Lykophron: Alexandra (Greek Text, Translation, Commentary, and Introduction) 019957670X, 9780199576708

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Lykophron: Alexandra (Greek Text, Translation, Commentary, and Introduction)
 019957670X, 9780199576708

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ALEXANDRA Greek Text, Translation, Commentary, and Introduction

Simon Hornblower





Great Clarendon Street, Oxford, ox2 6p»,

United Kingdom Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers the University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education by publishing worldwide. Oxford is a registered trade mark of Oxford University Press in the UK and in certain other countries © Simon Hornblower 2015 The moral rights of the author have been asserted First Edition published in 2015 Impression: 1 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the prior permission in writing of Oxford University Press, or as expressly permitted by law, by licence or under terms agreed with the appropriate reprographics rights organization. Enquiries concerning reproduction outside the scope of the above should be sent to the Rights Department, Oxford University Press, at the

address above

You must not circulate this work in any other form

and you must impose this same condition on any acquirer Published in the United States of America by Oxford University Press 198 Madison Avenue, New York, NY 10016, United States of America

British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data

Data available Library of Congress Control Number: 2015936771 ISBN 978-0-19-957670-8 Printed and bound by

CPI Group (UK) Ltd, Croydon, cro 4vv




The writing of this book has been made possible by my election to a Senior Research Fellowship at All Souls College, Oxford, in 2010, and I gratefully

acknowledge the extra time for research and writing which this has given me. If I had stayed at UCL, where I worked and taught happily for the thirteen years 1997-2010, I would probably have been able to finish my commentary on Herodotus book 5 while still in post,’ but serious work on Lykophron would have had to wait until retirement. In November 2008, as Grote Professor of Ancient History at UCL, I gave an inaugural lecture called ‘History from the Dark Poet Lykophron'. In the years since then, I have delivered earlier versions of various parts of the Introduction, Commentary, and Appendix as seminar or conference

papers in the UK, Cyprus and Italy. I do not give details here, but I thank those whose comments have resulted in improvements. Section r1 of the Introduction (‘Lykophron and epigraphy: the value and function of cult epithets in the Alexandra’) is published in different and longer form in Classical Quarterly (see Hornblower 2014 in the Bibliography).

In the preface to his excellent little edition of 1921, George W. Mooney observed that the Alexandra requires a ‘stout swimmer’. I plan next to splash around in a smaller and more manageable pool than this detailed commentary: a monograph sequel, to be called Lykophrons Alexandra and the Hellenistic World. See Introduction, section 1, at end; also 3 (k) (‘Timaios’),

and ro (‘Foundation myths’). In that book, I also plan to return to the ‘Lokrian Maidens’ inscription (IG 9. 1° 706), for which see 1141-1175 n.,

where epigraphic detail could not be gone into fully: and to the poems relationship to Sibylline Oracles and other apocalyptic literature (1465 n.). Many individuals have helped me over particular points and I acknowledge this help in the commentary where appropriate, except that I have adopted Stephanie West's privately communicated suggestions more often than I have specifically signified. I have learnt much about the female angle in the poem from my former UCL student Giulia Biffis’ outstanding Ph.D. thesis ‘Cassandra and the female perspective in Lycophron’s Alexandra’. But since I hope this will be published as a monograph, I have not drawn * My edition of this (introduction, Greek text, and commentary) was published in the Cambridge Greek and Latin Classics series in 2013. ν

Preface and Acknowledgements

on her findings in detail, but have merely referred to her occasionally in a general way. For help in obtaining the illustrations and permissions I am indebted to Bert Smith (Oxford), Robert Pitt (British School at Athens), Christopher Smith (British School at Rome), Richard Catling (Oxford), Athanassios Themos (Athens), Branko Kirigin (Split), Maria Luisa Nava

(Taranto), and Matthew


(London). Particular thanks to Dr

"hemos for permitting the use of still unpublished images from Amyklai

near Sparta. My young Polish friend Marcin Kurpios kindly arranged for the translation, from the antiquated Russian, of A. Nikitskii’s long and

important article on the Lokrian Maidens inscription (Nikitskii 1913). I end this list with an expression of gratitude to Heather Watson, for her patient, meticulous, and excellent copy-editing of a complicated and

difficult typescript. The book is dedicated to Esther. My greatest individual debt is to the late P. M. Fraser (1918-2007), a

former fellow of All Souls himself, and my college academic advisor in the early 1970s, when I was a very young prize fellow there. His two-term series of graduate classes on Lykophron's Alexandra in 1981 at Oxford University

first stimulated my interest in the poem.” He planned a commentary on it himself,’ and at his death left some draft notes towards this, which were

passed on to me by his literary executor Elaine Matthews before her own untimely death in 2011, along with the extensive Lykophron library which (as she then told me) he had wanted me to have. His comments on the poem are not usable or worth publishing (a dozen typed pages in all, not much more than brief notes on individual episodes, getting ever more sketchy, and eventually becoming mere summaries). In addition, there are

two short introductory essays. The first consists of four pages on the ‘nature and structure’ of the poem. ‘The first part of this stresses the importance of Aeschylus’ Agamemnon and Euripides’ Troades, and then, with greater originality, draws attention to the relevance to the Alexandra of two Hellenistic epigrams about recitations with Homeric themes, of an anonymous and very difficult anapaestic fragment which seems to be about Kassandra, and of the Adonis hymn in Theokritos’ Idy// 15; I have exploited this comparable material (the comparison is also to be found in Fraser's Ptolemaic Alexandria

of 1972)







‘Performance? My Appendix is devoted to the anapaestic poem, and gives * For an account of Fraser's life and varied career, and discussion of his publications and academic preoccupations, including his work and teaching on Lyk. at different times, see Biographical Memoirs of the British Academy XII (2013), 137-85. His main published contributions to the study of Lykophron,

apart from his article in OCD* (below,n. 4), were Fraser 1979 (on the Cyprus section, with important

conclusions as to dating) and 2003 (on an inscription from Dodona which mentions Kassandra). ?

He was evidently sidetracked from Lykophron by his work on Greek Ethnic Terminology (2009),

which appeared posthumously, and which I saw through the press at his request.


Preface and Acknowledgements

text and translation. The second part of Fraser's opening essay is not a proper discussion of structure, but merely a half-page catalogue of the main divisions of the Alexandra. So apart from the brief remarks on the epigrammatists, Theokritos, and the anapaestic poem, this essay offers little worth

saving. In particular, there is nothing about why he thought the poem worth studying or even reading. For that, one must go to his excellent article ‘Lycophron (2) (ii) in the new edition of the Oxford Classical Dictionary."

By contrast the other of his two introductory essays, a fully written-up account of the history of the text (eleven typed pages), seems to me of great value. In particular it gives a thorough discussion of the Byzantine commentator Ioannes Tzetzes, and an acute, if exasperated, analysis of the use

made of Tzetzes by Eduard Scheer in his important’ but notoriously intractable two-volume edition of the text and paraphrases of Lykophron (1881) and of the scholia and Tzetzes’ commentary (1908). I have therefore,

with permission from Fraser's son Alexander, printed this essay as section 16 of the Introduction below. But Fraser’s account (written in, I think, the

mid-199os) was out of date, so I have revised this in the Introduction and Commentary where appropriate. Nigel Wilson has kindly checked and corrected this updated version for me, but any remaining faults are my responsibility. For my reasons for admiring the poem and thinking it important, and therefore for undertaking my own commentary, see below, Introduction,

section I.

I am, for the third time in ten years, much indebted to Alan Griffiths

for help with proofs, and for much more than merely typographic improvements, S. H.

Note on presentation: in the Introduction, Commentary, and Appendix, references to line-numbers of the A/exandra are, in the interests of brevity and greater clarity, given in bold. Thus ‘see 123 n.’ means ‘see the note to line 123 of the poem’. Generally, Greek spellings are preferred to Latin, and this affects abbreviations; thus Plut. Kim. not Cim.


He wrote this for edn 3 (1996). For edn 4 (2012), I updated the bibliography myself, but left the

text unchanged. > Scheer’s work has by no means lost its importance, despite the appearance in 2002 of Leone's edn of the scholia (but not of Tzetzes). See below, section 16, for my square-bracketed remarks on this point.



List of Figures


List of Maps Abbreviations


INTRODUCTION 1. The poem; this introduction 2. The Kassandra myth in literature and art 3. Sources of and influences on the Alexandra (a) Introduction (b)



The Epic Cycle


The Hesiodic Catalogue of Women and some other poems of ‘Hesiod’ or Hesiod

(e) Stesichoros and some other archaic lyric poets (f)

Classical drama: tragedy; comedy; satyr plays

(g) Epinikian poetry: Pindar and Bacchylides (h)

Timotheos and Antimachos


The mythographers: Hellanikos and Pherekydes


Herodotus and other classical historians (mainly Thucydides and Ephoros)

(k) Timaios () Hieronymos of Kardia (m) Eratosthenes, Philostephanos, and Androkles


Other Hellenistic poets (i)


(ii) Apollonios Rhodios

(iii) Theokritos (iv) Euphorion

Table of Contents (v)

Minor Hellenistic poets (esp. Moschos, Nikandros, Dosiadas, epigrammatists)

(vi) Conclusion (o)

Sibylline oracles


Performance? Authorship again: an author from S. Italian Lokroi?


Date of the poem; the Alexandra and Rome; the Dasii of Arpi Authorship; regional links to S. Italy?

Narrative structure and other literary aspects (a) Internal geometry: the significance of line numbers (b)

Other structural features


Narrative features and narrative voice

. Language Foundation myths, myths of origin, and similar traditions IO. II.

in the Alexandra Lykophron and epigraphy: the value and function of cult epithets in the Alexandra (i)



Cult epithets in modern work

(ii) Vocabulary: epithet, epiklesis, and other terms (iv) Divine polyonymy (v)

Lykophrons cult epithets: first mentions and literary


function The evidence of epigraphy

(vii) The sources of the cultic information in poem and scholia (viii) Local and panhellenic religion




Metamorphoses in the Alexandra


Cults ofwomen (heroines) in the Alexandra, including the double (Spartan; Daunian), cult of Kassandra herself


Cults and rituals practised by women


Later poetic treatments possibly indebted to Lykophron (Ennius; Virgil outside the Aeneid)

Table of Contents 16. History of the text (by the late P. M. Fraser, with updating by S. H. in square brackets) A.

B. 17.


The history of the text


(1) Papyri


(2) Manuscripts



Scholia ete.



The two paraphrases


(b) (c)

Ze scholia (i) scholia vetera (ii) those used by Tzetzes Txetzes


Scheer’ interpretation of the Tzetzean commentary Modern editions

The text and translation provided in this book

105 106 108


ANNEX: the Antiochos III thesis Synopsis of the Alexandra




Text and translation of the Alexandra, with commentary


Appendix: The anapaestic Kassandra poem P. Berol. 9775

503 511



Index of Literary Passages Cited Index of Inscriptions Cited Index of Notable Greek Words


General Index


553 591



(also frontispiece and dustjacket), ‘Vivenzio hydria’,

attrib. the Kleophrades Painter, depicting naked Kassandra about to be violated by Ajax, Naples Archaeological Museum, c.480 BC, inv. no. 81669, LIMC ‘Aias’ (II) no. 44 (Photo: © INTERFOTO/Alamy) tb.


(also frontispiece), Kassandra's violation (partially clothed). Krater attrib. the Milan Orpheus Group, ¢.350 BC, inv. no. 82923, LIMC 'Aias (II) no. 56 (by permission of the Ministero dei Beni e delle Attivita Culturali e del Turismo—Soprintendenza Speciale per i Beni Archeologici di Napoli e Pompei)



and 2b. Unpublished (6th-cent. sc) Amyklai sherds attesting cult of Kassandra (as AA[EEANA]PA) and Agamemnon.

(By permission of Dr A. Themos)


‘Blue horse’ statue group from Aphrodisias depicting Troilos (Photo courtesy R. R. R. Smith) Diomedes fragment from Palagruza, Croatia. From the private collection of Jadranko Oreb (Photo copyright Branko Kirigin) 5a

and sb. Daunian stele. Archaeological Museum, Manfredonia,

N. Puglia, Italy, inv. no. 1257 (by permission of the Ministero dei Beni e delle Attivita Culturali e del Turismo— Soprintendenza per i Beni Archeologici della Puglia) Hektor’s hair-style. Attic red-figure hydria by the Pioneer Group, c.510 Bc, "Ihe Ransoming of Hector’, Harvard Art

Museums accession no. 1972. 40, LIMC ‘Achilleus’ no. 655 (by permission of the Harvard Art Museums) xii



1. The Mediterranean world of Lykophron 2. Central Greece (Euboia, Boiotia, the Lokrides)

3. Cyprus

xxviii-xxix XXX—XXXi



A. acc.

AD Ant. Lib. Antim. AP APF


Aeschylus according to Ἀρχαιολογικὸν Δελτίον Antoninus Liberalis Antimachos Palatine Anthology J. K. Davies, Athenian

SEE p.vii)



600—300 ΒΟ, Oxford, 1971 Apollod. App. BC; Hann. Ap. Rh.


Apollodoros the mythographer; and see ‘ep.’ Appian, Bellum civile; Hannibalike Apollonios Rhodios Aristotle; [Ar.] mir. ausc.—Ps.-Aristotle, de mirabilibus auscultationibus (περ θαυμασίων ἀκουσμάτων) Aratos, Phainomena


B. D. Meritt, H. T. Wade-Gery, McGregor,

The Athenian


and M. F. Lists, 4 vols,

Princeton, 1939-53

M. Austin, Zhe Hellenistic World from Alexander to B. Bachmann Badino

the Roman Conquest:A selection of Ancient Sources in Translation’, Cambridge, 2006 Bacchylides L. Bachmann, Lycophronis Alexandra, Leipzig, 1830

R. C. Badino, Filostefano di Cirene: testimonianze e rammenti, Milan, 2010


R. Talbert (ed.) Barrington Atlas of the Classical


Bulletin epigraphigue, published annually in Revue des Etudes Grecques Κ. J. Beloch, Griechische Geschichte’, 4 vols in 8, Strassburg and Berlin, 1912~27. For edn 1 vol. 3. 2

World, Princeton, 2000


(1904), see 1226-1235 n.

Berger Bernabé

H. Berger, Die geographischen Fragmente des Eratosthenes, Leipzig, 1880 A. Bernabé, Poetae epici graeci, 2 vols in 3, 1996-2005. Cited as Bernabé (1) and (2) XIV



M. Billerbeck, Stephani Byzantii Ethnica, Berlin


I. Worthington (ed.), Bri//s New Jacoby, online

and New York, 2006edition, 2006-


G. Nenci and G. Vallet (eds), Bibliografia topografica della colonizzazione greca in Italia e nelle isole tirreniche, Pisa and Rome, 1977-


CA Canter Cat. Chantraine

G. Busolt, Griechische Geschichte bis zur Schlacht bei

Chaeroneia, 3 vols in 4 (τ᾿, 2°, 3), Gotha, 1893-1904 J. U. Powell, Collectanea Alexandrina, Oxford, 1925 G. Canter, “υκόφρονος τοῦ Χαλκιδέως Ἀλέξανδρα, Basel, 1566 Catullus P.




de la

Chauvin and Cusset

langue grecque, 4 vols, Paris 1968-80 C. Chauvin and C. Cusset, Lycophron Alexandra.


E. Ciaceri, La Alessandra di Licofrone, Catania,


M. Ciani, Lexicon zu Lykophron, Hildesheim and

Texte établi, présenté et annoté, Paris, 2008 190r, reprinted Naples, 1982


New York, 1975 Corpus inscriptionum Latinarum S.





3 vols, Oxford, 1991-2008 Dehéque



Paris, 1853 A. W. Pickard-Cambridge, revised J. Gould and









The Dramatic Festivals of Athens,

Oxford, 1988 E. Schwyzer, Dialectorum Graecarum exempla epi-

graphica potiora, Leipzig, 1923 Diod. Dion. Perieg. DK Dubois: E.

Diodorus Siculus Dionysios Periegetes H. Diels and W. Kranz (eds) Die Fragmente der

Vorsokratiker’, 3 vols, Berlin, 1951 see IGDGG and IGDS

Euripides (note Andr. for Andromache and Her. for Herakles)


Edelstein and Kidd

C. Cusset and E, Prioux (eds), Lycophron: eclats d'obscurité, Saint-Etienne, 2009 L. Edelstein and I. Kidd, Posidonius Vol. I: The

Fragments , Cambridge, 1989 EGM1,2

R.L. Fowler, Early Greek Mythography 1: Text and Introduction, 11: Commentary, Oxford, 2000, 2013

(also referred to as Fowler 2013) XV


Etymologicum Genuinum Etymologicum Gudianum Etymologicum Magnum

epitome (of Apollodoros the mythographer)





Davies and Finglass 2014 D. L. Page, Further Greek Epigrams, Cambridge, 1980 FGrHist

F. Jacoby, Die Fragmente der griechischen Historiker, 15 vols, Leiden, 1953-58. (later vols, by other authors, are not cited)


T. Cornell (general ed.), The Fragments of the


W. D. Furley and J. M. Bremer, Greek Hymns, 2

Roman Historians, 3 vols, Oxford, 2013 vols, Tubingen, 2001 Fusillo/Hurst/Paduano

M. Fusillo, A. Hurst, and G. Paduano, Licofrone

Alessandra, Milan, 1991 Gargiulli

O. Gargiulli, La Cassandra, Poema di Licofrone Cakidese,

tradotto in versi italiani, Naples,


(reprinted Naples 1982) GGM Gigante Lanzara

C. Müller, Geographi graeci minores, Paris, 1855-61 V. Gigante Lanzara, Licofrone Alessandra, Milan,


GLP Gow-Page

D.L. Page, Select Papyri III: Literary Papyri. Poetry, Cambridge, Mass., and London, 1941 see GPand HE


A. S. F. Gow and D. L. Page, The Greek Anthology:

Greek Historiography

S. Hornblower (ed.), Greek Historiography, Oxford,

The Garland of Philip, Cambridge, 1968

Greek World


S. Hornblower,



World 479-323


London, 2011


see Pritchett W.






Epigramme, Berlin, 1955

Hymn (of Kall.) F. W. Walbank, Historical Commentary on Polybius, 3 vols, Oxford, 1957-79 Herodotus A. S. F. Gow and D. L. Page, The Greek Anthology:

Hellenistic Epigrams, Cambridge, 1965 Hesiod, Theogony, Works and Days Hesychios Homeric Hymn

Homeric Hymn to Apollo (Hymn 3) xvi

Abbreviations HHAph. HHDem. HHDion. HHDiosk. HHHerm. HN’ HN: Hollis

Homeric Hymn to Aphrodite (Hymn 5) Homeric Hymn to Demeter (Hymn 2) Homeric Hymn to Dionysos (Hymn 7)

Homeric Hymn to the Dioskouroi (Hymn 33) Homeric Hymn to Hermes (Hymn 4) B. V. Head, Historia numorum: A Manual of Greek Numismatics, 2nd edn, Oxford, 1911 N.K. Rutter, Historia numorum: Italy’, London, 2001 A. S. Hollis, Callimachus Hecale. Edited with introduction and commentary, revised 2nd edn,

Oxford, 2009 Holzinger Hopkinson

C. von Holzinger, Lykophron’s Alexandra, Leipzig, 1895 N. Hopkinson, A Hellenistic Anthology, Cambridge, 1988


see Theophr. H. Peter, Historicorum Romanorum reliquiae, 2 vols,

Leipzig, 1906-14


P. Hummel, Zycophron Cassandra, traduction, notes


et commentaire, Chambery, 2006 A. Hurst and A. Kolde, Lycophron, Alexandra, Paris, 2008


Hyginus, Fabulae M. H. Hansen and T. H. Nielsen, Inventory of Archaic and Classical Poleis, Oxford, 2004

I. Alexandreia Troas

M. Ricl, The Inscriptions of Alexandreia Troas, Bonn, 1997.







M. L. West, lambi et elegi graeci ante Alexandrum

cantati”, 2 vols, Oxford, 1989 and 1992

I Erythrai

H. Engelmann and R. Merkelbach, Die Inschriften


Inscriptiones graecae, Berlin, 1873-

von Erythrai und Klazomenai, 2 vols, Bonn, 1972-4

L. Dubois, Inscriptions grecques dialectales de Grande Gréce







Emporia, Geneva, 1995 L. Dubois, Inscriptions grecques dialectales de Grande


Gréce 2: Colonies achéennes, Geneva, 2002 L. Dubois, Inscriptions grecques dialectales de Sicile,

Geneva, 1989 IGDSII IGUR

L. Dubois, Inscriptions grecques dialectales de Sicile, vol. ii, Paris, 2008 L. Moretti, Inscriptiones Graecae urbis Romae, 4

vols in 5, Rome, 1968-90 T

Abbreviations I. Tasos

W. Blümel, Die Inschriften von Iasos, 2 vols, Bonn, 1985

I. Dion

P. Frisch, Die Inschriften von Ilion, Bonn, 1975 J. Crampa, Labraunda, Swedish Excavations and

I. Labraunda

Researches Vol. II, The Greek Inscriptions, Parts I

and II, 2 vols, Lund and Stockholm 1969 and 1972

(numbering of inscriptions is coninuous)








publicae, 2 vols, Florence, 1957-63 1 Priene

F. Frhr. Hiller von Gaertringen, Inschriften von


Priene, Berlin, 1906 Iscrizioni storiche ellenistiche vols 1-2 (L. Moretti,

I. Stratonikeia

Jos. BJ K/A Kall. K.-B.

Florence, 1967 and 1976) and 3 (F. Canali de Rossi, Rome, 2001, 2006’) C. Sahin, Die Inschriften von Stratonikeia, 2 vols in 3, Bonn, 1981-90 Josephus, Bellum Judaicum R. Kassel and C. Austin, Poetae comici graeci,8 vols,

Berlin and New York, 1981-2001 Kallimachos

R. Kühner and F. Blass, Ausführliche Grammatik der griechischen Sprache, Erster Teil: Elementar-und

Formenlehre, Hanover and Leipzig, 1890-2 Kidd








(2 fascicles, pagination continuous), Cambridge, 1988

Kinkel Lambin Leone

G. Kinkel, Lycophronis Alexandra, Leipzig, 1880

G. Lambin, L’Alexandra de Lycophron, Etude et traduction, Rennes, 2005 P. A. M. Leone, Scholia vetera et paraphrases in

Lycophronis Alexandram, Lecce, 2002


P. M. Fraser, E. Matthews, and others, 4 Lexicon of Greek Personal Names, 5 vols in 7 so far, Oxford, 1987-2014


J. L.




Collection: Philitas,

Alexander of Aetolia, Hermesianax, Parthenius, Cambridge, Mass., 2009


Lexicon iconographicum mythologiae — classicae, Zurich and New York, 1981797 F. Sokolowski, Lois sacrées de [’Asie mineure, Paris,


F. Sokolowski, Lois sacrées des cités grecques, Paris, 1969

H. Liddell and R. Scott, Greek-English Lexicon, gth edn, Oxford, 1940, with Supplement, 1996 xviii


LSS Lyk.


F. Sokolowski, Lois sacrées des cités grecques, suppl., Paris, 1962 Lykophron; or Lykophron, Alexandra pp. 302-443 (Lycophron) of A. W. Mair and G. R. Mair, Callimachus, Hymns and Epigrams, Lycophron, Aratus, London and New York, 1921

Mascialino 1956 Mascialino Matthews Michel mir. ausc.


Mooney Most MRR Müller, (M.) C. G. 1811

M/W NGSL Niese

Nik. 77.5 Alex. Nonn. D. OCD*


L. Mascialino, Licofron Alejandra. Texto revisado y traducido, Barcelona, 1956

L. Mascialino, Lycophronis Alexandra, Leipzig, 1964 V. J. Matthews, Antimachos of Colophon, Leiden,

New York, and Cologne, 1996

C. Michel, Recueil d’inscriptions grecques, Brussels 1900-27 see Ar. R. Meiggs and D. Lewis, 4 Selection of Greek Historical Inscriptions to the End of the Fifth Century

8c, Oxford, 1969 G. W. Mooney, The Alexandra of Lycophron, London, 1921 see Most 2007 in Bibliography T. R. S. Broughton, The Magistrates of the Roman Republic, 2 vols, Cleveland, 1951 Ἰσαακίου καὶ Ἰωάννου τοῦ Τζέτζου σχόλια eis Λυκόφρονα, 3 vols, Leipzig, 1811 R. Merkelbach and M. L. West, Fragmenta Hesiodea, Oxford, 1967 E. Lupu, Greek Sacred Law: A Collection of New Documents, Leiden and Boston, edn 2, 2009 B. Niese, Geschichte der Griechischen und Makedonischen Staaten seit der Schlacht bei

Chaeronea, 3 vols, Gotha, 1893-1903 Nikandros, Theriaka, Alexipharmaka Nonnos, Dionysiaka

S. Hornblower, A. Spawforth, and E. Eidinow (eds), Oxford Classical Dictionary edn 4, Oxford, 2012 W. Dittenberger, Orientis Graeci Inscriptiones

Selectae, 2 vols, Leipzig, 1903-5 OLD OMS Onomatologos

P. Glare, Oxford Latin Dictionary, 1982 see below, Robert R. W. V. Catling and F. Marchand (eds), Onomatologos: Studies in Greek Personal Names presented to Elaine Matthews, Oxford, 2010

Opp. Hal.

Oppian, Halieutika Ps.-Oppian, Kynegetika Sibylline oracle(s)

[Opp.]. Κγη. Or. Sib.



‘older’ paraphrase of Lyk. ‘more recent’ paraphrase of Lyk.

Πρακτικὰ Ἑταιρείας






Ἀρχαιολογικῆς Apyaio


-εἰσαγωγή A. Hurst, μεταφράση---σημειώσεις ©. Παιδῆ, Athens, 2004 Pausanias R. Stillwell, W. L. McDonald




McAllister (eds) Princeton Encyclopedia of Classical

BP. Oxy.

Sites, Princeton, 1976 R. Pfeiffer, Callimachus, 2 vols, Oxford, 1949 Pindar, I. (Isthmian), O. (Olympian), P. (Pythian), N. (Nemean) Odes, Pa.—Paians Pliny the Elder, Natural History D. L. Page, Poetae melici graeci, Oxford, 1962 M. Davies, Poetarum melicorum graecorum fragmenta, vol. τ, Oxford, 1991 Polybius J. Potter, Lycophronis Chalcidensis Alexandra, Obscurum Poema, Oxford, 1702 see CA Oxyrhynchos papyri

Pritchett, GSW

W. K. Pritchett, The Greek State at War, 5 vols,

Berkeley, Los Angeles and London, 1969-91 Radt

S. Radt, Strabons Geographika, mit Übersetzung und


Kommentar, 10 vols, Göttingen, 2002-12 R. K. Sherk, Roman Documents from the Greek

East: Senatus consulta and epistulae zo the Age of Augustus, Baltimore, 1969


A. Pauly and G. Wissowa (eds), Real-Encyclopadie der

R/O Robert, OMS Roller





Stuttgart, 1894-1980 P. J. Rhodes and R. Osborne, Greek Historical Inscriptions 404-323 BC, Oxford, 2003 L. Robert, Opera minora selecta, 7 vols, Amsterdam, 1969-90

D. W. Roller, Eratosthenes’ Geography: Fragments Collected and Translated, with Additional Material, Princeton, 2010


W. Roscher, Ausführliches Lexikon d. griechischen und

Rutherford S.





1884-1937 see Bibliography under Rutherford, I. 2001 Sophocles Xx


Abbreviations Σ

scholion or scholia, usually the scholia vetera to Lyk. in Marcianus gr. 476 or Vaticanus gr. 1307, but

Z(N) Schade

scholia vetera to Lyk., in Neapolitanus gr. Π d 4

see next item

G. Schade, Lykophrons ‘Odyssee’, Alexandra 648—


819, Berlin and New York, 1999 E. Scheer, Lycophronis Alexandra, 2 vols, Berlin, 1881 and 1908


H.Collitzand F. Bechtel, Sammlung der griechischen

Supplementum epigraphicum graecum, 1923-

Dialekt-Inschriften, 4 vols, Göttingen, 1884-1915


W. J. Slater, Aristophanis Byzantii fragmenta,


D. L. Page, Supplementum lyricis graecis, Oxford,

Spengel Stat. Achil., Silv. Theb.

Berlin, 1986


L. Spengel, Rhetores graeci, 3 vols, Leipzig, 1856 Statius, Achilleid, Silvae, Thebaid

Steph. Byz.

Stephanus Byzantinus

Stes. Stiehle

Stesichoros R. Stiehle, ‘Der Geograph Artemidoros von pesos Philologus 11 (1856), 193—251 (collection of frags

Suppl. Hell.

H. Lioyd-Jones

and P. Parsons, Supplementum

Hellenisticum, Berlin and New York, 1983 Syll?

W. Dittenberger, Sy/loge Inscriptionum Graecarum,


4 vols, Leipzig, 1915-24 H. H. Schmitt, Die Staatsverträge des Altertums

vol. III: Die Verträge der griechisch-römischen Welt


von 338 bis 200 v. Chr., Munich, 1969 M. Segre, Tituli Calymnii, Bergamo, 195224844 vols XX-XXIII, ns VI-VII (1944—45) ‘Thucydides


Theophrastos (HP—Historia plantarum)

Thes CRA

Thesaurus cultus et rituum antiquorum, Los Angeles, 8 vols, 2004-12

T. Cal.


Timotheos of Miletos; see Bibliography under Hordern 2002


TT V.ASESG. Walbank

Wyss Xen.

S. Radt and R. Kannicht, Tragicorum graecorum fragmenta, 5 vols in 6, Göttingen, 1981-2004 5. Hornblower, Thucydidean Themes, Oxford, 2011 Virgil, Aeneid, Eclogues, Georgics see above, HCP B. Wyss, Antimachi Colophonii reliquiae, Berlin, 1936

Xenophon xxi



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Fic. 3. ‘Blue horse’ group from Aphrodisias, depicting Troilos

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1. THE



The Alexandra attributed to Lykophron is a minor poetic masterpiece. It is not Homer's I/iad or Aeschylus Agamemnon, but it is an imaginative

creation of very high quality, and its plot is a complex and ingenious piece

of narrative construction.’ The main element of the plot is set in motion by the horrific wartime rape of the Trojan princess Kassandra.” The central concept, a purported prophecy by the rape victim, ranging from the foundation of Troy to the Roman dominance in Greece, is bold and brilliant;

borrowings and influences from many other literary genres and forms of discourse do not reduce this brilliance. Large tracts of Greek history, and much of Greek mythology, are contained in the poem, and its geographical sweep (Greek heroes returning from Troy are scattered in all directions as collective punishment for one man’s assault on Kassandra)’

is pan-Mediterranean. Its culminating section looks east, as Kassandra foresees the long struggle between Asia and Europe. The Alexandra is the

‘dark poem’, σκοτεινὸν ποίημα, in both senses: its vocabulary is arcane

and its mode of reference is veiled; and it is full of blood, death, tombs, and

laments. But it ends with hope: a great Roman warrior, a kinsman of Kassandra because Rome was founded by Trojan refugees, will reconcile

Europe and Asia. ‘Orientalism’ has a bad name in the early 21st century,” but this anonymous Greek poem, most of which is focalized through an Anatolian prophetess, is no crude piece of European boasting. In particular, the account of Greek colonization of Asia Minor at 1362-1396 ! See Lowe 2004.

? Sometimes the brute Lokrian Ajax is represented as having had full sex with Kassandra, sometimes as having attempted it. See 365n. for the problem. 3 The word for such successful or failed ‘returns’ is nostoi, but although the idea runs through most of the poem, the noun is used only once (910, πρὸ νόστου). See, however, 1088 for ἄνοστος τύχη, ‘destiny of no return’. * TrGF no. 100 T 3, from the Suda (A 827 Adler). Note also that κελαινός (dark as a colour-word, but also 'sinister’) is a favourite of Lyk.: eleven occurrences from 7 onwards; see n. there. For the 'aes-

thetics of darkness’ in Lyk. see Sistakou 2012: 131-90. That book is partly about the romantic reception of the author's three chosen poets (Apollonios and Nikandros as well as Lyk.), but contains many excellent discussions of particular Greek passages. * Said 1978. For a harsh critique of Said, see Irwin 2006. Said (esp. 55-8) discussed Aeschylus' Persians and Euripides' Bacchai, but after that his remarks about the ancient world lose focus. He might have addressed the implications of Lyk.'s new take on the old Herodotean dichotomy Asia/Europe. I


is notable for its candid presentation of a process marked by racist violence. If the message of the poem is not uniformly bleak, neither is the presentation in the least monotonous. High points among many individual memo-

rable scenes include the narrative at 1141-1173 of the dreadful tribute paid by the Lokrian Maidens in requital for Lokrian Ajax’s assault on Kassandra

(see below); or Xerxes’ invasion at 1409-1434, a clever rewriting of Herodotus; or the Diomedes episode at 592-632, with its magical bound-

ary stones and sad evocation of colonial nostalgia, expressed in terms of metamorphosis into birds. There are many good individual lines; as outstanding examples, I would single out 17, 255, 523, 566, 716, 944, and

1295. The difficulties of the poem (disputed date; uncertain authorship; resistance to generic categorization; cryptic language) meant that in the great age of modern classical scholarship—the 19th and 2oth centuries—it did not receive the same degree of critical attention or respect as the big three surviving or partially surviving Hellenistic poets, Kallimachos,

Apollonios, and Theokritos. But that was not always so. In antiquity and the Byzantine period, scholarship was lavished on the Alexandra, including

two prose paraphrases and a heavyweight commentary by Ioannes Tzetzes.

And in the past twenty years there has been an astonishing revival of inter-

est. The above points will now be developed further. Lykophron’s Alexandra is a complete Hellenistic’ poem of 1474 lines, written in the main metre of classical tragedy, iambic trimeters.’ It has come down to us essentially through the manuscript tradition; the contri-

bution of papyri has been trivial. Nearly all the poem (31~1460) takes the form of a ‘prophecy’ by Priam's royal Trojan daughter Kassandra, who is called in the poem by her Spartan name Alexandra (30); hence the poem’s

title. Kassandra had made a bargain with Apollo to grant him sex in exchange for prophetic powers. She went back on the deal and he punished her by ensuring that her prophecies, though true, would not be believed.

When Troy fell, Kassandra was assaulted by the worst and most hateful

of the Greeks, Lokrian Ajax. She appealed to Athena, who averted her

gaze from the shocking deed. Kassandra then became part of the victory-

spoils of the Greek king Agamemnon, and was murdered along with him by his wife Klytaimestra, straight after his return to Greece from the war. $ The date is disputed as between the 3rd cent. sc and the 2nd. See below, section 5, arguing for a 2nd-cent. date and a pseudonymous poem. 7 No separate section of this Introduction is devoted to metre. For the poem's almost complete avoidance of metrical resolution, see 9o-91n., 763 n., 1027n., 164 n., and esp. 263 n., rejecting Hermanns series of emendations designed to eliminate entirely even such resolutions as exist. For the (rare) elisions, see

304n., 893-894n.,895n. Lyk. takes occasional liberties over the scansion of personal names or toponyms; see 583n., 720 n., and 953n., 1046, and 1288. For metrically convenient contractions of adjectives, sometimes with the apparent motive of avoiding resolution (above), see 404 n., citing also 737 and 763. 2

1. The Poem

For Lykophron’s readers or hearers,’ this much will have been familiar from Homer, the post-Homeric ‘Epic Cycle’ of Trojan epics, Aeschylus, Pindar, and Euripides, and from iconographic representations of the attempted rape (a favourite subject in art; see Figs ra and 1b). The Alexandra begins with a short narrative prologue by the guard who has been set by Priam to watch over Kassandra in her stone cell, and the

same guard closes the poem in an epilogue which mirrors the prologue. The prologue describes how she emerged and prophesied, and he then

quotes her in direct speech. The prophecy draws on a large repertoire of

myths, familiar or obscure or familiar but in unfamiliar versions, ranging from primeval cosmogonic castration myths (762n.) to modern-looking colonization legends which propped up claims to primacy by historically

attested families like the Penthilidai of Lesbos (1274-1377n.).’ It shows

awareness of many local cults and rituals, attested above all by the poem's vast number of divine epithets. It is also highly literate and sophisticated,

and exploits a variety of genres, poetic and prose. In antiquity as in modern

times, the Alexandra has been found difficult and obscure, even irritating. The difficulties are undeniable, but the sentences are not difficult in the

way that those of Pindar’s odes or Thucydides’ speeches are difficult: the

narrative proceeds on simple lines with repetitive transition-formulae, and there is usually no doubt about how the Greek words and clauses fit together, or what the author is driving at in a general way. But the vocabu-

lary is recondite (several hundred of the words are used for the first or only time), and the poet routinely identifies individuals, including and espe-

cially gods, by riddling periphrasis. Fortunately, a rich ancient and Byzantine commentary tradition has come down to us, and this is itself an important source of our knowledge about Greek mythology generally, not just about this poem.

A detailed synopsis of the Alexandra is provided below, p. 115, but a brief summary will be in order here. First, Kassandra predicts the fall of Troy to the Greeks, culminating in Lokrian Ajax’s attempted rape of herself, Kassandra. The second, very long, section tells of the unhappy homecomings, nostoi, of the Greeks; it also recounts their pan-Mediterranean wan-

derings and founding of new cities when they cannot get home. This is pan-Mediterranean, because some heroes go to Asia Minor or Cyprus. ‘There is a strong western (Italian and Sicilian) slant to the longest of the nostoi: Odysseus’ adventures are re-told at length from this viewpoint.

Another sub-narrative locates Diomedes, Odysseus’ accomplice in the ® See below, section 6, ‘Performance?’ ? But this temporal opposition is to some extent illusory. See below, opening to section 10: the ancient castration myth did duty as a foundation myth in more than one city.



theft from Troy of Athena’ cult statue the Palladion, in SE Italy and the Adriatic. The woes of all returning or non-returning Greeks are presented

as collective punishment for the crime of Kassandra's assault by one man,

Ajax (see most explicitly 365-366, ἑνὸς de AWBys avri.../ Ἑλλὰς στενάἔει mdoa, ‘in requital for the sin of one man ..../ all Greece shall mourn...’).

Aineias’ adventures in Italy and the founding of Rome are one of a series of episodes tracing the future of Kassandra's Trojan relatives. Her speech closes with a Herodotean reprise of the entire Asia/Europe conflict in myth and history, including the prehistoric Greek colonization of Asia Minor and the Persian wars, and culminating in (as will be here argued)

197 BC, when the Roman proconsul Titus Quinctius Flamininus decisively defeated Philip V of Macedon at the battle of Kynoskephalai in Thessaly.

This commentary has been undertaken in the belief that the Alexandra is not only a powerful and richly plotted literary creation, but a text of the

first importance for the understanding of some central aspects of ancient

Greek religion and social history: myths of colonial origins, local or

regional tions of women. political

cults of all sorts (evidenced by cult epithets and by specific descriprituals), cults of women (heroine cults), and cults practised by In addition, the poem has traditionally attracted attention from historians by its closing ‘prophecies’ about Roman power. ‘This

Introduction will address such questions as: the sources of and influences on the poem; the date of the poem; authorship and regional links; the Alexandra as a performance poem?; the structure of the poem and its narrative features; foundation myths in the Alexandra; female cults in both the above senses; metamorphosis myths; cult epithets and their signifi-

cance, with special attention to the contribution of inscriptions; the history of the text and its ancient and Byzantine commentators; and the ancient literary reception of the Alexandra (this last topic will be discussed only very selectively). As noted in the Preface, I plan a more accessible compan-

ion and sequel to this edition and commentary: a monograph to be called Lykophron’s Alexandra and the Hellenistic World , which will seek to show how the historian can use the Alexandra. Some topics which are discussed

in this Introduction will be developed further there. There is no full-length commentary in English. Nearly a century ago, two small-scale editions with Greek text and facing translation appeared simultaneously (1921): Mair (Loeb edn) and Mooney (Loeb-style format). Both had useful but very short footnotes. For large-scale commentaries it is still necessary to go back to Holzinger (1895, in German) and Ciaceri (1901, in Italian). In recent decades, there have been several small-scale

editions with brief commentaries in French or Italian. They tend to con-

centrate on literary matters, to the detriment of historical. The evidence of inscriptions in particular has been badly neglected; even Holzinger, despite 4

2. Kassandra in Literature and Art

his ıgth-cent. date, did better with the far more limited epigraphic material available to him. For more detail about these and other modern editions and commentaries, see further below, section 16 (B).

2. THE



This section does not aim to catalogue every treatment of Kassandra in literature’® or all her depictions in art. As for literature, most of the certainties earlier than Lyk. (notably Homer, the Epic Cycle, Alkaios, Attic tragedy, Pindar) will be covered in section 3 below, ‘sources and influences’;

and have been fully tabulated in the modern works cited at n. 10. Art is covered by LIMC, to the extent that Kassandra's fate is coupled with that of Lokrian Ajax. Instead, I wish to note briefly some features of the myth specially relevant to to the Alexandra.

Kassandra is a good Greek name.” It is thought? to be related to

Homeric κεκάσμαι, ‘I am conspicuous’, so ‘I excel’. The male form Kassandros, carried by a well-known Hellenistic king, is the original form; the female form, sometimes abbreviated Kasso, is secondary. This is odd,


there is no mythical Kassandros

to put next to Kassandra.

‘Alexandra’ means she who wards off men; this notion has an obvious

ambiguity when applied to a woman. Kassandra’s brother Paris had another name Alexandros. That male form has a straightforward military meaning, he who repels the enemy. See 30 n. For Homer, Kassandra is a beauty (11 13. 365-6, ‘the most beautiful of

Priam's daughters" and 24. 699 where she ‘resembles golden Aphrodite’). Lyk. interestingly ignores this feature, though elsewhere capable of using or

exaggerating Homeric allusions to a character’s physical appearance. Thus Odysseus is called a dwarf, vavos, at 1244; cf. I]. 3. 193 (he is shorter than © For Kassandra in literature, see Davreux 1942, Mazzoldi 2001, and Nebling 1997. For a brief treatment, see OCD* ‘Cassandra or Alexandra’ (H.J. R[ose] revised J. R. M[arch]). ™ For Kassandra in art, see Davreux 1942 again, and LIMC 1. 1: 336-51, part of the entry for ‘Aias (IT. (There

is no separate

entry ‘Kassandra’. Under

the letter ‘K’ it was


for the

Supplement, but evidently never materialized. See, however, Connelly 1993.) For Kassandra (labelled) on a pot published later than LIMC, see the Ilion persis (‘sack of Troy’) vase reported at SEG 55. 107 (see 1189-1213 n., item G in the list of testimonia about Hektor and Ophryneion). See also Picard 1950.

12 But there are no real-life Kassandras Kassandra daughter of Alexandros at SEG 47. P. Garcia Ramón 2007: 44; Wathelet 2009: 14 Homer says the same about Laodike at

before about the time of Augustus. The Macedonian 918 (LGPN IV p. 187, no. 1) is intriguing. 3334. I/, 3. 124. This can be ‘explained’ by the hypothesis that

Homer meant that Laodike was the fairest of Priam’s married daughters. (See 314.)



Agamemnon) and Od. 6. 230 (Athena makes him temporarily larger than usual). It may be asked, ‘why should Kassandra refer to her own beauty?’ but

in fact it would not be hard to imagine her doing just that, since she aroused desire in both Apollo and Ajax. It is admittedly harder to see why the guard should tell Priam what, as the girl’s father, he knows already.

Kassandra is never depicted in art as a barbarian. This has been explained (not entirely convincingly)’ as follows:'5 ‘her non-Greek ethnicity was not

the most important part of her persona’; more important were her relation-

ship with Ajax, the attempted rape by Ajax, and so on. The depiction in art of Kassandra as naked (this nakedness is not, however, invariable) implies

that Ajax had actual intercourse with her; see 365 ἢ. Does Homer's Kassandra have poetic gifts? At I/. 24. 700 she climbs to Pergamos, the highest point of Troy-city, to look out for her father Priam bringing home the corpse of her brother Hektor. Why does she do this

unless she had some advance inkling of the truth? The 2, by denying any foreknowledge on her part (he says that she did this not from foreknowledge but out of loving anxiety for Hektor), may actually indicate awareness that some readers did take the passage that way. N. Richardson is

cautious, but see Mackie 2013: 12 (the name Pergamos, i.e. Apollo’s temple, may be significant); cf. also Sistakou 2008: r1 n. 179. Lyk. shows no awareness of the non-Aeschylean story about Kassandra's prophetic powers, according to which she received them (not from Apollo

when she was a sexually desirable adult but) as a sleeping child when she and her brother Helenos had their ears licked by Apollo's serpents. See, for this eccentric version, the minor Alexander-historian Antikleides (FGrHist

140) F 17." Obviously, this version does not suit a poem which will have at its climax Kassandra's complaint that Apollo punished her refusal to have sex with him, a motif familiar from A. Ag. (see 1454 and 1457 and nn.). Equally incompatible with the Kassandra myth as we find it in the

Alexandra is the unexpected tradition that Kassandra had children. There is one line of the poem which has been claimed, not very convincingly, as an exception to this. See ggın. (citing Paus. 2. τό. 6-7 and the interesting ‘Agathon’ plaque from Dodona, discussed by Fraser 2003).

It is disappointing that Kassandra was not 'catasterized' i.e. turned

into a constellation (for this notion see sxon.), unlike Kassiepeia or her 15 After all, E. Tro, had presented Kassandra as non-Greek; see Kranz 1933: 110. But in A. Ag.,

Klytaimestra’s conjecture that Kassandra’s language was that of a barbarian (1050-1052) is soon falsified.

16 Sourvinou-Inwood 1997: 286. 17° Yon If. 22, 62-4 (general gloomy prediction by Priam to Hektor) detected a specific reference to the assault on Kassandra and the killing of Astyanax. See Niinlist 2009: 259 n. 9, discussing Homeric passages which triggered others in post-Homeric poems.

18 Tt may actually come, not from his Alexander-history, but from a work of his called the Nostoi, in

which case it could originally have featured in the Epic Cycle.


3. Sources and Influences daughter Andromeda, for both of whom see 834-846 n. That would have

given plenty of scope for the poet's imagination. Perhaps she needed to

have been molested (like Andromeda) by an animal rather than just a human monster. For Andromeda, her monster 'Ketos' (Latin ‘Cetus’), and Kassiepeiea (Latin Cassiopeia’), all of whom were catasterized, see G. J.

Tloomer] and A. J[ones], OCD* ‘constellations and named stars’.


‘Quellenforschung’, the quest for literary sources, is a necessary activity, though it is currently out of fashion in the study of ancient prose historiography. It may, perhaps, seem even less appropriate to try to trace

the ‘sources’ of a poem like the Alexandra, in which mythical and protohistorical material is not only presented obliquely, but also subordinated to an over-arching twofold design (revenge for the assault on Kassandra;

hostility between Europe and Asia) which was bound to affect the selection and handling of the detailed ‘factual’ material. But that material came from somewhere outside the poet’s head, and it is reasonable to ask where it came from, especially in the later sections of the poem, which deal with prehistoric colonization and fully historical episodes such as Xerxes’ inva-

sion of Greece. For an admittedly untypical example of an incident which it is legitimate to treat in the manner of traditional Quellenforschung see below, (j), Hieronymos of Kardia (for the killing of Herakles son of Barsine

by Alexander the Great, described by Lyk. at 801). In what follows, ‘source’

will be used for convenience, subject to the above reservations. Where a literary work is, like the Alexandra, not securely dated, the

study of sources can help with dating—that is, if it can be shown with strong probability that the recipient work shows detailed awareness of another and more securely dated work. See (4) below. But literary indebtedness can take forms other and more intangible than close similarity of detail: a literary presence can manifest itself in mood, atmosphere, or structure. Hence the addition ‘and influences’ in the title

of the present section. An example of both kinds of literary presence, the microscopic and the macroscopic, is given in subsection (d) below on the Hesiodic Catalogue of Women. There it will be argued that Lyk. (13911396) knew of the specific handling, by the author of the Catalogue, of the



Erysichthon myth; but also that the debt to the much earlier poem, and to the Hesiodic catalogue form, goes much wider than that.

I write of ‘influences’, but for a protest against the words, by an art-

historian, see Baxandall 1985: 58-62: a later artist can ‘act on’ an earlier one (thus Picasso increased the importance of Cézanne), so the process is

two-way. I explore this elsewhere in respect of Lyk. (reading the Alexandra

can affect how we read e.g. Hdt.). (b) Homer

With Homer as with tragedy (below, (f)), much depends on the subjectmatter. Since so many lines of the Alexandra deal with the wanderings of Odysseus and of Menelaos (648-876), it is not surprising that there should be more echoes of the Odyssey than of the I/iad. Lyk.'s ‘Odyssey’ (for which see Schade 1999) tracks Homer fairly closely, though with altered sequences and an increased western slant. But the I/iad naturally provides several intertexts in the account of the killing of Hektor at the hands of Achilles, and of the damage done to the Greeks by Hektor before his death (249306). See Ziegler 1927: 2338. There is, however, a ubiquitous Homeric pres-

ence ofa non-thematic sort." It takes the form of single-word Lykophronic Homerisms in the strong sense—that is, words not attested between Homer

and Lyk. Examples are ὀπιπεύω at 45, ἁρπακτήρ at 147, θρυλίσσω at 487, μολοβρός at 775, and ἄτρομος at 1003 (see nn.). More often, a Homeric word seems to have been revived by Hellenistic poets including but not only Lyk., such as Apollonios; see e.g. 263n. (fiyıoros), 540n. (ἀπόθεστος), 1068n. (karaßAworw), rxr7 n. (δύσζηλος), 1430 n. (kdyxavos) and 1452 n.

(δασπλῆτις). At 1174, δύσμητερ is Homeric, but also perhaps Aeschylean (see n.). Sometimes Lyk. seems to offer, by implication, a decision about the meaning of obscure and disputed Homeric words.”

(c) The Epic Cycle Lyk.’s project in some ways resembled that of those poets of the Epic

Cycle” who sought to satisfy curiosity about events earlier and later than

19 For the influence of the Homeric Catalogue of Ships in I/iad 2, see below, n. 26, citing 439 n.; also 586—587n. (a very neat allusion), 633-647n. (clear echoes of the Boiotian contingent in the Catalogue), also 769n., 780n.,877n. 20 So Rengakos 1994. 21 The understanding of the Epic Cycle has been put on a new and much firmer footing by M. West 2003 (Loeb edn of the whole Cycle) and 2013a (full-length commentary on the Trojan epics). Of older works, Welcker 1865 and 1849 is still valuable. See also Huxley 1969.


3. Sources and Influences

the Trojan War,” of which the Iliad described only a short episode. Even the fall of Troy was described only cursorily at the end of Od. 8 (499-520). Similarly, Lyk. begins with the first sack of Troy, and continues the story of

individual Greeks and Trojans until well after the main sack by the Greeks under Agamemnon. The importance of the Epic Cycle as a source for Lyk. was already recognized by Ziegler 1927: 2339: he detected use of the Kypria

at 86-248 and 307-313, of the Little Iliad and Iliou Persis at 314-364, and of

the Nostoi from 365. This was correct, but we may consider the candidate episodes in more detail in light of Martin West's findings.

‘The first of the relevant sections of Lyk. is the story of the fate of Tennes

(232-239), which was described in the Kypria (see West 2013a: 111). After

that, the Troilos episode (307-313) is also surely indebted to the Kypria:

note that, in both works, Troilos is ‘really’ a son of Apollo (see West 20132: 122 and 243). Lyk. implies at 323 that Achilles came to the altar of Thymbraian Apollo (where he met his death) out of love for Polyxena, and is the first surviving

text to float this idea; but (see n. there) it is an attractive suggestion that the motif was already in the I/iou Persis. The Little Iliad may well have supplied the story of Sinon, who guided the Greeks back to Troy after their pretended departure; see 344-345 n. The epic Nostoi naturally provided some of the inspiration and material

for the long central section of the Alexandra, starting at the pivotal 365. The failed return of Lokrian Ajax, the perpetrator of the ‘one crime’ which began that line, was described very brieflyby Proklos,but more fully by Apollodoros, who surely reflects the epic Nostoi. See Lyk. 387-402 (which also narrates the burial of Ajax’ corpse by Thetis) with West 2013a: 260-2. Note, however, that Ajax’s watery death was already the subject of Od. 4. 500-10 (with West 2013a: 261). For the burial of Phoinix at Eion on the river Strymon see 417-423 n. (it may reflect the treatment in the Nostoi; see West 2013a: 264 on

Arg. 4c). The ‘contest of the seers’ at 424-430 (Kalchas and Mopsos) may have featured in the Nostoi in some form, although the main early source is undoubtedly the Hesiodic Melampodia (frag. 278 M/W). See West 2013a: 257; also 426-430n. and 430n. For the meeting between Paris and the

Dioskouroi, which must have been covered by the Kypria, see 538-539 n. Also in the Kypria was the story of Anios and his miraculous daughters the Oinotropoi: see 569-585 n., citing West 2013a: 123-5.

Odysseus’ bizarre death, described by Lyk. at 787~798, is surely indebted

ultimately to the Telegony; see West 2013a: 301-3 and (for an ingenious explanation of the fatal weapon) 305-317. ? Lyk. may show occasional knowledge of parts of the Cycle other than the Trojan epics. See 1066 n. for a famously gruesome tale from the 7%edais (Tydeus ate Melanippos’ brains).



On the death of Thersites, an episode of the Aithiopis (Arg. τά) and also described by Lyk. (999-1001), see West 20134: 140-2 (and 999-1000 n.).



of Agamemnon






Agamemnon himself in the Underworld (Od. 11. 409-26), and was the subject of an exceptionally vivid section of the Alexandra, 1099-1122. Here

and elsewhere, the Nostoi followed Homer. But for one Lykophronic detail

possibly derived from the Nosfoi (Klytaimestra trampling on the neck of Kassandra), see 1114 n., citing West 2013a: 269.

(d) The Hesiodic Catalogue of Women (and some other poems of ‘Hesiod’or Hesiod)

The Hesiodic Catalogue” (not much of which was available to Holzinger 1895 in exploitable form) has left its most obvious footprint on Lyk. at 1391-1396, the story of Erysichthon and his daughter Mestra.”* Only in 1960, with the publication of the Cairo papyrus fragment of the Catalogue (frag. 43a M/W)

has the extent of the correspondence



Hunter 2005b: 256~7, in the course of a discussion of the influence of the

Catalogue on Hellenistic poetry, found little in common between Hes. frag.

43a and Kallimachos’ version in FH. 6. This was right as far as it went, but he ought to have taken Lyk. into account, because the resemblances are much greater. (See the detailed nn. on 1391-1396.) Otherwise, there are plenty of minor parallels between Lyk. and the Catalogue, perhaps evidence of direct

or indirect use. See e.g. 176n. (metamorphosed ants on Aigina), 1125n. on

the name Oibalos (father of Tyndareus) or x3orn. (Aster[i]os as husband

of Europa). But note that Lyk. differed from the Cazalogue (frag.175 M/W), which gave Helen a son Nikostratos. See 103n.

But a more significant debt? is less tangible, namely the preoccupation

with female figures and their miseries at the hands of men, and the general use of the catalogue form, including such repetitious transitional and

introductory formulae as ὁ δέ or τὸν μέν, ‘he...’, ‘him...’ (e.g. 417, 592, 1047), and ἄλλοι δέ or ἄλλους 06, ‘and others...’ (e.g. 887, 951, 993, 1027); compare

23 ‘The frags are to be found in the latest (1990) OCT of Hesiod by Merkelbach and West, pp. 113goa; also in G. Most’s new Loeb edn of Hesiod, vol. 2 (2007). The fundamental and brilliant modern

work of reconstruction is M. West 1985, a monograph; see also Hunter 2005, an edited collection with virtually the same title.

24 But allowance must be made for use by Lyk. of Hellanikos also, because he too had something

about this myth (FGrHist 4 F 7). 25 "There are differences, to be sure: Lyk. does not use the catalogue form for the purposes of genealogical exposition in the Hesiodic manner. IO

3. Sources and Influences

the Hesiodic ἢ οἵη, ‘or like her...’ These two main features (females, the catalogue form) overlap. Most obviously, there are the tabulated five husbands of Helen, the promiscuous πεντάλεκτρος, at 143-179 (the Hesiodic Catalogue had almost certainly culminated with a catalogue of

Helen’ suizors—so M. West 1985—but respectable girls have many suitors, they do not have a plurality of husbands. The difference suits the blacker,

more judgemental mood of the Alexandra). It is not only women who are catalogued in this way; see the long section 447-591 for the five oikists of Cyprus, or the three 'sea-swallows' (male Greek heroes) at 424-438, or the

four Greek invaders of prehistoric Asia Minor at 1369-1396. Often these catalogues are tabulated in the most literal way, ‘first’, ‘second’, and so on (πρῶτος at 1369, δεύτερος at 1374, to take only the last-mentioned example). But women predominate in the Alexandra as a whole, and the poet recounts the fates of women according to a pattern, discussed at 828-833 n.,

on Myrrha and Adonis: beginning with Hesione (34 n.), beautiful women are undeserving victims of divine anger, often directed against a third party. Andromeda also conforms to the pattern (834-846 n.), and the archetype of

such victims is Kassandra herself. See also 1374-1396 n. for a clutch of Asia Minor colonization stories involving the use and abuse of women. Those Asia Minor stories are positioned towards the end of a serially

presented narrative of reciprocal hostilities between Asia and Europe, often

taking the form of abductions of marriageable females. 'To be sure, the Herodotean pedigree of this section of the poem, starting at 1283, is unmistakable (below, ( j)); but influences can be and often are multiple. Other Hesiodic poems have, directly or indirectly, left their trace in the Alexandra, notably in the location of Kirke in the Italian west (673-680 n. on

72. rorr-13, ‘Hesiodic’ rather





in the

narrative of the fight between Panopeus and Krisos in their mother's womb (939-940 n., cf. Hes. frag. 58 M/W). See also, for possible debts to the Melampodia, 426-430 n. (Mopsos and Kalchas, cf. frag. 278 M/W, with

(c) above, ‘Epic Cycle’) and 683 n. (Teiresias sex-change, cf. frag. 275 M/W). Lyk. agreed with Hes. frag. 27 M/W in having three Sirens rather than the Homeric two (see 712 n.). Naturally, there are many points of agreement over points of mythological detail between Lyk. and the two authentic

poems of Hesiod, the 75eogony and Works and Days. Not all of these are worth recording here, but note perhaps 842 n. on Chrysaor (cf. 75. 280-1);

846 n. on the Graiai (7%. 270-3); 1039 n. (on the unusual noun πλειών for a

long age of time, cf. WD 617); 1175 n. (Hekate's father Perses, cf. 72. 409).

76 Asquith 2005 is an interesting study of the adaptation of the catalogue form by Hellenistic poets, but the promising case of Lyk. is absent, although very minor figures such as Hermesianax are fully covered. The Hesiodic catalogue is not the only influence: Lyk.’s transitions owe a debt to the Homeric Catalogue of Ships, cf. 439 n. II


(e) Stesichoros and some other archaic lyric poets The 6th-cent. western poet Stesichoros of Himera (N. Sicily)” was a kind of archaic poetic precursor of the Hellenistic prose writer Timaios of Sicilian Tauromenion, for whom see below. Only a very few lines of Lyk. can be claimed with any confidence to derive immediately from


A minor example might be the dolphin-sign on the shield of

Odysseus (658 n.).

In any case, indirect use is a strong possibility (Stes ~Timaios—Lyk.). Thus it will be suggested at a number of points below, more or less conjecturally, that Stesichoros, esp. in the Geryoneis, may be the ultimate source of much of the western material which is so marked a feature of the central part of the Alexandra. In this category may belong the location at Sicilian Enna of the abduction of Persephone (152-153n.); the treatment of Tartessos in Spain (643n.); of Herakles and the Laistrygonians (662 π.);

of some Italian aspects of Odysseus’ visit to the Underworld (681-687 n.); of Campania generally (649-671n.); of Herakles and the Lucrine lake (697n.); of Aineias’ helmsman Misenus or Misenos, eponym of Cape Misenum

near Naples (737n.: Misenos was depicted on the Tabulae Iliacae, which

undoubtedly made use of Stesichoros); of Menelaos in the west (852-876 n.); of the strange story of early Siris (856n.); of Philoktetes (9117929 n. and 913n.); of Krimisa (913n.) and of some aspects of the Lokrian Maidens

narrative (see r141-1173n. for Polygnotos’ painting of Lokrian Ajax and his oath); of Aineias’ western wanderings, including the Etruscan dimension and the importance of Lavinium (1236-1280 n., 1262 n.). Demeter's epithet

Ennaia (the ethnic of Enna in central Sicily) seems to be first attested in

Timaios, but may already have featured in Stesichoros (152-153 n.). Some famous myths are common to Stesichoros and Lykophron, but are

well attested in other authors also. The clearest example is the tradition of the ‘Egyptian Helen’, according to which Helen was a phantom who was taken to Troy. Lyk. alludes to this without complete commitment (see 110-112 n., 113 n., and 1157127 n.). This deviant version was also, famously,

in Herodotus (2. 115-16), not to mention Euripides. It is a puzzle why Herodotus, who knows and cites many of the archaic lyric poets, did not

mention Stesichoros in this connection. Stesichoros and Lyk. both treated

the rescue of the juvenile Helen from Attica by the Dioskouroi, but so did Herodotus (9. 73; see 494-568 n.). Again, Lyk. knows of Hektor's alterna-

tive paternity (Apollo not Priam), and this was in Stesichoros—but also in Ibykos and, nearer Lyk.'s own day, Euphorion (265n.). Similarly the

alternative paternity of Iphigeneia (Theseus not Agamemnon) was in both 27 Now excellently edited with commentary by Davies and Finglass 2014. I2

3. Sources and Influences

Stesichoros and Lyk., but was given by other authors too (103n.), as was the association with distant places of Theseus’ colonizing son Akamas (494-585 n.). There is one episode in the Alexandra to which Stes. may have contributed at some remove: the story of Epeios, the ‘horse-constructor’, ὑπποτέκτων (940). That most unusual word indicates immediate borrow-

ing by Lyk. from one of Kallimachos' Jaméi (see below, (n)). The picture of Epeios as a good boxer but a military coward is ultimately derived from Iliad 23; but it will be argued (931n.) that the proximate source is

Kall. for this too. Nevertheless, it has been argued convincingly” that Epeios was important in the architecture of Stesichoros’ I/iou Persis, and

indeed inaugurated the entire work. Some indebtedness on the part of Lyk. is very possible, although the perjury of Epeios’ father Panopeus, for which

Epeios’ own cowardice was punishment, cannot be proved to derive from Stes. (see 932 n.).?

Of the other lyric poets,” it is a pity that Alkaios did, but—as far as

we know—Sappho did not, write about Kassandra. Denys Page dismissed Alkaios’ poem (frag. 298 Voigt) as follows: ‘this is, so far as it goes, a straightforward narrative, in accord with the common tradition‘. Sappho ventriloquizing Kassandra would certainly have been worth having, a sort of proto-Christa Wolf.” Sappho did, after all, treat Trojan War stories from a female perspective (see frag. 16 Voigt for Helen and 44 Voigt for the

arrival at Troy of Andromache, and one of these, the Tithonos story which features in the ‘new Sappho’, is the very first myth alluded to in the Alexandra, see τό ἢ. for the programmatic function of this). Perhaps we

can hope that one day we will have a Kassandra papyrus of Sappho. For the intriguing possibility that the Hellenistic poetic use of θρόνον for a drug or magic herb, i.e. equivalent to φάρμακον, reflects Sappho’s ποικι-

λόθρον᾽ at the beginning of Sappho frag. 1 Voigt, see 674n.; see Kall. frag. 364 Pf. (= 3 Hollis): Medea as πολύθρονος, glossed by the Suda as

πολυφάρμακος, with Winkler 1990: 172-4 and Ferrari 2010: 164 and n. 3. 78 Finglass 2013b. ? For some other passages which may possibly reflect Stes., see 196n. (Iphigeneia as Hekate, also Hesiodic); 354 n. (ἄφθιτον ὄλβον); 643 n. (Tartessos); 737n. (Misenos); 842 n. (Chrysaor); 8st n. on

τριάνορος κόρης (Aphrodite's anger with Tyndareus).

? Not all can be considered in detail here. For Alkman, see 387n. (κηρύλος, the kingfisher) and 464n. (βαρύφρων). For Hipponax, see Hollis 2007: 278-9, and 579n. (ἔρπιν), 6gın. (πάλμυς, possibly Lydian), 8ssn. (ἀσκέρα), and 708n. (meAAn). 9! For Sappho and Hellenistic poetry, see Fantuzzi and Hunter 2004: 28-9 (Erinna), 156 (Theok. 1),

and 182 (Bion). For the Hellenistic scholar Aristarchos of Samothrace on Sappho, Alkaios, Alkman, and Stesichoros, see Barbantini 2009: 302. * Page 1955: 285. Alkaios knew of the myth of Achilles on the White Island (he calls him ‘Achilles

lord of Skythia’, frag. 354 Voigt); see 172-179 n. * On Christa Wolf and Lyk., see Hellmann 2007.



(f) Classical drama: tragedy; comedy; satyr plays (i) Tragedy The Alexandra is, at 1474 lines, roughly the length of one of Sophocles’

surviving plays (see further below section 8, for the significance of linenumbering). It is in the iambic metre of the non-choral parts of classical

tragedies, and the guard’s two short speeches enclosing Kassandras long prophecy are a kind of ‘messenger-speech’; but Kassandra’s wide-ranging and allusive mythical narrative is more reminiscent of the choral lyrics of

tragedies. Three-word lines are a marked feature of the poem—far more so than of the surviving plays of any of the three great Attic tragedians, even Aeschylus (see 63n., also discussing the frequency of compound words, which in the sth cent. were more a feature of choral lyric than of the iambic

sections). The Attic tragedies most heavily exploited by Lyk. are, naturally, those in which Kassandra herself appears, above all Aeschylus’ Agamemnon (see e.g. rror n. and 1375 n. for ἀμφίβληστρον, the net in which Agamemnon

was trapped and killed),** and the other two plays of the Oresteia;”” but also Euripides, Troades (itself containing echoes of the Oresteia),° Hekabe," and Medea? (for the poet's interest in the Argonautic legend, see below,

under Apollonios). In particular, the Euripidean Kassandra in Troades 34 Other probable or possible intertexts with Ag. (note the clustering not only at the death scene which starts at 1109, but also near the end of the Alexandra, where Kassandra is characterized most

strongly): 31n., 41n. (παλαιστής, cf. 1447n.), 9o-91n., 137n. (on λάξας .... δίκην), 184n., 185n., 1950, 227 n., 235 ., 342-343N., 355.) 426n. (the swansong motif), 453n. (pirupa), 568n., s7o n. (fis, see also below (n) for Kall.), 605n. and 1387n. (κάρβανος), 6ron. (parräs), 627n., 765 n., 820n. (αἰνόλεκτρος), 883 n., 933n., 1034n. (παπποκτόνος), 1091n., 1095n., 1099-1107n., 1099n., I104n., I105n., IIO7n., 1108-1112 n., 1118 n., 1123-1140 N., 1126 n., 1137 n., 1173n., 1218 n., 1281n., 1287 n., 1410n., 1443-1444. (σαίνω), 1447n. (παλαιστής, cf. 41n.), 1451 n. (Kassandra’s despairing question to herself), 1453n.,

1454n. (Apollo cancels belief in Kassandra's prophecies), 1457 n. (Kassandra's refusal of sex with Apollo); 1460n., 1463 n., 1472 n. Generally, Lyk.'s use of animal and bird metaphors for human individuals is

Aeschylean, as well as influenced by oracular discourse. Outside the Oresteia, note esp. rn. (A. Prom 609-12, also the Gyges tragic fragment) and 4n (A. Prom. 661). 95 Cho.:69n.,225n. (νυκτίφοιτοςνυκτίπλαγ κτος), 355n., 406n., 436 n., $92 n. (raykAnpia), 61r n. (παραίτιος), 686—687n., 756 n. (φελλός), 820n., 930n., 1099-1107n., 1OIN., I114n., I120n., H2In., 1126 n., 1137 n.., k218n., 1232-1233 0., 1434 T. 1452 n.; Eum.: 165n. («nAis), 283n. and nan. (dvarei), 316 n., 356 n., 437 n., 496 n., 518—519 n., 536—537 n., 1434. 570 (ἶνις again, see above on Ag), 592 n., 648 n., 944n., 950 n., 988 n., IO41., 1042-1043 N., 1120 n., 1135n. (βρέτας), 1137 n., 1191-1193 n. 35 See 371-372 n., 384-386 n., 570n. (Ivi yet again, see above on A. Ag. and Eum.), 669n., 704n.,

776n., 830-950 n., 948 n. (βρέτας again, see above on A. Eum.), 1089n., 1183 n., 1204 n., 1258 n., 1319n.,

1398 n. (ἀντιπορθῶ). This play was one of a trilogy, and it is likely enough that Lyk. drew on the other two plays. But the frags do not allow certainty. Other mostly lost Trojan-themed tragedies, such as the Hektor of the 4th-cent. Athenian Astydamas (for which see 1189-1213 n.) should also be borne in mind; Lyk. will surely have studied them closely. See below, p. 15.

37 See 1 n., 314 n., 320-321n., 323 N., 334 n., 498 n., 763., 890 n., 1107N., 1216 n., 1397n.

3 See 32 n., 219n., 239n., 287n., 293n., 438n., 650n., 820n., 1199n., 1285n., 1314. (πυρπνόων), 1315n., I318 n.


3. Sources and Influences

(427-44) may have supplied Lyk. with the idea of the link between

Odysseus’ ten-year woes and Kassandra’s sufferings, an idea easily extendable to the Greeks more generally. See 648-819 n. Sophocles is less obviously prominent as far as we can see,” except at 450—468, the story of Telamonian Ajax, where (again, naturally), there is

much indebtedness to the Ajax (and no doubt also to the mostly lost Teukros). Otherwise, there are noticeably many verbal reminiscences of the Antigone, whose heroine is another wronged woman like Kassandra.” Lost

plays of Sophocles dealt with the Greek west; see 1265n. (the Laokoon aware of the story of Aineias piously rescuing his father from Troy). Generally the diction of the Alexandra is thoroughly tragic, and the very many detailed one-word parallels are collected by Gigante Lanzara 2009.

These will be registered in the individual nn. below. For the Flektor by the 4th-cent. Athenian tragedian Astydamas, see above, n. 36, and 1189-1213 n. (no definite relationship can be established). For the Ransoming of Hektor by Dionysios I of Syracuse (a possible source

for Lyk. on Achilles’ treatment of Hektor's body) see 269—270 n. Wilamowitz 1924: 2. 148-9 went very far in denying the title of drama or tragedy to the Alexandra (‘mit der Tragödie nichts zu tun); ‘drama is action (or plot), he asserted, Drama

ist Handlung. At another extreme, the

Alexandra has been ingeniously seen as a drama in five acts (Durbec 2008; see

below, 8 (b)). Surely tragedy is one of the influences on Lyk. It would be as

eccentric to deny it any influence at all as it would be to interpret it exclusively in dramatic terms. Many genres come together in this unparalleled poem. (ii) Comedy Some words and expressions used in the Alexandra have comic antecedents;

see e.g. 148 n. on τριόρχας or 508n. on Hpırößwros.” Since Lykophron of

Chalkis wrote a treatise about comedy," those scholars who identify the

Chalkidian Lykophron with the author of the Alexandra have seized on these parallels as supporting evidence for their identification (here rejected).

But in truth the parallels, such as they are, prove nothing about authorship,

and Wilamowitz was right to say that the Alexandra shows no evidence of

a study of comedy.” The present section aims to show that the poem is full ? For his mostly lost Zokrian Ajax, see TrGF 4: frags 102-18. The frags (including many very short papyrus scraps) offer no compelling parallels. See 113 n., 206-207n., 257. 272 n., 280 n. (ξύναιμος), 3311. (δημόλευστος), 683n., 703n.,777n., 907n. (dirépioros), 1137 n. (ῥέθος), 1153 n. (ἀνύμφευτος), 1302n. For Kassandra’s incarceration as resembling Ántigone's, see 1729 n.

^. Holzinger 32 gives a long list. See also perhaps 435n. 4 Lowe 2013. See further below, n. 110. Wilamowitz 1924: 2. 146.



of intertexts from every available literary genre, so it would be surprising if there were no traces of comic language as well. (iti) Satyr plays

If the author of the Alexandra were really identical with Lykophron of Chalkis, who wrote such satyric dramas as the Menedemos (below, section

5 for this play, and its real-life contemporary subject, the philosopher from Eretria), we might have expected the Alexandra to display some interest, displayed at the linguistic level, in classical satyr-plays. Possible evidence for borrowing is, however, in very short supply. But then, most satyr-plays are known only from exiguous fragments.

(g) Epinikian poetry: Pindar and Bacchylides Epinikian poetry—the odes written by Pindar, Bacchylides, and others for male athletic and equestrian victors in the great festival-contests—may

seem an improbable source of influence on the female-focused Alexandra.

But the longer odes of this sort usually had, at their centres, elaborate mythical narratives, and it is only natural that Lyk. should appear to show some awareness of these. The most obvious place to look is Pythian Eleven, which featured Kassandra herself as ‘prophetic maiden, murdered by Klytaimestra;? and it is indeed likely that in the climactic section of the Alexandra, where Kassandra foretells in detail the deaths of Agamemnon and herself, the Pindaric account of the murder is in Lyk.’s mind alongside

the more obviously evoked Aeschylean version: see 1106n. and rin. (cf. also 12 n. for a possible echo of P. 11 much earlier in the poem, in the

guard’s first speech). See also 688~693n. for Pithekoussai and the buried Giants, a motif which also featured in Pi. P. τ; and 456 n. for the relationship between Lyk.

and Pi. 7. 6 on the invulnerability of Ajax, a non-Homeric motif. The extended section on the fight between the Dioskouroi and the Apharetidai, Idas and Lynkeus (517-564) certainly shows awareness of Pindar’s treatment in N. 10 (as well as of the Kypria, above (c), and of Theokritos 22, below (n) ); see esp. 553 n. and §59 n. For Bacchylides on Marpessa, who was

part of the same story (she chose Idas in preference to Apollo), see 561n.

“ In the first part 330); 486n. (στόνυξ, the same sense as in relevant); and for his

of this n., refs to Euripides’ Kyklops are inside the brackets. See Lyk. 455n. (Sopa, 401 as restored by Scaliger); 518-519 n. (ἄμικτος, 429, but apparently not in Lyk.). For Aeschylus’ Proteus see 115-127n.; for his Leon 481n. (very doubtfully Os/o/ogoi (not agreed to be a satyr-play) 778n.

55 Finglass 2007 for text and comm. 16

3. Sources and Influences

The account of the settlement of the Aiolid by Orestes may be simultaneously indebted to Hellanikos (below, (i)) and to Pindar, N. 11, written for

a man from Tenedos. See 1374-1377 n. Pindar's P 4 was one of several treat-

ments of the Argonautic legend available to Lyk. For a plausible particular echo, see 649n. on συνδρομήν, cf. P. 4. 208-9, συνδρόμων πετρᾶν. Like some of the other other literary sources we are considering, epinikian poetry influenced the Alexandra in ways other than the crude lifting of specific items from the earlier writer. This is specially marked in the guard's first speech; see 15 n., 14 n., 15n. (note, however, that the racing

metaphor in BaAßis at 13 and 287 is most easily paralleled from E. Med. 1245; tragedy drew on the same metaphorical repertoire as did epinikian,'ó and there was mutual influence). Ihe metaphor of wrestling, πάλη,

pervades the poem from start to finish: see 41n., 1435n., and esp. 1447 n.

discussing the ‘unique wrestler’, εἷς τις παλαιστής (whom I take to be T. Quinctius Flamininus), and noting Pindar's own use of wrestling meta-

phors to describe politicians." Interestingly, Kassandra is made to save up the standard word for ‘contest’, ἀγών, for the climax of her entire

prophecy: see 1435n. on πολλοὶ δ᾽ ἀγῶνες kai φόνοι μεταίχμιοι.

Epinikian poetry was far from exhausting the output of either Pindar or Bacchylides. The Apolline epithet Derainos was very out-of-the way; but its cultic authenticity is proved by Pindar’s Paian 2, written for the people of

Abdera in Thrace. See below, p. 67 and 440 n. Finally, Kassandra was the subject of Bacchylides’ Dithyramb 23 Maehler. Only a few scraps survive, but Kassandra is evidently prophesying the events of the Trojan War; from a Z/ on Pi. P. t. 100 we learn that Bacchylides said that the Greeks would not be able to sack Troy unless they brought Philoktetes back from Lemnos, and Maehler 1997: 36 plausibly associates this with the dithyramb. See further 53-56n.* (h) Timotheos and Antimachos These two difficult poets” from classical Ionia may be dealt with together.

‘The dithyrambic poet Timotheos of Miletos wrote his main surviving poem,

the Persai, in about 400 sc. It dealt with the battle of Salamis and its “© For connections between epinikian poetry and the lyrics of Greek tragedy, see Swift 2010.

47 But as pointed out at 41. and 1447n., παλαιστής is an unmistakable Aeschylean intertext (the noun was applied by Kassandra to Apollo at Ag, 1206, in a highly charged sexual sense). “ For a small chime with B. 2. 5, see 1228n. on ἄραντες στέφος, where the athletic metaphor (from the crowning of a victor at the games) has particular point in the context.

The papyrus of the Persai was discovered in 1902. It was first edited by Wilamowitz 1903 and then again, with English commentary, by Hordern

2002. For a good brief general account, see B.

Zimmermann], OCD* "Timotheus (1)’, with good bibliography, among the items of which see esp. Csapo and Wilson 2009. Lyk.’s debt to Antimachos was well explored by Hollis 2007: 278-81.



aftermath, and this may put us in mind of 1413-1434. ‘The two poets have several characteristics in common, apart from this overlap in subject-matter:

a fondness for riddling circumlocution and periphrasis (which leads Timotheos' latest editor, J. H. Hordern, to make an explicit comparison with Lyk.);? and a proneness to emotional repetition (see 69n. on στένω, στένω σε δίσσα καὶ tpi AG, citing Timoth. Persai 76 and 129). One or two

possible minor thematic overlaps may also be mentioned: see 648 n. (Syrtis, cf. Persai 88), and 384-386 n. (for another of Timotheos’ works, the Nauplios). Antimachos of Ionian Kolophon was a scholar-poet of the early 4th

cent. Bc.” He wrote an epic, the 7ebais, and an elegy in narrative form, the Lyde. The latter included Argonautic material, and this—as well as the more obvious sources, Pindar, Kallimachos, and Apollonios, see below—

may have influenced Lyk.; see e.g. 632n. for the dragon which pursued

Jason and Medea to the west.

His difficulty (neologisms, obscure periphrases, and so on) makes him

spiritually kin to Lyk., and it may be significant that both poets should have been favourites of the emperor Hadrian, who was noted for his recondite tastes in literature. For Hadrian and Antimachos see T 31 Wyss, and

for Lyk. see the suggestion offered at 1148n. (on Napvxevov ἄστυ).

The mythical detail which most clearly recalls Antimachos is the story—

shared between Lyk. and Antimachos, but where—of Achilles’ leap onto the Trojan which resulted. See 247n. By contrast, it is knowledge of the Arkadian cult of Demeter

otherwise hardly attested anyshore, and the spring of water much less likely that Lyk. owed Erinys to Antimachos, as Hollis

seems to have believed, calling this an ‘obscure’ cult.? It was hardly that: see

1041n. Other borrowings from Antimachos were at the linguistic level.?

(i) The mythographers: Hellanikos and Pherekydes Hellanikos of Lesbos, who wrote in the late sth cent. Bc, was an appealing source of material about mythical colonization. We have noted above, 5° Hordern 2002: 39-40 (esp. n. 112 for Lyk.) and 253. 5! See F. W[illiams], OCD*. For editions of the fragments see the Abbreviations under Matthews and (still valuable) Wyss.

52 Hollis 2007: 280. For the possibility that Antimachos included some of the material about Knidos

and the Triopion which is also found in Lyk., see 1388-1396 n. 55 See Hollis 2007: 280-1 for a partial list; and see further 94n., 137n., 416n., 425n. 458n., 489n., 622n., 629 n., 771n., 987n., 1403 n. On οὖσα (unusual word for ‘cable’) see zon. with Hollis 2007: 279.

5* Jacoby dealt with Hellanikos twice over, as no. 4 (mythography) and 324a (Atthidography). The essential work on Hellanikos is now EGM

(vol. 1, 2000 and esp. vol, 2, 2013—the thematically

organized commentary on vol. 1). Hellanikos has the distinction of being the only contemporary writer named by Thucydides (1. 97. 2).


3. Sources and Influences in connection with the Hesiodic Catalogue of Women (n. 24), that Hellanikos wrote about Erysichthon and Mestra, a foundation-legend about the

Dorian region in the vicinity of Karian Knidos; a few lines earlier in the poem comes the story of Orestes’ violent settlement of NW Asia Minor. Pindar alluded briefly to this process (above, (g) for N. 11), but Hellanikos—

himself a native of an Aiolian island—wrote a whole work called the Aiolika in more than one book, and this certainly dealt with Orestes’ ‘colonization of the Aiolid’: 1374-1377 n. We must also reckon with use by Lyk. of Kallimachos, who described Orestes’ colonization of Lesbos (see below (n), n. 78), and perhaps did not confine himself to the islands. Pherekydes of Athens was another sth-cent. mythographer—elusive to us, but of an importance comparable to that of Hellanikos.” Several of the

myths in the Alexandra can be traced back as far as Pherekydes, though it

would be presumptuous to assume direct and exclusive use by Lyk., or that there was never an earlier but non-surviving source. See 569—585 n. (Anios’ miraculous




846n. (detail about the

Graiai); 932 n. (Panopeus' perjury); 1203n. (Kronos father of Cheiron); 1315n. (Medea rejuvenates Jason).

(j) Herodotus and other classical historians (mainly Thucydides and Ephoros) Herodotus was without question a profound and pervasive influence on

Lyk., as on many Hellenistic authors.” Herodotean reminiscences abound

in the Alexandra, beginning with the verb μηκύνειν (‘speak at length’) in the very first sentence; see 2 n. For echoes of Hdt. on Libya, Triton, and the Argonauts, see 888n. (Ap. Rh. is also a presence here, as we shall see below, (n)); there are differences too, see 881-896 n. But the most unmistakably

Herodotean section begins at 1283: the clashes between Europe and Asia, reprising Herodotus in verbal detail (e.g. 1293 n.) as well as in choice of—

usually female-—subject (Io, Europa, Medea, and so on). In the Persian Wars narrative (1413-1434), intertexts are plentiful, but note in particular

that the description of Xerxes as a ‘giant of the seed of Perseus’ surely goes back to Herodotus reflections on Xerxes’ height and beauty (7. 187. 2).

Nevertheless, the differences between the poet and the historian are also important, and surely deliberate. Lyk. turns the Herodotean order upside

down (the abductions opened the Hiszories but they form the final main 5 FGrHist 3 and 333; EGM.

5° Lyk.'s debt to Hat. has often been noted; see e.g. Holzinger's nn. on 189 (the ‘Keltic’ Danube), 1283, and 1291; also Ziegler 1927: 2341; S. West 2009 and Priestley 2014: 179-86. For Hdt.’s popularity in the Hellenistic world, see Murray 1972.



section of Kassandra’s prophecy); and Lyk.’s insistence on an eventual reconciliation between Europe and Asia (see 1448n. on διαλλαγάς) was absent from Hdt. For all this, see 1283-1450 n. Finally, the absence of

any mention of the Greek burning of Sardis at the beginning of the Ionian Revolt is very curious, since this would have fitted so well into Kassandra’s

scheme of reprisal and counter-reprisal (see 1409-1411 n., citing Avreverriuπρασαν at Hdt. 5. 102.1). As often, the poet avoids the obvious. Many other classical Greek historians chronicled the struggles which

convulsed the Greek world in the interval between Midas and Alexander (1409-1411 n.). Of these, we may single out just two for detailed treatment:

Thucydides and Ephoros. (For Ephoros’ contemporary Theopompos of Chios, FGrHist 115, as provider of a strand in the tradition which brought Odysseus to the West, specifically Etruria, see 806 n., and for his location of

the Laistrygonians in the plain of Leontinoi in E. Sicily, see 662—665.) Thucydides was one of the first two prose writers to show awareness of the location

of Homeric


on Kerkyra

(632n.; the other was

Hellanikos). The Lykophronic narrative about the ‘commander of the whole fleet of Mopsops' (i.e. Diotimos the sth-cent. Athenian general) who founded the torch-race at Naples, is heavily indebted to Timaios; but

as Diotimos son of Strombichos this man had played a prosaic military role in Thucydides’ Kerkyraian narrative in bk 1 (see Th. 1. 45. 2 with 732— 737 n-), and Lyk. was surely aware of this. The tradition of Phokian settlement in Bruttium after the Trojan War (930-950 n. and 1067-1074 n.) is unexpectedly borne out by Th.'s mention of Phokians at 6. 2.3 (part of the

Sikelika), where the text has been wrongly doubted. If Lyk. had direct knowledge of Kallimachos' Aitia book 2 on the foundation legends of the Sicilian cities, as is probable (see below), that implied indirect knowledge of Thucydides’ Archaeology (6. 2-5), and also—at one further remove—of

the researches of Antiochos of Syracuse, Thucydides’ own source.’ Ephoros of Kyme (FGrHist 70) lived c.400~330 Bc. A historian praised by Polybius (34. τ. 3) for his excellent treatment of city-foundations, kinshiprelations, migrations, and oikists could not fail to appeal to the author of the nostoi section of the Alexandra. And indeed a number of particular passages may derive from, or owe something to, Ephoros. Note in particular 695n.: even in a very “Timaian section of Strabo (see (k) below), there is Ephoran

material as well, and this was no less available to Lyk. than was the T'imaian.?* 57 Note, however, that Th. (6. 2. 1) spoke of only two Elymian cities, Eryx and Egesta, whereas Lyk. knew there were three: 964. The third was Entella, and was mentioned by Ephoros; see next n. For the relation between ‘Th. 6.2.2 and Lyk.'s use of Zixavds, see 870 n. On Th. 4.24.5 (Charybdis) see 44n. and 649n. 58 Possible awareness of Ephoros: see gon. (Miletos founded from Krete?); 616-617n. (Poseidon the ‘Exchanger’); 649—711n. and 695n. (Kimmerians in Campania); 964 n. (Entella); 1148n. (Naryx); 1189—1213n. (text no. E, Hektor's bones); 1294n. (Io in Egypt); 137471377n. (Penthilidai in the Aiolid). 20

3. Sources and Influences

(k) Timaios Timaios, who worked as an exile in Athens in the years around 300 Bc, was

a historian of the first importance.” He concentrated on the west and its myths and cults, and this made him an obvious recourse for Lyk. The

relevance of Timaios to Lyk. was seen early: of the 153 fragments of Timaios, five are from the ancient commentators on Lyk.” The attractive

but large topic of the respective attitudes of Timaios and Lyk. to Hellenism

in the west must be postponed to a later treatment. It is clear and agreed

that a main theme of Timaios, inherited by Lyk., was the interpenetration of Greek and indigenous cultures in the west; for this process, the traditional word “Hellenization is too crude, and too suggestive of one-way and downwards transmission. It is certainly part of the truth to say (with T. S.

Brown) that “Timaeus seems to have used the Fall of Troy as a springboard

in dealing with colonization; or (with L. Pearson on Diomedes in Daunia) that ‘For Timaeus, as the historian of Greek Italy, the heart of

the story is what happens in Apulia and makes it into a Greek land’. But the great interest and importance of Timaios is that his viewpoint was not solely Greek; see e.g. 968-969n. on the ritual of the October horse at

Rome. For a fuller treatment of Timaios and Lyk. see Lykophron's Alexandra

and the Hellenistic World (forthcoming). For the moment, we shall confine

ourselves to an assessment of overlap and possibly debt. On any view of

Lyk.’s date, the Alexandra is likely to postdate Timaios.

The Pseudo-Aristotelian ‘On marvellous things heard’, περὶ θαυμα-

σίων ἀκουσμάτων ([Ar.] mir. ausc.) is a collection of 178 short chapters by a paradoxographer (collector of marvels), of uncertain date, but not earlier than the 3rd cent. sc. There is some striking overlap between the central

5? For the frags of Timaios, see FGrHist 566 (Jacoby and Champion 2013 (=BNJ no. 566) with much briefer but more up-to-date commentaries than Jacoby. R. Laqueur, R.-E. VIA: 1076-1203 antedated Jacoby. Brown 1958 was able to use Jacoby's text, but not his massive 2-vol. commentary. Pearson

1987 covered the Greek historians of the west generally, but much of the book is about Timaios, and discusses individual frags helpfully. Baron 2013 is a general treatment of Timaios’ historiographical aims and methods; see also Vattuone 1991. The most perceptive treatment of Timaios is Momigliano 1977b (contains a noticeable element of unconscious autobiography). On Timaios in Diodorus, Meister 1967 (and see his entry "Timaeus (2)’ in OCD*). On Timaios in Lyk., Günther 1889. But for the purposes of the present comm., the most important study is Geffcken 1892, a reconstruction of Timaios’ ‘geography of the west’ with a ‘text’ at the end: over-confident and 'maximalist’ in its attributions to Timaios, but in its own small way a work of genius. © EF ss, 56a, 66, 98, 146 (counting 146a and 146b as a single fragment, because both are about the Lokrian Maidens).

€ Brown 1958: 33. He continues ‘Since no one believed the Greeks originated in the west, the next best thing was to bring them west as early as possible and under the most distinguished leadership’.

42 Pearson 1987: 74. For Baron 2013 on Daunia, see below. 21


and most clearly Timaian part of this work (from ch. 78) and Lyk., and in these passages the common source is surely Timaios.

Not much of Timaios on Sicily has left palpable traces in Lyk.; but

see 152—153 n. for Timaios as the first attested writer to have located the

abduction of Persephone at Sicilian Enna, whence Demeter’s Lykophronic epithet ‘Ennaia’. (But the view taken below will be that this legend was

much older than Timaios.)™ After Timaios, but before Lyk., Enna fea-

tured in this connection in Kallimachos (see again 152-153n.). The tradition may, however, be much older. For Egesta in W. Sicily, see below. The story of Diomedes in Italy (Daunia, mod. Puglia) and the ‘islands of

Diomedes’ certainly featured prominently in Timaios. See 605-606 n. for the birds who are friendly to Greeks but not barbarians, with citation of

[Ar.] mir. ausc. 79, cf. 109 (dogs instead of birds). 2 615 says specifically that Timaios and Lykos told the story which has just been summarized. But see 615n.: there is no way of telling whether the entire story of Diomedes in Daunia went back to Timaios, or just the detail about the statue erected

after Diomedes’ killing of the dragon on Kerkyra. In any case, Lyk.’s handling of the Diomedes legend, esp. the implied allusion to the Dasii

(632 n.), is surely not Timaian in its entirety. For Lyk. and Timaios on

Kerkyra see also 762n. (on Aprrmv: possibly Orphic?). Baron 2013: 222 argues for a Greek focalization here, but does not address the problem, how much of the material is Timaian. In any case, Lyk.’s own perspective may have differed, even when Timaios was the source. The section of the poem immediately following the first Diomedes

narrative is about Boiotian settlement of the Balearic islands. According

to & 633, Timaios said that ‘some of the Boiotians went to these islands’. It may well be that Lyk. drew on Timaios here, but there were good structural and thematic reasons for including them in this position in the poem, and at such generous length. See 633—647 n. Timaios was very full on the subject of Campania (Geffcken 1892: 29-39,

esp. 29). See 694—711 n. Lyk.’s Campanian narrative, part of the ‘Odyssey’, is close to Strabo bk 5 ch. 4 (see 688-693 n. for Timaios F 58 on Pithekoussai), but we should not too readily assume a shared Timaian origin for the whole, especially since Strabo cites Ephoros explicitly at one point; and there were other available sources, reaching back to Stesichoros. See 694—711n. One famous event, however, the torch-race founded at Naples

55 See Fraser 1972: 1. 770-2 with nn. in vol, 2, esp. 1079 n. 383. On the date see also Harris 1971: 16 n. 4. For a Greek text of the mir. ausc, see O. Abelt's Teubner text of 1888, together with the de p/antis etc.; or Loeb edn Aristotie Minor Works ed. W. S. Hett. Another prose writer who probably drew on Timaios was Fabius Pictor (see FRHist vol. 3: 175). But Lyk. and Fabius diverged on at least one significant detail (see 1255-1256 n. for the meaning of the thirty piglets in the story ofthe foundation of Alba Longa). $* "The matter is controversial, but Zuntz 1971: 70 n. 4 was right in essentials. See 152 n. 22

3. Sources and Influences

by the fifth-century Athenian Diotimos on the orders of an oracle, featured in both Lyk. (732-737) and Timaios. See FGrHist 566 F 98, from 2 on 732. The overlap is great, and here an immediate Timaian origin is very likely. (See also above, p. 20: Thucydides.) For the Menelaos episode, conceived as a pair with the ‘Odyssey’, Lyk. may have used Timaios for some western subsections (see 853n. for Taras, cf. [Ar.] mir. ausc. 106 on the cult of the Atreidai there); 856n. and 860n. for Siris and Kroton; 871-876 n. for the Argonauts on Elba, a story also told by Ap. Rh., see below, (n). For Philoktetes at Kroton, [Ar.] mir. ausc. 107

points to dependence by both Lyk. and [Ar.] on Timaios; but the tradition

of Philoktetes in the west may have been much older than 300 Bc and Timaios. In particular, Stesichoros should be borne in mind. See 911-929 n. On Siris, see further below. Lyk.’s rich section about Epeios (maker of the Wooden Horse) who settled in S, Italian Lucania, contains one very remarkable epithet, Mawepros for Mars, an Oscan formation. For the possibility that this derives from Timaios,

see 938n. and below, n. 267 (Lyk. and cult-epithets). See also 948n. (also discussing [Ar.] mir. ausc. 108) on the tools which Epeios dedicated. Egesta in W. Sicily, as a supposedly Trojan foundation comparable to

Rome itself, possessed appeal for both Lyk. (968-977) and Timaios. The gloomy clothing of the Egestaians resembles that of the Daunian maidens, which will be described at 1137 (see n. there on the parallel passage [Ar.]

mir. ausc. 109); and the Egestaians’ keeping alive of the memory of old griefs (977) recalls the nostalgia of the Greeks on the islands of Diomedes (609 n.). See 968—969 n. for the Timaian aspect to some of this. For the Sicilian battle of the Krimisos, also mentioned by Timaios (F 118), see g6ın.

The difficult lines about S. Italian Siris (978-992) may well have derived

immediately from Timaios, but the Epic Cycle may be behind Timaios in turn. See 978 n. and 985n. For the Argyrinoi, an obscure people in Epeiros, see 1017 n. Timaios also

mentioned them (F 78), but that hardly proves dependence by Lyk.

Podaleirios’ incubatory cult in Daunia is the subject of 1047-1066. At a minimum, the explanation of the name of the river Althainos in terms of its curative properties is Timaian; see FGrHist 566 F 56 with 1047-1066 n. Again (see above), Baron 2013: 223 draws far-reaching conclusions about

Timaios’ imputation of a ‘Greek mythological background’. That incuba-

tion was a Greek practice is not in question (see xoso n.), but it is not safe

to treat the scholiastic material as Timaian in its entirety.

For Timaios and (?) Lyk. on Sardinia, see 1083-1086 n. (a very difficult

passage, however). Two of the most important apparent intertexts between Lyk. and Timaios

concern the Daunian and Lokrian maidens. See 1133n. for Timaios on 23


"Hektor's hair-cut’ and 1137n. for the black dresses of the Daunian girls, whose appearance resembled that of the Erinyes. Timaios’ account was remarkably close to this (FGrHis¢ 566 F 55), despite some differences of detail. For the Lokrian Maidens, see 1141-1173 n. (In the catalogue of texts, Timaios is no. 2 and Lyk. no. 6. The oldest of the texts is, however, Aineias

Tacticus, no. 1). The prophecy of Rome's greatness at 1226-1230 will not have been inspired by Timaios; so rightly Pearson 1987: 85. But in the detailed narra-

tive of Aineias’ wanderings, there is certainly Timaian material (see esp.

1259 n. on the sacred objects brought from Troy to Lavinium); but Alfoldi

was wrong to treat Lyk. as Timaios’ slavish excerptor throughout this section. See 1236—1280 n. The account of the Lydian origins of the Etruscans seems more obviously Timaian in flavour and detail (see 1351-1361 n.). Fraser 1972: 1.764 (with n. 331, citing with approval Ziegler 1927: 2338-43)

observed that 'the Timaean material in the Alexandra may have been exaggerated at the expense of other and older sources’. This is right; and we can add that even where we think it likely that Lyk. used T'imaios direct, we should bear in mind that Timaios himself had his sources.

(Ὁ Hieronymos of Kardia Hieronymos,® a figure of Thucydidean stature but with some ethnographic

interests which align him with Herodotus, was the contemporary and exceptionally long-lived historian of the wars of the Successors


Epigoni of Alexander the Great. (He was born in perhaps the 350s and

supposedly died aged 104). Hieronymos’ work has come down to us mainly through the non-Sicilian parts of Diodorus books 18-20, and Plutarch’s Eumenes (of Kardia: Hieronymos’ uncle), Demetrios and Pyrrhos. Most of the warfare described by Hieronymos took place in Greece, Asia, or Egypt; but he did find space for an account of early Rome (FGrHist 154 F 13), and

this means that Timaios was not the only prose authority available to Lyk. on this crucial topic (see 1226-1280 n.). Two episodes of the Alexandra in particular seem to show knowledge of Hieronymos’ Hiszory: the unusually plain allusion to the murder by Polyperchon of the young Herakles, son of

Alexander the Great and Barsine (801-804 n. and 802 n.); and the tradition 55 See J. Hornblower 1981. For a new prose testimonium about Hieronymos, see P. Oxy. 4808 (2007), lines i. 18-ii. 20, calling him a man of experience, ἔμπρακτος (cf. Diod. 13. 102.1 for this adjective), one

who did not take pleasure in speeches, who lived to over 90, and was a good man, σπουδαῖος ἀνήρ, and perhaps a useful historian (? text uncertain). This tantalizingly gappy papyrus frag. deals with several Hellenistic historians, but gives pride of coverage to Hieronymos.

% Notably the description of the Nabataian Arabs at Diod. 19. 94-100.


3. Sources and Influences about the removal of Hektor's bones from the Troad to Boiotian Thebes (1189-1213 n.; note esp. 1195 n. on the praise of Thebes). Other passages, too, may show Hieronymos’ influence. On the very Hieronyman notion of

‘spear-won’, Öopikrmros, see 933n., and for colonial Greek nostalgia, πόθος, for their lost way of life, see 609 n., citing Diod. 18. 7. 1 (the Greeks in Baktria after Alexander’s death, certainly from Hieronymos). See also

1283—1450n. for the relevance to Lyk. of Hieronymos distinction between European and Asiatic satrapies, and 1409-1411 n. for Hieronymos as one of the historians who chronicled the fighting alluded to in those two lines. (m) Eratosthenes, Philostephanos, and Androkles There are clear signs in the Alexandra of the use of two scholars from Kyrene active in the second half of the 3rd cent. sc, Eratosthenes‘ and

Philostephanos.® This consideration led Fraser 1979 to abandon his former

opinion and settle for a 2nd-cent. date for the entire poem. The key section is the lengthy episode about the settlement of Cyprus by five Greek oikists; it is relevant that publication in 1964 of a new fragment of Eratosthenes’

Hermes surprisingly revealed that that poem treated Cypriot Paphos (P. Oxy. 3000—Suppl. Hell. 397). For full discussion of the evidence for Lyk.’s indebt-

edness to Eratosthenes on Cyprus, see 447—591n. (Fraser considered, but

rightly rejected as fantastic, the possibility of not one but two large-scale interpolations, the Cypriot, and the more famous Roman prophecy at 12261280, and rightly concluded that neither passage is interpolated). Among several particular Eratosthenic passages in the poem, note esp. 484n. on χαλκωρυχήσει, copper-mining on Cyprus) and 590-sgın. (Achaian Boura). For Philostephanos see (in addition to the main discussion at 447—591 n., as above): 447n. (on the name Sphekeia, ‘wasp island’ i.e. Cyprus), 586 n. (the Cypriot oikists Kepheus and Praxandros), 616 n. (Poseidon the

‘Exchanger’, cf. above on Ephoros), and 1276n. (the miraculous Italian

river Pitonia).

Lyk.’s other name for Cyprus was Kerastia, ‘place of horns’. See (again)

447 n. for the possibility that this item derived from the interesting early

Hellenistic royal Cypriot historian Androkles. But Philostephanos might

have been an intermediate source.

“7 For Eratosthenes, see P. M. F[raser], OCD*, with bibliog., in which note esp. Geus 2003, and Roller (new edn of the geographical frags; but Berger must still be used).

9 For a new edn with comm, see Badino.



(n) Other Hellenistic poets We may turn to the main Hellenistic poets” other than Lyk. (not forget-

ting that Eratosthenes was himself a poet in a minor way, see (m) above for the Hermes). On the view taken in this book (section 4 below), the Alexandra

is a pseudonymous poem composed as a unified whole in the early 2nd cent. Bc, and its famous closing passage celebrates the victory of T. Quinctius Flamininus over Philip V of Macedon in 190 Bc. That view will be argued for mainly on grounds of historical i.e. political plausibility: the prophecies of Kassandra, in their Roman aspect, fit the 3rd cent. very badly

and the early and cent. very well. This dating means that Lyk. wrote later than most of the big names of Hellenistic poetry (Kallimachos, Apollonios Rhodios, Theokritos, Euphorion) and any influence can only have been exercised on, not by, the Z/exandra. Ihe present section aims to show that there are many details indicative of such influence. This conclusion may be allowed, in its turn and without circularity, to support a late dating for Lyk. Despite the numerous parallels we shall find, we should not lose sight of the uniqueness of the Alexandra, which has been called a ‘monodrama’. Very little Hellenistic drama of any kind has survived, and there is noth-

ing like the enormous uninterrupted iambic speech of prophecy put in the mouth of Kassandra. Sibylline literature (below) provides a partial analogy, but a distinguishing feature of the Alexandra is its mixing of genres; hence the length of the present section on sources and influences. Paradoxically, Lyk. can (despite the above) be considered as both a multi-genre and as a

one-genre poet. By this I mean that we ought to speak not of many genres but of a single composite genre, because if (the line taken in the present

book) the author of the Alexandra is not identical with the known tragic poet from Euboian Chalkis, we have nothing else written by our author

© For some parallels between Lyk. and Kall., Euphorion, and Ap. Rh., see Gigante Lanzara 1998: 412-17 (repeated at Gigante Lanzara 2000: 31-7). But Hollis 2007 is now the essential treatment of Lyk.'s poetic connections (Durbec 2014 appeared when the present book was being copy-edited). I am grateful to the late Adrian Hollis for a letter of clarification dated 12 Dec. 2007; I had written to him because I was not sure how he regarded his material as affecting the dating of the poem. The relevant part of his letter goes as follows. ‘As you saw, I tried to avoid the controversy about the Alexandra’s date, preferring instead to document the poem's extensive links with learned poetry of the period «270-230

BC, paying special attention to fragmentary poets (e.g. Callimachus and Euphorion), of whom we have made new discoveries in the not too distant past. In view of the number and weight of these connex-

ions [si the title of the article spells the word 'connections'], I would incline to place the Alexandra in the same period; among individual priorities, 1 suspect that Callimachus Hecale pre-dates Alex. (likewise do Philetas and Aratus), but would hesitate to go much further”. After some brief specula-

tions about the opinions of some still living scholars, which I do not here quote, he added: ‘I’m quite prepared to accept the idea of a poem originally written c.250 BC, but with later interpolations. I didn't consider that I had moved the centre of gravity downwards’. ® For the remains of Hellenistic tragic drama apart from the Alexandra, see now Kotlinska-Toma 2015 (texts, translation, and helpful discussions). Note also Fantuzzi and Hunter 2004: 432-7; also Sens 2010.


3. Sources and Influences

to compare with the Alexandra. In this respect Lyk. the author of the Alexandra is quite unlike the first of the predecessor poets we shall consider: Kallimachos. (i) Kallimachos

Kallimachos (flourished 280s-240s Bc)” wrote in many different genres, and defensively compared his own versatility (7roAveidera) with that of

the sth-cent. Ion of Chios: Jambus XIII (frag. 203 Pf.).” In terms of sub-

ject-matter, book 2 of the Aizia’”” must have had a powerful attraction for Lyk., because it had so much about the foundation-myths of Sicilian cities.

According to a recent suggestion,” Kallimachos’ motive was to draw a flattering contrast between present Ptolemaic glories and the dilapidated state of the old Sicilian cities. But (see 592-632 n.), this hardly works for

Syracuse, which Timaios in the early 3rd cent. Bc felt able, no doubt with some patriotic exaggeration, to call the greatest as well as the most beautiful city of the entire Greek world (FGrHist 566 F 40, from Cicero's de re publica). Nor does it explain Lyk.’s western preoccupations, unless we

assume what needs to be proved (and will here be rejected): a Ptolemaic Alexandrian origin for the Alexandra.

Specific awareness by Lyk. of the Aitia is very likely, but caution is needed. For one thing, there is the usual problem about layering, as we may call it. The learned Kall. was himself well aware of the sth-cent. Greek historians who wrote about the West, notably Thucydides in his Sike/ika (6. 2-5), an excursus which in turn derived much of its factual material

from a slightly older contemporary, Antiochos of Syracuse (FGrHist 555; cf. 951n.). Here is a very plain example: Kall. frag. 43 Pf. (= 5o Massimilla) line 58 on the oikists of Sicilian Zankle, Perieres and Krataimenes, says they

were from Kyme and Chalkis respectively, ὁ μὲν Κύμης ὁ de Χαλκίδος, and this is a straight versification of Thucydides' ὁ μὲν ἀπὸ Κύμης, ὁ δὲ ἀπὸ Χαλκίδος (6. 4. 5; but was this itself lifted from Antiochos?).” This same section of the Aitia alluded to the derivation of the name Zankle

from a word for 'sickle' (the weapon of divine castration) and this tradition was known to Lyk., who, however, applied it to Kerkyra and to Drepanon 71 See P. J. P[arsons], OCD* ‘Callimachus (3)’, first para, 72 It is sometimes suggested that the whole notion of genre is overworked and a largely modern notion, Kall. Iamb. XIII is powerful evidence the other way, at any rate for the Hellenistic period.

73 "The Aitia have been well served in recent years. In addition to Pfeiffer's great edition and com-

mentary in Latin of 1949 (see Abbreviations under ‘Pf.’), we now have not only D'Alessio 2007, Massimilla 1996 and 2010, and Harder 2012, but also the useful annotated tr. of Kall. (including frags) by F. Nisetich (2001).

7* Acosta-Hughes and Stephens 2012: 142-3.

55 See TT: 305 n. 60.



in ὟΝ. Sicily, rather than to Zankle in E. Sicily. The relevant literary texts are, however, numerous and complicated (see 762 n. on ἅρπην for Kerkyra

and 869 n. for Drepanon), and though it is likely enough that Lyk. knew

the contents of Kall. frag. 43, nothing is provable. For the Argonautic legend, Lyk. seems to have used both Kall.” and Ap. Rh., as well as the obvious older authorities; for an interesting detail concerning which Lyk.

may have followed Kall. in preference to Ap. Rh., see 890 n. (Tiphys alive

at a stage of the journey where Ap. Rh. had killed him off)." Most of the many other passages of Lyk. which may show awareness of Kall.'s Aitia must be relegated to a footnote.” The most tantalizing intertext between Lyk. and the Aitia concerns the tribute of the Lokrian Maidens: Kall. frag. 35 (cf. 1141-1173n., where Kall. is text no. 3. But see discussion there: we

can not be sure that Kall. dealt with the Maidens in any detail). At the

purely verbal level, Lyk.’s use (see 144n.) of the rare word ἄμναμος for

‘descendant’ is of great interest. The word is an evident Dorianism and seems to occur mainly in inscriptions from Kyrene; but it is also Kallimachean (frags 110. 44 and 338 Pf.). It is surely much likelier that the

Kyrenaian Kallimachos used it in literary Greek before Lyk. did, and that Lyk. borrowed it from him, than the other way round. Adrian Hollis, in his valuable study ‘Some Poetic Connections of Lycophron's Alexandra’, regarded the Aitia and esp. the Heka/e as the most

fertile sources of parallels between Lyk. and Kall.” This is not obviously true; see below for the Jambi and other works. It was in connection with

the Hekale that Hollis remarked that ‘there may even be indications that Callimachus wrote first’, and again that, if one poet is recalling the other, ‘it seems much more likely that Lycophron ... recollects Callimachus rather than vice versa’.*° (But see above, n. 69: neither of these remarks should be

taken as implying more than Hollis’s belief in a date for Lyk. later than the Hekale in particular, without any implications for his view about other

7$ For Kall. on the Argonauts in bk 1 of the Aitia, see frags 7-15 Pf. 77 Several frags of Kall. concern N. African places with Argonautic links; see below, n. 84 for Ausigda, Taucheira, and Lake Tritonis; but (as Hollis 2007; 286 n. 43 rightly points out), these could reflect Kall.’s interest in the region of Kyrene—his homeland—rather than the Argonauts specifically. 8 See 19n. (κάσις); 24n. and 1170 n. (Phalakrai); 63n. (ἄρδις); 78n. (κτίσμα); 127n. (Proteus and Pallene); 174n. (Aietes as Kóratos); 229n. (child-sacrifice to Palaimon on Tenedos); 439-446 (Mopsos and Amphilochos); 569-585 n. (Anios’ miraculous daughters); 570 π. (Zs, cf. above on Aeschylus and below on Dosiadas); 581n. (bulimia); 621n. (ὄμπνιος); 686n., cf. 1106 n. (reupis); 854n. ("Tamassian); 941n. (Tito=Dawn); 991n. (eye-averting statue of Athena; Siris in Thrace or S. Italy?); 1022 n. (Polai); 1023n. (μαστῆρας); 1043n. (Amantia); 1148n. (Lokrian Naryx); 1168n. (stoning in Thrace); 1192n. (Ophion); 1374-1377n. (Orestes oikist of Lesbos, cf. above (i) on Hellanikos); 1402 n. (κύφελλα); 1452 n. (Hekate as δασπλῆτις). Of these, Hollis 2007: 286 mentions Lokrian Maidens).

? Hollis 2007: 286 (Aitia) and 283 (Hekale). 30 Hollis 2007: 283-4; 285.


only Palaimon

and Anios

(and the

3. Sources and Influences

poems of Kall.). Hollis’s second observation was prompted by the rare noun σῦφαρ, used by both Kall. (frag. 260. 52 Pf. (= 74. 11 Hollis) and Lyk. (793) about wrinkled skin (a crow in Kall., the aged Odysseus in Lyk.).

Hollis has also made it probable that Lyk. took from the Hekale the rare words πέμπελος for a very old person (see 628n. and 826n.), and κρῖμνος

for barley-groats (607n.; the context is the eating-habits of the compan-

ions of Diomedes, metamorphosed into birds). ‘The verbal and thematic

similarities between the uses of koviorpa by Kall. frag. 328 Pf. (62 Hollis) about Kerkyon, and by Lyk. 867 about Eryx. (see n. there) moved Hollis in his Hekale commentary of 1990 to call this ‘perhaps the closest parallel between the Hecale and Alexandra’. Finally, see 494-495 ἢ. for the almost

identical language used by Kall. in the Hekale and Lyk. to describe the hollow rock under which Theseus found his father’s sandals (κολουραίῃ ὑπὸ πέτρῃ and ἐκ κοίλης πέτρας respectively).?! So much for the Aitia and Hekale, but there is no reason why we should, with Hollis 2007, stop there. The Iambi of Kall., not considered

by Hollis at all, offer two remarkable parallels to Lyk. The first is a cult epithet Kastnia or Kastnietis, for Aphrodite. See 403n. and below p. 65:

this Aphrodite took her epithet from Mt Kastnion in Pamphylia, and was mentioned by Kall. in Iambus X, quoted by Strabo. But she was also (in the plural, and alongside Zeus and Hera) one of the recipients of

a Pamphylian inscribed dedication to Au καὶ Ἥραι καὶ Ἀφροδείταις

Καστνιήτησιν. The second is about the builder of the Wooden Horse, Epeios son

of Panopeus, who was called ἱπποτέκτων by both Lyk. (930) and Kall. amb. VII): a compound word found nowhere else in Greek. The parallel goes further, because the two poets describe Epeios’ cowardice in language strikingly close to each other’s, but dissimilar to that of Homer (above,

(b)): Lyk.’s ἔγχος πεφρικώς at 931 recalls both the thought and expression of Kall’s φυγαίχμα. Whether either poet owed an ultimate debt here to

Stesichoros is impossible to say (above, (e)), but it will be argued (93rn.)

that Lyk. drew on Kall. immediately.” Possible echoes of the six hymns of Kall. are not so striking as these; parallels are small and mostly consist of individual rare words and names.

