Many Petals of the Lotus: Five Asian Buddhist Communities in Toronto 9781442676992

Table of contents :
Contents
Preface
Introduction
1. Overview of Buddhist Groups in Toronto
2. Japanese Canadians and Toronto Buddhist Church
3. Tibetan Buddhists in Toronto
4. Vietnamese Buddhists in Toronto
5. Cambodian Buddhists in Toronto
6. Chinese Buddhists in Toronto
7. Conclusion
APPENDIX. Some Buddhist Groups in Toronto, 1998
Notes
References
Index

Citation preview

MANY PETALS OF THE LOTUS: FIVE ASIAN BUDDHIST COMMUNITIES IN TORONTO

Toronto sustains a remarkable variety of distinct Buddhist communities. Over sixty Buddhist temples and associations represent a diversity of ethnic, national, and linguistic identities. Here, for the first time, is a rigorous, richly detailed, comparative examination of several groups within five Asian Buddhist communities: Japanese-Canadian, Tibetan, Vietnamese, Cambodian, and Chinese. With an intimate knowledge of her subject matter, McLellan documents each group's establishment in Canada, and the specific shape of that group's practice today. She examines how innovative forms of worship and ritual services developed from the groups' confrontation with Canadian social attitudes, constraints, and policies, and how transplantation acts as a catalyst for alterations in gender roles for both Sangha (ordained clergy) and laity. Buddhism, in responding to unstable local, national, and global realities, plays a crucial role in maintaining and reinforcing ethnic identity, and in coping with the stress of emigration. Shedding light on unfamiliar concepts and presenting a wealth of new information, Many Petals of the Lotus is an essential source book for professionals, and compelling reading for anyone interested in the changing face of Buddhism. JANET MCLELLAN is a lecturer in the Department for the Study of Religion at the University of Toronto.

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JANET MCLELLAN

Many Petals of the Lotus: Five Asian Buddhist Communities in Toronto

UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO PRESS Toronto Buffalo London

www.utppublishing.com © University of Toronto Press Incorporated 1999 Toronto Buffalo London Printed in Canada ISBN 0-8020-4421-2 (cloth)

ISBN 0-8020-8225-4 (paper)

Printed on acid-free paper

Canadian Cataloguing in Publication Data McLellan, Janet, 1952Many petals of the lotus : five Asian Buddhist communities in Toronto Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0-8020-4421-2 (bound) ISBN 0-8020-8225-4 (pbk.) 1. Buddhists - Ontario - Toronto. 2. Asians - Ontario - Toronto. 3. Asian Canadians - Ontario - Toronto.* I. Title. FC3O97.9.B82M34 1999 FIO59.5T689B82 1999

305.6'9430713541

C98-932966-6

University of Toronto Press acknowledges the financial assistance to its publishing program of the Canada Council and the Ontario Arts Council. This book has been published with the help of a grant from the Humanities and Social Sciences Federation of Canada, using funds provided by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada.

To all those who struggle to begin anew Sabbe satta avera hontu, abyapajjha hontu, anigha hontu, suki attanam pariharantu!

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Contents

PREFACE

ix

Introduction 1 2 3 4 5 6 7

3

Overview of Buddhist Groups in Toronto 11 Japanese Canadians and Toronto Buddhist Church Tibetan Buddhists in Toronto 74 Vietnamese Buddhists in Toronto 101 Cambodian Buddhists in Toronto 133 Chinese Buddhists in Toronto 159 Conclusion 190

APPENDIX: BUDDHIST GROUPS IN TORONTO, 1998 221 NOTES 225 REFERENCES INDEX 252

237

35

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Preface

Within the past twenty years more than four hundred thousand Asian immigrants and refugees have settled in the Greater Toronto Area (GTA, which includes Toronto, Scarborough, North York, East York, Mississauga, Markham, Thornhill, and the regions of York, Durham, Halton, and Peel). The GTA is the largest and most 'multiethnic urban centre' in Canada (Breton et al. 1990). It has experienced significant recent migrations from East and Southeast Asia, Africa, the West Indies, the Middle East, India, Pakistan, and Eastern Europe, adding to the long-established populations of British and European origins. The majority of Asian newcomers are Chinese from Hong Kong, mainland China, and Taiwan, although many have come from Southeast Asia (Vietnam, Cambodia, and Laos), Sri Lanka, Japan, and Korea. Like other ethnic groups, Asian immigrants and refugees turn to religious institutions for support in their adjustment and adaptation to Canadian life. There are more than sixty Buddhist temples and associations now established in the GTA. This book is a comparative study of five Asian Buddhist communities: Japanese-Canadian, Tibetan, Vietnamese, Cambodian, and Chinese. The Buddhist communities profiled represent four Mahayana lineages (Japanese-Canadian Jodo Shinshu, Vietnamese Pure Land/Zen, Chinese Pure Land and Chan, Tibetan Vajrayana/tantric) and one Theravada lineage (Cambodian). The Chinese and Vietnamese communities are composed of several distinct Buddhist groups (see Appendix). The research involves issues of ethnoreligious affiliation and the transformation of religious traditions within new social contexts, augmenting the work of Dorais (1989), Van Esterik (1992), Numrich (1996), and Lin (1996). It is the first comparison of Asian Buddhists in Canada. Several perspectives are involved: religious adaptation by immigrants

x Preface within Canada's multicultural context, namely, the social dynamics into which Asian immigrants entered and the subsequent changes in their religious and social communities; the role of religion in resettlement and integration of refugees, for example, how Buddhist belief and practice enhance spiritual, cognitive, and emotional adjustment; the impact of contemporary religious diversity on social public policy; and the global framework in which religious identities are being re-created, sustained, and modified. The book revises and updates the author's ethnographic studies on Asian Buddhists done over several years, beginning in 1985: Tibetan refugees resettled in Ontario, Japanese-Canadian and Vietnamese Buddhists in Toronto comparing the dynamics of religious adaptation and integration before and after the advent of multiculturalism, Cambodian refugees in Ontario, an analysis of the Tiep Hien Order (a global religious network under the leadership of Thich Nhat Hanh with a community in Toronto), and an overview of Chinese Buddhist groups in Toronto. Several research methods were employed. Fieldwork focused on religious activities centred within formal and informal gatherings held at private homes, Buddhist institutions, or rented halls (for large community celebrations). Participant observation was undertaken for at least one year each among the Tibetan, Japanese-Canadian, Vietnamese, and Cambodian Buddhist communities, whenever and wherever religious activities occurred. Research opportunities included attendance at public Buddhist events, such as the celebrations of Wesak, or the 1990 Conference on Buddhism in Canada held at the Toronto Zen Buddhist Temple, and taking part in weekly religious observances, commemorative services, community ceremonies and festivities, and ongoing Buddhist temple activities. Wesak is the annual commemoration of the birth, enlightenment, and parinirvana (passing away) of Gautama Buddha. It is a highlight of the Buddhist Calendar. The author also participated in summer retreats and out-of-town gatherings, enhancing contact with sangha (monks and nuns) and lay members. In the case of the Chinese Buddhist community, research assistants were utilized to gather data. Because of the large numbers of Vietnamese and Chinese Buddhists and the range of Buddhist institutions and associations within each community, only a few Buddhist groups were selected for analysis. Among the Vietnamese community, for example, the Hoa Nghiem Temple and the Vietnamese Zen Meditation Group were the primary fieldwork locales. The author has gathered data in distinct phases over the years, reflecting her particular research interests and projects at the time. Structured and informal interviews with Buddhists monks, nuns, non-

Preface

xi

ordained religious teachers, secular leaders, and lay people gathered invaluable data. Many of those interviewed were active in their community, as spokespersons and opinion makers. Several Buddhist scholars were consulted, although their specialties were more concerned with studies of religious texts, rather than the lived reality or praxis, of Asian Buddhists in Toronto. Statistics on immigration (Canada, Department of Manpower and Immigration), place of residence (Ministry of Citizenship and Culture, Ontario and Toronto), census data and cross-tabulations relating to ethnic origin and religion (Statistics Canada, Population by Ethnic Origin, 1981, 1986, 1991) were examined. Statistical data helped to develop a demographic profile of Toronto's Buddhist population, but ultimately revealed a gross underrepresentation of Buddhism in Toronto. Extensive library research (in academic, public, and Buddhist institutions) investigated Buddhist archival materials, periodicals, fliers, photographs, newsletters, and newspaper articles relating to Buddhist groups in Toronto and throughout North America. A survey was administered to members of seven Chinese Buddhist temples and associations by two undergraduate research assistants. Their ability to speak Mandarin and Cantonese was invaluable in contacting Chinese temples and associations, in gathering profiles, and in translating newspaper articles and temple fliers. The language spoken at Toronto Buddhist Church is English, except for occasions when older Japanese Canadians or new Japanese immigrants require bilingual translation. Among all other Asian Buddhists, ethnic languages are used exclusively in each group's religious services and for general communication. The author undertook Tibetan, Vietnamese, and Cambodian language instruction, including formal courses and temple classes, as well as private individual tutoring, during each period of research, although her proficiency was limited to greetings, simple phrases, and chanting. Her willingness to learn despite obvious difficulties and limitations was, however, indispensable for rapport. Several sangha and lay members were proficient in English and generously acted as translators during interviews and conversations. The author is grateful to the sangha and laity for their insight, wisdom, guidance, generosity of time, information, and hospitality during research. She alone takes responsibility for her interpretation. Special appreciation is given to the Reverend Orai Fujikawa, the Reverend Doreen Hamilton, the Reverend Grant Ikuda, Thich Quang Luong, Thich Nhat Hanh, Kim and Ben Nguyen, Man Yee Fa Shih, Namgyal Rinpoche, Khempo Sonam Topgyal Rinpoche, Zasep Tulku Rinpoche, Rinchen Dakpa, Kim Tong To, and the Venerable Hun By. Emily Wong and Vicky Chen were indispens-

xii

Preface

able for their help with the Chinese Buddhist community. The friendship, support, and encouragement of Anthony and Freda Richmond are greatly valued. Dr Richmond's suggestions and comments on the manuscript were, as always, beneficial. Clyde McLellan provided invaluable technical expertise, editing skills, and patience throughout the research. The author is grateful for permission to reprint in a revised and expanded form material that first appeared in Social Compass.

MANY PETALS OF THE LOTUS

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Introduction

The essential nature of Buddhism is impermanence. Everything comes into being, remains a while, then passes away in a continual process of transformation and dissolution. Yet, nothing exists independently in and by itself. Everything is involved with, and connected to, everything else. The transformative and interdependent process of Buddhism is evident in the spread of Buddhist philosophy and ethics throughout Asia. In each country, Buddhism changed to accommodate the language, culture, customs, attitudes, and organizational structures of the people. Numerous schools, traditions, and lineages flourished. When Buddhism was brought to North America in the late iSoos by Chinese and Japanese immigrants, it changed in response to the different needs and social contexts. Today Buddhism continues to transform itself among new immigrants and refugees and their children, in the creation of new religious movements, and in the redefinitions of Buddhist identity. The comparison of five distinct Asian Buddhist communities in Toronto demonstrates the role Buddhism plays in reaffirming, maintaining, and recreating ethnocultural identity. For refugees especially, Buddhist belief and practice have supported strong mental health mechanisms to cope with the difficulties of migration and resettlement and 'survivorship syndrome' (Haines et al. 1981; Canda and Phaobtong 1992). Continuities and transformations of Asian Buddhist identities and institutions in Toronto reflect prevailing social contexts of mainstream tolerance - or intolerance - regarding ethnic and religious diversity. Historically, ethnoreligious diversity in Canada generated contentious sociopolitical issues and practices. Public policy orientations towards immigrants, and their involvement in society, were ambivalent. Individuals and groups not identified as Anglophone or Francophone were expected to assimilate to the values and attitudes of the

4 Many Petals of the Lotus majority population of British origin. Those who did not or could not, whether because of race, culture, or religion, were legally, economically, and socially discriminated against and subject to negative stereotyping. The relatively recent institutional structure of multiculturalism now encourages the view of ethnicity as meaningful and positive in Canada. The current revival of ethnicity and advocacy for ethnic rights and recognition is an adaptive and innovative response to the public policy of multiculturalism (Breton 1987; Brotz 1980; Burnet 1976, 1984; Isajiw 1977; Nagata 1979; Peter 1981; Roberts and Clifton 1982; Stasiulis 1979). Multiculturalism, as public policy, was announced in 1971 by Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau. It was designed to recognize the ethnically plural nature of Canadian society, encourage pride in linguistic and cultural heritage, and facilitate the full integration of immigrants and their descendants into the country (Richmond 1992: 13). Multiculturalism was to accommodate 'ethnics,' that is, non-Anglophones or non-Francophones, into the social charter and equalize the political balance by assisting their full participation in Canadian society. The stated ideal became 'multiculturalism within a bilingual framework.5 Multiculturalism also addressed the ethnic stratification reflected in the Canadian 'vertical mosaic' (Porter 1965). Significant policy changes have developed since 1971: increased funding in support of ethnic organizations or teaching of ethnic languages, implementation of multilingual services in mainstream institutions, and the highlighting of antiracism and affirmative action programs. Ethnoreligious minority groups are aware of the provisions of governmental services and programs available for acknowledged ethnic groups. To take advantage of multicultural government programs, religious and ethnic minorities need strong leadership and activism, and they must construct a positive authentic identity to certify their status as a recognized group. Competition for greater status, recognition, and access to governmental funding and power also develop, based on the cultivation of a niche or position within multiculturalism. Although the Canadian government recognized that strong ethnic loyalties are 'little nationalisms,' it was felt that each of these 'many fibres' would be integrative rather than divisive (Richmond 1992: 285). As a permanent government policy, multiculturalism not only emphasizes the preservation and maintenance of ethnocultural identities but also, inadvertently, sanctions an ethnic group's sense of nationalism. The touted value of respecting a people's cultural distinctiveness encourages ethnic associations to develop programs and social networks conducive to the maintenance of social, political, and cultural traditions. Though group particularism is

Introduction 5 legitimated through explicit recognition of religious rights and cultural pluralism, groups must still operate within the limits tolerated by Canada's predominantly western European and Christian context. Family patterns and political organizations must be in accordance with Canadian legal and social acceptability. This has led to the view, expressed by some critics, that multiculturalism is tolerated and encouraged only in the realm of the innocuous, the extraneous, and most often, the quaint, that is, cultural cuisine, folk-dance, costume, song, literature, and religion - narrowly defined as worship (Barclay 1977: in; Isajiw 1977). The Canadian social context greatly influences the way in which religious identities are recreated and socially presented here. Before official multiculturalism, pressures to accommodate led to ethnic and religious conformity to Canadian Anglo institutions or assimilation to Christianity (Palmer 1972). When immigrants converted to, or already shared, in the belief and practice of Christianity, this was seen as a symbol of their aspiration to accommodate to Canadian values and norms (Millett 1979). Immigrants themselves felt that sharing in a commonality of Christian faith was a strategic move to provide broad interethnic associations and social access to the Christian majority (Nagata 1985). Christianity has historically been presented as the means through which an immigrant will be ensured a Canadian identity. Numerous early Japanese immigrants, for example, regarded Christianity as the religion of Canada (Mullins 1989). Affiliation or conversion to Christianity symbolized movement into the host society and away from the ethnic community. This message was reinforced by Christian leaders who began evangelistic efforts as soon as Buddhist Japanese settled: 'The arrival of many immigrants without a Christian heritage threatened the broad Protestant consensus in Canada; Christian denominations responded with a "crusade" to Canadianize the immigrants by Christianizing them into conformity with the ideals and standards of Canadian white Anglo-Saxon Protestants' (Clifford 1977: 24). Ethnic communities who adhered to non-Christian religious belief and practice were obliged to adapt to dominant Anglo-Canadian patterns if their religious institutions were to survive and grow. Several studies of Japanese-Canadian Buddhists over the past hundred years illustrate the attempts made to accommodate their traditional practices to a Christian norm (Kashima 1977; Kawamura 1977, 1978). At the Toronto Buddhist Church, for example, pews, organs, hymn-books, weekly Sunday gatherings, and organizational models were used deliberately, clearly reflecting Protestant Christian institutional formats. Mullins (1989) interprets these Christian forms as evidence of structural assimilation. Among Japanese-

6 Many Petals of the Lotus Canadian Buddhists, however, this process was accelerated in response to extreme prejudice and discrimination. These new religious styles and institutional models seem distinct from traditional Japanese Jodo Shinshu, although numerous traditional elements remain and are especially evident in times of stress. The traditional Japanese mizuko kuyo, the memorial service for an aborted fetus or stillborn infant, for example, is performed at Toronto Buddhist Church. This service enables individuals to put their anguish into a Japanese cultural and religious framework; the chanting of traditional Buddhist scriptures and prayers follows the format of Japanese Buddhist funeral and memorial services for ancestors known as senzo kuyo (B. Smith 1988: 10). Newer Asian Buddhist communities have not faced the same pressures to accommodate. Through multiculturalism, the retention of strong ethnic and religious identities has been encouraged, enabling recently arrived Asian Buddhists to gain acceptance quickly as individuals and as members of a minority group in Toronto's multiethnic and multireligious context. Toronto's Asian Buddhist communities are recognized as an increasingly significant example of ethnic and religious diversity within the cultural pluralism of Canada. Since Asian Buddhists are not pressured to conform or shape their religious institutions, whether organizationally or structurally, to mainstream expectations, they focus on the preservation of customs, language, and group solidarity within their particular religious institutions. This focus contributes to the maintenance of ethnic identity and helps to reduce many of the stresses and problems of adaptation. Functional and integrative consequences of religious belief and practice among Asian Buddhists are similar to those emphasized in other studies of immigrants in Canada (Mol 1976; Barclay 1977; Anderson and Frideres 1981; Nagata 1985). Traditional Buddhist rituals, especially those concerned with the life crises of birth, puberty, marriage, and death, contribute positively to the needs of groups and individuals (Haines et al. 1981; McLellan 1987; Dorais 1989; Beiser 1987, 1988, 1990; Van Esterik 1992). Among Vietnamese Buddhist refugees, innovative forms of memorial rituals are incorporated within weekly religious services precisely because of their therapeutic value. These memorial rituals enable individuals to reintegrate past traumatic events, enormous personal loss, and family disruption into a present and future reality. Failure to reintegrate past suffering enhances post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) and increases the tendency for mental health problems to occur (Beiser et al. 1989; Beiser 1990), a situation extremely prevalent among Cambodian refugees. Despite multiculturalism's fundamental respect for ethnic differences

Introduction

7

and encouragement for the preservation of cultural heritage, ethnoreligious practices and identities are still being significantly altered and redefined in Canada (Coward and Kawamura 1978; Nagata 1984, 1985; Millet 1979; Barclay 1977; Waugh 1980). Transformations of religious traditions have occurred within all Asian Buddhist communities. The influence of Christianity is notable, for example, within the Vietnamese Hoa Nghiem Temple as well as the Chinese Cham Shan Temple. Although both remain structurally traditional, they include numerous Christian aspects. These new formats and practices, including choirs, youth groups, weekly study sessions, Sunday services, counselling, Sunday schools, and charity work, are felt to be conducive to social networking and interaction. In the process of redefining identity, the combination of external and internal forces within immigrant or ethnic communities provides the impetus to suppress or accentuate selected aspects of distinctiveness. The aspiration for distinct identity ensures that most Buddhist temples and associations remain socially and ideologically separate from each other and from mainstream society. Alterations in the relationship of religious faith to ethnic identity are especially correlated to situations of migration. The boundaries of 'peoplehood' are often redefined in religious terms, and ethnoreligious commitment is frequently intensified (T. Smith 1978). In Canada, religion is used as an acceptable social identification which, in turn, enhances definitions of ethnic identity. Religious programs are developed to suit specific ethnic needs, with emphasis on cultural, linguistic, national, or spiritual distinctiveness. Particular Buddhist groups, therefore, remain closed to outsiders, including other Buddhists. Ethnic and religious identities within the different Buddhist communities reinforce dramatic differences in Buddhist values, ideas, world-views, and ethos. These differences result in numerous voices, identities, and experiences. The formation and maintenance of religious or ethnic identity by immigrants and refugees involves competition within particular Buddhist communities. The creation and redefinition of particular ethnoreligious identities and institutions involve an ongoing struggle among political, religious, and ethnic factions, intensifying the transformation process and further modifying identities. The authority and legitimacy of these various identities challenge Buddhist representation and authenticity within the larger multicultural context. Buddhist identities in Toronto are multiple and shifting, positioned in sometimes contradictory realities that are interdependent and impermanent. Buddhist identities are redefined within a multitude of rules, practices, roles, and teachings all used in a complicated system of interrelationships.

8 Many Petals of the Lotus Diversity and pluralism among Asian Buddhists in Toronto is also the result of globalization. Buddhist immigrants and refugees in Canada are often one part of a much larger diaspora population scattered throughout the world. The creation and maintenance of transnational family, political, cultural, and social networks often reflect a revitalization of ethnoreligious identities. In traditional Canadian studies, ethnic or religious groups have been presented as relatively isolated minorities that adapt to, or integrate into, a multicultural context. Among Asian Buddhists in Toronto, however, religious networks and relationships are woven into the global framework. Asian Buddhist identities are positioned between membership in Canada and in international communities of faith, which may or may not include the original homeland. Local religious beliefs and practices influencing authority or gender patterns may take on characteristics contrary to that of homeland traditions in order to incorporate social and ideological values of Canadian democracy and human rights. Redefinitions of Asian Buddhist identity within the Canadian context are further influenced by transnational networks. They provide a variety of strategies that Toronto Asian Buddhist communities may draw on to identify and resolve particular issues of accommodation and adaptation. In turn, strategies developed in Toronto may be shared in the diaspora across global networks. These strategies may include sharing guidelines in developing a unique expression of Buddhism - through newsletters, magazines, or other forms of communication, detailing encounters with coreligionists of different ethnic and national backgrounds, responses to interfaith forums or multicultural social climates, mediating social hostility and ignorance, or developing mechanisms to maintain connection with transnational or homeland religious institutions and leaders. The communities of faith in diaspora, to which many Toronto Asian Buddhists belong, represent what Anderson (1983: 15) identifies as 'imagined communities': imagined because the members will 'never know most of their fellow-members, meet them, or even hear of them, yet in the minds of each lives the image of their communion.' These communities are distinguished not by their falsity or genuineness, but by the style in which they are imagined as new and meaningful ways to link fraternity, power, and time (ibid.). In the process of imagining a community, the values and beliefs of others are assumed to be shared across geographical, cultural, and ideological boundaries, local as well as international. Hobsbawm's (1983) analysis of the invented tradition of symbols and their roles supports the process of 'imagining' a community. Traditions are invented to maintain a structural and functional equilibrium, helping the group to cope with the

Introduction

9

constant changes and innovations of the modern world. Among groups in diaspora, these are necessary to respond to new situations of social change and to structure at least some parts of social life as unchanging and seemingly stable. Many of the symbolic traditions, ritualized practices, and religious beliefs among Asian Buddhists in Toronto have been invented, constructed, and formally instituted in recent years. The five Asian Buddhist communities in this book are compared in terms of their organizational structure, construction of identity, cultural preservation, retention of language, and group cohesiveness, showing the extent to which religious belief and practice influence ethnic persistence. Each has a distinctive membership orientation reflecting particularized religious authority. Within each religious community there are distinct internal divisions. These range from specific generational units within a particular group (Japanese-Canadian Buddhists at Toronto Buddhist Church), to the many different groups of Vietnamese and Chinese Buddhists who express economic, ethnic, regional, political, and class differences, as well as disparate migratory experiences. Unique strategies have been developed to gain acceptance and to accommodate to Canadian culture as ethnic and religious minorities, influencing the retention or rejection of particular sociocultural traditions. Efforts made towards maintaining transnational connections enhance the multifaceted commitment of these communities to Canadian society. Outline of Book Chapter i presents an overview of Buddhist groups in Toronto and a brief introduction to Buddhism, including the basic foundations of Buddhist beliefs and practices. The historical settlement of Asian Buddhists in Canada is outlined, highlighting denominational, linguistic, ethnic, and national affiliations. Attention is given to the differences in Buddhist organizational structures, the construction of religious and ethnic identity, cultural preservation, retention of language, and group cohesiveness. This broad comparison reflects the extent to which religious belief and practice are influenced by ethnic persistence as well as by Canadian social attitudes, constraints, and policies. Toronto Buddhists' participation in interfaith dialogue and interaction with their coreligionists are also noted. The chapter demonstrates that through various Buddhist organizations, ethnic identities and nationalistic commitments are reinforced internationally and locally. The retention of a strong sense of ethnic and national solidarity through transnational religious networks enables most Buddhist groups in

10 Many Petals of the Lotus Toronto to maintain a global identity, as well as one of an ethnic religious minority group in Canada. Chapters 2 to 6 feature five distinct Buddhist communities: Japanese Canadian (Chapter 2), Tibetan (Chapter 3), Vietnamese (Chapter 4), Cambodian (Chapter 5), and Chinese (Chapter 6). Migration patterns, distinctions in membership orientation, internal divisions resulting from recent and past historical situations, particularized religious authority, and specific modes of adaptation and integration are detailed for each community. Each chapter presents ethnographic and historical material. Profiles of specific Buddhist groups are included for the Vietnamese and Chinese Buddhist communities. Since each Asian Buddhist community brings with it a unique history and distinctive characteristics, a brief recapitulation of the sociopolitical events underlying that group's arrival and establishment in Canada is provided. Chapter 7 compares the strategies Asian Buddhist groups have used as ethnoreligious minorities. An analysis is made of new theoretical models that represent issues of Canadian immigration, ethnicity, and religion within a global framework. A wider range of options for individuals creates a greater potential for multiple voices within the process of construction and transformation of ethnic and religious identity. Buddhist traditions, teachings, action, and social relations in Toronto remain embedded within global domains of mass migration, resettlement in diaspora, and transnational networks.

1 Overview of Buddhist Groups in Toronto

From the late nineteenth century to the early 19605, Canadians associated Buddhism with Japanese Canadians and 'exotic cultures' in Asia. As a religious practice or philosophy, it did not receive popular support or recognition. After the 1967 change in Canadian immigration law, Buddhists from Korea, Hong Kong, Taiwan, Sri Lanka, Burma, Tibet, Nepal, India, mainland China, and Thailand began to settle in Toronto. Previously, these people either had little interest in emigration to Canada or were denied admission. From 1979 the influx of large numbers of Indochinese refugees from Vietnam, Laos, and Cambodia contributed significantly to the growth in Buddhism in Toronto. Today the flow of immigrants from Hong Kong, which increased substantially in the early 19805, coupled with ongoing Asian family sponsorship and reunification programs, adds to Toronto's Buddhist population. In three decades Buddhism has achieved a positive public awareness. Much of this acceptance can be attributed to the public presentation of the Buddhist groups themselves. Their style of dress, mannerisms, dietary practices, integration of children in school, or expectations of social recognition do not set them apart from mainstream society. Buddhists are not targeted with anti-Buddhist pamphlets or other messages of aversion, nor are they associated with social controversy, whether that involves advocating separate religious schools and distinct rights as a religious minority in Canada or terrorism in their homelands. Instead, Buddhists are seen to quietly contribute to Canadian society through their aspirations for social This chapter is a revised and expanded version of my article 'Buddhist Identities in Toronto: The Interplay of Local, National and Global Contexts,' Social Compass 45(2) (June 1998), and is reprinted by kind permission of the editor.

12 Many Petals of the Lotus tolerance and good citizenship and through the Buddhist influence on psychological counselling and treatments, such as meditation and visual imagery. The effects of the Dalai Lama's Nobel peace prize in 1990; the public announcements by several movie and music celebrities of their Buddhist commitments; films such as Little Buddha, Seven Years in Tibet, and Kundun\ and the continuing social activism of well-known Buddhist monks, such as Thich Nhat Hanh (Vietnamese) and Maha Ghosananda (Cambodian), stimulate the growing interest in Buddhism. Buddhists are found throughout Canada, with Toronto, Vancouver, and Montreal claiming the largest number of ordained clergy, temples, and centres of Buddhist practice. The diversity of Buddhism in Toronto is evident in the variety of teachings, approaches, styles of practice, and traditions, which reflect Asian distinctions of Theravada, Mahayana, Vajrayana, and Ambedkar Buddhism. Theravada Buddhism is found in Burma, Cambodia, Laos, Sri Lanka, and Thailand; Ambedkar Buddhism in India; Mahayana Buddhism in China, Japan, Korea, and Vietnam; and Vajrayana Buddhism in Tibet, Nepal, and Mongolia. Buddhism in Toronto also includes very new and specific transformations of particular traditions, as well as attempts to combine both Theravada and Mahayana beliefs and practices. Among these are various groups of non-Asian Buddhists, primarily Caucasians from a Judeo-Christian background, who actively pursue Buddhist meditation. Students and scholars in several Toronto-based colleges and universities are interested in Buddhism, both from an academic and a participatory perspective. In 1997 the Greater Toronto Area had more than sixty recognized Buddhist centres (see Appendix). Toronto's first Buddhist organization, Toronto Buddhist Church, was founded by Japanese Canadians in 1946. Most other Buddhist groups in Toronto have formed only within the past twenty years. Exceptions are the non-Asian Dharma Centre of Canada founded in 1966, the Chinese Nam Shan Temple in 1968, and a few Asian and non-Asian Buddhist temples and groups started in the early 19708. Buddhist groups in Toronto have increased steadily, reflecting trends in immigration and family reunification. Several distinct Buddhist groups exist within larger ethnic communities, reflecting past allegiances or identi, ties, disparate migration patterns, and changing social needs. Toronto Buddhist communities and groups are of various sizes and organizational patterns. Small groups may vary from a lay association with fewer than a hundred members, to a monastic temple with several hundred participants. The Indian Ambedkar Mission and Sri Lankan West End Buddhist Centre are in this category. All non-Asian Buddhist groups in

Overview of Buddhist Groups in Toronto

13

Toronto are small. They include Theravada practitioners without ties to a specific temple, and adherents of Tibetan Vajrayana and Japanese and Korean Zen under the leadership of Asian and non-Asian sangha. Several mid-size Asian temples in Toronto provide religious services to particular ethnic communities of one thousand to five thousand members. They include Theravada temples for Burmese, Sinhalese, and Thai immigrants, and Cambodian and Laotion refugees; and Mahayana Buddhist temples for Japanese-Canadian Jodo Shinshu and Nichiren devotees, Korean immigrants (who also belong to smaller Buddhist associations), and Vietnamese refugees. The Vietnamese have several mid-size temples in Toronto and some smaller Buddhist associations. The largest Buddhist community in Toronto is composed of Mahayana Chinese - immigrants from Hong Kong, Taiwan, Malaysia, Singapore, and refugees from Southeast Asia and China. Chinese Buddhist leaders estimate there are over two hundred thousand Chinese in Toronto who adhere to some type of Buddhist belief and practice. Within the Chinese Buddhist community there are several large temples (some with over ten thousand members) and numerous lay associations and loosely organized groups. In 1991 Statistics Canada listed 48,385 Buddhists in the Greater Toronto Area, a substantial increase from 18,585 in 1986. According to Toronto Vietnamese leaders, however, by 1992 there were well over fifty thousand Vietnamese Buddhists alone, although fewer than twenty thousand had been listed in Statistics Canada data. This statistical underrepresentation extends to others identified with particular national identities such as Cambodians, Laotians, and Burmese (McLellan 1995). A more realistic estimate of Toronto Buddhists might total well over 250,000. One of the difficulties in determining an accurate count of Buddhists in Toronto is that census data do not tabulate multiple categories of religious identity. Chinese from Hong Kong or Vietnam, for example, identify themselves as Confucian as well as Buddhist. Many Buddhist temples determine membership by counting singular households, which often include extended families and several members with different religious affiliations, rather than individuals. Numerous Asians who do not overtly identify themselves as Buddhist still go to temples to participate in special Buddhist festivals and ceremonies, such as Wesak, which is similar to the Christian practice of going to church only at Christmas and Easter; during life crises such as illness or death (for memorial services, petitionary prayers, divination); for celebratory occasions, such as weddings, family reunions; and for counselling or blessings. Asian immigrants who practice Christianity do not necessarily exclude the concurrent maintenance of

14 Many Petals of the Lotus other religious loyalties; the observance of Buddhist or other traditional rituals is not considered inappropriate. Indeed, one of the most striking contrasts between Asian and western Christians is that religious affiliation among Asians is characterized less by denominational loyalty and more by syncretism, reflecting pre-existing ethnic, regional, and national loyalties. Basic Beliefs of Buddhism The Buddhist religion originated over twenty-six centuries ago in India. It is known as the 'middle way,' the righteous way of life, an ethicophilosophical system, and a scientific educational system based on freedom and reason (Conze 1980). The founder of Buddhism was a Sakya prince named Siddhartha Gautama, born in Lumbini (now a district of Nepal) about 623 BCE. Through committed and strenuous meditation practice, Siddhartha strived for and attained enlightenment (Buddhahood) at the age of thirty-five. Buddhas, or 'awakened' beings, have realized incomparable wisdom in their understanding of the universal laws of suffering and karma, and out of compassion to all sentient beings, may preach this truth. Most Buddhists regard Sakyamuni, or Gautama Buddha, as the most recent Buddha in an infinite succession of Buddhas. As a teaching Buddha, Sakyamuni devoted the next forty-five years of his life to imparting dharma (known as dhamma in Pali) to the community of disciples, known as sangha (which during the Buddha's time included male and female monastics and non-ordained lay people). In its common understanding dharma is a moral and philosophical approach to deliverance from suffering. Buddhism has developed into three main branches. Tberavada Buddhism Known as the Way of the Elders, Theravada Buddhism emphasizes the historic person of the Buddha, his teachings (dhamma), and the sangha (male monastic community who follow the Vinaya rules of discipline), all detailed in a variety of texts written in Pali known as the Pali Canon or Tripitaka. Clearly differentiated roles for sangha and the laity developed (Lichter and Epstein 1983; Southwold 1983). Laity are occupied with mundane goals, and their religious practice is commonly oriented to service, offerings, and making merit. Sangha are ritual specialists who focus on soteriological interests (recitation of Sutra and reflection, and meditation, teaching). They are regarded by laity as repositories of spiritual power who channel and transfer merit on behalf of others (living and deceased).

Overview of Buddhist Groups in Toronto

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Mahayana Buddhism Without neglecting the basic Theravada foundation, Mahayana Buddhism postulates an elaborate metaphysics that includes the doctrines of emptiness (Madhyamika Sunyatavada), Yogacara (Mind-Only School), and Tathagata-garbha. Most Mahayana teachings are contained in sutras, written in Sanskrit. Great importance is placed on the concept of the Bodhisattva - an awakened being who, out of compassion, chooses to be reborn to help all sentient beings strive for liberation and enlightenment (Michael 1982). Mahayana Buddhists believe there are innumerable Bodhisattvas in a long chain of Buddha manifestations. Some Mahayana schools believe humans can only be saved by faith in these Bodhisattvas. Much of the Mahayana religious practice, therefore, involves ritual and petitionary prayers for spiritual mediation on behalf of oneself or others (Rutledge 1985). Mahayana retains the bhikkhuni lineage (order of nuns). Vajrayana Buddhism Vajrayana is an added dimension to Mahayana Buddhism. It involves tantric practices that, through specialized initiations and meditational techniques, enable the practitioner to transform body and spiritual energy that is directed within the body or extended outwards. The Buddhism that came to Tibet from India included Mahayana and tantric Buddhism, which combined with the indigenous shamanistic tradition of Bon-Po to establish Vajrayana. With an extensive body of beliefs, practices, rituals, texts, and a unique role of teachers (characterized by a sacred bond with their disciples), Vajrayana became known as Guruyana ('way of the guru'), and Mantrayana (Michael 1982: 17). By the time Buddhism came to Tibet, about the sixth century CE, Mahayana Buddhism had been established in much of India, central Asia, China, Vietnam, Japan, and Korea. Theravada Buddhism provided distinct religious cultures for Sri Lanka and much of Southeast Asia, especially Thailand, Burma, Laos, and Cambodia. The three types of Buddhism are now found throughout North America, Europe, and Australia, and the traditions are maintained by both Asian and non-Asian practitioners. English translations of the Pali Canon or Tripitaka are available, as well as significant portions of Sanskrit texts. The Tripitaka's collection of numerous volumes on the various disciplines (rules, ethics, and regulations), discourses of the Buddha (sutras and sermons), and doctrines form the foundation for most Buddhist traditions and lineages.

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Buddhist doctrines expound upon the nature of impermanence (anicca), sorrow or suffering (dukkha), no-soul (anatta), co-dependent origination or conditioned arising (paticca samuppada), the interconnectedness of all beings, the laws of moral causation leading to rebirth (karma), rebirth (the manifestation of karmic force), and the state of non-attachment (nirvana). Buddhism teaches the cultivation of wisdom and compassion and encourages people to use their own effort and intelligence to overcome difficulties and purify themselves so they can live harmoniously, peacefully, and be of benefit to others. The basics for Buddhist teaching are found in the Four Noble Truths: 1 There is dukkha (suffering or unsatisfactoriness) in the world, arising from sickness, old age, death, parting from loved ones, or unfulfilled or fulfilled wants. 2 The cause of suffering is tanha (desire, craving, or attachment) based on greed, selfishness, hatred, or delusion. 3 To end suffering the cause must be removed. 4 The way to remove tanha is to follow the middle path or the 'Noble Eightfold Path,' which requires developing and engaging in right understanding, right thought, right speech, right action, right livelihood, right effort, right mindfulness, and right concentration (meditation or devotional practices). Sustained effort in following the Noble Eightfold Path develops morality (sila), mental discipline (samadhi), and wisdom (panna). The Buddha established a code of discipline that was to be upheld by the sangha, a community of professed believers practising his teachings. In Mahayana traditions today, sangha commonly refers to ordained monks, nuns, and novices; and in Theravada, only to monks and male novices. Sangha are expected to adhere to the hundreds of rules and precepts set down in the Sutta Vinaya Abhidhamma (part of the Pali Canon), to understand and accept fundamental Buddhist doctrines, and devote their monastic lives to striving for and realizing enlightenment. Most non-ordained (lay) Buddhists accept the Five Precepts of Buddhism as a guide to moral living. These are: 1 I undertake to observe the precept to abstain from destroying living beings. 2 I undertake to observe the precept to abstain from taking things not given.

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3 I undertake to observe the precept to abstain from sexual misconduct. 4 I undertake to observe the precept to abstain from false speech. 5 I undertake to observe the precept to abstain from substances causing intoxication and heedlessness. Also fundamental to Buddhist practitioners is the taking of the Three Refuges, which translate into English as, 1 I go for refuge to the Buddha. 2 I go for refuge to the Dharma. 3 I go for refuge to the Sangha. Buddhists affirm their faith through recitation of this threefold refuge, also called the Triple Gem. Reciting the Three Refuges defines a Buddhist identity, and it is used at the beginning of most Buddhist rituals and ceremonies. Buddhist practice includes various types of meditation, chanting sutras and mantras, mindfulness training (sati), devotional activities, prostrations to the Buddhas, striking bells, making vows, giving and providing service, performing acts of repentance, and engaging in cultural, educational, and charitable activities including the promotion of Buddhist teaching. Through meditation and devotional practices, Buddhists develop their body, breath, and mind to cultivate wisdom and generate wholesome views and demeanour. Buddhists aspire to root out greed, hatred, and delusion from their minds; to enhance ethical relationships; and to embody loving kindness, wisdom, and compassion, extending these attitudes towards individuals, families, and communities, as well as all other beings within and beyond this earth. Within most Toronto Buddhist temples the following Buddhist objects are found: statues or images of the Buddha (usually on an alter with offerings of food, water, flowers, incense, candles, and meditation beads); lights, bells, gongs, and liturgical instruments; the Wheel of Dharma representing the Noble Eightfold Path; a series of pictures depicting the life of the Buddha; and pictures of venerable lineage teachers, various deities, or other venerable Buddhists (such as arahats). In some temples Buddhist flags are hung. Within temples, religious objects are imbued with elaborate symbolic meanings that vary according to the particular Buddhist lineage or tradition. The Buddhist images displayed in Theravada temples, for example, always depict the historical Buddha with certain hand and body positions. The primary emphasis in these temples is on the life history, enlightenment, teachings, and achievement of Sakyamuni Gautama Buddha.

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In Mahayana temples, the historical Buddha and idealized Buddhas, such as Amitabha (Amida or Amitofo) or Vairocana, are depicted. Ideal Buddhas symbolize underlying principles or a particular essence of Mahayana Buddhism, such as vows to liberate all beings. In addition, several statues or images of Bodhisattvas, who have pledged to help all sentient beings attain to enlightenment, are also displayed. The Bodhisattvas Avalokitesvara (known also as Kuan-yin Pusa or Kanon), Ksitigarbha (guardian over Hell), Manjusri (wisdom), and Maitreya (future Buddha) may all be present, as well as various devas (gods) and Buddhist protectors. In small Pure Land temples, the central shrine may omit Sakyamuni Buddha and focus on the central figure of Amitabha Buddha with Kuan-yin and Maitreya on either side. If the temple is devoted to Kuan-yin Bodhisattva, her image may predominate. Most temples have several rows of cushions and low sutra tables laid out in front of the shrine in readiness for Buddhist practice. There are also large receptacles for the devotees to burn incense in while they offer prostrations to the shrine. Only Toronto Buddhist Church has pew seating arrangements, positioned towards a large incense burner and elaborate Jodo Shinshu shrine. Some of the larger Mahayana temples, with two or three floors or numerous sectioned areas, have several large shrines and specific thematic shrines for veneration and specialized requests. There are mainly two kinds of thematic shrines. One features a large image of Kuan-yin (seated or standing) surrounded by flowers and accompanied by smaller images of Kuan-yin, female-focused deities, such as the goddess of childbirth, or medicine Buddha. Devotees will offer fruits and burn incense to Kuan-yin, to ask for favours, such as ensuring health or a child's success in school, and to pray for good luck. The other features ancestral tablets, where prayers are offered regularly to the ancestors in a continuum of filial piety. Numerous ancestral tablets have been brought from Hong Kong and placed in Toronto temples, a major symbol of an immigrant's commitment to Canada (Johnson and Lary 1994). Sangha at the large Cham Shan Chinese Temple acknowledge that offerings to ancestors are not necessary to Buddhism but recognize that people want this practice, and so they encourage it. Their justification is one of upaya (skilful means) to bring people into the temple. Fees for ancestor worship services and yearly maintenance fees for ancestor tablets provide temples with a dependable source of income, increased substantially during Ullambala (homage to ancestors) ceremonies. Both thematic shrines allow divination practices, which may include the shaking of bamboo fortune sticks in a container until one falls out (also

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known as 'shaking of the lots') or throwing down small wooden blocks to see which way they fall. Mahayana sangha have noted that, often, people will not come to the temple until they are in trouble, and then they want to seek answers or guidance from a divine source. This form of practice, known as 'popular Buddhism,' while accommodated, is nevertheless criticized by other Buddhists (usually the well educated or those born and raised in Canada). In temples with a large proportion of younger (under fifty years of age) Chinese Buddhists, divination activities have been stopped, and only those practices identified as 'core5 Buddhism, such as meditation, sutra recitation, lectures, and chanting, are encouraged. In Toronto only the larger Chinese temples, for example, Cham Shan, Fo Kuang or Buddha's Light International Association, and Tai Bay, depict traditional Buddhist architectural features, such as 'a tiled roof turned up at the corners, round supporting pillars and an orientation towards the centre in the layout of the temple' (Wee 1976: 162). Cham Shan Temple has the most extensive set of buildings designed specifically to express Chinese Buddhist characteristics. There are large residences for permanent and guest monks (nuns are accommodated elsewhere) and two worship halls. Similarly, the BLIA temple in Mississauga was built to reflect a Chinese Buddhist identity. Tai Bay Temple (Sino-Vietnamese), after extensive renovations to a former Ukrainian Labour building, now features classic Chinese architecture. Most other Buddhist temples and associations in Toronto, however, are housed in modern-looking buildings, including renovated banks, former Jewish synagogues or Christian churches, singledwelling residential houses, or units in industrial parks, often with no recognizable features of a Buddhist temple on the outside, and in several cases, not even a name. Some temples experiencing problems related to zoning, parking (residential hostility to the number of cars parked during services), or just their presence as a religious minority in the neighbourhood, want to keep a low profile. Differences among Buddhist Groups in Toronto In every Asian country where Buddhism has been established, a selective process of negotiation and reinterpretation of basic Buddhist tenets has occurred. Through this transformative process, individuals and groups introduce particularistic religious beliefs and practices into the so-called universal religion of Buddhism. New symbolic meanings, internal status, and diversity of roles are established and frequently used as ethnic referents or boundary markers. The boundaries that delineate particular ethnic, geo-

2O Many Petals of the Lotus graphical, and linguistic identities distinguish Buddhists from each other. As Gombrich (1988: 157) notes, monks and nuns throughout the Buddhist world are split into lineages and ordination traditions, live apart, and generally do not cooperate or interact with each other in formal or informal contexts. The combination of nationalist and religious identities further differentiates the various Buddhist traditions and doctrines. Buddhism has long been recognized as an integral part of Sri Lankan, Burmese, Laotian, Khmer, Thai, and Tibetan nationalism (Obeyesekere 1982; Spiro 1970; Von Der Mehden 1963; McLellan 1987; Van Esterik 1992). Reproduction of these particularistic religious traditions in Canada reinforces ethnic distinctiveness among many of Toronto's more than sixty Buddhist groups. Differences between refugees and immigrants; significant disparity between Asian and non-Asian beliefs and practices; and distinct ethnic, national, linguistic, and lineage or doctrinal variations are contributing factors. Buddhism is central to the development and perpetuation of ethnic identity and boundaries, accommodating to the peculiarities of each group. Boundaries between groups hinder the creation of a common religious institution or a hierarchy concerned with issues of power and authority. Internal differences among Buddhist groups within large ethnic communities, such as the Vietnamese and Chinese, also inhibit the creation of common bonds, despite the sharing of similar ethnoreligious traditions. Among Toronto Buddhists, particularistic religious traditions and attachments and a commitment to their continuity, especially to ethnically identifiable beliefs and customs, undermine a sense of shared universal religious culture. Buddhist immigrants and refugees come to Canada with familiar ritual practices, culturally constructed ideas about dharma (dhamma), personalized versions of karma (kamma), various images of Buddha and his accompanying embodiments, lay interpretations and terms for doctrine, and differential attitudes towards the sangha and particular references to them (sangha, ministers, gurus). A sense of ethnoreligious identity is expressed through each group's distinct ceremonies, symbols, rituals, and especially through their religious organizations. The majority of Buddhist immigrants and refugees have come to Canada within the past twenty years. It is impossible to separate the Asian Buddhists' belief and practice from their pre-migration and resettlement experiences or from their status in Canada as visible minorities. Asian refugees who have settled in Toronto especially demonstrate a level of Buddhist identity or consciousness that is tied to their recent experiences, often viewing themselves as belonging to a distinct Buddhist subculture.

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The fundamental difference between an immigrant and a refugee is that a refugee's move to another country is always a forced seeking of asylum, characterized by reluctance and the absence of positive original motivation (Kunz 1981). When death is not the alternative to migration, an immigrant's trauma in relocating from his homeland to a strange country is not as severe; and if he is unhappy he often retains the option of returning (Keller 1975). In basic 'push and pull' theory of international migration, refugees are 'pushed' from their homeland by forces beyond their control but are not being 'pulled' by the opportunities of another country (Kunz 1981). Often, refugees lack a standard decision-making and planning process concerning their move, being forced to flee to the nearest place of asylum, where they may languish for years in under-serviced and overcrowded camps. In contrast with immigrants, they represent all classes of a given society, all ages (including a large proportion of children), both sexes, and a wide range of educational and occupational levels (Bernard 1977). The particular nature of, and process in becoming, a refugee will have a definitive effect on individuals' or groups' subsequent rehabilitation or resettlement, especially in the degree of continuity or discontinuity of the various traditional elements in their lives before and after uprooting (Keller 1975). The refugees' sense of identity with the lost homeland and the extent and degree of emotional links with and dependence on the past are important for the success of subsequent resettlement and adaptation in a new homeland, including the willingness or determination to set down new roots and identities. Chinese Vietnamese refugees, for example, are less likely than ethnic Vietnamese to entertain the idea of ever returning to Vietnam (Lam 1983), and many identify more with the Chinese in Malaysia or Taiwan than with Vietnamese in Toronto or Vietnam. Ethnic Vietnamese, however, remain oriented to Vietnam, sending money, clothing, and medical supplies. Some retain strong nationalistic identities, a situation similar to that of Tibetan refugees. Among many Asian refugees, intensive commitment to Buddhism operates as the crucial element in political allegiances to the homeland, and this nationalism becomes synonymous with ethnic identity. The stress of being a refugee produces such residual psychological states that behaviour may be affected for years to come. Many of these conditions may surface only after the refugee has completed several stages in the process of adjustment and resettlement (Cohen 1981). The situation of Cambodian refugees in Canada, for example, cannot be understood without attention to the acute trauma, dependency, and powerlessness that they suffered, first under the Khmer Rouge and later in the refugee camps. Cam-

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Many Petals of the Lotus

bodian refugees continue to experience integrative and adaptive difficulties, and these are enhanced by the continuing crisis in their homeland (McLellan 1995). The extreme hardship and loss that accompany refugees leaves many with residual characteristics such as guilt, invulnerability, and aggressiveness (Stein 1981). Guilt is frequently transferred to extended family members who died, remained in refugee camps, or still live in the homeland. Once refugees have resettled in a new country, their survivor's guilt is manifested in particular patterns or choices of behaviour, for example, delayed economic or educational recovery in order to sponsor relatives or to send continual support back to the homeland (Lam 1983). The aggressiveness of refugees may manifest itself as displays of hostility, family violence, crime, or suicide, but it can, and often does, take the form of an increased willingness to innovate, re-educate, retrain, or establish businesses, and generally take risks as part of an overall effort in building a new life (Stein 1981; Keller 1975; Lam 1983). This phenomenon produces a resolve among resettled refugees to preserve their spiritual and cultural heritages that are endangered in the homeland. This situation is observed among all Asian Buddhist refugees, especially Tibetans and Vietnamese. Refugees experience the adaptive problems that face immigrants: culture shock, necessity of language acquisition, unemployment, barriers in recognition of professional credentials, loss of family and community support, and nostalgia - which often idealizes the past and causes feelings of isolation, resentment, and acute unhappiness with the new environment. The attitude that nothing gained can ever compare with what was lost is reinforced by the refugee's inability to return home and the subsequent socialization of the children to a new society. The differences between Buddhist refugees and Buddhist immigrants are in the nature of their basic identities. All that the refugee has experienced - the original threat and danger, the lack of time or choice to plan an orderly departure, the trauma and suffering of the flight, refugee camps, physical and mental debilitation, and the loss of one's identity, status, loved ones, homeland, and material wealth increase the difficulties and hardships of resettling in a strange land and recreating their Buddhist institutions. Successful resettlement, adjustment, and integration in Canada reflect the ability to establish a new identity, which involves maintaining continuity with the old. Among Asian Buddhist refugees, maintaining continuity with the past, as embodied within their particular Buddhist tradition, is essential to enable mourning and the recognition of loss, to impart historical perspective to the present and future, and to develop positive mental health (Beiser 1987).

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Given the differing migration histories and variety of traditions among Toronto's Asian Buddhists, it is not surprising that they view each other's unfamiliar practices with misunderstanding and prejudice. Living in Toronto has enabled many of them, for the first time, to be in contact with Buddhists from other backgrounds. They have no routinized way of dealing with each other or with the Christian majority, nor have they welcomed or worked towards an institution that could do so. Syncretisms have been attempted with the annual celebration of Wesak (the birth, enlightenment, and parinirvana of Sakyamuni Buddha) or interfaith meetings, which might be advantageous in legitimating the status, or enhancing the presence, of Buddhism in Toronto. During Wesak participation is by specific Buddhist communities or groups, not necessarily representative of a particular Asian Buddhist ethnic community. This often reflects particular underlying agendas in which intergroup differences and disparate interests are maintained, suppressing a more universalistic mode of Buddhist expression. Asian Buddhist groups tend to remain closed to those who do not share similar national, linguistic, or ethnic identities, or they follow practices and doctrines that give particular meaning to being Buddhist in multicultural Toronto. Asian Buddhists differ significantly from non-Asian or western Buddhists. Most Asian Buddhists are recent immigrants and refugees to Canada or first-, second-, and third-generation Japanese Canadians. They share the characteristic of being born into the religion and belonging to a lineage and tradition that is part of their ethnic or cultural heritage. Non-Asian Buddhists are primarily Canadian-born and have converted to Buddhism, often from a Judeo-Christian background. Nattier (1997) distinguishes three types of Buddhism in the west: elite, evangelical, and baggage Buddhists. She equates elite Buddhism with upper middle-class non-Asians; evangelical with Soka Gakkai and lower middle-class mixed racial groups; and baggage Buddhists with ethnics who are born into the faith of their ancestors. These categories are too restrictive to incorporate or characterize Toronto's Asian Buddhist diversity. In Toronto elites are not limited to Caucasians. Elites are especially evident in highly educated, upper middle-class Asian professionals and very affluent Chinese Buddhists. Many of these Asian individuals became Buddhists only after immigration to Canada. Many Chinese Buddhists, for example, had attended Christian schools in their homeland, received little or no Buddhist instruction, and perceived Buddhism to be a 'grandmother's religion.' Although evangelical Soka Gakkai is not popular in Toronto, there is energetic proselytizing among

24 Many Petals of the Lotus Chinese Fo Kuang or BLIA and Ling Shen followers. Other particularized ethnic Buddhist groups, such as the Vietnamese Zen Meditation Group, differ significantly enough from the practices of their Buddhist ancestors in Vietnam (or other Vietnamese Buddhists in Toronto) that the 'baggage Buddhist' label is too limiting a typecast. The membership profile within non-Asian Buddhist groups in Toronto does, however, correspond to Nattier's characterization of elites. NonAsian Buddhists tend to be single, highly educated, white, middle-class, urban individuals, representing a striking degree of background homogeneity which is found throughout North America (Fields 1986; Layman 1976; Kraft 1988; Prebish 1979, 1986; Preston 1988). Many non-Asian Buddhist groups actively pursue what they interpret to be a more universalistic mode of Buddhist belief and practice, meditation being the focus and central means to achieve ultimate spiritual and personal fulfilment. Despite an attachment to particular Asian lineages and traditions, many non-Asian Buddhists want to retrieve the essence of what they perceive to be the original Buddhism, reflecting what Gombrich (1971) calls the 'true Buddhism' created by western scholars. One of the clearest differences between Asian and non-Asian Buddhists can be seen as a distinction between communal and soteriological religious behaviour (Gombrich 1988). The non-Asian religious emphasis is on salvation through intensive meditation practice, being concerned more with a sense of group loyalty or ritual participation, and less with social and communal activities. The primacy of meditation practice among non-Asian Buddhists is found throughout North America (Fields 1986; Layman 1976; Kraft 1988; Prebish 1979, 1986; Preston 1988; Nattier 1997). The overall behaviour of non-Asian Buddhists is what Stromberg (1981) calls 'innerworldly activism,' a term derived from 'inner-worldly asceticism,' in which individuals seek control over the worldly component of their personality and extend it to all aspects of life. Southwold (1983: 189) defines this model of action as 'sapientalism,' a belief based on inner subjective truth rather than outer objective reality, and a strategy to ameliorate experience by changing or focusing the mind. Ling (1980) refers to this practice of Buddhism as that of a psychosocial philosophy without a kinship or cultural embodiment. Non-Asian Buddhist temples and organizations provide the setting primarily for meditation practice. The focus is on teaching the practice, and much less on family or community events. Non-Asian Buddhists usually join groups for the meditation practice, not to socialize. One non-Asian group in Toronto had to establish a special social committee to encourage

Overview of Buddhist Groups in Toronto 25 members to interact with one another, while another went to great lengths to advertise a dinner session, having follow-up phone calls to ensure attendance, and enhancing the attraction by promising entertainment. Balancing an ongoing and often intensive practice with the secular demands of everyday life (work, sexuality, marriage, raising children, taking care of aged parents) is not yet resolved among committed non-Asian practitioners. Asian Buddhists' religious practice and belief tend to be communal, playing an important role in shaping ethnic community life. Temple activities emphasize traditional ritual and ceremonies geared towards family life and social networking, and they often incorporate subgroups of different generations and gender. Cultural festivities are celebrated within all Asian Buddhist groups, as are numerous social programs and activities to maintain cultural heritage. Within most Asian Buddhist temples and groups, communal meals are an integral part of religious occasions. Held weekly and during special celebrations, communal meals enable the various generations within a Buddhist group to renew ties of religious and community identity. Differences in Accommodation to Canadian Society Patterns of accommodation to western social and political ideals and influences greatly differentiate Buddhists in Toronto. Buddhist diversity is intricately connected to particular experiences within Canada. JapaneseCanadian Buddhists, for example, were subject to extreme racist discrimination before, during, and after the Second World War. This was especially demonstrated in the government's seizure of Buddhist temples, shrines, and properties, and the denial of religious freedom in internment camps. The formation of Toronto Buddhist Church in 1946 was a direct result of the forced resettlement of Japanese Canadians to eastern Canada. Being a despised religious and racial minority, and reacting to the background of historical discrimination, community dislocation, and family disruption, Japanese-Canadian Buddhists made active attempts to accommodate their Jodo Shinshu beliefs and practices to Christian forms and to push their children into rapid assimilation. In contrast, later arrivals of Asian Buddhist groups to Toronto were characterized by the relatively tolerant social context of multiculturalism, in which ethnic, religious, and cultural diversity were encouraged and celebrated rather than repressed. Asian refugees from Tibet, Vietnam, Cambodia, and Laos were generally viewed sympathetically for escaping intolerant communist regimes. Many resettled in Canada through the direct advocacy and help of local citizens groups.

