Love and War in the Middle English Romances [Reprint 2016 ed.] 9781512816280

Table of contents :
PREFACE
CONTENTS
I. INTRODUCTION
II. MEDIEVAL ATTITUDES TOWARD WOMEN, SEX, AND MARRIAGE
III. THE MARRIAGE OF CONVENIENCE IN THE ROMANCES
IV. OTHER TYPES OF MARRIAGE RELATIONSHIPS
V. IRREGULAR SEXUAL RELATIONSHIPS
VI. MEDIEVAL JUSTIFICATION OF WAR
VII. ATTITUDE OF INDIVIDUALS TOWARD WARFARE AND FIGHTING
VIII. CONDUCT ON THE BATTLEFIELD
IX. CONCLUSIONS
BIBLIOGRAPHY
INDEX

Citation preview

LOVE AND WAR IN THE MIDDLE ENGLISH ROMANCES

UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA

LOVE AND WAR IN THE MIDDLE ENGLISH ROMANCES

A

DISSERTATION IN

PRESENTED TO T H E

ENGLISH

FACULTY OF T H E GRADUATE SCHOOL

PARTIAL F U L F I L L M E N T OF T H E R E Q U I R E M E N T S T H E DECREE OF DOCTOR OF

FOR

PHILOSOPHY

M A R G A R E T A D L U M GIST

PHILADELPHIA

1947

IN

COPYRIGHT

1947

UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA PRESS MANUFACTURED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA

Dedicated to the Memory of My Mother MARGARET ADLUM GREEN JONES GIST and My Father GEORGE WASHINGTON GIST

PREFACE present study began as an examination of the social and ethical ^ ^ p r o b l e m s presented in the English romances. As the work progressed and it became clear that I should have to limit its scope, I chose the topics of marriage and sex, to be treated primarily from the point of view of the woman, and the problems of war and peace, to be considered primarily from the point of view of the man. Only after my material was in manuscript form did the dissertation of Donnell Van de Voort, Love and Marriage in the English Medieval Romance (Vanderbilt University, 1938) come to my attention. Dr. Van de Voort's thesis is that in the ethics of sex and marriage the English romances do not follow the French pattern of courtly love. This is a point of view with which I am in sympathy. Since my approach in the part of my thesis dealing with these topics has been different from that of Dr. Van de Voort, however, my results may serve as a useful complement to his. I wish to express my gratitude to those who have assisted me in one way or another with this study: to Dr. Cornelius Weygandt, whose kindly appreciation of my first graduate paper strengthened my desire to continue graduate study; to the School Board of Haddonfield, New Jersey, which made it possible for me to have free time for study; to the staff of the Library of the University of Pennsylvania, which has been consistently helpful; to Dr. A. G. Howland for permission to use the facilities of the Henry Charles Lea Library; to Dr. MacEdward Leach, who read the manuscript and made valuable suggestions; to Lois Hall Galbraith, who checked the manuscript for mechanical and typographical errors; to my good friend, Eleanore M. Hoyle, and to my sister, Esther Elizabeth Gist, who have never failed me when I needed help or encouragement. Above all, I am indebted to Dr. A. C. Baugh for the privilege of working under his supervision. Without his direction I could not have brought the study to completion. For the generosity with which he has given his time, for his thorough but patient and friendly criticism, for the challenge of his exacting standards, I am grateful. Whatever values this study may have I feel are largely due to the stimulus and the inspiration of his guidance. M. A. G. Philadelphia August 1946 vii