There are plenty of these. One of them may be singled out for illustration: 9! See 1330n. for στόρνη (in both Kall. and Lyk. the word involves Theseus). For other possible minor intertexts with the Fekale, see also 110-111n. (possible shared allusion to Erichthonios); 147n. (üpraxrnp); 674n. (Üpóva as drugs); 7orn. (xórAa); 1053n. (κατικμαίνω). On the Homeric word

ἀπόθεστος, also used by Kall. in the Hekate, see s40n. and above, (b). On ἀμπρεύω see 635n. (citing Hollis for the suggestion that Lyk. derived his taste for the verb from Kall.). ® See also 482n. (the Arkadians ‘older than the moon‘, cf. Jambus 1, line 56); 836n. (κέπφος, cf. again lambus 1, line 6).



the rare ἐμπείραμος, ‘experienced’ (1196 n.), seems to be an adaptation for iambic rhythm of Kall.’s ἐμπέραμος (H. 1 fo Zeus 71). The context in Lyk. is a mythical narrative involving Zeus, so this may be a deliberate

tribute to Kall.? By contrast, Lyk.’s account of Erysichthon and Mestra conspicuously ignores and (despite its far greater brevity) gives much more of the myth than Kall. H. 6 to Demeter; it probably goes back instead to the Hesiodic Catalogue (above, (d) ): see 1388—1396 n. On the other hand, there is an interesting analogy of a non-thematic sort between Kall. ZZ. 6 and the Alexandra. In both poems, the total number of lines is significant, and an internal geometry governs the length of the constituent parts: see below, section 8(a). The same kind of indebtedness (minor and verbal) is usually all that can,

at most, be claimed for correspondences between Lyk. and the shorter

fragments of Kall., many of which can be assigned to no particular work.

But this kind of miniature intertextual evidence should not be underrated: its significance is cumulative.

For a possible relationship between some of the epigrams of Kall. and lines like 366 (mourning for empty tombs), see n. there. But other epigrammatists than Kall. exploited this motif. The other main relevant

category of epigrams belongs to a larger genre, that of laments for cities, personified and addressed in the vocative. See 31n., citing e.g. Antipater of Sidon's lament for Korinth, destroyed in 146 sc (HE 568).

In conclusion, Hollis was right about the Alexandra's debt to the Aitia

and Hekale, but his methods can and should be extended to include the

83 See also (relevant Kall. Hymn refs in the brackets): 144n. (yuids, H. 3. 177); 152 n. (Demeter at Enna, H. 6. 30); 223n. (Tomaros, ZI. 6. 51); 275n. (Pimpleia, H. 4. 7); 336n. (πηγός, H. 3. 90); 38on. (παλίρροος, H. 4. 193); 410 n. (Dotion, 77. 6. 24); 576 n. (H. 3. 171 and 4. 206-8: Delian Inopos-Nile connection); 590-591 n. (H. 4. 102); 647n. (HZ. 1.32); 659-660 n. (μονόγληνος, H. 3. 53); 675n. (H. τ. 25); 69sn. (H. 3. 252-3); 765n. (H. 3. 84); 8o2 n. (H. 3. 178, (S) Tymphaian); 848 n. (HI. 2. 76, Asbystai); goon. (H. 2. 48); 1039 n. (H. τ. 89, πλειών); 1059 n. (H. 6. 115); 1180 n. (HI. 3. 259, Hekate of Pherai); 1474 n. (H. 5. 142 and—less close—6. 134. But these passages all exemplify an established closural formula). ** In what follows, 'frag.' inside the brackets denotes Kall. frag. by Pf. number, unless otherwise stated. See 43n. (frag. 641, Taraxippos); 47-48n. (frag. 755, Aogvís); $6 n. (Teutaros, frag. 692); 72-73 n. (δύπτης, frag. 522); τού n. (ἁρμοῖ, frag. 274); x18—r19n. (frag. 228. 47-55, Athos and Pharos); 152n. (Demeter Erinys, frag. 652, and see above under Hymns); 176 n. (μύρμος, frag. 753, also in Theok., see below); 310 n. (iynx, frag. 685); 326 n. (Poimandria, frag. 711); 351. (ἁλιβδύω, frag. 645); 409 n. (Aratthos, frag. 646); 425 n. (καύηξ, frag. 428); 545n. (frag. 656); 592 n. (Argyrippa, frag. 426); 598 n. (ῥάμφος, frag. 647); 605-606 n. (frag. 407); 616-617 n. (frag. 593); 624n. (λαχαίνω, frag. 701); 645. (frag. 701); 647n. (River Thermodon, frag. 648); 733 n. (Mopsops of Athens, frag. 709, and see under Euphorion below); 771n. (μύκλοις, frag. 650); 819 n. (ὀτλέω, frag. 303, but also Ap. Rh. and Aratos); 871n. (σηκός, frag. 694); 877n. (Taucheira, frag. 484); 881-896 n. (Lake Tritonis, frag. 584); 885. (Ausigda, frag. 706, and Kinyps, frag. 384. 24); 964. (frag. 813); ggın. (frag. 662); 1002. (frag. 616); 1083-1086 n. (Membles, frag. 582); 1109 n. (Chalybes, frag. 110); 1134 n. (σίφλος, Suppl. Hell. 276. 2); 13161. (Eppaos, frag. 653); 1403n. (δάπτης, frag. 553); 1442 n. (κυπώσας, Suppl. Hell. 257. 8). 30

3. Sources and Influences

other works of Kall., fully surviving and fragmentary.” That is, Lyk. wrote after Kall. and used him extensively. (ii) Apollonios Rhodios

The Alexandra draws on the Argonautic legend to a degree hardly called for in a poem whose main inspiration was the Trojan cycle of myths; the easiest and most natural cue provided by the poem's structure was at 1309-1321, where the theft of the golden fleece and of Medea was

an inevitable item in the Herodotean series of aggressions between Asia and Europe.” The existence of Apollonios’ recent reworking of the preHomeric epic" may be one of the stimuli which prompted Lyk. to say so much about the Argonauts, and 1309-1321 in particular is full of Apollonian allusions; but Kall. also dealt with the Argonauts (see (i) above), and it is often a nice question, which of the two (if either) lies behind the relevant

parts of the Alexandra (below). We must also reckon with Pindar in P. 4 (above, section (g) ), and Antimachos in the Lyde (above, section (h)). In

this area we meet the familiar problem of ‘layering’: Lyk. could have used such classical poets direct, or via a more nearly contemporary poet, or been aware of them all (see 1309-1321N.).

In what follows, we shall concentrate on Apollonios’ Argonautika,

written in about the 240s Bc; but he did also write up, in hexameter poetry, the foundation legends of Knidos, Kaunos, and other places in the

Ptolemaic sphere of influence (see esp. frags 4-6). These are almost entirely lost, but their existence and possible influence should be remembered. (For the Knidia, in the sense of the territory of the polis Knidos, see 1391-1396).

Of the Argonautic sections of the Alexandra,” the most clearly Apollonian (it had no known equivalent in Kall.) is that which begins with the strange tale of the Argonauts’ visit to Elba, where they scraped oil from 85. “The title of Hollis 2007 (‘some poetic connections’: my italics) made it clear that he did not set out to be comprehensive; but he did claim special status for the Aitia and Hekale (above, n. 79), and this is disputable,

* For ‘Lykophrons Argonautika’see S. West 2007. 87 Pre-homeric: that is the implication of Apyd) πᾶσι μέλουσα at Od. 12. 70. 88. See Hollis 2007: 277 n. 7, citing Vian's introd. to his Bude edn for the date, and for Ap. Rh.'s priority over Lyk. Hollis also cites Fraser 1972: 1. 636 and 2. 897 n. 158 (on γατομῶ, cf. 267-268 n. with n. 91

below) for Lyk.'s priority; but Hollis is unaware that Fraser 1979 changed his mind and down-dated Lyk. to the 2nd cent. 8? "These are: 174-175 (Achilles married to Medea), 229 (Palaimon, see n. there), 632 (Diomedes kills

the dragon which had guarded the fleece), 871-896 (Argonauts on Elba), 1021-1026 (Kolchian pursuit

of Medea), 1309-1321 (the main passage summarizing the Argonautic legend), 1364 (‘Pelasgians’ i.e. Argonauts at the Rhyndakos). In addition to Jason, a number of Argonauts or their sons feature in the Alexandra, explicitly or by implication, e.g. Ankaios (two of the same name), Idas and Lynkeus, Kastor

and Polydeukes, Phaleros, Boutes father of Eryx, Mopsos, Tiphys. Note also M. West's suggestion that the Laistrygonians were originally part of the Argonautic story (662-665n.). 31


their skin with pebbles. See 871-876n., citing Ap. Rh. 4. 654-8. Lyk. uses this as the closure of the Menelaos narrative, but also as the bridge to a more extended Argonautic section. We have seen (above, (k) ) that Timaios

had included the Argonauts’ visit to Elba. So we cannot be sure if Lyk. drew it directly from him or via Apollonios.

‘The episode of the Alexandra which immediately follows Elba is also

strongly Apollonian. It is set in Libya, an episode which Kall. does not

seem to have covered™ (for an alternative explanation of some of his Libyan place-names, see above, n. 77). Many other minor parallels are listed in a

footnote; of these note in particular 1192 n. and 1197 n. (Lyk. seems to have taken the story of Eurynome straight from Ap. Rh.)."! One frequently recurring feature of the Alexandra, as of the Argonautika (but also of Kall.), is the registering of cults which continue to the present day. See 720 n., citing Ap. Rh. 4.1770, ἔνθ᾽ ἔτι νῦν. But this kind of aetiological comment has a very long pedigree (see e.g. Hdt. 3. 48. 2 and 5.86. 3). (tii) Theokritos Theokritos of Syracuse is thought to have been active at the Ptolemaic

Alexandrian court in the 270s.” The episode of the Alexandra which most ® See Hollis 2007: 286. "1 Other Apollonian intertexts (references to Ap. Rh. passages in brackets): 106n. (ἁρμοῖ, variant

reading at 1.972, see 25 also in Kall. frag. 274, see above, n. 84); 118—119 n. (Triton as Nile, 4. 269); 131n. (Aéro, 4. 813); 159n. (ἀλετρεύω, 4. 1095); 174n. (Aietes as Κυταιεύς, 2. 403 and marriage of Achilles and Medea, 4. 814-15); 178n. (Peleus interrupts Thetis’ rejuvenation of their children, 4. 868 ff.); 181n. (ἀνε()ρύω, and χηραμός, 4. 1299); x91 n. (ἐκρύομαι, 4. 83); 263n. (ῥίγιστος, 2. 515); 267-268 n. and 1394 n. (γατομῶ, 2.1005); 288. (Zeus Phyxios, 2. 1147); 464 n. (βαρύφρων, 4. 371, also in Alkman, above n. 30); 486-493n. (Ankaios, 1. 164); 486 n. (aróvv£, 4. 1679); sogn. (θάμβος μέγα, 4. 1673); 515-5160. (Bebrykians, 2. 12163); 525n. (ῥαιστήριος, 3. 803); 543. (koAwes, τ. 1283); 567n. (εὐνάζω, 3. 1000); 607n. (ἐπιδόρπιον and similar formations, 1. 1209); 621n. (ὄμπνιον στάχυν, 4. 989); 624 n. (λαχαίνω, 3. 222, also in Kall., above n. 84); 632 n. (dragon pursues Jason and Medea to west, 4. 156-66, but already in Antimachos, see above p. 18); 635.11. (νηλιπός, 3. 656, but perhaps Sophoclean); 647n. (χεῦμα, 4. 1242, also in Kall, above, n. p. 18 [hymn 1. 32]; 649n. (σύνδρομος, 2. 346); 653n. (Harpies, 2. 188 ff.); 717n. (Phaleros, 1. 96~7); 719 n. (δωμῶ, 2. 531); 762. (divine castration story again, see above p. 27 for Kall.; also location of Phaiakia on Kerkyra, 4. 982); 819n. (ὀτλῶ, 4. 381; cf. Kall., above n. 84 (frag. 303]); 874n. (Argonauts as Minyans, 1. 233); goon. (river Amphrysos, r. 54, also in Kall. [H. 2. 48]); 982 n. (μύρομαι, 2. 372); 1011-1026 n. (Nireus and Thoas, 4. 303-8 and 507-91); 1017n. (μαστεύω, 4. 303, also in Kall. [frag. 10]); 1068 n. (καταβλώσκω, 1. 322, cf. Od.); u10n. (στύτπτος, 1. 1117); rn. (δύσζηλος, 4. 1089, cf. Od.); 1123n. (Suis, τ. 285, also tragic); 1176 n. (Brimo, 3. 861); 1179 n. (δείκηλα, 1. 746, Herodotean); 1191 n. (Ophion, 1. 503, also Kall. [frag. 1771); 1197 n. (Eurynome, 1. 504-7); 1206n. (Ogygian Thebes, 3. 1178); 1274. (Aietes; harbour, 4. 661-3); 1285n. (Symplegades, 2. 596); 1293n. (ἀνερείπομαι, 2. 503); 1310 n. (monosandalism, 1. 10-11); 1319 π. (oak from Dodona (1. 524-8); 133on. (Themiskyra, 2. 995); 1364n. (Rhyndakos, 1. 1165); 1418 n. (κάλινος, 2. 381). % See A. H. G[riffiths], OCD* "Theocritus". Theok. is not discussed by Hollis 2007, except (p. 283) Syrinx, whose authorship is disputed. Perhaps Theok. was not judged ‘learned’ enough; see Hollis p. 292 (near the end of his study): ‘the /earned poets [my italics] who provide the main subject matter of this

investigation’, and the letter quoted above, n. 69.


3. Sources and Influences

closely interlocks with a ‘Theokritan Idyll is the lengthily narrated fight between the Dioskouroi and the Apharetidai; see 503-568n. The main relevant intertext here (apart from Pi. N. 10, see (g) above) is Theok. 22,

whose subject is the Dioskouroi.” Detailed parallels are cited in the nn. to that section, but one echo of Theokritos (not from /4y// 22) may be singled

out here, the use of the hapax verb éyxopta7w, meaning ‘butt’. This word usually describes fighting between male rams and goats, but is used about the fight between the Dioskouroi and Apharetidai in a passage of Lyk. full of metaphors drawn from large aggressive animals: see 558n. The simple verb κορύπτω is found at Theok. 3. 5, and the parallel was already noticed by Z and Tzetzes." On Idyll 15 (Gorgo and Praxinoa), see below, section 6. The Adonis song

there alluded to may be relevant to the question, was the Alexandra a performance poem? (iv) Euphorion

Euphorion of Chalkis? was born in 275 sc and enjoyed Seleukid patronage. He had in common with Lyk. an erudite fondness for allusive, out-

of-the way diction and ‘riddling mythologies’,” and a fascination with the pseudo-oracular (his Chiliades purports to cite oracles fulfilled after a thousand years). He shares with Lyk., but also with Kall. and Ap. Rh., an interest in cultic aetiologies (e.g. frags 20, 107, 112, 113 Lightfoot). Unlike

the three poets we have considered above, and unlike the author of the Alexandra, Euphorion survives only in fragments, and this makes detailed comparative evaluation particularly difficult. For instance, Euphorion resembled Lyk. in that he wrote about Anios and his miraculous daughters (frag. 4 Lightfoot), but we


not know



than this bare

fact: 569-585 n.; similarly, Euphorions Mopsopia (frags 37-40 and test. 1

Lightfoot) might or might not be relevant to Lyk.’s early king Mopsops of Athens, 733n. By contrast, it is not now thought likely that Euphorion 93 See Sens 1997 for a useful commentary, which, however, has almost nothing about Lyk.

54 Other Theokritan parallels (in what follows, Theok. refs are given in the brackets and no distinction is made between genuine Theokritan poems and suspect ones): 106 n. (ἁρμοῖ, 4. 51, also in Kall. [frag. 274] and Ap. Rh., see above), 176 n. (μύρμος, 15. 45, also in Kall. [frag. 753]); 2470. (a spring of water created by a foot, 7. 6); 2g0n. (στρόμβος, 9. 25-7); 287 n. (συμφλέγω, 22. 211, about Idas); 354n. (ἄφθιτος ὄλβος, 18. 52); 46x n. (deira, 12. 14); 588-589n. (Golgoi and Aphrodite, 15.100); 602n. (καλιάς, 29. 12); 607 n. (ἐπιδόρπιος, 13. 36); 649n. (σύνδρομος, 13. 22, cf. Ap. Rh.); 674 n. (θρόνα as magic herbs, 2. 59); 831n. (κλαίω used about mourning for Adonis, 20. 35-6); 88on. (προσσεσηρότες, 20. 14-15); 884n. (mereupov, 13. 13); 921n. (river Nau-/Neaithos, 4. 24); 944n. (πτώξ, 1. 110, also tragic); gson. (Karian Myndos, 2. 29 and 96); 102g. (προσμάσσομαι, 12. 32); 1316. (σκύλος, 25. 142); 1388-1396 n. (Triopion, 17. 68-9); 1430 n. (κάγχανον, 24. 89); 1452 n. (δασπλῆτις, 2. 14, also in Kall. [frag. 30]). ?5 See now Lightfoot's excellent edn (in her Loeb Hellenistic Collection, 2009).

% Parsons 2002: 39.



wrote a Philoktetes (see 911-929 n. discussing the doubtful frags 48 and 191

Lightfoot). And it seems doubtful whether he treated the Lokrian Maidens

tribute (see 1141-1173 n., discussing text no. 5 = Euphorion frag. 187).

Nevertheless, Hollis was right to call the detailed parallels ‘striking’; he

added that they are spread through all Euphorion’s works (but I believe this to be true of Kall. also, see above).” I give a list in a footnote, but

would single out here 319 n. on ἄλμα as ‘grove’ (part of the story of Priam’s illegitimate son Mounippos, which appealed to both Euphorion


Lyk.),? 887 n. on ὦὥπασεν Savos, and 943n. on πόποι as ‘gods’; for these see Euphorion frags 186, 46, and 133 Lightfoot.” (uv) Minor Hellenistic poets (esp. Moschos, Nikandros, Dosiades, epigrammatists)

Of the other Hellenistic poets whose works overlapped thematically or linguistically with Lyk., Moschos (author of the Europa, cf. 1283-1450 n.)

and Nikandros are now thought to have post-dated Lyk. (but see below for Nikandros). Moschos need not detain us: there are no obvious intertexts

with Lyk., even at the operative lines (1296-1301) of the Alexandra, which describe Europa’s abduction. Nikandros is more rewarding. But there may have been more than one

Hellenistic poet of that name. The otherwise unknown epic poet Nikandros, whose award of proxeny is recorded in the 3rd-cent. Delphic inscription Syll? 452,'” is no longer believed to have been the author of the Theriaka and 57 Hollis 2007: 288-92 (Lyk. and Euphorion) at 287 and 288. % See Hollis 2007: 290-1 for the ‘common interest of Lycophron and Euphorion in the luckless Munippus’. See 224-225n. ” Other parallels (Euphorion frags are given in the brackets, with Lightfoot's numbering): 31n. (aiat, 44); 64n. (ὀγχῶ, 12-13); 103 n. (Iphigeneia daughter of Theseus, 86, also in Stes.); 107 n. (Byne, 124, mourning for Melikertes, 107); 174n. (Medea Κυτηιάς, ısc, cf. Kall. and Ap. Rh.); 198n. (moıq aco, 132, also in Nik. 75. 180); 223 n. (Tomouros, 19. 28, also in Kall.); 260n. (χάρων, 107); 265n. (Hektor son of Apollo, 80, also in Stes.); 275 n. (Leibethria, 34. 2); 285 n. (δεδουπώς, 44); 316 n. (Laodike in ravine, 97); 375 n. (Dirphys, 99); 420n. (Ty[m]phrestos, 104); 425n. (καύηξ, 108, also in Kall. and Antim.);





103); 45ın.

(Kychreus, 32); 456.

(invulnerability of

Telamonian Ajax, 44); 464-465 n. (evil gifts, 45 and 46); 469 n. (Trambelos, 26); 494-585n. (Laodike and Mounitos, 98); 513 n. (xpe£, 6, also in Kall.); 515-516n. (‘Bebrykian’, 75, also in Ap. Rh.); 578 n. (χιλός, 81); 629n. (ἄνδηρον, 19. 36, also in Antim.); 639n. (ψέω, 100-5); 658 n. (dolphin-sign, 87, also in Stes.); 686n., cf. 1106 n. (πέμφιξ, 131, also in Kall.); 701. (χύτλα, 11. 7, also in Kall.); 8son. (Lakonian Aigys, 165); [920n. (Apollo Patareus, 209, but thought spurious);] gzın. (Nauaithos, 49); 1030 n. (ὀχθηρός, 157); nızn. (doreußaxra, 121); 1177n. (ταρμύσσουσαν, 122); 1278n. (Ζωστήριος, 162); 1452n. (δασπλῆτις, 101.1, also in Kall. and Theok.).

100 The date of the award is disputed. See Flaceliére 1937: 330-1 and 485: either 254/3 or 226/5,

depending on which of two men called Nikodamos was archon. LGPN VB, the volume covering Ionian Kolophon, lists 79 men called Nikandros, with up-to-date refs. The proxenos is no. (18) and the inscription is there dated 212-210 Bc; the better-known poet is no. (19), and is there dated to the middle of the 2nd cent.



Sources and Influences

Alexipharmaka.'” Let that be so; a 3rd-cent. date for the well-known Nikandros might still be right. The ancient testimonia are mutually conflicting (some of them clearly indicate a date under one of the 3rd-cent. Ptolemies, while others talk of Attalos III, who died 133 8c).'” We might wish to reopen the question, in view of the number of connections between Nikandros and the Alexandra, so as to make Lyk. the borrower and

Nikandros, with his arsenal of technical botanical and pharmacological terms, the 3rd-cent. lender. The most important single overlap between Lyk.

and Nikandros relates to the serpents (quaintly given names by Nikandros) who swam from the Kalydnai islands to strangle Laokoon and his sons. See 347n. on παιδοβρῶτος, citing the Nikandros papyrus, Suppl Hell. 562. Other intertexts are smaller and lexical. Cumulatively, they add up to a good case for positing a direct relationship between the two authors; and surely

Nikandros did not take his obscure words for drugs and snakes from a poem

about the wanderings of homecoming Greeks and the clash of Asia and

Europe. It is much likelier to be the other way round.’® If so, one might

wonder whether Lyk.'s extraordinary fondness for tales of metamorphosis (below, 12) might owe a debt to Nikandros' lost collection, the Ἑτεροιούμενα.

Dosiadas’ Bomos,' a technopaignion or pattern-poem (on the page, it is

shaped like an altar) is thought to have other such virtuoso efforts. Of this poem, edly the closest links with the Alexandra For these, see 33n., 63n. (the arrows described

in remarkably

dated from the early 3rd cent., like Hollis 2007: 282 observed ‘undoubtare to be found in Dosiadas' Βωμός". given by Herakles to Philoktetes,

similar language),





Medea), 178 n. (Thetis’ attempt to rejuvenate her children), 461n., 570 n. (ivıs, tragic, and also in Kall.); 658n., g16n., 1066n. (Tydeus as kparoßpwros,

where Dosiadas had avöpoßpwros), 1315 n. (rejuvenation of Jason). On Alexander of Aitolia (early 3rd cent. Bc), see Hollis 2007: 281-2; cf. 265n. For some epigrammatists see below, p. 43 (and cf. above p. 3o: Kall.) 101 "The proxenos might be his grandfather. For the problems, see Gow and Scholfield 1953: 3-8 (setting out the testimonia at 3-4); see also the long introd. to Jacoby's comm. on FGrHist 271-2 and, more succintly, Beloch 4* 2. 574-9 (who identified the recipient of the Delphic proxeny with the author of 7%. and 4/.). The problem cannot be gone into further here.

102 "That a Nikandros dedicated a poem to a king Attalos (frag. 104) proves nothing. It could have been

Attalos I (ruled 241-197 ac), as Beloch pointed out long ago, and Gow and Scholfield 1953: 6 concede. 10 See g7n. (τράμπις); 198 n. (moipboow,also in Euphorion); 386 n. (σίντης as viper); 402. (ῥόχθος), 424n. (Kerkaphos); 622 n. (ἀρδηθμός), 674n. (Üpóva as magic herbs, also in Theok.); 675n. (κνωπόμορ-

gov), 727n. (xeAAboovoa); 795. (sting-ray); 833n. (κραντήρ as a kind of tooth); 864n. (κάλχη); 884n. (rérevpov, also in Theok.); man. (Sujás); 1273n. (uaxedvds); 13997-1408 n. (gardens of Midas).

195 The text is conveniently printed at the end (pp. 182-3) of Gow's OCT

Bucolici Graeci

(1952), together with the other zechnopaignia. For discussion see now Kwapisz 2013: 27-8, who sees the similarities with Lyk. as indicating dependence by Dosiadas on Lyk. rather than the other way round. Note that Kwapisz 2013: 29 even suggests Lyk. as author of the Pseudo-Theokritean Syrinx, another technopaignion (printed at Gow, Bucolici Graeci p. 180).



(vi) Conclusion

The above poets all date from the 3rd cent. Bc, with the sole claimed exception of Nikandros of Kolophon, and the grounds for dating him to the

and not the 3rd are insubstantial. The material I have cited is compelling in different degrees, and it will have been noticed that some unusual words

are shared between Lyk. and more than one other Hellenistic poet. Nevertheless the number of verbal and thematic correspondences between the poetry of nos. (i) to (v) and the Alexandra is very large, and even when

all allowance has been made for shared preoccupations which might lead to shared but independently arrived-at vocabulary, the probability is surely

that we have here influence not coincidence. That the Alexandra should have been imitated by any, let alone all, of these poets is most unlikely. Since the present commentary opts, on other grounds, for a znd-cent. date

for Lykophron or rather ‘Lykophron’, the conclusion here offered is that the author of the Alexandra was extremely well read in the poetry of a range of 3rd-cent. predecessors (as we may now call them). Hollis 2007 provided some partial support for this position, in that he argued that Kallimachos’ Hekale, at least, antedated the Alexandra. But he stuck to the

traditional identification of the poem's author with the early 3rd-cent. Bc Lykophron of Chalkis. He did not, however, consider poems of Kallimachos other than the 4itia and the Hekale, and he did not consider Theokritos at

all. Nor was he aware that the historian P. M. Fraser had changed his mind

about the date of the Alexandra between 1972, when he still thought it was early 3rd cent. with interpolations (see below, n. 107), and 1979,when he argued for the early 2nd cent. (Hollis was evidently much influenced by the authority of Fraser 1972; see e.g Hollis 2007: 277 n. 3). (o) Sibylline oracles ‘These are discussed at 1465 ἢ. and in my forthcoming monograph.



In section 3 above, it was argued that the literary evidence indicates that Lyk. was aware of the great 3rd-cent. poets of Ptolemaic Alexandria and


of Seleukid Antioch, and

also of Eratosthenes


Philostephanos. If that case has been successfully made out, we are not 36

4. Date of the Poem; the Alexandra and Rome

looking at a poet writing in the early 3rd cent. but in the late 3rd or early 2nd. Not, that is, Lykophron of Chalkis, but a later and pseudonymous

writer (see section 5). The present section and the commentary will suggest a date for the Alexandra around 190 Bc.

Two famous passages prophesy Roman greatness: the first (1226-1280)

narrates the arrival in Italy of Kassandra’s kinsman Aineias, and promises

Roman rule over land and sea, γῆς καὶ θαλάσσης σκῆπτρα καὶ μοναρ-

xiav (1229); the second brings to an end the series of hostile encounters

between Asia and Europe, narrated with metronome-like alternations from 1283 onwards. In a climactic line Kassandra foretells the arrival of a unique wrestler, eis τις raAaıorns, who will join in a spear-fight and who, six generations after Alexander the Great (1446 and n.), will come to

an agreement of reconciliation about sea and land, after which he will take the first choice of the spear-won spoils (1447-1448). The view taken in the comm. below is that, even after all allowance has been made for the

formulaic and traditional resonances of γῆ καὶ θάλασσα, the prophecy is impossible before the first Roman war with Carthage (the ‘First Punic War’) of 264-241 Bc. As for the ‘wrestler’, that is surely T. Quinctius Flamininus, the victor of the battle of Kynoskephalai

(197 Bc), when

the Roman armies defeated Philip V’s Macedonians in Thessaly. See 12261280 n., esp. 1229n. (on the first Roman

passage); and 1435-1450n. (on

the second passage), and most of the individual nn. on those lines. At 1447 n., it is suggested that the wrestling metaphor is specially appropriate for Flamininus in view of his connections with two of the four great panhellenic festivals and contests, the Isthmian and the Nemean.

Ihe view summarized above is not original; it was held by Beloch, Wilhelm, and Ziegler among scholars of an older generation, and by

Fraser 1979 and Gruen in more recent times.’ To be sure, some distin-

guished names (Wilamowitz, Holzinger,"$ Momigliano) have advocated a

3rd-cent. date—not to mention interpolation theorists such as S. West. 105 The lowest unitarian dating known to me is that advocated very briefly and with staggering confidence by White 1997 (after the battle of Pydna, 168 sc, and celebrating the victor in that battle, L. Aemilius Paullus). For a more serious argument for a date in the time of Perseus, the Macedonian

king defeated at Pydna, see Musti 2001, esp. 211-15. But the supposed allusions (cf. 316n., citing Stirpe 2001 on Perseus’ wife Laodike) are not the only dynasty with a ‘predilection’ (Musti 212) for Samothrace. In the 3rd cent. it was the object of Ptolemaic attentions also (Fraser 1960: 4-12). See also 21n. See 1436-1437n. Gigante Lanzara 1998 and 2000: 18-19 suggested a date after the battle of Zama in 202 (Roman defeat of Hannibal by P. Cornelius Scipio Africanus). Andreae 1998: 132-3 sought to identify the author of the Alexandra with the Rhodian diplomat Lykophron at Pol. 25. 5. 4 (177 ac). But the name is a common one. On Jones 2014 (date: the Roman war against Antiochus IIT) see Annex below, . 114. 106 Against Holzinger's view that the ‘wrestler’ was C. Fabricius, at the time of Pyrrhus 3rd-cent. invasion of Italy, see 1435-1440 n., penultimate para. (Fabricius does not at all fit the requirement of the relevant lines that the victor should be a mighty soldier.)



Momigliano!” felt able to assert that Lyk. nowhere alludes to the First Punic War (and must therefore be dated earlier than 264 Bc). It is hardly reasonable to demand that a notoriously veiled and cryptic poetic text should provide the historian with helpful signposts of this sort (the Xerxes section, 1414-1434, is the plainest such allusion). But in fact it is arguable that there is, halfway through the poem, an implied allusion to the Second Punic War (the war fought by the Romans against the Carthaginian invaders led by Hannibal, 218-201 sc). The evidence must now be given, because the chronological significance of the passage appears not to have been noticed. In the first of the two Diomedes episodes (592-631), Kassandra foretells that the curse on Daunian lands uttered by Diomedes will be lifted only

when the land is dug by Aitolians of his stock. This must allude to a particular family, the Dasii, who were prominent at inland Arpi (Greek

Argyrippa, a foundation of Diomedes, see 592) in the Hannibalic War, as Livy and coins demonstrate. Now the Dasii, whose loyalties fluctuated between Rome and Carthage in ways chronicled by Livy, claimed to be descended from Diomedes (Appian, Hannibalike 31). These Dasii are in the news at that period, and not earlier or later. This evidence suggests

that Lyk. was aware of the Second Punic War—and perhaps from a local vantage-point (section 7 below). Here, at any rate, is further support for a and-cent. date for the poem." It would be tempting to try to correlate this evidence with Roman relations with the Aitolian League in the late 3rd and early 2nd centuries BC. But the history of those relations is complicated and fluctuating. The Romans entered into formal alliance with the Aitolian league only in 212 or 211 (SVT 111: no. 536), the year after the harsh treatment of Aitolian-

connected Arpi;'” but this period of closeness was short-lived, and did not

survive the Peace of Phoinike in 205 sc. By the end of the 190s, the Romans and Aitolians were at war. Lyk. was not writing a political commentary on the high politics of the period, and it is not possible to press the poem for

evidence of awareness of any of this, or to say whether its stress on Arpi and the Aitolians is intended as pro- or anti-Roman. But in view of the 17 Momigliano 1977b: 55. Momigliano's influential but unconvincing attempt to use the Lokrian

Maidens prophecy to date the poem to the 3rd cent. is rejected; see 1141-1173 n., subsection on ‘the dating of the poem’. (Momiglianos dating is followed by Kotlinska-Toma 2015: 87 and n. 115, but rejected by Jones 2014.) Large-scale interpolations: S. West 1984. Fraser's first view was that the poem dates mainly from the 3rd cent. but that the two prophecies about Rome are interpolated. See Fraser 1972: 2. 1065-7 n. 331.

108 On the divine epithet Komyros (459) as a slight further indicator of a late date, see below, section 11.

4 It is sometimes said that even before this, the Romans had been angling for some kind of friendly arrangement with the Aitolians. This depends on how far we press 'amicitiam adfectantibus Romanis' at Livy 25. 23. 9.


5. The Author (1)

importance of the Aitolians in Roman foreign policy in the late 3rd and early 2nd centuries, it is not surprising that the author of the Alexandra

should, by frequency and intensity of allusion, reflect this importance. I shall return to this whole topic elsewhere.



The Alexandra is ascribed to a known tragic poet Lykophron of Euboian Chalkis, a member of the Pleiad, who lived in the early 3rd cent. Bc, the first part of the reign of Ptolemy II Philadelphos, sole ruler from 282 to 246. He is also said to have revised the texts of the comic poets as a royal commission, and wrote a treatise On comedy, perhaps a lexicon to Aristophanes

and others.""° Of most of this Lykophron’s own plays we have only titles,''! but the largest set of surviving fragments, indeed all but one, come from a satyr-play, the Menedemos.’” "This, unlike satyr-plays of earlier times, was about a real person: a philosopher from Chalkis’ Euboian neighbour Eretria, a man known to us mainly from an entertaining section of Diogenes Laertius’ Lives of the Philosophers.’ The play was sympotic in

character."^ A sympotic performance context for the Alexandra is not unthinkable, (below, section 6); but the Menedemos seems to have been a totally different sort of work from the Alexandra (see above, section (f) on

classical satyric drama). In any case, identity between the two poets is ruled

out by historical considerations of dating (above, section 4). Or (cf. Ziegler

1927: 2381) was Lyk. a homonymous grandson of the tragedian? The Alexandra is, therefore, pseudonymous; partial parallels might be the Homeric Hymns and the Epic Cycle, the Aeschylean Prometheus 110 Lowe 2013: 348-54 (a partial rehabilitation of this treatise against ill-founded scholarly contempt) supersedes all previous discussions. 1 PM. Fraser, OCD* ‘Lycophron (2)a’; TrGF 1 no. 100. On his intriguingly named Kassandreis see now Lowe 2013: 349 n. 28. For Kassandreia, successor to archaic and classical Potidaia, see Fraser 2009: ™ For this play, see Xanthakis-Karamanos 1996 and 1997 (= 2002: 330-57 and 359-83); also van Rooy 1965: 127-34. For post-classical satyr-plays, see Snell 1964: 119~38, Sifakis 1967: 117-18 and 124-5 (citing SEG 19. 335 (Boiotian Tanagra, rst cent. Bc, money to be paid r]ois τραγικοῖς καὶ σατύροις), and Wiseman 1988: 8-9.

135 Knoepfler 1991. 15 Sympotic allusions in the Menedemos: see frag 2: ‘the fellow-drinker, συμπότης, of the poor mens couch’; also frags 3 and 4. C£ Tarn 1913: 24: ‘It is perhaps at his famous suppers rather than in the lecture-room that we see him [Menedemos] most clearly’; also Cameron 1995: 61: ‘it is tantalising not to know how Lycophron adapted the conventions of satyr-drama to bring on stage the symposia of his philosophy teacher" cf. 97 for the suggestion that the poets (incl. Lykophron of Chalkis) who were invited to these ‘important’ symposia were expected to ‘contribute poems of their own’).



Vinctus, Pseudo-Oppian, or the Appendix Vergiliana. (See OCD^, ‘pseudepigraphic literature’; the choice of Lykophron of Chalkis, not a great name like Homer or Virgil, might seem less surprising if we had more

of his output.) The Sibylline Greek oracles would be another parallel—but

only if the Alexandra were ascribed to Kassandra herself! The female focal-

ization adopted for most of the poem might tempt one to think of a female author: perhaps a priestess? And perhaps a product of the unusually

female-friendly culture of Epizephyrian Lokroi in S. Italy? Other relevant considerations are:

(i) The use of Kassandra’s rape as organizing principle of most of the poem, in that the sufferings of all the Greeks, not just the rapist Lokrian Ajax, are punishment for what was done to Kassandra

alone. The idea may go back to Euripides’ Troades, but Lyk. takes

it much further. We might compare Christa Wolf’s powerful ferninist novel Kassandra. (ii) Most important, there is the remarkable knowledge which the

poem displays of female cults generally. By female cults I mean both cults in which women participate and cults for female figures—including heroine cult for Kassandra herself. The name Kassandra (see section 2 above) means ‘she who excels’, but her

other name Alexandra means ‘warder off of men’ and her own cult at Daunia is a pre-marriage ritual of a familiar reversal type. In her novel Murder Most Classical, set in sth-cent Attic Brauron, Christina

Elfwood—a pseudonym for the late Christiane SourvinouInwood—used the device of a visiting Spartan priestess as a way of communicating cultic details. The knowledgeable local priestess of Brauronian Artemis explains the rituals, ostensibly to the Spartan visitor, but also to the reader. Sourvinou-Inwood knew what she

was doing when it came to ancient Greek religion.

Female poets were far from unknown in the Greek world at any period," and Hellenistic S. Italy in particular seems to have been a good place

for them (for S. Italy as an attractive candidate for the home region of the author of the Alexandra, see section 7). A notable example is the epigrammatist Nossis from Italian Lokroi. In the late 3rd cent. Bc, two Aitolian cities honoured Aristodama daughter of Amyntas of Smyrna in lonia, an epic poetess, ἐπῶν moınrpıa, who gave many performances of her own poems; these may, Chaniotis conjectures, have featured the epiphany of Apollo at the time of the Gaulish invasion of 278/7. 115 See M, West 1996 [Eng. tr. in West 2013¢: 315740]. 116 Chaniotis 1988: no. E 56.


5. The Author (1)

Another possibility is that she addressed herself to the complex of myths about Diomedes,

a Homeric hero with emphatically Aitolian ori-

gins through his father Tydeus, and who was a great favourite with Lyk., who deals with him twice over (compare the double treatment of Hekabe).

Aristodama is the subject of a valuable recent study by Jan Rutherford, who points out that she is likely, as a citizen of Smyrna, to have been conscious of her city’s claim to be Homer's birthplace; Rutherford collects other epigraphically attested female poets."" In 2004, Bosnakis published

a pair of new 3rd-cent. Bc inscriptions from Kos honouring two poetesses, one of whose names is unfortunately not preserved. One of them, Delphis

daughter of Praxagoras, is called a writer of elegies, éAeyetoypal[ qos, the other is a ‘poetess of old co[...], ποιητρίαν κωΪ...] / ἀρχαίας", but the restoration ‘old co[medy]' would result in a surprising skill at that late date. See SEG 54. 787 and nn. So there were certainly female poets, and some of them performed

their own poetry (for performance see further, next section). In order to explain how a female author might have acquired the religious and mythical knowledge required to write the Alexandra, one might think of a priestess, perhaps at S. Italian Lokroi (above). But the poem displays not only vast knowledge of recondite mythology, but a phenomenal general

literary erudition (above, section 3), which is difficult to explain, given that levels of female education, even in the Hellenistic period, were not high. ‘That is one difficulty. Another and even more serious difficulty is that there is no obvious reason why a female poet should have adopted a male pseudonym; certainly there is no precedent for this among the many examples of female poets collected and analysed by West 1996 [Eng. tr. in West 2013c], and for this reason Martin West has persuaded me that the idea—

albeit appealing in many ways—of a female author of the Alexandra should be abandoned. By contrast, there are plenty of good analogies for male poets adopting a female persona, in the sense of putting words into the mouth of a

woman. One has only to think of Homeric laments (like those at the end of I/. 24), or of the dozens of female characters in Greek tragedy

and comedy. Even Alkaios (frag. 10 Voigt) can begin a poem with the startling words ‘Me, pitiable woman...’."* For female speech-patterns, see below, section 9. For a possible S. Italian milieu for the poet, see below, section 7.

"7 T, Rutherford 2009. 48 On this topic see Yatromanolakis 2009: 209 and n. 17.


Introduction 6.


Let us now turn to the Alexandra, considered as a possible candidate for

recitation or other type of performance. This is a topic which, in a general way, was reopened for the Hellenistic period by Alan Cameron in his 1995 monograph on Kallimachos!"—itself a product in part of strong interest at that time in the symposium as cultural phenomenon. Cameron argued

that Kallimachos was not entirely a poet of the book, but that some of his

poetry was meant for oral performance. The present section will examine a particular sort of attested recitation: that which involved female reciters (and female poets), and poetic themes

with a noticeable Homeric slant. I will ask what we might mean by recitation and performance of such poems, and whether they help with the understanding of the Alexandra. Actual sympotic performance of our poem is another possibility, to be considered at the end of this section, but is perhaps not the likeliest, although we shall see that there is sympotic influence.

Most scholars have assumed that the Alexandra was a purely literary production, in the sense ‘not performed’. So Sifakis,” and others. But in 1984, Stephanie West, as part of a theory of large interpolations with a S. Italian and Sicilian orientation, suggested that these sections originated from performances in S. Italy by the travelling artists of Dionysos. Her theory won approval from Wiseman.” Her view of the poem as a live performed work not a dead one is attractive, but the interpolation theory is not here followed (for one thing, too much of the poem has a western

slant). As a post-classical Kassandra poem, the Alexandra was not unique. Papyrus finds have brought to light other Hellenistic Kassandra poems or plays. One of them is about Hekabe.’” Another is a puzzling fragment of a tragedy from Oxyrhynchos.™ A third is an extraordinary anapaestic poem, of almost Lykophronic difficulty, preserved Berlin. For text, translation, and discussion of this, “The anapaestic Kassandra poem P. Berol. 9775’. There epigrams for recitation by female poets on Homeric

on a papyrus now in see below, Appendix, is also evidence from themes generally, but

with a focus on the fall of Troy (below). Might the Alexandra have been an unusually long recited poem of this evidently popular type? We have 119. Cameron 1995.

120 Sifakis 1967: 77 n. 2 on an Oslo papyrus with musical notation. Some have sought to bring this into connection with Lyk. But that, says Sifakis, ‘was a purely literary product intended for reading... Nobody would ever think of setting the Alexandra to music.’ 21 5, West 19842: 145-6; Wiseman 1988: 5-6. 12 GLP: no. 30. 122 P Oxy. 2746=TrGF 2 (adesp.) no. 649 with Fantuzzi and Hunter 2003: 433.


6. Performance?

considered but rejected the idea that the actual author ofthe Alexandra was

female, but the adoption by a male poet ofthe persona of Kassandra might have been influenced by recited works of this sort.

We may now ask, what sort of performance context, if any, should we think of for both the Alexandra and the anapaestic Kassandra poems, and what it is about Kassandra that made her so attractive to Hellenistic poets? There are no certainties, but there is some material for comparison, both

literary and epigraphic.’

The 3rd-cent. Bc epigrammatist Dioskorides complained that a woman called Athenion sang of ‘the horse’, i.e. the Wooden Horse, the δούριος

ἵππος by which Troy was captured. ‘All Ilion was on fire, and I burned with it. Troy took ten years labour, but both I and Troy went up in flames in just one night.” It is disputed whether Athenion is to be thought of as having

written the poem, or whether she just sang or recited the eguus Troianus of Livius Andronicus (as some modern scholars implausibly believe, perhaps out of mere sexist reluctance to believe in women poets). Surely we can discard the second possibility. Even more implausible is Davreux’s idea

that the poem mentioned by Dioskorides as a subject of recitation or song

was the actual source for Livius." Whatever the truth, Dioskorides was

imitated by Krinagoras, in the time of Augustus." He wrote as follows: ‘Aristo’ (another female name) ‘sang of Nauplios, watchman of sea-girt Euboia, and I, the rash lover, was inflamed by her song. That faithless flame by night from the rock of Kaphereus passes into my unhappy heart.’ This too is a Homeric or post-Homeric theme, because Nauplios lured the

Greek ships, manned by drunken sailors returning from Troy, onto the

rocks of Euboian Kaphereus; the Nauplios story occurs prominently in

Lyk. (385, cf. 1093, where he is called a cunning hedgehog). These may just

be literary conceits, but behind them it is surely possible to detect a real historical phenomenon, namely poems with Homeric themes, recited or

enacted by women. The Alexandra might have been written for such female

recitation or enactment. The role of the Lykophronic Kassandra would test the powers of human memory to the limit; but the idea is not impossible

if we recall that Aristodama (section 5 above) recited her own epic poems, presumably after memorization. In this light, we may consider a passage of Theokritos. In Idy// 15. 96-7, set in Syracuse, Gorgo says to Praxinoa ‘hush, the Argive woman's "^ P. M, Fraser drew my attention to the relevance of the epigrams of Dioskorides and Krinagoras, and of Theok. [dy/f 15. See above, Preface p. 6, and (for the two relevant epigrams) Fraser 1972: 1. 598 and 2. 848 n. 342.

95 HE 1471-4 (Dioskorides no. II) = A. 5.138. 75 Davreux 1942: 55-6. #7 GP 1777-80 (Krinagoras no. II) = A.P 9. 429.



daughter [or, daughter of Argeia] is going to sing the Adonis-song, the clever singer’, σιγᾷ, Πραξινόα: μέλλει τὸν Ἄδωνιν ἀείδειν à τᾶς Ἀργείας θυγάτηρ πολύιδρις ἀοιδός. The scholiast says ‘it is unclear, who is the poetess, roınrpıa. Some say that she is a daughter of a woman called Argeia, with the same name as her mother [cf. Hdt. 6. 52. 2]; others that she herself is Sikyonian (an unexpected circumstantial detail). Gow, however,

thought it likelier that Argeia was a simple female ethnic, the woman of

Argos. Dover adopts this interpretation without mentioning the other, and

says ‘Gorgo, like most of us, forgets names. So we might say “it is the Irish

girl who sang at the Palladium last year” ' (a nice period touch). Be that

as it may, it is interesting that the scholiast’” calls the woman ‘the poetess’, not just ‘the chanteuse’. Gorgo calls Argeia (or the Argeia) πολύιδρις ἀοιδός. Gow comments on this: ‘it appears from 146 that the composition as well as the performance of the piece is due to the singer, and Gorgo is complimenting her in both places on the mythological learning which she commands’. In line 146, Gorgo says the singer is ὀλβία ὅσσα ioarı, ‘happy on account of all she knows’ or ‘because she knows everything’ Fritzsche: ‘glücklich ist die Sängerin, wegen dessen, was sie alles weiss’. F. Griffiths, in his amusing ‘Home before Lunch’, notes that it is a woman

who sings the Adonis hymn, and that she is identified in terms of her mother not her father.? Let us now ask, what sort of knowledge

does Gorgo have in mind

for this talented performer? Gow suggested that it is the mythological erudition displayed at lines 137742. Now these lines are distinctly Homeric, note ‘great hero Ajax of the heavy anger’, μέγας βαρυμάνιος ἥρως, which

a Σ says is a glancing allusion to the quarrel over the armour of Achilles in Odyssey 11, and *Hektor, the eldest of Hekabe' twenty sons’, where Z says that the poetess has, like Simonides, rounded up the nineteen sons of I/iad

24. 496. Hunter suspects an additional allusion to Hekabe's lament for Hektor as ‘dearest of all my sons in my heart’ later in the same book (24. 748). That is attractive, but in any case, the choice of Hekabe not Priam, the mother not the father, as Hektor's parent is noticeable (compare Theokritos

on the metronymically

identified performer

herself); in a

similar way, Hekabe is markedly prominent in Lyk., who makes Kassandra

predict heroine-cult for her at a cenotaph near Cape Pachynos in SE Sicily (1181-1184). We must not confuse Argeia’s Homeric learning with that of Theokritos, but he has made her play learnedly with Homer's text, and take a distinctively female angle, of a sort which reminds us both of Lyk.’s 128’ Theok. 15. 97, p. 314 Wendel. 129 Griffiths 1981. 130 Hunter 1996: 135.


6. Performance?

Kassandra, and of the anapaestic Kassandra-poem (cf. Appendix). The author of the Alexandra was, then, writing against a literary background of recitation by women who are to be thought of as mythologically and Homerically erudite. It is a short step from such real-life erudite reciters to female impersonation, in a dramatic context, of an erudite heroine from

the world of myth (see below).

To be sure, we should not forget that the Adonia is emphatically represented by Theok. as a womens festival, so that the prominence of this

female composer-performer should no doubt be seen under that aspect. Gow’s own translation of πολύιδρις ἀοιδός as ‘the clever singer’ does not quite fit his commentary interpretation in terms of mythological learning.

But (as Peter Fraser pointed out to me long ago), the description also fits Lyk. very well. In Homer, the adjective is found only in the Odyssey, where it refers to the cunning of nurses such as Eurykleia. But the root meaning has to be ‘knowing much’, so if we take it with line 146, where she is said in

different and more explicit words to ‘know much’, we must conclude that

Gow's commentary, rather than his translation, is on the right lines.

But, it may be objected, these are poems about poems, so how can we be

sure where plausible realism ends and outright fiction begins? Fortunately, we have a control, in the form of inscriptions from the period, commemorating unequivocally historical female poets who really did write their own material; for some of these see above, section 5 (esp. Aristodama). Might the Alexandra have been performed as a whole (that is, not in the

bitty way suggested by Stephanie West)? To recite all of it would take

about two hours, as I have ascertained by experiment. Understanding it

would have been hard work for a normal audience, but the same is true

of audiences at Stratford, who sit through Shakespeare and probably understand a small percentage of what the actors are saying. (King George III asked “was there ever hear such STUFF as great part of Shakespeare? Only one must not say so, what, what?)

But it still remains to ask, what sort of context should we envisage.

Andrew Morrison has challenged sharp distinctions between public and private or elite performance, using an old weapon of eristic logic to do

so: how many people [he asks rhetorically] have to be at a performance

before it ceases to be private? How strict do admittance criteria have to be? How learned does an audience member have to be to be a member of

an elite? and so on.’ Glastonbury or Glyndebourne? Or neither? Of

the Adonis song in Theokritos, F. Griffiths wrote 'this mawkish spectacle,

gotten up for the consumption of the masses, parallels the Gothic novels and soap operas of our own day in symbolizing the housewife's failure of 131 Morrison 2007: 108.



imagination. That is over the top; but we can agree that Gorgo and Praxinoa might not have got much fun out of Lyk.’s poem; and if they had

sat through to the end they would not have been back home in time for lunch. We might speculate that the Alexandra was written and performed in a Lokrian civic and patriotic context. Theokritos’ poetess-performer at the Adonis festival is analogous in obvious ways, although we have seen that the Alexandra is not likely to have been actually written by a woman poet, because the male pseudonym is hard to explain, whereas Athenion and Argeia retained their female identities. The crucial difference between Athenion, Aristo, and Argeia on the one

hand, and the hypothetical reciter of the main part of the Alexandra on the

other, is that in the latter case the identity of the reciter disappears completely because Lyk. adopts some of the main forms of traditional drama. The Kassandra of the Alexandra was a role to be played by an actor (but a female

actor, so that in this respect the play diverges from all-male Attic sth-cent. conventions of production), Nor should we forget the guard completely. Did a male actor or reciter introduce and terminate the performance? Alternatively, we might think of sympotic performance. This does not mean abandoning the analogy with Aristo and Athenion: the poems evoked by the two epigrammatists Dioskorides and Krinagoras might themselves have been sympotically performed. At first sight, the Alexandra is a long way

from the world of the male symposium. The great length of the poem is against any sort of real-life sympotic poem, as is the absence of sympotic

themes (there are feasts, to be sure, but they are uniformly gloomy or else disastrously violent, even murderous, occasions: 543n., 802n., 200n. The

reference to the ‘last of the wine’ at 163 is sympotic black humour, see n. there). On the other hand, there is one feature of the Alexandra which

strongly suggests the symposium, and that is the riddling character of the poem: riddles, γρῖφοι, were a long-established sympotic tradition. In the

Alexandra, only minor characters like the Cypriot Praxandros, or Meda and Kleisithera, are referred to by their right names; important figures like Odysseus or Diomedes are referred to by periphrases requiring ingenuity and learning to untangle (contrast 586 and 658. For discussion, see 586-587 n. For Meda and Kleisithera see 1220-1222). Even Priam, to whom the poem is

nominally addressed, is introduced to us as the maternal brother of Tithonos (19). So there is surely sympotic influence on the Alexandra. But it is in most

respects not a sympotic poem. By contrast, the Menedemos of Lykophron of Chalkis was thoroughly sympotic in flavour, even using the give-away word sympotes (above, section 5). Could they really have been written by the same

person? Anything is possible: who would have guessed that A. E. Housman,

the dry editor of Manilius, also wrote A Shropshire Lad? But the better 46

7. The Author (2): from Italian Lokroi?

answer is No. Lykophron of Chalkis and the author of the Alexandra wrote a century apart and they wrote very different sorts of poetry. Finally, we may ask whether the Alexandra belongs to a genre of Hellenistic Kassandra poems which included both the anapaestic poem, and the tragic fragment from Oxyrhynchos (n. 123); and if so how we

should explain the apparent popularity of this genre.

‘The answer to the first question has to be a partial Yes. A purely literary answer to the second question is to invoke the attractiveness of Kassandra’s

foreknowledge as an expository device, particularly where the themes were

Homeric, as in many of our examples. Aeschylus and Euripides exploited

Kassandra’s unique narrative ability to range forwards as well as back: she is the queen on the narrative chessboard. (Tragic choruses foreshadow events, they do not foretell them.) Indeed the lines of Troades, in which

Kassandra foretells Odysseus’ painful nostos, are the obvious surviving thematic model for Lykophron (see above, section 3 (f) (1)), though we should not forget its companion in the trilogy, the Alexandros. The Oxyrhynchos argument confirms that this play contained a prophecy scene by Kassandra,

περὶ τῶν μελλόντων ἐθέσπισεν. But three lines of Euripides, long known

because quoted by Plutarch, show that her prophecies were idle i.e. not

believed: ἄκραντα yàp μ᾽ ἔθηκε θεσπίζειν θεός (frag. 62f). A historian might answer Page’s question, why Trojan tragic themes inspired imitation after other themes had gone out of fashion, by invoking the Trojan origin of Rome—as in Lyk., who conflates this myth with the

Romulus-Remus story (1226-1233). As for the anapaestic poem, its brevity makes speculation risky. But some kind of performance or recitation is surely possible, especially given the anapaests, and it is possible that it could have been written for a female reciter, who is represented as both drawn to Homeric themes

generally and as attracted by the Kassandra-Hekabe combination in particular. To that extent, the analogy with the Alexandra is obvious. But there are differences as well as similarities, and in the Appendix, I will suggest that the anapaestic poem was a response to the Alexandra.


The western, i.e. Sicilian and esp. S. Italian, slant of large parts of the Alexandra has often been remarked.'? It makes it plausible to ask if this ??? See e.g. Fusillo. 47


might be the home region of the poems author.”? (In particular, the author’s preoccupation with Daunia, mod. N. Puglia, is very pronounced, on the Dasii of Arpi/Argyrippa in particular, see sections 4 above and τὸ

below. For the very remarkable Oscan cult epithet Mauepros i.e. Mamers

for Ares see 938 ἢ. and below, n. 267). If so, we might think in particular of

a residence at Italian Lokroi—a cultured place in the Hellenistic period. It produced one poet, the epigrammatist Nossis (a woman). There was a

genre of erotic ‘Lokrian songs’, Aokpıra ἄσματα (Ath. 6392), and a frag-

mentary poem of Pindar (frag. 140b Maehler) probably celebrates a musi-

cal and poetic innovator from archaic Lokroi called Xenokritos. Musical life in Italian Lokroi was exceptionally lively from the archaic to the

Hellenistic periods.’*> Other relevant considerations are

(i) The prominence of a hero or anti-hero from central Greek Lokroi,

namely Ajax himself; the Lokrian Maidens’ tribute is set out at length. Greek and Italian Lokroi had close connections at all periods.

(ii) The frequent mentions of Italian Lokroi in the poem, down to small details such as ‘brief as a Lokrian rose’, said of Xerxes at 1429. (iii) The close links between Italian Lokroi and Sparta, symbolized by the loan of the Dioskouroi which enabled the Lokrians to defeat Kroton at the Sagra River, has left traces in Lyk. Kassandra herself,

under the name Alexandra, received cult in Sparta (1124n.). It will

be argued that the Spartan cult of Kassandra reached the Daunians via Sparta’s colony Taras: see 1128 n. both for her Daunian cult, and for the Tarentine factor.

(iv) Persephone and Aphrodite, the interdependent goddesses of Italian Lokri, are prominent throughout the poem, and Aphrodite frames the long Cyprus excursus. Both those goddesses are panhellenic and local at the same time; see below, section xx.

The attention to the Italian and Sicilian West is ubiquitous and begins early; see 44 and n. for Aboovirıöos. By contrast, the theory that the poem

was written under Attalid Pergamene patronage’ rests on little more than the coverage given to the myth of Telephos of Mysia (the region in which 33 Lambin 17-29 argues for S. Italian Rhegion, because of the tradition which made Lyk. of Chalkis the adoptive son of the historian Lykos of Rhegion (T*GF 100 T 1, from Tzetzes). The filiation is unlikely. Lambin 26-9 is, however, right to be impressed by the epithet Mamertos for Ares (see 938 n.).

134. Redfield 2003. 85 For the literary and archaeological evidence, see Bellia 2012. Cf, also Musti 2001 (special connection with the Antigonid rulers of Macedon).

136 See Kosmetatou 2000; also Looijenga 2014: 236-7 and n. 36, citing his own dissertation (in Dutch. Non vidi).


δ. Narrative Structure; Other Literary Aspects

Pergamon was situated) at two points in the poem; see 206-207n. and 1248 n.

Nor should we accept that the poet’s erudition, and awareness of such

Alexandrian writers as Kallimachos and Eratosthenes, imposes a domicile

in Ptolemaic Alexandria. The story of Hiero II's book-barge at Syracuse (below p. 89) shows that royal Hellenistic libraries were not an east Mediterranean monopoly, at a date not many decades earlier than Lyk. is here assumed to have been writing. And in a poem with such a wide and varied geographical sweep in every direction, we should not be tempted to press the implications of the poems undoubtedly good knowledge of places which were or had been in the Ptolemaic sphere of interest such as Samothrace (77n., 162-165n.), Cyprus (447-591 n.), Kyrenaika (144 n. and 877n.) or Karia (see 459n. for Zeus’ out-of-the-way epithet Komyros, which is at home there; cf. two other Karian divine epithets, Athena

Myndia at 950 and Apollo Lepsios at 1207. For two recherché Karian place-names, see 1383 and 1390 with nn.). It must, however, be readily admitted that no internal argument of this sort can ever be conclusive, and the case for S. Italy is itself, no doubt,

vulnerable to accusations of special pleading. The case, such as it is, is

cumulative, and rests above all on the length of the list of foundation myths pertaining to the western Mediterranean (below, section 1o).


(a) Internal geometry: the significance of line numbers We have seen (section 3 (f)(1)) that the 1474-line Alexandra is the length

of an average play of to Philoktetes, which to the total number a mix of iambic lines

Sophocles (as it happens, it approximates very closely has 1471 lines). But whereas no significance attaches of lines of a typical Attic tragedy, which consists of of speech by a diversity of human and divine charac-

ters on the one hand, and of choral lyric, on the other, the Alexandra

is uniformly iambic in rhythm," is spoken by just two characters, and nearly all of it by only one of these characters. The poem is thus a solid bloc made up of closely similar bricks throughout. It is tempting to count the bricks i.e. lines to see whether the poem has an internal geometry. For observations on the line-numbers see Ziegler 1927: 2329-30. 137 "There is uniformity in another sense also: very little metrical resolution.



The exact half-way point ofthe poem is reached at 737, which concludes the long episode of the Sirens. See n. there: given the importance of the Sirens symbolism in the poem from start to finish, we can be confident that this is no accident. The Sirens occupy the centre of the long Odysseus episode, which is itself at the centre of the whole Alexandra. Ziegler (1927: 2330, cf. 2326) suggested a further deliberate articulation, running from 387 to 1089: this ‘middle section’ (Mittelstück) contains the woes of

the Greeks who failed to return home, and has the ‘Odyssey’ at its own middle stretch.” The famous prophecy of Rome’s Mediterranean rule over land and sea

(1229, γῆς καὶ θαλάσσης σκῆπτρα Kai μοναρχίαν) is positioned fivesixths of the way through the poem (1474 x % = 1228.33 recurring). The number six will recur at 1445—the six generations between Alexander and Flamininus (on the time-scheme here followed)—and a ‘six’, also known

as a ‘Koan’ (Kos) was the highest throw of the dice (ἀστράγαλοι): a ludic detail for a ludic poem.

Lyk.'s ‘Odyssey’ (648—819, i.e. 172 lines) stands to the thematically related Menelaos episode which immediately follows it (820-876, i.e. 57 lines) in the almost exact ratio of 3:1; the exact 3:1 ratio would be 171: 57. See

820-876 n. In a similar way it has been noticed that Kall.’s H. 6, a poem of 138 lines, is perfectly symmetrical (23 lines for the ritual, then 92 (=23 x 4) for the myth, then another 23 for more ritual). See 737n., citing Hopkinson. Did Lyk. deliberately avoid the exact 3:1 ratio? Ziegler 1927: 2330 noted that although the guard's 3o-line prologue divides neatly into 15+15 lines,

his spoken epilogue is only 14 lines. Ziegler explained this as due to the poet's desire to avoid arithmetical exactness in the creation of a symmetrical poetic edifice. The same consideration might be invoked to explain the treatment of Odysseus and Menelaos.

Augustan Roman poets went in for this sort of concealed literary geometry, as we may call it (see 737 n. for refs; it may even be Sophoclean). It is

not surprising to find it in the works of the more ingenious of their Hellenistic predecessors and models: such concealment is of a piece with the spirit of the γρῖφος or puzzle which informed some such poetry, and certainly informed the Alexandra (above, p. 46 on sympotic features). If the suggestions above are correct, two inferences can be drawn. First, the poet gave meticulous thought to the structure of the poem; and second, the geometrical features which we claim to identify are not readily 138. See Ziegler 1927: 2330, who notes that there are 647 lines before the 172 of the ‘Odyssey’ and 655 lines after it, so that we have another tripartite scheme.

139 But the starting-point of the Mittelstück is disputed: it might begin at 365 or 408. See Ziegler

1927: 2329-30. 50

8. Narrative Structure; Other Literary Aspects

compatible” with interpolation theories—a further reason for rejecting such theories. (They are uncalled-for if we accept that the poet knew of and celebrated the Roman defeat of Philip V in 197 Bc.) (b) Other structural features

The structure of the poem is susceptible to analysis along many different lines;'^' it has even been suggested (Durbec 2008) that it can be seen as

a five-act drama.” If we confine ourselves to the organization of the Alexandra by speakers, it resembles Kall. HI. 6 (see (a) above) in having a very simple tripartite structure in which the central element is by far the longest: first, the guard’s prologue (Ar), then Kassandra’s prophecy (B),

then the guard’s epilogue (Az). The rules of ring-composition'? govern this structure: there are—as commentators have often noticed—many

detailed correspondences between (Ar) and (A3), see 1-29 n.; and there is a clear central point (see (a) above for the Sirens, who also book-end the entire poem, see 4 n.). The internal structure of (B) is much more complex, as indeed the guard has warned us at Ar that it would be (10-15). We have noticed already (see above, 3(j) on Herodotus’ Histories), that Lyk. inverts the Herodotean

order of presentation: the reciprocal abductions which so memorably inaugurated the Histories make up the final main section of Kassandra's speech of ostensible prophecy (1283-1450). After an introduction about the fate of Troy and of specially dear members of her family, the main part of her

prophecy (417-1173, 1214-1225) is taken up by the noszoi or ‘returns’ (mostly failed) of the victorious Greeks after the sack of Troy. For the student of foundation myths and myths of colonial identity, this is the most important and interesting part of the poem; and it provides the poem with

its main organizational principle. Lines 1226-1280 disclose that Troy, long ago defeated and sacked, will rise again in the form of Rome, founded

by descendants of Kassandra’s kinsman Aineias. Traditionally, political historians have paid most attention to the prophecies uttered here and at 1446-1450. Within the zostoi section there seems to be a mainly clockwise

movement (373-386 n., citing Sens 2009: 26-7).

0 Certainly, 737 would be deprived of its significance as a half-way point if we could not be sure that the poem was exactly 1474 lines long.

1 See (again) Ziegler 1927: 2329-30 for a still-valuable discussion. 142 "The ‘acts’ are as follows: 1-182, 183-364, 365-1089, 1090-1282, 1283-1474.

!5 Douglas 2007, esp. ch. 5 for the 'mid-turn’ or central place. 5I


(c) Narrative features and narrative voice

Within these main episodes, Kassandra’ transitions have been found plodding and monotonous.“ But we have suggested (above, 3 (d)) that

they derive part of their inspiration from the Hesiodic Catalogue of Women, and were thus a recognized, convenient and—for all we know—attractive,

vehicle for complex mythical exposition. One of the most immediately striking features of the poem is periphrastic denomination. For significant Homeric denomination, see de Jong 1993 (a simple example: a patronymic may be used instead of a name, in situa-

tions where the father’s characteristics and history are relevant to the activities of the offspring). That Odysseus is called ‘thief of the Phoenician goddess [Athena]’, a reference to his theft of the Palladion at Troy, suits

the general blackening of Odysseus in the poem (658n.). But riddling

periphrasis is not always so pointed; it may be indulged in for its own

erudite sake. There were classical precedents for this sort of thing (so we should not exaggerate the uniqueness of the Alexandra). We have seen (above, 3(h) that Timotheos of Miletos was a possible influence in this

respect; but even a mainstream tragedian like Aeschylus offers parallels. For instance, Klytaimestra’s ‘beacon speech’ alludes to the 'Gorgopian Lake’

and “Wander-goat Mountain, (Ag. 302-3), both of which are topographical

puzzles worthy of Lyk. In the sometimes ludic and bewildering Alexandra, the game of roundabout denomination has rules. One of these is what we

might call the law of diminishing obscurity (see 22n. on the Hellespont). ‘Thus Phoinodamas is not named initially, but only after five hundred lines have elapsed (466—478 n.; and the Laistrygonians are referred to riddlingly at 662-665 but named at 956. See also 1322-1340 n. This ‘law’—not an iron rule but a breakable habit—is most clearly illustrated by the pattern discernible in the poems very many allusions to cult epithets. See below, section 11(v). Another ‘rule’ which has often been remarked is the willing-

ness to name the more obscure mythical figures but not the famous ones. See section 6 above, citing Praxandros at 586.

We may turn briefly to narrative voice. Kassandra's great a female perspective which manifests itself in two ways by adopting the language of laments and of Sibylline features ('sociolects')'? will be excellently analysed in my

speech adopts in particular: speech. These former UCL

Ph.D. student Giulia Biffis’ forthcoming monograph Cassandra and the female perspective in Lycopbrons Alexandra, and I do not wish to anticipate

her findings here, but for Sibylline resonances in particular, see 1465n. 145

14 Wilamowitz 1924: 2.145. For this notion see Yatromanolakis 2009: 209. 52

το. Foundation Myths; Myths of Origin

The femininity of Kassandra’s speech-patterns should not, however, be exaggerated. It has often been noticed that the guard speaks in the same highly stylized manner as Kassandra (see ın., citing Wilamowitz).


The Alexandra contains a mixture of dialect forms; irregularities should not be ironed out, as by Scheer, who turned everything he could into strict Attic. Some dialect variations seem to be for the sake of the metre, such

as the Doricisms ἡρματίξατο and παραιολίξας at 1319 and 1380; see

1380 n., citing Wilamowitz.'* Similarly, the Ionic addition of the sigma in raupoopayov (47) seems clearly metri gratia. For the mix of dialect, see Morrison 2007: 26, citing Janko 2000: 164.

For specifically female speech-patterns, see Cole 2004: 119 n. 168, and above, section (8). Oracular discourse is reflected in the large number of

animal- or bird-metaphors for individual heroes; compare the lion and eagle oracles at Hdt. 5. 92, and see 33n. on Herakles as lion (citing Sistakou 2009: 242 and 252 n. 42) also 308n. (lion-cubs). Some of this is Aeschylean; see

above, n. 34. Sexually vulnerable girls are regularly called ‘doves’; see 87n. and 580n., cf. 314n. (Laodike and Polyxena as nightingales); but for aggressive male eagles see 148n., and for falcons see 169 n. with other refs.” For some foreign words in the Alexandra see above, n. 30 (on Hipponax). For Egyptian words in particular, see 579 n., 747 n., and perhaps 1428 n.

10. FOUNDATION MYTHS, MYTHS OF ORIGIN, AND SIMILAR TRADITIONS IN THE ALEXANDRA Foundation myths begin early in the poem; see 29n. and 69-85n. for

Dardanie/Troy/Ilion. The Alexandra is full of myths of all sorts, and that is one reason for its survival in the MS tradition.‘ By no means all of these are myths directly about the foundation of cities or islands;^ but even 6 Other Doricisms: see 144. (ἄμναμοι, a very interesting word), 416n. (zracv) and 1038 n. (φονῆ). 47 On Lyk.'s ‘bestiary’, see Cusset 2001. 8 Wilamowitz 1924: 2.144.

145 The genre was popular in the Greek world at all periods (this has wrongly been doubted for the archaic period). For Arisis-poems, i.e. poems about the foundation of cities, see Wiseman 1988: 5 n. 41,

citing F. Cairns 1979: 68-70. Apollonios Rhodios wrote poems about the foundations of cities; see above, section 3, p. 31.



where they are not, local pride and patriotism is often surreptitiously at work: even the primeval castration myth alluded to at 762 is a foundation legend of a kind probably recycled by any place with a sickle-shaped

harbour; see n. there. Again, the fight between the Dioskouroi and the Apharetidai, recounted in leisurely style at 504-568, is attached only very loosely to a clear and explicit foundation myth, that of Akamas—Theseus’ famously colonizing son—on Cyprus. And yet these two pairs of brothers can be seen as mythical signifiers for Sparta and Messenia respectively, and their struggle—taking the anthropologically familiar form of a punch-up

at a wedding—as mirroring the secular tensions between those two communities. See 517n. and 543n.'° Less violently expressed historical tensions between communities might also be mirrored in myth; these myths might take the form of competing

genealogical claims. A possible illustration is the story of the fight between the rival seers Mopsos and Amphilochos, rival co-founders of Mallos in

Kilikia; here we may have a reflection of later feuds and stasis between local

factions and families, see 4397446 n. Another example is the bewildering,

tangled, and sometimes contradictory evidence for the settlement of the mainland Aiolid (mainland NW Asia Minor) and of the islands Lesbos

and Tenedos, both by Agamemnon's son Orestes himself, and by branches of the Penthilidai, Orestes’ descendants. For the way in which these tradi-

tions seem to reflect the claims of competing clans in the vicinity, see 1374-

1377 n., with acknowledgement to Fowler 2013 = EGM 2. (Ihe writings of Hellanikos of Lesbos were fertile in such material, as we saw in section 3 above). Kassandra can also allude, by implication and without discomfort,” to the inconsistent story of Tennes as oikist of Tenedos. See 232-242 n.

Such myths of primordial tension and conflict were not confined to

colonial areas, in the sense of overseas settlements. The fight in the womb

between Panopeus and Krisos, sons of Phokos (an episode already known to ‘Hesiod’, and for which there is an exact biblical parallel, not to mention

intra-uterine cannibalism by sharks) was picked up by Lyk. These warring

150 Another example: the one word δρυηκόπος, ‘woodcutting’, at 1378 is part of a roundabout identification of Neileos, oikist of Miletos (for whom

see the end of this section). It evokes, not a

foundation myth but a classic ‘saving-the-city’ myth about Athens. The woodcutter is Kodros, Neileos’ father. An oracle told the invading Peloponnesians that the city could not be taken if the king were

killed, so Kodros disguised himselfas a woodcutter, went to the enemy camp, picked a quarrel, and got himself killed. The story was often told thereafter as a paradigm of self-sacrificing patriotism, and of

the paradoxical virtues of deceit. It is a familiar ‘king must die’ story, with which compare Decius Mus from Roman history and Leonidas of Sparta. See Fontenrose 1978: 77-8 and Hesk 2000: 89-102. 151 For Greek lack of discomfort at inconsistencies in myth, see Buxton 1994: 193-6. For another example in the Alexandra, see Wilamowitz 1924: 2. 148 n. 2 (Kalchas in Kolophon at 425 and Italy at 1047, with nn. on those lines).


10. Foundation Myths; Myths of Origin

twins are mythical personifications of two rival neighbouring places in the very heartland of Greece. For all this, see 939-940 n. Cities as old and venerable as Troy or Boiotian Thebes might have several foundation myths, not obviously the result of conflict between

groups. The Trojan story is spread over several generations (Dardanos,

ros, Ilos, Laomedon; see 69-85 n.). Kassandra alludes in passing to the

building of the walls of Thebes by Amphion and Zethos (see 6or, where

Zethos, who is named, is employed for the drawing of an analogy with the activity of Diomedes’ companions on his eponymous Adriatic islands),

but also to the separate Theban foundation-myth of Kadmos and the dragons teeth (1206). All that was very familiar mythical stuff. By contrast, the

post-classical re-foundation'? of Thebes, talismanically endorsed by a remarkable cult of the bones of Hektor which had been transferred from Ophryneion in the Troad, is arguably hinted at in the Alexandra. Lyk. cer-

tainly provides the first attestation of this particular cult of relics, for which there is plentiful evidence in later literary sources. See 1208n., and the extended discussion of the problem at 1189-1213 n. It will there be suggested that there is an Athenian aspect to the pre-transfer location of the

bones at Ophryneion, a city with strongly Athenian connections in mythical propaganda and in history. Ihe imperial Athenians of the sth cent.

ΒΟ had themselves played the ‘cult of relics’ game assiduously, and the most celebrated example of this—the transfer of Theseus’ bones from Skyros to Athens—perhaps lies behind the word πάλαι at 1326; see n. there. For a foundation-myth about another Aegean island, Delos, see below p. 63

and n. 161 (the epigraphically attested Archegesion or ‘sacred place of the founder’ i.e. Anios, cf. 569-585 n.) But for the historian, perhaps the most appealing and important topic covered by the poem is settlement by Greeks and Trojans of non- or partially Greek areas. Conspicuous among these is Cyprus, where the long

section 447-591 contains a mix of familiar and unfamiliar foundation myths (Kassandra enumerates five separate oikists: Teukros, Agapenor, Akamas,

Kepheus, and Praxandros). That Teukros, brother of Telamonian Ajax,

founded Cypriot Salamis was a story well known from Pindar, Sophocles, and Herodotus (see 450 n.). The colonizing activity of Akamas (see above)

was also well known in a general way, but the specific tradition which made him oikist of Cyprus (specifically the city of Soloi) is not attested earlier than Lyk. and was perhaps of Athenian political manufacture. See 494—585 n. The myth of Agapenor the Arkadian oikist of Cyprus is at least as old as Herodotus

(7. 90), and has some philological basis: the

Arkado-Cypriot dialect of Greek. See 477-493 n.

152 For another re-foundation story see below (Naples-Parthenope).



The familiarity of these three myths explains why Kassandra does not name the first three oikists, true to her principle of naming only secondary and more obscure characters.” She does, however, name the last two,

Kepheus and From Strabo two as oikists as a probable

Praxandros, who were from Achaia and Sparta respectively. we know that Philostephanos of Kyrene mentioned these of cities on Cyprus (see above, section 3 for Philostephanos source for Lyk. here), but Lyk. is the earliest fully surviving

source to do so. Names in Prax- are noticeably common on Cyprus, and

the rare name Praxandros is attested on a Cypriot syllabic inscription. Ihe idea of Spartans colonizing Cyprus is very unexpected indeed (Praxandros finds no place in Malkin’s 1994 study of the ‘Spartan Mediterranean), but there are other pieces of evidence which suggest that there may have been at least an ancient perception of such colonization. For instance there was

a cult of Amyklaian i.e. Spartan Apollo at Idalion in Cyprus. For all this,

see 586-587 n.

One feature of the Cyprus section deserves special notice: the name

Sphekeia for the island (448) derives from the Greek word for a wasp (σφήξ), and hints at a recognized subcategory of myths of metamorphosis,

namely those which express colonization in terms of animal metamorpho-

sis (the Birds of Aristophanes is a familiar example, cf. Lyk. 595-597 for

Diomedes followers, who settled his eponymous Adriatic islands and were turned into birds).^^ Metamorphosis is extremely common as a motif in the Alexandra generally (see section 12 below), but we first encounter

this particular variety in the story of the ants with which the mythical proto-oikist Aiakos was said to have peopled the island of Aigina. For this see 176n. (citing Buxton 2009: 68-9, who in turn cites A. Bowie 1993: 159-

60 for the Aristophanic aspect). Another favourite colonization motif also involves non-human creatures: the helpful animal or bird? who guides the settlers to their divinely appointed place. Lyk. is inordinately fond of animal metaphors throughout

the poem; this is partly to be explained by Kassandra’s adoption of an oracular style of discourse. We encounter this guiding-animal mytheme very early on indeed, at the end of the guard’s prologue, when he alludes to the

founding of the predecessor city of Troy by Ilos, guided by a wandering

353 See e.g. 952 n. with Sistakou 2009: 249. The author of the Alexandra was fascinated by names and naming; for preliminary discussion, see 164 n. on φερωνύμους. 154 "This is a slightly different use of the metamorphosis motif from those involving the ants and wasps; see 4470. 155 See also 688-693 n. for the monkeys on colonial Pithekoussai. 156 For valuable discussion see Leigh 1998 (prompted by the story of Antenor's foundation of Padua, mod. Padova); also M. West 1997: 448 and n. 30 (Kadmos and Thebes: another cow-guide).


10. Foundation Myths; Myths of Origin

cow (see 29 and n.). Often such tales involve instructions from an oracle;

cf. above on oracular discourse. For the historian, the most interesting such story in the Alexandra is that

of the Latin sow which acted as guide to Alba Longa, because this is a myth about the origins of Rome, and Lyk. is the earliest extant source to give this vital detail. See 1256 n. Whatever Lyk.’s ‘source’ may have been—and Alföldi in particular was irresponsible in his blanket attribution to Timaios—the priority of the Alexandra among surviving accounts is a certainty, though

you would not think so to judge from most modern treatments of early Roman history (Beloch 1926: 179-80 is an honourable exception, as so often; and see 1259n.: Momigliano observed that Lyk. is the first writer to imply that Aineias founded Lavinium, and see 1261n. for Momigliano on Lyk.'s awareness of the temple of 'Minerva' i.e. Athena at Lavinium). After all, on

any dating of the Alexandra it is at least two centuries earlier than Dionysios of Halikarnassos. In any case, it is not enough merely to drop the name Timaios; we have seen (section 3) that Stesichoros must be also reckoned

with; see 1236—1280 n. and 1262 n. for Stes. on the Aineias legend, and the evidence of the Ta£ulae Iliacae. For Romulus and Remus, see 1233 n., citing Wiseman: the twins feature in a remarkable Greek inscription from Chios

(SEG 30. 1073), but it is disputed whether this is 3rd-cent. or 2nd-cent. Bc,

so its chronological relation to the Alexandra is not clear.

Kassandra’s prophecies about the Trojan settlement of Italy cannot be discussed fully here; see the detailed nn. on the whole of 1226-1280. We

may single out 1250-1252 n. for the extraordinary story of the ‘eating of the tables by Aineias' entourage, familiar from Virgil, but attested for the first

time in Lyk. The table-eating story is a typical Greek colonial foundationstory, in which hunger is a 'driving force' (so very plausibly Horsfall 2000: 10, discussing V. 4f. 7. 107-47), and in which a chance utterance or κληδών by Aineias'son Ascanius (Tulus) is a crucial narrative device as proving that

an oracle or other divinatory utterance has been fulfilled; see further 1252 n.

We may pass to some of the other western foundation legends, which

form so rich and lengthy a component of the enormous 76szoi section. The

list is long: Diomedes and his companions at Argyrippa (Arpi) in Daunia, mod. Puglia, and on the Adriatic ‘islands of Diomedes’ (see below); Boiotians on the Balearic islands (633-647); the Athenian refoundation of

Naples, conceived as a cultic memorial to the Siren Parthenope (732737nn., esp. 736n. for the first and mythical foundation ‘by’ Parthenope herself); Leukosia, the second Siren (722 n.); cult of the third Siren Ligeia

at Tereina to the south, perhaps attested numismatically (726 n.); Odysseus at Etruscan Cortona (8067? and cf. 1245-1248 for Odysseus and Etruria); 157 For the possibility that this item derived from Theopompos, see n. there,



Menelaos the Spartan in Iapygia (853 n.); Menelaos again at Siris in S. Italy (856); Menelaos yet again in Sicily, here as a mythical prototype for a historical Spartan adventurer and would-be colonial oikist, Herodotus’ Dorieus (see 852-876 n., citing Braccesi 1999: 69-76); Menelaos and before

him the Argonauts on Elba (872-876 and nn.); Philoktetes in the Kroton region of S. Italy (911-929 n.); Epeios the {Wooden-]horse constructor’ in S. Italian Lagaria or Lucania (930-950, and see 1083-1086, a particularly difficult section); Trojan foundations (Eryx, Entella, and Egesta) in the

Elymian region of W. Sicily (951-977n.); Greeks in the bay of Tarentum, perhaps reflecting memories of the archaic i.e. historical period, rather

than as mythical nostoi-warriors returning from Troy (978-992n., esp. 985n.; Siris features again here, cf. above for Menelaos); Greek nostoi-

settlers in Bruttium, displacing interesting-sounding female pre-Greek rulers at what seems to be Kaulonia (993-1010 n., esp. 996 n. on the line of queens called Klete); nostoi-Greeks on Malta (see 1027-1033 n. for long-

standing coexistence between Greek and Punic settlers, and an upsurge in Maltese trading and social contacts with Magna Graecia at around the time of what in this commentary is taken to be the date of the Alexandra);

incubatory cult—described in ritually authentic terms—of Asklepios' son Podaleirios in Daunia (1047-1066 n., and 1050n. for the ritual); Phokians

led by the Homeric warriors Epistrophos and Schedios in Bruttium (10671074n., offering support for a controversial passage of Thucydides); two Anatolian princes, Tarchon and Tyrsenos, in Etruria, coming from either Mysia or Lydia (Lyk. gives both versions in a well-known piece of selfcontradiction, see 1248 n. and 1351-1361n.). Some of these myths are more explicitly described in colonization

language than others. Noszoi-settlers are regularly said to do just that, settle or inhabit; see roron. for the frequency of (κατ)οικήσουσι and similar verbs, often combined with some expression meaning 'after sad/unhappy wandering’, πλάνη or ἄλη. The first of the Diomedes episodes begins with the plainest possible statement of a civic foundational act: another will build Argyrippa as a Daunian heritage, by the side of the Ausonian Phylamos’ (592-593). ‘The historian will wish to know how many of these western foundation myths, expressions as they often are of claims to Greek ethnicity by originally non-Greek places, find corroboration of a non-literary sort. The

most literal and straightforward approach is to look for archaeological

remains at or near the site specified in the poem, ideally accompanied by informative inscriptions in Greek. That might seem a tall order. Greek cults in the Adriatic were the subject of good studies by two Englishspeaking scholars working before the Second World War, Beaumont 1936 and Dunbabin 1948 (an article essentially dating to 1939, but with an 58

το. Foundation Myths; Myths of Origin

updating appendix). At that time Dunbabin concluded pessimistically (1948: 16) that ‘proof must wait for digging’, and as far as cast-iron evidence goes, this remains largely true (see 417-1282 n., introductory n. to the nos¢oi

section). But much progress has been made since then, notably by Ingrid Edlund in a pioneering inquiry: Edlund 1987b was an excellent short article on “The Sacred Geography of Southern Italy in Lycophron's Alexandra’, which identified some likely cult sites. Genovese 2009 is much

fuller and more up-to-date on the archaeological evidence (tantalizing because inexplicit in the absence of hard epigraphic material) for Greek settlement in areas associated with Diomedes, Philoktetes, and Epeios in

S. Italy. See esp. 720-721n., Parthenope in Campania; 722n., Leukosia; 853n., Menelaos in Iapygia; 856n., the sanctuary of Hera Lakinia in the territory of Kroton; 920n., Philoktetes’ temple to Apollo, perhaps situated at Cirö Marina on the Punta Alice promontory; and for Campanian sanc-

tuaries see now the monograph of Carafa 2008. We can add that the tools of Epeios, said by Kassandra to have been dedicated to Athena, have been (very speculatively) connected to finds at Francavilla Marittima; see 948 n.

The most baffling archaeological items are the engraved but anepigraphic ‘Daunian stelai’, for which see 616-617n. (conjectural connection with

either or both of the story of Diomedes’ magical boundary-stones and Kassandra’s own Daunian cult).

Not much epigraphy so far, then. But that changed spectacularly in 1995 with the chance discovery of sth-cent. pottery, carrying dedications to Diomedes, on the main island of the Palagruza group in the central Adriatic. See SEG 48. 692bis—694 and section ıı(i) below, with discussion at 599n.

From this it became clear that his eponymous islands (599) included the Palagruza mini-archipelago in the central Adriatic, as well as the Tremiti islands—the traditional ‘islands of Diomedes’, which form another mini-

archipelago, but close to the coast of N. Puglia near modern Peschici. Scientific excavation of pre-Roman levels on S. Nicola (always the principal inhabited Tremiti island, on which the alleged ‘tomb of Diomedes’ is exhibited in a depressingly overgrown ancient cemetery area) might pro-

duce results as spectacular as those on Palagruza: a kind of Adriatic and Aitolian equivalent to Euboian Pithekoussai on the Tyrrhenian sea. As for the Daunian (N. Puglian) mainland, the most intriguing archaeological

evidence is that of the so-called Daunian stelai now in the Manfredonia

museum, large archaic objects decorated with pictures of women apparently engaged in cult activities of some sort. It is tempting to associate these

unique and puzzling artefacts (which show Illyrian influence) with the magical boundary-marking stelai which Kassandra describes as having jumped supernaturally back to the land after Diomedes treacherous enemy Daunos had thrown them into the sea (616—617n., 627n., and 628n.). 59


Otherwise, the most promising evidence linking Aitolian Diomedes with Argyrippa/Arpi comes from Appian and Livy; see 623 n. and above, section 4 for the numismatically attested family of the Dasii who, according to Appian, claimed descent from Diomedes at the time of the Hannibalic

war. [his shows a prominent local family asserting Greekness in the context of the struggle between Rome and Carthage. The lines which describe Kassandra’s own future cult in Daunia (1123-1140) are also key evidence for

the interaction of Greek and non-Greek or pre-Greek. See 1128 n: the originally Spartan cult of Kassandra was perhaps infiltrated northwards from

Sparta’s colony Taras. But this is a foundation myth only in a very loose sense.

The last main colonial episode of the Alexandra concerns myths of Greek settlement of Asia Minor (1362-1396, four separate myths, one about the Aiolid, two about Ionian/Karian Miletos, one about the Dorian SE). This episode falls outside the 70:70; section, and is hooked on to the

main prophetic narrative as one (or rather four) of the series of reprisals between Europe and Asia: these colonizing movements are represented (perhaps not untruthfully) as acts of aggression and arson, a prolonged racist land-grab. See 1374-1396 n. We have noticed one of these movements already (see above for conflicting traditions about Orestes and the Penthilidai in the Aiolid and offshore islands). It is a curious feature of this myth that Orestes is treated as a hostile invader of the Troy region, a foreign land’ (1376), although

his ancestor Pelops came from Lydia (this is implied at 150, see n. there). See 1374-1377n. We might compare Hdt. τ᾿. 7. 2, where—again in the context of the primeval clashes between Europe and Asia, as in Lyk.— Kandaules of Lydia is given a Greek-looking genealogy deriving from Alkaios son of Herakles. Kassandra moves down the Asia Minor coast and forward in time.

Miletos stands for Ionia as a whole. It is noticeable that three of the four foundation myths told by the female narrator/prophetess Kassandra involve the use and abuse of women. Both of the stories about Miletos involve them (no. 3), as does the Mestra story about the Knidos region in the Dorian area of settlement (no. 4). The first of the two Miletos stories, discussed fully at 1378-1387n., describes the Athenian oikist Neileos' encounter with a potter's daughter, who fulfils an oracle by unintentionally giving him earth and water, a common signifier for territorial possession (1380 n.). The second Miletos myth starts with a story of a regu-

lar enough colonial type, the myth of the Brothers’ Quarrel which leads a younger son (here, Neileos) to seek a new future overseas. It develops most

irregularly after that, and becomes an extraordinary story of the chance

utterance, κληδών, provided by Neileos' sexually voracious daughter (the 60

10. Foundation Myths; Myths of Origin

detailed evidence comes from a textually problematic pair of hexameters quoted in the scholiastic tradition, and discussed below, p. 478 n.). Here too there is an oracular aspect. The story has been neglected by the modern literature, perhaps from prudishness in some quarters at its undoubted

obscenity.'”® The role of the daughter corresponds in a way to that of the guiding creature, more usually an animal or bird, discussed above in con-

nection with the Alba Longa sow. The girl’s κληδών, which turns out to hold the key to the colonial location, is comparable to such motifs as the ‘eating of the tables’, which provoked Ascanius/Iulus' facetious κληδών, discussed at 1250-1252 n., cf. above. The novelties here are the female aspect,

the obscenity, and the element of uncontrollable sexual appetite.

It is significant that Kassandra is made to focus on Miletos, the city in the region which was specially associated with the violence against

women which must often have been part of the colonizing process. So we have here an emphatic statement of Greek superiority over local culture (Fowler 2013: 580). Some structural features of Greek colonization, alluded to in the Alexandra, must be mentioned in conclusion. First, oracles. At the start of

many historical colonizing ventures was an oracular consultation (see e.g. Hdt. 5. 42. 2 and Forrest 1957 for Delphi, and Morgan 1990: 172-8), and the Alexandra repeatedly reflects this reality: see 133-134n. for refs. Other

forms of divinatory utterance were also in play; for the ‘eating of the tables’ by Aineias’ son Ascanius as a chance utterance (KAndwv) which fixed the site at which the new arrivals should settle, see 1252 n. (and compare

1378-1387 n. for the κληδών uttered by Neleus’ daughter in connection with Miletos); this ‘tables’ story also alludes plainly to the hunger which was a feature of Greek colonization stories. Second, family frictions sometimes led to an expedition overseas, in

myth as in history; see 1034—1046 n. for Elephenor who fled the pollution

of homicide of close kin; compare the historical fratricide Timoleon of Korinth, re-founder of Syracuse in the 4th cent. sc. (These first two cate-

gories sometimes overlapped, as in Thucydides' account of the colonizing activity of the matricide Alkmaion, whose new home was ordained by an oracle: 2. 101. 5-6.) See also 1378-1387 n. for the ‘Brothers’ Quarrel’ motif, as

applied to Neileos and Medon at—again— Miletos. The historical analogy here is the Spartan Dorieus, brother of king Kleomenes I.’ 7533 Nothing in Sourvinou-Inwood 2005: 268-309, ‘the foundation myths of Miletos’, or in Prinz 1979: 325-39, about either of Lyk.'s two Miletos stories—Neileos’ encounter with the potter's daughter

and the κληδών of his own daughter.

55 A further colonization-related theme is that of earth and water obtained by deception; see again 1378-1387 n. (also Miletos). But this notion is also attested more generally (but without the element of deceit), as in Persian demands for earth and water i.e. subjection.



Third, at the other end of the colonizing process, when the new land had been settled and the new city founded, there must often have been regretful, even bitter, thoughts of everything and everyone that had

been left behind: είναι πικρή ἡ ξενιτειά. Ihe Alexandra uses foundation myths to bring out very effectively the real-life nostalgia felt by colonial Greeks far from home, a nostalgia which might be expressed in ritual, and in festivals like the one which Aristoxenos of Taras tells us was celebrated, if that is the right word for something so sad, by the Greeks at Poseidonia (see 609n.). The key word- “root here is ποθ- (noun πόθος,

‘nostalgia’, verb ποθῶ). See 609n. on τῆς πρὶν διαίτης τλήμονες μεμνη-

μένοι (Diomedes’ feathered companions ‘remembering in sadness their

former way of life’) and 645n. on Γρᾶιαν ποθοῦντες (pining Boiotians on the Balearic islands feeling similar πόθος for their homeland).


prosaic Hieronymos of Kardia also recorded this πόθος of Greeks for their δίαιτα (Diod. 18. 7. 1, the Greeks in far-off Baktria after the death of Alexander. They tried to make their way home but were annihilated by the Macedonian satrap Peithon).

The above remarks by no means exhaust this rich topic, which I will return to in Lykophron’s Alexandra and the Hellenistic World.

11. LYKOPHRON AND EPIGRAPHY: THE VALUE AND FUNCTION OF CULT EPITHETS IN THE ALEXANDRA (i) Introduction Inscriptions are relevant to the Alexandra at many points, although their

potential contribution has been largely ignored by modern commentators on the poem. Perhaps the most celebrated such passage is 1141-1174, which the early Hellenistic ‘Lokrian Maidens inscription, first published by the great Adolf Wilhelm a century ago (now IG 9. 1 706), shows to have

been a genuine ritual in Hellenistic times. Or we may think of Praxandros

the Spartan oikist of Cyprus (585), whose rare name occurs in a Cypriot

inscription in syllabic script (see above, section 10 for this and some of the others about to be mentioned); or of the light thrown on 599 by the inscribed potsherds carrying dedications in Greek to Diomedes, found in the mid-1990s on the tiny island of Palagruza in the Adriatic, and beginning as early as the sth cent. sc (SEG 48. 6926is-694); or of 733—734 and 160 Also very relevant here is 977, the people of Sicilian Egesta mourning for the lost homeland Troy.



Cult Epithets, their Value and Function

their relation to the inscribed sth-cent. sc Athenian decree (ML 61 line 9)

mentioning Diotimos, the general who founded a torch-race at Naples, according to Lyk.; or of the early 6th-cent. pinax from the territory of Metapontion, inscribed AxıA(A)es | Hárpok[Aos], which may be relevant

to Lyk.’s account of the mourning for Achilles by the women of Kroton,

see 859-865 n.; or of 1050 (cult for Podaleirios) and the epigraphic evidence for incubation rituals; or of 1233 and the Greek ‘Romulus and Remus’

inscription from Chios, SEG 30. 1073; or of 570-585 and the epigraphically attested Archegesion or cult-building of Anios on Delos, which shows that this strange founder-king with three magical daughters was a figure of historical cult as well as of myth.!‘ See the detailed nn. on all these

passages. Other passages of the poem describe ritual behaviour which is most easily paralleled from inscribed sacred laws (see nn. on 862-864 for funerary restrictions on female clothes and jewellery, or 1050 n. for the epigraphic evidence for the correct ritual for incubation, which involves

lying on the skins of rams, as explicitly described in that line). Finally, as if to make sure that we do not overlook the contribution of epigraphy, the vocabulary and psychology of Hellenistic Greek civic inscriptions is audaciously evoked at 1172-1173; see nn. there. But the area where epigraphy's contribution is most rewarding is that

of cult epithets, ἐπικλήσεις (for the vocabulary for this concept see further below). Again and again, inscriptions show that the religious world evoked in the Alexandra corresponded to a cultic reality. The subject of this section, then, is a striking and unavoidable feature of the Alexandra: Lyk.’s

habit of referring to single gods not by their usual names, but by multiple lists of epithets piled up without connecting particles (in ‘asyndeton’). This

phenomenon first occurs early in the 1474-line poem, and this occurrence will serve as an illustration. At 152-153, Demeter has five descriptors in a

row: Evvaia ποτὲ / Ἕρκυνν᾽ Ἐρινὺς Θουρία Ξιφηφόρος, 'Ennaian..., Herkynna, Erinys, Thouria, Sword-bearing’. At 152 n. I give the probable

explanations of these epithets. The main aim of what follows will be to emphasize the relevance of epigraphy to the unravelling of some of the famous obscurity of Lykophron. In this section, we will ask why the poet accumulates divine epithets in

this special way. We will also ask whether the information provided by the ancient scholiasts, about the local origin of the epithets,’” is of good quality and of value to the historian of religion. This will mean checking some of that information against the evidence of inscriptions, beginning

'^' For Anios see Prost 2001 (esp. πὸ for the inscribed dedications). See already Rohde 1925: 152 n. 102. 1€ On this information see Wentzel 1890. For this book's thesis, see below, section vii.



with Linear B. It will be argued that it stands up very well to such a check.

The Alexandra has enjoyed remarkable recent vogue,'” but this attention

has (see section 1 above) come mainly from the literary side.’ Historians,

in particular historians of religion, and students of myths relating to colo-

nial identity, have been much less ready to exploit the intricate detail of the

poem, although it has so much to offer in these respects. The present section is, then, intended primarily as a contribution to the elucidation of a difficult literary text, and to the history of ancient Greek religion. A cult epithet is ordinarily a second word attached to a god's name, though Lyk. usually omits the actual name, and these elliptical adjectival designations must have created puzzles or riddles of identification even among the poem's first readers or hearers, who knew much more than we

do. The epithet is usually an adjective, such as Aphrodite Euploia, ‘of fair sailing’ (that particular one is not actually in Lyk.), and among such adjec-

tives, some

are in effect ethnics: Aphrodite Troizenia and Dionysos

Phigaleus (610, 212), from Troizen and Arkadian Phigaleia. Substantives

may do duty as epithets, such as Apollo Jatros, ‘the Doctor’ (discussed

below), perhaps dva£, ‘King’, for Zeus. An interesting subclass of epithets is formed from names of other gods, like Athena Hephaistia, Athena who

in some sense partakes of the character of Hephaistos.'^ This particular example is curious if we try to make sense of it through myths, given

that Hephaistos attempted to rape Athena. I will return to the conceptual

categories implied by all these name-types. The topic is religiously important. Robert Parker has remarked that "learned poets worked epithets and aetiologies for them into their verses in great numbers; Lycophron's Alexandra in particular is a major source". Of all Hellenistic poets, Lyk. is easily the richest in this respect. Apollonios Rhodius Argonautika also has plenty of divine epithets, but there is never any

doubt which god they refer to. The scholia occasionally offer material about

18 Some of the most important work published since 1992 is listed in my bibliographical additions to the late P. M. F[raser]’s entry 'Lycophron (2) in OCD*. 18 On Cusset and Kolde, see below, n. 203. 165 Honourable exceptions are Scheer 1993; Malkin 19982: 173-5 (Odysseus), 213-14 (Epeios), 214-26 (Philoktetes), and 234-57 (Diomedes); and Lane Fox 2008. The approach taken in the present section resembles (I believe and hope) that which Petrovic 2007 has, in a brilliant book, successfully used for Kall. and Theok. 366 Recitation (about two hours of it) is a possibility, as we have seen (section 7 above).

19 For this category of epithets see Parker 200sb. 168 Parker 2003: 174. (This short article is the best modern discussion of Greek cult epithets.) By contrast, Usener 1896, who was just too late to use Holzinger, made very few references to Lyk,, even when discussing Kassandra/Alexandra at 176~7. Usener' theory (see esp. 216 and 279) that cult epithets originated with

an earlier category

of ‘functional gods’, Sondergötter, cannot

be discussed


see Furley/Bremer 1. 52 n. 138. For that tr. of the German word, see M. P. Nilsson's preface to the 1948 printing of Usener.



Cult Epithets, their Value and Function

local cults. Thus Zeus Phyxios, god of exiles/refugees, is said by the Z on 2.

1147 to be Thessalian, though the cult is more widespread than that in fact.

In Euphorion,in some ways the poet who perhaps most resembles Lykophron in teasing allusiveness, Tainarie is Artemis (frag. 11. 11 Lightfoot). Kallimachos

has some cult epithets, but they are not piled up asyndetically, even in the Hymns (see below for the way in which hymns generally, including Theok. Idyll 22, to the Dioskouroi, are characterized by divine polyonymy). One epithet in a fragment of Kallimachos’ Jambi is found in Lykophron also—and is attested epigraphically, and so will also feature briefly in section vi below. It is Aphrodite’s epithet Kaorvınrıs, derived from Mt Kastnia in Pamphylia. She is mentioned twice as ‘Kastnia’ by Lyk., and is said to be a plural goddess

by Kallimachos ('Aphrodites). Coins, and especially an inscription from Pamphylian Aspendos, satisfyingly confirm this.” Such convergence of

different types of evidence may indicate that an epithet for Aphrodite which seems obscure to us may have been much less so to Lyk.’s intended audience, whatever that was. In passing, we may note here an important point: Lyk.’s version of the name (Kaorvia) is not quite the usual one, although Kaorvijres would also have fitted into an iambic line; we must be

prepared for other such small divergences from otherwise-attested spellings. After this Introduction (section i), | consider the nature of and direction taken by modern work on divine epithets (ii). Then (iti) I discuss the

ancient Greek vocabulary for cult epithets, ὄνομα, ἐπίκλησις, and so on. After that I look (iv) at polyonymy in ancient Greek religion generally,

and why it occurs where it does. Then I turn to Lyk.’s epithets in particular

(v). I shall ask if there is any literary pattern to the poems first use of multiple epithets, and will suggest that there is. I also ask whether they

have a structural literary function in the poem; the answer to this is not '9 Divine epithets in Ap. Rh.: Wentzel 1890: 7. 38, and Feeney 1991: 66-8, For Zeus of fugitives or exiles, see J. Schmidt, R.-E. 20.1179. 2 on 2. 1147 (207. 20 Wendel) says this was a Thessalian Zeus, Φύξιος Ζεὺς παρὰ Θεσσαλοῖς. But he also had cult at Argos, Paus. 2.21.2, and Sparta (Wide 1893: 14). See also 4. 119 with Livrea, who cites the mention in SEG 7. 894 (and cf. 35. 1570), Gerasa, rst. cent. AD. Ζεὺς Φύξιος also features (in the order Φύξιον Ale) at 288.

79 403 and 1234; Kall. frag. 200a Pf. = Ja. X, with Kerkhecker, 1999: 207-9 for doubts about how much is really Kall, The inscription: SEG 17. 641, Aspendian dedication of Roman date to 4u καὶ “Hpac καὶ Ἀφροδείταις Καστνιήτισιν, with Robert 1960: 184-7. Parker 2011: 66 n. 4 compares LSS 95. 4

(Demeters, in plural).

There are, naturally, cult epithets in Kallimachos’ Aitia also; see e.g. frag. 110. 57 Pf. (Zephyritis i.e. Arsinoe-Aphrodite, cf. epig.14 Gow-Page HE (= V Pf), frag. 43 PF. (= 50 Massimilla) 117 (Dionysos

Zagreus), frags 100 and 101 Pf. (Samian and Argive Hera), frag. 75 Pf. 60-1 (Zeus Alalaxios, ‘of the War-cry’), Demeter Pylaie in epig. 19 HE (-XXXIX Pf.) is the familiar amphiktionic deity. For Hermes Perpheraios, see frag. 197 Pf. (= Ta. 7) line τ. Most of these epithets are transparent, in the sense that they are accompanied by the god’s standard name. MaAdes...yopds in frag. 485 (a brief fragmentum incertae sedis) probably refers to Apollo Maloeis on Lesbos, for whom see Th. 3. 3. 3 and SGDI no. 255. 20 = IG 12, 2. 284 (date: Imperial Roman), cf. also Isyllos of Epidauros (CA: 133-4) with Hunter 2006: 11-12. For Kall. see further n. 276.



so clear. Having argued that the poet takes care over the choice and

positioning of cult epithets I will then—and this will be the core of the section from the historical aspect—ask how far epigraphy can be invoked as a control on these specifications of po/is cults (vi). I also ask (this, too, is in part a literary problem) how appropriate the local epithets are to their immediate context in the poem. Section vii will examine the source and reliability of the detailed local information provided by Lyk.’s paraphrasers and commentators, chief among whom is the Byzantine scholar Tzetzes. Finally, I offer suggestions as to how the material in the poem and its ancient commentaries might bear on the tension between local and panhellenic religion (viii). A Conclusion (ix) offers a suggestion as to why the

poem deploys chains of cult epithets in this highly distinctive way, and why these epithets are of value to the historian.

‘The importance of the scholia and Tzetzes (pp. 105-8), is that they show that many cult epithets in the poem are tied to particular places. The problem of Lyk.’s cult epithets is thus inseparable from that of the scholiastic information, which takes the form of local specification, thus: ‘Amphibaios:

Poseidon among the people of Kyrene', παρὰ Κυρηναίοις (2 749). I will return to that example. We might hope that Lyk. would help us to decide whether cult epithets proliferate in number and geographical extension in

the Hellenistic age. As for number, it may be that what proliferates is relevant epigraphy itself, not the phenomenon it attests, a familiar evidential

trap. As for geography, the eastern expansion of the Greek world after

Alexander is—disappointingly—not reflected in the poem's divine epithets,

any more than in the poem as a whole, though so much of it is about Greek

overseas settlement. Ihe easternmost places mentioned are Sarapta (Sarepta) in Phoenicia, a little-known place between Tyre and Sidon (1300), and the

‘strong citadel of Myrrha’, that is, Phoenician Byblos (829). By contrast, S. Italy and Sicily, areas long colonized by Greeks, are overwhelmingly prominent in Lyk.; indeed, the poem may (section 7) have originated in S. Italy, not (as is usually assumed) Alexandria,’ while showing clear

knowledge of Alexandrian culture. But unlike Ap. Rh., Lyk. seems not to be aware of the Rhéne valley and Massilia, that is, the Phokaian colonial zone. (But at 663, Peukeus is said by the scholiast to be an epithet

of Herakles in ‘Iberia’. This can be either a district in Transcaucasia or else Spain—perhaps likelier for Herakles; so this would either be the poems

easternmost or its westernmost cult epithet; but the true reading may be ‘Abdera’ instead. Note in any case 633-647, Boiotian settlement of the Balearic islands, including at 643 a clear reference to Spanish Iberians in 7) See n, 267. But in favour of Attalid Pergamon, see Kosmetatou 2000, a theory rejected above, section 7.



Cult Epithets, their Value and Function

IBnpoßoorovs.) Lyk. is well aware of three other Greek colonial areas, North Africa and Cyrenaica (see 648 and 877-902, and below for Poseidon Amphibaios), the Black Sea (for cultic traces of Achilles, see 190-201), Chalkidike (for Torone, see 115-116), and Thrace, notably Abdera, where

the Apolline epiklesis Derainos at 440 is Abderite. Indeed it had been

known, from the scholiast on Lyk., that Derainos was an Abderite place, ἐν

Aßönpoıs, and that ‘Pindar in the paians’ had mentioned Derainos as an epithet of Abderite Apollo, long before the relevant poem, Paian 2, was

discovered on papyrus in 1906.7? In a small but valuable way, this confirmation encourages faith in the explanatory material about cult epithets, and about their local affiliations, which is provided by the Lykophronic scholia. (ii) Cult epithets in modern work

Divine cult epithets,’” which subdivide and categorize gods according to locality, function, or preferred mode of sacrifice or other type of honour

(τιμή), offer a means to the better understanding of ancient Greek

polytheism. That is why they have been the object of close study in recent

years, culminating in the establishment of a valuable database by a team at Rennes university in France.’ Scholarly efforts have been made to categorize such epithets, and so impose taxonomic order on a huge variety,

but this is, as they say, like herding cats. A crucial distinction, already made in antiquity (see (111) below) is between poetic epithets and cult titles. This will not concern us much, because so many of the epithets in Lyk. are said

by the scholia to be place-specific, and that implies cult. One other main

and valuable distinction has been hinted at already: that between epithets which are really, so to speak, the ethnic of the god (thus at 610 “Troizenia’

alone designates Aphrodite i.e. she is a ‘citizen’ of the po/is of Troizen, see 77? Apollo Δήραινος at Abdera: 440 with 2: Πίνδαρος ἐν παιᾶσι; see Pi. Pa. 2. 4, 49]pqvóv Arlo]

-Adwva. There was no circularity in the identification of the poem, because it mentions Abdera in

line 1, and calls itself a paian in line 3. Again (see above on Kastnia) there is a small but insignificant

difference in spelling. 173 By divine 1 mean divine: Lyk. mostly confines the piled-up asyndetic cult epithets to gods.

Very few heroes or heroines are treated in this way, apart from Kassandra herself (below, viii, for her

epiklesis Alexandra). Achilles at 177 gets two descriptors, ‘Pelasgian Typhon (i.e. “Thessalian giant’) but

these are not cult titles.

174. Brulé 1998; Belayche 2005. For the CRESCAM (Rennes) database of cult epithets, see Brulé and Lebreton 2007. Googling ‘crescam bdde’ leads to the database. The criterion for inclusion as an epiklesis is receipt of cult; cf. below. Note: I consulted the database in mid-z012, and checked it again in January 2013, at which time the site was said to be still under construction (‘en développement continu’). I have therefore refrained from noting the many Lyk.-related omissions or partial omissions which still remain in the database, because they may have been put right by the time this book is published. (Note: I did a further check in June 2014, at the copy-editing stage.)



above), and functional or power epithets like Apollo latros, the doctor god? (he is Iatros alone at 1207, 1377.)'”° But we soon run into trouble at

the level of detail; thus although Apollo is the healer god par excellence,

Tatros or ‘Doctor’ was also a title of his son Asklepios, unsurprisingly, and also, more surprisingly of Poseidon. Philochoros, quoted by Clement of

Alexandria, says Poseidon was Iatros on the Kykladic island of Tenos. We

have no idea why.'” This raises a general problem, but one specially acute with respect to Lyk.’s scholia, namely that on the evidence of the grammarians and scholiasts, functional/descriptive epithets, on the one hand, and

local epithets, on the other hand, overlap, sometimes bafflingly. The chal-

lenge is to explain the local variation, answers to which might give us a handle on the polis-specific character of Greek religion and its tension with

panhellenic religion. '* Thus Hesychios says that Artemis is 'Kaprophagos

(‘Boar-eater’) at Samos’, and this means that wild boar were abnormally

sacrificed to her there, on a principle which Parker has explained with reference to Hera Aigophagos, goat-eating Hera, at Sparta. Discovery of an inscribed sacred law might confirm these implications. Let us return to Lyk.'s AugiBacos, which Z told us was ‘Poseidon among

the Kyrenaians.’® This epithet has been speculatively identified as a synonym for Aupiyeios or Aupiyaıos, which is (this is yet more speculation) none other than the familiar Gaieochos, ‘Earth-shaker’ or 'Earth-holder'.?! 175 This epiklesis is specially common generally Usener 1896: 149—55.

in Ionia and its colonies: Graf 1985: 250 and n. asr. See

176 Cusset and Kolde 2012: 14, attempting to pin Lyk.’s Apollo down to a mantic role, seek to derive

Tatros not from idopat, ‘I heal’, but from e.g. ἰάχω, ‘I cry out’. This seems over-ingenious, if that word can ever be used where Lyk. is concerned. 17 FGrHist 328 Philochoros F 175, Poseidon Jatros at Tenos, with Wentzel 1890: 4. 4 and Parker 2011: 87 n. $9 (archaeological support). Nilsson 1967: 452 suggested that this Poseidon was predecessor of the famous Panagia Evangelistria of Tenos, whose church is still a place of pilgrimage. For a healing Dionysos, see Paus. 10. 33. ır (Amphikleia in Phokis), with Furley/Bremer 1. 128 n. 100, discussing their no. 2.5, for which see below n. 246 (Dionysos as Paian, healing god).

7? For an illuminating approach in terms of social network theory, see Eidinow zo11b. 7? Parker 2003: 178f. n. 46. Kall. (above, n. 170) says that swine were, abnormally, sacrificed to Aphrodite Kastnietis.

10 Amphibaios-Poseidon at Kyrene: 749 with Z. 181 This is given as hard fact in LSJ? under Ἀμφίβαιος: 'epith. of Poseidon at Cyrene, = ἀμφίγαιος

[this word only was corrected, in the Revised Suppl. (1996), to ἀμφίγειος], γαιήοχος, Tz. ad Lyc. 749'.