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Refugees face great difficulties in establishing Buddhist institutions. Because of political instability or religious persecution in their homeland, they receive little support or guidance from whatever remains of traditional Buddhism there. Refugees face complications with Canadian regulations when trying to sponsor sangha members from refugee camps and countries of asylum. Sponsorship from the homeland may be impossible if Buddhism continues to be repressed. Establishing temples in Toronto is not only financially difficult for refugees, many of whom arrive impoverished, but also requires levels of acculturation and social diplomacy to meet the demands of understanding Canadian building code regulations and bylaws, gaining permits from local governments, and overcoming (if possible) hostility of nearby residents. Recent traumas of war and difficult survival experiences inhibit the ability of refugees to organize fund-raising networks or draw upon community cohesiveness. Traditional Buddhist practices may also need to be altered to reflect new needs. Vietnamese Buddhist groups have successfully developed new forms of worship to provide psychological comfort and to facilitate individual and communal healing. Cambodian refugees, however, have enormous difficulties in recreating traditional Buddhist practices, exacerbated by excessive community disruption, high rates of debilitation of physical and mental health, a severe shortage of Buddhist monks, and high rates of illiteracy and unemployment. Thai, Korean, Burmese, Sinhalese, and Chinese Buddhist immigrants maintain close networks with temples and associations in their homelands. Their Toronto temples receive various forms of support and guidance. Both immigrants and refugees attempt to balance the continuities and transformations of their respective Buddhist traditions in a foreign, multicultural setting. Contact with Buddhists from other backgrounds quickly leads to the awareness that religious beliefs and practices are culturally constructed and can be modified to reflect new needs and identities. Non-Asian Buddhists tend to reinterpret Buddhist doctrine from specific Buddhist traditions, selecting what meets their spiritual needs as Canadians who have rejected the Judeo-Christian tradition. What is chosen varies dramatically from individual to individual or from group to group. The development of non-Asian Buddhism has had no historical links to western culture, government, power, or politics. This is changing with the emergence of an engaged Buddhism, which is concerned with social, political, and environmental activism. There are a growing number of non-Asians who are associated with Tibetan lamas. These westerners are opposed to the Chinese government's ongoing attempts at Tibetan cultural and religious genocide, and they are actively engaged in providing social support for the

Overview of Buddhist Groups in Toronto 27 Tibetans in Tibet and India. Thich Nhat Hanh's Tiep Hien Order also has non-Asian converts worldwide (although few in Toronto), who have great concern with the Vietnamese political situation, and who contribute generously to financial and other material support to help Vietnamese families, students, day-care centres, leper camps, training programs for teenagers, and support of teachers, monks, nuns, and social workers in Vietnam. Among Asian Buddhists, the transmission of and belief in traditional doctrines and scriptures are expressed as part of their cultural heritage. Asian Buddhists feel they must convey Buddhist teachings and beliefs to their generations born in Canada who face continual pressures of conversion to Christianity, the lure of secularism, and the mass appeal of materialism. In response to these threats, many Asian Buddhist groups have incorporated extensive youth programs as part of temple activities. Japanese, Vietnamese, and Chinese temples offer family choirs, study sessions, and regular outings for their children, in addition to focusing on the children's presence at religious gatherings. Because of different demographic pressures, non-Asian Buddhist groups in Toronto either do not have services for children or offer them only on an infrequent basis. In general, they are poorly attended and oriented only towards young children. Depreciatory Attitudes among Buddhists Distinctions among Buddhists in Toronto correspond to the differentiation between religion in 'actuality, as practised in the lives of real people, and a religious ideal or myth' (Southwold 1983: i). Leach (1968: 2) has earlier pointed to this distinction using the terms 'practical' and 'philosophical.' Practical, or actual, Buddhism refers to the Buddhism of ordinary village people and is understood to be more ritualistic and superstitious. Philosophical, or ideal Buddhism, is associated with educated people, also referring to the intellectual elites in traditional Buddhist societies whose views represent Buddhist modernism (Gombrich 1971). Among Toronto Asian Buddhists, distinctions exist between generations and social classes, a situation not found in non-Asian Buddhist groups. Older Asian Buddhists or those from rural backgrounds tend to practice ceremonial sutra chanting, appeals to the power and infinite compassion of Bodhisattvas, and divination. They have been accused by the younger, more scientifically sophisticated, and generally higher educated Asian Buddhists as being too ritualistic and superstitious in their religious belief and practice. This attitude of Buddhist modernism is what Southwold (1983:2) describes as the 'depreciatory prejudices that urban intellectuals tend to

28 Many Petals of the Lotus have.' Yet, even though these younger Asian Buddhists may reject many of the traditions and rituals of the older generation, tending more towards meditation practice and a scholarly approach to the sutras, their overall approach to Buddhism still remains within their ethnic communities. Depreciatory prejudices are also found among non-Asian Buddhists, especially those whose religious practices are led by teachers from a particular country, such as Tibet or Korea, and which involves interaction with immigrants from these countries. During initiatory contacts with Asian Buddhists, some non-Asian Buddhists tend to scrutinize them, both as immigrants and as idealized representatives of the Asian religious tradition, with the result that the Asian Buddhists and their religious practice are often misunderstood. It is primarily during special circumstances that Asian and non-Asian Buddhists share religious practices and interests. Examples of shared practice include Vipassana meditation retreats organized by nonAsian Theravada Buddhists in which a small number of Sinhalese participate, the Tibetan celebration of the Dalai Lama's birthday to which nonAsian Vajrayana practitioners are invited, or visits by Thich Nhat Hanh. Asian Buddhists in Toronto tend to maintain their own religious organizations, separate from the non-Asian. One exception is Toronto Buddhist Church, which has a small non-Asian membership consisting primarily of spouses of Japanese Canadians. Another exception is the occurrence of what Numrich (1996) identifies as 'parallel congregations.' Parallel congregations are seen in a Korean Zen temple. Meeting times for the few Korean elderly ladies who gather for monthly services and memorials are separate from the meetings of the majority non-Asian members. For a short period of time at the Chinese Cham Shan Temple, a small group of ten to fifteen non-Asians met weekly for meditation practice under the guidance of an English-speaking monk from Malaysia. A unique form of parallel congregation is seen among Toronto Tibetans. Ethnic Tibetan Buddhists do not have a formal Buddhist temple of their own, nor do they maintain adherence to any one specific Tibetan lama. Instead, they utilize non-Asian Vajrayana temples under the leadership of Tibetan monks for monthly gatherings (religious services and social networking) and invite Tibetan monks (locally based or those on the international circuit) to community gatherings and individual houses to perform ceremonial and ritual activities. Differences in Leadership Asian and non-Asian Buddhist groups demonstrate differing authority and hierarchical relationships among lay practitioners, congregations, and stu-

Overview of Buddhist Groups in Toronto 29 dents with their respective monks, ministers, and teachers. The creation of a common religious institution or hierarchy concerned with issues of power and authority among the assorted sangha has not been developed. Each Buddhist group has its own doctrinal credentials validating specific types of spiritual leadership. The range of linguistic and cultural expression among the many groups creates problems of definition of acceptable orthodoxy and adequate knowledge of each other's legitimacy. Buddhist leaders must somehow balance their group's particular history (immigration, demographics, racial or cultural characteristics, and conversion) with the group's expectations of strictness or continuity of the monastic tradition. Among Asian sangha especially, the degree of adherence to Vinaya rules (to ensure perceptions of legitimacy in the eyes of lay followers) often contrasts with the degree to which they are expected to serve the needs (both social and psychological) of their followers. In Toronto Theravada sangha are expected to adhere to intensive moral, psychological, and physical training and to emphasize an attainment of wisdom and insight through a state of blissful calm. Yet, they are still required to perform numerous religious services and have frequent contact with those whom they serve. Toronto Theravada temples do not provide monks with a traditional monastic setting in which they can devote themselves to achieving personal salvation. The position of the Mahayana sangha has traditionally combined religious leadership roles with secular responsibilities of service, ritual as well as social, to the community. Mahayana sangha in Toronto have greater flexibility to accommodate to Canadian society and are quick to modify regulations concerned with winter clothing, driving cars, or handling money. Theravada and most Mahayana Buddhists retain clear distinctions between sangha and lay practitioners. Much of the religious practice of lay Buddhists consists of attending services, making merit through offerings and service to the sangha, and maintaining their faith in, dependence on, and devotion to a host of Buddhas and Bodhisattvas who can bestow favours, for example, Amida Buddha or Kuan-yin. Some Mahayana Asian Buddhist groups have relaxed the distinction between sangha and lay. Clergy at the Japanese-Canadian Jodo Shinshu Toronto Buddhist Church, for example, do not transfer or make merit on behalf of others; they are allowed to marry, drink alcohol, and eat meat. Reflecting egalitarian ideals, the Vietnamese Zen Meditation Group, followers of the Tiep Hien Order, show less distinction between the laity and those ordained. This has resulted in censure from the more traditional Vietnamese Buddhist groups. Among non-Asian Buddhists, especially Zen groups, the religious organization is predominately a lay Buddhist movement where practitioners

30 Many Petals of the Lotus feel as much responsibility to their own meditations and salvation as to the teachings of their religious specialist. They have oriented themselves to what Fields (1986: 24) refers to as the creation of a quasi-monastic sangha, half-way between monastic life and lay life. In the United States, the Korean Zen master, Seung Shan, instituted a class of Bodhisattva monks who were not required to follow the Vinaya (especially the rule of celibacy). Among the non-Asian Tibetan and Zen groups in Toronto, it is common for students to take ordination vows to express their commitment as serious practitioners, but not to restrict their sexuality or secular activities. In the Zen Buddhist Temple's lay ordination ceremony, supplicants sincerely prostrate themselves before the Buddha, announce three times that refuge will be taken in the Buddha, the dharma (doctrine), and the sangha (the community of monks, nuns, lay brothers, and lay sisters), vow to accept the Five Precepts, and receive a Buddhist name that will be used within the temple and for all other religious associations. In addition, supplicants are encouraged to accept vegetarianism, though it is not necessarily required except when eating within the temple. Differences among Toronto Buddhist groups can also be illustrated through a comparative analysis of the active participation of women. In Theravada Asian traditions, Buddhism has long been the preserve of monks and male elders. They provided representative decision making from positions of secular and sacred authority, while women participated as devoted worshippers, providing caretaking and domestic service for religious celebrations and creating merit by feeding monks. This pattern tends to remain within Theravada communities in Toronto. Among Mahayana Buddhist groups there is a marked increase in the participation and influence of Buddhist women in both western and Asian ethnic congregations. Women are becoming the spiritual mainstay of their families, as well as the instructors in various educational, cultural, and spiritual programs. This phenomenon is as much affected by the immigrant or refugee experience as by the feminist movement. Mahayana Buddhist immigrant and refugee women in Canada are developing new ways of self-expression and of serving their community, especially creating opportunities for leadership which had hitherto been lacking or had not been needed. Women sangha are leaders of several Toronto Mahayana Buddhist groups, including nonAsian and ethnic groups of Korean Zen, a non-Asian Tibetan group, and a variety of Vietnamese and Chinese temples and associations. There is a wide variation in the degree to which Buddhist groups encourage the active participation of women and support or hinder their attempts to be recognized, as leaders or even for ordination, within the religious community.

Overview of Buddhist Groups in Toronto

31

Co-Religious Activity among Buddhist Groups in Toronto There is evidence of cooperation and tolerance among the various Buddhist groups in Toronto. During the late 19708 Toronto Buddhist groups and organizations became interested in interacting with one another and sought various ways to establish closer contacts. In 1979 sixteen Buddhist groups in Toronto came together under the umbrella of the Toronto Buddhist Federation to coordinate activities of interest and to provide a focal point for sharing in a universal religious culture. The first co-religious Buddhist activity sponsored by the Toronto Buddhist Federation was the May 1980 celebration of Wesak. Over one thousand Buddhists representing fifteen groups, both Asian and non-Asian, from twelve countries gathered in Toronto's Nathan Phillips Square under a thirty-foot Buddha painting to celebrate the first multi-Buddhist celebration. By 1987 twenty-one Buddhist groups participated in Wesak, rising to twenty-eight in 1990. By 1994 thirty-five groups were represented. The celebration of Wesak remains the major focus of interdenominational Buddhist activity in Toronto, enabling the different linguistic, ethnic, and national groups to come together for a joint religious service, followed by cultural songs, dances, and a communal meal. At various times the celebration of Wesak has been co-sponsored by the University of Toronto Buddhist Studies Association and held at the University of Toronto. During the late 19805 and early 19905 Wesak was held in various Toronto collegiates and high schools. For the past few years it has returned to Toronto city hall as an outdoor celebration and peace parade, without the cultural component or communal meal. Among some of the early organizers, Wesak's co-religious activity was interpreted as an opportunity to create a more universalistic mode of Buddhist belief and practice. They attempted to cut across the various ethnic, national, linguistic, and particularistic modes of religious expression. Meetings held by the Buddhist Federation gave members the opportunity for mutual acquaintance and exchange of ideas and views on various problems facing Buddhists in Toronto, suggesting, for example, the establishment of an interdenominational Sunday school, or how to help young people fit into western society without losing their Buddhist background (Gaden Choling Newsletter, April or May 1986). In the mid-1980s, the Buddhist Federation underwent a politicization and bureaucratization to distinguish itself from the more personal, intensive interactions at the congregational level. In 1986 the name was changed to the Buddhist Council of Canada, seeking national representation to

32

Many Petals of the Lotus

enable Buddhist participation in organizations such as the Canadian Interfaith Communication Forum. The Buddhist Council also attempted to represent Buddhists through the media (television and radio). Although individual temples were much better equipped to serve as a resource and contact for mainstream institutions, such as requests by schools or local newspapers to visit Buddhist temples, the Buddhist Council tried to be the body through which requests should be made. The council wanted to be the representative Buddhist voice to governmental organizations and to be the resource and authority for individuals and groups, such as the Canadian Interfaith Network, seeking information on Buddhism. A major position of the leaders of the Buddhist Council was to Canadianize Buddhism and rid it of what they referred to as 'cultural baggage.' The vast majority of Asian practitioners did not agree with this direction and found the term distasteful. The conflict that ensued demonstrates what Southwold (1983: 2) describes as 'the depreciatory prejudices that urban intellectuals tend to have' towards villagers, which in this situation was towards immigrants and refugees. To justify their position, members of the Buddhist Council, most of whom were well-educated urban Asians and non-Asians, argued that Buddhism needed to be relevant to the second generation (born in Canada). Canadian-born youth were not expected to understand Buddhist ceremonies conducted in a heritage language they did not speak or held on dates that reflected an ethnic rather than Canadian calendar. In essence, they wanted Buddhism to acculturate itself to Canada. In 1989 the Buddhist Council of Canada became a national body oriented to represent all Buddhists in Canada, not just those in the Toronto area. It attempted to coordinate activities of interest to Canadian Buddhists and to establish Buddhist federations in other Canadian cities. The council was not successful in implementing programs or in representing the various Buddhist groups across Canada. A new Toronto umbrella organization, named the Buddhist Communities of Greater Toronto, was founded in 1989 to replace the Buddhist Council. The animosity among several of the Buddhist groups in Toronto towards the Buddhist Council of Canada necessitated a distinct name. A clear differentiation was needed between organizers of the new group and former executives of the Buddhist Council before representatives from several Buddhist groups in Toronto would even come to meetings or participate together in Wesak. It took more than three years for the Buddhist Communities of Greater Toronto to re-establish ties among the various Buddhist groups, ties that had been severely damaged through the political behaviour of previous Buddhist Council members. Some Buddhist com-

Overview of Buddhist Groups in Toronto 33 munities remained alienated with little contact with other Buddhists and no participation in Wesak. With sporadic participation and interest, the Buddhist Communities of Greater Toronto sponsored the celebration of Wesak for several years, coordinated an umbrella sponsorship of Indochinese refugees, and participated in interfaith networks. In 1994, under the influence of a recently arrived Korean monk from the United States, the Buddhist Communities of Greater Toronto became the Sangha Council of Ontario Buddhist Associations. This move has, once again, politicized Buddhist communities in Toronto, estranging a number of Buddhist groups and lay practitioners who would otherwise have contributed to co-religious activity. The celebration of Wesak has been downplayed and more focus placed on the communal celebration of a Buddhist Peace Day, reflecting the agendas of Sangha Council leaders. Overall, intergroup differences and disparate interests have increased, reducing cohesion and unification among different Buddhist groups. In 1998 the University of Toronto Buddhist Student Association, primarily Chinese members, organized their own Wesak celebration at the University of Toronto, distinct from the Sangha Council. Because of a lack of commitment and participation from numerous Buddhist temples and associations, the Sangha Council cannot adequately deal with issues of power, authority, legitimation, or authenticity of Buddhist traditions, nor can it effectively represent the diversity of Buddhist groups in Toronto. The number of Buddhist groups in Toronto continues to increase each year. Most consist of Chinese immigrants who have come within the past five years. Several of the Chinese Buddhist groups maintain personal and organizational affiliations with Hong Kong and Taiwanese temples, or with particular sangha who have established international networks of faith. The founding of a base in Toronto becomes one more node in a global religious network that may cover Asia, Australia, Europe, and North America. New Buddhist groups also form when specific ethnic communities expand to suburban areas, for example, the Sinhalese West End Buddhist Centre in Mississauga, when sangha or lay members break away from existing temples and found their own group, such as the Vietnamese Xolai Temple, or when Canadian-born individuals return to Toronto from Buddhist training overseas and begin their own centre, such as Chandrakirti Buddhist Centre. Ethnospecific Buddhist traditions in Toronto tend to remain doctrinally conventional and culturally expressive of particular national or linguistic identities. Certain Asian Buddhist groups, influenced by wider social,

34 Many Petals of the Lotus political, and economic contexts, both national and global, aspire towards multicultural and transnational membership, and they transform their Asian traditions to include western ideals and social practices. Whether traditional or innovative, within the multicultural framework of Toronto Buddhist beliefs and practices are notably flexible, rapidly adapting to the social circumstances of migration, integration, or opportunity. Within the Canadian context, Asian Buddhists practice their religion in an invisible and private manner. Religious practice is rarely in conflict with their jobs or schools: they do not refuse to work on days designated for prayer, nor do they disrupt their working day to pray; they have no hair or clothing styles that are distinctive or might be dangerous or unhygienic in a factory setting; they make no demands for specific legal, moral, or family rights; and they are not identified with religious fundamentalism or repressive regimes. In varying degrees, Asian Buddhists accommodate their beliefs and practices to the complex social and political ideals of Canada, as enshrined in the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms, and incorporate new communication skills and technologies, for example, enhanced ministerial or counselling roles, newsletters, magazines, VCR, fax, and Internet, within and beyond the local context. Within their own organizations, they are concerned with maintaining a viable Buddhist world-view in which Buddhist values, ethics, and morality provide comprehensive spiritual and social models for future generations in Canada, as well as in countries of origin, especially as children are drawn towards individualism, secularism, and materialism.

2

Japanese Canadians and Toronto Buddhist Church

The history and experience of Japanese-Canadian Buddhists is unique. Excepting First Nations people, no other religious and ethnic minority in Canada has suffered as much legal discrimination and racism. The relocation and internment of more than twenty-three thousand Japanese Canadians in British Columbia, and their forced resettlement in eastern Canada following the Second World War, destroyed long-established community bonds and networks. Jodo Shinshu Buddhist organization was severely disrupted and altered, losing its position as a community institution. Throughout this process, Japanese-Canadian Buddhists rapidly reinterpreted and redefined their identities as Japanese Canadians and as Buddhists. Japanese immigrants to Canada formed settlements along the southern coast of British Columbia as early as 1887 (Takata 1983). The arrival of Japanese brides and the subsequent increased birth rate enlarged and stabilized the settlements. These early communities, conspicuous by their size, concentration in certain areas, and economic success, were targeted by the racial fears and economic jealousy of the white majority. In 1895 Japanese immigrants were disenfranchised and deprived of full civil rights. Thus began legal, economic, and social discrimination that made all Japanese immigrants and their Canadian-born children second-class citizens (Maykovich 1980; Takata 1983; Roy et al. 1990). Japanese Canadians endured an ever-escalating violation of civil rights, such as not being hired, being denied higher education, or being prohibited from using public facilities such as swimming pools (ibid.). Discrimination against Japanese immigrants and Japanese Canadians born in Canada as Canadian citizens culminated in the forced dispersal, internment, repatriation, and resettlement schemes of the 19405 war years. On 22 September 1988 the Canadian government announced a redress

36 Many Petals of the Lotus settlement for Japanese Canadians. The settlement officially recognized the enormous personal suffering and humiliation inflicted on them without just cause (Kobayashi et al. 1989). It was, however, inadequate compensation for the loss of property, businesses, and possessions, the humiliation of being arrested and identified as enemy aliens, the indignities of living for weeks in filthy cattle stalls, followed by internment in the British Columbia interior. Within Japanese-Canadian communities across Canada, three distinct subgroups developed, each with different sociocultural referents, generational identity, and wartime experience. They are the issei or first-generation Japanese immigrants, nisei or second-generation children, born in Canada, and sansei - third-generation children, of nisei parents. Additional subgroups today include the yonsei, or fourth generation, and the shinijusha, the new immigrants from Japan since 1960. The age when individuals faced the wartime evacuation and internment is the single, most significant factor to explain variations in their experiences, attitudes, and behaviour patterns (Makabe 1990: 27). Issei are the first generation of Japanese immigrants. Audrey Kobayashi, in her speech at Symposium '91: 'A Focus on Change' (Toronto, 24-25 May), stated that in the 19305 the term 'issei' came into common use, replacing ijusha (immigrant). The new term represented the idea of beginning, a psychological transformation relating to being settled, having a distinctive community, and the idea of belonging in Canada. Issei settled in close ethnic communities and, as a result, did not learn to speak English fluently. They suffered immense economic losses during the Second World War evacuation and dispersal from British Columbia. After resettlement, most were never able to rebuild their businesses and savings (Makabe 1990). Issei are predominantly friends with other issei. They tend to use Japanese mass media (newspapers, television and movies), thinking of themselves as more Japanese than Canadian (Maykovich 1980). Nisei, the 'second generation,' are the Canadian-born children of issei. Most nisei were educated within the Canadian public school system where they were taught western values of individualism and citizenship. When these values were taken away in 1941, nisei had great difficulty accepting or coming to terms with internment and forced resettlement. Nisei were generally born between 1905 and 1945, and they are differentiated along age and educational backgrounds. Older nisei, born around 1905, identify closely with the issei, sharing similar economic and social characteristics. After the relocation and resettlement in Ontario, older nisei previously employed in small businesses (farming or fishing) or in semiskilled occupa-

Japanese Canadians and Toronto Buddhist Church

37

tions (electricians, auto mechanics, technicians, or garment trade workers) continued in the blue-collar sphere of the economy (Makabe 1990). In comparison, younger nisei, most of whom were under twenty-five when they relocated to Ontario, attended university and college and entered various professions and white-collar employment. Even though nisei, as a category, indicates Canadian-born, there are significant numbers who are identified as kika nisei, literally meaning returnee. Kika nisei were born in British Columbia but educated in Japan. They returned to Canada as adults, often with Japanese-born spouses. The kika nisei also represent most of the repatriates who went to Japan with their families after the war, and eventually returned to Canada after 1967 as sponsored immigrants. Kika nisei are usually bilingual, although they may speak English with traces of an accent or with frequent interjections of Japanese words or phrases. Often, they are more fluent in Japanese than in English (ibid.). Kika nisei form a significant percentage of Toronto Buddhist Church membership (Audrey Kobayashi, personal communication, 1992). Most nisei speak Japanese to some extent, learned from issei parents, Japanese school, and living in a Japanese community or in the internment camps. Eighty per cent of English-speaking nisei Canadians have retained knowledge of the Japanese language, at least in its spoken form (ibid.). Children born to the nisei are called sansei, third-generation Japanese Canadians, generally born after 1945. They speak English as their first language and are completely acculturated to Canadian society, identifying with its values, norms, and expectations. Few speak Japanese, and most tend to express their identify as Canadian rather than Japanese (Maykovich 1980). Among the sansei, there is a 90 per cent rate of intermarriage to persons of non-Japanese ethnicity (Kobayashi 1989: 26). Children of the sansei are identified as yonsei, meaning fourth generation. Since 1970, 22,500 yonsei have been born, most of whom have sansei and non-Japanese parents. Yonsei children from mixed parentage are identified in demographic statistics as individuals with multiple ethnicity (ibid.). Toronto has the highest percentage (30.64 per cent) of Canadianborn Japanese Canadians married to each other, and the largest number of 'pure' yonsei children (ibid.: 36). Fifteen years ago the categories of children at Toronto Buddhist Church were identified as either sansei or yonsei. Today these traditional notions of generations cannot be applied as more and more children are attending who have either mixed parentage (sansei parent married to a non-Japanese Canadian) or are the children of new Japanese immigrants (ibid.: 26). Since the mid-1960s the Japanese Canadian population has steadily

3 8 Many Petals of the Lotus Table 2.1 Japanese in Ontario Year

Number

Year

Number

1901 1921 1941 1951

29 161

1961 1971 1986 1991

1 1 ,870 15,600 20,605 24,380

234

8,581

Source: Statistics Canada, 1991. 'Population by Ethnic Origin,' Census Canada (Ottawa: Statistics Canada).

increased through new immigrants and temporary residents from Japan. These new Japanese immigrants and residents, and their Canadian-born children, are identified by issei, nisei, and sansei as shinijusha. There are two categories of shinijusha. One represents those who have come to Canada since 1967 with the intention of becoming permanent residents. In the early 19905 they made up 20 to 25 per cent of the total Japanese Canadian population in Toronto, and about one-fifth of the more than fiftythousand people in Canada who claim Japanese heritage (Kobayashi 1989; personal communication, Mr Osamu Obata, Japanese Consulate in Toronto). The second category consists of temporary workers with Japanese companies (businessmen and their families) who are on working visas of from three to five years. In Toronto shinijusha are affiliated with several mutual aid or business groups, and they publish newsletters and their own Japanese newspaper. Shinijusha groups include the Toronto Japanese Association of Commerce and Industry, Japan Foundation, Japan Society, Canada Japan Society, New Japanese Canadian Association (NJCA), Nisshu Gakuin, Japanese School of Toronto Shokokai Inc., Japan Canada Journal, and Canada Japan Business Review. The shinijusha represent some of the best educated and most highly trained overseas immigrants to enter Canada (Takata 1983: 169). Each of the five groups plays a pivotal role in creating multiple redefinitions of Japanese-Canadian Buddhist identity. Table 2.1 indicates the increasing numbers of Japanese in Ontario. Most reside in Toronto, with smaller communities in Hamilton, Ottawa, and Thunder Bay. As a direct result of the internment and forced resettlement to Ontario, there are few Japanese-Canadian associations in Toronto. The Japanese Canadian Cultural Centre (JCCC), built in 1967, provides a range of bilingual (Japanese and English) activities, such as Japanese language instruction, cooking classes, Japanese martial arts, or flower arranging. These

Japanese Canadians and Toronto Buddhist Church

39

activities are open to anyone. The centre also hosts several traditional cultural celebrations, for example, New Year's and Hanamatsuri (spring festival), and Japanese group activities including movies, dancing, karaoke singing, and dining. In addition, it provides facilities for the National Association for Japanese Canadians (NAJC), Shokakai, JCCA Issei-Bu, and Japanese Family Services. The Momiji Senior Citizens Centre is another distinct Japanese Canadian institution, recently built with monies from the redress settlement. Momiji Centre provides extensive social services and the maintenance of traditional Japanese culture to the Japanese-speaking issei and older nisei who reside there. Japanese Canadians are also members in various professional associations and service clubs such as the Kiwanis and Rotary Clubs. The largest religious association of Japanese Canadians in Toronto is Toronto Buddhist Church. Several other religious identities are also found among Japanese Canadians and shinijusha in Toronto, in several smaller, Japanese-based religious groups. Nichiren Buddhist Temple (located in a semi-detached house) has fewer than a hundred members, most of whom are elderly issei and older nisei. A former Buddhist sect, Soka Gakkai (it has recently been expelled from the Nichiren Buddhist Order), has a large temple in Toronto, founded in 1960; the leadership positions are all occupied by Japanese from Japan, but the membership is mainly non-Japanese. In Etobicoke there is a small Tenriko temple in a converted house. This temple is run by a woman shinijusha priest whose father was also a Tenriko priest. Spiritual healing is offered and services are held every Sunday. Members are said to be primarily Japanese Canadian. Toronto has the largest group of Seicho-no-ie - a new Japanese religion in Canada. It was founded in 1964 by a nisei, whose son became Canada's first sansei to be ordained as a Zen monk. Membership is primarily nisei. Several Seicho-no-ie members also attend activities at Toronto Buddhist Church, such as karaoke singing, craft sales, and bazaars, or participate in the religious services of both. Another new Japanese religion in Toronto is the Konkou-Kyo group. Many issei, primarily from Wakayama prefecture, are associated with this religion and belong to it as a family religion (similar to Shinto), especially if the spouse belongs to the United Church (Tazuko Kobayashi, personal communication, 1990). Japanese Canadians belong to several Christian churches, although the United Church is numerically and historically the most significant. Christian churches include the Toronto Japanese United Church, founded in 1946 (offering Japanese and English services); St Andrew's Japanese United Church, founded 1958; Toronto Japanese Seventh-Day Adventist Church,

40 Many Petals of the Lotus founded 1953; Toronto Japanese Gospel Church, founded 1960 (offering Japanese and English services); Japanese Christian Church of Grace, founded 1979; Wesley Chapel Japanese Church; Kingsway Japanese Baptist Church (Mississauga); and the Canadian Japanese Mission. None, however, have the extensive membership of Toronto Buddhist Church or the extended network across Canada that characterizes Japanese-Canadian Jodo Shinshu. Founded in the 19405 Toronto Buddhist Church is part of the national organization of Jodo Shinshu churches in Canada. Today Toronto Buddhist Church serves over one thousand Japanese Canadians and shinijusha. In addition to traditional Buddhist festivals, ceremonies, and religious services, Toronto Buddhist Church provides pastoral counselling and supports several social and friendship networks. Thousands of copies of the Toronto Buddhist Church magazine, The Guiding Light, are sent out every month to members and interested individuals. Several Japanese educational activities and traditional cultural celebrations are held, perpetuating and encouraging a Japanese cultural identity within the observance and transmission of a Japanese Jodo Shinshu Buddhist identity. Jodo Shinshu Buddhism in Canada Jodo Shinshu belief and practice stem from the life and teachings of Shinran Shonin (1173-1262). He was a Japanese monk who rejected the monastic priesthood to teach that lay people could attain salvation by placing their faith in the power of Amida Buddha (in Sanskrit, Amitabha). Jodo Shinshu is part of the much larger form of Buddhism, known as Pure Land, rooted in early Indian Mahayana Buddhism (O'Neill 1985). The Pure Land tradition of placing faith in Buddhas or Bodhisattvas originated in three sutras the large and the small Sukhavati-vyuha sutras, the Amitayur-dhyana - and the Dasabhumika-vibhasa text which describes three great primal vows made by Amitabha (Hua 1974). In Pure Land belief, faith is professed through the recitation of Amitabha's name. This recitation is central to Shinran's teaching, being a statement of aspiration for universal salvation (Inagaki 1987: 26). In Jodo Shinshu the recitation is called nembutsu and consists of three words: namu Amida butsu: I place my faith in Amida Buddha. Because Amida Buddha has assured salvation through the promise of rebirth in his western paradise called the Pure Land, people recite the nembutsu to express their thanks and gratitude. Within Jodo Shinshu belief the attainment of the Pure Land is for all eternity, whereas in Vietnamese and Chinese Buddhist belief, Amitabha's Pure Land is a temporary refuge

Japanese Canadians and Toronto Buddhist Church 41 for purification before returning to the round of birth and death. Jodo Shinshu Buddhists believe that this present life is the last. Because Amida Buddha promised to save everyone without exception, there is no need to be born again, thus ending the cycle of rebirth. The essence of the Jodo Shinshu religious experience is the awareness of deep gratitude for what has been given. Gratitude is the central quality that best describes and defines the Jodo Shinshu way of life (Bloom 1985: 14). Memorial and funeral services are traditional means through which a Jodo Shinshu believer can express gratitude and thanksgiving to Amida Buddha, to ancestors, or to the recently deceased. Gratitude is especially given to parents who have not only contributed to making this human life possible, but also conveyed Shinran Shonin's religion to them. From the Jodo Shinshu view, there is no need to 'practise' to attain enlightenment or nirvana. Through Amida's original primal vow, there is infinite power in his compassion and wisdom to help all beings. One's salvation is through this power, known as tariki (other power). Amida's help is especially crucial when, jiriki or (self-power) is not enough for liberation. The only practice in Jodo Shinshu is to develop shinjin, the true entrusting in Amida's absolute power. Enlightenment or nirvana is the state which is attained after rebirth in Amida's Pure Land. Through shinjin, Amida's power can bring one to enlightenment at death. The attempt to reach nirvana through jiriki is not possible because only Sakyamuni was purified enough to do the necessary practice. The highest level of peace and harmony that human beings can attain in this mundane world is shinjin, through nembutsu. Because there are no 'good works' or accumulation of merit, and no precepts to be kept, only saying nembutsu, Jodo Shinshu is sometimes known as 'the easy path' (Pinto 1989). The doctrinal position of tariki involved the rejection of goal-oriented ethical efforts (jiriki). The development of Japanese Buddhism in Canada has been dominated by the Hompa (Nishi) Hongwanji branch of Jodo Shinshu. The other branch is the Otani Higashi. In Japan each branch claims over ten thousand temples and ten million households (ibid.). The majority of early Japanese immigrants to Canada came from prefectures supporting the Hompa (Nishi) Hongwanji. The Hongwanji branch of Jodo Shinshu was also the only Japanese religious tradition prepared to meet the spiritual needs of overseas Japanese. As early as 1880, then Abbot Myonyo created an overseas mission for Hongwanji members. Specially trained clergy, called kai kyosbi were sent to Canada, Hawaii, United States, Formosa, Korea, Manchuria, China, and the South Sea Islands. The qualifications for kai kyoshi were demanding and involved several levels of ordination.1

42 Many Petals of the Lotus Kai kyoshi were sent only when requested by organized religious groups of Japanese immigrants, although the mandate to send missionaries as ambassadors of Jodo Shinshu was also influenced by the haibutsu kishaku program in Japan that decreed that Shinto was the state religion (Tuck 1987: 224). Missionaries ensured that Jodo Shinshu, rather than Shinto, would be retained within overseas Japanese communities. Within a hundred years almost two hundred Jodo Shinshu Buddhist temples were established: thirty-eight in Hawaii, sixty-one in the continental United States, sixteen in Canada, fifty-one in Brazil, and some in Mexico (O'Neill 1985). The Social Context of Japanese-Canadian Buddhism The first Japanese communities in Canada began in a state of flux and uncertainty. People needed familiar and tangible symbols of stability. They sorely missed the comforting Buddhist rituals during times of mourning, as well as the joy and pageantry of old country religious festivals. These needs could be met if there were a Buddhist temple (Takata 1983: 18). On 10 November 1904 a group of Japanese immigrants in Vancouver, British Columbia, planned the establishment of a Buddhist temple and requested a kai kyoshi (ibid.). In 1905 the Reverend Senju Sasaki became the first kai kyoshi to arrive in Canada. By 1909 the Canadian government officially recognized Jodo Shinshu as a religion, enabling its clergy to legally perform death and burial ceremonies. As immigration continued from Japan other kai kyoshi followed, and temples were created in British Columbia, in Steveston and New Westminster, and further out in Raymond, Alberta (ibid.). In addition to preparing all religious services, kai kyoshi often organized evening English classes, young adult Buddhist associations called Bukkyo Seinen Kai, and Buddhist women's associations called Fujinkai (Mullins 1989). They were expected to be on call to deal with whatever emergencies might arise among members, such as death, sickness, financial difficulties, or marital problems (Kashima 1977). Kai kyoshi were often not prepared for this enormous workload. Also, in the lay-controlled congregations, they lost significant status and power. This, combined with the workload, resulted in many returning to Japan (Mullins 1989). Until 1932 Canadian Jodo Shinshu groups were regarded by Nishi Hongwanji as part of the North American Buddhist Mission, which had its headquarters in the United States (ibid.: 48). In that year the twelve Jodo Shinshu Buddhist groups established in Canada became the Buddhist Mission of Canada.

Japanese Canadians and Toronto Buddhist Church

43

Eight years later, the Buddhist Mission of Canada totalled seventeen churches with eight kai kyoshi (ibid.). By 1942 eighteen kai kyoshi had come to Canada through the overseas mission, with an average stay of four years each (ibid.: 51). Kai kyoshi who came to North America referred to themselves, in English, as reverends, ministers, or priests (Kashima 1977). Most books and articles on North American Jodo Shinshu clergy use these terms interchangeably. Before the Second World War, Jodo Shinshu Buddhist temples in Canada were community institutions. They provided an important part of the cultural and ethnic identity of Japanese immigrants and their Canadianborn children. The religious and ceremonial events, especially Obon, the annual service devoted to the memory of deceased relatives, and monthly memorial services supported the ideals of filial piety and family continuity. Buddhist ceremonial events strengthened community ties, binding Jodo Shinshu members to each other. Temple facilities were more than religious institutions. They functioned as centres for cultural, educational, social, and community-wide activities, often being the only community centre available (Nakagaki 1983). Since compulsory attendance at public schools was not enforced until after the First World War, Buddhist temples frequently housed primary schools, where instruction was in both Japanese and English (Takata 1983). Through the Buddhist temples and the Japanese language schools on site, nisei children learned Japanese, cultural values and attitudes, and the ascribed and contractual obligations within the Japanese-Canadian community. Traditional Jodo Shinshu religious services were conducted in Japanese and observed on the appropriate day of the Japanese Buddhist calendar, rather than on the nearest Sunday. Family memorial services were held in the temple, or at home with a visiting minister and a gathering of friends. Buddhist events reinforced Japanese identity, becoming associated with the making of traditional Japanese festive foods and the visiting of Japanese from other districts. In a 1978 Multicultural Historical Society of Ontario (MHSO) tape, members of the Toronto Buddhist Church were asked the question, 'Growing up as children, separated from the bakujin [nonJapanese] community, how important was the Buddhist church in your lives?' Two nisei answered: [Nisei man] It was the only place we could go to and everything was centred around church - all your young associations, Sunday school. But some Japanese language was separate from the church, others part of it. We would go to public school then to Japanese language school, but strictly academic forms in both. The

44 Many Petals of the Lotus church was the only place we could get out of academic form and have other activities. As a child you looked forward to various Buddhist days and services, especially the elaborate ones, and visiting to different churches and exchanges of teachers who would tell stories. All this visiting was more like extracurricular activities, going to different churches was out of the ordinary. [Nisei woman] The Buddhist events were very significant to us when we were small children. Because whenever we would have these special services during the year our parents would make lots of food and people coming from other districts would be joining in and having a festive time. Today in Toronto we don't do that kind of thing. Now on these occasions we just come to the church. Back in Vancouver days during Hanamatsuri [spring festival] we have all kinds of things going on at home. In my home it was just like New Year. During Shigatsu Yoka [8 April] we had to go to church at a week night and here that's never happened in Toronto. Here we wait till the weekend. But in Vancouver days if it was a weekday Wednesday night we would go Wednesday as well as on the weekend. (MHSO Tape 3581)

The Buddhist temples incorporated a variety of youth associations (for friendship, sports, or leisure) and Japanese language schools, in addition to religious instruction. For many nisei, their entire social networks were centred around the temple. The Japanese Buddhist community also celebrated Christmas and Easter. These Christian ceremonies were perceived as national Canadian events. Their celebration, including the sending of Christmas cards, gift giving, and decorating Christmas trees, became an important marker for Japanese-Canadian accommodation. A nisei woman reminisced: 'I used to think that we had the best of two worlds because of some of the Buddhist festivals and, at the same time, we would celebrate the Christian festivals because we were in this country and nothing in Buddhism said we couldn't, so we would feel that was great. There was no restriction put on the form of celebrating both occasions' (MHSO Tape 3581). Buddhism during Internment Within days of the Japanese bombing of Pearl Harbor, the Canadian federal government prohibited Jodo Shinshu Buddhist temples from holding any special gatherings or even regular religious services, except funerals (Mullins 1989: 50). During the evacuation of all Japanese immigrants and Canadians of Japanese descent from coastal British Columbia, Buddhist organizations in British Columbia were forced to close down. They closed because the kai

Japanese Canadians and Toronto Buddhist Church 45 kyoshi had been taken away to a road, prisoner-of-war, or internment camp, or because the congregation had already been rounded up, leaving nobody to attend services or school. Some of the more elaborate Jodo Shinshu shrines in British Columbia temples were packed up and sent to the two remaining Jodo Shinshu temples in Alberta, although many others were put away and forgotten. Few kai kyoshi were allowed to relocate with the interned Japanese, although two continued to serve in Alberta Jodo Shinshu temples (ibid.). Various Christian representatives in Vancouver requested that internment camps be designated by religious affiliations, for example, Greenwood camp to be a Catholic settlement, Kaslo as United Church, Slocan as Anglican, and Sandon as Buddhist (Roy et al. 1990). In 1941, however, 69.7 per cent of Japanese Canadians identified themselves as Buddhist (Mullins 1989: 23). Because of the large numbers of Buddhists, all internment camps with the exception of Sandon, ended up religiously mixed. This mixing caused much chagrin among those Christian religious bodies who thought they had exclusive missionary privileges (Roy et al. 1990: 122). Jodo Shinshu members carried their butsudon (family shrines) and tablets enscribed with the name Amida to the internment camps. Nembutsu helped many Japanese Canadians through the experience. One nisei woman at Toronto Buddhist Church recalled that despite the bewildered, angry response to the abolishment of temples, the separation of families, and the harsh conditions of internment (often with no heat or water), Japanese Canadians emphasized thinking of others, and this maintained the nembutsu. Sandon camp, originally designated for Buddhists, had a relatively complete Jodo Shinshu shrine, three kai kyoshi, and most of the members from Fairview Community Church. The Jodo Shinshu temple was one of the first buildings completed at Sandon. A nisei woman interned at Sandon remembered her mother going to the temple, saying prayers of gratitude that they were all together and able to hear the dharma, and that despite everything, they were being reserved a place in Amida's Pure Land. In Slocan, an elaborate shrine was also set up, donated from a dismantled Jodo Shinshu temple. In all other camps, however, shrines were makeshift, composed of personal items donated by the evacuees. Although Jodo Shinshu clergy were supposedly prohibited from practising, Toronto Buddhist Church members recall that regular services were still performed every Sunday, as well as services for memorials, weddings, and funerals. Through the dedication and commitment of various Buddhist families, a variety of Buddhist study classes were organized for the youth. After the war ended, in 1945, seven kai kyoshi were immediately deported to Japan. Two in Alberta, the Reverend Yutetsu Kawamura

46 Many Petals of the Lotus and the Reverend Shinjo Ikuda, were allowed to stay, although the only Canadian-born minister, the Reverend Tsuji, was forced to resettle in Ontario. In April 1946 Jodo Shinshu Buddhist temples reorganized. The Canada Bukkyo Kukyo Zaidan, an economic committee for the propagation of Buddhism in Canada, was formed by four of the last six remaining ministers in Canada (Kawamura 1977). Canada was divided into four ministerial jurisdictions called kyoku: British Columbia, Alberta, Manitoba, and the eastern district made up of Ontario and Quebec (ibid.). In the 19505 the Buddhist Mission of Canada was replaced by the newly formed Buddhist Churches of Canada (Mullins 1989). The Buddhist Churches of Canada was subsequently reorganized, in January 1965, by a Canadian bishop selected by Nishi Hongwanji. Headquarters were first located in Toronto, moving in 1985 to Vancouver. By 1990 there were nineteen Jodo Shinshu Churches in Canada.2 Accommodations to Christianity Japanese-Canadian Buddhist temples borrowed many of their practices, organizational forms, and cultural programs from Protestant Christianity. These include utilizing Christian terms and institutional formats, holding weekly religious services on Sunday, sermons from the pulpit, Sunday school classes, the use of pews, organs, and hymns, and facilitating Christian-style weddings - complete with white bridal gown, bridesmaids, and the pageantry of Mendelssohn's Wedding March - rather than the Japanese Shinto tradition. Academic theorists have compared Jodo Shinshu with Christianity, citing similar ethics and emphasis on salvation by faith and grace, but these resemblances have little basis in religious practice (Bellah 1957; Schepers 1988). Eliot (1935: 387) notes that although some Jodo Shinshu temples in Japan gave weekly services and incorporated songs resembling Christian hymns with organ accompaniment as early as 1910, these Christian borrowings were always superficial attributes, used for external observances only. These external Christian trappings were thought to be useful in modernizing and presenting Japanese Buddhism to the west. As borrowing ideas was one of the earliest positive Japanese reactions to the west, Buddhist institutions used Christian terminology to explain eastern values (Bellah 1970: 103). Kai kyoshi were willing to utilize Christian terms such as 'church,' 'Sunday school,' 'salvation,' 'sermon,' and 'minister,' and to present Jodo Shinshu Buddhism through a Christianized service format (Kashima 1977: 219). The use of Christian terms and format was seen as a readiness to accommodate to a clearly identified Christian environment. This strategy

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of accommodation finds precedents within early Jodo Shinshu history when emerging Shinshu groups often faced hostile and unsympathetic religious settings. As early as 1905 the Japan-based head of the Buddhist Mission to North America suggested that Jodo Shinshu groups in Canada call themselves 'Buddhist Church' (Tuck 1987). Despite concessions to the prevailing Christian climate of Canada, traditional Buddhist practices of chanting and incense offering and the cycle of Buddhist ceremonies and festivals were still considered esoteric and bizarre to Christians. There was considerable pressure to convert Japanese Canadian Buddhists to Christianity. Japanese Christian converts were often the worst antagonists, frequently accusing Japanese Buddhists of being 'stone-aged' and 'un-Canadian' (Takata 1983: 33). One nisei Buddhist man felt that his Buddhist education and philosophical awareness of being a Buddhist, particularly the emphasis on tolerance and compassion, was a hindrance in fighting this kind of prejudice. Another nisei recalled: 'During that time there was a lot of talk about assimilation with hakujin. Buddhists were not against it per se, but more divided (for and against) in groups. Buddhism was considered to be Japanese culture. When we would go to other groups there would be a lot of conflict because some Japanese thought Buddhists were detrimental to full assimilation and if we didn't have the Buddhist group maybe we would not be discriminated against so much. This was going on. We would all get mad. We would be told we were backward, or too clannish ... If we converted it was felt that this would make things so much easier for all Japanese. (MHSO tape 3581)

The emphasis on being Canadian through conversion was expressed by the Reverend Goro Kaburagi, a Japanese United Church minister, who equated Christianity with civilization. He criticized Buddhism as being a barbarian's religion and idol worship and warned that the future acceptance and inclusion of the Japanese in Canada would occur only through conversion and absorption into the 'Anglo-Christian' nation (Yoshida 1991: 20). These sentiments underlined evangelical conversion attempts by a broad spectrum of Christian churches. Their goal within the Japanese community was 'a crusade to Canadianize the immigrants by Christianizing them into conformity with the ideals and standards of Canadian white Anglo-Saxon Protestants' (Clifford 1977: 24). Beginning in 1892 missionary societies of the various Christian churches provided extensive financial assistance to convert the Japanese in Canada (Mullins 1989: 78). In the United States, as well, the 'slander of Buddhism by militant Christians, racial tension, and the lure of economic and social

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advancement hastened the conversion to Christianity of many young Americans of Japanese ancestry' (Kollmar 1985: 32). By the early 19205 religion had become a fundamental division within the Japanese Canadian community. Adherence to Christianity or Buddhism was re-identified as an issue of progressivism versus conservatism, of assimilation into Canadian society as opposed to maintaining the traditions of Japan (Kobayashi 1989: 83). The attitude of being Canadian through conversion was compounded by the exposure of nisei to public school activities that represented Christian customs and values. By 1938 it was commonly recognized that Buddhist institutions and associations symbolized Japanese culture and ties to the old country. In contrast, conversion or affiliation with the Christian churches was interpreted as 'a movement into Anglo-society and an indicator of an assimilationist orientation' (Mullins 1989: 10). Despite substantial efforts at conversion and large financial subsidies given to Japanese Christian churches by the United Church Board of Home Missions, before the Second World War over 70 per cent of Japanese in Canada identified themselves as Buddhist (ibid.). That so many converted to Christianity after internment and resettlement led one Christian minister to explain that Japanese became Christians for reasons other than that they were convinced Christianity was a true faith: 'According to my informants, affiliation with the United Church has usually not been due to a profound conversion experience ... Since Christianity is the religion of Canada, and the United Church is one of the influential churches, joining was only natural for those expecting to remain in Canada ... affiliation with the United Church has been regarded as a part of the process of becoming Canadian' (ibid.: 93). Although Christian groups assigned numerous ministers and lay workers to the various relocation camps, kai kyoshi were stripped of their right to conduct services while living in the restricted areas or isolated in prisoner-of-war camps. This ensured that Christian missionaries had little competition from Buddhist authority or leadership. Since British Columbia refused to accept responsibility for the education of interned Japanese Canadian children, students could only attend private schools operated by Christian churches, and exposure to Christianity became a fundamental part of their education (Roy et al. 1990): 'The churches gained many new members through their efforts during the war ... attendance at churchsponsored classes was simply the prelude to church attendance and membership ... those Japanese identifying themselves with one of the major Christian denominations increased from 30.5% to 56.7% during this period' (Mullins 1989: 26).

Japanese Canadians and Toronto Buddhist Church 49 Even after the war, into the 19505, attendance at Christian churchsponsored classes continued. Many of the nisei parents who were actively involved in developing Buddhism in Toronto still sent their sansei children to the Sunday school at the United Church because it was considered 'good for the children,' or so they 'would feel Canadian.' Japanese-Canadian Buddhists continued to advocate a compliant approach to being a stigmatized religious minority within a Christian society. As one younger nisei recalls: Even though we were Buddhist, when they had the Lord's Prayer at school we didn't object. Our parents didn't send a note saying our child will not participate in the prayers. There was no conflict like that in that sense because we participated in everything that was going on in the public school. We would go to the Japanese school and participate in all that was Japanese and there was no conflict among us. That's why among all the ethnic groups here in Toronto, the Japanese are the only ones that are passive, that have assimilated more than any group. (MHSO Tape 3581)

Jodo Shinshu accommodations to Christianity intensified following resettlement. The Christian overtones in Toronto Buddhist Church have been criticized by other Buddhists. Most of the criticism comes from newer Buddhist groups in Toronto who have arrived there since the 19705 and developed their Buddhist practices within the tolerant climate of multiculturalism. These Asian Buddhists, unfamiliar with the historical situation of Japanese Canadians, see only the Christian image of Jodo Shinshu belief and practice. This image prevents the newer Buddhists in Canada from fully recognizing Toronto Buddhist Church members as being 'real Buddhists.' Japanese-Canadian Resettlement in Toronto Japanese Canadians did not go to eastern Canada willingly. Their arrival after 1945 was a direct result of the Canadian government's forced repatriation scheme. Faced with being sent to Japan after the Second World War if they would not leave British Columbia, thousands of Japanese Canadians were coerced to re-establish themselves in eastern Canada. One nisei recalled: 'In 1945 we were bludgeoned by a hostile government, deprived of our possessions and dispossessed of our home and property. We came to this city, in the colloquial term of those days, as "a D.P." - "a Displaced Person"' (President of the Sangha Group, Toronto Buddhist Church, personal interview, 1990).

50 Many Petals of the Lotus Whereas in 1941, 234 Japanese Canadians resided in Ontario compared with 22,096 in British Columbia, by 1951 the Ontario population of those of Japanese descent had increased to 8,581 and that in British Columbia had decreased to 7,169 (Kobayashi 1989: 6). The remaining Japanese Canadians were dispersed across the Western Provinces and Quebec or repatriated to Japan. Toronto was hostile to Japanese Canadians both during and after the war. During the war years few individuals of Japanese heritage were allowed to reside in the city. Exceptions were mostly students and female domestics. Several steps were taken to prohibit the acceptance of any more, and affluent areas such as Forest Hill refused to admit Japanese within its confines (Roy et al. 1990: 148). During the Ontario resettlement process, Japanese Canadians needed the consent of a Japanese placement officer in order to work or live in Toronto, and they were not allowed to own or operate a business (Takata 1983: 150). It was not until 1947 that these restrictions were lifted, enabling over seven thousand Japanese Canadians to relocate once more from hastily established communities in Port Credit, Windsor, Brantford, Hamilton, London, Kitchener, and Guelph (ibid.). Japanese Canadians continued to be subject to discriminatory treatment in Toronto, such as being refused service in restaurants or denied accommodation and employment. Many found employment with a Jewish firm or individual. Japanese-Canadian Buddhists felt that Jewish people knew the meaning of discrimination and could relate to the problems of a religious minority. One nisei woman recalled that Jewish people, 'were the ones who opened their homes to us and helped us get our jobs. Though synagogues and established organizations were not directly committed, Jews, especially in the metropolitan areas of Toronto, were sympathetic towards the plight of the evacuees ... in a hunt for accommodations, enduring slammed doors and abusive rebuffs, their search likely ended in the Jewish section ... Here the lodgers were often within walking distance of work, since the manufacturers and sundry firms owned by Jews were the least hesitant about hiring the unwanted. They were also the first willing to promote these employees to supervisory positions as well as to take on nisei women in their offices' (ibid.: 15 5). Many Japanese coming to Toronto were young nisei, separated from their families for the first time. In addition to seeking employment in areas totally unfamiliar to them, the nisei were burdened with a sense of insecurity, uprootedness, and resentment (Mullins 1989). Among other resettled Japanese Canadians, there was no sense of unified community. Interpersonal connections were based on bonds of friendship formed in internment

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camps or through religious affiliations and support networks. The forced choosing of sides between repatriation and resettlement created extensive emotional turmoil and resulted in an unclear mixture of loyalties and divisions within families and the Japanese community itself (Takata 1983; Mullins 1989; Roy et al. 1990). The generational split between the issei and nisei, already present in the 19305, intensified during internment and resettlement, and it was noticeable in the formation of Toronto Buddhist Church. History of Toronto Buddhist Church Immediately after its formation in 1946 the Canada Bukkyo Fukyo Zaidan sent newsletters to all Japanese-Canadian relocation areas to inform about Buddhist activities in Canada (Kawamura 1977). Within this atmosphere of religious restoration issei lay members organized Buddhist services throughout Canada. These first services, such as Obon (yearly memorial), were held in private homes. They were organized by the Bukkyo Kai, the Toronto issei men's group. Lay organization of religious events were common among Japanese Canadians. In certain British Columbia settlements, such as Kisano, most Buddhist activities, including administration and teaching, were run by laymen because of the shortage of resident ministers. During internment Buddhist services were continued in this manner. In late 1945 the Reverend Kenryu Tsuji, a Canadian nisei kai kyoshi, who had been interned at Slocan, arrived in Port Credit, Ontario. Seeking to form a Buddhist church, he approached nisei individuals from Vancouver and from Slocan camp. Although employed during the day, he held small memorial gatherings in private homes, first in Port Credit and later in Toronto. Many nisei felt that these early meetings and memorial gatherings were crucial in establishing self-help and information networks through which cooperation and assistance were provided for friends and family. As one nisei stated, 'It was a time when being a Buddhist was thought of as being too Japanese; a time when relocated Japanese Canadians in eastern Canada desperately needed a leader, and found one in Reverend Tsuji' (Nikkei Voice, January 1992: 8). The meetings caused difficulties at people's homes, however, as landlords and neighbours resented large gatherings of Japanese Canadians. Eventually, Buddhist meetings and Sunday services eventually were held in a rented hall. Rev. Tsuji received no payment for his religious services, and a collection would be taken each meeting to pay for the hall rental. In 1946 Toronto nisei purchased a small residence on Huron Street to serve as a

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meeting place, Sunday service hall, and residence for Rev. Tsuji. In 1947 the Reverend Ikuta from Alberta visited Toronto and suggested that the issei and nisei Buddhist groups in Toronto organize together to form a church group and have Reverend Tsuji as a full-time minister. This suggestion came at the time of the 'Huron crisis.' The crisis arose when a Japanese language school, supported by the nisei Buddhists, also began using the Huron Street premises on a regular basis. The increased numbers of Japanese people going there resulted in neighbours complaining to city hall, which subsequently prohibited the house from holding meetings. This precipitated the movement to find a permanent church hall. A building committee was formed to search for possible sites that might be suitable, such as Christian churches, halls, or factories. Throughout the next four years several building committees were formed and disbanded as purchases of properties and buildings proved to be inadequate or too contentious. This process reflects the difficulties Japanese-Canadian Buddhists, as an ethnic and religious minority group, had in developing an adequate temple site; it also highlights their highly successful and innovative organizational strategies for fund-raising.3 The building that became Toronto Buddhist Church was designed by a Japanese-Canadian architect and built by a Japanese-Canadian builder in the late 19405. A social hall, called Ohtani Hall, and a minister's study were added in subsequent years. The Huron Street residence was sold, with the profits going into a trust called the Young People's Building Fund. During the early years Rev. Tsuji continued in outside employment to supplement his income, although gradually a financial base was established so he could take on full-time duties. In the 19605 Toronto Buddhist Church purchased a recreation property near Georgian Bay and built a camp on it. Camp Lumbini is used primarily as a children's and youth summer camp. The building of Toronto Buddhist Church encouraged the issei and nisei to form a sense of community solidarity and foster the development, revitalization, and recreation of a Japanese-Canadian Buddhist identity. Buddhist religious affiliation among Japanese Canadians, however, continued to be problematic in Toronto and was often challenged. Several nisei at Toronto Buddhist Church spoke of the significant pressure to convert to Christianity that surrounded Japanese Canadians in Toronto. Christian acquaintances exerted great effort to get Japanese-Canadian Buddhists to attend Christian churches and rallies and to give up their Buddhist religion. One nisei woman recalled that her next-door neighbour, a high Anglican, used to say that being a Buddhist was 'committing a daily sin and that I better do something about my religion.' A nisei man recalled similar coercion:

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From the outside world at that time, if you were in contact with a certain group you were quite pressured. I can remember two occasions when we first came east. The lady of the family that was looking after the resettlement was a staunch Christian and at the same time this official at the Labour Relations Board ... he was a Christian. And he used his position to preach. I still remember the argument I had with him, a man of his calibre, a government employee. He told me that to be a good Canadian you have to be a good Christian. And I fought that. I told him that I thought this country was a democratic country and that religion was free and no matter what kind of Canadian you are you don't have to be a Christian to be a good Canadian. I still remember that. He told me that. (MHSO Tape 3581 1978)

There was a feeling among a number of Japanese Canadians that the forced resettlement to eastern Canada was a time for them to prove that they were Canadian first of all. Conversion would be essential proof of their assimilation. Many nisei, 'brainwashed by wartime hysteria,' subsequently shunned any link with Japan or anything that smacked of being Japanese, even suggesting that institutions like the Buddhist Church or judo be abolished (Takata 1983: 164). It was through exposure to Christianity, however, that many Japanese Canadians revitalized their identity as Buddhists. For some nisei it was only after attending Christian services that they realized their inherent tie to Buddhist belief and practice. One nisei man stated that all the time he participated in a Christian environment he never felt right and that coming back to the Buddhist church was like returning home. A nisei woman, who moved to rural Ontario in the mid-1950s (the only place she could get a job teaching), felt obliged to accompany her landlady to Baptist and Presbyterian churches. She went with her to a Billy Graham meeting in Toronto where, all around, people were being overcome with emotion. At the insistence of her landlady, she went to the stage to bear witness to Christ, but when she got there she hesitated and recited 'namo Amida butsu' without thinking. At that point, she knew she would never be a Christian. Another nisei woman spoke of her exposure to Christianity as the means through which she discovered herself a Buddhist: I came in 1946. I can remember working for a year, four or five months that fall, when I realized Rev. Tsuji was trying to start a Buddhist church. Because at that time I was working with a very Christian woman who was very kind to me but she was trying to get me to become Christian. That's why I remember this so well; she was trying to convert me. I worked at the Children's Aid at that time. At that time you kind of hesitate and say, 'Maybe this conversion is what we should be doing,

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maybe we would not have been thrown out of Vancouver.' You think very seriously, if we had thought of really assimilating to become Christians then perhaps we would not have been thrown out. You think of these things ... Somebody came to me to sell me insurance in case I died, so the burden would not go to my family; and when thinking about my death, that being all alone I didn't want to be a burden on anyone. So when I thought about death, about what was going to happen to me, then I knew that I was a Buddhist, that I could never want a Christian burial. Then I knew I was a Buddhist and said no to her, that I would never change my mind ... I knew then that I was a real Buddhist in my heart, regardless of whether I went to church. (MHSO Tape 2414) As soon as the Reverend Tsuji arrived in eastern Canada, he focused on a response to the conversion pressures felt by Japanese-Canadian Buddhists. He addressed their feelings of being out of place and looked down upon as heathens or unwilling to assimilate. Two nisei recalled: [Nisei Man] That was the biggest drawback when we first came to Toronto. That they were still having the background of what went on in B.C. and during the war and a lot of Buddhists who were from the coast didn't really stand up and say that, T am a Buddhist.' And we had lots of, all types of discussions, on things like that, that we should be proud as a Buddhist... Rev. Tsuji stressed that point very much, that the only thing we are afraid of, of not claiming as a Buddhist to stand up and say 'I am a Buddhist,' is the fear that you'll be scorned, having a heathen religion or something of that type. And I think he spent a great deal of effort introducing and letting people know what Buddhism is all about and he engrained that into us too at the same time. [Nisei Woman] Rev. Tsuji figured that what was the real drawback of Buddhists not standing on their own feet and not declaring themselves publicly that he was a Buddhist is the fact that the outside people didn't know what Buddhism was all about. And our first job was to introduce Buddhism into the hakujin world ... and that helped to build up the medium here. The good majority of the people that you wanted to know about Buddhism, did know. (MHSO Tape 3581) Rev. Tsuji played a pivotal role in helping Japanese Canadians redefine Buddhist identities. He was the first English-speaking nisei minister in Canada to help bridge religious differences between issei and nisei. He pushed the young nisei away from an adherence to blind faith and towards an intellectual understanding of the religion itself. Nisei were encouraged to accept the fundamental doctrines of Buddhism as a viable philosophical

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attitude, not just as an ethnic heritage or psychological support. He also encouraged interfaith and interreligious activities among the various Japanese-Canadian groups in Toronto. Toronto Buddhist Church members were encouraged to visit Japanese-Canadian Christian churches and to invite them to Toronto Buddhist Church in return. Among other Jodo Shinshu groups outside Ontario shared social activities with Christian Japanese Canadians did not occur. The combined interfaith dialogue and religious activities in Toronto became part of an overall awareness of being Japanese Canadian. Social activities among the various religious groups of Japanese Canadians substituted for the lack of an integrated or easily identified ethnic community. Mullins (1989: i n ) also found this sharing in Hamilton between the Buddhist Church and Japanese United Church. Little evidence of ideological competition was observed, indicating that mutual concerns as minority ethnic institutions can transcend religious differences and evangelical missionary zeal. Religious Services, Celebrations, and Ceremonies at Toronto Buddhist Church Although the format and frequency of religious services has changed from the Japanese model, the content has remained, especially in the observances of Buddhist religious ceremonial days (Kashima 1977: 125). At Toronto Buddhist Church ceremonial days are always observed during a regular Sunday service. Sunday services are conducted by the head minister in conjunction with other ministers in attendance. Ministers wear the simple black robe (fuho) and lapel (kesa) for regular services, changing to more elaborate robes of different colours, for example, white, brown, or orange, for more formalized and ceremonial services. The weekly English service is held at 11:00 a.m. in the hondo, followed by a Japanese service at 1:00 p.m. A children's service is also held Sunday at 10:30 a.m., usually in Ohtani Hall, but once a month it is held in the hondo. Following their half-hour service, children go to Sunday school classes for Buddhist lessons, crafts, songs, and other activities. Older youth may join the adult service. During an average Sunday service, the church is not quite full, with more women than men. At special services such as Hanamatsuri or Obon, however, all available seats are filled. Regular services may be dedicated to the memory of someone special to Toronto Buddhist Church, such as the Reverend Frank Watanabe, a teacher in the East Asian department at the University of Toronto in the 1970$, or Mary Ishiura, beloved wife of Rev. Ishiura, a former head minister. On these occasions attendance

5 6 Many Petals of the Lotus is also high. Smaller numbers of issei, older nisei, and shinijusha attend the Japanese service. Some nisei have described this service as the 'tear-jerk' service, where the old people can have a good cry. One joint family service is held every third Sunday of the month. During this service usually one gatba (Buddhist hymn) is sung (sometimes none), followed by traditional Japanese chanting. The dharma talk is given in both English and Japanese. On the first Sunday of each month, two monthly memorial services (shotsuki) are held, one at 11:00 a.m. in English and the other at 1:00 p.m. in Japanese. The English service is very crowded, with at least one-third participation from new Japanese immigrants and occasional members. Large boards are set up at the front of the shrine so that homyoes (memorial tablets bearing the Buddhist name of the deceased family member) can be displayed. Halfway through the service, people line up, row by row, to gassho (bow) in front of the shrine and to offer incense in gratitude and memory. The ministers chant throughout, keeping time with the sound of the bell. After the offertory, homyoes are retrieved by their families. Japanese chanting is performed for funerals, memorial services, home visitations, hospital visits, seiza (meditation) classes, Sunday services, and special services. For Sunday services, most chants are memorized. They are also printed in books containing romanized letters of Japanese sounds, some with English translation. The Jodo Shinshu chant is characterized by its steady rhythmical pace, designed to be calming and to promote discovery of the Buddha nature. During chanting, a gong is struck at intervals, punctuating the rhythm. In recognition that many people do not understand the chanting, emphasis is put on the expression of gratitude and the feeling of religious atmosphere, rather than the meaning of the words (Hanayama 1969). Common chants used during Toronto Buddhist Church Sunday services include the Sanseige, Juseige, Sanbutsuge, Psalms of Shinran Shonin, Shoshinge, and Junirai. Toronto Buddhist Church members especially enjoy singing gathas. The introduction of gathas began in Hawaii with the first overseas mission a hundred years ago. Gathas were translated into English and put to music by western musicians. Their use depends on the ministers. Reverend Ishiura, a popular Toronto Buddhist Church minister who was born and raised in Hawaii, incorporated as much westernized music as possible into the weekly service. He encouraged the singing of hymns and the development of an excellent choir. Another former head minister, however, was critical of the non-Buddhist terms in the hymns and the Christian interpretation of shinjin and Amida Buddha. He had no choice except to include them in every service because the nisei like, and expect, to sing. Several individuals

Japanese Canadians and Toronto Buddhist Church 57 at Toronto Buddhist Church recounted that in pre-war British Columbia singing was never part of the service. An important religious practice at Toronto Buddhist Church is offering incense to Amida Buddha. Some of the older members also incorporate meditation beads called ojuzu. Ojuzu help members to rid their minds of discursive thought and to focus on Amida Buddha. Most issei and nisei members have a butsudan (shrine) in their house, usually in a spare bedroom but sometimes in the living-room. Some younger sansei members also have shrines, especially those married to other sansei. The shrine usually has one of three Amida Buddha images: a scroll bearing the six kanji characters meaning namo Amida butsu, a scroll with Amida Buddha's picture, or a carved wooden statue. Annual celebrations begin i January, New Year's Day (Shusho E). This first Buddhist service of the year is special as it provides the opportunity to express gratitude to Amida Buddha, to parents, to teachers, and so forth, for the good fortune one hopes to get in the new year. Other annual commemorations that follow throughout the year include a candlelight service for the installation of the new board of directors and leaders for the Sangha and Dana groups, as well as special anniversary dates; Ho-onko (Shinran Shonin memorial) commemorating the anniversary of the death of the Jodo Shinshu founder; Nirvana Day (Nehan E) to acknowledge the day on which Sakyamuni Buddha passed away and entered parinirvana or enlightenment; spring Higan (Ohigan or San Butsu E, 'gathering to praise the Buddha' - to celebrate the vernal equinox; Hanamatsuri (flower festival) to celebrate the birth of Siddhartha Gautama, Sakyamuni Buddha; EshinniSama Day to celebrate the wife of Shinran Shonin - not part of traditional Jodo Shinshu; Parent's Day service, an innovative service expressing filial piety for parents still alive; Gotan-ye (Shinran Shonin's birthday); autumn Higan, to celebrate the autumnal equinox, combined with a ceremony to honour special students at Toronto Buddhist Church who have won awards; Buddhist Churches of Canada Day service; Eitaikyo (perpetual memorial service) for founders of Toronto Buddhist Church; Bodhi Day to celebrate Gautama's attainment of Buddha; and Joya No Kane (New Year's Eve Service, usually held at 10:00 p.m., with bell ringing. Ministers and members who attend this last service of the year then proceed to Ontario Place where the huge bell there is rung one hundred and eight times, symbolizing the eradication of the number of human defilements as identified in Buddhist texts. The annual memorial service of Obon (in memory of the deceased), held on the Sunday closest to 15 July, is combined with a festival of the lanterns,

5 8 Many Petals of the Lotus cemetery visitation, and Obon dancing, called Bon Oderi. Obon also includes a bell-ringing ceremony combined with a Japanese Canadian Heritage Day, usually held one Sunday previous to the Bon Odori and organized by the Japanese Canadian Cultural Centre. Toronto Buddhist Church ministers are requested to lead the bell-ringing ceremony which is followed by Odori dances and Taiko drumming programs. Over one hundred individual memorial services are held each year at Toronto Buddhist Church - occurring weekly or monthly, sometimes as many as three in one day. Although it is customary in Japan to hold memorial services at sevenday intervals for seven weeks until the forty-ninth day memorial service, the practice at Toronto Buddhist Church is to hold the first memorial service and then not again until the forty-ninth day service. Memorial services provide a good opportunity for the minister to establish closer ties with the deceased's family and share Buddhist teachings in an intimate, personal setting. Many members of Toronto Buddhist Church feel that the memorial services are special in that they celebrate the deceased's life, giving it a fitting end and joyful expectation. Christian services, they feel, are not as affirming, as Christians tend to be morbid about death and memorials. As Buddhists they prepare more for death and feel it is good to have monthly and yearly memorials to remind them. Several sansei returned to Toronto Buddhist Church to participate in memorial services as an expression of obligation and gratitude towards a deceased parent. In turn, this has reaffirmed their Buddhist identity. A significant return rate among sansei also occurs after funerals. Approximately thirty to forty funerals are held each year, but the number is increasing as Toronto Buddhist Church members grow older. The funeral service is one of the few times in which the historic Sakyamuni Buddha is invoked, along with Kannon and other Buddhas and Bodhisattvas. The Jodo Shinshu funeral ceremony maintains the continuity of the relationship between the living and the dead. The Buddhist chanting, rituals, and symbols give specific meanings to death that provide comfort and support to the bereaved. When an individual dies, there are several traditional duties involving religious observances that the family follows. The minister's role is not only to provide comfort and assistance to the family, but also to make arrangements for, and participate in, a series of four ceremonies that allow the family to remember the deceased, express gratitude, and accept the death. Jodo Shinshu ceremonies do not guide the deceased to Amida's Pure Land; each being, on leaving human life, is believed to pass immediately into nirvana (the Pure Land).