CONTENTS Page PREFACE

vii

Chapter I II

INTRODUCTION

i

MEDIEVAL ATTITUDES TOWARD WOMEN, SEX, AND MARRIAGE

n

III

THE MARRIAGE OF CONVENIENCE IN THE ROMANCES

27

IV

OTHER TYPES OF MARRIAGE RELATIONSHIPS

49

V

IRREGULAR SEXUAL RELATIONSHIPS

75

VI

MEDIEVAL JUSTIFICATION OF WAR

113

ATTITUDE OF INDIVIDUALS TOWARD WARFARE AND FIGHTING

137

CONDUCT ON THE BATTLEFIELD

155

CONCLUSIONS

191

BIBLIOGRAPHY

197

INDEX

209

VII VIII IX

ix

•fc I

&

INTRODUCTION H O U G H the tendency is perhaps common to think of the narrative ^ ^ f o r m s of literature as designed primarily for entertainment, they have frequently become, either intentionally or unintentionally, a medium for social, moral, and religious ideas. For this reason the fiction of a region or an epoch is often of such great value in the study of its social and ethical ideas that there is perhaps no better approach to understanding a people than the comparative study of their history and literature. W h e n the aim, the standard, or the ideal is weighed against the practice and achievement, in other words against reality, both the actuality and the ideal become clearer. With this thought in mind it has seemed worthwhile to study the English medieval romances for the light they throw on certain aspects of the social life and the ethical standards of the period in which they were produced. E v e n the hastiest reading shows they are constantly concerned with questions of social and ethical import. Of course the romances, like most literature dependent upon public favor, assume a respect for decency and right living and are full of moral platitudes; but they also reveal particular attitudes that are the outgrowth or expression of the medieval organization of society and are consonant with the principles of feudalism, chivalry, scholasticism, or other typical institutions and sanctions. It is with these more peculiarly medieval attitudes that we are here concerned. It is right to ask whether the sources of the English romances invalidate them as material for the study of English life. T h a t almost all of the E n g lish romances are translations or adaptations f r o m the French and that they are reworkings of classic and oriental legends and of incidents from early Germanic, French, and English history or pseudo-history is true. I think it can be shown, however, that some sound conclusions regarding English life can be drawn from the romances. E n g l a n d shared with the rest of Western Europe during the Middle Ages a certain uniformity of development. Historians recognize this. Chivalry, one of the major directing influences of the period, for instance, was an international ideal. 1 Moreover, since the relations of France and England 1

Henry O. Taylor, The Mediaeval Mind, 4th ed., I, 12-3; C. W. Previtc-Orton, Introduction, Cambridge Medieval History, VI, viii; William H. Schofield, English Literature from the Norman

1

2

LOVE A N D WAR IN T H E MIDDLE ENGLISH ROMANCES

were very close from the time of the Norman Conquest to the time when the romances were written, it is natural that the two countries should have many developments in common. For the same reason we may expect that some concepts in the English romances will be of the general nature characteristic of an age in a number of ways homogeneous, and that at times they will even express individual French attitudes. But this does not mean that they are completely un-English. Since the English romances are not generally slavish translations of their originals, we can hardly doubt that English authors shaped the material of their sources to the expression of their own temperament. The forms "which folktales and older legends take in the English romances, and the comparison of the English romances with their French originals demonstrate the freedom with which the English adapted their story matter.2 English authors reshape the content of their sources, sometimes with conscious piety or even prudishness. J. E. Wells finds the English romances as a class less sophisticated, more sincere, more democratic, and "sounder in morals than the French." 3 Miss Billings speaks of the English romances as more passionate and less lascivious.4 Several instances serve to illustrate the variations between the English and the French tales. The didactic intention and the conscious piety of the English romances are exemplified by Chestre's Lattnjal. In Lanval, Marie de France, describing the fairy lady in her forest pavilion, writes, ot pur Ie chalt sur li gete; tut ot descovert la coste, le vis, le col, e la peitrine; Plus ert blanche que flurs d'espine, (11. 103-6) and feels no need of apology for the picture she has drawn. At the same point in the English story Chestre comments, May no man rede here atyre Ne naught well thenke yn hert. (11. 299-300) Conquest to Chaucer, pp. 4-6; Kurt Lippmann, Das ritterliche Persdnlich\eitsideal in der mittelenglischen Literatur des 13 und 14 Jahrhunderts, p. 49. 2 W. P. Ker, "Metrical Romances," Cambridge History of English Literature, I, Ch. XIII, 308-34; Roger Sherman Loomis, The Romance of Tristram and Ysolt, p. xi; Schofield, English Literature, pp. 5 - 6 ; Lippmann, Das ritterliche Personlichkeitsideai, pp. 4 - 5 ; Laura A. Hibbard, Mediaeval Romance in England, Preface, p. iii. On pp. 187, 202, and 257-58, Dr. Hibbard discusses various differences in tone and treatment between the English and French legends of Floris and Blancheflour, Partonope of Blois, and The Knight of Courtesy. In the discussion of the origins of each tale, Dr. Hibbard indicates how the English authors fused legendary and historical elements and varied them at will. 3 John E. Wells, A Manual of the Writings in Middle English, 6th ed., pp. 1 - 2 . * Anna Hunt Billings, A Guide to English Metrical Romances, p. xx.

