Buren … expended, in ‘improving’ the furniture of that room, during the first ten months of his presidency, the sum of $1,805.55 of the PEOPLE’S CASH.… [sic]” After introducing the assembly into the all-French banquet room dinner table furnished “in French sterling silver services, blue and gold French tambours, compotiers on feet, stands for bonbons, with three stages, gilded French plateaus,” he presented a cross-section of the extravagant menus concocted by gourmands and French cooks and offered generously to Van Buren’s elite court of guests: For the first course.—Potage au tortue, Potage à la Julienne, et Potage aux pois. Second course.—Saumon, sauce d’anchois, Bass piqué à la Chambore Third course.—Suprême de volaille en bordure à la gelée, Filet de boeuf piqué au vin de Champagne, Pâté chaud à la Toulouse. Fourth course.—Salade d’homard monté, Filets mignons de mouton en chevreuil, Cerveau de veau, au suprême, Pigeons à la royal aux champignons. Fifth course.—Bécassines, Canard sauvages, Poulet de Guinée piquée. Pâtisserie.—Charlotte russe au citron, Biscuit à la vanille decoré, Coupe garnie de gelée d’orange en quartiers, Gelée au marasquin, Gelée au Champagne rose, Blanc mange, Sultane, Nougat, Petits gateaux varies. Dessert.— Fruits, et glace en pyramide, et en petits moules, Toste d’anchois, Café et liqueur. Followed by Sauterne, Hock, Champagne, Claret, Port, Burgundy, Sherry, and Madeira, “choisest brands. [sic]”

Ogle continued to drone out his seemingly endless inventory of the president’s “imaginable luxuries and gaudy ornaments.” Mean as it was, it was often interrupted by wild laughter among the crowd of congressmen. Then the speech dropped its impertinent tone to become downright insulting as Ogle

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launched one of the most vitriolic personal attacks ever recorded against a president on the House floor:

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“How does the conduct of George Washington contrast on this subject with that of Martin van Buren? Washington and Van Buren! Bless my soul, what a falling off! Yes. What a fall was there my countrymen! Then you, and I, and all of us fell down . . . What has Martin Van Buren ever done? Who can tell me? . . . I do not see what it is that such a nation as this should ever have made so much of so small a pattern of a man. He never originated any thing to benefit his country; he never fought to secure her glory; he has done nothing but plot to elevate himself; and yet here are we all thrown into turmoil about one little man, 207 as if he were a hero or a statesman.”

The “Golden Spoon speech,” as it became known, was a demagogic and hurtful tirade, an “omnibus of lies” according to the Washington Globe which condemned “the unscrupulous falsehoods of that dirtiest of all Federal tools, Ogle.” Even Levi Lincoln, a conservative Whig congressman, disapproved of its style and substance, and based on official documents, showed that current expenditure for the upkeep of the White House had been inferior to those of all previous administrations. But the damage had been done and the lesson was not lost upon the opponents who advertised their indignation through outraged editorials across the land. On hearing about the Ogle harangue, Van Buren became so angry and up in arms that, judging by a Louisville editor’s satirical comment, “he actually burst his corset.” 208 With such caricatures and misrepresentation of reality, Van Buren became the victim of his own image. Too northern, too southern, too political, too monarchial, too insensitive, too indifferent, too arrogant. His diminutive stature and sophisticated mannerisms were a godsend for the rising wave of cartoonists who took unlimited pleasure in accentuating his physical imperfections and making fun of his lush lifestyle and King Andrew-like behavior. Foreshadowing the practices of muckrakers and modern paparazzi, reports and pamphlets flourished with devastating effects. The smallest of his personal characteristics was scrutinized, decrypted and interpreted for varied specific motives, sometimes contradictory ones yet seldom to his advantage. More than the Little Magician, he was now the 207

Gerard Carlson, ed., “The Speech that Toppled a President.” American Heritage Magazine, August 1964, Vol. 5, Issue 5. Available on ; Widmer, op. cit., pp. 134-135. 208 Robert Gray Gunderson, The Log Cabin Campaign (Lexington, KY: University Press of Kentucky, 1957), p. 107.

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“sly fox” or the “snake in the grass.” M. M. Noah, a publicist of sorts, played on his alleged duplicity to lend him morphing animal traits, writing that people “do not see the fox prowling near the barn, the mole burrowing near the ground, the pilot fish who plunges deep into the ocean in one spot and comes up in another to breathe the air.”209 As he approached the presidential election, Van Buren’s debits largely surpassed his credits in public opinion. The unfavorable appreciation of his record, however, seemed exaggerated. Van Buren distinguished himself on various grounds. His successful conduct of the border crises in the North and in the South revealed solid qualities as a peaceful yet unyielding statesman. On the home front, he took a courageous measure to relieve the suffering of urban poor. With unemployment one of the great social evils of the time, he decided to reform labor and shorten the federal employees’ work day to ten hours. On March 31, 1840, the same president who had declared in his first message to the nation that the action of his government “was not intended to confer special favors on individuals,” now issued an important executive order which alleviated the hardships of workers without reducing their wages. Although he refused to take credit for the measure, his decision marked an important milestone in the history of social welfare. Despite the delayed debates in Congress, which the Whigs used as a forum for campaign speeches, on June 30, 1840, the House Democrats voted in favor of the long-awaited Independent Treasury, passing the bill with a majority of 124 to 107. The president heaved a deep sigh of relief and four days later, signed what the party called a “second Declaration of Independence.” Like an obsession, Van Buren defended his measure with obstinacy and determination declaring day after day that it was the only way to regulate the economy. It took him several years of background negotiations and maneuverings to get what he wanted, but better late than never. Now setting his sights on November, this victory was a solace to the Democratic candidate whose life had been subject to the ups and downs of political life for the past three years. Interestingly, the sub-treasury also signaled John C. Calhoun’s new rapprochement with the Democrats. After years of Whiggish flirting and harsh battles against Jackson and Van Buren, the “cast-iron man” came out for the Independent Treasury. Though the effects of the subtreasury bill would not be felt during the present mandate, it was an encouraging step forward and it came at a propitious time for Little Van to get back in harness and set off in the race for re-election.

209

Orth, op. cit., p. 159.

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But for the candidate Van Buren, these breakthroughs were hard to capitalize on. They were hard to “sell” as solutions to the day’s difficulties. Despite the dramatic technological progress in communication, they had very limited public impact compared to the results they could have reaped with modern day political marketing. For the common man, the safeguard of peace at the borders was not a primary concern. Similarly, the ten-hour day law supported only a certain category of the population. As for the Independent Treasury, it was perceived as mere political business. In frontier times, Washington remained an elitist microcosm with restricted popular connections. The priority for the American people was merely to see tangible progress in their standard of living. Without this they felt nothing was changing. With the crisis wearing on month after month, the country seemed to sink in gloom. To the great delight of the opposition Whig Party, Van Buren was unable to make his policies understood by the people. Moreover, the image he projected and which lived in the popular mind was that of personal extravagance, which was unforgivable in times of an economic slump. His administration had begun and was now ending in financial panic. That is why many Americans were calling him “Martin Van Ruin.” Aware that contemporary issues would not facilitate his campaign, even with sound argument, Van Buren adopted a strategy of avoidance to contain the public outcry aroused by the panic. But contrary to 1836 when they showed poor organization and profound divisions with three candidates, the Whigs were now united and eager to fight on those issues in a context far more favorable for change, a change that they wanted to embody. They got an early start on the campaign on December 4, 1839, when they met in Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, to choose a candidate. Henry Clay, whom J. F. Kennedy would later classify as one of the five greatest senators in American history, appeared confident and seemed to be in the best position for nomination. Though he led on the first ballot, the party delegates finally opted for William Henry Harrison, the sixty-six year-old Virginia-born military hero who had defeated the Shawnee chief Tecumseh at the battle of Tippecanoe in 1811. Considering their similar origins, it may seem ironic that delegates chose Virginian John Tyler as running mate to balance the Harrison ticket. In fact Whig leaders had formulated a strategic plan to rally the party’s state rights wing and conquer the Old Dominion. In other words, the Whigs were seeking to erode the cornerstone of the Democratic alliance. Irony also characterizes the 1840 campaign as the Whigs proved masters in the art of copying Van Buren’s own political methods such as those he had perfected with the Regency in New York. They developed a strong national organization with campaign committees in all the states, holding impressive mass meetings and gigantic rallies. Their message was disseminated around the Union

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with effective campaign newspapers carrying long sycophantic editorials as well as catchy promotional inserts to the glory of their hero. “We have taught them how to conquer us,” wrote a pro-democratic newspaper. The young Horace Greeley launched the Log Cabin, a newspaper with an all but innocent name. It helped spread the false rumor that Harrison was a man of simple means who had been born and lived in a log cabin and pulled himself up by his own bootstraps. Harrison was, in fact, the son of a rich prosperous Virginia planter, a direct descendant of King Henry III of England, who had served as a member of the Continental Congress, signed the Declaration of Independence and been state governor from 1774 to 1777. The Whig candidate, who was a college graduate and served as governor of the Indiana Territory and U.S. Representative, dwelt in a twenty-two room Ohio farmhouse. But who cared if the log cabin story was not true as long as the portrait of the “one of the people” hero appealed to the frontiersmen, the farmers of the West and the vast poor working-class of the country? Greeley’s paper was so successful that within months, its sales outdistanced those of its Democratic counterpart, the Rough Hewer, with a circulation of some eighty thousand copies a week! Roles were reversed. Jackson had been elected on his honest outsider image and heroic military record, a legendary vision Van Buren had played on in 1836 when he advertised himself as Old Hickory’s protégé. But the battle of New Orleans was long forgotten. Now it was Harrison’s dramatic victory at Tippecanoe which fired the imagination of a distressed nation. By contrast, the Democrats led a bleak and unimaginative campaign. They held their convention at Baltimore on May 5 which logically nominated Van Buren as their candidate. But right from the beginning, the party was mired in internal quarrels and intrigues. These divisions were best illustrated by the delegates’ failure to nominate a vice presidential candidate, leaving this task to the states. The problem arose from a disagreement between Jackson and Van Buren, the former preferring Tennessee’s James K. Polk for his connections to the West. Van Buren thought the incumbent vice president Richard M. Johnson had more appeal in the key states of New York and Pennsylvania. The result, however, is the same: Van Buren is recorded in school books as the only president in American history to have campaigned without a running mate! Careful not to arouse dissensions within the party, the Whigs had not issued a platform during their convention. Like Van Buren, but for different reasons, they scrupulously avoided making proposals or policy announcements. This is how Harrison got the sobriquet “General Mum.” The theme of their campaign, however, was clear and effective. It focused on dramatizing the contrast between the two candidates, pinning the rugged frontiersman against the effete urbanite.

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Democrats were quick to understand the plan and in their turn attempted to ridicule the Whig candidate as “Old Granny” Harrison, an old out-of-touch country bumpkin and inconsistent politician whose only ambition was to live in a log cabin with a barrel of cider. Their initiative did not appeal to their voters much. Instead it backfired with devastating effects. The Whig strategists appropriated the double symbol to turn it into gold as they launched their socalled “Log Cabin and Hard Cider” campaign. Before long, all their rallies featured the emblematic images in posters and banners and people could imbibe their native cider out of log cabin-shaped bottles. At one of the meetings, Henry Clay described the White House race as “a contest between the log cabin and the palace, between hard cider and champagne.”210 Harrison supporters waged a lively and picturesque battle, the first modern presidential campaign, with parades, brass bands and bonfires in every town. With the new railroads and new roads, they could cover the country in no time. Having inaugurated the practice in 1836, the Log Cabin candidate campaigned by rail again, crisscrossing the country in his red, white and blue “presidential” car. Each of the rallies became a gigantic popular party where the cheerful crowds intoned their memorable rallying cry, “Tippecanoe, and Tyler, Too,” a slogan that sounded like a popular chorus line. Pioneering the modern days of electioneering hoopla, advertisements praised the merits of “Tippecanoe Shaving Soap” and “Tippecanoe Tobacco.” Tippecanoe knick-knacks and log cabin curios were handed out to passers-by, and “Harrison and Tyler” ribbons, buttons, neckties, handkerchiefs and tea-cups flooded the store windows. For the first time, large numbers of women became active participants, not just observers. They wove campaign bonnets, helped to organize the rallies, attended the meetings, even spoke at some of them. They were not allowed to vote but they could dance the Tippecanoe Two-Step with their husbands. “Tip” and “Ty” ditties coming straight out of "log cabin" songbooks were sung everywhere from Nashville to Cincinnati: Farewell, dear Van You’re not our man; To guard the ship, we’ll try Old Tip. With Tip and Tyler We’ll burst Van’s biler.

210

Joel H. Silbey, Martin Van Buren and the Emergence of American Popular Politics (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc., 2002), p. 146.

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Pierre-Marie Loizeau Old Tip he wears a homespun suit, He has no ruffled shirt –wirt–wirt; But Mat he has the golden plate, And he’s a little squirt –wirt–wirt. “Our songs are doing more good than anything else . . .,” boasted Greeley. “Really, I think every song is good for five hundred new subscribers.” As election day approached, and Whig majorities were won in a growing number of states, the singing excitement reached its zenith. Borrowing the tune of “Little Pig’s Tail,” the crowds of enthusiasts frantically sang to their hero’s inexorable success and Little Matty’s agony: Old What has caused this great commotion, motion, motion, Our country through? It’s the ball a-rolling on, For Tippecanoe and Tyler, too, Tippecanoe and Tyler, too!

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And with them we’ll beat little Van, Van; Van is a used-up man. Oh, have you heard the news from Maine, Maine, Maine, All honest and true? One thousand for Kent and seven thousand gain 211 For Tippecanoe, …

There was not much Van Buren could do any more. His supporters did launch their own fundraising events, hold rallies and use widespread propaganda. Clubs sprang up across the nation. They were known as OK clubs, reminiscent of Van Buren’s birthplace as fans associated “Old Kinderhook” with “Old Hickory” and linked it to the all-American expression “O.K.” OK became the Democratic campaign slogan at a time when the phrase had just begun to slip into the English language. Many mistakenly think that Old Kinderhook marked the origin of OK but the Oxford English Dictionary cites it as being the initials for “all correct,” which in early nineteenth century, was misspelt “oll korrect.” Van Buren found the OK idea exciting and at some point took to writing the two identifying letters next to his signature. Unfortunately Van Buren was anything but OK. The familiar phrase which his candidacy popularized was a meagre relief to the pessimistic reports that piled up on his desk. After the Whig victories in Connecticut, Rhode Island and Virginia in the spring and North Carolina in August, those in Maine, Maryland, 211

Shepard, op. cit., p. 389.

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Ohio and Indiana in the fall sealed the fate of the Democrats. It was too late for the Whig tide to be stemmed. Despite the predictable disaster, Van Buren remained calm and dignified as always. He waited for the November verdict with no illusion and resigned himself to the idea of living his last days in the Executive Mansion. November came. The exhilarating odor of cider filled the air in every polling booth. Without surprise, Old Tip delivered a stunning defeat to Little Van. The “modest” farmer received 234 electoral votes, the professional politician only 60. The campaign frenzy materialized in an unprecedented popular outpouring which broke all prior election records. The voter turnout rose from 1,500,000 in 1836 to 2,400,000 in 1840, a much higher increase than that of the population during that period. Van Buren actually received almost 400,000 more votes than he had four years before but he carried only seven of the twenty-six states. For the first time in his life, his home state, New York, went against him, giving Harrison 13,300 more votes! He lost all but two Northern states, Illinois and New Hampshire. He fared better in the slave states where the Democrats recaptured Virginia and won tight victories in Alabama, Arkansas, South Carolina and Missouri. But the support of the Old Dominion did not comfort much Van Buren and his party who not only lost the White House but both houses of Congress, as well.212 The defeat was humiliating but Van Buren accepted the verdict with grace and composure. He was convinced, or feigned to be, that he had fallen victim to fraudulent practices at the polls. In addition to the outrageous lies and deceptions of the campaign, the Whigs had supposedly extended corruption on a large scale, with repeat voters or others voting in several states every time a majority was needed. Van Buren and his followers believed that American people would not be misled a second time and looked forward to a vindication in 1844. “Time will unravel the means by which these results have been produced,” Van Buren wrote to Jackson, “and the people will then do justice to all.”213 But there were certainly more obvious reasons for the defeat than Whig chicanery and corruption. Both sides had engaged in such practices with varying degrees. In truth, Van Buren had run a weak campaign, watching its proceedings with too much detachment. Despite his old age, it was Harrison who had met the voters, shaken hands, made speeches and shown sympathy towards the good, working people of the country. By contrast, Van Buren was seen as a haughty, heedless and powerless president who had plunged the nation into a severe economic depression. For change-seeking voters, it was natural to place a more 212 213

See Shepard, op.cit., pp. 390-391; Cole, op. cit., pp. 372-373. Martin Van Buren to Andrew Jackson, November 10, 1840, Martin Van Buren Papers, Box 41, Reel 24, Manuscript Division, Library of Congress, Washington DC.

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able man in the White House. Another reason for the defeat is that after a decade of successes, the Democratic party had developed a number of factions and lost its harmony, which contributed to the losses of key states like Pennsylvania and Tennessee. In his long political career, the so-called “Magician” had distinguished himself as an organizational mastermind, developing strong support networks like the Regency and the Richmond Junto. As president, he had simply failed to exploit the resource of patronage to its fullest, relying instead, almost exclusively, on the success of the Independent Treasury. But the measure had been too controversial and had somewhat dislocated the Democratic machine. Van Buren’s pro-slavery stance had also embittered the people of the North where he lost six states. His commitment to the Jeffersonian doctrine of limited government and states rights had trapped him in the nation/states dilemma. As the chief executive, he had had to show strong leadership qualities and act for the nation. But his state allies did not forgive him. Finally, his own personality was a cause too. Lacking the charisma of a number of his predecessors, he never proved to be able to reassure his fellow-citizens as the father of the nation. The politician never really elevated himself to the statesman.

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Chapter 5

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THE JOURNEY BACKWARD Van Buren was staggered and humiliated by the results of the past election but showed no apparent sign of his disappointment. Instead, he looked optimistic and confident that sooner or later, his party would recapture the power the Whigs had seized in objectionable ways. In December 1840, he sent his last annual message to Congress. Without surprise, and without any sign of acrimony, he reiterated his infallible commitment to the Democratic party and proceeded to a review of his administration, listing the embarrassments (financial, economic, diplomatic) he had encountered during his mandate and justifying his course of action. He insisted that though some decisions might have been unpopular, they had always been made in the general interest and for the prosperity of the great American nation. Notwithstanding his recent positions on slavery, he reserved his last words to a denunciation of the slave trade and asked the assembly to prevent “the prostitution of the American flag to this inhuman purpose.”214 In the few months left before Harrison took office, Van Buren did take a last measure which again created partisan confrontation. With the sudden death of Justice Philip P. Barbour on February 25, 1841, the incumbent president rushed to appoint another Democrat, Peter V. Daniel, also from Virginia, to the Supreme Court. Despite the Whigs’ resistance and attempts to delay the nomination votes until the transfer of power, the Democratic senators found an agreement and had the president’s choice confirmed only a few days before the Whigs restored their majority in the upper house. The final appointment aroused the ire of Clay and his 214

In James D. Richardson, A Compilation of the Messages and Papers of the Presidents, Section 2 (of 2) of Volume 3: Martin Van Buren, p. 29. Ebook available on “Haystack: Electronic Literature Archive.”

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supporters, the Richmond Whig calling it an “indecent haste.”215 Van Buren simply replied he had sought to preserve the original “Old Republican” balance with the nomination of a competent judge who would assume his role with integrity and dedication to the spirit of the constitution. Daniel was his third southern appointment after those of John Catron of Tennessee and John McKinley of Alabama in 1837. When Harrison arrived in the capital, Van Buren visited him at his hotel and invited him over to the White House. More gracious than ever, he made “Old Tip” his guest of honor at one of his last dinner parties. Warm and cordial, he wished the new president success in his noble enterprise. On inauguration day, however, as was the tradition initiated by John Adams and followed by his son John Quincy, the defeated incumbent remained out of sight and stayed in the home of his attorney general Henry Gilpin. A few days later, about twenty years after settling in as United States Senator, he gathered his belongings and, in the company of family members, left the Federal City. Van Buren was anxious to return to private life in his home state after all these fascinating but turbulent years in his career. On March 23, 1841, though a biting wind was blowing and a cold rain pattering on the boards of the wharf, the little plump Dutchman, warmly but impeccably dressed as usual, landed at the Battery in a joyous and festive atmosphere. In the big city, the former New Amsterdam, he was greeted like the ‘child of the country’ returning to his native land and received all the honors due to a former president. A large rowdy crowd of enthusiasts had lined up along Broadway up to Tammany Hall on East 14th Street. He was escorted to City Hall in a long cortege headed by a cadre of élite lancers and armed firemen. Thrilled by such a rousing welcome, he exhibited a jovial mood all day, smiling generously, shaking hundreds of hands and addressing friendly messages to his fervent supporters. Breaking with his characteristic sense of restraint, he wrote to Andrew Jackson that this had been “the happiest day [in his] whole political life.”216 The episode has often been a source of mocking remarks from observers who note that, though indirectly, the warm reception had been staged by Van Buren himself. A few weeks before, the former leader of the Regency had carefully informed his local friends that he

215 216

Richmond Whig, March 5, 1841, in Donald B. Cole, Martin Van Buren and the American Political System (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1984), p. 376. Martin Van Buren to Andrew Jackson, March 30, 1841. Martin Van Buren Papers, Box 42, Reel 24, Manuscript Division, Library of Congress, Washington DC.