Japanese Canadians and Toronto Buddhist Church 59 Differences among Members of Toronto Buddhist Church Toronto Buddhist Church has tried to adapt to meet the needs, and attract the interest, of increasingly acculturated members. The issei, nisei, and sansei generations reflect different attitudes to authority, gender, nonJapanese involvement, and religious belief and practice, seen especially in their involvement in church programs and social activities. Adaptive strategies have focused on mediating these behavioural and perceptual differences. Indeed, within Jodo Shinshu Buddhist churches, social activities are so extensive, some scholars feel they appear to take precedence over the religious functions (Kashima 1977; Tuck 1987; Kendis 1989). At present the incorporation of non-Asian and shinijusha members challenges the internal cohesion and future directions of Toronto Buddhist Church. Before its founding, in 1945, two generationally distinct Japanese Jodo Shinshu Buddhist groups existed. The issei conducted services in Japanese through the nucleus of the Bukkyo Kai, usually held in someone's home, with Rev. Tsuji or a visiting minister from western Canada or the United States. English services for the nisei were in the Huron Street house, along with Sunday school programs and Japanese language instruction for the children. Many of Rev. Tsuji's nisei congregation had been part of the Young Buddhist Society in pre-war British Columbia or knew him from Slocan internment camp. The Toronto-based Jodo Shinshu association was a representative assembly for the two Buddhist groups with no official status, central body, or administrative executive, such as a board of directors. To raise enough funds to build Toronto Buddhist Church, the two groups needed to pool resources and establish mutual bonds of trust. Intergenerational issues were eventually resolved through an intermediary group of bilingual nisei, in their thirties. The Bukkyo Kai issei eventually became known as the Gohokai, and the older nisei group, formed in 1950, identified as the Sangha Men's Group. Women's groups also were separated into distinct age and generational categories, with social activities and interests developed according to unit identity. The categorization of Toronto Buddhist Church members into age, generational, and gender units set a precedent that persists today. The issei generation in the Japanese community has almost completely disappeared, except for those who immigrated between 1910 and 1930 (Makabe 1990: 29). The majority of the seniors are now the older nisei, generally in their eighties. In the past two decades nisei men between the ages of fifty-five and seventy have taken

60 Many Petals of the Lotus total control of the leadership at Toronto Buddhist Church, filling positions originally occupied by issei and older nisei. For more than forty-five years the issei and nisei activities at Toronto Buddhist Church have focused on three major areas: religious activities, the upholding of Japanese tradition and culture, and entertainment and social gatherings. Japanese cultural traditions are maintained through cooking, dancing (for example, Bon Odori), flower arranging (ikebana), tea ceremony, and brush painting. Nisei social activities which include karaoke, making of mochi (special rice balls), bazaars, crafts, annual conferences, picnics, internment camp reunion parties, church dinners, dances, and sports (such as bowling, golf, or ping-pong), indicate extensive personal networking. The men's group (called the Sangha) and ladies' group (called the Dana) are English speaking and with about two hundred core members each. Members of the Dana also include some older sansei ladies. The Dana group is divided into two sections, Dana East and Dana West. Each hold craft and food fairs in their respective parts of Toronto (east and west). Dana is a Pali word meaning 'selfless giving.' The Dana group's motto is 'kind words, soft voice, warm hands.' Nisei women, like their issei mothers, believe it is their duty to pass on the heritage and values of Jodo Shinshu to their children and grandchildren. Many of the Dana activities involve interpersonal contact with older relatives and friends at Toronto Buddhist Church, Momiji Centre, or at Castleview-Wychwood Towers, where a significant number of issei and older nisei live. Dana women regularly help out in preparing traditional meals, organizing cultural and interest activities for the elderly, and participating in ways that are remarkable for their diversity and intensity (Makabe 1990). The annual bazaar is Toronto Buddhist Church's largest fund-raising event. Most food participation is by nisei women, both older and younger, and some sansei women. There is a great sense of pride in making the food and a variety of handicrafts for the bazaar.4 The preparation and consumption of food demonstrates an intergenerational ethnic heritage. The sense of ethnic community solidarity is enhanced through the group camaraderie and intergenerational socialization, also associated with meals at Toronto Buddhist Church that are served after important religious ceremonies, celebrations, and get-togethers. Certain dishes, despite having Japanese names, are characterized by a particular Japanese-Canadian style. JapaneseCanadian versions of maze gohan (mixed rice), su nomono (clear noodle salad with fish and cucumber), or shiraae (cold tofu vegetable dish), use alternative ingredients and taste different from their Japanese counterparts. Some dishes are distinct Japanese-Canadian inventions. Chow mein (mixed

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noodles), shasbimi (fish) with yellow mustard, and denhazuke, known as denver pickle, were all created during internment. These food dishes indicate a Japanese-Canadian tradition distinct from that of the shinijusha. Other specialities are tempura gohan (deep-fried vegetables), oyako donburi (chicken on top of rice with green onions), zenzai (red bean soup), Japanese rice, udon (noodles), and sushi (rice balls with seaweed, fish, or vegetables). Most sansei at Toronto Buddhist Church have developed social groups and networks outside of their identity as Buddhists or as Japanese Canadians. A high proportion of sansei who now go to Toronto Buddhist Church have only recently returned after a lapse of several years, usually following memorial services or a parent's death. They come back for spiritual guidance, not to join a social group. Their primary participation in Toronto Buddhist Church is through the Dharma School parent's group, joining the younger nisei parents and a few non-Asian and shinijusha parents. Many sansei had attended Sunday school services at Toronto Buddhist Church as children. In their later youth and early adulthood, several became members of Jygsaw, a sansei social group. Jygsaw provided an organizational structure focused on the integration of leaders and volunteers, in contrast to the hierarchical model at Toronto Buddhist Church or Japanese Canadian Cultural Centre, both predominately nisei identified and controlled. Recreational and social activities, such as music jam sessions or baseball leagues, reflected the sansei interest in Canadian rather than traditional Japanese programs, such as ikebana or karaoke. At Toronto Buddhist Church there was little sansei participation in social activities, identified with the nisei and issei. Historically the generational conflicts at Toronto Buddhist Church were between nisei and issei. Current concerns with leadership issues at the executive and ministerial level are between the nisei and sansei. Gender also continues to influence the perception of, and participation in, activities of authority and decision making. Many of the Toronto Buddhist Church women do not have individual church membership, but belong as part of a family membership that identifies the male as head of the household and automatically includes his wife and children, even those who live away from home. This type of membership follows the patriarchal family leadership pattern in which the oldest son becomes head of the hunke, one branch of the honke, the main family name. The father is given special prestige as the unofficial authority of the family, and he assumes an informal leadership position expressed in making plans for family gatherings in restaurants, planning New Year's parties, arranging family get-togethers, and representing the family at Toronto Buddhist Church. This authority is passed from the father to the eldest son.

62 Many Petals of the Lotus Nisei women's participation at Toronto Buddhist Church continues to reflect traditional Japanese cultural values, being directed towards service, not leadership positions. When women are elected to an administrative executive capacity, their selection is as a representative for their identified groups (the Fujinkai and Dana). In one analysis of the future trends for Japanese-based religious institutions in Canada, it was stated that without new immigrants, Jodo Shinshu churches 'face a loss of their identity either through de-ethnicization or eventual disbandment' (Mullins 1989: 170). At Toronto Buddhist Church the shinijusha show interest by attending monthly memorial religious services as well as traditional Buddhist and cultural ceremonies, such as New Year's, Higan, Obon, or Hanamatsuri. Shinijusha comprise over one thousand supporting members at Toronto Buddhist Church, and the church newsletter, The Guiding Light, is sent out to many more. Shinijusha also come to the Toronto Buddhist Church for special 'new immigrant' classes with the head minister and to bring their children to Sunday dharma school. Although shinijusha do not attend weekly religious services, there has been a steady increase in their requests for private home memorial services by the minister. Some members note distinct barriers between the new immigrants and Japanese Canadians, which they feel prevent shinijusha from participating in religious and social activities. Language is one, but there are also cultural differences. The collective memory of the issei and older nisei is an image of Meiji era Japan from 1870 to 1911, which contrasts sharply with the Japan that new Japanese immigrants have recently left. These differing attitudes, social values, and associations with Japan seem quite incompatible with each other. Shinijusha engage in social activities that are apart from the established Toronto Buddhist Church associations. The influx of new Japanese immigrants can be problematic on a political level as well when they are seen as a threat to the existing power and decision-making structure (Kashima (1977: 77). Ujimoto (1980) notes several differences, including political variance, between new Japanese immigrants and nisei in British Columbia, comparable to observations made by Mullins (1989) and the situation at Toronto Buddhist Church. Shinijusha and non-Japanese both belong to the Dharma Parents Group and share in the children's activities, such as educational trips, overnight stays at Camp Lumbini, and religious celebrations. Few behavioural distinctions can be observed among the children during these occasions, although the Dharma School parents tend to separate themselves into three groups: shinijusha parents; founding member sansei parents; and the rest -

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newly converted Japanese-Canadian sansei members and non-Asian members, including spouses of sansei members.5 Non-Asian members seem to have greater difficulties mediating the differences and boundaries at Toronto Buddhist Church than do the shinijusha. Bridging the boundaries between non-Japanese and Japanese Jodo Shinshu Buddhists is an issue all Jodo Shinshu churches in North America share. In 1985 United States Jodo Shinshu Bishop, Seigen Yamoaoka, admitted in a public statement that 'the teaching, the Hongwanji and the BCA [Buddhist Churches of America] have not been prepared to introduce the Buddha-Dharma to a non-Japanese audience' (Bloom 1985: 20). The Toronto Buddhist Church is also inconsistent in opening itself to nonJapanese, although the aspiration has been there since Rev. Tsuji.6 At a 1991 Toronto conference on Buddhism, Canadian Bishop Murakami stated, 'We realize the importance of opening Toronto Buddhist Church which has been very ethnocentric and to draw in more non-Japanese population. We don't know how long it will take.' No suggestions or guidelines, however, were offered on how this could be accomplished. To date the only Jodo Shinshu Buddhist church in Canada to have non-Japanese ministers and to actively extend programs to focus on non-Japanese has been the Honpa Buddhist Church of Alberta (Kawamura 1977). One barrier to non-Japanese involvement at Toronto Buddhist Church is that many non-Japanese cannot, or have no wish to, identify with its values, history, culture, or authoritarian hierarchy. Much of the non-Japanese interest in Toronto Buddhist Church is as a religious institution that offers Buddhist teachings and practice in English, not as an ethnocultural organization. Yet, Toronto Buddhist Church embodies a unique appeal for potential non-Japanese converts to Buddhism. It is the only English-speaking Asian Buddhist institution that combines a Buddhist overview (emphasizing the inter-dependence of life, openness to other faiths, meditation, and chanting) within a Christian organizational format (faith in a supreme being, concept of salvation, emphasis on lay practice, pews on which to sit, and organ music to accompany singing). Many non-Japanese individuals interested in learning about or converting to Jodo Shinshu Buddhism come to Toronto Buddhist Church as a result of personal religious conviction. Unlike the non-Japanese who come in the company of a nisei or sansei spouse, they have significant discomfort with the ethnic atmosphere. Several non-Japanese members have suggested that the Toronto Buddhist Church stop being an ethnic church and create its own agenda and lifestyle, rather than fit into the existing form dictated by the mother temple in Japan. This attitude contrasts with most Japanese-Canadian members who

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cannot envisage a Toronto Buddhist Church without Japanese identity and heritage and the guidance of the mother temple. One sansei woman commented that she was 'really threatened by Caucasians coming to Toronto Buddhist Church, especially those who want changes. These people are like guests in a home who behave rudely.' At another time she stated that 'Toronto Buddhist Church must retain its Japanese identity so I can create a sense of roots for myself and my children.' Most members are not so explicit in their opinions of non-Japanese attending Toronto Buddhist Church. Japanese Canadians usually moderate their comments along lines such as expressed by another sansei woman: 'We don't mind hakujin coming to the church if they come for religious reasons and are sincere, but if they come out of cultural curiosity we resent it.' Other Japanese-Canadian members of Toronto Buddhist Church admit that the hakujin are treated differently. Non-Japanese children are responded to differently than the sansei or yonsei child, especially when they act in a manner inappropriate to the church. One sansei woman states, 'The hakujin child is not expected to be anything but ignorant.' In her study on Japanese Americans, Kendis (1989: 84) found that, although nonJapanese are received politely by the community, 'behind their back they are being ridiculed and viewed with resentment.' Even though non-Japanese attend Toronto Buddhist Church regularly and serve on the executive board or some other committee, they rarely belong to the closer, informal networks. Non-Japanese spouses can neither assume nor have bestowed on them a Japanese-Canadian ethnic identity.7 The racial and cultural differences among the children indicate some contradiction and confusion in Japanese-Canadian identity. Twenty years ago, children at Toronto Buddhist Church were easily identified as sansei or yonsei, depending on the generational status of their parents. Today four distinct categories of children reflect the multiplicity of youth identity: 1 Yonsei (fourth generation) children of sansei or sansei and shinijusha parents 2 'Mixed' children of sansei and non-Japanese parents 3 Shinijusha children of new Japanese immigrants 4 Hakujin (non-Japanese) children Challenges Facing Toronto Buddhist Church The steady increase of shinijusha participating in or requesting memorial services has affected the established relationship of Toronto Buddhist

Japanese Canadians and Toronto Buddhist Church 65 Church ministers with the church's nisei executives. In Japan the status of the Jodo Shinshu clergy is quite high. Kyoshi have power as spiritual leaders and chief administrators of their temples; they are respected and valued as religious specialists, supervising and performing annual celebrations, funerals, memorials, invocations, and dedications. In Canada, however, the traditional role of the kyoshi as an authority and temple administrator has gradually been replaced by a ministerial identity. The minister is expected to deliver sermons every Sunday, perform all ritual ceremonies (including marriage, which in Japan is done by Shinto priests), represent the congregation in the broader community, and fulfil a number of pastoral functions. The low pay and status associated with kai kyoshi have discouraged Canadian nisei or sansei from becoming ministers, thereby reinforcing the reliance of Canadian Jodo Shinshu on the mother temple in Japan. Lay controlled churches, loss of status, and a heavy workload perpetuate the difficulties that shinijusha clergy have with nisei and sansei congregations today. Tuck (1987: 151) notes the shortcomings of the kai kyoshi position: 'The low status to which ministers are relegated in the professional hierarchy; the inordinate demands which members individually and churches collectively put on the minister's time and efforts; an overly extensive scrutiny of clerical families by lay persons who criticize their social involvements in matters other than church affairs; and a growing lack of lay support and respect for the minister because of little interest in religious affairs, while at the same time, increasing the extra-religious involvements of the minister, e.g., participation in inter-faith councils, hosting visiting public schools.' The shinijusha deferential attitude towards the head minister at Toronto Buddhist Church is in sharp contrast to the nisei. The nisei attitude is that the minister is a paid employee on a contract basis. With no support other than the provision of religious leadership from Japan, the Buddhist temples in Canada have been financially supported solely by the congregations. This contrasts with the Japanese Christian churches, which relied on the diocese for direction and financial support. The Buddhist clergy from Japan became paid employees of the temples and assumed ministerial and educational roles in addition to spiritual ones, while losing executive and financial control over the organization. From the perspective of the Japanese immigrants, catering to their needs and instructing them in the Japanese language became as important as the performance of ritual (Kawamura 1977). When kai kyoshi ministers are employed on a contract basis, their access to a temple position in Canada is not based on the hereditary and kinship connections that characterize temple ownership and administration in

66 Many Petals of the Lotus Japan. As paid employees, ministers at Toronto Buddhist Church are virtually excluded from the power structure held by the nisei board of directors. Some members believe this to be the reason why their church has gone through so many ministers from Japan in such a short span of time. Kyoshi would have better financial and social status in Japan. Shinijusha members of Toronto Buddhist Church retain the Japanese tradition of giving kai kyoshi money as a form of payment (orei) for performing memorials and funerals. The honorarium provides a small sense of autonomy (being extra to the salary and not accountable to Toronto Buddhist Church), and this has been a source of rancour between the ministers, nisei executives, and the shinijusha. The dissimilar position and treatment of Jodo Shinshu ministers by the different Toronto Buddhist Church members reflect controversies identified with the multiplicity of perceptions and expectations of the members. The controversies stem as much from the political rule and process of the Toronto Buddhist Church organization as from the cultural distinctions between the nisei and sansei members and the shinijusha clergy and members. Each generation at Toronto Buddhist Church can be seen to have its own unique needs and demands on the Jodo Shinshu clergy. The issei needed the kai kyoshi as a cultural embodiment of their Japanese identity. The practice of Buddhism gave them a sense of direction and a refuge from the harshness of immigration. Although the kai kyoshi were expected to reaffirm and perpetuate traditional religious identities, they had little influence in organization and administrative matters. Nisei, marginalized between two cultural identities, needed a nisei kai kyoshi to bridge the generation gap. During resettlement Rev. Tsuji provided both guidance and leadership in establishing a community-based church. He revitalized the members' identity as Japanese-Canadian Buddhists and helped them forge new perceptions of themselves as 'Canadian Buddhists.' Sansei have difficulty in identifying with, what they perceive as, an ethnically identified church. Being acculturated to Canadian norms and values, with a poor knowledge of Japanese language and culture, and a 90 per cent rate of intermarriage, sansei have different needs from clergy at Toronto Buddhist Church. They want western-raised and English-speaking ministers who can provide religious leadership and services to them, their nonJapanese spouses, and their ethnically mixed children. For over fifty years Toronto Buddhist Church has functioned as an important element in maintaining and reaffirming the Japanese-Canadian ethnic identity based on a shared collective memory and values. It is precisely this ethnic identification that simultaneously alienates sansei and non-Japanese members and

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attracts shinijusha and sansei (seeking an environment to help retain and redefine their Japanese-Canadian ethnic identity and to help their children discover and identify with it). The majority of members at Toronto Buddhist Church today are the aging nisei population. Their massive program of activity is being carried out by fewer and fewer individuals. There has been a critical reduction in sansei participation. Still, there is a core group of over thirty sansei couples who regularly attend with their children. Several more sansei are expected to return in the near future as they marry and their young children become old enough to attend dharma school. Christian Japanese Canadians also attend Toronto Buddhist Church for memorials, funerals, weddings, or kenjinkai (prefecture reunions). A major concern at Toronto Buddhist Church is the shortage of nisei and sansei individuals interested in entering the ministry. The Canadian bishop continues to go to Japan on recruitment trips, seeking Japanese ministers for service in Canadian temples. He goes despite the knowledge that clergy from Japan, who are adequate for Japanese-speaking members such as the nisei and shinijusha, have difficulties in understanding or communicating with the younger sansei generation. This gap is further augmented through inadequate translations of basic Jodo Shinshu Buddhist teachings, whose important nuances are lost when rendered in Christianized English (Bloom 1985). In 1992 Canada's first sansei minister joined Toronto Buddhist Church. Fluently bilingual and married to a Japanese woman (also trained as a kyoshi), he is able to relate to the needs of issei, nisei, sansei, yonsei, hakujin, and shinijusha. Today he is head minister and highly respected. At a 1990 membership meeting, a nisei executive stated that this Canadianborn individual 'represents a ten-year process in obtaining the right minister for Toronto Buddhist Church.' His training in Japan was sponsored by the Toronto Buddhist Church 'Financial Aid for Ministerial Aspirants in Canada' (FAMAC) program. His father, a Jodo Shinshu minister in Alberta since the late 19305, became the Canadian bishop in 1998. The difficulties facing Toronto Buddhist Church are ameliorated somewhat through more focus on the global context. Christianization of Jodo Shinshu organizations in Canada can be directly attributed to the exigencies of a cultural and religious minority attempting to overcome wartime racist mistreatment and violations of civil rights. In the 19905 members of Toronto Buddhist Church began addressing this accommodatory position. Sansei, especially, questioned the assimilationist force of Christianity. A movement was made to reintroduce Buddhist terms: replacing 'sermon' with 'dharma talk,' 'Sunday school' with 'dharma school,' 'church' with 'temple,' 'altar' with 'shrine,' and 'minister' with 'kyoshi,' in conversation

68 Many Petals of the Lotus if not in organizational identification. Since the redress victory in 1988 nisei are changing the way they look at themselves and their pattern of accommodation to the Christian majority. As one nisei stated, 'We don't have to be careful any more about what we say in public when others are around ... we no longer have to behave the way we felt we had to during all those years after the war' (Frank Mortisugu, Nikkei Voice, November 1991: 5). Jodo Shinshu Buddhist groups are now quick to express social and political advocacy. In December 1990 the British Columbia Jodo Shinshu Buddhist Federation voiced rigorous objections to the use of Christian terms in the Social Credit Party's constitution. Japanese-Canadian Buddhists no longer feel the necessity to show accommodation to Christian religious forms as an outward expression of their Canadian identity. This is an outcome of Canada's social and political reform to implement a multicultural society with tolerance towards religious and ethnic minorities. The new challenges facing Jodo Shinshu Buddhists in Canada are the loss of a family-centred religious identity and the mix of several religious beliefs within one family. These issues are shared by Jodo Shinshu Buddhists in Japan and elsewhere. Toronto Buddhist Church, therefore, has strengthened its ties with Jodo Shinshu institutions in Japan and within North America. Annual conferences within North America, such as the Eastern Section Conference, Northwest Buddhist Conference, National Buddhist Churches of America Conference, National Fujinkai Conference, and Symposium of Jodo Shinshu Clergy in Canada, are useful information exchanges. The conferences provide a basis whereby the mutual problems and concerns of the various churches become part of a shared identity as Japanese Canadian and Japanese American Buddhists. The creation of a global Jodo Shinshu identity effectively lifts the particularized ethnic identities of Jodo Shinshu members, such as Japanese Canadian, Hawaiian Japanese, Japanese Americans, or Peruvian Japanese into an international context. Within a global framework, Jodo Shinshu religious beliefs and practices are given greater significance and new relationships and meanings. The religious identity of a Jodo Shinshu Buddhist at Toronto Buddhist Church is shaped through strong overseas networks. Nishi Hongwanji events and activities continue to provide authority, leadership, and legitimacy to the dissemination of Jodo Shinshu at Toronto Buddhist Church. Jodo Shinshu Buddhist youth increasingly construct and redefine their religious identities within this transnational context. The first Canadian Young Buddhist Conference, held at Vancouver Buddhist Church in the fall of 1991, emphasized the theme of global significance in Jodo Shinshu Buddhism. The conference attracted over fifty young people from

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Canadian Jodo Shinshu Buddhist churches, several from Toronto Buddhist Church. The numbers of young people have increased with succeeding conferences. The international Jodo Shinshu women's Buddhist conference (World Women's Buddhist Conference) is held every four years and encourages a global emphasis on the belief and practice of Jodo Shinshu. Toronto Buddhist Church women always attend. This conference is held in different parts of the world, either in Japan or wherever Japanese have immigrated. It is always organized under the direct leadership of Lady Noriko Ohtani of the Nishi Hongwanji. The June 1990 World Buddhist Women's Convention was held in Vancouver, British Columbia, and hosted four thousand women delegates who came from Japan, Canada, the United States including Hawaii, South America, and Europe. The conference reaffirms two aspects of the Jodo Shinshu Buddhist identity: the continuing identification with and dependence upon the Nishi Hongwanji and an ethnic Japanese identification as part of the legitimate tradition. When the 1990 conference was held in British Columbia its entire organization and structure remained based on Japanese conventions of hierarchy and cultural expression. The processions, the predominately male speakers and ministers, the meals, the extensive and elaborate gift giving, and the emphasis on speaking Japanese as the common means of communication between delegates from different countries, all reaffirmed a Japanese identity. The global orientation of Canadian Jodo Shinshu is also maintained through the World Jodo Shinshu Coordinating Council meetings held at Nishi Hongwanji headquarters in Kyoto. The council is composed of Buddhist Churches of America, Honpa Hongwanji Mission of Hawaii, South American Hongwanji Mission, and Buddhist Churches of Canada. The leadership and agenda, however, remain firmly within the Nishi Hongwanji. During the 1991 meeting the Nishi Hongwanji established a fund to provide monetary benefits (pensions) for the welfare of the Jodo Shinshu ministers in English-speaking missions, a direct encouragement for Japanese clergy to go overseas as kai kyoshi. Toronto Buddhist Church members, both adult and youth, are encouraged to visit Japan. Many participate in organized tours of Japanese Buddhist sites, where they are given the opportunity to meet their Japanese Jodo Shinshu counterparts and share in religious practice with them. Some Jodo Shinshu churches in Canada supplement costs of the youth tours with funds specifically allocated in their annual budgets. Japanese clergy meet the tour groups to act as hosts and guides to the various religious sites. Visits include the Hino Tanjo Temple (where Shinran Shonin's umbilical cord

/o Many Petals of the Lotus is buried), Nishi Hongwanji Temple headquarters, Kiyomizu Temple, and Otani Hombyo (site of Shinran's burial). During some tours JapaneseCanadian Buddhists join with tour groups from North and South American Jodo Shinshu temples for a conference, further reinforcing the sense of sharing in a global network of Buddhist faith and identity. The international emphasis of Jodo Shinshu is not a universalized form of Buddhism. Jodo Shinshu conferences, meetings, and youth tours exclude non-Japanese participants and those with other Buddhist identities. During the 1990 World Women's Buddhist Conference in Vancouver there were no Buddhists from other groups, no Jodo Shinshu representatives from Europe (where most Jodo Shinshu are non-Japanese), and only two non-Japanese participants out of four thousand. The global Jodo Shinshu identity remains particularized, based on the Japanese ethnic identity, and the specific characteristics of Jodo Shinshu belief and practice. These include the small distinction between kyoshi and lay person in terms of lifestyle and daily behaviour, the lack of a requirement for celibacy of Jodo Shinshu kyoshi, and an expectation on them to marry and have children, and the Amida Buddha image (Gehonzon) or the scroll of nembutsu lettering as the main focus in temple shrines. Jodo Shinshu belief and practice has led to several misunderstandings and misinterpretations within Toronto's Buddhist community. Complaints are made, for example, that the Toronto Buddhist Church shrine omits a figure of the Buddha, even though an entire wall of the hondo is devoted to a pictorial representation of the historical Buddha and his path to enlightenment, and several statues of Sakyamuni Buddha are found throughout the building. At a 1990 annual meeting of Toronto sangha, hosted by Toronto Buddhist Church, several monks representing various Asian traditions made critical comments on Jodo Shinshu. As they were looking at the pictures of past Jodo Shinshu ministers, one monk commented that 'this is not a Buddhism based on Sakyamuni.' Another monk responded, 'Shin Buddhist priests will not accumulate merit being married.' A former head minister at Toronto Buddhist Church noted that other Buddhist monks in Toronto have difficulties accepting that he drinks alcohol and has a wife and children. Asian sangha also criticize the status of the Jodo Shinshu minister, especially his lack of authority as an employee of the church. Among a few non-Asian Buddhist groups in Toronto, however, the organization of Toronto Buddhist Church and the non-monastic ordination is regarded as being most suitable for Canada. Several Buddhist groups, Asian and non-Asian, have looked to the Toronto Buddhist

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Church Sunday school program as an excellent example of how to teach young children and youth the principles and practices of Buddhism, and some incorporate Toronto Buddhist Church techniques such as the 'Golden Chain of Love' verse. Toronto Buddhist Church has been supportive of other Buddhist groups in Toronto. It was one of the founders of the Buddhist Federation in 1979 (which later became the Buddhist Council of Canada), regularly contributed to programs developed by the Buddhist Communities of Greater Toronto, is an active member of various sangha councils, and has lent its building to smaller Buddhist groups, such as the Ambedkar Association. The Toronto Buddhist Church is known for its tolerance towards other Buddhist groups in Toronto. During a 19905 council meeting of the Buddhist Communities of Greater Toronto, Chinese Buddhist representatives from several different temples and associations were adamant that one particular Chinese group, the Ling Shen, not be recognized as being 'true Buddhists' and that their organization not be included in that year's Wesak listing. This group, also called True Buddha Sect, follows a leader, Master Lu, who has referred to himself as a 'living Buddha.' The Chinese representatives wanted to write a newspaper article to publicly express their condemnation, but the Toronto Buddhist Church head minister reminded them that Canada's freedom of religion prevents this sort of activity and suggested that a letter affirming the qualities of Buddhism should be written instead. It is this accommodatory and unwavering positive image that has helped Japanese-Canadians Buddhists maintain a strong Buddhist identity and presence in Toronto, despite discrimination, doctrinal differences, and numerous internal distinctions. Reverend Grant Ikuta notes: The late 19908 is a watershed, a crossroad for Jodo Shinshu Buddhism. This is because the true missionary work, the true spreading of the teaching will begin from now. Looking at the history of Jodo Shinshu, it was never meant to be a missionary congregation in the sense that an individual sangha went seeking to find members in North America. The congregation was already there. Now, however, we must redefine Japanese-Canadian. They are no longer this identity. A more politically correct term would be Canadians of Japanese descent. The identification is more with Canada than with their Japanese heritage. As such, we have to review the Toronto Buddhist Church programs that have been offered up until. We have to ask the question 'whose needs are being met'? What we find is that for many younger generation Canadians we have to re-define what we are doing, change the language, and the structure of the services that we provide.

72 Many Petals of the Lotus One recent change has been to modify the language of the marriage ceremony. The modification is to help individuals from a non-Buddhist background understand the underlying meaning of taking refuge. Instead of reciting a taking of refuge in the Buddha, Dharma, and Sangha, participants recite the ideal to value to strive for a higher consciousness, to value the harmony of the oneness of life, and to value the love and compassion of family and friends. As Reverend Grant Ikuta notes: 'I think what we are doing is returning to the fundamentals of what Sakyamuni Buddha taught, that is, not to follow something just because it is there, or not to believe in something just because it is said by your elders or predecessors. One should believe in something because you understand and it makes sense to you.' Sunday services are also being modified to reflect the particular strengths of the overall congregation. On the fourth Sunday of the month, for example, a new format called Living Dharma Day has been introduced. The service is shortened but includes a short meditation, chanting, and a brief explanation of Buddhist terminology by the ministers. This is followed by activities to be shared by everyone. The emphasis is on quality family time and to enhance the knowledge and appreciation of dharma or Buddhist teachings. Activities are designed to be inclusive, especially to enhance the participation of those not raised in, or not comfortable with the JapaneseCanadian tradition with its link to Japanese culture and terminology. The first Sunday of the month remains as the Shotsuki memorial service and the second Sunday focuses on a traditional Jodo Shinshu service with specific features such as the absence of the offertory basket, mediation, and a noon adult discussion group. The third Sunday is a joint service (both Japanese and English) with the dharma school children, and it is reserved for special services such as Hanamatsuri or Higan. Younger women at the Toronto Buddhist Church have formed their own group called the Shin Fujinkai. Some women were not willing to merge into the already established Dana group, while others felt they were not invited to join. The emphasis is also distinct, focusing on an active role in temple participation, such as organizing Rennyo Shonin's 5OOth memorial commemoration, ushering at funerals, and preparing the altar for Sunday services. Their volunteer work at food banks or foster-parenting overseas children extends beyond the Japanese-Canadian community. Membership in the Shin Fujinkai includes the Dharma Parents Group but is open to anyone interested. Youth have also enhanced their spiritual and religious functions at Toronto Buddhist Church. Once a month they are responsible for altar preparation and the ringing of the temple bell before

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service. Hearing the loudness of the bell and feeling the force needed to bring forth the sound has provided new meanings for Buddhist teachings. Several members at Toronto Buddhist Church have begun planning the development of a Buddhist Study Centre in Toronto, with combined academic and experiential programs. As Reverend Grant Ikuta notes, this centre will be but one of the pillars upon which the future Jodo Shinshu community will be based: 'The ideal is that people will base the foundation of their daily existence on the nembutsu teaching, where it is not something to be adhered to on Sunday, but is the fibre of their lives. During a recent conference in Washington, the vast majority of youth stated they did not discuss Buddhism at home with their parents, even though their parents insist they attend Sunday services. We have to break this tradition where Jodo Shinshu is a once-a-week affair. We need to discuss the meaning of our life and how we can practise the Nembutsu with the children at home, not just leave it to discussion in the Sunday dharma school.'

3

Tibetan Buddhists in Toronto

The Tibetan population in Toronto consists of some 133 individuals in thirty family units, both single and extended (Canadian Tibetan Association of Ontario 1997). Although Tibetans represent one of the smallest Asian Buddhist communities, they retain a very strong sense of ethnic and religious identity that extends to the second and third generations born in Canada. Many Tibetans moved to Toronto for employment or educational opportunities, but they maintain close kinship and social ties to the larger Tibetan communities in the nearby cities of Lindsay and Belleville. Tibetans in Toronto are only a small part of the entire ethnic group of exiled Tibetans, whose ethnicity stems from race, historical roots, and shared cultural, religious, and political identification. The flow of Tibetan refugees began in 1959. From positions of aristocratic power and wealth, government and monastic authority, and as moderately well-to-do peasants and craftsmen, thousands of Tibetans became poor and landless refugees fleeing the Chinese occupation of Tibet. In the host countries of asylum, including India, Bhutan, Sikkim, and Nepal, the refugees survived with few systems of support and little opportunity. Although materially poor, these Tibetans closely guarded the rich cultural and religious heritage, which became the charter for their social and political organization in their new environments. Only a few hundred Tibetan refugees resettled in Canada. Adaptive pressures on them to fit into mainstream Canadian society resulted in their retaining few structural aspects of traditional Tibetan society. Tibetan positions of status, traditional occupations, patterns of marriage, and intergenerational household units have all been altered. Through employment, property and business acquisitions, fluency in English and French, education, and strong Canadian-Tibetan cultural associations, Tibetans have

Tibetan Buddhists in Toronto 75 invested heavily in Canada. These investments reflect an attitude of permanency and a willingness to lose much of their visual and verbal distinctiveness. Many of their changes and accommodations, however, are of minimal importance to what the Toronto Tibetans would consider essential for retention of a 'Tibetan identity,' namely, the sense of common identification with each other, with other Tibetans resettled in North America, with those remaining in Tibet, and with the large population of Tibetan refugees in host countries of asylum. The Tibetans in Canada are such a small group that they fall under the classification of 'other' in the Canadian census. Since the arrival of 228 Tibetans in 1971, their numbers have grown to about a thousand, as a result of family reunification, immigration, and children born in Canada. Tibetan communities are found in the provinces of Quebec (Montreal), Alberta (Edmonton), Saskatchewan (Winnipeg), and Ontario (Toronto, Lindsay, and Belleville). Most Canadians, however, remain unaware that Tibetans live in Canada. Many know about Tibetan Buddhism, but there is very little sense of who the Tibetans are as a people, either under political and spiritual oppression in Tibet or as refugees in exile (Dorsh 1981). The most extensive media coverage in Canada on Tibetans has been focused on the Dalai Lama. The CBC television's Man Alive series aired a program on 10 January 1980 entitled 'Tibet: The Forbidden Land' (a film about Tibet and Tibetans since 1959), which drew a national audience of close to 1.5 million (Tibetan Review., January 1982). This, and subsequent showings, help to make Canadians aware of the suffering and hardship that Tibetans have faced under Chinese communist domination, and serve to enlighten them as to the feelings of the Tibetan people towards the Dalai Lama. The film made no mention of Tibetans in Canada, however, a shortcoming common to other programs on Tibetans as well. Most newspaper articles covering a visit by the Dalai Lama or some other lama, focus on some aspect of Tibetan Buddhism, not on Canadian Tibetan communities. Various Tibetan leaders in Toronto have attempted to remedy this lack of information on the Tibetan Canadians by providing radio interviews and advertising special Tibetan celebrations such as Losar (Tibetan New Years). Within the general population, Tibetans are 'relatively invisible' as individuals or as an ethnic group (Kotchek 1976: 30). As Asians, they are a visible minority within an environment that defines most minorities on the basis of physical characteristics. However, Tibetan dress, mannerisms, choice of language in public, location and external appearance of their homes, integration of their children in school, and so forth, conform to

76 Many Petals of the Lotus Canadian ideals and attitudes.1 The Tibetan physical characteristics are such that they have been mistaken for Chinese, Native Canadian, East Indian, Korean, even Mexican; rarely are they recognized as being Tibetan. Within the privacy of their homes and at their own social gatherings, however, they are Tibetan, maintaining cultural, linguistic, and ethnic distinctiveness. Underlying, sustaining, and fortifying Tibetan ethnic and nationalist consciousness are the religious beliefs and practices of Tibetan Buddhism. Religious and ethnic identities are inextricably interwoven: to be Tibetan is to be Buddhist. Toronto Tibetans actively maintain and participate in the traditional religious and political institutions of their 'nationin-exile' under the guidance and leadership of His Holiness the Dalai Lama. The Dalai Lama is the unifying symbol of collective identity and the ultimate affirmation of Tibetan ethnoreligious identity. Tibetan Buddhism is characterized by four main lineages - Nyingmapa, Sakyapa, Kargyupa, and Gelupa - all of which developed important monastic establishments and contributed to the Tibetan religious-political system. Nyingmapa was founded in the eighth century by Padmasambhava, an Indian scholar and tantric master who combined Mahayana philosophy with tantric practices and Bon-Po, Tibet's indigenous shamanism. The Sakyapa and Kargyupa were founded in the eleventh century. The Kargyupa emphasized an extensive meditational training of monks and initiated the concept of the incarnation of monastic leadership (Michael 1982). The Gelupa sect was founded by the great scholar and reformer Tsongkapa (1357-1419), and it stresses strict monastic discipline (ibid.). In the seventeenth century the Mongol khans established the Gelupa order as the administrative executive of Tibet, institutionalizing the Dalai Lama as the highest religious and political authority (ibid.). Despite differences in doctrine, all lineages place great importance on esoteric teachings, unique meditational practices, scholarship, and intellectual cultivation (Lhalungpa 1976: 13). The particularistic characteristics of the four lineages led to an institutionalized concept and practice of religious specialization and specialists, characterizing Tibetan Buddhism as Lamaistic Buddhism (Saklani 1984). The role of the lama encompasses spiritual guidance in tantric practices, psychological counselling, intellectual instruction in Buddhist philosophy, and performance of ritual that includes ceremonies for initiation, for the sick and dying, spiritual mediation, divination and blessings for people, sacred pictures, animals, ordinary household articles, and so forth (Michael 1982).

Tibetan Buddhists in Toronto 77 Recent Historical Background Prior to the extreme provocation by the Chinese in 1959, migration to another country was inconceivable for most Tibetans. Those living outside of Tibet, for example, in Nepal, Bhutan, India, or China, were mainly itinerant merchants and traders who maintained strong connections and networks with their Tibetan families in Tibet (Conway 1975). For well over a millennium, Tibetans had thoroughly acclimatized to life at altitudes averaging nine thousand feet. Their literature is strewn with references to the ill effects resulting from descent to low-altitude countries and living without the familiar fauna and flora such as the yak and its hybrids, or barley meal which furnished a major part of their diet. Despite its isolation, Tibet maintained cultural contact and communication networks with Persia, India, and China through trade and pilgrimage (Richardson 1967). Tibetans have historically considered India to be the Holy Land: the land of the Buddha. China is the political neighbour with whom there have been centuries of a love-hate relationship (ibid.). For a brief period, in the seventh to ninth centuries, Tibet was an aggressive military power with influence throughout Central Asia, deep inside China, and into northern India (ibid.). Conversely, at various times throughout Tibet's history, the governments of Imperial China and the Republic of China have attempted to take areas of Tibetan territory (Michael 1982). Mongols and Manchus (as emperors of China) briefly imposed periods of overlordship on Tibetans, particularly those in eastern Tibet, although the relations themselves were comprised of 'indirect' rule which left the Tibetans free to manage their own affairs under the 'protectorship' of the emperor (Richardson 1967). It was not until 1950 that the Chinese made any attempt to systematically sinicize Tibetan society and culture and to assert direct political control over Tibet (ibid.; Burman 1979). The occupation of Tibet by China in 1951 went far beyond previous experiences of Tibet falling within the sphere of Chinese influence. The mass exodus of refugees from all over Tibet in March 1959 was the climax to events that had been taking place for almost a decade. Beginning in 19 51, when the communist Chinese army reached Lhasa and forced the Tibetan government to sign a seventeen-point 'Agreement on Measures for the Peaceful Liberation of Tibet,' a steady trickle of individuals and small groups began leaving Tibet for India (Holborn 1975; Woodcock 1970). These early expatriates tended to be wealthy Lhasa merchants and noblemen who, in foreseeing the threat to their possessions and way of life,

78 Many Petals of the Lotus transferred their portable property and business activities to Calcutta and the Darjeeling-Kalimpong region (Woodcock 1970). In the following years, despite the Peking government's pledge to respect Tibet's autonomy, as well as its religious beliefs and customs, the religious and civil liberties of Tibetans became increasingly threatened, abused, and denied. Tension and resentment steadily increased towards the Chinese presence. The Chinese attempt at political and cultural integration of Tibet was a direct result of Chinese communist ideology and programs of action. In the first flush of 'ideological zeal,' the communist Chinese were convinced that Tibetans would welcome the material benefits, civil rights, and social status that were offered, especially when compared with their traditional past (Richardson 1967). With statements such as 'now that the Tibetan people have thrown off the yoke they can march gloriously forward under the wind of the motherland,' the Chinese justified imperialism by proclaiming its intentions to better the lot of its subjects (ibid.: n). Passive resistance and procrastination by the Tibetan people, however, forced Mao Tse Tung to admit publicly, in 1956, that the majority of Tibetans did not want Chinese reforms. Chinese publications at this time also revealed that changing traditional Tibetan agricultural organization to a Chinese communist pattern caused disaster and starvation, made worse by the successive failure of harvests in China (ibid.). Nonetheless, efforts to impose Chinese communism intensified throughout Tibet. On the eastern borders, there were fierce outbreaks of armed resistance. The resulting influx of Tibetans from the east to Lhasa and other places in central Tibet, brought tales of hardship, oppression, violence, imprisonment, torture, and loss of private property, goods, and family (ibid.). On 10 March 1959, events culminated in Lhasa, through a calculated provocation by the Chinese to incite a Tibetan uprising (Hadley 1979). The Dalai Lama, regarded by his people as the personification of their country, was forced to accept an invitation - without his customary bodyguards - at the Chinese military headquarters (Information and Publicity Office of His Holiness the Dalai Lama 1976). Over ten thousand unarmed Tibetans, concerned and apprehensive about the safety of their religious and spiritual leader, peacefully surrounded his summer palace, Norbulinka, in an attempt to protect him and prevent him from attending the function (ibid.). The Chinese response was a crushing retaliation - a prolonged artillery attack shelling Norbulinka and the people of Lhasa (Hadley 1979). The resulting massacre, in conjunction with the previous years of continual oppression and persecution, forced the Dalai Lama and thousands of Tibetans to flee their country and seek asylum.

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By following their spiritual and political leader, the Dalai Lama, Tibetans were attempting to avoid religious persecution and cultural genocide, as well as the collectivization of land, property, and herds. Many fled in fear of Chinese reprisals because they had fought as guerrillas and soldiers against the Chinese communists; or their status as landowners, government officials, aristocrats, and Buddhist sangha marked them as targets for certain death or imprisonment. The Tibetan justification for leaving was clearly illustrated in 1960 with the International Commission of Jurists report on the Chinese occupation in Tibet. This report charged the Chinese communists with genocide, torture, and cruel, inhumane, and degrading treatment of those who remained behind. On the evidence collected, the international commission considered the Chinese guilty of 'the intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group as such ... the Buddhists (International Commission of Jurists 1960: 223). The impartial inquiry revealed that, Tens of thousands of people have been killed, not only in military action, but individually and deliberately. They have been killed, without trial, on suspicion of opposing communism, or of hoarding money, or simply because of their position ... But mainly and fundamentally they have been killed because they would not renounce their religion. They have not only been shot, but beaten to death, crucified, burned alive, drowned, vivisected, starved, strangled, hanged, scalded, buried alive, disembowelled, and beheaded. These killings have been done in public ... Men and women have been slowly killed while their own families were forced to watch, and small children have even been forced to shoot their parents. Lamas have been specially persecuted. The Chinese said they were unproductive and lived on the money of the people. The Chinese tried to humiliate them, especially the elderly and most respected, before they tortured them, by harnessing them to ploughs, riding them like horses, whipping and beating them, and other methods too evil to mention. And while they were slowly putting them to death, they taunted them with their religion ... Apart from these public killings, great numbers of Tibetans have been imprisoned or rounded up and taken away to unknown destinations, great numbers have died from the brutalities and privations of forced labour ... Many thousands of children, from fifteen years of age down to babies still at the breast, have been taken away from their parents and never seen again, and parents who protested have been imprisoned or shot ... Besides these crimes against the people, the Chinese have destroyed hundreds of monasteries, either by physically wrecking them, or by killing the lamas and sending the monks to labour camps, ordering monks under pain of death to break their vows of celibacy, and using the empty monastic buildings and temples as army barracks and stables (ibid.: 221-23).

8o Many Petals of the Lotus Tibetans left their country in small groups, reflecting the necessity for stealth and secrecy, but forcing large extended families to break up (Corlin 1975: 96). The refugees disproportionately represented the most crucial structure of Tibetan traditional society: the monastic hierarchy, upper classes, active participants in the Tibetan resistance movement and their families, middle-order farmers, landowners, and traders (Saklani 1984). On 30 March 1959 the government of India, represented by Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru, officially granted asylum to the Dalai Lama and opened its borders to as many as fifteen hundred refugees arriving every week (Holborn 1975). As in all cases of refugees, psychological and physiological suffering was extreme, and many Tibetans did not survive the gruelling trek across the rugged i6,ooo-foot Himalayan passes into Nepal, Sikkim, and Bhutan (Stein 1981; Holborn 1975). By 1962 there were over a hundred thousand Tibetan refugees in exile: 30,000 in Nepal, between 65 and 70,000 in India and Sikkim, and 3,000 in Bhutan.2 Refugees continue to flee Tibet to this day because of the ongoing Chinese communist programs of cultural genocide and oppression. In the initial refugee flow, thousands died before adequate international assistance could be organized. Refugee camps were ill-equipped, overcrowded, and inadequate (Avedon 1984; Dirks 1979; Hampton 1985; Holborn 1975). Men and women were required to work in rugged road construction camps, hauling heavy rocks. The poor nutrition, lack of sanitary facilities, hot and humid climate with low altitude conditions, and shock of losing a whole way of life resulted in widespread serious skin disease, gastric disorders, epidemic tuberculosis, and general debilitation and death, especially among women, children, and the elderly (Dirks 1979; Hampton 1985; Holborn 1975; Woodcock 1970). International relief organizations and the donation of $3.5 million dollars in funds from the European Refugee Year helped to create long-term assistance centres and establish more than fifty large- and small-scale settlement programs (Conway 1975). Each settlement set up its own school following the Indian curriculum in the English language, combined with the essentials of Tibetan language and culture to inculcate and preserve a sense of Tibetan nationalism (ibid.). By 1963, under the guidance and leadership of the Dalai Lama, the Tibetan refugees in India had built a nation-in-exile, complete with its own government, school system, voluntary tax system, capital, and provinces. The government-in-exile was established in Dharamsala, a North Himalayan region of India. Now to the Tibetans and Tibet support groups, Dharamsala is synonymous to the Tibetan government-in-exile. Numer-

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ous cultural institutions were also organized in which traditional Tibetan arts, sciences, and especially religion could flourish. The various educational, religious, and political institutions remain symbolic of Tibetan social and cultural identity. They are also the vehicles to ideologically inculcate new concepts of technological advancement, nationalism, democracy, fundamental human rights, and civil law among Tibetan refugees (Saklani 1984). The nation-in-exile provides a strong buffer against refugees losing hope of repatriation or succumbing to the pressures of assimilation and amalgamation with the host populations. Resettlement in Canada In 1962 the Dalai Lama began seeking other countries to which Tibetan refugees could emigrate (Holborn .1975). Around this time a few small-scale educational training programs were set up in Scandinavia and England for the benefit of Tibetan refugee children. A limited number of young Tibetan adults also went to Australia, Sri Lanka, Germany, Japan, and the United States for study purposes (ibid.). In 1963 the Swiss government was the first to respond to the Dalai Lama's pleas for Tibetan resettlement abroad and initiated a program to accept a thousand of them (ibid.). In 1966 the office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) endeavoured, with little success, to interest Canada to accept Tibetan refugees under a similar program (Dirks 1979). The Canadian government was reluctant to accept Tibetans because of their lack of industrial skills, the drastic social and cultural disruption they would experience, and their perceived inability to adapt to Canada (ibid.). These concerns were not altogether groundless in light of previous studies dealing with the psychological adaptation and dysfunction among European refugees, especially those who had been forced to flee because of ethnic, racial, or religious persecution (Cohen 1981; Kunz 1981). In 1967, however, the Canadian government formed a committee to consider the Dalai Lama's request for Canadian resettlement (Smith 1975). The Dalai Lama asked that 'The Tibetans should be resettled in groups of at least 20 persons under the spiritual guidance of a lama in order to help preserve their culture. They should live in communities where they will become self-supporting through their own work and reach a standard of living equal to that of the local people. They should also be given the opportunity to receive training according to their will and abilities, and the children should be allowed to go to school and learn a profession' (ibid.: i). Largely based on the successful experiences of the Tibetan refugees in Switzerland and the continual prodding from the Canadian High Commis-

82

Many Petals of the Lotus

sioner to India, the Canadian government in 1968 agreed to consider an experimental family resettlement program, taking 228 Tibetans. They were accepted under relaxed selection criteria (humanitarian grounds), and transportation, resettlement, and training assistance were provided by the Department of Manpower and Immigration. Employment was prearranged. It was hoped that a larger number of Tibetans as family units would be accepted in future (ibid.: 2). Beginning in March 1971 the first Tibetan refugees arrived in Canada. The Dalai Lama wrote to Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau in July 1971 to express his appreciation and to plead that Tibetans be given every consideration to preserve the continuity of their religion and culture (ibid.). Despite the Dalai Lama's pleading, the Canadian governmental policy towards the Tibetans was one of cultural assimilation. The 228 were scattered across Canada in eleven localities in four provinces (Alberta, Manitoba, Ontario, and Quebec). The small numbers involved - five or six families in some areas - were not large enough to sustain Tibetan sociocultural patterns. Only larger groups of families, such as those placed in Montreal (Quebec) and Lindsay (Ontario), had a Tibetan monk with them. Tibetans arrived in poor health, and they faced a completely alien cultural tradition. Most lacked proficiency in English or French, as well as industrial and technical skills. These difficulties were compounded by an extreme sense of loneliness stemming from the loss of contact with other Tibetans and the lack of experience on the part of federal and provincial officials in handling a unique group of refugees (Dirks 1979): Tibetans were the first non-European refugees admitted into Canada, and they had distinct difficulties (Lanphier 1981). They did not share western values, attitudes, or culture. There were no familiar linguistic or religious patterns, and they had few skills to cope with daily life in Canada - they were unfamiliar with the basics such as stoves, electrical appliances, refrigerators, toilets, and showers (Smith 1975). In addition to the stress of severe culture shock, Tibetans were pressured to follow Christian religious observances. They had little support, and the distances between groups severely limited the recreation of social and religious networks. The overall consequence of the government's resettlement policy was that the Tibetan families had little choice but to attain economic self-sufficiency and accommodate themselves to Canadian culture as rapidly as possible. Tibetan families in some of the larger resettlement localities, such as Lindsay and Belleville in Ontario, were eventually joined by other families and individuals from Quebec and Alberta (Palmer and Palmer 1985).3

Tibetan Buddhists in Toronto 83 Numerous families from across Canada moved to Toronto, as did the monk from Lindsay, thereby giving rise to the small but vibrant Toronto Tibetan community. Tibetans in Toronto remain intimately connected with the larger groups in Lindsay and Belleville through family networks and associated organizations, such as the Lindsay Tibetan Independence Movement, Tibetan Youth Congress in Belleville, or the Potala Dance Troupe in Lindsay. By the early 19905 the Toronto community extended its communal strength and solidarity by inviting non-Tibetans to their celebrations of Losar and the Dalai Lama's birthday. At these celebrations, non-Asian Tibetan Buddhist practitioners, other Asian Buddhists, and non-Asians interested in Tibetan concerns, all share in the distinct Tibetan atmosphere of prayers, food, and entertainment. The Role of Religion in Maintaining Tibetan Ethnic Identity For Tibetans in Canada, religion has been the one aspect of their culture that has remained most intact. Indeed, the significance of being Tibetan Buddhist remains a strong self-reference, described by Tibetans themselves as being the most important part of their ethnic identity. Tibetans in Toronto represent all lineages of Tibetan Buddhism, although their religious identity is more of an overall composite than particular lineage teachings. Religion provides the framework for structural relationships relevant to the generalized ethnic identity. Tibetans' religious identity cannot be separated from their political identity, and both comprise the elements, such as shared origin, common culture and language, that shape their ethnic identity. Tibetans in Toronto mobilize for events that strengthen these identities, for example, the 10 March rallies to commemorate Tibetan National Day or the celebration of the Dalai Lama's birthday on 6 July. Tibetans believe that the religious beliefs and practices of all exiled Tibetans link them spiritually to one another. Tibetans in Toronto define themselves as a unique group with clear referents and boundaries vis-a-vis other ethnic and Buddhist groups. With the exception of the Potala Dance Troupe or Tibetan monks, Toronto Tibetans tend not to participate in Wesak. They have not established their own Buddhist temple. They do not attend Buddhist services given by other ethnic groups, and generally they do not attend teachings given by Tibetan lamas to non-Tibetan students, be they non-Asian or Chinese. Overall, opportunities for social and religious interaction with other Buddhists are limited. Their ethnoreligious particularism separates Tibetans from other Buddhists, including non-Tibetans who practice Vajrayana Buddhism.