INTRODUCTION

3

In Lanval the report that Lanval has attempted to rape the Queen is quickly forgotten, and the King's accusation is primarily that Lanval has insulted the Queen by declaring her less beautiful than his lady. In Launfal, however, the charge against him of sexual irregularity is kept more prominent. Again, the French lai does not accuse Guinevere of general promiscuity. By contrast, in the English story, the twelve knights assigned to judge Launfal believe in his innocence because they know the Queen is evil: The quene bar los of swych a word, That sche lovede lemmannes wythout her lord, Har neuer on hyt forsoke. (11. 789-91) The French version indicates that Lanval was vindicated, but not that the Queen was punished. The English version, however, recognizing that the Queen's lustful gazing had led her astray, punishes her with loss of sight. Before departing with Launfal, Tryamour . . . to the quene geth, And blew on her swych a breth, That never eft myght sche se.5 Although the French Florence de Rome is not the immediate source of the English Le Bone Florence of Rome, the two tales serve to bring out certain contrasts between the points of view and the standards of the French and the English. In the French tale, the lusts of the ancient Garcy for the young maiden are more bluntly stated, since we hear the words from his own lips, and consequently more offensive; whereas, in the English version, Florence reports Garcy's intention.® In both versions the four miscreants who sought to rape Florence are punished with various ailments. At the conclusion of the French tale, the holy nun Florence cures them, and afterward Des malades fu pris de la dame congiez; D'ilec se sont parti, chascuns s'en va toz liez.7 In the English romance not only is dramatic justice effected when the culprits are condemned to the flames, but the author concludes with the didactic lines: 6 Thomas Chestre, Laun/aJ, 11. 1006-9, in Joseph Ritson's Ancient English Metrical Romances, I; Lanval, in Die Lais der Marie de France, ed. Karl Warnkc (Halle, 1885). 6 La Chanson de Florence de Rome, ed. Axel Wallenskdld (Paris, 1907; Société des anciens textes français), II, 11. 101 ff.; Le Bone Florence of Rome, 11. 94 ff., 234 ff., in Joseph Ritson's Ancient English Metrical Romances, III. 7 Florence de Rome, II. 6373-74. An editorial note (p. 292) states that the ending in which the culprits go unpunished is peculiar to the M. Ms. of the chanson, and comments, "cette fin de la chanson . . . est assurément un replâtrage, fondé sur des réminiscences du texte original."