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would arrive on that date, leaving them just enough time to mark their affection with a glorious welcome “surprise.” Van Buren spent a few weeks in New York City with his friend Benjamin F. Butler who hosted him in his house in Lower Manhattan. More than Washington D. C., the city offered numerous opportunities to suit his taste for art and entertainment. New Yorkers had developed a clear passion for theater since the beginning of the century and the retired president attended a number of stage performances ranging from drama and opera to dance and circus. True to his reputation, he also spent a great part of his time at parties, receptions and dinners organized in his honor by his many political friends. After buying some furniture for his new dwelling, he traveled up the Hudson River on a steamboat and headed for Kinderhook where he arrived on May 15, 1841. Martin Van Buren was returning to the land of his childhood years. The very etymology of Kinderhook was charged with meaningful symbol as it stands for “children’s corner.” There too, he was greeted by a crowd of proud and happy villagers who had long waited for the return of the most illustrious of Kinderhookers. They were eager to pay Mr. Van Buren the respect due his rank. Salvoes of cannon fire pierced the afternoon air and echoed in the distance, bells were rung and a brass band played in Broad Street where the native son arrived in a carriage. After the traditional laudatory welcome speeches delivered by local leaders, Van Buren in his turn addressed the colorful audience with an eloquent but moving message of thanks for “the Democracy of my native county.”217 At the end of the festivities, he resumed his journey for another two miles south to his final destination, Lindenwald. Martin Van Buren had always kept Kinderhook in his mind and in his heart and his return to childhood surroundings was not the sign of a sudden whim but the natural achievement of a carefully planned retirement. Knowing the White House years would not last, though he had certainly not intended to retire so soon, he had bought Lindenwald in 1839 while he was still president. It was a vast twostory red brick house built in the typical Dutch colonial style and surrounded by clumps of majestic centuries-old elms, tall pine-trees and a variety of rare and common fruit trees. Van Buren himself gave the name to the dwelling, “Lindenwald” for Linden Woods, in reference to all the trees that grew on the property. There was a silver-plated doorknocker at the entrance indicating the year the house had been built: “1797.” Its first owner, a Revolutionary War veteran, judge Peter Van Ness, was one of the wealthy members of those substantial Boer families that had prevailed for generations over the destinies of the Hudson 217

Ted Widmer, Martin Van Buren (New York: Times books, Henry Holt and Co., 2005), p. 144.

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Valley. Ironically, Van Buren was now coming to live on the estate of a former patroon, like the Van Rensselaers, the Broncks and the Van Cortlandts whose rights and prerogatives he had consistently fought in his early legal career. Though time had erased old resentments, the reversal of power must have brought the son of a small tavern keeper some inner sweet satisfaction. It was not until the Anti-Rent Wars of the 1840s, though, that New Yorkers voted to abolish the tenure by perpetual leasehold still enjoyed by the remaining Dutch manor lords. William Van Ness, Van Buren’s former employer, had inherited the house from his father but, after successive economic misfortunes, was forced to leave it in 1824. Author Washington Irving inhabited the house for a while. The picturesque panorama of green meadows, rolling hills, peaceful creeks and winding rivers must have inspired Van Buren’s friend who wrote part of his famous Knickerbocker’s History while residing there. Fourteen years after Van Ness’s liquidation, though the house had been neglected and had lost its original splendor, Van Buren bought it from William Paulding, Jr., for the price of $14,000. Lindenwald showed great potential for any person with a few ideas in terms of renovation and architecture and with enough funds to convert them into reality. The retired president was this person. The original estate covered about 50 acres to which Van Buren added an additional 150 acres for farming. He now had time to make the necessary “improvements” for the place to come back to life. Blessed with renewed vigor and willpower, he set out making Lindenwald a thriving working farm. With the help of a hired man, he devoted all his energy and careful attention to reclaiming the 200 acres of wild grass, weeds and brushwood into fertile land. After a year of active farming life, laboring hard in the fields, sowing, cutting wood, gardening, studying crop rotation and keeping a careful eye on the growth of plants, the place became one of the most productive in the area. Hay, oats, wheat, and corn were grown in the fields. Local friends were amazed by the abundance of fruits and vegetables he had accumulated in such a short time. Each season had its prolific days, the orchard producing a wide array of cherries, plums, pears, apples and nuts. The potatoes, cabbage, and leak were the envy of neighbors and occasional visitors. Van Buren was such a successful farmer that he produced enough grain and food to supply his own family and sell the surplus in the local markets. In addition to cropland, he created an elaborate pattern of multicolored flower gardens, ornamental fish ponds and tree-lined paths. He also had a barn built as well as various outhouses to store his tools and diverse farm equipment. In fact, as James K. Paulding observed in a letter to Andrew Jackson, Van Buren’s rational and methodical farming reflected his career-long political common sense and sharp judgment.

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“The same practical good sense, the same sober, consistent and judicious adaptation of means to ends, which has carried him successfully through every stage of his political life, is discoverable in his system of Farming. His calculations are all judicious, his anticipations always well-founded, and his improvements never fail to quit cost, at least. He is always Sanguine of success, because he prepares the necessary means, and never sinks under disappointment because he feels it is not his fault that he did not succeed. Hence the good fortune which his enemies ascribe to cunning intrigue, and which has acquired him the appellation of the Magician, is nothing more than the natural and just result, of the joint qualities of his head and heart. He is what I would call a wise man, . . 218 .”

Van Buren’s attention was not limited to the grounds. Over the next ten years, he undertook what he called a “Revolution” to model the house to his own taste. If it is safe to say that sagacity governed his political career, one might have doubts about his artistic sense and architectural expertise. Regardless of local style rule, he transformed the elegant eighteenth-century residence into a grand Venetian villa, adding very distinctive decorative features like a four-story brick loggia tower, a central gable and, in his own words, “as beautiful a porch as you ever laid your eyes upon.” Borrowing the idea from Jefferson’s Monticello, the central staircase in the entrance was removed to get more spacious rooms. Imitating Andrew Jackson’s Hermitage, he covered the wall in the downstairs hall with fifty-one costly wallpaper panels of pastoral and hunting scenes. The elaborate mural design had been imported from France. The precious pictures of some personal friends were hung over fireplaces, including those of Thomas Jefferson and Andrew Jackson as well as of the political opponent he respected most, Henry Clay. He placed the fine furniture he had bought in New York City in the various rooms, along with elegant Brussels carpets. In 1846, he was so enthusiastic about one of his recent acquisitions, an indoor bathroom, that he told a friend: “When you visit me again you shall wash off the impurities of Mammon in the bath which has been put up.” Finally, copying the palaces of Northern Italy, Lindenwald was painted yellow.219 Life as a country squire was a source of great satisfaction for the genteel, rotund little man. Surrounded by his family, he displayed great affection and goodwill in his conversation with neighbors, some of whom he spoke Dutch with. He frequently had guests at table and treated them with excellent, refined food and 218

James Kirke Paulding to Andrew Jackson, October 4, 1843, in Ralph M. Alderman, ed., Letters of James K. Paulding (Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin Press, 1962), p. 353. 219 Information collected from the National Park Service visitor's guide for Martin Van Buren National Historic Site.

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first-rate wines. His four sons stayed with him on a regular basis and helped around in the renovation of the house. In the first months, Abraham and Angelica, who had lost a baby girl, Rebecca, the year before, had a son and returned to live temporarily in South Carolina in her father’s home. Some time later, they came back to live at Stuyvesant in a cottage not far from Van Buren’s home. John married a Dutch woman, Elizabeth Vanderpoel, and had their extravagant wedding party at Lindenwald where they stayed for two weeks. He settled down in Albany where he had been admitted at the bar in 1830 and, to the great pride of his father, was elected attorney-general of the state of New York in February 1845. Smith Thompson also married in the spring of 1842 and though he continued to live with his wife in Washington, the couple were frequent callers at Lindenwald. In 1849, Smith would move in with his growing family and help his father manage the estate. The only permanent resident was Martin Junior who suffered from chronic bouts of tuberculosis and needed his father’s close care. Though he repeatedly claimed that “[his] ambition had been fully satisfied,” Van Buren had not totally lost his interest in politics. The passage from the hectic White House way of life to peaceful and comfortable country living had rested and renewed the spirits of the fifty-nine-year-old man but the retirement had come a little bit too soon. He did not intend to simply wait until death as a passive cabbage-growing outsider. Not quite sure of his potentialities after the 1840 defeat, he was soon exhorted by his democratic friends to renew with the world he knew best, politics. 1844 was not a distant future and there were favorable signs for a return to prominent spheres. After the death of President Harrison on April 4, 1841, exactly one month after his inauguration, the Whigs had lost the energy and unity that had brought them to power. John Tyler, Old Tip’s vice president and successor in the White House, was neither a Democrat nor a true Whig and acted very independently by adopting strict constructionist policies opposed by the Whig leadership, including high tariffs, federally funded internal improvements, and the central issue of the National Bank. He soon became persona non grata on either side of the political spectrum. Van Buren, who would be sixty-two years old in 1844, would make one of the oldest candidates and presidents if elected. Only Harrison and Jackson had been older when they had made their presidential bid. It did not matter. Old is as old does. Martin was in perfect health feeling as strong as a Dutchman. Most of his friends still considered him to be the leader of the Democratic Party. Letters from a number of state leaders urged him to run again. And, excellent news, he had the unconditional support of Andrew Jackson The Democratic victories in the fall elections bolstered his ambitions for renomination.

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Less than a year after being deposed, he began his campaign to win back the hearts and the votes of the American people with a series of journeys beyond the New York State borders. His mobility did not pass unnoticed and the local and national press started to show a new interest in the former president’s frequent comings and goings. In early 1842, he set out on a five-month tour of the South and the West barely making a secret of his objectives and determination. From his home state, accompanied by his friend Paulding, he went to Philadelphia, then took the steamboat from Baltimore to Charleston, South Carolina. They spent some time in Sumter County to visit Abraham and Angelica on her father’s plantation. They went on southwest through Georgia, Alabama and down to New Orleans. But the highlight of the long pilgrimage came in late April when, after traveling up the Mississippi and across Tennessee, he visited Old Hickory at his home, the Hermitage. It was an emotional reunion of two former presidents who had never met privately on either family estate. After so many years of close political cooperation, the two main architects of the Democratic Party lived a pure moment of mutual happiness. They exchanged White House anecdotes around a generously provided dinner table. Jackson, who was pleased to find his former running mate in the best disposition for political battles told Francis P. Blair a few days later that, contrary to the false rumors spread by the Whigs during the Log Cabin campaign, it was “a plain man of middle size, plain and affable,” that the people of the Southwest had received, not “a dwarf Dutchman,” or “a little dandy who you might lift in a bandbox.”220 In Tennessee, Van Buren also spent a few days with James K. Polk in Columbia. The reception was very cordial and friendly but when the local leader tried to test the New Yorker on a Polk-Van Buren ticket for 1844, the answer came unequivocally, “no.” Then he headed north and made another important stop in Lexington, Kentucky, to visit Henry Clay, who nurtured great ambitions for 1844, at his estate, Ashland. There was again abundant speculation in both Whig and Democratic newspapers about the topics discussed by the two men. The Texas question was doubtless tackled but contrary to a number of rumors at the time, no evidence has ever been provided of the secret agreement they supposedly concluded during that meeting to take the divisive issue of Texas out of the 1844 campaign. Curiously, years of divergent political views and fierce battles on the floors of Congress had never marred their friendship. Clay, who had been a frequent guest at the White House during Van Buren’s administration, had then declared: “I have always found him in his manner and deportment, civil, 220

Jackson to Francis P. Blair, May 23, 1842, in John S. Bassett and J. Franklin Jameson, eds., Correspondence of Andrew Jackson, 7 Volumes (Washington, D. C.: Carnegie Institution of Washington, 1926-1935), VI, pp. 151-152.

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courteous, and gentlemanly; and he dispenses in the noble mansion . . . a generous and liberal hospitality….” adding that though he detested the magistrate, “an acquaintance with him of more than twenty years’ duration has inspired me with a respect for the man….”221 After four days, the journey went on to the Old Northwest, a crucial reservoir of voters, where Van Buren spent the whole month of June. On his way, he stopped at Rochester, a small town half-way between St. Louis and Chicago. There, local officials were thrilled to welcome and entertain the former president. They introduced him to a tall and alert young man, Abraham Lincoln. The thirty-three-year-old Whig, though he had recently been going through a period of emotional problems, had a reputation for being one of the most lively raconteurs in town. And that night, he was up to that reputation. Van Buren reminisced on his early days as a New York politician, with light stories on the endless jealousies and squabbles between the celebrities of the time. Not wanting to be outdone, Lincoln responded with an inexhaustible collection of jokes and hilarious anecdotes. Funny as he was, the young man demonstrated a rare fluency in his speaking manner and his audience was all ears until late after midnight. Van Buren later confessed that he laughed so much that evening that his sides ached when he went to bed. Both impressed and delighted, he declared that he had “never spent so agreeable a night in my life.”222 Lincoln was not the only reason for Van Buren’s joie de vivre during the stay in the Northwest. It was a source of comfort and encouragement for the little traveler to have met such a broad array of people, including deferential Whigs as well as cheerful Democrats. As observed by a number of historians, the visit brought him closer to the free farmers of the region and distanced him from the South and its commitment to the peculiar institution. After a seven thousand mile journey across a country which was so huge that many places still remained for him to discover, Van Buren arrived in New York on July 28, 1842. Upbeat and confident, he sent letters to his faithful ones in every state reaffirming, if need be, his attachment to the party. For until 1844, the Democratic Party was known as the “Van Buren party.” With a politeness that barely concealed his real intention, he claimed that he would support the Democratic candidate of 1844 and would never support “any person whatever, for the purpose of creating distractions or divisions in the Democratic party.”223 There 221

Edward Morse Shepard, Martin Van Buren (New York: Elibron Classics, 2003). Reprint (Boston & New York: Houghton, Mifflin & Co., 1899), p. 397. First edition by Houghton, Mifflin & Co., 1888. 222 Mentor L. Williams, ed., “A Tour of Illinois in 1842,” Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society, 42 (September 1949), pp. 292-294. 223 Shepard, op. cit., p. 401.

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were, however, divisions among conservative and radical New York democrats. The former, led by Edwin Croswell and William C. Bouck, were pressing hard for an extension of the canal system while the latter, including new members like Van Buren’s son John, remained vigorously opposed to it. In September, the party renominated Bouck for governor but an agreement was found to stop the canal’s extension. Both sides continued to diverge on a variety of issues and fought hard over patronage. Their opposition did not leave the former president indifferent but did not worry him too much either insofar as they all seemed to converge in his direction for the party’s nomination. Van Buren was glad to see that the various leaders of the Democracy were already at work to set the campaign in motion and, unlike four years before, hold the field. Andrew Jackson assured that he would be in Washington for his friend’s inauguration and would offer the carriage to transport the Kinderhooker triumphantly back to the White House. The prediction of Van Buren’s renomination was nearly universal. It seemed that around the nation, his name appeared in most electoral calculations and pervaded an ever greater number of newspaper editorials. A leading article in the Washington Globe endorsed the New Yorker without reserve. The United States Magazine and Democratic Review even published a sonnet to celebrate his return to prominent roles and support his candidacy. By all accounts, Van Buren was geared for an easy victory at the Democratic convention in May, 1844. The other potential candidates did not pose major problems. Richard M. Johnson had some active backers in Arkansas and Kentucky, James Buchanan in Pennsylvania, and Lewis Cass in the Northwest but none appeared as a serious rival in a position to threaten the New Yorker. As for Tyler, the current president who was desperately trying to organize a new democratic-republican party, he got his wings burnt. Yet the political situation in 1843-44 differed from any Van Buren had known before. With his new feelings in favor of a balanced tariff that would bring in revenue and stimulate labor, and in clear reticence of the practice of slavery, he deliberately estranged himself from the South preferring not to lose the northern votes that had deserted him in the 1830s. But this was not the only point in question. A new candidate was now in the limelight. After resigning from the Senate, John C. Calhoun was bracing up for the coming election. When in August 1843, James K. Polk lost the governorship in Tennessee, Calhoun hastened to declare that Van Buren’s influence was now negligible. The Knoxville Argus relayed the criticism by reporting that the Whigs had made “Van Burenism as odious among the people of Tennessee as Black Cockade Federalism had ever

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been.”224 Yet, as the old hostility between the two men seemed rekindled, successive Democratic state conventions (New Hampshire, New York, Massachusetts) nominated Van Buren. Calhoun’s support in the South declined dramatically, forcing him to give up the fight, as soon did Cass and Buchanan. More than ever, the road looked clear for Van Buren’s nomination. As the convention approached, the question of Texas emerged in sharp, controversial focus, igniting extreme tensions within the two parties. Since the 1836 revolution, Texas had been an independent republic. Antislavery crusaders, John Adams ahead, had then denounced its new status as a plot to add slave states to the Union. Southerners, for the most part, had pressed hard for annexation. With the unyielding opposition of Mexico to recognize the independence of its lost territory, President Van Buren had refused to negotiate a new treaty as he feared the annexation would generate a casus belli, a position which momentarily ended the crisis. As the debate now resurfaced with more intensity in the electoral context, the New Yorker was put to a decisive test, and like all candidates, forced to take a clear stand in favor or against annexation. In January 1844, Calhoun was back in the spotlight as he accepted the post of Secretary of State proposed by Tyler, the two men forming what was scornfully referred to as “the mongrel administration.”225 The anti-Van Buren duo then made every effort to publicly promote the addition of Texas to the Union. They had a number of good reasons to project the Texas cause into national politics and show the government’s headstrong involvement in it. First, at a personal level, each believed it could be a way to restore their popularity and, who knows, reintroduce the current campaign. Second, the contentious issue would likely clip the wings of the Kinderhook bird and possibly dispute the seemingly pre-agreed verdict of his nomination. Third, the expansionist sentiment, particularly in the South and the West, had never been so strong. An increasing number of Americans, including many Democrats, supported the acquisition of the former Mexican province. Its eastern part, in particular, contained rich lands which guaranteed a vast economic development. The old Jeffersonian doctrine of the nation’s necessary land expansion had not lost its strength. In addition, the belief that America had a divine mission to spread republican democracy through the north American continent added a moral dimension to the desire for expansion and reflected a strong popular feeling. John L. O’Sullivan, a journalist and influential Democrat, also a close friend of Van Buren’s, summed up this conviction in an essay entitled “Annexation” in which he coined the symbolic 224 225

In Cole, op. cit., p. 390. Calhoun was appointed Secretary of State in replacement of Abel P. Upshur who had been killed by an accidental cannon misfire aboard the U.S.S. Princeton on February 28, 1844.

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phrase ‘Manifest Destiny,’ an ambiguous but ardent concept that would stand the test of time and define the good fortune the American nation has been blessed with. Another motive exploited by Calhoun and Tyler for annexation was the alleged threat posed by Britain’s imperialist views on Texas. The American interests were at stake and the introduction of Texas as the twenty-seventh state of the Union was presented as an emergency. Such an argument had a strong impact upon the American people who always remained suspicious of any British move on their continent and for whom, more than ever, the spirit of independence prevailed. Tyler hoped to win their confidence again as he emphasized his commitment to Texas, a strategic and economic option which had long been demanded by the republic’s representatives in Washington but lamentably ignored by the timorous administration of his predecessor. For Calhoun, the South Carolinian nullifier, the Texas issue was inextricably linked to slavery, an institution he embraced as a “positive good” and was adamant to protect against the danger of pro-abolitionist British interference. Clearly the American political debate was in a transition as the economic problem which had dominated Van Buren’s term was now giving way to the burning issue of slavery. In the spring of 1844, when President Tyler submitted a treaty of annexation to the Senate, time seemed to pick up its pace. With Texas its central question, the campaign took a dramatic twist with an unexpected but crucial epistolary dimension. Calhoun wrote a defiant letter to British minister Richard Pakenham in which he articulated in plain terms his defense of the peculiar institution and announced the American decision to annex Texas. Beyond his personal conviction and steadfast adherence to slavery, Calhoun’s sectionalist stratagem was to lead a significant faction that would absorb the advocates of the southern cause across party lines. And there was certainly more than the British crown among his targets. His approach definitely aimed at getting the sly fox out of his hole. But as usual, Van Buren kept his cautious stand and tried to skip the issue. Forever the diplomat, he showed reservations on any move that might fan the flames of Mexican passion. Politically, he judged the resurgence of the Texas debate disruptive to the Democracy as it would inopportunely pit supporters against opponents of slavery and again dangerously split the party. Recent history had shown the deleterious effects of its divisions. Yet his excessive prudence would soon prove to be a miscalculation as an increasing number of Democrats, perhaps a majority, were eager for Texas to enter the Union. The question seemed to redefine the core identity of the party.