84 Many Petals of the Lotus In the late 19605 and early 1970$ non-Asians were attracted to Vajrayana Buddhism by the allure and mystery of Tibet, the tales of magic and mysticism, and the so-called Secret Teachings of Tibet. Tibet was usually described as an exotic mystical land, long hidden, and inaccessible behind the snow peaks of the Himalayas. It was said to be populated by mysterious people with strange practices, such as 'sky burial' (chopping the deceased's body into pieces and feeding them to the vultures) or undertaking pilgrimages for hundreds of miles, one prostration at a time. Lhasa, the capital of Tibet, was known as the 'forbidden' city of allure, excitement, and wondrous occurrences. A North American writer, with the pen-name Lobsang Rampa, wrote popular paperbacks filled with wild fantasies that added to the image of Tibet as a place of magic and intense psychic phenomena. In Rampa's books, all monks and lamas had psychic powers (through intensive and secret meditations), and they could communicate telepathically, walk on water, fly through the air, or perform other unimaginable feats. The ordinariness of the Tibetan refugees who came to Canada often came as a shock to Canadians. Their commonplace lives, attitudes, and behaviour were in contradiction to the wondrous image of Tibet and Tibetans as mystical monks or saintly scholars. This contradiction was especially evident among non-Asian practitioners of Vajrayana Buddhism under the guidance of a Tibetan lama. They identified the religion of Tibet with the control of psychic force. In the early years of resettlement, Tibetans in the Toronto and Lindsay areas who shared religious interaction with non-Asian Vajrayana Buddhists had several criticisms levelled against them. With the typical self-righteousness of the newly converted, nonAsian Vajrayana Buddhists accused the Tibetan people of having given up their religion or not being committed enough. When Tibetans did not do the kinds of intensive meditation or foundation practice that the nonAsians were undergoing - such as one thousand prostrations a day, several sittings of meditation, or continuous mantra recitation - they were thought to have become lax in their religious practice. When the Tibetans did not attend spiritual talks given by lamas visiting the non-Asian Vajrayana Buddhist centres, non-Asians thought Tibetans were no longer interested in lamas. When the Tibetans hired monks to perform extensive and complicated prayer sessions, known as a mang ja, non-Asian Vajrayana Buddhists thought the Tibetans were too lazy to meditate or pray themselves, not realizing that this sponsorship is of great importance in traditional Tibetan religious observance (Ekvall 1964). Toronto Tibetans continue to believe that only lamas (monks) have the concentration and

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discipline to effectively undertake the complex visualization and conceptualization of symbols, syllables, and formulas within the prayers, especially when chanting is accompanied with various mudras (hand gestures), bell ringing, and drum rhythms. Because Tibetans did not attend the weekly religious classes given by Tibetan lamas in the non-Asian Tibetan temples, non-Asian Vajrayana Buddhists believed Tibetans lacked interest in religious teachings or spiritual aspiration. Non-Asian Vajrayana Buddhists also criticized the dietary and drinking habits of Tibetans, as well as their child-rearing practices. Tibetans were placed under a double scrutiny: as immigrants and as representatives of Tibetan Buddhism. In either of these roles, they could not quite achieve the image and standards that others expected of them.4 By the 1980$, however, these attitudes had disappeared in view of the successful integration of Tibetans and their children, now young adults, the obvious strength of Tibetan networking throughout the world, and the tenacity with which Tibetans retained strong ethnoreligious identities. The nature and intensity of the Tibetan community's interaction with non-Asian and other Asian Buddhists remains limited. Tibetans who tend to participate in Wesak events or a non-Tibetan Buddhist group's festivities are either sangha representatives (Tibetan lamas) or members of the Potala Dance Troupe who perform traditional Tibetan songs, music, and dances. Toronto Tibetans rarely share religious practices with non-Asian Vajrayana Buddhist groups such as Gaden Choling, Riwoche Pemavajra Temple, Kampo Gangra Drubgyud Ling, or Karma Kargyu, although all are under the leadership of ethnic Tibetan lamas. Toronto Tibetans do support these temples; for example, during a 1997 fund-raising event at Riwoche Pemavajra they actively participated through cooking and donating time, labour, and money. Toronto Tibetans also maintain a close relationship with the Venerable Bhikkshuni Tenzin Kalsang, a non-Asian Buddhist nun, who is spiritual director of the Tengye Ling Tibetan Buddhist Centre (a Gelupa lineage). Ven. Kalsang and her group have consistently supported Tibetan causes, actively participating in political demonstrations on 10 March, fund-raising activities, and annual religious celebrations. Tibetans feel very comfortable going to Tengye Ling to hold the monthly puja (special prayer session). An added pleasure for Tibetans is the brightly lit 3-foot by 5-foot picture of the Dalai Lama that graces the outside temple wall and can be seen from a major traffic avenue. Some Tibetans note this picture embodies good publicity potential for Tibetan Buddhism. Toronto Tibetans willingly assume the role of 'cultural brokers' when Tibetan lamas are invited by non-Asian students of Vajrayana Buddhism,

86 Many Petals of the Lotus especially when advice on cultural and religious protocol is sought. Through this role, Toronto Tibetans are kept informed of upcoming visits by Tibetan lamas and other special events. They are called on to help organize and facilitate the visits of the Dalai Lama or other dignitaries, such as the monks from Gyume Monastery who came to Toronto to present the sacred music of Tibet. When special Tibetan teachers come to Toronto, Tibetans will attend public lectures, usually given in Tibetan and translated into English, as well as generate their own, private audiences. Tibetan families usually host visiting lamas, and their entourage, in their homes and provide transportation and visiting opportunities, such as to Niagara Falls or the Toronto Islands. These interactions enhance their opportunities for contact with revered religious teachers. The one activity that Toronto Tibetans always share with other Buddhists is the celebration of the Dalai Lama's birthday on 6 July. Planning begins several months beforehand. Celebrations have involved a combination picnic and religious observance at a Toronto or Lindsay park, and at other times a hall has been rented. Whatever the format, a large shrine is erected, complete with offering bowls, pictures of deities, a life-size picture of the Dalai Lama, flowers, incense, and candles. Prayer flags bearing different colours to symbolize long life, prosperity, and protection against evil spirits are hung on trees or walls. Before the festivities begin, many Tibetans prostrate themselves three times before the shrine, offer the traditional white scarves, and engage in private prayers. The white scarf is known as a ka-ta, the scarf of ceremony, and it symbolizes respect, gratitude, and purity of motive. During the celebration the Tibetan national anthem is sung, long-life prayers for the Dalai Lama are recited, and traditional Tibetan songs and dances are performed. The 1997 celebration featured sangha from the different Buddhist traditions to say a few words or prayers, and several ethnic Buddhist groups, for example, Burmese, Vietnamese, Thai, Chinese, and Tibetan, performed traditional Buddhist songs and dances. After the religious observances are over, a communal meal is served. Later in the day or early evening, Tibetans gather again for more feasting and dancing. Tibetan youth celebrate the occasion by playing modern pop music very loud and dancing western style. Eventually, the music changes to traditional Tibetan, and the group of adults and teenagers enjoy themselves singing Tibetan folk-songs and dancing traditional folkdances. Tibetans' social ties are primarily to each other. They assist one another on a reciprocal basis, for example, helping with moving, car repairs, house maintenance, transportation, or money. The most important ties within the

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Tibetan community are between family and friends in Toronto or in nearby towns such as Lindsay or Belleville. Extended family members continually assist each other financially and socially (for example, during births, marriages, babysitting or looking after children for extended periods, cooking, and shopping). These activities bind extended families together and enhance the values and advantages of kinship. Friends also participate in one another's rituals and social needs as an expression of cooperation and goodwill. Tibetans associate first with family, then with friends (other local Tibetans), and finally Tibetans in other communities. This social network patterns most social relationships. At large gatherings where Tibetans from other communities are also present, the camaraderie among Toronto Tibetans can be distinguished. Ties to extended family in the United States, India, Nepal, and Tibet are also maintained, broadening their personal, social, religious, economic, and political lives. Although the nuclear family is typical among Tibetans in Canada, the extended Tibetan 'family' includes all blood and affinal relatives here and abroad. This extended family network influences social behaviour of Toronto Tibetans influencing their social status, family name, identification with particular areas, or specific loyalties. An individual's unorthodox behaviour in Canada can bring shame on family members in India and Tibet. This is particularly applicable to situations of intermarriage, viewed as diluting 'Tibetanness,' especially when the spouse is not Buddhist. Children of mixed marriages may have an ambiguous identity, not automatically considered to be 'real' Tibetans. Most Tibetan youth are encouraged to marry other Tibetans (whether from Canada, India, Nepal, or Tibet). The network of rights and obligations is vast, with Tibetans expected to offer assistance to their extended family in times of sickness, unemployment, or other troubles. Toronto Tibetans regularly send money to pay for social support or education costs for overseas cousins, nieces, or nephews. Whenever Tibetans visit relatives in India or Tibet, they bring extra suitcases filled with dry foods, medicine, small appliances, used clothing, and especially when visiting Tibet, small presents such as watches for the Chinese officials. In return, Canadian Tibetans receive hospitality, loyalty, friendship, prayers, enhanced status, and the satisfaction that they are contributing to the well-being and protection of their extended family. They also help finance the building, maintenance, or restoration of monasteries in those countries and contribute to the support of various monks and lamas, as well as the expenses of the exiled government of Tibet in Dharamsala, India. Toronto Tibetans feel that one of the most important benefits of their resettlement has been their ability to help restore monastic

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centres and maintain monks as the repository of Tibetan culture. In conjunction with the Belleville-based Tibetan Youth Congress, or through fund-raising efforts, they also support Tibetan children in India and the building of old persons' homes and other institutions that highlight Tibetan culture. A founding premise in a Tibetan's religious practice is the accumulation of merit through right thought and action. Meritorious behaviour is shown through hospitality and generous donations to one's family, fellow Tibetans, monastic institutions, religious personages, and other charitable works. Even the basic social obligation of offering tea and food to a guest is a meritorious gesture, bestowing virtue on the host and family (Corlin 1975). Tibetan financial donations are not anonymous, but provide recognizable and visible signs of religious belief. A Tibetan individual's karma is not a private matter but is intricately tied up with the well-being of all other Tibetans. Social actions are contained within the expressions of religious motives. Toronto Tibetans view their service, hospitality, support, and gifts of money to family, friends, monks, and religious institutions as important moral and ethical principles to uphold. The common bonds created through these shared experiences enhance religious belief and practice and maintain and perpetuate ethnic identity. Religious Practices Most Tibetan families in Toronto maintain an elaborate shrine room or an elaborate shrine that comprises the central focus of the house. Here daily prayers are said with fervour and deep faith. Prayer-wheels are turned round, and mantras are recited. Symbolic offerings to the deities include incense, traditional butter-oil lamps (now sometimes replaced by electric bulbs), fresh bowls of water and grain, flowers (frequently plastic) and food. On different levels of the shrine there may be sacred texts (sutras), bells, dorjes (double thunderbolts), Tibetan drums, cymbals, gongs, and images of Tibetan Buddhist deities (pictures or gilded statues). Central to the shrine is a picture of the Dalai Lama. Often he is surrounded by statues or pictures of the Buddha and revered teachers. The shrine room functions as a ceremonial and prayer-room and also provides a guest-room for honoured guests, especially monks and lamas. Daily observances at home, and the services and celebrations of Tibetan Buddhist ceremonial days, form a large part of the continuity of religious tradition. Daily practice may include prayers said before eating or when passing a sacred picture, prostrations, fasting on specific days of the month, reciting sutras or a specific prayer open only to the initiated, sitting in meditation, or attending to the shrine.

Tibetan Buddhists in Toronto 89 There is no organized Buddhist instruction for Tibetan children in Toronto. Children learn the Tibetan historical identity and their Buddhist identity through parental and community reference to aetiological myth and legend. Small children, for example, are familiar with the tales of the origin of their people (the marriage of the Buddha and a monkey resulted in the Tibetan race), the tales of Gesar (a Buddhist king), Padmasambhava (the Indian tantric scholar who subdued Bon-Po deities, turning them into Buddhist protectors), and Milarepa (the most famous poet-saint of Tibet). Children are instructed in the meanings of the tban-kas (religious paintings that adorn the walls of Tibetan homes), deity identities, characteristics, and particular spiritual aspiration. Because of the emphasis on tantric instruction, energy control, and focus of visualization, some Tibetan Buddhist practices are more individualistic than communal. An individual may openly discuss the format of daily religious practice, which may include lighting prayer lamps, filling the water bowls, prostrations, or the amount of time spent doing 'prayers,' but not the specific deity involved in the meditation exercise, the type or length of mantra, or the focus. Direct inquiries are skilfully and sometimes bluntly diverted. Communal daily prayers include taking refuge, scriptural readings, recitation of mantras, the sharing of merit, and petitionary prayers for oneself and others. During scriptural readings or taking refuge the entire family may participate, but when one practices meditation or performs prostrations, privacy is preferred. Daily religious practice for most Tibetans is personal, a matter of following particular instructions given by the teacher. A small number of Tibetans gather on the tenth and twenty-fifth day of each month, or other auspicious days in the Tibetan calendar, for pujas, such as the accumulation and sharing of merit. Many pujas are open, but others are restricted to those who have received initiation from a lama or who have abstained from eating meat, cooked food, and alcohol on that day. Older Tibetans also turn to the lama for divination, a recourse that frequently increases their generosity or intensifies their religious observances. Toronto Tibetans meet monthly for communal prayer sessions. These are held at one of the non-Asian Vajrayana temples during a time when the temple is not in use. Where possible the resident lama will lead the session. The most frequently used temples are Gaden Choling, Riwoche Pemavajra Temple, Karma Kargyu, and Tengye Ling Tibetan Buddhist Centre. If a lama is not present, the prayers are led by a ban sde, a layman who is knowledgeable in ritual activities. All ban sde have had religious education. Many were monks in a Tibetan monastery (one man was a monk for twenty-five years before fleeing Tibet), but none have taken the formal

90 Many Petals of the Lotus examinations required to be a lama. The term 'lama' is usually understood to mean religious teacher and performers of elaborate religious ceremonies. A large majority of lamas are tulkus (incarnates who have a distinct religious ancestry embodying the same personage from one lifetime to the next). Learned religious teachers who are not monks may still be addressed as lamas, such as certain Nyingmapa teachers or yogis of the Kargyupa sect (Michael 1982). The ban sde are accorded respect for their religious education and knowledge, and during discussions, their opinions are given particular attention. When a lama is present, he leads the prayers and then reads a scripture, chants sutras (with the accompaniment of bells and/or small Tibetan drums), or gives a dharma talk. The talk, in Tibetan, may deal with everyday life from a Buddhist perspective, or the lama may elaborate on karma, faith, the events in Tibet, or mutual support. Children may be present, but generally they do not listen attentively, preferring to whisper or fidget. A visiting high lama will perform wonkurs, which are closed initiations, or give the Bodhisattva vow, which is open to everyone. Tibetans who take the Bodhisattva vow pledge themselves as lifelong adherents to the Buddhist faith and to undergo countless rebirths until all living beings are enlightened. The ritual includes a service, a blessing, the taking of the first five precepts, and the receiving of a special Buddhist name significant for one's individual practice. Pujas provide an opportunity for Tibetans, especially women, to wear traditional dress (chubas), to drink traditional Tibetan butter tea, to share a communal meal, to discuss relevant issues (as well as gossip and the latest news), and to socialize as an ethnic group. Discussions on everyday affairs occurring right after the puja are permeated with attention to religious principles. This sense of community renewal provides a focal point for social fellowship and for socialization of the children. Except during personal dialogues with a non-Tibetan, the prevalent language is Tibetan. The Tibetan language is more than linguistic communication; it is the language of Tibetan Buddhism. The feeling of Tibetans is that Tibetan Buddhism cannot be taught without the Tibetan language as its vehicle. One of the reasons Tibetans give for not attending the weekly teachings by Tibetan lamas to western students is that the language used is English. For Tibetans, the Tibetan language is vital to their religious survival - inseparable from prayer, scriptures, recitation of sutras or mantras, religious commentaries by visiting lamas, devotional chants, songs, and blessings. Another reason Tibetans give for not attending weekly meetings is that they do not see the need or necessity to go week after week to the same

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teacher for the same instructions. A special qualification of Tibetan lay practice is a readiness to devote a certain amount of time, perhaps years, to the study and practice of specific teachings they have received (Ekvall 1964). Most Tibetan adults have received detailed teachings from a specific lama; this may have been years ago in Tibet, in India, or more recently from a Toronto-based or visiting lama. Until that practice is completed, they feel there is no need to receive further or different instruction. A third reason is that Tibetans feel the non-Asian students' attitude is too concerned with sectarianism. By the late 19605 the non-Asian's concern over sectarian differences had already been observed to cause fissures in Tibetan communities in India, as noted by Woodcock (1970: 414): 'The Dalai Lama's officials strongly deny the accusations of discrimination and argue that the present friction between sects presents a situation that did not exist in Tibet. They blame the present differences on foreign dilettantes who gather around the gurus of the older sects (because they are thought to be more willing to impart the so-called secret doctrines of Lamaist Buddhism) and encourage the sectarians in their sense of grievance. I would agree that many of the numerous westerners who seek to milk the Tibetan refugees for knowledge or sensation are often irresponsible in the way they encourage divisive tendencies between sectarian groups.' Sectarian attitudes among non-Asian practitioners are, however, not as predominant today. Tibetans respect all lamas in all schools of Tibetan Buddhism. They do not feel that any one particular lama's teaching is the only correct one or that other teachers of particular lineages are lacking in accomplishment. For example, it is not uncommon for a Tibetan husband and wife to belong to different lineages. Traditionally, Buddhist practice in Tibet encouraged training in different lineages, and it was not unusual for a Tibetan, after finishing one specific religious practice, to go to another teacher of a different lineage for other religious work, instruction, or advice. As Norbu (1968: 233) notes: 'The Gwalwa Rinpoche (Dalai Lama) is the head of the Gelukpa sect, but he is also spiritual and temporal head of the whole of Tibet and is recognized as such by all sects. The sects are not mutually exclusive in any way; the difference between them is more like the difference between different academic schools ... While not denying the validity of the other school, each believes that its own emphasis is the most important. People who are temperamentally or spiritually or academically suited to one school, or sect, rather than another are naturally drawn in that direction ... That does not bar them from entering or learning from the other schools, however.' At the monthly prayer sessions in Toronto, prayers are generalized and

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comprehensive to all. Differences in lineage become more apparent in a family shrine room, for instance, through pictures of lamas and monasteries specific to one lineage, even though pictures of lamas from other lineages may also be present. Visiting lamas of any lineage provide Tibetans with a living example of Tibet's past, as repositories of traditional Tibetan ideals and the basic tenets of faith. One of the cardinal features of Tibetan Buddhism is the belief that many lamas are tulkus, that is, direct incarnations of Buddhas, Bodhisattvas, or past lamas, of whom there are hundreds, including the Dalai Lama and Panchen Lama (Saklani 1984). Tibetan universals of religious practice and observance, whether through the presentation of white scarves, offering of money or clothing, performance of salutations (prostrations), extensive hospitality, an attitude of humility and respect, or requests for divination, are expressed towards all the Tibetan lamas (Ekvall 1964). In turn, visiting lamas preserve and promote the cultural heritage of Tibetans living in Toronto, providing them with incentives and motivation for their spiritual practice. This relationship is conspicuously absent when the lamas teach multiethnic groups of Buddhists or those dominated by non-Asians. In a mixed setting, Tibetan lamas utilize a more 'universalistic' mode of teaching Buddhism rather than a manner that enhances or reflects Tibetan ethnicity. In a mixed setting, lamas tend to give priority to non-Asian interests, a situation that may cause resentment on the part of some Tibetans and embarrassment for some non-Asian students. The lamas may want to make themselves more acceptable to non-Tibetan students because their expenses are paid by them or because it provides an opportunity to teach a more universal and allencompassing form of Tibetan Buddhism. The financial support of nonAsian students has been instrumental in bringing Tibetan lamas to visit or live in Toronto, consequently benefiting the Tibetan community. Tibetans prefer to have Buddhist teachings in the privacy of their own group. These private Buddhist teachings are often accompanied with personal advice and guidance. Tibetans ask lamas questions that embrace all aspects of their lives, and these would not be asked in a mixed setting. In Tibetan houses and shrine rooms, lamas perform numerous personal blessings, such as for good health, children's advancement in education, the warding off of evil spirits, or enhanced prosperity. When lamas conduct a community prayer session or visit a Tibetan home, their presence provides Tibetans with opportunities to give service, donations, and support, all of which are considered to be highly meritorious acts. Private visits enable Tibetans to sponsor a mang ja (literally, much tea), in which the monks read and recite sacred books for the entire day (ibid.). The mang ja earns

Tibetan Buddhists in Toronto 93 great merit for all sentient beings, especially the sponsors, and fulfils an important part of Tibetan religious practice. It provides lay Tibetans with an opportunity to hear one of the highest expressions of Tibetan Buddhism recited expertly and with special authority. During one mang ja, for example, four visiting lamas from Gyume monastery in India chanted throughout the day, accompanied by Tibetan horns, cymbals, and drums. Numerous Tibetan families visited the house to listen to the varied and elaborate chanting and to share in the feast prepared for the lamas. Sponsoring a mang ja enhances one's status and prestige in the community. The lama's presence aids other aspects of Tibetans' lives. Tibetan women in the later part of their pregnancy often ask a lama to name their unborn child. Tibetan names are meaningful, being rich in religious symbolism (Dorje means thunderbolt, Rinchen means precious, and Tenzin means defender of the faith. Each child knows the meaning of his or her name, and the lama who did the naming, thereby establishing a spiritual connection with the lama. As names are given before the child's sex is known, they are not gender specific. Confusion may result, as in one family, for example, where the brother, sister, and brother-in-law all have the name Tsering. One Tibetan man in Belleville (Ontario) had the good fortune to die on the day that the Gyume monks were visiting. The monks' presence was highly auspicious because of the importance of Tibetan Buddhist death rituals which should be performed only by religious specialists. The monks were able to chant beside the deceased, accompany him to the city morgue, and continue chanting there for the day. The recitation of special death prayers and rituals is believed to guide the mind—spirit of the dead person through the various bardos, the states experienced immediately after death, which influence the next rebirth. Following the man's death, several Tibetans expressed the hope that they too would have the good fortune to die with these special death prayers said for them. Traditionally there are seven stages of Tibetan Buddhist death rituals that continue for more than three days. The rituals help to ease the dead person's attachment to the physical body and to enhance awareness of the bardo states. Time constraints forced the Gyume lamas to perform the death rituals in a matter of hours, not days, with the result that the dead person's spirit was thought to have been propelled too fast through the bardos. Still, the man was considered fortunate to have received the lamas' instructions. The primary reason why most older Tibetans want to retire in one of the large Tibetan communities in India is that there they could devote as much time as possible preparing for death in a supportive environment, and they

94 Many Petals of the Lotus could arrange for specific lamas to be at their deathbed. For Tibetans the right death is one of the purposes of living (Norbu 1968: 111). The Dalai Lama as a Symbol of the Ethnoreligious Identity of Tibetans For all Tibetans, the Dalai Lama represents the embodiment of the most sacred Tibetan Bodhisattva - Avalokitesvara, the thousand-armed deity of compassion. Tibetans refer to this Bodhisattva as Chenrezi. The Dalai Lama also embodies charismatic leadership and authority: '"Dalai Lama" is a Mongolian title meaning "Ocean of Wisdom" bestowed on the first Gelupa ruler of Tibet, and used extensively by western Vajrayana Buddhists and journalists. For the Tibetans, however, the Dalai Lama is referred to as "His Holiness" or as "Yeshe Norbu," meaning jewel-like mind or the wish-fulfilling gem or simply "Kundun," the presence. He is recognized by all Tibetans as being their spiritual and political leader, referred to in this capacity as their "God-King," the application of "God" referring to the Dalai Lama's incarnate wisdom or enlightenment' (Tsenshap Serkong Rinpoche, Globe and Mail, 6 September 1980). Max Weber (1964: 43) defined charisma as, 'a certain quality of an individual personality, by virtue of which he is set apart from ordinary men and treated as endowed with supernatural, superhuman, or at least specifically exceptional powers or qualities.' The Dalai Lama's charisma is derived from his institutionalized 'office,' which Weber describes as the 'routinization of charisma,' as well as in the personality of the individual. In Tibetan history, three specific Dalai Lamas (the fifth, thirteenth, and present-day or fourteenth) have been especially loved and revered. The Dalai Lama is a multifocal symbol for Tibet and represents the essence of Tibetan identity. As Saklani (1984) observes, non-Tibetans can hardly realize the intensity of the Tibetans' feelings towards the Dalai Lama and their desire to be blessed by him. Indeed, the differences in attitude towards the Dalai Lama between the Tibetans in Toronto and non-Tibetan Buddhists has caused great misunderstandings and difficulties.5 Tibetans' desire to have the Dalai Lama visit them is an expression of their religious faith and dedication to the Tibetan way of life. They feel they owe their presence in Canada, their success at integration, and their retention of cultural and spiritual values to the efforts of the Dalai Lama, especially his continual support and encouragement. It was the Dalai Lama who established a series of visiting lamas to Canada, including his own personal tutor, Tsenshap Serkong Rinpoche. Toronto Tibetans express strong support for the Dalai Lama's exiled government in India, contributing to his program voluntary taxation and pro-

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viding financial support for the monastic political structure. The Dalai Lama's visits to Canada are an expensive undertaking for the Tibetans, but they are willing to donate as much as is needed for this and other opportunities to see him. Busloads of Tibetans go to the United States whenever he visits there. When they can afford it, Tibetans go, often one spouse at a time, to Dharamsala (in India), or wherever the Dalai Lama may be, to receive blessings or initiations from him. The picture of the Dalai Lama is central to every Tibetan shrine, and it frequently adorns the walls of living-rooms. An important part of daily or community prayer sessions is devoted to chanting the long-life prayer for him. A life-size picture of the Dalai Lama, seated on a throne and adorned with traditional white scarves, is present in all sacred and secular celebrations. Before any festivities begin, Tibetans prostrate themselves three times in front of the picture and present white scarves as symbols of their reverence and devotion to him and what he symbolizes. During the annual observance of Tibetan National Day, the political demonstration is not complete without the reading of a long letter by the Dalai Lama. The letters remind Tibetans of the sacred trust that they hold in preserving the continuity of Tibetan identity. In view of the continual cultural genocide of Tibetans remaining in Tibet, the Dalai Lama reminds Toronto Tibetans of their responsibility as progenitors of the future and heirs to the Tibetan tradition. Although the Dalai Lama inspires commitment to tradition, his progressive attitude towards a western lifestyle does not cause conflict between the Tibetans' balancing of religious and ethnic identities with successful integration into Canadian society. Although their ethnocultural identity is indistinguishable from their Tibetan identity, the Tibetans in Canada have all taken Canadian citizenship. This act allows them to sponsor relatives from India, to express their compliance with Canadian law, and to visit Tibet and India on a Canadian passport. The Canadian Tibetan strategy is different from that of the refugee communities in India and Nepal. There, Tibetans refuse citizenship, preferring to travel with a stateless identification, thereby calling attention to their status as members of a nation-in-exile (Dorsh 1981). This view sustains international recognition of Tibet's political, economic, and religious oppression, justifies why Tibetans are in exile, legitimates the Dalai Lama's nation-in-exile (whose purpose is to preserve the Tibetan Buddhist way of life), and provides a unified voice against communist Chinese genocide and its effects on the welfare of the six million Tibetans that remain in Tibet. The Dalai Lama encourages Toronto Tibetans to develop as Tibetan Buddhists and as Canadian Tibetans.

96 Many Petals of the Lotus The Dalai Lama provides Toronto Tibetans with a sense of mission. Their isolation in Canada can be seen from a meritorious perspective, that is, as a sacrifice to benefit friends and family in India or Tibet. The Dalai Lama encourages Canadian Tibetans to achieve technological skills, to be diligent and industrious in their jobs, and to adopt a standard of living equal to that of the local people. He has emphasized that the pursuit of money making and economic success in itself is not to be feared as an enemy of religion, but to be considered conducive to social and individual development. The desire for wealth is to be used as a means for merit making: the more one makes the more one is able to give. Giving large amounts of money substantially reduces savings and investments in Canada, but it increases merit and devout reputations. The Dalai Lama vigorously maintains hope for returning to Tibet, and that when this happens, it will be up to the Tibetans exiled in the west to introduce western technologies. The Dalai Lama is recognized worldwide by state and religious leaders to be a unique and special being. The Washington Post, for example, has described him as 'one of the world's most venerated spiritual leaders' and 'the second most famous religious personage on earth' (News Tibet (IOHH), vol. 20, no. i, 1985). Media commentators routinely describe him as a living example of love and compassion. This glowing international respect for their leader does much to legitimate the Tibetans' status as exiles prevented from returning to their homeland. Few Tibetans seriously criticize the actions, norms, or ideas of the Dalai Lama. To do so would be a refutation of dharma and, worse, a violation of a Bodhisattva (Dargay 1982). This does not mean, however, that Tibetans in Toronto do not debate issues concerning the Dalai Lama's leadership of the government-in-exile. The Dalai Lama has continually supported democratic process. He has instituted a referendum on various future strategies, which include his own favoured 'middle way approach', and renewed attempts for Tibetan independence from communist China while supporting self-determination movements through non-violent means. Toronto Tibetans, in conjunction with the Canadian Tibetan Association of Ontario, have published a collection of thoughts on the Tibetan referendum and the Dalai Lama's strategies. This report generated great discussion and probing of controversial views, many of which highlight generational differences. Toronto Tibetans' reiterate the Dalai Lama's position on Tibet, saying that they are not against the communist Chinese but against the forcible and illegal occupation of their country by a foreign power. Tibetans fight for basic human rights, the right to govern themselves and to determine

Tibetan Buddhists in Toronto 97 their own future. Following the example of the larger Tibetan groups in India, the 10 March Tibetan National Day demonstration in Toronto (or Ottawa) is non-violent. Acts of nationalism are also expressed against visiting Chinese dignitaries, and by vigilantly protesting when Tibetans are identified as Chinese, for instance, in face of Canadian bureaucratic entries of 'China' as 'country of origin' rather than 'Tibet' on their passports (an error which is only corrected after much time and effort are expended by the individual Tibetan). Tibetan nationalism emphatically states that Tibet is an autonomous country, a view not shared by members of the various Chinese communities in Ontario. Although Toronto Chinese support trade delegations or official visits from China, Tibetans and other sympathetic individuals protest at the airport, outside convention centres, hotels, or the Chinese consulate demanding China's removal from Tibet. Letters to the prime minister are written to press the Chinese government for an end to arrests and executions of Tibetans in Tibet. Tibetans resent the Canadian federal government's non-recognition of the Dalai Lama as head of state, first alluded to in 1980, and its continual refusal to meet with him during his visits. The Canadian government is concerned that trade agreements with China may be disturbed. Gillian Lapointe, minister of the Department of External Affairs in 1980 stated: 'Government recognition of the visit might be interpreted as official recognition of the Dalai Lama as the leader of Tibet. Since the Canadian Government presently recognizes the People's Republic as the sole government of Tibet, Ottawa will make no formal acknowledgment on the presence of the Dalai Lama' (The Ottawa Newspaper, 8 October 1980). Provincially, the Tibetan identity has been encouraged through funding for their participation as an ethnic group in multicultural events, a Tibetan language summer school for children, and recognition of the Dalai Lama by members of the provincial parliaments. Tibetans in Toronto also resent large-scale multicultural events where they are combined with the Chinese. Tibetans maintain cordial relations with various Chinese ethnic groups in and around Toronto through, for example, visits to the Chinese Buddhist Cham Shan Temple, or participation in the 1985 Worlds of Asia event, sponsored by the Toronto Chinese community, but they do not, in any way, identify themselves with Chinese ethnicity or nationalism. Older Tibetans regard their Tibetan origin and affiliation with the Tibetan government-in-exile as more meaningful than their identification as citizens of Canada. This attitude is not in itself contrary to Canada's multicultural policy, which as early as 1971 distinguished between Cana-

98 Many Petals of the Lotus dian citizenship and ethnic or cultural group identification (Porter 1975). Although younger Tibetans identify with Canadian norms and ideology, they also retain crucial elements of their traditional cultural values and symbols of prestige. When these younger Tibetans visit India or Tibet wearing western clothes, identifying themselves as Canadians, and assuming many western attitudes - such as disgust at poor sanitation facilities, impatience with outdated technology, and cultural difficulties - they are still considered 'Tibetan.' In spite of geographical distance or differing modes of adaptation and integration, Tibetans recognize their own kind anywhere in the world. A Tibetan is a Tibetan for all time (Dorsh 1981). The Tibetan ethnic identity allows a sense of intimate identity with all other Tibetans - a bond of unity that connects Tibetan communities throughout the world. Tibetan ethnicity in Toronto, therefore, is globally embedded. Seen in terms of the forces and values of the larger community of Tibetan refugees in India and Nepal and those remaining in Tibet, the Toronto community is a small but crucial part. The larger Tibetan community perpetuates inner boundaries of ethnic identity. The expression of a minimal consistency of behaviour, or overt Tibetanness, is sufficient for subjective ascription. The 'core values' implicit within the government-in-exile represent the crux of an ideological system. Core values include Tibetan religious and nationalist identity, ethnic endogamy, support of the government-in-exile, and maintaining the Tibetan language. Instruction books, specifically geared to Canadian Tibetan children for whom Tibetan is a second language, have been distributed to all communities in Canada. These values act as the symbolic link between the Tibetans in Toronto and the larger groups of Tibetans. Parents are encouraged to send their children to India, some to enrol in Tibetan schools there. Tibetan adults are especially encouraged to visit Tibet and Dharamsala, India. As the home of the Dalai Lama and the seat of the Tibetan government-in-exile, Dharamsala has become known as 'Little Lhasa.' It is the main cultural, religious, political, and educational nucleus of the entire Tibetan refugee population. Here, in this most traditional Tibetan area, the standards of Tibetan identity are evaluated and defined. Dharamsala represents a small-scale traditional Tibetan society where all class and regional structures are present. Its flourishing monastic community, representing all lineages, is seen as the most suitable retirement place for older Toronto Tibetans. The material advantages of the west are offset by the lack of lamas experienced in bardo rituals and other meditations. Canada does not provide a suitable religious 'atmosphere,' essential for the preparation for

Tibetan Buddhists in Toronto 99 and experience of death. As the place of Buddha's birth, enlightenment, and parinirvana, India contains numerous Buddhist pilgrimage sites, suitable for enhanced religious commitment. In traditional Tibetan society, Tibetans retired relatively young (sometime after forty), distributing their worldly possessions to seek a monastic setting for intensive religious practice and the accumulation of merit (Ekvall 1964). Some of the older Toronto Tibetans are already inquiring how they can keep their Canadian citizenship, health benefits, and pensions, yet retire in Dharamsala or some other Tibetan community. Social and religious contact with Tibetan communities in India and Nepal provide Toronto Tibetans with an extensive network. The benefits of this include access to products and services unavailable in Canada, such as the special black tea needed for making Tibetan butter tea, or marriage contacts, which are essential to finding eligible partners for Tibetan youth in Canada. Tibetan handicraft factories in India and Nepal supply goods for Toronto Tibetan handicraft businesses; these goods include rugs, coats, sweaters, or jewellery. Monasteries supply religious paraphernalia, such as scriptures, than-kas, ka-tas, ghantas (bells), and dorjes. The large communities in India, Nepal, and Tibet supply a support network that helps to build an international Tibetan consciousness. This consciousness requires that Tibetans perpetuate a 'Tibetan way of life' in Canada, and it helps to maintain the endogamous boundary that serves to separate them from nonTibetan co-religionists and other ethnic Buddhist groups. Like other ethnic groups who strive to maintain a distinct identity in Toronto, Tibetans face the threat of their children becoming more Canadian and losing their sense of ethnorehgious uniqueness. As the children reach adulthood and raise a third generation of Tibetans in Canada, mainstream Canadian culture will increasingly challenge their religious subculture, neutralizing religious mores and values, and secularizing behaviour. The profound religious implications for daily life, which are very much a part of their parents' and grandparents' lives, may be lost to these children. At present, however, there appears to be little conflict between Tibetan parents and their children on the issue of ethnoreligious identity. Tibetan youth are knowledgeable and proud of their cultural and spiritual heritage. It gives them moral and ethical direction, but it does not interfere with their participation in such activities as team sports, academic studies, clubs, hobbies, or employment opportunities, or with their ways of behaving like average Canadians. Tibetan Buddhism remains the strong integrative force within the Tibetan community, and it provides the organizing principle for effective social and political mobilization. As Norbu (1968: 2) states, 'To be

ioo Many Petals of the Lotus a good, patriotic citizen, a Tibetan has only to be a good Buddhist, no more and no less is demanded of him ... benefit will follow both for the nation as a whole and for himself as an individual.' Tibetan Buddhism defines and affirms Tibetan ethnicity. It also gives the small community in Toronto remarkable resilience and steadfastness. This is why Tibetans in Toronto, and elsewhere in Canada, have withstood all attempts at conversion - to convert would be to give up their identity as Tibetans and threaten their link in the global network of interacting family, friendship, and cultural ties.

4

Vietnamese Buddhists in Toronto

The Vietnamese Buddhist presence in Toronto is part of the large Indochinese refugee movement. Since the late 19705, several distinct Vietnamese Buddhist groups have developed, each differing in its adaptation to Canadian life. Vietnamese Buddhism in Toronto has been modified by Canadian multiculturalism and the global dispersement of Vietnamese refugees. Traditional temples and innovative lay organizations both incorporate new ceremonies for contemporary needs and articulate new facets of belief and experience. Recent History of Buddhism in Vietnam Buddhism was introduced into Vietnam from China and India approximately eighteen centuries ago. It developed into several traditions and distinct Buddhist schools (Thien-An 1975).' Interstitial periods of Chinese colonial rule in Vietnam subsequently incorporated Confucian ancestor worship and filial piety, Taoist magic, divination, spirit-mediums, horoscopes, and geomancy into Vietnamese Buddhism. Amidst the social and political upheaval caused by Chinese colonialism, Buddhism in Vietnam was utilized as a vehicle of dissent to help redefine and strengthen Vietnamese identity. As early as 14 CE, Vietnamese built Buddhist temples to honour their heroes and heroines who rebelled against Chinese rule and against an ongoing series of aggressors, for example, Laotian, Mongolian, and Vietnamese contenders for the throne (Huong 1989: 85). Ceremonial rites and shrines honoured individuals such as King Hung Vuong (the great ancestor whose dynasty lasted eighteen generations), General Tran Hung Dao, and King Quang Trung (who both died fighting for Vietnam). Religious ceremonies, begun in 1789, to pay respect to the great Vietnamese

102 Many Petals of the Lotus hero King Quang Trung are still held annually at Toronto Vietnamese Temples. Strategies of resistance and accommodation became part of Vietnamese Buddhist culture, and remain so even today. The religious faith and national loyalty of the Vietnamese derive from their Buddhist tradition and are considered crucial in their cultural heritage (ibid.: 181). By the middle of the twelfth century, Buddhism became the official state religion. Prominent Buddhist monks played an important political role in the administration of Vietnam (Bechert and Gombrich 1984: 206). During the nineteenth century, the French colonialist government attempted to restrict the influence and power of Vietnamese Buddhist sangha. They tried to impose bureaucratic control over the organization and number of Buddhist sangha and temples, supervise doctrinal examinations and ordinations, and determine the kinds of scriptural materials taught at court (HueTam 1987). The French colonialists were especially concerned with the link between religion and rebellion. The Buddhist sangha spread anti-French revolutionary ideas and were at the core of the Royalist Resistance Movement from 1885 to 1898, galvanizing the whole country into what was called The Monks' War or Revolt of the Scholars (Nhat Hanh 1967: 23). By 1916 Buddhist monks were routinely arrested, interrogated, tortured, and killed for their social and political activities (ibid.). Several new Buddhist religious groups were founded, such as the Buu Son Ky Huong sect, which developed into the 19405 revival and independence movements, the Hoa Hao and Cao Dai sects (Hitchcox 1990: 56). These new religious groups rebelled against French colonial Catholicism and, later, the Ngo Dinh Diem regime of South Vietnam and its practice of Catholic nepotism. By 1975 the Hoa Hao, based in the Mekong Delta, had attracted more than six million adherents through its stridently nationalistic doctrine within basic Buddhist beliefs (ibid.). The influx in 1954 of eight hundred thousand refugees, mostly Catholics, from North Vietnam into South Vietnam intensified the opposition to Buddhists (Nhat Hanh 1967: 26). In 1957 the South Vietnamese government attempted to abolish large Buddhist gatherings, such as the annual celebration of Wesak. The violations, discrimination, arrests, and persecution of Buddhists increased to such an extent that Buddhist monks sent documentation to the United Nations in 1963 (ibid.: 28). During this time Buddhists also began self-immolation protests to call world attention to repression by the Diem regime. The monks who died in this manner became modern saints and martyrs for the Buddhist movement in Vietnam (Bechert and Duy-Tu 1970: 191). They were instrumental in attracting

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many of their countrymen back to Vietnamese Buddhism, with its emphasis on nationalism and reform. In 1964 Vietnamese Buddhists from different lineages formed the United Buddhist Organization of Vietnam (Giao-hoi Phat-giao Viet-Nam Thong Nhat). This unifying organization strengthened the alliance between Buddhism and nationalistic patriotic forces. The United Buddhist Organization's headquarters, called Viet-Nam Quoc Tu (National Pagoda of Vietnam), attracted many intellectuals, students, and youth (Nhat Hanh 1967: 45). Although the Viet-Nam Quoc Tu lasted only one year, 1964, the growth of Buddhist cultural and social institutions during that time encouraged many dedicated lay people to undertake administrative and leadership roles in their temples and associations. Buddhist lay people began training in sutra recitation and meditation. In conjunction with Buddhist monks, such as Thich Nhat Hanh, they developed several social and rural welfare programs that operated throughout South Vietnam until 1975 (ibid.). The government of South Vietnam regarded some Buddhist monks and nuns as being openly identified with resistance, while others were thought to be collaborators. Thich Tarn Chau, for example, then head of the Buddhist Vien Hoa Dao (commonly known as the Council for Secular Affairs in South Vietnam), had close association with the Diem regime and tried to expand the influence and power of Buddhism (ibid.: 27). Sangha who did not identify with communists, the Diem and later Thieu regimes, or nationalists were regarded with suspicion by all three opposing sides (ibid.). In 1975, 90 per cent of the population in South Vietnam were Buddhists. Approximately three million Roman Catholics, and an unknown number of syncretic practitioners such as Cao Dai, Hoa Hao, Confucians, and Taoists comprised other religious affiliations (Hitchcox 1990: 177). The Viet Cong victory in 1975 brought conflict between its communist ideology and Buddhist values and practices. The Viet Cong dismantled Buddhist temples and frequently removed monks to re-education camps. They prohibited Buddhist community associations from displaying the Buddhist flag and holding religious retreats. Buddhists were forced to do compulsory prayers for Ho Chi Minh and participate in revolutionary activities. Active resistance by the sangha resulted in hundreds of arrests (ibid.: 55). By 1977 all religion was under state control; religious activities, including religious instruction of children, required the permission of the local People's Committee (ibid.). Buddhist gatherings, which the government believed to be political, were forbidden or actively discouraged. Amidst fears of further retribution, numerous Buddhists, both sangha and lay, decided to leave Vietnam.

104 Many Petals of the Lotus The different political affiliations of the various Buddhist sangha resulted in deep divisions within the Vietnamese Buddhist community. These divisions were not resolved either through the unification efforts of the Giao-hoi Phat-giao Viet-Nam Thong Nhat or from the effects of communist persecution against all Buddhists. Instead, conflicts among Buddhist monks, and consequently their followers, were perpetuated. Today, sangha in Vietnamese Buddhist groups in Toronto still convey these distinctions. Notable monks of the diaspora, such as Thich Nhat Hanh, Thich Tarn Chau, Thich Thien Nghi, and Thich Huyen Vi, who represented divisions within South Vietnamese Buddhism, are now the spiritual heads of several Toronto Vietnamese Buddhist groups. Vietnamese Resettlement in Canada The first Vietnamese in Canada were students in the 19505 who studied at Quebec universities through the Canadian government's Colombo Plan scholarships (Nguyen 1991). New students, primarily from South Vietnam, arrived each year throughout the 19605 and early 19705. Many chose not to return to their homeland because of the political and military developments there. In addition, approximately twelve hundred highly educated Vietnamese, many sent abroad for technical training by the South Vietnamese government, either emigrated to Canada or obtained landed immigrant status after arriving in Canada with tourist visas from the United States, Europe, Australia, New Zealand, or Japan (ibid.). Vietnamese professionals - doctors, dentists, university professors, accountants, engineers, and technologists - and students were fluent in French and most settled in Montreal and Quebec City (ibid.). Smaller numbers settled in Toronto and Ottawa. The first Vietnamese association in Toronto was founded in 1972 (Van Esterik and Van Esterik 1988). Following the fall of the South Vietnamese government to Hanoi in 1975, through a Canadian government relief program, 4,572 Vietnamese refugees came to Canada with 865 destined for Ontario (Wurfel 1980). These individuals, later identified as the 'first wave' of Vietnamese refugees, were well-educated professionals, military advisers, or sponsored family members. They fled South Vietnam because of the fear of persecution and reprisal from the communists for their alleged association with the American presence (ibid.). Many were Catholic North Vietnamese who had fled to South Vietnam in 1954 (ibid.). In contrast, by 1978 almost two-thirds of Vietnamese refugees were Buddhist from a wide socioeconomic background (ibid.).

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Another 9,060 Indochinese refugees were admitted to Canada between 1976 and 1978 under a newly created 'designated classes' specification based on humanitarian considerations (Dirks 1979; Adelman et al. 1980). The situation in Vietnam rapidly deteriorated because of the massive military devastation and the subsequent dislocation of more than ten million South Vietnamese. Hundreds of thousands of Vietnamese, many of Chinese heritage, fled Vietnam amidst fears of a bloodbath, restrictions on religion, threats to free enterprise in the mainly Chinese business community, the creation of new economic areas where millions of urban dwellers would be transferred, socialist restructuring, enormous unemployment, floods, food shortages, and an intensified conflict between China and Vietnam (Wurfel 1980). Many left hoping for a better life and future for their children through resettlement in a western country, and to preserve valued religious and cultural beliefs. Small numbers departed in an orderly fashion by air, but the majority left in overcrowded and unreliable sea vessels, bound for Thailand, Malaysia, Singapore, and Hong Kong. Thousands of Vietnamese refugees experienced and/or witnessed dehydration, starvation, piracy, murder, rape, cannibalism, and rejection for asylum (Abbott 1989: 47). In 1978 the Hat Hong, a freighter full of Vietnamese refugees, was stranded off the coast of Malaysia. Malaysian guards threatened to shoot refugees if they attempted to land. The international attention given by the news media to this incident resulted in humanitarian gestures of aid and resettlement by the Canadian government, and Canadian groups and private individuals responded with generosity. By 1981 government and private sponsorships enabled fifty thousand Indochinese refugees, primarily Vietnamese, to enter Canada. As a group, these refugees were identified as the 'second wave,' or 'boat people.' Twelve thousand Vietnamese refugees arrived in Toronto between 1979 and 1982. By 1986 the Toronto Vietnamese population had grown to about thirty thousand (Van Esterik and Van Esterik 1988: 119). This group comprised a large number of Sino-Vietnamese (Chinese born in Vietnam) and rural Vietnamese from southern and central Vietnam, many of whom had previously escaped from North Vietnam in 1954. Vietnamese refugees faced difficult psychological and cultural transitions, exacerbated by culture shock and traumatic family disruptions. Chinese-Vietnamese refugees had an adaptive advantage in mental health since they tended to flee Vietnam in family groups (Beiser 1988). Sharp ethnic distinctions between Chinese Vietnamese and ethnic Vietnamese were evident in settlement services and community formations. Chinese Vietnamese, who did not speak

106 Many Petals of the Lotus Vietnamese, tended not to integrate into the Vietnamese ethnic community, but formed their own sino-community associations, information channels, and religious affiliations. One significant exception is the Vietnamese Buddhist Temple, which incorporates both ethnic and Chinese Vietnamese. Throughout the 19805 ethnic Vietnamese came to Canada through family sponsorship and family reunification programs, implemented through an Orderly Departure Program in Vietnam. By 1989 the Vietnamese population in the Greater Toronto Area reached about fifty thousand, the largest concentration of Vietnamese in Canada. Internal migration from Vancouver, Edmonton, Calgary, Winnipeg, and Montreal, combined with family reunification and sponsorship programs, increased their numbers dramatically during the next two years. Nguyen (1991) listed 131,254 Vietnamese in Canada, of which Toronto had over sixty thousand, Montreal thirty thousand, Vancouver twenty thousand, and other cities about twenty thousand. By 1998 these numbers have no doubt increased substantially. The figures do not differentiate ethnic Vietnamese from Vietnamese of Chinese origin who may or may not consider themselves as part of the Vietnamese community. Further, population figures for Vietnamese taken from Canadian census data are vastly underrepresented. For example, 1986 census data indicate Metropolitan Toronto had only 7,490 residents claiming Vietnamese as their 'mother tongue'; and in 1991 only 24,555 Vietnamese, selected by ethnic origin, were listed. In Toronto the Vietnamese community has developed numerous ethnospecific associations, voluntary organizations, and institutions that provide the Vietnamese with support networks, resources, information channels, and heritage groups. They include the Vietnamese Association, Vietnamese Canadian Parents' Association, Vietnamese Women's Association, Vietnamese Student Society, the Elderly Vietnamese Association, numerous magazines, the National United Front for the Liberation of Vietnam, Greater Toronto Vietnamese Refugee Assistance Committee, folk-dance groups such as Pham Ngoc Thuan, and a Veterans Association. Dorais (1991) suggests that Vietnamese associations fill three major functions mutual aid, official representation, and mediation between the refugees and Canadian society - as well as the management of identity. This last function operates through the objectives of cultural preservation and through the nationalist or neutralist positions explicitly taken by many organizations. The various Vietnamese associations, networks, and organizations contribute towards the development and preservation of a strong Vietnamese cultural and ethnic identity.

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Vietnamese Buddhism in Toronto Vietnamese Buddhist temples are among the most viable and wellstructured institutions to serve the Vietnamese community. 2 They provide mutual aid, mediation, and identity management through spiritual and moral direction. Vietnamese Buddhism supports cultural heritage, including systems of social support, authority, and order. Guided by Buddhist ethical and religious doctrines, Vietnamese attempt to improve all facets of their life, enhancing both themselves and their community. In addition to a body of religious tenets, Buddhism provides a foundation on which the Vietnamese ethnic identity and nationalist sentiments are maintained in Canada. The first Vietnamese Buddhist group in Toronto, Chan Nhu, was created in 1976. The opening ceremony was held at Toronto Buddhist Church led by Venerable Thich Giac Due from Washington, DC, standing in for Thich Tam Chau of Montreal, who could not come. Weekly services, officiated by a lay person, were held in a rented second-floor commercial space. Political sensitivities remained acute, resulting in an internal split by some members who questioned why Canadian MPPs were invited to Chan Nhu. A second split developed within the youth group, Niem Phat Duong (Gathering Hall for Buddhists) who eventually moved to a new location. By 1992 four Vietnamese Buddhist Temples (Hao Nghiem, Amida, Linh-Son, and Van Due), and one Vietnamese Buddhist Association (Vietnamese Zen Meditation Group), had been established from the initial Chan Nhu. By 1997 several additional temples were founded, reflecting the Vietnamese expansion to suburban areas and breakaways from established temples. Vietnamese temples in Toronto belong to the Thao-Duong School, also known as Thien Tinh Dao Trang, the unified practice of Zen and Pure Land methods for attaining enlightenment. This school of Vietnamese Buddhism combines elements from several Buddhist teachings, doctrine, and practice and expresses the philosophy of dong-quy nhi thu-do, meaning one purpose through different methods. Because of this doctrinal similarity, Vietnamese Buddhists can participate in religious occasions at any Vietnamese Buddhist temple. To a certain extent, intertemple participation does occur. Several opportunities are provided each year for Vietnamese sangha to participate together in traditional celebrations, such as during Tet (Vietnamese New Year) or Wesak. Vietnamese monks and nuns also attend the various temple inaugurations within the Toronto Buddhist community. In turn, non-Vietnamese monks and nuns attend Vietnamese celebrations. At

108 Many Petals of the Lotus the special opening ceremony for Tu Vien Hoa Nghiem (Hoa Nghiem's country property near Dundalk, Ontario) in 1992, several monks from various Toronto Buddhist communities were present. Over twenty Vietnamese monks and nuns attended, representing Toronto temples as well as temples from Montreal, Ottawa, and the United States. Numerous lay Vietnamese visitors also came from Montreal, London, Kitchener, Stratford, Guelph, Brantford, Barrie, Mississauga, Brampton, and Toronto. Visiting Vietnamese monks from North America and Europe frequently come to Toronto to teach at Vietnamese temples. Expenses for travel and accommodation for highly respected monks, such as the Venerable Thich Tri Chon, head of Vietnamese Buddhists in California, are shared among the Vietnamese Buddhist groups. Vietnamese sangha from the different temples in Toronto attend conferences together, either representing their own particular temples or representing Vietnamese Buddhism in Canada. During the 1991 annual conference of all Vietnamese Buddhist associations in the United States, Thich Thien Nghi, head of Tarn Bao Temple in Montreal, participated as leader of the Canadian Chanh Giac and, with other monks from Van Due, represented Vietnamese Buddhists in Canada. A July 1988 conference, 'Teaching Dharma,' organized in Montreal by Tarn Bao Temple, was well attended by Vietnamese monks and nuns representing their respective temples in Toronto. Vietnamese Buddhists participate jointly in the annual remembrance day, held on or near 30 April, marking the 1975 fall of Saigon, and through special committees concerned with Vietnamese resettlement in Canada. Vietnamese temples provide mutual aid to one another and to other Vietnamese groups in Toronto. Aid may be in the form of monetary donations for temple renovations, temple resources (such as ritual instruments), guidance provided by senior sangha to those newly ordained, or sharing temple space. This demonstrates that a unifying spirit of cooperation does exist. Differences among Vietnamese Buddhists in Toronto Despite the cooperative spirit and the several unifying themes of religious belief and practice based on a shared lineage, distinctions and disparities exist among the Vietnamese Buddhist groups in Toronto which reflect divisions found within the larger ethnic community. The differences express economic, regional, political, and class divisions (based on previous status in Vietnam and new status identities in Canada), and disparate migratory experiences of Vietnamese Buddhists. For example, Vietnamese Buddhists distinguish themselves by the date and circumstances of coming

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to Canada saying: 'Well I'm what people call a boat person'; 'I was in Toronto before 1975'; 'I am not a refugee, my uncle sponsored me'; and 'I'm not a boat person. My daughter sponsored me before that.' Internal bickering concerning temple authority, financial control, and sangha behaviour (such as not keeping precepts properly or not conforming to lay expectations) has also led to the formation of new temples and division among Toronto Buddhists. Profiles of three selected Toronto Vietnamese Buddhist Temples and one association demonstrate their unique characteristics and differences. Amida Temple Amida Temple was formed as break-away group from Chan Nhu. It was founded in 1977 by a layman from North Vietnam who was a follower of the Venerable Thich Tam Chau, a prominent Buddhist monk in Vietnam, now resettled in Montreal. Thich Tam Chau presided over the inauguration of Amida Temple and assumed the role of spiritual head at the temple, visiting several times a year thereafter. Like Thich Tam Chau, members of Amida Temple had been anti-communist government supporters in South Vietnam. Amida Temple is part of the Giao-hoi Phat-giao Viet-Nam Tren The Gioi (the World Vietnamese Buddhist Order, founded by Thich Tam Chau and based in Montreal). Associate groups are found in Ottawa and throughout the United States. The approximately five hundred members of Amida Temple are primarily ethnic Vietnamese, many originally from North Vietnam, with strong nationalist and pro-royalist sentiments. Most are first-wave Vietnamese refugees, professionals and students already in Canada before 1975, and sponsored family members. In the early 1980$ and early 19905, two nuns offered Pure Land chanting services in the temple every Sunday. At that time there was no resident monk, and dharma talks on Buddhist belief and practice were given by a North Vietnamese layman who is recognized as a Phat tu tai gia} On special occasions, such as the Quan Am Festival held three times a year, Vietnamese monks are invited to perform religious services. Although Amida Temple emphasizes original Pure Land Buddhism (Tinh Do Tong), it maintained a supportive relationship with the youth section of the Vietnamese Zen Meditation Group, allowing its members regular use of the temple. In 1977 the temple had one permanent monk who eventually left for the United States. At present there are two permanent monks and six nuns. The original temple site has significantly expanded with the purchase of properties on either side.

110 Many Petals of the Lotus Hoa Nghiem Temple For several years the Hoa Nghiem Temple represented the largest Vietnamese temple in Toronto, providing Buddhist services to thousands of local Vietnamese. In addition to the Thao Duong school of Vietnamese Buddhism (unified practice of Zen and Pure Land), sangha at the Hoa Nghiem Temple consider themselves part of the Tarn Bao tradition, an extension of the True-Lam Zen school. Begun under Lam Te Chanh Ton, it stresses the nationalist tendencies of Buddhism in Vietnam and incorporates Confucian ethics - especially the emphasis on filial piety, moral conduct, and responsibility. Hoa Nghiem Temple was founded in 1983 by the Venerable Thich Thien Nghi, the abbot of Tam Bao Pagoda in Montreal. Many of the early members were associated with the Hoa Nghiem Niem Phat Duong, the break-away youth group from Chan Nhu. Until 1994 Hoa Nghiem was administered by Thich Quang Luong, a student of Thich Thien Nghi. Thich Thien Nghi founded the Giao-Hoi Phat-Giao Viet-Nam Thong Nhat Tai Canada (the Union of Vietnamese Buddhist Churches in Canada), which included temples in Edmonton, Vancouver, Winnipeg, London, Victoria, Regina, Saskatoon, and Toronto. By 1998, most of these temples (excepting Toronto and Montreal) have become independent, affiliated now with the Overseas Buddhist Association (Tong Hoi Phat Giao Vietnam Tai Hai Ngoai), the largest Vietnamese association in Canada. In 1993 Hoa Nghiem Temple had a large number of members, with an active core of approximately two hundred 'precept' members, half of whom were elderly. During special occasions, such as New Year, thousands of visitors would visit Hoa Nghiem. In addition to religious services for ceremonies, festivals, births, deaths, marriages, and so forth, Hoa Nghiem's focus is to retain Vietnamese culture and language, publish a magazine (called Chanh Giac) three times a year, and provide religious counselling. Most notably, members include both ethnic and Chinese Vietnamese.4 Most members are second-wave refugees and subsequently sponsored family members, primarily from South and Central Vietnam. They are professionals and business people, as well as former farmers and fishing folk. Many of the religious practices at Hoa Nghiem Temple reflect the Chinese influence of divination, Confucian ancestor worship, and moral precepts of filial piety. The practice oipbuong tien (divination), considered to be a way of health, is commonly referred to as 'Chinese practice.' Sangha, however, call it 'the joining way,' connecting those outside of Buddhism to

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the temple and to Buddhist belief. Hoa Nghiem Temple embodies a spiritual openness that enables traditional Vietnamese Buddhist ceremonies, rituals, and practice to continue alongside the Chinese invocations and offerings to deities for blessings, healing, or favours. Chinese cultural practices were seen during the 1992 inauguration of the new Hoa Nghiem Temple, when a Chinese dragon dance (to invoke good blessings from Chinese deities) preceded the celebration. One of the main shrines at Hoa Nghiem Temple is that of Vi Da (dharma protector), who shares space with two smaller, specifically Chinese, protector deities called Quan Van Truong. Both Vietnamese and Chinese Buddhists pay homage to these protector deities, as well as to several smaller Chinese deities. In 1994 Thich Quang Luong left the Hoa Nghiem Temple. Two years later, a large part of the congregation, including the youth association Gia Dinh Phat Tu, called the Van Hanh Buddhist Family, which had been under Thich Quang Luong's guidance, also left. 5 Many of the remaining members are Sino-Vietnamese. Xaloi Temple was founded shortly thereafter, primarily by former Hoa Nghiem members. Sangha leadership is provided by Thich Nguyen Man. Xaloi Temple is situated near the previous location of Hoa Nghiem Temple (now a Korean temple), down the street from Amida Temple. Earlier divisions from Hoa Nghiem Temple in the late 19805 led to the forming of Linh-Son and Van Due Temples. Link-Son Temple Linh-Son Temple in Toronto was founded in 1988. It is part of the TungLam Linh-Son International (headquarters in France), with more than thirty temples in France, elsewhere in Europe, Asia, Taiwan, India, Africa, Australia, the United States, and Canada. Founding members of Toronto's Linh-Son left Hoa Nghiem Temple because of administrative conflicts between sangha and laity. At Hoa Nghiem the resident monk was involved in all aspects of temple life, including administration. Organization and administration at Linh-Son Temple is by non-ordained (lay) members only, with sangha activities being limited to the role of religious specialist. Spiritual leadership is under the direction of Thich Huyen Vi, who lives in France and visits once a year. The resident monk, Thich Tri Dung, is considered to be the abbot of Linh-Son. Lay members at Linh-Son are professional ethnic Vietnamese from South Vietnam. Since 1988 there have been a number of internal reorganizations, reflecting ongoing difficulties. Two nuns, formerly from Linh-Son temple in France, have created their own organization, the Hue Lam Bhikkhuni Buddhist Association.