4

LOVE A N D WAR IN T H E MIDDLE ENGLISH ROMANCES For thy schulde men and women als Them bcthynke or they be false, Hyt makyth so fowle an ende. Be hyt nevyr so slylye caste, Yyt hyt schamyth the maystyr at the laste, In what londe that euer they lende, I meene be thes four fekyll, That harmed feyre Florence so mykyll, She trewest that men kende: And thus endyth thys romance gode. Jhesu, that boght us on the rode, Unto hys blysse vs sende.8

The comparison of the various English versions of the tale of Fierabras with the French treatment further illustrates the moral tone of the English authors. Painter, in French Chivalry, calls attention to the fact that the French authors took delight in the conversion of Moslem ladies: "The baptism of a fair Saracen gave scope to their best lyrical efforts. The lady could be undressed and her charms and their effect on the knightly onlookers described in great detail all with the pious and worthy object of recounting a solemn religious ceremony." For illustration, he refers to the baptism of Floripas in the French Fierabras,9 The English romances, Ferumbras and Caxton's Charles the Great, also tell how the passions of the witnesses were aroused by the beauty of the maiden at her baptism. There is little essential change in Ferumbras; but Caxton, in Charles the Great, by mentioning the "concupyscence" of Charles the Emperor, "how wel that he was auncyen & olde," seems to reprimand him and his followers. Firumbras (Fillingham MS.) reports the baptismal ceremony; but the omission of descriptive details and the reaction of the spectators, and the emphasis upon the religious import effect a complete change in the tone of the passage. Because Charles had granted her Guy as a husband, Floripas joyfully became a Christian: She kest of her Clothys, all folke a-forne, and stode ther naked as sche was borne. the good byschope that was of grete pryse Crystenede the mayde & dude the seruise. tho for-soke florype Mahoun and hys lay, Toke sche to here ihesu to serue bothe nyjt & day. (11. 1735-40) Another English version of the same story, The Sowdone simply reports,

of

Babylone,

8 Le Bone Florence, 11. 2187-98. Hibbard, Mediaeval Romance, pp. 15-6, points out a number of other differences between the French and the English versions. 9 Sidney Painter, French Chivalry: Chivalric Ideas and Practices in Mediaeval France, p. 103.

INTRODUCTION

5

Dame Florip was Baptysed than And here maydyns aile . . . (11. 3 1 9 1 - 9 2 )

In the French Fierabras, Floripas offers to the imprisoned peers the companionship and comfort of her maidens. The offer is almost indubitably one of sexual hospitality. The English romances, Ferumbras, Firumbras (Fillingham MS.), and Charles the Great, record that the knights accepted the courtesy; but in The Sou/done of Babylone, Roland reprimands Floripas: ". . . J>at were myscheve; Oure lay wol not, }?at wc with you dele, Tille that ye Cristyn be made; Ner of your play we wole fele For than were we cursed in dede." 10 The comparison of the English romance Amis and Amiloun with the Old French romance Amis e Amilun and the French chanson de geste, Amis et Amiles affords further evidence of the difference between the attitudes of the English and the French, though neither French version is the immediate source of Amis and Amiloun.11 In the English version the meeting of Amis and Belisaunt takes place accidentally in the garden where he has gone because he is ill and she because she is sick for love. In Amis e Amilun the heroine, Floire, is the aggressor not only in that she utters her desires without feminine reserve but in that she forces herself on Amis in his chamber. Amis et Amiles makes the heroine even more forward; for though the Count has already rebuked her and refused her offer of love, she seeks his bed at midnight. In this romance, the intimate relationship between Lubias and her husband (or his blood brother whom she accepts as her husband) is recorded in detail and without restraint. Even the fashion in which the accusation of Amis is phrased before the trial by combat illustrates the characteristic outspokenness of the French tale. 12 Though English authors are sometimes just as outspoken as the French, The Romance of the Sou/done of Babylone and of Ferumbras His Sone Who Conquered Rome, ed. Emil Hausknecht, 11. 2750-54; Sir Ferumbras, ed. S. J. Herrtage, 11. 3435-42; Firumbras (Fillingham MS.), ed. Mary Isabelle O'Sullivan, 11. 853-62; The Lyfe of the Noble and Crysten Prynce Charles the Grete, ed. S. J. Herrtage, p. 146; Fierabras, ed. A. Kroeber and G. Servois (Paris, i860; Les anciens poètes de la France, IV), II. 3941 ff. 1 1 For discussion of the relationship of the various legends see MacEdward Leach's study of Amis and Amiloun, pp. ix-xxxii. 12 Amis e Amilun, ed. Eugene Kôlbing, Altenglische Bibliothek (Heilbron, 1884), II, 11. 23187, 244-99; Amis et Amiles, ed. Konrad Hoffman, 11. 609-14, 624-31. The account of Belisaunt's midnight visit is especially illustrative of the language and attitude of the French chanson. When the Count feels the maid beside him, he bids her be gone if she is the daughter of the King of France or a maiden of noble birth. He begs her to remain if she is of low parentage and promises to pay her in the morning for her services. Since she does not stir, he then proceeds to woo her. The description, as given in lines 676-93, is detailed and intimate. 10