This is misleading: Tzetzes and Z are authorities only for the first part (up to the comma), not for the

equation of Lykophron's epithet with yacjoxos. The latter and crucial point evidently derives from Holzinger, who cited Welcker 1857-63: 2.679. Welcker wrote 'statt Gäeochos sagte man auch Ἀμφίβαιος, von ala, also statt dupiyaros [bare ref. to 749 in footnote], nach Tzetzes in Kyrene’. (Welcker does not actually suggest emending to ἀμφέγαιος, as Schade 154 n. 301 says he does.) This is bold (what about the B?), but the identification has been repeated by many scholars (e.g. Wide 1893: 37 and n. 1, and Schachermeyr 1950: 31 and n. 53). The 1996 change in LSJ to ἀμφίψειος (‘with land on both sides) is not explained: Martin West suggests to me that its likely author, E. A. Barber, may have wanted to produce a reference to Kyrene's harbour (Apollonia, cf. LACP: p. 1236). But even with the change, the ultimate derivation from γαιήοχος is by implication retained in LS].



Cult Epithets, their Value and Function

One might be tempted to dismiss this as a poetic epithet: surely there was no cult to the Earth-shaker any more than to Zeus Cloud-gatherer? But in fact there was cult to the Earth-shaker (I am assuming that is the right translation, rather than e.g. ‘Earth-holder’) at one classical city, namely

Sparta, according to Hesychios and Pausanias; that rare thing, a lengthy sth-cent. Bc inscription from Sparta, namely the Damonon inscription,

bears this out by mentioning a festival Gaiaochia in an agonistic context.”

(At Athens the cult is not attested before the and cent. sc, and in so well-

documented a religious centre, this absence in earlier centuries has some

weight. A late 6th-cent. sc potsherd from Mende in Chalkidike bears a heavily restored inscription which might be relevant, but it is not certainly

cultic.)'™* It is tempting to connect the Spartan cult with the area's wellknown proneness to earthquakes. Sparta was, via Thera, the ‘grandmother’ city of Kyrene. Thus a cult which was appropriate in a colonizing city was inherited by the colony and then the colony’s colony, even though Kyrene is not seismically active, and we would expect the Theraians to be more wor-

ried about the volcano god Hephaistos than about Poseidon of earthquakes, unless they

knew that earthquakes and volcanic eruptions are related (as

they are). So here is an example of a poetic epithet which had real cultic force in one city, and of colonies which adopted cultic name and cult without the specific motive which held for the metropolis. (iii) Vocabulary: epithet, epiklesis, and other terms

In what follows 1 shall use ‘epithet’ and ‘epiklesis’ indifferently. Greater precision has been claimed: it is held that ἐπίκλησις indicates actual cult, because of the derivation from ἐπικαλῶ, ‘I invoke’.'* This, to be sure, would provide us with a convenient and harmless modern technical term for a cult epithet. But it is not so harmless, if it implies that less loaded or ‘marked’ ancient Greek words for ‘name’, such as ἐπώνυμον or simple ὄνομα, did not sometimes have cultic force. If that is the implication, it is 1? For Poseidon Gaiaochos at Sparta see Paus. 3. zo. 2, Hesych., and JG s (1) 213. 9; cf. Mylonopoulos

2003: 229.

185 [6 3538 (and cent. BC), 5058 (time of Nero). Sourvinou-Inwood zor: 68—72 can cite nothing earlier than these, but nevertheless argues that the Athenian cult of Poseidon Gaieochos antedated 450 Bc. 184. SEG 45. 776, from a sanctuary of Poseidon, tentatively restored as [Π]α[ι]άοχε κυανοχαϊτ[α]. This looks like a snatch of Homer (cf. Od. 9. 528, also in the vocative), rather than a simple dedication,

so it is not clear evidence for local Mendaian cult to Poseidon as Gaieochos specifically. 75 See



πύργων ἀπ᾽ ἄκρων πρὸς νεόδμητον νέκυν


ῥοιζηδὸν ἐκβράσασα κύμβαχον δέμας: ε






πόθῳ δὲ τοῦ θανόντος ἠγκιστρωμένη ψυχὴν περισπαίροντι φυσήσει νεκρῷ. στένω, στένω σε δισσὰ καὶ τριπλᾶ δορὸς ^







αὖθις πρὸς ἀλκὴν καὶ διαρπαγὰς δόμων


καὶ πῦρ evavydlovoav αἰστωτήριον. στένω σε, πάτρα, καὶ τάφους Ἀτλαντίδος 64

ἀνθοπλίτου A? CDEV αὐθοπλίτου BC'V) Z αὐθοπλήτου A

64. πρὸς ἀνθοπλίτου: the noun is hapax, but the

an alternative explanation was that he did not leave voluntarily but because of a flood (Fowler 2013: 523 for this 'curious variant’; see also Prinz

verb ἀνθοπλίζω is found at E. Suppl. 666, in the sense ‘arm against’. A MS variant here is addoπλίτου, and this is preferred by Hurst/Kolde, on the grounds that it means ‘with equal weapons’

1979: 187-205 at 191). Cataclysms like that of Noah are a mythological constant, and are studied by Caduff 1986. The cataclysm at the time of Deukalion is the central myth of Pi. O. 9, which treats Deukalion and Pyrrha as the founders of Opous, the native city of the poem's honorand. Lyk. connects Dardanos' departure

(Paris and Philoktetes were both archers). But

LSJ? gives this sense for ἀνθοπλίτης! (And it does not register αὐθ- at all.) ὀγχήσει: this, like ὀκχέω, is a lengthened form of the verb ὀχέω, ‘suffer’, ‘bear’; cf. Euphorion frag. 12. 13 Lightfoot, ὀκχοίη. See also 1049.

from Samothrace to the site of the future Troy with a great flood of this sort, which may or may

65. Lightfoot 1999: 393 calls this ‘a unique version’

not be identical with the Deukalion flood: Caduff

of the suicide. But B. frag. 20D lines 2-3 might

1986: 133-42 (and see 43 testimonium no. 81, Aristokles wept φιλοσοφίας frag. 8 Walzer/Ross, which explicitly combines the Deukalion and the Dardanos floods). © Plato Tim. 22a knows of three floods, of which the second is that of

allude to it, unless that is really about Althaia (so Lobel, both suggestions, but preferring the sec-

ond)—or even Kleopatra the wife of Meleagros, as suggested by Maehler 1997: 338.


66. ῥοιζηδόν: Kassandra likes this root: cf. ῥοιζέω at 1325 and 1426, and ἐπιρροιζέω at 217 and 585. ἐκβράσασα: another favourite word, see 377n. κύμβαχον: Homeric; see Il. 5. 586, κύμβα-

to the mainland from Samothrace by raft, διὰ σχεδιᾶς αὐτόσε κομισθείς. But Caduff 1986: 137

doubts whether there was a separate tradition of a 'Dardanos flood’ as opp. the ‘Deukalion flood’,

xos ἐν κονίῃσιν, with Kirk (whose κύμβαλον seems,

and the third—evidently thought

of as distinct—is that of Dardanos, who went

however, to be a misprint) and Janko on 77.

and thinks that Kassandra’ special interest in Troy is enough to explain the limitation to Dardanos; cf. Aristokles, as above.

15. 535-6, describing the occurrence at 5. 586 as ἃ fancy substitute for πρηνής᾽. 69-85. Dardanos' escape from the flood

‘The idea of a Dardanos-flood may go back toa hint in Homer, { 20. 216-18: Dardanos founded

Dardanos (not actually named until 1307, see n. there) emigrated from Samothrace because dis-

Dardanie on the heights, because Troy in the

traught from grief at the death of his brother lasion, who had been divinely punished for an offence against Demeter (Apollod. 3. 12. 1, Strabo 7 frag. 20. 19, and see 72~73n. for Hesiod, who is the earliest source, though very fragmentary). But

plain did not yet exist, For the Platonic motif of

foundation of a city in the plain after a flood (Laws 677a/b, cf. 682b and 702a for Troy and Dardanos), see Caduff 1986: 135 (and 41 testimo-

nium no. 77 for the Plato passages), but also



Dardanos’ escape from the flood of a fellow-archer, she will share his fate:

she will fling herself from the topmost towers in a headlong rush, onto the newly-killed corpse. Caught by the hook of grief,


she will breathe out her life on his still palpitating body. I groan, I groan for you, twice and three times,

you who see battle once again, and the plundering of houses


and destructive fire.

I groan for you, my fatherland, and the tomb of the diver,

139, noting the contradictory tradition at 72, where Kassandra, by her mention of Dardanos’ tomb, clearly locates his city in the plain. See also 29n. On the variant version that Dardanos killed his own brother and then (like Cain, Romulus, and




to found

tradition (Caduff 264). Like Pi., Lyk. makes the

flood the cue for an act of colonization. Dardanos’ arrival is alluded to by Lyk. only obliquely, analeptically and in passing, by the opening reference to his tomb at Troy at 72 (Caduff 1986: 139; see above). See FGrHist 4 Hellanikos F23 and 24, and Fowler EGM: t. 16374.

a city, see

Burkert 1993: 184, who speculates that this ritually remembered fratricide may lie behind the question put to Samothracian initiates, ‘what is the

69. στένω, στένω ve δισσὰ καὶ τριπλᾶ: cf. A. Cho. 792, δίδυμα καὶ τριττλᾶ or Pers. 1033,

δίδυμα γάρ ἐστι καὶ τριπλᾶ. For the form

worst deed you have ever committed? (Plut. Mor.

of address to the city, here and at 52, 69, and

217C); and that salvation from drowning—just as

72, see on 31, where, however, Kassandra does not actually use an address (apostrophe) in oe. For the initial repetition, used at specially agi-

Dardanos was saved—is the big promise of the Samothracian mysteries. Dardanos is a culturehero in that he brings the Mysteries from

tated, emotional, or pathetic

Samothrace to Troy, Caduff 1986: 230.


The present passage must be taken together with the guard’s brief allusion to the founding activity of Dardanos’ descendant Ilos at 29 (see n.


(πρίν) and 535 (ἔστι). Compare

cf. e.g.


ἐμὸν alwva at Timoth. Persai 129, part of the Persian lamentation; Persai 76 (ἐμὸς ἄναξ ἐμός)

there), The successive stories of Dardanie/Troy/

is not from the lament, but the context is never-

Ilion constitute, in effect, the first of the many foundation-legends which will be such a feature of the Alexandra; and it was not until the time of

Lyk. were probably influenced by ‘highly emo-

Hos’ son Laomedon

theless highly emotional. Both Timotheos and tional passages in later Euripidean lyric’; see Hordern 2002: 169 f.

that Troy/Ilion acquired

walls, that diagnostic criterion of polis-identity (ZACP. pp. 135-7). For those walls see 393n. Like Boiotian Thebes (see Introduction, section ro), Troy was the subject of more than one foundation legend, That of Troy was spread over several generations of eponyms; for the sequence laid out clearly as a narrative of this sort, see Apollod. 3. 12. 1-3. The Dardanos legend which begins the series may record some memory of a migration from

72. στενῶ ae, πάτρα: sce 69n. and 1230, in the course of a climactic section, where the ἀθλία πατρίς, addressed again in the vocative, is again Troy. But there the address is more hopeful: Troy will survive in memory because of the greatness of Rome.

Samothrace to the mainland, perhaps by non-

periphrasis will refer to Kalypso), and her son

72-73. τάφους Arkavridos / δύπτου κέλωρος: the ‘daughter of Atlas’is Elektra (at 744 the same

Greek speakers: Caduff 1986: 134 (but Diod. 5. 47.

(by Zeus) is Dardanos

2 merely speaks of a different dialect). The curious

Rh. 1. 915-16 says the Argonauts put in at ‘the

detail of the inflated skin may derive from local

island of Elektra daughter of Atlas’, which a Z'on


(Apollod. 3. 12. 1). Ap.

Kassandras speech


δύπτου κέλωρος, ὅς ποτ᾽ ἐν ῥαπτῷ κύτει ὁποῖα πορκὸς Ἰστριεὺς τετρασκελὴς ἀσκῷ μονήρης ἀμφελυτρώσας δέμας Ῥειθυμνιάτης kémpos as ἐνήξατο,


Ζήρυνθον ἄντρον τῆς κυνοσφάγου θεᾶς λιπών, ἐρυμνὸν κτίσμα Κυρβάντων Σάον,

ὅτ᾽ ἠμάθυνε πᾶσαν ὀμβρήσας χθόνα Ζηνὸς κακλάζων νασμός. οἱ δὲ πρὸς πέδῳ 77


κυνοσφάγου Scheer kuvoodayoüs MSS

that passage (916-18a, p. 77 Wendel) explains was Samothrace, for which see 77 (Zerynthos). The

73. ὃς ποτ᾽ ἐν ῥαπτῷ κύτει: this is usually to taken to mean on inflated skins to provide buoy-

immediate source for this seems to be Hellanikos,


who is cited twice in this 2, and who is there said to have called Samothrace ‘Elektryone’: FGrHist 4 F23 = EGM x: 163 with Fowler 2013: 522. But

Dardanos was somehow dressed in animal-skins, and that underlying this was the religious motif


Elektra, Dardanos,


= lasion,

and Troy. See Burkert 1993: 179). See I. Priene no. 69 (Chaniotis 1988: E 60) with Robert 1963: 59 [= OMS V: 599]: a poet called Herodes of Priene had written about the deeds of Dardanos and Aetion [sic], and had been honoured for this by the Prieneans’ kinsmen the Samothracians in a non-extant inscription; the surviving inscription is the Prienean reply. For the kinship tie see Robert 1963: 59-60. The link runs via Kadmos; for Priene as ‘Kadmeian’ cf, 7. Priene nos 403 and 405 = Hdt. τ. 146.1 and FGrHist 4 Hellanikos F ror, also in EGM; and for Kadmos

and Samothrace see Diod. 5. 48: Kadmos married Harmonia there and founded the mysteries; cf. 162—165 n. Cf. Chaniotis 1988: E 68 (TFGF 1 no. 130 T) with I. Rutherford 2007 and 2009: 245-6:

Dymas of lasos (early 2nd cent. 8c) honoured by Samothrace for his Dardanos tragedy, For the tombs, see Sistakou 2009: 246n. 24, also citing 132, 313, and 335.

δύπτου: used at 387 for Lokrian Ajax and at 752 for Odysseus. The noun is rare (as is the verb δύπτω, for which see 164n.), but see Kall., frag.

522 Pf. δύπται δ᾽ ἐξ ἁλὸς ἐρχόμενοι ἔνδιοι καύηκες. Ciani sorts into two senses, ‘urinator’ i.e.

‘diver’ at 752 and ‘natator’ i.e. ‘swimmer’ at 73 and 387, but the distinction is not tenable. The notion of ‘diving’ is always present. «eAwpos: also at 495, 797, and 1374; it is Euripidean (see Andr. 1034, Ἀγαμεμνόνιος κέλωρ).

Caduff 1986:


2 thought


of the ‘comedy of [sacrificial] innocence’. But this

Hesiod frag. 177 M/W (P. Oxy. 1359 frag. 2) shows that he treated the story along similar lines (it


idea is no longer believed; see Naiden 2007. 74. Here ὁποῖα is used adverbially, as at 182 and

1429. 2 says a πορκός was a mysterious creature

(animal énigmatique: Hurst/Kolde) found in the Danubian region. Some commentators have therefore seen the word as equivalent to Latin ‘porcus’, and have thought in terms of wild boars

(hence Scaliger's felicitous Latin tr. 'ut aper quadripes Hercynius’). Dehéque preferred ‘a kind of otter’, "loutre', Holzinger threw all that out, complaining that no poet would baldly call a

quadruped a quadruped like this, and produced an ingenious theory which has won surprisingly general acceptance. He gives the noun its admit-

tedly attested Greek meaning of a 'fishing trap (Plato Soph. 220c), and visualizes Dardanos (who on this view is himself the ‘four-legged one’) as spread-eagled across the raft, with the bladder tied to him like a modern pair of water-wings, and his four limbs protruding, like the four stakes which

(we are told) secured the corners of the

trap. It is therefore the raft which is compared to

the fishing-trap, and Dardanos’ trunk is like a fish flapping around inside it. The animal explanation seems much easier. 75. μονήρης: this is usually translated colourlessly as ‘all alone’, but it can also mean a kind of ship, a

word formed like τριήρης (Pollux 1. 82, where both feature in a long list of ship words), and is so taken by 2: ‘he calls it that because he used one oar on the raft’. Something on these lines is preferable, in this quasi-nautical context: Dardanos


Dardanos’ escape from the flood


the son of Atlantis’ daughter, who once, in a stitched coracle,

like a four-limbed creature in a Danubian fishing-trap, swam with one paddle, his body strapped to an inflated wine-skin. Like a stormy petrel from Rhithymnos, he left Zerynthos, the cave of the goddess to whom dogs


are sacrificed,

when Saos, the mighty citadel of the Kyrbantes was destroyed by the foaming deluge of Zeus as it rained down on the whole earth. Towers

propels himself with some sort of paddle. In fact,


Hekate see Wilamowitz 1931-2: 1. 16970 and Farnell 1896-1909: 2. 507; but the death in Thrace of Hekate's ‘follower’ Hekabe—1176—is part of the explanation for the Thracian aspect to Hekate). The relevant parts of the Suda. entries are close to, and probably recycled from, the present passage. The whole of 72-80 is printed as Lewis 1959: 24 no. 53. It was often cited in ancient scholarship, including X of various sorts, and Suda, as above. In Lewis's collection of the testimonia pertaining to Samothrace, these citations

a μονήρης was a single-banked ship (Casson 1971: 148 n. 31), whereas a trireme had three banks of oars; and there was one man to an oar in both

trieres and moneres. So Dardanos, lying flat on his raft and manning his paddle, is compared, with fantastic exaggeration, to a low, one-banked,

warship in which each man pulls a single oar. 76. Ῥειθυμνιάτης: the ethnic of Rhithymnos on the north coast of Krete (Z4CP: no. 987, but its his-

tory is mainly post-classical). κέπφος: thought to

are nos 55, 56, 152~7, 171, and 226a.

be a stormy petrel (cf. Ar. hist. an. 593b14); the word is used at 836 to indicate stupidity (see n. there for refs.), but that does not seem to be relevant here.

78. κτίσμα Κυρβάντων Zaov: Saos is Samos, the Homeric name for Samothrace. At U 13. 12 (where it is called “Thracian Samos’, to distin-

77. The goddess is the ‘chthonian’ Hekate, for whose association with dog-sacrifice see A. M. H[enrichs], OCD‘, ‘Hecate’ and Parker 2011: 159 n. 133. Of ancient literary sources, see esp. Plut.

guish it from its metropolis, Ionian Samos) there is a MS variant Zdov for Σάμου, but see Janko. Saos is linguistically distinct from 'Samos' and is either the name of the central mountain of the island (Barr. map 51, also marking Zerynthos

Mer. 290d (dogs are not sacrificed to Olympian gods) with H. J. Roses comm., and Sophron 4

line 7 K/A or in GLP. no. 73 (mentioned by the

confidently on the northern coast) or the older

À on the present passage). named, but the reference is her first mention, see 152-153 Zerynthos was a cave Samothrace, or both (Fraser Zauodpdrn, a 79 Adler (cf.

Kabeiroi see B. C. D[ietrich] in OCD*. For κτίσμα (a mainly prose word for a cityfoundation) cf. Kall. frag. 45. 75 Pf. about Zankle in Sicily, with Harder 2012: 2. 351.


n.) mentioned


name for the whole island (Diod. 5. 48. 1), or both.

The goddess is not transparent at this, n. in Thrace or on 1979: 333n. 5). Suda Lewis 1959: no. 226a



of the

Korybantes, 'and those of Hekate, and the cave Zerynthos, where they sacrificed dogs, τὸ

Ζήρυνθον ἄντρον, jj κύνας ἔθυον. The same

On the cult of the Kyrbantes (Korybantes) or

79. ἡμάθυνε: from ἀμαθύνω; for this very strong word for levelling a city to the ground, see 77. 9. 593.

information is given in the Suda entry Ζηρυνθία, £ 86 Adler (= Lewis 1959: no. 155). There Ζηρυνθία

80. καχλάζων: this onomatopoeic word is used

is said to be another epithet for Aphrodite, cf. 449

the extended metaphor at A. Septem 761, a sea of

and n. there, also 958, again Aphrodite; but at

troubles breaks loudly, kaxAdZeı, round the prow

1178 it is applied to Hekate. (For the Thracian

of the city.

of water making a noise of any loud sort, e.g. in


Kassandra’ speech


πύργοι karnpeimovro, roi de λοισθίαν ,





νήχοντο μοῖραν προὐμμάτων δεδορκότες. φηγὸν δὲ καὶ δρύκαρπα καὶ γλυκὺν βότρυν φάλλαι τε καὶ δελφῖνες, αἵ τ᾽ Em ἀρσένων ,







φέρβοντο φῶκαι λέκτρα θουρῶσαι βροτῶν.


λεύσσω θέοντα γρ γρυνὸν ἐπτερωμένον ρωμ τρήρωνος eis ἅρπαγμα, Πεφναΐας κυνός, ἣν τόργος ὑγρόφοιτος ἐκλοχεύεται, >




κελυφάνου στρόβιλον ὠστρακωμένην. καὶ δή σε ναύτην Ἁχερουσία τρίβος

83-84. φηγὸν δὲ καὶ δρύκαρπα: it is not easy to


the Kypria; for the firebrand motif see also Pi. Pa. 8a (B3 Rutherford); E. Tro, 922 (with Scheer 1876:

see the difference between ‘acorns’ and ‘fruit of

13), where the noun is δαλός; and the hypothesis to E.’s fragmentary Alexandros: TrGF 5. 1: 174-6.

the oak’,

The general idea here is familiar from (and perhaps borrowed from) expressions of the adynaton or ‘when pigs have wings’ type, as at Archilochus

‘Winged’ could

refer to the sails or oars (cf. 25n.).

At 913 (Philoktetes killed the firebrand Paris) the noun used is φίτρον.

frag. 122 West’ lines 7-9 and Hdt. 5.92 a 1 (Soklees the Korinthian marvels at the supposedly tyranthating Spartans for their proposal to restore a

87. ITepvalas κυνός: these words are best separated off by commas, as by Hurst/Kolde: Helen is

tyranny at Athens, and compares it to fish on land). See Gow on Theok. 1. 134 ff.

both dove (Aphrodite's bird) and Pephnaian bitch (i.e. sexually shameless, a description applied by Helen to herself more than once, e.g. Id. 6. 344; cf. 850, and for the two passages see Sistakou 2009: 242). For Pephnos in Messenia see ZACP: p. 551

85. Cf. the story in Aelian NA 4. 56 of a seal mating with a male human sponge-fisher. It is there attributed to Eudemos, probably the Aristotelian from Rhodes: frag. 131 Wehrli. Similar though less extreme stories are told by another Aristotelian, Klearchos of Soloi, frags 27


Wehrli (a goose) and 28 (a peacock). They are said

Alkman (PMGF 23), cited by Paus. 3. 26. 2, says

to be characteristic of erotic literature—not normally Kassandra's province. θουρῶσαι: this verb is a hapax word; it is formed from θοῦρος, 'rushing, impetuous’ (Guilleux 2009: 225).


(G. Shipley); more fully at Shipley 1997: 266-7; Barr. map 58 C4, on the river Pamison between

a synonym

for κορμός, ‘log’, Tzetzes



Leuktron. The (Helen’s




poet born

there; this makes the ethnic appropriate as a way

of designating Helen of Sparta (2 adds that she set out from there); cf. Ghali-Kahil 1955: 207. This

ethnic therefore drops an advance hint of the long Dioskouroi section at 503-568.

86-143, Paris’ abduction of Helen; he takes a phantom of her to Troy 86. λεύσσω: see 52n. γρυνὸν ἐπτερωμένον: here and at 1362 the ‘firebrand’ is Paris (for the noun as


88-89. These lines are particularly difficult, because they seem ambiguous between two versions of the myth of Helens birth. A solution in terms of

‘Homer’, i.e. the epic frag. West 2003: 296 no. 18,

deliberate ambiguity (i.e. both versions are hinted

ypuvol μὲν δαίοντο, μέγας δ᾽ ἤφαιστος ἀνέστη).

at) cannot be excluded.

Hekabe dreamt that she gave birth to ἃ firebrand,

shortly before she bore him (cf. Agariste's ‘lion’

Tópyos is normally a vulture, and ὑγρόφοιτος means ‘aquatic’. Vultures are not aquatic, so the

dream a few days before she bore Perikles, Hdt. 6. 131. 2). See 224-225 and n., citing (for the interpre-

noun refers to some other sort of water-bird, but with a possible hint at violence (the vulture, as at

tation of the dream) Apollod. 3. 12. 5, derived from

357 and 1080). This would suit well the story of


Paris’ abduction of Helen


fell to the ground, and people began to swim, seeing their final fate before their eyes. Acorns and the fruit ofthe oak, and sweet grapes were eaten by whales and dolphins, and by female seals who leap lustfully on the beds of men. I see the winged firebrand rushing to snatch the dove, the Pephnaian bitch,


which the aquatic vulture gave birth to, encased in a round covering of shell. And you, white-rumped sailor, the path which leads down


Leda's rape by the swan (i.e. Zeus), except that

90. καὶ δή σε: nearly always it is Trojan individu-

ἐκλοχεύεται ought not to mean the generation


of offspring by a male. At 468 the verb means female parturition, as also at E. Hei. 258. (See Allan's n. on 257-259.) The alternative myth about

2009: 249-50). So too Homer, as is well known,

She has already apostrophized Troy itself; see 52

Zeus. This is

and 69 with nn., and cf. 31n.

acts as a kind of stepmother after Nemesis’ egg is brought to her, thus reconciling the two myths. now West


91, Kypria



τρίβος / καταιβάτις:


‘road down to Acheron’, one of the rivers of the

frag. 11 from

Underworld, suggests, obviously, the death which

Philodemos On Piety B 7369 Obbink: Νέμε]σίν

is in store for Paris at the hands of Philoktetes,

τ᾽ ὁ τὰ Κύϊπρια γ]ράψας ὁμοιωθέϊντ]α χηνὶ

and which has already been mentioned at 61 ff.

καὶ αὐτ[ὸν] διώκειν, καὶ μιγέν[τοϊ]ς wor τεκεῖν, [ἐξ] οὗ γενέσθαι τὴν [Ἑλ]ένην.) This gives the right sense to the verb, and it is perfectly usual of Lyk. to adopt the less familiar version of a myth; moreover, this replacement of Leda by the merciless abstract deity Nemesis, goddess of retribution, gave Helen a special destiny (West 2013a: 61). So this interpretation should probably

There was a real river Acheron and Acherousian lake in Thesprotia, NW Greece (411-412 n.), and also in Campania

(695n.), but here (so Z) the

name hints metonymically at Paris’ immediate destination



of the


to the Underworld (with an oracle of the dead or nekyomanteion)

at Tainaron

at the western

prong of the southern tip of the Peloponnese; καταιβάτις is a suitable word to express both notions, For Tainaron see 1106 and n.

be preferred, in which case röpyos can be allowed to retain its aura of menace, although it will just mean a large bird. Either way, Helen was born from an egg (the rounded shell of 89, see next n.). For metamorphoses in Lyk., see 176 n.


finds sympathetic (Patroklos, Menelaos, Eumaios).

from the Kypria; see Apollod. 3. 10. 7, where Leda



For the significant exception in Lyk. see Sısn. (Odysseus), and for 281 (ὦ δαῖμον) see n. there.

who metamorphosed into a goose to escape from


tends to apostrophize those characters whom he

Helen was that she was the daughter of Nemesis,

(unsuccessfully of course)


Lyk. always writes of Acheron in the adjectival form Ἀχερουσία (here, and at 411 and 695); cf. A. Ag. 1160-1 κἀχερουσίας ὄχθας and Th. 1. 46. 4,

89. The accusative (στρόβιλον as noun) is one of

Ἀχερουσία λίμνη. Note the rough breathing

dress after the verb ὠστρακωμένην and the line

here. The initial alpha of Ἀχέρων is short (cf. Od.

thus means literally ‘encased by shell, as to a round thing of covering’. 506 (ὀστράκου στρό-

10. 153), so Lyk., who avoids metrical resolution for the most part, lengthens the vowel by krasis, either with the article as here (where the uncondensed prose form would be ἡ Axepovoia τρίβος) or else with καί as at 411 and 695, and as

BtAos) echoes the present line: Helen’s brothers the Dioskouroi have helmets in the shape of half eggshells, symbolizing their birth. A three-word line, cf. 63n.

in A. Ag. (above).


Kassandra’ speech


karaußarıs πύγαργον, οὐ πατρὸς κόπρους στείβοντα ῥακτῶν βουστάθμων ξενώσεται, ^


ὡς πρόσθε κάλλους τὸν θνωρίτην τριπλαῖς. ἀλλ᾽ ὀστρίμων μὲν ἀντί, Γαμφηλὰς ὄνου καὶ Λᾶν περήσεις, ἀντὶ δ᾽ εὐχίλου κάπης καὶ μηλιαυθμῶν ἠδὲ xepoaias πλάτης τράμπις σ᾽ ὀχήσει καὶ Φερέκλειοι πόδες δισσὰς σαλάμβας κἀπὶ Γυθείου πλάκας,


ἐν αἷσι πρὸς κύνουρα καμπύλους σχάσας

πεύκης ὁδόντας, ἕκτορας πλημμυρίδος,


σκαρθμῶν ἰαύσεις εἰναφώσσωνα στόλον. καὶ τὴν ἄνυμφον πόρτιν ἁρπάσας λύκος, δυοῖν πελαιαῖν ὠρφανισμένην γονῆς 102.

γονῆς Tz. γοναῖς ABCDP γοναῖν E

91. πύγαργον: that is, white-rumped or cowardly (S. frag. 1085 TrGF); opp. ‘black-bottomed’, used

of the super-virile Herakles; see Archilochos 178 West” (with the small-print material there collected), cf. 313, which is from the 2 on the

present passage. See also Holford-Strevens 2000: 609. The two words were also (or originally?) applied to species of eagle. 92. βουστάθμων: the idea of Paris no longer

‘treading the ox-stalls’, and the language used to express it, is owed in part to E. Hel. 29, λιπὼν δὲ βούσταθμ᾽ Ἰδαῖος Πάρις. For the general theme of Paris’ bucolic early life as a contrast with the

sophisticated milieu of his later adventures, see Stinton 1990: 48 etc. 93. κάλλους τὸν θυωρίτην τριπλαῖς: this is the

‘Judgment of [i.e. by] Paris’, nearly invisible in Homer, and certainly not emphasized by him as a cause of the Trojan War; notoriously, there is only IL 24. 26-30, which Aristarchos of Samothrace

and others wanted (wrongly) to delete as interpo-

1960b [originally 1938]. The ‘Three [goddesses]' are Hera, Athena, and the winner, Aphrodite. 94. ὀστρίμων: a very rare word for ‘cow-byres’, ‘enclosures for cattle’, perhaps imitated from Antimachos. See frag. 55; Wyss (49 Matthews); cf. Wyss: XLIV and Hollis 2007: 280. For ἀντί as the rhetorically strongest form of negation

(‘instead of x, y) see CT II: 226, and

Greek Historiography 157-8, citing Od. 20. 307. 94-95. Γαμφηλὰς ὄνου / καὶ Adv: that is, the promontory (now an island) of Onougnathos, the

'Ass's jaw’, near Boiai; for γαμφηλαί, jaws’, plural only found, cf. I/. τό. 489 and 19. 394. See Strabo 8. 5.1. For Las, SW of Gytheion, see ZACP: no. 337 (and cf. 511 n. on the Aamépator i.e. Dioskouroi). In fact, the two places are on different promontories of southern Lakonia, Las on the western and Onougnathos on the eastern. 95. εὐχίλου: this rare word derives from χιλός, ‘fodder’, as at e.g. Hat. 4. 140. 3; cf. 578 n. κάπης: Homeric (e.g. Od. 4. 40), and see S. frag. 314 line

lated. Apollod. ep. 3. 1-2 gives the story, and for

14, [βου]στάθμου κάπης (cf. 92, βουστάθμων).

the (very popular)

96. xepoatas mAdrns:

motif in art see LIMC

‘Alexandros’. On Homer’s near-silence about the Judgment, and on the reason why it is (eventually) mentioned, see M. Davies 1981, Stinton 1990:

17-19 (cf. 86n.), and Richardson 1993: 276-8, with refs to earlier discussions, notably


the "landsman's

oar’ is

thought (Ciani) to mean the shepherd’s crook.

97. τράμπες: this word for a ship is first used by Lyk. (but see perhaps Nik. 72. 268); see also 1299, and 467n. on the name Trambelos.


Paris’ abduction of Helen


to Acheron will receive you, no longer treading the dung of your father's rough ox-stalls, as previously, when you were judge of beauty for the Three. Instead of the stables, you will cross to the Ass's jaw and Las. Instead of the well-foddered manger


and the sheepfolds and the landsman's oar, a ship will convey you, and the sails of Pherekles, to the double passage-way and the flat waters of Gytheion. ‘There, when you have dropped the curved teeth of the pinewood ship against the rocks, so as to resist the waves,


you will rest your nine-sailed fleet from its leaping.

Then you, the wolf, will snatch the young unwedded heifer, deprived of her two daughters, those gentle doves,

War story (the Greeks stayed nine years with Anios, Pherekydes F 140; Menelaos entertains

Φερέκλειοι πόδες: Phereklos built the νῆας ἀρχεκάκους for Paris: I/ 5. 62-3. πόδες seems here to mean ‘sheets’ (of sails), cf. Od. s. 260 with Rengakos 1994: 115; Holzinger prefers ‘oars’.

Paris for nine days, etc.).

98. σαλάμβας: for this rare word for ‘opening’ see

102. ἄνυμφον πόρτιν: here and at 320, πόρτις, ‘heifer’, means a young girl; at 857 it is used of the

(with Gigante Lanzara 2009: 110) S. frag. 1093

Nereid Thetis. For the whole expression see Mari

TrGF, Γυθείου πλάκας: Gytheion, though never

2009: 439 (‘paradoxical’ as applied to Helen, but

mentioned by Hdt. or Th., is thought to have been the main Spartan naval base, at any rate by the 4th cent.: Xen. Hell. 6. s. 32 and IACP. no. 333. The present line of Lyk. is quoted by Steph. Byz. y 116 Bill. mAd£ is a favourite word of Lyk.; it means a level place or area of land or sea, and sometimes— as here—does little more than amplify a toponym.

the meaning is that though abducted by Paris, she was not properly wedded to him). On 102-131 see Vaglio 2006.

103. The two daughters of Helen are supposed by Lyk. to be Hermione by Menelaos and Iphigeneia (more usually daughter of Agamemnon and Klytaimestra) by Theseus; cf. 851 for Helen as

It is mostly poetical (e.g. A. Pers. 718 or Pi. P. 1. 24,

mother of daughters only. Lyk. in both places

ἐς βαθεῖαν ... πόντου πλάκα), but is used in the sth-cent. BC settlement decree from W. Lokris,JG 9. * 609 A 2. See Schade: 57 on 648, and compare the Greek-influenced Latin ‘campi’ used of the sea; cf, Mynors 1990: 213 on V. G. 3. 198.

rejects by implication the Hesiodic version accord-

ing to which Helen was mother by Menelaos of a son, Nikostratos: Catalogue of Women frag. 175 M/W, from 2 S. Εἰ 539; cf. Apollod. 3. 11, 1. There

was also a tradition that Helen was mother of another son, Korythos, by Paris; see Lightfoot

99-100. The ship's ‘curved teeth’ are its anchors.

1999: 546 and 851 n. For Iphigeneia as daughter of "Theseus, see Paus. 2. 22. 7, citing Stesichoros (frag.

100. &xropas: Hektor's speaking name (the 'bulwark' of Troy) is suggested.

191 PMG- 86 Fi.), Euphorion (frag. 86 Lightfoot,

101. σκαρθμῶν: from axaipw, "leap/dance' cf. Ap. Rh. 3. 1260. ἰαύσεις: this is an otherwise unattested transitive form of ἰαύω, ‘sleep’, as at 430.

Aitolian (frag. ır Lightfoot). The effect of (and

See n. there, εἰναφώσσωνα: X cites Pherekydes

decent motive for killing Agamemnon,

(FGrHist 3 F 138, and in EGM) for the nine ships.


Jacoby collects some other ‘nines’ from the Trojan

Klytaimestra's, daughter Iphigeneia.

where more evidence is cited) and Alexander the

motive for?) this variant is to deny Klytaimestra a



story had


who on

his own,



Kassandras speech

καὶ δευτέραν eis ἄρκυν ὀθνείων βρόχων x







ληῖτιν ἐμπταίσασαν ἰξευτοῦ πτέρῳ, Θύσῃσιν ἁρμοῖ μηλάτων ἀπάργματα φλέγουσαν ἐν κρόκαισι καὶ Βύνῃ θεᾷ,


θρέξεις ὑπὲρ Σκάνδειαν Αἰγίλου 7’ ἄκραν,

αἴθων ἐπακτὴρ καγχαλῶν ἀγρεύματι. νήσῳ δ᾽ ἐνὶ δράκοντος ἐγχέας πόθον


Ἀκτῆς, διμόρφου γηγενοῦς σκηπτουχίας,

τὴν δευτέραν ἕωλον οὐκ ὄψει Κύπριν ψυχρὸν παραγκάλισμα κἀξ ὀνειράτων




252 on the ‘complex

metaphor’ here, esp. the identification of the two innocent girls with birds, straight after the description of Helen as a heifer (102). the bird motif see further 314n. (Laodike

For and

metamorphoses are not alluded to in the ‚Alexandra, and take place outside it, so are not included in the list at 176 n. Cf. V. A. 6. 518-19 "flammam media ipsa

tenebat / ingentem, with Norden 1927: 267. The

Polyxena as nightingales).


character of Helen's



also 106n.) foreshadows her wild behaviour, also

referred to at 143, θυιάδος. See also Euphorion frag. 107 Lightfoot for the mourning for Melikertes, who died with

105. ἱξευτοῦ πτερῷ: this feather’ is a kind of trap called in Latin a ‘formido’—a ‘rope strung with feathers used by hunters to scare game’ (OLD).

ἀπάργματα are the same as ἀπαρχαί (2, and

his mother when they both jumped into the sea.

Aristoph. Peace 1056). This is the first attested use

Evidently the two poets treated the same topic, as often. See further 757 (with n.), where she is again

of i£eurns, ‘one who

catches birds with


lime’; see Reed 1997: 179 on Bion frag. XIII line ı.

called Burn, and is mentioned as having saved

106. The Thysai or Thystades (Hesych. (8 972)) are

the shipwrecked Odysseus by using her magic veil.

the Thyiades, female worshippers of Dionysos,

Paus. το. 4. 3. ἁρμοῖ: ‘recently’, ‘lately’, a tragic word






108. Skandeia


Kall. frag. 274 and 383 (= 254 Suppl. Hell) line 4 PE,

(Barr. map

58, inset) is at mod.

Palaiopoli, at the north end of the great bay of

Hellenistic poetry: Theok. 4. 51, Ap. Rh. 1. 972 and

Aghios Nikolaos, in the SE part of the island of

‘brine’; Euphorion frag. 124 Lightfoot, where

Kithira, which is itself south of the mainland of Lakonia. Skandeia was the harbour town of the πόλις of Kythera. For Kythera see LACP: no. 336, also discussing Skandeia. Skandeia was ‘a πόλισμα or fortified place near the harbour’ acc. Th. 4. 54. 4 (at para. 1 Th. calls Skandeia itself a πόλις,

the Etymologicum Genuinum is quoted for the identification of Byne with the sea-nymph Ino-Leukothea, daughter of Kadmos, sister of

but the para. 4 description is more accurate). See Huxley in Coldstream and Huxley 1972: 38. ‘The islet of Aigilia, mod. Antikithira, famous

Dionysos’ mother Semele, and nurse of Dionysos

for the scientific mechanism found in the sea

with P£'s n. on frag. 274. μηλάτων: for the unusu-

ally formed (‘metaplastic’) gen. pl., see LSJ”. 107. Βύνῃ θεᾷ: Byne (perhaps connected with βύθος or with δῦναι) was a name for the sea or

himself. She features again at 757. For her complicated mythology see Gantz 1993: 176-9). She was originally a mortal woman who became a goddess, acc. Od. 5. 334-5, so to that extent she

resembles Glaukos the sea-god (754n.); but these


is off the



of Krete,

half-way between Krete and Kythera; see L4CP: P. 573 (in the ch. on Lakedaimon). This would

be on the route from Sparta to Egypt. Other candidates for Aigilon have been suggested.


Paris’ abduction of Helen


and she will fall again into the trap of a foreigner's net, taken prisoner by the feathered snare of the fowler.


Just before this, on the shore, she was sacrificing sheep to the

Thysai and to the goddess Byne. You will hasten beyond Skandeia and the promontory of Aigilon, a fierce hunter, exulting in your prey. When, on Dragons island, you have satisfied your desire, 110 in Akte, the realm of the two-formed earth-born king,

you will not see a second day of marriage, but will have a cold embrace, the stuff of dreams, 109. ἐπακτήρ:

cf. Ii 17.135 with


Apollod. 3. 12. 7.) The ‘island of Helen’ or Helene is the mod. Makronisi or ‘long island’ (Barr. map

1994: 118.

59 4D, marked as Helena’), east of the Sounion peninsula. Homer, J/ 3. 445, says that Helen and Paris had sex on an island Kranae; this is identified by Strabo g. 1. 22 with Helene. (But Paus. 3. 22. 1 locates Kranae near Gytheion in Lakonia, and this is duly marked at Barr. map 58 D4.) Lyk.'s cryptic ‘Dragon’ island is also an allu-

110-112. Lyk, has it both ways: Paris has intercourse with Helen (so that she is an appropriate target for Kassandra's hostility and scorn for her sexual immorality, see on κυνός at 87, and cf. West 2009: 83: in Lyk., ‘Helen is just as guilty as she was in Homer

and Herodotus’); she is also

represented as having gone to Egypt, replaced at Troy by a phantom—the version in Stesichoros

sion to half-snakes: the general meaning of all these descriptors (viz. ‘Attica’) becomes progres-

(see S. West 1982) and E. Hei. Like Stes. (PMGF

sively clearer. σκηπτουχίας may (so Ciani, and Gigante Lanzara 2009: 109) be an Aeschylean echo; see Pers. 297.

193=go Fi.) and Hdt. (2. 112. 1 and 16.1), Lyk. has Helen stay with Proteus in Egypt. The key is in 112: there is a single night of sex but no second

112. τὴν δευτέραν ἕωλον οὐκ ὄψει Κύπρι. The

morning of love i.e. sex, €wAov ... Κύπριν. 110-111. νήσῳ δ᾽ ἐνὶ δράκοντος ἐγκέας πόθον / Ἀκτῆς διμόρφου γηγενοῦς σκηπτουχίας: there is no doubt that we are suddenly off the coast of Attica (for Akte as Attica—also at 1339—see E. Hel. 1673). The





probably Erechtheus, one of the earliest kings of Athens

(often confused with Erichthonios),

and born from the earth acc. to 77 2. 548. Tzetzes thought that Lyk. was talking about Erichthonios; in which case there would be an interesting

Kallimachean intertext: cf. Kall. frag. 260 line 23 Pf. (= 70 line 8 Hollis), with Hollis 2007: 285. Alternatively the allusion could be to Kekrops,

desired meaning is ‘you will not see a second day of marriage’. Casaubon ingeniously contrived to extract this sense, by comparing a line of the

comic poet Axionikos (K/A frag. 8 line 6) τῶν γάμων κρείττω γεγονέναι τὴν ἕωλον ἡμέραν,

[that] the day after is better than the wedding feast itself’, which implies that on the day after a wedding the family normally eats up scraps. ἕωλος is applied to stale food, and can also indicate a ‘morning-after’ feeling i.e. a hangover. See xi0-112n, for the significance of this line. For the motif of a single night of marital love, see Fantuzzi 2012: 36 on Stat. Achil, 1. 936-7 (Achilles and Deidameia).

who was a half-serpent and thus ‘two-formed’,

so Pfeiffer on Kall. frag. 194 line 68. Either way,

113. ψυχρὸν παραγκάλισμα:

the reference to an early king of Athens is clear, and perhaps we should not feel forced to choose between these alternatives. (Tzetzes thought rather of Salamis and the myth of Kychreus (451n.), who was also a half-snake; see Frazer on

quotation of S. Ant. 650, where M. Griffith cites

this is an exact

for parallel E. Alk. 353 ψυχρὰν τέρψιν; See also Gigante Lanzara 2009: πο. The idea here is that Helen was a mere wraith (see further 820-825 and nn.). Lyk. surely drew



Kassandras speech

κεναῖς ἀφάσσων ὠλέναισι δέμνια. ^






ὁ yap σε συλλέκτροιο Φλεγραίας πόσις


στυγνὸς Τορώνης, & γέλως ἀπέχθεται καὶ δάκρυ, νῆις δ᾽ ἐστὶ καὶ τητώμενος ἀμφοῖν, ὃ Θρήκης Ex ποτ᾽ εἰς ἐπακτίαν Τρίτωνος ἐκβολαῖσιν ἠλοκισμένην χέρσον περάσας, οὐχὶ ναυβάτῃ στόλῳ,







on Stes. for this (5. West 1982); see PMGF: p. 179 (Davies) on no, 192=gıa Fi. (Tzetzes on the

30. 1459 line 3 (Galatia, ?2nd cent. Bc). &Aeypaías πόσις / στυγνὸς Τορώνης: Lyk. introduces

present passage

Proteus indirectly, as husband of Torone. Torone is the female eponym of a north Aegean city

and in Antebomerica

149), and

Davies 1982, who shows (i) that Tzetzes' source in both works was Aristid. 2. 234, printed at PMGF

which was important in classical times: OCD* and ZACP: no. 620. It was near the end of

p.178 and (ii) that Tzetzes' allusions to Stesichoros

should not be treated or printed as actual fragments. See also Page in P. Oxy, 2506: 35-6. 115-127.

Proteus' prehistory.



Sithonia, the middle prong of Chalkidike, and

has been excavated by a Greek-Australian team: Papadopoulos 2005. Lyk.’s ethnic ‘Phlegraiar! is

not quite accurate, because Phlegra was an alter-


native name for the westernmost Chalkidic prong, Pallene: Hat. 7. 123. 1; for Pallene in the present context see 127n. For the alternative location of

shape-shifting sea-god (A. L. B[rown], OCD*; Aston zotı: 55758), who was questioned on the

Egyptian island of Pharos by Menelaos about the fates of Agamemnon and other Greeks (Od. 4.


and took her to Egypt; for Lyk.s indebtedness to Hdt. in this episode, see S. West 2009: 82-3 (but see also 113n. for Stesichoros). Proteus was

the subject of the satyr-play which accompanied Aeschylus’ Oresteia, but though the frags of this are exiguous (TrG/’nos 210-15; see Sommerstein

in Loeb Aeschylus 3: 220-3), it is tempting to conjecture that Lyk. may have echoed this play. Stephens 2010: 60, discussing the use of mythology in Ptolemaic Alexandria, suggests that Lyk.'s account of his escape from lawless "Thrace (really,

of Macedon). But the positive presentation of Proteus as 'pious and respectful barbarian’ (Allan

2008: 60) goes back through E. Helen to Hdt.





he has Herakles crossing to the city of Torone from Thasos and killing Proteus’ sons Polygonos and Telegonos (or Tmolos, 2 Lyk., and see MassaPairault 2009: 489) in a wrestling match. (Cf. IG 14. 1293À lines 84-6, from a long Greek inscription from Rome listing Herakles' deeds.) Until he

eliminated them, they had challenged all comers and killed them (cf. 124). Fantuzzi in Fantuzzi and

Hunter 2004: 388 notes that the myth appears in Lyk. for the first time, and ingeniously suggests

his own lawless sons) to Egypt is meant to present the latter as ‘a space of moral integrity’, cf. also Sens 2010: 304 (who stresses, in addition, the proximity of Pallene to the Ptolemaic homeland


Campania) see again 127n. and 699n. Apollod. 2. s. 9, describing the conclusion of Herakles' ninth labour, the belt of Hippolyte, seems aware of the Proteus-Torone connection:

349-570). In Hdt. (2. 112720) he removed Helen

that the story could have had a special appeal at the Ptolemaic court of Philadelphos because the rulers wife, Egyptian-born Arsinoe II, had been married to a Thracian, Lysimachos. This does not really work. Lysimachos was not an ethnic

"Thracian but a Macedonian, he ruled large tracts

115-116. ovAAdkrporo: Euripidean, see (with Gigante Lanzara urn. 59) Her. x and 1268. The word recurs in a verse epitaph from Ptolemaic

he murdered his heir Agathokles at the instigation of, precisely, Arsinoe. This is not, therefore,

Egypt, SEG 2. 874 line 6, and in another at SEG

evidence for the Alexandrian origin of the poem.

of northern Asia Minor


as well as Thrace, and


Paris’ abduction of Helen

clasping the bed with your empty arms. For the grim husband of the Phlegraian wife Torone, he who hates both laughter and tears, and is ignorant of and lacking in both; he who once crossed from Thrace to the coastal tract which is ploughed into furrows by the outlets of the


river Triton, not by a sea-journey,


Holzinger is surely right to be wary of any special

Nonn. (D. 21. 289) agreed with Lyk. in making Torone the wife of Proteus (if that is what Nonnus meant by Topwvuloıo παρὰ Πρωτῆος), but Steph. Byz., Topwvn, makes her Proteus’ daughter (or alternatively daughter of Poseidon and

explanation in terms of the Chalkidian origin and local interests of the supposed author of the poem, Lyk. the tragedian. (Contrast his n. on 693.) The Egyptian dimension to the Proteus story could equally be used to argue for a Ptolemaic Alexandrian milieu, cf. 115-127n.

Phoinike, but the text is clearly disordered here;

see provisionally Meineke's app. crit.; Billerbeck’s edition has not yet reached the letter 7), Eustathios, comm. on Dion. Perieg. 327 has this variant too,

116-117. d γέλως ἀπέχθεται / καὶ δάκρυ: Proteus could not be sorry at the death of the

but (carelessly?) attributes it to Lyk. i.e. the present

wicked sons, but nor could he rejoice.

passage, so this may not be worth much. See Papadopoulos 1996: 167, noting the variant tradi-

118-119. Τρίτωνος éxBoAaiaw: this means the Nile delta. For Triton as the Nile, see Ap. Rh. 4. 269 («ai ποταμὸς Τρίτων ἠύρροος or edptpoos,

tions, and also remarking on the non-Greek heri-

tage of the mythical female Torone (a heritage which he clearly regards as support for his thesis about the mixed character of later settlement at Torone. But on this topic see 77: ch. 6, defending the natural interpretation of ‘Chalkidic Torone' at Th. 4. 110. 1, viz. ‘founded from Euboian Chalkis’). Steph. Byz. says that another Torone was founded after the Trojan War, and this has been argued to mean that he wrongly thought there were two separate places, when in fact all his information may relate to Chalkidic Torone and be evidence that ‘the carriers of the imported pottery from the cemetery were following in the tracks of much older predecessors: Snodgrass 1994: 89 and Papadopoulos, as above. This is an appealing idea, but there is a difficulty, Snodgrass, followed by Papadopoulos, says that no other city of the name [Torone] existed, but this is not correct. IACPno, 10 is a Torone in Epeiros, for which the main evidence is Ptolemy's Geography. Steph. Byz. is an epitome only, and it is possible that his Torone entry betrays knowledge of the Epeiros city. However all that may be, Lyk., whose interest in colonial myths is palpable elsewhere and often, may have been hinting at some of the undoubted complexity surrounding Torone. Nevertheless

see Livrea). Stephens 2003: 208 (with n. gı) says

this ‘geographical pleonasm is not just an exercise in recherché allusion; it serves to effect a liaison

between Greek and Egyptian worlds’. MassaPairault 2009: 490 seeks daringly to connect the Proteus~Pallene combination in Lyk. with Kall. frag. 228 Pf. 47~55, which mentions both Athos (Chalkidike) and Pharos (Alexandria). For Triton as Nile see further 576 n. (Delos).

ug. A three-word line, cf. 63n. ἠλοκισμένην: from ἀλοκέζω, an extremely rare verb, otherwise found only at Aristoph. Wasps 850 (but several more times in Lyk. with the sense ‘mangle, lacerate’; see 381, 810, and go8). The meaning ‘plough’ assumes that the root is dAo£ = αὐλαξ, ‘a furrow’.

120. οὐχὶ ναυβάτῃ στόλῷ: Poseidon granted his son Proteus’ prayer to let him go home to Egypt (126), by a route which took him through the caves

under the sea (2). S. West 1982, comparing Stes. frag. 192. 2 PMGF = 91 a Fi., suggests that Lyk. derived this detail from Stes., and that in Stes.,

Proteus (on his way home

from Pallene) took

Helen back from Sparta. See Davies and Finglass 2014: 309 n. 56. See also Mynors on V. G. 4. 388-9.



Kassandras speech

ἀλλ᾽ ἀστίβητον οἶμον, οἷά τις σιφνεύς, κευθμῶνος ἐν σήραγγι τετρήνας μυχούς,

νέρθεν θαλάσσης ἀτραποὺς διήνυσε, τέκνων ἀλύξας τὰς £evokróvovs πάλας,

καὶ πατρὶ πέμψας τὰς ἐπηκόους λίτας,


στῆσαι παλίμπουν εἰς πάτραν, ὅθεν πλάνης

Παλληνίαν ἐπῆλθε, γηγενῶν τροφόν' κεῖνός σε, Γουνεὺς ὥσπερ, ἐργάτης δίκης, τῆς θ᾽ Ἡλίου θυγατρὸς Ἰχναίας βραβεύς, ἐπεσβολήσας λυγρὰ νοσφιεῖ γάμων,


λίπτοντα κάσσης ἐκβαλὼν πελειάδος. ὃς τοὺς Λύκου τε kai Χιμαιρέως τάφους χρησμοῖσι κυδαίνοντας οὐκ αἰδούμενος, a







λυπρὰ Scheer

121. old τις σιφνεύς: translated by Ciani as ‘talpa’,

The order of narration is inverted: Proteus’

a mole; LSJ? equates the word with σπάλαξ or ἀσπάλαξ (this is based on a guess of Tzetzes:

return to Egypt from Thrace (118 ff.) is narrated before the explicit statement that he left his

σημαίνει, ὡς οἶμαι, τὸν ἀσπάλακα). But strictly Spalacidae are completely blind (‘blind-rats’),

native Epypt for Thrace originally (the present passage). Hurst/Kolde note the heavy alliteration

whereas moles merely have tiny eyes; see Mynors 1990: 42 on ‘oculis capti...talpae’ at V. G. 1, 183.

in , but that is the commonest sort, and here as

For this mole myth in Jungian terms (Proteus as manifestation

of the unconscious)

see Lambin

elsewhere it is hard to be sure that it is intentional (or denotes excitement: Fraenkel on A. Ag. 268, cf. Fraenkel 1957: 104 n. 2).

2009: 166-7; cf. 34n. and 316n. 122. Not an easy line to translate exactly, though the general sense is clear: Proteus tunnels his way (rerpaivw, ‘bore a hole’) under the seabed. The interpretation here adopted takes κευθμῶνος ἐν σήραγγι together. Holzinger takes κευθμῶνος at the beginning of the line with μυχούς at the end, ‘[boring] the recesses of a cave’, and then ἐν anpayyı elaborates further: ‘in the hollow of a rock’, 124. τὰς ξενοκτόνους πάλας: see 115-116n. for the murderous guest-slaying wrestler sons of Proteus, and for πάλαι see 127n. S. West 2009: 82 rightly notices the ‘added piquancy’ here: Hdt. 2. 115. 4-6 had made Proteus himself claim not to

kill strangers, μὴ ξεινοκτονέειν.

127. Παλληνίαν.... γηγενῶν τροφόν: there is a play on the geographical name Παλλήνη and the

standard word for wrestling, πάλη, for which see 124. Pallene is the ‘nurse of the Earthborn’, i.e. of the Giants, via the connection with the Phlegraian fields (115 and cf. 1404): BAeypatos is said (2 and

"Tzetzes on 215-117; cf. Strabo 7 frag. 14. 16) to be the old name for Thrace because the giants were incinerated there, ἐφλέχθησαν. See MassaPairault 2009: 489-90, and 526-527n. (on Hektor as a kind of Καναστραῖον ... γίγαντα). In Lyk.’s ‘Odyssey’,by contrast, the defeat of the Giants, and the Phlegraian fields, will be located in Campania in central Italy; see 693 and 699 with nn. Proteus was already connected with Pallene by Kall, who calls him the ‘mantic Pallenian seal-herd’, see Suppl. Hell 254. 5-6 (ITaAAnvea

126. παλίμπουν eis πάτραν ὅθεν πλάνης: for the

μάϊντιν] / ποιμένα [denda] with Harder 2012:

very rare παλίμπους (here and at 893), see HE

2.402. See also Mynors on V. G. 4. 390-1, a passage which also shows awareness of this tradition.

4252 (= Meleagerl. 5).


Paris’ abduction of Helen


but by an untrodden road, like a mole,

boring through recesses in the hollows of caves, he made his way through submarine paths, escaping the guest-slaying wrestling of his sons. He sent prayers which his father heard,


to restore him to his fatherland, from which, as a wanderer

he went to Pallene, nurse of the Earthborn. He, like Gouneus, executor of justice,

and arbiter of the Ichnaian daughter of the sun, will attack you with grim reproof and deprive you of your marriage, driving you away, still full of lust, from your promiscuous dove—


you, who respected neither the men who had been sent by oracles to honour the tombs of Lykos and Chimaireus, cult of Themis: Steph. Byz. and Hesych. Perhaps

On Lyk.’s vagueness or inaccuracy here (Torone was on the central Sithonia not the western Pallene promontory of Chalkidike), see 115-116 n.

we do not need to choose, and both are suggested (so, apparently, Holzinger). At HFLAp. 94 (above),

‘Ichnaian’ could

refer to either Thessaly or

128. Γουνεὺς ὥσπερ: Gouneus is said by Σ᾿ to be an Arabian king famous for his justice, and commentators have accepted this; but Decourt 2009: 380-1 convincingly argues instead for a Greek, specifically Thessalian solution, and a link with 'Ichnaian Themis’ in 129, where there is a clear though not exclusive reference to Thessaly; see n. there, Gouneus

131. Alrrovra: in its active form, this verb for desiring appears to be Hellenistic; see also Ap. Rh. 4. 813 and 353 and n. For λίττομαι, see A.

is the eponym of Gonnoi in Thessalian Perrhaibia

Sept. 355 and 380. κάσσης: a shortened form of

Macedon; see Richardson's n., pointing out that

the epithet means ‘Tracker’, and is suitable for the goddess of justice.

(for Gonnoi see IACP: no. 463), and he is leader of

κα(σ)σωρίς, as at 1385. Et. G. says kacowpis‘ ἡ

the Perrhaibian contingent at [Had 2. 748 (897n.) Decourt suggests that the Greek Gouneus was

πόρνη, ἡ κατωφερής (lewd person). The noun is related to κασαλβάς, ‘prostitute’, as at eg.

somehow fused, by the ancient commentators on

Aristoph. Ed. 1106. The root of such words may be semitic, see Papazarkadas and Sourlas 2012: 592 n. 43, discussing a new sth-cent. epigraphic

Lyk., with a story about a legendarily just Arab. The prompt for this fusion could have been the Mesopotamian Ichnai mentioned by Plut. Crass, 25. 12, cf. Steph. Byz. For Ichnai see 129n.

attestation of the curious Argive name Κάσσαβος. 133-134. There are several accusatives here, and translators have differed as to how to take them.

129. This is certainly Themis: FZHAf. 94, Ἰχναίη

τε Θέμις. She is usually the daughter of Ouranos

On the tr. here adopted (essentially that of Ciaceri and Mooney), Paris is said not to respect

and Ge (Hes. 75. 135), rather than the Sun, but

the Sun is appropriate here 'because he sees

(οὐκ αἰδούμενος) those who (τούς), in obedience to oracles (χρησμοῖσι), honoured (κυδαί-

everything and hears everything' (2). For ‘Ichnaian’ as a Thessalian cult epithet of Themis see Decourt 2009: 377-82 and n. 10,








Menelaos and his fellow-envoys to Troy from

citing Strabo 9. s. 14 on Thessaliotis, Ἴχναι,

Sparta) the tombs of Lykos and Chimaireus

ὅπου ἡ Θέμις Ἰχναία τιμᾶται. But there was


another and better-known Ichnai near Pella in

kudalvovras with χρησμοῖσι, ‘glorious in ora-

Macedonia, for which see Hdt. 7. 123.3 and LACP: no. 538, and this Ichnai too appears to have had a

cles’, and referring it to the tombs (so Mair and Hurst/Kolde), makes poor sense.



καὶ Χιμαιρέως

τάφους). Taking


Kassandras speech

οὐδ᾽ Ἠνθέως ἔρωτας, οὐδὲ τὸν ξένοις σύνδορπον Αἰγαίωνος ἁγνίτην πάγον, ἔτλης θεῶν ἀλοιτὸς ἐκβῆναι δίκην, »








λάξας τράπεζαν κἀνακυπώσας Θέμιν, ἄρκτου τιθήνης ἐκμεμαγμένος τρόπους. τοιγὰρ ψαλάξεις ἐς κενὸν νευρᾶς κτύπον,

ἄσιτα κἀδώρητα φορμίζων μέλη,


κλαίων δὲ πάτραν τὴν πρὶν ἠθαλωμένην ἵξῃ χεροῖν εἴδωλον ἠγκαλισμένος τῆς πενταλέκτρου θυιάδος Πλευρωνίας. ,
















γυιαὶ γὰρ εὐναστῆρας ἄμναμοι τριπλαῖς We rely upon 2 Lyk. and upon another 2, on Il. 5. 64 (ii. 13 Erbse), for the elucidation of these two episodes; for the Homeric one see I.

alluded to in the present passage, see Fontenrose 1978: 390 no. L 98. «udaivovras: see 720-721n. The verb is Homeric and Pindaric, but Lyk. con-

Rutherford 2001: 235 and ἢ. 1. Z Lyk. says that the

fines it to the honouring of the dead, with a strong implication of cult.

reason why Menelaos came to Troy in the first

place was because Sparta was afflicted by a plague, and the oracle said that honour must

134. οὔδ᾽ Ἀνθέως ἔρωτας: the name Antheus,

be done to the tombs of Lykos and Chimaireus,

the flowery one, has been thought to ‘suggest a


pretty boy’, and the story has been brought into

of Prometheus


Kelaino, daughter


Poseidon. He was the guest of Paris during his

connection with the story of Hyakinthos, who

stay. But while he was under Paris’ roof, Paris

was also accidentally killed. See Lightfoot 1999:

accidentally killed Antheus (son of the Trojan

457, citing Sergent 1987: 245-6. Historically, the

Antenor), with whom he and Deiphobos were both in love. Menelaos rescued Paris from this

name is not common, but there is a sprinkling in most vols of LGPN. Antheus was son of Antenor,

trouble by taking him back to Sparta.The Homer 2 differs slightly: Menelaos comes to Troy to


avert the plague (as in the other version) but then oracle, Menelaos



by both





135. Alyaiwy: Poseidon, god of the sea, from which salt comes. Tzetzes connects the epiklesis

he and Paris set off together to consult the Delphic


133-134 n.


both with Aigai on the coast of Achaia (ACP:

Paris about seducing Helen. Either way, these myths are designed (so Wathelet 2009: 340) to place Paris in the worst possible light as a betrayer


of hospitality: he had eaten Menelaos’ salt (135).

likelier derivation. @yvirns: this hapax word sug-

no. 229, but Aigai’s cultic connections seem rather Dionysus)





sea, a

Apollod. 3. 10. 2 has Lykos placed in the Island

gests the purificatory function of the sea, and J

of the Blest by Poseidon (his maternal grandfather), and a papyrus fragment shows this was

aptly quotes E. IT 1193, where the sea is said to wash away all human ills; see Platnauer's n. on line 1192, citing e.g. I7. 1. 314. 2 makes the almost




4 F τοῦ, and


EGM); it is not consistent with Lyk.’s story of a

universal human connection between salt and

tomb of Lykos i.e. ordinary mortality. χρησμοῖσι: the oracular injunction to the Spartans to make the offerings is the precursor


136. ἀλοιτός: equivalent to ἀλείτης, as at I7. 3. 28 (about Paris). Cf. 936 n. for Ἀλοῖτις as epithet of Athena, 'Avenger' of sins or crimes.

of several mentions in the poem of cults or colonial enterprises ordained by oracles. See 29, 735, 1207, 1252, 1377, 1379, 1385, also 1141-1173. (the

137. For the idea that sexual offences can be seen as offences against the table’, see Forbes-Irving 1990:

Lokrian Maidens). For the oracle and response


Helens five husbands


nor the love of Antheus, nor the pure salt of Poseidon,

shared between guests and hosts at meals.


You dared criminally to transgress the justice of the gods, kicking the table, and turning Themis upside down, imitating the habits of the bear, your nurse. To no avail you will twang striking from its lyre songs You will return weeping to clutching in your arms the of the Pleuronian maenad,

the loud string of your bow, which bring neither food nor gifts. your fatherland, once burnt to ashes, phantom she of the five husbands.


For the lame descendants of the long-lived Sea have

104, discussing



passage, where

141. τὴν πρὶν ἠθαλωμένην: this refers to the first destruction of ‘Troy by fire, at the hands of


sexual offence is Paris’ seduction of Menelaos' wife, an outrage against hospitality; and for overturning the table as a response, in Greek myth, to specially horrible crimes such as cannibalism, see Burkert 19832: 86 and 105 and Forbes-Irving 1990: 93 n. 120.

Herakles: 31751. For the verb, a rare one, cf. E. Εἰ

1140, and cf. 970n. 143. πενταλέκτρου θυιάδος Πλευρωνίας: the five husbands (Theseus, Paris, Menelaos,

Tereus, after realizing he has been eating his own

Deiphobos, Achilles) form the organizing principle of 144~179. For Helen as a kind of bacchant

son Itys, kicks over the table, Ovid Met. 6. 661. The thought and language of this line surely owes something to A. Ag. 383-4: Aakrioavrı μέγαν Δίκας / βωμὸν εἰς dpdverav. But for

(θυιάδος, again at 505), see τού and 107 with nn., and Mari 2009: 434 n. 67. She was descended

from Pleuron (eponym of the Aitolian city,

ἀνακυπόω Lyk. went elsewhere; see Antimachos frag.

115 Wyss




IACP. no. 153) as follows: her mother Leda was daughter of Thestios, son of Agenor, son of Pleuron: Apollod. 1. 7. 7-10. Alternatively, Leda


XLII, and with Ad£as cf. λαχμόν for λακτισμός, ‘kicking’, at Antimachos frag. tor Wyss (97 Matthews).

was daughter (again by Thestios) of Laophante or Laophone, daughter of Pleuron: FGrHist 3 Pherekydes F 9 (from X Ap. Rh. 1. 146, given

138. ἄρκτου: for the bear as nurse of the infant Paris (a detail also in Apollod. 3. 12. 5, see 224225n.), see Wathelet 2009: 340. ‘Helpful animals’ often perform this sort of role in stories about the

more fully in EGM).

144-179. Helen's five husbands 144-145. These are the three Fates: Klotho, Lachesis, and Atropos. They are not usually daughters of the Sea (Tethys), but of Zeus by Themis: Hes. 75. 901-5 with West. Klotho's name

miraculous deliverance of special infants. See Griffiths 2006: 141. ἐκμεμαγμένος τρόπους: the verb (for which see also 713) is from ἐκμάσσω, originally ‘wipe’, then ‘mould in wax/plaster’, hence ‘imitate’.

(the spinner) is most obviously appropriate to the idea here expressed, and at Od. 7. 197 all three are called the Spinners, Κλῶθες. For the Moirai, as they are more usually called, see Eidinow 20113: 35-41 with n. 61 for the spinning motif, citing 7) 24. 210, Hekabe reminds Priam that

139. τοιγὰρ ψαλάξεις: for Paris’ lyre-playing see Il. 3. 54 (Hektor, contemptuously). “You'll play your lyre in vain' was proverbial. 2 thought that a secondary, sexual reference to the male organ was

hinted at: aivirreraı δὲ μόριον ἀνδρός. There

strong Fate spun, ἐπένησε, Hektor's fate long ago

are similar comments in the Aristophanic Z about ‘hinting’ at obscenities (Nünlist 2009: 234 n. 31).

(this is perhaps verbally echoed in the present

passage by πήναις, although the words are unrelated since the Homeric verb is from ἐπινέω).



Kassandras speech

πήναις κατεκλώσαντο δηναιᾶς Ados,


νυμφεῖα πεντάγαμβρα δαίσασθᾶι γάμων.

δοίω μὲν ἁρπακτῆρας αὐγάσαι λύκους πτηνοὺς τριόρχας αἰετοὺς ὀφθαλμίας, τὸν δ᾽ ἐκ Πλυνοῦ τε κἀπὸ Καρικῶν ποτῶν βλάστοντα ῥίζης, ἡμικρῆτα βάρβαρον, Ἐπειόν, οὐκ Ἀργεῖον ἀκραιφνῆ yovals.


οὗ πάππον ἐν γαμφαῖσιν Ἐνναία ποτὲ wo

λίζαν Scheer

βαρβάρου Wilamowitz 1883a: 7n. ™ [= 1935772: 2. 18n. 1]

144. γυιαί: a Hellenistic poetic word for ‘lame’; see also Kall. H. 3 to Artemis 177 with Bornmann (parola ellenistica’, but derived from γυιόω, as

at J/. 8. 402). ἄμναμοι: Lyk. is partial to this unusual word for ‘descendant’ (used also at 872, 1227, and 1338); the literal meaning is ‘little lamb’, from dvds, composed by gemination, like raıδόπαις; cf. Chantraine. It appears to be a Dorianism. See SEG 48. 2059 = 57. 2007 line B (Kyrene, 2nd to 1st cents sc) and 18. 744 line 9 (also Kyrene, and cent. ap), in both of which it

means ‘grandson’; also IC 1. 98 B 1-2 (with SEG 48. 1218, Kretan Lyttos, Roman Imperial period) for ἡ Gyvappos (si) as ‘granddaughter’. Ar. Byz. frag. 235 Slater said that the Kyrenaians call their children’s children amnamoi (τὰ ἔκγονα τῶν ἐκγόνων ἀμνάμους καλοῦσι); similarly Tzetzes, on 1227, says ἄμναμοι ] ol ἀπόγονοι

κυρηναικῶς. For the variant form ἀμνάμων (sic) as ‘grandson’, see the Kyrenaian Kallimachos frag. 338 Pf. (Θείας ἀμνάμων) and πο. 44 (ἀμνάμων @eins), where the refs. seem to be to the wind-

god Boreas as grandson of Theia. Harder on Kall. frag. 110. 44 Pf. writes, incorrectly in view of all this epigraphic evidence, ‘apart from these pas-

sages [Lyk. and Kall.] we find these words [ἀμνάμων and ἄμναμος] only in lexicographers and grammarians’.

145. δηναιᾶς AAds: reverse metonymy’, as Hunter 2006: 79 n. 114 calls it: Tethys is meant.

147-148. Husbands (1) and (2): Theseus and Paris For the abduction by Theseus (and Peirithoos) of Helen as a young girl, see so5n.

147. ἁρπακτῆρας ... λύκους: ‘greed and lust are often interchangeable’, says Forbes-Irving 1990: 104 n. 28, citing the present passage, and see 137—

138n. ἁρπακτήρ is rare, and perhaps (Ciani) taken from ΠῚ 24. 262, an abusive passage (Priam denouncing his worthless sons: 'only here and in late literature (Oppian, Nonnus, Julian)’, says N. Richardson, but Lyk. is much earlier than any of these). For the combination of a near-identical

word with wolves, cf. Kall. frag. 202 Pf. (Jam. XIT) line 7o P£ (with Kerkhecker 1999: 238 for improved text): &pray|es λ]ύκοι; also Sistakou 2009: 252. Holzinger suggests that 147 refers to Theseus and 148 to Paris. In that case, the redundancy of expression will be less than is supposed by Kalospyros 2009: 216. Mari 2009: 439 notes that here Helen is represented as a victim of male violence (more usually she is blamed by Kassandra for lust and promiscuity). 148. τριόρχας: Pol. 12. τς = FGrHist 566 Timaios F 126. Walbank in HCP misses the point about the three testicles, as does Davidson 2007: 64. The allusion is clearly to ‘sexual rapacity’ (so Holford-Strevens 2000: 610). See Loeb edn footnote for Pol. LSJ is also wrong: the Lyk. and Tim. passages should have been dealt with together.

146. Holzinger sees here a reference to Aphrodite's

‘There may be comic influence here; see Aristoph.


Birds 181 with Holzinger: 32, and his n. on the passage. αἰετούς: see Gigante Lanzara 2009: 105 on the eagle as 'symbol of force' in Lyk.


ill reputation)


Tyndareus, ie. Helen and omitting her from the oath.







Helens five husbands ordained, with three threads of fate, that her bed-fellows

shall share a wedding-feast of five bridegrooms. She will see two rapacious wolves, winged eagles, over-sexed, keen-sighted; and a third, sprung from roots in Plynos and the rivers of Karia, a half-Kretan barbarian, an Epeian, not pure Árgive by descent.

145-152 145


Ennaia—Herkynna, Erinys, Thourian, Sword-bearer—

149-167. Husband (3): Menelaos

be simultaneously present on either reading. If, however, the primary reference is to Krete, Menelaos is perhaps being called a barbarian because of Minos’ rule over Karia: Hdt. 1. 171. 2. Tt may be relevant that there were links between Krete and Karia in Hellenistic times, expressed by a series of inscriptions attesting kinship between Krete and Karian Mylasa: Curty 1995:

Menelaos’ wanderings in search of Helen will be

treated at length later (820-876). 149-150. τὸν δ᾽ ἐκ Πλυνοῦ re κἀπὸ Καρικῶν ποτῶν / βλάστοντα ῥίζης: for Plynos in Libya, close to the Egyptian border and east of Antipyrgos (mod. Tobruk), see Barr. map 73 C2. It was supposedly the birthplace of Menelaos’ ancestor Atlas. ‘Karian rivers’ probably hints at the rule over Karia

160-3, nos 66 a-d; this kinship may lie behind


the proxeny grant made in the mid-4th cent. by Mausolus and Artemisia to the people of Knossos

Karia is not well-watered, and Holzinger preferred

in Krete, and found at Labraunda (R/O: no. 55);

to think that Lyk. was continuing the Libyan theme by a ref. to a river near the Καρικὸν τεῖχος attested by Steph. Byz., citing FGrHist 7o Ephoros

see Hornblower 2o11: 357. Note also the foundation legend according to which part-Karian Miletos was founded, not from Athens (the usual story, see Hdt. 5. 97. 2) but from Krete, with Sarpedon as oikist: FGrHist 70 Ephoros F 127 and my comm. on Hdt. 5.49. 3. The gibe at Menelaos as ‘barbarian’, is put into the mouth of the Trojan (i.e. Phrygian i.e. barbarian) Kassandra. For the irony, see Kolde 2009: 47, and see Hurst/Kolde (on 149-167).

of another


of Menelaos,


F 53, cf. Hanno periplous 5). For the Karia-Krete link see ıson. ποτόν is extraordinarily common in

Lyk. in the sense ‘river’, usually in the pl., ποτά: thirteen occurrences, not including three in the sense ‘drink’. See Holzinger on 1275. On the definite articles used here and in the following lines about Menelaos and Helen's other husbands (e.g. 168, 172), see Sistakou 2009: 250-1, who sees it as part of a pattern of name-avoidance. 150. ἡμικρῆτα βάρβαρον:



151. Ἐπειόν: that is, from Elis, whose contingent in the Homeric Catalogue of Ships is part of the larger Epeian contingent (ZZ. 2. 615-19 with Hope Simpson and Lazenby 1970: 96-100). Menelaos is 'Eleian' because his grandmother was


these two words go together and a comma is needed before ἡμικρῆτα. Menelaos was Kretan because

of his descent



Hippodameia, from Elis. Hippodameia and Pelops are the parents of Atreus, the father of

(father of

Menelaos and Agamemnon.

Katreus, father of Aerope, mother of Menelaos). Wilamowitz 1883a: 7 n. ** [= 1935~72: 2. 18 n. 1] emended without argument to BapBdpou (agree-

152-155. In a nutshell, Demeter, absent-minded from grief for Persephone, ate Pelops’ shoulder. The digression on Pelops’ biography is prompted by his relation to Menelaos, following a principle discussed by Sistakou 2009: 243 n. 17. On the relation of Lyk.'s account to that in Pi. O. 1, see Gigante Lanzara 2009: 106-8.

ing with ῥίζης), but though possible, this is not necessary. The word might then refer to the Asiatic origin of Menelaos' ancestor Pelops; for this, see Fowler 2013: 426-7. Indeed this implication (Menelaos’ ancestor Pelops as Lydian) may



Kassandra’ speech

Ἕρκυνν᾽ Ἐρινὺς Θουρία Ξιφηφόρος ἄσαρκα μιστύλασα τύμβευσεν φάρῳ, τὸν ὠλενίτην χόνδρον ἐνδατουμένη.


ὃν δὴ dis ἡβήσαντα καὶ βαρὺν πόθον EJ







φυγόντα ναυμέδοντος ἁρπακτήριον,

ἔστειλ᾽ Ἐρεχθεὺς eis Aetpivatous γύας λευρὰν ἀλετρεύσοντα έόλπιδος πέτραν τοῦ Ζηνὶ δαιτρευθέντος Ὀμβρίῳ δέμας, 152. ἐν γαμφαῖσιν:

for the



Ἑρκύνια' ἑορτὴ Δήμητρος, an emendation from

of Aapax

the MSS

(abbreviated form of a common word, here γαμφηλαῦ,, see Guilleux 2009: 231, cf. Gigante Lanzara 2009: 106, discussing 358.

ἑρκήνια, prompted by, precisely, the

present passage of Lyk. It looks right, however.) This goddess may be an old Indo-European goddess, a cognate of Norse Fiorgyn, mistress of

the wooded mountains, and both names may be

related to that of the storm-god Perkunas; see

152-153. Ἐνναία ποτέ / Ἕρκυνν᾽ Ἐρινὺς Θουρία Ξιφηφόρος: that is, Demeter. This is the first of the batches of piled-up, asyndetic, multiple cultepithets, which form so striking a characteristic of the whole poem. At five in total, the present list is exceeded only by the six for Athena at 355-359. For cult-epithets in the Alexandra, esp. as evidenced by inscriptions, see Introduction, section xr. The first epithet is the ethnic of Enna in central Sicily, and alludes to the abduction of Demeter’ daughter Persephone by Hades. The Sicilian loca~

M. West 2007: 243.

Demeter was Erinys at Arkadian Thelpousa: Paus. 8. 25. 4, quoting Antimachos (frag. 35 Wyss = 33 Matthews); see also Kall. frag. 652 Pf., quoted here by Z (and more fully at Z 1225). Demeter

Erinys appears on the city's coins, see LACP: no. 300 at p. 534, citing Head rgzz: 356 (but the iden-

tification of the goddess's head as that of Demeter Erinys is inference from Paus, The actual word or name Erinys does not appear). See generally Wilamowitz 1931-2: 1. 398-407, ‘Demeter Erinys und die Erinyen’; cf. also Aston 2011: 99, 108, 184. It is thought that a Mycenaean goddess e-ri-nu, named on Linear B tablets from Knossos on

tion of the abduction did not feature in HHDem., or

in any poet earlier than Kall. (7. 6. 30 and frag. 228 line 43 Pf.) and the present passage. But it probably

featured in Timaios, as appears from a comparison of Diod. 5. 3. 2 and [Ar.] mir. ausc. 82. See Geffcken 1892: 104 and esp. Pearson 1987: 58 and n.17. And it is hard to believe that Timaios invented it. Might it go back to Stesichoros? Note that in Pindar (N. 1.13-14)







assimilated to her: see Jost 1985: 303-4 and 205:

395; Rougemont 2005: 332, 333 n. 36, 337. In antiquity, “Thourian’ was explained in terms

Zeus gave the island of Sicily to Persephone as

of Demeters frenzied (θοῦρος) grief for her daughter (2), or else as an inexact reference to the

a wedding-present. Zuntz 1971: 7on. 4 argued that a mid-sth-cent. coin of Enna (HIN® 137, Demeter in a

Greek west and thus to Enna (above), because

chariot) depicted her seeking her daughter, and held

of Thourioi in S. Italy (the paraphrase). But

this to refute the view that the rape of Persephone

Schachter 1967: 6 and 1981-94: 1. 151 (cf. 44 n. 1)

was not localized in Sicily before Timaios, who (he believed) ‘recorded a tradition current in his home-

suggests instead a Boiotian cult, related to Apollo Thourios of Mt Thorion near Chaironeia, for

land’. The conclusion is likely enough, even if Zuntz

which see Plut. Su/la 17. 6-8 (cf. 352 n.).

Demeter Xiphephoros is located in Boiotia acc.

may have over-interpreted the coin. For (Demeter) Herkynna, a Boiotian goddess,

2. Schachter 1981-94: 1. 171 (listing this under

see Schachter 1981-94: 1. 156-7 (cf. Parker 2005b: 223 n. 35). The cult of Herkyn(n)a, daughter of

'DEMETER (UNSPECIFIED)) thinks, with acknowl-

Trophonios, had its centre at Lebadeia. (Livy 45.

Demeter’, perhaps located in the ‘southern and

27, Paus. 9. 39. 2-3. See also Hesych. e 5931 Latte

western fringe of the Kopais’, like the other epi-

edgement to Farnell 1896—1909: 1. 325, of a ‘warlike



Helen's five husbands

once sliced up the flesh of your grandfather in her jaws and buried it in her throat, feasting on the cartilage of his shoulder. He was young twice, and when he fled from the heavy rapacious desires of the ruler of ships,


Erechtheus sent him to the fields of Letrina,

to grind smooth the stone of Molpis (he who sacrificed his body to Zeus the Rain-god)


thets in this line of Lyk. 2 says that the title ‘sword-

158. Ἐρεχθεύς: although Erechtheus is a well-

bearer’ relates to the way the god was depicted in

attested Athenian cult epithet for Poseidon (JG τ᾽ 873, dedication, c.450 Bc; Plut. Mor. 843b with Parker 1996: 242 and 290, the famous Lykourgos of Boutadai, who was a priest of Poseidon Erechtheus; Hesych. ε 5763 Latte), it is better to take it here as referring to Zeus, as at 431; see n. there. (But at 1338, the name has its more usual referent, an early king of Athens. So ‘descendants of Erechtheus’ are there the Athenians, as at Pi. P. 7. 8.) For Letrina, between Elis and Olympia, see 54n.

the relevant Boiotian sanctuary, wherever exactly that was; Schachter 1. 171 n. 3 confidently rejects this as ‘worthless etymologising’, but it is plausible enough and is accepted by Parker 2003: 174 n. 7. 153. pápq: instead of φάρυγξ, see Guilleux 2009: 232 (and cf. 152 n., for the type of Aapax, except that this is hardly shorter than the word it

is based on). 154. ἄσαρκα μιστύλασα: the alpha of ἄσαρκος

159. λευρὰν ἀλετρεύσοντα Μολπίδος πέτραν: for the verb, see Livrea on Ap. Rh. 4. 1095: it is an echo

is normally privative, so ‘fleshless’ would refer proleptically to the condition to which Demeter

reduced the shoulder. But Tzetzes explains the word as πολύσαρκα, with copulative i.e. reinforcing alpha, and LSJ? list this better explanation as a

of Homer, see Od. 7.104 (the only occurrence), and

perhaps also of Hesiod. The reference is evidently (2) to the chariot-race between Pelops and Oinomaos. The idea seems to be that the racing

separate sense (II), citing only the present passage. μιστύλλω (sic) is the regular Homeric word for

drivers wore smooth the ground of Elis (which is,

cutting up meat during the ritual of animal sacrifice, So the neuter plural ἄσαρκα functions as a

however, not stony, as Holzinger points out). With λευρὰν πέτραν Gigante Lanzara 2009: 111 compares E. Ba. 982, λευρὰς ἀπὸ πέτρης. Z says that Molpis was an Eleian who sacrificed himself for the community in time of

noun, and the two words are parenthetic: ‘she swal-

lowed his grandfather, cutting up the fleshy parts’. 156. δὶς ἡβήσαντα: Pelops was rejuvenated (by Hermes,


drought, and was honoured with a statue in the

Zeus’ orders), after his experience

in the cooking-pot. See 27 Pi. O. 1. 40a.

temple of Zeus Ombrios. But this, apart from

157. A three-word line, cf. 63n. ναυμέδων is Poseidon, ‘ruler of the ships’. This is not a cult

difficulty from 160. There is no other evidence


at Aesch.


130. So



it is odd



that Paus. does


know of the statue. He does mention a statue of one Molpion at Olympia, 6. 4. 8. Molpis is an attested historical name, borne by e.g. a Hellenistic Spartan historian, FGrHist 59o. Names in Molp- are common at Miletos.


Holzinger, following Wentzel 1890: V. 17. Another possible spelling and reading is λαμέδων, a shortened form of ἁλιμέδων, ‘ruler of the sea’ (Tzetzes). See Pi. O. r. 42 for the love felt by Poseidon ‘of the bright trident'for Pelops. But for Pindar, the abduction by Poseidon is a more acceptable alternative to the shocking story of the half-eaten shoulder. Lyk. has it both ways, as often. On Pelops, see Fowler 2013: 426-31.


for Molpis, and

epithet but an ordinary adjective formed like ποντομέδων



Ζηνί... Ὀμβρίῳ:





Zeus en clair, see Introduction section 11 (v). Zeus

Ombrios, the god of rain, is a 'mountain Zeus’ who is well attested in Attica for his cult on

Mt Hymettos. See Paus. 1. 32. 2 with Schwabl



Kassandras speech

γαμβροκτόνον ῥαΐσοντα πενθεροφθόροις

βουλαῖς avayvoıs, ἃς ὁ Καδμίλου γόνος ἤρτυσε. τὸν δὲ λοῖσθον ἐκπιὼν σκύφον ^






φερωνύμους ἔδυψε Νηρέως τάφους, πανώλεθρον κηλῖδα θωύξας γένει ὁ τὴν nödapyov Ψύλλαν ἡνιοστροφῶν, +


















καὶ τὴν ὁπλαῖς Aprıvvav Ἁρπυίαις ἴσην.

τὸν δ᾽ αὖ τέταρτον αὐθόμαιμον ὄψεται κίρκου καταρρακτῆρος, ὅν τε συγγόνων A







τὰ δευτερεῖα τῆς δαϊσφάλτου πάλης


163. τὸν δὲ λοῖσθον ἐκπιὼν σκύφον: X says malζει ὁ Λυκόφρων εἰς τὸ λοῖσθον πότον. There is indeed black humour here, as Holzinger also saw,

1978: cols 1047, 344; Langdon 1976; and Parker 1996: 29, 31. δαιτρευθέντος: for the verb (also at 1315), see Od. 14. 433.

but with more precision: the metaphor is taken from the rituals of sympotic drinking, cf. the title of Mary Renault’s Peloponnesian War novel, The Last of the Wine. For the sympotic game of kottabos, throwing the Adrayes or dregs, see the opening section of Ath. bk 15 (665 ff. in Casaubon's

161. A three-word line, cf. 63n. Lyk. is fond of

these compound words for ‘slaying’, esp. of kin. See 38, 1035. For the story, see Pi. O. 1. 162-165. Myrtilos, Pelops' charioteer, was son of

Hermes (Apollod. ep. 2. 6), the god of trickery,

numbering) and Pollux 6. 109. But it is here used

Kadmilos (= Kadmos?) or Kasmilos was a title of

to introduce a curse screamed just before death

Hermes (Tzetzes, cf. 219n.), perhaps used at Samothrace (cf. FGrHist 4 Hellanikos F 25, with Scheer 1993: 316 n. 6o, also Fowler 2013: 40, 522; for Kadmos on Samothrace see 72—73n.). It was

by drowning. Holzinger aptly cites Pollux 6. 107, ἅλμης ποτήριον ἐκπιεῖν. 164. φερωνύμους: see 162-165n. for the Myrtoan Sea. Lyk. uses several such words in -ώνυμος, which attest an interest in names which is manifested in other ways all over the poem (see e.g. 339n. on the name Priam, and note οὐλαμώνυμος at 183, ἀνώνυμος at 587, οὐ... νώνυμος at 126,

Myrtilos who suggested sabotaging Oinomaos' charioteer by inserting the chariot. When the tion, it melted and the asked for his promised

wax into the linch-pin of wax heated with the rotawheels came off. Myrtilos reward but Pelops threw

and ὁμωνύμος at 1370). Lyk. resembles Classical

him into the Myrtoan sea instead, the ‘tomb that

bears his name’, φερωνύμους

Greek historians in commenting on locations which (as here) take their names from a mythical individual; for other such uses of φερώνυμος see 599 and 1081, and for other exx. of this

τάφους. Before

he drowned he cursed the house of Pelops (Atreus, Agamemnon, Orestes etc.); c£, with 2, E. Or. 990 ff.

162-163. ἃς ὁ Καδμίλον



/ ἤρτυσε:

but with


see 723,

1004, and 1031; cf. 192-193 for a different formula-

of the clever

tion, with αὐδηθήσεται. There is a connection

charioteer, helped to generate stories like those of the clever grooms in Hdt., who act in ways

between this habit and Lyk.’s equally noticeable fondness for indicating that a cult continues to

Myrtilos, the mythical


which—like that of Pelops and Oinomaos—

the poet's own

often (1) involve horses and (2) trickery, and (3) bring benefit to their masters: 3. 85-7 (Oibares helps Dareios to the throne), s. 111-12 with my comm. (Onesilos of Cyprus saved from Artybios’ horse), and esp. Kéhnken 2006b.

eponymous places are also centres of the cult for the mythical individual so commemorated. ἔδυψε: for this rare verb see also 715. It is perhaps

time (see 720-721n.):

often the

imitated from Antimachos; see Wyss: XLII


frag. 71 = 132 Matthews, from a J on Ap, Rh. r.


Helen's five husbands


and to kill the suitor-murderer with unholy schemes

for slaying a father-in-law, which the son of Kadmilos devised. And as he drank the last of the cup, and sank into the tomb of Nereus, which bears his name,

he screamed a doom-laden curse on Pelops’ whole house—


he who had guided the reins of fleet-footed Psylla, and Harpinna, with hooves as swift as the Harpies. The fourth husband she will see is brother of the down-swooping falcon, whom they will proclaim

as winner of the second prize among his brothers 1008, where the word is also used, cf. Wyss: XLVIII. For the noun δύπτης (also rare) see 72-73. Νηρέως τάφους: the ‘tomb of Nereus’ is


and comm. at 2013: 187. Eustathios, comm. on 11 24. 251 (p. 897 van der Valk) said that Priam promised

ingeniously explained by Holzinger as a brachyl-

Helen in marriage to the bravest of his sons after Paris' death, and that Deiphobos won her as the

ogy: the sea (‘Nereus’, by a typical metonymy) will

prize of valour: Ἀλεξάνδρου πεσόντος Πρίαμος

be Myrtilos’ tomb, not Nereus’.

τὸν Ἑλένης γάμον ἔπαθλον ἔθετο τῷ τὴν μάχην

165. πανώλεθρον κηλῖδα: the powerful adjective

ἀρίστῳ. Δηίφοβος οὖν, γενναίως ἀγωνισάμενος,

ἔσχεν αὐτὴν ἀριστεῖον μάχης. (An older Z on the

has Trojan War resonances; see Hdt. 2. 120. 2 and

Passage merely says that Deiphobos married Helen, and directs us to Lyk, ie. the present passage:

the much-discussed possible echo at Th. 7. 87. 6 (summing up the Sicilian disaster): CT III: 745. The

vol. 5: 565 Erbse.) Od. 4. 276 connects Helen and

noun must mean a curse here, but really means a stain or pollution, as at A. Eum. 787, βροτοφθόρους κηλῖδας. At 1122, the pollution of the house

Deiphobos; this line is defended from ancient suspicions (Aristarchos) by S. West in her comm. See

too Janko’s interesting n. on IA 13. 156-8 (levirate

of Atreus will be referred to as a μέασμ᾽ ἔμφυλον.

marriage an Anatolian custom).

166. πόδαργον: this adjective recalls several horse-names in the I/iad. In the form Podargos, it

See also Norden 1927: 26072 on V. 4. 494547:

was the name of one of Hektor's horses at 8. 185, and of Menelaos'at 23. 295; Podarge was herself a Harpy, and mother of Achilles’ talking horses: 16. 150 and 19. 400. 166-167. Ψύλλαν ... Ἅρπινναν: these names are also given by Hyginus 84. Oinomaos was son of Ares and Harpina: Paus. 5. 22. 6. A ψύλλα is a flea or other attacking insect, compare ‘Mosquito’ as the name of a WW2 combat aeroplane. For Greek horse-names see Maehler 1996. For swift, named, and supernatural horses compare the Valkyrie Brünnhilde’s horse in Wagner Ring of

Deiphobos betrayed by his wife Helen. 168. αὐθόμαιμον: used again at 222. Compare (with Gigante Lanzaro 2009: 110 n. 58) S. OC 335. 169. κίρκου καταρρακτῆρος: the ‘falcon’, κίρκος, could be either Hektor (so Tzetzes) or Paris (so Holzinger, comparing 148), since both were

brothers of Deiphobos. Hektor seems likelier (the image is a very powerful one). Other ‘falcons’ in the poem are Protesilaos (531) and the brothers Tarchon and Tyrrhenos (1351). For καταρρακτήρ cf. 539, where, however, the metaphor of the bird of prey is not made explicit.

the Nibelungs.'"Grane,mein Ross’. drrAais: hooves,

170. τὰ δευτερεῖα: so too Nireus wins the second prize for beauty, rà δευτερεῖα καλλιστευμάτων,

cf. I]. 11. 536. 168-171. Husband (4): Deiphobos

at xorr; first prize goes to Hektor here, and to

Achilles there. δαϊσφάλτου: 'pugna interficiens'

The marriage of Helen to Deiphobos, a great Trojan warrior (Jj. 13. 156ff. etc.), second only to Hektor, see 170), was mentioned briefly in the Little

(Ciani), ‘in which one is overthrown’ (LSJ). For this type of active compound word in -Tos, see Guilleux 2009: 230.

Iliad: West 20132: 123 (arg. 2 = summary by Proklos)



Kassandra’ speech

λαβόντα κηρύξουσιν. ἐν δὲ δεμνίοις τὸν ἐξ ὀνείρων πέμπτον ἐστροβημένον εἰδωλοπλάστῳ προσκαταξανεῖ ῥέθει, 3







τὸν μελλόνυμφον εὐνέτην Κυταϊκῆς τῆς ξεινοβάκχης, ὅν ποτ᾽ Οἰνώνης φυγάς,


μύρμων τὸν ἐξάπεζον ἀνδρώσας στρατόν,

171-179. Husband (5): Achilles Achilles’ removal to the White

Island (see 188)

was an innovation of the Aizhiopis, see Proklos arg. 4b and West 20132: 156 and n. 43 (unless Alkaios was aware of it, see frag. 354 Voigt, ‘Achilles lord of Skythia’, with Page 1955: 283). See also Gantz 1993: 135 noting that 'the epic tradition was not happy with the fate assigned to Achilleus in the I/ia and

Odyssey’, and that E. Andr. 1259-62 has a ‘passing reference to Achilleus ruling somewhere in the Propontis’. In fact, E. in Andr. (1261-2) specifically mentions his ‘island home on the white drj. See Stevens'n., and E. 77 435-7 with Platnauer's n. on 435. See also Pi. N. 4. 49 and cf. 192-193 n. A fuller but (see below) not actually discrepant story, as









by him to the people of Kroton in 5. Italy and

Himera in N. Sicily: a Krotoniate called Leonymos sails to the White


in the Euxine


Black Sea, where he finds—among other notable individuals—Helen


to Achilles, or at

least cohabiting with him, συνοικεῖν, For this marriage see also Philostratos, Heroikos 54. 8. Paus.' fuller, Krotoniate-Himeraian, version of the story

involves not only Telamonian but Lokrian Ajax, who is seen in a not-despicable light. Lyk. surely

Lyk., any liaison is either fleeting or else takes place only in Achilles’ frustrated imagination. For Achilles and Helen see also Fantuzzi 2012: 18. For the (archaeologically and epigraphically well-attested) cult of Achilles in the Euxine region,

see Hedreen 1991, and the contributions to Hupe 2006; also Skinner 2012: 166—75. There is evidence from many sites in the region, but for Lykophronic purposes two main cult centres must be distinguished: (ἡ ‘Achilles’ race-course’, for which see

192-193n., and (2), some 200 km. further south, the remote and isolated White Island or Island of Achilles (in its isolation it is reminiscent of

Palagruza, one of the Islands of Diomedes, for which see 599 and n. Diomedes' cult in the west

corresponds to that of Achilles in the north-east). For the White Island (or Phidonisi or Zmejnij Island), NE of the Danube Delta, see L4CP: p. 929,

‘Hieron Achilleos, and Barr. map 23 D3, labelling it Achilleos nesos/Leuke’; and Ochotnikov 2006. See further 859-865 and nn. for cults of Achilles elsewhere in the Greek world, including

the mourning festival at Italian Kroton, there described. 172. ἐστροβημένον: for the metaphorical use of the verb see Gigante Lanzaro 2009: 100, 109. The

knew this ‘western’ version, which agrees on the

thematic model is IJ. 24. 10-11, Achilles restlessly

main point, which is the marriage; but the handling of Lokrian Ajax did not fit Lyk.’s hostile tendency. Lyk. merely allows Achilles to have rest-

tossing on his bed through longing, πόθος, for the dead Patroklos.

less dreams of Helen. This shows general indebtedness to the Kypria: in Proklos’ summary (nib, West 2003: 79), Achilles ‘desires to look upon

Helen’ and Aphrodite and Thetis arrange this; see Gantz 1993: 596 on the possibility that Lyk. is aware of the same ‘rendezvous as in the Kypria, with erotic consequences’. But the dream is not in Proklos (see West 20132: πιὸ and n. 55). Ciaceri insists that this is not an outright contradiction of the other, western, story, but in the Kypria and

173. εἰδωλοπλάστῳ: Guilleux 2009: 230 compares 673, θηρόπλαστον. For the three-word line, see 63n. ῥέθει: see 1137. 174. Κυταικῆς: the 'Kytaian woman’ is Medea, who came from Kolchis at the eastern end of the Black Sez; she will be ‘the Kolchian woman/wife' at 887. Kolchis is here referred to metonymically

by its main

Hellenistic city, Κύτα, and the

ktetic is used instead of the ethnic, for which see Ap. Rh. 2. 403, calling Aietes Κυταιεύς (he is


Helens five husbands


in the murderous struggle. And she will make the fifth husband pine away on his bed, disturbed by dreams of her phantom form. He is the future husband of the Kytaian woman who was madly in love with the stranger. Oinone’s exile, he who changed an army of six-footed ants into men, Kvraíov Harder), Kurmas Κολχίδος Κολχική, GGM 1:

at Kall. frag. 7 line 25 Pf. = γε line 7 and cf. Euphorion frag. ısc Lightfoot, ἢ ὅσα Μήδη. For X's Kóra πόλις (cf. also Steph. Byz. Kira, πόλις πατρὶς Μηδείας) see Holzinger, citing 62, long n. on the unnamed city of


46. The reason is said to be that this Oinone—

nothing to do with Paris’ first wife—was daughter of a mythical Aiginetan called Boudion, who gave his name to the genos Boudidai. See FGrHist 299

Pythainetos of Aigina F 2, quoted both by 2 Pi. N. 6. 31 (= 53a, at p. 106 Drachmann) citing Didymos

Medea’ origin at Ps.-Skylax 81. It has now become very likely that Kyta is the inland site of mod. Kutaisi, where buildings dating from the 8th to the

(Boudidai an alternative reading for Bassidai in

Pi), and by Tzetzes on the present passage. 176. For the variation on the normal μύρμηξ, see Guilleux 2009: 232. For μύρμος with this meaning,

sth cents Bc have been found; see Lordkipanidze

1994: 142-3 (with map at 120, where Kutaisi is site no. 13) and S. West 2007: 205 and n. 8. A different and better-known Kytaia ‘was [in classical times] part of the Bosporan kingdom and dependent on Pantikapaion (ie. in the north-central area of the Black Sea); see LACP:

15. 45. Both μύρμηξ and μύρμος have an entirely separate meaning, 'concealed rock or reef', and Lyk. uses both words in this sense (878 and 890).

no. 701, which refers to Lyk. (1312) for the topo-

Most), from the Catalogue of Women, Holzinger thought the story was also in Pherekydes, a con-

see also Kall. frag. 753 Pf., and cf. Gow on Theok.

For the myth, see Hesiod frag. 205 M/W (145

nym Κύταια, but wrongly, because this too (see n. there) is the Kyta in Kolchis.

clusion he reached by combining 2. I/ 1. 180 and 6. 153, the first of which gives the ants story as an explanation of the Myrmidons commanded by Achilles, while the second gives Aigina as daughter of Asopos and cites Pherekydes, FGrHist 3

For the marriage of Achilles and Medea, see also Dosiadas, Bomos 3 with




and Ap. Rh. 4. 814-15 (where 2 says that Ibykos was the first and Simonides the second to give this story: 291 and 558 PMG). The uniting

F 119 (and in EGM).

For the symbolism of the army of ants in this

factor, it has been suggested, was their famous

context, see 447n., citing Buxton 2009: 68-9

though differently displayed wrath or anger, see

(who in turn cites Bowie 1993: 159-60) for foun-

McDonald 1997: 299. Sens 2009: 21, noting that

Kassandra avoids mention of fantastic locations,

dation myths which use the image of physical

is silent about the location of the marriage of

transformation or metamorphosis, usually animal metamorphosis—Cyprus from wasps (as at 447), Myrmidons from ants; humanity from stones.

Achilles to Medea (the Islands of the Blest), See

also Fantuzzi 2012: 18.

Lyk. is fond of metamorphoses (see Introduction

175. τῆς ξεινοβάκχης: either, she had an 'amour fou' (Hurst/Kolde)




section 12 for possible reasons); but Buxton 2009


does not make much use of the poem. Here is a list

Jason—Z's explanation, followed by S. West

of the twenty-eight. It does not include ‘mixanthro-

2007: 205—or else (and less likely) the reference

is to her own status as foreigner (actually a metic) in Korinth after her marriage. Οἰνώνης φυγάς: this is Peleus, who was exiled to Aigina after killing his brother Phokos. Oinone is

the old name for Aigina: Hdt. 8. 46 and Pi. N. 4.

poi’, animal-human hybrids of the kind examined

by Aston 201, such as the Sirens (712-737), who were thought of as possessing their part-animal forms ab initio. Nor does it include Ino/Leukothea (107 and 757), who was originally mortal but was turned into a sea-goddess, or Glaukos the Boiotian



Kassandra’s speech

Πελαογικὸν Τυφῶνα γεννᾶται πατήρ, ἀφ᾽ ἑπτὰ παίδων φεψάλῳ σποδουμένων E]






μοῦνον φλέγουσαν ἐξαλύξαντα σπόδον. yw μὲν παλιμπόρευτον ἵξεται τρίβον, fisherman (754) who turned into a mantic sea-god. These transformations are not alluded to by Lyk. and


already taken

place. For Iphigeneia

see 196n. (the meaning of γραῖα is disputed). For Triton at 34, see n. there. I have—perhaps wrongly—not included catasterism, meaning promotion to literal ‘star status’. Otherwise, sro would have to be included (the catasterism of the Dioskouroi as the constellation Gemini). Finally, I


(8) 481: the sons of Lykaon turned into wolves.

(9) 580: the Oinotropoi (the three daughters of Anios king of Delos) turned into doves. (10) 595-597: Diomedes' companions are changed to a bird-mixed feathered fate (the language of these lines is very instructive) and assume

the δομή of swans (but they are really shearwaters). Cf. Buxton 2009: 69 (see above) about

hesitantly exclude the Argonautic scrapings which become pebbles (871-876.)

Aristophanes' Birds, i.e. colonizers who lose their

(2) We have already noticed 88-89: the interpretation is difficult but seems to be Nemesis as goose.

(11) 628: the mysterious moving stelai of Daunia.

human shape as opp. v.v.

(12) 650: Skylla.

‘The present metamorphosis is by contrast explicit, and is described with a classic verb ἀνδρόω (differently used at 943). Therefore this is the

(13) 673-678: Kirke turns Odysseus’ companions into pigs: terminologically valuable for the study

right place to survey the evidence in its entirety.

of metamorphosis, see nn. there.

(2) The present passage.

(14) 683: Teiresias’ sex-change, a kind of meta-

(3) 333-334 (cf. 1176-1177): Hekabe takes on the dark δόμη or form (cf. 597n.) of 'Maira'; Polyxena

(15) 691: the Kerkopes turned into monkeys.

and Laodike have already been called (compared to?) nightingales at 314, whereas the mother in

Tereina, turned into birds.

the next line actually is a dog. Is this a hint at an outright metamorphosis of the daughters too? The frequent animal-names in the poem sometimes come close to equations rather than similes or metaphors. Lyk. has it both ways: the above is set in Thrace, but, later in the poem, Hekabe's

morphosis, is by implication alluded to. (16)



and a woman,

and this

explains the odd fact of their naming (347n.). This is, admittedly, a very light and indirect allusion to metamorphosis.

(s) 401, reading πετρουμένης not πτερ-: Asteria turned to quail then rock. (6) 447: wasps on Cyprus (see above).

(7) 447: homed men turned into bulls, again on Cyprus, see n. there.


Medusa and Perseus, who turned

(20) 849: sealskins metamorphosis’).

a man


(18) 830: Myrrha turned into a tree. (19) 843-845:

(4) 347: Porkes is one of the two serpents (the



(17) 826; the old hag turned to stone (μαρμαρου-

men to stone.



μένην) by Aphrodite as a punishment for revealing her hiding-place on Cyprus.

tomb is on the SE tip of Sicily: 1181-1182. name of the other was Chariboia) who strangled Laokoon. They were later metamorphosed into



2009: 38, ‘quasi-

(21) 879: Atlas. But the metamorphosis is hardly

hinted at in the poem, as opp. Tzetzes’ comm. (22) 891: Triton. (23) 901-902: wolf turned to stone by Thetis for eating sheep which had been given by Peleus as atonement for homicide. (24) 961: Krimisos the river-god turns into a dog

(cf. 730, bull). (25) 1293: Io turned into a cow.


Iphigeneia sacrificed. Achilles searches for her


had fathered him, to be a Pelasgian giant. Of seven sons who were incinerated in the embers,

he alone escaped the fiery ash. But Paris shall arrive on a homeward path,

(26) 1298-1299: see nn. there for Europa, Lyk.


hints strongly at the metamorphosis of Zeus

immortal by throwing them into a normally lifethreatening place, see Hesiod frag. 300 M/W (a

into a bull, but at the same time implies a rationalizing denial. (27) 1393: Mestra daughter of Erysichthon παντόμορφος (‘taking all shapes’).

trying to make


all seven

of her


cauldron), and Ap. Rh. 4. 868 (a fire, as here), where Livrea notes that that version depends on


HHDem. 237-40—-ot else both go back to a shared epic prototype (but not to the discrepant Hesiod,

(28) 1401-1403: Midas is cursed by Apollo with

see above): cf. Richardson 1974: 237-41 at 237-8 and Pache 2004: 80, cf. 44, who notes a similarity

the ears of an ass. This is at ‘best’a partial metamorphosis. It does not seem to be regarded as one by Forbes-Irving 1990 or Buxton 2009.

with Medeas attempt—a complete failure—to make her children immortal (2 Pi. O. 13.74g). Of

For 1176-1177, Hekabe transformed into an attendant of Brimo=Hekate, see above no. 3. But

‘Thetis’ children, only Achilles escaped. The myth was also in Dosiadas Bomos line 3, see Hollis 2007:

283. The well-known story of ‘Achilles’heel’ (Thetis dips him as a baby into the Styx to make him

apart from this and nos (25) and (26), metamor-

phosis is a less marked feature of the last soo lines of the poem. Note also that Lyk. sometimes avoids metamorphoses where we would expect them, e.g. 237 on Kyknos appears to say merely that the child

immortal, but has to hold on to his heel to stop him falling in) is not explicitly attested before Hyginus and Statius (Gantz 1993: 231; A. L. B[rown] in OCD*), although Apollod. ep. 5. 3 (Achilles shot by Paris in the ankle) implies that the story must be much earlier; for an argument to

was fed by birds, a rationalizing sort of approach in the manner of Palaiphatos. Nor was the shapeshifting aspect of Proteus mentioned or hinted at

this effect see West 2013a: 149-50. It is incompat-

ible with the present version. See Mackie 1998 and

above, 115-131. See also no. 26 above (Europa and

Sistakou 2008: 95~6. For the story-type of babies who are exposed to some danger in order to confer immortality on them, see also Johnston in Graf/Johnston 84-5 and 200 n. 54, suggesting a generic link with Dionysos’ rebirth: ‘to be cooked is not necessarily the end of one’s story’. It is not clear whether Thetis’ magic would have worked if

the bull).


might also wonder if some of Lyk.’s

metonymies may be slightly more than that, e.g. Thetis and Triton for ‘sea’ at 22 and 34 are usually

explained just like that, boringly, as marine deities; but after all they are both 'shape-shifters' and Thetis can actually turn into water. Triton is a more difficult case because Tzetzes thinks the name

in that particular context (Hesione)

she had not been interrupted (that might explain

the strength of her anger with Peleus, on which the sources insist). On the number seven, applied to children, see Graziosi and Haubold on 72.6. 421,

is a

way of referring to his angry father Poseidon.

177. Πελασγικὸν Τυφῶνα: that is, Thessalian, metonymically from Pelasgiotis, one of the districts

though there Andromache is one girl with seven brothers. φεψάλῳ: the noun is Aristophanic rather than tragic, but cf. A. Prom. 364, épepaλώθη κἀξεβροντήθη σθένος.

of Thessaly. Achilles is said to be a giant (‘Typhon’)

simply in virtue of his martial prowess and ‘stature’, see Massa-Pairault 2009: 488. For Indo-European markedly Homeric idea), see West 2007: 425 f.

180-201. The vengeful Greeks Iphigeneia. Achilles searches for her

178. ἀφ᾽ ἑπτὰ παίδων: for the story that Thetis

180. xc) μέν: that is, Paris, by an abrupt change of

was interrupted by her horrified husband Peleus


heroes as actual giants 1,6. huge (this is not a




Kassandras speech

σφῆκας δαφοινοὺς χηραμῶν ἀνειρύσας,

ὁποῖα κοῦρος δῶμα κινήσας καπνῷ" οἱ dad προγεννήτειραν οὐλαμωνύμου βύκταισι χερνίψαντες ὠμησταὶ πόριν, τοῦ Σκυρίου δράκοντος ἔντοκον λεχώ, ἣν ὁ ξύνευνος Σαλμυδησίας ἁλὸς ἐντὸς ματεύων Ἑλλάδος καρατόμον, δαρὸν φαληριῶσαν οἰκήσει σπίλον, 12

κλάδῳ Griffiths


lacunam post 185 statuit Scheer


καρατόμον DE καράτομον BC” καράτόμον (sic) AC

181. σφῆκας δαφοινούς: the wasps are the Greeks. The adjective means lit. ‘tawny’, and this is retained by Mair as a tr.; but the idea of bloodshed is also present (hence Mooney's ‘blood-

thirsty’). For the Greek army as wasps, compare the extended simile at Il. 16. 259-65. Lyk. seems to start (181) by using the wasps as metaphor, as so often with animal words in the poem, and that is

what we initially assume; but then—perhaps reminded of the Homer passage?—Lyk. turns the thought into a simile at 182, the boy making smoke, For the simile here in its relation to Homer, see further Rougier-Blanc 2009: 541-2, Hurst 2009: 201, and Kolde 2009: 47-8. ἀνειρύσας: the verb is a poetic variant for ἀνερύω,

183. προγεννήτειραν οὐλαμωνύμου: Iphigeneia

is mother, by Achilles, of Neoptolemos, he of the ‘warlike name’. For the interest in naming attested by the compound in -ὥνυμος, see 164 n. Neoptolemos, like several sons of great heroes, has a name which reflects some aspect of his

father (e.g. Telemachos derives his name from Odysseus, ‘he who fights from afar’ 1.6. with a bow, or possible the name refers to the father ‘far away’ in Troy, and Teisamenos name suggests the avenging role of his father Orestes). Achilles was

young when he went to war at Troy. As Tzetzes saw in his long note, the idea of pair-

ing Achilles and Iphigeneia presumably has its ori-

‘extract’, ‘draw out/up’, as at Od. 9. 77 (in tmesis)

gins in the version of the myth (found in sth-cent. tragedy), which held that Iphigeneia was lured to

and Hdt. 9. 96. 3; it then makes a comeback in Hellenistic poetry, see e.g. Ap. Rh. 2. 586 and the

Aulis under the pretence that she was to marry Achilles. See most explicitly E. £4 98-105. For the

metaphorical use at HE 2189 (= Leonidas of Taras

usual version, in which Neoptolemos is the son of Achilles by Deidameia not Iphigeneia, see Sistakou 2009: 252 (the deviant version is ‘underpinned’by

XXXVI line 7), of recovery from illness. Lyk. uses

it, in the longer form, twice more (1208, of the digging up of Hektor's bones, and 1322, Theseus extracting the shoes etc. from under the rock). χηραμῶν: see Il. 21. 495 with Rengakos 1994: 122; also Livrea on Ap. Rh. 4. 1299, where the word is used in yet another simile (see previous n.), this

time about young chicks cheeping desperately after falling from a c/eff in a rock. 182. ὁποῖα: used adverbially, as at 74 and 1429.