112 Many Petals of the Lotus The Vietnamese Zen Meditation Group The Vietnamese Zen Meditation Group comprises two integrated components. One element is associated with the Vietnam-based monk, Thich Thanh Tu, a longtime friend of Thich Nhat Hanh. The other is part of the transnational Tiep Hien Order (Order of Interbeing) under the guidance and inspiration of Thich Nhat Hanh, a Buddhist scholar and poet now residing at Plum Village in France. Thich Nhat Hanh gained international respect during the late 19605 for his condemnation and criticism of the Vietnam War. He is widely known today among ecumenical and interfaith groups for his 'engaged' practice of Buddhism. The religious lineage of Thich Nhat Hanh descends from the sixteenth-century Lieu Quan Zen meditation school. The Tiep Hien Order, founded in the early 19605, focuses on the interconnectedness of all sentient beings and the interpretation of Buddhist precepts through a global framework. Within the Toronto Tiep Hien Order there are three subgroups. The adult group (including several seniors) meets every three weeks at a private house, the youth group meets once a month at the Cham Shan Buddhist Gallery, and the core group (primarily middle-aged adults) meets at one another's houses once a month as well as attending other group sessions. In Toronto, the Vietnamese Zen Meditation Group has about one hundred members. All are ethnic Vietnamese, from central and southern Vietnam. They represent immigrants before 1975, both waves of refugees, and family-sponsored individuals. Members are professionals, business people, students, and the retired. Many also belong to other Vietnamese Buddhist temples where they participate in weekly services or to celebrate special ceremonies, festivals, and personal occasions. The Vietnamese Zen Meditation Group emphasizes personal and collective meditation. Group meditation sessions are held twice a month and during formal and informal retreats.6 Several times during the year the Vietnamese Zen Meditation Group organizes a weekend retreat. These retreats are often the only time when non-Vietnamese practice with the group. Thich Nhat Hanh, or one of his sangha representatives, comes to Canada every second year to hold longer retreats. When Thich Nhat Hanh came in 1991, he held several family-based retreats in Toronto and Montreal. One day was focused on the children, the next was with parents, and the third with both. The retreats were beneficial in negotiating cultural, language, and generational differences, as well as family and marriage therapy.

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Doctrinal, Organizational, and Political Distinctions among Vietnamese Buddhists The Vietnamese Zen Meditation Group stands apart from other Vietnamese Buddhists because of doctrinal differences of the Tiep Hien Order. The Tiep Hien Order presents unique translations and interpretations of traditional Buddhist sutras. It is oriented towards attaining the Pure Land here and now, rather than at death. The Vietnamese Zen Meditation Group has very little sutra chanting or other recognizable Vietnamese Buddhist ritual practice, especially during funerals. This omission causes great concern among the devout elderly who believe that death rituals will ensure their passage to the Pure Land. The doctrines, ceremonies, and memorial services are expressed so simply that they are regarded by other Vietnamese Buddhist groups as being 'watered-down' Buddhism. The Tiep Hien Order precepts, which emphasize global interconnectedness, are regarded as 'too unconventional' for most traditional Vietnamese Buddhists. The Tiep Hien precept against stealing, for example, extends beyond the usual Buddhist interpretation regarding individual possessions to collective stealing, especially the misuse of the earth's finite resources (including clean air and water) and exploiting poor countries (either labour or products). To maintain continuity with traditional Vietnamese Buddhism, many members of the Vietnamese Zen Meditation Group participate at other Vietnamese temples in Toronto. Authority relationships between Vietnamese Buddhist sangha and the laity differ among Toronto Vietnamese temples and associations. Traditional Vietnamese Buddhist sangha are ordained monks and nuns who follow numerous precepts, including celibacy, and are vegetarian. They are respected for their monastic ordination, their knowledge of Buddhism, their ability to perform chants, rituals, and ceremonies, and their spiritual commitment. Differing patterns of authority demonstrate contrasting strategies to develop legitimate and authentic leadership. Linh-Son Temple members, for example, left the Hoa Nghiem Temple in order to retain a strong lay representation in temple affairs, especially in the administration of youth groups. Conversely, many of Hoa Nghiem's original members came from a 1984 split in the pan-Canadian Gia Dinh Phat Tu (Buddhist Family) organization in order to continue the strong sangha influence and involvement in the youth group that was given through the commitment and dedication of Thich Quang Luong. The 1996 membership split from Hoa Nghiem to Xaloi Temple was the result of differing attitudes and

114 Many Petals of the Lotus expectations. Differences between Van Hanh leaders and Thich Thien Nghi, the monk who assumed administrative and financial control after Thich Quang Luong's departure, was the final factor in precipitating the decision to form a new temple. To avoid administrative conflicts, some temples adhere to a strict hierarchy in which 'Buddhist work' is reserved for monks. These temples are especially critical of other temples and Vietnamese Buddhist organizations that welcome the input of monks and laity, in both spiritual and secular issues. Thich Quang Luong's association with Hoa Nghiem Temple and the Vietnamese Zen Meditation Group embody this type of cooperation. Some Vietnamese monks and lay leaders have stated that ideas relating to the practice of Buddhism are solely for monks to express. During one Wesak planning meeting, these monks were outraged when Vietnamese laity disagreed with them. One later commented, 'It is wrong for lay people to have control and influence in a Buddhist temple.' Although the organizational model at Amida Temple relies on the Phat tu tai gia to play a predominant role in administration and the performance of ritual, there is a clear separation between monks and laity. This attitude is influenced by the emphasis of the Quan Am Buddhist Society in Montreal in which 'the congregation's material needs and financial administration should be supervised by a committee of the laity, and that the Reverend should devote all his time caring to spiritual needs' (Dorais 1989: 21). In contrast, Thich Quang Luong at Hoa Nghiem involved the laity in all aspects of his temple's organization, including the development of religious programs suited to their particular spiritual needs. He was involved in his members' lives and was willing to serve them in whatever capacity he could. Thich Quang Luong felt that Vietnamese sangha in Canada should incorporate the service and professional characteristics of the Christian minister. He was the only Vietnamese monk in Toronto to offer a range of pastoral services to Vietnamese Buddhists, including home and hospital visits, weddings, personal and family guidance and counselling, and social work. As well, he furthered his own academic studies in Toronto and continued Buddhist studies with his teacher, Thich Thien Nghi, in Montreal. The Tiep Hien Order modifies traditional Vietnamese Buddhist distinctions between sangha and laity. Individuals within the Zen Vietnamese Meditation Group community who have received the title 'dhafmacarya' (dharma teacher or giao tho), through the Ceremony of Lamp Transmission, are regarded as Buddhist sangha, as are families who adhere to Tiep Hien precepts. Monastic celibacy is not expected among dharmacaryas, nor does it confer status in the Tiep Hien Order. Ordained sangha are not nee-

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essary to teach or lead retreats, as dharmacaryas are considered fully qualified religious teachers. Several Hoa Nghiem members who attended a 1989 Thich Nhat Hanh retreat stated that they would not go again because most lectures were given by lay people, and they felt little 'knowledge' was being taught. Thich Nhat Hanh's emphasis is on family meditation practice that stresses, joy, relaxation, and flexibility, rather than the rigid formality of other Zen practice. Compared with traditional Vietnamese temple services, the time spent performing Buddhist chants or participating in traditional rituals and ceremonies is somewhat shortened. The primary emphasis remains on meditation and mindfulness. The Vietnamese Zen Meditation Group also incorporates basic Buddhist teaching as a therapy for families, especially needed for 'those Vietnamese in Canada who forget they are Vietnamese.' At the Vietnamese Zen Meditation Group's 1991 retreat, near Toronto, Ontario, Thich Nhat Hanh emphasized that family transformation is possible with meditative practice, and that positive changes can happen quickly. When speaking to Vietnamese parents he stated that 'communication is to listen without reacting, without judgement. Breathe in and out; silent listening even to what is not good to hear. Parents must encourage children to speak out, to listen to them with all their hearts. Otherwise, deep wounds are created in children and communication is cut. This disrupts the transmission of the beauties of your culture to the child, stops the flow of ancestral connectedness.' Several innovative therapeutic practices, such as 'hugging meditation' are also utilized during these retreats. Hugging therapy can be quite emotional. During the last class at the end of the 1991 four-day retreat, fathers were encouraged to hug their children (many for the first time in years), older men to hug each other, and strangers to hug one another. After fifteen minutes of hugging, almost every person in the room was in tears. Through organizational changes in decision making, temple responsibility, and membership commitments, Vietnamese Buddhism has adapted to Canadian society. Thich Quang Luong felt that sangha should modify and relax the Vinaya tradition, rather than cling to it rigidly. He stressed that accommodations and transformations are in keeping with the flexibility of Buddhism. Other monks, however, expressed concern with the lack of bureaucratic control over the credentials (doctrinal examinations and ordinations) of the overseas Vietnamese Buddhist sangha and the organization and size of the temples. One Toronto monk stated, 'The lack of identifying and enforcing orthodoxy has led to a lowering of the standards usually held by ordained sangha. This has led to multiple challenges towards traditional beliefs of the roles, status, and behaviour of monks and nuns.'

116 Many Petals of the Lotus Every Vietnamese temple has a management group called Ban Tri Su, which the sangha is a member of. Often, the sangha (usually a monk) assumes the position of president. Some temples, however, prefer that the sangha member is not president but is involved only in the religious section. At the Hoa Nghiem, members wanted the active involvement of Thich Quang Luong as president. Under Thich Quang Luong's leadership, lay members developed an innovative and democratic involvement with temple affairs, sharing decisions and ideas about organizations, programming, and administration. Lay members were encouraged to undergo the monastic disciplines of daily meditation and to participate fully in other religious rituals, such as the full moon and empty moon services. Several young men were training to be Buddhist lay leaders, or perhaps monks, and many members took formal precepts. Sangha and laity, together, planned weekly Buddhist services, annual celebrations, cooking and cleaning arrangements, media announcements, the Buddhist magazine, overseeing of the retreat property, and running meditation sessions. Lay involvement also included intense service to the monk and participation in the three-month retreat, normally reserved for monks. Thich Quang Luong felt that enhanced interaction between monks and laity was a positive adaptation: In Vietnam, monks keep very distant from lay members. People interact with the monks at the temple, usually by providing service, and rarely associate with them socially. Members go to the temple to pray, offer food or money, and then go home. In Vietnam, people come only once or twice to the temple for a public sermon or for a special purpose, for example, full moon or memorial. Rather than being directly involved with temple administration, most lay people, especially the elderly, usually go to the temples only for chanting or petitionary prayer. Whereas in Vietnam there are permanent lay members who take care of the temple's needs, such as cooking and cleaning, in Canada everyone participates and takes turn. (Personal interview 1991)

A second area of organizational distinction among Vietnamese Buddhist groups in Toronto involves the position of women. Within the Hoa Nghiem Temple and the Tiep Hien group, there is an unprecedented involvement of women in organization, administration, and religious services. Thich Quang Luong notes the ambiguous position of Vietnamese nuns: Monks and nuns have traditionally not been treated as equals, and nuns have never had the opportunity to develop. In Vietnam, there were separate organizations,

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monasteries, and masters for monks and nuns. Nuns were never involved in panreligious decisions or organizations of Buddhists in Vietnam, as they were considered incapable. When young, Vietnamese nuns wear light grey, and it is only when they are older and wear brown to signify age that they receive any significant levels of respect. Yet, in the United States, nuns are considered to be more successful in dealing with the people than monks are. Nuns give counselling, guidance, and empathy to the Vietnamese, while the monks remain very traditional and keep separate from the lay people. The nuns have their own temples. Their temples have the A-Di-Da (Pure Land) focus rather than a meditation emphasis which seems to be identified with monks. But the nuns' temples have many members. They are very well kept, have little internal bickering or divisions, have lots of money, are usually in a good location, and have a good reputation among the Vietnamese community. As well, Tiep Hien nuns are allowed to wear the traditional yellow-orange coloured robes of monks. The monks in the United States have lots of difficulties and troubles, infighting with each other and fighting with the lay members. But the nuns are very traditional, continue to be very polite and act deferent to monks, addressing them in humble terms, and never talking about their own success. In religious gatherings, they always let the monks precede them, never speak out to the monks, never argue with them, and never make any demands. (Personal interview 1991)

The situation between monks and nuns at the other Toronto Vietnamese temples is similar. During the annual celebration of Wesak, Vietnamese nuns act deferentially to the Vietnamese monks, letting them lead the procession and be seated and served first. Vietnamese nuns rarely speak in public. One of the reasons for the increase in women's involvement at Hoa Nghiem Temple was the precedent set by Thich Thien Nghi in supporting his niece, Thich Quang Oanh, a highly educated Buddhist nun, to perform Buddhist services, instruct members, and organize temple activities. Another reason is that, in the refugee camps, Thich Thien Nghi recruited laywomen with education or leadership skills to help organize and assist in providing Buddhist services. Under Thich Thien Nghi's guidance, the involvement of women has continued in Canada. He feels nuns are needed in Canada and should be used to their full capacity as spiritual teachers, leading religious services, and as administrators, although this attitude causes controversy and dissent.7 Women at the Hoa Nghiem Temple participate equally in the service, help produce and write for the magazine, act as youth leaders, and provide temple representation at Buddhist Council meetings. Their involvement provides them with opportunities to extend traditional gender roles and perceptions. Thich Quang Luong referred to women's involvement at the Hoa Nghiem as a 'new way of Buddhist orga-

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nization.' Their new roles of women reflect what he calls the 'open mind' of Vietnamese Buddhism in Canada. Lingering political disparities are another divisive factor among Vietnamese Buddhist groups in Toronto. Vietnamese Buddhists in Toronto identify with monks who represented particular political positions, such as accommodation, open rebellion, neutrality, or social activism, during the war years. Thich Tarn Chau, spiritual leader of Amida Temple, was identified by Thich Nhat Hanh to have been a collaborator with the South Vietnamese government. Thich Nhat Hanh himself had constantly advocated a unilateral cease-fire during the war, with the consequence that he was considered both pro-communist and pro-CIA (the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency), and a traitor to both sides. The present regime in Vietnam still bans his publications. Thich Nhat Hanh, along with many other monks, was discredited during the war for having 'politically incorrect' attitudes. In a public forum Thich Thien Nghi spoke of his difficulties with Thich Tarn Chau and of how the political divisions among Vietnamese Buddhists eventually forced him to leave Lien Hoa Pagoda in Montreal.8 Most Vietnamese Buddhists are hesitant to speak of political differences. When Thich Thien Nghi was asked to comment further on the political and regional divisions among Vietnamese, he replied, 'I cannot say, but you understand me. I'm sorry. Perhaps at another time I can speak of this.' One man from the Hoa Nghiem Temple replied to an inquiry with, 'Those who know about political differences don't say.' A woman at Hoa Nghiem, who was helpful in all other matters of explanation and translation, would not translate the names of a list of Vietnamese organizations; she was afraid of the political repercussions against her or the temple if she translated them incorrectly. Members of the True-Lam school and Tiep Hien Order were involved in social protest during the early 19605. Pictures of several of the monks who committed self-immolation at that time are prominently displayed on the Hoa Nghiem Temple's Ban Vong (memorial shrine). Today, the Hanoi government still fears the power and influence of Buddhist monks and continues to arrest and jail them. Toronto Vietnamese Buddhists, however, do not present a unified voice of protest. During a two-week retreat (An Cun Kiet Ha) at Van Due Temple in June 1991, over twenty-five Vietnamese sangha (from France, Canada, and the United States) participated to discuss political persecution of sangha in Vietnam. Thich Nhat Hanh was the guest lecturer. Hoa Nghiem sangha and laity did not attend the sessions, except for the opening ceremony, or the various fund-raising activities. Divisions among the Vietnamese Buddhist temples come out every year

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during the planning and presentation of the celebration of Wesak. Each Vietnamese temple or group is represented separately. They do not unite during the religious portion, such as chanting in unison, or during the cultural program. The 1991 visit of the Dalai Lama to Toronto also demonstrated Vietnamese lack of unity. The Dalai Lama had twice met with American Vietnamese Buddhists, and Toronto Vietnamese Buddhists had requested an audience. As one Vietnamese Buddhist in Toronto noted, 'There is a sense that the two Buddhist peoples have both been victims of the same communist ideology, religious persecution, and need for exile.' Several Vietnamese monks referred to the Dalai Lama as 'elder brother.' There were, however, such conflicting views about what to ask him, and which temple to use, that the Vietnamese groups could not form a consensus. Eventually, the organizing committee for the Dalai Lama's visit cancelled the Vietnamese audience. Transformation, Innovations, and Adaptations of Vietnamese Buddhism There is no singular representation of Vietnamese Buddhism in Toronto. Vietnamese Buddhist temples and associations each express distinctive Buddhist identities. Each group interprets and depicts Buddhist doctrines and disciplines as it recreates cultural and historical ideals of family and community in Canada. Much of Vietnamese Buddhism in Toronto has been reinterpreted not only in new terms that are relevant to the refugee experience, but also in ways applicable for Canadian-raised Vietnamese children. The compatibility of Buddhism with science, for example, is particularly noted. Physics, biology, and psychology share with Buddhism the perception of an inter-relatedness of all reality. Outcomes of this modernism include the greater acceptance of Buddhism by the educated Vietnamese youth and the changing credentials required of the Buddhist leaders. Monks such as Thich Quang Luong, Thich Thien Nghi, and Thich Nhat Hanh attempt to maintain a traditional sense of Buddhism tied to their Vietnamese cultural heritage, yet they introduce new beliefs and practices specifically adapted to the living conditions and expectations of western society. Hoa Nghiem temple modified its programs along the lines of those developed at the Los Angeles A-Di-Da Vietnamese Buddhist Temple (founded by Thich Tien An). The A-Di-Da has been the North American model for 'modern' sangha. There, monks, nuns, and live-in trainees follow a strict schedule for spiritual cultivation and secular education; going to school (whether high school, college, or university) or working to support

no Many Petals of the Lotus themselves during the week, and attending Buddhist studies classes on the weekends. Many of the monks now engaged in modernizing Vietnamese Buddhism in North America either were teaching at the Van Hanh Buddhist University in Vietnam (Thich Nhat Hanh, Thich Tien An, and Thich Thien Nghi) or were young monks enrolled in Van Hanh. These monks were encouraged to take an active part in the life of society. Most other Vietnamese monks were trained only to recite the sutras, to meditate, or preach, and did not have sufficient ability or experience to exercise leadership, even though the need for responsible leaders was pressing (Nhat Hanh 1967: 45). Started in 1964, the Van Hanh emphasis was on economics, culture, education, and social welfare, and the resources of Buddhism to solve these problems (ibid.). Its strong sense of social and political activism through a firm foundation of Buddhist principles and practice influenced the development of a North American Buddhist ministry in which monks and nuns are actively involved in the spiritual, mental, and physical health of their supporters. The social and political activism of Vietnamese Buddhist modernism bring the sangha out from the temple to an involvement in people's daily lives. For members of the Zen Vietnamese Meditation Group, this involvement extends to global circumstances. The second Tiep Hien Precept states: 'Aware of the suffering caused by exploitation, social injustice, stealing, and oppression, I vow to cultivate loving kindness and learn ways of working for the well-being of people, animals, and plants. I vow to practice generosity by sharing my time, energy, and material resources with those who are in real need. I am determined not to steal and not to possess anything that should belong to others. I will respect the property of others, but I will prevent others from profiting from human suffering or the suffering of others species on Earth.' During the 1991 retreat in Toronto, Thich Nhat Hanh explained that oppression in the Third World, caused by poverty or the ravaging and polluting of natural resources, is another form of stealing, taking that which is not given. Western capitalist development, with its exploitation of workers and the rampant consumerism that is occurring throughout the world, are also considered violations of the fifth precept which focuses on the awareness of suffering caused by unmindful consumption. (Traditionally the fifth precept is to train to abstain from intoxicants which cloud the mind.) New organizational models of religious services transform traditional Vietnamese Buddhism. Most Toronto temples have one main Sunday service, in contrast to the traditional daily temple services offered by temples in Vietnam. At Hoa Nghiem Temple, the Sunday service incorporates four

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ritual observances that, in Vietnam, would be broken up throughout the days and evenings of the week. These condensed rites include the Three Refuges and an invocation to the Buddha, sutra chanting (Pure Land A-DiDa or Kinh Bat-Nha Heart of Perfect Wisdom Prajnaparamita), prostrations, food offerings to the Buddha and Bodhisattvas, praying for the spirits of the deceased, and memorial chanting. Consolidation and abridgment of Vietnamese Buddhist festivals, ceremonies, and observances occur throughout the year. Except for Tet (New Year), which spans a week, all are condensed to daily or evening services. At the Hoa Nghiem, the Sunday service is referred to as the 'People's service.' A dharma talk follows, given by the head monk. He may lecture on the sutras, expounding, from a doctrinal perspective, the benefits of Buddhist practice. The dharma talk may also elucidate present Buddhist practice in Vietnam, thereby reinforcing members' participation in a global religious network. A video of a senior monk's pilgrimage to North Vietnam for the first time in thirty years, for example, was shown during one talk. His visits to North Vietnamese temples and lay people's houses gave the Hoa Nghiem members a sense of shared religious activity and reinforced their strong identification and connection with Buddhist practice in Vietnam. In Vietnam a monthly memorial service is held as a formal ceremony with festive decorations. The ceremony is long and detailed, with numerous mantra recitations, complicated mudras (hand gestures), and several monks chanting together. Because of restrictions of money, time, and monks in Canada, a short memorial called Ky Sieu is incorporated into the Hoa Nghiem Sunday service. During memorial chanting, when sangha read the names of those deceased, members (some wearing white headbands to commemorate death anniversaries, such as the forty-ninth day) prostrate themselves two to four times. The innovative Ky Sieu memorial practice helps Vietnamese Buddhists to construct new concepts of self and place. These concepts collectively preserve Vietnamese cultural and national heritage and reflect past suffering. The Ky Sieu is one of the most significant adaptive responses on the part of the Buddhist temple towards successful refugee resettlement and creation of a positive Vietnamese identity. At Hoa Nghiem members are encouraged to participate in the memorial services and to undertake to honour their ancestors at shrines in their home as well. All Buddhist ceremonies and cultural festivals at the temple begin with the calling for ancestors to come and join the service. Food offerings are placed on the various shrines, before the service, to show respect and remembrance for the dead. In addition to the weekly memorial service, Hoa Nghiem Temple pro-

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vides a huge memorial board ban vong. In the first Toronto Hoa Nghiem Temple, the ban vong was placed in the centre of the wall of the service hall (chua). The ban vong consisted of one board of pictures and memorial tablets of deceased founders of Hoa Nghiem Temple, including an image of the Chinese Zen patriarch Bodhidharma, hundreds of deceased relatives of members, and Buddhist martyrs - those who immolated themselves to protest the persecution of Buddhism in Vietnam and the horrors of war. The ban vong is a visual reminder to Vietnamese Buddhists to keep values of filial piety. One Vietnamese Buddhist said the ban vong is a reminder of 'where one comes from and to remember the Vietnamese are all related to one another.' In temples in Vietnam, there are separate memorial boards, often in different buildings, one for the monks and masters of the lineage (referred to as ban to), and another for the lay people (ban vong). When Hoa Nghiem Temple moved to its larger, present location, the ban to and ban vong were placed in separate rooms, each with its own collection of cremated ashes. For the older generation of Vietnamese refugees, exile from Vietnam has been a crucial act of self-definition. Resettlement represents such a profound and personal loss that a prolonged mourning for that loss is necessary for their mental health (Rumbaut 1990: 7). The memorial shrine and services at Hoa Nghiem Temple are a constant reminder of both the loss and re-creation of their Buddhist and Vietnamese identity. Recovery of the past, known as 'time-bindedness' (Mowrer 1958), is a crucial element for long-term adaptation. Beiser (1987) demonstrates that whenever a severe disjuncture occurs between past and present, the retrieval of memory is necessary to enable mourning and recognition of loss and to impart a historical perspective to the present and future. Both are essential to the mental health of refugees and to positive experiences of resettlement. If refugees do not move towards a healthy pattern of integrating the past, their risk of post-traumatic stress disorder is radically increased (Beiser et al. 1989; Beiser 1990). Memorial services and the ban vong help Vietnamese Buddhists, individually and as a group, to retrieve and face memories in a supportive and encouraging environment. Temple members can acknowledge and express the enormity of their loss and reaffirm their Vietnamese identity. As they reconstruct their lives, Vietnamese Buddhists struggle to come to terms with the incomprehensible suffering of the past, present contradictions of identity, and who their children will be in the future. Vietnamese Buddhists in Toronto perceive that Vietnamese Christians are neither given the solace of the memorial service nor the encouragement to struggle with recovering their past.9 Christian clergy often emphasize that the past does not matter, or has become worthless, in comparison with

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an orientation to Christian western cultural values (Hitchcox 1990: 182). Vietnamese Buddhists in Toronto note the absence of memorial boards and memorial services at Vietnamese Christian churches. They interpret this as a refusal to acknowledge the Vietnamese ancestral identity. Several Buddhist Vietnamese commented that on the anniversary of a relative's death, when special Buddhist memorial services are held at home, Vietnamese Christian family members and friends would not eat the specially prepared memorial foods, considering it heathen. The absence of ancestral shrines in Christian Vietnamese homes is considered by one Vietnamese monk as a way of 'forgetting who they are, where they came from and not acknowledging their ancestors who gave them so much. This will result in causing an emptiness in themselves. Christians are encouraged to believe that after death they go right to heaven and because of this there is no need for the memorial service' (personal interview). Some Vietnamese Buddhists feel that Christian churches, because they are western institutions, present a contradiction to beliefs, values, and cultural rules that the Vietnamese experience at home (Le 1986). Commenting on this spiritual dilemma within families, one Vietnamese woman said in a personal interview with the author, 'Vietnamese Buddhists are more inclined towards the extended family, the Vietnamese model, but Vietnamese Christians look at the "nuclear" family as being modern, being Canadian.' Another man noted: 'When Christian Vietnamese sponsor their elderly parents they don't want them to live with them. They think it is old fashioned, and they put them in their own apartment. The old people come to the temple and cry about why their family treats them so bad. They don't understand.' Thich Quang Luong noted that this so-called Christian Vietnamese problem is, in fact, a western attitude that some Buddhists have also emulated. To counter this tendency, Vietnamese Buddhists are reminded not to see themselves as individuals, separated from their ancestors, but as a continuation representing all previous generations. Thich Nhat Hanh (1990: 4) also explains, 'We see ourselves in the context of a lineage. We see that we are one element in a continuation of our ancestors and that we open the way for future generations. We play the role of connection. We can see the elements of the future and the past right in the present.' Revitalization and Redefinitions of Vietnamese Buddhist Identity The formal taking of precepts intensifies and publicizes a Vietnamese Buddhist commitment. At Hoa Nghiem Temple this occurs through the Quy

124 Many Petals of the Lotus Y ceremony. Quy means 'turning back or one returns,' and Y means Very pure or to depend on the Buddha, dharma and sangha, to listen, and to obey/ Taken together, Quy Y means returning to the three treasures. The ceremony occurs three or four times a year. Five precepts are taken, called Bo Tat, followed by the giving of a Buddhist name, and a certificate of aspiration called Phai Quy Y. Precept taking indicates that individuals are willing to learn Buddhist texts, to practise their daily meditation more diligently, to participate in full moon practice, and to become vegetarian on special days. The Quy Y ceremony enables some people to refer to themselves as 'real' Buddhists, because they have publicly chosen commitment. Children over ten are allowed to take precepts. By this age they are expected to understand good and bad and to know when they are adhering to the precepts or not. Precept members are referred to by their Buddhist names within the temple and wear brown or grey robes during religious services. They are expected to know why they have committed to Buddhism and why they come to the temple. This attitude is in contrast to that in Vietnam, where many people would go to the temple for special occasions or ceremonies as part of their overall cultural tradition and know little about Buddhist teachings or doctrines. It is ironic that a stimulus for Vietnamese Buddhist revitalization has come from the proseletization strategies of Canadian Christian sponsors and Christian missionaries in the refugee camps. Despite denials by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), Christian agencies working in Hong Kong, Thai, and Indonesian camps engaged in subtle and overt attempts of proseletization. Hitchcox's (1990: 178-93) description of the conversion process includes the use of Christian religious literature in English language instruction to adults and to children in preschool and primary school classes, showing evangelical films for entertainment, obstructing visits of Buddhist monks to the camps, not allowing permanent Buddhist shrines for daily services, and providing food, clothes, sports, medical assistance, skills training, and sponsorship opportunities for converts. The commitment to Buddhism was based on choice as explained by Thich Quang Luong: 'In Vietnam, Buddhism is all around. People don't have to think about it or bother to learn about it. In camps, however, with pressure from the Catholics and Baptists, people have to think, "what religion am I?" This choice then influences their learning and their preference for religious services' (personal interview 1991). The deliberation of choice reinforced traditional religious commitment and enabled Buddhism to thrive in the refugee camps without outside assis-

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tance. One Thai monk, the Venerable Dr Chuen Phangcham, who had been actively involved with Indochinese in refugee camps, stated: 'In the refugee camps, Buddhist people were forced to go to the missionaries for care and welfare. These missionary activities helped in one way but they didn't allow Buddhist monks to help. Buddhist monks in Thailand were forbidden to go to camps and members in camps were denied to go out to temples' (personal interview 1990). Vietnamese Buddhists were forced to rely on their own creativity and meagre financial or material resources to establish Vietnamese Buddhist temples and services at the Palau Galang, Palawan, and Phanat Nikhom refugee camps. Thich Quang Luong describes one Buddhist celebration in the Indonesian Palau Galang camp that illustrates the powerful support for Buddhism: There was so much external funding support for Christian activities. This made it easy for them to establish schools and hospitals and other aid organizations. For example, $17,000 was spent for the Christmas service in camp at the Catholic Church, lots of lights, fancy altars, and still it was not crowded. The Buddhist Wesak 1981 service had no money and was not elaborate, but thousands of people attended. This is evidence of internal support from the people themselves. The stage construction needed money to be built and food provided for workers, so a young girl asked for a note from the monks to solicit donations from the barracks. In one or two days there were not enough containers for all the donations, so twenty oil containers were used to collect money, and all the available water containers were used. Food donations were the same. For supplies for the workers, a room was filled with rice, choy, coffee, tea, beans. This proved so successful, a huge feast was presented at Wesak for over three thousand, including the camp officials. It was so crowded the people couldn't walk up to the temple. There was so much oil donated, wicks were put into containers, and lights burned all night. A two-metre high Buddha plus an elaborate stage was created. All this was from scraps. And there was a music show and dramatic plays. (Personal interview 1991).

Buddhist temples provided housing for Vietnamese sangha, with monks and nuns in respective quarters, and became a place of refuge from the surrounding squalor. Hitchcox (1990: 227) notes one Buddhist temple complex had 'clean, whitewashed walls, joined with an arch of bamboo to enclose a garden of scattered flower beds and paths. On one side is the pagoda (Chau), a cool, dark hall, smelling of incense and dominated by the statue of Buddha. Opposite are the rooms where believers may come to visit the monks. The whole is in sharp contrast to the environment in

n6 Many Petals of the Lotus which the refugees live. Moreover, it presents the opportunity for choice: the refugee chooses to go to the temple and acts as an independent individual in doing so. He enters a world where Westerners are unlikely to follow.' Vietnamese temples also provided facilities for the development of the Gia Dinh Phat Tu (Buddhist Family). The numerous activities, associations, and religious classes organized by the Buddhist Family further strengthened the commitment to Buddhism. The process of Christian proseletization at the camps was considered by many Vietnamese Buddhists to be a form of bribery for conversion. Vietnamese who chose to stay Buddhist felt that although their position was somewhat disadvantaged, it was honourable. One man felt that, 'because the link between Buddhism and being Vietnamese is very close, when faced with resettlement in the refugee camps, many Vietnamese became Christian, perceiving Christianity to be the religion of the new country. Some Vietnamese turned to Christianity through the promise of jobs and the thought that those who become Christian will get an easier time in resettlement, for example, wearing the cross will emphasize that they are "real"' Canadians.' Thich Quang Long felt that many Vietnamese who converted to Christianity were not 'real' Buddhists. Their participation in Buddhist ceremonies and rituals in Vietnam was part of their cultural tradition and not a conscious 'choice': In the refugee camps when Vietnamese were asked by officials what their religious affiliation was, many said they were Buddhist, rather than saying they were nothing. Therefore, their conversion to Christianity is not really a conversion. People who became Christians were not 'real' Buddhist members in Vietnam; they have never understood about Buddhism. They believe in Buddha but they don't know what this means. If they did, they would not become Christian. For example, no Buddhist monk has ever converted. In Vietnam, many people go to the temple for special occasions or ceremonies, and then only because it is traditional in their families. In Canada, however, people know why they must go to the temple, and this represents an important movement. In Canada, there are more 'real' members, based on an understanding of why they practise, on knowledge rather than belief. (Personal interview 1991).

Some Vietnamese Buddhists believe that conversion to Christianity requires a letting go of their Vietnamese identity or forgetting the past. A Buddhist Vietnamese man commented, 'When they get to Canada they stay in Christianity because they don't have enough power in the heart to keep their identity. They want to enter fully into Canadian society and not

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feel separate. They don't want to feel that they are "refugees."' Another Buddhist man spoke about a Christian fundamentalist church in Mississauga where the non-Vietnamese pastor said to the Vietnamese congregation, through an interpreter, that the Vietnam War was the 'will of God.' Vietnamese Buddhists are also concerned about the divisive nature of Christianity, pointing out that Catholic Vietnamese demand that potential spouses convert to Catholicism, while Buddhists do not demand this and are more tolerant. Several stated that there is a tendency for Vietnamese Christians to discriminate against Vietnamese Buddhists, making snide comments about them and looking down at them. One Buddhist family at Hoa Nghiem, for example, left Calgary because the son and daughter were discriminated against at a Catholic school, where the Vietnamese Catholic children refused to play with them. A young girl at Thich Nhat Hanh's 1991 retreat, commented: 'In Kitchener, a large part of the Vietnamese community are Catholic from North Vietnam. The Catholics and the Buddhists don't get along. There is no social mixing or dating, definitely no consideration of intermarriage. Catholics discriminate against Buddhists ... Catholics are not tolerant like Buddhists' (personal interview). At Hoa Nghiem Temple, Buddhist Vietnamese are taught that part of being a good Buddhist is to just ignore the discriminatory comments. As Thich Thien Nghi points out: 'Buddhist sangha can only tell people the "truth" of the Buddhist path. They cannot tell them they are wrong or try to force them in some way back. This would not be Buddhist. It is up to them to gain awareness or clarity to see what they are doing. It's up to them to realize' (Buddhist Conference, Toronto, 1991). Vietnamese who go to a Christian church, or pray to God for protection, are not automatically thought of as abandoning Buddhism. This nonjudgmental attitude gives Vietnamese Buddhists one of their greatest adaptive strengths. Buddhist leaders recognize the strong link between Buddhism and a Vietnamese identity, so they welcome Christian Vietnamese who sometimes come to a Buddhist temple. Sangha at Hoa Nghiem Temple, for example, perform services and give counselling to those who are not Buddhist. Many Christian or non-active Buddhist Vietnamese participate in Buddhist activities when they undergo life crises. They are not reproached in any way, nor are they pressured for further commitment. A woman at a 1991 Buddhist retreat stated: 'I am a Christian but I still come to the retreats because Thich Nhat Hanh's meditation is more a cultural and psychological development than religious.' A young man from Hoa Nghiem Temple recited a story of a family he knew in Winnipeg who converted to Christianity, but when the husband was dying, he asked Thich

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Thien Nghi to perform a Buddhist service. Afraid of going to the Christian hell, he thought Amida Buddha would accept him into the Pure Land if he had the Buddhist service. Throughout New Year's Eve and New Year's Day, hundreds of Vietnamese who are not Buddhist, visit Buddhist Temples. Thich Quang Luong explains that 'many who come to the Buddhist temples at this time are Christians who have converted recently and want to show their children Vietnamese traditions. Some are grown children of the devout Buddhist ladies at Hoa Nghiem who come out of respect for their parents. Others are "leaders" in the community who are obliged by custom to come to the temple and pay respect.' Buddhist Support for Vietnamese Ethnic Identity For many Vietnamese, Buddhism is considered to be one way of getting back to their Vietnamese culture and identity. One Vietnamese man at Thich Nhat Hanh's 1991 summer retreat explained: 'I am what you would call a "boat person." I am here in Canada with my wife and twelve-yearold daughter. I took computer science at York when I first came. I didn't belong or go to a Buddhist temple but found that I was losing my identity. Learning Buddhism has been a way of getting back to my culture. Most literature in Vietnam is Buddhist, and all the Vietnamese attitudes and values are all contained within the scriptures. Monks and nuns are cultural embodiments while Christianity represents western values and colonialization' (personal communication). One woman spoke of her brother who was 'adopted' by his Canadian sponsor: 'She was a very strong Christian, a Protestant, and he felt compelled to go to the Christian church. We didn't pressure him, because he had to make up his own mind. We did take him to see the Dalai Lama, and when he saw all the Caucasians and Asians there together, he felt "proud" to be Buddhist and expressed an interest in knowing more about his own Vietnamese heritage' (personal communication). Toronto Vietnamese temples and associations utilize numerous adaptive strategies to empower Vietnamese to collectively preserve their cultural and religious heritage while fully participating in Canadian life. Buddhism provides spiritual guidance, refuge, and a religious milieu for social and leisure activities. The Buddhist temple is a focal point of Vietnamese culture and language for both Buddhist and non-Buddhist Vietnamese. The festivals and ceremonies held at the temple provide opportunities for Vietnamese to support the continuation of traditional institutions and practices.

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Within the temples, women wear the ao dai (traditional dress), cultural heritage is taught and celebrated, and meals are traditional Vietnamese temple food. As Thich Thien-An (1975: 180) notes: Pagodas, temples and Buddhist images are almost friends to the Vietnamese, for throughout their long history of war and suffering, only the Temple of Buddha has given them peace and inner strength. Nothing stirs their emotions more than the echo of the temple bell, the slow beating of the drum, the sincere recitation of confessional sutras; these sounds flying in the smoke of incense and the light of candles reveal to them a world so wonderful and sacred that only the heart can feel what words cannot express. Buddhist temple music arouses distant memories of the many generations who fought to preserve such spiritual treasures, kneeling down in temples to the same music which today inspires in the Vietnamese a renewed love for their country and its heritage.

The Buddhist temple enables Vietnamese to retain a portion of their lives that is exclusively Vietnamese. To emphasize this point, one Vietnamese monk quoted Tru Vu, an eighteenth-century poet: 'Ngoi chua con do que huong van con,' which means, 'as long as the temple exists our country exists.' Accommodatory pressures in Canada, however, can cause controversy. When the Vietnamese Buddhist Association of Canada changed its name to the Union of Vietnamese Buddhist Churches in Canada, in 1992, one monk commented: 'In Vietnamese, there is no word for church. The closest translation is many groups joined under one organization. The suggestion to change the name is succumbing to pressure to accommodate to Christianity and to a society where most people are Christians.' Although some Vietnamese Buddhists may not agree with these concessions, they do understand the political expediency of them. Hoa Nghiem Temple and the Vietnamese Zen Meditation Group, especially, reinterpret Buddhism and utilize strategies to help Vietnamese gain acceptance as an ethnic religious minority in Canada. During the 1991 family retreat, Thich Nhat Hanh reminded Vietnamese youth that they will never be fully accepted by the western countries, citing racism and differences in heritage. He advised them: 'Because of this discrimination there is a need to keep a strong identity as Vietnamese and to take the responsibility to make Vietnamese a good name, and to continue to be proud of Vietnamese heritage. When Vietnamese are good citizens, they will be more easily accepted than when they are in trouble with the law or get a bad reputation.' Many Vietnamese at Hoa Nghiem Temple agreed, stating that they, and

130 Many Petals of the Lotus other Vietnamese they know, encountered discrimination and some form of racism. Concerns about the reputation of the Vietnamese community began in 1991 with the murders of several Vietnamese gang members by other Vietnamese gangs. Many Vietnamese Buddhist practices contribute to the adaptive process by discouraging violent tendencies and encouraging good citizenship. Thich Quang Luong taught that Buddhism emphasizes calm reflection on the various misfortunes and adversities encountered in life. He stated: 'Buddhist temples help develop Buddhist principles of calmness and patience, the opportunity to clear karma, and especially to develop wholesome mental health. The Buddhist attitude is that if a person is constantly rejected then it must be due to some aspect of karma, something they are putting out, for example, anger, hostility. Therefore, it is important for them to meditate, to reflect on self and to present a clear persona' (personal communication). At Hoa Nghiem Temple, members are encouraged to strive for their best, with right attitudes, thoughts, and actions to create better outcomes, to employ mindfulness to lessen suffering, to cultivate peace of mind, and to recognize that peace is better than material well-being. One Buddhist youth commented on the teachings: 'In Saigon many people escaped because they thought they could never be happy without good jobs and a future. But in Canada, if they are asked, "are you happy?" they say they are happy to be free from the communist regime. But, they are still caught by their desires, in prison to their needs to accumulate more and more. Thich Quang Luong calls this the spiritual malaise. He teaches the balancing of mind and body and an emphasis of self-development, of mental health ... The idea is to know who you are and where mind comes from. This is the basis of meditation practice' (personal communication). In the Vietnamese Zen Meditation Group, members strive to develop compassion, loving kindness, and forgiveness, and to continually direct these principles inward to improve themselves and outward towards their families and the community. During a 1991 retreat, Thich Nhat Hanh explained why Buddhist practice is necessary for a sense of psychological well-being: The Buddhist psychology we learn in the temple is not with an emphasis on abnormal people but is more practical, to learn about the mind and the body. The Abhidharma study of this is over two thousand five hundred years old. In Buddhism people come to the temple to practise mindfulness. They do not attend for being maladapted, but because they are not happy. They have suffering and seek ways to reduce attachments which cause the suffering. The aim is towards joy, freedom, and

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a happiness beyond that generally recognized by society, for example, material wealth and power. The Buddhist aim is to liberate from attachment, from the suffering in society that is there, despite being well adapted in society through one's social status and economic position.

Thich Nhat Hanh encourages the practice of mindfulness meditation as the primary means for individuals and families to develop and transform themselves. The Vietnamese word for refugee is nguoi ti nan, a helpless person, one who has lost status. Vietnamese Buddhism in Toronto has addressed the feelings of helplessness connected with the refugee status and presented the process of resettlement as an opportunity for inner growth, independent of external circumstances. An anonymous Buddhist monk used the metaphor of the hermit crab to illustrate the essence of Vietnamese Buddhist adaptation: 'Behold the Refugee! Soft and shell-less, the Hermit-Crab finds the abandoned shell of another animal and moves in. He adapts himself to his new home - look how well he fits in! But he always remains a Crab, and does not lose his identity; he does not become the kind of animal that made the shell' (Wandering But Not Lost 1985: 2). Vietnamese Buddhism makes a 'cultural statement about the continuity between an individual and his spiritual background as an aspect that need not change when everything else appears to be in flux' (Hitchcox 1990: 227). Despite accommodations and transformations in Toronto Vietnamese Buddhism, ethnic and nationalist commitment is reinforced among the various groups. Buddhist belief and practice provide psychological comfort through the recreation of Vietnamese organizational structures, the establishment of friendship networks and systems of reciprocal obligation, and the focus on Vietnamese culture, language, and ethnic identity. Future directions among Toronto Vietnamese Buddhist organizations include two primary issues. The first is that the current training of sangha members is not considered appropriate for western society. Many sangha members in Toronto do not have the equivalent of grade twelve high school education, have little English fluency, and rarely represent their temples in multifaith activities. Further, many have not gained the amount of extensive Buddhist knowledge and general learning that is often accomplished only through years of attendance at a full-time monastic institute. A large number of sangha were both young and inexperienced when they arrived in Toronto and had to quickly develop relationships with highly educated and successfully integrated lay members. Several lay leaders express their hope for a more 'professional' clergy in the future. The language issue, however,

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is a much larger concern. English translations of Vietnamese Buddhist sutras remain either inadequate or non-existent. The majority of sangha do not speak or understand English well enough to translate or teach complex Buddhist concepts to the youth, who in turn do not speak or understand the Vietnamese language enough to learn, for example, introductory lessons on precepts. In general the Toronto Vietnamese Buddhist community is not actively addressing these issues, but is more concerned with keeping the temples going. The traditional structure of the youth groups is oriented to retaining the Vietnamese emphasis, not to delivering teachings in English. Sangha activities are also so extensive that even if some wished to pursue higher education, develop linguistic proficiency, or undertake translations, she or he would not have the time. Several lay leaders have suggested that contract positions for sangha (similar to the model at Toronto Buddhist Church) may be an appropriate direction, ensuring proficiency as religious specialists and no involvement with organizational control. The much larger Vietnamese Buddhist associations in the United States are also struggling with these issues and it is their precedents which most likely will influence future directions in Toronto.

5

Cambodian Buddhists in Toronto

The Cambodian adaptation and integration into Canadian society is tied to Cambodians' recent experiences of war, the search for asylum, refugee camp life, and the sponsorship process (McLellan 1995). These experiences influence the means and extent to which Cambodians have recreated Buddhist traditions. Although the term 'Cambodian' refers to any person born in the country known as Cambodia or Kampuchea, more than 90 per cent of Cambodians are ethnically and linguistically identified as Khmer (Ebihara 1985). The Cambodian community in Toronto is primarily Khmer (98 per cent), and both terms, 'Khmer' and 'Cambodian,' are used interchangeably (McLellan 1995)Khmer are Theravada Buddhists, distinct from the minority Vietnamese and Chinese groups in Cambodia who practised Mahayana Buddhism. For over two thousand years Theravada Buddhist beliefs and teachings have influenced Cambodian social norms and systems of social stratification. The Buddhist wat (temple) was the primary social institution, outside of the family, and it played a key role in disseminating information throughout the country. Monks were expected to maintain an exemplary role of spiritual specialist, strict adherence to the Vinaya (monastic discipline and rules for deportment, eating times, and so forth), and minimal involvement in the affairs of secular society and the laity. Theravada Buddhism inspired Cambodian national and cultural identity and gave broad guidance to standards of conformity for men, women, and children. Theravada Buddhists, in general, have distinct difficulties in establishing and maintaining a Buddhist temple in North America. They must make enormous adjustments, especially in negotiating traditional views concerning the activities and involvements of monks (Van Esterik 1992; Numrich 1996). Although the ideals of Theravada monastic life are perpetuated, cer-

134 Many Petals of the Lotus tain characteristics are significantly altered within the North American context. Adaptations are made in dietary customs, dress codes, alms rounds, handling money, social contact with women or even shaking their hands, restrictions on vehicular travel, and so forth (ibid.). Changes in the monks' duties also entail a greater involvement with worldly affairs, such as officiating at weddings, enhanced counselling and interaction with laity, and attending public education classes and ecumenical activities. Lay participation within North American Theravada Buddhist communities also has been changing (ibid.). Laypeople are becoming more involved in ritual celebrations, extended merit making, temple administration, and the support of monks. Other modifications of Theravada belief and practice include alterations to the transmission of Buddhist knowledge, such as incorporating weekly sutra study sessions, sangha and lay meditation sessions, shared retreats, or reinterpreting scriptures to reflect changing social conditions, modified ordination ceremonies for new monks, and the inclusion of young women for temporary ordination or retreats (ibid.). Negotiating these transformations within a social setting characterized by ignorance and indifference entails enormous burdens on already disadvantaged refugee communities. Of all the Buddhist groups in Toronto, Cambodian refugees have had the greatest difficulties in re-creating Buddhist practice and traditions. These difficulties involve two interrelated factors: the absence of a strong societal infrastructure within the Cambodian community from which cultural and religious bonds could be reaffirmed and reestablished, and extensive physical and mental health debilitation caused by successive waves of violence, genocidal traumatization, and prolonged dependency (McLellan 1995). To understand Khmer Buddhists living in Toronto, one must fully appreciate the extent and gravity of their recent suffering in Cambodia. In a period of less than four years, the Cambodian Buddhist religious and cultural system, famous for its tranquillity and temperate lifestyle, was brutally ravaged and dismantled. Cambodians are survivors of the 1975-1979 Marxist-based, Khmer Rouge regime under Pol Pot. Ngor and Warner (1987) and Tenhula (1991) provide testimonial accounts and post-traumatic repercussions of the genocidal Khmer Rouge regime. As Ngor (Ngor and Warner 1987: i) states: 'I have been many things in life. A trader walking barefoot on paths through the jungles. A medical doctor, driving to his clinic in a shiny Mercedes. In the past few years, to the surprise of many people, and above all myself, I have been a Hollywood actor. But nothing has shaped my life as much as

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surviving the Pol Pot regime. I am a survivor of the Cambodian holocaust. That's who I am.' War, both regional and civil, starvation, and genocidal persecution systematically undermined the foundations of traditional Khmer society and culture. Hundreds of thousands of Cambodians fled the unremitting violence and insecurity, with approximately three hundred thousand resettling in western countries such as Canada, the United States, France, Britain, Australia, and New Zealand. Canada has accepted more than twenty thousand Cambodians. Most Cambodians came as 'designated class' refugees during the 19805 under federal government and private sponsorship programs. A few Khmer (diplomats, business people, and students) were in Canada before 1980, residing mainly in Quebec. When Cambodia became internationally isolated after 1975, these Khmer were granted permanent resident status. At the same time, Canada provided asylum for a small number of Cambodians as refugees under the UN convention. Both groups were subsequently able to sponsor surviving family members from refugee camps in Thailand. The Cambodians' achievement in resettlement, their gradual re-creation of cultural and community ties, and their attempts to rebuild shattered lives are all testaments to the strength and tenacity of the Khmer spirit. The retention of Theravada Buddhism by Cambodian refugees remains clearly identified with Khmer ethnicity and national identity. The stresses of adapting to Canadian society, assimilation pressures on Cambodian youth, conversion to Christianity, and severe unresolved trauma within individuals, families, and the entire Cambodian community, contribute to the enormous difficulties Cambodians must surmount in re-creating Buddhist belief and practice and revitalizing Buddhist identities. Recent Cambodian History Since the late 19605 Cambodian people have experienced ongoing war and catastrophes. For a period of five years the United States unleashed a massive military bombing campaign in Cambodia. This was immediately followed by four years (1975-9) °f genocide against the Cambodian people by the communist Khmer Rouge regime. The extremist rule of the Khmer Rouge enforced an administration based on open force, intimidation, and inhumane treatment. The evacuation and abandonment of cities, the forced rural labour, and the purges of 'class' enemies were based on Maoist methods, learned by Khmer Rouge leaders during China's Cultural Revolution.

136 Many Petals of the Lotus Khmer Rouge forces entered the capital city, Phnom Penh, on 17 April 1975. Many of the soldiers were young (12 to 16 years old), uneducated, rural, and orphaned by U.S. bombing campaigns. Few had ever been to a city, and all were indoctrinated in communist ideology (Ngor and Warner 1987). Within three days of the occupation, the Khmer Rouge forced all inhabitants of Phnom Penh to evacuate, shooting those who resisted or questioned (ibid.). Roads to rural areas were clogged with over two million evacuees. For weeks there was no food, shelter, or water provided, only orders to keep moving away from the city. Khmer people, now resettled in Canada, speak of how men, women, children, and even hospital patients were forced at gunpoint to leave. Several recalled how during this time family members became separated or died of exhaustion and illness by the roadside (McLellan 1995). Evacuations occurred within every city and town in Cambodia. Schools, hospitals, banks, post offices, libraries, and Buddhist temples were plundered and destroyed by Khmer Rouge cadres. Individuals associated with these institutions were either immediately shot, or imprisoned and eventually executed. The Khmer Rouge hastily established rural work communes across Cambodia to accommodate the millions of displaced people. Every Cambodian man, woman, and child was affected by the forced evacuation of Cambodia's cities and towns, the inhumane living conditions in rural slave labour camps, mass killings and executions, starvation, rampant disease, family separation, and complete social disintegration under this regime. Individuals targeted for immediate execution included former government officials, soldiers, merchants, educated and professional people, classical dancers, members of the royal family, artists, Buddhist monks, and those perceived as being western influenced (for example, those who could speak French or wore glasses). Almost two million Cambodians died during this time, one-quarter of the population (Kiljunen 1983). Survivors in Canada recall the hard labour in fields, working days and nights without rest, the lack of food, being under constant surveillance, and being witness to numerous acts of brutality and killing. They speak of watching their children and parents die of starvation, family members being shot and beaten, acts of petty cruelty and suffering, and feeling the indignities, the unceasing despair, fear, and terror. In the words of one Cambodian Canadian woman, those who survived were 'leftovers from the dead' (McLellan I995)Previous to 1975 traditional Khmer society had consisted of three main status groups: urban royalty and government officials in small towns and urban areas, rural-based peasants, and Buddhist monks (Bit 1991). Urban

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and rural groups had demonstrated distinctive value systems. The urban group emphasized western ideals and education, as well as 'classical' Khmer culture, including an aristocratic approach to Buddhism referred to as Thommayuth (Mysliwiec 1988). The rural group remained entrenched in traditional behaviour and folkways; a conservative lifestyle, and a villagebased practice of Buddhism called Mohanikay, which effectively integrated the entire country (ibid.). Cambodia had more than sixty-thousand Buddhist monks in over three thousand temples, located in every village, town, and city (ibid.). After four years of Khmer Rouge destruction, few temples were left, most Khmer sutras and Buddhist commentaries were destroyed, and those monks who survived were forcibly defrocked. More than twentyfive thousand monks were executed or died from hardship (ibid.). Senior experienced monks with religious knowledge, such as ceremonial training and meditational insights, and the capacity to provide ritual healing therapies were especially targeted. The Khmer Rouge divided the Cambodian population into three different social groups: Khmer Rouge cadres and soldiers became the new leaders and authority figures, the moulatan chass (old people), all rural-based ethnic Khmer, became overseers of 'new' people (those from urban areas), acting as administrators of labour, housing, and food distribution, and the moulatan thmai (new people), became slave labourers (Ngor and Warner 1987). Old people had consented to Khmer Rouge rule between 1970 and 1975. Although skilled in agriculture and rural living, they were generally illiterate and uninformed about urban life and global events. New people were those who, at the time of the Khmer Rouge occupation, lived in towns and cities. They included ethnic Khmer, non-Khmer minorities (Vietnamese or Chinese), and displaced rural people who had fled to urban areas to escape U.S. bombing. As urban dwellers, new people were identified as enemies of the state and subject to harsh treatment. The Khmer Rouge attempt to create a radical communist state was a horrific experiment in social engineering. Khmer Rouge sought to completely alter traditional Cambodian society by engaging everyone in statecontrolled rural production. Classical Khmer dance and music were denounced as corrupt and replaced by Chinese communist propaganda plays (ibid.). Songs glorifying communist China's Cultural Revolution were broadcast nightly throughout the camps when people returned from the fields. Buddhist practice and traditional ceremonies were forbidden, including the offering of food to the sangha, and especially funeral and memorial rites. Wives were separated from husbands, both to live in cramped, dormitory-like conditions, and forced marriages were common.