6

LOVE A N D W A R I N T H E M I D D L E E N G L I S H ROMANCES

a greater restraint of language and a tendency to modify or omit whatever is too blunt or brash are generally characteristic of the English stories.13 The language of the Lay le Freine, for instance, is somewhat more restrained than that in Lai del Freisne. In the English tale, Sir Guroun persuades the lady to leave the nunnery with the simple plea, "Leman . . . thou must lat be The abbesse thi nece, and go with me; For icham riche, of swithe pouwere; The finde bet than thou hast here." (11. 2 8 7 ^ 0 )

In Lai del Freisne Boroun, having had his will with Freisne, pleads, "Si vostre Aunte s'aperceveit, Mut durement li pesereit, Encur si feussez enceintez Durement sereit encruciez; Si mun cunseil crere volez, Ensemble od mei vus en vendrez, Certes jamès ne vus faudrai, Richement vus cunseillerai." (11. 281-88)

Later in the story also, when the knights urge Boroun to wed Cordre and discard Freisne, part of the argument is that "Freisne ne porte unke fruiz." 14 The implication is almost that, had Freisne produced an heir, the illegitimate union would have been countenanced. The English tale makes it clear, on the other hand, that the knights want not only the lineage of their lady established, but the relationship sanctioned by the Church in order that their lord may have a legitimate heir: His knightes come and to him speke, And holy chirche comandeth eke, Sum lordes douhter for to take, And his leman al forsake; And seyd, him were wel more feir, In wedlock to geten him an air, Than lede his liif with swiche on, Of was kin he knewe non. 15 13 The conversation of Floripas with Gerhard in Charles the Great, p. 93, and in Ferumbras, 11. 1302 ff., is not very different from that reported in the French Fierabras, 11. 2119-20. 11 Lai del Freisne, ed. B. De Roquefort in Poésies de Marie de France (Paris, 1820), Vol. I. 15 Lay le Freine, in Henry Weber's Metrical Romances, I, 11. 305-12. The reticence or restraint of language typical of the English temperament in contrast to the Gallic emotionalism and effusiveness is also demonstrated by examples that are interesting, though without ethical significance, in Florence de Rome (11. 3034-46, 3940-55, 4050-70, 4692-4722). In the French tale the prayers of the much distressed maiden are verbose and replete with biblical allusions, as if

INTRODUCTION

7

The moral concern of the English romances is illustrated in matters other than the relationship between the sexes. Fierabras reports that when all the French knights were frightened by the challenge of the Saracens, Charles urged Roland to fight for him. Piqued by Charles's previous praise of his older knights, Roland insolently refused and, in the ensuing quarrel, exchanged blows with the King. The French author makes no comment on the quarrelsomeness of the nobles; but at this point the author of Charles the Great devotes a brief chapter to reprimanding both Roland and Charles. Using biblical references, he points out to Roland that a man should bear his injuries patiently. Again, the French account simply reports that Oliver helped his opponent don his armor; but Caxton takes the opportunity to eulogize the two knights and to wish piously that such conduct might prevail among Christian men. 16 The English he Bone Florence of Rome makes Garcy culpable for waging war. In the French tale, when Garcy is forced to surrender, he does so because his fighters are outnumbered. In the English tale, his councilor Synagot not only tells him of the danger of defeat but reminds him of his guilt in precipitating the war: "When that thou went Florence tn wowe, Ovyr the stremes thou madyste vs to rowe, And boght thy pride full dere; Many a chylde left thou thore Fadurles for evyrmore, And wedows in cuntreys fere." (11. 1218-23) These examples tend to indicate that though the reproduce the French, the English point of view is in the variations made and in the didactic use to put. Many situations or modes of conduct accepted