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What he had not anticipated, and to his great disappointment, was the interference of Old Hickory in the debate. A letter, which had been written a year before, was now intentionally and skillfully produced by southern annexationists “to blow Van out of water.”226 In it, Jackson clearly pleaded for the immediate integration of Texas into the Union as a means to avert British ambitions in that region. The publication put enormous pressure on Van Buren who once again was caught off his guard by his Hermitage friend. As the central candidate for the nomination, he received scores of letters requiring him to clarify his views on the matter. A fervent supporter of democracy all his life, out of respect for his fellow party members as well as for the great mass of American voters, he could not continue to pass over, or equivocate on, such a crucial question. To put a halt to the mounting pressure, he decided to answer one particular query made by William Hammet, a Mississippi congressman and delegate to the imminent Democratic convention. Against all expectations, his response came as an un-Van Buren model. It was anything but cautious and evasive. In the letter, dated April 20, but made public by the Washington Globe on April 27, the former Magician wrote in no ambiguous terms that he was opposed to the immediate annexation of Texas. From his view, the risk of a war against Mexico was high and not worth the while. It would simply mar America’s reputation for “reason and justice.”227 He did not, however, reject the possibility of future annexation if a number of conditions were filled, including the restoration of serene MexicanAmerican relations and the consent of the people after consultation. The British threat was a farce, nothing but a groundless political machination devised by his Tyler and Calhoun-led opponents. More significantly, after years of conciliatory attitude and peaceful dialogue with the South on its peculiar tradition, a sharp turn was now being taken to the North, and not principally for the votes to be won there. Van Buren clearly showed his determination to resist the extension of slavery. Uncharacteristically for the New Yorker whose political deftness had earned him such offensive labels as a sly plotter, a master of intrigue and a conniver, the moral case prevailed over the political game. Although he had everything to lose by going against the wind, the sixty-two-year-old candidate preferred his independence. The concluding terms of his letter illustrated this feeling:

226 227

Shepard, op. cit., p. 405. Martin Van Buren to William Hammet, April 20, 1844 Martin Van Buren Papers, Box 49, Reel 28, Manuscript Division, Library of Congress, Washington DC.

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“Nor can I in any extremity be induced to cast a shade over the motives of my past life, by changes or concealments of opinions maturely formed upon a great national question, for the unworthy purpose of increasing my chances for 228 political promotion.”

Senator Silas Wright and other Van Buren supporters were delighted by their leader’s exemplary moral principle. Wright wrote he had never “felt more proud” of him “than at that moment.”229 But his enemies were numerous and unfortunately were not limited to the Whig ranks. Unlike Wright, of course, they were not proud of Van Buren, but certainly just as delighted! They could exploit the letter as a powerful weapon to destroy the Kinderhooker’s chances and send him back to cabbage growing. An indisputable piece of evidence was now in their hands to show to the countless annexation enthusiasts in all parts of the country. As a result, a giant wave of contempt seemed to break on Van Buren. Some of his old friends, now furious and frantic, did not hesitate to vent their discontent out in the open. Wright reported that James Buchanan, the Democratic conscience of Pennsylvania, kept ranting and raving at Van Buren, and called him “a dead cock in the pit.”230 The controversy heated up as a letter from Henry Clay was published in the National Intelligencer the same day as the “Hammet letter.” The joint publication of the two epistles, written by the expected nominees of the two parties, with the same argument against immediate annexation on grounds of expediency, smelled of manipulation and conspiracy. The coincidence brought to mind the visit Van Buren had made with Clay two years before and nurtured suspicion that they had found a mutual arrangement to drop the Texas matter. As mentioned previously in these pages, such collusion between two political enemies who through time found grounds for friendship is extremely improbable. Worse was to come for Van Buren as the letter had a very negative effect in Virginia, a southern state where his friendship and support had so far been strong and crucial to maintaining the fragile North-South axis. The majority of Virginians were behind the Texas annexation and could not forgive Van Buren’s adverse position. William H. Roane and other members of the Richmond Junto immediately informed Van Buren of the general disaffection. Thomas Ritchie voiced his cold anger in explicit terms: “I am compelled to come to the conclusion that we cannot carry Virginia for you.”231 As letters of anger heaped up, he 228

Ibid. Silas Wright to Martin Van Buren, May 6, 1844. Martin Van Buren Papers, Box 50, Reel 28, Manuscript Division, Library of Congress, Washington DC. 230 Ibid. 231 In Joel H. Silbey, Martin Van Buren and the Emergence of American Popular Politics (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc., 2002), p. 174. 229

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transferred them to Van Buren in one big package. The recipient understood the message and sent the stack back to Virginia without a single word of justification. Though he had anticipated the consequences of his act, Van Buren was obviously disappointed by Ritchie’s unexpected reluctance. But he was downright thunderstruck when Andrew Jackson, sticking firm in favor of Texas, stated that Van Buren’s letter compromised the victory of the Democrats and he was forced to change the party’s strategy. He now defended the idea that his New York friend should reasonably step aside and give way to a candidate committed to annexation. For all his frustration, Van Buren still hoped he could play down the significance of the crisis and rally a majority of his party’s colleagues behind his candidacy. He remained convinced that he could win the nomination and make it to the White House. Despite the uproarious divisions caused by his letter, volatile as they might be, no dedicated Democrat would push the temporary discord so far as to defect for the Whigs. Then, when he was president, there would be time for consensus on Texas. He believed in party harmony and had proved in the past that he was adept at it. Among the few positive signs that he clung to was the Senate’s rejection of Tyler’s treaty. Still shaken, but calm and dignified, Van Buren welcomed the news with a vindictive smile flickering around his mouth. And in spite of the storm of protest raised by Clay’s letter, the Whig convention unanimously nominated the Kentuckian for the nomination. Again, Van Buren remained persuaded that reason would equally prevail in his ranks and loyal Democrats would ultimately back his name at their convention. The convention met at Baltimore on May 27, 1844. Apprehension was still strong among Van Buren’s supporters but after the first count at the end of the opening day, the New Yorker received a comfortable 55% majority, with 146 votes of the 266 total cast. But the pro-Texas forces, helped, it must be confessed, by compromise candidates, did not give up the fight so fast as they succeeded in blocking Van Buren’s lead by imposing the 1832 two-thirds majority rule to get the nomination. It was difficult to ignore the historical irony of the situation. The rule was originally forged to facilitate Van Buren’s vice presidential nomination during the first Democratic convention. It was now a weapon used against his own advancement. The maneuver immediately bore fruit as the delegates committed to Van Buren soon understood their favorite would never meet the obligations of the agreed procedure. They turned to another New Yorker, Silas Wright, but Van Buren’s close ally clearly declined the offer. Ballot after ballot, support for Van Buren literally disintegrated. Finally, a compromise candidate emerged from the confusion and, on the ninth vote, the nomination fell to the initial vice presidential designate. The former House Speaker, James K. Polk, Jackson’s protégé from

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Tennessee, a fervent annexationist, was unanimously chosen as the Democratic standard bearer for the November election. He was the first dark-horse candidate in American history. The nomination was sent to Washington through Morse’s newly completed telegraph line. Silas Wright, whose choice for the vice presidency was made to heal the feelings of the defeated, also used the latest communications technology to promptly turn down the decision of the delegates. He declared in a blunt message that he refused to “ride behind on the black pony.”232 The next morning, George M. Dallas of Pennsylvania was selected to run as Polk’s running mate. A pro-expansionist platform was drafted calling for the “reannexation” of Texas and the “reoccupation” of Oregon. The 1844 convention remains in the annals as a dark omen of the bloodiest conflict of American history two decades later. Thomas Hart Benton, the eloquent Missouri senator and one of Van Buren’s closest friends, a champion of westward expansion, could not be more clairvoyant when he lamented on the sinister dealings before, during and after Baltimore:

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“Disunion is at the bottom of this long-concealed Texas machination. Intrigue and speculation cooperate; but disunion is at the bottom; and I denounce it to the American people. Under the pretext of getting Texas into the Union, the scheme is to get the South out of it. A separate confederacy, stretching from the Atlantic to the Californias . . . is the cherished vision of disappointed 233 ambition.”

In his invective, Benton denounced Tyler for his selfish presidential purpose in the Texas initiative as well as Southerners like Calhoun whose attachment to slavery took precedence over union. His view would reveal to be prophetic as the following years would see the North-South divide growing to the point of noreturn when the language of dialogue in Washington yielded to the language of arms at Fort Sumter on April 12, 1861. Despite the defeat, honorable though it was, Van Buren’s loyal followers found solace in Calhoun’s humiliating discomfiture. As John L. O’Sullivan noted, they were “weeping with one eye while [they] smile[d] with the other at the overthrow of the intriguers and traitors.”234 Their leader let it be known that the results would not change his position on Texas, which ironically weakened the 232

Shepard, op. cit., p. 411. Thomas Hart Benton, Thirty Years’ View; or a History of the Working of the American Government for Thirty Years, From 1820 to 1850, Volume 2 (New York: D. Appleton, 1854), p. 614. 234 John L. O’Sullivan to Martin Van Buren, May 29, 1844. Martin Van Buren Papers, Box 50, Reel 28, Manuscript Division, Library of Congress, Washington DC. 233

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party’s North-South alliance he had so forcefully championed before. But by nature, Van Buren was more constructive than destructive and the Democratic victory was set as a priority. From his Lindenwald retreat, Van Buren fully mobilized his troops to restore unity behind the Polk ticket. His vigorous support became vital for Polk’s chances of success, particularly in New York where he focused his energies on securing the state. As often in American history, New York played a significant part in the campaign. It was made clear that Silas Wright’s run for the governorship was essential for victory. After some hesitation, under the combined pressure of Polk and Van Buren, Wright agreed to run and won the seat. Polk also came first in New York State in November but by a narrower margin. In the meantime, his opponent Clay had adopted a new strategy and come out with a calculated endorsement for the annexation of Texas. But it cost him the Empire state where a number of Whigs had switched to the antislavery Liberty party. Had he taken New York, he would have won the presidential election by seven electoral votes. Instead, the final counting gave Polk a majority of 170 to Clay’s 105 in the Electoral College. Only thirty-eight thousand popular votes separated the two candidates! Van Buren and his allies now believed that Polk owed his victory largely to their efforts and that they deserved to be rewarded. Therefore, the former president actively, but vainly, worked to influence Polk in the selection of his Cabinet. No important post was granted to any name proposed by Van Buren. Polk did eventually offer him the ministership in London but the New Yorker flatly refused and from then on the relations between the new administration and the Van Buren crew deteriorated. To his credit, Polk achieved a lot during his term in the tradition of the Jacksonian principle. As promised, Texas entered the Union as its twenty-eighth state, followed by California and Oregon. But it was accompanied, as Van Buren had predicted, by the Mexican war. The Independent Treasury, so cherished by the New Yorker during his four years in command, but abandoned by the Whigs in 1841, was now reinstituted. Polk also vetoed a bill to increase federal funding of internal improvements and managed to lower the tariff in 1846. But bitter feelings persisted among Van Burenites and from Lindenwald, the betrayal pill remained hard to swallow. They considered the Polk administration had factionalized the Democracy and favored its southern branch almost exclusively, be it at the expense of the other sensibilities of the party. This hostile sentiment was hard felt, not only by Van Buren’s supporters, but also by other loyal Northern Democrats whose many grievances notably included the declaration of the Mexican war and the decision to fix the Oregon boundary below the 54° 40’ line.

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The Wilmot Proviso of August 1846 reinvigorated these frustrated Democrats. In response to the southern pro-slavery influence in the administration, they concurred with the Whigs from New York to counter any measure in favor of the extension of slavery. The government was trying to pass a bill appropriating $2,000,000 to purchase a territory from Mexico as part of a peace treaty. David Wilmot, a Democratic congressman from Pennsylvania, proposed his Proviso as an amendment to exclude slavery from any territory so acquired by the United States. The initiative, strongly supported by Van Buren and his new coalition, was passed in the House but was rejected by the Senate, in both 1846 and 1847. Nevertheless it did hit a hard blow on Polk and Calhoun’s clique of Southerners whose contempt and anger at the opposition in New York reached a rare degree of exacerbation. The wounds would be hard to heal within the Democracy whose profound divisions augured cut-throat battles for the control of the party. Meanwhile tragedy struck Van Buren’s family and political entourage. Two of his sons became premature widowers. John’s wife, Elizabeth, died in 1844, concluding a happy but far too short three year marriage. Smith also lost his wife Ellen five years later, leaving three children motherless. The deaths of these two young women left each family member, with varying degrees, grief-stricken for the rest of their lives. For the grandfather, the loud political clamor that had accompanied the greater part of his years, suddenly turned mute and seemed quite trivial. The unexpected decease of his close friend Silas Wright who passed away shortly after he lost his re-election bid for governor, accentuated the feeling. Worse, on June 8, 1845, after eight years of retirement at the Hermitage, the old general, Andrew Jackson, died of a heart failure and chronic tuberculosis. As Van Buren mourned all these intimate relatives and dear friends, the white face of death confronted him with his own destiny and the sense of his own existence. The ex “Magician” now spent all his time at Lindenwald, away from the political circus. He repeatedly told his close circle of friends and allies that he had lost the vigor and desire for elective office. Time had come for new names to take over the direction of operations. Among others, his son John seemed promised to a successful career and was congratulated by his political associates when in 1845, he was made New York’s Attorney General by the legislature. However, on no account did Van Buren’s apparent remoteness mean indifference to political developments. He continued to work hard in his study keeping abreast of the state and national news. His long experience, wise perceptiveness and enlightened advice remained essential to his allies who also enjoyed the confidence and affection demonstrated by their elder master mind. The question was now posed

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to find a way to reconquer the party and reconstruct it on its original Jeffersonian foundation. In the current bedlam of New York politics, a redistribution of political forces was taking place. As the state Democratic convention meeting was scheduled in Syracuse in September 1847, tension rose to a fever pitch between the two major antagonistic groups emerging from the chaos, the radicals and the conservatives. The former were composed of the Van Buren associates, headed by such eminent names as Benjamin Butler, the United States Attorney for the southern District of New York, Azariah Flagg, the state Comptroller, John A. Dix, recently elected as U. S. Senator, and “Prince John,” the ex president’s son and one of the state’s political rising stars. This faction, united in its opposition to slavery, was known as the “Barnburners” because its members were intent on burning down the Democratic barn to clear it of its “rats.” The conservatives, led by Daniel S. Dickinson, the U. S. Senator, and William L. Marcy, one of the former Regency’s key figures serving now in Polk’s Cabinet as U. S. Secretary of War, were ardent supporters of slavery and annexation and considered to be “the Northern men with Southern principles.” They became known as the “Old Hunkers” because they were said to hanker or hunger after offices. When New York Democrats met in Syracuse, “the great chiefs of both factions,” reported Henry B. Stanton, “were on the grounds, and never was there a fiercer, more bitter and relentless conflict between the Narragansetts and the Pequods than this memorable conflict between the Barnburners and the Hunkers.”235 The Barnburners’ anger arose to a boiling point after the Hunkers managed to seize control of the convention with a majority of delegates and rejected Dudley Field’s resolution in favor of the Wilmot Proviso. Judging that their anti-slavery initiative had been defeated by a fraudulent organization, the Barnburners decided to secede and called for a mass meeting at Herkimer on October 26, 1847 to prepare their counteroffensive. The alternative convention was presided over by Churchill Cambreleng. Speaking before 4,000 supporters, David Wilmot and John Van Buren ranted against the Syracuse fraud and repeated their unconditional opposition to the extension of slavery in the territories. Stanton was thrilled by the young Van Buren’s oratory. Unlike the “grave, urban” and “wary” former president, “the son was enthusiastic, frank, bold, and given to wit, repartee.”236 Delegates were then chosen for the 1848 national Democratic convention and it was proclaimed that they would vote for no nominee who assented to the extension of slavery After this meeting, where the Free Soil banner 235 236

Henry B. Stanton, Random Recollections (Johnstown, NY: Blunck & Leaning, 1886), p. 159. Ibid., p. 175.

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had been conspicuously displayed, as the sage of Lindenwald had feared, the profound split in New York’s Democracy cost the party a heavy price. The Whigs won a runaway victory in the November 1847 state election. In early 1848, Van Buren moved to Julian’s Hotel in New York’s Washington Square where he spent the rest of the winter and showed a growing involvement in political activity. There he outlined his views in a manuscript published in the following April in the New York Atlas, as the “Address of the Democratic Members of the Legislature of the State of New York.” In it, he demanded that the Democratic national convention recognize Barnburners as its only legitimate representatives from New York. It also defended the clauses of the Wilmot Proviso on the grounds that no evidence could be found to claim that the Founding Fathers had sustained the extension of the peculiar institution, “a heresy so revolting,” or its protection beyond its established limits. At the Baltimore convention in May, it was made clear by national leaders that, in the name of party unity, the Barnburners’ demand of exclusivity in the New York delegation would not be met. It seemed also pre-established that Lewis Cass, one of their worst enemies, would be nominated as the Democratic presidential candidate. Party leaders offered a compromise solution, with an equal representation of each sensibility, half Hunker, half Barnburner. These terms met the severe opposition of John Van Buren and his associates who concluded that the old Jeffersonian-Jacksonian doctrine had deserted the Democracy. Gnashing their teeth in anger, the Herkimer delegates seceded before the nomination was announced. In June, a convention took place in Utica for Barnburners to organize resistance to the nomination of Cass. As a result of the enthusiastic welcome received in New York by Van Buren’s “Barnburner Manifesto,” Prince John asked his father if he would accept to bear the standard of a new party at the upcoming election. Van Buren was worn down by the turn of events and his own contradictory leanings. Shattered by the unraveling of the party he had created, he half-heartedly clung to tenuous hopes for unity. At the same time, he kept pestering against the unilateral, pro-Southern, pro-slavery direction the Polk administration, backed by Hunker leaders, invariably followed. In response to his son’s demand, shared by the whole Utica delegation, Barnburners and some anti-slavery Whig sympathizers, Van Buren drafted a long, nineteen-page letter which somewhat reiterated and complemented his “Manifesto.” Simply put, the answer was “no, but….” In other words, he was hesitating, rather reluctant yet interested. Significantly, the letter outlined a platform for the new party. It detailed his firm opposition to the National Democratic platform that erroneously, or was it spuriously, claimed that Congress had no authority to limit slavery in the territories. His refutation was backed by

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the multiple examples of the Assembly’s recurring efforts to respect the spirit of freedom that inspired the framers of the Constitution. Elated by this revitalizing document and regardless of his refusal, the participants unanimously nominated Van Buren for President. The official Free Soil party convention took place in Buffalo on August 9, 1848. Van Buren, who had yielded to the collective call of the former Barnburners, not with great enthusiasm, finally accepted to run. The platform drafters cast their net wide to produce a compromise document which captured all sensibilities: the Jacksonian principle of paying off the national debt as well as access to free and cheap land, and protective tariff and internal improvements for Whigs. The blanket slogan exalting these diverse causes became: “Free Soil, Free Speech, Free Labor, and Free Men.” Van Buren delivered his acceptance speech with his characteristically swollen and flowery rhetoric. After reaffirming his adherence to the Jacksonian principle and the importance of unity, he justified his staunch resistance to annexation as a means to oppose the greed of Southern slaveholders. Going further in that direction, in sharp contradiction with his 1837 inaugural address, he announced that he would wholeheartedly sign a bill to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia. Without surprise, the delegates nominated him with a comfortable majority of 244 votes over his opponent’s 183. For the vice presidency, they selected the former anti-Jackson president’s son, Charles Francis Adams, who in an ironic twist of history, would run with Jackson’s second vice president. The news of the Free Soil nomination raised an outcry in Washington. Polk was horrified by Van Buren’s disregard of the Democracy and denounced this “dangerous attempt to organize Geographical parties upon the slave question, . . . more threatening to the Union than anything . . . since . . . the Hartford Convention.” He called Van Buren “the most fallen man I have ever known.” Daniel Webster, an old acquaintance of Van Buren’s still in the forefront of Washington politics, laughed a lot on hearing the news that “the leader of the Free Spoil party should have so suddenly become the leader of the Free Soil party.” By contrast, the Free Soil enthusiasts embraced the nomination with alacrity. In Boston, Charles Sumner told an exuberant crowd how thrilled he was to celebrate “the Van Buren of to-day, –the veteran statesman, sagacious, determined, experienced, who at an age when most men are rejoicing to put off their armor girds himself anew, and enters the lists as the champion of freedom.”237

237

In Cole, op. cit., pp. 414-416.