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Children over the age of five were taken from their parents, placed in 'children's work camps,' and interrogated to determine if their family members could be identified as 'class' enemies. In a drastic departure from the traditional social and gender hierarchy, young females (mil neary) were given power and authority to command people and identify enemies of the communist state. Children as young as ten were purposefully exposed to widespread violence. They were indoctrinated into Khmer Rouge ideology and given incentives, such as food or reduced labour, to mould them into aggressive and violent cadres. Communal food was provided only for workers; the elderly, sick, weak, and disabled were expected to die. The constant threat against, and subsequent disappearance of, those identified as enemies created extensive mistrust within families and among friends, relatives, and co-workers. The inexplicable violence inflicted on the Cambodian people was carried out in the name of Angka, a nameless, faceless organization whose leaders were not known. One Toronto Khmer woman felt that the pervasive terror of Angka was worse than hunger, because nothing could be done about it: I remember when we were in the work group and we had to hold hands coming back to camp because we were starving and had no energy to walk. We had no clothes, only black rags. We had to keep our hair short. For four years we had no soap or shampoo. We could only wash our hair with water. All of us had head lice. We had to work in the rice fields, in deep water, and as soon as we went into the water, the leeches came and attached on. We always cried. It was so horrible. We had to do everything. Plant rice, digging, irrigation. Little bowls of watery rice everyday. Only two cups of rice, cooked with water, for twenty people ... Friends would slowly die in front of us, and we thought that's what would happen to us. Night-time was the most fearful because 'Angka' would come then and call people out, and they would disappear. They were always there to listen, to watch, to try and catch you up. You had to be always careful. One word could kill you. Every morning when we saw the sun we thought we have survived one more day. We kept thinking this every day. In my group there were three women who used to be university students. They spoke French with one another one evening, and 'Angka' heard this and the next day they were taken away and killed. We know this because their clothes were brought back. Everybody knew but nobody could talk about it. We just worked and kept quiet. Our life was in danger all the time. We were scared to talk, scared to do anything. (Personal interview 1994)

In early 1979 Vietnam invaded Cambodia to quell intensifying Khmer Rouge incursions into Vietnamese territory. The Khmer Rouge regime was

Cambodian Buddhists in Toronto 139 replaced by a Vietnamese-backed government controlled by Heng Samrin, Hun Sen, and other defectors from the factionalized Khmer Rouge. The country was renamed the People's Republic of Kampuchea. As Khmer Rouge forces were attacked by Vietnamese troops, the collective farms and forced labour systems collapsed. Most Cambodian people were free to return to their former homes and villages to search for their families. Several thousand Cambodians sought refuge in Thailand, fearing both Vietnamese communist rule and the possible return of Khmer Rouge forces (Kiljunen 1983). They included former monks, shopkeepers, teachers, professionals, and civil servants. The flight to Thailand was fraught with landmines; Khmer people recall the stench of the mine fields, the corpses stacked in piles, and the wounded without arms or legs. Groups of Thai soldiers, renegade resistance soldiers, and bandits robbed the ill, wounded, exhausted, and starving refugees, and raped Cambodian women and young girls. Upon reaching Thailand, many of the refugees were refused entry, and inhumanely forced back into Cambodia by the Thai military, while others became caught in the border camps of the Khmer Rouge, or by smugglers, criminals, and right-wing guerrilla movements (Garry 1980; Kiljunen 1983; Ngor and Warner 1987). During the next few months, the most destructive famine in Cambodia's history forced hundreds of thousands more Cambodians, from every class and ethnic group, to seek food in Thailand. The United Nations insisted on Thailand keeping an open border during this emergency, and before the end of 1979 almost one million Cambodians had sought asylum (Garry 1980: 42). In Thai refugee camps run by the UNHCR, Cambodians received food, chlorinated water, and medical treatment. Several international aid groups provided education,retraining programs, and most importantly, hope for resettlement. Because most camps were serviced by Christian organizations and personnel, funding was not available for the establishment of Buddhist temples. Buddhist practices were neither encouraged nor supported. UNHCR camps did not distinguish between Cambodian refugees who were former supporters of the Pol Pot communist regime (leaders, soldiers and old people) and those who were non-supporters 'new people'; Ngor and Warner 1987: 412). By mid-1980 Thailand closed its borders again. Any refugees escaping Cambodia were directed into border camps, unregulated by UNHCR. Cambodian political and military organizations controlled and supervised the more than twenty border camps, some of which held over two hundred thousand refugees. Eleven camps (totalling over 122,000 people) were controlled by Khmer Rouge communists (Kiljunen 1983). The reinforcement

140 Many Petals of the Lotus of Khmer Rouge control and military capacity was made possible by United States and Chinese military aid, the Thai army, and several international relief organizations (ibid.: 138). The use of Khmer Rouge soldiers provided an indirect means for the United States and China to enact revenge on Vietnam (ibid.). Over the next eight years the border camps acted as military buffer zones in which refugees were frequently used as human shields between Khmer Rouge fighters and the Vietnamese-backed government of Cambodia. Thousands of Cambodian refugees spent years moving from one border camp to another before making it to UNHCR camps and resettlement opportunities. Canadian Resettlement Between 1980 and 1992 Canada accepted 18,602 Cambodian refugees, with approximately equal numbers of males and females (McLellan 1995).' This number does not include the few thousand Kampuchea Krom (individuals with Khmer identity born in Vietnam) who are listed as Vietnamese refugees, or those Cambodians who claimed a Vietnamese identity in Thai refugee camps to gain a better opportunity for resettlement in Canada. Out of this total fewer than five were Buddhist monks, most of whom quickly went to the United States to join the large Cambodian temples there. Forty-five per cent of Cambodian refugees in Canada were privately sponsored through Christian congregations under the 'Master Agreement' mandate of three main groups: the Christian Reform Church, Catholic Immigrant Aid, and the Mennonite Church. The remaining 5 5 per cent were sponsored by the Canadian government (ibid.). The majority of Cambodians who resettled in Canada were rural Khmer with little education or knowledge of urban life. Approximately 84 per cent of Cambodian refugees admitted to Canada reported receiving some or no primary education in Cambodia, 3 per cent completed primary school, and 2 per cent stated they finished high school and had some post-secondary education; 92 per cent could not speak either of Canada's official languages (ibid.). In 1980 there were few Khmer translators, outside of Quebec, who could provide interpretive services or arrange orientation and support activities for Cambodian refugees. Canadian government and social service programs were limited, overworked, and tended to be oriented towards the considerably larger SinoVietnamese and ethnic Vietnamese refugee groups (ibid.). As a result, the special needs of Cambodians were not adequately understood. Cambodians comprised a very small portion of the Indochinese refugee population and were frequently assumed to be 'Vietnamese boat people.' The absence

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of an intellectual elite among Khmer refugees meant that there was little advocacy or cultural brokering on their behalf. Neither government nor private sponsors had the experience or the resources to effectively recognize and deal with the background and psychological needs of the Khmer refugees, especially among the highly vulnerable individuals, such as widows or orphans. The lack of culturally appropriate services has affected Khmer at both the personal and community levels, the consequences of which are only now being recognized (ibid.). In Toronto, the Cambodian Association (funded by provincial and federal government grants) was formed in 1981 to provide basic settlement services to Khmer newcomers. Until recently, the association tended to separate itself from Khmer Buddhist and cultural community groups, unlike in Montreal, where a close cooperation exists between the Communaute Khmere du Canada (Khmer Community Association) and the Pagode Khmer du Canada (Khmer Buddhist temple). Cambodian community sources estimate that there are approximately ten thousand Cambodians in Ontario (living in Toronto, Ottawa, Kingston, Hamilton, London, St Thomas, and Windsor), with almost half in Toronto. Montreal retains the largest concentration of Cambodians with estimates ranging from eight to ten thousand. According to 1991 census data British Columbia, Alberta, and Manitoba have fewer than one thousand Cambodians in each province. In Toronto most live in one area which is characterized by low income and subsidized housing. Despite the high community concentration, there are few individuals with leadership and organizational skills who are willing to help establish and maintain a Cambodian Buddhist temple or mutual aid associations. Cambodian community networks and relationships are weak because of past experiences of distrust, miscommunication, and power conflicts. Cambodians remain suspicious and critical of those aspiring to, or already in, positions of authority. The competition for the status of leadership positions highlights numerous divisions based on class, religious, political, and generational differences. This fracturing within the Cambodian community is compounded by a severe scarcity of individuals who are recognized or regarded as leaders. Those with leadership and organizational skills, including teachers, administrators, medical doctors, military professionals, traditional healers, and monks, had been specifically targeted for execution and persecution during the Khmer Rouge regime, and few survived. Given the dimension of psychological trauma experienced by Cambodian refugees, the enormous challenges they face in learning a new language, employment skills, and understanding Canadian

142 Many Petals of the Lotus culture, and their overwhelming need to reestablish family networks, Cambodians have little time or energy left to rebuild their community, and the effort required to do so remains a formidable obstacle (McLellan 1995). Re-creating and Maintaining Cambodian Cultural Identity through Buddhist Belief and Practice There are five Khmer Buddhist temples in Canada; they are called wats or pagodas. Edmonton (Alberta) has one, serviced by the Reverend Chea So, a Khmer monk. Montreal has two. The Montreal-based Pagode Khmer du Canada is under the leadership of the Reverend Hok Savann, assisted by an older Kampuchea Krom monk, two young Khmer monks, and numerous duan chee (nuns who follow ten Buddhist precepts). The Pagode Khmer du Canada is the largest and best supported Khmer Buddhist institution. Renovated from three row houses, it incorporates traditional Khmer architectural style, several Buddhist shrines and meditation areas, and is surrounded by an extensive courtyard and garden. The much smaller Wat Pothi Preuk in Montreal has no resident monk. In Ontario there are two Cambodian Buddhist temples (wats), one in Ottawa under the direction of a Thai monk who speaks Khmer, and one in Toronto. Smaller Buddhist associations with no monk or temple, however, exist in almost every Khmer Canadian community. The Toronto temple, called the Cambodian Wat, was founded and governed by a small group of Cambodians in the early 19805. They were primarily refugees, but included a few individuals in Canada since 1975, who organized themselves into the Khmer Buddhist and Cultural Community Group. The Cambodian Wat was first housed in a small one-bedroom apartment, later moving to a larger two-bedroom townhouse with no identifiable markers on the outside to distinguish it. Both were located within walking distance of many Cambodians. Inside, the living-room was converted to a Buddhist shrine and meditation area, and the walls were covered with pictures of the Angkor Wat and other scenes reminiscent of Cambodia. Until 1996 the Toronto temple did not have a permanent Cambodian monk. Cambodian monks remain scarce, not only in resettlement countries but also in Cambodia. Many who survived the Khmer Rouge were not allowed to resume monastic life under the Vietnamese occupation, as ordination was restricted to men aged fifty years or older. This created a severe shortage of monks for ritual services, the teaching oipali chants and sutras, and the rebuilding of wats. When younger men were finally able to be

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ordained in the late 1980$, many senior monks had already died, both in Cambodia and in the refugee camps, taking with them years of experience and historical knowledge of Khmer Buddhism. In the absence of a permanent monk in Toronto, several elderly nuns (duan chee) went daily to the temple to attend to the shrine and recite prayers. The elderly Kampuchea Krom monk from Montreal was in residence for limited periods from 1983 to 1995. To provide Buddhist services for special ceremonies, Cambodians relied on bringing in guest monks from far away Cambodian communities (Montreal or the United States) at great expense. Cambodians also used the services of Laotian monks in Toronto, when they were free from their own ethnic community obligations and responsibilities. In April 1995 the Toronto-based Khmer Buddhist and Cultural Community Group purchased a large house in York Region, just north of the Toronto (former North York) city boundary. This house is now referred to as the Cambodian Wat. It is a monastic institution housing several recently arrived Khmer Buddhist monks - two from Cambodia, one from a Thai refugee camp, one from Vietnam - and duan chee who live there temporarily to provide services to the monks, including cooking, cleaning, and temple maintenance. With the temple several miles north of the core Khmer community, a car is considered essential to visit, although it is accessible by Vaughan public transit. Neighbours of the new Khmer temple are hostile to the Cambodian Buddhist presence, and they are engaged in various strategies to reduce its effectiveness (for example, raising possible zoning by-law infractions, opposition towards renovation plans, parking complaints, and animosity towards the monks). This overt community hostility is similar to that experienced by Japanese Canadians in the late 19408. The temple has had to restrict the number of people visiting at any one time, and it is hesitant to accommodate communal activities, such as wedding parties, concerned they may further estrange the neighbours. For many Khmer in Toronto, Buddhism is the primary expression of the Cambodian way of life. Much of the traditional Cambodian culture they still practise in Canada, such as their family rituals, cuisine, language, and behaviour, is influenced by Buddhist beliefs and practices. Khmer people, for example, continue to address each other with sompeah, placing the palms together in a Buddhist gesture of greeting and respect. Annual cultural celebrations and festivals remain linked to Buddhist ceremonies, and wherever possible, are held on auspicious Buddhist tngay sil (observance) days, such as Penh Bo (full moon) or Khe Dach (no moon). Bun Chaul Chhnam, the Cambodian New Year, is celebrated in Canada

144 Many Petals of the Lotus according to Buddhist tradition. In Cambodia, Bun Chaul Chhnam is a three-day observance, from 13 to 15 April. Family members make every effort to return to their parents' house and to the wats where their ancestors relics are stored. On the third day of the celebration, parents are honoured as Preah Ros (living Buddhas) and offered money, food, flowers, and a ritual water blessing. The observance of Bun Chaul Chhnam in Toronto has accommodated to the Canadian work week by being reduced to one or two days, and it is usually held on the weekend in April nearest the full moon. As most Cambodians here have neither parents nor memorial relics, they feel that a large part of this celebration is missing, and they try to alleviate the loss by getting together with as many friends and family as possible. Ontario Khmer communities will hold their celebrations on different weekends to accommodate out-of-town friends and family, as well as to share the few available monks. The major celebration following Bun Chaul Chhnam is Visak Bochea (commemorating the birth, enlightenment, and death of the Buddha) in May; followed by Choi Preah Vasa (beginning of the three-month monks' retreat) in July; Bun Pechum (Feast of the Dead) in September or October; and Bun Katin (Flower Festival) in November. General ceremonial occasions such as the monthly tngay sil days and bun phka (offerings to the temple), as well as special celebrations to mark the rites of passage like marriage, birth, and death, auspicious events (such as finding lost family members), and healing rituals are held throughout the year, and if possible at the Buddhist temple. In Cambodia, all cultural ceremonies, celebrations, and religious observances would be held at the local Buddhist wat. In Toronto, first because the temple was too small, and now because it is located in a residential neighbourhood that does not welcome Cambodian community activities, the Cambodian Buddhist community must rent a hall or school auditorium to accommodate the large numbers of Khmer who attend Buddhist cultural ceremonies. Before Cambodian Buddhist ceremonies begin in the rented hall or auditorium, special mats (kantel) are unrolled; ritual accoutrements such as an image of the Buddha, incense, and flowers are set up; and the area in front of the seated monks is covered with dishes of food and money trees, to be offered either to the monks or to ancestor spirits. Special Buddhist music (pleng ping peat) is played before and after the chanting. During the ceremony, the monks recite a series of pali prayers and blessings and give the Five Precepts (Sum Sil or Sal Prom) to the lay people, who then recite them. After Khmer Buddhist observances are completed, the community participates in a huge feast of specially prepared Khmer food. Some food

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such as ansam (sticky rice cooked in a banana leaf) is made only once a year. Other dishes are prepared only for these communal celebrations because of their cost, difficulty in getting ingredients, or time expended in preparation. Any food offering, however, is acceptable, including fruit, store-bought cookies, donuts, potato chips, or take-out Chinese food. During Buddhist celebrations young and old women wear the traditional Khmer sarong and krama (long scarf), both in radiant colours and lustrous hand-woven cotton or silk fabrics. Older men tend to wear suits and ties during cultural and religious events (although they wear the traditional sampot at home), while younger men wear casual shirts and jeans. Traditional ritual celebrations, such as the New Year water festivities in April, outdoor games, and theatre, often do not accompany religious celebrations in Toronto. The colder Toronto weather inhibits outdoor water festivities, and when rented halls are set up for religious celebrations, they are too small to accommodate the associated games and theatre. It becomes difficult for Khmer youth to appreciate, or learn, songs about rice production, buffalos, or Cambodian courting rituals, all of which embody elements of traditional Khmer identity and history. In comparison, the large courtyard and activity rooms at the Pagode Khmer du Canada in Montreal enable Khmer youth to play traditional Cambodian games such as sei (a team game with a badminton-like birdie that is kicked), chol chhoung (a rolled scarf tossed back and forth between groups of males and females), rout pong moan (running with an egg), and teanh proat (a rope tug-of-war between men and women). Toronto's Buddhist temple and Buddhist ritual celebrations are not associated with these pleasurable activities, necessary for conveying the Cambodian cultural heritage. In Cambodia the temple served as a community and religious centre, providing the focus for significant life transition celebrations, ceremonial and social events, and agricultural festivities. Only a few remain in Canada. One of the more significant is the celebration of the Khmer wedding. In Toronto a traditional Khmer marriage ceremony lasts all day. The morning service, held at the bride's home or at the temple, is a religious ceremony involving several monks and achaas (non-monastic religious specialists). If a large number of guests are invited, a hall is usually rented. Before Khmer monks were resident in Toronto, they were invited from the United States or Montreal. Their transportation costs and accommodation added considerably to the wedding costs, which also included a large donation to the temple. During the blessing ceremony, traditional wedding music is played by a Khmer band. Afterwards, the groom's family and friends may go through the neighbourhood in a procession, accompanied by the band

146 Many Petals of the Lotus playing music, bringing many dishes of food to the bride's house for a second ceremony with the monks and achaas. More prayers and blessings are given by the monks, parents exchange ceremonial gifts, and the bride and groom have a lock of their hair cut, symbolic of the Buddhist ritual when heads are shaved for ordination. The monks are offered food, and after their meal, they return to the temple. An afternoon feast follows for the guests. In the evening, the bridal party, families, and friends go to a restaurant for another meal, entertained by folk-dancing or the performance of traditional Khmer music. At the end of the evening, an achaa solemnly ties a white cotton string around the wrists of the bride and groom, now officially married in the eyes of the community. Temples in Cambodia provided young village boys with rudimentary school education and religious training to shape their moral and ethical development. Before a young man was considered eligible for marriage, he was expected to become a monk for a short time, often only three months. Becoming a monk for this period was an expression of gratitude to his parents. Although there are no regular Cambodian Buddhist classes in Toronto, traditional teaching methods have begun; younger Khmer men and boys are engaging in more activities with Khmer Buddhist monks and with the temple. In 1997, for example, one young man took temporary ordination as a Buddhist monk. The young man, engaged to marry a woman in Cambodia, became a monk to please his mother and his future in-laws. Another young man, ordained for several months, has difficulties in learning pali prayers and Buddhist rituals and adhering to Vinaya precepts. There is speculation he will not continue. One of the Toronto monks recently sponsored from Cambodia has already given up being a monk and married, a situation similar to that in Montreal in the 19805 when five monks sponsored from Thai refugee camps relinquished monasticism within their first year in Canada. The Toronto ordination ceremonies were the first held, and they marked an important stage in the Cambodian community's ability to recreate a traditional Buddhist ritual involving a young man's sacrifice for others.2 Public forums involve Cambodian youth with Buddhism. At the 1997 Cambodian Youth Educational Development Conference in Hamilton, Ontario, guest speakers included the Venerable Hun By, of the Toronto Cambodian temple; Dr Chanthan Chea, vice-president of the Cambodian Buddhist Association in San Diego; and Dr Pheng Kol, a Khmer scholar who initiated the Pannasastra Buddhist University of Cambodia. The Venerable Hun By gave the opening address and reiterated the strong link between Buddhism and Khmer cultural and social identity. He stated:

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All Cambodians are influenced by Buddhism. The role of Buddhism is to educate and to assist in the society for people to become good. Buddhism educates people, families, women, and children to know the proper ways to behave through the Five Precepts. What is right for the individual is right for society. As individuals you have to think about your feelings and those of others. You are not to lie and you need to obey parents and elders. You need to find the right way to educate the younger generation to preserve the history and the heritage of Cambodia. You are the first generation here to create this. As such, you need to understand the consequences of your actions; this is Buddhism. Buddhism is for families, to make people aware, to be cautious at all times. In a family with children, Buddhism teaches the proper role, the respect. This is the main purpose of Buddhism, to show the good way ... Thank you to all the Cambodians who have worked so hard and still continue to make this education. The youth are the future of the nation, so please preserve our culture and heritage for a long time. Please preserve for the next generation to come.

In support of the Venerable Hun By's comments, a young Khmer man later commented how being a Buddhist helps him to understand the multifaith context of Toronto: 'Buddhism is a religion to find the truth, the peace. It is located not just in the temple, but everywhere. It also teaches you that others may have their own religion but this is also part of what Buddhism teaches, that you need to educate yourself about others.' Until recently much of the Buddhist involvement in Toronto has been with older Khmer men who have assumed the non-monastic achaa positions necessary for Theravada Buddhist activities, such as tngay sil ceremonies, weddings, and funerals. These positions provide avenues for Buddhist practice, community leadership, and respect. The representative decision making and positions of secular and sacred authority remain firmly with men. It is mostly the women and young girls, however, who actively participate in the religious rituals offering food and merit making, listening to the pali prayers and blessings, and reciting the precepts. While girls stay with their mothers during the monks' prayers and sermons, younger men and male children are elsewhere in the temple, or rented hall, playing or just standing around waiting until the religious observances end and for the communal feast to begin. Yet, girls and young women receive little Buddhist education and training at the temple. Their participation is limited to worship, providing caretaking and domestic service for religious celebrations, feeding monks, and offering food to ancestors. Unlike other Asian Buddhist women in Toronto, new concepts of self-expression, service to their community, or leadership opportunities in Buddhist contexts have not been developed.

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The restrictions on Khmer Buddhist women limit the creation of innovative educational, cultural, and spiritual programs. Theravada Buddhist monks continue to view women with apprehension because they are potential temptresses who may lure monks from their vows of chastity (Ebihara 1974). In Toronto Cambodian monks are forbidden to be alone with a woman, to touch one casually, or engage in social conversation. Elderly women, however, are allowed to establish close ties with monks at the local Buddhist temple and engage in spiritual opportunities beyond that of merit-making contributions. When their children are all married, some older women take the Ten Precepts and become Theravada nuns, although they are not fully ordained bhikkhunis. Referred to as duan chee or yeay chee, they live in or near the temple. In exchange for domestic duties, duan chee receive Buddhist teaching and meditation instruction from the monks. Most retain close ties to their families by frequently tending grandchildren and returning home for traditional Buddhist celebrations. Through their dedication to Buddhism and conscientious practice, duan chee have earned considerable respect and are acknowledged as wise women. Khmer people traditionally came to them for advice, to ease psychological distress, or to share emotional difficulties. Duan chee were trusted not to engage in slanderous gossip nor to be judgmental of others. There are five to ten duan chee associated with the Toronto Khmer temple, although only in Montreal do they actively help Khmer women resolve their emotional problems associated with grief, trauma, loss, isolation, and family difficulties. Because most duan chee are now illiterate, many educated Khmer and youth raised in Canada feel that the duan chee cannot offer them the level of mental health counselling or family and social advice that they need. Importance of Traditional Religious Belief and Practice in Maintaining Positive Mental Health Intertwined with Cambodian Buddhism is the pervasive belief in neak ta, a complex array of spirits. Benign or malevolent neak ta include guardian, ancestral, Hindu, and animistic spirits. Ritual specialists, called Khmer kru, use astrology, fortune-telling, magic, sorcery, and talismans to both tap the neak ta spirit world and to provide protection from it. Within Cambodian temples, Khmer kru, who might also be monks, provided spiritual healing and medical treatment based on neak ta principles. There are only a few practising Khmer kru in Ontario (one in Hamilton, and two or three in Toronto), although many Khmer retain strong beliefs in the power of neak ta, especially older Khmer and those from rural areas. Many Khmer people

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in Toronto feel that the diverse somatic complaints that trouble them, such as headaches, dizziness, stomach pain, fatigue, joint aches, and general pain, are related to neak ta (McLellan 1995). Khmer identify these ailments as chii khaal (Cambodian sickness) (Eisenbruch 1991). One particular neak ta affliction, common among Cambodian refugees, is the experience of sramay. Sramay is caused by the visitation of ghost spirits from family members or other loved ones who have been murdered and/or have not been given proper burial rites. During the communist Khmer Rouge regime, numerous Khmer witnessed the death and disappearance of family members or had to abandon sick and starving relatives in a series of forced evacuations. Bodies were placed in mass graves instead of being cremated, funerals and death rituals were not permitted, and there was no food to offer the deceased spirits. Today, when Khmer in Toronto dream of dead or missing family members, they believe the ghosts are angry at them for their neglect and will punish or possess them (McLellan 1995). The psychological disturbances caused by the experience of spirits are difficult for Cambodians to convey to non-Khmer doctors. When neak ta symptoms are left untreated, through the lack of Khmer kru mediation or monastic ritual performance, emotional and spiritual suffering manifests in physical ailments and social withdrawal. Regrets, depression, guilt, and grief weigh heavily on the minds of many Cambodians (Eisenbruch 1991; Mollica et al. 1987; Kinzie 1988; Rumbaut 1991; Tenhula 1991; McLellan 1995). Denial or preoccupation with these emotions negatively influence their mental health. For Cambodians, however, mental health is a concept that is not easily expressed in Canada. Emotional or psychological problems are seen as essentially private issues (Tenhula 1991: 86). Sangha, Khmer kru, or close family members are considered the only culturally appropriate individuals with whom to discuss personal problems. Without the performance of Buddhist rituals, and the mediation of monks and Khmer kru, extreme psychological disturbances, such as those caused by the experience of sramay, remain hidden and untreated. Terr (1989: 1617) notes that 'when trauma-related anxiety is complicated by grief, it is very difficult for a family to complete the bereavement process. In some instances, the process of denial may interfere with attempts to overcome the trauma and grief... The longer the anxiety goes unchecked, the more the ripples of anxiety invade families, groups and the community at large.' Several Ontario Cambodian communities employ Khmer-speaking service workers to advise on resettlement difficulties and to offer effective solutions in dealing with government bureaucracy, but they cannot treat emotional suffering and psychological disturbances. Khmer communities

150 Many Petals of the Lotus have very few counsellors, in social work or mental health, trained to assess the personal and social consequences of excessive trauma. In comparison with other Southeast Asian refugees, Cambodians suffer extraordinarily high rates of emotional and psychological disorders (Payne 1990; Reid and Strong 1988; Eisenbruch 1991; Krai et al. 1967; Beiser 1990; Mollica et al. 1987; Kinzie 1988; Kinzie et al. 1986). As survivors of torture and trauma, Cambodians have had their trust, their self-esteem, and their values so devastated that most carry reactions of depressive withdrawal, anxiety, and fear long after the situation of helplessness and hopelessness is over. These acute and chronic symptoms are described as post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) and 'torture syndrome' (ibid.). Some of the symptoms of PTSD, which may not emerge until later in an individual's life, are as follows: interpersonal, social, and employment difficulties; acute loneliness; insomnia and nightmares; recurrent, intrusive, and disturbing thoughts; reduced involvement with ordinary activities; memory impairment; reduced concentration; emotional lability; dissociation; and survivor guilt (Reid and Strong 1988). Cambodian women without spouses and Cambodian children demonstrate more serious psychiatric and social impairments than any other Indochinese refugees (Mollica et al. 1987; Kinzie 1988). The symptoms of chronic, unresolved grief are also considered to be part of post-traumatic stress disorder (Boehnlein 1987: 768). Reid and Strong (1988: 342) detail how experiences of trauma and death effect other family members, even future generations: 'It is not only the victims themselves who suffer long-lasting and pervasive effects of their trauma. The relatives of the dead and of those who have been injured by violence, especially wives and children, suffer debilitating psychological symptoms and severe difficulties in their relationships with each other ... or after having lived for years in the vain hope of seeing an imprisoned father, mother, child or spouse again. These symptoms include domestic violence, impaired parenting, family breakdown and emotional disturbances, which are often compounded by social isolation, cultural alienation and economic hardship.' In the United States, Australia, and New Zealand effective systems of mental health treatment for Cambodian refugees have been developed (Boehnlein 1987; Kinzie 1988; Eisenbruch 1991). In Canada depression and torture-related trauma among Cambodian Canadians has gone untreated and unrecognized, enormously affecting family and community stress (McLellan 1995). At the Toronto Centre for Victims of Torture, Cambodians were first listed as a 'community in need' in 1994. Despite the community's existence in Toronto since 1980 and universal recognition that the majority of Cambodian men, women, and children had experienced multi-

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pie catastrophic events, torture, and inhumane living conditions, there are no medical clinics in Ontario prepared to accommodate the somatic presentation of psychological problems among Cambodians or to provide therapeutic intervention. The only Cambodian doctor in Ontario lives in Toronto. He is western trained and Christian, both of which present complications in the identification and alleviation of neak ta symptoms. In Toronto the years without a Khmer Buddhist monk meant that a culturally appropriate and significant system of healing, guidance, and support was not available to Cambodians. The absence of a permanent monk denied them a trusted source of wisdom and knowledge that could explain the causes and aid in the cessation of suffering. They were left without a Khmer model of high moral development which they could emulate or turn to. A new concept called sateh aram (moral sickness) is now prevalent in American Khmer refugee communities (Boehnlein 1987). Cambodians in Toronto do not identify the concept as such, but they acknowledge a pervasive decline of ethical and moral attitudes and behaviour within families and throughout the community. Cambodian women, especially, lament their limited opportunities to do meritorious offerings on behalf of their loved ones, living and deceased. Without an easily accessible monk or temple, the shared rituals of Buddhist practice that could help to heal individuals and reinforce Khmer social ties are severely limited. The lack of traditional Buddhist ceremonies significantly increases cultural and personal bereavement in Khmer communities (Eisenbruch 1991: 674; Payne 1990: 3). Aspirations and Challenges The Khmer Buddhist and Cultural Community of Toronto overcame incredible obstacles to sponsor two Cambodian monks in 1996. With foresight to future community needs, lay leaders encourage the monks to learn English and attain higher education. An educated or knowledgeable Khmer monk, willing to address the Khmer difficulties and engage in a process of community advancement, is considered an embodiment of community well-being, and a powerful symbol capable of pulling people together. Buddhist monks are given enormous respect and trust, and Khmer people will listen more to their views and opinions than to any other community leader. To this end, Cambodians in Toronto initiated a radio program, Samleng Khmer Ontario on CHFT AM 1430, broadcast every Saturday and Sunday 11:00 a.m. to 12:00 noon. The program regularly features the Venerable Hun By to provide the Buddhist perspective on community activities in Toronto, and in Cambodia. In addition to community outreach

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and educational pursuits, the monks are required to minister to the overpowering needs of lay members, engage in their own spiritual practices, and conduct ritual services. Community expectations of Buddhist monks are high, perhaps unreasonable. Significant adaptive and integrative difficulties, such as high levels of unemployment, illiteracy, dependence on welfare, and widespread psychological and emotional distress within individuals and families, continue to trouble Cambodians, seventeen years after their initial resettlement (McLellan 1995). For most of these years Cambodian communities have been isolated, their difficulties either ignored or too enormous to be addressed in a culturally appropriate manner. The few monks now in Toronto are under enormous pressure to heal traumatized individuals, fragmented families, and a shattered sense of community. Some Khmer remain so traumatized and withdrawn that access to the Buddhist temple and monks is not enough. An older Cambodian woman, for example, explains why she cannot go the temple: Fourteen days after April 17 [Khmer Rouge takeover], my husband committed suicide because if he didn't turn himself in, the whole family would be killed. My seven children and I were moved to a different area and forced to work. We were forced to live with three other families. We were picked on because our husbands were all associated with the government. One can of rice was given for the whole family to eat for three days, no salt. Lots of bodies became swollen with the flesh hanging down ... In the first five months, five of my children died from illness. In 1977 they found out I used to be a teacher and they took me to kill me. One of my daughters had been taken to the soldiers troop, but my smaller son stayed with me and he was to be killed with me. He was three years old then. We were included with thirty or forty people and they killed my son first and other people. I was shot in the side and smashed with a rifle over my back and left for dead. Later that night I woke up and crawled far away and stayed in a banana tree for three days ... This is how I survived ... My memories are with me all the time. I am always feeling that sadness. All I want is [Khmer service worker] to be my friend, to listen to my nightmares which don't go away. Many are like me. They don't go to the temple because when they have so much pain they want to be isolated. (Personal interview 1995)

The monks are well trained in Buddhist monastic liturgy and ritual, but their health, like that of all Cambodians, is fragile, and they have no special training in family counselling or community development. Despite the great need for monks in the community, the strain and extreme sense of urgency may cause some of them to give up their office. The monks are

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under enormous pressure by the community to perform miracles, yet they must live with the expectation that they will somehow fail. Some older Khmer men who had been involved in political activities in Cambodia, as well as younger men now in college or university, speak of their disillusionment with Buddhism and the capacity of monks to effectively heal individuals or the community. Indeed, recent Cambodian leaders, for example, Sihanouk, Lon Nol, and Hun Sen, have all used Buddhism to legitimize their political control, and in the process they have compromised Buddhist principles (Bit 1991: 35). In addition, extreme political factionalism among Toronto Khmer and particular community leaders remains a major obstacle in the recreation of a shared Buddhist identity. Ethnic differences within the community between Khmer from Cambodia and those identified as Kampuchea Krom is a further complication. The label of not being 'really Khmer' has been directed towards the Kampuchea Krom, who acknowledge their liminal status within the Cambodian and Vietnamese communities. Because Kampuchea Krom had lived for generations in Vietnam (since 1834 when Khmer territory was 'annexed' by Vietnam), most speak Vietnamese, but consider themselves Khmer. Kampuchea Krom continue to speak the Khmer language, practise Theravada Buddhism, and keep their concept of nationhood firmly embodied in Cambodia. Their identities as Khmer, however, are considered to be significantly different from ethnic Khmer, born and raised in Cambodia. Kampuchea Krom in Toronto and Hamilton feel they are not fully accepted by Khmer from Cambodia. Much of the suspicion directed towards them is rooted in the centuries-old aggression and mistrust between Cambodia and Vietnam. Further, Kampuchea Krom were not subject to the genocidal regime of the Khmer Rouge, and thus they do not manifest the same degree of psychological trauma or distrust of community leadership. Of greater importance, they do not share the same collective memories. Kampuchea Krom have a marginal position in Khmer community networks and associations, tending to keep a low profile, such as backing a Khmer leader from Cambodia rather than running for the leadership position themselves. Exceptions have been their support of Buddhism through participation in the Khmer Buddhist and Cultural Community Group, and their dedicated involvement in sponsoring the recently arrived Cambodian monks and in facilitating the purchase of the new temple in Toronto. Conversion to Christianity Another challenge to Khmer Buddhists is the ongoing conversion to Chris-

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tianity within most Canadian Khmer communities. Large-scale conversion occurred in the refugee camps, where a Christian identity enhanced the opportunity for Cambodians to participate in Christian-sponsored educational and vocational training, medical and social services, or resettlement opportunities. Cambodians also converted during the process of resettlement, often out of a sense of obligation to their sponsor's religion. As one Khmer woman explained: People from the church met us at the airport and were good to us. Cambodians are very grateful people and, because they have done good for us and looked after us and kept us very well, we must do good for them. This is why we keep going; and every year we donate to the church. It would betray them if we didn't go. This is what our Buddhist culture and background taught us. We can never turn away from them; it would not be right. Because we are good Buddhists we become Christians here. Inside we still hold many Buddhist ideals but we don't tell them or say anything because this would make them sad. Buddhism teaches us that we must be flexible. (Personal interview 1995)

Although conversion may have been undertaken for convenience or obligation by adults, the Khmer children's experience of Christianity becomes a more primary aspect of their identity, as expressed by a Khmer man: 'When I came to Canada, before I was Buddhist, but now I am a Christian. So I am half and half. My background is Buddhist but the children go to church every time, and they have no Buddhist teaching so they are more Christian than I am' (personal interview 1995). A small, but significant, number (less than five hundred) of Cambodians in Ontario have recently converted to evangelical Protestant churches out of their own commitment to a strong Christian orthodoxy. Evangelical Khmer have clear delineations of beliefs and acceptable behaviours that are frequently at odds with traditional Khmer cultural and religious practices. There are no fewer than twenty Cambodian Christian churches (most belonging to different evangelical Protestant denominations) across Canada, some of which are involved in national as well as global networks of faith.3 Although Christian Khmer congregations with Khmer-speaking ministers try to preserve a Cambodian atmosphere during services and celebrations, Christian churches in general encourage Cambodian integration to Canadian norms. Ethnic Khmer pastors emphasize steady employment, strong commitment to marriage, educational achievement, reduced reliance on welfare, and avoidance of drinking and gambling rather than the retention of Cambodian cultural traditions. The evangelical Christian

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identity takes precedence over a Khmer identity. Cambodians who convert to Christianity through their own convictions include many young adults whose involvement in church activities comprises their primary social life. Older individuals find that the emphasis on communal prayer and Bible study within Christian groups meet their needs to assuage isolation and loneliness. Often, these individuals are women who have lost husbands, children, and parents and thus are marginalized in Khmer communities with little moral, social, or economic support. One older Khmer woman became a Mormon because Mormons were the only people to consistently call on her and keep her company. In general, Cambodian Christian churches are extremely successful in meeting their members' present social and emotional needs, encouraging youth to remain in school, and teaching western work ethics. Members of the Cambodian evangelical fellowships in Toronto attest that their social groups are more cohesive, that more of their youth are in higher education, and that they have lower levels of unemployment than other Cambodians. Smith-Hefner (1994) found similar sociocultural phenomena among Khmer Christians in the Boston area. A significant proportion of the very few Khmer youth now in colleges and universities in Ontario identify themselves as Christian. Several have commented on the support (boarding houses, social activities, and transportation) they receive from established Christian networks for students. The large Khmer Buddhist youth group in Toronto has begun to emulate Christian examples of social organization by developing sports clubs, religious instruction classes, and after-school tutoring. Maintaining a sense of Cambodian heritage has proven more problematic for Christian Khmer as the Khmer language, history, and cultural traditions remain inseparable from Buddhist beliefs and practices. Religious differences among Khmer manifest in community divisiveness and tension. One private sponsor noted difficulties that arose from religious pressure: 'There was a push by evangelical groups to convert. This divided Cambodians because they were told by evangelical Christians not to go to Buddhist temple or attend New Year's celebrations because they are the work of the devil. Even today, Cambodian store owners who have a small Buddhist shrine in the store have Cambodian Christians come in and rant about the shrine being the devil, etc.' (personal interview 1995). A Christian Khmer man also comments: 'The biggest difference in becoming Christian is that we no longer do food offerings and merit making for the spirits of our ancestors. We now feel that it is important to tell Buddhist Khmer who have neak ta shrines in their homes and who offer food to

156 Many Petals of the Lotus appease spirits that it is wrong to invite the devil into the home' (personal interview 1995). The Toronto-based Cambodian Association, which focuses primarily on resettlement services, has until recently not involved itself with Khmer Buddhist and cultural community activities. From 1988 to 1994 leadership positions at the Cambodian Association were held by Christians. They would neither participate in, nor support, Buddhist ritual ceremonies or community celebrations organized outside the association. The absence of these community leaders at Buddhist celebrations and ceremonies reaffirmed what Christian missionaries and sponsors previously had intimated to Khmer people, that Buddhism is not a religious tradition worth keeping in Canada. Evangelical pastors are also quick to denounce Buddhist beliefs and activities, as well as those members who continue to maintain ties to Buddhist temples or attend Buddhist festivals. Conversely, Khmer who convert to Christianity are often accused of denying their cultural heritage and ethnic community, although they would still be welcome to attend and participate in any Buddhist festival or ceremony. Cambodians who maintain Christian beliefs, however, express alienation from the Buddhist services and practices which accompany community events, and thus they rarely participate in them. Kampuchea Krom Model in Maintaining Buddhist Identity Cambodians do not have high-profile monks or lay people to challenge insinuations against Buddhism or to provide linkages between overseas communities throughout the world. The lack of monks for community needs, when combined with ongoing exposure to Christianity and materialism, increasingly impedes the recreation of Buddhist identities. Cambodian children and youth born and raised in Canada especially reject the relevance of Buddhist teachings in North American secular society. Many view their underemployed, illiterate, and highly traumatized parents as social failures, clinging to cultural or religious traditions that have little significance for Canadian standards of success. The Kampuchea Krom may provide an approach to challenge this attitude. At present, Kampuchea Krom play a crucial role in maintaining the Toronto Cambodian Wat and in supporting the retention of Buddhism in Canada. Their experiences in Vietnam demonstrated the relevancy of Theravada Buddhism in perpetuating Khmer ethnic and cultural identity, in a social system designed to eliminate it. Khmer Buddhist temples in Vietnam firmly resisted the imposition of political authority, language, and Viet-

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namese cultural assimilation. They retained original Khmer architectural styles and religious practices, especially the relationship between monks and laity, taught Khmer language and history, and celebrated Khmer cultural traditions. The temple names would also be the names given to villages or locations where Kampuchea Krom people lived. Kampuchea Krom recognize the important role that Theravada Buddhism can play in retaining a Khmer minority identity in Toronto. They are willing to organize and work with Khmer from Cambodia for this end. Toronto and Hamilton Kampuchea Krom associations maintain linkages with their counterparts in every large Khmer community throughout Canada, and they are especially active in facilitating youth forums in Ontario. Canadian Kampuchea Krom are also affiliated with the National Association of Khmer Kampuchea Krom - U.S.A. founded in 1984, and they are part of a global community of Kampuchea Krom found in North America, France, Australia, Thailand, Vietnam, and the Philippines. An annual Kampuchea Krom world convention, and numerous North American meetings have helped to foster an active Kampuchea Krom identity and provide a forum for shared concerns. The previously successful strategies employed by Kampuchea Krom to preserve an ethnic Khmer identity in Vietnam could eventually be utilized by ethnic Khmer from Cambodia to help develop and maintain their Theravada Buddhist identity in Canada. At present the differences in attitude and collective memories of each group remain quite distinct. There is the possibility that Kampuchea Krom utilize the more classical approach to Buddhism referred to as Thommayuth, while Khmer from Cambodia are more comfortable with the village-based, rural practice of Buddhism called Mohanikay (Mysliwiec 1988). More importantly, Kampuchea Krom did not experience the ultimate powerlessness, unrelenting fear, horror, and hopelessness of those who survived the Khmer Rouge regime in Cambodia. In Toronto the lingering psychological trauma experienced by Khmer in Cambodia is an enormous challenge that is still not adequately addressed, either within the community, or by those outside of it, such as psychiatrists, Centre for Victims of Torture, Community Health Services, or Children's Aid. The legacy of mistrust, apathy, and trauma relentlessly influence Khmer attempts to recreate community bonds and networks, including Buddhist belief and practice. This legacy, combined with extensive cultural and personal bereavement, remains the hardest to overcome. Challenges to re-establishing and maintaining the Cambodian tradition of Buddhism in Toronto, such as neighbourhood discrimination, disparaging comments on Buddhism, community fund-raising activities, religious divisions, or youth dis-

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orientation, are difficult for the monks and lay leaders to confront or to take decisive action on. There is no doubt that the presence of permanent monks has revitalized the Khmer Buddhist community in Toronto. During the monks' first observance of Bun Chaul Chhnam (Cambodian New Year) in 1996, over a thousand people attended the morning religious ceremonies, conducted by four Khmer and one Laotian monk, in a rented hall. All six hundred tickets available for the evening's entertainment, held at a community centre, were sold out in advance. Money raised from the ticket sales and donations given during the religious ceremony went towards the cost of the new temple. For the first time during a Khmer community celebration in Toronto, a classical Cambodian dance was performed by dancers in beautiful costumes, accompanied by the playing of traditional instruments. This was followed by a village folk-dance in which dancers, drummers, and the figures of two huge scarecrows paraded around the hall. Khmer children and youth were delighted and awestruck by their first exposure to these distinctive visual and sound performances. Many young adult Khmer recalled seeing the folk-dance from their early youth in Cambodia; and older people, some with tears streaming down their faces, excitedly told other people that the dance brought back memories of the happy times in Cambodia before 1975. The Cambodian Association and the Buddhist community worked together to present the dances, demonstrating that close cooperative bonds can have a remarkable impact. Despite the potential for community revitalization, the constant military conflicts in Cambodia continue to trigger fears and memories of past horrors among Toronto Khmer. Their burdens of grief and worry for loved ones still in Cambodia grow with every political incident or environmental catastrophe. Amidst their emotional chaos and community strife, Khmer Buddhist monks represent a beacon of clarity, calmness, and solace. The Toronto temple provides culturally familiar opportunities for prayer, offerings, and hope. The Cambodian Wat and its monks may well remain the only tangible evidence of a way of life and cultural heritage in which Khmer people in Toronto can find refuge.

6 Chinese Buddhists in Toronto

During the past twenty years more than 360,000 Chinese immigrants have settled in the Greater Toronto Area. The majority are from Hong Kong, although a significant number have come from mainland China, Southeast Asia (primarily as refugees), and Taiwan. They have established more than twenty-three Chinese Buddhist temples and associations, several of which have undergone expansion or developed sister branches within the city. Chinese Buddhist temples and associations in Toronto can be analysed as one distinct religious system, but they are, in fact, socially and religiously plural. Several schools of Chinese Buddhism are present, such as Ch'an, Pure Land, Tien T'ai, and Vajrayana tantric, as well as new syncretic forms. Chinese Buddhist institutions range from the huge multitemple Cham Shan complex with 80 per cent of its members from Hong Kong, to the rapidly expanding transnational Fo Kuang Shan Temple Buddha's Light International Association (BLIA) comprised of both Hong Kong and Taiwanese, to the Cantonese-speaking Sino-Vietnamese in the Po Chai and Tai Bay temples, to small lay organizations such as the Han Shan Sih Buddhist Society with a Hong Kong membership or the Tzu Chi association from Taiwan. Smaller temples and associations may be devoted to maintaining a singular Buddhist practice, such as Pure Land devotional chanting, tantric, or Ch'an meditation. Larger temples, however, provide multifaceted religious services and practices that may include devotional chanting, Ch'an meditation, full and new moon observances, a full range of ritual ceremonies to commemorate the various life cycle events of birth, marriage, death, and memorial ceremonies, divination practices, and modern innovations, such as youth groups or choirs. It is not uncommon for individuals to participate in more than one Buddhist affiliation, such as belonging to Cham Shan as well as a smaller Chinese

160 Many Petals of the Lotus tantric group, or to shift religious preferences according to changing needs and circumstances. The dramatic growth of Chinese Buddhism in Toronto illustrates a resurgence of traditional religious belief and practice. It also reflects the sociocultural dynamics of ethnic and linguistic diversity, socioeconomic status, and disparate patterns of immigration. The first Chinese Buddhist organizations in Toronto - the Buddhist Association of Canada and Nam Shan Temple - were established by two Chinese monks from Hong Kong in 1968. The Nam Shan, now a residence for nuns, later became part of the Cham Shan temple complex, which today includes several other temples and associations located elsewhere in Toronto. Most other Chinese Buddhist temples and associations have been founded only within the past ten years as a result of the rapid increase in the number of Chinese immigrants. Chinese Buddhist growth in Toronto is embedded within larger patterns of Chinese emigration that involve a complex assortment of national identities and recent political histories. Characteristics of Modern Chinese Immigrants Within two decades the Chinese population in Canada shifted from multigenerational Canadian-born to predominantly foreign-born. In 1967, after the Canadian Immigration Act eliminated severe restrictions prohibiting the immigration of Asians, Chinese emigration from Hong Kong, Taiwan, mainland China (People's Republic of China) and Southeast Asia increased. From the 19805 the Chinese population in Canada grew rapidly, expanding from about 125,000 in 1970 to more than 450,000 in 1992 (Thompson 1989). This rapid growth resulted from large flows of refugees from Southeast Asia and mainland China, as well as immigrants from Hong Kong and Taiwan. Since 1987 Hong Kong has provided the largest number of immigrants to Canada per year. Their migration has been a direct response to concerns about the consequences of the return of Hong Kong to China on i July 1997 (Lam 1994). In early 1998, however, Hong Kong emigration decreased significantly, indicating that the transition to Chinese rule had perhaps stabilized. Mainland China has now become Canada's largest source of immigrants (Toronto Star, 4 May 1998, Ai2). Hong Kong still accounts for the overwhelming majority (over half) of the Chinese population in Canada (Johnson and Lary 1994). Chinese immigration continues to rise. Approximately fifty thousand Chinese migrate to Canada annually, representing about one-quarter of the total immigrants per year. 1997 was typical of the past decade: 22,208 of Canada's immi-

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grants that year came from Hong Kong and 18,422 from mainland China (Toronto Star, 4 May 1998, A12). To date Chinese immigrants tend to be concentrated in British Columbia and Ontario, especially in the cities of Vancouver and Toronto. Although the term Chinese denotes both race and ethnicity, within the ethnically heterogeneous Chinese populations there are numerous 'subethnicities' as well as overlapping multiple identities (Luk and Lee 1996). The diversity within Toronto's Chinese Buddhist community is the result of historical waves of immigration, including premigration conditions and immigration status, that is, independent, business class, family reunification, or refugee; different ethnic and national origins, for example, Vietnam, Malaysia, West Indies, Taiwan, Hong Kong, Singapore, mainland China, United States, or Canada; numerous languages and Chinese dialects, such as Cantonese, Mandarin, Hakka, Teochew, Taiwanese, or Vietnamese; different segments of a class hierarchical structure, for example, wealthy entrepreneurs, middle-class professionals, manufacturing or service workers, underemployed professionals, and the impoverished; syncretic religious identities, such as Buddhist, Confucian, Taoist, or Christian; a wide range of educational attainments; and different political ideologies from democratic, to communist, to nationalist. All these distinctions effect differential rates of adaptation and integration into Canadian society. Sub-ethnicities have been formed as Chinese from Hong Kong, the PRC, Taiwan, and Southeast Asia developed distinct identities in isolation from and, at times, antagonistic to one another (Luk and Lee 1996; Gungwu 1981). Hong Kong Chinese speak Cantonese, while those from Taiwan speak Mandarin and Taiwanese. The majority of Chinese from Southeast Asia, especially Vietnam, speak Cantonese or another dialect, for example, Hakka and Teochew, as well as their respective national languages.1 More than 45 per cent of all refugees from Vietnam coming to Ontario between 1982 and 1986 were of Chinese origin (Wong 1987). Their experiences as refugees (representing one of the largest refugee flows in Canadian history), combined with their identification as Southeast Asian Chinese, distinguishes them from the majority Hong Kong Chinese population in Toronto, despite sharing the Cantonese dialect. As refugees, SinoVietnamese are frequently characterized by financial, psychological, and physiological stress that might continue for years after resettlement, and this results in strained relationships between Vietnamese Chinese and the local, older Chinese community (Wong 1987; Woon 1985). Differences also exist within particular sub-ethnic groups (Tian 1995). Divisions appear among immigrants and refugees from the PRC who com-

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prise two distinct sub-ethnicities, specifically Cantonese speakers from the Southern Pearl River Delta and highly educated Mandarin speakers from northern parts of China (Luk and Lee 1996). Premigration experience under the communist political system, including particular approaches to economic development activities and resources, estrange both groups from Hong Kong and Taiwanese. Chinese from mainland China and Southeast Asia have entered Canada primarily through family reunification and refugee status, although recent PRC immigrants are professionals. Many Taiwanese and Hong Kong immigrants came through Canada's entrepreneur and investor class programs. The majority of independent Hong Kong and Taiwanese immigrants are highly educated, well-established, middle-class, or affluent people who easily acculturate to Canadian urban society (Johnson and Lary 1994; Wickberg 1994). Whereas the education, work experience, and professional skills of Hong Kong and Taiwanese immigrants are immediately applicable in Canada's postindustrial society, this cannot be said for the Chinese from Southeast Asia and the PRC, many of whom may be well educated but remain poor, their skills and experience underutilized or not transferable (Lam 1994; Lam and Liu 1996). Chinese in Toronto As the largest single source of Chinese immigrants to Toronto, people from Hong Kong represent over two-thirds of this population (Lary and Luk 1994). Their numbers indicate that the Hong Kong Chinese have become the dominant cultural expression of Chinese ethnicity (Johnson and Lary 1994). The second largest group of Chinese immigrants is from the PRC, followed by those from Southeast Asia, specifically Vietnam, and then Taiwan. The majority of Taiwanese immigrants to Canada prefer living in the city of Vancouver, British Columbia, as do the majority of Hong Kong business class migrants, entrepreneurs, and investors (Luk and Lee 1996). Currently, Toronto and its surrounding area has the largest population of Chinese in Canada. There are significant Chinese neighbourhoods in downtown Toronto, Scarborough, North York, Mississauga, Markham, and Thornhill. The 1991 census listed 231,820 Chinese in the Greater Toronto Area. From 1992 through 1996 immigration to Ontario from Hong Kong, Taiwan, and the PRC increased by 121,313. The majority settled in the Greater Toronto Area, raising numbers to over 350,000. The total number of Chinese newcomers to Toronto may well be well over 400,000 today, factoring in 1997 immigration figures and those from countries other than Hong Kong, Taiwan, and the PRC.

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Chinese migrants to Toronto typically arrive in nuclear or extended family units including grandparents, parents and children, a pattern that has implications on their social affiliations (Johnson and Lary 1994). The integration of Chinese immigrants and refugees within the past thirty years has been facilitated by the federal policy of multiculturalism and the ethnocultural diversity of Toronto. The Chinese presence in Toronto is highly visible, as these people tend to concentrate in certain residential areas. There are several 'Chinatowns' in the Greater Toronto Area. Chinese from Southeast Asia and mainland China favour the Chinatowns in downtown Toronto - Spadina and Dundas or Broadview and Gerrard street areas. High concentrations of Hong Kong Chinese live in residential areas in downtown Toronto, in the northern part of Scarborough, Markham, Richmond Hill, Etobicoke, and Mississauga. North York, especially the Willowdale area, and the city of Mississauga have the highest concentrations of Taiwanese (Lai 1988). Chinese shopping malls (whether large or small, they are primarily Hong Kong run) are found in the favoured residential areas. The Chinese community is served by three Chinese daily papers - Hong Kong-based Ming Pao and Sing Tao, and the Taiwanese World Journal - numerous weekly and biweekly papers, four Chinese radio stations, two television stations (broadcasting primarily in Cantonese with some Mandarin programs), and an enormous variety of goods and services, whether entertainment, educational, medical, social, or religious (see Luk and Lee (1996) for details of Chinese facilities throughout Toronto). These organizations, combined with extensive financial and professional affiliations, enable a near 'institutional completeness' through which strong ethnic, linguistic, and cultural traditions are perpetuated (Breton 1964). The Chinese also demonstrate the ability to confront potential damage or limits to their group interests (Lary and Luk I994).2 The affluence of the Chinese in Toronto has enabled them to support community projects involving numerous cultural and religious organizations. In turn, these facilities serve to attract new immigrants to the districts where they are located (ibid.). Religious Institution as an Overseas Chinese Adaptive Organization In Vancouver and Toronto Chinese-language Christian churches, Buddhist temples, and Taoist organizations have grown at a remarkable rate (Johnson and Lary 1994; Lee 1994).3 Given this enormous growth, it is clear that religious institutions are important among Chinese migrants, especially those from Hong Kong, Taiwan, and Southeast Asia. It is ironic

164 Many Petals of the Lotus that in the government of Canada's immigrant research series Profiles, 60 per cent of all Hong Kong immigrants in 1991 reported they had no religious affiliation, 18 per cent indicated they were Catholics, 16 per cent Protestant, and 6 per cent affiliated with other religions. Buddhism was not listed. The same series listed that 67 per cent of all immigrants from China in 1991 had no religious affiliation, while 13 per cent indicated they were Buddhists, 12 per cent Protestant, 7 per cent Catholic, and i per cent affiliated with other religions. There are very few Chinese from the People's Republic of China, however, who participate in the various Buddhist temples and associations. The centrality of family and kinship to social functions, be they political, financial, educational, or recreational, has declined within the Chinese community, as extensive services and institutions have increased (Safran 1991; Tian 1995; Thompson 1989). Religious institutions, especially, are becoming the basis for new systems of social support. Lee (1994: 10) suggests that migration anxiety is a factor in the Chinese attraction to religion: 'The process of immigration for most people approximates a real life crisis event. The feeling of insecurity in moving to a new country, the lack of a familiar social support network, the anxiety in searching for jobs - all contribute to the individual immigrant's search for a deeper meaning in life. For many immigrants, it is during these moments that religion becomes most attractive.' Lam (1994: 170) notes that the Hong Kong migrant's adjustment to life in Canada is filled with disappointment, heightened by the sense of loss of the 'good things' they used to have or enjoy (perhaps conspicuous wealth or status). Yet, they openly shun the various agencies mandated to provide counselling or settlement services, considering them only for the benefit of poor people (ibid.). Alternatives to the 'loss of face' engendered by receiving social services or assistance from agencies can be found, however, in the churches and temples. Religious institutions focus on the adaptive needs of immigrants, provide a convenient basis for social organization and interaction, and facilitate the solidarity of members as part of a distinct ethnic group within the larger host society. All of these functions were hitherto identified with traditional overseas Chinese huiguan associations (Wickberg 1994). Protestant churches are especially strong in mobilizing social support, such as fellowships, home visits, meetings for new immigrants, and services for the elderly (Lee 1994). This scenario is also evident in the larger Buddhist temples such as Cham Shan, and BLIA Fo Kuang Shan, which provide programs for all ages. The combination of depersonalized, goal-oriented relations in the work-

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place and school, the scattering or undermining of primary kin relations, and the social alienation prevalent in modern society enhance the attraction to the extended social interactions or individual-centred relationships that are found within religious institutions. Religious institutions also provide a variety of leadership positions. These are especially attractive to middleclass professionals and business people, who may have experienced a reduction in social and occupational status or underutilization of their skills. Within religiously based leadership positions, personal connections, and the social values of reputation, trust, and commitment can be enhanced. Chinese Buddhist institutions meet the diverse needs, both spiritual and secular, of Chinese newcomers. Buddhist temples and associations frequently become the focal point for developing Chinese community networks and ethnocultural identification, reinforcing traditional values, activities, and language, or promoting new abilities. Training in real estate, family conflict resolution, community activism, desktop publishing, and Canadian law, politics, and citizenship are some of the life skills provided to members in various Buddhist temples and associations. Sponsoring and organizing dharma talks and lectures also provides opportunities for temple members to develop skills and responsibilities. Famous Hong Kong and Taiwanese monks frequently give talks on Buddhism in Toronto. Their transportation, accommodation, and itineraries must be arranged with care. Certain monks, such as the Venerable Hsing Yuen of the BLIA Fo Kuang, are so popular that auditoriums suitable for seating thousands must be booked well in advance. Organizational duties require the intense and committed participation of members, as well as a familiarity with Canadian business practices. The process increases English proficiency and aids a sense of integration. Within Chinese Buddhist groups, however, the heritage language of the majority members is spoken most consistently, and it often corresponds to the language of religious services. In contrast, Chinese Christian churches emphasize the importance of an English service and English meetings, especially for the youth. At the Scarborough Chinese Alliance Church (one of fourteen Chinese branches in Toronto), three Cantonese and one English service are held every Sunday; at the Brampton Chinese Baptist Church, two services are held each week - one in English and one in Cantonese and Mandarin; at the Blessed Chinese Martyrs' Catholic Church six services are held on Sunday - four in Cantonese, one each in English and Mandarin (Toronto Star, 21 November 1996, Ci). In some temples, for example, BLIA Fo Kuang, Cham Shan, Tai Bay, or Po Chai, Mandarin (written and spoken) is also taught to children and

166 Many Petals of the Lotus adults, regardless of the student's heritage language. Chinese cultural festivals, musical events, Chinese painting and calligraphy exhibitions, dance performances, poetry contests, and various social and fellowship activities, for example, Tai Chi and Chikung, are promoted at several of the larger Chinese Buddhist temples. These activities are in addition to the religious services, youth Sunday school, sutra studies, ceremonies, chanting, and meditation classes. The growth of Chinese Buddhist temples and associations has given rise to Chinese vegetarian restaurants, which often are run as a financial enterprise on behalf of particular Buddhist groups, especially lay associations, making it easier for individuals and families to engage in traditional forms of Buddhist piety. The variety of religious services, leadership opportunities, skills training, language, cultural programs, and community networks promoted by Chinese Buddhist temples and groups indicates that they are competing religious systems, each attempting to relate itself to some part of the heterogeneous needs of Chinese newcomers in Toronto. Growth of Chinese Buddhism in Toronto Except for the activities of the Buddhist Association of Canada in 1968, the development of Chinese Buddhism in Toronto has been to serve the needs of Chinese immigrants and refugees. Chinese temples and Buddhist associations are located in the areas where Chinese immigrants and refugees live. There are no 'parallel congregations' in Chinese Buddhist temples and associations, indicating a significant absence of non-Chinese practitioners of Chinese Buddhism. Numrich (1996) notes that when non-Asian Americans are drawn to ethnic Buddhist temples, specifically Sinhalese and Thai, they do not merge with the existing members to form a single congregation but, instead, meet for practice at separate times in the same building. At Toronto's Cham Shan Temple, a small meditation program for approximately ten non-Asians was recently started by a monk from Malaysia who spoke English. He left Cham Shan in 1998, and the meditation group no longer meets there. The formation of parallel congregations is likely the result of cultural, linguistic, and soteriological incompatibility. This situation also exists between ethnic Tibetans and non-Asian practitioners of Tibetan Buddhism, and between non-Asian majority members of a Korean Zen temple and a component of elderly Korean ladies. Unlike Korean and Japanese Zen or Tibetan Buddhism, Chinese Buddhism in Toronto is not being established and nurtured by individual Buddhist teachers working through a master-student relationship, primarily with non-Asian disciples (Yu 1988; McLellan 1987, 1998).