κοῦρος corresponds to the παῖδες in the Homeric simile (181n.), who torment wasps and make them angry, so that they become a nuisance to

wayfarers. For καπνῷ Griffiths suggests κλάδῳ, ‘with a twig’.

the account of Achilles’ subsequent search for Iphigeneia). See also Renaud 2009: 324 (the version followed by Lyk. is first found in FGrHist 76 Douris of Samos F 88). See further 324 and n. Iphigeneia was then replaced with a hind by Artemis; Tzetzes commented on the resemblance to the biblical story of Abraham's uncompleted sacrifice of Isaac. It has been noticed that Neoptolemos is absent from the main sequence of returning Greeks who receive punishment for the crime against Kassandra; see S. West 1983: 122, and 1281-1282 n. The present passage shows, however, that he was not completely forgotten.


Iphigeneia sacrificed. Achilles searches for her


drawing the fierce wasps from their crevices, like a boy who disturbs their nest with smoke. Savagely, they will sacrifice to the winds the heifer, who was mother to him of the warlike name,

and gave birth to a son by the dragon of Skyros. Her husband, within the Salmydesian sea,


will search for her, she who was the killer of Greeks.

For a long time he will inhabit the spray-whitened rocks For an interesting argument connecting this section of the poem with the cult of Artemis at Brauron, see Biffis 2013.

2009: 234) and is active in sense. But there is an ambiguity noted by 2. With the alternative accentuation καράτομον, the reference is passive

184. βύκταισι χερνίψαντες ὠμησταὶ πόριν: the

(she who is killed), and, as Sistakou 2009: 244 n.


verb is found only here, but the sense ‘sacrifice’ is required by the context (2 says σφαγιάσαντες). xépvub is holy water, so this is metonymy, the part for the whole. βύκτης functions as a noun in Lyk. only (also at 738, the Aiolos section, and 756);





motif of cannibalism (199) is absent from E., and

is made to use the proper noun EAAds, it means or comes close to meaning ‘Greeks’ rather than ‘Greece’ as a geographical expression. This is the clearest case, but see also 366, ‘all Hellas shall groan’, Ἑλλὰς στενάξει πᾶσα, and it may even be true of the slightly awkward expression at 298, πρωτολεῖα θ᾽ Ἑλλάδος; see n. there.

188. paAnpi@oar ... σπίλον: the reference is to Leuke, the ‘White Island’; see 172-179 n. The participle, meaning ‘white (from spray, cf. the name of Phaleron the pre-Piraeus harbour of Athens,


Salmydes(s)os, a stretch of 5. Black Sea coast W. of the Bosphoros, see Barr. map 52 B2, and for the city of the same name, 52 Cr, see also 1286 and n. See Mari 2009: 439 and 435.


ascribes it to Lyk.’s taste for 'grand-guignol". See further ıggn. On all the three occasions where Kassandra


/ ἐντός:

this whole

2009: 435-7 and n. 69, who points out that the

ἔντοκον λεχώ: cf. the hare omen at A. Ag. 120



virgin’, who is said by the Taurians themselves to be Iphigeneia the daughter of Agamemnon.

185. τοῦ Σκυρίου: Achilles was brought up on Skyros at the court of king Lykomedes.



See also Hdt. 4. 103. 1-2: the Taurians sacrifice

highly appropriate (Europa).



sailors, and any Greeks they capture, to ‘the

winds. Perhaps the present expression is condensed. sröpıs means a very young heifer (identical to πόρτις at 102), and the animal word has particular point here, as underlining the perverted sacrifice of the girl as if she were an animal. See also 496, where it is used of Laodike, who also dies prematurely and sensationally. At 1298 it is also


it, the

ing to which Iphigeneia goes to Tauris and there, as priestess of Artemis, killed all visiting Greeks.

sacrifice to Artemis, designed to stop the contrary



is difficult: 'sacrificed on behalf of Greece'? And what follows makes better sense on the ‘active’ hypothesis. "The reference is to the myth in E. IT, accord-

Homer (Od. 10. 20, βυκτάων ἀνέμων) had used it as an adjective to describe the winds, ‘swelling, blustering’ (LSJ), which Aiolos put into a bag, a line echoed at 738. (See 401n. for the comparable development of ῥόχθος from a Homeric verb.) For the sacrifice of Iphigeneia to the winds see the parodos of A. Ag., though strictly that is a

and esp. 137 αὐτοτόκον πτάκα θνομένοισι.


Iphigeneia of Aulis not Tauris. But then Ἑλλάδος

Hát. 6. 116)’, is surely imitated from the simile at

It. Ὁ. 798-9,


παφλάζοντα.... κύρτα

φαληριοῶντα, of which line 799 was admired for

187. Ἑλλάδος καρατόμον: the second word liter-

its vividness by Aristotle (Rhet. 141229 £., and see

ally means 'she who cuts off heads' (see Guilleux

Nünlist 2009: 217 for a Z which commented on



Kassandra speech

Κέλτρου πρὸς ἐκβολαῖσι λιμναίων ποτῶν, ποθῶν δάμαρτα, τήν ποτ᾽ ἐν σφαγαῖς κεμὰς λαιμὸν προθεῖσα φασγάνων Ex ῥύσεται. βαθὺς δ᾽ ἔσω ῥηγμῖνος αὐδηθήσεται ἔρημος ἐν κρόκαισι νυμφίου δρόμος, στένοντος ἄτας καὶ κενὴν ναυκληρίαν καὶ τὴν ἄφαντον εἶδος ἠλλοιωμένην γραῖαν σφαγείων ἠδὲ χερνίβων πέλας Ἅιδου re παφλάζοντος ἐκ βυθῶν φλογὶ κρατῆρος, ὃν μέλαινα ποιφύξει φθιτῶν σάρκας λεβητίζουσα δαιταλουργία. xo μὲν πατήσει χῶρον αἰάζων Σκύθην, 189 199

Ἴστρου Scheer Κελτοῦ Holzinger δαιταλουργία Wilamowitz 1883b: 255 n. 1 [1935-72: 6. 201n.1]




δαιταλουργίᾳ MSS

the way the line imitated the sound ofthe stormy

190. ποθῶν δάμαρτα: see 184 n. The ποθ- root is

sea); see Janko on the Homer passage, who points out that the epithets for κύματα refer to sound, shape, and colour (seething, bulging, spraywhite). Was Lyk. aware of Aristotle as well as of

a favourite with Lyk.: the verb occurs six times, the noun three times; specially significant are the uses in colonial contexts (645n.). κεμάς: a young

Homer? See also Rengakos 1994: 121. 189. KeArpov: that the reference is to the Danube (ancient Istros, called by its usual name at 1336)

is generally agreed (2 says τὸ KéArpov was a lake flowing into the Euxine, but there is no other evidence for such a lake); and 'the Keltic

(river) would, in Lyk., be a perfectly acceptable periphrasis. Hence Holzinger cut the Gordian

knot and read Κελτοῦ, and explained the longer spelling as a partial intrusion of a gloss Ἴστρος.

Scaliger translated the line Celti Hguentes ad paludes gurgitis. This might be thought to support Holzinger’s simple solution. But the better MSS (see Hurst/Kolde) have an intrusive rho, and Scheer actually printed Ἴστρον, One ingenious explanation of KéArpov (Bachmann) has been to

suppose a 'syncopation from Κελτικοῦ Ἴστρου. For the Danube as ‘Keltic’, see Hdt. 2. 33. 3, Ἴστρος τε yàp ποταμὸς ἀρξάμενος ἐκ Κελτῶν

καὶ Πυρήνης πόλιος. Holzinger cited in addition

female deer. 191. φασγάνων Ex ῥύσεται: this is the only time the common verb ῥύομαι is used in Lyk. The preposition is placed after the noun, as at 365,

ἑνὸς δὲ λώβης ἀντί. The alternative is to punctuate so as to make ἐκρύσεται a single word; so Bachmann and many early eds going back to the Aldine edition; and LSJ (advised by E. A. Barber?), giving the present passage as the only ex. of the use with the genitive, but see below. The

longer verb exists and is much rarer; but it is Euripidean, cf. Ba. 258 and frag. 190 TrGF, see also Ap. Rh. 4. 83, where it is found in tmesis, and again with the genitive: ἔκ μὲ φίλοι ῥυσα-

ade ... Aijrao; see Livrea. It might be thought that Lyk. would prefer a rare and Euripidean word, but the version here printed is also possible

and effective. 192. ἔσω ῥηγμῖνος: cf. Il. τ. 437, ἐπὶ ῥηγμῖνι θαλάσσης, with Rengakos 1994: 119.

Timagetos On harbours, from & Ap. Rh. 4. 257-62

192-3. αὐδηθήσεται..... δρόμος: that is, it will

(p. 273 Wendel), but the text of this appears to be

be called Ἀχιλλέως δρόμος, see 172-179n., and for the almost exact expression see E. JT

disordered; see further Livrea on line 254.


Iphigeneia sacrificed. Achilles searches for her


By the marshy delta of the Keltric river, yearning for his wife, whom one day at the sacrifice the doe


shall save from the sword, by offering its own throat instead. The bridegroom's wide empty running-track on the shore,

by the breakers of the sea, will be called after him. He will groan for his fate and for his vain sea-voyaging, and for her who vanished, and is now changed in form to an old woman near sacrificial basins and lustral water,


and a cauldron, seething with flame from the depths of hell, which the Dark Woman will blow on as she boils the flesh of dead men in the pot, a skilled cook. And he, lamenting, will tread the Skythian land


436-7, Ἀχιλήος δρόμους καλλισταδίους. For Lyk.’s interest in naming, see ı83n., and for αὐδηθήσεται see 630 and 1140 (used of ‘being

is not easy to see what the ‘changed form might then refer to), but could be right, and may gain some support from Ovid ex Ponto 3. 2. 73-4:

called’ a god/goddess:

‘Achilles’ island’ or White

'spargit aqua captos lustrali Graia sacerdos / ambiat ut fulvas infula longa comas’, Y was in no doubt that the sense ‘old woman is the right one; according to Tzetzes, n. on 183, Nikandros says that Iphigeneia was turned into a bull, but others

Island (Barr, map 23 D3, and 172-179 and 187 nn.).

say, into an old woman, καθ᾽ ἑτέρους eis γραῦν,




‘Achilles’ race-course’, a long tongue of land some 50 km. south of Olbia (Barr. map 23 E2) is

200 km. north of

and yet others say, into a deer, If Lyk. intended a

194. ἄτας: we have met Ate personified at 29, see

metamorphosis, it should be added to the list at

n. there. ναυκληρίαν:

176 n. But I am not certain about this. for the word

in this sense, naval

197. Atdov ... ἐκ βυθῶν φλογί: the ‘flame from the depths of hell’ is thought by Holzinger to be

travelling not commerce, see S. frag. 143 TrGF and in Pearson (who remarks that it may there

mean a ship rather than a voyage). 195. ἄφαντος: a tragic word, as at e.g. A. 4g. 657, and used three times by Pi. (O. 1. 46,N. 8. 34, P. τι. 30). 196. ypaiav: with this non-capitalized spelling,

which I have hesitantly adopted, Iphigeneia is transformed into an old woman, perhaps an actual witch. For Iphigeneia as Hekate, see Hes. frag. 23b M/W (from Paus. 1. 43. 1, see Schachter 1981-94: 1. 232), followed by frag. 215 PMGF,

and see 198n. Holzinger, however, followed

a reference to a geyser of petroleum, as found at Baku on the Caspian Sea (Barr. map 88, inset), and on the Taman peninsula (Barr. map 87, inset). Cf. perhaps E. IT 625-6. 198. μέλαινα: for this adjective applied to Hekate (196n.), see Holzinger. ποιφύξει: apparently a Hellenistic word; cf. Nik. 75. 180 and Euphorion frag. 132 Lightfoot (from a Z on the Nik. passage). 199. Another three-word line, cf. 63 n. δαιταλουρyia seems to hint at cannibalism. Wilamowitz’s

Wilamowitz 1883a: 256 [=1935-72: 6. 201] n. τ in taking the ref. to be geographical, Γραῖαν in the sense ‘inhabitant of Graia’, ie. ‘woman from

198) is rejected by Holzinger, but is preferable.

Aulis’, because Aulis belonged to the area known as Graike, cf. (for the ethnic) Steph. Byz. Γραῖα (cf. 645 and n.) This may seem far-fetched (and it

induced depression in this whole passage see

δαιταλουργία (nom., agreeing with μέλαινα in 200. xw μὲν πατήσει: Sistakou 2012: 158.



Achilles’ sexually


Kassandras speech

eis πέντε που πλειῶνας ἱμείρων λέχους. οἱ δ᾽ ἀμφὶ βωμὸν τοῦ προμάντιος Κρόνου ^









σὺν μητρὶ τέκνων νηπίων κρεανόμου, ὅρκων τὸ δευτεροῦχον ἄρσαντες ζυγόν, στερρὰν ἐνοπλίσουσιν ὠλέναις πλάτην, σωτῇρα Βάκχον τῶν πάροιθε πημάτων ‘







Σφάλτην ἀνευάζοντες, ᾧ ποτ᾽ ἐν μυχοῖς Δελφινίου, παρ᾽ ἄντρα Κερδῴου θεοῦ, Ταύρῳ κρυφαΐας χερνίβας κατάρξεται

of the flesh of sacrificial victims, so that there is something ‘perverse’ (Seaford) about using it of a single killer, such as Polyphemos (E.) or the

201. εἰς πέντε που πλειῶνας: on the meaning of

the rare noun πλειῶν see 1039 n., citing the few parallels. Z takes the present passage to mean ‘five years’, but the period may not be quite as determinate as that. See LSJ: γι time or period, year’.

serpent (Lyk.). 204. ὅρκων τὸ δευτεροῦχον dpoavres ζυγόν:

202-218. The Greeks swear oaths and set sail

the participle is from ἀραρίσκω, ‘fit together’. (Ciani confusingly lists it under alpw, ‘erigo,

202-203. A

extollo’ but then again under dpapioxw with a

succinct reference

to the portent

described (together with Kalchas’ interpretation

cross-ref. to αἴρω). Contrast ἄραντες at 1228 (from ἀείρω, ‘lift up’, ‘win’. The oath is the ‘second’ because of the oaths sworn to Helens mortal father Tyndareus, extracted by him at the clever suggestion of Odysseus.

of it) at JA 2. 305-32: a serpent killed and ate a

sparrow and her eight young, and this indicated that the siege of Troy would take nine years. (In Apollodoros and in Proklos’ summary of the Kypria, this episode is immediately followed by

that ofTelephos and Mysia, exactly as in Lyk.; see Apollod. ep. 3. 15-17, M. West 2003: 73, and cf. below.) But why Kronos not Zeus, the sender of

the Homeric portent, as Kalchas explains at 2. 324? Z says that some think that Kronos stands for Kronides, son of Kronos i.e. Zeus; others, that

Delphi was once possessed by Kronos. Holzinger sees a confusion between Kronos and Χρόνος, Time personified, so that the allusion is to the period of nine years. It may be that the ambiguities are deliberate: Lyk. perhaps wished to play with the double—active and passive—application of κρεανόμος to Kronos (203 n.), and so devised a riddling ref. to Kronos in the present passage. 203. κρεανόμου: at 762, the same word will again be used about Kronos, but to describe what he had done to him (his genitals mangled by Zeus) rather than, as here, what he did to others through the agency of the devouring serpent. For the word, compare E. Xy&. 245 (with Seaford’s long n. on 244-6); see Gigante Lanzaro 2009: 111 and n. sg. The word really refers to the distribution

206-207. σωτῆρα Βάκχον τῶν πάροιθε των / Σφάλτην ἀνευάζοντες: this refers unintended Greek expedition against recounted in the Telephos of Euripides

πημάto the Mysia, and in

Apollodoros and the Cypria (Apollod. ep. 3. 17, cf. M. West 2003: 73). The Mysian king Telephos

and his Mysians pursued the Greeks and killed many of them, but then Achilles charged him and he tripped on a vine branch and was wounded. This is the ‘former trouble’, from which Dionysos, the god of wine and the vine,

delivered the Greeks; hence “Tripper up’. The episode

is described






course) at 213-215, where the lion entwined in tendrils is Telephos; and again at 1246-1247, in the course of the Rome section of the poem, because Telephos is father to Tarchon (founder

of the Tarquinii) and Tyrrhenos, eponym of the Tyrrhenians or Etruscans (1245 and 1248). A newly published papyrus poem by Archilochos deals with the episode, but does not mention the

tripping up on the vine: P. Oxy. LXIX no. 4708 and M. West 2006.



The Greeks swear oaths and set sail

for five full periods, yearning for his marriage.

Round the altar of Kronos the prophet, who mangled the flesh of the mother and her baby young they will bind themselves with a second yoke of oaths and will take solid oars into their hands as weapons. To Bacchus, as their rescuer from their previous trouble,


they will cry Euai! and call him the Tripper-up.To him, in the recesses of Apollo Delphinios, by the cave of the Cunning One,

the fleet-commander of a thousand city-sacking ships will begin For Kosmetatou 2000, this Mysian dimension is an indication that Lyk. was writing at the Pergamene court of an Attalid king. For this

as sacred enclosure. Here the inner sanctum at Delphi is meant, the location of Dionysos’ tomb (below).

For Apollo Delphinios

theory (not accepted here), see Introd. pp. 48-9.

To be sure, the Attalids appropriated the Telephos myth, in ways discussed by Jones 2010b.

(the name


dolphins as well as Delphi), see above all Graf

1979 (oddly not cited by Philippe 2005); cf. also Rutherford 2001: 206 n. 16. This is Apollo’s first

σωτῆρα: ızıon. Βάκχον: Introd. p. 74, and 28n. Σφάλτην: for this epiklesis, ‘he who trips up’,

mention in the poem, and a transparent and very

see Parker 2003: 177 and n. 34, giving this as one

familiar epithet is therefore used, on the system

of the few exceptions to the generalization that cult epithets do not usually refer to the details of

suggested at Introd. p. 74. Apollo and Dionysos both had cult at Delphi,

mythology. See SEG 19. 399 (Delphi), an extraor-


and Dionysos was thought of as occupying the sanctuary during the winter months, when

including what purports to be a hexameter orac-

Apollo was away in the land of the Hyperboreans

dinary dedication

to Dionysos

ular response to Agamemnon, warning him not

(Plut. Mor. 389c with Burkert 1985: 224, cf. also

to go to Mysia and suffer harm from the ‘Greek of barbarian speech’ (i.e. Telephos), and telling him to sacrifice to Dionysos Sphaleotes instead. See Daux and Bousquet 1942-3: 1 and 2 (esp. 1. 124, arguing for an Attalid connection and a late 3rd-cent. date, when the Pergamene Attalid rulers were specially close to Delphi); also Parke and Wormell 1956: 164-5 no. 408; Fontenrose 1978: jot: no. Legendary] 100; Scheer 1993: 132 f£; Jacquemin 2005: 250-1, Dignas 2012: 135. πημάτῶν: one of Lyk.'s favourite words throughout the poem (eleven occurrences, culminating in that at 1405). ἀνευάζοντες: like the more usual and shorter form εὐάζω, this means to utter the specifically Dionysiac cry ‘Euhoi’ or ‘Euai’. For the shorter form, see S. Anz. 1134 with M. Griffith, and E, Ba. 1034.

146 for Apollos winter absence). Dionysos’ tomb

207-208. ᾧ ποτ᾽ ἐν μυχοῖς / Δελφινίου: with 207, Daux and Bousquet 19423: 2. 37 compare E.

Jon 228-9, ἐπὶ δ᾽ ἀσφάκτοῖϊς / μήλοισι δόμων μὴ πάριτ᾽ἐς μυχόν, with K. Lees comm. on μυχός

was displayed there, acc. Philochoros (FGrHist 328 F 7). See Burkert 1985: 223-5; Zacharia 2003b: 110-17; also the Delphic inscription cited at 206-207n.

208. Kepdwov θεοῦ: this cult of Apollo is epigraphically very well attested in nowhere else. See Decourt 2009: ‘un culte purement thessalien’), inscriptions at 389 (these include

Thessaly—and 388-gt (cf. 390, with a list of the replies by

the city of Thessalian Larisa to letters from Philip V of Macedon, Syll? 543 lines 22 and 44, 217 and 215





of the

epiklesis see

Decourt 390-1 (not ‘god of gain’ as has usually been assumed, but perhaps ‘le Rusé', from an adjective for cunning applied to foxes). 209. Ταύρῳ: 2 cites, for this epiklesis of Dionysos, E. Ba. 920: καὶ πρόσθεν ἡμῖν ταῦρος ἡγεῖσθαι δοκεῖ. See also Ba. 922, τεταύρωσαι γὰρ οὖν, with Dodds’ and Seaford’s nn. on the two lines; and 1017, φάνηθι ταῦρος. Dionysos Ταῦρος, ‘the



Kassandra speech

ὁ χιλίαρχος τοῦ πολιρραίστου στρατοῦ.


ᾧ θυμάτων πρόσπαιον ἐκτίνων χάριν δαίμων Ἐνόρχης Φιγαλεὺς Φαυστήριος, λέοντα θοίνης, ἴχνος ἐμπλέξας λύγοις, σχήσει, τὸ μὴ πρόρριζον αἰστῶσαι στάχυν κείροντ᾽ ὀδόντι καὶ λαφυστίαις γνάθοις. λεύσσω πάλαι δὴ σπεῖραν ὁλκαίων κακῶν σύρουσαν ἅλμῃ κἀπιροιζοῦσαν πάτρᾳ


δεινὰς ἀπειλὰς καὶ πυριφλέκτους βλάβας.

ὡς μή σε Κάδμος ὦφελ᾽ ἐν περιρρύτῳ

Ignore, therefore, the final sentence of Furley/

Bull’, is attested in a verse inscription from Delphi, the cult paian of Philodamos (340 Bc): SEG 32. 552 (= Furley/Bremer no. 2. 5), lines 2-3: e[dre, Ταῦρε

Bremer I. 372 n. 7. κρυφαίας xepvißes: Daux and Bousquet 1942-3: 1. 119 n. 2 seek to dilute ‘secret’ so as to mean something like ‘séparées, propres, particuliéres'. κατάρξεται: see 1188n. on ἀπάρξεται.

κ]ισσοχαῖίτα etc. As can be seen, Tatpe is entirely restored, but for metrical and other reasons the restoration is convincing. It may be

objected that although the paian as a whole is cul-

210. The ‘chiliarch’ is Agamemnon; for the word

tic (Furley/Bremer, 1. 128), this particular word,

cf. A. Pers. 304. The total of ships in the Homeric

never repeated in the otherwise repetitive poem, is


‘merely’ literary and poetic (cf. E. Ba. 920, already

quoted by 2), like the accompanying epithet ‘ivy~

But Lyk., like Marlowe

tressed’. But there is other evidence. In PMG 871 (from Plut. Mor. 299b = QG 36) = Furley/Bremer no. 12. 1, lines 6-7, the women

Tape. This text is thought to be very ancient. Discussing Philodamos' paian, Jacquemin 2005: 250 and n. 71, says that the cult of Dionysos Tauros had a particular role at Elis. Presumably she has in mind not only PMG 871 (above), but also the intriguing archaeological evidence set out at Furley/Bremer I. 371 (bovine skulls found at Elis in a theatre next to a temple of Dionysos; they also cite the bull in the Delphic amphiktionic law inscribed at Athens in 380 sc, Syl? 145 = CID1 no.

in Doctor Faustus (‘was

this the face that launch’d a thousand ships / and

of Elis invoke.

Dionysos with the repeated cry ‘worthy bull’, ἄξιε

is in fact (not 1,000 but) 1,186: see

Willcock on Wied. 2. 494-759 (introductory n.).

burnt the topless towers of Ilium?) rounds it down. 211, The ‘unexpected requital’ gives Lyk.’s unusual explanation of why Dionysos tripped Telephos up: not because he was angry with him, but out of gratitude towards Agamemnon for his sacrifices at Delphi, in which Dionysos had an interest shared with Apollo (207-208 n.). See T. Scheer

1993: 132. 212. δαίμων Ἐνόρχης Φιγαλεὺς Φαύστηριος:

three epithets for Dionysos. For the first as meaning sexual potency or lust, see 148n. on rpıöpxas. Other

and less plausible explanations

10, line 32, but this is mysterious, see Rougemont's CID comm., n4) If Dionysos were the θεὸς

include a derivation from ὄρχησις, dancing (2).

ταῦρος of IG 7. 1787 (Roman, Boiotian Thespiai), as Nilsson 1967: 571 and n. 7 confidently believed,

Ἐνόρχης was an epiklesis of Dionysos on Samos, acc, Hesychios, e 3255. In the course of a discus-

that would be a simple epigraphic attestation to set beside Lyk. But this and several similar inscriptions are now thought to be evidence for the deification of a member of the Roman family of the Statilii Tauri! See Schachter 1981-94: 3. 53-4, ‘Theos





sion of wine-growing on ancient Samos, Shipley 1987: 16 remarks ‘the worship of Dionysus implies widespread viticulture’. For the cult of Dionysos at Phigaleia in Arkadia, see ZACP: no. 292 at p. 528 col. 2 (‘the principal deity of the city was Dionysos’), citing


Prophecies of Prylis and Aisakos


the secret sacrifice to the Bull-god.


To him, in unexpected requital for his sacrifices,

the Potent one, the Phigaleian, the Torch-god entwines the lion’s feet in tendrils, and keeps him away from his feast, so that he cannot utterly lay waste the corn

by ravaging it with his teeth and voracious jaws. For a long time now I have seen a spiral of trailing ills, dragging across the sea, and hissing against my fatherland terrible threats and fiery destruction. Would that Kadmos had never fathered a son


the festival to Dionysos at Diod. 15. 40. 2 (374 BC). See also FGrHist 319 Harmodios of Lepreon F x; also Paus. 8. 39. 6 for a temple of Dionysos

of the city. But this is not right: it is all in the

and for his local epiklesis Akratophoros

(15-27) was Paris’ departure for Greece,

future, the massing of the fleet at Aulis included:

the poems imagined temporal starting point

(a word

for a vessel for unmixed i.e. pure wine); and for Dionysiac mysteries there see Jost 1985: 85.

216. λεύσσω: see 52 n. ὁλκαίων κακῶν; Hurst/

Kolde see here a play on two senses of the

The Torch-god was so called because of the

ὁλκ- root: ὁλκαία, the tail of a serpent (so-called

use of torches in nocturnal Dionysiac ritual (3).


See E. Ba. 486 with Seaford; Aristoph. Frogs 342-

think of the epithet Phosphoros, for which see Zografou 2005.



88 with Hordern 2002: 177. κἀπιρροιζούσαν: see 66n. on ῥοιζηδόν.

213. λέοντα θοίνης: for the whole expression,

219-228. Kassandra’ regrets about the prophecies of Prylisand Aisakos Sistakou 2009: 248 and n. 32 (cf. 244 n. 19) notes that Prylis and Aisakos are, exceptionally, named

mixed up the animal metaphors: the behaviour ascribed to the lion (wasting the cornfield with its teeth or ? tusks) is more appropriate to a boar. For the favourite Lykophronic word Goivy, see

directly, because they ‘acquire a symbolic role

in Alexandra's prophetic monologue’ (at n. 32 she quotes Cusset 2006 for the idea that Kassandra ‘projects something of herself onto

at 1247, also

these characters’).

about Telephos: yvia συνδήσας Auyoıs. For the noun, see Od. 9. 427, εὐστρεφέεσσι λύγοισι. 215. xeipovr”. cf, with


217. With σύρουσαν cf. σύρτις at Timoth. Persai

cf. E. RA. 57, θοίνης λέοντα, The lion is Telephos, and Dionysos’ enigmatic epiklesis “Tripper up’ (207) is now explained; see 206—207n. Holzinger, Mooney, and others think that Lyk. has here



sometimes towed). For the adjective see also 1072. Kalospyros 2009: 217 detects alliteration in A.

Pellene in Achaia: Paus. 7. 27. 3. Or one might

773n. ἐμπλέξας Avyoıs:

it is dragged

ὁλκάς, a merchant ship (so-called because it is

3. Ciaceri suggests that we have here a variant of the Dionysiac epiklesis Lampter, attested at

219. Kadmos = Kadmilos = Hermes, as at 162, see

n. there (Tzetzes on 162 says that Hermes was called Kadmos by the Boiotians, but that looks like a mere guess based on Kadmos’ foundation

Holzinger, I/. τι. 560,

κείρει T^ εἰσελθὼν βαθὺ λήιον. Aapvariaıs: at 791 the same word has a passive meaning, ‘devoured’.

of Thebes.) Hermes was father of Prylis (Fowler 2013:








216-218. Hurst/Kolde say that the previous lines,

Phoenician was Prylis’ father).

about the Greeks at Aulis, refer to the past, but

The phrasing and the thought resemble the opening line of E. Med., εἴθ᾽ ὥφελ᾽ Ἀργοῦς μὴ

that Kassandra now turns to the future, the arrival of the Greek fleet at Troy and the burning

διαπτάσθαι σκάφος κτλ.



Kassandra‘ speech

Ἴσσῃ φυτεῦσαι δυσμενῶν ποδηγέτην, τέταρτον ἐξ Ἄτλαντος ἀθλίου σπόρον, τῶν αὐθομαίμων συγκατασκάπτην Πρύλιν,


τόμουρε πρὸς τὰ λῷστα νημερτέστατε. μὴ δ᾽ Αἰσακείων οὑμὸς ὥφελεν πατὴρ χρησμῶν ἀπῶσαι νυκτίφοιτα δείματα, μιᾷ δὲ κρύψαι τοὺς διπλοῦς ὑπὲρ πάτρας μοῖρᾳ, τεφρώσας γυῖα Λημναίῳ πυρί, οὐκ ἂν τοσῶνδε κῦμ᾽ ἐπέκλυσεν κακῶν. καὶ δὴ Παλαίμων δέρκεται βρεφοκτόνος

word rather than θέμισται; he goes on to explain the word as an alleged contraction of τομάρουροι

220. Issa is Lesbos; see Strabo 1. 3. 19, with an

explanation involving the Lesbian city of Antissa, which he says was once an island (‘opposite Issa’). The eponymous nymph had a son by Hermes

ie. τομαροφύλακες, ‘guardians of Mt Tomaros’ above Dodona (Kall. H. 6 75 Demeter 51 calls it Tmaros; see Hopkinson 1984: 124-5 on ἐν Τμαρίοισι, and Sistakou 2002: 170-1). The word occurs in a papyrus frag. of Euphorion (frag. 19 line 28 Lightfoot, cf. also Hollis 2007: 290), but as Lightfoot says, it is not clear whether it is being

called Prylis (named at 222), who predicted to the Greeks that they would take Troy by means of the Wooden Horse. This story is known only from the 2 to the present passage (and was perhaps developed out of the hint at a stay on Lesbos provided by Od. 4. 342). But it cannot have been concocted by Z out of Lyk by intelligent or imaginative guesswork, because the prophecy of the Wooden Horse is absent in the poem. So Prylis’ prophecy must represent a genuine but otherwise lost tradition, perhaps selected by Kassandra because it reduced the hated Odysseus" role. In Apollod. ep. 5. 14 Odysseus is actually said

used in its narrow Dodonaian sense, or in Lyk.’s more extended one. πρὸς ra λῷστα: ‘towards the best’;

this is surprising



224-225. Aloaxeiwy ... χρησμῶν: Aisakos was

son of Priam by his first wife Arisbe, daughter of Merops, who taught his grandson the art of dream-interpretation. See Apollod. 3. 12. 5, who continues with an account of Aisakos’ most

Od. 8. 493-4 Epeios makes it ‘with Athena’, and Odysseus merely inserted it into the city; but it is easy to see how this could have been expanded by

famous demonstration of his skill. He interpreted Hekabe’s dream that she gave birth to a firebrand (see 86): this meant that she would have a son

combining it with the general evidence for his

who would be the downfall of Troy, so she should

cunning so as to make him the actual deviser).

expose it. She did so, on Mt Ida, but the baby was suckled by a bear (138). Cf. also I. Rutherford

222. τῶν αὐθομαίμων: Prylis, descendant of Atlas, is kin to the Trojans because Dardanos was

2001: 236 and n. 8. See Euphorion referred to Killa (sister of Hekabe

223. τόμουρε: the Tomouroi were priests at the oracular site of Dodona, so the word denotes a seer (while continuing to suggest Dodona, see Sistakou 2002: 170-1). See Strabo 7. 7.11, who says that ‘some write what Amphinomos says . . .' (Od. 16. 403) as

frag. 79

Lightfoot. Priam pretended to think the oracle

son of Elektra who was daughter of Atlas (see 72 and n.).

a moment

Kassandra adopts a Greek focalization. Cf. 233.

to have thought of the idea of the horse (in Homer

follows: εἰ μὲν κ᾿ αἰνήσωσι


and wife of

Thymoites) and her son Mounippos and put them to death instead. See also 3197332 (and nn.), where the same story is alluded to. Tzetzes, com-

menting on the present passage, appears to say that the child was Killas by Thymoites, but 2 on 320 says it was the result of a clandestine adul-

terous union of Killa with Priam himself. See

Διὸς μεγάλοιο

Tonodpor—i.e. this is what they write as the final

Gantz 1993: 564. 172


The Greek fleet arrives at Tenedos

in sea-surrounded Issa, to be a guide to our enemies:


the fourth descendant of miserable Atlas,

Prylis, who helped to overthrow his own kin, you truthful seer! always directing towards the best. And would that my father had not spurned

the night-wandering fears of Aisakos’ oracles


but had done away with both of them by the same fate, for Troy’s sake, and had burnt their limbs in Lemnian fire; in that way we would not have been overwhelmed by a sea of troubles.

Lo! Palaimon the baby-killer sees

225. χρησμῶν ἀπῶσαι νυκτίφοιτα δείματα: the meaning of the infinitive is not clear. The verb

229-257. Sistakou 2009: 249 n. 35, citing Lowe 2004: 309 for frequency of deictic expressions, etc.

ought to mean ‘push away’ i.e. ‘reject’ or 'spurn'. But some translators take it to mean ‘keep sepa-

229-31. The Greek fleet arrives at Tenedos

rate from’; that is, Kassandra wishes that Priam

That is a bald summary of these three lines: Palaimon is a signifier for Tenedos, the shear-

had not kept Hekabe's disturbing dreams separate from (i.e. he failed to make the connection

waters are the ships, and the old woman

between the dreams and) the warnings of Aisakos.

is the

sea the ships sail on.

So Mooney has ‘sundered’, Paduano ‘disgiunto’.

There is some support for this in Tztetzes: τοὺς

229. καὶ δὴ Παλαίμων δέρκεται βρεφοκτόνος:

ὀνείρους τῆς Ἑκάβης ἀπῶσαι kai ἐκτὸς θεῖναι τῶν χρησμῶν. But this sense is not otherwise attested, and the simpler tr. is here preferred.

no fewer than four consecutive sections begin καὶ δή (the others are 232, 243, and 249). Ihe relent-

‘Night-wandering fears’ is surely imitated from

(cf. Holzinger on 249).

νυκτιπλαγκτῶν δειμάτων at A. Cho. 524; see Garvie's n. on 523-5.

Palaimon was originally called Melikertes. His mother Ino-Leukothea threw him into the

226. τοὺς διπλοῦς: Hekabe and Paris.

that is, mother

less Greek advance is thus stylistically enacted

sea when chased by her husband Athamas. For

and son,

this Boiotian and Thessalian myth, which is connected with the golden ram and thus with the

golden fleece sought by the Argonauts, and also

227. Teppwaas: see Guilleux 2009: 226 for this rare word.

with the foundation of the Isthmian games, see Burkert 19832: 178-9 and 196-9, Gantz 1993: 17680, and OCD* ‘Ino-Leucothea’ and ‘Melikertes’, both by J. N. B[remmer], also ‘Athamas’ and

Anpvaiw πυρί: 'Lemnian fire, not only because it was specially fierce, but because Lemnos was close

to Troy, as in Klytaimestra’s beacon-speech, in which Hephaistos i.e. fire crosses from Ida to

‘Helle’ by E. K[earns] and ‘Isthmian Games’ by N. J. Richardson].

Lemnos as the first hop. See A. Ag. 281-4, where Fraenkel notes that Hera made the reverse journey from Lemnos and Imbros to Ida at //. 14. 281-3.


228. κῦμ’ ἐπέκλυσεν κακῶν: the ‘sea of troubles’ metaphor is a natural one, and almost surpris-

on Tenedos, and







FGrHist 491-2 Fs, unless with Maas we think rather of Peisandros of Rhodes: D’Alessio 2007: 505 n. 9); cf. Fraser 1972: 1.728 and 2. 1020. 94. There may be Phoenician influence here (Melikertes/

ingly ordinary for Lyk; cf. e.g. A. Seven 758,

κακῶν δ᾽ ὥσπερ θάλασσα Hutchinson's n.

cult for Palaimon

child-sacrifice to him there, were also mentioned by Kall. frags 9r (dieg.)-92 Pf. (from the local

Kip’ ἄγει, with



Kassandra’ speech

ζέουσαν αἰθυίαισι πλεκτανοστόλοις ^ 7 3, , / γραῖαν £óveuvov Ὠγένου Τιτηνίδα. /,





καὶ δὴ διπλᾶ σὺν πατρὶ ῥαίεται τέκνα, στερρῷ τυπέντι κλεῖδας εὐάρχῳ μύλῳ, τὰ πρόσθεν αὐλητῆρος ἐκπεφευγότα

ψυδραῖσι φήμαις λαρνακοφθόρους ῥιφάς,


ᾧ δὴ πιθήσας στυγνὸς ἄρταμος τέκνων,

αἰθυιόθρεπτος πορκέων λιναγρέτης κρηθμοῖσι καὶ ῥαιβοῖσι νηρίταις φίλος, 223:

τυπέντι Scaliger τυπέντα MSS

Melkart): see e.g. Fraser, and D’Alessio 2007: 504 n. 7, comm. on the Kall. frag, See further Hollis 2007: 286, who believes, surely rightly, that Lyk. was here indebted to Kall.

Pindar may provide the link connecting the usual myth about Palaimon-Melikertes and the Isthmian games with this more unusual one. Pindar wrote at least two poems for individuals

writers, esp. Konon FGrHist 26 F 1. XXVIII and Diod. 5. 83. 4-5 (from the Tenedos section near the end of his book 5 about islands), cf. also Plut. QG 28 and Paus. το. 14. 1-4. See Gantz 1993: 590-2 and 594 and M. West 20132: 111; Fowler

2013: 53475. The

name Tenedos

is thought

to be pre-

from Aiolian Tenedos (N. 11 and frag. 123), and he

Greek, so it precedes the name of the mythical oikist Tennes, rather than explaining it. So rightly

also wrote Isthmian odes and was well aware of the foundation-story involving Melikertes (frag. 5 and 6). Perhaps a lost poem of his brought

Halliday Pi N. n. 33-4 (in a poem written for Aristagoras of Tenedos) gives Tenedos a different and more famous oikist, no less a figure

Palaimon to Tenedos, but he is not likely to have

than Orestes, in company

talked about child-sacrifice in the way we find here in Lyk.

Aristagoras called Peisandros. See 1374-1377 for

At 663, ‘Palaimon’ will be another name Herakles; see n. there.



230. A three-word line, cf. 63n. See Gigante Lanzara 2009: 114.

231. Ὥγένου: this is the equivalent of Ὠκεανοῦ.

The ‘aged Titanid wife of Okeanos’ is the Titan Tethys, i.e. the sea. (Both Okeanos and his sister—

wife Tethys were Titans, children of Heaven and Earth, Ouranos and Gaia: Hes. 7%. 133 and 135.) The plain meaning is simply that Palaimon sees

the sea seething with the Greek ships. 232—242. Achilles kills Kyknos and his children on Tenedos ‘the killing of Kyknos by Achilles is twice briefly mentioned by Pi., see 233n. But the details of the various component parts of the Kyknos-Tennes story are not attested before Lyk., whose very condensed account is the main source apart from later mythographers and other


an ancestor of

Orestes' colonization of the Aiolid generally; but is not





implied. Hall 2002: 72 and n. 80 may be right to connect that later section of Lyk. with Pi., in which case Lyk. subscribes to two different foundation-stories: not impossible.

The name Kyknos may preserve a memory of





(Alexandros) as ruler of Wilusa (lion) in about

1300 BC; see M. West 20132: 116 and n. 48.

232. διπλᾶ σὺν πατρὶ ῥαίεται τέκνα: the story of Kyknos’ estrangement from his children is given by Paus. 10. 14, 1-4, to explain a proverb (below) in

connection with a dedication at Delphi; also by Plut. QG 28. The father is Kyknos, son of Poseidon and Halyke (Hyg. 157), and the two children are Tennes (who will give his name to Tenedos, see below) and Hemithea; but Tennes was really a

son of Apollo (Apollod. ep. 3. 23 and "Tzetzes; see 240-242, and cf. Sourvinou-Inwood 2005: 294 for


Achilles kills Kyknos and children on Tenedos


the aged Titanid wife of Okeanos seething with cordage-rigged [?] shearwaters.


And now two children are killed, together with their father,

whose collar-bone was auspiciously struck by a solid mill-stone. Previously, they had escaped, after the piper caused them by his false stories to be cast adrift in a deadly chest. Their stern father, murderer of his own children, believed him,


so he, whom shearwaters reared and fishermen caught in their nets,

he who was familiar with samphire and round seashells,



of gods




(TrGF ς no. 66) or Kritias (TYGF 1. 43 frag. 20), with West 2013a: 111.


Kyknos' first wife, is not mentioned by Lyk. She is Prokleia. When she dies, there follows the clas-

sic wicked lustful Hippolytos). He Philonome fails she does not get

233. στερρῷ τυπέντι κλεῖδας εὐάρχῳ μύλῳ:

stepmother story (Bellerophon, remarries, and his second wife in love with Tennes. When her way she makes the piper

the MSS have τυπέντα, corrected by Scaliger. Lyk. here follows the version given by the Kypria (see Apollod. ep. 3. 31 with West 2o13a: 115-16). The unusual manner of killing (Ovid Mer. 12. 103

Molpos (a word meaning a singer, as at Miletos,

has him strangled by Achilles’ helmet-strap) was necessitated because Kyknos was invulnerable to

where the molpoi were a politically important guild which supplied the annual stephanephoros

ordinary weapons (S. frag. 500 TrGF, Ar, Rher. 1396b18, ἄτρωτος), presumably Lyk. imagines that he was killed by the fall after being struck

or eponymous magistrates, see my comm. on the name Molpagores at Hát. 5. 30. 2) falsely denounce Tennes for making improper advances

by the stone. The stone was ‘auspicious’ from the

to her. The father believes her (as fathers always

Greek point of view: this was their first victory of

do in such stories, Gantz 591) and casts the children adrift in a chest. They are washed ashore on Leucophrys (‘White-brows’, a place-name suitable for Kyknos, who is named from the best-known white bird, the swan), which is now renamed Tenedos. Kyknos learns the truth and kills Philonome. He sails to Tenedos in search

the Trojan campaign. Ás at 223, Kassandra adopts

a Greek focalization. For Achilles’ killing of Kyknos, see Pi. O. 2. 82, also I. 5. 39, where Kyknos provides the very first question in a puzzle or quiz of a sort which might

well have appealed to Lyk., ‘who killed x, y, and 2°, where the answer each time is ‘Achilles’.

of reconciliation, but as he is fastening the hawser

to the land Tennes cuts the hawser with an axe, hence the proverb ‘to cut with a Tenedian axe’, used of decisive rejection. But Lyk.'s version






Lanzara 2009: 114 for this very condensed expression, with two hapax words. Holzinger compares A. Ag. 814 (ἀνδροθνῆτας φθοράς).

seems to imply that father and children were together again when killed by Achilles. Some modern scholars (see Holzinger) think that the Kyknos killed by Achilles was a different Kyknos from the father of Tennes, and this would remove

236. oruyvös: the word is used about the habitual expression of the harsh disciplinarian Klearchos, ὁρᾶν στυγνός, Xen. Anab. 2. 6. 9. ἄρταμος: see S.

frag. 1025 TrGF ; cf. Schade on 797.

that problem. But Lyk. evidently thought there was only one, though he may have conflated two versions (Gantz 1993: 592). The story of the false

237. A three-word line, cf. 63n. On αἰθυιόθρε-


water. Another aquatic bird which looked after

of Tennes,

and of how

he was

πτος, Guilleux 2009: 230. The ‘nurse’ is the shear-


adrift, was probably not in the Kypria, Lyk. may

Kyknos was a swan, from which he derived his

have got it from the Termes of either Euripides

name. For such ‘helpful animals' see 138 n.


Kassandra speech


χηλῷ κατεδρύφαξε διπτύχους γονάς. ^




σὺν τοῖς δ᾽ ὁ τλήμων, μητρὸς οὐ φράσας θεᾶς


μνήμων ἐφετμάς, ἀλλὰ ληθάργῳ σφαλείς, πρηνὴς θανεῖται στέρνον οὐτασθεὶς ξίφει. ,







καὶ δὴ στένει Müpıva καὶ παράκτιοι ἵππων φριμαγμὸν ἠόνες δεδεγμέναι, ὅταν Πελασγὸν ἅλμα λαιψηροῦ ποδὸς εἰς Biv’ ἐρείσας λοισθίαν αἴθων λύκος,


κρηναῖον ἐξ ἄμμοιο ῥοιβδήσῃ γάνος,

πηγὰς ἀνοίξας τὰς πάλαι κεκρυμμένας. καὶ δὴ καταίθει γαῖαν ὀρχηστὴς Ἄρης, 246

λοισθίαν BCDE λοέσθιον Scheer e Z λοισθίον A*

243-248. Achilles leaps ashore

239. χηλῷ: cf. IL. τό. 221 with Rengakos 1994: 122. διπτύχους γονάς: cf. E. IT 243 (Orestes and Pylades) and (with Gigante Lanzara 2009: ııı) E.

Achilles’ leap was repeated, surely in conscious imitation, by Alexander the Great: Diod. 17. 17. 2. But see 246n.

Med. 1136, δίπτυχος γονή. Lyk. likes to apply the word to siblings, see six and 554, the Dioskouroi,

also 1245, Tarchon and Tyrrhenos. Cf. τρέπτυχοι

243. καὶ δὴ στένει Μύρινα:

κόραι at 573, the three daughters of Anios.

for Myrina,


Amazon, see Strabo 12. 8. 6 (cf. 13.3. 6), quoting IA

240-242. Mnemon could be either an adjective

2, 813-14: she was buried at a hill called Bateia

(‘mindful’), or a proper name for the messenger

(cf. 1308n.). She also gave her name to a city in

the Aiolid (ZACP. no. 822, Barr. map 56 D4), but Holzinger thinks that is not here meant.

who failed to do the job assigned to him by Thetis (the ‘goddess




to remind

Achilles not to kill any son of Apollo. See Plut.

245. Πελασγὸν ἅλμα: ‘Pelasgian’ i.e. Thessalian leap, because Achilles was from Thessaly, cf. 177.

QG 28 with Halliday. But it ‘is an unlikely irony for archaic epic that this forgetful messenger was actually called Mnemon’: Cameron 2004: 139; so it is possible that Mnemon was Lyk.’s invention

246. εἰς Biv’ ἐρείσας λοισθίαν αἴθων λύκος: Bis means a heap, usually a literal or physical heap of sand ie. sandbank, hardly more than ‘shore’, as here and 877; but once (812) it is used figuratively of a ‘heap’ of troubles. The MSS are confused; the choice is between λοισθίαν and (unmetrical) λοίσθιον, agreeing with ἅλμα in 245. The latter

(so Sistakou 2008: 148; see also Sistakou 2012: 160

for Mnemon as one of Lyk.’s ‘darkest inventions’, whose death ‘suggests the killing of the hero's conscience’).

A third and improbable possibility,

apparently advanced by Ptolemy Chennos, is that mnemon was a title for a remembrancer or clerk. See Cameron 2004: 138~40.

(which seems to have been read by 2) is preferred

It has been attractively suggested (M. West

by Scheer, and would make Achilles the last Greek to land on Trojan soil. The first Greek

20132: 112) that there was once a version which

to do so was Protesilaos, who was killed immedi-

had Thetis warning Achilles not to kill any son of

ately (//. 2. 698 and 528-534 and nn.); Apollod.

Apollo (see 232n. for Tennes as son of Apollo)

ep. 3. 29-30

because he would die soon after, and in which the only son he killed was Hektor (cf. £7.18. 96 for the certainty of Achilles’ death soon after Hektor's, and for the variant tradition which made Hektor

West 2013a: 114) says that Thetis had warned

ason of Apollo see 265n.).

(from the Kypria, cf. arg. 10a and

Achilles that the first to land would also die first, a prophecy not alluded to by Homer. This results in a timid and cautious Achilles. But

though Kassandra might be expected to transmit


Troy laid waste


enclosed his two offspring in an ark, and with them the wretch, who was not ‘mindful’, but failed


through forgetfulness to pass on the orders of the goddess-mother;

he shall die, pierced through the breast by a sword. And now Myrina and the seaside beaches groan as they absorb the neighing of horses, when the fierce wolf makes his Pelasgian leap and lands his swift foot on the shore's edge. He causes a sparkling spring to gush forth from the sand,


and opens up long-hidden streams. And now Ares, the dancer, sets fire to the land, a version unfavourable to Achilles, and does so at 279-280 (Achilles the last, λοῖσθος, to set foot on shore), the emphasis here is rather on Achilles’

that the latter used Antimachos. But there is slight uncertainty about the attribution of the

Antimachos frag. Matthews’ argument, that the

aggression, the description ‘fierce wolf’ is not

sudden appearance of water is a Hellenistic topos

consistent with cowardice, and it is better to read λοισθίαν and take it with θῖνα, the ‘furthest shore’, as it is usually rendered (although as often with Lyk., there may be deliberate ambiguity and

which indicates Antimachos of Kolophon as the author rather than the epic poet Antimachos of Teos, risks circularity, because it is a main thesis


we may be meant simultaneously to think of λοῖσθος in the sense it has at 279). But it could also, surely, mean the ‘nearest to the ship’ because ‘furthest away’ sc. from the land, in which case Lyk. is stressing Achilles’ eagerness to set foot on Trojan soil. See E. Andr. 1139 for Achilles’ leap. See





Hellenistic poets. With the motif, cf. Theok. 7. 6 (with Hunter 1999: 154): Chalkon created the Koan spring Bourina with his foot (and the winged horse Pegasos created the spring Peirene at Korinth with its hoof: Strabo 8. 6. 21).

also Holzinger: the leap was from a great distance,

249-257. Trojan

but did not carry him far inland. αἴθων λύκος: the

cries of woe

identification of a mighty warrior as a wolf is a laudatory metaphor found in Indo-European

territory laid waste


249. ὀρχηστὴς Ἄρης: Ares is, unusually for a god in

poetry; see M. West 2007: 450, who notes that the Homeric word for battlefield fury or λύσσα is derived from λύκος. See also Gigante Lanzara 2009: 99 and Sistakou 2009: 252 for the animal simile here. Cf. also Mahé-Simon 2009: 443.






Introduction section rr. For the dance-of-death

idea behind ‘dancer Ares’, cf. the fine metaphor at Plut. Mor. 193e, Boiotia the ‘dancing-floor

of war’, ὀρχήστρα πολέμου. The comparison of Meriones to a dancer at /Z 16. 617 is rather different: Aineias is jeering at him for the nimbleness with which he has just ducked out of the way of a thrown spear. But the two activities, fighting and dancing, certainly overlapped because mar-

247. κρηναῖον . . . γάνος: this expression is (see Gigante Lanzara 2009: 109) borrowed from A. Pers. 483, where Broadhead (who emends to

κρηναίου γάνος) compares Hdt. 4. 181. 3, ὕδωρ an Aeschylean favourite. The detail of the water

tial dancing was part of military training and fitness. War-dances (including the ‘Pyrthic’

is intriguing. It featured in Antimachos (frag. 84


Wyss = 136 Matthews: his mighty leap produced a fountain, cf. Griffin 1977: 40). See esp. Hollis

also known as Pyrrhos) are best described for us at Xen. Anab. 6. 3. 5-13, and note 7. 3. 33: Seuthes, as part of the after-dinner entertainment, mimics aman dodging a weapon, cf. above on Meriones.

«prvatov. As Broadhead says, the word γάνος is

2007: 280, for whom the recurrence of this ‘very rare myth’ in Lyk. is a strong indicator



for Achilles’




Kassandra’ speech

στρόμβῳ τὸν αἱματηρὸν ἐξάρχων νόμον. ἅπασα δὲ χθὼν προὐμμάτων δῃουμένη κεῖται, πέφρικαν δ᾽ ὥστε ληίου γύαι λόγχαις ἀποστίλβοντες, οἰμωγὴ δέ μοι ἐν ὠσὶ πύργων ἐξ ἄκρων ivódM erai, πρὸς αἰθέρος κυροῦσα νηνέμους ἕδρας, γόῳ γυναικῶν καὶ καταρραγαῖς πέπλων, ἄλλην ἐπ᾽ ἄλλῃ συμφορὰν δεδεγμένων. L4




















ἐκεῖνό σ᾽, ὦ τάλαινα καρδία, κακόν,

ἐκεῖνο δάψει πημάτων ὑπέρτατον εὖτ᾽ ἂν λαβράζων περκνὸς αἰχμητὴς χάρων, πτεροῖσι χέρσον αἰετὸς διαγράφων ῥαιβοῖ τυπωτὴν τόρμαν ἀγκύλῃ βάσει, 262}

ῥαιβοῖ Scheer ῥαιβῷ MSS

ἀγκύλλῃ Holzinger (ad 260-8)

distance, returning with Hektor’s corpse. She is then given three articulate but anguished lines (704-6) which precede the longer laments of

250. στρόμβῳ: cf. Theok. 9. 257.

251-257. One of the least difficult sections of the poem







Andromache, Hekabe, and Helen. This Homeric

ümaoa....keiraı consists entirely of words in common poetic use. Why should this be? The fall of Troy is central, all else is either ‘prequel’ or sequel. The switch to simple language may be

episode is crucial to the later literary development of Kassandra the mantic maiden; see Introduction

section 2. For the towers here, see Trachsel 2009: 534 n. 18 and Rougier-Blanc 2009: 555. ἰνδάλλεται (cf. also 597 and 961) means ‘seems’,

intended to emphasize this centrality.

252-253. πέφρικαν δ᾽ ὥστε ληίου yat / λόγχαις

and is said to be derived from the root for seeing,


eiö-. It is therefore bold to use it of sounds (as Z remarks, οὐ μόνον ἐπὶ τῆς ὄψεως, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἀκοῆς τέταχε).



is Homeric,


(with 3) Z7. 4. 282, the dark thick phalanxes σάκε-

σίν Te kai ἔγχεσι πεφρυκνῖαι, or 7. 62. For the

specific comparison of a mass of men to a corn-

255. With this splendid line cf. I/. 8. 556, νήνεμος αἰθήρ and, with 2, the final line (837) of 12. 13,

field, see IA. 2. 147 (the Greek assembly); and Mynors 1990: 120 remarked on the closeness to

ἠχὴ (or φωνή) δ᾽ ἀμφοτέρων ἵκετ᾽ αἰθέρα καὶ Διὸς αὐγάς.

the present passage of V. G. 2, 142, ‘nec galeis densisque virum seges horruit hastis. See also Skutsch 1985: 548, discussing Ennius danads line

257. ἄλλην ἐπ᾽ ἄλλῃ: with this doubled expres-

384, 'horrescit telis exercitus asper utrimque",

sion (‘polyptoton’)

πέφρικαν for πεφρίκασι is said by & to be a






For ἀποστίλβοντες see Berra 2009: 267 n. 20 (solecism' for ἀποστίλβουσι, to be explained by

cf. line 3 of the oracle at

Hdt. 1. 67. 4, πήμ᾽ ἐπὶ πήματι, which may in turn derive from S. Ant. 595, πήματα φθιμένων

γυναίκων: Kassandra here virtually listens to her

ἐπὶ πήμασι πίπτοντ᾽, With συμφορὰν dedeyμένων cf. Pi. P. 8. 87, συμφορᾷ δεδαγμένοι. In sound, these are very close, though the perfect participle in Pi. is from a different verb, δάκνω: defeated athletes are 'bitten/gnawed' by disaster,

own future self: at I]. 24. 699-703 she (presci-

whereas for Lyk. the women ‘receive’ i.e. suffer it

ently?) climbs up to Pergamos, the citadel of Troy,

(from δέχομαι). See also 954n. on συμφοραῖς δεδηγμένους.

the ‘enthusiasm of the prophetess’). 254-256. πύργων ἐξ ἄκρων ἰνδάλλεται... yow

and groans and wails when she sees Priam in the


Deaths of Hektor and Achilles


leading the song with a bloody tune on his trumpet-shell. All the land lies devastated before my eyes, and the fields bristle and glisten with spears as if with corn. Groans seem to fill my ears from the topmost towers, reaching to the windless abodes of the ether, as women wail and tear their garments, having suffered one disaster after another. One evil,



O my wretched heart, one evil

will gnaw at you above every other woe, when the fierce black onrushing warrior— an eagle sweeping the earth with his wings,


who bends the line of his tracks with a circling motion,

258-280. Deaths of Hektor and Achilles

next line, 261. See Gigante Lanzara 2009: 99. For αἰχμητής as adjective (also at 1266), see Pi. P. 1.5,

260-262 describe the flight of Hektor and his pursuit by Achilles, 263-266 the killing of Hektor, 267-268



of his


αἰχματὰν κεραυνόν, and N. 9. 37. The word xdpwv (a variant for yápomos) appealed to Lyk. (see 455 and 660), and is also


Achilles’ chariot, and 269-270 the ransoming of Hektor's body. This is mirrored immediately afterwards by the ransoming of Achilles’ own body after he has been shot and killed by archer Paris (271-273). This leads naturally to the

found in Euphorion (frag. 107. 4 Lightfoot). Acc. Tzetzes (on 455), it was Macedonian for ‘lion’. See also Gigante Lanzara 2009: 105 (for Pindar).

26r. Another very fine line (cf. 255). The image of the pursuing bird of prey recalls Homer's

Muses’ mourning for Achilles (273-275), and the

interwoven section closes with a retrospective

comparison of Achilles’ pursuit of Hektor to a

at Achilles for avoiding combat by hiding in

falcon pursuing a dove: J/. 22. 139-40.

womens clothes on Lemnos (276-280). For the drastic rearrangement of the order of the Homeric narrative, see Holzinger: 19-20 and

262. ῥαιβοῖ τυπωτὴν τόρμαν ἀγκύλῃ βάσει: this is the result of an emendation by Scheer: the MSS have ῥαιβῷ, an adjective meaning ‘crooked’

Sistakou 2008: 118-19 n. 213. See Sens 2009: 20. (This is all very brief compared to the interest in migration later in the poem); see also McNelis and Sens 2010. 258 See Gigante Lanzara 2009: πὶ for the Euripidean echo (Or. 446, IT 344) and Sistakou

or ‘bent’, But a main verb is needed somewhere in this long sentence, and this one (used by Lyk. at

563) is the easiest candidate. (Holzinger suggested making a verb out of ἀγκύλῃ by lengthening the second syllable to ἀγκύλλῃ). Even with the


the line is difficult in detail,

2009: 250 for the internal monologue.

though the basic idea is clearly that Achilles cir-

259. δάψει: from the poetic verb δάπτω; meta-

cles round and round Troy in pursuit of Hektor. τυπωτὴν τόρμαν must mean something like

phorical biting or gnawing here, literal at 1006.

‘fashioned wheel-rut’ (both words are rare), but

260. περκνὸς αἰχμητὴς χάρων: the rare word

the implication of land travel is audacious after a

περκνός means ‘dark’, ‘dusky’, or ‘dappled’; but it is also said by Homer to be the name of a particular type of eagle (I7. 24. 316-17, Zeus sends an eagle in answer to Priam’s prayer), and this anticipates the explicit eagle metaphor of the

line describing the flight of a bird. This double meaning is defended and explained by McNelis and Sens zorıb, who suggest that Lyk. (1) com-

bines the idea of Achilles as bird of prey with that of a charioteer rounding the bend of a racecourse,



Kassandra’ speech

κλάζων τ᾽ ἄμικτον στόματι ῥιγίστην βοήν, τὸν φίλτατόν σου τῶν ἀγαστόρων τρόφιν Πτῴου τε πατρός, ἁρπάσας μετάρσιον, ὄνυξι γαμφηλαῖσι θ᾽ αἱμάσσων δέμας, ἔγχωρα τίφη καὶ πέδον χραίνῃ φόνῳ,


λευρᾶς βοώτης γατομῶν δι᾽ αὔλακος.

λαβὼν δὲ ταύρου τοῦ πεφασμένου δάνος, σκεθρῷ ταλάντῳ τρυτάνης ἠρτήμενον, αὖθις τὸν ἀντίποινον Eyxeas ἴσον, Πακτώλιον σταθμοῖσι τηλαυγῆ μύδρον, κρατῆρα Βάκχου δύσεται, κεκλαυσμένος νύμφαισιν, al φίλαντο Βηφύρου γάνος,

For Hektor as son of Apollo, a non- or anti-

and (2) implicitiy glosses the disputed Homeric

word ἀγκυλοχήλης


at Od. 19. 538, evidently

Homeric tradition, see Durbec 2009a: 400; also

taking the sense to be ‘of the curved talons’.

Federico 2008 and Hurst 20124: 87. It is also

263. στόματι ῥιγίστην βοήν: Lyk.'s iambics are

Tzetzes on the present passage, who also cites Stes. for it, PMG 224 (108 Fi.), and see Ibykos, PMG 295, from Z Il. 3. 314).

found in Euphorion, frag. 80 Lightfoot (from remarkably free from metrical resolution, and

this is the first of nine passages where Hermann 1834: 249-52 sought to eliminate the remaining

266. γαμφηλαῖσι: cf. E. Jon 159: Gigante Lanzara

occurrences by emendation

2009: III fi. 59.

(the others are at

962, 963, 1164, 1204, 1218, 1222, 1242, and 1469).

Here he suggested κλάζων δ᾽ ἄμικτον χάσμα, ῥιγίστην βοήν. But we do not have to suppose Lyk. to be have been so inflexible (so rightly Holzinger: 81-2). Note that most of the passages are from late in the poem: Lyk. loosened up towards the end, for some reason.

‘The rare word ῥίγιστος is Homeric (Tl. 5. 873), but seems to have been revived in Hellenistic poetry; see e.g. Ap. Rh. 2. 215. 264. ἀγαστόρων:

an extremely rare word


‘brothers’; formed from γαστήρ, with copulative alpha; see ἀδελφός (LSJ); also Guilleux 2009: 235. 265. Πτῴου re πατρός: this is Apollo's second mention in the poem; for the first see 208 and n. (Delphinios, Kerdoos). The Ptoion near Akraiphnion was a famous Boiotian oracular sanctuary. It had featured in Hdt., who calls it

τοῦ Πτῴου Ἀπόλλωνος τὸ τέμενος, and gives an accurate description of its location above lake Kopais and near Akraiphnion (8. 135; see Ducat

1971, Schachter 1981-94: 1. 52-73, and IACP: no. 198 ‘Akraiphia’).

267-268. ἔγχωρα τίφη καὶ πέδον χραίνῃ φόνῳ," λευρᾶς βοώτης γατομῶν δι᾽ αὔλακος: Achilles

stains the waters and ground of Troy with Hektor's blood, like a ploughman cutting a furrow. This alludes (Holzinger, following Scheer) to Achilles’ dishonouring of Hektor’s corpse by obsessively dragging it behind his chariot; this is described first at 1,22. 395-405 and then again at 24. 14-18 (three times round Patroklos’ tomb). With γατομῶν (also at 1394), cf. Ap. Rh. 2.

1005. Fraser 1972: 1. 636 (with 2. 897) saw this as borrowing by Ap. Rh. from Lyk., but in view of his subsequent mind-change about the date of Lyk. (Fraser 1979) he would presumably have reversed the relation of indebtedness.

269-270. λαβὼ» δὲ ταύρον τοῦ πεφασμένου δάνος / σκεθρῷ ταλάντῳ τρντάνης ἠρτημένον: for πεφασμένου, from a lost verb "φένω, Ἱ kill’, see LSJ θείνω (sic) II (with Berra 2009: 302 n. 138), and cf. 840n. on πεφήσεται. At 1374, the

πεφασμένος will be Agamemnon. ödvos: this word for ‘gift’ is Hellenistic; see Gow-Page, HE 1176 (= Kall. ep. 28. 2 - XLVII Pf.) and Euphorion 180

Deaths of Hektor and Achilles


screaming discordant, horrendous cries— snatches aloft your dearest brother,

the child of the Ptoan god;


with beak and claws he will bloody his body,

staining red the ground and the waters of Troy, a ploughman cutting a level furrow. He will take the price of the slain bull, suspending it in the precise balance of the scales; but he will pour out an equal and compensating amount in weight of shining Paktolian lumps and he will enter the mixing-bowl of Bacchus, mourned by the nymphs, who love the waters of Bephyros

frag. 46 Lightfoot; also Schade 122 f. (on 710).

demanding from the Greeks a ransom for his body equal to that paid for Hektor’s. The source

Lyk. will use it four more times (710, 887, 1269, 1381). For the chime with Euphorion (esp. at 887) see Hollis 288 n. 55. Up to now, Lyk. has more or less followed J. 22, but now there is a divergence: the picture of Achilles carefully weighing out the ransom-price

of this story is obscure.

272. Πακτώλιον..., μύδρον: for the gold dust, ψῆγμα, washed down from Mt Tmolos in the bed of the Lydian river Paktolos next to Sardis (Barr. map 56 Gs) see Hdt. 1. 93. 1 and 5. 101, 2 (and cf. 1352). See also Antimachos frag. "ror West = 79 Suppl. Hell. = 93 Matthews; but doubtfully Antimachan, acc. Parsons and Lloyd-Jones (see 629n.) For μύδρος see Jebb on S. Ant. 264.

for Hektors body is at sharp variance with Homer, where Achilles does not care about the money: he eventually accepts the ransom (J/. 24)

out of sympathetic human


regard for Priam,

not for mercenary reasons. This non-Homeric Achilles may go back to Aeschylus’ lost play The Phrygians, or the ransoming of Hektor (2 says Lyk. and some others, ἄλλοι τινές, narrated the care-

The word maintains the Herodotean mood; see 1.

165, 3, the Phokaians sink an iron lump into the

sea as part of their oath never to return home until the lump floats.

fully weighing of the ransom); for this nonHomeric tradition see M. West 2007: 395. Note

at Athens in 367 mc). But the negatively presented Achilles fits perfectly Lyk.’s general ten-

273. κρατῆρα Βάκχου δύσεται: the reference is to Od.24.73-5: Agamemnon in the Underworld tells Achilles that his mother Thetis gave us i.e. the mourning Greeks a two-handled jar, a gift from Dionysos and the work of Hephaistos, to contain the bones of Achilles and Patroklos (cf. Patroklos’ own request for this at JA 23. 9172). We are now

dency to build up Hektor and the Trojans and

back on track with Homer (see 269—270 n.). With

that Grossardt 2005, to which Martin West now

draws my attention, argued interestingly that Lyk.’s source was the Ransoming of Hektor or Hektoros Lytra by Dionysios 1 of Syracuse, staged

diminish Achilles and the Greeks; see McNelis

δύσεται cf. 813, AcSyv δύσεται with Schade.

and Sens 2oma: already present in 2008: 24-5 and n. tragedians ‘tumble

273-274. κεκλαυσμένος / νύμφαισι: the Muses, as at Od. 24. 60 and Pi. I. 8. 63-4: the nine Muses lamented Achilles.

66. The ‘negative’ Achilles is sth-cent. tragedy, see Sistakou 107 for the way the three great . . . Achilles off his plinth’, and

274. at φίλαντο Βηφύρου γάνος: Bephyras was the name for the upper reaches of the river

164-5 for Lyk.5 own negative treatment of him. For Hektor as bull, see Sistakou 2009: 242.

Helikon which flowed down the NW slopes of

271. ἀντίποινον: Achilles was killed by Paris,

Mt Olympos. See Paus. 9. 30. 8; also Livy 44. 6 15 (calling it Baphyrus) with Briscoe.

and Kassandra here imagines the Trojans as 181


KassandraS speech

ΔΛειβηθρίην θ᾽ ὕπερθε Πιμπλείας σκοπήν, ὁ νεκροπέρνας, ὃς προδειμαίνων πότμον,


καὶ θῆλυν ἀμφὶ σῶμα τλήσεται πέπλον δῦναι, παρ᾽ ἱστοῖς κερκίδος ψαύσας κρότων, καὶ λοῖσθος εἰς γῆν δυσμενῶν ῥῖψαι πόδα, τὸ σόν, ξύναιμε, κἀν ὕπνῳ πτήσσων δόρυ. x







ὦ daiuov, οἷον kiov’ alarwaeıs δόμων 5







ἔρεισμα πάτρας δυστυχοῦς ὑποσπάσας"

οὐ μὴν ἀνατεί γ᾽, οὐδ᾽ ἄνευ μόχθων πικρῶν πένθους θ᾽ ὁ λῃστὴς Δωριεὺς γελᾷ στρατός, ,





275. Two Macedonian places. For Leibethra (or

69). In the usual tradition (for which see Apollod.

Leibethron): see ZACP: no. 540, citing SEG 27. 283 (bronze lead weight with depiction of bunch of grapes) for cults of Dionysos, for whom see 273. The ‘nymphs who love the Leibethrian watchtower’ (274-275) are certainly the Muses, because they mourn Achilles (273-274 n.). These lines may

3. 13. 8) it was one of his parents, Peleus or Thetis,

who, after Kalchas had prophesied that Troy could not be taken without Achilles, arranged for

him to be hidden, from aged nine, as a girl on the island of Skyros at the court of king Lykomedes. But Odysseus blew the war trumpet (or else offered the girls a mixture of spindles, swords,

help to explain ‘nymphae Libethrides’ of V. E. 7. 21,

etc.) and Achilles gave himself away by his reaction. The transvestism may mark the story as one of male initiation, comparable to the story of

where the description of the Muses as actual nymphs has been found surprising (Coleman 1977: 212 £; no mention of Lyk.). It is not clear whether




Herakles as cross-dressing slave of the Lydian Queen Omphale. The story of Achilles on Skyros


(frag. 34. 2 Lightfoot) are also the Muses; the Leibethrian nymphs are usually distinct from, though connected with, the Muses (Strabo 9. 2. 25; Paus. 9. 34. 4. Magnelli 2010 exaggerates the difference between Lyk.’s nymphs and Euphorions

was also treated in the anonymous Epithalamion

for Achilles and Deidameia, for which see Sistakou 2008: 171-4 (Achilles was turned from warrior into lover). Fantuzzi

add now Suppl. Hell 993. 7. With

2012: 38-42

discusses and

explains Kassandra’s ignoring of the usual tradition about Thetis, so as to place the responsibility

Muses). See Scherling in R.-E. ‘Leibethrides’, and the σκοπή,

Orph. Arg. so, Λειβήθρων ἄκρα κάρηνα. The noun is a favourite with Lyk, it is used of the

for cowardice on Achilles alone. This section about Achilles closes with a jump back in time to his attempt to avoid the Trojan

lookout-places i.e. crags on which both Skylla and

War, just as the long ‘Odyssey’ section (648-819) will






the Sirens awaited their prey (650 and 714).

close with a similarly analeptic reference to the

For Pimpleia, a village of Dion where Orpheus διέτριβεν (Strabo 7 frag. 10. 1), perhaps located at Agia Paraskevi, see LACP: p. 797. It was the

similar attempt by Odysseus—who had unmasked Achilles’ deception, but was himself unmasked by

location of a fountain sacred to the Muses: Kall. H. 4 to Delos 7.

emphasized by their final position, serve to dimin-

Palamedes. See 815-819n. The two stories, thus ish the stature of the two Greek heroes who domi-

nate Iliad and Odyssey respectively. See, for προδειμαίνων πότμον,

276. ὁ νεκροπέρνας: for such ‘ad hoc compound

adjectives’ used to define

a personality, see

Sistakou 2009: 244, 251. ὅς mpoßeiualvev πότμον: the idea that Achilles

himself feared death is part of Kassandra’s blackening of his reputation (McNelis and Sens 2orra:


Lanzara 209: 99 n. t1.

277. kai θῆλυν ἀμφὶ σῶμα . . .: Tzetzes says the motive was not cowardice, but a desire to be in the womens' quarters in search of Deidameia (Berra 2009: 291 n. 101).



Hektor fires the Greek ships

and the Leibethrian watchtower above Pimpleia. He, the corpse-seller, who in fear for his future fate will even submit to wearing a woman's dress


on his body, handling the chattering shuttle by the loom, and will be the last to set foot on enemy soil, fearing your spear, my brother, even in his sleep. O Fate, what a pillar of my house you will destroy, pulling away the bulwark of my wretched fatherland.


But it will not be with impunity, and not without bitter hardships, that the Dorian army of looters will laugh at him, 278. κερκίδος ψαύσας κρότων: lit. ‘touching the noise of the shuttle’, a paradoxical but easily intelligible expression for ‘touching the noisy/ chattering shuttle’.



2. 81-2





steadfast pillar; the metaphor (continued by ἔρεισμα in 282 and repeated by ἕρμα at 1190) is perhaps suggested by the literal meaning of the name Hektor, for which see ıoon. See Durbec 2009: 400 and 527n. (But Rougier-Blanc 2009a: 548 thinks the metaphor a creation of

279. καὶ λοῖσθος eis γῆν δυαμενῶν papas πόδα: see 246 and n.; Gigante Lanzara 2009: 100. For ῥῖψαι πόδα cf. 515-516, Kassandra hopes the Dioskouroi will not leap ashore at Troy.

Lyk., cf. 542.)

280. τὸ σὸν, ξύναιμε:

282. This line virtually repeats the thought of 281.




narratee; Sistakou 2009: 250 argues that first- and

For ἔρεισμα see n. there.

second-person addresses by Kassandra mark the Trojan identity of the recipient. These words will be closely echoed at 1189, where Kassandra again addresses Hektor in imagination: σὺ δ᾽ ὦ ξύναιμε ... The word ξύναιμος (six occurrences

283. οὐ μὴν ἀνατεί: the normal form is dvar(, as at A. Eum. 59. interesting use Maidens section the poem). For

in Lyk.) is poetic, specifically Sophoclean, both as

See 1172 and n. for a particularly of the word in the Lokrian (the only other occurrence in the spelling here, cf. Herodian

Partitiones 256. The adverb, equivalent of Lat. 'impune', derives from ävaros, ‘without dry.

noun (Ant. 198) and as adjective (E/ 156), including

use as cult epithet (Ant. 658-9, Ζεὺς ξύναιμος). This is appropriate for Kassandra’s affectionate

Lyk. brilliantly inverts the sense of the similar-

and wistful addresses to Hektor, given 5.5 own

sounding and similarly formed adverb ἀνουτητί at I. 22. 371; see next n. The Greeks will not

emphasis on sisterly devotion, both in surviving plays and the fragmentary Tereus.

refrain from sticking their spears into Hektor (Hom.), but they will not do so without retribu-

281-306. Hektor fires the Greek ships

tion (Lyk.). For οὐ μήν see n26n. For the illogicality of thought here (the deeds

This is a kind of aristeia of Hektor (celebration of a heroic episode), intended to show that the

of Hektor which are about to be recounted can

Greeks who jeered at the dead Hektor did not/

hardly rank as revenge for the ill-treatment of his

will not go unpunished: od μὴν dvarei...(283). But this is not logical, because the firing of the ships happened long before, during Hektor's lifetime. For this ‘striking anachronism’, see McNelis and Sens 20112: 71.

corpse) see 281-306 n.

284. The laughing Dorian i.e. Greek army refers to Il. 22. 37174: none of the Greeks stood over Hektor's corpse without inflicting a wound on it,

281. ὦ δαῖμον, olov kiov’ αἰστώσεις δόμων:

ἀνουτητί (22. 371), and then they would say to

for δαίμων in the sense of ‘fate’, see LSJ? 1. 2. Kassandra here apostrophizes a daimon rather than (as usual, see gon.) a Trojan.

each other, he is weaker now than when he burnt

the ships. This is a prompt for Lyk. to narrate the ship-burning.



Kassandra’ speech

ἐπεγκαχάζων τοῦ δεδουπότος μόρῳ, ἀλλ᾽ ἀμφὶ πρύμναις τὴν πανυστάτην δραμὼν πεύκαις βίου βαλβῖδα συμφλεχθήσεται, 3






καλῶν Em εὐχαῖς πλεῖστα Φύξιον Δία,

πορθουμένοισι κῆρας ἀρκέσαι πικράς. τότ᾽ οὔτε τάφρος, οὔτε ναυλόχων σταθμῶν πρόβλημα καὶ σταυροῖσι κορσωτὴ πτέρυξ,


οὐ γεῖσα χραισμήσουσιν, οὐδ᾽ ἐπάλξιες'

ἀλλ᾽ ὡς μέλισσαι συμπεφυρμένοι καπνῷ καὶ λιγνύος ῥιπαῖσι καὶ γρυνῶν βολαῖς, ἄφλαστα καὶ κόρυμβα καὶ κλῃδῶν θρόνους


πυκνοὶ κυβιστητῆρες ἐξ ἐδωλίων πηδῶντες, αἰμάξουσιν ὀθνείαν κόνιν.

πολλοὺς δ᾽ ἀριστεῖς πρωτόλειά θ᾽ Ἑλλάδος 291

κορσωτὴ ABDE κροσωτὴ C κροσσωτὴ dett.

285. ἐπεγκαχάζων: this ugly word is unique to Lyk. in this form, but is a compound of the good classical verb καχάζω, which is (as LSJ say) probably onomatopoeic, like καχλάζω (8on.), cf. Eng. 'cackle', τοῦ δεδουπότος: this word for ‘fallen’, from δουπέω, literally refers to the noise made as

the expression B. B. seems borrowed from E.

Med. 1245, ἕρπε πρὸς BaAßida λυπηρὰν βίου, and the rare compound verb συμφλεχθήσεται from E. Ba. 595, σύμφλεγε, σύμφλεγε, δώματα

Πενθέος (Gigante Lanzara 2009: 112 and 11 n. 59); cf. also Theok. 22. 211 φλογέῳ συνέφλεξε

a body hits the ground in battle; a common for-

κεραυνῷ (the blasting of Idas, cf. 560); for other

mula in the J/iad is ‘he fell with a crash/clatter’ (lit. 'clattered as he fell’), δούπησεν δὲ πεσών, The

occurrences see 740 and 1157. The thought, as

perf. form δεδουπότος on its own, with the more

Hektor reaches the Greek ships and sets fire

general meaning ‘dead’or ‘fallen’ (as if the meaning

to them, fulfilling the ‘will of Zeus’, as set out at 15. 596-600.

of the second half of the standard δ. 8. sr. formula had been transferred to the first, and without the necessary implication ‘in battle’, see Cingano 1992: 6. n. r3), occurs in 77. only at 23.179, the back-ref. to the games

for the dead

Oidipous, δεδουπότος

Οἰδιπτόδαο. That general sense is here imitated by Lyk. (again at 919, Philoktetes), as also by

Euphorion (frag. 44 Lightfoot, referring to Ajax: δεδουπότος Αἰακίδαο). For these intertexts, see Sistakou 2008: 130-1 and n. 42; cf. also Rengakos 1994: 125. Note esp. HE 1661 (= Dioskorides, late 3rd cent., XXXI line 5), πάντα νέκυν μάστευε

δεδουπότα, from a consciously old-fashioned poem about the archaic battle of 'Ihyrea ie. Dioskorides does use the word of battle-death. 287. βίου BaAßida

racing metaphor


in BaAßis

for the

see 13 and n.

opp. the language, is indebted to Z7 15. 718 ff,

288. Φύξιον Δία: the Zeus of Fugitives, see J, Schmidt, R.-E 20. 1179; see esp. Ap. Rh. 2. 1147, also 4. 119 with Livrea, who cites the mention in SEG 7. 894 (with 35. 1570), Gerasa, 1st cent. AD. ‘The 2 on 2. 1147 (207. 20 Wendel) says this was a

Thessalian Zeus, Φύξιος Ζεὺς παρὰ Θεσσαλοῖς. (But Zeus Phyxios also had cult at Argos, Paus. 2. 21. 2, and Sparta, Wide 1893: 14.) 290-292. Some of the language here makes more sense in the light of the Homeric passage it

clearly imitates, I7. 12. 258-60. With πρόβλημα cf. στήλας τε προβλῆτας ἐμόχλεον (12. 259), and




(vl. κροσσωτή,

lit. ‘tassled’, although at 1102, κροσσωτός is two-termination), cf. κρόσσας μὲν πύργων 184

Hektor fires the Greek ships jeering at the fate of the fallen man:

285—298 285

but at the sterns of their pine ships, running the final race of their lives

to the finishing tape, they will be enveloped in flames, and will call often on Zeus of Fugitives in their prayers to keep bitter death away from men who are being destroyed.

Then neither the trench, nor the barrier of ships stationed, nor the bristling wing-shaped palisade,


nor battlements will be of any help, nor parapets, but like bees, confused by smoke,

and gusts of thick fumes and flung firebrands, they will jump like massed divers from the quarter-deck onto the figure-heads and poops and rowing benches,


and stain the foreign soil with blood. Many chiefs, and many who carry off with their spears ἔρυον (t2. 258. But the meaning of the Homeric word κρόσσαι is itself obscure; LSJ? says ‘prob. = stepped argues leading related

295. ἄφλαστα καὶ κόρυμβα καὶ κλῃδῶν θρόνους: the three accusatives here appear to be governed by πηδῶντες in 297, ‘jumping

copings of parapets’). Rengakos 1994: 112-13 ingeniously that Lyk. is deliberately misus by using a seemingly Homeric word to κρόσσαι because κορσωτὴ πτέρυξ

(ento). The vocabulary and thought is again (see 290-292 n.) derived from Homer; see Rengakos 1994: 113-14 (who suggests that Lyk. is, by choice

refers not to parapets but to stakes or palisades. For such -rés formations in Lyk., see Guilleux

of words, offering an indirect commentary on

2009: 230 and n. 39. With ἐπάλξιες cf. 12. 258,

ἄφλαστα, and for κόρυμβα cf. 9. 241, ἄκρα

difficult Homeric expressions). Cf. I/. 15. 716 for

ἐπάλξεις. With σταθμοί or σταθμά cf. 5. OT

κόρυμβα; the whole of 9. 241-3 is relevant for

1139 with Rougier-Blanc 2009: 544. πτέρυξ: the word occurs here only in Lyk. It is Homeric and

Hektor' deed of valour, firing the Greek ships. Hdt. 6. 114 (ἄφλαστα at the battle of Marathon)

tragic for ‘wing’, but does not occur in the Iliad passage cited above. LS] sense (IIT) is a general

for ἄφλαστα see already 26. κλῃδῶν: for κλείς

category ‘anything that covers or protects like wings’ and gives the present passage as a sub-meaning

as a rowing-bench, see Od. 2. 419, ἐπὶ κληῖσι καθῖζον.

is a Homeric echo, see Pelling 2013:25 and n. 12;

(2): ‘fence, wall’.

296. πυκνοὶ κυβιστητῆρες: this description of the Greeks inverts Patroklos’ black humour at Il. 16. 745-50 about the Trojans as possessing excellent ‘divers’ (Kebriones has just taken a fatal

For χραισμέω in the sense ‘help’, see I7. 1. 28 with Rengakos 1994: 123 and n. ss, listing other J/.

passages. 293. συμπεφυρμένοι καπνῷ: the verb is cupφύρω, and for the metrically convenient perf. part. see E. Med. 1198-9, afua... συμπεφυρμένον πυρί, Ihat, however, means ‘blood mixed with fire’, whereas the present passage must mean that the bees are confused by the smoke, i.e. the prefix cuv- does not govern the dative noun, as it usually does (see LSJ συμφύωλ), This has a

tumble). The exact word κυβιστητῆρες occurs at 16. 750. 298. πρωτόλειά θ᾽ Ἑλλάδος: this would naturally be taken to mean ‘first-spoils taken from Greeks’, but the genitive must here be subjective, ‘first-

spoils taken by Greeks’. πρωτόλειον (for which cf. E. Or. 382, in a slightly different sense) will

bearing on the harder problem of 934; see n.

recur at 1228, in one of the poems passages. On 298-334 see Stirpe 2006.

there. For the simile, cf. 181 n. (wasps).




Kassandras speech

αἰχμῇ φέροντας kat σποραῖς ὠγκωμένους αἱ σαὶ καταξανοῦσιν ὄβριμοι χέρες,


φόνῳ βλύουσαι κἀπιμαιμῶσαι μάχης.

ἐγὼ δὲ πένθος οὐχὶ μεῖον οἴσομαι, τὰς σὰς OTÉvovoa καὶ δι᾽ αἰῶνος ταφάς. οἰκτρὸν γάρ, οἰκτρὸν κεῖν ᾿ ἐπόψομαι φάος καὶ πημάτων ὕψιστον, ὧν κράντης χρόνος, μήνης ἑλίσσων κύκλον, αὐδηθήσεται.


αἰαῖ, στενάζω καὶ σὸν εὔγλαγον θάλος, 30:

ββρύουσαι dett.

299. σποραῖς ὠγκωμένους: lit. ‘puffed up by/

by Priam

swelling from their seeds’ Le. proud of their

guished by the epithet ἱππιοχάρμης, ‘one who

directly after Hektor), and

is distin-

race or lineage. σπορά is rather a favourite word

fights from

of Lyk. (seven occurrences). It is a poetic word,

Homer used only at Od. 11. 259 of Amythaon son

when used in the sense of ‘offspring’, as e.g.

of Kretheus, a minor character, so the epithet is

Εὐρύτου σπορά (= Tole) at S. Tr. 316 and 420.

not quite unique in Homer, as Aristarchos asserted. For this problem see Nünlist 2009: 304 n.

300. ai aai καταξανοῦσιν ὄβριμοι χέρες: for the second-person address or apostrophe, see 280n. The verb is tragic, cf. e.g. S. Ajax 728 and s6ın. 301. φόνῳ βλύουσαι: the verb, a rare and remarkably vivid one, meaning to ooze or bubble,

a chariot’, I]. 24. 257 (elsewhere


19). This detail seems to have generated the story

that Achilles surprised Troilos when exercising his horses, as in Sophocles’ fragmentary Troilos, for which see TrGF 4: frags 618-35. This motif was popular in art, most remarkably at Karian

βλύζω. See Guilleux 2009: 231. κἀπιμαιμῶσαι

Aphrodisias, ‘Aphrodite's city, where the ‘Blue Horse’ statue group, found in 1970 and re-studied

μάχης: the verb ἐπιμαιμάω is Homeric in both


active (as here) and middle voices.

male mounted on a horse, and a large third figure

is a variant of the poetic (and onomatopoeic?)

302-304. Ihe language in these three lines is, by

Lyk.’s standards, plain and straightforward, convincingly expressive of grief; but they are followed by an elaborate conceit at 305-306. 304. κεῖν᾽ ἐπόψομαι φάος: elision is uncommon in Lyk., though see 894 and 896 with πη. κεῖνο is


a vigorous



(lost): surely a mounted Troilos being attacked

by Achilles. See Fig. 3. The original sculpture was an early Hellenistic group, no doubt in bronze,

of which the surviving group at Aphrodisias in blue-grey marble is probably a copy or version of the early Imperial period. The marble group was found repaired and reused, given a ‘second life’

elided in E. Tro, 541 and Hel. 1082, and ἐκεῖνο in

in the later Roman

several places. (Thanks to Martin West for help

Imperial inscription had mentioned ‘the people [sc. set up], Troilos, the horse, and Achilles’, 6 δῆμος / τὸν Tpwidov καὶ [τὸν ir] / πον καὶ τὸν Ἀχιλλέα, MAMA 8, 415, cf. Smith 2012: 69. See generally Smith 2012 ( am grateful to Bert Smith

with this.)

307-313. Kassandra mourns her brother Troilos

‘This is a conspicuous example of Kassandra’s elaborate response to and development of a very small hint in Homer; but as often the alternative possibility is that Homer was aware of a pre-existing tradition which Lyk. somehow had independent access to, and is here reviving. In Homer, Troilos is

merely one of Priam’s better dead sons (mentioned

period (ap 360s). An


for alerting me to the statue group, and for sending me a copy of his article). This sculpture-group shows

that, in art at least, ‘by the Hellenistic

period Troilos had grown in stature to be a great warrior’ (Smith 2012: 72, noting the ambiguity of his treatment before that). But Lyk.—who is also


Kassandra mourns her brother Troilos


the first-spoils won by Greece, and who boast of their lineage, will be carded by your mighty hands,


which drip with blood and which crave for battle. But J shall bear no less a grief as ] mourn your burial in perpetuity.

For I shall see that pitiful, yes pitiful day, and what will be called the uttermost woe of everything that Time, as it revolves the circle of the moon, brings into being. Woe! I groan for your milky youth, evidence for the Hellenistic period—seems to express a different, even younger, and more senti-

no. 377, Achilles and Troilos with cockerel, a love gift, cf. Robertson 1990: 67 and n. 33) and 30; see further 312 n.

mentalized Troilos; see below for his eroticization.

Robertson 1990 observes that in early artistic and poetic treatments (including perhaps Ibykos,

For other treatments in art see LIMC r1: 72-95, ‘Achilleus’ nos 206-388 and 8.1: 91-3 (Troilos), In a variant version, alluded to by Kassandra at

see above), the deaths of Troilos and his sister Polyxena are associated, but the stories were

313, Achilles ambushed and killed Troilos in the temple of Apollo Thymbraios, his real father (see

later separated. Lyk., by juxtaposing Troilos and Polyxena (311 ff.) may show awareness of this asso-

on 313): Apollod. ep. 3. 32, probably from the Kypria, see M. West 2003: 78-9 for arg. 11; Ibykos

ciation. (See Robertson 66 for Lyk.) Robertson 67

5224 SLG (=P. Oxy. 2637 frag. 12). A bronze tripod

explains the separation by reference to Attic tragedy: two stories so widely distant in time could

from Olympia seems to depict this moment, and to derive from the Kypria: Olympia Mus. B 3600; LIMC 'Achilleus' 437; West 2013: 42 and n. 86. If

not easily be brought together in a tragedy (except

by a chorus), unlike in epic and lyric. Lyk. has

Ttoilos had taken refuge there, the two versions

no difficulty in violating temporal probability (see 281-306n. for the severe anachronism involving Hektor's corpse).

(horses; temple) are reconcilable, For the eroticization of the story (Achilles as both killer and

victim of Troilos, because transfixed by unrequited love for him)

see Sistakou




As for hints in Homer (above), the same prob-

lem arises with Kassandras foreknowledge in the same book of the Iliad: she is nowhere called a mantis by Homer as she is by Pindar, but why did she alone think to climb up the Trojan citadel at


cf. 57-8; McNelis and Sens zorıa: 73-5; Fantuzzi 2012: 14-15, noting that the motif may go back to Ibykos (PMGF $224. 7-8 and 151. 41-5). This is the version in Lyk. At 307, Kassandra emphasizes

Il. 24. 700 unless she had some reason in advance for thinking that she might see Priam returning

Troilos’ extreme youth, apparently following the Kypria (see M.West 2003: 102-3 for οἱ νεώτεροι at frag. 25) and Sophocles (frag. 619 7+GF, τὸν ἀνδρόπαιδα δεσπότην ἀπώλεσα). This is not

in Homer, and is hardly compatible with the chariot-fighting epithet (as already remarked by E on J/. 24. 257b, whence Kypria frag. 25); it may be


with Hektor's body? See Introduction section 2. 307. εὔγλαγον θάλος: there are two distinct meta-

phors here, animal and vegetable, and no tr. can do justice to them simultaneously. The adjective is from γάλα, and suggests an unweaned mammal

part of a tradition about an oracle or prediction

(note the onomatopoeic gurgling sound); the noun

that Troy would never fall if Troilos reached the age of twenty: Mythog. Vat. 1. 210. See also Servius on V. A. r. 475, infelix puer atque impar congressus Achilli. See Fowler 2013: 541-2. On Achilles’ love for Troilos (above), see also

is a metrically convenient variant of θάλλος, a

Davidson 2007: 283-4 and figs 29 (= LIMC 1: 90

shoot or sprig; for the connection between boys

and shoots cf. the personified deity @aAA (one of the Seasons, see R. C. T. P[arker], OCD* ‘Horai’) in the 4th-cent, ephebic oath, R/O no. 88 line 18, or tragic passages such as S. Tr. 144ff. Cf. 965 n.


Kassandra’ speech


ὦ5 σκύμνε, τερπνὸν ἀγκάλισμα συγγόνων ὅς τ᾽ ἄγριον δράκοντα πυρφόρῳ βαλὼν ivyyı τόξων, τὸν τυπέντα δ᾽ ev βρόχοις μάρψας ἀφύκτοις βαιὸν ἀστεργῆ χρόνον,









πρὸς τοῦ δαμέντος αὐτὸς οὐ τετρωμένος, καρατομηθεὶς τύμβον αἱμάξεις πατρός. οἴμοι δυσαίων, καὶ διπλᾶς ἀηδόνας καὶ σὸν, τάλαινα, πότμον αἰάζω, σκύλαξ. x







ὧν τὴν μὲν αὐτόπρεμνον ἡ rokàs κόνις χανοῦσα κευθμῷ χείσεται διασφάγος, 308. ὦ σκύμνε: this is any kind of cub or whelp (e.g. wolf-cub, cf. E. Ba. 699, σκύμνους λύκων), but is usually here taken to mean ‘lion-cub’; cf. 7. 18. 319, where the previous line shows that lion-

Jason to make him fall in love with Medea (see Graf 1997: 92-3 and 2001: 37 for the passage).

312. πρὸς τοῦ δαμέντος αὐτὸς οὐ τετρωμένος: Davidson 2007: 283 sees an ambiguity here: the

cubs are meant; for the whole expression σκύpvos λέοντος see Hdt. 3. 32. 1, and see esp. the famous prophecy at 1233, where the σκύμνοι λέοντες are Romulus and Remus. For Euripidean

final word could (he suggests) mean not only ‘untouched’ or ‘unwounded’, but also ‘(sexually)

unpenetrated’. C£, also Gigante Lanzara 2000: 246. For the paradox of Achilles as savage killer of the one he loved, see also Mari 2009: 431, and compare 999-1001 on Penthesilea.

uses of σκύμνος on its own to refer to human beings, Andr.

1170, Or. 1213, and

Rh. 382 with

Gigante Lanzara 2009: 111 n. 59. Aristophanes famously applied σκύμνος λέοντος to Alkibiades

will be turned into a dog; compare σκύλαξ, used

313. The reference is to the temple of Troilos’ other reputed father, Apollo Thymbraios; for the Apolline paternity see Tzetzes (rod παιδὸς Ἑκάβης καὶ Πριάμου ἐν λόγοις, ἔργῳ δὲ Ἀπόλλωνος) and

at 963 about Aigestes, whose father Krimisos metamorphosed into a dog before mating with Aigesta. So in tr. we should avoid specifying what

Apollod. 3.12. 5, Wathelet 2009: 340 sees this paternity as a way of giving Apollo a closer connection with Troy, but we should also recall Kyknos and

kind of whelp is meant here (Mooney and Mair both have /ion's whelp) τερπνὸν ἀγκάλισμα


at Frogs 14312. There is, however, an extra point to

the word here, given that Troilos' mother Hekabe

συγγόνων: Hurst 2009: 196-7 (cf. 208) speaks of "tendresse au milieu de l'horreur".

309. ἄγριον δράκοντα: it has been suggested (McNelis and Sens 20112: 73-4 and n. 42) that this word for snake has special point in view of the ancient derivation from δέρκομαι, ‘see’. It is through seeing Troilos that Achilles’ passion is kindled.’ 309-310. πυρφόρῳ βαλών / ivyyı τόξων: the iynx is a love-charm. It takes its name from the bird known as the wryneck, which was tied to a wheel. See Kall. frag. 685 Pf. and A. M. H[enrichs], OCD* ‘iynx’; also Winkler 1991: 241 n. 84, PirenneDelforge 1993. Pindar uses the word (P. 4. 214) about the love-spell which Aphrodite cast over

Thetis’ warning to Achilles not to kill sons of (240-242n.):






"Thymbra, S. of Troy, see Barr. map 56 Ca. τύμβος usually means 'tomb-mound' (and is so taken here by Sistakou 2009: 246 n. 24), but here and at 335 it means ‘altar’ i.e, ‘temple’, see J'on 614, citing the early Hellenistic historian

Douris of Samos, FGrHist 76 F 34: φησὶ δὲ Δοῦρις ἐν τῷ περὶ ἀγώνων τοὺς βωμοὺς τάφους καλεῖσθαι. See Jacoby’s note, also citing Et. Gud. βωμός. 314-334. Kassandra mourns her sisters Laodike and Polyxena, and her mother Hekabe. She

foresees Hekabe’s metamorphosis After the two male relatives Hektor and Troilos, three females; cf. Hurst/Kolde. On

see Renaud 2009.


this section

Kassandra mourns Laodike, Polyxena, and Hekabe


you whelp, dear object of your siblings’embrace, you who will hit the savage serpent with the fiery love-charm of your arrows, and grip the stricken one in an inescapable noose for a short and loveless moment.


Unpenetrated by your victim, you will bloody the altar of your father with your severed head. Alas for my miserable life! I lament for you, my two nightingales, and for your fate, wretched bitch. 315 One of you will be swallowed up completely in a deep cleft of the gaping earth which bore her,

314. οἴμοι δυσαίων:



is tragic,

316. αὐτόπρεμνον: lit. ‘roots and all’; c£. A, Eum. 410. For the story that Laodike was swallowed by

and seems to have invited word-play, as at S. OC 150-1, where the chorus calls Oidipous δυσαίων μακραίων τε, and at E. Hel. 213-14 (also

the earth at the time of the capture of Troy (i.e. never herself captured by the Greeks), see 497 and

choral lyric), αἰὼν ducaiwy τις ἔλαχεν ἔλαχεν.

Apollod. ep. 5. 23; a classical author may have dealt with this unusual topic, see Anderson 1997: 49. "Izetzes, following 2, says that according to some versions, she fell into a ravine when being pursued by the Greeks. Euphorion frag. 97 Lightfoot (from Pausanias) may imply that she suffered some

But Lyk. for once declines the invitation (contrast 1174). διπλᾶς ἀηδόνας: the two (‘double’) nightingales are Kassandra’s sisters Laodike and Polyxena. Nightingales had funerary connotations, see Renaud 2009: 322, but at the same time bird names are often used by Kassandra to describe innocent

unspecified hostile treatment from Agamemnon

victims, cf. 103 for Iphigeneia and Hermione, and

and Menelaos; see Lightfoot's n. Renaud 2009: 323

357 for Kassandra herself, with Sistakou 2009: 242. At E. Hek. 337, Hekabe addresses her daughter Polyxena, who has been condemned to death by the Greeks, as a nightingale. See 323 n. In the Iliad, Laodike (3. 124 and 6. 252) and Kassandra (13. 365) are both called the fairest of Priam's daughters, θυγατρῶν εἶδος ἀρίστη. The inconsistency could be avoided if Homer were ingeniously taken to mean that Laodike was the fairest married daughter, but see Janko's nice comment on the second passage: ‘epic is more gallant than pedantic in bestowing compliments’. (The formula is in fact used of the daughters of other fathers, e.g. I/ 2. 715 and O4. 7. 57, with Mazzoldi 2001: 27 n. 3.)

is strictly right that Lyk. is the first source for

314 and 497. Cf. Tryphiodoros, Taking Troy 660-1 for a possible imitation of Lyk.

this myth of the ravine, but Ciaceri thought it

might go back to Arktinos’ I/iou persis, part of the Epic Cycle. Quintus of Smyrna 13. 544-53 makes this the granting of a prayer to a god, so as to avoid slavery (Gantz 1993: 661, and see 318n.). For Lyk.’s fondness for myths involving imprisonment or envelopment in some strange enclosed place, see Lambin 2009: 165. The prime example is Kassandra's own stone cell, see 349-351 and 1462. ἡ τοκὰς κόνις: for the implausible idea that this is a return to a Jungian prenatal state see Lambin 2009: 166-7. On 316-322 see Stirpe 2001, arguing ingeniously for an implied


315. σκύλαξ: for Hekabe’s metamorphosis into a bitch, after her frightful revenge on Polymestor, see 334 with n., and 1174-1188; this is metamorphosis no. (3) at 176n. Cf. also 963n.

allusion to Laodike,

wife of the Macedonian king Perseus; cf. also Musti 2001: 213 and n. 23 See further 1025n.. 317. xavotaa is future participle of χάσκω, cf.

‘chasm’. χείσεται is future indicative of χανδάνω, ‘take in’, ‘contain’; for the form cf. Od. 18. 17. There

is marked

alliteration here, χανοῦσα


xeioera: (Gigante Lanzara). For κευθμῷ cf. 11. 13. 28 with Rengakos 1994: 126.


Kassandra’ speech


λεύσσουσαν ἄτην dyximovv στεναγμάτων,

iv’ ἄλμα πάππον, καὶ χαμευνάδος μόροι τῆς λαθρονύμφου πόρτιος μεμιγμένοι σκύμνῳ κέχυνται, πρὶν λαφύξασθαι γάνος,


πρὶν ἐκ λοχείας γυῖα χυτλῶσαι δρόσῳ"

σὲ δ᾽ ὠμὰ πρὸς νυμφεῖα καὶ γαμηλίους ἄξει θυηλὰς στυγνὸς Ἴφιδος λέων, μητρὸς κελαινῆς χέρνιβας μιμούμενος,


ἣν eis βαθεῖαν λαιμίσας ποιμανδρίαν στεφηφόρον βοῦν δεινὸς ἄρταμος δράκων €t



ραΐσει τριπάτρῳ






318. λεύσσουσαν ἄτην ἀγχίπουν: this hints at the version which had Laodike asking a god to be saved from the ‘doom of slavery when she saw what was about to happen to her, See 316n., and for a different emphasis 498 and n.: she was dis-

traught at the handing over of her son Mounitos to Akamas. For the hapax ἀγχίπους, a characteristic coinage of Lyk., see Guilleux 2009: 234.

319-322. ‘The reference is to the killing by Priam of Killa and of her son Mounippos (the father

whelp (sc. of a lion, see 308n.), σκύμνος and μόσχος are found closely together at E. Hek, 205-6 (Polyxena on her impending death by sacrifice), a play and a passage which Lyk. probably has in mind hereabouts (see 323 n. and 334 n.), but though that passage is corrupt, the nouns there both seem to refer to Polyxena herself, rather than to herself and her mother. 323. σὲ δέ... .: with this apostrophe, Kassandra passes on to her other sister, Polyxena. The story,

himself or Killas husband

according to which Polyxena was sacrificed by

Thymoites), in circumstances already alluded to

Neoptolemos to satisfy the demand of Achilles’

at 224; see n. there.

ghost, and the subsequent


either Priam

319. ἄλμα πάππου: dAua= ἄλσος, ‘grove’; elsewhere in this sense only at Euphorion frag. 186 Lightfoot (the attribution is not quite certain), which is also about the grove of Tros: ἔνθα Tpanov ἄλμα καὶ Apia Μουνίπποιο; see Hollis 2007: 290-1 for this striking intertext (Guilleux 2009: 231 is thus wrong to imply that Lyk.'s use is hapax). The alternative explanation (since ‘grandfather’ must mean ‘ancestor’, i.e not Laomedon)

is that the reference in Lyk. would be to the tomb of Ios; see I7. 11.166. χαμευνάδος: this word here = χαμαιτύπη or χαμεταιρίς, i.e. ‘prostitute’. It has a different and literal sense at 848, where it

refers to beds on the ground; but see n. there.



Hekabe into a bitch, is in Euripides’ Hekabe (94 f., if not interpolated), and this source may be in Lyk.’s mind (the I/iou Persis arg. 4c merely says that Polyxena was sacrificed on Achilles’ tomb). The erotic motif {Achilles in love with

Polyxena) has been thought new and Hellenistic (Sistakou 2008: 167, and cf. 307-323n. for Troilos;

also the excellent discussion of Sistakou 2012: 157-71); but West 2013a: 242 f. argues convincingly that it provides the only explanation for Achilles’ otherwise unmotivated demand i.e. was older.

(Grossardt 2005 thought it went back to the Ransoming of Hektor by Dionysios I of Syracuse; see 269-270n.). Achilles had come to the temple of Thymbraian Apollo to discuss the marriage

320. τῆς λαθρονύμφου: this hapax word (Gigante Lanzara 2009: 114) prompts Z to say that Priam was the adulterous father of Killa’s son; see 224n.

with Priam, but was treacherously shot dead by

320-321. πόρτιος μεμιγμέναι / σκύμνῳ: two animal metaphors seem to be co-present here, referring to mother and son: the heifer and the

323-324. ὠμὰ πρὸς νυμφεῖα καὶ γαμηλίους / ἄξει θυηλάς: this hints at the frequent Greek equation of the rituals of marriage and of death,

Paris (second Z on E. He. 41, with Gantz 1993: 628). See further Fantuzzi 2012: 18.



Kassandra mourns Laodike, Polyxena, and Hekabe

when she sees, with groans of anguish, her approaching doom: there, at the grove of her ancestor, where the whore who married

secretly lies buried, her bones mixed with those of her son, the heifer together with the whelp, before it gulped



and before her limbs had been washed clean after childbirth. And as for you, the grim lion-son of Iphis will lead you to a

cruel wedding and marriage sacrifices. Imitating the sacrificial libations of his grim mother, he will slit her throat over a deep bowl:


the dreadful murderous dragon will slaughter the wreathed heifer with Kandaon's sword of the three owners, esp. the death of a prenuptial maiden; see Seaford 1987 and 1994: 320; Sistakou 2008: 167 and n. 181 and 2009: 439.

ventre mactans

meaning bowl

naviae’) assumes

of the

or cauldron



a play on the



(Hesych. and Pollux (το. 165,

ravaypiöes)). This ingenious explanation (‘cum

324. στυγνὸς Ἴφιδος λέων: the ‘lion-son of Iphis ie. Iphigeneia is Neoptolemos/Pyrrhos. For Neoptolemos as son of Iphigeneia, see 183 n. (this is not the normal version of his parentage). For the ‘doubling of perspective’ here (Neoptolemos’ sacrificial act is a reminder of his mother’s human sacrifices) see Sistakou 2009: 243. See also Mari


ingeniose insaniens' as Bachmann

approvingly remarked) would avoid the need for a Boiotia-specific meaning, and allows a reference to Neoptolemos' sacrifice of Polyxena. But it is an attractive suggestion (Livrea 1989, cf. Rutherford

2001: 320 n. 60) that Lyk. intended a simultaneous reference to doth Polyxena and Iphigeneia, to Agamemnon and Neoptolemos, so that all the

2009: 435 n. 68.

324-329. See Mahé-Simon 2009: 444 (Pyrrhos/ Neoptolemos as lion, cf. 1435-1450).

possibilities above can be true together.

325. He is ‘imitating his grim mother’ Iphigeneia

327. στεφηφόρον: cf. Headlam 381 on Herodas 8. 1 (wool in ritual), also Servais 1967. ἄρταμος:

For the riddlingly described sword, see 328 n.

because of her murder of Greeks, as described at 186-187.

see 236 n.

326. qv... ποιμανδρίαν: the reference in the relative pronoun at the line’s opening (Polyxena or Iphigeneia?) was already disputed in antiquity, acc. 5. Both women have been mentioned in the past few lines. If it is Iphigeneia, as Wilamowitz

328. τριπάτρῳ: a hapax word, see Guilleux 2009: 234. The 'three-fathered sword of Kandaon' is ambiguous, depending whether its wielder is (1)

Neoptolemos or (2) Agamemnon. On view (1),

the riddle-name stands for Hephaistos, καίων καὶ δαίων (Holzinger). He gave the sword to

thought, the ‘dragon has to be Agamemnon; if Polyxena (as Holzinger preferred ), Neoptolemos.

Peleus, who gave it to Achilles, who gave it to Neoptolemos. On view (2), Kandaon is Ares, as

The meaning of zrotpavdpiav is difficult, and yet the key ought to be concealed here. Steph. Byz. Távaypa, citing the present line of Lyk., says it was an old name for Tanagra in Boiotia;

at 938 (where the additions 'or Mamertos, the hoplite wolf" facilitate the identification, but do

not exclude it for the present passage, where the name Kandaon appears alone). In this scenario

see also Kall. frag. 711 Pf. and Suppl. Hell. no. 257

= Tanagra = Boiotia = Aulis). But

the sword is that of Pelops, who gave it to Atreus, who gave it to Agamemnon. Perhaps we do not have to choose; see 326 n. But (3) Renaud 2009: 326 ingeniously connects

Scaliger’s Latin translation (‘namque in capacis

Kandaon with Orion and Tanagra, and concludes




143. Wilamowitz


200-1, originally 1883) detected here a reference

to Agamemnon's sacrifice of Iphigeneia at Aulis (Poimandria



Kassandras speech

λύκοις TO πρωτόσφακτον ὅρκιον σχάσας. σὲ δ᾽ ἀμφὶ κοίλην αἰχμάλωτον ἠόνα πρέσβυν Δολόγκων δημόλευστον ὠλένῃ,


ἐπεσβόλοις ἀραῖσιν ἠρεθισμένῃ, 3





κρύψει κύπασσις χερμάδων ἐπομβρίᾳ, Μαίρας ὅταν φαιουρὸν ἀλλάξῃς δομήν. ὁ δ᾽ ἀμφὶ τύμβῳ τἀγαμέμνονος δαμείς,


κρηπῖδα πηγῷ νέρθε καλλυνεῖ πλόκῳ, ὁ πρὸς καλύπτρης τῆς ὁμαίμονας τάλας ὠνητὸς αἰθαλωτὸν εἰς πάτραν μολών,

τὸ πρὶν δ᾽ ἀμυδρὸν οὔνομ᾽ αἰστώσας σκότῳ, ὅταν χέλυδρος πύρσον ὠμόθριξ βαρὺν 332 333


ἠρεθισμένῃ Canter ἠρεθισμένων Wilamowitz 1883a: 7 [= 1935-72: 2. 18n. 1] ἠρεθισμένην MSS κύπασσις A κυπάς τις BCDEV, Bachmann, Kinkel

that the sacrifice is that of Iphigeneia, who was sacrificed not far away at Aulis. Lyk. is capable of packing three meanings not two into a line. 329. For the Greeks

as wolves, see Sistakou

2009: 252. 330. σὲ de: Kassandra passes from the children to the parents. But they are differently treated: Kassandra’s mother Hekabe, wife of Priam, is

332. A three-word line, cf. 63 n. 333. κύπασσις χερμάδων: the model here is Hektor's scolding of Paris at I7. 3.57: λάϊνον ἔσσο χιτῶνα, ‘you would have put on a stone coat'i.e. have been stoned. For κύπασσις as an exotic word for a short tunic, see FGrHist ı Hekataios F 284 (from Harpokration, who cites other early uses); and for the hapax expression (‘cement overcoat’) see Gigante Lanzara 2009: 14. On the

reading κυπάς τις see Dickey 2014.

addressed in the second person, Priam is referred

to in the third. See 335n. The next lines presuppose Euripides’ Hekabe (see Durbec 2orıb: 4-8).

334. ‘assume the dark shape of Maira’ means that she will turn into a black bitch; Maira is the pet

After the sacrifice of Polyxena, the Thracian king Polymestor is blinded by the captive Hekabe, with Agamemnons permission, in revenge for his treacherous mercenary killing of her son Polydoros, to whom Priam had entrusted the

boy. Polymestor’s final speech predicts Hekabe's metamorphosis into a bitch, cf. 315 and 334 with n. This motif will be resumed in the second Hekabe episode, at 1174-1188; see 1176-1177. 331. Δολόγκων





Dolonkoi of Thrace (also at 533) see Hdt. 6. 34-6,

where they invite the Athenian Miltiades the Elder to be their oikist. With δημόλευστον cf. S. Ant. 36 with Gigante Lanzara 2009: ΠΟ n. 58; it was a Sophoclean coinage, and not used again before Lyk., cf. R. Rutherford 2012: 73 and n. 15. For stoning see 1168n. (the Lokrian Maidens). At 187 it

dog of Erigone, which helps her find the dead

body of her father Ikarios (Apollod. 3. 14. 7), so the name Maira stands for all dogs. The most prominent



is the


of E.