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The Free Soil campaign was led by John Van Buren. John was endowed with a magnetic charm that immediately aroused popular admiration. He made brilliant speeches in which he demonstrated enough charisma to inspire, captivate and electrify the crowds. His father did not. But the father and son also had much in common: sagacity, wit, humor and self-assurance. They loved each other very much and the elder Van Buren was proud to see how the former prodigal son had matured into a fine, handsome and respectable gentleman. While John stayed on the field, he spent all his campaign time in Kinderhook from where he wrote countless letters to his lieutenants around the nation, and answered the requests of individual citizens for his views on a variety of subjects ranging from the controversial slavery issue to more local or personal matters. John skillfully defended his father’s expertise and statesmanship, qualities he contrasted with the unprincipled and devious behavior of Lewis Cass, the Democratic candidate, who after favoring the Wilmot Proviso repudiated it in his “Nicholson letter,” an insult to the moral code of all true democrats. He and his allies also presented Zachary Taylor, the Whig nominee, as an uneducated, inexperienced politician dedicated to the southern cause and a holder of more than a hundred slaves. In one of their most memorable pamphlets, they portrayed their two opponents, respectively, one as a “Northern man with Southern principles” and the other, “a Southern man with Southern principles.” In the wild excitement of the battle, some cheerful Free Soilers began to hope for victory if the election was thrown into the House. But this optimism was overzealous. The managers of the campaign were political professionals who nurtured no illusion on their performance. Despite their personal friendship with Van Buren, too many Democratic leaders, including Benton, Blair, or Bancroft would loyally stick to Jackson’s traditional party. And few Whig defections were expected in the North. By no means did strong involvement in the antislavery crusade amount to systematic adherence to the Free Soil party. William Seward, a staunch advocate of freedom, as well as Abraham Lincoln, Illinois’ young but popular party leader, threw their support behind the Whig candidate. Yet, for all their own limitations, Free Soilers led an active campaign with mass rallies, support clubs, “Grand Democratic Free Soil” banners, paintings on the walls, posters, cut-outs, pamphlets and the inevitable propaganda catalogue of modern by-products like buttons and flags. In long newspaper editorials, they developed their declaration of core principles in kind but explicit and uncompromising terms. Despite all the efforts of the Van Buren family and their network of associates, the outcome of the campaign seemed predetermined and there was no surprise in the November verdict. Zachary Taylor, the Louisiana soldier, was elected as the eleventh president of the United States. General Taylor’s Buena

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Vista victory over the Mexican forces in February 1847 had earned him a war hero reputation and a popular name, “Old Rough and Ready.” As Polk had feared, even though Taylor thought of himself more as a national candidate rather than just a Whig candidate, the Whigs had capitalized on his heroic image. Taylor swept the election with 163 electoral votes and 1,360,967 popular votes to 127 and 1,222,342 for Lewis Cass. Van Buren was gratified with 291,804 votes, 10% of the total. Given his unexpected candidacy for a recently formed third party, the results were more than honorable. With their anti-slavery platform, the Free Soilers, of course, had no chance in the South, except in Virginia where their candidate obtained nine votes. To the complaints of fraud lodged by some of Van Buren’s local friends, a Virginian offered a curt response. “Yes Fraud!” he said. “And we’re still looking for the son-of-a-bitch who voted nine times.”238 Though he carried no states, the Free Soil candidate performed remarkably in the North, particularly in New York where he received over 6,000 more votes than Cass, the great architect of his defeat at Baltimore in 1844. With 120,510 votes, however, he remained far behind Taylor’s 218,603. For Cass, the New York ballot figures were miserable. He had lost about 123,000 votes to Polk in 1844 while Taylor was close to Clay’s performance that year. Benefiting from the Democratic majority split, Taylor won the 36 electoral votes of the state and the national election. By running their own candidate in the New York state election for governor, the Free Soilers also barred the Democrats victory which fell to the Whig contender, Hamilton Fish, the state’s current lieutenant governor. The New York Hunkers and most of Polk’s allies blamed their defeat on Van Buren and his Free Soil adventure. Yet if Van Buren split the Democratic vote enough to throw New York to Taylor, it was also true that he split the Whig vote enough to give Ohio to Cass. Consequently, Van Buren’s intrusion did not change the outcome of the election. The Free Soil Party was the first true third party in American electoral history, the first of a long list. The controversy that its creation raised among traditional Democrats recalls in certain ways the very tight 2000 presidential race which Al Gore lost to George W. Bush. Many people then blamed Ralph Nader, the third party candidate, for gaining his votes at the expense of the Democrat. Had the Green Party candidate not been on the ballot, Gore would have won Florida, New Hampshire, and therewith the national election. The long-shot Free Soil escapade and ensuing defeat marked the end of Martin Van Buren’s career and from then on, he became simply a spectator in the political arena. He settled down quietly to a well-deserved retirement as a 238

In Widmer, op. cit., p. 155.

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gentleman farmer at his home in Kinderhook. In the following years, support for the Free Soil party began its continuous decline until Van Buren’s former supporters decided, to the great satisfaction of their idol, that it was time to restore the Democratic party unity on its solid Jacksonian-Jeffersonian foundation. Van Buren was also relieved to see that after the resistance of the extremes on each side, Congress managed to partly fill in the sectional gaps over the western territories. His friend Henry Clay and the latter’s young Senate colleague Stephen A. Douglas of Illinois worked out a set of measures, not including the Wilmot Proviso, to settle the territorial and sectional issues. The Compromise of 1850 was fought by both President Taylor and the inflexible Calhoun who was back in the Senate. Though these two fierce opponents both died that same year, the proposals raised a great deal of hostility between and within the two major parties. Taylor’s successor, Millard Fillmore, a fifty-year-old Whig from New York, who was eager to ease the tensions, upheld all of the provisions included in the compromise. Even though no one was entirely satisfied with it, and the slavery question remained unsolved, the compromise did contribute to a few years of relative respite in the sectional conflict. The 1852 election saw the emergence of another dark horse candidate at the Democratic convention in Baltimore. It also marked Van Buren’s long-sought party reconciliation as, after a stalemate on Buchanan, Cass, Marcy, and Douglas, the delegates found the middle ground by bringing the name of Franklin Pierce forward and nominating him on the forty-ninth ballot. Van Buren wrote a ringing letter of endorsement which substantiated his full allegiance to the new direction of the party. The Democratic candidate, a passionate Jacksonian from New Hampshire, defended the party’s uncontroversial platform of strict observance of the Compromise of 1850 and swept the national election with a 254-42 victory over his Whig opponent, another Mexican War hero, General Winfield Scott of Virginia. As Democrats renewed with unity, they lost a clear vision of the sectional reality. Convinced that the events of the past half decade belonged to the normal political course of a democratic nation, they failed to see that these continuous battles were the expression of a much more profound enmity and the prelude to a civil war. They believed that the sectionalist movement was beating a retreat both in the North and in the South, and that the Whigs and Democrats had restored their normal place at the two opposite poles of traditional American politics. Van Buren’s faith that political force and national prosperity would be born from a two-party system that allowed for the open debate and discord was what he mistakenly believed was taking place

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At Lindenwald, Van Buren found the ideal environment for his peaceful retirement life. He was only disturbed by the extensive renovation that his son Smith who was now, along with his family, a permanent resident of the estate, had urged his father to engage in. Smith sought out Richard Upjohn, in Van Buren’s own words “the great architectural oracle” of the time, to design the project.239 Again, he spent most of his time fishing, horseback riding and tending to the property although the farm was now run by Smith. As if making up for lost opportunities, reading occupied a lot of his time. To the great enjoyment of his friends and political allies still keen on his affection and opinion, he was also an active letter writer. In his comfortable rebuilt mansion, he liked to receive neighbors and friends at his table. Himself a fine gourmet, he treated his guests generously with elaborate dishes and a selection of superior quality wines. As time passed, however, the number of guests shrunk dramatically since the ex Magician outlived most of his former political colleagues. In the spring of 1853, as the health of young Martin continued to deteriorate, Van Buren followed medical advice that he should take his son abroad for treatment. Without hesitation, he immediately packed up and the two embarked for a long trip to the Old World. Van Buren became the first former president to travel there. After enjoying the baths at Aix-les-Bains, France, Martin Junior consulted medical specialists in London. In the meantime, the elder Van Buren traveled extensively throughout the continent, visiting relatives, friends and political leaders whom he had struck up acquaintances with twenty years before. He migrated from Ireland, France, Belgium, and Holland where the language sounded familiar to Switzerland and Italy. In June 1854, he settled down in Sorrento, Italy, at Villa Falangola, a charming coastal residence with a view on the bay. The peaceful sunny landscape offered an ideal setting for reflection and meditation. It was there that Van Buren decided to commit himself to the writing of his autobiography. “At the age of seventy-one, and in a foreign land,” he wrote, “I commence a sketch of the principal events of my life.”240 He had previously started to work on it and had completed his introductory Inquiry Into the Origin and Course of Political Parties in the United States, which was published in New York in 1867. During the winter, he went to Paris to meet his son who had come over from London for convalescence. In March, after a brief optimistic respite, Martin Junior suffered from a fatal relapse. Despite the treatment, tuberculosis had the final word and the young Van Buren died in his fortieth year. Once again,

239 240

Cf. supra, pp. 199, 200. In Cole, op. cit., p. 422.

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the former president was struck by the loss of a dear one and overwhelmed by infinite pain and sorrow. Back home in the following weeks, the grief-stricken president went into mourning surrounded by his family. After a few days of prayers and remembrance, life gradually returned to normal and he resumed his large-scale autobiographical enterprise. His son Smith assisted him with the research involved in the long exercise. Van Buren, however, never finished and while the project covered his life into the Jacksonian period, it did not reach his presidency. It remained in manuscript form for over sixty years. It was later donated to the Library of Congress and in 1920 the American Historical Association first issued it in its Annual Report.241 While at Lindenwald, Van Buren often interrupted his work to enjoy the pleasures of comfortable living, tend his farm and sip some good wine. He also took some time to go to New York City where he visited his sons and some of his friends established as lawyers or traders in the vibrant city. With the small fortune he had accumulated over the years, he also made occasional trips to upstate New York and enjoyed the relaxing atmosphere of its watering resorts. Unfortunately, his son, John, became a source of worry again. At almost fifty years of age, the promising politician was reported to renew with his old demons. After his name was considered as a possible nominee for vice president in 1852, “Prince John” succumbed to the dissolute pleasures of nightlife in the big city and literally ruined his political career. In the meantime, politics had regularly intruded into Van Buren’s retired life and the Sage of Lindenwald showed that his political instincts and insights were still intact. To his great disappointment, the post-1850 political landscape was not redesigned exactly as he had anticipated and hoped for. With the new drift of events, the optimism that prevailed in the wake of the Compromise vanished as quickly as the party’s unity. The sectional conflict erupted with even more intensity and was fueled by the growing anti-immigration feelings against the two major parties. In 1854, Van Buren was stupefied by Stephen A. Douglas’s Kansas-Nebraska bill which, he rightly thought, would uselessly re-inflame the tensions over the territorial issue. The general political chaos that it caused signaled the rise of the Republican party whose entreaties the retired Kinderhooker refused to give in to. Placing party loyalty above tactical interests and determined not to deviate from his Democratic commitments again, he declined an invitation to participate in the Republican convention of 1856. Finally rallying behind the Kansas-Nebraska Act as an imperfect but constructive means to preserve the Union, he was flabbergasted by the weakness and indecisiveness 241

Cf. supra, p. 39.

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of the new president, James Buchanan, who proved to be unable to seize the opportunity for peace. When Buchanan endorsed the Dred Scott decision, Van Buren blamed him for violating the principles of Jefferson and Jackson. The ex Magician concluded that the president, a former Federalist converted to the Democratic party in 1828, had returned to his initial ideological school, whose political heresy was “hopelessly incurable.”242 Bothered by the repeal of the Missouri Compromise and concerned about its renewal, Van Buren came to realize that the burning issue of slavery extension could be settled only if Congress suspended legislating on the territories for a while. It was urgent to put an end to the agitation and protest which federal interference generated both in the North and in the South. He regained some sympathy in the South when he declared that the abolition of slavery through coercive means was not the right direction to follow. As Southerners wended their way towards secession in 1860 and seven states left the Union after Lincoln’s election, Van Buren clung to his stance for moderation, condemning the extremes on each side, the ultra abolitionist Republicans as well as the bloody-minded secessionists. Still opposed to slavery as a moral wrong, he placed the endurance of the Union above all other considerations. For that reason, after voting for the fusion ticket in New York for the presidency, he gave his zealous support to Abraham Lincoln’s Republican administration. After the attack at Fort Sumter, former President Franklin Pierce wrote to Van Buren and the other three surviving chief executives (Tyler, Fillmore, Buchanan) to see if they would agree to meet and discuss the grave crisis underway. As the senior of these leaders, Van Buren was asked to call the meeting. In his response, Van Buren explained that if the attempt at mediation was an honorable initiative, he doubted it would have any positive effect to solve the dispute that was tearing the nation apart. Adding that if the meeting took place, he would attend it, he also insisted that he would leave the lead to Buchanan, the most recent White House incumbent. Pierce’s initiative never saw the light of day and the country sank inexorably into the Civil War. Van Buren persevered in his opposition to secession, in his eyes an unconstitutional move, and supported Lincoln’s decision to resist it with force. Though he had never been a strong nationalist, the Union was not a negotiable question. Jackson would certainly not disapprove. In a last gesture of political bravery, he asked the New York Democracy to support Lincoln and his decision to send volunteer troops to crush the rebellion. As the mobilization for war progressed, Van Buren made his last public statement before a group of 242

Shepard, op. cit., p. 447.

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Kinderhook citizens. “The attack upon our flag and the capture of Fort Sumter by the Secessionists could be regarded in no other light than as the commencement of a treasonable attempt to overthrow the Federal Government by military force.”243

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EPILOGUE In the year following his support for Lincoln, Van Buren felt his energy sharply decline. Suffering from gout and disabled by violent suffocating fits of asthma, he was soon forced to spend the greater part of his time in his secondfloor bedroom at Lindenwald. In May 1862, worried about his health, he recovered enough force to make a trip to New York where he consulted a doctor. Upon returning home, the old man grew weaker day after day and was soon bedridden for good. Surrounded by his three sons to whom he affectionately waved a feeble farewell, the appeased father plunged into a final coma. At 2 a.m. on July 24, 1862, almost eighty years after coming into this world, the eighth president of a nation they still called the United States, released his last breath of air. Born one year after the end of the Revolutionary War, he died one year after the outset of the Civil War. His life had spanned the two extremities of a national destiny, beginning in the exalted euphoria of independence and expiring with the sound of cannonball fire. But it is a comfortable and cheerful thought that through all these years his faith in the Union had never faltered and accompanied him to the grave. The following day, in thankful reciprocation of Van Buren’s support, Abraham Lincoln issued a ringing statement of posthumous tribute. Sharing the sorrow of the Van Buren family over the death of its most illustrious member, he had the following executive communication ordered: WASHINGTON, July 25, 1862. “The President with deep regret announces to the people of the United States the decease, at Kinderhook, N.Y., on the 24th instant, of his honored predecessor Martin Van Buren.

243

In Widmer, op. cit., p. 164.

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Pierre-Marie Loizeau This event will occasion mourning in the nation for the loss of a citizen and a public servant whose memory will be gratefully cherished. Although it has occurred at a time when his country is afflicted with division and civil war, the grief of his patriotic friends will measurably be assuaged by the consciousness that while suffering with disease and seeing his end approaching his prayers were for the restoration of the authority of the Government of which he had been the head and for peace and good will among his fellow-citizens. As a mark of respect for his memory, it is ordered that the Executive Mansion and the several Executive Departments, except those of War and the Navy, be immediately placed in mourning and all business be suspended during to-morrow. It is further ordered that the War and Navy Departments cause suitable military and naval honors to be paid on this occasion to the memory of the illustrious dead.”

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ABRAHAM LINCOLN

244

Van Buren’s funeral services were held at the little old Reformed Church in his native Kinderhook. Thousands of villagers gathered outside the little edifice in homage to their old friend and neighbor. After the religious ceremony, behind eighty-one carriages, an endless procession followed the casket to the cemetery. This was Van Buren’s final destination where he joined his wife Hannah, his parents, and his son Martin. Headed by the family, the long line included his local social circle and an official delegation of dignitaries and diplomatic representatives. This was probably the greatest and grandest event in the village’s history. All Kinderhookers had come to pay their last tribute to the most honorable of them. According to William Butler, “they felt that they had shared in the honors of their statesman. His fame had made all the neighborhood famous. He had been the link by which the quiet inland center had been bound so long to the great world beyond, and now it was broken. Our sorrow is never so sincere as when it is part of ourselves that we have lost.”245 Martin Van Buren certainly had more than fame to share with the people in Kinderhook and in the nation at large. He was an accomplished politician whose pride in and love for his country knew no limits. Honestly, the word “fame” does 244

John T. Woolley and Gerhard Peters, The American Presidency Project [online]. Santa Barbara, CA: University of California (hosted), Gerhard Peters (database). Available from World Wide Web: (http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/?pid=69816). 245 In Silbey, op. cit., p. 217.

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not really stick to the name “Van Buren.” The man remains one of the lesserknown American presidents. Lindenwald, his immoderately renovated domain, has no such public resonance as Mount Vernon, Monticello and the Hermitage. Kenneth T. Walsh, in his fascinating From Mount Vernon to Crawford: A History of the Presidents and their Retreats, makes no mention of either the property or its owner. When looking back on the unfolding of Van Buren’s life, such ignorance appears as an unfair negligence. Should all presidents be heroes? Certainly not. And what is a hero after all? Presidents are chosen by universal suffrage and this democratic choice is itself a mark of heroism. The degree of talent and the drama of circumstances will then produce a variable combination which will determine people’s assessment of a presidential term. In Van Buren’s case, American voters did not give him a second chance. They had a number of good reasons not to, first and foremost his inability to end the Panic of 1837. Save the sub-treasury bill, his presidency produced no lasting contribution to the advancement of American legislation or American jurisprudence. For four years, he seemed helpless in the face of economic depression and his term ended with a humiliating electoral defeat. As noted by most historians and presidential buffs, he did not possess the enduring traits of genius and grandeur demonstrated by such monuments as Washington, Jefferson or Lincoln. If any, his genius rested more upon practical politics than presidential statesmanship. In fact, he was surely more adept at securing power than at using it. “Van Buren was a pigmy without his political machine,” Samuel P. Orth writes somewhat exaggeratedly.246 Despite his limited popularity and lack of historic stature, he is remembered as one of the most tactful and clever politicians the nation has known. The qualities he demonstrated generated as much hostility as praise during his whole career. His caution and shrewdness often aroused suspicion and provoked images of deceit and duplicity and a weakness of character. But if he did prove to be manipulative and power-hungry, his record clears him of any mark of dishonesty. Joseph G. Rayback noted that despite his limited influence, “few of the ‘great’ presidents contributed more to the political structure . . .” of the country than Van Buren.247 His role in the development of the American political system is undeniable. His entrance into politics marked his adherence to the DemocraticRepublican party of Thomas Jefferson, his idol, whose ideology guided him beyond the thirty-two years he held office. His activism in New York soon raised him to prominence first at state level and then nationally. As he found the party 246

Samuel P. Orth, Politics and People. The Ordeal of Self-Government in America (Cleveland, OH: the Burrows Brothers Company, 1906). Reprint (New York: Arno Press, 1974), p. 169. 247 Joseph G. Rayback, “Martin Van Buren: His Place in the History of New York and the United States,” New York History 64, 2 (April 1983), p. 135.

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disorganized, disunited and inoperative, he undertook its reconstruction on its original Jeffersonian foundation. To prevent the spread of what he denounced as resurgent federalism after the War of 1812, he created a new model of organization based on limited government, states rights and a laissez-faire economic policy. Directing his famous Albany Regency, he became a master of leadership and managed his following into a wonderfully disciplined army. As he carefully devised the means to attain the ends he deemed desirable, he received the nickname of “the Little Magician.” His long-standing adversary, John Quincy Adams, saw the moniker as a sign that Van Buren’s “principles are all subordinate to his ambitions.”248 Justifiably, he was accused of “non-committalism,” especially in his early career, but his calculated caution and obscure opinion rarely concerned major political questions. It was enough, though, for his enemies to call him derisively “the Red Fox of Kinderhook.” He elevated the patronage system to an art form, yet maintained a relatively high standard of appointments. When in 1838, he tried to convince his friend Washington Irving, a gifted writer but inexperienced politician, to join his Cabinet, he took great risks regarding the credibility of his own administration. At the same time, it demonstrated a capacity to elevate himself above selfish interests. Van Buren believed that political conflict was unavoidable and necessary, whether inside a party or between opponents. The confrontation of ideas, in his opinion, was creative and productive for the benefit of the nation. The difficulty was to control and manage this conflict. Van Buren found the solution in the ultimate achievement of his career, the Democratic Party. The founding principles he imprinted on this structure defined what is known as the “Jacksonian” Democratic party. It may appear as a paradox but the label is justified. The core spirit of the Democracy coincided with Jackson’s years in the White House. It defied the challenges of history and preserved America as a decentralized federation. It was suspended with the Civil War but survived until the Depression era of the 1930s when F. D. Roosevelt’s welfare-statism and New Deal reversed Van Buren’s initial guiding rule. To his peril, Van Buren never really faltered from the Jefferson ideological ground. The preeminence of state and local rights, limited federal intervention and individual freedom formed the quintessence of his political credo. But faced with the progress of the country and the necessary political adaptations, he sometimes became the prisoner of his own principles. As president, his only response to the economic depression came with the Independent Treasury proposal, a bill drafted 248

In Silbey, op. cit., p. 218.

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on his Jeffersonian-Jacksonian premise. Had he adopted more drastic and farreaching measures, national distress might have been relieved but in doing so, he would have strayed from his ideological outlook, a direction he was disinclined to take. Also, a number of critics have pointed their fingers at the mutability of his opinions. This accusation deserves some credit, notably as regards his position on the slavery question. In the White House, starting with his inaugural address, he distinguished himself as an outspoken counterweight to the rising wave of abolitionism. Eleven years later, he agreed to become the presidential candidate of the Free Soil party with a strong anti-slavery platform. And in later life, he espoused the cause of the Union and supported Lincoln’s military action, a position partially at odds with the states-rights principle which inspired most of his eventful political career. Finally, his main weakness as a statesman was his inability to reach out to people. In spite of his polite, courteous manners and flamboyant appearance, he did not possess the charismatic power of a DeWitt Clinton, his main enemy in the early stages of his career. When in command of the country, he was overshadowed by the imposing presence of his predecessor in the Executive Mansion. Unlike Jackson who could instantly excite a crowd of ordinary people with his strong personality, Van Buren did not relate well with his fellow-citizens. In Van Buren’s words, Jackson was “one of the people.” He was not. Jackson was deeply persuaded that “to labor for the good of the masses was a special mission assigned to him by his Creator.” Van Buren never felt such divine order. From his childhood to the end of his life, he suffered from an uncontrollable sense of inferiority. Had he felt more secure and less self-conscious, he might have been a much more successful president for his contemporaries and a better remembered name for twenty-first century American students. With all its flaws, Van Buren’s presidency was marked by his ability to hold the nation together and keep it out of war. His decision to maintain sectional balance delayed the admission of Texas as a slave state until 1845. Unfortunately, these have been underestimated achievements. Again, Van Buren loved his country and remained true to his ideals. He rendered his service to the nation with passion and conviction and for all the human imperfections of his work, his commitment to the well-being of the American people never faltered. Although it may have gone unnoticed, Martin Van Buren lived up to his predecessor’s promise when in both simple and remarkable words, the old general introduced him to the grand Pantheon of immortal American presidents:

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“I . . . believe him not only deserving of my confidence of the Nation . . . He . . . is not only well qualified, but desires to fill the highest office in the gift of the people, who in him, will find a true friend and safe repository of their rights and 249 liberty.”