English stories generally frequently demonstrated which the incidents are by the French are either

God had to be given proof of piety and cajoled into rewarding and protecting it. The simple terse prayers in the English version, which seem to indicate that Florence was confident of the justice of God, give an impression of greater sincerity. The confessions of the misdoers, Miles, Macaire, Escot, and Clarembant, at the close of the French tale offer a similar contrast to the confessions in the English version. 16 Since all considerations in the English tale Amis and Amiloutt are subordinated to the idea of the loyalty of blood brothers, the ethics pertaining to other matters are distorted. Yet the wife of Amiloun censures her husband for killing the steward in trial by conflict: " . . . WiJ> wrong Jc michel vnright You slough )>er a gen til knight; Y wis, it was iuel ydol"

(11. 1492-94)

Though Amiloun's wife at this point expresses what seems a justifiable moral judgment, throughout the rest of the story she is treated as the villainess. The passage is perhaps an unsuccessful attempt of the English author to explain the leprosy of Amiloun. The French versions do not contain equivalent lines.

8

LOVE AND WAR IN THE MIDDLE ENGLISH ROMANCES

modified as if they were distasteful to the English mind, or are used as the basis of expressions of shame, chagrin, or reprimand. The study of Kurt Lippmann (Das ritterliche Persönlichkeitsideal in der mittelenglischen Literatur des 13 und Jahrhunderts) lends further support to the contention that the ethics of the Middle English romances are not French, but English or Anglo-Saxon. Lippmann states that the basic virtues of knights as represented in the English romances—courage, steadfastness, truthfulness, honor, prowess, nobility (edelmut), generosity, and manhood (mens/^e)—are essentially Anglo-Saxon, Scandinavian, or Germanic virtues. He asserts that the inherent sobriety of the English mind caused English authors invariably to modify the material of their French sources, to lessen the emphasis on passion in all things—conversation, war, love—and to stress moderation, discretion, self-control, and piety. This emphasis on moderation he traces to three sources: Anglo-Saxon literature, Aristotelian ethics, and patristic and medieval philosophy. Declaring that the English poets, with the exception of Chaucer and Gower, had slight interest in and little understanding of the French concept of courtly love, he maintains that they fitted the concepts of courtly love wherever possible to a marital rather than an extra-marital pattern. Without necessarily accepting in full his explanation of the differences, we may grant the truth of the observations on which they rest.17 We may also inquire whether the period of time involved in the composition of the Middle English romances is too extensive to be treated as a unit and whether standards and attitudes would have remained so long at a standstill. Only a few of the English romances were written within the thirteenth century; the period of their composition falls mainly in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries and is not so long as it at first seems. Naturally changes in attitude occurred within that time, but with evolutionary slowness. The essential unity of the Middle Ages accounts in large measure for the gradual nature of the development, but the relative persistence and stability of certain general social and ethical concepts are also explained by the fact that the age was intellectually and spiritually submissive. Certain basic ethical concepts such as loyalty, honor, and courage persist through the ages; but when there is a variation in the situations currently believed to test those virtues, interpretations and definitions are altered accordingly. Such changes are most noticeable whenever life advances rapidly from a simple to a complex organization or whenever the individual mind is encouraged to examine and judge standards. The Middle Ages, however, did not encourage individual 1 7 Donnell Van de Voort, Love and Marriage in the English Medieval Romance, substantiates the opinion of Lippmann that the attitude of the English authors toward sex and marriage was not noticeably influenced by the French concept of courtly love.