Hek. (esp. 1265) with Forbes-Irving 1990: 207-10,

Mossman 1995: 197-8, and Buxton 2009: 57-9; for

the relationship see Durbec 2omb: 8-11. The meaning of Hekabe’s metamorphosis is a puzzle, but Mossman

1995: 201 (followed by Buxton)

makes a virtue of this by arguing that E. intended an embittered, confused ending to the play. At 1176, Kassandra foretells that Hekabe will be an— evidently canine—attendant of Hekate; cf. E. frag.

968 TrGR Ἑκάτης ἄγαλμα pwopdpov κύων

will be implied that Hekabe will be stoned by the

éon. Burkert 1985: 65 (cf. Mossman 1995: 198) suggested that this connection came about through ‘an association of the names Hecabe-Hecate’ (cf. E. Sittig, R.-E. VII 'Hekabe' [sic] col. 2662). The

Greeks, led by Odysseus, not by the Thracians, as here. Either way, the stoning is not in Euripides.


name-association might even explain the original


of Hekabe


a bitch, not


Priam’ downfall; the Wooden Horse

killing the first-slaughtered victim to gratify the wolves. But you, aged prisoner on the hollow shore,


stoned at the hands ofthe Dolonkoi because they have been provoked by your abusive curses: a shower of stones will cover you in its robe,

when you assume the dark shape of Maira. But he, slain at the altar of Zeus-Agamemnon, will adorn its base with his white hair below it;


the wretch, who was ransomed by the veil of his sister and came back to find his fatherland burnt to ashes, after losing his earlier obscure name in darkness;


at that time the fierce-crested snake,

of Troy by Herakles, together with Telamon

just her subsequent attendance on Hekate, but Forbes-Irving 208-9 is cautious about this. On the Thracian coastal place-name


Kynossema or ‘tomb of the bitch’, the scene of a

(32n.), Herakles



prize of valour to Telamon, and allowed her to take one of the prisoners with her. She chose Podarkes, her brother, but Herakles said he must first be enslaved and then ransomed. She ransomed him (see 338, ὠνητός) with her veil, and his new name Priam supposedly derived from πρίασθαι, ‘to buy’ (in reality, the name may be connected with Luwian Pariyamuwas, ‘supreme in force’, see M. West 2orıb: 41). See Apollod. 2. 6. 4, and Tzetzes on the present passage of Lyk. Cf also 452n.: Hesione bore Teukros to "Telamon, and Teukros thus became cousin to the Trojan Kassandra.

sea-battle in 411 sc, see E. Hek. 1273; cf. CT ΤΠ: 1058 on Th. 8. 104. 5, giving other refs.

Neither the stoning nor the metamorphosis seem to have been depicted iconographically, on present evidence. See, explicitly, LIMC 4. 1: 480-1 (A.-F. Laurens).

335347. Priam's downfall; the Wooden Horse

335. 68€ . . .: Priam is not addressed by Kassandra in the second person (see 330n.). The guard is,

after all, delivering his speech to Priam, and a second-person pronoun here might awkwardly remind us of this. Kassandra approaches the cli-

max of her Trojan narration, viz. the act of viola-

339. τὸ πρὶν δ᾽ ἀμυδρὸν οὔνομα:

tion perpetrated against herself. dgupi τύμβῳ τἀγαμέμνονος δαμείς: ‘Agamemnon’ here means

for Lyk.’s

interest in names, see 164 n.

340. The ‘fierce-crested snake’ (2; hardly ‘turtle’, as Tzetzes), χέλυδρος ὠμόθριξ, is Priams brother-in-law Antenor (married to Hekabe’s

Zeus, and conversely ‘Zeus’ sometimes (see ı124-

1125 and 1369-1370 with nn.) means Agamemnon. See Finglass 2007: 103, cf. Parker 2005b: 224 and n. 32. For τύμβος as ‘altar’ see 313. and 613-614. 336. πηγῷ: cf. Kall. H. 3. 90, ἥμισυ πηγούς (dogs), with Bornmann. At J/ 9. 124 it was used of horses, but was there coupled with ‘prize-winning’, and perhaps meant ‘strong’ not ‘grey’. Acc. Hesych., some said it meant ‘white’, some ‘black’, but obviously black is not what we want here.


and all his sons except Podarkes/Priam. Herakles had given Laomedon’s daughter Hesione as a

sister Theano), whom later tradition represented as a traitor to Troy; so S. Antenoridai, and

cf. 658n. for his facilitation of the theft of the


by Odysseus




Wathelet 2009: 341. The germ of this is in I/ 7. 348-53, where he advises the handing back of

Helen (cf. also 3. 205 with Tryphiodoros, Taking of Troy 656 ff., for Antenor's earlier hospitality to Menelaos and Odysseus). For Antenor in art, see LIMC : 1. 1, 81-15.

337-338. Laomedon’s son Priam was originally called Podarkes. At the time of the first sack



Kassandras speech

ἀπεμπολητὴς τῆς φυταλμίας χθονὸς φλέξας, τὸν ὠδίνοντα μορμωτὸν λόχον ἀναψαλάξῃ γαστρὸς ἑλκύσας ζυγά, τῆς Σισυφείας δ᾽ ἀγκύλης λαμπούριδος λάμψῃ κακὸν φρύκτωρον αὐτανέψιος


τοῖς eis στενὴν Λεύκοφρυν ἐκπεπλευκόσι,

καὶ παιδοβρῶτος Πορκέως νήσους διπλᾶς. ἐγὼ δὲ τλήμων, ἡ γάμους ἀρνουμένη,

342-343. τὸν ὠδίνοντα μορμωτὸν λόχον / ἀναψαλάξῃ γαστρὸς ἑλκύσας ζυγά: these two lines describe the Wooden Horse, full of soldiers, by which Troy was taken; see Faraone 1992: 92-100 for this sort of talisman. For the ἱπποτέκτων or 'Horse-builder' ie. Epeios son of Panopeus, see further 930-950 n. ‘The virtuoso double meanings of the Greek here cannot be brought out in translation. Aéxos means either a Spartan regiment, as in ‘Pitanate lochos' (Hdt. 9. 53. 2), or else an ambush (the wooden horse is called a hollow ambush, κοῖλος λόχος, at Od. 3. 277, and cf. the oracle at Hdt. 3. 57. 4), or else childbirth. Ali three meanings are co-present here.

‘The Wooden Horse was often described as a great

Page. λαμπούριδος: A. frag. 433 TrGF, from Photios: λαμπουρίς: ἡ ἀλώπηξ παρ᾽ Αἰσχύλῳ. Note the assonance of the two unrelated words λαμπουρίδος λάμψῃ. This is a reference to the Greek Sinon, the ‘crooked cousin of the Sisyphean fox’ ie. of Odysseus (cf. 1030, with Cusset 2009: 135); Sinon was son of Aisimos, the brother of Odysseus mother Antikleia. Pretending to be a deserter, he persuaded the

Trojans to take the Wooden Horse into the city and then opened it up to let the soldiers out

(Virgil), and/or guided the Greek fleet back from Tenedos with fire-signals. Sinon's story was told in the Epic Cycle (see M. West 2003: 135, Little Iliad, and 20132: 204-5 (the kinship link with

pregnant animal, which gave birth to the troops

Odysseus via Aisimos found only in Lyk. and

who poured out of it; cf. the 'horse's brood’, ἵππου

other, even later, sources), and 145, Sack of Ilion),

veoooos A. Ag. 825, which Fraenkel calls a griphos or riddle. Finally, ζυγά refers both to the bars which secured the belly of the horse, and simulta-

elaborated by V. A. 2. 54-198, the best-known ver-

neously to the group of heavy-armed men inside the horse (evyirac means hoplites, men ‘yoked

and by S. in two plays, Sinon and Laokoon. It was sion, which perhaps drew on S. For the minor discrepancies between Virgil and what survives of the Greek accounts, see Gantz 1993: 646-50.

Lyk.’s Kassandra, contrary as always in choice

together’ on one ancient etymology). See also V.A.

6. 516, ‘armatum peditem gravis attulit alvo'. For the hapax μορμωτόν, formed from the substantive μορμώ, see Guilleux 2009: 230 and n. 39. ἀναψαλάσσω is another hapax word,

evidently meaning ‘open’ (p. has ἀνοίξῃ). For simple ψαλάσσω see 139, where it has a different meaning, ‘touch’ or 'twang' a string. Jocelyn 1969: 233 (commenting on 'saltu' at Ennius line 72, Alexander XXV, a prophecy by Cassandra about a pregnant leaping mare) seems to extract

the meaning "leap from 342, but does not explain how. 344345. ἀγκύλης: ‘crooked’, i.e. crafty; cf. HE 496 (= Antipater of Sidon XLIX. 1) with Gow/

of versions, says nothing about her own warnings against accepting the horse into the city; for these

see Apollod. ep. s. 17 and V. A. 2.2467. The manner of reference to Sinon is unusually roundabout, even for Lyk.; see Sistakou 2009: 252 n. 43 citing Lambin 2005: 228-50. See also Gigante Lanzara 2009: 102 and τοῦ f. and Cusset

2009: 135. 347. This refers to the serpents which

separately from Tenedos

the two



islets off

(25 and n.) to strangle Laokoon


of Antenor acc. Σ᾽ or uncle of Aineias acc. Hyg. 135, see West 2013a: 231) and his children; hence

‘child-devouring’. The serpents were named as


Ajaxs assault on Kassandra herself


he who sold the land which bore him, shall light the torch of doom. He will open the ghastly pregnant hiding-place, dragging aside the wooden bars of its womb; and the crooked cousin of the Sisyphean fox will illuminate the evil fire, as a signal


to those who had sailed away to narrow Leukophrys and the double islands of Porkes the child-devourer. And I, miserable wretch, who rejected marriage,

Porkes/Porkis and Chariboia by 2, by Lysimachos

oath was a promise to do penance for his offence against Athena by sending the Lokrian Maidens

of Alexandria in his Nostoi (FGrHis 382 Fı6, from Servius), and—as we now know—by Nikandros: Suppl. Hell. 562 (= P. Oxy. 2812) lines

to Troy.)

On these lines (348-372 = lines 1346-1370 of

11-12, Πόρκην κα[ὶ Χαρίβοι]αν, ὅτε προλιπόντε Καλύδνας / viela Aaoxéwvros} ὑπὲρ βωμῶν

his anthology), Hopkinson 63 f. and 229-33 pro-

ἐπάσαντο. Sophocles had already named them

translation in two halves at 231 and 232, except that he considers 367 to be hopelessly corrupt and offers only a paraphrase of that part. See also Mari 2009.

vides text, introduction, and commentary, with

(see frag. 572 for the mere fact, without giving the actual names). West 2013a: 231 f. pertinently asks why the serpents should have had names at

all, and suggests that the idea originated from

348. ἐγὼ δὲ τλήμων: for such first-person pro-

their metamorphosis into a man and a woman, as attested by B. frag. 9. For Andreae 1988: 164, Laokoon is for Lyk. a ‘symbol of captured Troy; but this is Tzetzes not Lyk.: Smith 1991: 354.

nouns as features of key sections of the narrative, see Sistakou 2009: 249-50; cf. 1108 (Kassandra's

killing by Klytaimestra) and 1451, τί μακρὰ τλήpew (Kassandras farewell). ἡ γάμους ápvovμένη: Kassandra’s role as object of premarital cult is hinted at here, and is developed at 1131-1140 (Daunia in central Italy): maidens who deny their would-be husbands, νυμφίους ἀρνούμεναι

348-372. The sexual assault by Ajaxon Kassandra herself; many Greeks will pay the penalty for this In the structure of the poem as a whole, this section is a crucial hinge between the Fall of Troy

narrative—the first panel of a triptych—and the nostoi and failed nostoi which are the subject of the great central panel. 365 is the most important of all: because of one man’s crime or sin, tens of thou-

sands of Greeks and their families will suffer in times to come, most immediately by the failure of the returning heroes’ attempts to reach home. The offence of Ajax, like the sack of Troy itself, is perpetrated by Europe against Asia, and this perennial conflict will be the theme of the final section of the poem, the third panel. For the theory—here rejected—that an attested solemn oath sworn by Ajax was a denial that he had

sexual intercourse with Kassandra,

see 1141-1173 n., introd. to the Lokrian Maidens section. (Another modern explanation is that the

(1132, note the echo of the present line, with Mari

2009: 419 n. 33) will clasp her statue (1135), thus simulating Kassandras own appeal to Athena, the 'marriage-hater' (356). These rites are, in fact, a preparation for marriage, by the enacting and emphasizing of its opposite (‘refusal’ of marriage); see nn. on that section. See Mari 2009: 438 f. The present passage does not imply that Kassandra preserved her virginity from Ajax’s assault; on the contrary. For the evidence against any such idea, see 365n. The reference here is to her refusal to have sex with Apollo, a theme made famous by Aeschylus, but not made explicit by Lyk. until almost the end of the poem: 1457. For what might be meant by sex with Apollo see (with particular ref. to Pindar's nymph Kyrene and Euripides Kreousa in the lom), Kearns 2013.


Kassandra speech


ἐν παρθενῶνος Aaívov τυκίσμασιν,

ἄνις τεράμνων εἰς ἀνώροφον στέγην εἱρκτῆς ἁλιβδύσασα Avyatas δέμας, €







ἡ τὸν Θοραῖον Πτῷον Ὡρίτην θεὸν t







λίπτοντ᾽ dAékrpow ἐκβαλοῦσα δεμνίων ὡς δὴ κορείαν ἄφθιτον πεπαμένη πρὸς γῆρας ἄκρον Παλλάδος ζηλώμασι τῆς μισονύμφου Λαφρίας Πυλάτιδος, τῆμος βιαίως φάσσα πρὸς τόργου λέχος γαμφαῖσιν ἅρπαις οἰνὰς ἑλκυσθήσομαι, ἡ πολλὰ δὴ Βούδειαν Αἴθυιαν Κόρην


340. ἐν παρθενῶνος λαίνου τυκίσμασιν: for the implied reference to virginity in ἐν παρ-

which showed Kadmos where to found Thebes, For Ὡρίτην see Rutherford 2001: 256 (Apollo as

θενῶνος (Ajax’s assault lies in the future, see

connected with the seasons). Schachter (as above,

348 n.), see Klein 2009: 579 n. 49, and for the link between chambers or ‘cabinets’ and chastity in Shakespeare, see Burrow 2002: 57 and ἢ. 1,

go and 44 n. 1, comparing 153) thinks all three epithets may be Boiotian; the first two certainly

discussing the rape of Lucrece. mapQeveiv—as in the famous Parthenon on the Athenian acropolis,

does not give evidence; the epiklesis is not known to Wide.)

dwelling-place of Athena Parthenos—means the

353. λίπτοντα: see 131n., where the verb is, as

maidens’ apartments; cf. E. PA. 89 (plural). With the last two words of Greek cf. E. frag. 125. 3 TrGF, λαίνων τυκισμάτων. The stone cell,

Adıvos στέγη, recurs at 1469, part of the guard's closing speech, cf. Cusset 2009: 129.

are. (Hopkinson says Thoraios is Lakonian, but

here, in combination with ἐκβάλλω in participial

form. exßaAodca: Rougier-Blanc 2009: 553 sees

here a reference to Kassandra‘ flight from Apollo. 354. ὡς δὴ κορείαν ἄφθιτον: the plangently made point is that she was behaving as ifshe had eternal

350-351. Compare (with Rougier-Blanc 2009: 552 f) the Sibyl’s cave at 1277-1280. eipxrijs: the word is picked up by the guard at the end of the poem, 1462, describing Kassandra rushing

virginity to look forward to, which she did not (see

back into her prison. ἁλιβδύσασα: cf. Kall. frag.

579 n. 49 for the emphasis on the theme of virginity, and Mari 2009: 419 ἢ. 32 on ἄφθιτον, a word with powerful resonances, for which see Griffin on κλέος ἄφθιτον at IJ. 9. 413; cf. also Theok. 18. 52 for ἄφθιτον ὄλβον (perhaps borrowed from ὄλβον

645 Pf. tai νῆσαι ἁλιδύουσαιγ.

352. τὸν Sopatov Πτῷον Ὡρίτην: these are epikleseis of Apollo, and this time—contrast 265, see n. there, also Introd. p. 74—the poet does not start with the easiest, namely /Tr&ov, for which

see again 265n. For Qopaiov, which may be a

variant form of Θήριος, ‘god of the beast’, see Schachter 1981-94: 1. 43-4 and 153n. Or else it = Θοράτης, cf. Wide 1893: 73, go. Though Hesychios says it is a Lakonian epiklesis, it is

348n. and zısın.); Hopkinson 1988: 231 has ‘since I

had taken eternal virginity’, but this does not bring out the bitter force of ὡς δή. See also Klein 2009:

ἐδώ[καν ἄφθιτον"] at PMGF ‘Ibykos’ S166 line 12

(= P. Oxy. 2735 frag. 1; see 503-568n. for the correct attribution: Stesichoros not Ibykos). παπαμένη:

Aeschylean, from a presumed root πάομαι, Ἱ get’,

Apollo Thourios at Boiotian Chaironeia: Plut. Sulla 17. 6-8, who gives one explanation in terms

see Ag. 835 and Cho. 191. 355. πρὸς γῆρας ἄκρον: see Mari 2009: 414. Παλλάδος: Athena, at this her first mention in the poem, is referred to by an easily understood epiklesis, namely Pallas; see 152-153 n.

of a mythical female oikist called Thouro, and

356. τῆς μισονύμφου Λαφρίας Πυλατίδος: the

another which identified the ‘beast’ with the cow

first of these epithets is not quite a divine epiklesis,

likelier to be Boiotian. There was a temple of


Ajaxs assault on Kassandra herself


here, within the stone walls of my maiden-chamber,

with no ceiling, have hidden myself in the roofless cell of a gloomy prison.


I, who drove the lustful Thoraian, the Ptoian, the lord of the seasons,

away from my maiden bed, as if possessed of an undying virginity until extreme old age, in imitation of Pallas,


the Marriage-hater, the goddess of booty and of city-gates.

At that time I shall be dragged violently to the vulture's nest, a frenzied dove in his crooked talons,

crying out often for the help of the Ox-binder, the Seagull goddess, but it almost functions as one (cf. on Κόρην at 359), because it enables Lyk. to designate a god by an asyndetic sequence of three elements. ‘Marriagehater’ refers both to Athena’s own origin, which was from the head of Zeus rather than by normal

virgin and as living booty; Áthena as protectress. But Lyk.'s divine epithets are not often so well

fitted to their contexts,

female birth (A. Eum. 736), and to the role she

357. For the bird metaphors here see Sistakou 2009: 242; cf. 314 n.

plays in the trial scene of A. Eum., where she upholds the rights of the male against the female

358. γαμφαῖσιν ἅρπαις: see ı52n. on ἐν γαμφαῖσιν, and for the double substantive here,

in every way (τὸ δ᾽ üpgev’ αἰνῶ πάντα, Eum. 737, where, however, she adds πλὴν γάμου τυχεῖν, perhaps (so Sommerstein ad loc.) a reference to her narrow avoidance of rape by Hephaistos. Aagpia, goddess of spoils/booty, indicates Athena' role as war-goddess; she has this epithet at 985 and 1416 also (but at 835 Hermes is

see Gigante Lanzara 2009: 115. oivás is thought to mean 'frenzied', because of the chain of con-

nections wine-Dionysos-Bacchic-mainads. For ‘Oinads’ as ‘Mainads’, see [Opp.] Kyn. 4. 235.

Adgpros). Pritchett 1971-91: 1. 55 and 5. 133 follows

359. Βούδειαν Αἴθυιαν Κόρην: the first two epithets (contrast the last two at 356) connote Athena in peacetime: agriculture, then seafaring; so rightly

the lexicographers, who explained that Adpupa


means spoils taken from the living, σκῦλα spoils

men how to yoke oxen (cf. Athena Chalinitis,

from the dead (for Athena Σκυλητρία see 853 and n.). Cults of deities with epikleseis of this sort (Apollo Laphrios and esp. Artemis Laphria) are





‘of the bridle’, at Korinth, with Pi. O. 13, and Paus.

violent, piratical, and uncivilized region. See JACP. no. 148. Artemis Laphria was also wor-

2. 4.1 and 5), and there may be apotropaic significance here, because Athena avoided the yoke of marriage: Decourt 2009: 385-6. The epithet is Thessalian, acc. Steph. Byz. B 136 Billerbeck: Βούδεια' πόλις ἐν Μαγνησίᾳ, ἀπὸ τοῦ oikioa-

shipped at Patrai in Achaia on the other side of

vros Βουδείου.

the Korinthian Gul£ Paus. 7. 17. 6.

Θετταλίᾳ (then follows a quotation of the present

prominent at Kalydon

in Aitolia, a notoriously

She was Πυλᾶτις as guardian of the city-gates

(or is the implication somehow Amphiktionic, from Pylaia? The ethnic is close to the feminine form). See Rougier-Blanc 2009: 546 n. 57. The three epithets of 356 are not chosen at

random; they all ‘call attention to crucial points of the scene' (Sistakou 2009: 245): Kassandra as



ἡ Ἀθηνᾶ


passage of Lyk.). Decourt 2009: 386-8 concludes that this Boudeion in Thessalian Magnesia was the home of Epeigeus of Boudeion, one of Achilles

companions, who went into exile after homicide and, like Patroklos, was taken in by Peleus (72. 16. 572; the ancient commentators give various possibilities, including a Boiotian Boudeion. See also




Kassandra’ speech

ἀρωγὸν αὐδάξασα τάρροθον γάμων. ἡ δ᾽ eis τέραμνα δουρατογλύφου στέγης γλήνας ἄνω στρέψασα χώσεται στρατῷ, ἐξ οὐρανοῦ πεσοῦσα καὶ θρόνων Διός, ἄνακτι πάππῳ χρῆμα τιμαλφέοστατον. ἑνὸς δὲ λώβης ἀντὶ μυρίων τέκνων €.







Janko ad loc.). The mention of a month Βουδιών

in an inscribed sale-list from 4th-cent. sc Kyzikos in Asia Minor has led to a conjecture that behind this lurks the Boudeia of Lyk. and Steph. Byz. See "Irümpy 1994, prompted by SEG 36. 1116 line 7. Αἴθυια

(the noun


a shearwater)


a cult epithet of Athena at Megara, Paus. r. 5. 3, hence a goddess who protects sailors (Decourt 2009: 385). The ‘maiden’, Köpn,is more usually Persephone, but in the present context it picks up the ‘marriage-hating’ theme of 356; cf. Athena

Parthenos at Athens and elsewhere. Again (see 356n.) the epithets are all appropriate for Athena's prayed-for protective and virginal role in the

present context. The present passage is a narrated prayer, and unusually for Lyk., who mostly accumulates cult epithets as a matter of course and in narrative, the

piled-up epithets here conform to the usual Greek pattern in prayers (see Intoduction section u for the rationale for this). But is Kassandra

here Kassandra the narrator or Kassandra the

terrified praying maiden? It is a species of indirect speech: the predictive narrator Kassandra is

‘reporting’ what will be said by her future self. 360. Kassandra, clutching Athenas statue and



intercourse, as also at the parallel passage 1151 (from the Lokrian Maidens section), δυσσεβῶν γάμων; at 744 it means a sexual relationship or affair with no implication of marriage (Odysseus

and Kalypso). See also 6on. 361-362. ἢ δ᾽ eis τέραμνα δουρατογλύφου are-

γῆς γλήνας ἄνω στρέψασα: Athena famously averted her gaze from the dreadful act. See V.A. 2. 403-6 for Virgil's probable imitation of this passage (S. West 1983: 135). For the implied allusion to Odysseus, who stole the Palladion later, see Cusset 2009: 135. For γλήνῃ (lit. ‘eye-ball’) see esp. 988, where again it refers to Athena averting her eyes

from an act of violent profanation (the slaughter in her temple of the Ionians at Italian Siris), also 660, μονόγληνος; cf. also HE 1465 = Dioskorides (late zrd cent. sc) 1 line 2, listing γλῆναι.... ἀστράπτουσαι, ‘a pair of sparkling eyes’, among female charms; and Kerkidas 4. 20 in

CA. The Iliou Persis (arg. 3a) had the statue pulled away from its base (apparently this motif was already in S., see frag. τος TrGF lines 8 f.), but in Lyk. it evidently stays firm. See West 2013a: 236. 362. χώσεται στρατῷ: this motif is already in

Homer: see Od. 1. 327 (Athena laid a painful return, a νόστος Auypös, on the Greeks) and 3. 133 (Zeus—father of Athena—planned a νόστος

Avypós for them because they had not all been

invoking the help of Athena, was a favourite

intelligent or just, νοήμονες οὔτε δίκαιοι); at

subject in art (Figs 1a and 1b). The motif is first

found in the Epic Cycle; see Arktinos at M. West

4.502 Ajax specifically is hated by Athena, ἐχθόμενος Avy, but even so would have escaped his

2003: 146. But Lyk. does not actually specify

fate if he had not boasted that he had escaped

the clutching here; contrast 1135 (the Daunian

from the sea against the will of the gods. On the

maidens clutch Kassandra’s own statue) with n.

other hand, at 5. 108 the Greeks are said to have offended Athena en route for home, ἐν νόστῳ,

there for the method of supplication. dpwydv: cf. 513 and 536n. γάμων: the noun, frequently

used by Kassandra for whom it is a nagging preoccupation, does not always mean ‘nuptiae’ (so Ciani, who does not differentiate between the

nuances), Here it means violently forced sexual

which places the emphasis away from the assault on Kassandra. See further 365n. It is also relevant that this (Oilean) Ajax is presented as a rude and disagreeable character in the funeral games for Patroklos, and is tripped up


Ajax’s assault on Kassandra herself the Maiden, to help and defend me from this rape.

360-365 360

And she, turning her eyes up to the wooden coffers of the temple's ceiling, will be angry with the army, she who fell from heaven and the throne of Zeus

to become the most precious possession of my royal ancestor. In requital for the sin of one man, all Greece


by Athena so that he falls humiliatingly into the dung. See J7. 23. 473-81 and 773-84. The connec-

reference to Ajax’s fellow-citizens the Lokrians,



that the real fault was that of the other Greeks,

Athena's anger at it, has often been made (see

for not punishing Ajax. This line may owe something to E. He 1122-29, cf. Gigante Lanzara 2010: 260. It was itself influential: it was echoed by V. 4l. 1. 41 ‘unius ob noxam et furias Aiacis Oilei' (S. West 1983: 132 and Hopkinson: 232—echo of this line of Lyk. ‘or its source—and Klein 2009: 570-1. Scaliger actually used V.’s words when translating the present line). It was also imitated by Tryphiodoros


his later assault



at 1151), see 348—372 n. Deacey 2008: 70 thinks

M. West 2011b: 408), though as often we cannot

say whether Homer knew and hints at the story he does not mention, or whether that story grew out of the Homeric characterization.

363. ἐξ οὐρανοῦ πέσουσα: Athena's image, the Palladion, which fell from the sky as a sign to 1105 who had asked Zeus where to found Troy, held a

distaff and spindle in one hand and a spear in the other, signifiers for Athena's double role in peace and war (for which cf. 356 and 359). See Apollod.

3.12. 3, and cf. E. 171384, τό 7’ οὐρανοῦ πέσημα, which may have influenced Lyk.’s language here. See Arktinos again, frag. 4 (M. West 2003: 151),

though he says that the Palladion was given by Zeus to Dardanos. Apollod. (as above) says that Elektra daughter of Atlas sought refuge at the Palladion when threatened with rape by Zeus. Is this an error for

‘Kassandra’? Tt was fated city contained and Diomedes talismans see

that Troy would not fall while the the Palladion; therefore, Odysseus stole it (see 658n., and for such Farone 1992). How, then, was it

possible for Kassandra to implore the statue at the time of the Trojan sack? On this problem, see Sourvinou-Inwood 2011: 227-62, esp. 232 (answer:

there were two Palladia, and Kassandra took refuge at the 'imitation one; but SourvinouInwood rightly insists at 233 that no dissonance would have been felt).

364. ἄνακτι πάππῳ: Kassandra's ‘royal ancestor’ is Ilos, see 363n. So also at 1341.

365. ἑνὸς δὲ λώβης ἀντί... : for the importance of this line (the thought of which is repeated less pithily at 1087—1089, and again, with particular

in the Kassandra section of his Taking of Troy, 650: Athena was angry with all the Greeks because of one man, ἀνθ᾽ ἑνός.

For Kassandra, the main λώβη was that Ajax had sex with her. This has been doubted. Actual intercourse is implied by the depiction in art of Kassandra as naked (see Corssen 1913: 236-9 at 238, and Graf 2000: 265; cf. Fig. 1a, c.480 sc = LIMC 1.1. ‘Aias (II)! no. 44, Naples. Even

where she is partially clothed, as at Fig. 1b = LIMC as above, no. 56, Naples, 350 Bc, she is close to naked; Joan Connelly discusses Kassandra's nakedness, but says it 'remains unclear' whether

Kassandra was actually raped by Ajax: Connelly 1993: 103f., cf. 88). One and the same play of Euripides (Troades) has been taken to imply both that she was and that she was not a virgin. E. Tro. 324 makes her speak of παρθένων ἐπὶ

λέκτροις, the marriages of virgins, and Corssen 1913: 236 regarded this as an explicit reference to her own virginity. But Tro. 69 calls her ὑβρισθεῖσα, and Reinach 1914b: 40 was equally confident that this meant sexual violation (he also cited the strong noun used by Strabo to describe this action of Ajax: φθορά, 13. 1. 40).

Against the argument that Agamemnon would not have wanted ‘used goods’, Reinach (as above) replied with a rhetorical question; ‘was Andromache a virgin when she was taken away



Kassandra speech

Ἑλλὰς στενάξει πᾶσα τοὺς κενοὺς τάφους,

οὐκ ὀστοθήκαις χοιράδων ἐφημένους, οὐδ᾽ ὑστάτην κεύθοντας ἐκ πυρὸς τέφρην κρωσσοῖσι ταρχυθεῖσαν, ἣ θέμις φθιτῶν, ἀλλ᾽ οὔνομ᾽ οἰκτρὸν καὶ κενηρίων γραφὰς θερμοῖς τεκόντων δακρύοις λελουμένας παίδων τε καὶ θρήνοισι τοῖς ὁμευνίδων. 3










Ὀφέλτα καὶ μύχουρε χοιράδων Ζάραξ, σπίλοι re KaT f



Ῥύγχαντα kai τραχὺς Νέδων, cA




καὶ πάντα Διρφωσσοῖο καὶ Διακρίων γωλειά, καὶ Φόρκυνος οἰκητήριον, 36) 369 334,3:


οὐκ ὀστοθήκαις χοιράδων ἐφημένους Gasse 1910: 59 οὐκ ὀστοθήκας, χοιράδων δ᾽ ἐφημένων Holzinger οὐκ ὀστοθήκαις, χοιράδων δ' ἐφημένους MSS ἢἣ θέμις φθιτῶν Kinkel ὡς φθιτῶν θέμις ACDEM ἡ θέμις φθιτῶν B ῬῬύγχαντα Knoepfler Τρύχατα MSS

by Pyrrhos?’ For Agamemnon see further 1510. Corssens own solution, that the actual rape was a post-sth cent. development, is too schematic and

2010: 259-60. With the thought in these lines may be compared such verse epitaphs as HE 1245-8 = Kall. ep. 45 (XVII Pf): the corpse of

does not explain the vase-paintings (Corssen wondered if the nakedness might have been consistent with a mere attempt at rape, but this is

pass by an empty tomb; cf. Durbec 2009b: 128.

weak). We


not worry too



Stratonikeia nos 1230, 1256, and 1267, and the works cited at SEG 47. 2358 for elsewhere in Asia

theory that Ajax

Minor. For χοιράδων see also 373.

swore an oath that he had not touched Kassandra will be discussed and rejected at 1141-1173 n.; the

The line is not translatable as it stands; the solution here adopted is that of Gasse (and Mooney), accepted by Mascialino, and Hurst/ Kolde. See further Liberman 2009.

oath must be explained in some other way. He raped


a suppliant


a priestess

in A. Ag., but Lyk. does not allude to this status); and in doing so he transgressed against the


to whom



369. κρωσσοῖσι:


Naturally, Kassandra stresses the first offence, i.e. the aspect which

most affects herself, but she

does not ignore the second (362; at 1151-1152, she has it both ways; see n. there).

366. Ἑλλὰς στενάξει πᾶσα τοὺς κενοὺς τάφους: see 408n. for ‘Greece’ here. Sistakou 2009: 246

notes the poem's fondness for tomb sites, esp. in the Nostoi section; the reference to tombs here is

thus programmatic. These tombs are presented as ‘places of memory’ (Nora 1999-2006). There may

be an echo of E. Hei. 370-1, βοὰν βοὰν δ᾽ Ἑλλὰς αἱ / ἐκελάδησεν ἀνοτότυξεν: Gigante Lanzara

367. The noun ὀστοθήκη (‘sarcophagus’) is rare in

literature, but well attested epigraphically: see I.

fluctuations in myth, or seek to explain them in

linear temporal fashion. The implausible modern

Sopolis is tossed somewhere on the sea, while we

a tragic



a water-

pitcher, as at e.g. E. Jon 1173 and cf. 1365; but used for a funerary urn at GI: no. 2013 line 1 (Rome, Imperial Roman). ταρχυθεῖσαν: this Homeric word for solemn burial (7 7. 85 and 16. 456) is used also at 424, 728, and 882; see also 1326 for ἀτάρχυτος (Theseus on Skyros). Here the word’s

solemn grandeur points up the contrast with the absence of proper funerary rites. 371-372. The Greek is unusually easy here, but it is not easy to say why the poet should have made this choice. There is a possible reminiscence of E. Tro. 376-9, see Gigante Lanzara 200g: 112. 372. ὁμευνίδων: a hapax word; for the Euripidean ὁμευνέτης, see 1199 Nn. 200

Greeks will be lured to their deaths by Nauplios


shall mourn the empty tombs of ten thousand of its children, not placed upon the rocks which are their real coffins,

nor containing the last ashes from their pyres, buried in funeral urns, as is the due for mortal men,

but as pitiful names and inscriptions on cenotaphs washed by the warm tears of their parents


and children, and the lamentations of their wives. O Opheltes, and Zarax, guardian of the recesses of the cliffs,

and you rocks by Rychas, and you, savage Nedon, and all the caves of Dirphys and Diakria


and home of Phorkys! 373-386. Kassandra addresses features of the rocky coast of Euboia, where many returning

Peloponnesian Nedon), see Knoepfler 1997: 385 and 20012: 243 with n. 922 and 269 n. 1057.

Greeks will be lured to their deaths by Nauplios

375. Dirphys is the central massif of Euboia; see Knoepfler 1997: 385. The name is still in use for a municipality of Euboia (mod. Evia). 2 cites Euphorion (frag. 99 Lightfoot): dippuv ἀνὰ τρηχεῖαν ὑπ᾽ Εὐβοίῃ κεκόνιστο, perhaps (Lightfoot)

It is possible (Sens 2009: 26-7) to detect a largescale clockwise movement from this point: Euboia, the Strymon, Kolophon, Kilikia, Cyprus,

then the west. Ajax’s death at the Gyrai rocks violates this order (387-407), just as he sought to violate Kassandra. The enumeration of places which will mourn dead people is a marked feature of the poem; for the literary device see esp. 645n. For the vocatives cf. 1145-1150, the Lokrian places which will lament the Maidens. See also 31n. for this sort of pathetic apostrophe of a locality. On 373-386 see Debiasi 2006. 373. Ὀφέλτα καὶ μύχουρε χοιράδων Zápa£: Σ says these are mountains of Euboia. Zarax is attested elsewhere; see Barr. maps 55 G4 and 58 G1,

based on Knoepfler 1997: 359 with n. 55 (emendation of Plut. Phok. 13. 7) and 365 with n. 106; also

Knoepfler 2001a: 244 and ZACP. p. 646. For the mythical eponym Zarex, son of Karystos, see 580n. With χοιράδων, also at 367, cf. A. Pers. 421,

ἀκταὶ δὲ νεκρῶν χοιράδες τ᾽ ἐπλήθυον. See 381n. 374. ar Ῥύγχαντα καὶ τραχὺς Νέδων: for the first and more obscure name (another mountain,

presumably), we should adopt the improvement suggested by Knoepfler (1997: 408 n. 21, and cf. 385) for the MSS «at Τρύχατα (the grammarian Herodian (de pros. cath. 57) read Τρύχαντα, see Berra 2009: 272). For the probable site of Nedon (a mountain in S. Euboia, not a river like the

referring to the same episode as Lyk. i.e. the wreck of the Greek fleet by the agency of Nauplios. For the δΔιάκριοι ἐν Εὐβοίᾳ and Ardrpıoı ἀπὸ Χαλκιδέων

of the Athenian Tribute Lists, see

ATL 3: 480-1, placing both (apparently distinct) groups in the mountainous region of central Euboia. For both, see Barr. map 55 F3. 376. καὶ Φόρκυνος οἰκητήριον: Phorkys, says 2,

was a δαίμων. The unhelpfulness of this suggests ignorant guessing. There may have been more than one mythical creature called Phorkys (or Phorkos, as at 477; see M. West on Hes. 75. 237 and 333,

showing that he is sometimes equated with both Nereus and Proteus). Akousilaos (FGrHist 2 F 42 and in EGM) made him father of the sea-monster

Skylla (44n.) by Hekate; this would fit the present line well. Alternatively he was son of Pontos and Gaia, cf. Od. 13. 96. See Gantz 1993: 26 and 19. He was father of the Graiai or Phorkides, for whom see 846 and n. A cultic connection with Euboia specifically is not attested, but is not unlikely in view of the Boiotian/Euboian localiza-

tion of the similar figure of Glaukos (Nilsson 1967: 240 and 754n.). The Euboians were great sailors

and explorers: Lane Fox 2008. οἰκητήριον: ‘a rare word, with philosophical colour’ acc. Willink on E. Or. 1114, citing DK 68 Demokritos B 171, ψυχὴ 201

Kassandra speech


ὅσων στεναγμῶν ἐκβεβρασμένων νεκρῶν σὺν ἡμιθραύστοις ἰκρίοις ἀκούσετε, ὅσων δὲ φλοίσβων ῥαχίας ἀνεκβάτου eo






δίναις παλιρροίοισιν ἕλκοντος σάλου,


ὅσων δὲ θύννων ἠλοκισμένων ῥαφὰς e






πρὸς τηγάνοισι κρατός, ὧν καταιβάτης σκηπτὸς κατ᾽ ὄρφνην γεύσεται δῃουμένων,

ὅταν καρηβαρεῦντας ἐκ μέθης ἄγων λαμπτῆρα φαίνῃ τὸν ποδηγέτην σκότου


oivrns, ἀγρύπνῳ προσκαθήμενος τέχνῃ. τὸν δ᾽ οἷα δύπτην κηρύλον διὰ arevov ἡλοκισμένων: see 199n. The participle will be

οἰκητήριον δαίμονος, and 31 Empedokles B 115 at p. 356. 30. Lyk. uses it four times (here and at 879, 1279, and 1305; see Rougier-Blanc 2009: 556).

echoed at the thematically similar 908.

382. πρὸς τηγάνοισι: the point of this vivid piece

There is, however, no obvious philosophical tinge to any of these passages. 377. ἐκβεβρασμένων νεκρῶν: to avoid the absurdity of corpses groaning, these two words must be taken as either a genitive absolute, or as an objective genitive but in any case not directly with στεναγμῶν. The verb ἐκβράσσω is a favourite

of Lyk.




times, and


see 898). At 878 it is again in

proximity to οἰκητήριον. 379. ῥαχίας: Aeschylean, acc. Gigante Lanzara 2009: 110 n. 55, citing Pr. 713. But it is not poetic only: see e.g. Th. 4. 10. 5 (speech of the general Demosthenes).

380. The sea is thought of as dragging or sucking something as the tide recedes (the Mediterranean is tidal at the Euripos). The unspecified ‘some-

thing’ dragged is surely the corpses and detritus, just described. Here the word is an adjective. For the substantive παλίρροια or παλιρροία see S. frag. 832 TrGF, Kall. H. 4. 193 and esp. Hdt. 2. 28. 5 (Sivas τινὰς ταύτῃ ἐούσας ἰσχυρὰς Kai παλιρ-

ροίην), it will be used at 757 about Odysseus’ struggles in the water after being shipwrecked by Poseidon, see n. there. (and cf. 387n., for other

parallels between that section and this). 381. ὅσων δὲ θύννων ...: cf. A. Pers. 424; that whole section of the messenger speech may be in Lyk.’s mind here (Durbec 2009b). See also 373n.

of imagery seems to be to compare the rocks of Euboia, on which the bodies of the drowned men will be broken, to the frying pans in which the heads of tunny-fish are split open before being

fried and eaten. 382-383. καταιβάτης / σκηπτός: sec 1370n. 384-386. The

‘viperous wrecker’ (see 386n.) is

Nauplios, father of Palamedes, the latter of whom

forced Odysseus to join the expedition against Troy by exposing his feigned madness (815-819). Odysseus retaliated later by forging a treasonable letter from Palamedes to Priam and making sure Agamemnon saw it; before this he had planted

incriminating evidence (gold) in Palamedes, who was then stoned to army. (Another version, Kypria frag. 2003: 105 had Palamedes drowned by

the tent of death by the 27 = M. West Odysseus and

Diomedes, and Diktys 2. 14-15, had Odysseus and Diomedes, on their own, stoning Palamedes at

the bottom of a well where he had gone to look for gold). Nauplios then completed the cycle of revenge by luring the Greeks onto the rocks of

Euboia. See Apollod. ep. 3. 7-8 (Palamedes and Odysseus) and 6.8 (Nauplios revenge), with Gantz 1993: 603-8 and 695-8; more briefly OCD* ‘Palamedes’ (J. R. M[arch]); cf. also V. A. 11. 259-60 (ultorque Caphereus’) with Klein 2009: 573. Nauplios’ wrecking of the Greek ships was treated twice by S., and probably featured in E.'s Palamedes, a lost play of his Trojan trilogy; see Tro. 84 and go 202

Lokrian Ajax drowns in the Aegean


How many groans will you hear, when the corpses are thrown up on the shore, together with half-broken poops; how much roaring of the inescapable flood-tide, as the sea drags them out again with reverse-flowing eddies, how many tunny-fishes, with the sutures of their skulls


split open on the frying-pan: the thunderbolt as it falls to earth will taste them as they perish at night. When they are drowsy with wine the viperous wrecker will lure them on,

showing a lamp to guide them in the darkness, applying himself to his skill without sleeping.


One, like a diving kingfisher, the wave will carry, for the Greeks suffering shipwreck at Euboia and Cape Kaphareus. It was also the subject ofa play by Lykophron of Chalkis (7+GF 100 F 4a). But this (despite Geffcken 1887a: 37-42) has little or no

387-407. Lokrian Ajax drowns in the Aegean Kassandras

bearing on the question of the authorship of the Alexandra, because the theme was popular from the sth cent. onwards, thus Timotheos of Miletos at about the end of that cent. wrote a (?) nome called Nauplios, frag. 785 PMG; see Hordern 2002: 117.


is naturally



first of all the returning Greeks. For this section as a disturbance of the roughly clockwise geographical sequence of the Lykophronic nostoi,

see 373-386n. For Lyk.’s indebtedness to the epic Nostoi in 20132: 260-2,






Kassandra returns to Nauplios at 1093-1098,

387. δύπτην κηρύλον: a kingfisher, acc. Antigonos

where in addition to his shipwrecking activity he persuades the wives of the Greek leaders to be

(below) the male of the ἀλκύων, for which cf. I7. 9. 563 (and cf. 750n.). For the kingfisher dancing

unfaithful. (This double strategy is perhaps the

on the crests of the waves see Alkman frag. 26 PMGF (from Antigonos of Karystos, frag. XXIII Keller):

metapoetic ‘two-oared boat’ which he rows at his final appearance in the poem; see 1217n. on δίκωmov.) That passage is followed by an account of the fate of Agamemnon, and Durbec 20092: 394f.

οὔ μ᾽ ἔτι, παρσενικαὶ μελιγάρυες fapdpwvor

yvia φέρην δύναται: βάλε δὴ βάλε κηρύλος εἴην, ὅς τ᾽ ἐπὶ κύματος ἄνθος ἅμ᾽ ἀλκυόνεσσι

suggests that Lyk. intended a deliberate parallel between the deaths of Ajax and Agamemnon.


384. kapnßapeüvras ἐκ μέθης: cf. Od. 3.139, οἴνῳ


βεβαρηότες υἷες Ἀχαιῶν.












286. σίντης: the word is ambiguous between ‘spoiler, thief’ and ‘viper’ (synonym for ἔχις, see Nik. 72. 623). Both meanings are surely intended here: at 1093 Nauplios will be called by a similarsounding animal name ἐχῖνος, ‘sea~urchin’ or




kingfisher diving for fish is a visually

‘hedgehog’ or more likely both; see n. there. The

stunning image of speed and poise; Lyk. then daringly varies and inverts it (388) by identifying Ajax with a species of fish. For the double substantive cf. 358n., and for

focalization of these disparaging expressions is Greek rather than Trojan: from Kassandra’s point

δύπτης see 72—73n. Both δύπτης and κηρύλος will also feature in the description of Odysseus’

of view, the activities of Nauplios might have been expected to be welcome. ἀγρύπνῳ: Lyk. is fond of such alpha-privative words; see Berra

near-drowning at 750 and 752 (and see 389n. on σαρούμενον); the effect is to invite a comparison

2009: 283 n. 78.

between the two Greek villains of Kassandras story, Lokrian Ajax and Odysseus.


Kassandras speech


αὐλῶνος οἴσει κῦμα γυμνήτην φάγρον,

διπλῶν μεταξὺ χοιράδων σαρούμενον. Γυραῖσι δ᾽ ἐν πέτραισι τερσαίνων πτερὰ ρ


στάζοντα πόντου δευτέραν ἅλμην σπάσει,

βληθεὶς ἀπ᾽ ὄχθων τῷ τριωνύχῳ δορί, ᾧ νιν κολαστὴς δεινὸς οὐτάσας λατρεὺς ἀναγκάσει φάλλαισι κοινωνεῖν δρόμου, κόκκυγα κομπάζοντα μαψαύρας στόβους. ψυχρὸν δ᾽ ἐπ᾽ ἀκταῖς ἐκβεβρασμένον νέκυν


δελφῖνος ἀκτὶς Σειρία καθαυανεῖ. τάριχον ἐν μνίοις δὲ καὶ βρύοις σαπρὸν

κρύψει Δίσκου τύμβος τρέμων 395 401

κατοικτίσασα Νησαίας κάσις, μεγίστου τάρροθος Κυναιθέως. δὲ γείτων ὄρτυγος πετρουμένης φυλάξει ῥόχθον Αἰγαίας ἁλός.

στόνους Griffiths πετρουμένης Bachmann et Scheer, ex p πετρουμένην Z πτερουμένης MSS

388. φάγρον: sea-bream. Holzinger suggested that it was reddish in colour, like the bloody corpse of Ajax, cf. Ath. 327c-e for red bream. Today the red sea-bream is native to the China seas, but Ath. quotes Archestratos, who associ-

ates them with Delos and Eretria and says they should be eaten Σιρίου ἀνατέλλοντος, cf. 397.

See Thompson 1947: 273-4. 389. σαρούμενον: only here in Lyk., but see 753 and n. for ἐνσαρούμενος, also used once only. For the thematic significance of the parallel, see 387n.








πτερά: the Gyrai were rocks between Tenos and

Mykonos (Hesych. says Gyras was ‘a mountain on Tenos’); they are the location of Poseidon’

destruction of Ajax at Od. 4.500ff. (with S. West, who notes that unlike Menelaos, Ajax took the sea-route through the Kyklades), see 392n.; see

also the epic Nostoi, arg. 3b with Apollod. ep. 6. 5,

and the comm. of West 2013a: 260. For repoai-

392. τῷ τριωνύχῳ δορί: for the trident, τρίαινα, as Poseidon’s weapon, given to him by the Kyklopes (Apollod. 1. 2. 1), see I7. 12. 27, Od. 4. 506 (where he strikes the Gyraian rock with it, see 390), and 5. 292. See also E. Erechtheus frag, 370 line 55-6 T*GF. It is possible that a frag. of Alkaios about Kassandra (306Ah Voigt and also Liberman) mentioned the trident (under the alternative description θρίναξ) of Poseidon,

and thus the death of Ajax. See line 13 ].pwax.a.[ with Liberman; and see Neblung 1997: 16 n. 37. 393. Aa pes: for this word, hapax but of obvious


(‘hireling’), see Guilleux 2009:


Poseidon and Apollo, as hirelings of Laomedon, built the first walls of Troy; see 77. 7. 452-3 and 21. 441—5; Pi. O. 8. 31-6; and 521-323 and 617. 395. στόβους: a hapax word, which baffled Tzetzes,

who glossed it as λοιδορίας, and conjectured the unattested στόμους, because insults, ὕβρεις, come

through the mouth, διὰ στόματος. (See app. crit.)

νων cf. Livrea on Ap. Rh. 4. 607. Note, in the

397. δελφῖνος ἀκτὶς Sepia καθαυανεῖ: cf. HE

last three words, the recurrence

of consonants

708-713 (= Anyte epigram 12), a dolphin washed

Z detects allegory here (τὸ de repcaívow πτερὰ οἰκείως πρὸς τὸ κηρύλος ἀπέδωκεν

up on shore, with M. West 1996: 28-9 and 39 n. 58. Sirios means ‘the sun’, see Archilochos frag. 107 W (from Plut. Mor. 658b) ἔλπομαι, πολλοὺς

(merp-repo-rrep): Hurst/Kolde.

ἀλληγορικῶς), but does not specify how. See Berra 2009: 298 and n. 22.

μὲν αὐτῶν Zeipios καθαυάνει / ὀξὺς ἐλλάμπων, which Lyk. clearly imitates here.


Lokrian Ajax drowns in the Aegean


as a naked sea-bream, through the narrow channel, swept between the double rocks. On the rocks of Gyra, drying his wings


all wet from the sea, he will take a second gulp of salt-water,

flung from the cliffs by the three-forked spear, with which the awful avenger, the hired labourer, will wound him

and force him to share a path with whales, a cuckoo boasting with empty insolence.


And his cold dolphin’s corpse, thrown up on the shore, will be dried by the sun's rays. As putrid salt-fish, among the seaweed and moss,

he will be hidden by Nesaia's pitying sister, she who helped the mighty Kynaithian Disk-god.


His tomb, neighbour to the petrified quail, will tremble as it watches the breakers of the Aegean sea. 399. Νησαίας do:

"Nesaia's sister’ is Thetis,

another Nereid. See Hes.

75. 244 (Thetis)


249 (Nesaia, ‘island girl’,see M. West's 75. comm., explaining that Nereids touch land sometimes; for Nesaia cf. also Hom. //. 18. 40). See also West 2013a: 262 (discussing Arg. 3b of the epic Nostoi, and Apollod. ep. 6. 5) for Thetis' motive in burying Ajax: she was not fond of him but there was no one else, and 'as a goddess of coasts and islands she took note of the situation and acted". 400. The ‘disk’ or stone is Zeus, so-called because

of the stone which Rhea gave to Kronos to swallow instead of the infant Zeus: Hes. 75. 485 and Apollod. r. 1. 6; cf. 1201. Thetis helped Zeus by summoning ‘the hundred-handed one, whom the

gods call Briareus but men call Aigaion when Hera, Poseidon, and Pallas Athena (or Phoibos Apollo on another and attractive reading) wanted

to bind him in chains: Z/. 1. 399-406. Zeus was worshipped as Kynaithos in Arkadia; see Jost 1985: 52 with n. 7, and 2005: 390 and n. 9. For the

Arkadian polis of Kynaitha see LACP: no. 278. 401. τύμβος δὲ γείτων Oprvyos πετρουμένης: the reading πετρ- (2) is obviously preferable to the MSS arep-, and Scheer, following a lead by Bachmann, then corrected 2's πετρουμένην to werpouuevns. (In his text of the line, Bachmann printed πτερουμένης, but on a later page he

noted that the paraphrase had ὁ γείτων τάφος τῆς πετρωθείσης Opruyias, and he observed

'cod. πετροθήκης. Scholiastes videtur in textu legisse πετρουμένης᾽: Bachmann: 309 and n. 3). The meaning is that Ajax will be buried on Mykonos, neighbouring island to Delos. The

‘quail’ is Asteria, for whose story see Apollod. x. 4. 1. She was a daughter of the Titan Koios and

sister of Leto. Like her sister, Asteria was pursued by Zeus, and like her she was

part of Delian

mythology: to escape Zeus, Ásteria turned her-

self into a quail, and threw herself into the sea, where she was turned to stone and became Ortygia, ‘Quail-island’, the old name for Delos.

See I. Rutherford 2001; 252 n. 35 (Delos), and, for the first of these two metamorphoses, Buxton 2009: 161-2 (it is an escape from sexual passion, comparable to Demeter turning herself into a horse to escape Poseidon, Paus. 8. 25. 5). For metamorphosis in Lyk. see 176n. (where this is no. (5)), for πετρόω see also go1, and for Lyk.s creative use of such verbs in -ow, see Guilleux 2009: 232. 402. τρέμων:

J says that Tremon was a place

‘by Delos’ (πρὸς τῇ Δήλῳ), so-called because Delos had been shaken πάλαι by an earthquake (but Hdt. 6. 98. 1 and Th. 2. 8. 3 were agreed that

Delos had experienced no earthquakes before their own time, and see Rusten 2013. Holzinger


Kassandra speech


τὴν Kaorviav δὲ καὶ Μελιναίαν θεὸν λυπρὸς παρ᾽ Ἄιδην δεννάσει κακορροθῶν ἢ μιν παλεύσει δυσλύτοις οἴστρου βρόχοις, ἔρωτας οὐκ ἔρωτας, ἀλλ᾽ »





Ἐρινύων ,

πικρὰν ἀποψήλασα κηρουλκὸν πάγην. ἅπασα δ᾽ ἄλγη δέξεται κωκυμάτων ὅσην Ἄρατθος ἐντὸς ἠδὲ δύσβατοι Δειβήθριοι σφίγγουσι Awriov πύλαι, L4 Ὁ












οἷς οὑμὸς ἔσται κἀχερουσίαν πάρα ῥηγμῖνα δαρὸν ἐστεναγμένος γάμος. πολλῶν γὰρ ἐν σπλάγχνοισι τυμβευθήσεται

βρωθεὶς πολυστοίχοισι καμπέων γνάθοις thinks there may be a play on the old name for Rheneia, Artemite: Plin. NH 4. 67. ῥόχθον: the noun is found only in Lyk. (also at 696, 742)

and Nik. Alex. 390, 72. 822; but the verb ῥοχθέω is Homeric for the roaring of the waves of the sea (e.g. Od. 5. 102). Compare 184n. for a similar

progression (the substantive βύκτης, ‘wind’, is formed from a Homeric

adjective which was

gods see LSS 95 (Demeters, in the plural) and comm. (il s'agit probablement de cultes qui se distinguent par l'organisation ou par les épithétes des divinités’), with Parker 201: 66 n. 4. Hunter 2011: 111-16 discusses Kall. but not Lyk. Melina was a πόλις Ἀργοῦς acc. Steph. Byz., who cites the present passage; it is a ‘doubtful or spurious settlement’of the Argolid at Z4CP: 600

applied to the wind).

n. 1. £ connects the epiklesis with μέλι, ‘honey’.

403. τὴν Kaorviav δὲ καὶ Μελιναίαν θεόν: this

There is a link between these two epikleseis, in that Aspendos was considered an Argive colony: Strabo 14. 4.2 (Ἀργοῦς κτίσμα) and SEG 34. 282.

goddess is Aphrodite. For ‘the Kastnian’ as Aphrodite see also 1234. For Mt Kastnion near

The pig sacrifice is a further link. For pig sacrifice to Aphrodite at Argos, see Ath. gsf-96a with Pirenne-Delforge 1994: 389-90 and n. 67 (it took place at the festival called Yornpıa, which as

Aspendos in Pamphylia, see Steph. Byz. Κάστνιον (« 121 Bill.). For the cult of Aphrodite Καστνιῆτις, see Strabo 9. 5.17 (unusually, pigs were sacrificed to her, cf. Artemis Kaprophagos at Samos, attested by Hesych.) with Brandt 1988: 241 and Z4CP. p. ταις.

LSJ? says is suspiciously like a pun on μυστήρια. See also 1234n. (the second half of the reading ὁ

Roman date to Zi καὶ Ἥραι καὶ Ἀφροδείταις

Kaorvias re τῆς τε Xorpados, ‘of the Kastnian and swine-goddess’, is not certain).

Καστνιήτησιν. The seer Mopsos (429 n.) sacrificed

404. Aumpös = λυπηρός, see 1107n. For such

See also SEG 17. 641, Áspendian dedication of a boar to Aphrodite Καστνιῆτις, see again Strabo

9. 5. 15, citing Kall. frag. 200a Pf. from Jambus X; see









of resolution),

Dieg. VIII. 41-IX 1-11 (Pf. p. 198) and Kerkhecker

cf. 737n. on στύφλα (= στυφελά), or ἵκτης

1999: 207f., and D'Alessio on Jaméus X at n. 125; and this type of sacrifice is depicted on coins (Robert 1960). Kall. appears to say that Aphrodite Kastnietis is supreme among Aphrodites (cf. Parker 2003: 175), but see Kerkhecker 1999: 208f. for doubts about how much of the ‘fragment’ is actual quotation or even close paraphrase. For the

(= ἱκέτης) at 763. 405. οἴστρου βρόχοις: for οἴστρου see Headlam 42 on Herodas 1. 57. Ajax was punished by

the Erinyes for his impiety (406); the role of Aphrodite

as temptress

is obscure, unless


merely means that he was driven by lust. Cf. 612,

οἰστρήσῃ κύων.

double Aphrodite of both Kall. and the inscription, see L. Robert 1960, esp. 184-7 (also Fraser 1972: 1. 738 with 2. 1037 n. 178); and for other such double

406. ἔρωτας οὐκ ἔρωτας: cf. A. Cho. 600, ἀπέ-

pwros ἔρως. ἀλλ᾽ Ἐρινύων: & gives the names



All Greece will mourn for its dead

In Hades the wretch will curse and revile

the Kastnian and Melinaian goddess. She will entrap him fast in the snares of desire,


in a love which is not love; she will spring the Furies’ bitter destructive trap.

All Greece will be full of pain and groaning, everything which is hemmed in by Aratthos and the impassable Leibethrian gates of Dotion; and by the shore of Acheron the Greeks will long lament my marriage. For a numberless swarm of them will be entombed in the bellies of sea-monsters, devoured by their jaws of the three Erinyes, Megaira, Tisiphone, and Allekto.


409. The Aratthos river ran through Ambrakia in NW

Greece. See Kall. frag. 646 Pf. There is no

need to emend the spelling.

407. ἀποψήλασα: this compound verb (found string i.e. shoot an arrow) is exceptionally rare; but the simple ψάλλω ‘T pluck’ (the string of a

410. For Leibethra or Leibethron in Macedonia, see 275n. Dotion was a plain in Thessaly: Strabo 9. 5. 22, quoting Hes. frag. 65 M/W; see also frag.

bow or musical instrument) is a standard word,

59 (= P. Oxy. 2490) and Antimachos frag. 72 Wyss

here and at 915, where it means to twang a bow-

from which our ‘psalm’ derives (originally a tune


played on a stringed instrument); see 1453 and n.

Hopkinson; Diod. 5. 61. 1.

Here it means to release the spring of a trap.

411-412. κἀχερουσίαν πάρα / pyypiva: Acheron

408-416. All Greece will mourn for its dead, drowned at sea or buried abroad

(cf. 90-gın. and 695n.) was the Underworld, but there Acheron and Acherousian NW Greece (Th. 1. 46. 2, cf.

This preamble continues that at 365-372, which

concerned the fate of Ajax and of the Greeks who drowned off Euboia. Kassandra now speaks of those who survived the Euboian storm or went

408. With


we must understand


word like ‘land’, ‘earth’ or (with X) ‘Greece’. The

last is preferable in view of the geographical limits which follow, viz. NW-NE mainland Greece, though the difference is not great if Sens 2009: 25 is right to suggest that ‘Greece’ is synecdoche for the whole Greek world. There is certainly a verbal and thematic echo of 366, Ἑλλὰς στενάξει πᾶσα, see Sens 2009: 23. Cf. also Bouchon 2009: sıo.

409-410.For δύσβατοι.... πύλαι as metonymy for ‘Thessaly’, see Bouchon 2009: sıo.








one of the rivers of was also a real river lake in Thesprotia, 90791 n.), which was

the site of the nekyomanteion or Oracle of the

by different routes (so in effect Holzinger). The two passages are not doublets, and so neither is



Dead consulted by the messengers of Periandros (Hat. 5. 92 n 2, cf. 8. 47). This location, not far from Aratthos (409f.) means that the name carries both meanings here, as also at Hdt. s. 927 2. For the adjective Axepovola see go-gın., and for

the Campanian Acheron and Acherousian lake see 695n.

412. γάμος: as at 360, the noun refers, not to a proper marriage, but to Ajax’ forced intercourse.

414. καμπέων: J says that κάμπη (a hapax word in this form) = κήτη, neuter plurals. The normal singular is κάμπη (feminine), a caterpillar, but at

Diod. 3. 72. 3 Κάμπη is a monster killed by Dionysos (see also Nonn. D. 18. 237). Guilleux 2009: 231 suggests that the ending has been borrowed from that of κῆτος.



The nostoi begin

νήριθμος ἑσμός: οἱ δ᾽ ἐπὶ ξένης ξένοι


παῶν ἔρημοι δεξιώσονται τάφους.

τὸν μὲν γὰρ Ἠιὼν Στρυμόνος Βισαλτία ἀψυνθίων ἄγχουρος ἠδὲ Βιστόνων κουροτρόφον πάγουρον Ἠδωνῶν πέλας

κρύψει, πρὶν ἢ Τυμφρηστὸν αὐγάσαι λέπας


τὸν πατρὶ πλεῖστον ἐστυγημένον βροτῶν,

ὅμηρον ὅς μιν θῆκε τετρήνας λύχνους, ὅτ᾽ eis νόθον τρήρωνος ηὐνάσθη λέχος. "








416. παῶν: for this word (Doric form of Homeric

anos) cf. Antim. frag. 124 Wyss, 159 Matthews, with Hollis 2007: 281. δεξιώσονται τάφους: cf. 564, the plateaux of Olympos will receive the Dioskouroi as guests, δεξιώσονται ξένους, where the identical verb fills the identical part of the line, and both times the allusion is to posthumous fates (see also 51, where this meaning is, however, not certain, see n. there). But at 564 Olympos does

the greeting, whereas here we have the converse: the dead will ‘greet’ i.e. find their graves. 417-1282. The nostoi Now begins the main series of stories recounting the fates of famous and not-so-famous Greek individuals after the Trojan War (Ajax, Kassandra's

violator, was given separate treatment at 387-407). By no means all of them are strictly nastoi, ‘returns’, because some—like Phoinix, the first in the main

series—died at places en route, while others founded settlements far from home; and the stories are not

purely Greek because the fates of some Trojan kin of Kassandra (Hekabe, Hektor, Aineias) will be narrated towards the end of the section. These colonization stories, and the cults described in the course of the narrative (includ-

ing the numerous divine epikleseis), are of priceless value to the historian interested in myths of colonial identity; see esp. Malkin 1998a. For foundation myths and epikleseis, see Introduction, sections ro and 11. There is still value in Beaumont 1936: 194-8 on Greek cults in the Adriatic, and in the general survey by Dunbabin 1948: 11-16 (a paper written in 1939, but see the post-war update at 16-18). The latter's gloomy conclusion (16) that ‘proof must wait for digging’ is still

largely true, despite the wealth of background

material in Genovese 2009, apart from such windfalls as the Diomedes finds from Adriatic Palagruza (see 599n.). Thus the Tremiti islands urgently need proper excavation (again, 599n.). 417-423. Phoinix will be buried at Eion on the Strymon Phoinix raised the young Achilles and was a member of the three-man delegation which

pleaded with Achilles to return to the fighting; see Il. 9, where Achilles treats him with a kindness he does not display towards Odysseus or even Telamonian Ajax. The epic Nostoi narrated Neoptolemos’ return on foot via Thrace, and his burying of Phoinix. See M. West 2003: 157 (Proklos arg. 4c, with Apollod. ep. 6. 12, which is also cited by Tzetzes on 902) and comm. at 2013a: 264. Contrast the location of the tomb given by Strabo 9, 4. 14 who

mentions the river Phoinix, near Thermopylai and Anthela, and says it took its name from the tomb of the hero Phoinix which is beside it. For this river see Hdt. 7. 176. 2 and 200. Lyk.’s most sustained treatment of Thessaly is 897-902; see n. there. But Phoinix takes refuge with Peleus, who is a king there, see 421n. and Bouchon 2009: 510. On 417-446, see Zambon 2000. 417. Ἠιὼν Στρυμόνος Βισαλτία: for Eion on the Strymon (LACP. no. 630) see Hdt. 7. 113. 1, Xerxes arrives ἐπὶ ποταμόν τε Στρυμόνα καὶ πόλιν Hióva, also Th. 1. 98. 1 and esp. 4. 102. 3,

calling it an ‘emporion at the mouth of the river’. It disappears from the historical record after

the time of Philip II (for its destruction by the Athenians in the ?mid-4th cent. see FGrHist 115



Phoinix will be buried at Eion with many rows of teeth. Others, destitute of kin,


will find tombs as strangers in strange lands.

One will be hidden by Bisaltic Eion on the Strymon, near the Apsynthians and Bistones, and neighbour to the Edonians; he, the child-rearing crab,

will never see again the Tymphrestian rock. He was more hateful than any other mortal to his father,


who pierced his eyes and blinded him, when he shared the bed of the bastard daughter of the dove. 420. πρὶν ἢ Τυμφρηστὸν αὐγάσαι λέπας: that is,

Theopompos F sr), so was long defunct when Lyk. wrote. The Bisaltian and Edonian Thracians occupied

he will never see home. For Typhrestos or Tymphrestos as the mountain-source of the river Spercheios in Thessaly, see Strabo 9. 5. 9; also Euphorion frag. 104 Lightfoot, βουκολέων

the lower Strymon valley (Hdt. 7. 110, where the

Edonoi are the sixth of seven Thracian tribes listed from east to west, and for the Bisaltians see

Τρηχινίδα Tupppyotoio/ aims and Parthenios

115. 1; LACP: pp. 810 and 812).

frag. 40 Lightfoot,

418. The Apsynthians are hardly very close neighbours of Eion: they lived in the region of the Thracian Chersonese, where they gave trouble to the Dolonkoi who invited Miltiades to be their oikist, Hdt. 6. 34-6. The Bistones

419. κουροτρόφον mayoupov: Phoinix raised the young Achilles, 7/. 9. 485. The comparison to a crab is suggested ‘because of γῆρας [old age / sloughed off skin, see LSJ? I and II]’ (2); Phoinix imagines it as ‘scraped away’ with his imagined

return to youth, 1), 9. 446: γῆρας ἀποξύσας. (So already Eustathios.) The Boiotians to crabs at 634 is seems to refer to the crab-like taken by their ships, though seeks to explain both passages tainment in a ‘lieu clos’.

equation of the different: there it i.e. oblique course Lambin 2009: 165 as indicating con-

Ἠδωνῶν πέλας: see 417n. for the Edonians. The anagrammatic sequence at the end of 419 and 420 (πέλας, λέπας) has been thought to be deliberate word-play, see Kalospyros 2009: 217.



Bouchon 200g: 515f. 421. For the story of how Phoinix, at his jealous mother's request, slept with his father Amyntor's concubine, and his consequent exile and his reception by Achilles’ father Peleus, see 77. g. 447-

(from Bistonos son of Ares, acc. 2) are the third

in the list of seven at Hdt. 7. 110 see 417n.), i.e. they too are some way away from Eion to the east. Holzinger thinks that the multiple geographical specification is needed because there was more than one place called Eion (ἠιών is a common noun for a shore or beach). This hardly seems adequate as an explanation.


Steph. Byz. Tuppnorös). See further 902 n., and

80. The blinding by the father was not in Homer,

but was recorded by Apollod. 3. 13. 8, who adds that Peleus took Phoinix to Cheiron who cured him. (Apollod. gives the concubine name as Phthia, but this looks like confusion



region given him by Peleus. Her alternative name was Klutie/a: 2.)

422. ὅμηρον: the word here means ‘blind’, and is said to be Kumaian and Ionian, but cf. M. West 20112: 421 n. 10 on FGrHist 7o F 1 (Homer was

blind). Tzetzes said the blinding was a symbolic way of saying that Phoinix was childless. He was right to suspect symbolism of some sort. For blinding as an apt punishment for sexual deviation, see Devereux 1973. In Devereux's list of "blinding for sexual crimes’ (40-2), Phoinix is no.

3; discussion at 43-4. 423. ὅτ᾽ eis νόθον τρήρωνος ηὐνάσθη λέχος: the dove is Aphrodite's bird, so this means ‘when

he had illegitimate sex’. With νόθον ηὐνάσθη λέχος cf. E. Jon 1484, κρυπτόμενον λέχος ηὐνάσθην, and 545 νόθον λέκτρον (see Gigante Lanzara 2009: 11).



The nostoi begin

τρισσοὺς δὲ ταρχύσουσι Kepkapov νάπαι \





Ἄλεντος οὐκ ἄπωθε καύηκας ποτῶν.

424. Κερκάφον νάπαι: for Kerkaphos, a mountain near Kolophon in Ionia, see Richardson

424-438. Kalchas, Idomeneus, and Sthenelos

will be buried at Kolophon in Ionia

2010: 89 on HHAp.

This section and the next (439-446) both concern cities in Asia Minor, and are further linked by the

lenged to a professional contest by Kalchas and wins; in the second he is a rival to Amphilochos as ruler of Mallos. See now, for valuable discussions, Fowler 2013: 546-50, and Mac Sweeney 2013:

425. AAevros: for the river Ales or Halesos (mod. Avci Cay) see Barr. map 61 Εἰ (marking it as Hales)

West 2003: 152}

and Bean

1967: 190

(‘said to be the

coldest in Ionia"). It runs between coastal Notion, ‘Colophon ad mare’, and inland Klaros. For

Alentia as a Kolophonian epithet of Aphrodite, see 868. καύηκας: cf. Euphorion frag. 108

104-37 (Mopsos and his daughter Manto).

The prominence of Kolophon in this section may have something to do with its prominence in the Epic Cycle; see Welcker 1865: 255 with n. 449, Huxley 1969: 164, and M. West 2003: 17 n. 17 for Eustathios’ plausible view (Od. 1796. 52 = M.

line 40, citing Nik. 75. 218;

also M. West 2orib: 85 on 77. 1. 69772, citing Nostoi arg. 2 and 'Hes.' frag. 278.

theme of rivalry between seers, of whom one is

always Mopsos. In the first section he is chal-


Lightfoot (with her n. on line 48); also Kall, frag.

522 (cf. 72-73n.) and Antimachos frag. 71 Wyss (132 Matthews). The word, meaning a tern or sea-swallow, is a variant of Homeric κήξ, and is

dealt with by LSJ under that spelling; see Od. 15.

that the author of the Nostoi

was a Kolophonian.

479, πεσοῦσ᾽ ws εἰναλίη κήξ, a fine example of

It has been suggested that the tradition of the contest between Kalchas and Mopsos is a signifier for a struggle in historical times, for control of the oracular site of Klaros (1464n.), between

stylistic enactment (the line swoops to its monosyllabic end). With either spelling, the word is

Ionian Kolophon (whose mythical champion was Kalchas) and its near neighbour Aiolian Notion (whose






is supposed to have come from Aiolian Thessaly: Lane Fox 2008: 234 with 224-5). The idea is attractive, but there are difficulties: (a) the Thessalian

Mopsos was the Argonautic seer of 881, who is not the same as Kalchas opponent: see 426-430n.; and (b) it is not certain that Aiolian Notion (for

onomatopoeic, expressive of the bird’s harsh cry.

Tzetzes explains the metaphor in terms of colour: the white hair of the old men suggests the bird’s white plumage. Hurst/Kolde think rather of the rapacity of all Greeks, as seen from Kassandra's perspective (but a tern is not a gannet).

426-430. Kalchas and Mopsos: figs and pigs In keeping with Lyk.’s usual allusive method, none of the three seers who feature in this double section (426-30, 439-446) are named. They are

which see Hdt. 1. 149.1) was the same as Kolophon's neighbour. See IACP. no. 858, ‘Notion (in the ‘Tonia’ chapter), whose author (L. Rubinstein) concludes that ‘Aiolic and Ionian Notion were

Mopsos (both sections), Kalchas (the first section), and Amphilochos son of Amphiaraos

different communities’, see also no. 825, ‘Notion’

are specially appropriate

(in the ‘Aiolis and South-Western Mysia chapter,

open naming of another mantic Mopsos short-lived Argonautic seer) at 881.

Rubinstein again), where this Notion

is said to

(the second). Since one of the themes of the present section is riddles, riddling designations

here. Contrast the (the

Kalchas was Agamemnon’s seer, familiar from

be ‘unlocated’ and the identification with Notion νότιος, neuter meaning either

bk 1 of the J/iaz. Mopsos was son of Manto (the name means ‘female seer’) the daughter of Teiresias;

‘rainy’ or ‘southern’. It could have provided more

he appears to be distinct from Mopsos the Lapith,

than one toponym. For Ionian Notion and Kolophon as Seleukid possessions in the early Hellenistic period, see Debord (2013).

65-6 etc., and (making the distinction explicit) Strabo 9. 5. 22; cf. LIMC vol. 6. By contrast, J. N.

near Kolophon ‘unwarranted’. νότιον, is a common adjective

seer of the Argonauts, for whom see 881, Ap. Rh. 1.


Kalchas, Idomeneus, & Sthenelos will be buried at Kolophon ‘Three sea-swallows will be buried in the woods of Kerkaphos. not far from the waters of the Ales.



B[remmer], ‘Mopsus’, in OCD‘ (and cf. Bremmer 2008: 133-51) seeks to identify the two, but wonders whether there was a family of Anatolian seers in which the males were all called Mopsos, in view of

2008, Bremmer 2008 (as above), and Lane Fox 2008: 224-39 = ch. 13, ‘A Travelling Prophet’.

the non-Greek epigraphic evidence for a Mukshus

instead that when Greeks arrived in various parts of south Asia Minor and at various times, they

Lane Fox, however, rejects the usual notion of a travelling Anatolian seer Mopsos, arguing

(Hittite) and ‘house of Mopsos’ in southern Asia Minor. Here is the evidence:

found traces of a local figure with approximately the same name, and promptly identified him with a Greek version. In other words it was the

() A Hittite letter to Madduwatta, shortly before 1400 Bc, mentions Muksu-. See Hawkins 199377.

Greeks, not Mopsos, who were doing the ‘travelling’. He holds Alexander the Great’s historian

(2) Hieroglyphic Luwian inscription of Karatepe found in 1946 (Karatepe 1, para. XXI), ‘(wherein

Kallisthenes responsible for the developed version of the Mopsos story as found in Strabo,


according to which Kalchas died in Klaros and

under Muksas' house' and LVIIII 'and much let them be in service to Azatiwatas and to Muksas’

Mopsos crossed into Kilikia. (See Strabo 14. 4. 3,








which the Vatican palimpsest of Strabo ascribes

house by Tarhunzas and the gods! See Hawkins

to Kallisthenes not Kallinos, cf. Kallinos frag. 8 West, listed by West as ‘spurium’. T. Scheer 1993: 164 n. 75, cf. 177 and elsewhere, is aware of West's preference but seems not wholly convinced.

2000: Al. 16, II. 5, III. 1.

(3) Recently discovered Hieroglyphic Luwian inscription of Cinekóy S. of Adana: Tekoglu and Lemaire 2000. It begins ‘{] am} Warikas, son of [...], descendant of [Muk]sas, king of Hiyawa’. See also Bremmer 2008, 142: a Phoenician text says that the king himself, well-attested Urikki,

The new Radt edn of Strabo prints ‘Kallisthenes’ but the app. crit. ascribed the reading to West and merely says ‘fortasse recte'. On this point Lane Fox 425 n. 18 is essentially right, but unfair to Scheer by implying that she was unaware of the reading ‘Kallisthenes’.) See further 439-

was offspring of the house of Mopsus, whereas the Luwian version calls him ‘a descendant of [Muk]sas". (4) Xanthos Sardis, who Lydian king go Nikolaos (5)


446n. on the quarrel between Amphilochos and Mopsos. In Lyk.’s version of the mantic duel, Kalchas

of Lydia (sth-cent. sc historian from wrote in Greek) mentions an early Moxos: FGrHis 765 F 17, cf. FGrHist F 16.



challenges Mopsos to say how many figs were on a particular tree. Mopsos gets it right and counter-challenges Kalchas to say how many

piglets a particular pregnant sow will produce.


Kalchas fails and dies (he sleeps ‘the Big Sleep’,

(Strabo 14. 5. 19; LACP: p. 1213) sounds Greek—

430), as oracles had predicted would happen if

‘hearth of Mopsos’—but that is not a standard

he met a cleverer seer than himself. The first test

type of toponym, and Lane Fox 2008: 230 sug-

is about the present, the second is about the future (though the correct answer lies inside the animal in the present). Seers were not merely predictors but were supposed to range across the tenses. So Homer, describing Agamemnon's seer Kalchas, called him ‘by far the best of seers,

gests that it represents the old Hittite ‘hesty’ (religious site) of Moksu. Theopompos (FGrHist

115 F 103. 15 says it was named after Mopsos. It became Seleukeia on the Pyramos, πρὸς τῷ

Πυράμῳ, see Fraser, 2009: 368 (the name is known only from a brief coinage issue, of the

who knew the present, the future and the past’,

time of Antiochos IV, ruled 175-164 Bc).

οἰωνοπόλων dx’ ἄριστος, / ὅς ἤδη τά τ᾿ ἐόντα

For all this see T. Scheer 1993: 153-271 (without

τά T' ἐσσόμενα πρό τ᾽ ἐόντα (Il. 1. 69-70).

knowledge of the most recent finds), Oettinger

Mopsos stories appear to be designed to show 2II

The nostoi begin


τὸν μέν, Μολοσσοῦ Kumews Κοίτου κύκνον, συὸς παραπλαγχθέντα θηλείας τόκων,

ὅτ᾽ eis ὀλύνθων δῆριν ἑλκύσας σοφὴν τὸν ἀνθάμιλλον, αὐτὸς ἐκ μαντευμάτων σφαλεὶς ἰαύσει τὸν μεμορμένον πότμον. "e

















0 "

TOV δ᾽ αὖ, τέταρτον ἐγγόνων Ἐρεχθέως, Αἴθωνος αὐτάδελφον ἐν πλασταῖς γραφαῖς. that Homer was wrong about the superiority of Kalchas. Burkert 1983b: 117 puts it thus: ‘the motif

The author of the Noszoi (who was himself from Kolophon acc. Eustathios Od. 1796. 45, but who is

that the representative of Kilikia is for the Greeks

usually said to be Agias of Troizen) says that

a μάντις with superior knowledge as against the traditional bird-watcher, Kalchas, seems to

Kalchas, Leontes, and Polypoites went by land to

Kolophon and buried "Ieiresias when he died there: Proklos, arg. 2. It is not clear what exact

fit the historical situation of the eighth century remarkabiy well’. For the different and more obviously territorial nature of the quarrel between Mopsos and Amphilochos (though again both contestants were seers), see 439-446 n. Strabo (14. 1. 27) agrees with Lyk. in locating the present story at Kolophon, and makes it clearer that this is a kind of nostos-legend (Kalchas and Amphilochos arrive on foot from Troy and encounter Mopsos at Klaros, an Apolline oracular

relation this has to the stories in Strabo or Lyk. (Teiresias was supposed to be Mopsos' grandfather), but it does show that the Epic Cycle knew of a post-war journey by Kalchas to Kolophon. It is probable, however, that "Teiresias' in Proklos is a mistake for ‘Kalchas’; see West 2013a: 254-5,

adducing Tzetzes on 980 and the Vatican and Sabbaitic recensions ofthe epitome of Apollodoros ep. 6. 2 (see Loeb Apollod. vol. 2: 243). For Mopsos and Kolophon see Prinz 1979: 23-8.

site); but it is unusual in that the Greek newcomers do not prevail over the local element in

For the similar-but-slightiy-different lethal guessing-game about numbers of figs, played by

the person of Mopsos (but Oettinger 2008 thinks that Mopsos was a Greek name originally).

Kalchas (or ‘Kalchas’) against Herakles at Italian Siris, see 980 and n.

Strabo quotes Hesiod (frag. 278 M/W, from the Melampodia, which was devoted to seers) for the mantic duel, but in a single version involving figs only (Kalchas challenges Mopsos to count the figs on a tree, Mopsos gets it right by saying that there are 10,000 figs or alternatively one fig more than a medimnos, so Kalchas dies); then he quotes Pherekydes for another simple version, involving the sow only (Kalchas loses and dies as before). Then Strabo says that ‘others’, of δέ, have Kalchas propose the sow-question and Mopsos

426. τὸν μέν, Μολοσσοῦ Κυπέως Koirov κύκνον: the swan is Apollo's bird, see A. Ag. 1444-5 for

Kassandras own swansong, ἡ δέ τοι κύκνου δίκην / τὸν ὕστατον μέλψασα θανάσιμον γόον. The mention






(265 and

n.). ‘Molossian’ might


to the cult of Apollo attested at Dodona, seat of the Molossian League; see ZACP: no. 93 at P. 944, citing Cabanes 1976: 560 no. 22. Κυπεύς

the fig-question (that is, the questions are distributed in the opposite way from Lyk. but this version resembles Lyk. in including both questions). The outcome, Kalchas’ defeat and death, is the

might be connected with the rare verb κυπόω, ‘I overthrow’, used at 1442 (cf., with Holzinger,

the supposed derivation of Apollo from ἀπόλ-

same. Strabo ends by citing Sophocles (TGrF

λυμι), and Koiros with a Homeric word for ‘bed’, i.e. this is a reference to sexual generation.

frag, 180, see below) for the transfer of the story to

Kilikia (i.e. Mallos? See 439-446 n.). The contest


all obscure, unlike ‘Ptoian’, used at the god's first

The Z are little help. See Schwartz 1959: 207.

may also, in some version, have featured in the

429. τὸν ἀνθάμιλλον: the ‘rival’ is Mopsos; see

epic Nostoi, see West 20138: 257, discussing Nostoi Fo (see next para.).

introductory n. 212

Katchas, Idomeneus, C8 Sthenelos will be buried at Kolophon 426-432 One of them, the swan of the Molossian Kypean Koitan god,

made a mistake about the offspring of the female, the sow, after he had drawn his rival into a contest of wits about figs; he shall, after his defeat,

sleep his allotted fate of sleep, as ordained by oracles.


Another is fourth of the descendants of Erechtheus,

brother of Aithon in the fictitious writings.

430. ἰαύσει means ‘he will sleep’ (cf. Rougier-

after his return. The epic Nosfoi presumably dealt

Blanc 2009: 546); this renders Hesiod’s simpler

ὕπνος θανάτοιο κάλυψεν, where M/W consign to their app. crit. the conjecture τέλος for ὕπνος

with him briefly (West 2013a: 264). His story will be resumed at the more detailed 1214-1225, where the reasons for his departure from Krete

(Wil. and Nauck). For the verb see e.g. Od. 9. 184; it was used transitively at ror. See also 606n. on

Nauplios). One tradition took Idomeneus to Italy

ἰαυθμούς and 1354n. on ἐνδαύει. μεμορμένον πότμον: ‘allotted fate’, from μείρομαι.

(Calabria, the land of the Sallentini, V. A. 3. 400401); it is remarkable that Lyk. shows no know-

are disclosed (the result of the machinations of

ledge of or interest in this aspect, given the western slant to many of the nosfoi in the poem. The link with Klaros, as in Lyk., was maintained by bringing him there from Italy at the end of his life: so Servius on V. A. 3. 401; cf. C. Robert 1926: 1499 and n. 8; Gantz 1993: 698. For mythical colo-

431. τέταρτον ἐγγόνων Ἐρεχθέως: Idomeneus, son of Deukalion, son of Minos, son of Zeus is

meant, as is proved by the name Aithon (see 432n.) and the connected reference to ‘fictitious writings’ i.e. Odysseus’ story in Od. 19. The context thus makes clear that ‘Erechtheus’ is Zeus here (as

nizing contacts between Krete and Italy, see Hdt.

also but less securely at 158), and Z says explicitly

7. 169-70: the Kretans who came in search for the killers of Minos ended up as lapygians in Messapia. For an attractive interpretation of this

Ἐρεχθεὺς yap καλεῖται ὁ Ζεὺς ἐν Ἀθήναις καὶ

ἐν Ἀρκαδίᾳ, explaining it etymologically: ‘because Rhea held out, ὀρέξαι, a stone to Kronos’. Tzetzes says much the same, but adds an alternative

derivation ἐρέχθω, τὸ xd

myth in terms of sth-cent. Áthenian interest in the West, and desire to make good Dorian Greeks

δι᾽ αὐτοῦ yàp of

out of Athens’ Messapian i.e. barbarian allies in

σεισμοί. But this (Schwabl 1978: col. 309) looks

the struggle against Spartan-colonized Taras, see Zacharia 2003b: 67-72, connecting the tradition with some fragmentary plays of Sophocles.

more like Poseidon than Zeus, and indeed Tzetzes on 158 gives the same explanation for the name Erechtheus, which he there says denoted Poseidon. Schwabl may therefore be right that originally Tzetzes on the present passage mentioned both Poseidon and Zeus but the latter dropped out.

432. Αἴθωνος αὐτάδελφον ἐν πλασταῖς γραφαῖς: this is, for Lyk., an exceptionally plain allusion to Odysseus’ story to Penelope at Od. 19. 178-84, where he presents himself as Aithon, brother of

It is very surprising to find Zeus—rather than is no

the Kretan Idomeneus, and gives ‘his’ genealogy

other evidence that this cult epithet for Zeus is

(see 431n. for the relevance of this plainness to the





either Athenian or Arkadian (nothing in Parker

preceding riddle of the name Erechtheus=Zeus).

1996 and 2005a, or Jost 1985, respectively). It might be relevant that Athenians and Arkadians both claimed to be autochthonous, and that Erechtheus was earth-born. Homer's Nestor (Od. 3. 191) said that Idomeneus, like Philoktetes, reached his Kretan

‘The expression ‘fictitious writings’ is nicely ambig-

uous: it alludes both to Odysseus’ mini-fiction (as above) and also generally to the entire Odyssey as unreliable, by comparison to Kassandra's alternative, more western-oriented version at 648-819. See Berra 2009: 274 and Sens 2010: 306, and cf. 764n. on the similar and similarly expressed τὸν μυθοπλάστην ἐξυλακτήσει γόον.

home safely, but here we have his tomb at Kolophon, implying that he left Krete




The nostoi begin

τρίτον δέ, τοῦ μόσσυνας Ἐκτήνων ποτὲ στερρᾷ δικέλλῃ βουσκαφήσαντος γόνον,

ὃν Γογγυλάτης εἷλε Βουλαῖος Μυλεύς, ἀγηλάτῳ μάστιγι συνθραύσας κάρα,


ἦμος ξυναίμους πατρὸς ai Νυκτὸς κόραι πρὸς αὐτοφόντην στρῆνον ὦπλισαν μόρον.

433-434. tpirov δέ, τοῦ μόσσυνας Ἐκτήνων ποτὲ / στερρᾷ δικέλλῃ βουσκαφήσαντος γόνον:

to have been known to Schwabl, but see Versnel

19902: 237 with n. 151, discussing the difficulties (one god, or two, or three?) but cautiously concluding that the epithet refers to Zeus. For Zeus BovAaíos see Schwabl 1978: col.

the ‘third man’ is Sthenelos, son of Kapaneus, one

of the Seven against Thebes (for the Ektenoi as

the supposed original inhabitants of Thebes, see Paus. 9. 5. 1). In a famous act of punished impiety, Kapaneus had started to climb the Theban battle-

291. He is ‘god of council’, referring not so much

ments in defiance of Zeus, until blasted by Zeus’

monly attested patronage of the senates or BovAal of Greek city-states; see e.g. IG V. 1. 62

thunderbolt, as described by Euripides with a

to the Διὸς βουλή of the I/iad, as to his com-

splendid piece of stylistic enactment, βάλλει κεραυνῷ Ζεύς vw, Pb. 1181. The agricultural metaphor in these lines is thought by Guilleux

lonians from the Panionion) lines 6—7, where

2009; 227-8 to be a continuation of the preceding themes (figs, sows, etc.). For μόσσυν, a wooden house or palisade (also at 1432), see Xen. Anab. 5. 4. 26 (the Μοσσύνοικοι, ‘mossyn-dwellers’); also Ain. Tact. 33. 3 with Hunter and Handford, and Ap. Rh. 2. 381b and 1016-17 (the Mossynoikoi again, with an explicit derivation from μόσσυν).

called had statues in the council-chamber: Paus. 1. 3. 4 for a statue of Zeus B. at Athens. See also Antiphon 6. 45 for an Athenian shrine of Zeus Boulaios and Athena Boulaia inside the bouleuterion itself. The god or guardian (LSJ?) of mills, Μυλεύς, is more obscure; the link might be with the

435. Γογγυλάτης ... BovAaios Mudevs: these epithets denote Zeus. Γογγυλάτης is said by LSJ to mean ‘hurling balls of fire’, from the root meaning ‘round’, γόγγυλος. That is, the god of the thunderbolt. The same result is achieved if we take the word to indicate twisting, as in the throw of a sling. C£ the altar of Zeus Keraunios at Olympia, Paus. 5. 14. 7. Schwabl 1978: col. 295

suggested that Lyk. here alludes to Aristoph. Lys. 974-5: Kinesias prays to Zeus to strike Myrrhine ‘with a whislwind and hurricane, sweep her aloft, roll her up’ (tr. Sommerstein), μεγάλῳ τυφῷ καὶ πρηστήρι / £vorpéjas καὶ ξυγγογγύλας. A Ist.-cent, AD inscription from Thessaloniki (IG 10 (1) 259 lines 1-2, cf. SEG 30. 622, attests a possibly

Thracian god ‘Zeus Dionysos Gongylos’. This does not solve the problem of the epithet's meaning or etymology, nor is the context of the present line of Lyk. obviously Thracian, but it might

indicate that Lyk. did not pluck the epithet out of the air. The inscription was too recently published


and I. Priene no.



of the

Zeus Βουλήιος is coupled with Hera. Gods so

harvest: Pollux (7. 180) explains προμυλαία as a goddess who presides over mills, and for Artemis ἐπιμύλιος see Sext. Emp. Math. 9. 185 with Parker 2003: 174. See also Usener 1896: 256. But at the same time there may be present the

idea of the metaphorical and proverbial mills of the gods, which grind (Schwab! 1978: col. 339).

slowly but very


436. ἀγηλάτῳ μάστιγι: acc. LSJ’ (ie. E. A. Barber),






purifies’. Cf Garvie 118 on χαλκηλάτῳ πλάarıyyı at A. Cho. 290, which may be here (as also at 1434) echoed by Lyk., and indeed some have emended A. to make the resemblance even closer. Cf. also Il. 12. 37, Διὸς μάστιγι δαμέντες. With συνθραύσας, here and at 1109, cf. (with Gigante Lanzara 2009: m1 n. 59) E. Or. 1569, a

Euripidean hapax. 437. ξυναίμους πατρός: Eteokles and Polyneikes were Oidipous' brothers, as well as his sons.


Mopsos and Amphilochos will be buried at Mallos


The third is offspring of him who, with his strong twopronged fork, undermined the towers of the Ektenoi.

Gongylates, the God of the Council, the Mill-god, crushed his head with a purifying whip, when the daughters of Night armed the father’s brothers with murderous desire for the death of kin.


αἱ Νυκτὸς κόραι: for the Erinyes as children of

when Polyneikes left for Argos and returned,

Night, see A. Eum. 416.

Eteokles refused to hand over power.) Probably this reflects competing historical claims to pri-

438. αὐτοφόντην:

cf. (with



macy by different clans, in the same way that the contradictory traditions about the colonizing

2009: 111 n. 59) E. Med. 1269. In both places the meaning is clearly 'kin-murderer'. But such atro- formations can mean simply ‘homicide’, see Parker 1983: 351, (discussing αὐτοφόνος in the 4th.-cent. kathartic law from Kyrene, SEG 9. 72, =

role of the various Penthelidai in NW

there was szasis at Mallos when Alexander arrived

R/O: no. 97, at line 131), and (discussing adroppé-

(Arr. Anab. 2. 5. 9), and which he brought to an end.

κτας in SEG 43. 630, the sth-cent. ac sacred law from Selinous in Sicily at col. B line 9), Jameson et al. 1993: 4475. See also 440n. for αὐτοκτόνοις, and cf. αὐτόχειρ at ıızı (Orestes’ killing of his mother). 439-446. Mopsos

and Amphilochos

In the middle of the above narrative, Strabo

cites S. (frag. 180 TrGF, from the Ἑλένης ἀπαί-

rnoıs) as having relocated the contest between Kalchas and Mopsos—for which see above—to Kilikia, perhaps influenced by the association

will be

buried at Mallos in Kilikia

of Mopsos with Kilikia in the context of the separate story of his dispute with Amphilochos; sce T. Scheer 1993: 173. Kallisthenes, as reported by Strabo (see 426-430n. for the source of Strabo 14. 4. 3), brought Mopsos on a long journey south-east from Ionian Klaros to Kilikia, and (as the ultimate source of Arrian) Kallisthenes may also have recorded Alexander's visit to Mallos, and

For the fight between these two, see Strabo 14. 5. 16; T. Scheer 1993: 168-73. The story was perhaps treated by Kall. also, see frag. 38 Pf. (a very brief notice in the Aitia bk 1, MaAAós" πόλις Κιλικίας) with D'Alessio 2007: 418 n. 106, and see 445n. for

Euphorion. Mopsos






Minor (descendants of Orestes) look like signifiers for local rivalries; see 1374-1377 n. Certainly


but that aspect is not to the fore in Lyk., who represents them as joint but rival city-founders in Kilikia, though calling them both ‘hounds of

the city’s claim to be Argive, like Alexander himself and all the other classical Macedonian kings

Apollo i.e. seers. The city in question was Mallos

(Arr. Anab. 2. 5. 9, as above). It has been ingen-

(439n.). Strabo says Mallos was a foundation, κτίσμα, of Amphilochos and of Mopsos son of Apollo and Manto. He says the context between them was ‘not only’ about prophecy, μαντική,but also about rule, ἀρχή. Amphilochos (Strabo continues) went home to Argos, but was displeased

iously suggested that at the time of Alexander's arrival, Kallisthenes engaged in researches which

favoured the claims of Mopsos as founder of Mallos, whereas Alexander (himself an Argive by descent, cf. Hdt. 5. 22. 1) favoured the Argive

Amphilochos, and sacrificed to him as to a

with what he found there so returned to Mallos but was excluded from κοινωνία, presumably

hero, as described by Arrian (again, as above). See

meaning shared rule, so they fought. (This resem-

Lane Fox 2008: 237: ‘while the court historian was confirming the heritage of Mopsus, his

bles and may derive from the Theban myth of the

young patron Alexander was studiously ignoring

brothers Eteokles and Polyneikes, who had an agreement to share the rule in alternate years, but

Mopsus himself’.



is nowhere

said to have


The nostoi begin


δοιοὶ δὲ ῥείθρων Πυράμου πρὸς ἐκβολαῖς αὐτοκτόνοις σφαγαῖσι Anpaivou κύνες


Sundevres, αἰχμάσουσι λοισθίαν βοὴν πύργων ὑπὸ πτέρναισι Παμφύλου κόρης. αἰπὺς δ᾽ ἁλιβρὼς ὄχμος ἐν μεταιχμίῳ 2







Μάγαρσος ἁγνῶν ἠρίων σταθήσεται, ὡς μὴ βλέπωσι, μηδὲ νερτέρων ἕδρας


439. δοιοὶ δὲ ῥείθρων Πυράμου πρὸς ἐκβολαῖς: for the river Pyramos (mod. Ceyhan; Barr. map

notes that, alternatively or in addition, the name

67 B3) see Strabo 12. 2. 4 (cf. 1. 3. 7) and 14. 5. 16.

name Abdera (for this see already Wilamowitz

With πρὸς ἐκβολαῖς cf. 189. Mallos (L4CP: no. 1009, esp. on the rich and varied coinage in both

1913: 255-6, cf. Isaac 1986: 107), and suggests that Derenos/-ainos may originally have been a local

Aramaic and Greek) was at its mouth.

divinity who was syncretized with Apollo. Apollo

Derenos/-ainos is partially present (ö7p-) in the

"Ihe method of transition owes something to the Homeric Catalogue of Ships in IJ. 2: a relative pronoun or similar descriptor is followed by a reference (more or less allusive) to a Greek or group of Greeks, then a set of place-names. For this, see

the good discussion at Sens 2009: 25f., and for Lyk.’s fondness for such lists of place-names see

featured on Abderite coinage in the 4th cent, ac: Isaac 1986: 106-7, and LACP: no. 640 at p. 875. 441. Bony: see Rengakos 1994: 115-16. 442. Παμφύλου κόρης: Magarsos, daughter of Pamphylos, eponym of Pamphylia (FGrHist 777, Demetrios of Pamphylia), and of the third Dorian

644-647n. and esp. 645n. for the literary anteced-






ents and effectiveness of the device. For the

alongside Hylloi and Dymanes: 1388 n.

geographical order of the nostoi, see 3737386 n.

443. ἐν μεταιχμίῳ: this is the easier of the two uses

440. αὐτοκτόνοις σφαγαῖσι: this must


‘mutual [lit. ‘mutually-killing’] slaughter’. For the adjective in this sense see A. 72. 681 and 810, about Eteokles and Polyneikes, But at 714, the words αὐτοκτόνοις ῥιφαῖσιν, though similar in grammar and position in the line, mean ‘suicidal leaps’. The close proximity to αὐτοφόντην at 438 (another word for ‘murderous’, but with a different meaning again) is striking, and serves as a neat device of transition, because 438 referred to

Eteokles and Polyneikes. Derainos was a cult epithet for Apollo at the Greek city of Abdera in Thrace. 2 cites

Pindar in the paians for this fact, and for a temple of Apollo there (Derainos said to be a τόπος ἐν

Ἀβδήροις, ἔνθα Anpaivov Ἀπόλλωνος

of the word in the poem; here it must mean 'in the middle' (i.e. middle space between two objects). For φόνοι μεταίχμιοι at 1435, see n. there (where the word seems to convey the idea of an extent of time in between two events). For μεταίχμιον as the space between two armies, see Hdt. 6.77.1 and 112. 1 (the battle of Marathon). The literal military

meaning of the word (which is derived from αἰχμή, ‘spear’) is certainly present in those two Hat. passages. But then μεταίχμιον extends its meaning to ‘in between’, with no obvious military flavour (see LSJ? 2, ‘what is mid-way between’), In

the present line, the hostility between Mopsos and Amphilochos means that the military meaning is vestigially present, as more obviously at 1435.


444. Mayapaos: Magarsos was the harbour of

ἐστιν, οὗ μνημονεύει Πίνδαρος ἐν παιᾶσι). This

Mallos, and home to a sanctuary of Athena Magarsis (Arr. Anab. 2. 5. 9 says that Alexander

was very satisfyingly confirmed by the publication in 1908 of the papyrus text of much of Pindar’s second Paian— written for the Abderites, as this and other evidence shows (see line 5, [47]

ρηνὸν Ἀπόλλωνα). Rutherford 2001: 265 accepts that Derainos derived from a place-name, but

sacrificed to A. M. there). See Strabo 14. 5. 17,

Steph. Byz, and L4CP: p. 1213, discussing it among 'pre-Hellenistic settlements not attested as Hellenic Poleis’; also Zambon 2000: 281 and Lane Fox 2008: 226—7 and 425 n. 20. In Hellenistic


Introduction to the Cyprus five


Two, by the mouths of the streams of Pyramos, hounds of Derainos, each killed by the other's murderous blow, shall fight with their last battle-shout


at the foot of the towers of the daughter of Pamphylos. That tall citadel, eaten away by the sea, Magarsos, shall stand in the middle, separating their holy tombs, so that neither may see, even when they have gone down



transition of thought is easy: Cyprus is opposite Kilikia, and once formed part of it in geological time, as Greeks might have guessed. For Sens 2010: 301-2, this large section is an example of 'Herodotean digressiveness; so too S. West 2009: 85 (the Cyprus section a ‘virtuoso display of technique’, enabling Lyk. to feed in

‘Eratosthenes mentioned it’, μέμνηται δὲ αὐτοῦ

much that happened before the Trojan War). See

καὶ Ἐρατοσθένης. But this comment has been

also 439n. for the Homeric style of transition between nostoi narratives.

times Magarsos, fused with Mallos, became the

epigraphically well-attested Antioch on the Pyramos (the city is mentioned by Steph. Byz. both under the name Máyapoos and as his sixth

Antioch, Ἀντιόχεια

ἔκτη Κιλικίας ἐπὶ τοῦ

Πυράμου). See Fraser 2009: 331.







detached from its true context and has floated up from the Cyprus section which begins at 447; seen.

there. The fragment is included in the collections

Lyk.’s choice of Cypriot myths is determined by a desire to select Greek figures who are or can

neither of Jacoby (historical) nor of Berger or of

be associated with nosioi stories (see 494-585.n.

Roller (geographical). It was first edited by Kinkel and (independently) Scheer in 1880. ἠρίων: ἠρίον is Homeric, see J/. 23. 126 (the tomb of Patroklos).

See also 1208 (Hektor's tomb at Ophryneion). 445. ὡς μὴ βλέπωσι: for the tombs of Mopsos

and Amphilochos, out of sight of each other because separated by Magarsos, see Strabo, as in

previous n. & gives this story, and then quotes Euphorion as saying of Mopsos and Amphilochos that they ‘singly passed the gates of Hades the inexorable’ (frag. 103 Lightfoot, whose tr. that is):

Πύραμον ἠχήεντα, πόλιν δ᾽ ἐκτίσσατο Μαλλόν, ἧς περὶ δῆριν ἔθεντο κακοφράδες ἀλλήλοισι Μόψος «τ' > Ἀμφίλοχός τε, καὶ ἄκριτα δηρινθέντες μουνὰξ ἀλλίστοιο πύλας ἔβαν Αἰδωνῆος. Massimilla 2004 shows that this passage of Lyk. was imitated by Quintus of Smyrna at the end of his Paris and Oinone section, 10. 486-9. 447-591. The five leaders who will go to Cyprus ‘This section of the poem (minus the digressions)

is FGrHist 758 (Kypros, Anhang) no. 5. The

for Akamas’ connection

with the Trojan War).

This explains the absence of exotic and steamy stories about Cypriot eponymous figures who committed incest (Paphos, Kinyras, etc.). Only the last—and most obscure—two of the five leaders, Kepheus and Praxandros, are named explicitly (Berra 2009: 307); see 586n. for the reason for this. See Geus 2003: 269 n. 51. The length of the section might offer support to those who think the poem was written in Alexandria, because Cyprus was a Ptolemaic

possession, although the conclusion is not necessary or even specially attractive (see Introduction, section 7). To be sure, Fraser 1979 argued that much of this long section derives from the Alexandrian scholar Eratosthenes (c.280/75 to 200 BC), and from Philostephanos

(below) and

took this to be evidence of an early 2nd—not early 3rd—century date for the poem as a whole, since Eratosthenes probably wrote his geography

between 240 and 210, and Philostephanos was a pupil of Kallimachos. An important piece of evidence for Fraser's view was an apparently double reference to Eratosthenes, made by the Σ to the best MS of Lyk., Marcianus 476, and positioned at or just before the beginning of the


The five leaders who will go to Cyprus


Bbvres, φόνῳ AovoOévras ἀλλήλων τάφους. οἱ πέντε δὲ Σφήκειαν eis Κεραστίαν €







λουθέντας Scheer


Kepaorida Steph. Byz. s.v. Σφήκεια; Scheer

Cypriot section (see below for the exact position).

frag. 9 Badino = Ath. 331e: Φιλοστέφανος δ᾽ ὁ

This MS and the accompanying scholia and paraphrases were collated by Kinkel and Scheer independently, and published by them in their editions of 1880 and 1881 respectively. The coinci-

Κυρηναῖος μὲν γένος, Καλλιμάχου δὲ γνώριμος. As we shall see (447n., citing the Z) he was the first to call Cyprus by the name of Sphekeia, ‘place

dence of timing meant (see also 442 n.) that the

the Achaian and Praxandros the Spartan coloni-

item or rather two items are not included among the geographical fragments of Eratosthenes edited in 1880 by Berger; nor are they in Roller

zed Cyprus; these two are Lyk.’s fourth and fifth

of wasps’. Philostephanos also said that Kepheus Cypriot oikists; see Philostephanos frag. 19 Badino and 586-s91n. (Note also that Eratosthenes mentioned the Achaian city of Boura, FGrHist 241 F43, see 591—592 n. for Lyk. on Boura.) It is thus very likely that Lyk. was aware of Philostephanos, and this too strengthens Fraser’s 1979 suggestion about the date of the poem. The only indication we have for Philostephanos’ date is that Ath. (above) said that he was a γνώριμος of Kallimachos. Badino

(2010), or Jacoby no. 241 (historical fragments); or

in CA or Suppl. Hell. (poetic fragments; see below for the Hermes of Eratosthenes). At the end of the comment on 444, explicating Kilikian Magarsos,we read (Scheer's edn): μέμνη-

ται δὲ αὐτοῦ kai Ἐρατοσθένης. €’ δέ φησιν εἰς Κύπρον ἀπενεχθῆναι Τεῦκρον, Ἀγαπήνορα, Ἀκάμαντα, Πράξανδρον καὶ Κηφέα (Kinkel punctuates with a colon after Ἐρατοσθένης

2010: 29 n. 2 says that the interpretation of yvd)piμος as ‘pupil’ is certain; cf. Fraser 1972: 1. 522 on

and then prints the numeral in full, thus: πέντε

Philostephanos as‘. . . “friend” (in the special sense

δέ φησιν....). This

further below). The first part is retrospective and

of “pupil”)’. This is surprising, given that the obvious etymology of the word is just ‘acquaintance’,

is still about Magarsos (‘Eratosthenes, too, refers

but is generally accepted. See LSJ 3(b), citing inter

to it, αὐτοῦ. Then the commentary moves on to

alia Dion. Hal. On literary composition (de comp. verb.) 19, ἀλλ᾽ οὐχ 7] ye Ἰσοκράτους καὶ τῶν ἐκείνων γνωρίμων αἵρεσις. The case is argued by Fraser 1972: 2. 737 n. 140, discussing Istros, said by the Suda to be a δοῦλος καὶ γνώριμος of Kallimachos (FGrHist 334 T 1), and by Ath. (T 2 and 6) to be Καλλιμάχειος. On the other

is a double



the next and unrelated section and continues ‘Eratosthenes also says that five [men, heroes]



off course

Teukros [etc.]'. The evidence

to Cyprus,

for Eratosthenes’




Cyprus increased in 1974, with the publication by ΡῈ Parsons of P.Oxy. 3000 (= Suppl. Hell. 397), a fragment of his poem Hermes. This mentions Paphos as a synonym for Cyprus (deleted), and

then as the ‘metropolis’ i.e. here ‘most important

city’, of Cyprus. This raises the possibility that Kinkel’s Cyprus frag. (πέντε δέ gnaw ...) also came from the Hermes. Parsons and Lloyd-Jones (Suppl Hell: p. 186) assign the Magarsos frag. (‘Eratosthenis fragm. nov.’) to Eratosthenes’ geo-

graphical work but do not discuss the separate frag. about the five leaders who went to Cyprus, Philostephanos, like ^ Eratosthenes and Kallimachos, came from Kyrene: see test. 1 and





(Vocum Atticarum

collectio frag. 25 line 1) says γνώριμος οὐχ ὁ μαθητής, ἀλλ᾽ ὁ γινωσκόμενός τινι ἢ ἁπλῶς ὁ ἔνδοξος. I am grateful to Martin West for help with this point. If Fraser was right, we have not one but two frags of Eratosthenes, one (a) about Magarsos

in Kilikia and the other (b) about the five leaders or oikists who


to Cyprus

(447). He


following Gisinger (not Wendel as he says at 335 n. 1) in R.-E. ‘Philostephanos’ col. 109, who

suggested briefly that the scholiast’s πέντε δέ φησιν... referred to Eratosthenes.


Introduction to the Cyprus five


to the seats of the dead, the other's blood-soaked tomb. Five, coming to Sphekeia, to Kerastia,

This view is of great interest, in view of the

reflects Eratosthenes on copper-mining (frag.

mentions of Paphos and Cyprus in the frag. of

IIIB, 91 Berger= Strabo 14. 6. 5). In conclusion, Frasers particular argument about the interpretation of the reference in Z to Eratosthenes is unsafe. But this by no means destroys his entire case for use by Lyk. of Eratosthenes and Philostephanos in the Cypriot section. For Eratosthenes see 484n.

Eratosthenes at Suppl. Hell. 397 (above). Fraser's interpretation is not certain; Peter Parsons, in a

letter sent in January 2011, told me that he does

not accept it. I quote the most relevant part in a footnote.

Badino rejects it (Badino 2010: 133-8,

discussing frag. 19 about Praxandros, the Spartan who went to Cyprus as one of the five oikists;

(the copper-mines), and for Philostephanos see

see 586). He

(i) he thinks

447n. (Sphekeia) and 586-587n. (Kepheus and

that πέντε δέ qgmoiw...refers to Lyk. not Eratosthenes, and is just a summary of what the poem says. But Fraser dealt with this in advance

Praxandros). See also Introduction section 3(»)

at p. 335 n. 1 (‘the subject cannot be Lycophron, since the passage precedes the opening lemma’).

447—449. Introduction to the Cyprus five

has two arguments:

for further refs outside the Cypriot section,

447. Σφήκειαν eis Kepaoriav: Cyprus is both the

(ii) the known frags of Eratosthenes’ Geography are ‘purely scientific’ not antiquarian, so this would not fit the pattern (Badino concedes that the Hermes frag. about Paphos is different in character). Fraser 340 met this in advance too,

place of wasps and of horns, or a horned people. For the wasps, see Buxton 2009: 68-9 (citing Bowie 1993: 159760) for foundation myths which ‘use the image of physical transformation— Cyprus from wasps, Myrmidons from ants [for Aigina, see 176n.] even humanity from stones’. But the metamorphosis of Diomedes' companions at 176 is the opposite, more like Aristophanes’ men who turn into birds, Lyk. as often inverts expectations. See also my n. on Hdt. s. 64. 2

though he did leave it open whether both the two frags (a) and (b) came from the Hermes not the Geography. This is not impossible. Parsons, in

his introduction to P. Oxy. 3000, noted that the poem is now known to have been at least 1,600 lines long and that ‘the range of such a poem is

(the ‘Storkade’) for Pelasgians or Pelargians as

unpredictable’: it is possible that col. 1 concerned itself with Kinyras, the legendary Cypriot king, so the poem might also have talked about Lyk.'s


The equation of Cyprus with Sphekeia was made by Philostephanos (above, Introductory n.).

legendary founders. Badino does not discuss Fraser's additional

See frag. 5 Badino = Σ' on the present passage,

repeated by Et. Magn.: Σφήκειαν' ἡ Κύπρος πρόrepov Σφήκεια ἐκαλεῖτο ὥς φησι Φιλοστέφανος

and cogent argument that 484 (see n. there)

ἐν τῷ περὶ Κύπρου

: ‘Certainly φησίν can introduce a summary or para-




ἀνδρῶν, οἱ ἐκαλοῦντο Σφῆκες ...

phrase (with ‘the poet' understood), or alternatively the quotation of an authority (normally with the name of the authority stated). Here one might argue that €’ δέ

As for Kerastia, ‘place of horns’, Z attributes

this to a historian called Androkles. In view of the possibility that Lyk. derived the name directly

φησιν introduces more than a summary, because it specifies all five names when L. himself uses only two of them (586): therefore this is substantive comment, and

from this Androkles, some detailed discussion is in order, because there is no satisfactory modern account of Androkles He is a very interesting figure and the evidence for him has increased in

E. is the nearest authority. But I think that would be pressing it all too hard. The fact that e' comes first in the

sentence suggests to me that this was once part of a short summary of the four groups 417ff. a’ ev... y'

recent years. The comment quoted above continues (FGrHist

δε... B' δέ... εἰ de. And e' πέντε serves as lemma but also as subject of the paraphrase/annotation following. So on the whole I'd side against Fraser . . .".