249

William J. Ridings, Jr., and Stuart B. McIver, Rating the Presidents (New York: Citadel Press, 2000), p. 57.

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SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY ALEXANDER, Holmes Moss. The American Talleyrand: The Career and Contemporaries of Martin Van Buren, Eighth President. New York: Harper, 1935. ANDERSON, William L., ed. Cherokee Removal: Before and After. Athens, GA: University of Georgia Press, 1991. ANTHONY, Carl Sferrazza. First Ladies: The Saga of the Presidents’ Wives and their Power, 1789-1861. Vol. 1. New York: Morrow, 1990. ———. “Our First Lady.” The State Magazine (South Carolina), July 15, 1984. BANCROFT, George. Martin Van Buren to the End of His Public Career New York: Harper and Brothers, 1889. BOURNE, Edward G. The History of the Surplus Revenue of 1837. New York: Burt Franklin, 1968. BROWN, Richard Holbrook. “‘Southern Planters and Plain Republicans of the North’: Martin Van Buren’s Formula for National Politics.” Ph.D. dissertation. Yale University, 1955. BUMGARNER, John R. The Health of the Presidents: The 41 United States Presidents Through 1993 from a Physician's Point of View. Jefferson, NC: MacFarland and Company, 1994. BUSHNELL HART, Albert. Epochs of American History. Volume II: Formation of the Union 1750-1829. New York: Longmans, Green and Co., 1892. BUTLER, William Allen. Martin Van Buren: Lawyer, Statesman and Man. New York: D. Appleton and Co., 1862. CARROLL, Francis M. A Good and Wise Measure: The Search for the Canadian-American Boundary, 1783-1842. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2001.

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COLE, Donald B. Martin Van Buren and the American Political System. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1984. COLMAN, Edna M. White House Gossip: From Andrew Jackson to Calvin Coolidge. Garden City: Doubleday, Page and Co., 1927. COOPER, William Jr. The South and the Politics of Slavery, 1828-1856. Baton Rouge, LA: Louisiana State University Press, 1978. CRONIN, John W. and W. Harvey Wise, Jr., comps. A Bibliography of Andrew Jackson and Martin Van Buren. New York: Burt Franklin, 1935. Reprint 1970. CURTIS, James C. The Fox at Bay: Martin Van Buren and the Presidency. Lexington, KY: University Press of Kentucky, 1970. ———. “In the Shadow of Old Hickory: The Political Travail of Martin Van Buren.” Journal of the Early Republic, Volume 1, 3 (Autumn, 1981): 249267. DEHLER, Gregory J. Chester Alan Arthur: The Life of a Gilded Age Politician and President. Hauppauge, NY: Nova Science Publishers, 2007. DENSON, John V., ed. Reassessing the Presidency: The Rise of the Executive State and the Decline of Freedom. New York: Ludwig Von Mises Institute, 2001. EHLE, John. Trail of Tears: The Rise and Fall of the Cherokee Nation. New York: Doubleday, 1988. ELLIS Rafaela. Martin Van Buren. Ada, OK: Garret Educational Corporation, 1989. EMMONS, William. Biography of Martin Van Buren, Vice President of the United States. Washington, DC: Jacob Gideon, Jr., 1835. FIERO, Kathleen W., et al. Lindenwald, Martin Van Buren National Historic Site, Kinderhook, New York. Washington DC: U.S. Department of the Interior, 1983. FITZPATRICK, John C., ed. The Autobiography of Martin Van Buren. 2 Volumes 1920. Reprint New York: Da Capo Press, 1973. Originally published as American Historical Association Annual Report for the Year 1918, Volume 2. FORD, Worthington C., ed. “Van Buren-Bancroft Correspondence, 1830-1845.” Massachusetts Historical Society Proceedings 42 (October 1908-June 1909): 381-442. FRENCH, Jonathan. The True Republican. Philadelphia: Daniel Richardson Publisher, 1841.

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GATELL, Frank Otto, “Sober Second Thoughts on Van Buren, the Albany Regency, and the Wall Street Conspiracy.” The Journal of American History, Volume 53, 1 (June 1966):19-40. GERRING, John. Party Ideologies in America 1828-1996. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1998. GRYNAVISKI, Jeffrey D. “McDonald’s, Martin Van Buren, and the American Mass Party.” Research Paper. Durham, NC: Duke University, 2002. GUNDERSON, Robert Gray. The Log-Cabin Campaign. Lexington, KY: University of Kentucky Press, 1957. HAMILTON, James A. Reminiscences of James A. Hamilton; or Men and Events, at Home and Abroad, During Three Quarters of a Century. New York: Charles Scribner and Co, 1869. HARRIS, Bill. Homes of the Presidents. New York: Crescent Books, 1987. HARRISON, Joseph Hobson, Jr. “Martin Van Buren and His Southern Supporters.” Journal of Southern History 22 (November 1956): 438-58. HAYNES, Sam W. and Christopher Morris, eds. Manifest Destiny and Empire: American Antebellum Expansionism. College Station, Texas: Texas AandM University Press, 1997. HOLLAND, William M. The Life and Political Opinions of Martin Van Buren, Vice President of the United States. Hartford, CT: Belknap and Hamersley, 1835. HOLT, Michael F. The Rise and Fall of the American Whig Party: Jacksonian Politics and the Onset of the Civil War. New York: Oxford University Press, 1999. HUMMEL, Jeffrey Rogers. “Martin Van Buren: The Greatest American President.” Independent Review IV, 2 (22 September 1999): 255-281. HUSTON, Reeve. “The ‘Little Magician’ after the Show: Martin Van Buren, Country Gentleman and Progressive Farmer, 1841-1862.” New York History 85 (Spring 2004): 93-121. IRELAN, John Robert. History of the Life, Administration and Times of Martin Van Buren, Eighth President of the United States. New York: Fairbanks and Palmer, 1887. JONES, Howard. Mutiny on the Amistad: The Saga of Slave Revolt and its Impact on American Abolition. New York: Oxford University Press, 1987. ———. To the Webster-Ashburton Treaty: A Study in Anglo-American Relations, 1783-1843. Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 1977. KASS, Alvin, Politics in New York State, 1800–1830. Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1965.

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KENNEY, Alice P. Stubborn for Liberty. Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1975. KUNDHART, Phillip, Jr. et. al. The American President. New York: Riverhead Books, 1999. LANGFORD, Laura Carter Holloway. The Ladies of the White House: Or, in the Home of the Presidents. Philadelphia: A. Gorton and Co., 1882. Reprint New York: A. M. S. Press, 1976. LYNCH, Denis Tilden. An Epoch and a Man: Martin Van Buren and His Times. New York: Horace Liveright, Inc., 1929. Reprint New York: Kennikat Press, 1971. MACKENZIE, William Lyon. The Life and Times of Martin Van Buren: The Correspondence of His Friends, Family and Pupils. Boston: Cooke and Co., 1846. MARSZALEK, John F. The Petticoat Affair: Manners, Mutiny, and Sex in Andrew Jackson's White House. New York: Free Press, 1997. MAYO, Louise. President James K. Polk. Hauppauge, NY: Nova Science Publishers, 2006. M’ELHINEY, Thomas. Life of Martin Van Buren. Pittsburgh, PA: J. T. Shryock, 1853. MEYERS, Marvin. The Jacksonian Persuasion: Politics and Belief. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1960. MOODY, Robert E. “The Influence of Martin Van Buren on the Career and Acts of Andrew Jackson.” Michigan Academy of Science, Arts and Letters 7 (1927): 225-240. MINTZ, Max M. “The Political Ideas of Martin Van Buren.” New York History 30 (October 1949): 422-448. MORRISON, Michael A. “Martin Van Buren, the Democracy, and the Partisan Politics of Texas Annexation.” The Journal of Southern History 61, 4 (November 1995): 695-724. MUSHKAT Jerome and Joseph G. Rayback. Martin Van Buren: Law, Politics and the Shaping of American Ideology. De Kalb, IL: Northern Illinois University Press, 1997. NELSON, Lyle. John Tyler: A Rare Career. Hauppauge, NY: Nova Science Publishers, 2008. NIVEN, John. Martin Van Buren: The Romantic Age of American Politics. New York: Oxford University Press, 1983. ORTH, Samuel Peter. Politics and People: The Ordeal of Self-Government in America. Cleveland, OH: The Burrows Brothers Company, 1906. Reprint New York: Arno Press Inc., 1974.

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PARTON, James. Life of Andrew Jackson. 3 Volumes New York: Mason Brothers, 1860. PETERSON, Barbara Bennett. George Washington: America’s Moral Exemplar. Hauppauge, NY: Nova Science Publishers, 2005. PLETCHER, David M. The Diplomacy of Annexation: Texas, Oregon and the Mexican War. Columbia, MO: University of Missouri Press, 1973. QUEEN, Mary Jane Child. William Henry Harrison: General and President. Hauppauge, NY: Nova Science Publishers, 2007. RAYBACK, Joseph G. “Martin Van Buren: His Place in the History of New York and the United States.” New York History 64 (April 1983): 121-135. ———, “A Myth Reexamined: Martin Van Buren's Role in the Presidential Election of 1816.” Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society 124 (1980): 106-118. ———, “Martin Van Buren’s Desire for Revenge in the Campaign of 1848.” Mississippi Valley Historical Review 40 (March 1954): 707-716. REMINI, Robert V. Martin Van Buren and the Making of the Democratic Party. New York: Columbia University Press, 1959. ———. “The Albany Regency,” New York History 39 (1958): 341-355. RICHARDSON, James Daniel. A Compilation of the Messages and Papers of the Presidents, Volume 3, Part 2: Martin Van Buren. Fairbanks, AK: The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, 2004. RIDINGS, William J. Jr. and Stuart B. McIver. Rating the Presidents: A Ranking of U.S. Leaders From the Great and Honorable to the Dishonest and Incompetent. Revised Edition New York: Citadel Press, 1997, 2000. ROBERT, Frédéric. L’Histoire Américaine à travers les Présidents Américains et leurs Discours d’Investiture (1789-2001). Paris: Ellipses, 2001. ROPER, Donald M. “Martin Van Buren as Tocqueville’s Lawyer: The Jurisprudence of Politics.” Journal of the Early Republic 2 (Summer 1982): 169-189. SCHLESINGER, Arthur M., Jr. The Age of Jackson. Boston: Little, Brown, 1945. ———. ed. History of U. S. Political Parties. New York: Chelsea House Publishers, 1973. SEALE, William. The President’s House: A History. Volume 1. Washington, DC: White House Historical Association and the National Geographic Society, 1986. SHADE, William G. “‘The Most Delicate and Exciting Topics’: Martin Van Buren, Slavery, and the Election of 1836.” Journal of the Early Republic 18 (Fall 1998): 459-84.

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SHEPARD, Edward Morse. Martin Van Buren. New York: Houghton Mifflin, 1888 and 1899. Reprint New York: Elibron Classics, Adamant Media Corp., 2003. SHORTO, Russell. The Island at the Center of the World. New York: Vintage Books, 2005. SILBEY, Joel H. Martin Van Buren and the Emergence of American Popular Politics. Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield, 2002. SLOAN, Irving, Jr., ed. Martin Van Buren, 1782-1862: Chronology, Documents, Bibliographical Aids. Dobbs Ferry, NY: Oceana Publications, 1969. SMITH, Margaret Bayard. The First Forty Years of Washington Society. New York: Frederick Ungar Pulishing. Company, 1965. SMITH, Richard Williams. “The Career of Martin Van Buren in Connection with the Slavery Controversy through the Election of 1840.” Ph.D. dissertation. Cleveland, OH: Ohio State University, 1959. STANTON, Henry B. Random Recollections. Johnstown, NY: Blunck and Leaning, 1885. STEVENS, Kenneth R. Border Diplomacy: The Caroline and McLeod Affairs in Anglo-American-Canadian Relations, 1837-1842. Tuscaloosa, AL: University of Alabama Press, 1989. STODDARD, William Osborn. The Lives of the Presidents: Andrew Jackson and Martin Van Buren. New York: Frederick A. Stokes, 1887. SULLIVAN, Wilson. “Martin Van Buren: Old Kinderhook the Politician.” Mankind 3 (June 1972): 34-38. TEMIN, Peter. The Jacksonian Economy. New York: W. W. Norton, 1969. THE PENNY POSTMAN. No II. “To Martin Van Buren, Late President of the United States.” The United States Democratic Review IX, 41 (November 1841): 447-453. VAN BUREN, Martin. The Autobiography of Martin Van Buren. Ed. John C. Fitzpatrick. New York: Augustus M. Kelley Publishers, 1969 [1920]. ———. Inquiry Into the Origin and Course of Political Parties in the United States. New York: Hurd and Houghton, 1867. WALLACE, Michael, “Changing Concepts of Party in the United States: New York, 1815-1828,” American Historical Review 74 (1968): 453-491. WARD, John William. Andrew Jackson: Symbol for an Age. New York: Oxford University Press, 1955. WHITEHURST, Alto L. “Martin Van Buren and the Free Soil Movement.” PhD dissertation. Chicago: University of Chicago, 1932. WHITTON, Mary Ormsbee. First First Ladies, 1789-1865: A Study of the Wives of the Early Presidents. New York: Hastings House, 1948.

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WIDMER, Ted. Martin Van Buren. New York: Times Books, Henry Holt and Co., 2005. WILLIAMS, Mentor L., ed. “A Tour of Illinois in 1842.” Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society 42 (September 1949): 292-312. WILSON, Major L. The Presidency of Martin Van Buren. Lawrence, KS: University of Kansas Press, 1984. WISE, W. Harvey, Jr. and John W. Cronin, comps. A Bibliography of Andrew Jackson and Martin Van Buren. New York: Burt Franklin, 1935. Reprint 1970.

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ABOUT THE AUTHOR Pierre-Marie Loizeau, PhD, is an associate professor of English at the Institute of Technology of the University of Angers, France. He received his Bachelor’s Degree and Master’s Degree in Anglophone Studies at the University of Nantes, France, and his Ph.D. in American civilization at the University of Angers, France (2000). His dissertation was titled American First Ladies: their (Ir)resistible Ascent. As this title suggests, his research focuses on White House history, executive power, presidents and First Ladies, topics about which he has written a number of articles. He is a member of the AFEA (Association Francaise d’Etudes Americaines) and the SENA (Societe d’Etudes Nord Americaines). He is the author of Nancy Reagan—the Woman Behind the Man (Hauppauge, NY: Nova History publishers, 2004), a volume in the Presidential Wives Series. Dr. Loizeau has also taught in the Department of English at the University of Nantes and at the ICES Catholic University in La Roche sur Yon, France, where he was head of the Department of English from 1992 to 1997 and where he continues to give lectures on translation, American civilization and political institutions. Dr. Loizeau is married and has two children. They live in Angers, France.

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SUGGESTED ELEMENTS OF ICONOGRAPHY

Figure 1. Martin Van Buren National Historic Site (http://www.cr.nps.gov/NR/twhp/wwwlps/lessons/ 39vanburen/39facts3.htm)

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Figure 2. (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Martin_Van_Buren)

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Figure 3. Hannah Van Buren (www.answers.com)

Figure 4. (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Martin_Van_Buren)

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Complete Explanation

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Figure 5 depicts another satire on the Panic of 1837, again condemning Van Buren's continuation of predecessor Andrew Jackson's hard-money policies as the source of the crisis. Clay shows the president haunted by the ghost of Commerce, which is seated at the far right end of a table which he shares with a southern planter (far left) and a New York City Tammany Democrat. Commerce has been strangled by the Specie Circular, an extremely unpopular order issued by the Jackson administration in December 1836, requiring collectors of public revenues to accept only gold or silver (i.e., "specie") in payment for public lands. The ghost displays a sheaf of papers, including one marked "Repeal of the Specie Circular," and notices of bank failures in New Orleans, Philadelphia, and New York. Van Buren recoils at the sight of the specter, exclaiming, "Never shake thy gory locks at me, thou can'st not say I did it." Jackson, in a bonnet and dress made of bunting, turns away saying, "Never mind him gentlemen, the creature's scared, and has some conscience left; but by the Eternal we must shake that out of him." Planter (a note reading "Cotton Planters Specie in "Purse." Alabama" protrudes from his pocket): "No credit. Huzza!!" Tammany Irishman (raising a glass): "Down with the Bank!!"

http://loc.harpweek.com/LCPoliticalCartoons/IndexDisplayCartoonLarge.asp?SourceIndex =Topics&IndexText=Irish%2DAmericans&UniqueID=34&Year=1837 Figure 5. An 1837 political cartoon depicts a modern version of Macbeth, with President Van Buren recoiling in horror at the sight of the "ghost of commerce" in the midst of the economic crisis of the Panic of 1837

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(http://loc.harpweek.com/LCPoliticalCartoons/DisplayCartoonLarge.asp?MaxID=&Uniqu eID=41&Year=1837&YearMark=)

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Figure 6. Uncle Sam sick with la grippe. Clay, Edward Williams, 1799-1857. Robinson, Henry R., d. 1850. (http://hdl.loc.gov/loc.pnp/cph.3a05358)

A satire attributing the dire fiscal straits of the nation to Andrew Jackson's banking policies, with specific reference to recent bank failures in New Orleans, New York, and Philadelphia is illustrated in Figure 6. The artist blames the 1837 panic on Jackson's and later Van Buren's efforts to limit currency and emphasize specie (or coinage) as the circulating medium in the American economy. Missouri senator Thomas Hart Benton's role as an ally of the administration and champion of coinage (in the cartoonist's parlance "mint drops") is also attacked. In an eighteenth-century sickroom scene Uncle Sam, wearing a liberty cap, a stars-andstripes dressing gown, and moccasins, slumps in a chair. In his hand is a paper reading "Failures / New Orleans right Nicholas Biddle arrives, with a trunk of "Post Notes" and "Bonds," and is greeted by Brother Jonathan. Jonathan: "Oh Docr. Biddle I'm so glad you're come. Uncle Sam's in a darned bad way . . ." Biddle: "I'll try what I can do . . . & I've sent to Dr. John Bull for his assistance." The print is dated 1834 by Weitenkampf, but it must have appeared after Van Buren's victory in the 1836 presidential election, given Uncle Sam's remark, "You are to nurse me now Aunt Matty." Nancy Davison's date of 1837 is more credible. Most likely it was issued during the spring of that year, after the collapse of the

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cotton market and several banks in New Orleans and the subsequent failure of many New York banks in March. In April Nicholas Biddle's Pennsylvania state bank came to the aid of the ailing banking community by buying up considerable numbers of bonds and notes.

Figure 7. Library of Congress Open Archive Initiative Repository 1 (http://en.wikipedia. org/wiki/ Image:%7Evb2.jpg)

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Figure 7. This caricature is typical of political cartoons of the time. It illustrates Van Buren's short stature — "Little Magician" — and clearly shows that he was always in the shadow of the popular Andrew Jackson. (Print Collection, Miriam and Ira D. Wallach Division of Art, Prints and Photographs, the New York Public Library, Astor, Lenox, and Tilden Foundations)

CREDIT: "[5 Ohio election tickets For President Martin Van Buren For Vice President Richard M. Johnson] [1840?]." 1840. Broadsides, leaflets, and pamphlets from America and Europe. Library of Congress Printed Ephemera Collection; Portfolio 232, Folder 1. Digital ID: rbpe 23200100 http://hdl.loc.gov/loc.rbc/rbpe.23200100 (no reproduction number) Figure 8. 1840 election ticket for Ohio

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Figure 9. (http://www.let.rug.nl/usa/P/mb8/speeches/vanburen.htm)

Figure 10. (http://loc.harpweek.com/LCPoliticalCartoons/IndexDisplayCartoonMedium.asp? SourceIndex=Topics&IndexText= Panic%2Bof%2B1837&UniqueID=42&Year=1838)

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Complete Explanation Figure 10 depicts another of HD's portrayals of the New York tradesman's "sober second thoughts" about his support of Democratic hard-money fiscal policies. (See also "Specie Claws," no. 1838-14.) Both prints touch upon the depressed state of the economy, precipitated by the Panic of 1837, and its effect upon the working class. The catchphrase "sober second thoughts" recurs frequently in Whig rhetoric and cartoons of the 1840 presidential campaign. Here seven representatives of various occupations express their dissaffection with Van Buren's "Sub Treasury" and anti-currency programs. From left to right: Seaman: "Trade & Commerce are broken down, wages reduced from 16 to 12 doll[ar]s & I cannot get a Ship." Carpenter: "We are all out of employment, we cannot vote for a "Sub Treasury" Bank, or union of the Purse & Sword." Mason: "Despots always first impoverish a people, before they destroy their Rights & Liberties." Laborer: "We are in favor of Bank Bills under Five Dollars, but want no Shinplasters." Artisan (metalsmith?): "I have for many years been steadily employed at {dollar}2 per day, until recently, and now am told by my Employer that he has nothing to do & I am discharged; and how I am to get bread for my family I do not know. Carman or driver: "Commerce supports us, and we will support commerce. We drive but will not be driven, to the support of wrong measures. 'Beware of any increase of "Executive patronage." Jefferson" Smith: "Gold & Silver have their value, Industry & Integrity should have their value also."