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The first Chinese Buddhist institution in Toronto was the Nam Shan Temple (an extension of the Buddhist Association of Canada), founded in 1968 by the Venerable Sing Hung and the Venerable Shing Cheung, who later founded the Cham Shan Temple, completed in 1979. Initially, the Buddhist Association of Canada was co-related to the New York-based Buddhist Association of America, which was under the leadership of the Reverend Lok To. In 1967 Rev. Lok To had invited Rev. Sing Hung and Rev. Shing Cheung, both natives of mainland China who fled to Hong Kong in 1947, to join the Buddhist Association of America and to visit Expo '67 (held in Montreal, Canada). A number of Chinese Buddhists living in Toronto, but affiliated with the Buddhist Association of America, urged Rev. Sing Hung and Rev. Shing Cheung to stay in Toronto and set up a temple, offering to support them. In 1968 a house in North York was purchased and the Buddhist Association of Canada was incorporated. After sanctification, the building was referred to as Nam Shan Temple. It offered prayers twice daily, meditation sessions every Wednesday and Sunday morning, a lecture on Buddha dharma on Sunday afternoons, and twice a month sutra readings and Amida Pure Land chanting. According to a laywoman affiliated with Nam Shan, there were only ten core members at the beginning. Participants at this time included both nonAsians and Chinese. Today there are no non-Asians at Nam Shan. Almost 60 per cent of members are Hong Kong Chinese, one-third Southeast Asian (from Vietnam, Malaysia, and Singapore), and those from Taiwan and the PRC make up about 5 per cent each. As Chinese membership increased, a larger space for worship was needed. In 1973 a Chinese lay member donated over $100,000 towards the purchase of a new property in Markham. Ten years later the building of the Cham Shan Temple was completed on this property. Opening ceremonies were attended by high-ranking sangha, including the president of the Hong Kong Buddhist Federation, the abbot of the Cham Shan Temple in Hong Kong, presidents of the American Chinese Buddhist associations, Thich Ngo Due (founder of the Tai Bay Temple in Toronto), and more than three thousand supporters (Truong 1987). For several years Rev. Sing Hung and Rev. Shing Cheung were the only Chinese sangha in Toronto. During Toronto's first multi-Buddhist celebration of Wesak in 1981, Cham Shan Temple was the only Chinese representation among the fifteen Toronto Buddhist groups that took part. The 1987 Wesak had only the Tai Bay Buddhist Temple (composed of Sino-Vietnamese), and the Cham Shan temple complex (Nam Shan Temple, Buddhist Association of Canada, and Ching Fa Temple) as the Chinese representation out of twenty-one Tor-

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onto Buddhist groups who participated that year. In the 1988 and 1989 Wesak programs the Hong Fa Temple and the Toronto Buddhist Society were included as part of the Buddhist Association of Canada, but the Ching Fa Temple and Nam Shan Temple were listed separately from Cham Shan Temple. In 1990 Fu Sien Tong Buddhist Temple, Han Shan Sih Buddhist Society, and Manshu Yuen were added as new Chinese Buddhist groups, for a total of seven Chinese groups out of twenty-eight multiethnic Buddhist groups represented. In 1991 the Ling Shen Ching Tze Temple was added to the Wesak listing. Other Chinese Buddhist temples and associations were included in subsequent years. By 1997 the number of Chinese Buddhist groups had risen to at least twenty-three, representing one third of all Buddhist groups in Toronto. Though there are fewer Chinese Buddhist temples and associations than Chinese Christian organizations in the Greater Toronto Area, their growth and expansion rate has been as rapid during the past ten years. Since many aspects of Chinese Buddhism remain embedded within cultural and Confucian ideals, Buddhist temples tend to serve a large portion of the community. There is no adequate means to accurately count Chinese Buddhists in Toronto. Census data do not account for multiple categories of religious identity, and underrepresent all Buddhist communities. Chinese from Hong Kong or Vietnam, for example, identify themselves as Confucian and Buddhist. While Chinese Buddhist leaders indicate that over half the Chinese population in Toronto participate in some Buddhist practices, only 26,935 Chinese were listed in the 1991 census as being Buddhist; Confucian was not available as a religious option. Membership in Buddhist temples or associations may be determined individually or by counting households, including extended families, which often include members with several religious affiliations. Many Chinese immigrants sustain some form of religious syncretism, attending Christian churches and maintaining previous religious loyalties. For new Chinese Christians, the observance of Buddhist or other traditional rituals is not necessarily considered inappropriate, unless the Christian allegiance is evangelical. Similar to what Yu (1988: 89) notes with Koreans, former Chinese Buddhists who initially attended Christian churches in Toronto return to Buddhist temples once they become available. This is especially the case with Taiwanese immigrants who, during their early years of settlement in Toronto, attended Christian churches for social networking. The larger Chinese Buddhist temples differentiate three categories of members: core, general family, and occasional visitors. Core members are committed and deeply involved with temple administration, organization,

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and religious services and practices. They tend to be identified as 'pious lay Buddhists,' easily recognized by the dark brown or black robes that they wear during religious services. Wee (1976: 166) refers to pious lay Buddhists asjushi and notes that they are often the people involved in the maintenance of the temple, chanting classes, welfare associations, or lay committees. In Toronto core members are also respected for their knowledge of Chinese sutras and Buddhist theology, often becoming lay teachers to youth and adults. Pious elderly Chinese will sometimes reside in one of the larger temples for short periods of retreat, or they may take individual meditation instruction with a sangha member, in a master-disciple relationship. General family membership encompasses anyone in an extended family household. Family members may attend regularly and be involved in age- or genderspecific activities, such as weekly dharma lessons or Sunday choir. Occasional visitors have no consistent participation in temple programs or activities, but come only out of occasional personal need or for community celebrations such as Chinese New Year. They do not overtly identify themselves as Buddhist, yet they take part in temple rituals or practices. The larger Chinese Buddhist temples in Toronto attract large numbers of what Wee (1976: 169) identifies as 'non-differentiating Buddhists.' They come to the temples to engage in activities that are not characteristic of canonical Buddhism, but are part of Chinese syncretic religion. The most popular activities include divination practices, ancestor worship (memorials), cultural festivals such as the Hungry Ghost Festival, rites of passage celebrations, and rituals to ensure good luck or protection. Sangha recognize that these activities are basically 'non-Buddhist,' but consider them attractions that motivate people to come to the temple and donate. Clammer (1991: 95) notes that Buddhist clergy in Singapore complain but, nevertheless, allow these activities in their temples 'because the laity like to do things that way.' At the Cham Shan Temple in Toronto, the Venerable Shang Loang estimates that, of the approximately five hundred family units affiliated with the temple, there are only a hundred core members. Yet, on the first and fifteenth day of the lunar month (full and new moon days), or during Buddha and Bodhisattva birthday celebrations, over a thousand members may visit the temple each day, especially older individuals with young grandchildren. Birthday celebrations include those of the historical Buddha, Amitabha, Maitreya (future Buddha), and Medicine Buddha, and Bodhisattvas Kuan-yin (Avalokiteshvara), Manjusuri, Ksitigarbha, and Earth Store. During one Kuan-yin festival in 1993 over three thousand visited Cham Shan Temple, which remained open for twenty-four hours to accommo-

170 Many Petals of the Lotus date them all. At the Chinese New Year more than four thousand people per day will visit over a two-day period, similar to the numbers visiting other large Chinese Buddhist temples. Chingan Lee, director of the library of the Buddhist Association of Canada, noted that during Chinese New Year 'the temple is packed with devotees shoulder to shoulder. The incense they hold in the hand has to be held high up in the air in order to avoid burning the next person' (The Liberal, 28 April 1993, H-}). Most Chinese Buddhist organizations measure the commitment of their members. Traditionally, members are first identified as lay devotees. They then take the Three Refuges (in the Buddha, Dharma, and Sangha), once formally with a monk or nun, and whenever the occasion arises. Third is the undertaking of Five Precepts, usually done only once in a formal ceremony in which a Buddhist name is conferred to each participant. They may now wear brown or black robes to services, identifying them as core members. At the Cham Shan Temple, lay people can undertake training in one precept at a time. The Five Precepts may be followed by taking Ten Vows or the Bodhisattva vow (the commitment to return for many lifetimes until all sentient beings are enlightened). Core members are usually committed to Buddhist study and practice in which a daily routine of sutra recitation or meditation is followed. They become vegetarian on the first and fifteenth of the lunar month, with some extending this to the entire sixth month of the Chinese calendar or even full-time. At the Fo Kuang BLIA commitment is also shown by achieving Buddhist educational levels. Members study sutras, the writings of Hsing Yun, and Buddhist history, and then write formal exams. Chinese tantric groups identify commitment through receiving certain initiations, such as Yiddams or personal deities, undertaking training sessions with the master, or financial support of the organization. Except for tantric-associated groups, Chinese sangha and the laity (however committed) are clearly distinguished. Distinctions among Chinese Buddhists in Toronto Chinese Buddhist affiliations in Toronto are differentiated along national, linguistic, age, and class lines. The majority of Chinese Buddhist temples and associations in Toronto are affiliated with Hong Kong immigrants. Larger Chinese temples provide opportunities for members from Hong Kong to interact with Chinese immigrants from different backgrounds and age groups, whereas smaller temples and associations cater to middle-aged and elderly members who share cultural and linguistic familiarity. Groups not formed by immigrants from Hong Kong include the Tzu Chi, whose

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membership is Taiwanese' and the Tai Bay and Po Chai temples, each with a majority of members from Southeast Asia, especially Vietnam. No Buddhist groups in Toronto have a majority of members from mainland China. PRC Buddhists represent less than 2 per cent of the total congregation at the BLIA and Cham Shan temples, and approximately 10 per cent at Tai Bay Temple and Anata Kuan-yin Zen Buddhist Institute. At some of the temples with diverse linguistic backgrounds, dual or triple patterns of communication may develop, for example, Cantonese, Mandarin, and English, or Mandarin and Vietnamese, or Taiwanese and Hokkien or Hakka. Buddhist teachings and rituals tend to be conducted in the language of the founding sangha member, although this correlation changes in response to shifting membership profiles or international affiliations. Tai Bay Temple, for example, originally reflected and gave services and children's classes in Vietnamese, Cantonese, and Hokkien dialects. Through several years of overseas institutional networking and the presence of sangha visiting from Malaysia and Taiwan, Mandarin has become increasingly incorporated in services and taught formally. Chinese Buddhist temples reflect particular sociocultural niches: elderly ladies from Vietnam make up the majority membership at Tai Bay and Po Chai temples; wealthy Hong Kong sponsors, and their wives, were instrumental in developing Cham Shan; and upwardly mobile professionals from Taiwan and Hong Kong are the majority in the BLIA Fo Kuang. Some Buddhist groups such as the True Buddhist School have separate branches for Hong Kong Chinese and Chinese Vietnamese members. Different schools of Buddhist teachings are available at the temples or associations. Pure Land devotional chanting is the predominant practice at the Anata Kuan-yin Zen Buddhist Institute or Canada Po Chai Temple; Ch'an at Hanh Shan Sih Buddhist Society; Tien T'ai at the Cham Shan temple complex; and Vajrayana Tantra at Tara Vihara or Mi Shing Fo Shen Hui. Innovative forms are also available, such as the Fo Kuang Shan's Humanistic Buddhism or the syncretic combinations found in the True Buddhist school. Types of Chinese Buddhist Organizations There are two main types of Chinese Buddhist organizations in Toronto. The first is characterized as 'institutional or temple Buddhism,' subdivided into 'traditional' and 'innovative.' The second type is the 'lay organization,' generally indicating either a Buddhist group with no resident sangha or one whose primary meeting place is not recognized as a temple.

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Institutional Buddhism includes all Chinese Buddhist temples with resident sangha, that is, monks or nuns. The function of the temple is to perpetuate traditional Buddhist beliefs and practices, facilitate communication between sangha and laity, coordinate religious programs, like sutra readings, Buddhist rituals and ceremonies, and lectures, and support cultural activities, such as youth groups, educational classes, social events. Most temples have lay organizations that arrange a variety of activities. These include Sunday school classes involving Buddhist teachings or Mandarin language instruction, communal vegetarian lunches that may be provided weekly or on special occasions, such as full moon days or Buddhas' and Bodhisattvas' birthdays, choirs singing Buddhist hymns, activities for the elderly, youth activities, and sports groups. Larger temples have several sangha who each specialize in particular areas, such as ritual performance, teaching sutras or meditation, engaging in community outreach or ministerial activities, organizing classes, preparing the laity for examinations, directing the daily cooking, or overall administration of the temple. Smaller temples, with only one monk or nun, tend to engage devoted lay members to share ritual functions, for example, bell ringing during services and sutra chanting, teach basic Buddhism, or implement social and service activities. In 'traditional' Chinese Buddhist temples, sangha are the chief administrators and authorities in temple affairs. The founding sangha of such temples are permanent residents, who intend to stay for life. Examples include Cham Shan Temple, Canada Po Chai Temple, and Tai Bay Temple. Since Buddhist temples in Toronto are recent, few regulations have been formulated to resolve disputes involving succession or title to temple premises and finances. One monk noted that when the abbots of these temples die, conflict will likely occur within administration, especially for positions of top authority. Traditional sangha tend towards a conservative Buddhist emphasis in their own spiritual practices, chanting sutras morning and evening, practising daily meditation, officiating at rituals to commemorate Buddhas' and Bodhisattvas' birthdays and other anniversaries held throughout the calendar year, reciting prayers on behalf of the laity, whether for ancestors, healing, success in studies, finances, or to avert disaster, and engaging in ceremonies for rites of passage, such as birth, marriage, and death. Some sangha have select disciples whom they teach on a regular basis. Lay involvement tends to be concerned with ritual chanting and providing offerings to the shrines and donations of money and time, for example, helping with the administration, maintenance, and cleaning of the temple premises, cooking, lay committee activity, and fund-raising. Traditional

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temples maintain a low-key approach to potential members. One monk stated, 'If someone is interested they will find us,' while another noted, 'It is up to a person's karma, when it is time for them to believe, is what determines when they come to the temple.' Cham Shan Temple hosts a Buddhist radio program in Cantonese, airing Wednesdays at 11:40 a.m. on station AM 530 and featuring a sangha talk and discussion on Buddhist issues. For years the Hong Fa Temple, a downtown branch of the Cham Shan complex, encouraged public access to their library, advertised and held lectures, organized cultural forums, such as a Chinese Buddhist cultural exhibition, and allowed non-Chinese Buddhists groups to use their premises. The Hong Fa Temple library featured thousands of volumes of Buddhist literature, primarily sutras in Chinese, and more than a hundred subscriptions to Buddhist magazines from Hong Kong, Taiwan, Malaysia, Singapore, and the United States, also in Chinese. The library is headed by a knowledgeable layman, Mr Lee, who encourages sutra study, intellectual inquiry, and guided educational visits. Hong Fa Temple helped achieve Cham Shan's high profile within the larger Chinese and Buddhist communities and with non-Buddhists as well. All these activities are now held at the recently opened Cham Shan Buddhist Gallery. Sangha members from the large Chinese Buddhist temples participate in ecumenical activities with other faith groups, and they encourage high school or university religious education classes to visit their temples. They wish to maintain a positive public visibility in Toronto's multicultural and multireligious setting. Cham Shan Temple, for example, was the 1996 host to MOSAIC, one of Toronto's largest interfaith groups. Chinese monks from traditional temples are also invited to lecture on Buddhism at Christian churches. 'Innovative' Buddhist temples feature many characteristics of traditional Chinese Buddhist temples. Their primary distinction from a traditional temple is that lay members are actively involved in temple organization and the administration of secular and spiritual activities and practices ranging from meditation to educational or scriptural programs to community involvement. The best example of an innovative Chinese Buddhist temple in Toronto is the Buddha's Light International Association (BLIA) group, also known as Fo Kuang Shan or Buddhist Progress Society of Toronto. As part of the BLIA's 'humanistic Buddhism' framework, sangha and laity are deeply committed to Buddhist social activism, interfaith dialogues, and a variety of counselling programs. BLIA sangha are involved in locally based social activism, such as stacking hundreds of sleeping bags their group donated to the charity Project Warmth for homeless people, and world-

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wide humanitarian efforts. Both sangha and laity coordinate temple activities, such as youth, family, and seniors' groups, or communal cooking, contribute to the temple newsletters, and run Buddhist education programs. These activities are undertaken within a context of meditation and devotional Pure Land chanting. Sangha at the Buddhist Progress Society are chosen, by the central Taiwan headquarters of BLIA, to reside in Toronto for approximately three years, after which they are usually sent to another BLIA temple. This constant turn-around is to provide sangha with a global experience of BLIA activities and to prevent sangha from developing attachment to a specific membership or temple. Donations and lay support are directed towards BLIA, not sangha personalities, a sharp contrast to Chinese traditional temples. The BLIA takes a different approach to membership from that of the more traditional temples. The BLIA actively solicits membership, utilizing local media and various outreach strategies. One member noted: 'The Fo Kuang is more in touch with this society. There are many references to Fo Kuang Buddhism every afternoon on the Chinese TV channel, and all three newspapers [World Journal, Star Island, and Shine] highlight Fo Kuang activities and where the donations go. Even the Taiwanese Economic Culture Centre talks about Fo Kuang.' The BLIA is especially concerned with reinterpreting Buddhism in terms of contemporary needs. This is reflected in the books and magazines it publishes, with their emphasis on how Buddhism encourages a benevolent social philosophy and provides guidelines for successful family relationships (whether parent-child or marital concerns), as well as for good health and financial endeavours. Lin (1996: 115) notes that the BLIA North American headquarters, Hsi Lai Temple, has designed, produced, and marketed Buddhism to specifically compete for the time and interest of the North American Chinese. Whereas in Los Angeles the prime target is Taiwanese, the Toronto temple is oriented to Hong Kong as well. During religious talks or special events, such as the 1995 ground-breaking ceremony for the new Mississauga temple, translations in both Mandarin and Cantonese are provided, but there is no English. Chinese immigrants in Toronto are especially attracted to BLIA's highly structured social organization. It enables newcomers to immediately become involved in a wide range of services and leadership positions involving temple administration, social and community activities, or study levels. A monk from Cham Shan noted that when BLIA was established in the early 19905 'over 100 talented and intelligent members from Cham Shan left.' One Fo Kuang member stated: 'Fo Kuang makes you feel needed. You are given responsibilities

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based on your interest and capabilities. Right away the sangha ask what you can do.' Supporters, however, do not always appreciate special status positions. One member of Cham Shan who turned to the BLIA, following a visit from Master Hsing Yun, eventually went back to Cham Shan. He commented: 'The Fo Kuang usually show their appreciation by giving people title or prominent positions. In the Cham Shan Temple, the appreciation is shown in different ways. Masters appreciate everyone equally by giving them all the same status. Many of us who worked for Fo Kuang in the beginning are more comfortable with the Cham Shan's system.' This egalitarian emphasis at Cham Shan is contradicted by a former member who changed her affiliation to Po Chai Temple. She stated: 'All the high profile positions, such as sitting at the information desk, are occupied by rich women from Hong Kong.' A monk from Cham Shan also noted: 'About 20 per cent of our membership are Hakka from Calcutta. They work much harder than those wealthy immigrants. The minorities are willing to be physically involved in maintenance and cooking, whereas those who are wealthier primarily donate money and choose easier work.' The BLIA also aspires to provide a range of social services for their members, whether kindergartens and after-school youth programs, meals, or activities for the elderly (including pick-up and transportation). They attempt to reduce the separation between secular and sacred identities, extend Buddhist belief and values into the everyday practices of families, and ultimately, into the larger social networks. A high profile of nuns is a significant characteristic of the BLIA. In general, Chinese Buddhist nuns in Toronto are less conspicuous than monks. In public activities, such as Wesak celebrations, nuns walk behind monks, are seated separately, and they rarely participate in giving religious talks. During one interview at the Tai Bay Temple, the nun stood quietly beside the monk for over an hour. At the Cham Shan, nuns live separately at the Nam Shan Temple, and they are not as accessible as monks. Fo Kuang Shan nuns, however, are a notable exception to the normal position of female sangha. In Toronto the BLIA's most prominent and responsible sangha roles are under the guidance of nuns. BLIA nuns exercise full autonomy in the Toronto temple, answerable only to the female abbot at Si Lai Si, Los Angeles, or BLIA headquarters in Taiwan. They perform all rituals, including petitionary prayers for the benefit of laity, officiate at all Buddhist and special occasions, and oversee the lay committees. BLIA nuns are highly regarded and acknowledged as teachers, leaders, advisers, and ritual specialists. This is evident by the large numbers of lay followers at the Toronto

176 Many Petals of the Lotus temple, and the nuns' success in attracting enough donations for massive expansion. The high profile of Fo Kuang nuns also influences lay women to aspire to secular and Buddhist education. Lay women pursue these goals, first by taking temple study sessions and the various levels of BLIA examinations, then on to Fo Kuang universities (in Taiwan or Los Angeles) to earn master's and doctoral degrees. The nuns currently at BLIA Toronto are from Taiwan, Hong Kong, and Malaysia. Their multinational identities and constant travelling to other BLIA branches throughout the world, for example, India, Australia, Southeast Asia, North America, and Europe, are illustrative of the global aspirations of Fo Kuang. Its diaspora characteristics are especially appealing to overseas Chinese minorities. Chinese Lay Organizations Lay organizations tend not to be affiliated with specific temples in Toronto, nor do they have permanent sangha leadership in Toronto. Lay persons are responsible for the groups' administration, Buddhist teaching, and practice. The Toronto chapter of the Taiwanese-based Buddhist Compassion Relief Tzu Chi Foundation is an example of a lay organization. It was started in 1992 with under a hundred members, all Taiwanese. Although this number has risen to over seven hundred (including their Youth Association), it remains based in a member's house in North York. As there is no Tzu Chi sangha in Canada, a lay individual acts as resident teacher and official representative. The emphasis is on self-cultivation at home, via chanting sutras and adhering to the Five Precepts. Thirty or forty core members meet monthly for sutra readings and sitting meditation, but most Tzu Chi activities are directed to the youth and home visits to seniors in retirement homes. The Scarborough-based Anata Kuan-Yin Zen Buddhist Institute, also started in 1992, is another lay organization. The group is located in a rented townhouse in Scarborough and is led by a Taiwanese laywoman. She teaches in Mandarin, although 60 per cent of members speak Cantonese. Their religious emphasis is on the teachings of Kuan-yin and practising Buddhism at home, emulating the venerable householder Vimalakirti, without the need for ordained sangha. Personal dedication to Buddhist practice may involve daily meditation, chanting, and vegetarianism. Membership is small (approximately twenty) and group activities are divided between religious practices, such as sutra chanting, meditation, and special ceremonies on Buddhas' and Bodhisattvas' birthdays, and secular programs, including business and family skills, parental guidance, cooking, real

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estate, and desktop publishing. The institute occasionally receives dharma instruction from a visiting Hong Kong or Taiwanese sangha. Charitable activities involve the publishing and free distribution of Buddhist books. The most popular occasions when members come to the institute involve Amida Buddha's seven-day retreat and Sakyamuni's and Kuan-yin's birthdays. The Vajrayana Buddhist Association (Mi Shing Fo Shen Hui) or the True Buddha School (Ling Shen) are both lay organizations. Religious leadership is provided by individuals who are not ordained sangha, but who have been given specific initiations or teachings to undertake ritual activities and the training of others. Both these groups are Toronto chapters of larger organizations outside Canada. The Vajrayana Buddhist Association runs a vegetarian restaurant to fund visits from their teacher in Hong Kong, and it provides the group's meeting location. The True Buddha School is a contentious group among Chinese Buddhists in Toronto because of the claim of Sheng-Yen Lu, its Taiwanese founder, that he is a 'living Buddha,' and the group's emphasis on promises of health, financial benefits, and social success once membership is made and tantric initiations are given. It actively encourages membership by setting up information booths, distributing True Buddha newspapers, and displaying posters at Chinese malls in Richmond Hill, North York, downtown Toronto and Scarborough. The posters advertise special ceremonies, courses on divination, and other activities. The True Buddha School is actively engaged in English translations of Grand Master Sheng-Yen Lu's books, in an attempt to attract non-Chinese ethnic groups in Toronto. Ecumenism among Chinese Buddhist Groups Chinese Buddhists do not share a unified religious practice and common patterns of belief, or participate in inter-institutional linkages. Temples and associations tend to remain distinct from one another. They maintain full autonomy in their structure and activities, subject to linkages with their homeland (such as connection to a founding temple in Hong Kong or Taiwan), or specific affiliation with a transnational religious organization of which the Toronto temple or association is but one node. In smaller temples or groups that developed without financial aid or leadership support from abroad, the resident sangha becomes the primary or sole influence in determining the doctrinal focus and ritual endeavours of the laity. Temples such as the Buddhist Progress Society (part of the transnational BLIA Fo Kuang organization) are subject to clearly defined doctrine and activities,

i/8 Many Petals of the Lotus remaining autonomous only in meeting local needs. The large multitemple complex of Cham Shan is institutionally independent, under the leadership of the two founding monks, but it aligns its religious doctrine and practices with Hong Kong temples and teachers to facilitate international linkages. In Toronto there is no representative council to employ ecclesiastical authority. A Chinese Buddhist council would be useful for mainstream recognition, to advocate shared concerns, provide routinized mechanisms for intergroup communication, and implement shared religious activities. This lack of organizational linkages contrasts with Chinese Buddhists in Malaysia or Singapore, where coordination of sangha and laity facilitate their committed involvement in various Chinese Buddhist associations (such as the Singapore Buddhist Federation or Malaysian Buddhist Association), Buddhist unions, Buddhist free clinics, homes for the aged, vegetarian restaurants, Buddhist schools, and Buddhist bookstores (Wee 1976: 164). Several Toronto temples that show an impressive capacity to build both facilities and membership focus only on their own individual Buddhist programs and activities. Their organizational networks tend not to be with other temples or associations in Toronto, but with overseas sangha, lineages, temples, or headquarters. The qualifications and standards of conduct for sangha and laity are diversifying with the increasing number of distinct Chinese Buddhist groups. This leads some Chinese Buddhist groups to challenge the claims of legitimacy or authenticity of others. The rigorous examination system and expectations of extensive scriptural as well as ritual knowledge in sangha and laity among Toronto BLIA Fo Kuang Shan contrasts to the system of 'masters' or tantric specialists of the True Buddha School, recognized only within their own group. The specific modes of training and the duties of the various Chinese Buddhist religious specialists are important in issues of doctrine and orthodoxy and for the acceptance of their qualifications by others - in both the public and institutional domains. The absence of a Chinese sangha council lessens any authoritative pronouncement on the activities of a particular group or the status and function of their leaders. The Chinese media (newsletters, radio, and TV) endeavour to expose fraudulent claims by religious leaders or groups. These include claims of super powers through heavenly eyes or ears, attainment of 'Buddhahood,' abilities to channel spiritual power or guarantee secular success, and possession of 'healing waters.' The Journalist, 12 October 1996, for example, presented a commentary on politicians who pay large amounts of money for spiritual assurance of their success. Canada, unlike Hong Kong or Taiwan, has no 'Buddhist committees or ordinances' to protect the public

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from extortion and fraud, no legal consequences for fraudulent Buddhist activity, and no restrictions on Buddhist institutions to levy fees or other charges (Welch 1962). The Canadian government does not interfere in Chinese Buddhist activities, beyond upholding federal, provincial, and municipal laws and regulations. There is no self-perpetuating Chinese sangha in Toronto. Most aspirants for ordination go either to Hong Kong or Taiwan or to a North American headquarters, such as Hsi Lai Si Temple in Los Angeles. When particular temples or groups require a religious specialist in Toronto, they sponsor sangha from an affiliated temple in Asia (Malaysia, Singapore, Taiwan, or Hong Kong) or North America. Almost all sangha have been ordained abroad, and like most of the Chinese in Toronto, are recent immigrants. Some are well educated with master's and doctoral degrees, while others lack both higher education and the ability to speak English. The increasing lay control of temples is also challenging the traditional sangha hierarchy. This further complicates the creation of an effective sangha organizational structure or network to coordinate the various temples and associations. The role of the sangha can be contentious. In traditional Buddhist temples, sangha focus on maintaining Chinese Buddhist practices and rituals. Sangha in innovative temples may be involved in expanding the definition of their activities. In other groups, the founder may become one of the objects of devotion. One Chinese Buddhist nun from a traditional temple commented: The problem with certain groups is that the emphasis is placed on the particular teachers and their specific methods rather than on the development of Buddha dharma in general. For example, the Taiwanese nun of Tzu Chi is very popular. For Taiwan, she has built hospitals, a nurse training centre, and a university medical centre, and she gives Buddha dharma talks. But people say they are 'followers of Tzu Chi' rather than they are 'Buddhists.' Six or seven lay leaders have come to raise money, but up front they say they come as guidance people to organize welfare activities. This 'One Master, One Way' is also a problem with the Fo Kuang people. They emphasize their identity as Fo Kuang Buddhists with the belief that theirs is the only tradition that is 'real' Buddhism. Fo Kuang encourages people to feel that the only Buddhist way is that taught by Hsiang Yuen.

Future Directions According to Chingan Lee, lay teacher at the Hong Fa Temple and director of the library of the Buddhist Association of Canada, there are two pri-

180 Many Petals of the Lotus mary characteristics necessary to establish and maintain a good Buddhist temple in Toronto. The first is that the director must be a highly qualified, highly educated sangha. Expectations on Chinese sangha in Toronto, especially in the larger temples, are significant because sangha must combine ritual specialities with academic and spiritual qualifications and activate a deep commitment to and exploration of Buddhism within lay members. The second is that there must be enough space so people can study in an appropriate Buddhist library, in addition to the worship halls. Additional areas also need to be provided within the temple, enabling a variety of organizations, such as youth groups, elementary school groups, and senior groups, to meet and share activities. These criteria will help promote Buddhist teaching. Mr Lee hopes that, eventually, as in Taiwan, Chinese Buddhist temples in Toronto will provide social welfare, medical clinics or hospitals, and their own schools (primary, high school, and university). Toronto Buddhist temples do not provide these services at present, because of the lack of financial support and trained personnel who would facilitate them. Sangha at some of the larger temples, however, express confidence that in time these services will be developed. Some Chinese Buddhist temples indicate that their expansion plans include housing for the elderly and on-site day-care facilities for children and the old and infirm. Chinese institutions for social services, hospitals, and educational facilities could lead to a situation of ethnoreligious stratification, as has occurred in Malaysia. This scenario is now a possibility, given the institutional completeness of the Chinese community and the decline in federal and provincial funding for social services and education. As funding continues to be reduced, and the quality and availability of services declines, especially for programs devoted to cultural sensitivity, language translation, or Englishlanguage training, it is likely that individuals will increasingly turn to community institutions. Conversely, the Chinese cultural impact on Canadian society could grow exponentially, becoming a trend-setter in medical treatments. This has already been seen in the Tzu Chi donation of six million dollars to a Vancouver hospital to enhance Chinese diagnostic and medical techniques and at the Ottawa-based Somerset West Community Health Centre which provides acupuncture therapy for both Asian and non-Asian clients at no additional cost. Toronto Chinese sangha and lay teachers share common concerns about the future of Buddhism in Canada. One concern is the scarcity of individuals who have a comprehensive knowledge of Chinese Buddhism. Within Chinese communities, many older Chinese Buddhists have merged their understanding of Buddhism with other practices, engaging in activities that

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are identified as superstitious by knowledgeable Buddhists and Christians alike. Numerous professionals from Hong Kong were educated in Christian schools and had little contact with Buddhism or its temples, other than as observers. Their knowledge of Buddhism tends to be from a Christian western perspective, and it often focuses on what appears to be nonBuddhist beliefs, such as burning paper at funerals, ancestor worship (seen as a focus on spirits or ghosts), divination practices, and the polytheistic Buddhist deities with various images of the Pure Land. Many of these Chinese view Buddhism as associated with 'traditional' society, not applicable for modern identities and needs. In response, some Chinese Buddhist temples and associations emphasize the study of Buddhist teachings and sutras, facilitating this process by organizing numerous study groups and discussions. Still, clear divisions remain among younger Chinese Buddhists, involved in meditation, sutra study, and social engagement, and older Chinese Buddhists who limit religious activities to chanting, offering incense, divination, and donations. A major concern is the extent of accommodation to Canadian society that Chinese Buddhism will undergo. Some sangha realize that care must be taken in order to work with government policies, not against them. They are therefore implementing democratic and egalitarian systems of communication and organization in their temples. Others adhere to traditional forms of authority and gender patterns, satisfying the expectations of older members but alienating the younger. Conservatism may also involve what one Chinese Buddhist identified as 'the traditional Chinese Buddhist attitude of minding one's own business and not being overly concerned about others,' an attitude another lay member identified as 'ethnocentrism at its worst.' Conservative sangha tend to be more focused on the preservation of tradition and surviving through adverse conditions - taking their cues from the recent history of persecution of Buddhism in Chinese history - as well as maintaining Chinese cultural patterns through a sense of 'cultural pride.' Consequently, there are few mechanisms in place to welcome non-Chinese to their temples and associations. The preference is to keep attention on the needs of Chinese newcomers and perpetuate a Chinese ethnic institution. Language is considered the primary concern. There is a great need for English translation in both sacred and secular literature, including sutras, commentaries, planned activities, and announcements, and in Buddhist services. This need is increasing as the generations born or raised in Canada become fluent in English. While particular Chinese dialects remain the primary language spoken at home, Mandarin is increasingly recognized as the

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global Chinese language. Numerous Chinese Buddhist temples and associations in Toronto have implemented weekly Mandarin classes, yet there are none provided for English. When Buddhist newsletters are available in English, they tend to concentrate only on the intellectual, academic aspects of Buddhism, and give little attention to temple social activities or Chinese cultural concerns, both of which are predominant in Chinese Buddhist newsletters. The incorporation of English would further separate youth from older members and strengthen the likelihood of parallel congregations. It will be interesting to note if interethnic marriage increases the use of English or non-Chinese participation at Chinese Buddhist temples or associations. Profiles of Five Chinese Buddhist Temples and Associations Cham Shan Temple Cham Shan Temple, the largest Chinese Buddhist temple in Toronto, is headquarters for several affiliated Chinese Buddhist temples and associations. These include Nam Shan Temple (residence for four nuns), Hong Fa Temple (downtown Toronto), the Buddhist Association of Canada, the Toronto Buddhist Society, Ching Fa Temple (residence near Cham Shan for two nuns); the Youth Buddhist Activity Centre, Cham Shan Buddhist Gallery, a twenty-four-acre retreat property in Whitby, Fah Hoy Temple in Hamilton, the International Buddhist Zen Temple in Niagara Falls (administered jointly with Rev. Lok To), and the World Peace Ten Thousand Buddhas Saira Stupa Temple in Niagara Falls. The Reverend Lok To's emphasis is on teaching Buddhism to the youth (primarily Chinese but also non-Asians). He organized the 1997 Young People's Summer Camp which had over a hundred participants, including parents who volunteered for cooking and cleaning. The Buddhist Association of America has an extensive translation service for Buddhist sutras that includes six or seven Chinese students with two or three non-Asians. Through the association with Rev. Lok To, the Cham Shan is actively promoting meditation among their members (primarily younger Chinese followers but also extending to older members and non-Asians). The International Buddhist Zen Temple (a former hotel purchased in 1995) is used by non-Chinese Buddhist groups for meditation retreats and other activities. Cham Shan Temple began with the purchase of a house and property north of Steeles Avenue on Bayview. Construction of the main worship hall was completed in 1979 with a second worship hall, the Kuan-yin

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(Avalokitesvara Bodhisattva), finished in 1983 (Truong 1987). Recently, a wing was added to provide accommodation for visitors and students and underground parking. The temple is sustained by continual donations from the large membership. Funding includes the monetary gifts made to specific monks (such as the abbot), special-purpose maintenance or building funds, monies for services by monks for weddings, funerals, or memorials, donations from visitors for divination practices, special requests of deities, and the annual birthday celebrations of Buddhas and Bodhisattvas. Members can also purchase a brick or shingle ($20 each) or a small Buddha statue ($300) to be placed in the temple. For a donation of $500 or more, the donor's name will be engraved on a Buddha statue or a name plate displayed in a special Donors Memorial Hall. The main temple hall at Cham Shan includes a white marble six-foothigh Burmese image of Sakyamuni Buddha, two images of Kuan-yin on the right, a large image of Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva on the left, numerous wall paintings of the eighteen arahats, and an altar in honour of past ancestors (Truong 1987). The separate worship hall dedicated to Kuan-yin includes a large auditorium, kitchens, and eating areas (first level), multifunctional rooms on the second level, and on the top floor, an eighteen-foot-tall wooden statue of Kuan-yin, various sizes of marble Kuan-yin statues, religious artefacts and paintings, and ancestral tables placed at the north and south ends. Religious services include daily morning and evening chanting and prayers. Weekly services on Sundays include chanting, Buddhist youth class, Buddhist children's class (including Mandarin language instruction), meditation class, and sutra study class. A vegetarian lunch is provided every second Sunday. Dharma Master Shing Cheung leads the discourse on Suragama Sutra on the second, third, and fourth Fridays of each month, and facilitates the taking of Eight Precepts on the first Saturday of each month. Four services are held every new and full moon day and on Buddhas' and Bodhisattvas' birthdays; these include a luncheon.4 A Tai Chi class is offered on the first, third, and fifth Sundays of each month. Special religious ceremonies are also held preceding secular events, such as an auction to raise funds for the temple in Niagara Falls. Other activities include choirs, orchestra, youth group, children's group, summer retreat program for youth and children, field trips, essay contests, a variety of interest classes, and discussion groups. The number of Cham Shan sangha fluctuate, but there is a core of approximately for monks and six nuns. Several of the older sangha were born and ordained in mainland China, resettling in Hong Kong following

184 Many Petals of the Lotus the Chinese communist takeover. Younger sangha were born and ordained in Hong Kong and Malaysia. Sik Sing Hung is the head administrator of Cham Shan. He oversees all temple services and activities, including those of the subsidiary temples. Most sangha speak Mandarin and Cantonese, although one younger monk speaks Hakka, English, and Malay. Lay members at Cham Shan speak Cantonese (70 per cent), Mandarin (15 per cent), Minang (Taiwanese 10 per cent) and English (5 per cent). Most were born in Hong Kong (70 per cent), Taiwan (10 per cent), and 20 per cent from Southeast Asia and India. The average age of core members is thirty to fifty years. This age group represents 40 per cent of the members, followed by 35 per cent aged twenty-five to thirty-five years, 15 per cent 25 years and younger, and 10 per cent fifty years and older. Members' occupations include homemakers (60 per cent), students (15 per cent), professionals (10 per cent), retired (8 per cent), self-employed (5 per cent), and i per cent each in trade or service industries and manufacturing. In comparison, 30 per cent of Nam Shan membership are from Southeast Asia, with 5 per cent from mainland China, 5 per cent Taiwan, and 60 per cent Hong Kong; 40 per cent are retired, and 20 per cent in manufacturing and the trade or service industries. Ninety per cent speak Cantonese, and 10 per cent Mandarin. Women are the majority members at each temple. Tai Bay Buddhist Temple of Toronto Tai Bay Temple was founded in 1984 by a Sino-Vietnamese monk, Sik Wu De (his Taiwanese Buddhist name), also referred to as Thich Ngo Du (Vietnamese name given at his first ordination in Vietnam 1969). Sik Wu De speaks Mandarin, Taiwanese, Cantonese, and Vietnamese. The primary language he uses in teaching is Cantonese. The majority of the members of his temple are Sino-Vietnamese. When Sik Wu De first arrived in Toronto in 1982, he practised and studied at the Cham Shan Temple for eight months. Tai Bay temple was situated in downtown Toronto to be near the large numbers of Sino-Vietnamese Buddhists living in the centre of the city. Before Tai Bay, they had difficulty in travelling to Cham Shan, the only Chinese Buddhist temple at that time. The first Tai Bay, located in a small building, was supported by a core group of thirty devotees. Eventually, a larger building was purchased, still downtown. The temple's practice is Pure Land Buddhism. Three nuns affiliated with the temple, Ghan Naoon, Ghan Huei, Vang Shih, help to facilitate the chanting services, but they are not involved in dharma instruction. Sik Wu De teaches sutra explanation, historical understanding of Buddhism, meditation, and chant-

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ing, and he provides counselling on family concerns, business ethics, health, and lifestyle issues. Tai Bay is affiliated with a Chinese temple in Edmonton, Alberta, under the leadership of a Malaysian nun, whose husband (now, a monk) had stayed in Tai Bay Toronto as well as in a temple in Penang, Malaysia. There are approximately four hundred households affiliated with Tai Bay. Thirty core members are involved in numerous aspects of temple organization, such as finances, planning ceremonies, cultural festivals, social activities, taking care of the library, and the cleaning and maintenance of the temple. Of the members 75 per cent are from Vietnam, 15 per cent from Hong Kong, 10 per cent from mainland China, and a few Taiwanese. Ninety per cent speak Cantonese and 10 per cent Mandarin. Half of the members are between thirty-five and fifty years of age, and the other half are between fifty and seventy. Eighty per cent are women, identified as homemakers, and 20 per cent retired men. The Amitabha Sutra is chanted twice daily, along with recitation of the refuges, precepts, Heart Sutra, and Four Great Vows, together with singing various Buddhist hymns and praises. A weekly Sunday service, usually a sutra reading, and children's Mandarin class are given, followed by a communal lunch and an afternoon dharma talk. A monthly choir practice and meditation group is also held. The temple celebrates numerous Chinese Buddhist holidays, but full and new moon observances are rare. The most popular celebrations include Kuan-yin's and Sakyamuni's birthdays, Chinese New Year, and Founder's Day. Weddings, funerals, and memorials are all provided at the temple. Most services are conducted in Cantonese, with Sunday afternoon sutra chanting in Mandarin. The True Buddhist Vajrayana Association (Ling Shen Ching Tze) The True Buddha School is an international community of faith, established throughout North America, Europe, Southeast Asia, South America, Japan, Hong Kong, Taiwan, the Philippines, and Australia. Although identified as Vajrayana, the school is syncretic, involving Tibetan mantras and music, Pure Land chanting patterns and beliefs, Japanese Shingon practices, and Taoist disciplines such as geomancy and divination. The Toronto chapter, called Jing Sim, meaning Pure Heart, was founded in 1985, by Mr Leong, a Southeast Asian Chinese from Brunei. He had recently immigrated to Canada with his family, first settling in Edmonton. Mr Leong is recognized by True Buddha School members as a Vajra Master and is referred to as Lian-Tang. He speaks English, Hakka, Mandarin, and Can-

186 Many Petals of the Lotus tonese. This chapter began with approximately thirty individuals who practised every Saturday evening in the basement of a member's house in Scarborough. Eventually they rented a commercial building in downtown Toronto. In 1990 the founder of the True Buddha School, Grand Master ShengYen Lu, revered by his followers as the living Buddha Lian-sheng, visited Toronto. Religious services were held at Ryerson auditorium and attended by over two thousand disciples from Toronto and around the world. This visit increased both local membership and financial stability. In 1991 the Jing Sim branch moved to its present location, a rented industrial unit in Scarborough. Shortly thereafter, Master Lian-Tang returned to Edmonton, leaving the Jing Sim branch to be administered by an elected seven-member council. A religious function group facilitates the services, ceremonies, and musical instruments (bell ringing or blowing Tibetan horns and drums) that accompany the practices. Services are held Friday and Saturday evenings, with monthly lunar observances, celebrations of Buddhas' and Bodhisattvas' birthdays, Ullambana, repentance practices, and Chi Gong classes. Christmas and Chinese New Year celebrations involve communal festivities and charitable works, such as visiting and giving gifts to homes for Chinese senior citizens or donating to food banks. The most popular occasions are when a dharma ceremony is offered by a master. There are approximately fifty core members, about one-third of the total. Of the Jing Sim members 83 per cent are from Hong Kong, the remainder from Southeast Asia, mainland China, Taiwan, the Philippines, and India. Almost 90 per cent speak Cantonese, with 10 per cent speaking Mandarin, and i per cent English. The average age is between twenty-five and fifty years. Women are slightly in the majority among the membership. Almost 60 per cent of members are professionals, 20 per cent students, 10 per cent in trade or service industries, and 10 per cent homemakers or retired. After the move to Scarborough, some twenty to thirty members remained downtown, and in 1992 they established the Pure Moon Buddhist Society of Toronto. In 1996 they moved to a rented house in Toronto's East Chinatown area. Administration is ad hoc. The membership, fluctuating between ten and thirty members, participate in Sunday practice sessions that usually consist of offerings to hungry ghosts, guru yoga practice, or the celebration of a Buddha's or Bodhisattva's birthday. The chanting pace is slow, and meditation is brief. Monthly lunar practices are held, combining Buddhist-Taoist activities with special obeisance to a Bodhisattva who is claimed to have saved the lives of many of the members. The demographics of Pure Moon members are significantly different from that of the Jing Sim

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chapter. Of Pure Moon members 50 per cent were born in Vietnam, 48 per cent in Hong Kong, i per cent mainland China, and i per cent Canada. Ninety-eight per cent speak Cantonese. Almost half of the members (43 per cent) are between thirty-five and fifty years of age, and over 30 per cent are between fifty and seventy. Seventy per cent are female, and 30 per cent male. Concerning occupation, 40 per cent are retired, 30 per cent are in trade and service industries, 12 per cent are professional, 10 per cent are students, and the remaining are homemakers or self-employed. In September 1996 some fifteen members of the Jing Sim branch founded their own chapter, called Jing Heng. They have a permanent teacher, Mr Jackie Lau from Hong Kong, known as Master Lian-Hung. Services are provided in a spacious three-level building in Markham. Master Lian-Hung has a chapter in Hong Kong which he also directs and administers. Member involvement is primarily limited to the cleaning and maintenance of the building. Religious activities are reduced when Master Lian-Hung is away. Thematic shrines, such as Kuan-yin (at the entry), general Chinese Buddhist, Tibetan, and Grand Master (top floor) are located throughout the building. The top floor is designed for indoor Fire Offering ceremonies, in which paper and other materials are burned over a large grill (with overhead vented exhaust). Closed circuit television allows individuals on the main floor to observe activities on the top floor. Beside the Kuan-yin shrine area is a store that sells Chinese and Tibetan Buddhist statues, artefacts, and gifts. Demographically, the membership coincides with that of Jing Sim, but significant differences are found in administration and religious practice. Jing Heng has a single director and follows the religious format in Hong Kong, concentrating on group guru yoga practice, home meditation, and restricting access to the tantric shrine to designated members. Tzu Chi (Compassionate Giving) The Toronto chapter of Tzu Chi is part of Canada Tzu Chi Liaison Office, based in Richmond, British Columbia. The liaison office is part of the transnational Buddhist Compassion Relief Tzu Chi Foundation, whose headquarters are in Taiwan. The Tzu Chi Foundation emphasizes charitable works, dispersed globally to areas of need, with no regard to religious, ethnic, or national affiliation. The Toronto chapter was started in 1992 by six core (one representative and five staff) and ninety-two general members. By 1996 this number had increased to seven hundred, including a large youth group, although core membership is still listed as six. The majority of members are from Taiwan. Ninety per cent speak both Mandarin and Taiwanese,

18 8 Many Petals of the Lotus with 10 per cent speaking Cantonese. Twenty-five per cent of members are twenty-five years and younger, 20 per cent are twenty-five to thirty-five years old; 30 per cent are thirty-five to fifty; and 30 per cent are fifty to seventy years old. The majority are housewives, retired men, and students. There are no Tzu Chi sangha in Canada. Members remain dedicated followers of the founder, Cheng-Yen Fa Shih, a Taiwanese nun. The Tzu Chi representative is the lay leader, and with his wife, leads monthly sutra readings, Amito-fu chanting, meditation, and discussions, usually concerning family and business life, health, and lifestyle issues. The primary teaching language is Mandarin. Other activities include weekly programs for children, twice monthly classes in sign language, and regular visits to the elderly in Chinese retirement homes. Special celebrations include Mother's Day, Teacher's Day, Kuan-yin Day, Chinese New Year, and Founder's Day. The emphasis of the practice is self-cultivation at home through recitation of the Refuges, Five Precepts, and the Heart Sutra. Local charitable activities are limited to visits with seniors, donating to food banks, and establishing two scholarships at the University of Toronto, in the departments of social work and nursing. Canada Po Chai Temple The Po Chai Temple was founded in 1994 by San Sau Fa Shih, a Cantonese-speaking monk, born in China but raised and ordained in Hong Kong. The temple is located in a renovated residential house near Toronto's East Chinatown. Po Chai Temple practises Pure Land Buddhism. Cantonese is used in sutra explanation, chanting, historical instruction, and general discussion. In 1994 there were ten members. Through media promotion in Chinese TV and newspapers, the numbers have increased to over a hundred. Only one core member is identified, a laywomen who lives in the temple. Other members are active in various aspects of temple administration, taking care of the San Sau Fa Shih, organizing ceremonies and festivals, planning social activities, and publishing a newsletter. One of the members of Po Chai Temple is the student editor of Wisdom Quarterly, a Chinese Buddhist student newsletter at the University of Toronto. Of members 89 per cent are from Vietnam, the remainder from Hong Kong, Singapore, and Malaysia. Three-quarters of all members are between thirty-five and fifty years old, 12 per cent are older than fifty years, and less than 5 per cent are younger than twenty-five years. Seventy per cent are involved in manufacturing (at one sewing factory), 15 per cent retired, 8 per cent self-employed, and 7 per cent are students.

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Daily chanting and observances are provided. Weekend services consist of chanting practice (Namo Amito Fo) while sitting and circumambulating the shrine (approximately forty-five minutes), followed by sitting meditation (approximately 20 minutes). One member noted, 'Chanting Namo Amito Fu is a way, a method to purify our mind. It helps to relieve stress and worries that we get in the daily life.' Full moon and new moon observances are held, as well as a monthly memorial service. Other celebrations include Kuan-yin's birthday, Amitabha Buddha's enlightenment day, Sakyamuni's birthday, enlightenment, and parinirvana, the Di Zuan Wang Festival, birthday well-wishing on the first day of each month for members' children and grandchildren, and Chinese New Year. Services and ceremonies are followed by a communal vegetarian lunch. Precept-taking ceremonies for lay people are encouraged, both as a social recognition of commitment to Buddhism and because the Buddhist names given are according to the same lineage of San Sau Fa Shih. Po Chai members feel this makes it easy for them to be classified and identified by other Chinese Buddhists.

7

Conclusion

As the many petals of the lotus unfold, new patterns and divergent colours emerge in response to a changing environment. Japanese-Canadian, Tibetan, Vietnamese, Cambodian, and Chinese Buddhist communities in Toronto are emerging in the light of contemporary developments in Canada and the world. Summary of Five Toronto Buddhist Communities Toronto Buddhist Church is the oldest Buddhist institution in Toronto. It is comprised of four generations of Japanese Canadians, illustrating the perpetuation of an ethnoreligious community over decades. During and following the Second World War, Jodo Shinshu religious identities and practices were irrevocably altered. The extensive racism and discrimination towards Japanese, and their Canadian-born children, culminated in extensive human rights violations, internment, and forced resettlement in eastern Canada. In a time when Canada did not have a social framework of multiculturalism, Japanese-Canadian Buddhists adapted and transformed their Buddhist organization and practice to mitigate these experiences. Today, Toronto Buddhist Church also involves new Japanese immigrants and non-Asian members. The small Tibetan community in Toronto is religiously and ethnically homogeneous. Tibetans were the first Asian refugees admitted to Canada in the early 19705. Their strong and vibrant identity as Tibetan Buddhists reinforced basic cultural values and ethnic commitments. Incorporated within this ethnoreligious identity is a deep faith in the Dalai Lama, the exiled spiritual and political leader of Tibet. Toronto Tibetans are especially involved with social and political activism on behalf of Tibetans in

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refugee camps in India or those still under Chinese communist rule in Tibet. Their religious identities and activities cut across national boundaries to encompass global realities. Tibetans remain distinct from, and yet intimately involved with, non-Tibetans in Toronto who practise Tibetan Buddhism or are supportive of their plight with China. The majority of Toronto Vietnamese Buddhists were refugees who settled in Canada about twenty years ago. For these new Canadians, the continuation of traditional religious belief and practice operates as an agent of cultural and nationalist preservation. Vietnamese Buddhist temples in Toronto support a Vietnamese ethnic identity, and the familiar organizational structure provides psychological comfort. Buddhist temples and associations contribute to the establishment of networks of friendship and systems of reciprocal obligations. The variety of Vietnamese Buddhist groups in Toronto demonstrates a dynamic interplay between the recreation of traditional religious practice and innovative Canadian adaptations. Their organization and religious practices reveal the economic, ethnic, regional, political, and class divisions, as well as disparate migratory experiences, found within the larger Vietnamese community. Toronto Vietnamese Buddhist groups also reflect membership in larger trans-Canadian or global Buddhist associations. Toronto Vietnamese Buddhist groups provide clear examples of how religious practices and institutions, within a common framework of national and religious identity, can emphasize multiple, often contradictory, realities. Cambodian refugees illustrate the enormous impediments certain Buddhist groups have in resettlement. Of all the Buddhist groups in Toronto, these people have had the greatest difficulties in recreating Buddhist practice and traditions. The Cambodian community in Toronto does not have a strong social infrastructure from which cultural and religious bonds could be reaffirmed and re-established, and the majority have suffered extreme deterioration of their physical and mental health caused by successive waves of violence and genocidal traumatization. Until recently, the monks and lay individuals who could provide leadership and organizational skills to establish Buddhist institutions and associations were absent from Toronto's Cambodian community - the genocidal practices of the Khmer Rouge had specifically targeted them for execution. Religious differences among Toronto's Khmer have led to division and tension in the community. Evangelical Christians imply that Buddhism is not a religious tradition worth keeping in Canada. Unlike Tibetan or Vietnamese refugees, Cambodians have not had high-profile monks to challenge insinuations, or to link themselves with other Khmer Buddhist communities. Poor adapta-

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tion, lack of integration, and mental health problems in Canada are exacerbated by the absence of religious networks and support systems. These difficulties continue to challenge Cambodians. Chinese Buddhists arrived in Canada with extensive wealth and unimpaired networks from Hong Kong and Taiwan. They represent a unique model of immigrant integration, as reflected in the rapid growth of more than twenty-three Chinese Buddhist temples in the past ten years. More than 360,000 Chinese have recently settled in the Greater Toronto Area, most coming from Hong Kong, mainland China, Southeast Asia, and Taiwan. The sociocultural dynamics of Chinese Buddhism in Toronto reflect ethnic and linguistic diversity, differing socioeconomic status and disparate patterns of immigration. Chinese Buddhist groups range from transnational associations such as Tzu Chi or BLIA, to traditional Chinese Buddhist temples, to a variety of lay organizations. Chinese Buddhism in Toronto reflects various types of relationships between sangha and laity, differing religious beliefs and practices, and innovative strategies to accommodate to Canadian life. Reinforcing Ethnic Identity through Buddhist Belief and Practice Asian Buddhists in Toronto illustrate the persistence of ethnicity over time and through generations. Ethnicity is an expression of people's primary ties outside the nuclear family, ties that incorporate racial and national origin, as well as religious and cultural identity. As a social expression of identity, ethnicity is adaptable and transitional. Individually and collectively, ethnic heritage is used as 'cultural capital' in constructing and redefining Canadian identities and in coping with social and psychological well-being (Breton et al. 1990: 5). Ethnicity is also associated with political-economic inter-ethnic competition (Keyes 1981; Nagata 1974, 1979, 1981, 1984; Driedger 1978, 1987; Despres 1975). This competition reinforces the maintenance of networks of kinship and friendship to satisfy such needs as access to job markets or receiving traditional and new forms of status recognition. In the Canadian context, the profiles of ethnic identities are in response to the nature and intensity of adaptive pressures, pressures that involve cultural and structural constraints of Canadian society and rapidly changing intergroup circumstances. Since the Japanese Buddhists first came to Canada, official policies regarding integration, adaptation, and accommodation of immigrants have changed a great deal, as has Canadian society. Minority groups now have a collective right to maintain and express distinctive ethnic languages, reli-

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gion, and culture. Heritage rights, however, do not extend to institutional autonomy or jurisdictional cultural autonomy if they conflict with the Canadian Charter of Equality, Rights, and Fundamental Freedoms, or with Canadian criminal and civil laws. Multiculturalism continues to interpret ethnic identities as voluntary marginal differentiation (Burnet 1976: 55). Immigrants are not expected to transfer their social order to Canada, but are expected to make at least some institutional adaptations and innovations to the Canadian context (Lieberson 1985: 32). Ethnicity in Canada, then, is understood as an adaptive response in which ethnic identity comprises recreated and symbolic expressions of selected cultural patterns, not as representative of a total immigrant culture (Isajiw 1978). Social infrastructures within Asian Buddhist institutions are designed to help immigrants and refugees, and their Canadian-born children, retain and redefine a sense of their ethnic heritage. Ethnic identity involves primordial attributes of blood and descent, strengthened by cultural values, attitudes, ethos, traditions, retention of language, and participation in communal social and religious activities. During Buddhist services and celebrations, Tibetans wear chubas; Cambodians, sampot; and Vietnamese, ao dai; and they share traditional food and entertainment. Weekly Buddhist activities, festivals, and ceremonies provide ongoing opportunities for financial and social support of traditional ethnoreligious activities. Core subgroups within Buddhist institutions provide much of the preparation and assistance required for weekly services and the religious festivals. Core subgroups include the Vietnamese Buddhist Family, the nisei at Toronto Buddhist Church, or the jushi at Chinese Buddhist temples. Through their intensive participation, religious occasions become communal celebrations as well. Religious participation often provides the main milieu for social and leisure activities among Asian Buddhist groups. These social and interpersonal activities are, however, virtually closed to outside participation. In addition to the social and friendship networks, Buddhist temples and associations offer educational and leadership training. Buddhist institutions provide a forum through which traditional cultural forms of respect and recognition are maintained, for example, the sangha position of monk, nun, and duan chee, or that of the learned lay person, such as the Cambodian achaa or Vietnamese Phat tu tai gia. Temple activities also support and reinforce traditional forms of respect within the family structure and within the community. The overall perception within Japanese, Cambodian, and Vietnamese groups is that those Asians who are outside Buddhism, either through conversion or without a strong Buddhist influence in their families, tend to become more westernized and lose their

194 Many Petals of the Lotus cultural values. Vietnamese Buddhists, for example, argue that Buddhist beliefs and practices promote and sustain the traditional Vietnamese family structure in Canada. Regular Buddhist memorial practices - annual, monthly, weekly, or daily services - especially sustain cultural values of filial piety and gratitude towards parents and other relatives. At Toronto Buddhist Church, the monthly memorial service is always full, as shinijusha, nisei, and sansei pay respect to departed parents and relatives. Vietnamese Buddhist memorial services are an adaptive strategy to help refugees cope with their loss and to ensure cultural and ethnic continuity. The memorial ceremony, as a ritual communion, enables difficult grieving processes, whether from loss of identity, loved ones, homeland, possessions, or status, to take place, without recourse to medical or psychiatric intervention. Weekly Buddhist memorial ceremonies, with the focus on the ban vong (memorial board), facilitate coming to terms with the enormity of loss, through personal as well as group experiences. The memorial services provide a cognitive ordering of the past, present, and future. Now that Khmer Buddhist monks are available, Cambodians increasingly turn to them to help mediate their experiences of personal bereavement, sramay (visitation of ghosts), or sateh aram (moral sickness). The unavailability of this culturally appropriate healing mechanism during the crucial years of early resettlement severely affected on the Khmer capacity to adapt and accommodate to Canadian life. Within the multicultural context of Toronto, Buddhist organizations help particular groups of Asian Buddhists to develop and sustain a 'collective memory' (Halbwachs 1980). The collective memory is a social reconstruction of shared data and conceptions. It is a remembrance that encompasses the past and glosses over potentially divisive barriers. As a current of continuous thought, the collective memory endures and draws strength from its base in a coherent body of people who identify themselves as members in a group. For religious groups especially, 'invisible bonds between their members' have been created that serve to 're-establish, in addition to their visible community, a common thought and remembrance' (ibid.: 136, 157). The collective memory is especially significant for refugee communities isolated from their homelands and experiencing continuous social and political estrangement. For Toronto Tibetans, Buddhism and, in particular, the Dalai Lama embody ethnic and national identities and sustain the collective memory, enabling them to recognize and interact with one another in any social context. Immigrant and refugee perceptions about past events can be selectively chosen, reinterpreted, and even invented. The collective memory of each Vietnamese Buddhist group in

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Toronto provides the basis for redefining ethnic and religious identity. It connects them to recent historical experiences, to an interpretation of the exigencies of resettlement, and to an understanding of the interconnectedness of the past and the future. At the Cambodian temple there is less reinforcement of collective memory because of the horrific trauma and social divisiveness wrought by the genocide in Cambodia. At Toronto Buddhist Church, the collective memory of the second-, third-, or fourth-generation Japanese Canadians is distinct from that of the shinijusha, who arrived much later and into different circumstances. The role of the Buddhist temples and associations in maintaining a sense of collective memory and ethnic identity is not limited to clearly identified and actively participating Asian Buddhists. Among Chinese and Vietnamese, there are thousands of individuals who have little or no involvement in weekly temple activities. They only come in times of need or to accompany their children to special festivals to show them their ethnic heritage. The marginal position many Asians have towards Buddhist temples may result from age and gender discrimination (remnants of homeland traditions), a rejection of hierarchical institutions, or a rapid integration into western secularism. The rapid conversion to Christianity in the past fifteen years remains a challenge to the viability of Buddhist identities in Canada. Being Christian, however, does not necessarily imply that Buddhist beliefs and practices are given up completely. Buddhist Responses to Christianity Until multiculturalism was enshrined in the Canadian Constitution, Buddhist organizations and institutions did not have the same legal status and political rights as Christian churches. During the forced internment of Japanese Canadians, traditional Jodo Shinshu Buddhist institutions and practices were not readily available to them, nor were they encouraged. The Canadian government supported Christian missions, most notably the United Church, to work in the internment camps and to provide for the educational needs and spiritual well-being of Japanese Canadians. As a direct result of this exposure to Christianity, massive conversion to Christianity occurred, especially among the nisei. The United Church became the largest religious organization within the Japanese Canadian community (Mullins 1989: 77). Christianity was presented to Japanese Canadians as the means through which their identity as 'Canadians' would be ensured. Conversion was used to bring Japanese Canadians into conformity with the ideals and standards of Canadian society by explicitly emphasizing struc-

196 Many Petals of the Lotus tural and cultural assimilation, particularly immediately after the Second World War. After internment Japanese Canadians who relocated to Ontario experienced insecurity, uprootedness, and bitterness over their forced choice between repatriation or resettlement (ibid.: 88). A small, but significant, revitalization of Buddhist identity during this time was in direct response to overt Christian conversion. In face of ongoing racism, discrimination, and pressures to convert, Japanese-Canadian Buddhists employed accommodation strategies to gain acceptance, both as individuals and as an ethnic or religious minority group, by the Anglo-Christian majority. Toronto Buddhist Church was organized to emulate typical Christian forms: holding religious services every Sunday in a church atmosphere with pews, organ, pulpit, and choirs; developing Sunday school for the children; and utilizing Protestant terms such as 'minister' or 'church' (Kashima 1977; Kawamura 1977, 1978). For Southeast Asians the process of conversion to Christianity was largely for perceived material or psychological protection, as was the case with Japanese Canadians. In all refugee camps, Vietnamese and Cambodian Buddhists were subject to extensive conversion pressure by Christian church-based refugee relief organizations who preyed on their vulnerability (Hitchcox 1990). Vietnamese and Cambodian Buddhists were told that their chances for resettlement, sponsorship, or subsequent success in Canada would be enhanced through conversion to Christianity. The lack of Asian Buddhist institutions in Toronto, coupled with the bewildering newness of resettlement, and a strong sense of gratitude towards Christian sponsors made Asian Buddhist refugees susceptible to conversion. The emphasis that their Christian sponsors placed on conversion was a source of stress for Vietnamese Buddhists, negatively affecting their mental health (Beiser et al. 1989). In contrast, the strong leadership of the Dalai Lama, who is recognized by India as the political and spiritual authority of Tibet, thwarted Christian attempts at conversion in Tibetan refugee camps. The Dalai Lama insisted that Tibetan monks be placed with small groups of refugee families and that monks from overseas regularly visit them. Thus Tibetan communities throughout Canada were provided with solid religious support. Conversion to Christianity among this, the smallest of Asian Buddhist groups in Canada, was not an issue. Exposure to Christian conversion revitalized the Buddhist traditions and identities of some Asian groups. The Reverend Tsuji, first minister at Toronto Buddhist Church, inspired Japanese Canadian Buddhists to recognize Buddhism as a viable philosophical and religious tradition that has a funda-

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mental place in Canadian society. At Hoa Nghiem Temple, many Vietnamese were also encouraged to understand why they chose to remain Buddhists and to accept that being a Buddhist means taking several levels of precepts, sutra study, and a daily commitment to Buddhist ideals and practice. Similar sentiments are expressed by Vietnamese Zen Meditation Group members and Chinese Fo Kuang members. All agree that Buddhist belief and practice is a difficult but rewarding way of life in Canada, one they consciously adhere to. Buddhist classes, sutra studies, and increased lay involvement in ceremonial and meditational practices encourage greater appreciation and commitment to Buddhism. The revitalized Buddhist identity that must be achieved is significantly different from that in the homeland, where individuals are born and acculturated into an established tradition of beliefs and practices. Redefined Buddhist identities strengthen new concepts of self, become an effective coping strategy for finding a place in Toronto's multicultural environment, and help to sustain social and religious networks in the diaspora. Transformations within Asian Buddhist Groups The religious practices of Toronto's Buddhist immigrants and refugees have been modified in Canada. Each Buddhist community determines which sociocultural traditions are to be retained as meaningful, or necessary, for maintenance of their ethnic and religious identity in Canada. The type and extent of accommodation made to gain acceptance reflect the Asian Buddhists' view of Canadian society. Accommodatory strategies include organizational change, doctrinal reinterpretations, structural adaptations in religious ceremonies or festivals, and expansion of leadership opportunities. Accommodation provides the means through which commitments to Canadian society are developed and subsequently acknowledged by the non-Buddhist majority. Buddhist identities are redefined further when religious belief and practice take on political or local characteristics contrary to a particular tradition. Some Asian Buddhist communities now share some of the social and ideological values of Canadian democracy, such as gender equality or representative decision making. Modern strategies of adaptation and societal transformation may involve transnational identities and the interplay of local, national, and global relations among Buddhist communities. Transformation within Asian ethnoreligious identities is as much a response to Canadian society as it is to global environments. The multiple identities of Asian Buddhists in Canada illustrate how experiences and relationships are redefined, reconstructed,

198 Many Petals of the Lotus created, sustained, and modified across national boundaries. Although Buddhist practices and identities in Toronto are constructed and redefined in response to changing social contexts, their expression and foundation remain embedded within cultural and social traditions. As Gombrich (1988: 8-9) notes: Viewed as a historical phenomenon, a religion is a tradition. The customs and beliefs of a religious tradition are transmitted by institutions both formal and informal. While it is usually formal institutions which act to preserve orthodoxy and orthopraxy [sic], in other words to prevent change, the main force of conservatism is the mere process of socialization. By and large, people hold to their ideas and customs because they have learnt them from their parents, etc., and the rewards for conformity outweigh the satisfactions to be derived from a change ... Even when an individual proposes changes he is not merely reacting to a tradition but necessarily using the language of that tradition. If he fails to use the accepted code he cannot communicate ... Thus innovation is never creation ex nihilo: it is a modification of tradition; it uses tradition as its raw material.