751 Androkles Fr) as follows: ... καλεῖται δὲ [sc. ἡ Κύπρος] καὶ Kepaaría, ws μὲν Ἀνδροκλῆς ἐν


The five leaders who will go to Cyprus


καὶ Zarpaxov BAw£avres Ὑλάτου τε γῆν, τῷ περὶ Κύπρου, διὰ τὸ ἐνοικῆσαι αὐτῃ ἄνδρας, ot εἶχον κέρατα (Cyprus is called Kerastia because


the people there had horns). With this compare Ovid Met. 10. 220-3: ‘at si forte roges fecundam Amathynta metalli, / an genuisse velit Propoetidas, abnuet aeque / atque illos, gemine quondam quibus aspera cornu / frons erat; unde etiam nomen traxere Cerastae". The story of the horns was sinister: Ovid explains (lines 225-37) that the homed inhabitsacrificed





872 (metrical, in elegiac

θησαυρὸν Κυπρίαι καὶ [ Ὀρε]σθέως ei[xóva]

μορίφ]ῆ[ς] υἱοῦ τήνδε ἀνέθηκε Ἀν[δ]ροκλῆς βασιλεύς. The name Ἀνδροκλῆς is not metrical here, but should not be emended to -éys; see P. Hansen (CEG, commentary on no. 872) 'de re metrica

ants of Cyprus (a place associated with human sacrifice)

30. 1571

couplets) and SEG 32. 1318. Androkles unequivocally calls himself king. The dedication begins in Cypriot syllabic script and then continues:







a Delian

until Aphrodite turned them into bulls. See Forbes-Irving 1990: 95, and cf. 176n. (metamor-

inventory, IG 11 (2) 135, we know that 'Androkles


there in about 313 (Hill 1940: 149 n. 6). LGPN does not consider the obvious possibility that this epigraphically attested king (no. 11 in LGPN, correctly given as from Amathous) is identical with

in Lyk.)




king of the Amathousians' made a dedication

for such

metamorphoses as punishment for violation of hospitality.

The name Androkles in the J to the present passage of Lyk. has often been emended, either to

the king Androkles in Arrian, whom it lists (no.

Alexandros (i.e. Polyhistor; so Müller in his edn

10) as merely Cypriot rather than from Amathous,

of Tzetzes 2. 616 n. 32) or to Menandros (of Ephesos; so Meineke). But this should not be followed. It is unnecessary and undesirable to get rid of this Androkles, as Knaack 1890: 82-3 saw (cf. Badino 2010: 75 n. 113). The only fragment we have of him does not give an ethnic. But he may well be from Amathous (Susemihl 1891: 635 n. 582b, drawing on Knaack 1890: no. XII at 82-3,

as he certainly was. (Arrian gives him his ethnic, both times, so this seems to be just a mistake. Hill notes that Arrian never quite calls Androkles king, either in 332 or 321, though he does give that title to other Cypriots he mentions in the same contexts. But Hill is also probably right that this is not significant but merely literary variation. And the epigraphic evidence is now greater than when Hill wrote, and it points in the same direction.) It would be attractive to promote the historian to king; he would then resemble such other royal historians as the Alexander-historian

and in R.-E.‘Androkles’no. 10, the historian). The

reason for this conjecture is that there is a king of Amathous called Androkles in Arr. Anaé, (2. 22. 2, where he commands ships on Alexander's side

during the siege of Tyre in 332 Bc). He recurs in Arrians History of the Successors in 321, FGrHist 156 Fıo para. 6. So Alexander kept him on as ruler of Amathous (so rightly Bosworth: 1. 250). A relationship, even identity, between the man in Arrian and the historian is a very attractive idea. The name Androkles, though not rare generally, is attested only twice on Cyprus, according to LGPN. One of them is the king in Arrian (no. 10 = R.-E .no.8). The other Androkles

listed in LGPN is a late 4th-cent. king of Amathous who made dedications at Amathous

Ptolemy (FGrHist no. 138), Pyrrhos and Aratos,


of memoirs






Archelaos of Cappadocia. Archelaos (FGrHist no. 123), a contemporary and acquaintance of the emperors Augustus and Tiberius, wrote an account of the territory covered by Alexander

the Great. The parallel with Ptolemy is particularly tempting, because the context in which Androkles is mentioned by Arrian in 321 is an

alliance with Ptolemy. Is it even possible that

to Aphrodite (called Kypria Aphrodite or just Kypria). These seem to have consisted of statues

Androkles formed his literary ambitions in emulation of his more famous ally? Only if we put Ptolemy's career as a historian improbably

of his (?dead) sons Oresthes and Andragoras:

early in his career. But 220




Introduction to the Cyprus five


and Satrachos, the land of Hylates, which incidentally shows the degree of Androkles’ Hellenism, could Seleukos’ invasion

attributed to Xenagoras, a possibly Rhodian historian often cited by the Lindian anagraphe, in

belong to the period of of Cyprus, which brought

his work On Islands (FGrHist 240 F 26a and C.

back into the Ptolemaic fold (Diod.

Higbie's comm. in BN/). According to this expla-

19. 62. 6). This time of troubles would be a good

nation, Kerastia refers to the number of promontories or ‘horns’ sticking out of Cyprus. For


context for the Delian dedication. The Ptolemaic alignment is a recurring theme in the history of Amathous in this period.

Xenagoras’ Rhodian origin see Fraser 1979: 337 n. 2, against Jacoby, who thought he was from Herakleia Pontike.

Androkles’ work seems, however, to have been

rather different from royal memoirs of the Ptolemaic sort. In fact, it looks paradoxographical. The one fragment we have of Androkles does, however, provide an intriguing reason, apart from the merely onomastic argument, for connecting him with Amathous. It is, precisely, the

448. Satrachos was a river on Cyprus (not a city, as Σ). See Nonn. D. 13. 458-60 with Fraser 1979: 335-6 n. 2; also Cat. 95. 5. Hylates is a cult-epithet of Apollo (see Cayla 2005: 232-4, explaining it as

‘Apollo of a virgin site’ suitable for a colonial

comment quoted by the 2 on Lyk. (Cyprus

foundation), and is well, though far from uniquely, attested at Kourion on Cyprus; and at Paphos (below). Cf. also Paus. 10. 32. 6 (Magnesia on the Maiandros) and OGIS 53 (Upper Egypt, Koptos, with Fraser 1972: 195, and 1979, as above). Apollo is very appropriately called Ὑλάτης

was once called Kerastia because populated by men with horns, κέρατα). Now this story is also found in Ovid, as we have seen above. The stories

are so surreal that it is plausible to assume a common ultimate origin in the writings of Androkles

of Amathous, who may actually have been the

(from a place called Ὕλη near Cypriot Kourion according to Σ᾿, but perhaps really ‘God of the

king who features in Arrian. (Knaack 1890: 83

thought Ovid was unlikely to have gone to Androkles direct, and suggested that the inter-


mediary was Philostephanos.) If so, Androkles will be the earliest identifiable Cypriot historian, capable of turning out or of commissioning an elegiac epigram of sorts (see above). But the historian Androkles might merely be a relative of, and of a later date than, the king. It is futile to speculate far about the character of his work on Cyprus or On Cyprus. That it talked about the name of the island does not by itself condemn it as paradoxographical and trivial, unless we are to condemn ‘Th. by the same token, for discussing the names of the island of Sicily or Trinakria

the island has yielded many Greek dedicatory inscriptions of the Roman Imperial period. See

or principal god of the city. The Rennes database cites only Buitron-Oliver. That is late, to be sure. But there were three other sanctuaries to Apollo Hylates on Cyprus (at Paphos; at Dhrymou near Paphos; and at Chytroi near modern Nikosia/

(6. 2. 3). But

a history of

Lefkosia), and relevant Cypriot syllabic dedica-

Cyprus of any seriousness, we might perhaps

tions from these places date from as early as the 4th cent. Bc. They have the epithet in the form

if Androkles


have expected more than this one fragment to have survived. It seems very possible that Lyk. derived the name Kerastia from Androkles direct; but we cannot rule out the possibility that the name reached Lyk. only through Philostephanos as intermediary.

An alternative and implausible explanation given by 2 on the present line of Lyk. (447) is

Silvanus). The




Apollo Hylates at Kourion on the south coast of Mitford 1971: 105-26 (inscriptions of Imperial date); Fraser 1979, 333 n. 4; Buitron-Oliver 1996; Cayla 2005: 232-5. See now the late ptolemaic honorary decree from Kourion SEG 57. 1745, esp,

lines 1314-15, calling him the προηγούμενος θεός

u-la-ta. See Masson 1983: nos 3 (Paphos: Apollo Hylates, 4th cent. Bc); 85-6 (Dhrymou: Hylates, no mention of Apollo); 184-9 (Kourion: ‘Apollo’ or ‘the god’, but no mention of Hylates); 250 and 250a (Chytroi: Hylates). See further Egetmeyer 2012: 429, noting that Lyk here uses the local

form of the name with long alpha. 22I

The five leaders who will go to Cyprus


Mopqo παροικήσουσι τὴν Ζηρυνθίαν. ὁ μὲν πατρὸς μομφαῖσιν ἠλαστρημένος


Κυχρεῖος ἄντρων Βωκάρου τε ναμάτων, οὑμὸς ξύναιμος, ὡς ὀπατρίου φονεὺς sov, νόθον φίτυμα, συγγενῶν βλάβη, τοῦ λύσσαν ἐν ποίμναισιν αἰχμητηρίαν ,





χέαντος, ὃν χάρωνος ὠμηστοῦ δορὰ


χαλκῷ τορητὸν οὐκ ἔτευξεν ἐν μάχῃ, 449. ‘Zerynthian Morpho' is Aphrodite, and ‘shall settle near’ her is a way of saying ‘shall colonize

Cyprus’, because of her supposed birth at Paphos. Morpho (‘beautiful’) was one of her cult epikle-

seis at Sparta: Paus. 3. 15. τὸ (ἐπίκλησις μὲν δὴ τῆς Ἀφροδίτης ἐστὶν ἡ Moppw). See Wide 1893: 140 (cf. 136 and 391), calling this the most interest-

It is remarkable that Lyk. does not specify the places founded by any of the five: Fraser 1979. Teukros’ foundation of Cypriot Salamis is the best known of the five foundations, partly because of Horace's ‘nil desperandum' ode, with

its reference to a ‘future Salamis in a new land’: see Odes 1. 7. 27-9: ... Teucri / certus enim promisit Apollo / ambiguam tellure nova Salamina

ing Aphrodite cult at Sparta (Paus. 3. 15. 1 says her cult image was veiled and fettered, see Nilsson 1967: 524, cf. 82f.), and claiming that Aphrodite and Morpho were originally distinct deities; see also Brulé and Lebreton 2007: 219. An alternative or additional derivation is from μορφνός, suppos-

edly = ‘chthonic’; cf. Holzinger, and Wide 1893: 141; see 838n. for this word. For Zerynthian (i.e.

futuram’, See Pi. N. 4. 46-8, and less explicitly Hdt. 7. 90 (479-493n.). Fraser took this silence

on Lyk.5 part to indicate indifference to cult, but the better explanation is that Lyk. is, as often,

deliberately allusive. Certainly the poet could expect readers to know who founded Cypriot Salamis at least.

Samothracian or Thracian) see 77n. 450-478. No. (1). Teukros

This passage is full of reminiscences of S. Ajax, esp. but not only Teukros’ speech at 992-1039 (see Holzinger on 453 and Gasse 1910: 39). If we had

more of the fragmentary Teukros, the number of discernible Sophoclean echoes would no doubt increase.

450. The myth, for which see Prinz 1979: 56~78,

was that Telamon, father of Ajax and Teukros (and cousin of Kassandra via Hesione, see 337338n. and 452n., also 468n.), refused to believe Teukros’ account of Ajax’s suicide and banished him for not preventing it (Teukros foresees this

anger and expulsion at S. Ajax 1006-21). So he went to found Cypriot Salamis, whose name duplicates that of the island, near Athens, which was for all antiquity associated with Ajax (this will be called ‘Greek Salamis’ for convenience). See S. Ajax and Apollod. 3. 12. 7, with 451n. (S.'s mostly lost Teukros dealt with this theme, see frags 576-579b TrGF).

The Teukros


en clair at 1303

is a

different and less famous (Trojan) Teukros.

451. Kuxpeios ἄντρων: Kychreus was son of Poseidon by Salamis, one of the many daughters of Asopos. 2 says that Κύχρειος is a dialect genitive, Kychreus was king of Greek Salamis

(Euphorion frag. 32 Lightfoot) at the time when Telamon appeared (see 450n.) and saved the island from a dangerous snake (a similar story was

told of Orion and king Oinopion of Chios, and was perhaps worked up into a poem by Pindar, see Hornblower 2004: 145-56). Kychreus died child-

less, and Telamon ruled in his place, See 2, Apollod. 3. 12. 7 and Strabo 9. 1. 9. The Kuypeios πάγος, stream of Kychreus’, featured in S. Tewkros

(for which see 450n.): frag. 579 TrGF, from Steph. Byz. Βωκάρου: Bokaros was another stream on Greek Salamis. See Hesych.: ποταμὸς ἐν Σαλαμῖνι ἐκ τοῦ Ἀκάμαντος ὄρους φερόμενος. (Not marked in Barr.) 452. οὑμὸς ξύναιμος: for the relationship, see 45on. (Hesione). It means that Greeks and Trojans 222

Cypriot leader (1), Teukros


shall settle near Zerynthian Morpho. The first, exiled, by his father’s reproaches,


from the caves of Kychreus and the waters of Bokaros—

my own cousin!—because he was the killer of his brother foal, and a bastard shoot, and the ruin of his family.

His brother had vented his warlike rage on flocks of sheep, he whom the skin of the fierce lion


had made invulnerable to bronze weapons in battle.

are to this extent represented as kin, and this

not necessarily unheroic. Invulnerability features in many Indo-European myths, but is usually either partial or can be overcome by burying the possessor under heaps of stones or some similar covering; see M. West 2007: 444-6. Ajax's partial invulnerability was perhaps in [Hes.] (see frag. 250 M/W) and in the Aithiopis (West 2013: 162 and n. 48). It was certainly known to A. (frag. 83

prepares us for the treaty of reconciliation at 1448. With ξύναιμος, cf. S. Ajax 977, Teukros apostrophizes the dead Ajax. ὡς ὀπατρίου φονεύς: the hapax word ὀπάτριος

(= ὁμοπάτριος) recalls the description of Teukros at Il. 12. 371, as Ajax’s κασίγνητος καὶ ὄπατρος. 453. νόθον φίτυμα: there is a double tragic reminiscence in Kassandra's description of Teukros as a φίτυμα: first, of Kassandra’s prophecy about Orestes’ avenging return: A. Ag. 1281, μητροκτόνον φέτυμα, mowdrwp πατρός, second, of

TrGF, from the Thracian Women, quoted by X on S. Ajax 833 and cited by & on the present passage of Lyk.), who said that some daimon had to show Ajax the spot to pierce (the daimon was Athena: Berthold 1911: 7 n. 1). It was perhaps known to S.

Teukros as speaker at S. Ajax 1296, ὁ pırloas

(Ajax 834, πλευρὰν διαρρήξαντα τῷδε φασγάνῳ), where the vagueness of the first word

πατήρ. With νόθον cf. Ajax 1013.

is compatible with knowledge of As version,

454. ἐν ποίμναισιν: Ajax’s madness took the form

which 5. did not wish to contradict outright (so

of killing sheep, an episode described at length in

the & on S.) or else—more likely—with deliber-

the opening scenes of S. Ajax. With ποίμναισιν (flocks’, see Od. 9. 122) cf. lines 27, 42 (the variant

ate ignoring (Jebb).

2 on J/ 23. 821 says that the

invulnerable spot was the neck, and 2 on S. says the armpit, μασχάλῃ, and X Lyk. 455 says the collar-bone. Euphorion frag. 44 Lightfoot may be an attempt to reconcile the traditions (see Lightfoots n.), and for a modern attempt to reduce the number of the variants, see Berthold 1911: 7-8, who thinks that the armpit was the

form ποίμνια), $3, 63, 184, 234 of the play: ποίμνη is S.'s favoured word for the animals so slaughtered. See also 529 and n. (ποίμνια).

455. χάρωνος: see 260 n. δορά: from δέρω, ‘I flay’, cf. E. Kyk. 330, δοραῖσι θηρῶν σῶμα περιβαλὼν ἐμόν.

original spot. Pi. I. 6. 47-8 has Herakles praying that the baby Ajax shall have ‘a body as impenetrable as this skin which is now wrapped

456. χαλκῷ τορητὸν οὐκ ἔτευξεν: for the reverse order of τορητὸν οὐκ = ἄτρωτον, invulnerable’, cf. (with Holzinger) E. Hel, 810, οὕτω σιδήρῳ

around me, of the beast which ...’ etc., τὸν μὲν ἄρρηκτον pvdv, ὥσπερ τόδε δέρμα με νῦν περιπλανᾶται θηρός, dv... This is close to but not

τρωτὸν οὐκ ἔχει δέμας. The (not quite complete) invulnerability of Ajax recalls that of Achilles, which is, however, first explicitly attested only

identical with Lyk.’s version, and may betray knowledge of Ajax’s invulnerability, without

by late sources (178 .). The story about Ajax is not

in Homer (Viirtheim 1907: 7). See Griffin 1977:

actually saying that it was conferred on Ajax (so

40, cf. Finglass

201: 39, for the ‘un-Homeric’

rightly Berthold 1911: 12-13; see also Vürtheim

character of stories of invulnerability, although partial invulnerability is a different matter and

relation between Pi. and Lyk. Vürtheim thought

1907: 507 and Gigante Lanzara 2009: 104-5 on the


The five leaders who will go to Cyprus


μίαν πρὸς Ἅιδην καὶ φθιτοὺς πεπαμένον κέλευθον, ἣν γωρυτὸς ἔκρυψε Σκύθης, ἦμος καταίθων θύσθλα Κωμύρῳ λέων OPW



\ A n Λασκε

E H TOS ἐπηκοοῦς




σκύμνον rap’ ἀγκάλαισιν deira Bpdoas. οὐ γάρ τι πείσει piruv, ὡς ὁ Λήμνιος πρηστὴρ Ἐνυοῦς, οὔποτ᾽ εἰς φύζαν τραπείς,

ταῦρος βαρύφρων, δυσμενεστάτου ξένων ἔτυψε δώρῳ σπλάγχνον, ἀρνεύσας λυγρὸν that Lyk.'s source might have been Panyassis of Halikarnassos).

Pi. could





imply that the invulnerability extended to all areas not covered by the skin of the Nemean lion (the Nemean lion's own invulnerability is thought

of as communicating itself to the person it is in contact with; cf. Berthold 1911: 10-11, but see 3,

where he shows that the motif is not actually attested before Ps.-Theok. 25). Lyk. implies that

the area of the baby’s skin which was covered by Herakles’ quiver, and so not in contact with the lion's skin, was not protected (457-458) 457. πεπαμένον: see 354 n. for the verb. 458. γωρυτὸς ἔκρυψε Σκύθης: that is, the metal

bow-case of the bow given to Herakles by the Skythian Teutaros; see 56n. For this meaning of the rare word y«purós see Od. 21. 54 (the only occurrence in Homer) with Russo in Russo ef al.

1992: 137 f. and Antimachos frag. 183 Wyss (108 Matthews), where it appears in the company of another rare Lykophronic word, τιθαιβώσσω, for which see 622 and n. (An ancient papyrus

commentary on the Ántimachos frag. says that γωρυτός

meant a quiver, and Matthews: 282

thinks the word had changed its meaning from the Homeric ‘bow-case’ to mean ‘quiver’ in both Antimachos and Lyk. But this is not true of Lyk.,

and LSJ are right not wrong on this point.) 459. θύσθλα: here 720, θύσθλοισι . . the reference is Homer (ZZ. 6. 134)


modern commentators repeat this and stop there. But here is a particularly satisfying case where

epigraphy confirms the information in the 2j see Introduction section 11. ‘Halikarnassos’ stands for ‘Karia’, because a festival of the Komyrion or Komyria (Κομύριον, Κομύρια, sanctuary τὸ Κομύριον, see I. Stratonikeia index vol. at 2. 2: 93) is well attested epigraphically in inland Karia, at Panamara, a site of pilgrimage. The evidence is a series of inscriptions published in the late 19th and early 2oth cents by Deschamps and Cousin in BCH, the connection with the present line of Lyk. was already made by them in 1887 and 1888 (BCH 11: 381 and 12: 249, calling Panamara a place of pilgrimage); Holzinger (1895) and Ciaceri (1901) were

therefore in a position to know about this evidence. See also BCH 13 (1889) no. 62 = I. Jasos : no. 632, line 4 (with Nilsson 1906: 28 n. ı and Laumonier 1958:

635) for the spelling Κυμώριος at Bargylia, north of Halikarnassos (a ἱερεὺς Διὸς Κυμωρίου). The many relevant Panamaran inscriptions are now republished in I. Stratonikeia, see 2. 2: 93 and 95 (indexes under Κυμάρια) for complete lists. See for discussion Nilsson 1906: 27-31; Syll? no. 900 note 2; R.-E. XI 1303-7,‘Komyros’(Scherling, cf. Schwabl 1978: 328); Laumonier 1958: 606, 635. It is thought that Komyros was originally a Karian god who became assimilated to Zeus. The

Komyria were a mystery (initiatory) festival (I. Stratonikeia: no. 203 lines 16-17 and 205 lines 26-7 with Nilsson 1906: 29 and n. 4). The female festival was called the Heraia and the male the

and elsewhere in Lyk. (see esp. . βοῶν, also the very similar 929) clearly to animal sacrifice. In the word had meant something

ciated at both. From the reference to Zeus and

like thyrsoi, ivy-wreathed wands used in Bacchic

the Kouretes in the ‘Pride of Halikarnassos’

worship. Κωμύρῳ: & says that Komuros was a cult-epithet of Zeus at Halikarnassos (Κώμυρος

inscription (SEG 48. 1330 lines 5-13), Lloyd-Jones 2005b: 217 suggested a link with the Komyria festival, at which men’s hair was offered (the name

yap ὁ Ζεὺς ἐν Ἁλικαρνασσῷ τιμᾶται), and all

Komyria, but the priest of Zeus Panamaros offi-


Cypriot leader (1), Teukros


He had only one way to Hades and the land of the dead, a way which was hidden by the Skythian bow-case. When the lion burned sacrifices to Komyros,

his father, he uttered prayers which were heard, as he tossed his companion's whelp in his arms. He will never persuade their father that the Lemnian


whirlwind of Enyo, he who was never turned to flight, the savage bull, could have pierced his innards with the gift from the guest-friend who was his bitterest enemy,


Kouretes was supposed to derive from κείρω,

we need Herakles’ arms to toss the baby, i.e. to go

‘cut’). This seems a long shot.

with βράσσω, cf. below. The verb Bpdoow is energetic, and 2 paraphrases it as πήλας. Here is a clue: the model is surely the use of πάλλω at I7. 6. 474 (with Graziosi and Haubold), Hektor kisses Astyanax and tosses him up, πῆλέ τε χερσίν.

The Karian epiklesis might be used as a minor argument (cf. 477-591n. on Cyprus) in favour of a Ptolemaic milieu for the poet, because of the extensive Ptolemaic Egyptian links with Karia, and early 3rd-cent Ptolemaic control of what would become the Stratonikeia area (Cohen 1995: 268f. and 270f. n. 2; the main evidence is SEG 15. 652 = I. Stratonikeia: no. 1002. See also Robert 1983: nos 3-6 for Karian Amyzon and I.

462. φῖτυν: cf. S. Ajax 1296 φιτύσας πατήρ, though on the text there see Jebb’s n. 462-463.






‘Lemnian’ means ‘fiery’, ‘fierce’, from the associa-

Karian cult epithets in the poem see 950 (Athena Myndia) and 1207 (Apollo Lepsios). But on the ‘Ptolemaic milieu’ see Introduction section 7. λέων: for Herakles as lion see 33n.

that of Enyalios, an epithet of Ares. See Burkert




for Labraunda).


tion of Lemnos with Hephaistos the fire-god. Enyo is a war-goddess, whose name is related to

1985: 171. For πρηστήρ see 27n. 463. On the Homeric word φύζα (e.g. Il. 15. 62) see Rengakos 1994: 126 f.

461. σκύμνον map’ ἀγκάλαισιν ácíra βράσας: the meaning and orthography of deira is difficult, as shown by Bachmann's enormously long n. One interpretation sees it as a synonym for Herakles himself, so 2, τὸ δ᾽ Airas ἀντὶ τοῦ ὁ

464. βαρύφρων:

Ἡρακλῆς. The preferable alternative is to take it as a genitive of a (supposedly Thessalian) word for ‘companion’, airns, as at Theok. 12. 14 and 20 with Gow; see also Dosiadas Βωμός line 5 (with Hollis 2007: 283), Trs like ‘eagle’s youngling’ (Mooney) take the noun to be a dialect (Boiotian?) form of aleros, but that would make Ajax's father Telamon the eagle. That eagles are





period, see Livrea on Ap. Rh. 4. 731, citing only Alkman frag. 3.82 PMG, Ba[..]óppova. 464-465. δυσμενεστάτου ξένων

ἔτυψε δώρῳ

σπλάγχνον: this echoes S. Ajax 661-2, ἐδεξάμην

/ παρ᾽ Ἕκτορος δώρημα δυσμενεστάτου. The ultimate reference is to 1. 303-5, Hektor gives Ajax his sword and Ajax gives Hektor his belt.

The paradox that the gift of a previously hostile

likely enough, given that in the Pindaric version

guest-friend turns out malign is summarized by S. a few lines later in a proverb: ἀλλ᾽ ἔστ᾽ ἀληθὴς ἡ βροτῶν παροιμία / ἐχθρῶν ἄδωρα δῶρα

of the story, Herakles gave Ajax (Aias) his name because of its similarity to the word for ‘eagle’

frags 45 and 46 Lightfoot.

(Pi. I.6. 50 and 53). Hence Holzinger's ingenious

465. ἀρνεύσας: a hapax word; see Guilleux 2009:

suggestion that παρ᾽ ἀγκάλαισιν ἀείτα means ‘to the beat of the eagle’s wings’, ‘bei des Adlers Flugschlag’, in reference to the eagle-portent. But

227 n. 27 (it is probably derived from ἀρνευτήρ,

meant to be suggested, at some level, by the line is

κοὐκ ὀνήσιμα (Ajax 664-5). See also Euphorion

an ‘acrobat’, as at 1), 16. 742, and see Headlam on

Herodas 8. 42). It will be used again at 1103.



The five leaders who will go to Cyprus

πήδημα πρὸς κνώδοντος αὐτουργοὺς σφαγάς. ἐλᾷ δὲ πάτρας τῆλε Τραμβήλου κάσιν, 3Y







ὃν ἡ ξύναιμος πατρὸς ἐκλοχεύεται, δοθεῖσα πρωταίχμεια τῷ πυργοσκάφῳ' ἣν δή ποτ᾽ ἐν ῥήτραισι δημοτῶν σταθείς,


γλαυκῷ κελαινὸν δόρπον ὥτρυνεν κυνὶ στεῖλαι τριπλᾶς θύγατρας ὁ σπείρας βάβαξ, ^











τῷ πᾶσαν ἅλμῃ πηλοποιοῦντι χθόνα, ὅταν κλύδωνας ἐξερεύγηται γνάθων, LÀ





λάβρῳ σαλεύων πᾶν τρικυμίᾳ πέδον. ὁ δ᾽ ἀντὶ πιποῦς σκορπίον λαιμῷ σπάσας 476


πίπου Griffiths, cf. LSJ? πῖπος (II)

See Wathelet 2009: 339, also Gantz 1993: 401-2 for the alternative versions in which the demand for Trojan maidens, or for Hesione specifically, originates with Apollo. See Servius on V. Δ. 1. 550 and A. 5. 30. For Herakles’ role (the monster swallows him instead and he kills it) see 34-37. There is a hidden western dimension, mentioned here by Tzetzes, in anticipation of Lyk.’s own full and interestingly more explicit account at 951-967 (see below): Laomedon (named at 952) banished Phoinodamas’ three daughters to Libya, intending that they should be eaten by wild animals. One of them evidently crossed over

466. πήδημα: cf. S. Ajax 633 for the word, and,

for the thought applied to Ajax 1033, ὄλωλε θανασίμῳ πεσήματι (πηδήματι Kuiper, see Holzinger). κνώδοντος: ‘any tooth-like prong or spike’: so Jebb on 8, Ajax 1025, noting that Lyk. has here borrowed from that passage, where

Teukros wonders how to extract the sword from Ajax's body (or rather, how to tear the body away from the sword). S.’s Teukros then (1027 ff.) reverts to the theme of Hektor's fatal gift, see 464-465n. For κνώδων see also 1109 (where the word is used metonymically for the weapon which killed Kassandra herself) and 1434. 467. Τραμβήλου κάσιν: the ‘brother of Trambelos is Teukros; see 468n. Trambelos is not a Greek name, and no name in any vol. of LGPN is at all

like it. The closest noun to the name is a rare one found in, precisely, Lyk., namely τράμπις, a ship (97), and since there are maritime features to the

story of Trambelos and Apriate (469 n.), this just

might be relevant. Alternatively, see Lightfoot 1999: 518-19 for various speculations involving

names of Anatolian places or peoples (the Karian mountain Tarbelos, or the name given to the Lykians by their neighbours, viz. Termilai, see Hdt. 1. 173. 3; etc.). 468-478. Hesione, Phoinodamas, and Herakles The story of Phoinodamas (here named by Z only,

but by Lyk. at 953, see below), and his speech in the Trojan assembly urging the sacrifice of Hesione to the sea-monster, is known from Lyk. and 2; also


to Sicily, where

she married

the river-god

Krimisos, in the shape of a dog (961), and gave birth to Aigestes, who founded the three Elymiot cities in western Sicily: Egesta, Entella, and Eryx (964). See Wathelet 2009: 339 and n. 41 for this myth, which seems to be peculiar to Lyk. When Lyk. mentions an individual for the second time, the name is sometimes given without periphrasis or riddling. So Phoinodamas and Laomedon are not named here, but nearly five hundred lines later the poet will relent, and name them. So too with the Laistrygonians (anonymous at 662-665, but named at 956).

468. ὃν ἡ ξύναιμος πατρὸς ἐκλοχεύεται: lit. ‘to whom the sister of my [sc. Kassandra's] father gave birth’. For ξύναιμος see 280 n., and for the verb, see E. Hel. 258 and Jon 1458 (cf. Gigante Lanzara 2009: 111 n. 59). The woman

here is Hesione, sister of

(with differences of detail, and without the actual

Priam, and so Kassandra's aunt (Gantz 1993: 444 says, by a slip, that Hesione is Kassandra's sister).

name Phoinodamas) Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 1. 52.

She was mother of Teukros by Telamon (see 226

Hesione, Phoinodamas, and Herakles


and have leapt in a fatal fall on his sword in self-slaughter. He will drive Trambelos’ brother far from his fatherland,

whom my father’s sister bore,

she who was given as the first spoils to the tower-underminer. It was she whom once, as he stood in the assembly of the citizens,

the babbler father of three daughters urged should be sent as a grim meal to the bright-eyed hound,


which made the whole earth into mud with sea-water,

when it spewed out the billows from its jaws, and shook the whole plain with boisterous waves. He sucked a scorpion, not a woodpecker, into his gullet,


450 n.). dv could refer either to Trambelos himself,

Thrax, but the discovery of a lengthy papyrus frag.

or to his brother (κάσιν) Teukros. See next n. for Hesione/Theaneira as mother of Trambelos; but she could also be mother of Teukros. The alternative is to make Teukros’ mother an unknown

of the poem itself (Suppl Hell. 415 and Lightfoot Euphorion frag. 26) confirms that the indebtedness was not straightforward; see Lightfoot 1999: 516-18 (e.g. only the papyrus tells of a dolphin res-

Trojan woman, and this might be supported by the

cue or escort of the girl's corpse). The Alexander-

description of Greek Salamis as Teukros’ fatherland or πάτρα (468) i.e. he was born there, not at Miletos, to which Hesione/Theaneira fled (see next n.). It seems doubtful that Lyk. wished to be clear and unambiguous, 469. δοθεῖσα πρωταίχμεια τῷ πυργοσκάφῳ: this alludes to the first sack of Troy, by Herakles (see 32 n.), who gave Hesione to Telamon as ‘first

spoils’. But Istros (FGrHist 334 F 57, quoted by 2), names the πρωταίχμεια as Theaneira (a variant

for Hesione, or perhaps another name for her, as "Tzetzes, Oedveipav, τὴν kai Ἡσιόνην) and says she fled to Miletos, where she gave birth to Trambelos, who was killed by Achilles without knowing who he was. As Jacoby remarks on the Istros frag.: ‘the story of Trambelos was repeatedly treated during the third century’ (but ‘during the Hellenistic period’ might be better). See Lightfoot

1999: 352-5 and 516~19 and n. 319 for text and tr. of, and comm., on Parthenios Erotika Pathemata no. XXVI ‘Apriate’, the sad story of the girl with whom Trambelos fell in love (either he threw her

historian Aristoboulos (FGrHist 139 F 6) described

a Milesian spring called the Achilleion where Achilles killed Trambelos. 470-472. The ‘babbler’ (472 n.) is Phoinodamas. 472. The onomatopoeic βάβαξ means ‘babbler’, cf. Archilochos frag. 297 West, quoted by the grammarian Orion, who says it means λάλος, φλύαρος. 474. ἐξερεύγται ‘spew out’; see next n. 475. λάβρῳ: this word for ‘boisterous’, ‘noisy’ is

again used in close proximity to the verb ἐξερεύγομαῖι at 724 (with 725). Pindar uses it of the noisy

common people in P. 2. 87, where λάβρος orpa7ós means democracy as opposed to monarchy or oligarchy, the other forms of government there considered. For the meaning of the adjective see Homblower 2004: 80-1 and modern discussions cited at n. 97; also Finglass on S. Εἰ 749.

into the sea in anger at her rejection of him, or she threw herself into the sea to escape him). The story is said, in the ‘manchette’or short notice preceding

476. ἀντὶ πιποῦς σκόρπιον: for this use of ἀντί as the strongest form of negation, see CT II: 226 on Th. 4. 62. 3. In Roman mythology, Picus was a king of Latium who was metamorphosed into a woodpecker by Kirke; for the abundant evidence

the story, to be told by Euphorion in his poem

see C. R. P[hillips], OCD*, ‘Picus’. This is not



The five leaders who will go to Cyprus

Φόρκῳ κακῆς ὠδῖνος ἔκλαυσεν βάρος, χρήζων πυθέσθαι πημάτων συμβουλίαν. ὁ δεύτερος δὲ νῆσον ἀγρότης μολών,

χερσαῖος, αὐτόδαιτος, ἐγγόνων δρυὸς


λυκαινομόρφων Νυκτίμου κρεανόμων,

τῶν πρόσθε μήνης φηγίνων πύρνων ὀχὴν σπληδῷ κατ᾽ ἄκρον χεῖμα θαλψάντων πυρός, χαλκωρυχήσει, καὶ τὸν ἐκ βόθρου σπάσει

obviously relevant to Hesione (who survives in

narrative of war and quarrels. So Hurst 2009:

human form), and this is therefore not a straight-


forward metamorphosis story of the type discussed at 176n. But one etymology connected Picus with the inhabitants of Picenum in central Italy (see OCD*, as above), and Lyk., whose west-

meaning 'hunter' is derived from the context (a


480. χερσαῖος: see I]. 2. 614, Agamemnon






478 n.), might have been aware of this. (See app. crit.) The language and thought of the present line are echoed at 837-839, ἀντὶ θηλείας ..., said of Andromeda's rescue by Perseus. That episode

has other similarities with the rescue of Hesione. 477. Φόρκῳ: see 376 (where he is called Phorkys) and n. The old paraphrase of the present passage identifies him with Nereus; cf. M. West on Hes. Th. 233.

90 on the Cyprus contingent in Xerxes' army,

including oí δὲ ἀπὸ Ἀρκαδίας, alongside people from 'Salamis and Athens' (for this tradition see 450 n.) The notion has some philological basis, in the form of the Arkado-Cypriot dialect, for 2007: 31-2 (Arkadian


vides Agapenor with sixty ships ἐπεὶ οὔ σφι θαλάσσια ἔργα μεμήλει. αὐτόδαιτος: ‘of a guest, bringing bis own share to a feast’ (LSJ^). The likeliest meaning is that in Arkadia the earth provides food of its own accord; so Holzinger, citing FGrHist 244 Apollodoros F 100 from the Demeter section of his περὶ θεῶν (quoted by Steph. Byz. a 428 Bill., an entry about Arkadia whose opening is corrupt): αὐτοῖς ἐκ τῆς γῆς ἔμολεν ὁ καρπὸς εἰς τροφὴν καὶ σπόρον. ἐγγόνων δρυός: this is to which Arkas, the eponym

For Arkadian colonization of Cyprus cf. Hdt. 7.

see Colvin


an elegantly brief reference to the myth according

479-493. No. (2). Agapenor


479. ἀγρότης: lit. ‘countryman’; at Od. 16. 218, the

as the

relic of a Peloponnesian dialect of the Mycenaean age, before Greeks emigrated to Cyprus; the iso-

lated physical character of Arkadia made this possible, cf. 480 n. on χερσαῖος). For Agapenor as founder of Paphos, see Paus.

8.5. 2, Agapenor was oikist of Paphos and founded the temple at Palaipaphos; similarly Strabo 14. 6. 3. C.M. West 2orib: 117 on I7. 2. 603-14. Apollod. ep. 6. 15 includes, among the wandering Greeks who settled overseas, Ayarıvwp ἐν Κύπρῳ. This subsection has been seen as a moment of ‘respiration et d’apaisement’ in the middle of a

of the ethnos of

the Arkadians, rescued the oak-tree-dwelling Hamadryad (nymph) Chrysopeleia by diverting the river which threatened to inundate her habitat: FGrHis? 262 Charon of Lampsakos F 12 a and b, where (a) is 2 Ap. Rh. 2. 476-83a, p. 166

Wendel, and (b) is Tzetzes’ comment on the present passage of Lyk., where Tzetzes also cites Eumelos for the name Chrysopeleia (frag. 15

Bernabé (1), with Apollod. 3. 9. 1 and Jacoby's app. crit. on Charon). The two married, and she gave birth to Elateia (eponym of the Phokian polis, LIACP. no. 180, and for the Elateian link with Arkadia see Paus. 8. 4. 5-6 and 10. 34. 2, with Habicht 1998: 67-9) and to Amphidamas. The diverting of water-courses was a feature of Arkadian life in historical reality, see Th. 5. 65. 4 with CT III: 172, citing Roy 1999: 324 and 368 nn. 19-20 (with other ancient refs) for flooding as a

particular Arkadian problem.


Cypriot leader (2),



and wept the heavy weight of his dire woes to Phorkos, wanting advice in his trouble. The second, a hunter, comes to the island, a landsman, earth-nourished, one of the sons of the oak,


who took the shape of wolves after they cut Nyktimos to pieces; They were older than the moon, and warmed their food of acorn-mast

in the ashes of their fires at dead of winter. He will dig for copper, and will wrench the clods Lykaon is complicated by his positive mission as culture-bringer; cf. Buxton 1987: 73, ForbesIrving 1990: 94, and Fowler 2013: 103-9. Like Prometheus, he illustrates the dangers of performing a civilizing role. It has been suggested that Lykaon could have been the subject of Aeschylus’ satyr-play Leon, see Burnett 1998: 188

481. A three-word line (cf. 63n.), and a particu-

larly powerful and virtuosic one, which condenses much into little. Zeus in disguise visited the lawless fifty sons of Lykaon, who served him the flesh of their brother Nyktimos. Zeus destroyed

some of them with thunderbolts and turned the others into wolves. For these Arkadian werewolves, see esp. Burkert 1983a: 84-93 and Buxton 1987 and 2004: 88-9, who interpret the concluding stage of the myth in terms of an attested, and probably initiatory, ritual which was practised in

n. 42; but the usual explanation (Herakles and the Nemean lion) is likelier.


the region of Mt Lykaon in Arkadia (for a good

family stripped and swam across a lake or pool and stayed out of society for nine years. If he ate no human flesh in that time, he then turned back

into a man, otherwise he stayed a wolf This temporary wildness fits the pattern bic transitions: as often the myth gives an version of what was routinely enacted

for ever. of epheextreme in ritual

(cf. 1141-1173 n. for the Lokrian Maidens). That

is, young men on the verge of manhood were detached from society for a fixed period. For wolf-rituals in Arkadia see also Plato Rep. 565d and Paus. 8. 2. 6. From another point of view, the degrading metamorphosis of Lykaon and/or his sons is the appropriate punishment for violation of the laws of hospitality and for transgression of behav-

ioural boundaries, in particular by attempting to deceive the gods into crossing those boundaries. Compare the case of Tereus, turned into a hoopoe after dreadfully crossing a boundary by ignorantly eating his son Itys (137n.). The

case of

of the


ie. older than, the moon’, see Meyer 1892: 65 n. 1; BN] 62 Theodoros F1 (Dowden). Scarpi 2009: 218

also Aston 2011: 102 and n. sr, 209-10. Pliny the Elder (NH 8. 81, quoting Euanthes (FGrHist


482. πρόσθε μήνης: for the Arkadians as ‘before,

photograph of which, see Buxton 2004: 6-63); see

320 F 1)) said that a young man from a specified


theme in Lyk., see 176 n. (where this is no, (8)).

n. 44 (citing 2 480 and 482). Kall. frag. 191 Pf. (= lambus Y) line 56 with D'Alessio 2007: 584f. n. 24, citing FGrHist 554 Hippys of Rhegion F 7. Pf. cites Wendel, 2 Ap. Rh. 4. 264. φηγίνων πύρνων ὀχήν: for the Arkadians as 'acorn-eaters', see the Delphic oracle given to the Spartans at Hdt.

L 66. 2: πολλοὶ ἐν Ἀρκαδίῃ Balarnpayoı ἄνδρες ἔασιν. Lyk. enjoys inserting mentions of unusually described food: see also 578-579 (Anios’ daughters), 639 (food on Balearics), 677-678

(Kirke’s pigs). For 6x7 as food see Ath. 363 b. The prestige conferred by the supposed antiquity of Arkadia helps to explain the number of foundation legends which claimed Arkadian oikists like Agapenor. For this point see T. Scheer

2010, 484. χαλκωρυχήσει: for the hapax verb, see Guilleux 2009: 227, comparing χαλκωρυχεῖον at Theophr. On Stones 25. This mention of copper-mining on Cyprus is an important extra element in Fraser's argument that Eratosthenes was the source for the Cypriot


The five leaders who will go to Cyprus


βῶλον, δικέλλῃ πᾶν μεταλλεύων γνύθος.


^ > 7 > ^ " odT gírvv ἠνάριξεν Οἰταῖος aróvv£,

βουβῶνος Ev τόρμαισι θρυλίξας δέμας. ^





ἔγνω δ᾽ ὁ τλήμων σὺν κακῷ μαθὼν ἔπος, ὡς πολλὰ χείλευς καὶ δεπαστραίων ποτῶν μέσῳ κυλΐίνδει μοῖρα παμμήστωρ βροτῶν. ὁ δ᾽ αὐτὸς ἀργῷ πᾶς φαληριῶν λύθρῳ €










στόρθυγξ δεδουπὼς τὸν κτανόντ᾽ ἠμύνατο πλήξας ἀφύκτως ἄκρον ὀρχηστοῦ σφυρόν. 23. 396. For the literary theme of boar-wounds,

section (Fraser 1979: 339): Eratosthenes spoke of the copper- and silver-mines at Tamassos in the mountainous centre of the island (for this place

Adonis 7 (Adonis is ‘presumably bleeding to death

see Barr. map 72 Cz; LACP. pp. 1224f.): Strabo 14.

from a ruptured femoral artery’). Shakespeare,

6.5 = Berger frag. IIIB, or.

Venus and Adonis 1115-16 ‘. . . nuzzling in his flank, the loving swine / sheathed unaware the tusk in his soft groin’ derives from Ovid, Met. το, 715-16. Thigh-wounds have been seen as ‘initiatory signals’: see Versnel 1990b: 84 and n. 135, a notion which fits the Argonautic Ankaios better than the Samian king.

486-493. Ankaios, father of Agapenor This Ankaios was son of Lykourgos and one of the Argonauts: Ap. Rh. 1. 164 and 398, who

makes him come from Arkadian Tegea, and puts (See 970. on

him on a level with Herakles for strength. also E. frag. 530. 4-6 TrGF and Suppl. Hell 22-3 and Apollod. 1. 9. 16; Fowler 2013: 215-16 Pherekydes frag. 36.) He was killed by

the Kalydonian boar. Another Ankaios, a son of Poseidon



of Samos, was

also an

usually in the thigh or groin, see Reed on Bion

488—490. μαθὼν ἔπος / ὡς πολλὰ χείλευς καὶ

δεπαστραίων ποτῶν / μέσῳ κυλίνδει μοῖρα παμμήστωρ βροτῶν: the full story was given by Aristotle (frag. 571, from the Constitution of the Samians, and reproduced by, among others, the

Argonaut (Ap. Rh. 1. 185-9) and also killed by a

paroemiographer Zenobios). It may derive from

(different) boar; the ‘many a slip / 'twixt cup and lip'story is usually told about him. See 488-490. To argue that Lyk. has confused the two Ankaioi

the epic poet Asios of Samos; see Huxley 1969: go n.1 (citing Barron 1966: 5-6, who suggests that the winged boar on Samian coins might have

out of mere ignorance—Mooney: Lyk. ‘seems to confuse ...’, cf. also Mair—is to fall into a trap, as

something to do with this story). Small details

see (cf. Lambin, and

vary, but in essence, Ankaios was a vine-growing early king of Samos (Shipley 1987: 25 n. 1 for refs)

Berra 2009: 291 n. 99. The proverb is a transferable comment on the unexpectedness of fate, ἐπὶ

who treated his slaves badly. One of them warned him that he would never taste the wine of his

τῶν παρὰ προσδοκίαν τι πραττόντων (Zenob.).

vineyard. Came

The point is, that it was not to be expected that

to his lips a cup containing the first of the

most other commentators

the massively strong Ankaios son of Lykourgos (486—493 n.) would succumb to a wild boar. 486. στόνυξ: a Euripidean word (Gigante Lanzara 2009: 111 n. 59), cf E. Kyk. 401, as restored by

Scaliger, an expert on Lyk.; see also 795 and 1181.

It was also used (once only) by Ap. Rh. 4. 1679; see Livrea on that passage, also Schade on 795. 487. For βούβων cf. Il 4. 492, where it is a Homeric hapax word (Kirk). For θρυλίξας, cf. I/.

the day when

the king lifted

new vintage, and he sneered at the warner, who

replied πολλὰ μεταξὺ πέλει κύλικος καὶ xelλεος ἄκρου. At that moment news arrived of a savage boar which was ravaging the area, so he put the cup down immediately, went to deal with the animal, but was gored to death. In this form,

the prediction belongs to the same family as that given neatly at Plut. Caes. 63. 5-6 (with Pelling for Plut.’s simplification here), and memorably

drawn on by Shakespeare: a soothsayer had


Ankaios, father of Agapenor

from out of the pit, mining the whole shaft with his mattock. The Oitaian tusk killed his father, shattering his body in the joint of his groin. The wretched man learnt in his agony the meaning of the

485-493 485


that between the lip and the drinking-cup all-inventing mortal fate rolls many surprises. ‘The same tusk, all foaming with glistening blood,


took revenge on its killer as it fell dead,

striking the ankle-tip of the dancer with unerring blow. warned him to beware the Ides of March. On

(cf. Zuntz 1971: 350 and n. 3) in view of trag. frag.

the day, Caesar says to him light-heartedly ‘the

adesp. 129 in TrGF 2, a poem quoted by Diodorus

Ides have come’ and gets the calm reply ‘Yes, they have come, but they have not gone’, and is assassinated. Lyk. has turned the hexameter line into two ingenious iambics. Lyk. does not treat this as an actual prediction by anyone, while taking knowledge of the Samian slave-story for granted. ἔπος has a variety of

(37. 30. 2), line 8: σοὶ δὲ καὶ χθὼν πᾶσα καὶ πόντος καὶ ὁ παμμήστωρ Ἄρης. That poem actually mentions the songs of Orpheus at line 6,

but that does not make it ‘Orphic’ exactly. 491. φαληριῶν: see 188 n. and Rengakos 1994: 121.

λύθρῳ: the word is Homeric, and always found

meanings, including ‘warning’ and ‘oracle’ (see

in the dative singular, see e.g. Id. 6. 268, αἵματι

LSJ), either of which is possible here; but ‘proverb’ (or ‘saw’: Mooney) is particularly attractive here, in view of Hdt. 7. 51. 3 and its subjectmatter: Artabanos advises Xerxes to remember

καὶ λύθρῳ πεπαλαγμένον, with Graziosi and Haubold:

it means ‘the defilement of blood’,

and is always used by Homer with παλάσσω, ‘I spatter’.

the good old proverb which says that the end is 492. στόρθυγξ δεδουπώς: for SeSoumws see 285n. With the ugly στορθύγξ (a favourite word of Lyk. for any kind of spike or spike-like object, see 761, 865, 1406), cf. S. frag. 89 line 4 TrGF (from the Aleadai, a play about the family of

not always obvious at the beginning, τὸ παλαιὸν ἔπος ὡς εὖ εἴρηται, τὸ μὴ ἅμα ἀρχῇ πᾶν τέλος καταφαίνεσθαι. Possibly Lyk., always alert to Hdt., had this passage in mind. Cf. also (with Holzinger) Od. 22. 10-21: Odysseus shoots the suitor Antinoos through the throat while he is in

Telephos) with Gigante Lanzara 2009: 110 n. 58;

the act of lifting a wine-cup to his lips.

also HE 480 (= Antipater of Sidon 46. 5) δικέpatov στόρθυγγα (i.e. antlers) with Gow-Page.

489. χείλευς: Homeric-style contraction for the

Here the tusk is used as part for whole (the boar),

gen. χείλεος. δεπαστραίων: a hapax word, but an obvious formation, from δέπας, ‘a cup’. Perhaps influenced by δέπαστρα at Antimachos frags 19, 20, and



(19, 20,


and is thought of as dying, like the animal itself, as it administers the fatal blow. This line and the

next enact the horror: they are full of ugly sounds in £ and x.

21 Matthews),

cf. Wyss: XLIV; see Hollis 2007: 281. 490. μοῖρα παμμήστωρ:

the apparently neat

493. ὀρχηστοῦ σφυρόν: for the warrior as dancer see 249n. The afflicted part of the body is now the ankle, whereas at 487 it is the groin. This is neither contradiction nor a clumsy description of a

and exact parallel at Orph. frag. 47 Kern, rauunστορι μοίρᾳ, is no longer thought to be the correct reading. See Bernabé (2) frag. 492 (Graf and Johnston 2007: 10-11 no. 4, Greek text and tr.) for the now-preferred reading πάμνηστοι

with whirling feet (the ‘vehicle’) has affected the


main thought of the line (the ‘tenor’. See Silk




double wound; rather, the metaphor of the dancer


However, the old reading still has its attractions

1974: 9 for these terms).


The five leaders who will go to Cyprus


τρίτος δὲ τοῦ μάρψαντος ἐκ κοίλης πέτρας κέλωρ γίγαντος ὅπλα, τοῦ ποτ᾽ els λέχος ,














λαθραῖον αὐτόκλητος Tóaía πόρις ἡ ζῶσ᾽ ἐς Ἅιδην ἵξεται καταιβάτις θρήνοισιν ἐκτακεῖσα, Movvírov rokds: ὃν δὴ ποτ᾽ ἀγρώσσοντα Κρηστώνης ἔχις 495 497 498


Τοῦ τὸν ABCD ἡ Potter 7 MSS Μουνίχου Wilamowitz 1880: 118 n. 62

himself, but the Epic Cycle (Little Iliad frag. 17

494-585. No. (3) Akamas

and Thou Persis frag. 6 with West 20134: 215 and The

central panel

of the

section devoted


this group of five Cyprus oikists is by far the largest, and concerns—with digressions—Theseus’ son Akamas. Of his two sons (the other was Demophon), Akamas tended to be associated most often and most particularly with overseas

241) told how the brothers rescued their grandmother Aithra, mother of Theseus, which is why

see FGrHist 382 Lysimachos of Alexandria Fg (cf. 1208n. for Ophryneion), and Erskine 2001: 107-8; for Thrace, see Aeschin. 2. 31. But sometimes

they went to Troy. (Aithra was in Troy because she had been taken there by Helen as her servant, after the Dioskouroi had released their juvenile sister Helen who had been abducted by Theseus. See I/. 3. 144, which may, however, be a confusion or an Athenian interpolation, see the comms of Willcock and Kirk, also Lightfoot 1999: 480 and n. 282). Whether or not they took other booty was disputed in antiquity: the author of the Sack of Troy said that ‘Agamemnon gave gifts to the sons of Theseus’. See West 2003: 147 and 151

Demophon features instead, as at Apollod. ep. 6.

(arg. 4 and frag. 6).

15c-16 (Thrace then Cyprus, cf. Gantz 1993: 701;

Lyk. also knows of and alludes to another myth, according to which Akamas and Diomedes went to Troy to try to negotiate the return of Helen. It was on this occasion that Akamas and Priams daughter Laodike had a sexual liaison

activity and settlement, cf. E. Ke[arns], OCD*

'Acamas: ‘The usual distinguishing feature of Acamas is his interest in distant places’. For Akamas in the Troad and Hellespontine region,

Finglass 2013a for Egypt acc. Stes.). These are areas of Athenian interest from the 6th cent. onwards, so it is an obvious possibility that the myths con-

necting Akamas with the N and NE Aegean were manipulated or even invented for political reasons

(initiated by the infatuated

in the Athens of the sth-cent. Delian League

gave birth to Mounitos (316ff. Kassandra gives double coverage to the sister who in Homer was

period. See Lightfoot 1999: 480 and cf. Hdt 5. 95




(Sigeion) with my comm. The specific connection

her equal in beauty, and the poet is able, in the

made by Lyk. between Akamas (not Demophon)

middle of a digression, to keep Kassandra's family and their fate before our eyes). See Parthenios

and Cyprus is not found in a surviving author older than Lyk. (not, for instance in the epic Nostoi, see West 2013a: 250 and n. 8), but was known to Strabo (14. 6. 3, foundation of Soloi by Akamas together with Phaleros, source not identifiable with certainty. Another tradition connected Solon with Soloi, but for this see my n. on Hdt. s.

113. Hopeful Athenian political myth-making has been at work in both these traditions about Soloi).

Akamas and Demophon do not feature in Homer, any more than does their father Theseus

XVI (of which we have only the 'manchette' or ancient summary, with Lightfoot 1999: 479 and nn. 231 and 238; also Euphorion frags 98

and (perhaps) 186 Lightfoot. See also FGrHist 391 Hegesippos F 4 (from the ancient summary of Parthenios XVI), perhaps the common source of Lyk. and Euphorion, acc. Jacoby; cf. Lightfoot 1999: 479. S. dealt with the mission to Troy in his lost play the Demand for Helen, but few frags survive (176-180a TrGF), and it may have



Cypriot leader (3), Akamas

The third is the son of the man who took the giant’s weapons from the hollow rock. To his furtive bed


the Idaian heifer shall come, self-summoned, she who will descend, still living, to Hades,

emaciated with grief, the mother of Mounitos; whom once, when he is out hunting, a Krestonian viper featured Odysseus and Diomedes (the usual pair

ποτ᾽. This entails (1) taking the (postponed) i£e-

of ambassadors). See also Sistakou 2008: 138.

ται with ‘bed’ as the destination of the verb, (2) taking Hades as the destination of καταιβάτις,

494-495. τρίτος δὲ τοῦ μάρψαντος ἐκ κοίλης πέτρας κέλωρ γίγαντος ὅπλα: the referent of τοῦ μάρψαντος is Akamas’ father Theseus. Theseus’ own

and (3) reading ἡ ζῶσα at 497 (in apposition to Ἰδαία πόρις) not ἢ ζῶσα.

father, the Athenian king Aigeus,

496. αὐτόκλητος: the girl came of her own free will, like Medea at 1317, where the same word will

is called ‘giant’ either as outsize hero, see 177n., or because of his descent from earthborn Erecththeus,

be used. It is tragic diction; see S. Tr. 392 (but A. Eum.17o is active, and means that Apollo himself

see Berra 2009: 309 and Massa-Pairault 2009: 488.

Aigeus left a sword and sandals—but the latter

did the inviting; see Sommersteins

are hardly a ‘weapon’, ómAov—under a rock, after

impregnating Aithra in Troizen. He told her that if she gave birth to a boy she should tell him, when he grew up, to lift the rock and he would find the objects. See Kall. frag. 235 Pf. = 9 Hollis, from

(Iphigeneia) and n.

497. See 316-318 for Laodike, who was swallowed

up by the earth and so avoided capture and slavery; and cf. next n. ἡ ζῶσα: see 495n.

the Hekate: ἐν γάρ μιν Τροιζῆνι κολουραΐίῃ ὑπὸ πέτρῃ / θῆκε σὺν ἁρπίδεσσιν, with Hollis 2007: 285 (and note that Hollis 2007: 283-6 reckons that among Kall.’s poems, it is ‘easiest to establish links

498. θρήνοισιν

cf. Hek. 433-4, ἐκτέτηκα καρδίαν

See also Paus. 1. 27. 8, Plut. 75es. 3. 7, Apollod. 3. 15. 7. The sword then enabled Aigeus to recognize his

the subject of the section has had furtive sex with

/ θρήνοισι

for suicide, it is amplification rather than contradiction of 318, where she acts because she sees her approaching doom, 499-500. Κρηστώνης ἔχις / κτενεῖ: in Parthenios XVI (see 494-585 n.), Mounitos dies at Olynthos in Chalkidike; so Krestonia, the area north of the later Thessalonike, between the rivers Axios

and Strymon (Barr, map. 50 C3) is an imprecise way of saying ‘Thrace’. Konon (FGrHist 26 Fr IV

Theseus will turn out to be Akamas or Demophon, because both could be said to have gone to Cyprus,


handed over by Aithra (to whose care he had been entrusted). If this is offered as her motive

son when he arrived at Athens, as at Ovid Met. 7.

422-3. See D'Alessios comm. on the Kall. frag.: ‘un tipico motivo di folk-tale’, to be connected both with initiatory rituals and with themes of recognition as featured in tragedy (he presumably means

a Trojan girl (Idaian heifer’, 496), we do not know whether the son (xeAwp, cf. E. “πάν. 1034) of


μητρός, and Or. 869, ἐξετηκόμην γόοις. Mounitos (or -ichos, see app. crit.) is, unusually, named without periphrasis. Laodike is here represented as distraught when her son was

rowing, Lyk. is the borrower. See further s40n.).

There is a brief tease here: until we are told that


the participle is from ἐκτήκω, a Euripidean verb,

between Lycophron and the Hecale’; he thinks it likely that Kall. wrote first, and that if there is bor-

e.g. E. Jon) and New Comedy.


Ἰδαία röpıs: for the noun (‘heifer’ = girl) see 184

see 494-585 n. On 495-503 see Stirpe 2001.

with Lightfoot 1999: 480) told a similar story about the mythical Olynthos son of Strymon,

495-497. We should follow one MS (Palatinus)

and most editors in reading τοῦ ποτ᾽ eis λέχος

who was killed in a hunting accident and buried there by his father, who then founded the city to

(i.e. ‘to whose bed’ refers to Akamas’bed) not τὸν

which he gave his son's name.



The five leaders who will go to Cyprus

κτενεῖ πατάξας πτέρναν ἀγρίῳ βέλει


ὅταν τεκόντος αἰχμάλωτος εἰς χέρας ἡ πατρομήτωρ τὸν δνόφῳ τεθραμμένον

βάλῃ νεογνὸν σκύμνον. ἧ μόνῃ ζυγὸν δούλειον ἀμφήρεισαν Ἀκταίων λύκοι τῆς ἁρπαγείσης ἀντίποινα θυιάδος,


ὧν ὀστράκου στρόβιλος ἐντετμημένος

κόρσην σκεπάζει ῥῦμα φοινίου δορός. τὰ δ᾽ ἄλλα θριπόβρωτος ἄψαυστος δόμων

σφραγὶς δοκεύει, θάμβος ἐγχώροις μέγα. ἃ δὴ πρὸς ἄστρων κλίμακα στήσει δρόμον 507


σκεπάζει Hermann 1834: 241 σκεπάσει MSS

500. πτέρναν: literal use of a word used metaphorically/geographically at 442. 501. ὅταν: lit. ‘when’, but Mounitos’ death as an

adult has just been mentioned, so we must translate ‘after’ to avoid the nonsense of his simultaneous transfer as a baby from Aithra to Akamas. 502. ἡ πατρομήτωρ: Aithra was mother of Theseus, the father of Akamas, the father of Mounitos. The noun is very rare; at Lucian Alex. 58 it means ‘mother's father’. τὸν δνόφῳ

τεθραμμένον: that is, illegitimate (496), cf. I7. 6.24 (Boukolion), σκότιον δέ € γείνατο μήτηρ, or King Lear Act 5 scene 3 (Edgar to the bastard Edmund about their father Gloucester): ‘the dark and

vicious place where thee he got / cost him his eyes’. 503-568. The Dioskouroi and the Apharetidai

(Idas and Lynkeus) The link between Akamas and his grandmother Aithra enables Lyk. to dilate on the Dioskouroi, and on the Apharetidai with whom they fought, as narrated by Pi. N. 10, Theok. 22 (with Sens

1997), and see Tzetzes. The sequence was set in motion by an episode from before the Trojan War,

the abduction of Helen, when a young girl, by Theseus and Peirithoos (505), who took her to Aphidna in N. Attica. Her Spartan brothers the Dioskouroi set off to rescue her, and did so, other-

wise taking with them only Theseus’ Aithra in revenge (503-505, and for their in other respects 508-509). Hdt. 9. 73 story, in order to explain the good

mother restraint tells the relations

between the Spartans and the demesmen of Dekeleia, who disapproved of Theseus’ Aybris and therefore showed the Dioskouroi the way to Aphidna, 8 km. to the E. of Dekeleia. The rescue

by the Dioskouroi was probably the subject of a

poem by Stesichoros, $166 SLG, where Page assigned it to Ibykos, and M. Davies followed him, but West 1969: 142-9 (not followed by Davies

and Finglass 2014: 606) preferred Stesichoros, as did Lobel in P. Oxy. 2735 frag. 1. See 354. In narrative

terms, Aithra

is the initial en-

abling link, at any rate. Near the end of the long dilation, the Trojan Kassandra will link the Dioskouroi and Apharetidai to the Troy theme by means of a different and new idea, namely that the gods have arranged the deaths of these Greek heroes so as to help the Trojans before the war has even started (567-568). For the Dioskouroi, see Burkert 1985: 212-13; LIMC 3.1: 567-8 (esp. 582 nos 174-8 for the rescue of Helen after her abduction by Theseus); Gantz

1993: 323-8; and R. C. T. P[arker], OCD*. 504. Ἀκταίων λύκοι: Akte is Attica (mo-ıın.), and the Dioskouroi are ‘wolves of Attica’ because of their invasion, see 503-568n. The Apharetidai will also be ‘wolves’ at 524 (Sistakou 2009: 252), but the animal imagery is particularly varied in this section, thus at 555 the Dioskouroi are lions who are weaker than the Apharetidai who are bulls. 505. θυιάδος: see 143 and n. for this word (in effect, ‘maenad’)


of the

adult Helen, but

hardly appropriate to a young girl: Hellanikos said


Dioskouroi and Apharetidai, Idas and Lynkeus will kill, striking his heel with its fierce sting,

500-510 500

after his grandfather’s mother, the prisoner, has placed in his father’s hands the child reared in darkness, the young cub. On her alone the Aktaian wolves

fixed the yoke of slavery, in requital for the abduction of the maenad. Their heads were covered by the sliced ball of an eggshell, a protection against the bloody spear.


Everything else in the house is guarded by the intact woodworm-eaten

seal, a great marvel to the local people. This will erect a ladder to the way of the stars


that Helen was seven years old when abducted by the Athenian Theseus (FGrHist 4 F 168b, Tzetzes

508-509. These two lines are an elaborate way of saying that the Dioskouroi left Attica untouched,

on the present passage), and was dancing at the temple of Artemis Orthia at Sparta (168a, from Plut. Thes. 31). It is possible that the myth was popular and embroidered at the time of late

Helen. The comparison is to a house whose seals are intact, i.e. not burgled.

apart from the seizure of Aithra and the rescue of

508. Opımößpwros: cf. Aristoph. 75. 427, about Euripides: ἐδίδαξε θριπήδεστ᾽ ἔχειν σφραγίδια. Sommersteins n. on that passage explains this

archaic and classical tensions between Athenians and Spartans. See Fowler 2013: 489 (esp. for the

vase published in 1986, depicting the happy wedding of Theseus and Helen: Shapiro 1992).

type of seal: ‘quite literally pieces of wood (usually oak) in which woodworm had etched patterns

506-507. ὧν ὀστράκου στρόβιλος Evrerunuevos / κόρσην σκεπάζει: cf. 88-89, which the present passage closely echoes (esp. 89, στρόβιλον ὠστρακωμένην), and n. there. The half-eggshell here refers to the pilos or soft helmet worn by the

virtually impossible to copy’, similarly Austin

Dioskouroi, in supposed allusion to the egg or

Rougier-Blanc 2009: 547.

and Olson. For the compound

word, a hapax,

see Guilleux 2009: 230-1; it is one of several

in -Bpwros (760, ἁλίβωτος, 1199 παιδόβρωτος). For the symbolism of bolts and bars in Lyk., see

eggs from which Helen, Klytaimestra, and their

509. θάμβος... μέγα: for the noun see I7. 24. 482 and other poetic passages cited at CT III: 391 (on Th. 6. 31. 6, an unusual non-poetic instance, but in

twin brothers (or some of the four) were born.

So 2, ὀστράκον' τοῦ mod ἐξ of ἐγένοντο, where the plural verb refers to the Dioskouroi. (The distribution of babies to eggs is variously

a highly charged and rhetorical context), and for the combination μέγα θάμβος, Ap. Rh. 4. 1673 with Livrea. For the verb θαμβέω see Hdt. 1. 111. 4.

given by the sources and is very complicated, see Gantz 1993: 320-1.) The hemispherical pilos is, however, not characteristic of the iconography

510. Because the Dioskouroi spared Attica, they will receive cult there (but the twins were protectors of sailors, cf. HHDiosk., and this role— hinted at in 514—is surely an extra explanation of their importance for Athens, a naval power from

of the Dioskouroi before the Hellenistic period, and may actually have been borrowed from the regular headgear of other saviour figures such as the Kabeiroi, or the Samothracian Great Gods: LIMC 3. 1: 592. For the Dioskouroi as ‘benefactors and saviours’, see Plut. hes. 33. 1 (Athens), and cf. sxon. 507. ῥῦμα: cf. (with the genitive, as here) A. frag. 353 TrGF, ῥῦμα τῶν πολλῶν κακῶν.

the archaic period). For heroization as a path to the stars, cf. V. A. 9. 641 ‘macte nova virtute, puer, sic itur ad astra', with P. Hardie's n.; and for the

Dioskouroi in particular, Hor. Odes 3. 3. 9-10, ‘hac

arte Pollux et vagus Hercules / enisus arces attigit


The five leaders who will go to Cyprus


τοῖς ἡμιθνήτοις διπτύχοις Λαπερσίοις, οὗς μήποτ᾽, ὦ Ζεῦ σῶτερ, εἰς πάτραν ἐμὴν στείλαις ἀρωγοὺς τῇ δισαρπάγῳ κρεκί, μηδὲ πτερωτὰς ὁπλίσαντες ὁλκάδας ^





πρύμνης ἀπ᾽ ἄκρας γυμνὸν αἰψηρὸν πόδα eis Βεβρύκων ῥίψειαν ἐκβατηρίαν, 3






μήδ᾽ οἱ λεόντων τῶνδε καρτερώτεροι, ἀλκὴν ἄμικτοι, τοὺς Ἄρης ἐφίλατο, 3






καὶ di Ἐνυώ, καὶ Tpvyévvqros θεὰ *






igneas’, where ‘Pollux’ does duty for both twins, see Nisbet and Rudd on that passage and on 3. 29. 63-4. The notion is specially appropriate to the Dioskouroi if they were catasterized as the constellation Gemini, the ‘Twins’; cf. Tzetzes, who

cites E. Or. 1631. But see OCD* ‘constellations and named stars’ at p. 367: (a) the sign-name is very old, and derives from Babylonian Mash-Mash (‘twins’) and (b) there were other Greek candi-

dates as well (e.g. Amphion and Zethos, Herakles and Apollo). In Attica, the Dioskouroi received cult under the

name ‘Anakes’ (Plut. Thes. 33. 2 tries to explain the name): Parker 2005a: 72 n. 88 (sacrifices to Helen

together with the Anakes/Dioskouroi) and 404 with n. 67 for theoxeny (divine hospitality) offered to the twins at the Athens Prytaneion. They were initiated at Eleusis in Attica according to Xen. Hell. 6. 3. 6 (speech of Kallias the Torchbearer at Sparta,

referring to them as ‘your citizens’), and Plut. Zhes. 33, making clear (cf. 32. 3) that this took place on the occasion of their invasion to recover Helen; see

Parker 1996: 99 and For the ladder, 2009: 550, who sees tectural touches in

n. 133. κλίμαξ, see Rougier-Blanc it as one of many small archiLyk.


Polydeukes the option of full immortality for himself, or half-immortality shared with Kastor. Without hesitating, Polydeukes ‘set free the eye and then the voice of bronze-armoured Kastor’ (89-90) i.e. he caused his brother to be restored to life on those shared terms. See also Pi. P. τι. 61-4. For διπτύχοις see 239n. ‘Lapersian’ is said to

derive from the sacking (πορθῶ) of the S. Lakonian city of Las (94-95n.), or possibly from λαοί, ‘people’ (see Tzetzes for both suggestions). The word recurs at 1369, where Zeus Lapersios is Agamemnon, and the epithet surely indicates

Sparta, despite I. See n. there. For the Dioskouroi as Lapersai see S. frag. 957 TrGF, νὴ τὼ Aumépaa. 512. οὗς μήποτ᾽,

ὦ Ze)




that the Dioskouroi should not come to rescue Helen a second time, i.e. take part in the main

"Trojan War, is held to have been answered favourably by the time we reach 567-568: Kassandra there says that the god will indeed grant Troy a brief remedy i.e. remission by eliminating the Dioskouroi and Apharetidai before the start of the war (see also 535-536). The Dioskouroi were themselves a saviour pair, so the invocation to Zeus in this capacity (1210n.) is neat.

on Olympos and a day in Hades (see further

513. For ἀρωγούς cf. 360 and 536 with nn. The *twice-snatched corncrake’ is Helen (the first abductor is Theseus, the second Paris). For κρέξ see Euphorion frag. 6 Lightfoot (‘the hated corn-

564-566). See Od. 11. 299-304 (but at J/. 3.243 they are simply dead). Pi. N. 10. 55-90 explains that this came about by an act of wonderful brotherly love by Polydeukes: Kastor was killed by Idas, one of the two Apharetidai (below). Zeus then gave

Tzetzes, who also quotes Kall. frag. 428 Pf. in similar vein (this bird a very bad omen to those getting married). Kassandra's allusion to Helens marital history (for her five marriages see 143) is

sır. The Dioskouroi were ‘half-mortal’ in a special sense: they took it in turns to spend a day

crake sang of the bad marriage’), quoted by


Dioskouroi and Apharetidai, Idas and Lynkeus

for the half-divine Lapersian twins. Zeus Saviour, may you never send them to my fatherland as helpers of the twice-snatched corncrake, nor let them arm their winged ships, and, leaping from the topmost poop, set their swift naked feet on the Bebrykian landing-place; nor may those others do so, who are even stronger than those



two lions,

unmatched in might, beloved of Ares and divine Enyo and the goddess who was born three times, obvious Ἑλένῃ, Lyk. abouts,

and malicious; as & says κρεκὶ δὲ τῇ τουτέστι τῇ κακονύμφῳ. plays on the idea of doubleness herecf. s11 διπτύχοις, 521 διπλοῖ.

For the Apharetidai (or Apharidai) see LIMC 1. 1. 877, also 3. 1 (Dioskouroi’) 604f., and 626f.;

Gantz 1993: 324-7; and A. H. G[riffiths], OCD* 'Idas and Lynceus’. They were sons of Aphareus, king of Messenia (cf. Sens 1997: 213 on Μεσσήνιος

514. The ref. to ships hints at the nautical role of

at Theok. 22. 208), so that the myth of their battle

the Dioskouroi, cf. stron. Normally ὁλκάδες (lit. '[ships] towed’) were merchant-ships, so that

with the Dioskouroi (already in the Kypria, frag. 17 at West 2003: 97) is Spartan-Messenian Spartan Dioskouroi fight was variously

‘arming’ them (i.e. fitting them out) is a paradox. 515-516. πόδα / els Βεβρύκων ῥίψειαν ἐκβατηρίαν: in Ap. Rh. 2, 1-163 the Bebrykians and their

partly a signifier for historical antipathies, cf. sosn. for the and Athens. The origin of the given: either the Dioskouroi

king Amykos live at the E. end of the Propontis,

tried to steal the daughters of Leukippos, who







of the

Mariandynoi (line 140); see also Suppl. Hell. 339A

line 2. That episode involved a boxing match in which Polydeukes killed Amykos, so the name Bebrykians is apt here. For ‘Bebrykian’ meaning

‘Trojan’ (not a precise usage geographically) cf. 1305 and 1474, and Euphorion frag. 75 Lightfoot. Sens 2010: 306-7 says that this recalls an Argonautic episode not treated by Lyk. For ῥίπτω πόδα cf. 279, where it was used about another leap ashore at Troy, that taken by Achilles. &«Barnpiav: Holzinger capitalized, seeing a hint at an epiklesis (Aphrodite?). 517-564. The Apharetidai 517. μήδ᾽ οἱ λεόντων τῶνδε καρτερώτεροι: these are the Apharetidai, Idas and Lynkeus, who are ‘stronger than the lions’ ie. than the Dioskouroi. The grammatical connection with what precedes is loose; presumably the verb ῥίψειαν (516) has to be understood. Anyway, the idea is that Kassandra hopes that neither the Dioskouroi nor their equally Greek foes the Apharetidai will ‘set foot’ on Bebrykian landingplaces i.e. come against ‘Troy.


to the Apharetidai



137-213), or else (Kypria arg. 2 and frag. 16, West 2003: 71 and gs, and Pi.N. 10. 60 f£.) the Apharetidai were to blame, for stealing cattle. Lyk. prefers the first version (549, but see n. there; and for the occasion of the quarrel see 538-539 n.), but at the same time offers what can be seen as a third or ultimate explanation (Gantz 1993: 324, cf. Holzinger on 543): Zeus was responsible, because he wanted, by removing conspicuous Greek heroes from the chess-board, to postpone the fall of Troy by

making things harder for the Greeks. For Idas' fight against Apollo over Marpessa see 561n. Both pairs of brothers were Argonauts, and they all joined in the hunt for the Kalydonian boar: Apollod. 1.9. 16 and τ. 8. 2. 518-519. ἀλκὴν ἄμικτοι, τοὺς Ἄρης ἐφίλατο / kai 0C Ἐνυώ, καὶ Τριγέννητος θεά: the meaning

οἔἄμικτος is given by Ciani as ‘ferus’, i.e. ‘savage’, as of the Kyklops at E. Kyk. 429, but there and elsewhere the idea seems rather to be ‘unsociable’, and this does not obviously suit the

Apharetidai, nor does the adjective make good sense as applied to ἀλκή. Here the idea seems


The five leaders who will go to Cyprus


Βοαρμία Aoyyáris Opodwis Bia. οὐκ ἄν, τὰ χειρώνακτες ἐργάται διπλοῖ, 5





Δρύμας τε καὶ Πρόφαντος,




ὁ Κρώμνης ἀναξ,

rather to be ‘matchless’sc. in strength (both Mair and Mooney have ‘unapproachable’), though this is not easy to parallel from other authors. The linkage of Ares (with Enyo, 463n.) and Athena is of religious importance. The standard structuralist explanation of the pairing is that the gods are antithetical and complementary: Ares stands for the destructive, chaotic aspect of war, and Athena for its ordered and orderly side (see e.g. Burkert 1985: 141). Deacy 2000

modifies this—without however referring to the present passage—arguing that both Athena and Ares embody war's contradictions. See further next n.: the presumed personification of Athena

as ‘Force’, ‘Violence’, certainly fits this more nuanced account.

Athena’s description as ‘goddess three times born’, Τριγέννητος θεά, is explained by 2 and Tzetzes in various ways (she is the moon, which appears on the third day after its conjunction with the sun, or maybe she was born on the third of the month, FGrHist 124 Kallisthenes Fs4, or on the third from the end of the month if we add φθίνοvros with Jacoby; Trito is the Boiotian word for ‘head’, and she was bom from the head of

daughter of Zeus. Evidently, Lyk. did not take this view: Tpeyevvnros imposes an explanation in terms of ‘three’. M. West 2007: 260 n. 71 suggests that "Ihird' in names like Τριτογένεια

may have been a ‘poetic or hieratic code-name fully comprehensive knowledge".




520. Boappia Aoyyärıs Ὁμολωὶς Bia: Athena; the typical asyndetic accumulation of cult-epithets (Introduction section 11) has particular point here because of the last in the sequence, which com-

bines Athena Bía with Ares and Enyo to indicate the atmosphere of violence which characterizes the fight between Dioskouroi and Apharetidai. See Sistakou 2009: 245.

Boarmia is said by Σ᾽ and Tzetzes to be a Boiotian epithet of Athena. Schachter 1981-94: 1. 134 merely registers this statement, and adds

‘Boarmia would appear to be derived from oxen and ploughing’; so already Tzetzes (cf. 359n. for

Βούδεια), and see Decourt 2009: 385 for a possible link with Zeus Thaulios. However, Decourt

2009: 385-6 again (see 359 n., as above) prefers to take the word in a passive and apotropaic sense,

Zeus; etc.). The adjective is probably (Holzinger) a

the goddess who does not wish to be yoked in

variant of the cult epithet Τριτογένεια, itself obscure (cf. M. West on Hes. 75. 895, ‘original

marriage. Hurst 2012: 74 sees an oblique reference to the Apharetidai. Longatis is also, i.e. like Boarmia, said by 2 and Tzetzes to be Boiotian. For a possible Boiotian cult of Athene Longatis see the very

meaning ... uncertain’);





discussion in LSJ? and the ancient refs at Davies and Finglass 2014: 534-5. It was sometimes derived from Athenas supposed birthplace, near the River Triton or Lake Tpırwvis in Libya (A. Eum. 292-3 with Sommerstein) or even a torrent called Triton

at Alalkomenai in Boiotia (Schachter 1981-94: 1.114). Diod. 1. 12. 8 maintains the connection with

‘three’, explaining that Athena is Τριτογένεια because her nature changes three times a year, in

spring, summer, and winter. But at Z/. 4. 515 the iota must be long, whereas that of τρίτος is short. A modern suggestion (see Chantraine, and Kirk

on Z7. 4. 515) is that this is ‘metrical lengthening’, and that the name resembles Tritopateres, genu-

ine ancestors, Athena will thus be the genuine

conjectural restorations of Athena Aloyyärı] in two Tanagraian dedications (JG 7. 553 and 2463): Schachter 1981-94: 1. 129 (cf. ACP. p. 453, from entry no. 220, Tanagra). But there is considerable doubt about these readings, see SEG 31. 497. "Tzetzes claims that there was a Boiotian place,

χωρίον, called Aoyyds, but he may just be guessing; at any rate, there is no supporting evidence at present. The only other place-name resembling the epithet is the variously spelt Longane in Sicily, LACP: no. 35. See 1032 (where Aoyyärıs is again Áthena, and the context is unequivocally Sicilian) and n. also 868n. on Zoyyoópov



Dioskouroi and Apharetidai, Idas and Lynkeus the Yoker, Longatis, Homolois, the Forceful.


For nothing that those two hard-working handymen,

Drymas and Prophantos, lord of Kromna,

see Paus. 2. 4. 7 (cf. L4CP: p. 468) for a cult of

μυχῶν for the Sicilian city Longane and river Longanos. Athena OpoAwis is said to be Athenian (παρὰ Ἀθηναίοις) by the old Σ' to Marc. 476, ed. Kinkel; but this was emended by Scheer to παρὰ Θηβαίοις, cf. Tzetzes, Ὁμολωὶς δὲ τιμᾶται παρὰ Θηβαίοις. Ὁμολωΐδες γὰρ πύλαι Θηβῶν, ἀπὸ Ὁμολωίδος, τῆς Νιόβης θυγατρός. The location of the Homoloid gate of Thebes is uncertain, but assumed to be on the E. of the city, S. of the Proitid gate. See Mastronarde 1994: 650 and map at 648, where it is marked as δ᾽, Schachter 1981—94:

personified Violence (together with Necessity) at Korinth: Ἀνάγκης kai Bias ἐστὶν ἱερόν. For the contextual significance of Bia here see 518-519 n. 521-524. The thought here is that Troy, a city built

by Apollo and Poseidon, would not last a single day against the onslaught of the Apharetidai. 521. χειρώνακτες ἐργάται: these words are similar in meaning, and both can be either adjectives

or nouns. It seems best to take the second adjectivally, ‘industrious’. There is a play on ἄναξ, which will close the following line, 522, and

1. 134 (cf. Jacoby on FGrHist 379, Komm. note 9)

suggested that the attribution to Athena is a mistake for Demeter or Zeus (see R.-E. ‘Homoloia’ citing the Suda o 275 Adler for Ὁμολωία and Ὁμολώιος as epithets of these two gods, and see


above) derived the name Homolois from a daugh-


of the


king, but this time the word is κοίρανος. For the building of Troy by Apollo and Poseidon see e.g. Pi. O. 8. 31-6, and 523 n. for their cheating by Laomedon. Cf. also 617.

(husband of

Niobe), acc. FGrHist 383 Aristodemos of Thebes Fsa (2 E. PA. 119), who rejects the derivation (subscribed to by Σ᾽ Lyk., see above) from a daughter of Niobe called Homolois. Aristophanes of Boiotia (FGrHist 379 F 2, cited by the Suda, as


his hands’ (LSJ). At 523 we will have yet another

further below for Zeus and Demeter); but this is a risky sort of assumption where Lyk. is concerned. Homoloeus was a son of Amphion


xetpwvaé, i.e. χειρῶν ἄναξ, ‘one who is master of

522. Aptpas re καὶ Πρόφαντος,

ὁ Κρώμνης

ἄναξ: that is, Apollo and Poseidon. δρύμας is said by Tzetzes to be a Milesian epiklesis of

Apollo, Ἀπόλλων, παρὰ Μιλησίοις. This puzzleepithet is not easily solved from conventional Greek epigraphy, but Linear B offers a clue. A gold vase from Pylos (Tn 316) has the name

ter of Enyeus, sent as a prophetess to Delphi. For Zeus Homoloios see Z on the present line; L. Robert 1960: 238 n. 6 (discussing Boiotian names in ‘Opod-, cf. already Usener 1896: 354) and Schachter 1981-94: 3. 120-2, 148 and n. 3 (for the sth-cent dedication IG 7. 2456, and cf. SEG 26.

(who may also have been designated in Linear B by some form of the name Paion). Rougemont

585). For Ὁμολώιος as a Boiotian month-name, derived from Zeus Homoloios, see ISE: no. 64

2005: 375, in the course of a very full discussion of cult epithets in Linear B, does not seek to explain

line 2. Demeter


also perhaps

Drimios, di-ri-mi-jo, who is son of Zeus. This is

thought by Mycenaean specialists to be Apollo


(Schachter 1981-94: 1. 168).

or derive it. The vowels v and ı are not identical,

but Linear B experts nevertheless offer etymolo-

Bia is personified force or violence, Ciaceri

gies for di-ri-mi-jo from either δριμύς, ‘sharp’,

and Mooney compare Athena’s Boiotian title Ἀλαλκομενηίς, i.e. they assume that that has a

‘piercing’; or else δρυμός, ‘copse’, ‘thicket’: Garcia

root ἀλκή, strength‘, but this epithet (connected

with the polis Alalkomenai, ZACP: no. 199) is far from transparent, see Schachter 1981-94: 1. 11-14.


analogy with another of Athena's

epithets, Σθένεια, is better, see 1164 and n., and

Ramón 2011: 230; cf. E. Aura Jorro, Diccionario Micénico vol. 1 (Madrid, 1985), entry under di-rimi-jo. 1 am grateful to Stephen Colvin for these

refs. Oddly enough, the noun δρυμός first occurs in prose in the Molpoi inscription from Miletos (sth cent. sc), Rehm 1914: no. 133 line 28. Lyk. has,


The five leaders who will go to Cyprus


ἐλατύπησαν κοιράνῳ ψευδωμότῃ, Ev ἦμαρ ἀρκέσειε πορθηταῖς λύκοις, >




στέξαι βαρεῖαν ἐμβολὴν ῥαιστηρίαν, καίπερ πρὸ πύργων τὸν Kavaorpatov μέγαν ἐγχώριον γίγαντα δυσμενῶν μοχλὸν ᾽






ἔχοντα, καὶ τὸν πρῶτον εὐστόχῳ βολῇ μαιμῶντα τύψαι ποιμνίων ἀλάστορα.

however, played virtually no part in the argument

detail by Lyk. (1379; see also Hdt. 9. 97). So Lyk.,

Hat. 5. 63. 2 and 9. 93. 4), and thus more suited to Apollo than to Poseidon; but the run of the line precludes this. ‘King of Kromna’ is also Poseidon. 2 identifies this Kromna as the Paphlagonian city (ICP. no. 723) and says there was a temple of Poseidon there; but also cites Kall. (frag. 384 Pf, see Pf. vol. I p. 312, on line 12) for a Korinthian Kromnos. This place (not a polis) is now epigraphically attested at

when narrating an episode of vast antiquity (a episode from long before the main Trojan War), seems to have chosen a venerable epithet indeed. (But Poseidon’s descriptors "Prophantos' and ‘lord of Kromna’ are not noticeably ancient; see below.)

Bc); cf. LACP: p. 466, part of no. 227 (Korinth), citing Lyk. Poseidon was well established at Korinth, see Pi. Οἱ 13 and the Korinthiancontrolled sanctuary of Poseidon at the Isthmia;

hitherto, though see below. (In regard to spelling, we should recall—see above on Kastnia—that Lyk. sometimes gives epithets in slightly eccentric forms.) There is a slight link between Miletos and


Pylos, because


son of

Kodros, a younger kinsman of Pylian Nestor, founded Miletos, according to a myth treated in







approach to the epithet Apó might start from

Korinth, see SEG 22. 219 (late 4th/early 3rd cent.

but that does not prove 2’s first suggestion wrong. For a Spartan Kromnos see IACP: no. 334.

the Phokian place-name Drymos. An inscribed Hellenistic agreement about financial matters, between Drymos and the Oitaian federation, is best interpreted as having an amphiktionic aspect. This would bring us to Apollo by another


route, because one of the creditors was his sanc-

λατομεῖον and suchlike formations. The perjuror

tuary at Delphi. There is no reason why this approach should exclude the other, Mycenaean, explanation: in Lyk., things are often neither set-

king is Laomedon, see 34 n. for his cheating of the two gods; in that opening section of Kassandras speech, the background here given was not spelt

tled nor stable. Indeed, the Phokian city has fea-

out. (Lyk. is sometimes more helpful second time round.) Cf. V. G. 1. 502, 'Laomedonteae luimus

tured in explanations of the Mycenaean word di-ri-mi-jo. For Drymos see LACP: no. 178; for the agreement, see IG 9. 12 226-30 (after 167 nc),





admirable three-word line, cf. 63 n. The first word,

a hapax (Guilleux 2009: 227; but cf. S. frag. 530 TrGF for Adrurros, ‘stonemason), is related to

periuria Troiae".

with SEG 53. 491. Cf. Stella 1958: 26—7 and n. 27, explaining Mycenaean di-ri-mi-jo on these lines (and citing Tzetzes on 533). Mynors on V. G. 3. 336 wondered if there was a connection between Cyrene's woodland nymph

524. λύκοις: see so4 n.

Drymo in V. and Apollo's epithet in the present

526-527. τὸν Καναστραῖον μέγαν / ἐγχώριον γίγαντα: this is Hektor. He is called a ‘/ocal [i.e Trojan-born] giant’ to make clear that, like Xerxes but unlike Aigeus (495, 1414 and nn.) he is not one of the Giants in the technical sense,

passage of Lyk.

Prophantos is said by Z to be a cult of Poseidon at Italian Thourioi; there is no other evidence. The

name suggests an oracular deity (for πρόφαντος cf.

525. ῥαιστηρίαν: the word is used of poisonous

drugs, φάρμακα, at Ap. Rh. 3. 803, some good, some bad, τὰ μὲν ἐσθλά, τὰ δὲ ῥαιστήρια.



and Apharetidai, Idas and Lynkeus


had built of stone for the perjured king,

would have held out for one day against the destructive wolves, so as to stem their heavy destructive attack;


even though the city had before its towers the great Kanastraian giant,

local-born, to bar the enemy’s way, keen to strike, with a well-aimed spear-throw,

the first man to bring destruction on the flock.

over by him. She is named as Polydora in the

but is so-called as an indicator of his size and strength (Massa-Pairault 2009: 488; West 2009:

Kypria (frag. 22 at M. West 2003: τοι). Lyk. surprisingly declines the opportunity to associate Protesilaos with a nostos story involving his foundation of Skione in Chalkidike: see

91). For Kanastraion (i.e. the Pallene promontory

of Chalkidike) as the home of the (real) Giants, see 127 n. Cf. Durbec 2009: 400: the confrontation between Hektor and the Greeks becomes a new Gigantomachy.

FGrHist 26 Konon F. 1 XIII, and he features on

the city's coins (Kraay 1976: 134 and LIMC r: 554-5). But there is an obvious problem, because a man famously killed at Troy could not have had a nostos or return from there. So one ingenious modern suggestion is that he founded Skione

527-528. δυσμενῶν μοχλόν / ἔχοντα: with this

metaphorical use of the standard word for a bar or bolt, with a genitive of the thing or person

protected against, cf. S. frag. 760, φόβου μοχλός

after the first Greek expedition against Troy, that

with Gigante Lanzara 2009: 110. The barring metaphor is appropriate for Hektor in his role as protector, cf. Rougier-Blanc 2009: 547 and

by Herakles and Telamon. For further discussion see CT II: 378-9 on Th. 4. 120. τ (Skione is there said to have been founded by Greeks returning from Troy but blown off course by a storm; they

Durbec 20092: 400, who notes the derivation of

his name from ἔχω, ‘I hold’, and therefore the appropriateness of ἔχοντα in 528. See also z8ın.

are anonymous, but note Th.'s possible hint at

Protesilaos in the words τοὺς πρώτους); cf. also Boedeker 1988: 36 n. 22.

528—534. Protesilaos and his tomb Protesilaos, leader of a Thessalian contingent, was

the first Greek to land at Troy and the first to be killed (/. 2. 695-702), in accordance with an oracle which said (Apollod. ep. 3. 29) that the first to

land would be the first to die: his name means

‘first of the people’ i.e. army, or ‘first to be killed’, from ὄλλυμαι.1π Homer (2.701) the death-blow is dealt by ‘a Dardanian [i.e. Trojan] man’, not specified as Hektor, but the Kypria arg. 10 (M. West 2003: 77) names Hektor as the killer. See 246n. and 279-280n. (Achilles was warned by Thetis not to be the first to jump.) The sequel to the main story of Protesilaos is given by Apollod. ep. 3. 30: his wife grieved so much for him that he was allowed to return from Hades for a while; this develops a hint in Homer (who speaks only of her cheek-lacerating grief) or else possibly alludes to a story known to Homer but passed

528. τὸν πρῶτον: strictly this accusative could go with either Hektor or Protesilaos, and indeed Mooney takes it with Hektor (‘one who is fore-

most with a well-aimed cast' etc.). But it is much more likely that mpwr-ov indicates IIpwrεἐσίλαος, who is not actually named (and πρῶτα at 530 rams the point home, see n. there). Apollod. (see 527n.) says that Protesilaos managed to kill

some Trojans before being killed himself; he is thus a πρῶτον ... ποιμνίων ἀλάστορα (529). 529. ποιμνίων ἀλάστορα: for the Sophoclean word ποίμνια see 454n. The second word is also Sophoclean (Gigante Lanzara 2009: 110 n. 58): see Tr. 1092-3, of the Nemean lion, the 'herds-

men’s scourge' (LSJ): Νεμέας ἔνοικον, βουκόλων ἀλάστορα / λέοντα. The noun ἀλάστωρ (also at 1318) is very strong, see Jameson and others 1993: 16 (B lines 1, 9, and 12, also in SEG 43. 630) with


The five leaders who will go to Cyprus


οὗ δή ποτ᾽ αἴθων πρῶτα καινίσει δόρυ τ







κίρκος θρασὺς πήδημα λαιψηρὸν δικών, Γραικῶν ἄριστος, ᾧ πάλαι τεύχει τάφους ἀκτὴ Δολόγκων εὐτρεπὴς κεκμηκότι, Μαζουσία προὔχουσα χερσαίου κέρως. ἀλλ᾽ ἔστι γάρ τις, ἔστι καὶ παρ᾽ ἐλπίδα



ἡμῖν ἀρωγὸς πρευμένης ὁ Δρύμνιος δαίμων Προμανθεὺς Αἰθίοψ Γυράψιος, ὅς, τὸν πλανήτην Ὀρθάνην ὅταν δόμοις 5:6 $38

ApdprosD Ὀρθάνην Hermann 1834: 241 ὀρθάγην MSS

comm. at 54-6 for the variant form ἐλάστοροι in the /ex sacra from Selinous in Sicily, where you

need to be purified from them and to sacrifice to them; see esp. comm. at 54: the word can be ‘used both of a wrongdoer who commits a crime or an act of violence and of pursuer and punisher of the wrongdoer’, but in Lyk. and S. the first meaning is uppermost. See also JGDS II; no. 18 (and dis-

cussion at pp. 56f.). 530. πρῶτα καινίσει δόρυ: this is a ‘first’ for both Protesilaos, who is first to feel Hektor's spear (and see 528n. for mpwr-words applied to Protesilaos), and for Hektor, for whom Protesilaos

is his first Greek victim. καινέσει is rendered by LSJ and Mair as ‘handsel’, but this verb for ‘use x for the first time’ is no longer in common English


and, for Lyk., see esp. Calce 2011: 119-22, arguing that Lyk. still used it in a restricted sense, Aiolian Greeks from Thessaly or Boiotia (the context of 891 is the shipwreck of three Thessalian Greek leaders). Calce 201: 126 (English summary at 180)

suggests that the spread of the name to Italy is explained by the colonizing activity of Euboians:

cf. the name Γραική in the Oropos/Tanagra region opposite Euboia (Th. 2. 28. 3 with CT, and 64511.). 532-533. τεύχει τάφους / ἀκτὴ Δολόγκων: the

Dolonkoi stand for the Thracians, as part to whole, cf. 331n. (on the story of Miltiades the

Elder, invited to Thrace by the Dolonkoi). The tomb or temple of Protesilaos was a Thracian

landmark mentioned by both Hdt. and Th. very near the end of their respective Histories; see

Hdt. 7. 33, 9. 116. 2, 120. 2 and 4 with Flower and

532. Γραικῶν ἄριστος: this echoes Homer's description (I 2. 702) of Protesilaos as πολὺ

Marincola 2002: 302; Th. 8. 102. 3 with CT III:

πρώτιστον Ἀχαιῶν, which was ambiguous as

which is almost at the tip of the Thracian Chersonese (for which polis see LACP: no. 663, Barr. map 51 G4, and cf. R/O no. 71, and for the Protesilaeion in particular see Strabo 7 frag. 21. 16 and LACP: p. 906 for a prehistoric mound which

between ‘first’ (to land) and ‘best’ ( most coura-

geous) of the Greeks, but Lyk. chooses to adopt only the second half of the ambiguity, having already made P.'s chronological priority clear at 528 and 530 (πρῶτος, πρῶτα). The Marmor Parium (FGrHist 239 F 6) claimed that Γραικοΐ was the old name for Ἕλληνες; the relationship between the two terms has been much discussed, because Γραικοί (Graeci, Greeks,

1047. The Πρωτεσιλάειον was near Elaious,

may be the tomb). On the frequent mentions of tombs in Lyk., see Rougier-Blanc 2009: 550.

891, 1195, 1338) see Willi 2008: 151 and n. 104, com-

534. MaLovoia: marked at Barr. map 51 G4 as "Mas(t)ousia Pr[omontory], but Strabo (7 frag. 51) spells it in the same way as Lyk. The spelling Μαστουσία (e.g. Ptol. 3. 12. 2, Plin. NH 4. 49) derives from its supposedly breast-shaped appear-

paring S. frag. 1087 TrGF (Ῥαικοί vel Γραικοῶ,

ance; see R.-E. 'Mastousia' (1) and cf. Tzetzes.

etc.) has prevailed in most European languages apart from mod. Greek itself. For Γραικοί (also at


Dioskouroi and Apharetidai, Idas and Lynkeus

A bold gleaming falcon will be the first to feel his spear, leaping forward with a swift bound,

530-538 530

the best ofthe Greeks, for whom, when killed, the ready

Dolonkian shore has long since built a tomb, Mazousia, the promontory of the horn-shaped peninsula. But someone there is, someone beyond our hopes, a gracious helper, the Drymnian


god, Promantheus, Aithiops, Gyrapsios;

when they receive the wandering Orthanes 535. ἔστι γάρ τις, ἔστι: for the repetition cf. 69n.;

meaning of Αἰθίοψ, ‘burnt face’, is not obviously

also TrGF'2 no. 624. 3, and esp. Kerkidas 18. 34 (CA).

appropriate to Zeus, unless there is an allusion to allegorical attempts to identify him with the sun; see Eustathios, as above, and also his comm. on the I. passage cited above (1. 197 van der Valk). C£. Cook 1914-40: 1.290,

536. ἡμῖν ἀρωγός: the same noun as at 360, where Kassandra used it of her own appeal to Athena as helper; and as at $13. See also next n. 536—537. ὁ Δρύμνιος / δαίμων Προμανθεὺς Aidioys

Gyrapsios might mean 'he of the round disk'

Γυράψιος: these are all epithets of Zeus. Drymnios

(i.e. the sun): Cook 1914-40: 1. 289f. and 330, arguing wildly for solar cults on Chios because Orion was blinded by the sun there. See Schwabl 1978: col. 295. Graf 1985: 37 and n. 349, discussing Zeus' cult-titles at Chios, draws a blank, merely repeating the above information about Aithiops and Gyrapsios. Cook 289 speaks of Lyk. 'the pedant’.

is said (Tzetzes) to be Pamphylian; Promantheus to be Thourian; Aithiops and Gyrapsios to be Chian. For the combination ἡμῖν (536) and δαίμων of Zeus, see the resumptive 567, and n. there. There is (Schwabl 1978: col. 301) no other evidence for Drymnios. The name superficially recalls Drymas (=Apollo son of Zeus) at 522, see n. there; but the nz in Drymnios needs to be accounted for and the names should be kept distinct. (Only the inferior MS D reads δρύμιος here.) Promantheus has been connected speculatively with a Sanskrit word meaning ‘fire-drill’ (i.e. two

sticks rubbed together to make fire, a word supposedly connected to the name Prometheus); see

538. τὸν πλανήτην Ὀρθάνην: this is Paris. Orthanes or Orthages was a minor Athenian god resembling Priapos i.e. he was phallic; see Strabo 13.1.12 and Parker 1996: 162 n. 32, who cites Plato Com. frag. 188. 12 K/A, and notes that the comic playwright Euboulos wrote an Orthanes (or Orthannes), see frags 75-9 K/A; that is, we have here a ref. to Paris’ sexual excesses. On the reading (not Ὀρθάγην) see Hermann 1834: 2412.

Cook 1914740: 1. 329£., cf. 325; Schwabl 1978: col. 355 M. West 2007: 273. This works better for Prometheus the fire-snatcher than for Zeus. One might think rather of a syncopated version of προμανθ(άνων Ζ)εύς (for the verb cf. Pi. Ο. 8. 60 or Th. 1. 138. 3) i.e. Zeus who has foreknowledge: even Apollo's oracular power comes from Zeus, see e.g. A. Eum. 19 and 616-18. Denis Rousset points me to SEG 55. 581, Zwreipaı Προμαθεῖ (Ambryssos, Phokis).

West 2003: 69). Since it was only in the Kypria that the paths of Paris and the Dioskouroi crossed, it follows that Lyk.’s source must, at whatever

538-539. ὅταν 8ópots . . . δέξωνται: in the Epic

Cycle, Paris received hospitality at Sparta both from the Dioskouroi, and from Menelaos sepa-

rately and later, μετὰ ταῦτα (Kypria arg. 2 = M.

Aithiops is confirmed by Eustathios (comm. on

remove, have been the Kypria; see West 20132: 88,

Od. 1385. 60-4 at 62) to be an epithet of Zeus, cf. Schwabl 1978: col. 263. At IJ. 1. 423, Zeus is said to

versions of myths, as found in the Epic Cycle. (Cf.

have gone to feast with the Ethiopians. The literal

also Sens 1997: 172 on Theok. 22. 141.) Lyk. does not

also 47 for Lyk.’s usual avoidance of standard


The five leaders who will go to Cyprus


σίνιν καταρρακτῆρα δέξωνται πικρὸν

οἱ δεινὰ κἀπόθεστα πείσεσθαί ποτε μέλλοντες, ἔν re δαιτὶ καὶ θαλυσίοις λοιβαῖσι μειλίσσωσιν ἀστεργὴ Κράγον, θήσει βαρὺν κολῳὸν ἐν λέσχαις μέσον. ,





Kal πρῶτα μὲν μύθοισιν ἀλλήλους ὀδὰξ βρύξουσι κηκασμοῖσιν ὠκριώμενοι, αὖθις δ᾽ ἐναιχμάσουσιν αὐτανέψιοι, ἀνεψιαῖς ὄρνισι χραισμῆσαι γάμους x














βιαιοκλῶπας ἁρπαγάς τε συγγόνων χρήζοντες, ἀλφῆς τῆς ἀεδνώτου δίκην. distinguish clearly between the two visits (so rightly Holzinger), and implies that the quarrel

542. μειλίσσωσιν ἀστεργῆ Kpáyov: Kragos is a Lykian epithet of or name for Zeus, who

with the Apharetidai and attempted abduction of

is here alluded to twice, because his cult títle Meilichios (common in the Hellenistic period) is

the Leukippidai (for which see sızn.) took place at

an unspecified banquet. Tzetzes (followed by

suggested by the verb μειλίσσω. For Mt Kragos

Mooney) assumes that the Tyndaridai and Apharetidai were all present at 2 banquet given by Menelaos, but Lyk. does not quite say so.

in S. Lykia, above Sidyma, W. of Xanthos, and

539. σίνιν καταρρακτῆρα: for the second word cf, 169 and n.: there the bird of prey (κίρκος) is specified, but it is present here too by implication, esp. if we remember the earlier passage. Mooney actually translates ‘destroying eagle’, though oivis just means a ravager or plunderer. 540. δεινὰ κἀπόθεστα:








second Homeric

and hapax,

very at

Od. 17. 296 of Odysseus’ neglected old dog Argos, See also Kall. frag. 325 Pf. (from the Hekale) = 131 Hollis and perhaps Suppl. Hell. 1066 (ἀπεόθ»εστος Ἐρινύς). For the etymology (either d + ποθεῖν or else ἀπὸ + θέσσασθαι) see

Hollis: 310-11, who concludes that the first meaning (‘despised’) suits Homer better, and the sec-

ond meaning (‘which one prays not to encounter’) suits Kall., Lyk., and the Suppl. Hell. frag. For links between Kall. Heka/e and Lyk. generally, see Hollis 2007: 283-6, cf 494.n. 541-542. ἔν τε δαιτὶ καὶ θαλυσίοις / λοιβαῖσι: for δαιτί see $43 n. θαλύσιος seems here to be ἃ two-termination adj.; so Ciani. It means 'pertain-

ing to first-fruits' (Jim 2014: 105-6), so as applied to a libation it presumably indicates the first pressing of wine.

home of the mythical creature the Chimaira, see Strabo 14. 3. 5, Dion. Perieg. 850 with Lightfoot 2014: 445-6; Barr. map 65 Bs (itis part ofa mountain complex whose other and larger component is Antikragos to N. of it). 543. κολῳὸν ἐν λέσχαις μέσον: for the rare word

κολῳός, ‘quarrel’, ‘wrangle’, cf. I. 1. 575, with Rengakos 1994: 18 for the echo. The context there is a feast on Olympos, and the Homeric line ends with the genitive of Sais, ‘a feast’, used

by Lyk. in the dative at 541. See also Ap. Rh. ı. 1283-4, ἐν δὲ κολῳός / ἄσπετος. The motif of alcohol-fuelled quarrels at banquets, especially weddings, and the resulting violence



sexes, is familiar


the story of the Centaurs, told by Antinoos at Od. 21. 293-304. This took place at the wedding of the Lapith Peirithoos to Hippodameia, see eg. Diod. 4. 70. 3 for the Centaurs’ violence against Hippodameia on this occasion; cf. A. H. G[riffiths], OCD* ‘Centaurs’. See also, for a modem anthropological parallel (the Sarakatsani in NW Greece in the 1950s), Campbell 1964: 97 (also 107, 114), noting that fights and brawls happen in certain contexts in particular, including ‘at a wedding when men drink to excess and see a veiled insult in each word or gesture. Yet these fights seldom lead to a killing’. But they


Dioskouroi and Apharetidai, Idas and Lynkeus


into their home, the bitter down-swooping destroyer— they who will suffer frightful, dreaded fates, and who will try, with feasts and libations of the first pressing of wine, to propitiate unyielding Kragos— he will cause them to quarrel violently as they converse.


At first they will rend with biting words,

roughing each other up to fury with their taunts. Then those cousins will fight with spears,


seeking to defend their cousin-chicks from violently forced marriage and seizure of kin, to punish what was usurped without bride-price.

do in myth, where patterns of behaviour are commonly taken to extremes (cf. 1141-1173 n., on


ritual and


G[riffiths], OCD* ‘Leucippides’. Leukippos was

quarrel does not happen at a wedding exactly, but it shares some features of such incidents,

brother both of Aphareus and of Tyndareos the mortal father of the Dioskouroi, so that the girls seized by the Dioskouroi were cousins both of

myth). The

Leukippidai or Leukippides, or rather two of

mythical and real (wine no doubt; abusive words;








men coming to blows; violence against or even

the Dioskouroi and of the Apharetidai, Idas and


Lynkeus. See Apollod. 3.10.3 and Gantz 1993: 181. Mari 2009: 439 rightly notes that the sexual violence offered to the Leukippides reminds us of







that Helen, who is present, is the bride par exce/lence, 143 and 146, and is about to be abducted by Paris).

544. καὶ πρῶτα

μὲν μύθοισιν:



sequence (543n.): heated words first, then escalation to violence. ó8d£: cf. Od. 1. 381, where ὀδὰξ ἐν χείλεσι φύντες appears (LSJ) to mean that the suitors are ‘biting the Hips in smothered rage’ at Telemachos’ speech. This too (see 543n. on KoAwös) is at a feast, cf. 1. 369 viv μὲν δαινύμεvot τερπώμεθα. Homeric language for quarrels is continued in 545, see n. there. 545. A three-word line, cf. 63n. κηκασμοῖσιν: the noun

will be used


at 692

Kassandra’s own fate, the main narrative line of

the poem. J. N. B[remmer], OCD* ‘initiation’ suggests that names in -Aipp or Hipp-, such as Leukippos

(the monkeys

appointed by Zeus to mock the giants), and the verb κηκάζω at 1386. Cf. Kall. frag. 656 Pf., κηκάδι σὺν γλώσσῃ. ὠκριώμενοι is from ὀκριἄάομαι, cf. Od. 18. 33, ὀκριόωντο, of Odysseus’ quarrel with Iros; cf. 544n. The root word is ὄκρις, meaning a rough, jagged object. 547. ἀνεψιαῖς ὄρνισι: the multiple interrelation-

ship of cousinhood is explained by Tzetzes. The ‘cousin chicks’ (for the double noun see Gigante Lanzara 2009: 115) are Leukippos’ daughters the






initiatory rituals, because youths were seen as resembling wild animals, in need of taming. On

the names Phoibe and Hilaeira (‘shining’ and ‘genial’, perhaps versions of the Daughters of the Sun who feature in Indo-European myth), see West 2007: 232; cf. also North 2012: 47 for the idea that the kidnapping theme might be seen ‘in terms of cosmic symbolism’: the Dioskouroi are sometimes identified with the morning and evening star, cf. West 2007: 234. Fowler 2013: 418-25. 549. ἀεδνώτου: this hapax word has been held (see









alternative or Pindaric version of the origin of the quarrel, that involving theft of cattle (s17n.): cattle are on this view assumed to be the normal medium of exchange, in which bride-price would have been payable.



The five leaders who will go to Cyprus

ἢ πολλὰ δὴ βέλεμνα Κνηκιὼν πόρος ῥιφέντα τόλμαις αἰετῶν ἐπόψεται, ἄπιστα kai θαμβητὰ Φηραίοις κλύειν. ὁ μὲν κρανείᾳ κοῖλον οὐτάσας στύπος φηγοῦ κελαινῆς, διπτύχων ἕνα φθερεῖ, λέοντα ταύρῳ συμβαλόντα φύλοπιν. ὁ δ᾽ αὖ σιγύμνῳ πλεῦρ᾽ ἀναρρήξας Bods κλινεῖ πρὸς οὖδας. τῷ δὲ δευτέραν ἔπι πληγὴν ἀθαμβὴς κριὸς ἐγκορύψεται, ἄγαλμα πήλας τῶν Ἀμυκλαίων τάφων. ὁμοῦ δὲ χαλκὸς καὶ κεραύνιοι BoAat ΜΝ





















Βνηκιὼν Scheer Κνηκείων MSS

550. Κνηκιὼν πόρος: this river, near Sparta, is

Bc showed there were brave and warlike men other

mentioned, in its Doric form, in the Great Rhetra preserved at Plut. Lykourgos 6, see para. 2 for

than ‘those between B. and K.’). Tzetzes says that

Knakion was later called Oivoös, which implies that the old name had disappeared.

popular meetings to be held μεταξὺ Βαβύκας re καὶ Kvakiavos. See Bölte, R.-E ΠΙᾺ ‘Sparta

551. τόλμαις αἰετῶν: for the eagle as the usual symbol of force in the Lykophronic bestiary, see Gigante Lanzara 2009: 105.

(Topographie)’, col. 1372, calling the location of B. and K. a ‘still insoluble puzzle’ in ap 1928, and that remains true today. He suggested, partly because of 559 (Amyklai) that Knakion/Knekion must have been a stream to the south of the Eurotas (c£ Geiger, R.-E. XI (1922) cols 907-8, ‘Knakion for other possible locations), and preferred the accen-

552. Φηραίοις: this is evidently an ethnic of the

polis of Pharai, in the border area between Messenia and Lakonia, IACP: no. 320, Barr. map. no. 58 C3 (marking it as Pherai). See Steph. Byz.

tuation Kvaxiwy. This assumed that the name derives from κνάκος or κνηκός, ‘yellow’, ‘tawny’ (note that in Lyk. the mss have Κνηκείων, emended by Scheer, perhaps wrongly); but it may be from κνῆκος, a safflower, and be connected with cults of Artemis, who has epikleseis such as Κνακαλησία (Paus. 8. 23. 3, Arkadia) and Kvayia

(Paus. 3. 18. 4, Sparta. That epiklesis was thought to derive from Knageus, a hero who accompanied

the Dioskouroi on their expedition to Aphidna. This would make the place very suitable for Lyk. to mention here). See Brulé 1998: 23 n. 33 for these epikleseis of Artemis. Bélte’s further suggestion (citing Wentzel 1890: ı8ff., 25) that Lyk. derived these place-names from the Kypria is unnecessary.

Babyka and Knakion were surely familiar to anyone interested in early Spartan history and mythol-

ogy; for instance Aristotle (frag. 536 Rose, quoted by Plut. Lykourg. 6), said that Babyke was a bridge and Knakion was a river. See also Georgiadou 1997: 153 on Plut. Pelop. 17. 13 (the battle of Tegyra in 375

Qapa(, πόλις Μεσσήνης, ὅθεν ἦσαν οἱ Ἀφαρητιάδαι (but he says that the correct ethnic of the Messenian place was Φαραιίτης). 553. The referent of ὁ μέν is Idas. He killed Kastor, who was hiding in a hollow oak until spotted there by Lynkeus, the ‘lynx-eyed’ with his X-ray vision. See Kypria frag. 16 in West 2003 (commentary at West 2013a: 95), Apollod. 3. 10. 3,

and esp. Pi. N. 10. 6ο-3,... ἔτρωσεν χαλκέας λόγχας ἀκμᾷ. / ἀπὸ Tavyérov πεδαυγάζων ἔδεν Λυγκεὺς δρυὸς ἐν στέλεχει / ἡμένους. κείvou γὰρ ἐπιχθονίων πάντων γένετ᾽ ὀξύτατον /

ὄμμα... C£ A. H. Glriffiths], OCD* "Idas and Lynceus’; for the Indo-European motif of miraculously good vision, see West 2007: 427 n. 57. With the adjective κράνεια (‘made of cherryor comel-wood’) on its own, i.e. with no noun, to

mean a spear, see GP 664 (Anyte epig. I line 1). 555. λέοντα ταύρῳ: the lions (the Dioskouroi) are weaker than the bulls (the Apharetidai).