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Figure 11. (http://loc.harpweek.com/LCPoliticalCartoons/IndexDisplayCartoonMedium. asp?SourceIndex=Topics&IndexText=Panic%2Bof%2B1837&UniqueID=37&Year=1837 )

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Complete Explanation A commentary on the depressed state of the American economy, particularly in New York, during the financial panic of 1837 is illustrated in Figure 11. Again, the blame is laid on the treasury policies of Andrew Jackson, whose hat, spectacles, and clay pipe with the word "Glory" appear in the sky overhead. Clay illustrates some of the effects of the depression in a fanciful street scene, with emphasis on the plight of the working class. A panorama of offices, rooming houses, and shops reflects the hard times. The Customs House, carrying a sign "All Bonds must be paid in Specie," is idle. In contrast, the Mechanics Bank next door, which displays a sign "No specie payments made here," is mobbed by frantic customers. Principal figures are (from left to right): a mother with infant (sprawled on a straw mat), an intoxicated Bowery tough, a militiaman (seated, smoking), a banker or landlord encountering a begging widow with child, a barefoot sailor, a driver or husbandman, a Scotch mason (seated on the ground), and a carpenter. These are in contrast to the prosperous attorney "Peter Pillage," who is collected by an elegant carriage at the far right. In the background are a river, Bridewell debtors prison, and an almshouse. A punctured balloon marked "Safety Fund" falls from the sky.

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The print was issued in July 1837. A flag flying on the left has the sarcastic words, "July 4th 1837 61st Anniversary of our Independence."

Figure 12. (http://loc.harpweek.com/LCPoliticalCartoons/IndexDisplayCartoonMedium.asp? SourceIndex=Topics&IndexText=Panic%2Bof%2B1837&UniqueID=29&Year=1837)

Complete Explanation Figure 12 depicts another mock shinplaster (see also nos. 1837-9 and -10 above). Again the artist attributes the shortage of hard money to the successive monetary programs of presidents Jackson and Van Buren, particularly to the former's pursuit of a limited-currency policy and his dismantling of the Bank of the United States. In the drawing Jackson rides a pig headlong toward a precipice, followed by congressional ally Missouri senator Thomas Hart Benton, on an ass. Both pursue the "Gold Humbug" butterfly, symbolizing their efforts to restrict the ratio of paper money in circulation to gold and silver supplies. Van Buren, riding a fox, cunningly deviates from this disastrous course and follows a downward path leading toward the Bank. Jackson (reaching for the butterfly): "By the Eternal!! I'll have it, Benton!"

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Benton (whipping his mount with a quill pen): "Go it thou Roman!! a greater man ne'er lived in the tide of times.!!" His quill is labeled "Expunger," an allusion to Benton's extended campaign to "expunge" or remove the 1834 Senate censure of Jackson from the congressional record. Van Buren (losing his crown): "Although I follow in the footsteps of Jackson it is expedient, &1at &2this time to deviate a little!!" Below the precipice Nicho;as Biddle, Bank of the United States president, sights Van Buren from atop his bank. The note is endorsed by the publisher, who promises "to pay Thomas H. Benton, or bearer, Fifty Cents, in Counterfeit Caricatures at my store . . . " It is dated May 10, 1837, the date of the New York banks' emergency suspension of specie payments.

Figure 13. (http://loc.harpweek.com/LCPoliticalCartoons/IndexDisplayCartoonMedium. asp?Source Index=Topics&IndexText=Panic%2Bof%2B1837&UniqueID=28&Year= 1837)

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Complete Explanation A caricature of President Martin Van Buren issued during the Panic of 1837, strongly critical of his continuation of predecessor Andrew Jackson's hard-money policies. Particular reference is made to the Specie Circular, a highly unpopular order issued by the Jackson administration in December 1836, directing collectors of public revenues to accept only gold or silver (i.e., "specie") in payment for public lands. Designed to curb speculation, the measure was blamed by administration critics for draining the economy of hard money and precipitating the 1837 crisis. Hearkening back to the anti-Jackson "King Andrew the First" (no. 1833-4), the artist portrays Van Buren as a monarch in a princely cloak, treading on the Constitution. He is crowned "in the name of Belzebub . . . Ragamuffin king" by a demon. Van Buren's cloak is trimmed with "shinplasters," the colloquial term for the often worthless small-denomination bank notes which proliferated during the panic. Van Buren says, "I like this cloak amazingly, for now I shall be able to put into execution my Designs without being observed by every quizing, prying Whig. I'm obliged to keep close since my Safety Fund is blown . . ." Under the Safety Fund law, passed during Van Buren's term as governor of New York, banks were required to contribute to a fund used to liquidate the obligations of banks that failed. The fund was quickly exhausted during the panic. On the walls are pictures of "Bequests of the Late Incumbent" (Andrew Jackson), including "The Hickory Stick," worshipped by the masses like the brazen serpent in the Old Testament, Jackson's spectacles and clay pipe, his hat, the Safety Fund balloon in flames, and "the Last Gold Coin," minted in 1829 (the year Jackson first took office). On the wall at right is a headless statue of Jackson holding a "veto" in his right hand (an allusion to Jackson's 1832 veto of a bill to recharter the Bank of the United States). Visible through a window is a street scene where a crowd mobs a theater exhibiting "a Real Gold Coin." Beneath Van Buren's feet are several documents, including the Specie Circular and "petitions," the missives from New York bankers and merchants which deluged the White House calling for repeal of the Circular. A document labeled "Indian claims" refers to another unpopular Jackson legacy: the numerous grievances by tribes like the Cherokees and Seminoles regarding unfair and inhumane government treaties by which they were being displaced and deprived of their lands.

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The Library's impression of the print was deposited for copyright on August 29, 1837, and published at the same address as Anthony Fleetwood's "6 Cents. Humbug Glory Bank" (no. 1837-10).

Philadelphia: W.H. Morgan & Son, ca. 1839. Mezzotint by John Sartain. (www.phila printshop.com/ images/sartainvanburen.jpg) Figure 14. Henry Inman. “Martin Van Buren, President of the United States.”

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INDEX

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A abduction, 67 abusive, 80 access, 51, 68, 90, 176 accidental, 166 accountability, 102 accuracy, 13 achievement, 2, 25, 79, 91, 144, 159, 186 acid, 83 acquisitions, 161 activism, 63, 120, 185 acute, 32 Adams, xii, xiii, 1, 18, 22, 34, 39, 54, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60, 61, 62, 63, 64, 66, 69, 71, 72, 77, 80, 84, 85, 90, 96, 116, 124, 135, 138, 158, 166, 176, 186 Adams, Henry, 22 Adams, John, xiii, 1, 18, 39, 58, 69, 135, 158, 166 Adams, John Quincy, xii, 1, 34, 54, 56, 57, 58, 84, 89, 96, 116, 124, 138, 186 adaptation, 121, 161 addiction, 32 Adirondack, 15 adjustment, 130 administration, xiii, xv, 19, 24, 25, 46, 59, 62, 69, 77, 78, 80, 85, 86, 87, 90, 91, 92, 93, 96, 100, 110, 111, 122, 123, 124, 125, 129, 131, 134, 136, 139, 140, 141, 142, 144,

146, 147, 151, 157, 163, 166, 167, 172, 173, 175, 182, 186, 201, 202, 210 adultery, 80, 135 advertisements, 153 Advice and Consent, xii Africa, 136 afternoon, 159 age, xiv, 8, 9, 10, 11, 13, 16, 30, 34, 42, 68, 85, 88, 103, 116, 121, 122, 176, 180, 181 ageing, 114 agent (s), 21, 130, 138 aging, 145 agrarian, 2 agriculture, 6 aid, 101, 129, 141, 203 air, 56, 59, 150, 155, 159, 183 Alabama, 116, 155, 158, 163, 194, 201 Albany, 6, 8, 15, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32 Albany Argus, 27 Albany Register, 31 allies, 1, 20, 32, 37, 60, 61, 89, 90, 101, 105, 108, 111, 117, 123, 137, 156, 172, 173, 177, 178, 180 alternative, 88, 132, 140, 174 ambassadors, xii, 124 ambiguity, 20, 135 amendments, 36, 50, 99 American culture, 2 American Historical Association, 181, 190 American History, 60, 189, 191 American Presidency, 184

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Index

American Revolution, 91 Amsterdam, 158 anger, 57, 63, 70, 84, 93, 98, 131, 138, 140, 169, 173, 174, 175 antagonism, 12 antagonistic, 63, 105, 174 antagonists, 68 anti-slavery, 33, 46, 48, 172, 174, 175, 178, 187 antithesis, 83 anxiety, 101, 133 apathy, 44, 127 apparel, 10 apples, 146, 160 application, 15 appointees, 33 appropriations, 147 arbitration, 51, 139 argument, 24, 43, 44, 51, 102, 151, 167, 169 Arkansas, xiv, 155, 165 Army, xi aromatic, 112 arrest, 100, 110, 143 Arthur, Chester, xiii, 190 Articles of Confederation, xii artificial, 9, 107, 144 artistic, 161 aspiration, 16, 102 assassination, xiv, 142 assault, 109, 127 assessment, 185 asthma, 183 Athens, 189 Atlantic, 69, 91, 171 Atlas, 175 atmosphere, 22, 98, 124, 158, 181 attachment, 77, 96, 115, 137, 164, 171 attacks, 26, 44, 54, 108, 109, 112, 115, 133, 140, 149 attention, 12, 20, 25, 60, 67, 75, 80, 87, 160, 161 attitudes, 6, 10, 75, 95, 113 Attorney General, 1, 25, 27, 78, 88, 102, 122, 133, 173 attorneys, 13, 16

aura, 16 authority, 6, 7, 26, 34, 49, 51, 52, 67, 79, 97, 98, 108, 111, 112, 139, 144, 175, 184 autobiography, 14 autonomy, 6 availability, xix, 125 aversion, 26, 32, 48, 49, 114 avoidance, 151

B backfire, 95 bank failure, 201, 202 Bank of America, 21 Bank of England, 126 bankers, 13, 27, 28, 76, 126, 129, 210 banking, 75, 124, 125, 126, 127, 202 banking industry, 75, 126 banks, 75, 107, 111, 125, 126, 129, 130, 131, 134, 203, 210 bargaining, 22 barges, 127 baths, 180 beating, 179 beef, 146 beer, 19 behavior, 20, 82, 92, 94, 95, 129, 149, 177 Belgium, 180 beliefs, 92 benefits, 29, 33, 59, 62, 63, 68, 69, 89, 101, 136 benign, 31 Benton, Thomas Hart, 24 betrayal, 172 Bible, 26 birth, 5, 15, 29, 54 black, 8, 35, 80, 135, 137, 148, 171 Black Sea, 91 blame, 132, 207 blaming, 100 blood, 22, 142, 144 boats, 127 boiling, 174 bonds, 130, 131, 203 bone, 91

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Index bonus, 75 Boston, 17, 44, 64, 75, 128, 146, 164, 176, 192, 193 boys, 82 brass, 153, 159 breakfast, 60 breeding, 75 bribery, xii, 22 brick, 159, 161 Britain, 102 British, 5, 14, 22, 23, 24, 25, 69, 90, 91, 103, 104, 105, 126, 127, 141, 142, 144, 167, 168 brokerage, 126 brothers, 7, 8, 11, 135 Brussels, 161 brutality, 145 Buchanan, James, 46, 64, 78, 79, 123, 130, 131, 139, 165, 169, 182 Bucktails, 27, 28, 29 budding, 44 Buffalo, 28 Bureau of the Budget, xv burning, 142, 167, 174, 182 Burr, Aaron, 8, 12, 20, 27, 86 Bush, George Herbert Walker, xiv business, 13, 18, 38, 51, 76, 84, 96, 112, 117, 125, 127, 133, 134, 151, 184 Butler, Benjamin F., 17, 27 butterfly, 208 buttons, 153, 177 Buurmalsen, 7 by-products, 177

C cabbage, 58, 160, 162, 169 cabinet members, 124 California, xiv, xvii, 172, 184 campaigns, 2, 58 Canada, 91, 141, 143 canals, 9, 49, 99, 121, 126 candidates, xii, 12, 53, 54, 56, 115, 116, 151, 152, 162, 165, 166, 170, 172 Cantine, Mary, 13, 30

215

capacity, xiv, 31, 36, 53, 70, 76, 78, 84, 132, 186 capital, 6, 11, 28, 29, 35, 36, 37, 41, 42, 43, 45, 52, 63, 76, 82, 85, 95, 103, 124, 133, 145, 146, 158 cargo, 19 Caribbean Islands, 90 caricatures, 149 carpets, 82, 147, 161 cast, 2, 22, 57, 63, 80, 93, 105, 122, 147, 150, 169, 170, 176 casting, 70 catalyst, 122 catholic, 18, 197 Catskills, 6, 13 caucuses, xii, 67 cave, 80 central bank, 61, 108 centralized, 18, 52 chaos, 45, 174, 181 chaotic, 18 charcoal, 128 charitable, 27, 126 charm, 30, 132, 177 cherries, 160 Chesapeake, 19 Chicago, 121, 164, 194 Chief Justice, 51, 81, 102 childhood, 8, 13, 159, 187 children, xix, 7, 8, 10, 15, 27, 30, 32, 81, 82, 135, 173, 197 cholera, 106 Christmas, 63, 65, 104, 141 chronic, 124, 128, 162, 173 Cincinnati, 121, 153 circulation, 126, 130, 152, 208 citizens, xvi, 23, 35, 81, 91, 125, 127, 129, 138, 142, 156, 177, 183, 184, 187 civil war 179, 182, 183, 184, 186, 191 civilian, 142 Classification Bill, 24 Claverack Landing, 14 clay, 207, 210 cleaning, 10 Cleveland, Grover, xiii

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216 Clinton, DeWitt, 20, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 31 Clinton, George, 23 Clinton, William Jefferson, xiv clothing, 147 coattails, 114 codes, 80, 94 coherence, 55, 69, 92, 113 cohesion, 120 Cold War, xv collaboration, 55, 72, 83, 139 College Station, 191 collusion, 169 Colombia, 89 colonial, 6, 13, 14, 16, 141, 159 colonial rule, 141 Colony of Renesselaerwyck, 7 Columbia, xv, 6, 9, 13, 14, 15, 16, 19, 163, 193 Columbia County, 6, 9, 13, 14, 15, 16, 19 Columbia University, xv, 193 coma, 183 combat, 127 commander in chief, xiv commerce, 18, 25, 51, 129, 201, 206 commercial, 14, 28, 91, 127 Committee for Congested Production Areas, xv communication, 10, 39, 121, 145, 151, 183 community (ies), 6, 13, 18, 22, 45, 75, 95, 129, 203 compensation, 138, 144 competence, 13, 39, 52, 102, 123 competition, 20, 38, 93, 99 compilation, 140, 141, 158 complement, 64 complementary, 113 complexity, 1, 45, 112 compliance, 113, 129 composite, 2 composition, 35, 78 conciliation, 64 concrete, 98, 128 confession, 12, 120

Index confidence, 55, 84, 96, 101, 102, 106, 114, 115, 116, 120, 123, 131, 167, 173, 188 conflict, 18, 25, 106, 140, 143, 144, 171, 174, 179, 181, 186 confrontation, 95, 107, 110, 111, 115, 157, 186 confusion, 21, 56, 57, 82, 86, 100, 170 Congress, xi, xii, xv, 2, 11, 19, 34, 41, 45, 49, 50, 53, 55, 58, 62, 66, 67, 68, 69, 72, 81, 82, 90, 99, 100, 101, 102, 104, 107, 110, 111, 112, 123, 124, 128, 129, 130, 135, 137, 138, 139, 140, 142, 143, 144, 145, 147, 150, 152, 155, 157, 158, 163, 168, 169, 171, 175, 179, 181, 182, 203, 204 Connecticut, 7, 133, 154 consciousness, 184 consensus, 170 consent, 70, 129, 168 conspiracy, 138, 169 Constitution, xi, xiv, 12, 18, 22, 35, 39, 48, 49, 50, 51, 61, 62, 79, 99, 110, 119, 129, 176, 210 constitutional, xii, xiii, xiv, 49, 51, 53, 138 constitutional law, xiii construction, 9, 28, 29, 48, 49, 54, 61, 99, 126 constructionist, 162 consulting, 46, 86, 88, 138, 143 consumption, 29 contempt, 24, 57, 96, 114, 132, 169, 173 continuity, 122 contracts, 50 control, xii, xiv, 18, 26, 38, 44, 52, 58, 59, 62, 68, 72, 77, 84, 87, 88, 104, 123, 126, 130, 142, 173, 174, 186 controlled, 7, 9, 24, 48, 90 conviction, 23, 25, 39, 45, 87, 92, 114, 129, 166, 167, 187 Coolidge, Calvin, xiii, 190 copyright, 211 corn, 121, 160 Cornwallis, Lord, 5 corruption, 21, 36, 92, 134, 155 cotton, 50, 69, 121, 124, 126, 203 cough, 81 Council for Urban Affairs, xv

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Index

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Council of Economic Advisers, xv Council on Economic Policy, xvi Council on Environmental Quality, xv Council on International Economic Policy, xvi Council on Wage and Price Stability, xvi counsel, xi, 16, 30 counseling, 99, 146 counterfeit, 126 courts, 15, 50, 52, 147 craving, 137 credentials, 88 credibility, 59, 88, 90, 186 credit, 44, 76, 79, 87, 95, 125, 126, 127, 128, 129, 150, 172, 187, 201 creditors, 126 criminals, 75 criticism, 2, 20, 34, 52, 55, 130, 138, 147, 165 crops, 8 Cuba, 136 cultivation, 50 cultural, 7, 137 culture, 22, 95, 122 currency, 125, 126, 128, 202, 206, 208 customers, 8, 207

D Dallas, 171 danger, 52, 100, 167 database, 184 dating, 91 death (s), 25, 30, 31, 68, 69, 70, 80, 83, 96, 124, 135, 140, 157, 162, 173, 183 debt (s), xix, 10, 21, 49, 67, 130 debtors, 207 deceit, 185 decentralized, 186 deception, 100 decisions, 19, 36, 50, 83, 143, 157 Declaration of Independence, 51, 150, 152 deep-sea, 26 defects, 15 defense, 25, 50, 94, 97, 105, 136, 137, 139, 167 definition, 27, 28, 34, 91

217

degradation, 23 degrading, 26 degree, 31, 55, 70, 133, 173, 185 delays, 139 demand, 41, 98, 107, 128, 137, 175 democracy, xiii, 2, 16, 17, 18, 48, 52, 71, 81, 122, 141, 166, 168 Democrat (s), 18, 38, 56, 86, 89, 98, 99, 100, 104, 106, 107, 108, 110, 111, 112, 113, 115, 123, 131, 132, 133, 135, 140, 142, 144, 150, 152, 153, 155, 157, 162, 164, 166, 167, 170, 172, 173, 174, 177, 178, 179, 201 Democratic Party, iv, ix, 2, 162, 163, 164, 186, 193 democratization, 35 demographic, 59, 121 demography, 28 denial, 62 Department of Homeland Security, xvi Department of State, 90, 123 Department of the Interior, 61, 190 deposits, 111, 131 depreciation, 120 depressed, 56, 87, 206, 207 depression, 31, 125, 126, 133, 155, 185, 186, 207 desert, 133 desire (s), 6, 13, 31, 41, 44, 49, 52, 56, 92, 96, 97, 102, 113, 114, 120, 122, 144, 166, 173, 188 destruction, 142, 143 detachment, 155 detection, 11 diamond, 84 dichotomy, 137 directives, 125 Director for Mutual Security, xv disabled, 183 disappointment, 88, 123, 132, 133, 157, 161, 168, 181 disaster, 61, 132, 155 discipline, 16, 39, 45, 46, 47, 54, 67 discount rate, 126 discrimination, 13

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Index

diseases, 140 dishonesty, 185 disorder, 128 disposition, 30, 104, 142, 163 disputes, 17, 91, 99, 138 dissatisfaction, 78 distress, 128, 129, 147, 187 distribution, 18, 39 District of Columbia, 120, 176 diversity, 45 division, 39, 55, 60, 184 divorce, 80, 130, 131 doctor, 183 Domestic Council, xvi Domestic Policy Staff, xvi dominance, 26 doors, 18, 27, 57 draft, 24, 46, 81 dream, 28, 117 Dred Scott, 182 drinking, 57, 64 dry, 44 dung, 84 duration, 164 Dutch Reformed Church, 7 duties, xi, 50, 59, 66, 69, 77, 111, 129, 134 duty free, 90 dyspepsia, 128

E earnings, 7 ears, 63, 159, 164 economic, ix, 2, 6, 9, 17, 18, 27, 28, 59, 61, 92, 97, 107, 112, 116, 122, 123, 125, 130, 133, 137, 138, 139, 145, 151, 155, 157, 160, 166, 167, 185, 186, 201 economic boom, 122 economic crisis, 201 economic development, 6, 166 economic growth, 59 economic policy, 186 economic problem, 167 economic welfare, 125

economy (ies), 10, 45, 79, 99, 107, 126, 129, 132, 147, 150, 202, 206, 207, 210 Edmonds, John W., 27 education, xi, 8, 9, 10, 61, 85, 135 educational background, 15 egalitarian, 35, 37 Egyptian, 146 Eisenhower, Dwight David, xiv elaboration, 34 elbows, 81 election, xii, xiii, 12, 17, 18, 22, 23, 24, 32, 33, 34, 35, 45, 53, 56, 57, 58, 60, 61, 63, 65, 66, 67, 70, 71, 72, 79, 80, 81, 86, 92, 101, 103, 105, 106, 108, 109, 110, 115, 116, 120, 131, 132, 133, 134, 136, 150, 154, 155, 157, 165, 171, 172, 173, 175, 177, 178, 179, 182, 202, 204 electoral college, xii, 23, 34, 53, 172 Electors, xii emancipation, 8, 112 Embargo Act, 19 embezzlement, 134 embryonic, 63 emergency management, xv Emmons, Williams, 13, 19, 78 emotion (s), 29, 84, 138 emotional, 31, 68, 125, 163, 164 employees, 126 employment, 7, 126, 206 empowered, 142 encouragement, 10, 164 endurance, 1, 6, 182 energy, 11, 15, 41, 59, 82, 106, 113, 160, 162, 183 Energy Policy Office, xvi Energy Resource Council, xvi engagement, 20 England, 1, 7, 9, 23, 59, 88, 102, 104, 126, 145, 152 English, 6, 7, 18, 19, 84, 100, 103, 104, 126, 142, 154, 197 enlargement, 36 enrollment, 24 enterprise, xix, 24, 28, 35, 47, 59, 110, 123, 127, 158, 181