INTRODUCTION

9

j u d g m e n t s . M a n was taught to accept rule and authority as the ultimate g u i d e to c o n d u c t . 1 8 H e n c e , since the interpretation of virtues and the situations testing them did not vary greatly in the period covered by the E n g l i s h romances, it is permissible to treat the period as a unit. Moreover, it seems to be a sociological truth that there is a considerable time-lag between changes in conditions and practices and the reluctant modification of theories. T h i s is one of the m a n y reasons w h y in any historical period there is disparity between theory and actuality. T h i s time-lag is evident in the M i d d l e A g e s . D u r i n g the period of the composition of the romances n e w points of v i e w were seeking acceptance; but moralists, f e a r i n g the corruption that m i g h t accompany change, strove ever to reinforce established modes of conduct and to prevent the changes f r o m taking place or to deny them w h e n they had occurred. T h o u g h in some cases individual authors, more independent in their thinking than others, were ahead of their age and dared to present attitudes not at all generally accepted, the romances as a g r o u p e x e m p l i f y the struggle of conservatism against change. T h e ethical and social problems f o u n d in the romances are almost as numerous as those discussed by the scholastics; in fact, the authors often seem to w e i g h their opinions in an equally meticulous and categorical fashion. Since a comprehensive study of all such material w o u l d involve much duplication and repetition, it has seemed wise to limit the present study to t w o matters of major interest: the question of the relationship between the sexes and the question of the theory and practice of w a r f a r e . T h e v i e w of medieval society in regard to these matters, as it is revealed in the romances, is discernible not merely in didactic and homiletic lines but in situations testing conduct, in the moral qualities revealed in action, and in the special sanctions applied to approve and sustain standards. T h i s study is not a h o m i l y ; it is not directed toward c o n d e m n i n g or l a u d i n g an earlier age as measured by any modern yardstick. Its intention, rather, is to treat the material f r o m a purely historical point of v i e w : first, to compare the ideas f o u n d in the romances with the views expressed in other f o r m s of contemporary literature and with the ethical theories of the philosophers and ecclesiastics; secondly, to relate these views to the economic, political, and social conditions out of which they arose. W h e t h e r the romances present ideas that were merely part of a literary convention, whether they set up an ideal never in any sense realized, or whether they report realistically the accepted standards and s h o w the degree to which they were attained—these are the matters with which this study is concerned. If w e compare w h a t w e find in the romances w i t h w h a t w e find in the social record, w e shall be in 18

William S. Holds worth, A History of English Law, 3d ed., II, 1 3 1 ; Taylor, Mediaeval Mind,

I, 13.

10

L O V E AND WAR IN T H E M I D D L E ENGLISH ROMANCES

a position to judge how closely the romances were related to life in their portrayal of the relationship of the sexes and the conduct of war. Since these two themes are at the very core of medieval life we may even be justified in accepting the results of such a study as a measure of the realism of the English romances in general.

#

II &

MEDIEVAL ATTITUDES TOWARD WOMEN, SEX, AND MARRIAGE ^ ^ H E position of women in the social scheme of the Middle Ages was the ^ ^ s u b j e c t of considerable discussion. Since the most important relationship women entered into was the marital one, it is only natural that this discussion should center upon marriage and the various moral issues growing out of it. It can hardly be denied that the century-long argument of the Church as to the relative merits of the virginal and the marital state exalted virginity at the expense of marriage. T h e early Church Fathers, it is true, believed marriage, since it was instituted by God and approved by Christ, a lawful and holy state. In accord with the Pauline dictum, they also accepted intercourse as justified when it was directed toward begetting of children or when it had the effect of keeping the marriage partner from illicit relationships. 1 Nevertheless, they pointed out that men and women blushed at the very thought of the shameful act. 2 A few early Fathers proclaimed marriage no better than fornication. 3 S o m e , w h o considered the sexual act a punishm e n t for the sin of A d a m and Eve, suggested that had our first parents not sinned some means of propagation not involving physical union would have been devised for peopling the earth. 4 E v e n while accepting marriage as a necessary institution, the early Fathers were inclined to consider it an escape for the weak, a protection for those unable to restrain their passions by spiritual disciplines. A l l invariably represented virginity as the greater good, the holier state. 5 F u r t h e r to exalt virginity, marriage was represented as a difficult and troublesome relationship. By dwelling on the burdens of the married w o m a n —the discomforts of pregnancy, the more distressing duties incident to rear11