Dioskouroi and Apharetidat, Idas and Lynkeus


The stream of Knakion shall see many missiles thrown by the daring of eagles,


an incredible wonder to the people of Pharai. One of them, after piercing with his spear of cherry-wood the hollow trunk of a black oak-tree, will kill one of the twins, a lion who joined battle against a bull.


The other lion will rend open the other bullock’s flank with his spear and level him with the ground. Against him the intrepid ram will aim a blow, butting him for the second time,

hurling a statue from one of the Amyklaian tombs. But bronze and thunderbolts together 556. ὁ δ᾽ αὖ σιγύμνῳ πλεῦρ᾽ ἀναρρήξας Bods: this is confusing but the key is in the final word. The ‘ox’ rent by the spear must be the other of the Apharetidai, viz. Lynkeus, compare ταῦρος = Idas in 555. The subject of the sentence must then be the surviving ‘lion’ or Dioskouros, viz. Polydeukes. Therefore, ὁ δέ does not answer ὁ μέν in 553. See Holzinger. For σιγύμνης (‘spear’) cf. Hdt. 5. 9. 3, where Hdt., discussing the origins of the Sigynnoi in Thrace, says that σιγύνναι is a Cypriot word for ‘spears’. We are, after all, in the middle of Lyk.'s Cypriot section, though Cyprus might seem to have been lost sight of.


in the previous line, 556. The subject of the sentence this time is Idas, who takes revenge for the death of his brother Lynkeus. This version, acc. to which Idas throws a grave-marker (559 n.) only after Lynkeus is killed, is shared by Apollod. 3.11. 2. In Apollod., Idas knocks Polydeukes unconscious. This is likely to be older than Pindar's version, which is more respectful towards Polydeukes (it avoids the humiliation Polydeukes is ineffective). See West 20133: 96, who

argues that this older version was that of the Kypria. Lyk. follows it up to a point.






559. For Amyklai, c.6 km. S. of Sparta, see LACP:

pp. 592-3, and jon. for the cult of Kassandra and Agamemnon, who were killed there on the version followed by Lyk., see 1124n. This is the only place in the poem where the site is actually named. Pindar (N. το. 67-8) has Idas brought to bay by the tomb of his father Aphareus. He hurls (the

verb is from mdAAw) a grave-marker, ἄγαλμα, hence Lyk.’s word. Cf. also Theok. 22. 207~9 with Sens 1997. See Farnell 323-4 on the Pi. passage. 560-561. ὁμοῦ δὲ χαλκὸς καὶ κεραύνιοι βολαί /

558. κριὸς ἐγκορύψεται: the bull has turned into a ram, This is disconcerting, but these two creatures are closer to each other in appearance than either is to a lion (cf. Mahé-Simon


‘Mr Ram’, Kpiós, whose name was the subject of black humour on the part of King Kleomenes I of Sparta; and Simonides also played on this man’s name (see 518 PMG and my comm. on the Hdt. passage). In the present quasi-military context, the secondary meaning 'battering-ram' should not be forgotten; see e.g. Xen. Kyrop. 7. 4.1 and Pol. 1. 48. 9 (siege of Lilybaion). For the hapax verb ἐγκορύπτω (the future is middle in form, cf. LSJ), see Hunter 1999: 112 on κορύπτει at Theok. 3. 5 ‚calling it ‘the vox propria for fighting between rival he-goats or rams’. This Theok. passage was already adduced by 2 and "Tzetzes.

557. τῷ δέ: this is, again, Polydeukes, who was ὁ δέ

of having him stunned: in Pindar, Idas' throw at


2009: 444-5 for the

way Lyk. can refer to the same people as different animals) In Lyk.’s favourite prose author Hdt.

ταύρους καταξανοῦσιν: Lynkeus was killed by the bronze [sword] of Polydeukes and Idas by Zeus’ thunderbolt; cf. Theok. 22. 202-3 and 211 (perhaps


recalled), and


3. 1. 2.

For the tragic verb καταξαίνω cf. 300 and n. Particularly relevant to the present passage is E.



The five leaders who will go to Cyprus

ταύρους καταξανοῦσιν, dv ἀλκὴν ἑνὸς οὐδ᾽ ὁ Σκιαστὴς Ὀρχιεὺς Τελφούσιος ἐμέμψατ᾽, ἐν χάρμαισι ῥαιβώσας κέρας. καὶ τοὺς μὲν Ἅιδης, τοὺς δ᾽ Ὀλύμπιοι πλάκες Tap ἥμαρ αἰεί δεξιώσονται ξένους, φιλαυθομαίμους, ἀφθίτους re καὶ φθιτούς. ı




€ 3





καὶ τῶν μὲν ἡμῖν εὐνάσει δαίμων δόρυ,

Ph. 1145, πρὶν καταξάνθαι βολαῖς, possibly here imitated. But another passage of E. is also in Lyk.'s mind here; see 564n. for Jon 1267, where,

About Orchieus, nothing more can be said, apart from the alleged Spartan connection (above). Wentzel 1890: 47, citing only 2 on the

present passage, says the epiklesis is Boiotian, but this seems to be a slip. The Telphousa or Tilphousa here referred to by its ethnic is more likely to be the Boiotian

however, the verb has the literal sense ‘comb’.

561. ὧν ἀλκὴν ἑνός ...: the reference is to an earlier fight between Idas and Apollo (562 and n.) for the hand of Marpessa daughter of Euenos. As

sanctuary (so Tzetzes) than the homonymous Arkadian polis, although Apollo does feature on the coinage of the latter (L4CP: no. 300, "Ihelpousa' [sic in both regions the name is

mother of Kleopatra she makes a brief appearance

in Homer,




her beautiful

ankles (two mentions in four lines, I2 9. 557 and 560) and says that Idas, strongest of mortals,

variously spelt]). Both the Boiotian and the

dared to raise his bow against Apollo for her. The story is given in full at Apollod. τ. 7. 8 as part of

Arkadian places were Poseidon's




2003: 53 (Boiotia), with Larson 2007: 65 and

gave his name to the river. Idas got as far as Messenia when Apollo came across him again and they fought. Zeus intervened, and offered Marpessa a choice between her suitors. She

chose Idas because she feared that Apollo would desert her when she grew old: she 'preferred security to glamour’, as Alan Griffiths puts it (OCD*, ‘Idas







Apollo makes Marpessa analogous to Kassandra herself.

562. οὐδ’ ὁ Σκιαστὴς Ὀρχιεὺς Τελφούσιος: these are all epithets of Apollo. The first two are said by Tzetzes to be Spartan. But Σκιάς was a place in Arkadia (Steph. Byz., Zxıds), and it gave the name Σκιᾶτις to Apollo's sister Artemis; Paus. 8. 35. 5 with Jost 1985: 190. Cf. Mooney.



Pleuron son of Aitolos). She was being wooed by Apollo, but Idas swooped in and carried her (for this detail see also B. 20); the angry father


of a

the Aitolian section (the girl was descended from

gave chase but drowned during the pursuit and


said to be the site of


off, helped by swift horses provided by Poseidon




Paus. 8. 25. 5 (Arkadia) and Thebaid frag. τι = West

212 n. 22. Telphousa was the tutelary and eponymous

goddess of an ancient sanctuary at a spring in Boiotia. Her story is given by HHAp. 239-76 and 375-87 with Richardson 2010: 120, nn. on 244

and 246-76. Apollo started to build a temple there but the goddess tricked him into doing so at Krisa instead. The myth in this form respects the antiquity of Telphousa while making

Telphousa a dependency of Delphi, thus asserting the latter's predominance; so Schachter 1981 94: 1. 76—7. The site is not agreed (see Schachter 76 n. 4 for the two possibilities, Petra and Agios Nikolaos. The rough position, near Alalkomenai

and the place shown in antiquity as the tomb of Teiresias, is given by Strabo 9. 2. 27. See Barr. map 55 D4, marking it as the Tilphosaion [sic], SE. of Koroneia; but the map-by-map Directory lists it under ‘unlocated toponyms’). At 77 n. 2.

Schachter is probably right that Lyk.’s single word may be ‘taken to depend ultimately’ on


Dioskouroi and Apharetidai, Idas and Lynkeus


will crush the bulls, one of whom was not disparaged for his strength even by the Skiastan, Orchian, and Telphousian

god, who bent his bow in the fight. These twins Hades will take, but the plateaux of Olympos will greet the other twins as guests for ever on alternate days, brother-loving, immortal and mortal. A god will lull all these men’s spears for us,

HHAp.—provided we accept Telphousa is meant (above).



&&or,and this is listed as an epiklesis by Wentzel 1890: 50, The Dioskouroi were specially prone to ‘theoxeny’, 'god-entertainment see R. C. T. P[arker], ‘Dioscuri’ and E. Ke[arns], ‘heoxenia’, both in OCD*.

563. ἐν χάρμαισι: used only here and at 1271

(about Roman military prowess). It is a mainly epic word, though see Pi. O. o. 86. It is related to χάρμα, ‘joy’, and the meaning travels from ‘joy in battle’ to ‘battle’. ῥαιβώσας κέρας: for the singular noun (despite the composite nature of bows made of two horns with a central grip) see Gow-Page on HE 1131 (= Kall. epig. 17. 3). The bow is mentioned by Homer as Idas' weapon on this occasion (1 9. 559, εἵλετο τόξον; cf. 562n.To use Ápollos characteristic weapon against the god was super-daring). But in Lyk. the bow is bent, as it more usually is, by Apollo, who must be

the subject of ῥαιβώσας. For the verb see 262 (emended there, see n.). 564. καὶ τοὺς μὲν Ἅιδης, τοὺς δ’ Ὀλύμπιοι πλάkes...: these (τοὺς μέν, τοὺς δῷ are the Apharetidai and the Dioskouroi respectively. The

567. kai τῶν μέν: this refers to all four of the

S. Ph. 1430, πρὸς πάτρας Οἴτης πλάκα. At 648 it will be used of expanses of sea.

ovras ἔνδον Ὀλύμπου (so Holzinger). For the

too, citing I. 20. 64).

tragic one.)

Jon 1267, καταξήνωσι Παρνασοῦ πλάκες, cf. also

time-share arrangement by which the Dioskouroi enjoyed immortality in daily turns, see sr1n. For δεξιώσονται see 416n. Tzetzes and X say that ‘among the Spartans the Dioskouroi were the


But Lyk.’s meaning is quite different: both of the Dioskouroi are both mortal and immortal. (Note that φθιτός is not a Homeric word but a

Olympos practically means ‘heaven’, and in any case there is a precedent for the expression at E.

565. ... map’ ἦμαρ αἰεὶ δεξιώσονται ξένους: here παρ᾽ ἦμαρ, ‘daily’, ‘on a daily basis’, means ‘on alternate days’. The model is Pi. P. 11. 63-4, 76 μὲν παρ᾽ dap ἔδραισι Oepamvas,/ τὸ δ᾽ oike-

566. A neat, as well as an attractive, line. For Polydeukes as a paradigm of brotherly love because of his decision, see sr n. The hapax word φιλαυθόμαιμος (a multiple compound, cf. Guilleux 2009: 234) is the equivalent οἔφιλάδελos, a familiar word in Hellenistic royal titulature, but metrically inconvenient in unresolved iambics. For Lyk.s fondness for words beginning with alpha privative such as ἄφθιτος, especially in expressions of paradox or oxymoron, see Berra 2009: 283. The pairing ἀφθίτους τε καὶ φθιτούς ingeniously reuses a type of polar expression used by Homer to convey the idea of totality, θνητοῖσι καὶ ἀθανάτοισι, 1.6. ‘all intelligent beings’ (M. West

noun πλάξ ought to mean a level place or plain (see 98n.), so it might seem paradoxical to apply it to Olympos, conceived as mountain. But here


combatants; it is answered by ἄλλων

δέ at

569: the danger to Troy from these powerful Greek fighters has been neutralized by Zeus, but he has other troubles in preparation. Behind this thought may lie Z/ 24. 530: at different times

(More... ἄλλοτε) Zeus gives good and evil. ἡμῖν εὐνάσει δαίμων: this picks up 537, the Drymnian (etc.) δαίμων i.e. Zeus will be ἡμῖν dpwyös. The metaphorical εὐνάζω will be repeated very soon after this, at 570; for the point of this repetition, see 569-585n. The verb is used of anger, χόλος, at Ap. Rh. 3. 1000.


The five leaders who will go to Cyprus


βαιόν τι μῆχαρ ἐν κακοῖς δωρούμενος. ἄλλων δ᾽ ἄπλατον χειρὶ κινήσει νέφος ὧν οὐδ᾽ ὁ Ῥοιοῦς tis εὐνάζων μένος Ψ






σχήσει, τὸν ἐννέωρον ἐν νήσῳ χρόνον


μίμνειν ἀνώγων θεσφάτοις πεπεισμένους,

τροφὴν δ᾽ ἀμεμφῆ πᾶσι τριπτύχους κόρας ἴσκων παρέξειν, Κυνθίαν ὅσοι σκοπὴν μίμνοντες ἠλάσκουσιν Ἰνωποῦ πέλας, Αἰγύπτιον Τρίτωνος ἕλκοντες ποτόν. ἃς δὴ Πρόβλαστος ἐξεπαίδευσε θρασὺς 568. βαιόν τι μῆχαρ ἐν κακοῖς: for μῆχαρ (here only in Lyk.) see A. Ag. 199 (cf. Gigante Lanzara 2009: 111 n. 55). It = μῆχος, as at I). 2.342 and 1459; also Hdt. 2. 181. 4 and 4. 151. 2, both times with κακοῦ. 569-585. Anios of Delos and his miraculous daughters Anios, king of Delos, told the commanders of the Greek fleet, en route for Troy, that oracles made it certain that they would not capture Troy before the tenth year, and promised to provision them in the meantime through the special gifts of his miraculous daughters the Oinotropoi or Wineturners (580): their names were Oino (wine), Spermo (seed i.e. corn), and Elais (olive-tree). The Greeks refused (see 572 n.) but were later forced to

send to Anios for help when the army was starving (582n.) For this myth, Lyk. is the main surviving ancient authority (the magical element denied it a place in Homer, cf. Griffin 1977: 40£.); but Tzetzes tells us that the main part of it was given by

Pherekydes (FGrHist 3 F 140), and by the Kypria (frag. 26 = M. West 2003: 103; West 2013a: 123-5; cf. also Marin 2009 and esp. Fowler 2013: 531-3). Tzetzes adds that Kall. also had the story (frag. 188,


centring on an eschara or altar for burnt-offerings and including inscribed dedications to him as θεός, βασιλεύς, and dpynyérys. It is unclear in what sense he was ‘founder’ (he was a ‘fondateur sans fondation’, as Prost 2001: 114 neatly puts it).

On Anios as king and founder see esp. Prost 2001; cf. also Bruneau 1970: 413-30 and in LIMC vi 794; OCD* 'Anius' (but correct the Lyk. ref. from 170 to 570). The connection of this section of the poem with its wider context has been thought loose, not to say

strained (‘une association d'idées assez libres’, say Hurst/Kolde on 569-583), and we have certainly been led a long way from Akamas, the third Cypriot oikist who is still the ostensible subject until 586. But rather than censuring Lyk. we should admire the ingenuity of the transition, which enables the folding in of yet another pre-Trojan war story. The straight prediction at 569, that Zeus will have more trouble in store for the Greeks

despite the lull provided by the mutual elimination of Dioskouroi and Apharetidai, leads to a kind of counter-factual prediction: if the Greeks were hypothetically to obey the oracle which will be

cf. frag. 664 Pf. and Hollis 2007: 286) and we know

revealed by Anios, and so stay on Delos rather than going to lay siege to Troy, that too would postpone or ‘lull’ Trojan sufferings for many years. The repeti-

that Euphorion wrote an Anios (frag, 4 Lightfoot,

tion of the word for ‘lull’, εὐνάζω (567 and 570),

from Stephanus not Tzetzes, and uninformative).

facilitates the connection of thought. The introduction of Anios also prefigures the Roman theme which will be so prominent

Diod. recounted the birth of Anios from the union between Apollo and Rhoio: 570n. Ovid says that the three daughters were pursued by the Greeks and changed by Dionysos into doves, Lyk. apparently knew about this metamorphosis, and may allude to it by just one word: see 580n. on paBas. French excavations have revealed a Delian herocult of Anios as Archegetes, founder, apparently

later in the poem. Virgil has Anius (‘rex Anius, rex idem hominum Phoebique sacerdos’, A. 3. 82)

recognized as a friend by Aineias’ father Anchises. This has been plausibly brought into connection

with the epigraphically attested friendship and closeness, οἰκειότης καὶ φιλία, between Delos


Anios of Delos and his miraculous daughters


giving us a brief remedy in our troubles. But his hand will stir up a horrendous cloud of others: not even Rhoio’s son will be able to lull their fury, urging them to stay for nine years


on the island, in obedience to the oracles.

He said his three daughters would provide food beyond

reproach for all, if they stayed by the Kynthian watchtower and roamed near the river Inopos,


drawing water from Egyptian Triton. Bold Problastos taught those girls, and Rome: JG τι. 4. 756. See Erskine 2001: 185-8 and Battistoni 2010: 94-5.

Delos, they would do so in obedience to the oracles (it does not mean that they actually will

obey them. Obviously they will not, or there would have been no ten-year siege of Troy). Anios himself is presumably the source of these oracles; see 57on. for Apollo's gift to him of prophecy. A Delian inscription of 275 sc (a hieropoiic list) mentions a μαντεῖον, which has been connected with the cult of Anios: JG 11. 2. 165. 44 with SEG 44. 678. But there may have been more

569. ἄπλατον: from πελάζω, ‘approach’; a word found in early poetry, but not apparently Hellenistic

apart from the present passage; see Pi. P. 1. 21 ἀπλάTov πυρός, and tragedy, e.g. 5. Tr. 1093, ἄπλατον θρέμμα κἀπροσήγορον. (But at Hes. WD 148 and TE. 151 the right reading is ἄπλαστοι; see M. West on the latter passage: ἄπλατοι ‘not an epic form.)

than one oracular authority located on Delos:

570.'Powoös tus: for Anios as ‘son of Rhoio (daugh-

ter of Staphylos, ‘Mr Grape’, and grand-daughter of Dionysos) and of Apollo, who conferred mantic

FGrHist 396 Semos

of Delos F 12 speaks of

powers on the child, see Diod. 5. 62. 1-2. The rare

573. τριπτύχους κόρας: sce 239 n.

‘Delian prophets’, plural.

noun fs is tragic and esp. Aeschylean, see Eum. 323-4 and (a brilliant emendation by Conington) Ag. 717; E. Tro. 571. C£. also Kall. frag. 75. 63 Pf. (and see Pf. p. 118 n. 61 for another occurrence in frag. πο, the Coma Berenices, lines 65/66) and Dosiadas Bomos 3. The name Rhoio derives from the word for

574. loraw: for this verb cf. Theok. 22. 167, from

pomegranate, fda, Ionic and Epic ῥοίη. It was also

575. Ἰνωποῦ πέλας: for the river Inopos on Delos see Strabo 10. 5. 2.

the hymn to the Dioskouroi, perhaps in Lyk.’s mind hereabouts. It occurs in a famous line of

the Odyssey, 19. 203 ἔσκε ψεύδεα πολλὰ λέγων ἐτύμοισιν ὁμοῖα. Cf. also Ap. Rh. 2. 240.

the name of the mother of Herodotus the historian (Suda m 248 Adler, preferable to δρυώ at ἡ 536

576. Αἰγύπτιον Τρίτωνος: for the Nile as "Triton' see iron. Kall. H. 3 to Artemis 171 combines

Adler), so ‘son of Pomegranate’is a clever concealed gesture of homage towards one of Lyk.'s leading prose influences, as well as towards Aeschylus. εὐνάζων: see 567 and 569-585n.

Delian Inopos and the Nile, ἀγχόθι πηγάων Αἰγυπτίου Ἰνωποῖο. The Nile was supposed to be linked to the Inopos, Kall. H. 4 £o Delos 206-8

571. évvéwpov: cf. the mysterious words at Od. 17. 178-9, Μίνως évvéwpos βασίλευε, and other Homeric uses, with Rengakos 1994: 117. For the number nine in the Trojan legend see Jacoby on FGrHist 269 Staphylos F 6.

577. IIpößAaoros

572. θεσφάτοις πεπεισμένους: this participle

the vines began to shoot, ὅτε βλαστάνουσιν at

must mean that if the Greeks were to stay on

ἄμπελοι, or when they were first cut.

and Paus. 2. s. 3. 'The symbolic truth underlying this is that Hellenistic Delos was a great centre of Egyptian cults. 2, because


is Dionysos,

sacrifices were


so-called, acc. to him



The five leaders who will go to Cyprus

μυληφάτου χιλοῖο δαιδαλευτρίας ἕρπιν τε ῥέζειν ἠδ᾽ ἀλοιφαῖον λίπος,

οἰνοτρόπους Ζάρηκος ἐκγόνους φάβας. al καὶ στρατοῦ βούπειναν ὀθνείων κυνῶν τρύχουσαν ἀλθανοῦσιν, ἐλθοῦσαί ποτε Σιθῶνος εἰς θυγατρὸς εὐναστήριον. καὶ ταῦτα μὲν μίτοισι χαλκέων πάλαι


στρόμβων ἐπιρροιζοῦσι γηραιαὶ κόραι.


Κηφεὺς δὲ καὶ IIpd£avöpos, οὐ ναυκληρίας λαῶν ἄνακτες, ἀλλ᾽ ἀνώνυμοι σποραΐί, 632-74. (But might Ovid have ingeniously exploited Lyk.’s single word so as to generate the metamorphosis? Lyk. often uses ‘doves’ to describe sexually vulnerable girls, cf. 87 and n.,

Hurst 2009: 203 suggests that 577-580 offer ἃ reassuring picture of peace and abundance, by contrast with the grim themes of the poem as a whole. There is something in this, but the magical sustenance provided by the Oinotropoi is a cure for an extreme famine, 581 (Hurst 203 n. 18).

and most recently 547, the Leukippidai described as birds.) For this as one of many metamorphoses in Lyk., see 176n. (where this is no. (9). See also

Olding 2007: 145 (the story possibly treated by

578. A three-word line, cf. 63n. μυληφάτον χιλοῖο: xıÄds was at first a purely prose word meaning green fodder for cattle: Hdt. 4. 140. 3 and Xen. Anab. 1. 9. 27; cf. ggn. It was used by

Ion of Chios).

581. βούπειναν: also at 1395. This rare alternative to βουλιμία, ravenous or uncontrollable hunger (whence our ‘bulimia’), is also used by Kall. frag.

Euphorion also, and in the same epic form xıAoio (frag. 81 Lightfoot), part of a fanciful etymology

24 Pf. (26 Massimilla)

of the name of Achilles, who never tasted χιλή,

nourishment in the form of mother’s milk. In the present passage a more general meaning ‘food’ is needed, so that in combination with μυλήφατος, ‘mill-ground’ (used at Od. 2. 355 of barley) it will mean ‘bread’, See also 677 with Schade (the fodder eaten by Kirke’s metamorphosed pigs). For the food-description see 482 n.

‘cure’ (cf. IZ s. 417, ἄλθετο χείρ, Dione's healing of Aphrodite's hand) see 1122, The use at 1395 is closer in sense to the present passage (it refers there, as here, to the relieving of hunger).

580. οἰνοτρόπους Ζάρηκος ἐκγόνους papas: the

583. This is a roundabout way of saying that

‘Wine-turners’ (i.e. turners of water into

wine), is strictly appropriate to only one of the girls, but is applied to all three. Zarex




cf. 373)

the Greek army was near Troy when the famine

struck. Sithonia was the middle prong of the Chalkidic peninsula, on which Torone was situated (cf. 16n.). Its eponym Sithon, king


Rhoio after she had borne Anios to Apollo. He was son of Karystos, eponym of the Euboian polis (2).

‘Doves’ (nom. sing. φάψ) appear to be a brief allusion to the story that the girls were turned into doves by Dionysos; for this see Ovid. Met. 13.


582. τρύχουσαν ἀλθανοῦσιν: although the Greeks had originally refused Anios’ offer, Agamemnon later sent Palamedes to fetch food from Delos when the army was hungry (2). For ἀλθαίνω, lit.

579. Epmw: acc. Tzetzes, this word for wine was Egyptian, suitably enough in this context (see 576 n.). It was used by Hipponax, frag. 79. 18 West. name

line τι; see Harder's

ὀθνείων κυνῶν: the noun is a favourite of Lyk. often used of women or frightful mythical females, i.e. ‘bitch’. It will be used again of the male Greeks at 1266, αἰχμηταὶ κύνες.

of Thrace, was son of Ares and father of Rhoiteia,

who was buried in the Troad and became eponym of Rhoiteion (ZACP: no. 490. A variant tradition made Rhoiteia the daughter of Proteus by Anchinoe, daughter of the Nile. See Fowler


Cypriot leaders (4) and (5), Kepheus and Praxandros


creators of mill-bruised fodder,

how to make wine and oil for anointing: the Wine-turners, the doves, the granddaughters of Zarex. They will cure the ravenous wasting hunger of the army, those foreign dogs, when some day they come to the sleeping-place of the daughter of Sithon.


The aged maidens have long been whirring all this with the threads of their bronze spindles. Then Kepheus and Praxandros, not as leaders of


sailor folk, but as obscure stock, 2013: 42 n.155). This story would seem to make

also relevant that Lyk. tends generally to name


only minor figures, not well-known ones (Cusset 2006; Sistakou 2009: 249, cf. 244 n. 19; Holzinger).

a Euboian

(ie. Ionian)


but it was first ‘possessed’ by Dorian Astypalaia: Strabo 13. 1. 42. For ‘fields of the daughter of Sithon’ as shorthand for Troy (because of the link with Rhoiteion), see 1161, where the expres-

sion designates the destination of the Lokrian Maidens. For different scansion and spelling, see 1357 and 1406.

like Praxandros, καὶ οὗτοι δὲ mapayevovro eis Κύπρον, ὥς φησι Φιλοστέφανος. This hardly tells us more than what is said, with unusual plainness, by Lyk., but the information that it was

585. γηραιαὶ κόραι: these are the Moirai or Fates. 586-591. Nos Praxandros






also in Philostephanos is of great importance (see 447-591n.). Tümpel in Roscher tentatively and implausibly suggests that this Kepheus may

The fourth and fifth Cypriot oikists are dealt

be the same as the Arkadian son of Aleas (Paus.

with very rapidly, compared with the first three.

8. 4. 8); he is certainly not the Ethiopian father of Andromeda and husband of Kassiepeia, the best-known mythological Kepheus (see OCD* 'Andromeda). The Achaian Kepheus has no entry in LIMC, and there is no historical or other bearer of the name in LGPN (see further below,

Lyk. may have taken over the number five from Eratosthenes (see 447-591n., and see sgin. for Eratosthenes






to mentioning them all, but did not wish to develop these two unHomeric heroes, or lacked the material to do so.






Kepheus the Achaian oikist is as obscure to us as he was to Lyk., except that he is said by Philostephanos (frag. 19 Badino = Z on the present passage of Lyk.) to have come to Cyprus

end of this n.).


Praxandros is a more substantial figure. Strabo

ναυκληρίας / λαῶν ἄνακτες: we are told by the

(14. 6. 3) knew that the polis of Lapethos or

commentators (2 and Tzetzes) that the unchar-

Lapithos (ACP. no. 1017, giving various spellings), on the N. coast of Cyprus (map 3), was ‘a foundation of the Spartans and of Praxandros’,

acteristic naming of Kepheus and Praxandros caused puzzlement in antiquity (why, it was asked, are they not designated in the usual way as

Λακώνων κτίσμα καὶ Πραξάνδρου. But we saw

was compelled to name them. The presentation by negation (οὐ ναυκληρίας / λαῶν ἄνακτες) is a virtually explicit way of saying ‘not in the

above that the tradition of Lakonian settlement on Cyprus under the leadership of Praxandros goes back to Philostephanos in the late 3rd cent. ΒΟ, though without specification of Lapethos. Historical evidence for Spartan overseas settlement is not great, but the mythical evidence is plentiful, and was examined by Malkin 1994, who did not, however, consider Praxandros. There

Catalogue’ (Sens 2009: 27, Berra 2009: 307). It is

are grounds, other than Lyk. and Philostephanos,

wolves, lions, or serpents?), but the commenta-

tors themselves supply one clearly correct answer: these two were not βασιλεῖς or ἄνακτες but obscure figures, and in particular they did not

feature in the Homeric Catalogue of Ships, so Lyk.


The five leaders who will go to Cyprus


πέμπτοι τέταρτοι γαῖαν ἵξονται θεᾶς

Γόλγων avdoons: ὧν ὁ μὲν Adkwv’ ὄχλον ἄγων Θεράπνης, θάτερος δ᾽ ἀπ᾿ Ὠλένου


Δύμης re Βουραίοισιν ἡγεμὼν στρατοῦ. 7



for believing that Spartans colonized, or were thought to have colonized, places on Cyprus. (For what follows, see more fully Hornblower

2010: 87-90.) (1) There was a cult of Amyklaian Apollo in Cyprus at Idalion, in the central SE part of the

island. For Amyklai near Sparta, see 559 η., and for the Cypriot cult and its implications see Hill

1940: 87 and n. 3; Gjerstad 1944: 112; Cartledge 2002: 94; Lane Fox 2008: 341 and 445 n. 16. Lipinski 1987: 98 identifies the Lakonian deity Amyklaian Apollo with the Phoenician Resheph.

(2) There was supposedly a place called Lakedaimon in the interior of Cyprus: see Steph. Byz. Λακεδαίμων and R.-E. 'Lakedaimon' no.3.

Conversely, there was a Lakonian place-name Lapithaion, named from a local man called Lapithos: Paus. 3. 20. 7. (3) A recently discovered fragment of the Hesiodic

Megalai Ehoiai (frag. 157.2 Most, from Philodemos’

On Piety) mentions Lapetheia, an eponym of Lapethos (sic), among Poseidon lovers, together

with Methone, another eponym. D'Alessio 2005: 212 convincingly explains these paired mentions in terms of the Lakonian perspective of the poem as a whole, and adduces in support the Cypriot

activity of the Lakonians and Praxandros, as described by Lyk. and Strabo. (4) The name Praxandros is Greek world generally, but precisely, Lapethos see Hill names compounded with

extremely rare in the for Prax-names at, 1940: 99 n. 6, 'Greek Prax- seem to be


represents Greek Πραξά(ν)δρω. See Mitford and Masson 1983: 52 no. 30 and comm.: ‘the rare name /Ipd£avöpos is already known in Cyprus for the mythical founder of Lapethos’, with a ref. to the present passage of Lyk. Now the mythical oikist was a Spartan, but the name Praxandros could have migrated to Cyprus

along with its original bearer. Alternatively and even more speculatively (Hornblower 2010: 89)

we might think in terms of hero-cult for the oikist Praxandros, and the inscription will then be

a dedication

of some

sort, at one

of the

most famous sanctuaries of the island. Whatever the explanation, onomastic and other scattered evidence supports Lyk. and Philostephanos in their apparently surprising claims that Spartans under Praxandros were held to have colonized Cyprus; and this evidence, in a small way, reinforces Lyk.’s claim to be a reliable source for traditions about early Greek settlement in the Mediterranean. But an Achaian presence on Cyprus is not otherwise attested, and the ‘Achaia’ ch. of IACP ignores the evidence of Lyk. Note finally that LGPN is not consistent in its treatment of Lyk.s five Cypriot oikists; see Hornblower 2010: 84f. Praxandros the oikist has a separate









Agapenor is in I but not in IIIA, and Kepheus is entered in neither vol. (see above), and nor are

Akamas or Teukros. ἀλλ᾽ ἀνώνυμοι σποραΐί: it is a paradox to say they are anonymous, just after naming them; the adjective here means ‘obscure’, ‘not named by Homer (see previous n.).

characteristic of the place’; this goes too far in

view of the fifty Prax- names in LGPN I alone, but the observation was soundly based, cf. LGPN I: 384f. for Praxidemos nos (1) and (2), and

588. πέμπτοι τέταρτοι: the unexpected




(1 and

(2), all from


For Praxandros in particular, LGPN I cites the one-word 6th-cent. inscription from Paphos on the SW of Cyprus. This is in sinistroverse Cypriot syllabic script, Pa-ra-ka-sa-to-ro, which


should be retained in tr. Tzetzes seems to explain it by saying that since they arrived together, they



of δύο



ἵξονται. 588-589. γαῖαν ἵξονται θεᾶς / Γόλγων ἀνάσσης: that is, they came to the land of Aphrodite.


Cypriot leaders (4) and (5), Kepheus and Praxandros

shall comes as fifth and fourth to the land of Golge’s divine queen: the latter will bring a Spartan throng from Therapne, the former, coming from Olenos and Dyme, will be the leader of an army from Boura.

tantly denied polis status by LACP (see p. 1225), which did, however, recognize its importance as a

cult place. See Collombier 1991. Golgoi was poetically associated with Aphrodite, cf. Theok. 15. 100 with Gow (déonow’ ἃ Γολγῶς re καὶ Ἰδάλιον

ἐφιλήσας, echoed by Cat. 64. 96. ‘Paphian’ was her more usual Cypriot epithet, Paus. (8. 5. 2) implies that Paphos superseded Golgoi as centre of Aphrodite’s Cypriot worship. This does not mean Golgoi fell into disuse, but it might mean that it was regarded as the senior site. For

bare mention at Kall. Hymn 4. 102, by the Z to the present passage of Lyk. The link between Lyk. and Eratosthenes is significant in view of the possibility that Lyk. drew on Eratosthenes for the whole Cypriot section; see Fraser 1979: 336 (see 447-591n. for qualifications). But none of this can be used to date Lyk. All three places, Olenos, Dyme, and Boura, were listed by Hdt. (1. 145) among the twelve Achaian cities, and Lyk. very likely took them from Hdt., an old source by Lyk.’s day, to describe, in part-for-whole fashion (see 589590n.), what was after all a supposedly prehistoric

Aphrodite Golgia on Cyprus, see Ulbrich 2010:

171, and for the epigraphically attested ‘Queen’ (Wanassa) of Golgoi see esp. Egetmeyer 2012. 589-590. ὧν ὁ μὲν Λάκων’ ὄχλον / ἄγων Θεράπνης: for Praxandros as leader of the Spartans see 586-587n. “Therapne’ merely elaborates, in Lyk.'s favourite part-for-whole manner, the idea that this is a Spartan contingent, cf. s90-

sgın. for the specified Achaian sites. Alkman of the



colonizing venture by the Achaians. (None of the

of well-towered

three places are in Homer, see LACP: p. 473, but Antimachos in the Thedais, frags 27—quoted by Tzetzes on the present passage of Lyk.—and 28 Wyss and Matthews, talked about Dyme.) However, the particular choice of Boura by the western-minded Lyk. might have been affected by the homonymy between the spring called Sybaris near Boura and the famous Sybaris river in S. Italy; according to Strabo (8. 7. 5) the latter was said to have been named after the

Therapne’, καὶ ναὸς ἁγνὸς εὐπύργω Σεράπνας (frag. 14b PMG), which suggests a considerable settlement. Paus. 3. 19. 9 located the Menelaion at

Therapne (Μενελάου δέ ἐστιν ἐν αὐτῇ ναός). The Menelaion is an important and defensible exca-

vated site south of Sparta, on the lower slopes of Mt Parnon (Catling 2009), and this fixes Therapne

securely enough; see Shipley 1997: 264-5 no. 133 and Barr. map 58 C3, putting the two sites close

together. (But—despite Paus. and the implication of Alkman—the identification of the Menelaion with Therapne is not regarded as quite certain, and

Therapne has been placed at the mod. village of Chrysapha, 20 km. SE of Sparta and considerably E of the Menelaion, see Cartledge 2002: 290 and map (fig, 16) at 114.) 590-591. θάτερος δ᾽ dm’ Ὠλένου / Δύμης τε Βουραίοισιν: Olenos and Dyme were both poleis in W. Achaia, SW. of Patrai, mod. Patras (LACP. nos 238 and 234, Barr. map 58 B1); Boura


(LACP: no. 233) was much further to the E, near Aigai (Barr. map 58 Cr). Olenos’ inhabitants were absorbed into Dyme by synoikism (Strabo 8. 7. 4) and the city had disappeared by the time of Polybius (2. 41.7); while Boura was badly hit by the earthquake of 373 Bc. To the ancient sources for the damage to Boura by this earthquake at L4CP: p. 480, add FGrHist 241 Eratosthenes F43, with F. Pownall in ΒΝ), this is cited, together with the

Golgoi in E. Cyprus, north of Kition, was hesi-



former, ἀπὸ δὲ τῆς ἐνταῦθα κρήνης Συβάριδος τὸν κατὰ τὴν Ἰταλίαν ποταμὸν ὀνομασθῆναί φασιν. This has been thought to indicate actual colonizing activity by the Bourians in what was certainly an area of Achaian settlement (see LACP: no. 233, giving mod. refs). At any rate, the homonymy, if like the poem's sharp-witted hearers we are aware of it, means that Boura effects a neat

transition to the next main section of the poem, the western


of Diomedes.

But, that

recondite detail apart, a thematic transition to


The nostoi continue


ὁ δ᾽ Ἀργύριππα Δαυνίων maykAnpiav 592

Ἀργύριππα A, (?) Steph. Byz. a 405 Bill. Ἀργυρίππα A Ἀργυρίππαν BCDE

592-632 is effected anyway by 586-591, because Praxandros’ home city of Sparta founded not only Cypriot places but Taras in 5. Italy, just as the Achaians generally were active in both Cyprus and S. Italy, though Dyme and Olenos are not specifically known to have sent colonists to Italy. In each

the J/iad, Diomedes again helps Odysseus, this time in the theft of Athenas cult statue the Palladion (363, 668 and nn.), an action for which Dante has them punished together for ever in the Inferno: Canto 26. Perhaps on this occasion

case the S. Italian activity was well known, the

Koroibos, who was insanely in love with Kassandra, acc. V. A. 2. 343; but other traditions made Neoptolemos or Peneleos the slayer of

Cypriot much less so. Finally, it is possible (Sens 2009:

26-7, cf. 373-386n.)

to see the transition

Cyprus-Daunia as continuing an approximately clockwise movement round the Mediterranean. 592-632. Diomedes in Daunia (1) ‘This episode, which has rightly been called ‘one of the most attractive parts of the poem’ (S. West 2007: 206), is the first of two sections about

Diomedes in the West, specifically Daunia in SE

(P. Rylands 22) Diomedes

and Odysseus


Koroibos. See Little Iliad frag. 24 (= Paus. 10. 27. 1)

with West 20132: 217-18. In any case, Lyk. does not allow Kassandra to allude to Koroibos. Diomedes is punished by Aphrodite for wounding her; the goddess may have been weak in battle, but she knows how to use her weapon of sexual desire, and makes his wife Aigialeia unfaithful with Kometes (610-613n.). When he returns to Árgos, the two adulterers try to kill him,

Italy, mod. N. Puglia. For Diomedes (2) see 1056-

as in the Oresteia story, but unlike Agamemnon he

1066. Why is the material divided in this way?


The poem shows a marked interest in Apulia; and

where he founds Argyrippa (592n.) and enjoys cult on the island or rather islands of Diomedes (599 n. for new archaeological and epigraphic confirmation) and the Daunian mainland opposite. In Lyk., the western cult of the understudy Diomedes corresponds to the Black Sea cult of

the Daunian material, here and later, can be seen as a thematic doubling of Trojan themes already explored in the early parts of the poem (Pouzadoux and Prioux 2009: 459 n. 14, cf. 461). But there are other examples

of divided material, not all

of which can be so explained: Hektor, Hekabe, the Hesione/Phoinodamas story, and above all Kassandra’s own fate, told in two stages: 347-364 (assault by Ajax) and 1108-1120 (death at hands of

and goes

to the Italian west (Daunia),

Achilles in the east of the Greek world (186—210

and nn., and for the parallel between the two cults see Fraser 1994: 183 n. 509), but that of Diomedes is narrated more fully, as suits a poem with a markedly western slant. The unhappy homecom-

Klytaimestra). We may suggest that double or multiple treatment is, for the poet, a way of indi-

ing of Diomedes may be hinted at (or developed

cating the importance of the topic in question.

from) the speech of Aphrodite’s mother Dione

The Argive Diomedes, son of Tydeus (one of the Seven against Thebes), was prominent on the

Greek side in the fighting in I/ 5 (the ‘aristeia of Diomedes’, where he wounds Aphrodite and even, with Athena's help, Ares the war-god himself), and in the early part of 6. Homer needs a

great Greek hero to replace Achilles, who is sulking in his tent, and Diomedes is the understudy (the drinking song PMG no. 894 puts them together in the Islands of the Blest). In the

(Il. 5. 406-9), who says that Diomedes

is a fool

not to realise that the man who fights the gods will have no happy welcome from children when he comes back from war. See LIMC ‘Diomedes τ᾽, (Boardman and Vaphopoulou-Richardson); A. H. Glrifiths], OCD*. For the purely literary tradition about the zostos of Diomedes, see C. Robert 1926: 1487—96.

Doloneia (J/. 10. 242-5) he co-opts Odysseus for

From these Greek beginnings, Diomedes develops interestingly into a hero of ‘brief, ad hoc encounters involving commerce, marriage

his night-time expedition. Outside the action of

and hospitality’ (Malkin 19982: 242). The story


Diomedes in Daunia (1)


Another will build Argyrippa as a Daunian heritage

transmitted by Lyk. is partly about the uneasy relations






It has been suggested (Fantasia 1972; Lamboley

1996: 439; Shipley 2011: 104) that the myths of Diomedes were exploited or promoted by Dionysios I in the 4th cent. sc as part of his


represented by Diomedes, and the indigenous population, represented by Daunos

(619n.); the

metamorphosis of Diomedes’ companions into birds is in part an expression of these tensions (594-595n., and see esp. Malkin 19982: 238f.; cf. also Herring 2000 and Baron 2013: 222). For the traditions about Diomedes in the west and his

establishment Woodhead

Lamboley 1996: 439 (Diomedes a local Apulian hero, merged with the famous Greek one; for this idea see already Beaumont 1936: 195 and Dunbabin 1948: 14); Malkin 1998a: 234-57 (just too early for the Palagruza finds); Giangiulio 2006; Castiglioni

2008; Mari 2009: 417 n. 29; Genovese 2009: 189-266; Mazzei 2010. Note the new evidence cited at 599n. For Aitolians in Italy, see Fabre 1981, On Torelli 1984 and 1999 (attempt to connect Diomedes with the Latin colony at Luceria, accepted by Dench 2003: 308), see 1129-1130 n In the larger architecture of the poem, the Greek-Daunian collision can be seen as prefiguring the colonial confrontations which will feature of Kassandras



in Aitia

An Athenian Palladion


tradition (an aetiology of the court)





at Phaleron, the early harbour of Athens, on his way home from Troy. Some of his Argive companions were killed, and Theseus’son Demophon then founded the law court in obedience to an oracle: Paus. 1. 28. 9 with Sourvinou-Inwood 2011: 247. It would be futile to try to construct an itinerary for Diomedes on this basis (e.g. TroyAthens-Argos-Italy);

the Athenian

independently, and for local reasons.

story arose





'Arpi' (treaty with the

Romans by 320 ΒΟ acc. to the implication of Livy 9. 13, with Dench 2003: 300, citing Mazzei 1987 (cf. Torelli 1999: 104 and τος plate 31) for shared hostility to the Samnites, perhaps expressed artistically: see 623n. for its history in the Hannibalic War. Notable Hellenistic buildings excavated

2) writing

them were dilapidated; not Syracuse, for example).


for which see OCD*

about western foundations, cf. Acosta-Hughes and Stephens 2012: 142-3. They suggest that the subject was topical after the activities of Agathokles and Pyrrhus, and that there was an intended contrast between Ptolemaic glory and the now dilapidated state of the Sicilian cities (but by no means all of


592. 6 0 ᾿Αργύριππα Δαυνίων παγκληρίαν: the formula of transition to new topic and area is standard, see Sens 2009: 25. Argyrippa or Argos Hippion (Eustath. 2 Dion. Perieg. 483, cf. Kall. frag. 426 P£) became Arpi, the chief Daunian city,

speech, (see


(for this

comments on the notes which follow (made in sumrner 2012).

esp. 1267 and 1359-1361 for Italy, and 1369-1396, the Aiolid and Miletos). On the motivation for Lyk.


Daunian region and off-lying islands was already established by the sth cent. (599 n.). The sources for the Daunian material in the Alexandra and its ancient commentators included Timaios and Lykos, both of whom are cited by Sand "Tzetzes at 615 (FGrHist 566 F 53 and 570 F 3). But in the present section the extent of the indebtedness is unclear; see 615n. I am grateful to Irad Malkin for some

mythical foundations in the Daunia region, see Fantasia 1972; Musti 1994: and Fraser 1994: 182-4;

in the final section

of an Adriatic

project see Fraser 1993 against the scepticism of

there include the "Tomb of the Medusa’, for which

see Mazzei 1995). The place-name in its two Greek forms was evidently taken to allude to the Argive origin of Diomedes (who, however, also counted as Aitolian through his father Tydeus, cf. Malkin 1998a: 240f). Argyrippa was ‘part and parcel of the Greek world in the Hellenistic age’; so Fraser 1994: 184, citing a Delphic proxeny

grant in 191 BC to an Argyrippan called Σάλσιος TayvAAıos Ταγίλου υἱὸς Ἀργυριππανός, next door to ἃ similar grant to a man from Brindisi (Syll? 585. 64-5, 69-70; cf. Beloch 1926: 589). Fraser suggested that Salsios might have been a theorodokos for Delphian Zheoroi in Apulia and Picenum. For such inscriptions as evidence for the interconnectedness


of E.





The nostoi continue


map’ Αὐσονίτην Φυλαμὸν δωμήσεται, πικρὰν ἑταίρων ἐπτερωμένην


οἰωνόμικτον μοῖραν, ot θαλασσίαν δίαιταν αἰνήσουσι πορκέων δίκην, κύκνοισιν ἰνδαλθέντες εὐγλήνοις δομήν. ῥάμφεσσι δ᾽ ἀγρώσσοντες ἐλλόπων Üopovs, φερώνυμον νησῖδα νάσσονται πρόμου, ,ὔ














Erskine 2013, who does ποῖ, however, discuss these

Diomedes returns to Argos and finds that his

particular instances (nor does he bring Lyk. into

wife Aigialeia has been unfaithful with Kometes son of Sthenelos. The two try to kill him but he escapes to the altar of Argive Hera. He goes to

the picture at all). Ἀργύριππα: the neuter plural (not fem. sing. Apyöpımmav) is the better form, and is not only the reading of A (accented paroxy-

Italy where Daunos or Daunios (Ant. Lib.), king

of the Daunians, asks him for help in his war against the Messapians, offering as reward a share of the land and his daughter's hand in marriage

tone), but seerns also to have been in the text of

Lyk. used by Steph. Byz. P. Oxy. 2094, which includes 586-592, is missing the first half of the line. rayrAnpiav: A. Cho. 486.

(the daughter is not in Tzetzes).

In Antoninus’ version, Diomedes agrees, defeats 593. Αὐσονίτην: see 44n. For δωμήσεται

the Messapians and distributes the land among


his Dorian followers. He marries the daughter and

48n. The river Phylamos is thought (Holzinger) to be the Aufidus (mod. Ofanto), which runs

past the battle-site of Cannae, and divided Daunia from Peuketia to the S.; see Barr. map 45 CD2. But Argyrippa itself was on the mod. river

Aquilo (map 45 Cz), and this may be meant.

has two sons, Diomedes


most spectacular and detailed of the many metaBirds, the archetypal text about colonizers who lose their human shape. See also V. A. 11. 271-7 (Diomedes


it as punishment



wounding of Aphrodite/Venus, see 592-632 n.), and Ovid Met. 14. 456-511 (with the same explanation at 477-8). The derivation of V. at least, from Lyk. is very likely; so rightly S. West 1983: 133. Cf. Klein 2009: 573-4. Strabo's account of the ‘islands of Diomedes' (599 n.) includes an account of the metamorphosis. (From Timaios?) For the

metamorphosis see also Sistakou 2012: 166, calling it grotesque, but not bringing out sufficiently its relevance to the colonizing background The background to the metamorphosis is described fully by Tzetzes and by Antoninus Liberalis 37, ‘Dorians’, clearly drawing on the same tradition, though with discrepant details.


Daun(i)os dies, jealous Illyrian barbarians

attack and kill the Dorians when they are in the act of sacrificing. Zeus causes their bodies to disappear but turns their souls into birds. And even

594-595. ἐπτερωμένην ἰδών / οἰωνόμικτον μοῖραν: the fate of Diomedes’ companions is the morphoses in Lyk.; see 176 n., where this is no. 10 in the list. Cf. Buxton 2010: 69 for Aristophanes’

and Amphinomos.

dies of old age and is ceremonially buried by his Dorians on ‘the island’ which is thenceforth called Diomedeia. They cultivate the fertile land. But

now, says Antoninus, when a Greek ship lands there, the birds flock to it, but they avoid all

Illyrian ships and leave the island. It will be seen that in this version the villains are a third party, the Illyrians, not the Daunians. (For Illyrian ‘piracy’ in the Adriatic, see Dell 1967. It did not begin with the activities of the Illyrian Queen Teuta in 231 Bc, as implied by Pol. 2. 4. 8-9.) But Tzetzes and Z represent the Greeks and Daunians in bilateral conflict, with some treach-

ery on the Greek side. 2 610 says bluntly that Daunos killed Diomedes by a trick. 2 619 nar-

rates an earlier phase of Diomedes’ Italian period (and Tzetzes gives this in logical detail), as follows. ised Diomedes the land, evidently goes back on

greater but not entirely Despite having promor some of it, Daunos his promise, because

Diomedes’ bastard brother Alainos, who is in love

with Daunos’ daughter Euhippe, is employed as arbitrator and awards Diomedes the booty only,


Diomedes in Daunia (1)


by the side ofthe Ausonian Phylamos, when he sees the bitter winged fate of his companions, turned into birds; they will welcome a maritime way of life, like fishermen, in shape resembling keen-sighted swans. Catching with their beaks the spawn of fishes, they will inhabit the island which bears the name of


their leader;

not the land. So Diomedes curses the land so as to be infertile for ever, unless an Aitolian should sow it (he himself counted

by two lines, and entry for ἔλλοψ.)

as Aitolian as well







599. The ‘island which bears the name of the leader’ (sc. Diomedes) has been spectacularly illuminated by recent archaeological finds. The

as Argive, through his grandfather Oineus, king of Kalydon). Cf. 623 n.: these future Aitolians are the Dasii of Argyrippa/Arpi. For the magical stelai—originally part of the walls of Troy— which Diomedes planted in Daunia (as boundary markers,

this has affected


of Diomedes’





many ancient writers (e. g. Strabo 6. 3. 9; Plin. NH 3. 151.) These do not always distinguish between cult of Diomedes on the offshore islands and on the mainland of Italy. See esp. Theophr. HP 4.5. 6 (printed by Fraser 1994: 190 as his ext. 11): ‘they say that the plane-tree and other waterloving trees are not found except round the


their former position when Daunos tried to move them, see 616-617 and 625 with nn. For an intriguing analogy with the fate of the 6th-cent. Phokaians who went west (Hdt. 1. 167, FGrHist 90 F 51 and other sources), see Malkin

shrine of Diomedes’, the source for this, which

19982: 245 É: the two stories illustrate the range of colonial expectations and fears, from local invitation and co-operation, to annihilation and curses directed against the ‘barbarians’. As Irad Malkin

is ambiguous as between mainland and islands, may have been the Syracusan historian Philistos (FGrHist 556), who wrote around 400 Bc (Fraser 1994: 184). This, and Ps.-Skylax's mention in the

puts it to me, curses are the weapon of the weak

and frustrated.

4th cent. sc of (mainland) Umbrian worship of Diomedes and a temple to him (para. 16) are the

597. κύκνοισιν ἰνδαλθέντες: cf. Ovid. Met. 14. 5089:'si volucrum quae sit subitarum forma, requiris, /

earliest literary attestations of the cult (Shipley 2011: 18 and 103-4). See also [Ar.] mir. ausc. 109-

ut non cygnorum, sic albis proxima cygnis’. Other

10, the source of which may be either Timaios,





or (again) Philistos. This speaks of a shrine of Athena Achaia in the Daunian region (i.e. main-


shearwaters, coots, etc. Shearwaters are right: see Benton 1960. Indeed Cory's shearwater, a native of Mediterranean islands, takes its Latin name from Diomedes (Calonectris diomedea). For ἰνδαλθέ-

ντες see 2547256 n. εὐγλήνοις: see 659n.

land) containing weapons of Diomedes and his

companions (109, see 1123 ff.) and of a sanctuary of Artemis among


the (mainland)

Peuketioi in

there is a dedication by Diomedes


Artemis (110).

598. ῥάμφεσσι:

cf. Kall. frag. 647 Pf. = 272

Strabo says there were two islands of Diomedes,

Massimilla. ἐλλόπων: also at 796 and 1375. ἔλλοζ

one inhabited, one deserted. They have traditionally been identified with the small isole Tremiti,

is a poetic word for a fish (e.g. Opp. Hal. 2. 658),

but how and why it comes to mean that is not 1947: 62-3. It is an adjec-

close to the Italian coast N of the Gargano promontory There are in fact five of these islands,

tive and is explained by Hesych. as meaning ‘dumb’, but LSJ? suggests instead ‘scaly’, from λεπίς. (The Loeb edn p. 370 misnumbers 592—615

San Domino. The three tiny deserted islands are Capraia (i.e. goat-island, so-called like many small

certain; see Thompson

of which









The nostoi confinue

θεατρομόρφῳ πρὸς κλίτει γεωλόφῳ


ἀγυιοπλαστήσαντες ἐμπέδοις τομαῖς πυκνὰς καλιάς, Ζῆθον ἐκμιμούμενοι. x





ὁμοῦ δ᾽ ἐς ἄγραν κἀπὶ κοιταίαν νάπην νύκτωρ στελοῦνται, πάντα φεύγοντες βροτῶν κάρβανον ὄχλον, ἐν δὲ Γραικίταις πέπλοις t








about Diomedes in the west, and explains it as due to his lack of interest in the Daunian region. For φερώνυμος and similarly formed words in Lyk., see 164n. νάσσομαι (the middle and pas-

Aegean goat-grazing islands, cf. R/O no. 82. 11 for Polyaiga, disputed between Melos and Kimolos),

Cretaccio, and Pianosa. See further 6oon. for the physical appearance of the islands. But it is now clear that the Adriatic cult of Diomedes was much more widespread. Archaeological discoveries have shown that the

sive future

mod. Croatia, but actually closer to the coast of both sites, pottery fragments have been found, inscribed with the name Diomedes. As to (i), the main Palagruza island is Vela (‘large’) and the other Mala (‘small’) Palagruza. A chance excavation on Vela Palagruza in 1995 revealed sth-cent. sc Attic pottery inscribed e.g. AIOMEAI[- (see Fig. 4). See SEG 48. 629bis-694; Colonna 1998; Kirigin and Cace 1998; Parker 1999; IACP: p. 323; Castiglioni 2008: 17-18; Kirigin 2013. See Casule 2012: 214 for the importance of both Palagruza and Cape Ploca as a crucial locations for seafaring traffic; cf. also Broodbank 2013: 562. As to (ii), an international (Croatian, Canadian, and British) initiative called the ‘Adriatic Island

Project’ has resulted in important finds at Cape Ploca, which it seems safe to identify with the 'promuntorium Diomedis’ of Pliny, NH 5. 141. The earliest finds are from the second half of the 4th cent. Bc, and include a pottery fragment inscribed AIOMEAI AOPON, gift to Diomedes’. See BilicDujmusic 2004, Kirigin 2004, and Castiglioni 2008: 12-16.

These finds give further support to the arguments

of Malkin


254 (made


knowledge of the Palagruza material) that the cult of Diomedes moved, perhaps in the 7th cent., through the Adriatic to Apulia and thence north and south. Malkin 254 notes the silence of Hdt.

of vaiw, ‘I dwell’) has active

Lyk., who uses it seven times, cf. Schade on 785),

pair of islands about 50 km. away to the NE, Palagruza, just inside the territorial waters of

Adriatic coast of central Croatia, Cape Ploca. At


sense; see LSJ. For πρόμος (a favourite word of

‘islands of Diomedes’ included (i) another small

Italy, see 600n.; and (ii) a peninsular site on the


see e.g. I7. 3. 44 with Rengakos 1994: 125. See also A. Supp. 905. 600. This description would fit both San Nicola and Vela Palagruza, rocky islands with steep inclines. There is more than one ‘theatre-shaped’,

θεατροειδής, location or city in Diodorus: 2.10. 2 (hanging gardens

of Babylon, probably

the Alexander-historian


Kleitarchos), 16. 76. 2

(Perinthos, from Ephoros), 19. 45. 3 and 20. 83. 2 (Rhodes, perhaps


a local Rhodian


rian). The sources of all these are 4th-cent. sc or Hellenistic, though the actual word may be Diodorus own

(c.30 Bc)

and therefore cannot

have influenced Lyk. But the idea of theatreshaped constructions was a favourite Hellenistic notion, cf. Vitruv, 2. 8. 1: (Halikarnassos), ‘is autem locus est theatrae curvaturae similis’. 601. A three-word line, cf. 63n. For the seven-

syllable hapax-word ἀγυιοπλαστήσαντες, ‘fashioning after the manner of streets’, see Guilleux 2009: 227-8.

602. καλιάς: cf. Hes. WD 301 and 307 (‘barn’); Theok. 29. 12 ('bird's nest’, as here). Ζῆθον ἐκμι-


the brothers Amphion

and Zethos

were sons of Zeus and Antiope (one of the many

daughters of the river-god Asopos), and were mythical founders of Thebes: Od. τι. 260-5, where Odysseus meets Antiope in the Underworld; also Hes. frag. 182 M/W. Amphion was a lyre-playing musician and Zethos bred cows. Zethos married ‘Thebe, another daughter of Asopos (so that this was incestuous, see above, except that Antiope's



Diomedes in Daunia (1) on a protruding theatre-shaped mound, with firm twigs, as if building streets, they make their compact nests, in imitation of Zethos. ‘They go out together to the hunt, and at night they come back to the valley-glade to rest, avoiding every gathering


of barbarian men, but seeking, in the folds


605-606. ἐν δὲ Γραικίταις πέπλοις / κόλπων:

father may have been Nykteus, and Zethos’ wife may have been Aedon); and Amphion married Niobe. Amphions musicianship charmed the stones so that they danced into position of their own accord (if Zethos’ name suggests Amphion, this may possibly hint at the motif of the Daunian stelai: 625-627). Zethos’ role in the building work

is obscure but was presumably more mundane. The pair featured in now fragmentary plays: Sophocles’

Niobe and esp. Euripides’ Antiope, quoted by Plato, Grg., who took the pair as exemplars of the contemplative and the active lives; at frag. 223. 127-8 TrGF, Hermes promises that they will receive cult at Thebes as the ‘white colts of Zeus’, λευκὼ δὲ πώλω τὼ Διὸς κεκλημένοι / τιμὰς μεγίστας ἕξετ᾽ ἐν Κάδμου πόλει. This looks ephebic, cf. perhaps 680n. for "White Hermes’ in Boiotia. See Apollod. 3. 5. 5-6, citing Hes. frag. 183 M/W; A. Schlachter], Amphion and Zethus’in OCD* ‚and Schachter 1981-94. 1. 28-9 (noting the curious silence of Pindar); Gantz 1993: 484-8; F. Heger, LIMC 1.1: zı8ff. Zethos is here more than a mere synonym for ‘city-builder’; he looks forward both to the Boiotian section at 633-647 and perhaps also to the Daunian stelai. 605. xdpBavov ὄχλον: that is, the indigenous Daunian population, or possibly the Illyrians who feature in Antoninus Liberalis' version (594595n.). kápBavos (used again at 1387) is a very rare equivalent for βάρβαρος, but was used by Klytaimestra to the hitherto mute Kassandra

herselfat A. Ag. 1061, inviting her to make herself understood by gestures with her ‘barbarian hand’, καρβάνῳ χερί. See also A. Supp. 130 and 914.

Tzetzes’ cites ‘Diogenes in the Galatika’ for κάρBavos as a Phoenician word. This Diogenes is not in Jacoby, and I have not been able to find out anything more about him. He has an extremely

common name.

the particle δέ is strongly adversative: although the birds flee from barbarians, they nevertheless actively seek refuge (‘customary sleep’) with Greeks, who are referred to metonymically by their clothing.

(For this word

for ‘Greeks’ see

Malkin 1998a: 147-50: the Graikoi probably originated in NW Greece and moved across the Adriatic’ see 532 n.). At first the listener or hearer might be puzzled by the second half of 605 (how can the birds themselves be ‘dressed in Greek clothing’?), but the next line makes it clear that év refers not to clothing worn, but to the place in

which rest is sought. πέπλοις κόλπων is also unexpected: we expect ‘folds of clothing’, and that seems to be the sense, but instead we have

‘clothing of folds’. These two lines




Hist. mir. CLXXII, quoting Kall. (frag. 407 Pf.),

quoting Lykos (FGrHist 570 F 6 with D. Smith's comm. in BN/): on the island of Diomedeia, the herons are friendly towards Greeks and even fly into their κόλποι. (Much

the same material is

given, without source-attributions and with large birds’, instead of herons, at [Ar.] mir. ausc. 79; see Fraser 1972: 2. 1079 n. 384). This does not prove that Lykos was Lyk.’s source, because of the possibility that Lykos drew on Timaios (on this point, see 615n.). See also Augustine, CD 18. 16, from Varro, with Geffcken 1902: 7. For a similar story about dogs in Diomedes' temple (they fawn on Greeks), see [Ar.] mir. ausc. 109 with Fraser, as above; Forbes-Irving 1990: 231 compares the story at Aelian NA 11.5 about dogs at a temple of Athena in Daunia who are friendly to Greeks but bark at barbarians. See Malkin 19982: 238f. for such stories as expressive of Greek insecurities in

a foreign land. By the time of Strabo (6. 3. 9), the birds no longer distinguish between Greeks and barbarians, but on the basis of moral qualities (Malkin 19982: 239).


The nostoi continue


κόλπων ἰαυθμοὺς ἠθάδας διζήμενοι, καὶ κρίμνα χειρῶν κἀπιδόρπιον τρύφος μάζης σπάσονται προσφιλὲς κνυζούμενοι τῆς πρὶν διαίτης τλήμονες μεμνημένοι. Τροιζηνίας δὲ τραῦμα φοιτάδος πλάνης ἔσται κακῶν TE πημάτων παραίτιον, ὅταν θρασεῖα θουρὰς οἰστρήσῃ κύων πρὸς λέκτρα. τύμβος δ᾽ αὐτὸν ἐκσώσει μόρου


Ὁπλοσμίας, σφαγαῖσιν ηὐτρεπισμένον. 607

κρῖμνα Scheer

606. ἰαυθμούς: this hapax word is formed from

Wehrli = Ath. 632a) said of the people of


see Rougier-

Poseidonia/Paestum in S. Italy that they were originally Greeks but are now barbarized, having

607. κρίμνα: for this homely word for barleygroats, see Kall, frag. 260. 46 Pf. = 74. 5 Hollis, with

words were deleted by Wilamowitz]. They ‘have

Holliss n. (the context is ‘slightly similar’ in the

today they celebrate only one Greek festival. They

lado, Ἵ sleep’ (430n.);

Blanc 2009: 545 f.

two poems) and Hollis 2007: 285: Lyk. more likely to be the borrower. Cf. 793-794, where Hollis again thinks Lyk. may be recollecting Kall.; see 793n. That line is not only preserved on the papyrus of the Hekale but quoted by X on the present passage of Lyk. κἀπιδόρπιον τρύφος: Lyk.’s only two uses of the adjective (‘after-dinner’, ‘dessert’) occur in rapid succession; see 661, where it refers

with grim humour to the wine which Odysseus will use on the Kyklops as a soporific before blinding him. See Theok. 13. 36 (Herakles and Hylas), where Hunter 1999: 276 notes that Theok. and

Lyk. are the first to use the word, and that Ap. Rh. 1.1209, in his account of the Hylas episode, has the Homeric ποτιδόρπιον (Od. 9. 234 and 239, of the Kyklops, but earlier than the blinding episode). See also Headlam 178 on Herodas 4 line 13. 608. κνυζούμενοι: the verb is poetic, and more usually used of the howling or whining of dogs, cf. Od. 16. 163, when the dogs saw Athena, they did not bark, but cowered κνυζηθμῷ.




or Romans

their language


and customs

last two

so that

come together for this and recall the ancient names and practices, lament with one another

and go on their way shedding many tears’. See N. Purcell, CAH 6° 393-4 for good discussion of this fragment, and of the more complex reality of cultural interchange in 5. Italy, as demonstrated by archaeology; cf. also Herring 1996: 169 and Briquel 1990: 187. Frisone 2011 speculates

that the ritual lamentation by the people of Poseidonia was connected with some sort of hero-cult for Achilles, as attested for Kroton at 856-861. But Aristoxenos seems to be describing something much more interesting and unusual,

namely institutionalized colonial pothos. (The doubts of Erskine 2013: 31-2 about the value of this fragment, and about whether it represents Aristoxenos

at all rather




over-done). On the supposedly anachronistic mention of the Romans, which worries Erskine,

see above for Wilamowitzs deletion.) Lyk.s picture is even more extreme than that of Aristoxenos, in that Diomedes’ companions are

609. τῆς πρὶν διαίτης τλήμονες μεμνημένοι: an important and authentic comment on the nostalgia felt for their homeland and way of life by the colonial Greeks of S. Italy. In the second half of

represented as successfully (and implausibly) avoiding all barbarian contact. For nostalgia

the 4th cent. sc, the philosopher, historian, and

from Hieronymos of Kardia: the Greeks settled


in the Upper Satrapies by Alexander rose in


of Taras



felt for their δίαιτα by Greeks in the extreme far east of the Greek world, see Diod. 18. 7. 1,


Diomedes in Daunia (1)


of Greek clothes, their customary sleep;

they will eat hand-held bread and after-dinner morsels of barley-cake, with affectionate whimpering, as they remember in sadness their former way of life.

His wounding of the Troizenian goddess will be part-cause


of his distraught wanderings and his dire calamities, when the bold and lustful bitch will be goaded

with a craving for sex. The altar of Hoplosmia will save him from death, when he has been made ready for slaughter.


611. παραίτιον: cf. A. Cho. 910, Klytaimestra tells

revolt after his death, ποθοῦντες

Orestes that Fate was partly responsible for what

μὲν THY Ἑλληνικὴν ἀγωγὴν καὶ δίαιταν. In Daunia in particular, archaeology shows that Greek influence steadily declined between the 4th and rst cents. sc: Colivicchi 2011.

had happened, ἡ Μοῖρα

610-613. Z attributes this story to Mimnermos, and has been followed by many modern scholars; probably wrongly, despite Musti 1994: 189 ff. and Malkin 19982: 237; cf. also Prinz 1979: 159 n. 6o. It is printed by M. West (IE* frag. 22) among ‘dubia

Greek wives, including Aigialeia, in revenge for the death of his son Palamedes. (In other versions,

this role is played by Palamedes’ brother Oiax.) For Nauplios' revenge, cf. 1087-1098 n.

et spuria". The reading καθώς φησι Μίμνερμος is uncertain (some MSS have μνήμερμος or

612. οἰστρήσῃ κύων: for the root of the verb, see 40§N. on οἴστρου βρόχοις.

piuvepos), and West ingeniously offers καθώς

613-614. τύμβος δ᾽ αὐτὸν ἐκσώσει μόρου / Ὁπλοσμίας: Hoplosmia, a military word, was a cult epithet of Hera at Elis, acc. X. Hera

φησι καὶ Ὅμηρος, citing Eustath. on Dion. Perieg. 483, ἔνθα ᾧκησε Διομήδης διωχθεὶς ἐκ τῆς πατρίδος Ἀφροδίτης χόλῳ οἷα τρωθείσης ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ ἐν τῷ κατὰ Τροίαν πολέμῳ, καθά φησι καὶ ‘Ounpos... That is, Homer is cited

Hoplosmia features in the modem epigraphic literature in connection with a short and partly unintelligible archaic Greek inscription from Paestum

merely for the wounding of Aphrodite, for which see I]. 5. 336.

610. Τροιζηνίας δὲ τραῦμα: Aphrodite is associated with Troizen above all because of the Hippolytos story, which probably originated there, and which presupposes an important cult of Aphrodite; see E. Hipp. 12-13, Aphrodite complains that Hippolytos is the only Troizenian citizen not to honour her. For particular cults of Aphrodite at Troizen see Paus. 2. 32. 3 and 7.

Steph. Byz. gives Ἀφροδισίας as one of several alternative names for Troizen (but these also include Apollonias and Poseidonia, for the last of which cf. Strabo 8. 6. 14). For Diomedes’ wounding of Aphrodite see 610-613n. porrados: this adjective is used of Kassandra about herself at A. Ag. 1273, φοιτὰς ws ἀγυρτρία, ‘like a wandering

τούτων, ὦ τέκνον,

παραιτία. If ‘partly’ can be pressed here, there may be a hint at the role of Nauplios, who in Apollod. (ep. 6. 711) caused the infidelities of various

(Posidonia) in S. Italy: IGDGG 2 no. 18, This seem-

ingly chimerical attestation of Hera Hoplosmia is hesitantly entered in the Rennes database (see Introduction section 11), but Lyk.’s two mentions of Eleian (Hera) Hoplosmia—the other is at 858— are not. On Hera Hoplosmia, see Maddoli 1983: 313-60. But the epithet, as opposed to the name Hera, is not present, and the connection seems to

be a mere modern guess. Hera’s consort Zeus is mentioned as Hoplosmios in an inscription from Methydrion in Arkadia: Sy/l.3 490 line 18 (c.233 BC); cf. Robert 1963a: 189 n. 2. See also Jost 1985: 277-8, who at 277 and n. 4 cites (for Hera Hoplosmia)

Lyk. and 2. A warlike goddess (whether Hera or Athena) at Elis is curious: "L'Élide nest pas une terre de soldats’: Launey 1949-50: 130.

For τύμβος meaning ‘altar’, Z cites Douris of Samos; see 313 n. (614 is a three-word line: 63 n.)

mendicant priestess’ (Fraenkel).



The nostoi continue

κολοσσοβάμων δ᾽ ev πτυχαῖσιν Αὐσόνων σταθείς, ἐρείσει κῶλα χερμάδων ἔπι


τοῦ τειχοποιοῦ γαπέδων Ἀμοιβέως,

τὸν ἑρματίτην νηὸς ἐκβάλλων πέτρον. / n ; κρίσει δ᾽ 55Adaivov τοῦ ^ κασιγνήτου σφαλείς,/ M






εὐχὰς ἀρούραις ἀμφ᾽ ἐτητύμους βαλεῖ, >









Δηοῦς ἀνεῖναι μήποτ᾽ ὄμπνιον στάχυν 615-632. Acc. Z, Diomedes put stones from Troy

into his ship as ballast, then was driven out of Argos by Aigialeia, went to Italy, and at Kerkyra

(presumably en route for Italy) killed the dragon which had been guarding the Golden Fleece; the

It is not clear how much of the summary went back to Timaios and Lykos: the maximum would be the whole narrative of Diomedes in Daunia (Holzinger) and perhaps much more, the minimum would be just the final section. See 615 n.

dragon mistook Diomedes’ golden shield, given him

by Glaukos

(IL 6. 234-6), for the

615. κολοσσοβάμων:


Fleece. See 632 n. At the end of this summary, 2 615 adds ‘Timaios says this (ἱστορεῖ δὲ τοῦτο), and also Lykos in his third book’, an important piece of evidence for the inquiry into Lyk.’s own sources (the frags are FGrHist 566 F 53 and 570 F 3, with the

ΒΝ] comms of C. Champion for Timaios and D. Smith for Lykos). See 615n. Timaios and Lykos (possibly father of the tragedian Lykophron of Chalkis) were approximate contemporaries, both active about 300 ac. There is no way of

this hapax word implies

locomotion and should mean ‘with the stride of a colossus’, but Diomedes is standing still (oraθείς) to view the terrain, so the comparison to a

colossus is resembles to Achilles (published Aeschylean

of a general sort, unless the adjective Homeric 'swift-footed' as applied even when stationary. Ángió 2012 2014): 275 (in the course of a study of and other words in -βάμων, includ-

ing the curious ἀμπελοβάμων in a new frag.

570 ΤΆ); and the more usual view is that Lykos

of Empedokles) suggests that Lyk. may have intended a ref. to the famous Colossus of Rhodes. She also suggests that the paradox of a moving colossus is an advance hint at the equally paradoxical moving pillars of 625-629. See also, independently, Janko 2014: 47-8, discussion of τετραβάμων, ‘four-footed’, at line 10 of a sth-cent. sc hexameter incantation from Sicilian Selinous, of which he gives text and tr. at 42-3. A completely different line of explanation of

came first and was used by T'imaios. See Laqueur, R.-E. ‘Lykos, (50), col. 2405, who admits the theo-

the word seems to have been suggested by T'imaios and Lykos: & and (derivatively) Tzetzes on the

retical possibility that Lykos drew on Timaios, but observed that the J on Lyk. cite Timaios seven times but Lykos only here, and therefore concluded that Lykos was mediated via Timaios. The question

present line explain that Diomedes took stones from the walls of Troy, went to Argos but was

knowing which of them was used by the other. Geffcken 1892: 5 argued from 2's order of naming here—Timaios-Lykos, see above—that Lykos used Timaios (Jacoby's comm. on no. 570, n. 7 to the introduction, at p. 349, attributes to Geffcken a

view opposite to that which he actually held).

Holzinger (n. on 615) countered with Agatharchides’ reverse order of naming, Lykos-Timaios (FGrHist

driven out by his wife Aigialeia and then went to Italy. He found the dragon ‘there’, τηνικαῦτα, as it was ravaging Phaiakia/Kerkyra (but ‘en route’,

is wide open, and Lambin 2005: 16-29 produces no new evidence for the theory that Lyk. used Lykos

καθ᾽ ὁδόν would have been more accurate in view

extensively: we have only 14 certain frags as opp. 158

of the position of Kerkyra). So he killed it. See 632.

of Timaios. Mahé-Simon 2009: 446 says overconfidently that Lykos’ work centred on S. Italy. See De Sensi Sestito 2013b: 103-5, for an argument

He was honoured greatly for this, and he erected a

that Lykos’ work reflected historical exploitation of the Diomedes myth by Agathokles.

statue (or statues, ἀνδριάντας, the reading of Tzetzes preferred by Holzinger) made from the stones of Troy. “This is related by Timaios and Lykos in his third book, (aropet δὲ τοῦτο Τίμαιος


Diomedes in Daunia (1)


Like a Colossus he will stand in the recesses


of Ausonia, and will place his legs on stones taken from the acres where the Exchanger once built walls;

he will throw these ballast-rocks out of his ship. When defeated in the arbitration by his brother Alainos, he will utter effective curses against the soil, that it should never produce Deo’s bountiful grain, καὶ Λύκος ἐν τῷ τρίτῳ. So far Tzetzes reproduces Z (the ‘old scholia’ in Marcianus 476), but he continues at considerable length, giving material from


The so-called ‘Daunian stelai’, a very distinctive local product, may be somehow connected with this strange story of magical boundary-

stones, perhaps by understandable later confusion

£ (N) and from elsewhere. It will be seen that the extent of the derivation from Timaios (or Lykos) is

about their purpose. These blocks, which date from the 7th and 6th cents Bc and were found all over pre-Roman Daunia but mainly in the lagoon area (Cupola-Beccarini and Salapia but

not at all certain. It might be quite small, perhaps the final detail about the statues only: cf. Jacoby, comm, p. 562, remarking that the condensed nature of the scholion makes it impossible to be sure if Timaios is being cited for more than the statue.

also Arpi and Tialto) are now in the archaeological museum of Manfredonia. They appear to be

On the other hand, for what it is worth, there is

dedications of some sort, and depict banqueting,

other evidence (566 F 129) that Timaios was interested in the fortifications of Troy: Brown 1958: 33. But these difficulties mean that Baron 2013: 222 is too confident in his view that Timaios here offers

sacrificial, and marital/erotic scenes, some involving women (for female dress depicted on the stelai see Verger 2008). See Nava 1988: 1. 32-44,

Genovese 2009: 214-33; Mazzei 2010: 117-35 (with excellent photos). In addition to the con-

a ‘typically Greek’ way of incorporating Greek mythology into Western prehistory.

jectural link with the boundary-stones (for this link see Mazzei 2010: 117), it is tempting to speculate further that there might be some iconographic hint at the Daunian cult of Kassandra herself, for which see 1126 n. and 1137n.: the ritual

616-617. χερμάδων ἔπι 7 τοῦ τειχοποιοῦ γαπέdev Ἀμοιβέως: the ‘Exchanger’ is Poseidon (not Apollo, as Pouzadoux and Prioux 2009: 461). Poseidon built the walls of Troy together with Apollo, see 393n.; this divine origin explains the


of the

girls who



cult, and

are compared to the Erinyes, who are thought to be depicted on one of the Daunian stelai; for this suggestion, see Ferri 1971 and Nava 1988: 140-4 and Fig. 5. As for the other stelai, Mazzei 2010: 134 is not confident about identifying any of the depicted figures as gods of Daunia.

magical power of the stones (Holzinger). The epithet Ἀμοιβεύς is explained by Poseidon's gift of Delphi to Apollo in exchange for Kalaureia; both places became centres of amphiktionies. & cites Kall. for this exchange; the relevant frag. is 593 Pf.,

quoted by Z A. Eum. 27, μέσφα Kadaupeins ἦλθεν ἐς ἀντίδοσιν. It was also mentioned by

621. For Deo as Demeter (probably a hypocoristic

Philostephanos, frag. 21 Badino, from Z Ap. Rh. 3. 1242-3b. For Poseidon at Delphi, see Paus. 10. 24. 4 and Syll? 247 K. col. III. 12, the Potidanion. (A slightly different, double, exchange was recorded by Ephoros. See FGrHist 70 F 150, from Strabo 8. 6. 14: Poseidon exchanged Delos for Kalaureia

989, Deo taught the Titans on Kerkyra to harvest it. That passage was surely in Lyk.’s mind hereabouts (cf. 632n. for Kerkyra). As for ὄμπνιος

with Leto, and Tainaron for Delphi with Apollo.)

(also at 1264), see Hollis 2007: 281, suggesting that

Amoibeus is thus an example of a cult epithet which refers to a mythological detail; see Parker 2003: 177 n. 34. Another is Dionysos Sphaltes/ Sphaleotas, see 207n.

Philetas or Philitas of Kos popularized the word among Hellenistic poets (cf. Kall. frag. 1.10 Pf. for ὄμπνια Ocapogópo[s]. See Philetas frag. 46 Lightfoot, listing it as a grammatical fragment.









HHDem. 47 with Richardson, and for the expres-

sion ὄμπνιον στάχυν (in reverse) cf. Ap. Rh. 4.



The nostoi continue

γύας τιθαιβώσσοντος ἀρδηθμῷ Διός, hal







ἣν μή τις αὐτοῦ ῥίζαν Αἰτωλῶν


χέρσον λαχήνῃ, βοῦσιν αὔλακας τέμων. στήλαις δ᾽ ἀκινήτοισιν ὀχμάσει πέδον, >»






ἃς οὔτις ἀνδρῶν ἐκ βίας καυχήσεται μετοχλίσας ὀλίζον. 7) yàp ἀπτέρως ,






αὐταὶ παλιμπόρευτον ἵξονται βάσιν ἄνδηρ᾽ ἀπέζοις ἴχνεσιν δατούμεναι. θεὸς δὲ πολλοῖς αἰπὺς αὐδηθήσεται,


there in 215. The Dasii were pro-Carthaginian

The supposed one-time infertility of Apulia is mythical in every sense (cf. Delcourt 1938);

the motif is a foil to its actual fertility at all

(Livy 21. 48. 9 and 26. 38. 6), and were proud of their Greek lineage: it is precisely in this post-

times in antiquity (Hor. Odes 3. 30. 11-12, ‘et qua

Cannae context that we learn that they claimed

pauper aquae Daunus agrestium / regnavit populum’ implies a contrast with the situations under

descent from Diomedes, i.e. they presented them-

selves as Aitolians. For this vital point see App. Hann. 31: a man called Dasios, who considered himselfa descendant of Diomedes, τις ἔκγονος εἶναι τοῦ Διομήδους νομιζόμενος (cf. Sil. Ital. Pun. 13.

Daunos and under his son-in-law Diomedes, see Nisbet/Rudd). See Strabo 6. 3. 9 with Brunt 1971: 368f., and cf. Toynbee 1965: 1. 499. But Arpi never recovered from its degradation by the Romans in 213 BC; see 623n.; and the Foggia plain (the ‘Tavoliere’) had become

32), caused the defection of Arpi/Argyrippa. But

malarial by the time of

Caesar and Cicero, see Toynbee 1965: 2. 566. See further 1129 n. (Salpi unhealthy).

622. τιθαιβώσσοντος: for the verb, cf. Od. 13. 106 with Rengakos 1994: 120 and Antimachos frag. 183 Wyss (108 Matthews); and see 458n. for its

he then tried to reverse this later, when Hannibal's fortunes began to decline. For this man see also Livy 24. 45. 1, calling him Dasius Altinius. The city was retaken by the Romans under Q, Fabius Maximus (son of the famous Fabius Maxumus Verrucosus, ‘Cunctator’) as consul in 213 Bc. See

back’, ‘derive’ one’s origin. αὐτοῦ most likely

de Sanctis 1968: 262-3 and n. 132; MRR: 1. 262-3. "Ihe territory of Árpi was confiscated, and later used for the citizen colony of Sipontum in 194 BC: Livy 34. 45. 3; MRR: 2. 345; Salmon 1969: 97. Arpi then declined (only two inscriptions in the Corpus of Latin inscriptions; see Brunt 1971: 368). The behaviour of Arpi is, as has often been remarked (e.g. by Toynbee 1965: 1. 266 n. 3), one of the exceptions to Livys disapproving generalization that the upper classes in Italy

refers to Diomedes’ own stock, but it could mean ‘there’ (so Hurst/Kolde).

Hannibal: 24. 2. 8, said about Kroton; see also

Diomedes’ own ‘Aitolian stock’ are a local elite

Fronda 2oro for the relevance of regional rivalries.

juxtaposition in Antimachos with another rare and Lykophronic word, ywpvrös. ἀρδηθμῷ: a very rare word for ‘watering’, ‘irrigation’; otherwise only at Nik. 72. 401.

623. ἢν μή τις αὐτοῦ ῥίζαν Αἰτωλῶν σπάσας: the verb σπάω is used in an unusual sense, ‘trace








of Argyrippa/Arpi, the Dasii, whose occupation

Lyk. must have been aware of these remarkable

of Daunia will end his curse of infertility against

developments at Arpi, and thus of the Hannibalic

it; but see 62rn.: the infertility is unhistorical. This prophecy ('unless...") is an oblique allusion to a significant episode in the Hannibalic (Second

war of 218-201 BC. The point is, that these Dasii are

in the news at that period, and not earlier

Punic) War, attested by Pol. 3. 118. 3: the defection

or later. This has a bearing on the date of composition of the poem and points towards a late

to Hannibal of Arpi (Greek Argyrippa) after

(early 2nd cent.) date: Introduction section 5; cf.

the Roman defeat at Cannae, fought nearby in 216 BC, after which Hannibal actually wintered

was Jocally prominent at earlier dates: for silver and

also r129n. for Salpi/Salapia. But the Dasii family


Diomedes in Daunia (1)


although Zeus should irrigate the fields with showers, unless someone deriving from his own Aitolian stock should dig the land, cutting the furrows with oxen. With unmovable pillars he will secure the plain and no man shall boast that he has been able to shift them even a little. For without wings, but speedily,


they will make a return journey, treading the shore with footless steps. He shall be called a high god by many, bronze coins from Arpi, Sal(a)pia, and Rubi bearing, in the genitive, the names 4AZOZ ie. Das(i)us/-os and [TYAAOZ (another Greek

magistrate’s name), see HIV: 76f. nos 633 and 642 (Arpi, «325-275 Bc); 80 nos 685-6, 690, and 692 (Salapia, 275-250 BC); 91 no. 809 (Rubi, 325-275 BC). The personal name Δάζος is interestingly attested on both sides of the Adriatic; see LGPN IIIA (and for the Italian occurrences of Δάσιος, see under that name in the same vol.). Add now Goldman 2010: 132, a Pannonian Dasius at Gordion. The implication of this story, then, is that the curse was finally considered to have been lifted in the Hannibalic period or not long before. This means that the visit by, and murder of, the Aitolian envoys described at 1056-1066 took place much earlier, in mythical time. 624. λαχήνῃ: from Aaxaívo, ‘I dig’, a Hellenistic

poetic word; see Kall. frag. 701 Pf., Ap. Rh. 3. 222, and Ps.-Moschos 4. 96, but cf. already Hom. Od. 24. 242 φυτὸν ἀμφελέχαινε (Laertes’gardening).

627. ἀπτέρως is usually taken to mean ‘rapidly’, like ἀπτερέως. Cf. Tzetzes, ὁμοπτέρως, ταχέως, and A. Ag. 276, τις ἄπτερος φάτις. But surely the


but it came back in their nets. Cf. 930 and 931 (beginning of section on Epeios in Italy) with nn. for Lyk.'s clear echo of this poem. Cf. also the story that the Penates, after being taken from Lavinium to Alba Longa, magically returned (Dion. Hal. 1. 67. 173 with Cornell 1975: 15). It is said (wikipedia "Iremiti islands’) that on San Nicola (one ofTremiti islands)

a monk named

Nicoló is buried in a monastery. Every time someone tries to move his corpse off the island, there is a violent storm preventing navigation. The story is

in obvious ways structurally similar. I have not been able to find more evidence for this.

629. ἄνδηρα: cf. Antimachos frag. 191 West = 93 Matthews = 79 Suppl. Hell. (where the eds doubt whether it is Antimachos; see 272n.). Matthews:

259 notes that the word was taken up by the

Hellenistic poets, and cites Euphorion frag. 19. 36 Lightfoot (for the Lyk.-Euphorion parallel see Hollis 2007: 290). ἀπέζοις: the stones have nei-

ther feet nor wings (627n.) but they move swiftly to assert justice. Cf. the frighteningly personified Child of Oath at Hdt. 6. 86 y 2: it is anonymous,

and has no hands or feet, οὐδ᾽ ἔπι χεῖρες / οὐδὲ πόδες, but it is swift to punish, κραιπνὸς δὲ

alpha-privative sense ‘without wings’ is here also


present, in view (a) of the magical way in which

630. αὐδηθήσεται: for the word, see 164n., 192193n., and esp. 1140n.: Kassandra herself says she will be called an immortal god in Daunia. Pindar

the pillars jump back to land, and (b) of ἀπέζοις at 629, which makes a similar point; see n. there. For Lyk.’s fondness for such alpha-privatives see Berra 2009: 283 n. 78 and Guilleux 2009: 234.

(N. ro. 7) mentioned the deification of Diomedes

taken, resisted attempts by fishermen to chop it

by Athena, who had changed her mind about deifying his father Tydeus in horror at his eating of the brains of Melanippos. A 2 on the Pi. passage quotes Ibykos, a poet from Rhegion in S. Italy, who thus knew what he was talking about (frag. 294 PMG): καὶ ἔστι περὶ τὸν Ἀδρίαν

up for firewood. They threw it back in the sea


628. See Kall. frag. 197 (= amb. VII) and Diegesis, with Petrovic 2010: a statue of Hermes

Perpheraios at Ainos, made by Epeios the carpenter of the Wooden Horse by which Troy was




ἐν fj τιμᾶται


631-632 “

The nostoi continue Popa





ὅσοι παρ᾽ Ἰοῦς γρῶνον οἰκοῦνται πέδον, δράκοντα τὸν φθείραντα Φαίακας κτανών. θεός: καὶ Ἴβυκος οὕτω. The Z continues that Diomedes married Hermione (daughter of Helen and Menelaos) and shared his immortality with the Dioskouroi. Then follows a source attribution to Polemon, and finally, lists of S. Italian cult places of Diomedes: Argyrippa, Metapontion, Thourioi. 631. The ‘hollow plain of Io’ is the Ionian Sea i.e. the Adriatic. See A. Prom. 839-41, already cited and quoted by Tzetzes. 632. Φαίακας means the people of Kerkyra, Corcyra, Corfu. The Kerkyraians identified their island with Homeric Phaiakia by the time of Th., see 1. 25. 4, the naval fame of the Phaiakians, the previous inhabitants of Kerkyra, κατὰ τὴν Φαιάκων προενοίκησιν τῆς Κερκύρας, also 3. 70. 4, a femenos of Alkinoos on the island (see Wilamowitz

1916: 500); see also FGrHist 4

Hellanikos F 77 (on Phaiax son of the Asopid Kerkyra, ἀφ᾽ἧς ἡ νῆσος Κέρκυρα ἐκλήθη, τὸ πρὶν ἀρεπάνη τε καὶ Σχερία κληθεῖσα, cf. Fragoulaki 2013: 79 with n. 153, Fowler 2013: 555, and M. West 2014: 84-5. For the name Drepane, see 762n. on Ἅρπην). For the identification see also Kall. frag. 12 Pf. with Harder 2012: 176, and H. 4. 156 and 2. Lyk. accepts the version of the Argonautic myth according to which the dragon guarding the fleece was merely put to sleep temporarily and then pursued Jason and Medea westwards. This is first given by Antimachos (frag. 63 Wyss, 73 Matthews), and perhaps also by Ap. Rh. 4. 156-66. The dragon is linked to Phaiakia/Kerkyra because that was where Jason married Medea (Ap. Rh. 4. 1141-3 with S. West 2007: 206); the location of the marriage in Kerkyra was due to Timaios (FGrHist 566 F 87; cf. 615-632 n.). For Diomedes’ killing of the dragon, see 615n., citing Tzetzes’ summary of Timaios and Lykos. Diomedes’ killing of the dragon at Kerkyra has been speculatively linked with the Spartan Kleonymos’ occupation of Kerkyra in 303/2 Bc (Diod. 20. 104. 4): Braccesi 1994: 121-7, cf. Malkin 1998a: 246. Kerkyra, crucially placed between Greece and Italy, was certainly a coveted possession

in the period of the Diadochi, cf. Agathokles' capture of the island in 299 sc after relieving it from siege by the Macedonian Kassandros (Diod. 21.2.1 with Niese: 1.357,an episode well analysed by Intrieri zon: 438-50). But the island’s strategic importance and desirability is also attested much nearer Lyk.'s own day: Pol. 2. 9-ı1 (229 Bc).

The story of Diomedes resumed at 1056.


will be

633-647. The Boiotians in the Balearic islands

For the Balearic islands in antiquity, see Strabo 3. 5. 1 and S. J. K[eay], OCD* ‘Baleares et Pithyusae






mod. Majorca and Minorca, were also called the

Gymnesiai (Barr. map 27, inset), the Greater and the Lesser respectively. To the SW of them, mod. Ibiza (ancient Ebusus) and Formentera (ancient

Ophioussa or Colubraria) form a separate archipelago called the Pityousai in antiquity (Barr. map 27 G 2-3); but the islands are all the mod. Balearics, and Lyk. (and Timaios) may have had

both clusters in mind. They were finally brought under Roman control in 121 sc by Ὁ. Caecilius Metellus, who






his triumphal

see Livy Per. 60 with

MRR: 1. 513, 518, and 521, and, for such geographi-

cal cognomina, Dueck and Brodersen 2012: 14. Archaeological evidence for contact with the wider, esp. E. Mediterranean world, is meagre in

prehistoric and archaic times; for the isolation of the early Balearics see Broodbank 2013: 421-2, 481, 567, and 599, drawing on Lull et al. 2002, who seem to suggest (see esp. 2002: 124) that this iso-

lation was the result of choice. By contrast, for the abundance of Carthaginian and Greek trade after about 650 Bc, see Waldren 2002: 164.

Σ and Tzetzes begin their notes by saying the islands are (a) in the Tyrrhenian Sea (περὶ τὴν Τυρσηνίαν) and (b) are mentioned by Artemidoros, sc. of Ephesos, the geographer, for whom see OCD* ‘Artemidoros (2); see frag. 24

Stiehle. Canfora 2007: 29 n. 51 maintains that this “reference to Ártemidoros in Tzetzes ... is only

apparent’, because ‘it is actually Strabo (III. 5. 1) who in turn quotes Artemidoros, on the subject



The Boiotians in the Balearic islands

all those who live by Io's hollow basin— he who killed the dragon which harried the Phaiakians. 2,

Graia/Tanagra, Skolos, and Onchestos: IZ 2. 507,

the ‘old’ scholia, all of which long antedate Tzetzes, and some of which may go back to

498, 497, 506), and the most obvious reminiscence of the Catalogue lies in the catalogue form itself.

Theon of Alexandria, who is more likely to have known the work of Artemidoros than that of

But these arguments cannot be pushed very far.

of the Balearic

islands’. But



First, Hellenistic poets were anyway fond of lists. Within the Alexandra itself, cf. 373—375 for a string of Euboian places, none in the Homeric Catalogue, 900-907 for Thessalian places, two in

Strabo. Note that the new Artemidoros’ papyrus (for which see Canfora 2007 and—for further bibliog


as above)


not cover the

Balearics, although it does include some of Spain. We learn from Z that Timaios (FGrHist 566 F 66) had said that ‘some of the Boiotians went to these islands’. So it is an obvious inference that Lyk. drew on Timaios here (Günther 1889: 34, Geffcken 1892: 4, and the hypothetical reconstruction of Timaios’ text at 155; see also Pearson 1987: 66 and n. 53). This does not absolve us from asking, (1) why Lyk. gave coverage to this zestos at all, and on such a generous scale; and (2) why it is placed just here in the poem. As





the Catalogue (Trechis and Oloosson) and 1146-

1148 for a string of Lokrian places, three in the Homeric Catalogue. Second, the latter passage does not describe a Lokrian 7165/05, so there would

be a risk of special pleading if one were to use Homeric overlap so as to explain the Boiotian travels. Nevertheless the Boiotian section of the Homeric Catalogue does appear to have been unusually influential here; see Hurst 20122: go-1 (originally 1985), and Sens 2009: 27-8, noting that

each of 644-646 begins with a name from the Homeric Catalogue. On another tradition, the colonizers of the Balearics were the Rhodians. See Strabo (14. 2. 10): ‘some say that they [the Rhodians] founded the islands after their departure from Troy’, τινὲς δὲ μετὰ τὴν ἐκ Τροίας ἄφοδον τὰς Γυμνησίας νήσους ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν κτισθῆναι. This passage is immediately followed by a citation from Timaios


movement of the mos/oi part of the poem (see 373-386 n.) means that the Balearics are the westernmost point of Greek colonization: the poem moves from Diomedes in Italy and the Adriatic to the far western Mediterranean, before embark-

ing on the complex stories of Odysseus and Menelaos. As for (1), Boiotians were normally thought of as stay-at-homes, but this can be exaggerated: apart from early Boiotian settlement of Lesbos, Tenedos,






(FGrHist 566 F 65, cf. 164 = Diod. 5. 17) to the

effect that the largest of the Balearics (Majorca) was the eighth largest in the Mediterranean after


Sardinia, Sicily, Cyprus, Krete, Euboia, Corsica, and Lesbos, though Strabo denies this, and says

Aiolid, there is the tradition that both Thebes and

Tanagra joined the Megarians in founding Herakleia on the Black Sea (Suda n 715 Adler

there are others which are much bigger. Jacoby prints this entire section of Strabo, including the opening statement about Rhodian colonization, in large font, as if from Timaios in its entirety. If that were right, Timaios would have attributed the settlement of the Balearics both to the

and Paus. 5. 26. 7 with ZACP: nos 220 and 221). There is, however, no indication, other than the

present passage (and F 66 of Timaios, see above), of Boiotian interest in the western Mediterranean. One might wonder if Lyk, in making the Boiotians

Boiotians and to the Rhodians. But in his comm.,

into naval wanderers, was influenced

by the Homeric Catalogue of Ships (see 5867587n. for an unmistakable

hint at the

Catalogue), in

which the Boiotians were listed with the largest contingent of all, as Thucydides noticed (JZ. 2. 509,

Th. 1. 10. 4). Of the Boiotian places mentioned by Lyk., four also featured in the Catalogue (Arne,

Jacoby makes clear that he thinks that Strabo got the colonization sentence from his Rhodian source, i.e. that only the remark about the size of

Majorca is from Timaios, The double tradition




kinship tie links the Dorian and Argive Rhodians and the Aiolian Boiotians. But here is a possible


The nostoi continue


οἱ δ᾽ ἀμφικλύστους χοιράδας Γυμνησίας σισυρνοδῦται καρκίνοι πεπλωκότες ἄχλαινον ἀμπρεύσουσι νήλιποι βίον, τριπλαῖς δικώλοις σφενδόναις ὡπλισμένοι.


ὧν αἱ τεκοῦσαι τὴν ἑκηβόλον τέχνην ἄδορπα παιδεύσουσι νηπίους γονάς. οὐ γάρ τις αὐτῶν ψίσεται πύρνον γνάθῳ, πρὶν ἂν κρατήσῃ ναστὸν εὐστόχῳ λίθῳ,


ὑπὲρ τράφηκος σῆμα κείμενον σκοποῦ. καὶ τοὶ μὲν ἀκτὰς ἐμβατήσονται λεπρὰς Ἰβηροβοσκοὺς ἄγχι Ταρτησοῦ πύλης, clue: Lyk. insists and expands on the Boiotians as slingers

(this is authentic, cf. Feyel



Roesch 1965: 5 line 26; SEG 3. 354 with Launey 1949-50: 829 n. 6 and 888), and this was a military speciality of the Rhodians also. See already Th. 6. 43, and for the Hellenistic period App. BC 2. γι with Launey 1949-50: 245 (who evidently takes

σφενδονῆται with Κύπριοι and Ῥόδιοι as well as with Κρῆτες). If we had Timaios in full, the mystery might be solved. 633. of δέ: the usual formula of transition, Sens 2009: 25. ἀμφικλύστους: perhaps imitated from S. Tr. 52. xoıpadas Γυμνησίας: Σ᾽ and Tzetzes, after quoting Timaios for the tradition of Boiotian settlement (633-647n.) continue ἃς



εἶπε. The

subject of εἶπε

appears to be Timaios, in which case Lyk. took over his vocabulary as well as the fact; but might it be better to understand ‘the poet’as the subject? The name Γυμνησίαι for the Balearics was widespread in antiquity; 2 and Tzetzes quote bk 3 of the Naxiaka of Philteas (FGrHist 498 F1) for this as the original name and Βαλιαρίδες as the later one. (It is an insoluble puzzle why Philteas should have discussed the Balearics in a book about Naxos, whether this Naxos was the Aegean or— less likely—the Sicilian city.) The two names were variously explained: Βαλιαρίδες was supposed (Diod. 5. 17. 1) to derive from βάλλειν, ‘to throw’, a

ref. to the inhabitants as slingers (cf. the βάλλωderived word ἐκήβολον 204 (= 2012a: 43); Strabo authorities derived the baleares, the Phoenician

at 637 with Hurst 2009: (14. 2. 10) says that some name Balearides from word for light-armed

troops, pact δὲ τοὺς γυμνῆτας ὑπὸ Φοινίκων

βαλεαρεῖς λέγεσθαι. (1 follow Radt for text, tr., and accentuation.) Perhaps the Phoenician god Baal lies behind the name. Finally, Livy (Per. 60) connects




Baleus, an


unattested companion of Herakles. 634. σισυρνοδῦται: this hapax word means ‘clad in skins’; for σίσυρνα as a jerkin, see Alkaios frag. 379 Voigt and Hdt. 4. 109. 2 and 7. 67.1. 2 quotes

‘Simonides’ for σίσυν παχείην, but this should be '"Semonides', See The Boiotians their wanderings this as one of a an 'étrange lieu

frag. 31b West. are καρκίνοι, ‘crabs’, because of by sea. Lambin 2009: 165 sees number of refs in the poem to clos’. For the three-word line,

see 63n.

635-642. The description of these strange naked people is ethnography verging on paradoxography. It is similar at several points to the account in Diod. 5. 17-18, much of which may be Timaian;

see 633-647n.; note esp. Diod. 5. 18. 1 παράδοξον δέ τι καὶ κατὰ τοὺς γάμους κτλ. (there follows an account of Balearic promiscuity with the bride on the occasion of a wedding). But Diod. says nothing of Boiotian post-Trojan war immigration and settlement. In addition, [Ar.] mir. ausc., a paradoxographical collection which is heavily indebted to Timaios in general, gives material about the Gymnesiai islands at ch. 88. This overlaps with Diod. but not with Lyk. A set of ‘Greek Questions’ on the lines of Plutarch's, and preserved on papyrus, also explains the association between Balearics and Gymnetes by reference to the nakedness of the inhabitants,

but uniquely says that the naked ones were companions of Odysseus: P. Oxy. 2688.


The Boiotians in the Balearic islands


Others, crabs clad in coats made of skin,

will sail to the sea-washed Gymnesian rocks, and drag out their lives without cloaks and barefoot,

armed with three slings of two thongs.


Their mothers will teach the art of shooting from afar

to their young unfed children. For none of them will chew barley-bread until with a well-aimed stone they earn their food,


placed as a mark above the baker’s board.

They shall climb the rough headlands which nurture Iberians, near the gates of Tartessos: 635. ἀμπρεύσουσι: for ἀμπρεύω (also used at

637. τὴν ἑκηβόλον τέχνην: see 633 n. 'Far-shooter' was a Homeric epithet of Apollo, as at 1 1. 14, but E. Ph. 1142 has ‘far-shooting slings’, σφενδόναις ἑκηβόλοις, cf. 108 ἑκηβόλοις τόξοισιν with

975, where it is metaphorical as here, and at 1298, where it is literal) see the literal use at Kall. frag. 272 Pf. (= 52 Hollis); Hollis in his comm. (p. 206) remarks ‘Lycophron may derive his taste for the

Mastronarde: ‘a stereotyped juncture in tragedy,

verb partly from this line of Call.’ An ἀμπρόν

which removes the epithet from its original constant attachment to Apollo’; he gives other tragic

was a rope attached to animals pulling heavy loads (e.g. IG 2^ 1426 B line 410 (369/8 nc). νήλιποι: this word for ‘bare-footed’is also used by Ap. Rh. 3. 656 (Medea leaving her bed-chamber); at S. O.C. 349 the MSS have νηλίπους, which some eds emend to νήλιπος. Hurst 2009: 204 sees in this whole section echoes of Ap. Rh. and of the Aitia of Kall.

refs. But Pj. was set in Thebes, so the reminiscence (if that is what it is) is neatly appropriate in

this Boiotian section of the poem. 638-641. Diod. 5. 18. 4 is very close to this in its description of the training of children in the use of

slings (no food unless and until they hit the target): αἴτιαι δὲ τούτων ai συνεχεῖς ἐκ παίδων μελέται, καθ᾽ ἃς ὑπὸ τῶν μητέρων ἀναγκάζονται παῖδες ὄντες συνεχῶς σφενδονᾶν' προκειμένου γὰρ

636. Cf. Diod. 5. 18. 3, who envisages three slings attached to different parts of the body, head, belly, hands: ὁπλισμὸς δ᾽ ἐστὶν αὐτοῖς τρεῖς σφενδόναι, καὶ τούτων μίαν μὲν περὶ τὴν κεφαλὴν

σκοποῦ κατά τι ξύλον ἠρτημένου ἄρτου, οὐ πρότερον δίδοται τῷ μελετῶντι φαγεῖν, ἕως ἂν τυχὼν τοῦ ἄρτου συγχωρούμενον λάβῃ παρὰ τῆς μητρὸς καταφαγεῖν τοῦτον.

ἔχουσιν, ἄλλην δὲ περὶ τὴν γαστέρα, τρίτην δ᾽ ἐν ταῖς χερσί. Strabo (3. 5. 1) explains the triple sling as made from three materials: rush, hair, and sinew.

641. τράφηκος: see τοοτη.

In this connection he quotes the Hermeneia or

Interpretation of the Hellenistic poet Philetas of

639. For the food-description see 482 n. ψέσεται: from a Hellenistic poetic verb ψέζω or ψίω, cf. Euphorion frag. 100 Lightfoot line 5, λευκῷ «o» ἔψισα γάλακτι with Durbec 2014: 21.

Kos for the couplet AeuyaAdos de χιτὼν πεπινώ-

μενος, ἀμφὶ δ᾽ ἀραιὴ / ἰξὺς εἰλεῖται κόμμα μελαγκράνινον, ‘a wretched tunic, all befouled

with dirt, And round his slender waist is girt a strip of blackly-tufted rush’ (frag. 30 Lightfoot, whose tr. this is. The frag. is problematic. It may be just a gloss, by Philetas or someone else, on the rare word μελαγκράνινον, which featured in an otherwise unknown poem, which may not have been about the Balearics at all). See also Gow-

Page on HE 314 (= Antipater of Sidon XXII. 3), ῥινοῦ χερμαστῆρος ἐύστροφα κῶλα τιταίνων.

643. For famously wealthy Tartessos near Gades (mod. Cadiz) and the Guadalquivir river (prob-

ably the Tarshish of the Bible) see Stesichoros 184 PMGF = 9 Fi. (‘by the vast silver-bedded streams of Tartessos river’, Ταρτησσοῦ ποταμοῦ παρὰ mayas drmeipovas dpyupopilous ie. the Guadalquivir?); Hdt. 1. 163. 2-3, Phokaian exiles are befriended by the long-lived Arganthonios,



The nostoi continue

Ἄρνης παλαιᾶς γέννα, Τεμμίκων πρόμοι, Γραῖαν ποθοῦντες καὶ Λεοντάρνης πάγους, Σκῶλόν τε καὶ Τέγυραν Ὀγχηστοῦ θ᾽ Eos,


καὶ χεῦμα Θερμώδοντος Ὑψάρνου θ᾽ ὕδωρ. and Strabo 7. 7. 1, 9. 2. 3. (Th. 1. 12. 2 says that Boiotia was previously called Kadmeis, a reference to the tradition of settlement by Kadmos the Phoenician; see Hdt. 5. 57.1 with my n.) The ethnic form of the name has been ingeniously supplemented at Suppl. Hell. 994 frag. ı (poet unknown): 1. μέκειοί

king of the place and 4. 152. 2, storm-driven Samians

profit from

this ‘unharvested


ἐμπόριον ἀκήρατον; and Strabo 3. 2. r1, citing Stesichoros





and Artemidoros. (At 3, 2. 13, he speculates that Homer borrowed the name Tartaros from Tartessos.) Tartessos declined after about 550 ac, for unknown reasons; for a general account see S. J. K[eay], OCD‘ "Tartessus'. This is the westernmost point mentioned in the poem.

645. Γραῖαν ποθοῦντες: the theme of colonial nostalgia, πόθος, for the metropolis is extremely important in the poem; see 6ogn. For the verb ποθῶ used, in the present poem in the context of nostoi, about Greeks who yearn for their lost homelands, see also 904, 1035, and 1074. The first and last of those passages resemble the present one most closely, ποθοῦντες, followed by a list of

644-647. For the list of Boiotian places in the Homeric Catalogue, a list which obviously lies behind the present passage, see Hope-Simpson and Lazenby 1970: 19-37 (21 for Skolos, 22 for Graia, 30f. for Onchestos, and 31 for Arne) and Fossey 1970, 1973-4, and 1988. For such catalogues of place-names in Lyk.—a notable feature of the poem—cf. also 903-907, 1146-1149, 1236-1241, and 1285-1290, with Sistakou 2009: 246; and see 439n. For the pathetic effectiveness of such lists

local places. Here and elsewhere (e.g. 1146-1150, Lokris) the enumeration and specification adds

poignancy, cf. Macleod on J/ 24. 49577 (citing Ar.

Rhet. 1365a10): ‘by numbering and classifying his sons Priam gives weight to his loss’. For the ethnic form Γραικοί see 532 n. Because of a claim recorded at Paus. 9. 20. 2, Graia has

see 645 n. Arne, for which

often been identified with Tanagra in E. Boiotia,

see Ii, 2. 507 and Th. 1. 12. 3, is an old puzzle. In modem times it has often been identified with the impressive Mycenaean site of Gla (Hope Simpson and Lazenby 1970: 31). But ancient testimonia may indicate a location near Chaironeia (see e.g. Paus. 9. 40. 5 and Steph. Byz. Χαιρώνεια, both of which say that Chaironeia was previously called Arne). Accordingly, Barr. map 55 D4 accepts Fossey’s identification with mod. Magoula Balomenou on Lake Kopais, a little to the W. of Orchomenos (Fossey 1973-4: 17f., and briefly 1988: 382-3). Lyk. is perhaps here contributing to a Homeric debate, so Sens 2009: 28. For instance, by mentioning Arné and Leontarne (645) separately, Lyk. by implication denies their identity, which had been suggested as a solution to the Arne problem. For Temmikia as Boiotia see also 786, and for the Temmikoi as the pre-Greek inhabitants of Boiotia see FGrHist 384 Menelaos of Aigai F 1

for which see IACP. no. 220 (Barr. map ἐς F4 and 57 B3). Kall. frag. 7 Pf. seems to have

644. The location of Boiotian

known of this tradition (see Sistakou 2002: 166),

and Tzetzes gives it as if uncontroversial. But Euphorion (frag. 83 Lightfoot) appears to deny it when he says that the Tanagraians did not take part in the expedition against Troy; and Strabo 9. 2.10 (cf. Steph. Byz. Ὠρωπός) knew of a Graia near Oropos. Two suitable candidatesites have been identified in that region, one very near Oropos (Hope-Simpson and Lazenby 1970: 22), the other at mod. Dhramesi, N. of Delion, opposite the Lelantine Plain of Euboia (Fossey 1970 and 1988: 66f., accepted at Barr. map 55 F4). καὶ Aeovrápvys πάγους: Leontarne has been sought in the territory of Thespiai, on the slender evidence of Eustath. 2 on 77. 2. 507 (1. 414 van

der Valk), which

puts it below

Helikon and says it was so named because of the lion that attacked a lamb which Adrastos



The Boiotians in the Balearic islands the race of ancient Arne, lords of Temmikia,

yearning for Graia and the crags of Leontarne,


and Skolos and Tegyra and the seat of Onchestos,

and Thermodon river, and the waters of Hypsarnos. χεῦμα: lit. ‘something poured out’, see IA. 23.

was sacrificing there; perhaps this arose because of an unusual rock-formation. See Fossey

561, where

1988: 164. 646. Skolos, E. of Thebes, was

an insignificant

polis in the territory of Thebes up to 479 sc (Hdt. 9. 15. 2). It was politically dependent on nearby Plataia during most of the Pentekontaetia (480-430), but had been re-annexed by Thebes at some time before 431 (Heil. Oxy. 19. 3 and 20. 3 Chambers; Fossey 1988: 119-26; LACP: no. 219;

Barr. map 55 E4 and 58 Ex). Its inclusion by Lyk.





stream. 648—819. Lykophron's 'Odyssey

is surely owed to its mention in the Homeric Catalogue (see 633-647 n.) Tegyra was at mod. Magoula Pyrgou, on the N. banks of Lake Kopais (Fossey 1988: 368-73, Barr. map ἘΔ and 57 B3). It was not a po/is, but the site of a temple and oracle of Apollo Tegyraios (LACP: p. 436). The place owed

it refers

nowhere else in Homer), and Pi. N. 9. 39-40, Σκαμάνδρου χεύμασιν / ἀγχοῦ, ‘by the waters of Skamandros' as the place where Hektor's glory flowered. After that it becomes a Hellenistic favourite, e.g. Kall. H. t to Zeus 32, Ap. Rh. 4. 1242, etc., and three times more in Lyk.: 705, 1276, 1334. Hypsarnos is an unidentified Boiotian river ör

At 172 lines (nearly one-eighth of the poem), the “Odyssey is by far the largest section of the poem devoted to a single individual or theme; and it

has much in common with the Menelaos section which immediately follows it, and which occupies a further 57 lines (820-876), almost exactly

its fame to the

one-third of the length of the ‘Odyssey’ (see 820-

battle fought there in 375 ac between the Spartans

876 n.). For instance, in Homer, both Odysseus and Menelaos begin their wanderings at Cape Malea, and see 668—672 n. for similar clusters of rhetorical questions about both Odysseus and

and Thebans; the surprise Theban victory antici-

pated Leuktra in 371 (Diod. 15. 81. 2 and Plut. Pelop. 16, cf. FGrHist 124 Kallisthenes F 11). Onchestos was S. of lake Kopais, E. of Haliartos

Menelaos; also 662 n. for ἐπόψεται, which will be

(Fossey 1988: 308-12; Barr. map 55 E3 and 57 B3). Like Tegyra, it was not a polis, but enjoyed enhanced political and religious importance after 338 Bc when it became the capital of the Boiotian League; a temple of Poseidon and a councilchamber have been excavated (JACP. p. 435). Megareus, the mythical founder of Megara, supposedly came from Boiotian Onchestos: FGrHist 4 F 78 with Hanell 1934: 24-35. For its mention in the Homeric Catalogue see 633-647n. Lyk. can call it the ‘seat’ of Onchestos because Onchestos was a son of Poseidon and lived there: Paus. 9. 26. 5.

picked up several times in the Menelaos section. See esp. Schade; also Sens 2009: 19-20 (the travails of Odysseus and Menelaos described in far greater detail than the martial action of the Iliad at 258-306 above) and 2010: 310-12; Hurst

20122: 97-1tt. S. West 1983: 115 notes a ‘certain malice’ in this section; by thus ‘democratically starting from the fate of [Odysseus’] comrades’, Lyk. draws attention to Odysseus’ failure to bring his men home; see also Hurst 20122: 103. Lyk. follows Homer's order of narration only approximately (Hurst 2012a: 105-6). For the placing of the Kalypso episode, see 744 n. A prophetic section of a speech of the Euripidean Kassandra in Troades (427-44) may have supplied the idea that the sufferings and wanderings of Odysseus in particular, and indeed of the returning Greeks generally (a main

647. For the river Thermodon, see Hdt. 9. 43. 2, 6 δὲ Θερμώδων ποταμὸς ῥέει μεταξὺ Tavdypys τε καὶ Γλίσαντος and Kall. frag. 648 Pf. ἀῴ ἐπὶ Θερμώδοντος ὁδεύετον. 1t has been identified as the mod. Kalamitis E. of the mod. village of Syrtzi; See Fossey 1988: 217-23 (discussing Glisas)


at 222.

of the Alexandra)

Kassandra's sufferings.