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Index entertainment, 63, 89, 145, 146, 159 enthusiasm, 24, 45, 58, 66, 72, 91, 111, 132, 137, 176 entrepreneurs, 27 environment, 9, 12, 146, 180 epidemic, 106 equipment, 160 Era of Good Feelings, 26 Erie Canal, 28 estates, 7, 19 ethnic diversity, 121 ethnic groups, 18 euphoria, 5, 58, 183 Europe, 9, 62, 88, 127, 145, 204 European, 91, 121, 146 evening, 82, 83, 104, 164 Everglades, 140 evidence, 12, 16, 17, 61, 63, 64, 163, 169, 175 evil, 39, 87 evolution, 2 evolutionary, xvi exaggeration, 15 excitement, 8, 35, 71, 81, 113, 132, 154, 177 excuse, 101 execution, xi, 25, 210 Executive Branch, 113 Executive Office of the President (EOP), xv, xvi exercise, 45, 51, 69, 86, 99, 181 exertion, 20 expenditures, 76 expert, 2, 38, 99, 114 expertise, 38, 89, 161, 177 explosive, 137 exports, 126 exposure, 20, 31, 70, 140 extremism, 55 eye (s), 15, 34, 54, 70, 81, 82, 83, 105, 127, 160, 161, 171, 182

F failure, 45, 125, 152, 203 faith, 28, 47, 61, 65, 79, 114, 120, 179, 183 false, 152, 163

219

family, 8, 11, 14, 21, 29, 32, 48, 49, 80, 106, 120, 133, 135, 145, 158, 160, 161, 163, 173, 177, 180, 181, 183, 184, 206 family members, 158 fanaticism, 26 far right, 201, 207 farm (s), 8, 121, 160, 180, 181 farmers, 13, 18, 21, 27, 28, 50, 81, 85, 126, 152, 164 farming, 160 farmland, 92 fat, 80 favorite son, 115 fear (s), 56, 60, 89, 93, 105, 109, 130 February, 13, 25, 30, 34, 54, 60, 68, 76, 78, 104, 143, 144, 157, 162, 166, 178 Federal City, 158 federal funds, 111, 125, 129, 130, 134 federal government, 51, 86, 89, 97, 99, 132 Federal Property Council, xvi federalism, 186 feeding, 53 feelings, 11, 35, 38, 39, 52, 58, 68, 79, 106, 115, 127, 135, 140, 165, 171, 172, 181 feet, 15, 29, 83, 148, 210 females, 8 femininity, 80 feminist, 71, 114 fever, 174 fiber, 37, 50, 120 fighters, 6 Fillmore, Millard, xiii, 179 finance, 18, 38, 42 financial system, 130 financing, 28, 48, 49, 126 fire (s), 10, 29, 128, 159, 183 firms, 125, 126 First Amendment, 135 fish, 146, 150, 160 fishing, 180 flame, 110 flexibility, 129 flight, 13 flow, 42, 47, 77 fluid, 98

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Index

food, 42, 82, 126, 147, 160, 161 Ford, xiii foreclosure, 127 foreign affairs, 77 foreign policy, 62, 89, 91, 139, 144 Foreign Relations Committee, 139 foreigners, 22, 108 forests, 15 Founding Fathers, xii, 8, 120, 137, 175 Fox, 1, 2, 11, 26, 33, 42, 45, 57, 106, 113, 127, 142, 144, 186, 190 fragmentation, 26 France, 88, 91, 122, 145, 161, 180, 197 franchise, 48 fraud, 49, 134, 174, 178 free trade, 69 freedom, 18, 19, 23, 135, 137, 141, 176, 177, 186 friendship, 11, 19, 20, 27, 43, 47, 55, 68, 83, 95, 103, 131, 133, 163, 169, 177 fruits, 18, 142, 160 frustration, 170 fuel, 110 fulfillment, 116 Fulton, Robert, 14 funding, 61, 172 fundraising, 154 funds, 49, 99, 130, 134, 143, 160 furniture, 82, 147, 148, 159, 161 fusion, 182

Gilded Age, 190 glass, 82, 98, 148, 201 gloves, 71 goals, 59, 139 God, 80, 113, 143 gold, 29, 125, 126, 147, 148, 153, 201, 208, 210 Gore, Al, 12, 178 gossip, 42, 94 gout, 183 government, xii, xiv, 8, 18, 20, 23, 24, 26, 28, 29, 31, 33, 35, 37, 45, 48, 49, 62, 65, 77, 87, 91, 92, 94, 97, 99, 100, 101, 108, 110, 123, 127, 129, 130, 131, 134, 138, 139, 141, 150, 156, 173, 186, 210 governors, 27, 141 grain, 160 Grant, Julia, 80 grass, 150, 160 gravity, 19, 98, 110, 142 Great Britain, 105 Great Lakes, 121 greed, 129, 176 grief, 31, 69, 94, 127, 173, 181, 184 groups, 69, 93, 174 growth, xiv, 9, 121, 126, 160 guidance, xix guilty, 80 guns, 141

H G gait, 84 gambling, 32, 85 Garfield, James, xiv Gelderland province, 7 general election, 72 generation, 2, 14, 38, 45 Gent, Treaty of, 24 Georgia, xiv, 46, 54, 55, 78, 116, 140, 163, 189 Gerry, Elbridge, 23 gift (s), 39, 96, 188 gifted, 16, 25, 54, 186

Hamilton, Alexander, 8, 12, 18, 61 handling, 70 hands, 12, 29, 35, 51, 72, 88, 93, 126, 146, 155, 158, 169 hanging, 114 happiness, 64, 77, 81, 163 hard currency, 126, 130 hardships, 150 harm, 39, 67, 106, 120, 123, 138, 156, 170 harmful, 101, 108 harmony, 39, 106, 120, 123, 156, 170 Harrison, Benjamin, xiv

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Index Harrison, William Henry, xiv, 1, 115, 151, 193 Hawaii, xvii head, 5, 61, 69, 76, 78, 97, 144, 148, 161, 166, 184, 197 headache, 81 health, 75, 83, 96, 124, 162, 180, 183 health problems, 124 hearing, 5, 149, 176 heart, 14, 17, 21, 25, 42, 63, 76, 80, 134, 159, 161, 173 heart attack, 80 heart failure, 173 heating, 147 hegemony, 113 hemp, 50 heroism, 63, 78, 185 Hoes, Barent, 14 Hoes, Johannes Dircksen, 14 Hoes, Maria Quackenboss, 14 Holland, 7, 180 Holloway, Laura C., 14 homework, 15 honesty, 27 horizon, 53 horse (s), 43, 83, 85, 98, 119, 171, 179, 180 host, 83 hostility, 24, 28, 70, 100, 108, 114, 166, 179, 185 House, xiii, xv, 6, 12, 13, 32, 53, 54, 56, 57, 60, 81, 82, 83, 93, 94, 95, 104, 115, 123, 124, 130, 131, 142, 145, 146, 147, 148, 149, 150, 162, 170, 173, 177, 193, 194, 207 household, 8 Hudson, 6, 7, 9, 13, 14, 15, 16, 28 hue, 71 Hull, William, 25 human (s), 52, 84, 125, 137, 140, 187 human nature, 84 human rights, 137 humanity, 137, 140 humiliation, 12, 44, 58, 101, 127, 135, 142 humility, 31 hunting, 161 husband, 30, 42, 71, 94, 124

221

hypocrisy, 140

I ice, 82, 146 identification, 95 identity, 2, 27, 79, 130, 167 ideology, 27, 97, 129, 131, 185 Illinois, 72, 121, 155, 164, 179, 192, 195 illusion (s), 20, 26, 155, 177 images, 153, 185, 211 imagination, 17, 152 immigrants, 6, 18, 27, 121 immigration, 48, 181 immortal, 187 imports, 69, 126 imprisonment, 21, 49 impulsive, 110, 143 impurities, 161 inauguration, 80, 99, 109, 124, 158, 162, 165 income, 7, 86 incumbents, 52 incurable, 182 indecisiveness, 181 independence, 6, 8, 11, 23, 108, 115, 130, 166, 167, 168, 183 Indian (s), 6, 9, 81, 90, 98, 134, 139, 140, 210 Indiana, xiv, 48, 72, 115, 152, 155 indication, 132 industry, 15, 18, 38, 42, 121 ineffectiveness, 92 inferiority, 8, 187 infinite, 120, 181 inflammatory, 62, 93, 107 inherited, 124, 132, 134, 138, 160 inhuman, 157 initiation, 9 injury (ies), 138 inner tension, 45 innovation, 36 insecurity, 2 inspiration, 98, 134 instability, 126 institutions, 10, 113, 120, 121, 124, 126, 129, 139, 197

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Index

instruments, 79 insults, 26, 114 integration, 168 integrity, xi, 38, 52, 84, 89, 158 intellect, 15, 43 intelligence, 11 intensity, 125, 166, 181 intentions, 20, 60, 89, 91, 105 interference, 67, 98, 120, 167, 168, 182 international, 23, 89, 92, 102, 143, 144, 145 international relations, 89, 144 internet, 145 interpretation, 49, 61, 79 interstate, 51 interstate commerce, 51 interval, 80 intervention, 53, 95, 136, 186 intrinsic, 17 investors, 51 invitation to participate, 181 Irelan, John Robert, 29 Ireland, 180 iron, 93, 150 Irving, Henrietta Eckford (daughter-in-law), 32 Irving, Washington, 32 isolationism, 62 Italy, 161, 180

J Jackson, Andrew, xiii, 1, 5, 24, 25, 43, 53, 56, 58, 61, 63, 69, 72, 79, 80, 87, 90, 93, 96, 101, 107, 116, 119, 128, 132, 134, 155, 158, 160, 161, 162, 163, 165, 170, 173, 190, 192, 193, 194, 195, 201, 202, 204, 207, 210 James, Ellen King (daughter-in-law), 32 James, Henry, 32 January, 24, 25, 29, 34, 49, 65, 66, 75, 77, 79, 80, 105, 110, 136, 142, 143, 166 Jay, John, 8 Jay’s Treaty, 91

Jefferson, xii, xiii, 1, 9, 11, 12, 17, 18, 22, 23, 30, 33, 51, 69, 77, 97, 98, 128, 161, 182, 185, 186, 189, 206 Jefferson, Thomas, xiii, 1, 9, 11, 12, 17, 18, 19, 22, 23, 30, 42, 51, 69, 97, 161, 185 jobs, 8, 39, 125, 126, 147 John F. Kennedy, xiv Johnson, Andrew, xiii Johnson, Lyndon Baines, xiii journalists, 27, 96 judge (s), xii, 25, 43, 51, 52, 64, 136, 158, 159 judgment, xix, 13, 17, 35, 50, 84, 117, 124, 160 judiciary, 36, 42, 50, 51, 52 Judiciary Committee, 50, 51, 52 jurisdiction, 48, 50, 52, 143 jury, 11 justice, 11, 127, 138, 155, 168 justification, 31, 50, 138, 170 juvenile delinquency, 75

K Kennedy, John F., xiv Kentucky, 11, 26, 45, 50, 54, 64, 72, 78, 80, 81, 98, 99, 106, 107, 114, 127, 134, 149, 163, 165, 190, 191 killing, 19, 56, 66, 134 Kinderhook, 6, 7, 9, 10, 11, 13, 14 King, 1, 7, 25, 32, 33, 43, 45, 48, 104, 112, 139, 145, 146, 149, 152, 210 King, Rufus, 25

L labor, 122, 150, 165, 187 Lafayette, 82 Lake Champlain, 24, 28 Lake Erie, 9, 28 lakes, 28 land, 6, 7, 9, 16, 27, 34, 44, 86, 97, 106, 125, 127, 128, 135, 140, 143, 149, 158, 159, 160, 166, 176, 180 land tenure, 16

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Index Langford, Laura C. Holloway, 14, 30 language, 7, 14, 23, 89, 109, 154, 171, 180 large-scale, 121, 181 later life, 187 laughter, 112, 148 law (s), xi, xii, 8, 10, 11, 12, 13, 15, 16, 17, 19, 27, 29, 30, 32, 37, 50, 51, 71, 75, 76, 80, 97, 110, 122, 133, 142, 151, 210 lawyers, 16, 19, 27, 85, 181 lead, 15, 68, 70, 72, 76, 134, 167, 170, 182 leadership, xi, xvi, 2, 25, 31, 37, 45, 76, 79, 93, 99, 121, 131, 141, 156, 162, 186 legality, 139 legislation, xiii, 21, 50, 97, 99, 142, 185 legislative, 24, 27, 52, 59, 62 legislative elections, 59 levees, 146 Lewis, Morgan, 12, 17 liberal, 81, 124, 164 liberalization, 36 Liberator, 112 liberty, 6, 96, 98, 107, 188, 202 lifestyle, 82, 83, 85, 149 lifetime, 38 limitations, 177 Lincoln, xiv, 120, 149, 164, 182, 183, 185 Lincoln, Abraham, xiii, 2, 120, 164, 177, 182, 183 linen, 10 links, 28, 30, 62 liquidate, 210 liquidation, 160 listening, 119 literature, 10 living standard, 7 Livingston, Edward P., 21 loans, 126, 127 location, 9, 143 London, 32, 88, 103, 104, 105, 133, 144, 172, 180 long-term, 91 losses, 129, 156 Louisiana, 34, 44, 88, 177, 190 Louisiana State University, 190 love, 31, 134, 184

223

loyalty, 6, 27, 38, 65, 110, 120, 131, 132, 181 lungs, 29

M machines, 39, 47 Madison, xii, xiii, 9, 18, 22, 23, 24, 25, 31, 50, 51, 77, 80, 84, 98, 124, 145, 161 Madison, Dolley, 31, 80, 124, 145 Madison, James, xiii, 9, 18, 22, 23, 24, 25, 31, 124 Maessen, Cornelis, 7 Maessen, Marten, 7 magnetic, 132, 177 Maine, 34, 89, 90, 91, 143, 144, 154 maintenance, 49, 61 malaria, 95 males, 8 management, 41, 85, 134 mandates, 116 Manhattan, 159 manifold, 139 manipulation, 114, 169 manners, 6, 11, 15, 68, 90, 115, 146, 187 manufacturing, 69, 121, 126 Marcy, William L., 27 Marines, 100 market, 15, 16, 28, 69, 90, 203 marketing, 151 markets, 9, 92, 127, 160 marriage, 8, 14, 30, 60, 145, 173 Marshall, John, 51 Maryland, 106, 113, 154 mask, 98 Massachusetts, xiv, 23, 48, 54, 83, 97, 115, 166, 190 mastery, 16 maturation, 36 McDonald’s, 28, 191 McKinley, William, xiii meals, 146 measures, 19, 24, 36, 45, 50, 69, 90, 129, 145, 179, 187, 206 media, 145 mediation, 182

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Index

meditation, 180 membership, 27 memory, 16, 30, 81, 108, 137, 184 men, 17, 18, 20, 24, 26, 27, 29, 33, 38, 42, 47, 52, 53, 56, 57, 59, 60, 61, 64, 67, 70, 75, 81, 82, 83, 84, 85, 88, 93, 94, 96, 98, 100, 103, 104, 113, 131, 132, 135, 141, 143, 144, 146, 163, 166, 174, 176 mentor, 51 messages, 27, 140, 141, 158 metaphor, 114 Mexican, 32, 91, 138, 139, 166, 167, 168, 172, 178, 179, 193 Mexican War, 32 Mexico, 137, 138, 166, 168, 173 microcosm, 151 middle class, 15, 27 middle-aged, 30, 41 midterm elections, 113 migrants, 9, 28, 29 military, xi, xiv, 25, 28, 65, 66, 70, 83, 110, 113, 128, 134, 138, 140, 142, 143, 151, 152, 183, 184, 187 military occupation, 143 minority, 16, 27, 28, 29, 48, 66, 97, 127 miscarriage, 94 missions, 42, 89, 94, 139 Mississippi, 48, 139, 163, 168, 193 Mississippi River, 139 Missouri, 32, 33, 34, 45, 46, 48, 63, 135, 155, 171, 182, 193, 202, 208 mobility, 85, 163 models, xvi, 39, 52 modernity, 2 modus operandi, 59, 77 Mohawk Valley, 9 mold, 6 mole, 150 momentum, 125 money, 10, 13, 18, 22, 39, 42, 49, 75, 76, 103, 125, 129, 130, 201, 206, 208, 210 monolithic, 46, 64 monopoly, 51, 75, 107, 126 Monroe, xii, xiii, 29, 34, 44, 50, 64, 77, 90, 100, 109

Monroe, James, xiii, 29, 34, 44, 53, 64 Monticello, 51, 161, 185 mood, 139, 158 moral code, 177 morning, 5, 15, 84, 87, 101, 171 Morocco, 71 mortgages, 125 motion, 47, 62, 126, 128, 154, 165 motivation, 95 motives, ix, 11, 36, 46, 62, 109, 149, 169 moulding, 17 mountains, 92 mouth, 61, 170 movement, 29, 67, 112, 120, 121, 179 multiplication, 75 multiplicity, 134 murder, 67, 136 murmur, 119, 124 mutation, 28 mutual respect, 83, 85

N naming, xiii Nantucket, 14 nation, 2, 6, 9, 16, 23, 24, 32, 34, 35, 38, 39, 41, 46, 47, 48, 59, 62, 65, 69, 72, 77, 96, 111, 115, 120, 121, 125, 127, 134, 137, 139, 142, 147, 149, 150, 152, 154, 155, 157, 165, 167, 177, 179, 182, 183, 184, 185, 186, 187, 202 national, xiii, xv, 2, 5, 6, 8, 9, 17, 19, 21, 22, 23, 24, 26, 32, 34, 38, 41, 42, 43, 44, 50, 56, 58, 59, 60, 61, 63, 64, 69, 70, 72, 76, 81, 92, 98, 102, 105, 106, 107, 115, 123, 130, 132, 144, 145, 151, 163, 166, 169, 173, 174, 175, 176, 178, 179, 183, 187 National Aeronautics and Space Council, xv National Council on Marine Resources and Engineering Development, xv National Critical Materials Council, xvi national debt, 81, 123, 176 National Economic Council, xvi national emergency, xv National Park Service, 161

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Index National Resources Planning Board, xv National Security Council, xv National Security Resources Board, xv nationalism, 46, 62, 89, 97, 100 Native Americans, 139 natural, 12, 30, 65, 91, 101, 116, 129, 155, 159, 161 Navy, xi, 50, 78, 102, 122, 133, 141, 184 Nebraska, 139, 181 neglect, 146 negligence, 185 negotiation, 143 nerve, 45 Netherlands, 89, 106 network, 2, 9, 19, 28, 37, 38, 46, 47, 59, 63, 66, 111, 121, 123, 136, 177 New England, 7, 9, 14, 19, 28, 48, 50, 57, 67, 69, 72, 89, 90, 115, 126 New Jersey, xiv, 48, 122 New Orleans, 24, 25, 66, 68, 121, 124, 152, 163, 201, 202 New Orleans, Battle of, 24 New World, 18 New York City, 8, 9, 11, 12, 15, 22, 26, 27, 28 New York State, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 14, 15, 17, 18, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 32, 38, 41, 44, 75, 96, 128, 164 newspapers, 66, 80, 97, 125, 128, 152, 163 Nixon, Richard, xiii normal, 129, 134, 179, 181 normalization, 91 North Carolina, 46, 55, 78, 116, 154, 191 novelty, 122 nurse, 202 nursing, 93 nuts, 160

O Oath of Affirmation, xi obedience, 64 obligation (s), 50, 99, 170, 210 observations, xix, 17 obsolete, xii, 36, 39 octopus, 9

225

offenders, 76, 142 Office of Administration, xvi Office of Consumer Affairs, xvi Office of Defense Mobilization, xv Office of Emergency Planning, xv Office of Emergency Preparedness, xv Office of Government Reports, xv Office of Intergovernmental Relations, xv Office of Management and Budget, xvi Office of National Drug Control Policy, xvi Office of Policy Development, xvi Office of Science and Technology Policy, xvi Office of Special Representative for Trade Negotiations, xvi Office of Telecommunications Policy, xvi Office of the U.S. Trade Representative, xvi Ohio, xiv, 72, 115, 121, 152, 155, 178, 194, 204 Oklahoma, 139 old age, 51, 104, 155 omnibus, 149 online, 184 openness, 36, 79, 123 Operations Coordinating Board, xv opportunist, 21 opposition, 8, 19, 20, 21, 24, 28, 33, 45, 46, 48, 53, 55, 57, 62, 63, 64, 76, 85, 86, 91, 105, 106, 108, 109, 111, 112, 129, 134, 151, 165, 166, 173, 174, 175, 182 optimism, 55, 108, 123, 177, 181 orbit, 108 Oregon, xvii, 171, 172, 193 organization, 2, 27, 37, 39, 45, 47, 66, 67, 70, 72, 79, 115, 117, 122, 123, 151, 174, 186 orientation, 109 Ottoman Empire, 91 outrage, 106, 139, 142 Oval Office, 96 ownership, 34, 143

P packets, 14 pain, 29, 181 Panama, 62

Martin Van Buren: The Little Magician : The Little Magician, Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated, 2008. ProQuest Ebook