Alterations or transformations in their religious traditions ensure Toronto's Asian Buddhists a sense of continuity with past, present, and future. Several stages of religious transformation can be seen in the long history of Japanese Buddhists in Canada. Religious services and activities of Japanese Jodo Shinshu Buddhism were developed originally to meet the needs of the immigrant generation and were dominated by the language, culture, and clergy of the home country. This pattern is also applicable to Asian Buddhists who settled in Canada within the past thirty years or so. With the arrival of generations born in Canada, there developed in the Japanese community a need for bilingual clergy and innovative programs of religious education. This requirement is also emerging among newer Asian Buddhist communities today. Traditional modifications implemented by Jodo Shinshu churches were radically altered through the closing of churches and restrictions on religion during the Second World War. The recreation of Jodo Shinshu Buddhism following the war enforced rapid strategies of accommodation to the social environment of racism and discrimination in 19405 and 19505 Toronto. The extent of accommodation is evident in the specific organizational model of Toronto Buddhist Church. Asian Buddhist communities today do not face such intense pressure towards assimilation and conversion. Although Christian and democratic influences are present, especially among certain Vietnamese and Chinese temples and associations, their inclusion is by choice, not coercion.

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A foreign orientation remains crucial for Asian Buddhist identities in Toronto. Toronto Buddhist Church, like other Jodo Shinshu groups in Canada, remains tied to the Nishi Hongwanji in Kyoto, Japan. It is totally dependent on this relationship for religious leaders, spiritual authority, and doctrinal legitimacy. The pattern to bring clergy from the homeland and the need for legitimation are characteristics among other Asian Buddhist groups. Chinese Buddhist organizations in Toronto maintain close affiliation with religious leaders or institutions in Hong Kong or Taiwan, and these are enhanced by social, economic, and family networks. When connections to the homeland are hard to sustain, the foreign orientation may be transferred to representatives in the diaspora. Tibetans remain dependent on the Dalai Lama, and the various Tibetan Buddhist institutions and traditions in exile, to sustain religious identities in Toronto. Toronto Vietnamese are oriented to religious leaders of the diaspora and the Buddhist traditions in Vietnam. Cambodians remain oriented to Buddhism in Cambodia, even though this Buddhism continues to be in a process of reconstruction. Visits to the homeland, diaspora communities, or Buddhist pilgrimages enhance the foreign orientation. Hundreds of nisei and sansei at Toronto Buddhist Church reaffirm their Japanese Buddhist heritage through visits to Japan and participation in Buddhist family exchanges, forums, and conferences sponsored by the Nishi Hongwanji. Tibetans strive to visit Tibet or India as often as possible. Foreign orientations among Asian Buddhists in Toronto are complicated. Although sansei members at Toronto Buddhist Church challenge the hierarchical patterns of authority characteristic of foreign Jodo Shinshu, they advocate a return to traditional chanting and the use of traditional Buddhist terms, such as 'sangha' instead of 'clergy,' 'temple' instead of 'church,' 'dharma school' instead of 'Sunday school.' The foreign orientation is reduced among Asian refugees, other than Tibetans, who have had to establish their Buddhist traditions in Canada without sponsorship, guidance, or support - either financially or in the supply of religious specialists - from the homeland. The Chanh Giac Vietnamese Buddhist Association, spread across Canada under the leadership of Montreal-based Thich Thien Nghi, is an example of a specifically 'Canadian' - developed Buddhist organization that is not foreign oriented. It recreated Vietnamese Buddhism in Canada, rather than stemming from a particular religious institution in Vietnam. Another example is that of the Vietnamese Zen Meditation Group which developed a Canadian-based Buddhist identity, rather than a foreign orientation to Vietnam. Vietnamese Buddhist groups in Canada continue to be viewed as a threat to the Vietnamese government. Canadian

200 Many Petals of the Lotus Vietnamese Buddhists are restricted from sending magazines to Vietnam and maintaining networks with Vietnamese sangha, who are subject to persecution and imprisonment if they have 'unacceptable' contacts abroad. Throughout the war years, the political activities of Vietnamese religious teachers created structural tensions within the Buddhist population. These continue today in Canada and Vietnam, further undermining a foreign orientation. Asian Buddhism in Toronto exhibits an interplay between continuities and transformations, including new rituals and the invention of traditions. Examples of religious transformation are found in the roles of religious leadership, rituals, transmission of dharma, rules of monastic and lay discipline, and administration. Asian Buddhist groups in Toronto redefine their Buddhist identities through a continuum of modification and traditionalism. Redefined Buddhist identities affect the religious practice to be emphasized, the role and choice of symbols, the focus on renunciation or worldly affirmation, and the structural arrangements within religious organizations. Systemic changes, made in adapting to the Canadian context, determine the extent to which authoritative and hierarchical relationships are exhibited among sangha and laity. Cambodian and Tibetan Buddhists continue to regard monks as ritual practitioners and repositories of spiritual power in their communities, able to reach beyond worldly life and can transfer power, healing, or merit to laymen. Chinese practitioners of Vajrayana hold similar views towards their religious teachers. Vietnamese Zen Buddhists believe the ultimate source of religious power is their own direct knowing, through meditation and mindfulness. Some extend notions of sangha beyond ordained monks and nuns to include family and practice groups. At Toronto Buddhist Church, kai kyoshi are regarded as employees of the church, hired on contract and given a salary. Vietnamese and Chinese Buddhists have varying degrees of monastic involvement in temple administration and organization. A significant transformation of Asian Buddhism is the greater pressure placed on Buddhist sangha to engage in ministerial and pastoral services. Charismatic leaders, such as the Reverends Tsuji, Thich Nhat Hanh, or Thich Quang Luong, established new religious institutional structures while remaining within the bounds of their own traditions. This continuity helps Buddhists to cope with problems of purpose, moral authority, ethics, and gaining acceptance in Canadian society, to incorporate new social and political values, such as egalitarianism or democracy, and to legitimate religious authority. The increase of lay participation and lay leadership within Buddhist institutions indicates a significant transformation of Buddhism in

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Canada. An impressive involvement of lay members is evident in the Hoa Nghiem and Xaloi temples, the Vietnamese Zen Meditation Group, Toronto Buddhist Church, BLIA Fo Kuang, Tzu Chi, and the Tibetan community. The sociopolitical environment at the Hoa Nghiem Vietnamese Temple when it was under the leadership of Thich Quang Luong, or at present in the Vietnamese Zen Meditation Group, differs from that of more traditional Vietnamese Buddhist temples. These differences are similar to those between traditional and innovative Chinese Buddhist temples. Examples include shared decision making between sangha and laity at all levels of temple administration, changing traditional activities, and the active participation of women. The Buddhist environment provides a culturally appropriate opportunity for Asian immigrants and refugees to participate in western democratic ideals concerning leadership roles, decision-making processes, and mechanisms for social control and resolution of conflict. The adoption of democratic attitudes among certain Asian Buddhist groups and the continuity of traditional forms of Buddhist hierarchy in others are symptomatic of how Buddhism promotes multiple expressions of identity between and within particular ethnic communities. Within Toronto Buddhist groups and associations, rituals and ceremonies are transformed to meet psychological and social needs. Their success is evident during popular services, ceremonies, and festivals, when they are filled to overflowing. An important function of the Cambodian, Chinese, Japanese-Canadian, and Vietnamese temples is to organize religious ceremonies and services (on Sundays, semi-monthly, or on auspicious days), and to preserve the Buddhist ritual cycle of each tradition. To accommodate the Canadian work week, and the time constraints many people have in attending a religious institution more than once a week, Buddhist rituals during weekly services or annual festival celebrations are shortened so they can be held on one day. Religious traditions are reconstructed and reinterpreted to balance new Canadian identities that remain connected to, and encompass, the past. The weekly memorial service at Hoa Nghiem Temple is an innovation, as are the singing of Buddhist hymns or distinct healing and meditation practices in other Asian Buddhist groups. Some of these ritualized practices, invented, constructed, and formally instituted within a matter of a few years, have become established as authentic representations of particular Buddhist traditions or collective memories. The variety of these practices, however, raises issues of legitimacy and the assumption of privileged discourse: Who can claim that their rendition of collective memory or religious practice is authentic, and on what basis? Asian Buddhism in Toronto demonstrates that religious practices are

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reconstructed in response to an ever-changing social and political world, where different strategies, practices, and interpretations allow new relationships. Individually and communally, Asian Buddhists develop positive and optimistic self-concepts and attempt to maintain a positive public opinion of their community. Japanese-Canadian Jodo Shinshu Buddhists in the 19405 and groups of recently arrived Asian Buddhists in the 19805 and 19905 have used Buddhism to structure new contexts and environments and to reorder traditional social relationships. Asian Buddhist beliefs and practices enhance the extent to which ethnic identities are retained. The negative associations that society attributed to ethnic and non-Christian religious retentions have changed dramatically to positive connotations (Christian evangelical groups being an exception in that they regard Buddhism as a pagan, therefore, invalid, religious tradition). Historically, ethnic and non-Christian identities were seen to impede the successful incorporation of immigrants into Canadian society. Before multiculturalism, the children of immigrants, especially those born in Canada, assimilated rapidly and constructed identities that differed drastically from their parents. The negative impact of racial, ethnic, and non-Christian identities is epitomized in the treatment of Japanese Canadians in society and by government. Their experiences of discrimination, internment, and forced relocation fundamentally redefined and undermined the religious and ethnic identities of the nisei and their sansei children. Resources, Advocacy, and Representation through Buddhist Institutions The resources and services that the Asian Buddhist temples provide for their members today are similar to those offered in the early years of Toronto Buddhist Church. Initially, the Buddhist institution, as an ethnoreligious organization, caters to the social and emotional needs of its members, providing services and assistance to them within a familiar cultural and linguistic context. The functions of Asian Buddhist temples and associations include mutual aid, representation to the larger society, and collective mobilization as a political resource for advocacy. The form of mutual aid most Asian Buddhist groups in Toronto provide to members involves assistance with resettlement needs and issues. Through the Buddhist temple or association, Asian immigrants and refugees are given culturally appropriate explanations and interpretations of Canadian life and practices. They include information on Canadian political structures and the various levels of government bureaucracy, filling out forms, providing assistance

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for finding jobs or housing, and training in new skills. Most Buddhist temples and associations also provide social and leisure activities for members, including special events for the elderly in nursing and retirement homes. Goals, needs fulfilment, and opportunities can be pursued through the concerted commitment, action, and articulation of the collectivity. Aspirations to meet particular objectives are often given legitimacy within a Buddhist framework. This has resulted in the acquisition of new temple headquarters, the purchase of recreational properties, the sponsorship of sangha from the homeland or refugee camps, and supporting others in refugee camps and in the homeland. The collective resources of Buddhist communities can also be channelled towards effecting changes in Canadian immigration laws and procedures concerned with family reunification and sponsorship. At Hoa Nghiem Temple, letters were regularly written to government officials, members of parliament, and editors of newspapers to impress on them the concerns of the Vietnamese in Canada. Hoa Nghiem's magazine distribution created and organized extensive social networks to mobilize and support various activities. Buddhist publications (newsletters and magazines) serve several functions. As an effective channel of communication, they bring issues to the attention of the larger ethnic community, encourage a forum for the expression of views, spread the particular group's interpretation and practice of Buddhism, and report on Buddhist ceremonies and activities in Toronto and at other Buddhist temples and associations throughout North America or Asia. Most publications, however, do not raise or discuss divisive political issues, and they remain mute on social and advocacy concerns, except for those groups oriented towards humanitarian or engaged Buddhism. Most Asian Buddhist groups expect their sangha to represent them, for example, at government functions or interfaith forums. Sangha from the Tibetan, Vietnamese, Chinese, and Japanese-Canadian communities participate in multifaith forums to celebrate distinct religious identities or to join in speaking out on behalf of the poor in Toronto and Canada. Their temples also host visitors, such as multifaith groups or student classes from universities and high schools, enhancing their reputation as successful religious minorities. The Question of Context in Shaping Ethnic and Religious Identities Identity in Canada's multicultural society is not a given or ascribed status, but is mediated through multiple cultural intersections that incorporate gender, race, class, ethnicity, and religion (Coombe 1991). The multiple

204 Many Petals of the Lotus intersections create a social heterogeneity in which world-views or cultural heritages are 'actively constructed from competing and conflicting constructions of tradition,' becoming increasingly complex from the national to the global context (ibid.: 192). In postindustrial societies such as Canada, individuals maintain these ties on several levels (Richmond 1969: 278; 1988: 2). Self-created and self-identified individuals are superimposed on top of, or in continual dialogue with, formal organizations and territorial, ethnic, or religious boundaries. These network-based linkages are, in turn, manipulated by mass media telecommunications and government census definitions. Because of competing ethnic, national, cultural, and religious points of reference, 'once familiar concepts such as "acculturation," "assimilation" and 'integration' no longer make sense in a rapidly changing world of satellite communications and global culture' (Richmond 1991: i). The inadequacy of earlier theoretical models of ethnic or religious identities is the assumption that these identities are embedded within an empirically defined, bounded, or somewhat self-contained ethnic community within a nation-state. Ethnic and religious identities in Canada today are influenced by their position in a system of social stratification within the state and the global scheme. Both positions are in constant transformation. Among numerous Asian Buddhist groups in Toronto, networks of transnational religious organizations in the diaspora or scattered family members are as meaningful to them as are their connections to Canada and their original homeland. Changing ethnoreligious identities and intergenerational dynamics among Japanese Canadians at Toronto Buddhist Church offer predictions concerning newer groups of Asian Buddhists in Toronto. Asian Buddhist temples and associations will face increasing generational problems, similar to those at Toronto Buddhist Church. At present the majority of Asian Buddhists share a 'collective memory' as immigrants and refugees. Among those born in Canada and, eventually, their children, there will be continual redefinitions of who they are as Canadians of Vietnamese, Chinese, Tibetan, or Cambodian origin. New identities and social expressions of ethnicity will emerge and transform themselves in response to circumstances and in combination with shifting degrees of interest in affective ties. The reinforcement and maintenance of kinship and friendship networks as a means to satisfy needs fulfilment, such as access to job markets and acquisition of traditional status recognition, will most likely not be needed by future generations in the Buddhist environment. Asian Buddhist clergy who speak only the ethnic language will have difficulties in understanding or communicating with the younger generation

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who are westernized and fluent in English. Even if the younger generation speaks their ethnic language, they may be functionally illiterate in it, especially for Buddhist sutra or philosophical study. If generational dynamics become similar to those already experienced at Toronto Buddhist Church, in the near future two languages will be needed at Asian Buddhist temples. In the case of Chinese Buddhists, three or more languages may become necessary to bridge the various subgroups. Two separate services may also be needed: one for older Asians and recent Asian immigrants who speak only one language and wish to maintain patterns of homeland authority and content, and another for younger Asians, born or raised in Canada, whose first language is English and who will relate to modified traditions. Difficulties still arise, however, as new immigrants (especially younger urban professionals with different social experiences) have little in common with older members. Ritual ceremonies will be changed through the need for translation; some will be augmented and others curtailed, especially if their components have no relevance to modern concerns. It is likely that modified rituals or practices will in turn be challenged. Asian sangha are especially concerned that through translation, important nuances of Buddhist doctrine will be lost if rendered into Christianized English, echoing concerns long expressed by Jodo Shinshu organizations in the United States and Canada. The manner and degree in which Asian Buddhist immigrants and refugees, and their Canadian-born children, become incorporated in Canadian society will not necessarily follow the Japanese-Canadian Buddhist pattern. One important difference between Japanese-Canadian and other Asian Buddhists is the radical change in the ethnic and religious composition of the population of the Toronto area at the time of resettlement. In 1951 individuals with Asian origins totalled 0.9 per cent of Toronto's population, rising to only 2.5 per cent before 1981 (Breton et al. 1990: 19). For almost thirty years Japanese Canadians had been the only Asian Buddhist community. In direct response to the overt discrimination and racism of postwar Toronto, they chose a pattern of residential dispersion, rather than recreating an identifiable ethnic community. Now Asians represent the fastest growing ethnic population in Canada, and they are the largest visible minority group in Toronto. By the year 2000 members of visible minorities (mostly foreign-born) will comprise up to 54 per cent of Toronto's population (Toronto Star, 7, June 1998, Ai). Unlike the case of the Japanese Canadians, recent Asian settlement is within identifiable ethnospecific residential clusters, growing without pressure of assimilation, forced acculturation, and with little decline in participation in ethnicrelated activities.

206 Many Petals of the Lotus In the early 1980$ Southeast Asians added an immense ethnic presence to an already diverse and firmly established Asian Buddhist population. In contrast to the forced relocation of Japanese Canadians to eastern Canada, Indochinese refugees were sponsored to live in Toronto, reflecting a significant change in the Canadian acceptance of ethnic and religious minorities. During the initial phases of resettlement, the kind of reception received influences what aspects of identity are selectively retained, transformed, reconstructed, or rejected. The creation and presentation of ethnoreligious identity reflect the kinds of contact and competition particular Asian Buddhist groups had, or continue to have, with other ethnic or religious groups. Developing a niche to fit into Toronto's multicultural society and differential responses to accommodatory pressures, secularization, or materialism are the result of each group's historical circumstances and the degree of their social acceptance, or understanding, by society. The development and recreation of religious traditions remain challenging processes. Section 27 of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms guarantees the right of religious minorities to profess and practise their own religion, but does nothing to lessen the indirect burdens of religious practice. Among refugees, Buddhist organizations are especially difficult to establish in Canada and are very costly, both socially and economically, to support. Cambodian Buddhists face continual difficulties in getting qualified religious teachers from their homeland, especially committed mature monks who can cope with the linguistic and cultural differences and the overwhelming needs of the community. At Toronto Buddhist Church, much of the organizational and administrative responsibility is carried by the nisei. The full participation of the sansei and yonsei is rare. This does not necessarily mean that the Japaneseoriented ethnic and religious identities at Toronto Buddhist Church will eventually disappear. Mullins (1989) predicts that the diminishing participation of sansei at Jodo Shinshu churches will force Japanese-Canadian Buddhist institutions to undergo a process of 'de-ethnicization.' This process has not occurred at Toronto Buddhist Church. Despite accommodations made to non-Japanese members and spouses of sansei mixed marriages, there has been no transition from an 'ethnic' to an 'inter-ethnic' or 'multiethnic' organization,' and it is highly unlikely that Toronto Buddhist Church will become a multi-ethnic organization in the near future. The nisei, supported by the influx of shinijusha, hold tenaciously to what they perceive to be traditional rituals of an ethnic Japanese Buddhist culture. This is especially evident during monthly memorial services. Indeed, it is precisely this commitment to tradition, as well as the perceived sense of

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social comfort, that continues to attract sansei members to Toronto Buddhist Church (Kendis 1989). Lapsed Buddhist sansei and former Christian Japanese Canadians seek to reaffirm or rediscover ethnic identity at Toronto Buddhist Church. Significant difficulties face Judeo-Christian Caucasians who convert to an ethnically identified religion, such as Japanese Jodo Shinshu, Tibetan Vajrayana, or Chinese Buddhism. For many former Judeo-Christian Caucasians, becoming a Buddhist is often an arduous process. It is a deliberately achieved individual status, separate, and often alien, from inherited ties to kin or community. This process is further stressed by the resistance that most converts experience when they try to participate in an ethnically identified Asian Buddhist community. Language, ethnic, and cultural barriers inhibit non-Asians from joining Asian Buddhist activities. When they attempt to gain access to teachings in particular lineages, most gravitate to non-Asian groups or join a parallel congregation, such as the Friday evening meditation practice that was offered by an English-speaking monk from Malaysia at the Chinese Cham Shan Temple. Non-Asian members at Asian Buddhist temples and associations encounter subtle and overt discouragement. What Buddhism offers to non-Asian converts is not so much an avenue to a new social 'identity' or 'way of life,' but an innovative world-view. In their search for Asian religious alternatives to deal with interpersonal relationships, making a living, and mental and spiritual health, non-Asian converts reinterpret traditional Buddhist orthodoxy to meet their needs. This reinterpretation is often radically different from the views that Asian Buddhists hold. Becoming a member of a particular ethnically identified congregation requires what Nagata (1989: 18) refers to as an 'extensive cognitive and social adjustment,' which may result 'in an uneasy dissonance between social and religious identities.' Among Toronto Asians, ethnic and religious orientations within their Buddhist temples and associations are not separated. Despite the revitalization and redefinition of Asian Buddhist religious and social identities in Canada, they are still fused. Within the larger Asian communities, however, Asian Buddhist groups also close ranks and recruit along particularistic lines or on the basis of social compatibility. The cultural and religious heritage provided by the temples and associations is especially attractive to those Asians who seek a sense of collective identity. Those who join Buddhist temples and associations are usually successful individuals who have integrated into the larger society. They view the retention of Asian traditions and customs as an important element in shaping their personal and collective identities. Newly converted Asian

208 Many Petals of the Lotus Buddhists, or those who return to the faith, become involved as the result of personal spiritual need or to benefit from established social networks. The Buddhist environment represents 'a special place ... because of its historical connections to the traditional social form' (Luckmann 1967: 100). Ethnic rediscovery can be seen as a return to the social solidarity of the ethnic group, a reaction to the alienation of modern technological society (Isajiw 1978). Individuals return to traditional religion to enhance ethnoreligious world-views that they feel will offer a strong moral, social, and ethical system to themselves or their children. Asians who became Christians, or those at present without religious affiliation, may find a sense of comfort in reconversion to Buddhism and in association with other ethnic Buddhists. Both facets work to revitalize a new sense of self-identity. This strategy is similar to what Epstein (1978: xiii) calls the 'emotion change' of ethnicity, generated by a 'psychosocial process' in which values learned in childhood are used to structure new contexts and environments and to order social relationships with others. Religious institutions experiencing growth in North America are those that give people a sense of place and 'individual meaning and purpose in a physical and spiritual community' (Swatos 1981: 226). When religious involvement reflects personal choice, the construction of differential identities exacerbates the multiplicity and diversity of Toronto Buddhism. Multiple Identities among Asian Buddhists The numerous transformations and innovations of religious belief and practice among Buddhists in Toronto demarcate a variety of Buddhist identities. The mixed congregation at Toronto Buddhist Church, for example, demonstrates major perceptual and behavioural differences among the shinijusha, sansei, nisei, and non-Japanese members. They are separated by their definitions, experiences, practices, and aspirations for ethnic and religious identity. Particular rules of social behaviour are seen as displays of ethnic behaviour, expressing values and attitudes that are indicative of the interpersonal relations and identity of Japanese Canadians. Sansei have all been taught these rules and, with the help of nisei, are teaching them to their children. This is not expected of non-Japanese members. The rules provide those of Japanese heritage with a sense of continuity with their collective past. Shinijusha, however, find it difficult to connect their own recent experiences in Toronto to the historical memories of extensive discrimination against Japanese Canadians. Primary divisions within the Japanese-

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Canadian Buddhist community remain based on age and gender. At this time, non-Japanese and shinijusha involvement are secondary conflicts. Family and intergenerational continuity and cooperation remain central within newer Asian Buddhist temples and associations in Toronto. Divisions within larger ethnic Buddhist communities tend to occur between subgroups. The Vietnam War, refugee camps, and resettlement experiences divided the social identities and cultural realities of Vietnamese Buddhists. Chinese Buddhist groups also develop particularized ethnic, linguistic, and national identities. In the reconstruction and redefinitions of differentiated interests and new identities, multiple Buddhist groups arose, each seeking to re-embrace, recreate, or revitalize traditional religious beliefs and practice. In the Toronto Vietnamese Buddhist community, as reconstruction continues, new questions of religious authority, authenticity, and legitimation of Buddhist identity or ritual arise. Each redefined religious and ethnic identity claims traditional patterns of credibility. There is no recognized authoritative structure to legitimate or acknowledge the reconstructed power structures and status hierarchies that Vietnamese Buddhists have established. Chinese Buddhism in Toronto also demonstrates a pattern of multiple Buddhist identities. Legitimation becomes plural, local, and within each group. Within large Buddhist communities, groups remain connected to their own particularized expressions of Buddhist identity. They do not demonstrate that Buddhism is a cohesive or unifying force in Toronto or across Canada, but rather that Buddhist identities operate separately and differently depending on the situation. Distinctive institutional bases are created by particular leaders whose religious specialties and interests are rooted in their own ethnic, political, and doctrinal sources. Buddhist groups remain tied to their respective sangha leadership, particularized rituals, and Buddhist organization that they have constructed. This causes confusion intellectually, culturally, socially, and spiritually, especially when authority and legitimacy within one Toronto Buddhist group is challenged or criticized by another. Among the diverse Buddhist groups in Toronto, new means of communication need to be developed to overcome the numerous strains associated with such religious disparity. Cooperative communication among the different Buddhist groups would enable them, as ethnic minorities within a shared religious tradition, to increase their presence within Canada's multicultural society. A unified presence would enhance collective and advocacy potential and counteract the Christian and secular trends that continue to jeopardize their communities.

2io Many Petals of the Lotus The Study of Religious and Ethnic Identity within a Global Framework Ultimately, the continued development of Asian Buddhist identities within Toronto is inseparable from the circumstances of Buddhists worldwide. Ethnic and religious identities in Canada are a creative response to global transformations and the emergence of transnational communities. Individuals, societies, national cultures, intra- and cross-national movements and organizations, and ethnoreligious groups can only be understood in terms of their orientation to the globalization process (Robertson and Lechner 1985). Expressions of Asian Buddhism in Toronto reflect the structural constraints, support, and limitations of multiculturalism. At the same time they demonstrate incorporation within the global framework. As local Asian Buddhist identities in Toronto become increasingly Canadianized, they simultaneously remain connected to international communities of faith: Tibetans to India, Tibet, and Nepal (as well as small communities in the United States and Europe); Japanese Canadians to Japan, the United States, Peru, and Brazil; Vietnamese and Cambodians to the dispersed communities in North America, Europe, and Australia, as well as their respective original homelands; and the Chinese to Hong Kong, Taiwan, Southeast Asia, China, India, and North America. Many Asian Buddhist groups retain a primary reference to these overseas or transnational communities, remaining dependent on them for religious and cultural leadership. Particularized ethnic identities may be reaffirmed and revitalized through global networks. Distant events and activities continue to provide doctrinal authority and legitimacy. Social relations and identities are created, sustained, and continually modified across national boundaries and through massive global movements. Local practices link with global social relations. Major aspects of day-to-day life reflect this sustaining connection. In a multicultural context, political, ideological, and religious identities among ethnic minorities are not simply the result of adaptation to, or integration within, a single state. Social relations and identities are transformed and continually modified across numerous national boundaries through massive dispersion worldwide. The level of 'time-space distanciation' today is so extensive that 'for the first time in human history, "self" and "society" are interrelated in a global milieu' (Giddens 1991: 32). Religious and ethnic identities in Canada are recreated and redefined across indefinite spans of time and space. Through migration, identities are 'disembedded,' that is, lifted out of the social relations of their local contexts of interaction, and, through resettlement, are then restructured or 're-embedded' (Gid-

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dens 1990). Re-embedding 'connects confidence in abstract systems to their reflexively mobile nature, as well as providing encounters and rituals which sustain collegial trustworthiness' (ibid.: 87). The process of disembedding and re-embedding 'serves to open up manifold possibilities of change by breaking free from the restraints of local habits and practices' (ibid.: 20). New social movements or activities arise, and novel political agendas are created. Construction of ethnic and religious identity becomes a dialectical process. It involves diversification, globalized economics of consumerism and production, media representation, and communications technology. Mestrovic (1998), however, views postmodern information technologies as more enslaving than liberating, suggesting that, despite global information, the west failed dismally to prevent the tragedies that have occurred in Bosnia, Rwanda, and elsewhere. Whether positive or negative, globalization intensifies social relations worldwide, linking distant localities in such a way that local events shape, and are shaped, by distant events. The variety of components within globalization, and the myriad reactions to it, generate new levels and types of social conceptualization. They activate processes of reflective self-identity beyond local dynamics (Giddens 1990: 177). Notwithstanding the possibility of 'reflexive modernization,' and the capacity to construct one's own identity in a global network society, there remains a potential for conflict within and between nations and states (Beck, Giddens, and Lash 1994). Castells (1997) argues that there is a systemic disjunction between the local and the global. Only elites have the possibility of reflexive 'life-planning,' that is, constructing identity and inducing new forms of social change (ibid.: 11). In Richmond's (1994: 21933) three alternative scenarios of the future (the nostalgic, the pragmatic, and the Utopian), he recognizes that all three carry with them what Giddens calls 'high consequence risks.' For example, religious commitment often leads to fanaticism and becomes divisive (ibid.: 232). The violent riot at the Guru Nanak Temple in British Columbia in 1996, and the continuing conflict over whether Sikh worshippers in Canada can sit at tables for temple meals are indicators of religious divisiveness and the systemic disjunction between the local and the global. An edict from the Sikh jathedar (Sikhs' supreme authority in Amritsar, India) has ordered the temple to remove tables and chairs that have been in used in Canada for decades and return to sitting on the floor - or face excommunication (Globe and Mail, 19 May 1998, A6). The dispute ostensibly concerns local changes to religious tradition to accommodate to the colder climate in Canada; however, it illustrates power struggles between traditional and moderate Sikhs, in terms of temple finances, leadership, political activities,

ill Many Petals of the Lotus and national orientation. Differences between traditionals and moderates may also reflect different histories of migration and pressures to assimilate. In the case of Asian Buddhist communities in Toronto, and elsewhere in Canada, there is little systemic disjunction between the local and the global. An Asian Buddhist community may have numerous Buddhist identities, but there is no overt confrontation between those who demand continuity of tradition and those who transform traditions to reflect new social, political, or climatic environments. An Asian Buddhist foreign orientation does not demand enforced adherence to traditions that may be culturally inappropriate in Canada or that alienate the younger generation. Among Asian Buddhists, globalization facilitates a positive negotiation of lifestyle choices among a diversity of options. These options are not limited to elites but are available to all, as is evidenced in the wide range of Buddhist groups and practices. When religious identities are globalized and redefined within and between states, national boundaries are transcended. A global cultural consciousness and expanded sense of self are created. To encompass a global cultural consciousness, traditional sociological formulations of self have been reformulated. Simpson (1994: 6; 1996) refers to the 'global self as a 'second Gemeinschaft' element in the globalization paradigm. Individuals no longer have a singular identity but redefine themselves according to a wide range of options. Identity becomes understood as multiple and contradictory, inhabiting a diversity of communities, constructed by a variety of discourses (Mouffe 1988). This diversity becomes the basis for a 'politics of difference' (Ross 1988). The multiple reference points and social identities reflect 'a weave of crisscrossing threads of discursive practices, no single one of which runs continuously throughout the whole. Individuals are the nodes or "posts" where such practices intersect and, so, they participate in many simultaneously. It follows that social identities are complex and heterogeneous. They cannot be mapped onto one another or onto the social totality' (Fraser and Nicholson 1988: 88-9). Jameson (1991: 17) points out that the proliferation of identities relating to ethnicity, gender, race, religion, and class has resulted in advanced capitalist countries becoming a 'field of stylistic and discursive heterogeneity without a norm.' The plurality of identities can also reflect a marginalization and fragmentation of self, tied to no place or period (Smith 1990), resulting in what Simpson (1994: 9) refers to as a schizophrenic self, a self without an identity. In this perspective the self is 'hyper-real' (ibid.: n). It is a construct not founded on concrete face-to-face social relations, such as those in a neighbourhood, but 'situated in a network of interpersonal rela-

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tions that encompasses the entire globe' (ibid.). Several Toronto Buddhist groups orient themselves to a hyper-real construct. Buddhist identity is grounded in idealistic involvements, such as social activism (also known as engaged Buddhism or humanistic Buddhism), or in ritualized behaviour patterns indicative of a larger group identity. Within transnational Buddhist networks, self-identity tends to be oriented beyond the particular local group and its specific culture, to a more 'idealized community' (Robertson 1990). This may occur even though the integrity, or way of life, within the idealized community is recently invented as a transformed mode of Buddhist belief and practice. Any group culture, even those of the idealized community, does not exist separately from specific social structures. The culture must be the thematic-expressive aspect of the social system (Beyer 1994: 63). For members of transnational Buddhist organizations, the specific structure may be found in the global networks' headquarters. Headquarters, which often become the crux of idealized communities, may be located in the original homeland or in a country of resettlement. Communication takes place less in routinized social interactions than in the shared ideals, beliefs, aspirations, and performance criteria, most of which stem from the headquarters. Concepts of the global self are made possible through transnational communication systems and through special temporary gatherings, such as retreats or conferences. These encourage members to go beyond their particular self-society identity, to participate in a multiethnic or multicultural assembly that is grounded in shared ideals. The Tiep Hien Order (Order of Interbeing) is an international community of faith (Europe, North America, Australia, New Zealand, India, and Vietnam) with headquarters in France, at Plum Village. Tiep Hien headquarters represents the ideal of an 'imagined community' (Anderson 1983). Other imagined communities are those of Tibetans in the diaspora, the Fo Kuang Buddha's Light International Association, and Tzu Chi. Within these communities, similar Buddhist values and beliefs are assumed to be shared across geographical, cultural, and ideological boundaries, local as well as international. Global notions of self and community contribute to a social reconstruction of shared data, ideals, and conceptions, enhancing collective memories and identities. Shared ideals, or remembrances, encompass the past, gloss over potentially divisive barriers, and create strong bonds between members. Global notions of self and community are sustained through 'collective memory.' As membership is not homogeneous, however, there are numerous 'collective memories' and a variety of meanings and significance attached to the 'imagined community.' This leads to

214 Many Petals of the Lotus what Robertson (1992: 100) identifies as the dilemma of the simultaneity of particularism and universalism. This dilemma is found in the Vietnamese-based Tiep Hien Order and its Toronto base, the Vietnamese Zen Meditation Group. Although global cultural values are embraced and aspired to, the religious tradition remains grounded in culturally specific norms and organizational structures that reflect a particularized Vietnamese Buddhist culture. In Toronto, Vietnamese members of the Tiep Hein Order practice separately from the nonVietnamese. While non-Vietnamese are not denied the opportunity to practice with the Vietnamese group, they are advised that the Vietnamese members view their semi-monthly meditation practice as an opportunity for a Vietnamese social gathering. This includes sharing a Vietnamese meal, the recitation of precepts, a dharma talk (or listening to a tape of Thich Nhat Hanh), singing, and general conversation, all conducted in Vietnamese. Non-Vietnamese and Vietnamese members generally meet and practice together only during visits by teachers from Plum Village. Meditation retreats are always organized, planned, and facilitated by Vietnamese members. Although the Tiep Hein Order remains embedded within a Vietnamese Buddhist cultural tradition, this does not mean that its members share a universal sense of being Vietnamese Buddhists. Their differences in doctrine and authority clearly separate them from other Vietnamese in Toronto. The dilemma of the simultaneity of particularism and universalism also contributes to the separation among Vajrayana Buddhists in Toronto (between Tibetans and Caucasians, Tibetans and Chinese, Chinese and Caucasians, or among Caucasians). It could be the root of what Numrich (1996) refers to as parallel congregations. The process of globalization fragments life worlds, enhances structural differentiation, widens cognitive and moral relativity, and exacerbates experiential scope and ephemerality (Robertson and Lechner 1985: 108). Modern forms of religion can be seen as welcome protests against, reactions to, or providers of potential solutions for global maladies (Robertson 1982: 186). Other forms are manifestations or protectors of these ills. Modern examples of fundamentalism (Christian, Hindu, or Islamic) can be seen as a particularistic negative protest to the globalization process (Castells 1997: 12-27; Pipes 1989). Absolutism (characterized, for example, by the Unification Church or Sokka Gakkai), viewed as universalistic and hierarchical, is oriented to the resolution of global cultural conflict and the remaking of the world (Robertson and Lechner 1985). An alternative to either fundamentalism or absolutism is the development of what Beyer (1994: 10) identifies as the liberal path, evident, for example, in the World

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Council of Churches or Latin American liberation theology. The liberal path arises under conditions of globalization, and it seeks to provide solutions to global distress. It is directed towards the global whole, away from the particular culture with which a tradition has identified itself in the past. This helps individuals to reconcile, 'the consciousness of their humanity and their membership in specific societies' (Robertson 1982: 205). The religious dimension of the liberal path is characterized by an openness to respond to changing global conditions and to harmonize existing values with those of the emerging global culture. The liberal option is concerned with social injustice, local and global conflict, environmental destruction, global inequalities, and the egalitarian inclusion of those marginalized from the benefits of modern institutions. These are issues that Beyer (1994: 97) calls the 'residual' problems of globalizing systems. Liberalized religions create numerous possibilities for social action that allow them more potent modes of communication (ibid.: 39). These religiously motivated social movements seek 'to address the severe problems engendered by the global system, but on the basis of the prevailing global values and not in opposition to them' (ibid.: 104). In Toronto, the Vietnamese Zen Meditation Group, the Fo Kuang Buddha's Light International Association, the Tzu Chi organization, and Tibetan Buddhist groups can all be understood as examples of a liberal religion in this sense. The motivation of liberal-path Buddhist groups is grounded in what is commonly referred to as 'engaged Buddhism,' a term coined by Thich Nhat Hanh. The projects supported by these groups benefit individuals and communities throughout the world. Projects include support for medical students and the building of hospitals and clinics; donations of food, clothing, and technical and medical equipment and supplies; trade and skills training; day care facilities; scholarships for children in impoverished areas; support for lepers, those with tuberculosis, and destitute families; support of teachers, monks, nuns, and social workers; and provision for homeless children. Within the Tiep Hien Order, the five basic precepts common to all lay practitioners of Buddhism have been significantly revised, becoming a new foundation upon which Vietnamese Zen Meditation Group members develop strong ethical and moral approaches to daily personal and social life. A crucial element of these revised precepts is that they extend beyond local to global concerns. From a liberalized Buddhist perspective, religious aspirations must incorporate globalized dynamics and consequences. The Asian Buddhist reaction to contemporary globalization generates various levels and types of social conceptualization. Within Toronto's mul-

2i6

Many Petals of the Lotus

ticultural context, Asian Buddhists make use of their ethnic, cultural, and religious heritage to create distinctive self-identities. The ideational transformation of these identities positively incorporates elements from different settings into an integrated narrative (Giddens 1991: 190). The global ethnoreligious networks, revival movements within the groups, as well as their indigenization strategies to the Canadian context, all serve to differentiate Buddhists within and across their ethnic and religious identities. Questions of value and legitimacy gain new intensity as identities are redefined within new social and material environments of action (Connor 1989)The struggle within religious institutions to generate new grounds of identity and legitimacy results in readjusted power relations and privileges. As Coombe (1991: 189) notes: 'This provokes us to reconceive the concept of culture in terms that integrate it into a study of power; it asks us to consider meaning in terms of relations of struggle embodied in every day practice, and it demands that we view these cultural practices in local contexts, related in specific ways to historical conjunctures in a multinational global economy.' Among Asian Buddhist groups in Toronto, new forms of social, political, and economic structure emerge, with new sets of pragmatic rules and ritual narratives. These new manifestations of power and activity distinguish Asian Buddhist movements in Toronto from their traditional lineages. In the complex relation between familiarity and estrangement, new developments of Asian Buddhism in Toronto are simultaneously disturbing and rewarding to Buddhists: 'The reassurance of the familiar, so important to a sense of ontological security, is coupled with the realisation that what is comfortable and nearby is actually an expression of distant events and was 'placed into' the local environment rather than forming an organic development within it' (Giddens 1990: 140). Through immigration and refugee resettlement, many individuals lost their sense of ontological security. They became suspended between the loss of old certainties and the discovery of new beliefs. One attempt to counter this is to integrate novel ideas of the sacred into everyday life and to enhance feelings of personal and collective empowerment (Beckford and Luckmann 1989). Redefined and recreated Buddhist identities provide new symbols of moral integrity and spiritual vitality for individuals who have lived through a period of radical change. In Toronto they provide innovative perspectives on spiritual and self-authority. An inner-worldly transcendence, with an emphasis on individual emancipation and enlightenment, is combined with an affirmation of the world. The worldly affir-

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mation is an attempt to organize one's social life with respect to the process of global interdependence, the Canadian environment, and the overall challenges to human survival. New forms of religious sensibility and spiritual endeavour directly address issues of the moral meaning of existence that modern institutions tend to undermine or dissolve (Giddens 1991: 207). Several Asian Buddhist groups in Toronto clearly mark the attempt to collectively reappropriate institutionally restrained areas of life. Conclusion This study has provided an analysis of redefined and recreated identities among five Buddhist communities in Toronto. It illustrates the relationship between continuities of tradition and the systemic changes, modifications of practice, and alterations in the meaning of existing relations. Innovations occur because traditional strategies, practices, and interpretations of Buddhism are no longer adequate. New practices and new relationships between categories are developed as a negotiation, an ongoing demonstration of tradition responding to the ever-changing social and political contexts of Canada, as well as to global circumstances and developments. Buddhism is an important culture-specific support system for Asian immigrants and refugees. The beliefs and practices of Buddhism provide newcomers with a wide range of psychological and social services that help in their cultural transition, adjustment, social adaptation and integration, and in resolving post-traumatic stress. Buddhist institutions provide a sense of belonging and offer a means through which a sense of place and self can be developed and confirmed in Canada. Buddhism especially helps refugees to go beyond a sense of helplessness and trauma, to reconcile their suffering and experiences of tragedy. Religious and social identities are revitalized through the process of resettlement, unifying cultural continuities and spiritual resources. Among Tibetan, Vietnamese, and Cambodian refugees, interned Japanese Canadians who were forced to relocate, and Chinese immigrants, the provision of traditional Buddhist services and activities in Toronto has provided networks of psychological, social, and spiritual support. Buddhist institutions strengthen ethnic and cultural identities. The particularistic emphases within identifiable ethnic Buddhist groups make it difficult for outsiders to become part of the social and community network, despite the universal ideals of Buddhism. At Toronto Buddhist Church, it is primarily the nonAsian with a connection of kinship or marriage who are able to develop social compatibility with the Japanese-Canadian members. Language and

2i8 Many Petals of the Lotus cultural barriers continue to limit non-Asian attendance among Tibetan, Cambodian, Vietnamese, and Chinese Buddhist groups. Even within one particular Buddhist religious institution, or among several that share the same religious tradition, numerous interpretations of identity are embodied. The implication is that identities must be understood in context. They are redefined in response to situations and enable people to transform cultural and religious traditions to meet specific needs. Particularized Buddhist groups illustrate how the symbolic transmission of religious knowledge through ritual formats is condensed into abridged forms, how new mechanisms of social relationships reinforce and express ethnic and national identity, and how these new forms of social cohesion help to develop a sense of confidence and place in Toronto's multicultural society. The diversity of Asian Buddhist groups and identities in Toronto represents differential responses to multiculturalism. Ethnoreligious groups articulate new concepts of themselves to legitimate transformations of their particular tradition. As Buddhist identities in Toronto are actively constructed from competing and conflicting representations of tradition, the result is multiple identities, redefined, fractured, and contradictory. Particular aims and aspirations not only engender emotional and political struggles between groups of Buddhists who share the same ethnoreligious tradition, but also within groups. The multiplicity of Buddhist identities also creates competition for status and authority among the larger Toronto Buddhist community. Through the globalization process, however, the phenomenon of creating and redefining local identities goes beyond the constraints and limitations of multiculturalism within a particular state. The networks of relationships among Buddhist groups who are part of international communities of faith alter their local dynamics. This has consequences for state identification and for the process of adaptation and integration of immigrants into Canadian society. The multiple identities of Buddhist groups in Toronto, modeled on and supported by multicultural policy, are, nevertheless, influenced by the global reality. In the near future various forms of Buddhist differentiation will not only be maintained, but also further transformed and redefined. Among children born in Canada and grandchildren of Asian Buddhist immigrants and refugees an even greater separation may also occur. The multiple forms of Buddhism in Toronto, differentiated along ethnic, doctrinal, linguistic, and generational lines, will remain identified with particular histories, struggles, and challenges, lacking central notions of unity or a oneness of vision.

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This study raises many questions that can only be answered by further research and by monitoring changes as they unfold in the twenty-first century. In what has been called a 'post-multicultural phase,' there will be new political discourses and conflicting demands on the public and private sectors (Adelman et al. 1994: 404; Lanphier 1997). It remains to be seen how ethnic minorities in general, and Toronto Buddhist communities in particular, will survive the contradictory pressures generated by secularism, globalism, fundamentalism, materialism, economic insecurity, and racism. From a Buddhist perspective, however, the multiplicity of identities reflects the diversity of life. The essence of Buddhism is recognizing the transient nature of existence, the coming into being and passing away of all things. Buddhist identities are constantly changing. Continuities, accommodations, and transformations of tradition arise and fall away, reflecting the interconnectedness of all life and its inherent impermanence. Thus, Buddhist beliefs, practices, and identities eventually transcend established forms. All Asian Buddhist communities in Toronto, therefore, while diverse, are essentially alike, their unique growth and unfolding symbolized by the many petals of the lotus.

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7' APPENDIX

Some Buddhist Groups in Toronto, 1998

ASIAN MAHAY ANA BUDDHISTS Chinese Traditions Combination of Pure Land Ch'an, and Tien T'ai Anata Kuan-yin Zen Buddhist Institute Buddhist Dharmalaksana Society Buddha's Light International Association (BLIA), also referred to as Fo Kuang Shan or Buddhist Progress Society of Toronto Canada Po Chai Temple Canadian Chinese Buddhist Ming-Yuet Society Cham Shan temple complex: Cham Shan Temple, Cham Shan Buddhist Gallery, Buddhist Association of Canada, Ching Fa Temple, Hong Fa Temple, Nam Shan Temple, and Toronto Buddhist Society Ching Kwok Buddhist Temple (formerly Tai Bay Temple) Chuen Te Buddhist Society Fu Sien Tong Buddhist Temple Han Shan Sih Buddhist Society Manshu Yuen Providence Maitreya Buddha Missionary Institute Siu-Ping Chin Transnational Buddhist Youth Association (Toronto Chapter) Chinese Vajrayana Traditions Manjushri Buddhist Centre (ethnic Tibetan lama) True Buddhist Vajrayana Association (Ontario), also known as Ling Shen Ching Tze, chapters: Jing Sim, Jing Heng, Pure Moon Buddhist Association, Tara Vihara, Vajrayana Buddhist Association (Mi Shing Fo Shen Hui)

222

Appendix

Vietnamese Traditions Combination of Pure Land and Zen Amida Temple (several groups across Canada) Hoa Nghiem Temple (Toronto base of Chanh Giac Vietnamese Buddhist Association, with several temples across Canada) Hue Lam Bhikkhuni Buddhist Association Linh-Son Temple Pho Hien Temple Vietnam Temple (formerly Van Due Temple) Vietnamese Zen Meditation Group (Toronto base of transnational Tiep Hien Order) Xaloi Temple Japanese Traditions Pure Land-Jodo Shinshu and Nichiren Nichiren Buddhist Church Toronto Buddhist Church Korean Traditions Combination of Pure Land and Zen Bui Kwang Sa Daekak Sa (Nine Mountains Zen Gate Society)

NON-ASIAN MAHAYANA BUDDHISTS Tibetan Lineages Vajrayana/tan trie Dharmadhatu (Kargyu) Dharma Centre of Canada (Kargyu) Chandrakirti Buddhist Centre Gaden Choling (Gelupa, ethnic Tibetan leader) Kampo Gangra Drubgyud Ling (Nyingma Kargyu, ethnic Tibetan lama) Karma Kargyu Buddhist Centre (Kargyu, ethnic Tibetan lama) Rigpa Riwoche Pemavajra Temple (Nyingam, ethnic Tibetan lama) Tengye Ling Tibetan Buddhist Centre (Gelupa) Toronto Shambala Centre (Kargyu) Sakya Thubten Namgyal Ling (Sakya)

Appendix Japanese Traditions Mountain Moon Sangha (Soto and Rinzai Zen) Toronto Zen Centre (Rinzai Zen) Korean Zen Dharma Light Son Centre (ethnic Korean monk leader) Jong-Hae Zen Centre Ontario Zen Centre Zen Buddhist Temple (ethnic Korean monk leader) ASIAN THERAVADA BUDDHISTS Bangladesh Buddhist Mediation Hermitage Burmese Maha Dhammika Temple Buddha Sasana Yeiktha Ontario Cambodian Khmer Buddhist and Cultural Community of Ontario Laotian Wat Lao Indian Ambedkar Mission Sri Lankan Toronto Maha Vihara West End Buddhist Centre (Halton-Peel Buddhist Society) Thai Yanviriya Buddhist Temple II NON-ASIAN THERAVAD A BUDDHISTS Theravada Buddhist Community Toronto Vipassana Community Insight Meditation Group

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Notes

Chapter 2: Japanese Canadians and Toronto Buddhist Church 1 Tokudo is the first step in Jodo Shinshu ordination. It requires either one or two years of university study or a longer period of seminar study at a Jodo Shinshu district institute under the jurisdiction of Hongwanji. Seminar studies are oriented to the practicalities of being a minister, learning ritual ceremonies, and chanting. An individual with tokudo is recognized as an 'authorized minister of the Nishi Hongwanji Jodo Shinshu sect' (Kashima 1977: 73). Kyoshi is a second ordination that qualifies one to be a fully ordained minister. Kyoshi can be attained through an exam for those who apply from outside, through a correspondence course, or through institute training (ibid.). The rank of kyoshi in Japan is held by the rectors of established temples, and it enables the holder to lecture, preach, and do missionary service (Kashima 1977). Kai kyoshi literally means an overseas missionary. 2 For a detailed history of Jodo Shinshu Buddhism in Canada between 1905 and 1995, see Terry Watada's (1996) Bukkyo Tozen. For detail on Buddhism during internment see Akira Ichikawa's (1994) 'A Test of Religious Tolerance: Canadian Government and Jodo Shinshu Buddhism during the Pacific War, 1941-1945.' 3 The first building committee of the Toronto Buddhist Church raised $25,000 within a short time. The money was raised in traditional Japanese style, with pledges of $7,000 from over two hundred heads of households (the pledges were considered a family membership in which sons and wives were automatically included), and $18,000 pledged from seven representatives of three contributing groups. As executives, these individuals initiated and organized the fund-raising among their respective groups. After a series of inappropriate purchases of existing buildings, it was decided that the ideal place would be one built from the ground up. The building of Toronto Buddhist Church would be accomplished

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without any financial support from other Jodo Shinshu organizations in North America or the Nishi Hongwanji headquarters. The total building project was estimated at $75,000. It was thought that if $40,000 was raised from the membership, a mortgage could be carried. An innovative style of fund-raising was used, and over $80,000 was collected. Rather than asking group representatives for large contributions, the general membership was contacted for assistance of $150 each. Also, instead of a request for 'household' pledges, everyone, including husbands, wives, and working children, were asked to donate. Many individuals who only attended Buddhist services once or twice a year also contributed. A large chart was placed in the Huron Street office, with people's names and pledges, to make donations public knowledge. The new fund-raising technique was thought to be more democratic, stopping the identification of 'big-shot' donors and taking away the pressures of serving on an executive board responsible for contributing large amounts of money. 4 The creation, sale, and consumption of authentic traditional foods at Toronto Buddhist Church bazaars display a process that Hassan (1985) refers to as carnivalization of identity. Carnivalization can appear as an accommodation to multicultural expectations of tolerance and exploration of other's heritage, multicultural competitiveness, or manipulation of identity. 5 A 1993 analysis of the Toronto Buddhist Church Dharma School Parents List, to which most sansei belong, indicates that there is a very high degree of ethnic endogamy among the sansei members. Out of thirty sansei couples, four were mixed (non-Japanese and sansei), four were sansei and shinijusha, and twentytwo were sansei and sansei couples. The high percentage of endogamous marriages in Toronto Buddhist Church is in sharp contrast to the exogamous norm of sansei elsewhere. Out of forty-one Dharma School parent families (eleven are Nisei parents, all in endogamous marriages), over two-thirds are descendants of the original founders of the church. Many of these third-generation Toronto Buddhist Church members would be identified as high ethnics (Kendis 1989). They see themselves as retaining a significant Japanese Canadian outlook on life, differing in their values and beliefs from non-Japanese Canadians. At Toronto Buddhist Church, there is a clear relationship between endogamy and the retention of a Japanese Canadian ethnic identity. 6 Since 1949 when Rev. Tsuji founded the Asoka Society, there have been attempts (albeit unsuccessful) to include non-Japanese. The Asoka Society was academically inclined and drew many young men from the University of Toronto for evening talks and lectures. Younger nisei also attended these talks. Richard Hugh Robertson, a doctoral candidate in religious studies at the University of Toronto, assisted Rev. Tsuji with the Sunday services and participated in a translation project undertaken by the Asoka Society. In Kiyota's (1978) memoriam to

Notes 227 Richard Robertson, it was stated that 'his involvement with Japanese Canadian Buddhists helped greatly in developing a Buddhism amenable to the needs of Japanese Canadian Buddhists.' Robertson's contribution is relatively unknown at Toronto Buddhist Church today, a situation that occurs with many non-Asians involved in North American Jodo Shinshu. (The entire issue of Spring Wind 5/4 (1985-86), published by the Zen Buddhist Temple in Toronto, details several incidences of 'invisibility' or historical revisionism regarding non-Japanese involvement in North American Jodo Shinshu.) 7 Similar to other situations of mixed marriages spouses will always be marked, no matter how well they learn the language, cook, or act, even if they behave more ethnic than their spouses (Chock 1986). Many sansei men at Toronto Buddhist Church had rejected their ethnicity, and it was their non-Japanese spouses who revived their interest through Japanese food and family practices. Most nonJapanese spouses at Toronto Buddhist Church participate in all JapaneseCanadian family celebrations, plan and prepare Japanese food, and look after elderly Japanese-Canadian relatives. Yet, despite assuming what Cans (1979: 202) identifies as the 'sociopsychological elements that accompany role behaviour,' many still feel themselves to be outsiders. Chapter 3: Tibetan Buddhists in Toronto 1 In comparison with other refugee groups in Canada, and similar to groups of Tibetans elsewhere in the western world, Tibetans in Canada have done well. Their occupational profile after only two years in Canada indicated that less than 12 per cent of all Tibetan adults were unemployed, most of these being in Quebec (Smith 1975). Although the early types of work centred towards 'operative bluecollar positions,' the Tibetan employment record proves they adapted to Canadian society within a short time (ibid.). Most Tibetan families throughout Ontario have bought or built their own homes, some own properties, and others have invested in small businesses. Likewise, Tibetans successfully adapted in the United States (Messerschmidt 1976). The situation is similar in Switzerland, where over a thousand Tibetans are located in various industrial towns (Smith 1975). In each country they worked out similar adaptive strategies to soften the impact of cultural shock and to come to terms with the unique situational determinants of the area. Traditional Tibetan traits such as politeness, personal achievement, diligence, duty to community and family, encouraging educational achievement in children, and being law-abiding citizens, were especially helpful in their integration. 2 Different host countries responded to the refugees in dramatically different ways, correspondingly affecting Tibetan rehabilitation and resettlement. The Nepalese

228 Notes government, for example, did not help the refugees in any way other than allowing them to stay. Nepal's lack of official assistance programs and early refusal to allow international agencies to operate, resulted in the deaths of hundreds of refugees (Dirks 1979). Many of the Tibetans who originally went to Nepal eventually found their way to India when their valuables, sold for basic survival, had been used up (Woodcock 1970). Relations were further strained between the Nepalese government and the Tibetans because of the limited resources and the unavailability of land for resettlement, and because many of the fiercely independent Khampa guerrillas from eastern Tibet were conducting armed raids into their homeland from Nepalese territory, disturbing the fragile relations between Nepal and China (Conway 1975). India, on the other hand, in conjunction with large international relief organizations such as CARE, the Red Cross, YMCA, and Catholic Relief, established and carried out programs of assistance and rehabilitation with great generosity, considering their existing obligation and problems with Indian refugees from Pakistan, Burma, Sri Lanka, and East Africa (Woodcock 1970). The approximately three thousand Tibetan refugees who went to Bhutan were originally given land and financial assistance, but they were later subjected to a policy of cultural harassment by the Bhutanese government to give up their Tibetan identity. Many refugees felt compelled to seek asylum once again, this time in India (IOHH 1981). 3 In Quebec and Alberta the reception and settlement programs for the Tibetans differed substantially from those in Ontario. In Quebec, Tibetans were placed in full-day French language courses, and their needs were totally taken care of by Canadian staff (Smith 1975). As a result, they did not learn basic survival skills or participate in activities that required integration - for example, shopping, taking public transportation, or working. Many remedied this situation by moving to Ontario. In Alberta, Tibetans were immediately placed as labourers on sugar beet, potato, and cattle-feeding farms where they encountered abhorrent conditions. (Japanese Canadians also lived and worked on Alberta sugar beet farms following their forced resettlement from British Columbia.) The heavy manual labour in the fields, sorting and packing sugar beets and potatoes in damp cellars during the winter, lack of sanitation, poor and unbalanced diet, and inadequate housing, resulted in persistent outbreaks of tuberculosis and other health problems, stimulating the Tibetans to move to urban areas (ibid.). The extent of secondary migration was similar to the situation in Switzerland, where when families or friends were separated, they soon left the initial resettlement area to be near each other (ibid.). 4 Criticisms of incorrect parental practices and authority included lax discipline, giving children too much sugar, staying up too late, or inadequately feeding them. Tibetans were also erroneously described as being quarrelsome. Many

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non- Asian practitioners of Tibetan Buddhism during the early 19705 were dealing with the result of excessive countercultural activities (drug taking, casual sex, little attachment to families or employment, moral rebellion). Resolution was not only sought through the values and practices of Tibetan Buddhism but also through a pervasive diet of wholesome food that restricted white rice or flour, refined sugars, alcohol, meat, or food with colourants and additives.