Lykophron’s ‘Odyssey’


τοὺς δ᾽ ἀμφὶ Σύρτιν καὶ Λιβυστικὰς πλάκας, στενήν τε πορθμοῦ συνδρομὴν Τυρσηνικοῦ καὶ μιξόθηρος ναυτιλοφθόρους σκοπάς, x





τῆς πρὶν θανούσης ἐκ χερῶν Μηκιστέως ^






τοῦ στερφοπέπλου Σκαπανέως Βοαγίδα,

frag. IIIB, 57 Berger, the island Meninx, 'ab appellata', though this Greater Syrtis, and in

648. The Lotus-eaters

Lyk. omits the Homeric narrative of Odysseus’ encounter with the Kikones (Od. 9. 39-61), and disposes of the Lotus-eater section (9. 82-104) in

just this one line, with no actual mention of Lotus-eaters, but see 648n. for Libya as the land of the Lotus-eaters. Explanations for omission and brief handling in the Alexandra must always be precarious, but the key to these oddities may lie in the western orientation of the central part of the poem. The Kikones lived in Thrace, acc. Strabo 7 frag. 18. 10; and Lyk. may not have regarded even the supposedly North African Lotus-eaters as sufficiently ‘Western’ for full treatment, despite the close links at all times between Cyrenaica and Sicily. (For naval traffic between Sicily and Kyrene, see Hdt. 5. 47. 1 and

Th. 7. 50. 2, and for routine close contacts Theok. 1. 24 and 3. 5 with Gow). In fact the Lotus-eaters were placed at Sicilian Akragas or Kamarina by Σ Od. to. 20 (cf. C. Robert 1926: 1390 with n. 4),

but perhaps only so as to place them in the same general area as the Kyklopes who were located

at Katane and the Etna region (so Wilamowitz 1884: 169 n. 5; for Katane cf. C. Robert 1926: 1389

n. 4, Citing e.g. Servius on V. A. 1. 201. The rocks in

from Pliny NH 5. 41 for Eratosthene Lotophagitis is in the Lesser not the mod. Tunisia: Barr. map 35

Cr (which confidently marks the ‘Lotophages’ across the two promontories to the S. of the island, on the authority of Mattingly 1994: 27, a list of testimonia; but Mattingly 25 is cautious: he notes that Latin authors put the Lotophagi in the Greater not Lesser Syrtis, but says that by Roman times the name Lotophagi had no ethnic

or geographical significance). Hdt. described the lotus as the size of a mastic-fruit and sweet as a date; but

as Heubeck


(see Heubeck


Hoekstra 1990: 17f., n. on Od. 9. 82-104), the plant is as mythical as its consumers.

‘The etymology of Σύρτις is uncertain and the word may not be Greek; it is unlikely to be related (as has been suggested) to the notion of ‘dangerous shallows’, see Hordern 2002: 177, n. on Timotheos Persai 88.

ABvoricds πλάκας: for the unusual adjective (instead of Λιβυκάς) see A. Eum. 292, ἐν τόποις AiBvorixois, and cf. Ap. Rh. 4. 1753, ἠπείροιο Λιβυστίδος. For the noun 7Adé see 98n. 649—656. Skylla

the sea off mod. Acireale, N. of Catania, are said

to be those flung by the Kyklops at Odysseus; see

Barr. map 47 G3, Cyclopum Scopuli tres’). Kassandra will return to the theme of Greeks

meeting their end off Libya at 877-908 (three "Thessalians). 648. τοὺς δ᾽ ἀμφὲ Σύρτιν: the usual formula of transition, see Sens 2009: 25. The mod. Gulf of Sirte or Sidra (more accurately the Greater

Syrtis as opp. the Lesser Syrtis off Tunisia) is the great expanse of sea off Libya, extending








of Kassandras





44749, and esp. 44-47n. for the preparatory function of that earlier section, which introduces the western theme which will dominate much of the poem. 649. στενήν τεπορθμοῦ συνδρομήν Τυρσηνικοῦ:

the straits of Messina. Th. had noted that this narrows was ‘called Charybdis, where Odysseus is said to have sailed through’ (4. 24. 5). Although

from Tripoli in the W. to Benghazi (Berenike,

Lyk. is describing Skylla not Charybdis (for


which see 668), the two horrors were thought of as positioned on either side of the straits (Od. 12.



E. The



located here by Hdt. (4. 177), and by the νεώτεροι generally, acc. Z/ Od. 9. 84. Note esp. Eratosthenes

235), and the present line echoes Th.'s language




Those who have wandered round the Gulf of Syrtis and the Libyan lands, and the narrow contraction of the Tyrrhenian straits, and the sailor-slaughtering lookout-post of the half-beast,


who once died at the hands of Mekisteus,

the Pelt-wearer, the Digger, the Cattle-driver,

about Charybdis and the straits three times over (ἔστε δὲ ὁ πορθμός... διὰ στενότητα...

890-2, Cat. 60. 2, V. A. 3. 424-8 made her waist or lower parts into barking dogs), and Lyk. was perhaps aware of these more explicit traditions,

τοῦ Te Τυρσηνικοῦ....; cf. also E. Med. 1342-3 Τυρσηνίδος Σκύλλης with Mastronarde). With στενήν compare already 44-45 (also about Skylla’s abode), Αὐσονιτίδος μυχούς / στενούς The noun συνδρομή is a mainly medical term

or may even (Schade: 60) have influenced them,

though neither assumption is strictly necessary, see above. Some of the iconography of Skylla suggests Hekate, cf. Vermeule 1979: 109 and A. H. G[riffiths], 'Scylla (1) in OCD* (see also 47n.).

for contractions of one sort or another; but there

is surely a reminiscence of the adjectival form used by Pindar about the Clashing Rocks, see P. 4. 208-9, συνδρόμων πετρᾶν, cf. Ap. Rh. 2. 346, σύνδρομα merpawv and Theok. 13. 22 συνδρομάδων, although these were conventionally located at the entrance to the Black Sea (European shore of Bosporus); they were not

this confusion. ναυτιλοφθόρους:

the same as the Wandering Rocks, the πλαγκταί,

(for which see 788) is a mostly poetic equivalent

of Od. 12. 61, the home of Skylla and Charybdis. For the confusion between the two sets of rocks,

of ναύτης, but see Hdt. 2. 43. 3. At Od. 12. 98-9, Kirke warns Odysseus of Skylla’s destruction of sailors. For σκοπή see 275n.; it will be used again at 71§ to describe the location of another maritime threat to Odysseus’ crew, viz. the Sirens.

"This Skylla was often confused with Skylla the daughter of Nisus, who was turned into the bird ciris, see V.’s Ciris and E. K[earns], OCD* 'Nisus

(1). But Lyk. does not appear to have perpetrated

see e.g. Ap. Rh. 4. 786, and cf. Page on E. Med. 2. See 1285n. 650. This (see 654n., and compare 653) is close to being a three-word line. Lyk., in the first lines of this new and lengthy section, deploys a specially heavy barrage of elaborate compound words, such as tend to produce such lines. μιξόθηρος: a compound word for a compound entity (reversed at 963 describing Krimisos, θηρόμικτος, and cf. 669 for Skylla herself as μιξοπάρθενος κύων, another sort of reversal). μιξόθηρ is Euripidean, see Jon 1161 for μιξόθηpas φῶτας. Lyk. reduces to just four syllables the lengthy account at Od. 12. 89-100 of Skylla’s ghastly twelve-footed six-headed appearance. Homer gives her three rows of teeth, a shark-like feature (12. 91), and her yelping voice is that of puppy (12. 86, σκύλακος, a play on her name). This, and E. Med. 1342 (‘a lioness, not a woman’, cf. 44) would be enough to justify Lyk.’s succinct description of her as ‘half-beast’. Later sources developed the animal aspects further (e.g. Lucr. 5.

a hapax



651-652. Mekisteus was an epithet of Herakles at Elis, acc. Σ᾽ and Strabo 8. 3. 21. The other three epithets all seem to refer to Herakles’ Labours, and are so understood by 2: he wears the pelt, στέρφος, of the Nemean lion, see 456n. and 1347, oreppos ἐγχλαινούμενον; he is the Digger, Σκαπανεύς, from his clearing of the Augeian stables; and Βοαγίς (cf. 1346, where he is BonAd7s) from his abduction of the cattle of Geryon. It has been suggested that ‘Digger’ might refer

to his uprooting of the foundations of Troy (see 1348) or to the vines of Syleus (Ciaceri, citing

Holzinger 1896). And Boayis might refer to Io. But though some of these possibilities may alternatively or additionally be present, the ‘Labours’ explanation is adequate on its own.

For Herakles’ killing of Skylla (whose death was reversed by Phorkys), see 44-50.



Lykophron’s ‘Odyssey’

ἁρπυιογούνων κλώμακάς τ᾽ ἀηδόνων πλαγχθέντας, ὠμόσιτα δαιταλωμένους, t





πρόπαντας Ἅιδης πανδοκεὺς ἀγρεύσεται,


λώβαισι παντοίαισιν ἐσπαραγμένους ἕνα φθαρέντων ἄγγελον λιπὼν φίλον, 4




δελφινόσημον, κλῶπα Φοινίκης θεᾶς.

653-654. The Sirens The Sirens, for whom see Od. 12. 39-54 and 165-

200 and Egeler 2010, will be covered more fully at 712-737, and more briefly at 670-672; see nn. there. They are extremely important in the structure and general conception of the poem, and this

helps to account for this triple mention in the ‘Odyssey’. They are named as Sirens only at its very close and climax, 1463, where the guard compares the eloquent utterances of Kassandra herself to

with womens’ heads (like the winged Harpies, LIMC 4. 1 (1988), 444-50), and they are here explicitly called nightingales. See LIMC 6. 1 (1992): 962-4 ("Ulysse et les Sirénes’), and 8. 1.

(1997): 1093-1104, ‘Seirenes’; also OCD*, ‘Sirens’ (N. J. R[ichardson]), and ‘Harpyiae, Harpies’ (J. N. B[remmer]). The main difference was that, over time, the Sirens acquire webbed feet; see Vermeule 1979: 169~70.

654. It is remarkable, and an indicator of thematic

the song of a Siren, Zetpijvos ... μέλος. But the

weightiness, that two three-word lines occur so

theme has been adumbrated already at the poem's opening; see 4n. The Sirens brought death to sailors; so, in a different way, did Kassandra, because the death at sea of Ajax and others was her revenge (365 and n.). But the Sirens themselves succumbed to a Greek (Odysseus, see

close together; see 656, and for the phenomenon word line, apart from the initial καί, Lyk. here generalizes from the fate of the sail-

712), just as Kassandra succumbed to the Greek

λεύς (cf. A. Prom. 1024); see Guilleux 2009: 225.

Klytaimestra. For the Sirens as negative counterparts to the Muses, and strongly associated with death, see Allen on E. Hel. 167-169 and Aston 2011: 72-3; the Alexandra is a ‘dark’ poem in more than one sense, and the Sirens are important in

its structure (see also 712~737n., and 737n. for their centrality in the whole poem). Finally, the Sirens are—like Kassandra—conspicuous for their virgin status; see E. Hel. 167-8, πτεροφόροι vedvides, / παρθένοι Χθονὸς κόραι / Σειρῆνες. The Z on Od. 12. 39 says that angry Aphrodite turned them into birds because—again like

Kassandra—they chose virginity, παρθενία.

see 63n.; also n. on 650, which is almost a three-

ors devoured by Skylla only (Holzinger). The hapax-word Sa:taAdw is formed from δαιτα655. Hades is the ‘All-receiver’, by a kind of grim joke (mavöokevs is the regular word for an ‘inn-keeper’); compare his poetic epithet Πολυδέγμων, HHDem. 17 and 430, cf. 9, Πολυδέκτης, and probably PMG 925. e r1 (lyric poem by unknown author), φθιμένων βασιλῆα πανδ[οκέα. See 700n., and for such euphemisms for the powers of the Underworld, see Henrichs 1991 and Voutiras 1999. 656. See 654n. 658. At last Odysseus, greatest


mostos of all, makes



his entrance


almost (but for re) makes this line also—cf. the

see 344n.). Briefly, he is called 'He of the dolphin sign because a dolphin rescued the

similar 650 and n.—a

three-word line, Some

baby Telemachos from drowning, so Odysseus

comparison with the Harpies (for whom see Ap.

adopted the creature as the sign on his shield. More precisely, Z and "Tzetzes on the present passage tell us that Stes. (PMGF 225=290a Fi.) said that Odysseus had a dolphin-sign on his






Rh. 2. 188 ff.) is obvious, but it is not clear what

the second half of the word means; ‘legs’ are probably preferable to ‘lineage’, because the Sirens’ iconography represented them as birds

shield, and that Euphorion (frag. 87 Lightfoot)


The Sirens


and the rocky places, dwellings of the harpy-legged nightingales who feast on raw flesh— all these wanderers Hades, who is host to all, shall take in,


mangled by every kind of wound;

but will spare just one of them behind to bring news of his friends,

he of the dolphin sign, the thief of the Phoenician goddess.

agreed. The explanation in terms of Telemachos

‘do not try to fight this by force’; cf. B. frag. 15

is provided by Plut. Mor. 98sb (On the Cleverness of Animals 36), who also cites Stes. (PMGF 225),

Maehler = dithyramb 1, 47ff; see also LIMC ‘Harmatidas’, with West 20132: 117, for a 6th-cent.


Korinthian vase depicting Theano greeting the Greek embassy.) Sourvinou-Inwood 239 n. 40 incorrectly says that 2 658 (actually Tzetzes) says that Theano gave the Palladion to the two Greeks, but Tzetzes says it was Antenor, who does not feature at all in Sourvinou-Inwood's discussion. Antenor, like Diomedes, was held to have gone




intriguingly reason


for it, as





ἐξ ἧς δ᾽ αἰτίας, Ζακύνθιοι διαμνημονεύουσιν,

ὡς Κρηθεὺς

μαρτυρεῖ. This might indicate

some sort of cult practice. Kretheus is otherwise unknown,

but the name

is not rare (examples

in all vols of LGPN except IIIB). For a fine illustration of a dolphin (actually two dolphins) on a shield, see the Attic black-figure vase at Mertens 1983: 18, Side A, with discussion at 21 and n. 16,

where some other examples of dolphin iconography are listed. On the Stes. frags see Davies and Finglass 2014: 576-7. The symbol is also appropriate (Holzinger) because of Odysseus adventures by sea.

‘Thief of the Phoenician goddess’ refers to the theft of the Palladion, also mentioned by Dosiadas Bomos 16, cf. Hollis 2007: 283. Tzetzes on the present passage says that Antenor (for whom see 340n.) gave the Palladion to Odysseus and Diomedes. ‘For Theano, wife of Antenor, was the priestess of Athena there’ (the information in the last sentence is from //. 6. 298-9). The Suda (v 34 Adler) takes this a little further by saying that it was Theano herself, wife of Antenor, who betrayed the Palladion to the two Greeks. At J/. 6. 306, by contrast, Theano had prayed to Athena to break Diomedes’ spear. On the theft of the Palladion, see Sourvinou-Inwood 2011: 227-62, who seeks (239) to trace this story back to S.

Lakainai, TrGF frag. 368,which has been speculatively identified as a speech intended to persuade Theano to hand over the Palladion; so too West 20132: 202. But the frag. is very general (it is about Trojan responsibility for the war, and ends

west; he founded Patavium (mod. Padua) in the

country of the Veneti (S. frag. 137 TrGF with Leigh 1998). The western coincidence is interesting; it might indicate some further imagined connection between the two men after their arrival in Italy. Cf. the attraction of the Palladion episode for S. Italian vase-painters. See LIMC "Diomedes : no. 25. There was disagreement between different works in the Epic Cycle as to whether the real Palladion was taken (Little Iliad arg. 4e and Fir), or only a simulacrum (I/ieu Persis F4, a secondary version, see West 20132: 237-8). The simulacrum

story seems not to have been known to Lyk.; at any rate, Kassandra is made to ignore it. Cusset 2009: 136 ingeniously detects in the rare word κλώψ an anticipation of Κύκλωψ (subject

of the immediately following episode). Athena was 'Phoenician at Korinth, acc. 2. Korinth, via its eastern harbour Kenchreai, was always open to eastern influence; see Pi. frag. 122 Maehler for temple prostitution there (and





of a Korinthian

place called Phoinikaion: FGrHist 70 F 75, with Schade). The epithet ‘Phoenician’ is appropriate here because of the role played at Od. 14. 288ff. by the (fictitious) lying Phoenician in one of Odysseus' stories.


Lykophron’s ‘Odyssey’


ös ὄψεται μὲν τοῦ μονογλήνου στέγας a





χάρωνος, οἴνης τῷ κρεωφάγῳ χερσὶ







ἐπόψεται δὲ λείψανον τοξευμάτων τοῦ Κηραμύντου Πευκέως Παλαίμονος.

fond of such compounds; cf. μονόστολος at 690

659-661. The Kyklops

or μονοκρήπις at 1310, with Berra 2009: 283 n. 78.

See Od. 9. 105-566. Already in the time of Th. (6. 2. 1, see 662-665n.), the Kyklopes and Laistrygones were said to live in eastern Sicily (just as Charybdis and Skylla occupied the bridge to Sicily from

660. χάρωνος: see 260n. οἴνης τῷ κρεωφάγῳ σκύφον: cf. Od. 9. 347, Odysseus addressing the

Kyklops: Κύκλωψ, τῇ, πίε οἶνον, ἐπεὶ φάγες ἀνδρόμεα κρέα (cf. Gigante Lanzara 2009: 101). In early and classical Greek, oivy meant a

Italy: 649n.); Lyk. does not, however, specify the

Sicilian habitat of these two sets of man-eaters. This is in contrast with the Sicilian section (865870) of the Menelaos narrative, which includes the explicit phrase Σικανῶν πλάκας (870), and other less transparent but still specific placenames. It is noticeable that Menelaos’ Sicilian visits seem to be to the west of the island, rather

than the eastern part associated with Odysseus (852-876 n.). Nevertheless visits by both Odysseus and Menelaos to Sicily are part of a larger structural symmetry between the juxtaposed narratives dealing with them (820-876n.). Kassandra will

vine (Hes. WD 572, E. Ba. 535), but by Hellenistic times came

659-660. ds ὄψεται: see 662n. on ἐπόψεται. τοῦ uovoyArvov ... xapwvos: for γλήνη see 362, Athena turns her eyes away from the assault on Kassandra. It is an eye-ball in Homer (J/. 14. 494 and esp. Od. 9. 390 of the Kyklops, γλήνης καιο-

wine: cf., with noticeably

Page HE line 1970 (Leonidas of Taras), σκύφος ἔμπλεον οἴνης. 661. τοὐπιδόρπιον ποτόν: see 607n. for the adjective. For the delicious and exceptionally

strong wine with which Odysseus drugged the Kyklops, see Od. 9. 345-74, and 196-215 for the

original gift of this wine to Odysseus by Maron, on whom see Heubeck 1990: 25 on Od. 9. 197-8

return briefly to the theme of Odysseus in E. Sicily at 1181-1188, where, prompted by a dream, he established cult of Hekabe, because he had taken the lead in stoning her. Dench 1995: 37-8 explains the Sicilian location of the Kyklops by arguing that Greek colonial settlers used pastoral activity as a way to characterize the difference between themselves and the local population. There is something in this, but it works better for the Kyklops and Laistrygonians than for Skylla and Charybdis (cf. CT III: 265). In any case, Lyk. welcomes and amplifies the western locations which he inherited from earlier traditions; and adds new ones.

to mean

similar phrasing to the present passage, Gow-

(and 26 on 9. 208-11 for the strength of the wine).

662-665. The Laistrygonians See Od. 10. 80-132 with Heubeck 1990. The Laistrygonians are not named here, but they will be on their second appearance at 956, ἃ common pattern in Lyk., cf. 470-472 and 953 for Phoinodamas, with 468-478 n.

Lyk. here follows Homer’s order of events, except that the episode of Aiolos and the bag

of the winds (Od. 10. 1-79) is postponed until 738—739, see nn. there. (S. West 1983: 118 n. 15 actually wished to transpose the Aiolos section to before 662, but Kassandra does not systematically respect Homer's sequence; so rightly Schade: 143.) Lyk. perhaps situated Aiolos in the west by adopting the easy derivation of Strongyle and

the other Aiolian islands from the name Aiolos (Wilamowitz 1884: 169 n. 5; C. Robert 1926: 1388

μένης), for μονόγληνος see Kall. H. 3. 53, pdea


μουνόγληνα with Bornmann (and Schade on the

present section may have been influenced by Th.'s

present passage) for other Hellenistic compounds

coupling of Kyklopes and Laistrygones (below). In Homer, there are close parallels between the

in -yAnvos, including εὔγληνος at 597. Lyk. is


n. 4). Lyk.’s


of Aiolos



The Kyklops and Laistrygonians


This man will see the cave of the one-eyed monster, and will hand the cup of wine


to the cannibal, as an after-dinner drink. And he will see the survivors of the arrows

of Keramyntos, Peukeus, Palaimon:

encounters with the Kyklops and with the Laistrygonians, cannibals both (Heubeck 1990: 49-50), and this made the coupling natural. ‘Th. mentioned sarcastically, and as a common belief, the Sicilian location of the Laistrygones, as also of the Kyklopes (6. 2. 1), and Theopompos







nn. The source of this might be Timaios (Pearson

1987: 60), or perhaps ultimately Stesichoros' Geryoneis: Lyk.'s glancing allusion seems to indicate a known myth. If so, we can hope for a papy-

rus find. Kassandra will allude to the land of the Laistrygonians as a desert (957 and 960), an implied back-allusion to the present passage.


Laistrygonians (FGrHist 115 F 225 = Pol.8.9.13,on which see Walbank; & and Tzetzes on the present passage also know the Leontinoi location and may have got it from Theopompos. See C. Robert 1926: 1390 with n. 2,and Barr. map 47 FG 4,'Laestrygonii

663. The three epithets are of Herakles. Tzetzes tells us that Keramyntes is Herakles Alexikakos,

'driver-away of harm' and that he was an apotropaic Herakles who drove away the Keres:

Κηραμύντης ὁ Ἡρακλῆς ὁ τὰς κῆρας διώκων" ἀλεξίκακος γάρ. For Herakles Keramyntes,

campi"). But this was not the only ancient opinion.

Ap. Rh. 1. 957 placed the Laistrygonian spring Artakie (for which see Od. το. 108 with Heubeck) at Kyzikos in the Propontis, Z4CP: no. 747; cf. Barr. map 52 Bq, ‘Artake’ (sic, i.e. the town, LACP: no. 736, not the spring, cf. Hasluck 1910: 16—21, discussing the spring at 20. The modern town-name is Erdek). M. West 20112: 291-6 argues that the Laistrygonians

were originally part of the Argonautic saga, and located in the Black Sea region (at Balaklava, not


see perhaps Harrison 1908: 166-7 (a ref. I owe to


Parker), citing


Orphic Hymn


(to Herakles) line 16 Quandt, and (ii) Herakles attacking a winged goblin on a Boiotian pelike, which she illustrates. (But note that H. A.

Shapiro, LIMC IV. 1. 181, ‘Geras’ no. 7, prefers to

see this little figure as personified Old Age.) ‘The epithet Alexikakos was more usually applied to Apollo or even Zeus. But mythographers knew of a cult of Herakles Alexikakos, and there is

at 659 and ἐσόψεται at 673, where ἐπ- is the

epigraphic evidence for it from Athens, and probably also from Epidauros. For Athens, see

reading of one MS) will be picked up three times

FGrHist 4 Hellanikos F. 104 (cited by 2 469), cf.

in rapid succession by the Menelaos narrative; see 825, 834, 847. The effect is to compel the drawing

SEG 28. 232 with Parker 20052: 414 n. 104; IG 7. 3416 (‘Apalexikakos’) with Schachter 1981-94: 2. 2 (stone lost, date uncertain). For Epidauros, see JG 4 1.531 (partly restored), with Schade: 7o. SEG 17. 451 (Rome) is very late, 2nd or 3rd cent. ap. The cult is attested in Hellenistic Skythia (Kallatis on the Black Sea, Z4CP: no. 686): SEG 49. 1013 for refs. Ferri 1971: 348-9 (cf. Nava 1988: 144) seeks to connect the cult of Herakles Keramyntes

662. ἐπόψεται: this word (and less exactly ὄψεται

of parallels between the two men. Otherwise ἐπόψεται is found only at 551, and Kassandra says of herself ἐπόψομαι at 304. λείψανον rofevμάτων: for λείψανον in a different sense, see 54, the only other occurrence in Lyk.; sec n. there.

The allusion here is to a story not in Homer (or anyone else), but given by 2 and Tzetzes: most of the Laistrygonians were shot down by Herakles because they made war on him when he was

driving the cattle of Geryon (the Greek of the two scholiastic passages is not quite secure, but that is the clear gist). For Herakles and the cattle of Geryon in Sicily and Italy, see 47 and 697 with

both with Aphrodite

Arenta (832n.) and with

one of the Daunian stelai, which may depict the Erinyes (Fig. 5). See Fowler 2013: 313 for one explanation of the epithet (Herakles breached the walls of Troy, and thus, ‘by the logic of opposites’, can protect it).



Lykophrons ‘Odyssey’

οἵ πάντα θρανύξαντες εὔτορνα σκάφη, a















ἄλλος δ᾽ ἐπ᾽ ἄλλῳ μόχθος ἄθλιος μενεῖ, τοῦ πρόσθεν αἰεὶ πλεῖον ἐξωλέστερος. ποία Χάρυβδις οὐχὶ δαίσεται νεκρῶν; ποία δ᾽ Ἐρινὺς μιξοπάρθενος κύων; , τις







E οὐκ






3 \ ἀηδὼν





^ στειρα


/ Κενταυροκτόνος


AirwAis ἢ Κουρῆτις αἰόλῳ μέλει πείσει τακῆναι σάρκας ἀκμήνους βορᾶς; Peukeus is said by Z and Tzetzes to be an epithet of Herakles in ‘Iberia’. This can be either a district in Transcaucasia or else Spain—perhaps

Greek (666-667); these form a group with such

passages as 365-372, 909-910

(note esp. 909,

ἄλλην δ᾽ em’ ἄλλῃ κῆρα κινήσει θεός) or 12811282, in both

of which,





likelier for Herakles; so this would either be the poem's easternmost or its westernmost cult epi-

Greek sufferings as requital towards Kassandra

thet; but the true reading may be ‘Abdera’ instead.

herself is made explicit; cf. also 257, ἄλλην em’

(See Scheer's app.)

ἄλλῃ συμφοράν ...,where, however, the sufferings are Trojan. The form of expression is close to proverbial, cf. Hes. 75. 800. It is noticeable that all the deadly powers are female, as if loyally avenging their fellow-female Kassandra, Then follow a series of rhetorical questions whose subject-matter partly recapitulates the opening section of Lyk.’s ‘Odyssey’ (Skylla; the Sirens), except that Charybdis is new (668, where

Palaimon (‘wrestler’) is epigraphically attested in Boiotia as an epithet of Herakles: see IG 7. 2874 with Wilamowitz 1909: 34 n. 67 and Schachter 1981-94: 2. 9f. (Koroneia). For Herakles’ wrestlingmatch with Zeus, see 41 and n. 664. θρανύξαντες: with this coinage, whose etymology is obscure, cf. 758 (δρυφάσσω). See Guilleux 2009: 228f. edropva: cf. E. Tro. 1197, ἐν εὐτόρνοισι περιδρόμοις. It is not fortuitous that Trojan Kassandra is made to echo a play from the Trojan trilogy (Gigante Lanzara 2009: 11). For

the shattering of Odysseus’ ships by rocks thrown by the Laistrygones, see Od. 10. 12173, esp. 123 νηῶν θ᾽ dua ἀγνυμενάων. 665. τρήσουσι is from τετραίνω; this form of the future is found only here, This line is, as Z saw

(ἔλαβε δὲ τοῦτο ἐξ Ὁμήρου), a paraphrase of Od. 10. 124, ἰχθὺς δ᾽ ds πείροντες


δαῖτα φέροντο, where πείρω means to string or

pierce (regularly used in Homer of putting meat ona spit). Lyk. has found a variant for every word of Homer, and altered the order and construc-

tion. For similar black humour about mortal death and involving a comparison to the cooking of fish, see 382. 666-672. Recapitulation and transition Kassandra pauses in the detailed narrative to utter two lines of generality in conspicuously easy

she precedes Skylla in 669), and the final ques-

tion introduces a new subject, Kirke, at 673. For such questions, cf. the significantly similar 823-824 (Menelaos), with below, nn. on those lines.


2009: 30, and

668-673. ποία... ποία... τίς οὐκ... ποίαν: cf. ποίους... ποίαν at 823-4 (Menelaos).

668. For Charybdis, see 649n. Charybdis will recur at 743. 669. This is Skylla again (see 650—652). 'Erinys' on its own is non-specific; Lyk. used it to refer to Demeter at 153 (see n. there; that was justified

by cultic practice), and at E. Tro. 457, Kassandra uses it of herself for other tragic uses see Schade. But here the juxtaposition with Charybdis makes Skylla’s identity clear. The compound formation μιξοπάρθενος is Euripidean: PA. 1023 (the Sphinx) with Gigante Lanzara 2009: ııı n.

$9; but cf. also Hdt. 4. 9.1 μειξοπάρθενος (the strange creature with whom Herakles has sex. See Mastronarde on the PA. passage.



Kirke those who shattered the well-rounded ships, will thread their evil catch of fish on a rope. One miserable trouble after another awaits them,


each one more ruinous than the last. What Charybdis will not feast on his dead comrades, and what Erinys, half maiden half bitch? And what sterile, Centaur-killing nightingale,


Aitolian or Kouretan, shall not, through its varied song,

invite their starving flesh to waste away? 670. The Sirens (more fully dealt with at 712-737, and see 653-654n.) are ‘nightingales’ because of the beauty of their songs; ‘sterile’ because they are παρθένοι; and ‘Centaur-killers’ because of a myth,

that Homer played down the magical elements, see Buxton 2009: 39-43). Apollonios (4. 661-752 with Buxton 2009: 119-20) also included a Kirke


cleanses Jason and Medea of the pollution of homicide. But there are subtle differences of emphasis even between Lyk. and Homer, and these may reflect the development of magic from Homeric ‘magic before magic’ (Gordon 19992: 178, Stratton 2007: 242 n. 133) to the kind of more routine and human Hellenistic magic that we

from J and Tzetzes, but otherwise only

from Ptolemy Chennos (Photios 150 B 129732): the Centaurs, fleeing Herakles, went from Thessaly to Siren-land and there succumbed to the Sirens. This is one occasion when Ptolemy Chennos seems to display genuine learning, at any rate, he agrees with Lyk.’s commentators; see Cameron 2004: 136 (Cameron has a generally low view of Chennos).





is very



find in, say, Theokritos 2 and in curse tablets. Homer's Kirke is a goddess (so explicitly Od. 10.

For a possible papyrus commentary on this

136 and 220, an aspect not mentioned by Lyk.,

line, see Hurst 2012b.

who introduces her as ‘she-dragon’ at 674), and in

671. ‘Aitolian or Kouretan’ is, acc. 2, a curious double reference to the river Acheloos, father of

Homer her powers have been thought to derive from this divine status, rather than from her per-

the Sirens by the muse Terpsichore. The river divided Aitolia and Akarnania, supposedly the

formance of particular rituals (so Stratton 2007:

43 and cf. again Gordon 19992: 178). But this last point should not be exaggerated, When Homer's Kirke strikes Odysseus with her wand or staff, ῥάβδος, at το. 319, cf. 10. 293, she does seem to accompany this with the utterance of ‘a kind of

home of the Kouretes. (Steph. Byz.; FGrHist 70

Ephoros F 122 = Strabo το. 3. 2). The present passage has been seen as evidence of Lyk.’s preoccupation with boundaries: Sens 2009: 23.

αἰόλῳ μέλει: see 4n.

spell’ (ro. 320 with Heubeck)

672. The Sirens killed, not by violence, but by distracting their victims from everything except their own song, so that the sailors starved. But because Odysseus defeated the Sirens by cun-

and this is absent

from Lyk., though in so short a reduction of Homer

(more than 400 lines reduced to eight),

this cannot be pressed. See further 674 n. Kirke was associated with the Italian West as early as Hes. 72. 1011-13: Kirke bore Agrios

ning, πείσει should mean ‘invite’ not ‘persuade’ (so rightly Holzinger, unless Lyk. has been carried away by the desire to list fatal agencies which await Odysseus and his companions. By the time the poem reaches Kirke, Lyk. is aware that not every threat listed is fatal; see 678).



to Odysseus,

and they ruled over

the famous Tyrrhenians i.e. Etruscans; this item found its way into the Hellenistic prose tradition (see FGrHist 382 Lysimachos of Alexandria F 15, from his Nostoi, a work we would like to have more of), These celebrated lines, which are from

673-680. Kirke

near the end of the poem, are probably not by

The source is plainly Od. 10. 153-574 with Heubeck (but for criticism of Heubeck for his assumption

Hesiod, but date from the second half of the 6th cent. sc (on the date of the last hundred lines


Lykophrons ‘Odyssey’


ποίαν δὲ θηρόπλαστον οὐκ ἐσόψεται δράκαιναν, ἐγκυκῶσαν ἀλφίτῳ θρόνα, καὶ κῆρα κνωπόμορφον; οἱ δὲ δύσμοροι στένοντες ἄτας ἐν συφοῖσι popßades γίγαρτα χιλῷ συμμεμιγμένα τρυγὸς ‘4







καὶ στέμφυλα βρύξουσιν. ἀλλά νιν βλάβης μῶλυς σαώσει ῥίζα καὶ Κταρὸς φανεὶς Νωνακριάτης Τρικέφαλος Φαιδρὸς θεός. 673


ἐσόψεται ABCE ἐπόψεται D lexically unusual equivalents for the vocabulary used by earlier writers. Homer had used pap-

or so of 77. see M. West 1966: 49, 398, 436). Apollonios (above) accepts this Etruscan location

Τυρσηνίδας εἰσορόωντες). Monte Circeo on the

paxa both for Kirke's ‘bad drugs’ and for the ‘good drug’ moly (Od. 10. 236 and 286 with Graf

Tyrrhenian coast was the site of a supposed sanc-

1997: 28). There is a possibility (see Winkler 1990:

tuary of Kirke; see 1273 and n., OCD* ‘Circeii’,

172-4 and Ferrari 2010: 164 and n. 3) that the

for Kirke’s dwelling (4. 660, Αὐσονίης


famous compound ποικιλόθρον᾽ at Sappho frag.

and Hunter on Ap. Rh. 3. 311-13; and Wilamowitz 1916: 500 (Circello). On Kirke see generally Bettini and Franco 2010.

673. θηρόπλαστον is formally ambiguous, like other words in -τός, but evidently means 'shaper into beasts’, contrast εἰδωλόπλαστος at 173, where the meaning is active not passive (Guilleux 2009: 230). ποίαν... οὐκ ἐσόψεται: cf. 662 n. on

ἐπόψεται for the links with the Menelaos section. Note that Parisinus reads ἐπόψεται here too, and this is preferred by Scheer. (Ciani registers this line under εἰσοράω.) 674. δράκαιναν: because she is fierce, ἄγριον, or sharp-eyed and energetic (Tzetzes). At 1114, the word is applied to Klytaimestra. θρόνα: in Homer, θρόνα means ‘flowers’ (I7. 22. 441, in combination with ποικίλα, cf. below for Sappho); it is

only in Hellenistic Greek that it acquires the sense 'Zauberkriuter' (Fritzsche on Theok. 2. 59),

ie. ‘herbs used as drugs and charms’: LSJ?, citing Theok. as above, and Nik. 72. 493 and 936, as well as the present passage of Lyk. (and 1313, of Medea;


also 1138). The


is very


Heubeck 1990: 61 on ro. 315 cites Mycenaean to-no /thornos and similar words; see Ventris and

Chadwick 1973: 342-3. In this detail, as elsewhere

ı Voigt line 1 implied (or was taken in Hellenistic times to imply) magic drugs as well as ‘throne’. Certainly Kall. (frag. 368 Pf. = 3 Hollis, with

Holliss comm. at pp. 140-1) appears to have called the poisoner Medea πολύθρονος, where the idea of φάρμακον, i.e. drug, is surely present (Suda glossed the word as πολυφάρμακος). I am indebted to Giambattista D’Alessio for help with the implications of the Sappho passage. 675.





(two-noun) type of hapax compound, see Guilleux

2009: 233 and Rougier-Blanc 2009: 543. (a snake at Nik. 75. 499 and 520) is said equivalent to κινώπετον, for which see Nik. (also a snake) and Kall. A. ı fo Zeus 25

κνώψ to be 75. 27 with

McLennan. κινώπετον is itself said by Hesych. to be equivalent to κνώδαλον or Önpiov, means

a wild creature of any sort. Hesych. is probably just glossing a fairly obscure word with two standard and general ones, but a general sense is what we need for κνωπο-

here; Kirke did not turn

Odysseus’ men into snakes.

676. ἐν συφοῖσι: from the hapax-word augds; the usual word for pigsty is συφεός (as at Od, 10. 238), see Guilleux 2009: 232. 677. ylyapra χιλῷ: for χιλός see 578 n., and for the

in the Kirke passage (673-680n.), Lyk. betrays knowledge of the Hellenistic world, though this

typically elaborate food-description see 482 n. (but

variation is motivated by the usual desire for

here there is a Homeric precedent because Od. το.




And what she-dragon shall he not see,

turner of men into wild beasts by mixing magic herbs with barley, a monstrous-shaped doom? The wretches, grunting lamentation for their fates as pigs in the sty, shall munch grape-stones and pressed grapes mixed with their fodder. But him the moly-root


shall save from harm, and an epiphany of Ktaros,

the Nonakrian, the Three-Headed Bright One.

Ἐμπολαῖος. (He was also Ayopaios, but so were other gods, and the agora was not only a commercial but a political gathering-place, and the

242 had Kirke feeding them mast, acorns, and fruit

of the cornel-tree; Lyk. has varied the foodstuffs). For yiyaprov as a grape-pip, see Simonides frag. 24 West (a sympotic poem); at Aristoph. Peace 634, Sommerstein translates it 'raisins' and says it literally means ‘grape-husks’, but that is roughly what στέμφυλα means in the next line, 678. 678. στέμφυλα: the meaning is clear and the text should not be altered; see Schade against Scheer's στεμφύλων. The word is comic, see Aristoph. Knights 806, where, however, it refers to olive-

pressings; at Hp. Or diseases 2.69 (Loeb Hippocrates vol. 5 pp. 320-1) it means a non-alcoholic drink made from pressed grapes.


noun can mean the assembly itself.)

The participle neatly indicates an epiphany;

cf. xpóviós re φανείς at S. Ph. 1446 (Philoktetes to Herakles, who has appeared at the end of

the play). 680. Nonakrian is an Arkadian epithet Hermes (Jost 1985: 36) and no doubt conjures the Styx and Hermes’ chthonian role. For polis of Nonakris, see Hdt. 6.74 and LACP: no.

of up the 285.

“Ihree-headed’is said by Philochoros (FGrHist

679. μῶλυς σαώσει ῥίζα: this is the magic drug μῶλυ of Od. 10. 305, but μῶλυς is an (invented)

328 F22a and 220) to relate to Hermes’ role as showing the way, i.e. he stood at a road junction. The epithet immediately and appropriately pre-

adjectival form; the addition of the final sigma

cedes Lyk.’s narrative of Odysseus’ visit to the

lengthens the vowel almost imperceptibly before


the initial sigma

of oawoeı



Φαιδρὸς θεός is said by Z to be ‘honoured


scan at that position in the line; cf. Hurst 20122: 104). With σαώσει cf. Hermes to Odysseus at 10.

as White

286 when about to give him the moly: ἄλλ᾽ ἄγε δή σε κακῶν ἐκλύσομαι ἠδὲ σαώσω. Homer never tells us what Odysseus actually did with the moly once Hermes had given it him. Heubeck 1990: 61 suggested that it was effective simply by being carried on Odysseus’ person.

Apollod. ep. 3. 16 asserted, without Homeric



the Boiotians’, παρὰ

Βοιωτοῖς λευκὸς Ἑρμῆς τιμᾶται. Tzetzes expands this with an account of a war between the Eretrians and the Tanagraians, in the course of which a boy and girl were sacrificed in accordance with

an oracle, as a result of which


Tanagraians established a cult of White Hermes, ἱδρύσαντο Λευκὸν Ἑρμῆν. No source is given. One attractive possibility is that behind this lies

some kind of ephebic cult at Tanagra, in which

authority, that Odysseus added it to Kirke’s drugs (i.e. to his own cupful only, presumably) so that he alone escaped their effects. Or one could imagine him eating or drinking it separately in advance, like a travel sickness pill. Krapos paveis: Hermes is the ‘god of gain’ i.e. trade, though not to the same extent as his Roman ‘equivalent’, Mercury

(Schachter 1981-94: 2. 49 with nn. 2 and 4b). But there is no hard epigraphic evidence for such a cult, and we can only hope that some will appear. Jost treats ‘White Hermes’ as Arkadian also,

(see J. Sch[eid], OCD*, ‘Mercurius’), See esp.

like Nonakriates, but this is not consistent with

Aristoph. Ach. 814, an

Σ or Tzetzes.


of Hermes

case Tanagraian ephebic inscriptions, influenced

by Athenian institutions, might become relevant


Lykophrons ‘Odyssey’


ἥξει δ᾽ Epeuvov eis ἀλήπεδον φθιτῶν, καὶ νεκρόμαντιν πέμπελον διζήσεται ἀνδρῶν γυναικῶν εἰδότα ξυνουσίας. ψυχαῖσι θερμὸν αἷμα προσράνας βόθρῳ,

καὶ φασγάνου πρόβλημα, νερτέροις φόβον,


πήλας ἀκούσει κεῖθι πεμφίδων ὅπα λεπτήν, ἀμαυρᾶς μάστακος προσφθέγμασιν. 686

πεμφίγων B


the word ἁλίπεδον, in defiance of scansion, and then took it to mean ‘a plain near the sea’.

This passage is remarkable for its brevity: a

682. νεκρόμαντιν πέμπελον:

mere seven lines cover an entire book of the

of Teiresias (Od. τι. gof., cf. Kirke’s instruction

Odyssey (bk 11, on which

at 10. 493—he still has his wits about him—and 537) has been seen, as by West 20132: 278, as the survival of a version in which Odysseus consults a regular oracle of the dead, as at Hdt. 5. 927 (Periandros at Ephyra), and as discussed by

681-687. The

visit to the Underworld

see Tsagarakis



In particular, Odysseus’ many interviews with dead celebrities are disposed of in a mere oneline reference

to their




Lyk. evidently did not want to discuss the individual dead, and especially not Agamemnon, who described Kassandra’s own death at Od. 11. 421-3, an episode reserved by Lyk. for special and carefully positioned handling at 1108-1119. The



that Aeschylus wrote tized the Homeric with Henrichs 1991: 79), and this too

is Homer;

note, however,

a Psychagogoi, which dramaNekuia (TrGF frag. 2738 187-92 and Voutiras 1999: described the instructions

given (by the chorus) to Odysseus about how to invoke the souls of the dead, and it featured

the consultation

Johnston 1999: 83-4, 88, Tsagarakis 2000: 37-44 (but see his reservations at 55 about the consulta-

tion of Teiresias by Odysseus) and Ogden 2001. Indeed, Strabo (s. 6. 5), after mentioning the Homeric Nekuia, says that Aornos/Avernus is related to have been the site of an oracle of the

dead, and that Odysseus visited it, καὶ δὴ καὶ vervonavreiov


ἐνταῦθα γενέσθαι

καὶ Ὀδυσσέα εἰς τοῦτ᾽ ἀφίκεσθαι. Lyk.’s choice of νεκρόμαντις (which is, surprisingly, a hapaxword) may hint at such a view of Odysseus’ ‘visit’

Teiresias. There may have been some influence on Lyk., though the vocabulary of the few fragments is not obviously echoed by Lyk. here; but see 706n. and zion. As often, the great unknown influence is Stesichoros. On 681—711, see Antonelli 1998.

old woman turned to stone by Aphrodite) and n. there: Hollis 2007: 284 has argued plausibly that the word echoes an early line of Kall. Hekale. On Teiresias’ age see Hes. frag. 276 M/W (= frag. 212

681. ἥξει: this word

which says that Teiresias lived for seven human generations.

(for which see further

768, ἥξει ydp, ἥξει) will be picked up several times in the Menelaos section, and at the same initial position in the lines; see 852, 856, and 866.

ἀλήπεδον: this hapax word is said (by LSJ? and Ciani) to be equivalent to λήιον πέδιον, ‘Plain

of Wandering’, wandered over by the solitary Bellerophon

(οἷος ἀλᾶτο)

at 11], 6. 201, and so

somewhere in the neighbourhood Tzetzes aspirated the initial vowel

of Lykia. and spelt

to the Underworld. πέμπελον: see also 826 (the

Most, quoted by Tzetzes on the present passage),

683. For Teiresias’ sex-change (a kind of metamorphosis, see 176 n.) see the literary passages assembled as Hes. frag. 275 M/W, from the Melampodia: he saw snakes copulating on Mt Kyllene in Arkadia, struck one, and was changed into a woman, then seven years later saw the same snakes copulating, and was changed back again. His versified decision—settling a quarrel between Zeus


The visit to the Underworld (the ‘Nekuia’)


He shall come to the dark plain of the dead,

and seek out the aged necromancer, he who knows the sexual intercourse both of men and of women.

Sprinkling at the pit warm blood on the dead souls, and brandishing a protective sword, object of fear to those below,


he will hear the thin voices of the ghosts, the utterances of their dimly audible mouths.

and Hera—that women enjoy sex more than men do (an obvious piece of suspicious male misogynism)

is ascribed

to the Hesiodic

686. πήλας: from πάλλω. πεμφίδων: from πέμ-gis, a variant for πέμφιξ, as at 1106 (and Kall. frag. 43 Pf. line 41; Euphorion frag. 131 Lightfoot,


both by Z on the present passage and by Apollod. 3. 6. 7, with slight textual variations (see Hes., as above). The margin of greater female enjoyment is,

cf. Hollis 2007: 290 n. 60); see n. there, citing

D’Alessio: in Kall. it means ghosts not breezes.

686-687. ὅπα / λεπτήν, ἀμαυρᾶς μάστακος: the

however, unclear (Gantz 1993: 529), perhaps a ratio

of 10:9 (Apollod.) or perhaps g:1 (the apparent implication of other sources). ἀνδρῶν γυναικῶν: the unusual asyndetical juxtaposition enacts the instantly alternating

nearest Homer gets to this description of thin, faded voices in the Nekuia is at Od. τι. 605-6,


of birds in terror. Closer is Od. 24. 5 (the ghosts of the slain suitors, led by Hermes): ταὶ δὲ τρίζουσαι ἕποντο, which is followed (6-7) by a simile of

of Teiresias’ sex-lives;


κλαγγὴ νεκύων ἣν οἰωνῶν ὥς, / πάντοσ᾽ ἀτυζομένων, but that seems to mean the squawking

is more

relevant than the analogy of S. Ant. 1079, ἀνδρῶν γυναικῶν ἐν δόμοις κωκύματα, though that may have exercised some influence. For the

gibbering bats, νυκτερίδες... rpilovoaı. With auavpäs cf. ἐξ duaupds κληδόνος at A. Cho. 853, where it means an insubstantial rumour, or 157~8, ἐξ / ἀμαυρᾶς φρενός, where it refers to the faint and weak φρήν of the dead Agamemnon (with Garvie on the latter passage for the range of meanings: ‘weak’, ‘dark’, or both). It is surely relevant that that play contains so much about communicating with the dead. For μάστακος (also at 1453), an Odysseian not an Iliadic word for the mouth as source of speech, see esp. OZ. 23. 76, Odysseus puts his hand over Eurykleia's

asyndeton see Scheer 1876: 4, who can otherwise

point only to 1367, τριπλᾶς τετραπλᾶς. Lyk. here designates a character not by metaphor or name-play but by reference to the most famous episode of his biography; see Sistakou 2009: 244. 684. θερμὸν αἷμα: see Od. 11. 36 for the blood from the sacrifice flowing into the pit. This blood must then be drunk by the ghosts before they can speak. βόθρῳ: for the pit, see Od. το. 517 (Kirke instructs Odysseus to dig one) and 11. 25, 36£. (he digs it and sacrifices sheep over it. That is, he slits their throats and the blood is then available for drinking, see above). 685. φασγάνου πρόβλημα: Od. το. 535 and 11. 48. νερτέροις φόβον: the dead were commonly supposed to fear iron: 2 Od. τι. 48, κοινή τις παρὰ ἀνθρώποις ἐστὶν ὑπόληψις ὅτι νεκροὶ καὶ Satμονες σίδηρον φοβοῦνται. Norden 1927: 206 (on V. A. 6. 260, 'vaginaque eripe ferrum) suggested that Lyk. was aware of, and carefully paraphrasing, this explanation by the Homeric 2.

mouth to silence her, cf. 4. 287 where he silences

Antiklos. Cf. Rengakos 1994: 125. 688-693. Pithekoussai, Kerkopes

the Giants



Lyk. now departs from the Homeric Odyssey until 695 (the

Kimmerians). For the reason for this

departure, and the inclusion of the Pithekoussai section, see next para. Two separate mythical groups are here referred to in rapid succession, both


of them


of Herakles:

(1) the

Lykophron's ‘Odyssey’


ὅθεν Γιγάντων νῆσος ἡ μετάφρενον e





θλάσασα καὶ Τυφῶνος ἀγρίου δέμας φλογμῷ ζέουσα δέξεται μονόστολον,


ἐν Jj πιθήκων πάλμυς ἀφθίτων γένος Giants, whose battle against the gods ended when Herakles took part (he counted as a mortal, and thus fulfilled an oracle which said that the Giants would be defeated only with mortal help). See Apollod. 1. 6. 1-2 and for the details Gantz 1993: 449-54. After their defeat they were buried under Sicily, which ‘weighs upon his (Typhons) shaggy chest', and the buried Giants extended

right across to Campania, 'the sea-fencing cliffs above Kyme": see Pi. P. 1, 17-20, and for Typhon, treated loosely by Lyk. as one of the Giants, see 689. (2) The Kerkopes: Herakles subdues this

pair of trouble-makers as one of his post- Labours exploits; see Gantz 1993: 441-2; Fowler 2013: 321 3. Zeus then metamorphosed them into monkeys (for metamorphosis in Lyk. see 176 n., where this is no. (15)) and installed them above Pithekoussai, "Monkey islands’, to mock the buried Giants (see 691—692 n. for πίθηκοι as monkeys not apes, and for the mockery, κηκασμός). The first source for this punitive explanation of the name is Aischrion (4th cent. Bc), author of an Ephesides or possibly Ephemerides, Suppl. Hell. 3, cited by X. For the metamorphosis of the Kerkopes see FGrHist 240 Xenagoras F 28, from his περὶ νήσων, for which work see also 447n. (Kerastia as an old name

for Cyprus).

In a variant

tradition, the

Kerkopes were petrified, not turned into monkeys: FGrHist 3 Pherekydes F 77 (and in Fowler). The Gigantomachy was most famously depicted on the Great Altar at Pergamon

(Hardie 1986:

esp. 125743 for the link with Augustan poetic imagery) and this can be invoked as an argument for an Attalid Pergamene patron for Lyk. (for this theory see Kosmetatou 2000; cf. above, p. 48 and n. 136). But the western connection, already

prominent in Pi. (above) is enough to explain the presence of Giants in the present passage. Pithekoussai (Barr. map 44 E4) is mod. Ischia,

one of the two main Phlegraian islands, the other being Prochyta, mod. Procida. Pithekoussai is an archaeological site of prime importance

(for its

status, see Esposito 2012: 10277 and Broodbank 2013, 512-13, 524, and 530). For Pithekoussai's

settlement by Greeks ¢.759 BC (even earlier than

Cumae on the Italian mainland) see Livy 8. 22. 6 with Oakley: the Euboians from Chalkis 'primo insulas Aenariam et Pithecusas egressi, deinde in continentem ausi sedes transferre". Strabo 5. 4. 9 is the essential ancient source: he says that the Euboians






(a problematic claim); note the explicit citation of Timaios on Pithekoussai (FGrHist 566 F 58). Excavations at Pithekoussai in the 1950s and 1960s revealed Euboian settlement, thus confirming Strabo; see Buchner and Ridgway 1993; Osborne 2009: 106-10, Guzzo 201m: 71-91. Archaeology had already shown that Euboians were colonially active in the E. Mediterranean: the same unusual and distinctive pottery types

were found at Chalkis in Euboia and Al Mina in Syria (Boardman 1957). Then the excavations at Pithekoussai produced some more of the same distinctively Euboian pottery, and most spectacularly ‘Nestor’s Cup’ from c.725 ac (ML 1, found in 1953, with an inscription alluding to ZA τι. 632-7,

one of the very earliest examples of Greek writing). Finally, the chance discovery in 1981 of a rich gth-cent. burial at Lefkandi in the Lelantine plain

itself (western




and Eretria) yielded finds which indicate international contacts at that unexpectedly early date: Cyprus, Egypt, etc. See Osborne 2009: 55-60 and 342; for Euboians as pioneers of early colonizing activity see Lane Fox 2008 and ΤΊΤ' ch. 9. Pithekoussai must have occupied the same

position of primacy in the story of Greek settlement in Italy as Naxos did in Sicily (Th. 6. 3. 1). In view of all this, we can easily understand

why Lyk. should have inserted a section about Pithekoussai in a poem, one of whose dominant

themes is Greek colonization, especially in the western Mediterranean. The monkeys (691-692n.) are a difficulty. Zoologists deny the possibility of monkeys on Italian Pithekoussai at any time. Lane Fox 2008: 147 ingeniously suggests that the Euboians first went to the ‘monkey islands’ off Tunisia, homes


Pithekoussai, the Giants and the Kerkopes


Next, the island which crushed the backs of the giants and the savage body of Typhon, seething with burning lava, will receive him as solitary seafarer. There the King of the Immortals installed an ugly tribe of real monkeys, Pithekoussai, and

then went north again to called their new settlement

by the same name, For these African islands (not in Barr.) see Ps.-Skylax 111, 5 with Shipley 2011: 197 citing Juvenal ro. 194-5 for monkeys near Hippo Regius, and noting the mention of a polis called ‘Euboia’ further down the same para. of Ps.-Skylax. At L4CP: p. 1237 col. 2, M. M. Austin is sceptical about the reliability of Ps.-Skylax here. The metamorphosed monkeys may belong to a category of metamorphosis in colonial contexts;

see 176n.,





and 12. 688. μετάφρενον: used again at rnm, where it also means ‘back’, dorsum (Ciani), and 1438 (metaphorical, about ploughed land). Malkin 1998a: 173 concedes that Odysseus is vaguely linked with Pithekoussai, and cites the present passage, but insists that in the Hellenistic period Odysseus is no longer primarily connected with Campania (as opp. Etruria). This gives too little weight to the entire section 688-711, 689. θλάσασα: from θλάω, a Homeric word, cf. Od. 18. 97, where ἔθλασεν describes Odysseus smashing the bones of Iros. Zeus’ fight against Typhon, for whom see K. D[owden], OCD*, is strictly distinct from and later than the Gigantomachy (Apollod. 1. 6. 3), and Typhon was the last of Zeus’ enemies to be subdued. But there was understandable confusion: the giant Enkelados was buried under Sicily (Apollod. 1. 6. 2), and on one version (see

below), Typhon was also buried there (688693n.; Apollod. 1. 6.3 specifies that he was under Mt Etna). It is true that Lyk. could be held to mention the Giants and Typhon separately and correctly here in 689, but 691-692 (the monkeys settled on top of Pithekoussai to mock the giants) relates to the Giants only. That is, Typhon is treated as a kind of Giant. Lyk. will later (825 and n.) treat Typhon as buried in Kilikia (Sens 2009: 34).

690. The


in the


first two


is authentic. Ischia is volcanic, and was


destroyed by an eruption in Ap 1883. φλογμός means burning lava at Ar. de mundo 400b4. jrovdστολος is used of a spear at E. Ph. 742. It means a little more than just ‘alone’; the second half of the word must be allowed weight (‘travelling alone’, lit. ‘on a solitary mission’, Tzetzes says &v πλοῖον

ἔχοντα). At Od. το. 132 Odysseus, closing his Laistrygonian



of ‘my


(singular), and explains that the other ships had

all been destroyed.

691-692. πιθήκων... γένος / δύσμορφον eis κηκασμόν: for the mythical explanation of the monkeys, see 688-693n. πίθηκος means a ‘Barbary ape’, which is really a kind of monkey; see Finglass 2012: 52 n. 7, drawing on McDermott

1938: 102-8; Maspero 1997: 301-6; Theoph. Char. 5. g with Diggle. Finglass 2012 shows that, on the evidence of a papyrus fragment (P. Oxy. 2508 frag. 90), The Monkey

(Πίθων, a variant noun),

was the title of a play by the sth-cent. sc Sicilian comic poet Epicharmos. Lyk., if a western Greek, would have been aware of this work, ‘The monkey was a byword for ugliness (as here, γένος δύσμορφον) in both comedy (Taillardat 1962: 228) and oratory (Dem. 18, 242, Aischines an αὐτοδίδακτος πίθηκος, with Wankel); see Finglass 2012: 51-2 n. 7, and cf. 1000 for Thersites

as πιθηκόμορφος, 'monkey-formed'. For κηκα-

σμός see 545n., and with δύσμορφον cf. E. Hel. 1204 (cf. Gigante

Lanzara 2009: 111 n. 59), also

frags 790 and 842 TrGF. For a possible depiction of this mockery, on a sth.-cent. sc Etruscan bronze mirror, see Massa-Pairault 2009: 495. 691. πάλμυς: Tzetzes on the present line says

πάλμυς was an Ionic word, and quotes the Ephesian Hipponax frag. 38 West. Hipponax uses it often, judging from its frequency just in the fragments we have (3; 42. 4; 72. 6; and perhaps 47. 2, see West's app.). It is thought to have been a Lydian word originally: Masson 1962: 103-4. For the hyperbaton, Kalospyros 2009: 216.


Lykophron's ‘Odyssey’


δύσμορφον εἰς κηκασμὸν ᾧκισεν τόσων οἱ μῶλον ὠρόθυναν ἐκγόνοις Κρόνου. Baiov δ᾽ ἀμείψας τοῦ κυβερνήτου τάφον, καὶ Κιμμέρων ἔπαυλα κἀχερουσίαν ῥόχθοισι κυμαίνουσαν οἴδματος χύσιν, Ὄσσαν τε καὶ λέοντος ἀτραποὺς βοῶν xwords, Ὀβριμοῦς τ᾽ ἄλσος οὐδαίας Κόρης, ,








Πυριφλεγές τε ῥεῖθρον, ἔνθα δύσβατος was supposed to derive from Odysseus’ helmsman

693. μῶλον: Homeric, often coupled with Ἄρηος, as at Il. 7. 147. 694—711. Campania It is a feature of this section—as of Strabo 5. 4. 5-6, which covers the same ground—that many of the place-names are both attested Campanian locations of one sort or another, and also mythical districts of the Underworld. (Tzetzes on 695

puts this neatly with his distinction between

μυθικῶς, on the one hand, and ἱστορικῶς καὶ

Baios, who died there; see Strabo 5.4. 6, also Z and

Tzetzes. It is odd that Misenos gets no mention here (he is postponed to 737). Kassandra ignores the metrically inconvenient but otherwise promising Palinurus, famous from Virgil but also known to Dion. Hal. (1. 53. 2. From Timaios? So Norden 1927: 229 and Koch, R.-E. 36 (1949): 150). He was Aineias’ drowned helmsman, in some ways a Trojan counterpart to Greek Elpenor of OZ. 10-12. He gave his name to Cape Palinurus near Paestum (Barr. map

περιηγητικῶς, on the other.) Lyk. thus retains the poem's insistent focus on the west, even when

dealing with the episode of Odysseus’ wanderings which takes him furthest from civilization and normality. The problem, whether or not Odysseus' travels should be located in Italy and Sicily, was already old when Strabo discussed it in bk 1 ch. 2 (see esp. paras. 11. 13, 18) The obvious common source of Strabo and Lyk. for Campania is Timaios (see 688-693 n. for Timaios Fs8 on Pithekoussai and 607n. for Herakles and the cattle of Geryon), but Ephoros

is specifically cited for a detail at Strabo 6. 5. 5 (695n., the western location of the Kimmerians and their underground

habitat). Geffcken


29-39 put the case for Timaios as Lyk.'s source powerfully, but Lykos of Rhegion, and poetic predecessors, including the Sicilian Stesichoros,

must also be factored in. These eighteen lines form one long sentence

46 Br), and received cult. He


have been mentioned periphrastically. As often, a minor character is called by his

name without periphrasis or riddling (Sistakou 2009: 249), compare 586, Kepheus and Praxandros; but Baios gets his descriptor, κυβερνήτης. 695. The location of the Kimmerians—in the north (1), east (2), or west (3)?—was a disputed topic in antiquity; see Sistakou 2002: 151-2, discussing Kall. H. 3 to Artemis 252-3, who follows Hidt. (below). Lyk. places them in the west (3), while at the same time clearly connecting them with Homer's occupants of the far north (1). (1) At Od. 11. 14-19, Odysseus goes to the land of the Kimmerians in the far north, shrouded in

permanent darkness. (Cf. Milton L’Allegro το, ‘in dark Cimmerian desert ever dwell’.) In Homer, this visit is preparatory to the main Nekuia. (2)






694. The place-name Baiai (a fashionable spa

usually located in the east. They are thought to have derived their name from Assyrian Gimirri, and may be the ‘Gomer’ of the Bible (Ezek. 38 6, Gen. 10: 2; see OCD* 'Cimmerians’). After migrating into Anatolia from S. Russia under Skythian pressure, they were then forced

town in Roman times because of its volcanic hot springs, see Beloch 1890: 181 and OCD* ‘Baiai’)

the early 6th cent. sc: Hdt. 1. 16. 1.

(Kalospyros 2009: 215). For all the places described, see Barr. map 44


4, and

discussions in Beloch



Frederiksen 1984.

out again by Kroisos’ father, Alyattes of Lydia, in 288



of monkeys, in mockery of those who stirred up war against the offspring of Kronos.

Then he will pass the grave of Baios the helmsman, and the dwellings ofthe Kimmerians, and the Acherousian


flood, swelling with the breakers of the sea;

from there to Ossa and the ox-paths built by the Lion from piled-up earth, and the grove of Obrimo, the underworld maiden,

and the stream of Pyriphlegethon. There the inacessible peak

(3) For the western. Kimmerians' location in Campania in the neighbourhood ofthe Ploutonion, evidently some kind of cult-place of Hades, see Strabo 5. 4. 5, citing Ephoros (FGrHist 7o F 134) for this Campanian location and for their underground dwellings, ἃς καλοῦσιν dpyiMas. Lyk.'s ἔπαυλα, lit. ‘stables’ (cf. Rougier-Blanc 2009: 544), would appear to reflect this notion.

Augustus, see also Diod. 4. 22. 2 and cf. OCD*

For the river Acheron and the adjective Myepovcía (used also at grr) see go-grn. At Euphorion frag. 26 Lightfoot (= Suppl. Hell. 415. i.) line 3, the word is almost entirely restored. For

698. xwarás: cf. E. Rh. 450 (Gigante Lanzara 2009: 111 n. 59). Ὀβριμοῦς: this is Persephone.

the Acherousian




‘Lucrinus lacus’. For Herakles' adventures with the cattle of Geryon in Italy and Sicily see 47 (an early and programmatic allusion to the western theme) and 662 with nn.; cf. also 978-983 nn. We now know from an inscription found at Tauromenion in Sicily that Fabius Pictor talked about Herakles in Italy: FRHist no. 1 T7 (from SEG 26. 1123).

ὄβριμος is a Homeric epithet of Ares, meaning ‘strong’or ‘mighty’, as at e.g. ZZ 5. 845. The word is said by Tzetzes to be used here of Persephone because of her anger at an attack on her by Hermes. At 1176, Βριμώ is Hekate (for the occasional identification of Hekate and Persephone in magical papyri see A. H[enrichs], ‘Hecate’ in

del Fusaro)

Beloch 1890: 188-9. 696. For ῥόχθος see 40zn. It is possible that κυμαΐνουσαν hints at the place narne Kyme (cf. Strabo 5. 6. 4 ὠνομάσθαι δ᾽ ἔνιοι Κύμην ἀπὸ τῶν κυμάτων φασῶ.

OCD"). LSJ’ say that ὄβριμος (short iota, NB) may be related to βριμός (= μέγας, χαλεπός, Hesych.) as Ὀβριμώ is to Βριμώ. For her grove,

697. Ossa was the largest mountain in Italy, acc.

ἄλσος, cf. Od. το. 509 (Kirke to Odysseus), ἄλσεα

Metrodoros of Skepsis (FGrHist 184 F 17), quoted

Περσεφονείης. οὐδαίας Κόρης: see 49n.

by Z on the present passage. The location must be Campanian. Might it be Vesuvius? (Suggested by Geffcken and Ciaceri as a candidate for Lethaion at 703, but see n. there.)

The ‘Lion’ is Herakles, as often in Lyk. (e.g. 33 and 459, other passages at Sistakou 2009: 252 n. 42), and the oxen are those taken by him from

Geryon; the theft was the subject of Stesichoros’ Geryoneis and of Pi. frag. 169a; see also FGrHist

566 Timaios F 89 with Champion in BN]. Herakles made a pathway for the cattle by creating a dam which thereafter separated the Lucrine lake from the sea; the story is given in plain language by Strabo (6. 5. 6), who

Vipsanius Ágrippa

adds that Marcus

repaired it in the time of

699. Strabo 5. 6. 5 said that the hot springs near the Acherousian lake (cf. 694n. for Baiai) were

evidence that Pyriphlegethon—one of the rivers of the Underworld, O4. 10. 513, Kirke to Odysseus, and Pl. ῥά. 114a—was located here; cf. also 1. 2, 18. See also [Ar.] mir. ausc. 102. There is a verbal and conceptual association with the Phlegraian fields: the root of both words is φλόξ, ‘flame’, and on one version of the myth the fields were located in Campania



and were

the site of the battle of the gods and Giants (693). (But Phlegra was also an old name for the Pallene promontory of Chalkidike: Hdt. 7. 123. 1, cf. 115-16 n. and 127.)





τείνει πρὸς αἴθραν κρᾶτα Πολυδέγμων λόφος, ἐξ οὗ τὰ πάντα χύτλα Kal πᾶσαι μυχῶν


πηγαὶ kar! Αὐσονῖτιν ἕλκονται χθόνα, λιπὼν δὲ Μηθαιῶνος ὑψηλὸν κλέτας, λίμνην τ᾽ Ἄορνον ἀμφιτορνωτὴν βρόχῳ,

καὶ χεῦμα Κωκυτοῖο λαβρωθὲν σκότῳ,


Στυγὸς κελαινῆς νασμόν, ἔνθα Τερμιεὺς ὁρκωμότους ἔτευξεν ἀφθίτοις ἕδρας, λοιβῆς ἀφύσσων χρυσέαις πέλλαις γάνος, 708

λοιβῆς ἀφύσσων Scheer λοιβᾶς τ᾽ ἀφύσσων A Aoıßas τ᾽ ἀφύσσων BCDE

700. ‘Polydegmon’ must surely, from the description which follows, be the entire range of the Apennines, or at very least the central part of

an obscure personal name from the muster of the Trojan contingent at Troy; Lethos the father

it (the ‘Campanian Apennines’); but it is also a

Larisa in the Aiolid at J/. 2. 843.To be sure, Aineias was not the only Trojan to settle in Italy, but this is a long shot. Geffcken 1892: 32, followed by Ciaceri, suggested Mt Vesuvius. The likeliest explanation of this puzzle is the least exciting: Lyk. wished to mention as many of the rivers

name for ‘many-receiving’ Hades, and a nearsynonym for πανδοκεύς. See 655n. and refs, esp. HHDem.ı7,äva£ Πολυδέγμων, and add FGrHist 244 Apollodoros

F 102 (f), from

Cornutus, on

names for Hades: ἐπονομάζεται δὲ ἐπιθετικῶς xai πολυδέκτης kai πολυδέγμων καὶ πολύαρχος, πολλούς τε δεχόμενος καὶ τῶν λεγομένων πλειόνων ἢ πολλῶν ἄρχων.

of Hippothoos, leader of the contingent from

of the Underworld as possible, but Lethe, River of Forgetfulness, was post-Homeric (it featured most famously in the Myth of Er, Pl. Rep. 621a);

so the name, or an enlarged adaptation of it to suit a mountain, could be introduced into the Campanian narrative only by a bold fictional crea-

701. χύτλα: at 1099, at ΚΑΙ]. frag. 245 Pf. = 60 Hollis, line 2, and at Euphorion frag. 11 Lightfoot line 7, the meaning in all is ‘water for washing’, not ‘libations’ (see Hollis). Here it just means ‘streams’.

tion. κλέτας: here used for the first time as far as we know, is said (2 followed by Tzetzes) to be

702. κατ᾽ Avcovirw . . . χθόνα: see 44n. for the range of meanings of ‘Ausonian’ this is one of the broadest in Lyk. Italy is not aland of specially long rivers, but—as already noted by Polybius (3. πιο. 9)—the most important ones flow down from both sides of the Apennines (Tiber, Arno,

Liri, Volturno, Ofanto).

equivalent to the Homeric and tragic κλειτύς, for which see e.g. Od. s. 470 and S. Ant. 114475, Παρνασσίαν / ὑπὲρ κλιτύν, 704. ἀμφιτορνωτὴν βρόχῳ: the adjective is a hapax-word, but is clearly developed from tragic ἀμφίτορνος at E. Tro. 1156 (‘rounded’, of the dead Hektor’s shield; Kassandra thus obliquely recalls her beloved brother). For Lake Avernus/Aornos

703. Δηθαιῶνος: & and Tzetzes are no help, but an ingenious modem suggestion (Holzinger) connects it with Pausilypon, mod. Posilippo, 'Sanssouci', the place where you forget your cares. For this luxurious Roman villa, owned by the notorious voluptuary Vedius Pollio, see OCD* ‘Pausilypon’. This theory requires that Pollio should have borrowed the name from a local natural feature. But Pollios name Pausilypon can be explained without this extra dimension. Tzetzes thinks in terms of

as encircled by hills (‘the ‘noose’ of Lyk.'s powerful metaphor, cf. Gigante Lanzara 2009: 103), see

Strabo 5. 4.5 and esp. [Ar.] mir. ausc 102, τῷ σχήματι κυκλοτερῆ. The lake is circular because it is a volcanic crater, like that on the Aegean island of Nisyros. The name was supposed to mean ‘no-birds’ because birds who flew over the lake were asphyxiated by noxious vapours (Tzetzes and Strabo, as above. Tzetzes goes off on a tangent about the Baktrian Aornos of the Alexander-




of Polydegmon stretches its head to the sky; from its caverns all streams and springs throughout the Ausonian land descend.


He leaves the high hill of Lethaion, and lake Aornos encircled by a noose, and the river of Kokytos violently roaring in darkness, tributary of black Styx, where Termieus established a place of oaths for the immortals, drawing a libation-stream in gold vessels,


because of a belief that it was Styx, and Silius

expedition, for which see Arr. Anab. 3. 29. 1 etc.). However, [Ar.] (cf. Antig. CLIT) says this is false because those who have visited it say there are plenty of swans there; the main marvel is the purity of the water, on which there are no leaves floating despite the many overhanging trees. This probably reflects Timaios, see Geffcken 1892: 31. (Antig. actually cites Timaios: FGrHist 566 F 57.)



12. 120-1, cf. 705n.)


Styx with Avernus. For Zeus Termieus, Zeus who is the beginning and end of all things (Z: παρὰ τὸ πάντων ἄρχειν kai τέρμα elvai), see FGrHist 244 Apollodoros F 102 (g) = Tzetzes on 706.

(Milton), was one of the rivers of the Underworld,

707. For the house of Hades as the dwellingplace of Styx, who is hateful to the gods, see Hes. 75. 776-806; at 75. 805-6 the gods (plural)

and like Acheron it had a real-life counterpart in

are said to have appointed the ἄφθιτον ὕδωρ, /

Thesprotia (NW

ὠγύγιον of the Styx to be their oath; at 399400 it is Zeus alone who honoured her and appointed her to be the great oath of the gods (on this see M. West 1966, and cf. I. 15. 37-8 = Od. 5. 185-6). ὁρκωμότους: a hapax-word in this form, but there are various closely related compound-words,







Greece); but another Acheron

was identified with the Lucrinus lacus by Silius Italicus (Punica 12. 116-17, cf. 706n.). For χεῦμα, see 647n., and for λαβρωθέν see 475n. and cf. below, 724.n. 706. Ihe idea that the Kokytos was a tributary of Styx is Homeric. See Od. 10. 514 (quoted by

e.g. ὁρκωμότης, ‘juryman, at IG 5. 2. 261 line 2

2): Κώκυτός θ᾽, ὃς δὴ Στυγὸς ὕδατός ἐστιν

(from, suitably enough, Arkadian Mantineia).

ἀπορρώξ, a line imitated from J/. 3. 755, where the tributary of Styx is the Titaressos, which therefore does not mingle its waters with the Peneios (see also go4n.). For νασμός, ‘stream’,

708. λοιβῆς ἀφύσσων: the verb is Homeric for pouring a libation: I/. 1. 598; cf. E. L4 1051. With Scheer and most other eds, we must delete the MSS' re after the first word, and then emend that

here used in apposition to χεῦμα, see E. Hipp. 653, Hippolytos says he will wash away the pollution of Phaidra ῥυτοῖς νασμοῖσιν. But the closest parallel to the present passage is A. Psychagogoi

frag. 273a (Cologne papyrus) lines 11-13, οὗ τόδ᾽


from Aoıßäs or Aoıßas. It is best to take

γάνος with λοιβῆς, ‘the stream of a libation’. πέλλαις: 27 says that a πέλλη was a shepherd's cup. In the simile at 77 16. 643, flies buzzing round a milk-pail, it certainly has a rustic air (Rengakos 1994: 121 for the Homeric echo). So too has the

ἀπορρὼξ ἀμέγαρτον ὕδωρ / κἀχέρνιπτον / Στυγίοις να[σ]μοῖσιν ἀνεῖται. The best-known actual, as opp. mythical, river Styx was located at Arkadian Nonakris in the Peloponnese, see 68on., but there is some evidence for a Campanian Styx as well: Strabo s. 4.5

similar (both frags from the same section Arh.). It was daring of Kassandra to turn

mentions a stream in Campania whose waters were drinkable, but were nevertheless avoided

everyday an object into gold, and to use it of a solemn libation by Zeus.

cognate πελλίς at Hipponax frag. 13 West; the context of frag. 14 (πέλλη, as in Lyk.) is probably


of so

Lykophron’ ‘Odyssey’


μέλλων Γίγαντας κἀπὶ Τιτῆνας περᾶν' /






θήσει Δαείρᾳ καὶ ξυνευνέτῃ δάνος,


πήληκα κόρσῃ κίονος προσαρμόσας.

κτενεῖ δὲ κούρας Τηθύος παιδὸς τριπλᾶς, οἴμας μελῴδου μητρὸς ἐκμεμαγμένας, αὐτοκτόνοις ῥιφαῖσιν ἐξ ἄκρας σκοπῆς Τυρσηνικὸν πρὸς κῦμα δυπτούσας πτεροῖς


ὅπου Awepyns κλῶσις ἑλκύσει πικρά. τὴν μὲν Φαλήρου τύρσις ἐκβεβρασμένην 4






709. The battles against the Giants and the Titans are not identical, but nor does Lyk. quite say they were, and cannot be faulted for muddle on this score. The order Giants-Titans is, however, the reverse of the normal sequence (see Apollod. 1. 1 and 1. 6), and acc. Hes. 7%. 392 ff,

Styx was the first goddess to join Zeus in his fight against the Titans, not the Giants. But a similar but otherwise unattested tradition about the Giants cannot be ruled out. 710. For Daeira as Persephone, see A. frag. 277 TrGF (the Psychagogoi), Δαῖρα, from Z Ap. Rh. 3. 846—472 Wendel, commenting on Jaipav uovvoγένειαν at 3. 847, and also citing FGrHist 354 Timosthenes F 1, Gigante Lanzara 2009: rıo n. 55. The name Daeira either suggests torches, δᾷδες, and thus chthonic cult, or else is derived from δάω, ‘I learn/know' (so LSJ: ‘Knowing one’, citing Pherekydes FGrHist 3 F 45 and EGM, where Daeira is said to be sister of Styx, see Fowler 2013:

16-18, listing the many other ancient identifications of Daeira and discussing the name as n. 52) or

both simultaneously. The detail of a thank-offering made by Odysseus to Persephone and Hades after his visit to the Underworld is not Homeric. It may have been suggested by a landmark pillar with a distinctive crowning feature, visible at some cult-site in Campania. For a historical dedication of a helmet, see ML 29 (Olympia, 474 c): ‘Hieron son of Deinomenes and the Syracusans to Zeus:


(spoils) from




comm.). Plut. Marc. 20. 4 knew of a temple at Sicilian Engyion containing a dedicated spear and a helmet, inscribed with the names of Meriones

and Odysseus (rd μὲν ἔχοντα Μηριόνου, τὰ δ᾽ OvA(ov, τουτέστιν δάνος: see 269n.



711. κόρσῃ: a part-for-whole word (lit. ‘temple’, ie. side of the forehead, then ‘head’, then, by a familiar metaphor, ‘top’). kiovos: an architectural

term with a religious tinge (Rougier-Blanc 2009: 548 n. 63). 712-737. The Sirens again For the Sirens see 653 n., and for the importance of the Siren theme in the Alexandra, 653-654n.: Kassandra herself is presented as a kind of Siren. This is the third, and easily the fullest, account of the Sirens in Lyk.'s Odyssey (for the others, see

653-654 and 670-672 and nn.), but they bookend the entire poem. The whole of the present section is constructed round the mentions of the Sirens’ tomb-sites—part of the poem's preoccupation with the macabre (Sistakou 2009: 246, and for the Sirens’ connection with death see 653654n.); but Lyk. also repeatedly associates the Sirens with rivers and river-gods (Aston 2orr: 68-76, esp. 69, rightly stressing that they are, after all, daughters of Acheloos, see 712 n.). For Aston

2011: 75 birds are either victims or aggressors. In most of the Alexandra they are victims, but see 148 for eagles used as metaphor for male force. See also Padel 1992: 65; Bettini and Spina 2007; Egeler 2010: 368; Fowler 2013: 30-1. On 7127721 and 732-737, see Raviola 2006. 712. κτενεῖ δέ; Odysseus does direct and obvious sense. But mulated in this respect by Sirens were fated (cf. 716 for the Moirai)

to commit

not kill them in any the myth (first forLyk.) said that the the auxiliary role of

suicide when

foiled of

their prey. This is the last verb of which Odysseus is the subject until 738, itself slightly problematic; see n. there. The son of Tethys and father of the Sirens is the river-god Acheloos


(so that Ovid


The Sirens again

as he set out against the Giants and Titans. He will dedicate a gift to Daeira and her husband,


his helmet, fixed on top of a pillar. And he will kill three of the daughters of the son of Tethys,

who imitated the songs of their melodious mother. With suicidal leap from their high lookout-place they shall dive on wings towards the Tyrrhenian waves, where the bitter thread of flax draws them. One of them, cast up on shore, Phaleros' tower will receive,

merely says they were birds from the thighs down), and wings are a standard feature of their iconography (see 653n. for LIMC refs., esp. the famous stamnos of ¢.475-460 BC with the upside-down Siren, LIMC 6. τ: no. 153); see also 721n. Ovid charmingly explains that the Sirens were equipped with wings so as to enable them to search for their lost companion Persephone: Met. 5. 552763. For δύπτω see 164n.

calls the Sirens the Acheloides, Mer. 5. 552); on Acheloos see Aston 2011: 78-89. Hes. Th. 337-45 names the great rivers which were considered to be children of Tethys and Okeanos. One of them (75. 340) is 'silver-eddying Acheloos’. τριπλᾶς: it is usually thought that Homer knew of only two Sirens (Od. 12. 52, where they are referred to in the dual), but E. Hofstetter, LIMC 8. 1: 1093, argues

that the dual does not necessarily mean that the two are 'die einzigen ihrer Gattung. However, there is no obvious reason why one Siren should be absent without explanation. Hesiod and later mythographers spoke of three or more, as does Lyk.; see Hes. frag. 27 M/W with 2 Ap. Rh. 4. 892 (but calling them Thelxiope or Thelxinoe, Molpe,

716. This splendid line means that Klotho, the Spinner, one of the three Moirai or Fates (144145n.), will draw the Sirens down to their death

(and see 712 n. for Odysseus’ role). The very rare κλῶσις

and Aglaophonos). There are folk-tale parallels

713. For οἴμας see ıın., and for ἐκμεμαγμένας 138n. The mother of the Sirens was variously given, but a muse is likeliest, and Lyk.'s preferred candidate seems to be Melpomene, the alliterative ‘melodious mother’, μελῳδὸς μήτηρ. So too Apollod. 1.3.4 and ep. 7.18.

east of Capri and west of Amalfi (Strabo 6. 1. 1 and 6, Barr. map 44 F4). 2, followed by Tzetzes,

says that the Seirenousai were 'three promontories of Italy. 715. δυπτούσας πτεροῖς: Homer mentions no wings; they are first attested for the Sirens at E.

Hel. 167, πτεροφόροι νεάνιδες (Apollod. ep. 7. 18

(a process-word)

is a variant



almost equally rare κλῶσμα (a product-word), which is used of the thread of fate at IG 12. 7. 123 line 4 (funerary epigram from Amorgos, ?rst cent. AD), κλώσματα θεῖα τελῶν.

for both two and three female temptresses; see Davies 2004: 609-10 and n. 39.

714. αὐτοκτόνοις ῥιφαῖσιν: see 440n. For the adjective, and for the suicide, 712 n. σκοπῆς: see 275 and 6sonn. Homer located the Sirens on a single island (Od. 12. 167), which in later traditions became the plural Σειρηνοῦσσαι νῆσοι,


717. τὴν μέν . . .: the first of the three Sirens is Parthenope, the eponym of the settlement which became

(or was

the predecessor

of) Neapolis,

mod. Naples: 736n. Lyk. will return to her at 732

(πρώτῃ δέ....), after working southwards down the coast to describe the fates of Leukosia and Ligeia. Parthenope, because of her connection with Naples, a kind of Athens of the west (734.n.),

is the most important of the three (cf. Aston 201: 70). Nevertheless they can all be classed as ‘secondary characters’, and are named without mystification; see 723 and 726, with Sistakou 2009: 249 and 586 n. Phaleros, acc. J and Tzetzes, was the founder of Parthenope (for which, as a place rather than a Siren, see 736n.); the name Phaleros (cf. Hdt. 6.

116 for Phaleron as the pre-Piraieus harbour of Athens) obviously points to the Athenian


Lykophron ‘Odyssey’


Γλάνις τε ῥείθροις δέξεται τέγγων χθόνα.

οὗ σῆμα δωμήσαντες ἔγχωροι κόρης λοιβαῖσι καὶ θύσθλοισι Παρθενόπην βοῶν "






ἔτεια κυδανοῦσιν οἰωνὸν θεάν.

ἀκτὴν δὲ τὴν προὔχουσαν eis Ἐνιπέως 3








Λευκωσία ῥιφεῖσα, τὴν ἐπώνυμον

πέτραν ὀχήσει Gapóv, ἔνθα λάβρος "Is γείτων θ᾽ ὁ Λᾶρις ἐξερεύγονται ποτά. /







connection which will be elaborated at 733-735. See Fragoulaki 2013: 314, cf. 259 for Phaleros,

Athenian hero and Argonaut (Ap. Rh. 1. 96-7 and Paus. 1. 1. 4), who gave his name to the harbour of Athens (above) and founded Cypriot Soloi together with Akamas, son of Theseus (Strabo 14.

Diomedes at 630; torch-race, also for Parthenope, founded by Diotimos at Naples (734 and n.); funerary cult of Philoktetes at 927; oracular cult of Podaleirios at 1051; Daunian cult for Kassandra herself at 1128; and Theban cult of Hektor at 1212-1213. See 164n.


6. 3). See Steph. Byz. s.v. Φάληρον, which echoes the present line: ἔστι καὶ πόλις ἐν Ὀπικοῖς, eis ἣν ἐξεβράσθη Παρθενόπη ἡ Σειρήν, ἣ καλεῖται








Parthenope in particular, see Strabo 5. 4. 7, cf. 1. 2. 13 and 18 with Edlund 1987b: 46; Raviola 1990; Carafa 2008: 44. Pliny the Elder also knew of a tomb of Parthenope here (NH 3. 62), and he had

Νεάπολις; cf. also Paus., as above (Phaleros’ altar at Phaleron, Attika) and Kearns 1989: 203.

first-hand acquaintance with Campania, because

718. The


he commanded the fleet at Misenum, as we know from his nephew, the younger Pliny: Ep. 6. 16. 4.

is the Latin Clanius, which

delimits the western and northern edges of the ager Campanus, and enters the Tyrrhenian Sea

719. δωμήσαντες: cf. Ap. Rh. 2. 531 with Fraser

near Liternum (Barr. map 44 F 3-4; other rivers of the same name do not come into question). Steph. Byz. y 8: Bill. cites Lyk., i.e. the present passage, for Glanis as a ποταμὸς Κύμης. Lyk.'s description of the Clanius was perhaps known to Virgil; see Mynors 1990: 130 on V. G. 2, 225, ‘et vacuis Clanius non aequus Acerris’, where 'vacuis'

1972: 1. 636 and 2. 158 (noting the similar contexts, the building of a tomb/altar); but on such parallels between the two poets see 268 n. Some MSS

here have the metrically impossible form δομ-. 720-721. λοιβαῖσι καὶ θύσθλοισι.... / κυδανοῦσιν οἰωνὸν θεάν: these words will be echoed at 928-929, the posthumous cult for Philoktetes

refers to depopulation caused by flooding. Lyk.'s topography (or hydrography) has been

in another part of S. Italy: αἰανῆ θεὸν / λοιβαῖσι κυδανοῦσι καὶ θύσθλοις βοῶν (there is even a

thought shaky here because the Clanius is some way north and west of Naples (Frederiksen 1984: 105). Possible solutions (Frederiksen) are that the cult began in some fortress, τύρσις, on the Clanius and was later moved to Naples; or that the poet has muddled the Clanius with the Neapolitan river Sebethos. But this may be to press Lyk. too hard for precision of placing: the

similarity of sound between olwvo» and αἰανῆ, although the words’ meanings are very different). There is a further parallel at 1213, which predicts the Theban cult of Kassandra’s brother Hektor,

λοιβαῖσι κυδανοῦσιν ἀφθίτοις ἔσον. For the verb κυδαίνω, see 133n. Despite the word θεάν,

what we have here is presumably heroine-cult;

river stands for Campania. 719-721. This

is one

of many


references in the poem to the establishment of cults. Like the cults in Ap. Rh. (e.g. 4. 1770, ἔνθ᾽ ἔτι viv ...), they are often explicitly said to sur-

vive to the poet's day. Thus Lyk. 'predicts' cult of

see Pfister 1909-12: 212; Pugliese Carratelli 1952; Larson 1995: 18 and 163 n. 53, noting that Strabo (s. 4. 7) says that there was an oracularly ordained athletic contest (ἀγὼν γυμνικὸς κατὰ μαντείαν) for her; see Th. 5. τι. 1 (Brasidas) for such athletic competitions as marking hero-cults, and note that Aristotle (EN 1134b23), with comparable



The Sirens again and the Glanis, which waters the land with its streams. "There the locals will construct a tomb for the maiden,

and will honour her with yearly libations and sacrifices of oxen,


Parthenope, the bird-goddess.

Leukosia, thrown onto Enipeus’ projecting headland, will long occupy

the rock named after her, where roaring Is and its neighbour Laris spew out their waters.

looseness, uses θύειν of Brasidas, although that

mod. Isola Licosa, is close to the Licosa promontory (Strabo 6. r. 1). It is not clear whether Lyk.

verb normally indicated divine not heroic cult. Cf. (for Philoktetes) 871n. and 928—929 n., and 1139, ἄφθιτος θεά (the hero-cult of Kassandra

refers to the island or the promontory. Either way, the place is presumably thought of as the property of, i.e. sacred to, Poseidon as being part of the territory of Poseidonia.


720. θύσθλοισι: see 459n. Παρθενόπην: the nam-

Ἐνιπέως: this is Poseidon, because he took the

ing of Parthenope involves Lyk. in uncharacteristic

form of the river Enipeus in Thessaly in order to have sex with Tyro, as described in Homer’ Nekuia, see Od. τι. 240-2, cf. also Apollod. τ. 9. 8; cf. Cusset and Kolde 2013: 181-2. But Tzetzes gives an alternative explanation: Enipeus was a cult epithet of Poseidon at Miletos. The Rennes database of cult epithets gives Tzetzes only as evidence for this, and there is at present no epigraphic support. Is it possible that Lyk. intends an echo of Od. 5. 446, Odysseus prays to an unnamed river-god, as he flees the ‘angry threats of Poseidon’, Ποσειδάωνος évimás? On 722-725 see Coviello 2006.

metrical abnormality, an anapaestic CUU-. Perhaps in recitation the second syllable could be pro-

nounced very lightly, Παρθ(ε)νόπην. For the see 736n.



at Parthenope,

721. ἔτεια: for such annual sacrifices, cf. Hdt. 6.

105. 3 (Pan), or the ἐτήσιοι θυσίαι to the heroized

Brasidas at Amphipolis, Th. 5. 11. 1. οἰωνὸν θεάν: for such double expressions see Gigante Lanzara 2009: 115; cf. 547 n. The description of the goddess as a bird most obviously picks up the wings motif of 715; but there may also be a hint that the cult of Parthenope was oracular, because οἰωνός had the

723-724. THY ἐπώνυμον / πέτραν: for Lyk.’s fondness for such words in τώνυμος, esp. when

extended sense ‘omen’, as at Th. 6. 27. 3. This sense derived from one main activity of seers, the observation of bird-movements (cf. Od. 2. 159, where the



is said

to ‘know

used (as here) to describe the derivation of a his-

torical place-name







of the



Leukosia. Her eponymous (723-724 n.) promontory is probably mod. Punta Licosa, between Poseidonia/Paestum and Elea/Velea (Barr. map.

45 A 4) near mod. Catellabate (see, however, Edlund 1987b: 47, for the possibility that the promontory was not Punta Licosa but the peak to the north on which mod. Agropoli stands); the tiny and equally eponymous island Leukosia,


a mythical


name, see 164n.

Might this be the source of the oracle at 735? 722. ἀκτὴν δὲ τὴν προὔχουσαν . . .: Lyk. now


724-725. Mflpos . . . ἐξερεύγονται: see 475n. 7247725. The rivers Is and Laris are not traceable; Holzinger ingeniously speculates that there is some kind of anagrammatic word-play with the name of the attested river Silaris or Silaros near Paestum (Strabo 5. 4. 13). #GrHist 825 Parthax ΕἸ (quoted by Herodian) attests an association of a river Is with Paestum: ἐπεὶ δὲ ἀφίκετο eis τὴν Ποσειδωνίαν ὁ Ἡρακλῆς---ἔστι de ποταμὸς ‘Ts καλούμενος μέγας.


Lykophrons ‘Odyssey’



Aiyeıa δ᾽ eis Tépewav ἐκναυσθλώσεται, κλύδωνα χελλύσσουσα. τὴν δὲ ναυβάται κρόκαισι ταρχύσουσιν ἐν παρακτίαις,

Ὀκινάρου δίναισιν ἀγχιτέρμονα. λούσει δὲ σῆμα βούκερως νασμοῖς Ἄρης ὀρνιθόπαιδος tapa. φοιβάζων ποτοῖς. 730


ἀρής Scheer

726. Ihe third Siren is Ligeia, the ‘Sweetsounding One’ (cf. Alkman frag. 30 PMGF, 4 Mésoa kerAay’a Alyna Σηρήν). On 726-731 see Nocita 2006. Τέρειναν: the strictly unlocated polis of Ter(e)ina, a Krotoniate foundation (1008n.), was on the coast S. of ancient Temesa and N. of the Lokrian foundation of Hipponion (the later Latin colony of Vibo Valentia). It was a long way further south than the final resting-places of Ligeia's Siren sisters, and far enough south for

ἐκναυσθλώσεται: a hapax-word, but evidently formed from ναυσθλόω, Ἵ carry/travel by sea’, as at E. Tro. 162, a play well known to Lyk.,and as at 967, 1257, and 1415. 727. χελλύσσουσα: cf. Nik. Alex. 81. 728. ταρχύσουσιν: sce 369n. 729. A



line, see

if identical


63n. mod.





the Tepwatos κόλπος to have featured in Th.'s

Bagni, flowed past Tereina to the E.: Barr. map

narrative of the Sicilian Expedition of 415-413 BC

46 B4. (For this conjecture see H. Philipp, R.-E.

(6. 104. 2). See Barr. map 46 D 4 (with a question-

mark), LACP: no. 73, (tentatively accepting the identification with mod. S. Eufemia Lamezia), and Ps.-Skylax 12 (calling Terina a ‘Greek city’); see also Mercuri 2004: 289. The name's spelling fluctuates in our sources, as also no doubt during

the life of the place (Tépwa in IG 4° 1. 95 line 45, Steph. Byz., and cf. above for Th.; but Tépewa in the MSS of Lyk., here and at 1008).

The city's remarkably lively and beautiful coins of the sth and 4th cents ac (HIN?: 193-6 nos 25672653, cf. Rutter 1997: 61-2 and 77) have the legend TEPINA and the head of a winged female figure who is usually supposed to be the city's eponymous


Terina or Nike-Terina

(so HN’:

112-14, Kraay 1976: 188-9 and LACP. p. 304; for the nymph Terina see Larson 2001: 224). It is tempt-

ing to think that this is really the Siren Ligeia, on the analogy of Parthenope on the coins of Naples/Neapolis, for which see 736n. But this old idea, held by the early numismatists Eckhel and Avellino, was rejected by Regling 1906: 62 (cf. also Holloway and Jenkins 1983: 15-16) on the grounds that in pre-Alexandrian iconography, the Sirens are depicted as mixtures of girls and birds (actually birds with


faces), not as

maidens with wings, ‘Fliigelmadcher’.

*Ocinarus', But Turano 1975: 69 n. 146 and 78, the other mod. work cited by the Barr. map-by-map Directory as evidence for the location, adds little, and is not worth consulting.) See also 1009. ἀγχιτέρμονα: cf. S. frag. 384 TrGF and E. Ra. 426, ἀγχιτέρμων yaid μοι. See also 1130. 730. Bovxepws ... Ἄρης: & and Tzetzes suggest that the horns indicate the river's strength and noisiness (for the word βουκερως cf. Hdt. 2. 41. 2, about Isis and Io, also A. Prom. 588), cf. Strabo 10.

2,19 on the Acheloos; but horns are also a signifier for fertility, and thus appropriate for river-gods (Aston 2011: 88 and 142). See also 1407, where the word is used of another river, the Brychon.

Z and Tzetzes also say that alternative readings for the final word were "Epns and "Epis, rivers in the neighbourhood of Tereina. Another possibil-

ity is to accent the word differently (ἀρής) and take it as an adjective, ‘strong’, related to ἄριστος

(cf. the Homeric Apes dpés, as some think the second



be accented). But

for an

ingenious solution, which retains Áres as a divine

name, see 731n. 731. ὀρνιθόπαιδος ἴσμα: this line is most naturally taken as an amplification—actually hardly more than a repetition—of the thought of the



Diotimos will found torch-race for Parthenope at Naples

Ligeia will be cast on shore at Tereina, spewing out sea-water. Sailors will bury her on the sea shore, next to the eddies of Okinaros. The bull-horned Ares will wash her tomb with his streams,


purifiying with its waters the resting-place of the bird-child. preceding line 730. But Holzinger thinks that the ‘bird-child’ is not Ligeia but the nymph Tereina

draft of Athenian settlers to Naples, tentatively dating it to the 440s or early 4305, see Frederiksen

(726 n.), who was daughter of the river Strymon and bore a daughter Thraissa to Ares; after a

1984: 105-6, an outstanding discussion.

Let us suppose that Diotimos did indeed visit Naples in just this period, perhaps soon after the

series of unhappy incidents her descendants were turned into birds (Ant. Lib. XXI. 1-4; cf. 176 n. for metamorphoses in Lyk., where this is no. (16)); she will then, sc. on this hypothesis, have

been consoled (‘purified’) by the river Okinaros. So 730 and 731 would then refer to different ‘birdwomen’, There

is, however, no need

to choose:

Lyk. could have enjoyed posing a riddle with two equally legitimate answers. taa: a hapax-word of obvious meaning (it is a product-word formed from ἴζω). See Rougier- Blanc 2009: 546 and $54. 732-737. Foundation of torch-race in honour of Parthenope by the Athenian general Diotimos This passage provides a more secure link with a historically attested individual than can be found in almost any other part of the poem: as well as Lyk., two historians (Thucydides and Timaios), three geographers (Damastes of Sigeion, Eratosthenes, and Strabo), a set of four anecdotes

in Polyainos (5. 22, none obviously set in the west), and a sth-cent. Athenian public inscription, all attest his activity. The individual is Diotimos son of Strombichos,


by Timaios


by Z) as the commander of what Lyk. calls the "Mopsopian' i.e. Athenian fleet, and known from

Th. and a sth-cent. Athenian inscription to have been sent to Kerkyra in 433/2. See 733n. for the evidence. There is also a likely connection between the present passage and the joint Chalkidian, Athenian,





Neapolis/Naples attested by Strabo 5. 4. 7: μετὰ δὲ δΔικαιάρχειάν ἐστι “Νεάπολις Κυμαίων (ὕστερον δὲ καὶ Χαλκιδεῖς ἐπῴκησαν καὶ Πιθηκουσσαίων τινὲς καὶ Ἀθηναίων, ὥστε καὶ Νεάπολις ἐκλήθη διὰ τοῦτο. For a defence of the historicity of this evidence for the sending of a

new settlers arrived, or even at the same time as them (so that his torch-race will have had an

inaugural aspect). If he was among other things a ‘western expert’, and had already visited Naples before 433/2, he could have been chosen for the Kerkyraian command in that year precisely because of his earlier diplomatic experience at Naples, and indeed this sequence of events is the likeliest. The simplifying possibility that Kerkyra was Diotimos' point of departure for his Naples visit, i.e. they formed a single complex enterprise, all of which took place in 433/2, cannot be ruled out (Rutter 1979: 95 thinks this a ‘sensible’ supposition, and cf. Beloch 1890: 30, the visit to Naples *wird etwa in dieselbe Zeit fallen' as the Kerkyraian command. See below for Develin 1989). But in that case, Th.’s silence about the further adventures of Diotimos and his ships would be more surprising, whereas there is much that he does not tell us about western affairs before the mid-430s (he never mentions

Neapolis/Naples anywhere. The Νέα πόλις of 7. 30. 2 is in N. Africa). That



attested tenure of the generalship (serazegia) at Athens is dated to 433/2 is not decisive: 733 n. Numismatic evidence, notably Neapolitan issues from about 450 Bc with Athenas head on the obverse, have been held to indicate Athenian

political ambitions in Campania in mid-century, and to be somehow connected with the Neapolitan activity of Diotimos (Rutter 1979: 4-5, 44-6, 94-5, cf. Lomas 2000: 174 and Davies 2007: 88f.). But for

well-grounded scepticism about the political significance of the supposedly Athenian-influenced coins, see Frederiksen 1984: 104 (the ‘temptation to read political aspirations or influences into such


Lykophron's ‘Odyssey’


πρώτῃ δὲ Kai ποτ᾽ αὖθι συγγόνων θεᾷ κραίνων ἁπάσης Μόψοπος ναυαρχίας πλωτῆρσι λαμπαδοῦχον ἐντυνεῖ δρόμον, χρησμοῖς πιθήσας. ὅν ποτ᾽ αὐξήσει λεὼς Νεαπολιτῶν,

οἵ map’ ἄκλυστον


areas daughter of Okeanos". It is not clear if this different explanation of the name Mopsops goes back to Euphorion himself. 2, followed by Tzetzes, cites Timaios (FGrHist 566 F 98) for the identity of the Athenian naval

coin-types is undeniably strong, but it should probably be resisted’). It is not easy to be persuaded

that the coinage of Neapolis has much or anything to do with Diotimos, and coin-based chronologies for his activity all seern exasperatingly speculative. However, the Neapolitan activity of Diotimos is a fact, and should certainly be seen in the context

commander: Diotimos. This is an incalculably precious citation. Diotimos is known from Th. (1. 45. 2, where he is Διότιμος ὁ Στρομβίχου) to have been sent to Kerkyra as one of three commanders of an

of a pre-Peloponnesian War Athenian western drive which is generally under-reported by Th.; see CTI: 9o and III: 5, and note Frederiksen 1984: 105 on the evidence of the present line and of Timaios F98: ‘Diotimus, geographer and diplomat, was undertaking something more than ritual purifications’ (see 733n. for his diplomacy in both west and east, and for his geographical speculations). The extent of the overlap between Lyk. and Timaios in these lines make it very likely that Lyk.was aware

Athenian fleet of ten ships; an inscription (ML 61, 433/2 BC) records the expenses of both this squad-

ron and of a reinforcing squadron of twenty ships, and names Diotimos at line 9: Διοτίμοι Εὐονυμεῖ (i.e. from the Attic deme Euonymon, which was in tribe I, Erechtheis). For Diotimos as a possible

western expert, see 732-737n. But he also led an

Athenian embassy eastwards via the Kydnos river

of and drew on Timaios’ account (which Jacoby

in Kilikia to the river Choaspes near the Persian

assigned to Timaios’ historical section, rather than to his sections on foundations or myth). For Naples see further 736n.

regional capital Susa, and had an opinion about the relationship between the Kydnos and the Choaspes and communicated it to the historian

Damastes of Sigeion (so we are told by Strabo 1. 3. 1, who cites Eratosthenes, frag. 1 B, 6 Berger; cf. FGrHist 5 Damastes T 7 and F 8. See Frederiksen 1984: 105 and n. 147). Diotimos came from a

732. πρώτῃ δέ: Lyk. now returns to Parthenope, the first of the Siren-sisters, already treated at 717-721. θεᾷ: see 720—721 n. for the terminological

‘notable and wealthy family’ (APP: 161); in democratic Áthens at least, long-distance diplomacy

inaccuracy (this was really hero-cult).

called for private resources of this sort. It wil be argued below that Lyk. treats Diotimos as a strategos (‘commander of the fleet’,

733. ‘Of Mopsops’ means ‘Athenian’, as does Μοψόπειος at 1340. (Lyk. assumes a male indi-

vidual called Mopsops, as does Kall. frag. 709 Pf. (from




ἡ Ἀττική,

κραίνων... «ναναρχίας), and that this corre-


Μόψοπος);, cf. Strabo 9. 1. 18, 5. 22 (both passages uninformative), calling him Mopsopos. Tzetzes on the present passage says Mopsops was a ruler of Athens, but he does not easily fit into the tree of

sponds to Timaios’ word ναύαρχος. Tzetzes, writing on his own account rather than reproducing Timaios, actually calls Diotimos a strategos,

which is surely right as far as it goes (see below),

the mythical early kings. (The entries ‘Mopsopos’

but has little evidential value because it is embed-

in Roscher and R.-E. (J. Pley) collect the literary

ded in the wild assertion that Diotimos 'went to

evidence, including some from the Latin poets,

Naples ata time when as general of the Athenians

but do not explain him.) Euphorion wrote a work called the ‘Mopsopia or Miscellanies’, Μοψοπία ἢ Araxta (frags 37-40 and test. 1 Lightfoot).

he was fighting against the Sikels’, eis Νεάπολιν

The source for this (Suda e 3801 Adler) says that Attica was formerly called Mopsopia ‘from the

ἦλθεν, ὅτε στρατηγὸς ὧν τῶν Ἀθηναίων, émoλέμει τοῖς Σικελοῖς (by the last two words he presumably means the Greek inhabitants of

Sicily, what Th. would have called the Σικελιῶται,


Diotimos will found torch-race for Parthenope at Naples


To the first of these three sister goddesses the commander of the whole fleet of Mopsops will institute a torch-race for sailors,

in obedience to oracles. The people of


Neapolis will enlarge this, they who will inhabit the rough cliffs

ie. the Syracusans, rather than the indigenous

of one, as at Th. 8. 20. The whole description («pai-

Sikel peoples. So this is a vague and ignorant

νων ...vavapxías) is an elaboration of Timaios’ word ναύαρχος; see previous para.

allusion to one of the Athenian expeditions against Sicily in either 427-424 or 415-413). Develin 1989: 104 (part of an Appendix on problems in the years 480/79 to 432/1) takes seriously the possibility that Diotimos was a mere nauarchos when he went to Naples, a mission which ‘should fall in the 430s and, if he was nauarchos, before his strategia of 433/2’. Now it is true that, though the nauarchy is normally thought of as a Spartan institution, there is a school of thought which holds that the Athenians employed nauar-

734. Torches and torch-races may often be gloomy and chthonian (1179n.), but they are not necessarily or invariably funerary or sinister. See Aston 2011: 70, citing e.g. Hdt. 6. 105. 3 (Pan); certainly

the torch-race at Pl. Rep. 328a (for the Thracian Bendis) sounds a cheerful enough affair. In view

of the strongly Athenian theme in these lines, it is

least in the years around 414; see Develin 1989: 153

surely relevant that a torch-relay was a prominent feature of the Panathenaia (Parker 20052: 257). So rightly Edlund 1987b: 47. This new city was to be the Athens of the West. λαμπαδοῦχον: cf. E. LA

(Konon) and ıs5f. (Diphilos and Hippokles); cf.

1506 (Gigante Lanzara 2009: 112).

also CT III: 602, cf. 790f.). But the problem of

735. χρησμοῖς πιθήσας: so too Timaios, κατὰ χρησμόν, Ihe oracle was perhaps that of Apollo at Delphi, since this was in effect a new colony, and Delphi was the traditionally right place for colonial matters; but see 721n. for another possibility. For such oracular commands in the poem, see 133-134 n.

choi to supplement the panel of ten generals, at

excess of generals in early as the 430s, and (and Lyk.) are using and the same is true

our sources does not arise as it is far likelier that Timaios zauarcbos to mean strategos, of Polyain. 5. 22. 3 (cited by

Develin 104), which also calls Diotimos a nauar-

chos. Indeed Develin 104 hesitates between the two possibilities, because his para. on Diotimos’ Naples mission is headed ‘Strategos or nauarchos', and he cites Tzetzes

(above) for the title

strategos. Strategos is surely preferable. If we press

the constitutional implication of this, the only year when Diotimos is actually attested as one of the ten tribal strategoi is 433/2 (Develin 1989: 99,

736. Νεαπολιτῶν: for Neapolis, the ‘New City’, mod. Naples, see LACP: no. 63; the ethnic used by Lyk. is also found on coins and at e.g. Diod. 16. 18.1. It is unusual for Lyk. to give a name or ethnic of an important city without mystification.

see above for Th. and the inscription), but there

The original Chalkidian foundation of the ‘New City’ (see Strabo, quoted at 732-737n.) is

are plenty of years among the previous twenty in which the strategos for tribe I Erechtheis is

thought to have been in about 470 sc, but Livy claimed that there was also a predecessor city

unknown (see Develin's lists), so an otherwise unattested earlier strategia for Diotimos, in which

Palaiopolis, the ‘Old City’, whose population merged with that of Neapolis (8. 22. 5: "Palaepolis

he operated in western waters with a naval force (Frederiksen 1984: 105), is perfectly possible and is the solution here preferred. Develin does not appear to consider this possibility at any point.

fuit haud procul inde ubi nunc Neapolis sita est; duabus urbibus populus idem habitabat. Cumis erant oriundi' etc.). This is a notorious problem:

no other literary text knows of a sovereign city

ναυαρχίας: the meaning ‘fleet’ is imposed by

Palai(o)polis, and the only other secure attesta-

the context, but the word strictly means command

tion of it is in the Triumphal Fasti (triumph


Lykophron’s ‘Odyssey’


ὅρμων Μισηνοῦ στύφλα νάσσονται κλίτη. L4





βύκτας δ᾽ ἐν ἀσκῷ συγκατακλείσας βοὸς παλινστροβήτοις πημοναῖς ἀλώμενος, celebrated by Publilius Philo in 326 sc over the Palaeopolitani, MRR 1: 146). Nor is it likely that a

Siris, with Moscati Castelnuovo 1989: 131-142,

also dealing with the present passage at 140;

.. oriundi’)

also Guzzo 2o11a: 281-296. But formal Rhodian

would have been called the o/d city. Palaiopolis has been identified with the non-o/is settlement of Parthenope, ?mod. Pizzofalcone; see L4CP: p. 257; see also the excellent and extended discussion by Oakley 1998: 628-51 at 636 and 644, which seems to have been unknown to the authors of

colonization in this area is thought to be doubtful





the relevant ACP entries (2004). See also Raviola

1991. Oakley suggests that the first foundation on Pizzofalcone was called Parthenope, and that the name Neapolis was given to the second (sc. 5thcent.) settlement. When the name Parthenope came to be used for the whole Naples area, the Pizzofalcone settlement was called Palaeopolis. To be sure, Beloch 1890: 60-2 and 442 discounted Livy's evidence here altogether, and preferred to think that the ‘Old City’ presupposed by ‘the New City’ was none other than Cumae. Against this, see Oakley 1998: 644 (this solution is too drastic, and involves throwing out the epigraphic evidence for Philos triumph, as well as Livy; it also presupposes implausibly that the Romans as well as the local population would have called Cumae by the informal name Palaeopolis). Strabo 14. 2. 7 and Steph. Byz. say that Parthenope was a Rhodian foundation (contrast 717 for the Athenian Phaleros as the oikist), and there is some slight archaeological support for this (see Lomas 2000: 174 for early Rhodian and Mycenaean material; the tradition is apparently

(‘singularly improbable’ acc. Oakley 1998: 634 n. 1), and Parthenope is more likely to have been a harbour or other dependency of Cumae; so LACP as above, and at p. 283 under no. 63, 'Neapolis'.

Phaleros will then (so rightly Beloch 1890: 29) have been inserted into the tradition as part of the Athenian re-foundation in the 440s or 4308, for which event see 732-737n. "The Siren Parthenope features regularly on the coinage of Neapolis; see Rutter 1979: 52; ΗΝ: 546 f; LACP: p. 285. So, it seems, does her father Acheloos, the man-faced bull of the coins. See

Beloch 1890: 36; Rutter 1979: 44 and HN?


737. Μισηνοῦ: this is Capo Miseno, at the western end of the small bay of Pozzuoli and beyond it the large