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226

Index

paper, 28, 55, 63, 115, 125, 126, 128, 152, 191, 202, 208 paper money, 126, 208 paradox, 186 paradoxical, 8, 26, 58, 137 parasites, 50 parents, 7, 14, 31, 184 Paris, 88, 91, 106, 116, 143, 180, 193 partnership, 13, 27, 90 party system, 18, 44, 65, 113, 117, 122, 179 passive, 162 pastoral, 161 patents, 6 patriotism, 23, 24, 33, 68, 71, 120, 127 patroons, 7, 14 pay off, 126 peace treaty, 173 peacekeeping, 137 pears, 160 peers, 1, 16, 36 penalty (ies), 76, 107 Pennsylvania, 43, 46, 53, 64, 67, 72, 78, 82, 109, 116, 133, 147, 151, 152, 156, 165, 169, 171, 173, 203 perception, 90 performance, 11, 30, 43, 44, 52, 177, 178 permanent resident, 162, 180 permit, 42 perseverance, 42, 117 personal, xvi, 20, 26, 27, 29, 38, 47, 58, 64, 65, 67, 70, 71, 78, 79, 84, 85, 86, 94, 103, 111, 115, 119, 123, 133, 149, 151, 161, 166, 167, 177 personal accomplishment, 133 personality, 2, 3, 10, 15, 49, 65, 78, 115, 116, 117, 156, 187 persuasion, 145 Philadelphia, 30, 138, 163, 190, 192, 201, 202, 211 Philippines, xiv philosophy, 65, 79, 98, 113, 137 physicians, 30 Pierce, Franklin, xiv, 123, 179, 182 pig, 208 piracy, 136

pitch, 29, 35, 174 plants, 160 play, 10, 35, 42, 101, 170 pleasure, 13, 15, 42, 47, 104, 123, 149 plums, 160 police, 82 politeness, 164 political affiliations, 33 political enemies, 37, 147, 169 political leaders, 1, 2, 8, 23, 85, 180 political opposition, 44, 92 political parties, 26, 42 political power, 37, 53, 63, 72, 88 political stability, 67 politicians, 2, 9, 12, 20, 25, 27, 37, 43, 68, 69, 106, 131, 185 politics, 9, 11, 17, 18, 20, 26, 37, 38, 44, 45, 48, 56, 68, 69, 76, 83, 85, 88, 103, 104, 109, 116, 117, 127, 162, 166, 174, 176, 179, 181, 185 Polk, James, 1 polling, 9, 72, 155 poor, 21, 29, 32, 55, 80, 133, 150, 151, 152 poor health, 29, 32, 133 popular vote, xiii, 53, 56, 57, 72, 109, 116, 172, 178 population, 6, 12, 14, 28, 48, 49, 59, 111, 121, 151, 155 ports, 19, 90 Portugal, 91 postponement, 130 posture, 50, 108, 132 potatoes, 160 poverty, 85 power (s), xii, xiii, xiv, 1, 9, 13, 16, 18, 34, 35, 38, 42, 45, 48, 49, 50, 52, 53, 59, 64, 70, 72, 78, 79, 88, 92, 93, 95, 96, 98, 100, 102, 107, 113, 114, 123, 127, 129, 131, 142, 157, 160, 162, 185, 187, 197 practical wisdom, 43 pragmatism, 64, 121 prayer, 5 prediction, 138, 165 preparation, 15, 22, 59, 110, 138

Martin Van Buren: The Little Magician : The Little Magician, Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated, 2008. ProQuest Ebook

Copyright © 2008. Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated. All rights reserved.

Index presidency, xi, xii, xiii, xiv, 1, 56, 57, 58, 67, 68, 79, 81, 85, 91, 93, 102, 114, 119, 137, 142, 148, 171, 176, 181, 182, 184, 185, 187 President’s Advisory Committee on Government Organization, xv President’s Board of Consultants on Foreign Intelligence Activities, xv presidential campaigns, 80 Presidential Clemency Board, xvi presidential elections, 57 pressure, 57, 70, 86, 92, 128, 137, 139, 168, 172 prestige, xiv, 16, 70, 93 prices, 69, 126, 147 primacy, 65, 97 primaries, xiii printing, 63, 76 priorities, 18, 130 private, xix, 13, 68, 75, 82, 85, 92, 95, 96, 100, 123, 125, 129, 145, 158 probability, 30 procrastination, 138 producers, 50 production, 9, 50, 121 profession (s), 16, 147 profit (s), 21, 125, 126 program, 61, 76, 130 progressive, 2, 35 promote, 27, 28, 32, 35, 37, 63, 66, 166 promoter, 122 propaganda, 66, 154, 177 property, 8, 35, 135, 136, 138, 142, 144, 159, 180, 185 prosperity, 77, 123, 125, 129, 143, 157, 179 prostitution, 157 protection, 18, 64, 69, 175 prototype, 39 provocation, 62, 138 prudence, 167 psychological, 125 public, ix, xi, xii, xiii, xvi, 2, 11, 16, 31, 34, 37, 38, 55, 63, 67, 68, 77, 79, 83, 87, 93, 94, 95, 97, 101, 106, 107, 125, 128, 131, 132, 136, 140, 150, 151, 168, 182, 184, 185, 201, 210

227

public funds, 128, 140 public interest, 79 public opinion, xiii, 150 public relations, 31 public service, xi publishers, 197 punishment, 21 pupil, 17

Q Quakers, 14 qualifications, 12, 16, 48 query, 168

R race, 21, 33, 53, 54, 55, 56, 59, 80, 100, 113, 114, 121, 134, 150, 153, 178 radical, 35, 36, 52, 130, 137, 165 rail, 153 rain, 158 random, 1 range, 92 rat (s), 98, 174 ratings, 116 raw materials, 69 reading, 15, 42, 81, 180, 201, 202 Reagan, Nancy, 197 Reagan, Ronald, xiii reality, 31, 54, 59, 66, 122, 149, 160, 179 reasoning, 13, 24 recall, 30 reception, 81, 131, 158, 163 recession, ix, 137, 145 recognition, 11, 47, 137 reconciliation, 59, 60, 61, 98, 179 reconstruction, 61, 62, 186 redistribution, 35, 174 reduction, 36 reflection, xiii, 11, 180 reforms, 35 refuge, 23 refugees, 141

Martin Van Buren: The Little Magician : The Little Magician, Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated, 2008. ProQuest Ebook

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228

Index

regenerate, 132 regional, 11, 115 regular, 7, 12, 82, 95, 145, 162 rejection, 104, 105, 170 relapse, 180 relationship (s), 20, 29, 30, 43, 47, 73, 83, 85, 93, 94 relatives, 32, 173, 180 reliability, 20, 89 religious, 18, 184 Rembrandt (Harmenszoon van Rijn), 7 rent, 45 repair, 49, 59, 146 reporters, 35 reproduction, 204 reptile, 114 Republican (s), 9, 11, 12, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 31, 33, 34, 37, 38, 45, 46, 47, 49, 53, 54, 58, 61, 64, 65, 66, 67, 69, 70, 77, 85, 92, 97, 100, 105, 107, 108, 109, 111, 120, 129, 138, 158, 181, 182, 185, 189, 190 Republican Party, 20, 21, 26, 37 reputation, 1, 10, 11, 15, 21, 41, 42, 66, 71, 73, 78, 80, 84, 86, 90, 93, 94, 117, 134, 145, 146, 159, 164, 168, 178 research, 181, 197 resentment, 20, 69, 138, 144 reserves, 126 reservoir, 164 resilience, 59 resistance, 6, 17, 25, 47, 101, 110, 139, 140, 145, 157, 175, 176, 179 resolution, 24, 34, 45, 55, 102, 106, 174 resources, 44, 87 responsibilities, xi, xvi, 41, 44, 77, 85, 117 restoration, 147, 168, 184 resuscitation, 44 retired, xvii, 159, 160, 181 retirement, 93, 159, 162, 173, 178, 180 revenue, 125, 134, 165 revolt, 63, 131, 141 Revolutionary, 2, 5, 6, 12, 16, 17, 25, 33, 141, 159, 183 Revolutionary War, 5, 6, 16, 25

rewards, 57, 116 rhetoric, 113, 176, 206 Rhode Island, 48, 154 rising stars, 174 risk (s), 36, 61, 95, 99, 134, 144, 168, 186 rivers, 14, 59, 92, 121, 160 rolling, 6, 154, 160 Roosevelt, Franklin D., xiii, xv Roosevelt, Theodore, xiii runaway, 9, 67, 175 rural, 2, 35, 81 rural population, 81 Russia, 89, 91 Rutherford, xiv

S sacred, 18, 62, 120, 141 sadness, 127 safeguard, 129, 130, 151 safety, 76, 130 salary, 103 sales, 152 sand, 110 satisfaction, 38, 39, 55, 66, 88, 108, 111, 144, 160, 161, 179 Saturday, 124 scandal, 94, 95, 134 scholarship, xi school, 10, 32, 83, 89, 90, 99, 152, 182 schooling, 15 science, 28, 32 scientific, 61 scores, 100, 112, 168 search, 10, 121 second generation, 2 secret (s), 20, 63, 67, 91, 108, 109, 114, 139, 163 Secretary of State, 1, 38, 54, 59, 76, 77, 79, 82, 83, 84, 85, 87, 88, 91, 92, 93, 95, 96, 97, 98, 100, 103, 105, 122, 143, 166 Secretary of the Treasury, 18, 86 security, 129 Security Council, xvi Self, 38, 48, 89, 125, 185, 192

Martin Van Buren: The Little Magician : The Little Magician, Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated, 2008. ProQuest Ebook

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Index self-confidence, 112 self-interest, 45 Senate, xii, 21, 24, 25, 27, 32, 33, 34, 37, 38, 41, 42, 43, 44, 46, 47, 50, 59, 60, 63, 70, 72, 77, 84, 85, 88, 104, 105, 109, 111, 113, 116, 123, 130, 131, 133, 135, 142, 165, 167, 173, 179, 209 senators, xii, 48, 56, 95, 105, 151, 157 sensing, 98, 106 sensitivity, 37 separation, xii, 77 separation of powers, xii September 11, 139 series, xi, xvi, 24, 163 services, iv, 33, 77, 148, 184 settlements, 6, 7 settlers, 6, 140 severity, 125 sex, 15 shade, 169 shape, 51, 60, 67, 108 shaping, 83 shares, 201 sharing, 27 shipping, 19, 92 shock, 127 short period, 77 shortage, 126, 141, 208 short-term, 66, 128 shoulders, 11, 78 shy, 14 shyness, 30 siblings, 8 Sierra Leone, 136 sign (s), 10, 25, 33, 55, 59, 114, 116, 124, 139, 157, 159, 162, 170, 176, 186, 207 silk, 71 silver, 125, 126, 147, 148, 159, 201, 208, 210 Silvester, Francis, 10, 11 singular, 60 skeptics, 67, 113 skills, 2, 13, 44, 70, 90, 143 slave trade, 62, 157 slavery, 2, 8, 32, 33, 34, 43, 45, 48, 65, 112, 120, 134, 135, 136, 137, 138, 156, 157,

229

165, 167, 168, 171, 173, 174, 175, 176, 177, 179, 182, 187 slaves, 8, 32, 48, 134, 136, 137, 145, 177 slums, 75 smoking, 207 smoothing, 92 social, 8, 9, 10, 15, 17, 18, 28, 30, 35, 36, 76, 85, 95, 103, 116, 121, 122, 124, 128, 135, 139, 145, 146, 150, 184 social class, 18 social events, 85, 124, 135, 146 social fabric, 121 social life, 103, 124, 145, 147 social order, 8 social rules, 95 social structure, 122 social welfare, 150 socially, 8, 124 society, 2, 8, 49, 94, 95, 103, 124, 127, 129 socioeconomic, 16 soil, 7, 104, 142 solidarity, 23 solutions, 128, 143, 151 solvency, 76 soot, 128 South Carolina, 43, 53, 61, 64, 77, 94, 97, 110, 111, 123, 145, 155, 162, 163, 189 sovereignty, 49, 98 Spain, 89, 91, 94, 103, 114 Speaker of the House, 46 Special Action Office for Drug Abuse Prevention, xvi special interests, 107 specialists, 180 specter, 98, 110, 130, 201 spectrum, 76, 102, 162 speculation, 34, 46, 93, 95, 125, 134, 163, 171, 210 speech, 21, 29, 44, 50, 54, 79, 81, 89, 111, 112, 119, 120, 135, 147, 148, 149, 176 speed, 14, 60, 121, 142 spheres, 31, 127, 162 sporadic, 142 springs, 14 St. Louis, 164

Martin Van Buren: The Little Magician : The Little Magician, Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated, 2008. ProQuest Ebook

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230

Index

stability, 17, 93, 98, 122, 138 stabilize, 126, 130 stages, 102, 140, 148, 187 standard of living, 151 standards, 10, 137 stars, 202 starvation, 125, 126 state borders, 76 State Department, 77, 78 state legislatures, xii, 18, 50, 53 State of the Union address, xii state office, 35 states’ rights, 62, 98, 111, 131 statistics, 88 stigmatized, 113 stock, 21, 68, 99, 108 stomach, 21, 23, 128 strain, 31 strategic, 14, 37, 55, 62, 63, 151, 167 strategies, 56 strength, xiii, 7, 24, 45, 62, 64, 85, 108, 109, 112, 113, 166 stress, 128 stretching, 171 stroke, 54, 58, 102 students, 187 subscribers, 154 suffering, 29, 31, 125, 129, 139, 150, 184 suicidal, 137 suicide, 94 summer, xix, 22, 63, 71 Sun, 146 supervision, 76 supply, 160 Supreme Court, xii, 13, 31, 36, 48, 50, 51, 52, 78, 88, 136, 157 surplus, 129, 160 surprise, 107, 129, 155, 157, 159, 176, 177 surviving, 36, 182 swamps, 140 swelling, 121 Switzerland, 180 symbolic, 69, 166 symbols, 24 sympathetic, 36, 46, 60

sympathy, 47, 49, 55, 104, 142, 155, 182 systematic, 15, 62, 177 systems, 92

T tactics, 20 Taft, William Howard, xiv talent, 11, 20, 37, 68, 117, 133, 185 Tammany Society, 27 tangible, 72, 151 targets, 92, 167 tariff (s), 48, 50, 61, 64, 69, 70, 72, 81, 93, 97, 106, 110, 111, 123, 162, 165, 172, 176 taste, 1, 9, 11, 19, 42, 85, 159, 161 taxes, 49 Taylor, Zachary, xiv, 177 tea, 153 technological progress, 151 technological revolution, 2 technology, xv, 121, 171 teeth, 175 television, 145 tenants, 16 Tennessee, xiv, 43, 53, 64, 71, 78, 80, 81, 115, 116, 133, 156, 158, 163, 165, 171 tension, 65, 100, 112, 144, 174 tenure, 36, 51, 160 territorial, 7, 16, 19, 48, 179, 181 territory, 34, 48, 138, 140, 141, 143, 166, 173 testimony, 17 Texas, xiv, 91, 137, 138, 163, 166, 167, 168, 169, 170, 171, 172, 187, 191, 192, 193 textile, 69, 126 Theodore Roosevelt, xiii theoretical, 97 theory, 65, 110 thinking, 49, 67, 72 third party, 178 thorns, 25 threat (s), xv, 67, 77, 107, 111, 120, 125, 127, 142, 167, 168 threatened, 67, 69, 110, 138 threatening, 144, 176 throat, 57, 77, 173

Martin Van Buren: The Little Magician : The Little Magician, Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated, 2008. ProQuest Ebook

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Index tiger, 114 timber, 92, 119 time consuming, 82 title, xi, 1, 19, 85, 99, 197 Tompkins, Daniel D., 17, 18, 21, 23, 24, 25, 26, 29 trade, 6, 19, 28, 90, 121, 126, 132 Trade Representative, xvi trading, 124 tradition, 6, 30, 54, 62, 147, 158, 168, 172 traits, xi, 14, 31, 114, 150, 185 transfer, 2, 36, 41, 136, 157 transformation (s), 10, 45, 121 transition, 2, 41, 167 translation, 197 transport, 126, 165 transportation, 9, 28, 92 travel, 51, 106, 145, 180 treason, 12, 25, 97, 109, 110 Treasury, 54, 78, 87, 93, 102, 122, 123, 128, 130, 131, 132, 141, 150, 151, 156, 172, 186, 206 treaties, 136, 139, 143, 210 trees, 92, 159 trend, 36 trial, 11, 86 tribal lands, 139 tribes, 210 tribunals, 13 Truman, Harry S., xiii trust (s), 38, 52 62, 70, 120, 132, 138 tuberculosis, 29, 81, 162, 173, 180 turbulence, 141 turbulent, 22, 158 Turkey, 91 Twelfth Amendment, 12 Tyler, John, xiii, 134, 151, 162, 192

U U.S. military, xiv unemployment, 150 uniform, 2, 84 unilateral, 175 United Kingdom, 90

231

United States, xi, xiii, xvi, 1, 5, 8, 12, 13, 15, 18, 19, 21, 24, 32, 34, 42, 57, 63, 70, 76, 77, 78, 79, 81, 86, 91, 95, 102, 106, 110, 116, 128, 142, 158, 165, 173, 174, 177, 180, 183, 185, 189, 190, 191, 193, 194, 208, 209, 210, 211 universe, 9 urban, 28, 35, 121, 126, 150, 174 urban population, 28, 121

V vacation, 83 vacuum, 117 validity, 56 values, 6, 10, 17, 26, 85 Van Alen, James J., 13 Van Alen, Maria Hoes, 7, 8, 10, 14 Van Buren, Abraham, 9 Van Buren, Abraham (father), 7, 8, 9, 14, 25, 31, 32 Van Buren, Abraham (son), 14, 32 Van Buren, Dirckie, 32 Van Buren, Hannah, 13, 15, 29, 30, 31, 32 Van Buren, Hannah Hoes, 13, 15, 29, 30 Van Buren, John (son), 32 Van Buren, Martin (son), 15, 32 Van Buren, Smith Thompson (son), 32 Van Ness family, 11, 12 Van Ness, William, 11, 12 Van Renesselaer, Killiaen, 7 Van Vechten, Abraham, 25 variable, 134, 185 variance, 62 vegetables, 160 vehicles, 142 velvet, 71 Vermont, 89, 141 vessels, 37, 91 vetoed, 31, 172 Vice President, xvi, 1, 13, 54, 55, 59, 61, 78, 96, 101, 190, 191, 204 Victoria, 145 Vidal, Gore, 12 village, 6, 7, 8, 9, 13

Martin Van Buren: The Little Magician : The Little Magician, Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated, 2008. ProQuest Ebook

232

Index

violence, 48, 100, 112 violent, 84, 117, 141, 183 Virginia, xiv, 5, 22, 43, 46, 47, 48, 51, 55, 58, 62, 63, 78, 86, 88, 93, 98, 109, 114, 116, 151, 152, 154, 155, 157, 169, 178, 179 visible, 99 vision, 18, 58, 65, 152, 171, 179 visual, 114 voice, xiii, 15, 44, 51, 60, 63, 81, 100, 114, 128 voter turnout, 132, 155 voters, 35, 71, 116, 153, 155, 164, 168, 185 voting, xii, xiii, xiv, 12, 36, 155, 182

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W wages, 125, 150, 206 walking, 59, 112 war, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 28, 33, 53, 65, 67, 79, 94, 111, 113, 114, 117, 127, 138, 140, 141, 142, 144, 145, 168, 172, 178, 182, 187 war hero, 53, 65, 67, 117, 178 War of 1812, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 28, 37, 46, 90, 186 War Refugee Board, xv warfare, 6, 139 Washington D. C., 24 Washington, George, xii, xiii, 2, 5, 22, 39, 149, 193 waste, 60 water, 14, 128, 147, 168 waterways, 9, 51 weakness, 33, 114, 124, 181, 185, 187 wealth, 18, 20 weapons, 12, 15 wear, 84 web, 17, 47, 60 websites, 81 Webster, Daniel, 1, 57, 97, 115, 127, 176 Weed, Thurlow, 31 weeping, 171 welfare, 120, 134, 186 well-being, 107, 144, 187 West Indies, 90, 105

wet, 29 wheat, 9, 121, 160 Whig (s), 9, 33, 108, 111, 112, 113, 114, 115, 116, 120, 122, 127, 129, 130, 131, 132, 133, 138, 140, 142, 145, 147, 14, 1509, 151, 152, 153, 154, 155, 157, 158, 162, 163, 164, 165, 169, 170, 172, 173, 175, 176, 177, 178, 179, 191, 206, 210 White House, vii, ix, xv, 1, 5, 14, 24, 30, 32, 44, 56, 59, 68, 72, 75, 77, 78, 80, 81, 82, 83, 85, 92, 94, 100, 101, 113, 115, 123, 124, 127, 133, 141, 145, 146, 147, 149, 153, 155, 156, 158, 159, 162, 163, 165, 170, 182, 186, 187, 190, 192, 193, 197, 210 White House Office (WHO), xv Wilson, Woodrow, xiii wind, 9, 20, 64, 158, 168 windows, 82, 153 wine, 181 winning, 18 winter, 111, 175, 180 Wisconsin, 161 wisdom, xi, 12, 37, 41 withdrawal, 125 witness, 82, 120 wives, 30, 43, 94, 95 women, 30, 32, 81, 82, 83, 84, 95, 104, 146, 153 wood, 160 wool, 50 workers, 8, 124, 126, 150 working class, 206, 207 World War II, xv World Wide Web, 184 worry, 165, 181 Wright, Silas, 27 writing, xi, 15, 32, 150, 154, 180 wrongdoing, 129, 137

Y yield, 128 young men, 27 young women, 42, 173

Martin Van Buren: The Little Magician : The Little Magician, Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated, 2008. ProQuest Ebook