Corinthians, Ch. VII, 1 - 4 . Gregory of Nyssa (c. 3 3 1 - 3 9 6 ) , " D e Virginitate," in Migne, Patrologia Graeca, XLVI, 3 5 4 - 5 5 ; Athanasius (b. 298), "Epistola ad Amunem," ibid., X X V I , 1 1 7 4 ; Augustine ( 3 5 4 - 4 3 0 ) , Tractatus IX, "In Joannis Evangelium," Migne, Patrologia Latina, X X X V , 1458. (References to Migne, hereafter, will be to the Latin series unless otherwise indicated by the abbreviation P.G.) Ambrose ( 3 5 4 - 4 3 0 ) , "Exhortatio Virginitatis," Bk. I, Ch. VI, Migne, XVI, 346; Augustine, Sermon LI, "De Concordia Evangclistarum Matthaei ct Lucae in Generationibus Domini," Ch. 13, ibid., X X X V I I I , 345. 3 Tertullian (c. 1 5 5 - c . 2 2 2 ) , "Liber de Exhortatione Castitatis," Ch. VIII-IX, Migne, II, 9 7 2 - 7 4 . * Gregory of Nyssa, "De Hominis Opificio," Ch. XVII, Migne, P.G., XLIV, 1 8 7 - 9 : . 8 John Chrysostom ( 3 4 5 - 4 0 7 ) , " D e Virginitate," Ch. 1 X - X , Migne, P.G., XLVIII, 5 3 9 - 4 0 . 11 2

i2

LOVE AND WAR IN THE MIDDLE ENGLISH ROMANCES

ing children, and the fear of rivals and early widowhood—and by contrasting these with the spiritual satisfaction of the virgin who is always in the presence of the undying Bridegroom, writers within the Church presented the nuptial tie as something not to be avoided as a crime but to be refused as a heavy burden. 0 T h e attitude of the early churchmen was not likely to increase the dignity of the married woman. St. Augustine, it is true, asserted that the authority assigned to the husband by the marriage sacrament was given not in mockery of the weaker sex, but simply in accordance with the laws of unfeigned love. 7 H e justified woman's subordination, however, also on the conviction that her sinfulness, which had its origin in the Garden of Eden, could never be erased. 8 Such a view could not but detract from the beauty and dignity of the marriage relationship. 9 Without any particular reconsideration or any softening of these harsh views, religious and moral leaders perpetuated them in the Middle Ages. St. Thomas Aquinas like the earlier Fathers, declared virginity preferable to marriage. 1 0 Furthermore, the Council of Trent (1545-1563) fixed this belief in canon l a w : "Whosoever saith that the marriage state is to be placed above the state of virginity or celibacy, and that it is not better and more blessed to remain in virginity or celibacy than to enter matrimony, let him be anathema." 1 1 St. Thomas also repeats many other ideas of the Fathers. T h o u g h accepting the holiness of matrimony, he states that without intercourse it is holier. H e insists that for two reasons the husband and wife are bound to pay the marriage debt: to avoid fornication and to produce offspring. Otherwise, depending on circumstances, he declares the marriage act at least venial, perhaps even mortal, sin. H e measures the relative sinfulness of the act by the amount and type of pleasure derived from it. A man engaging in the 6 Jerome (c. 340-420), Epistola XXII, " A d Eustochium," Mignc, XXII, 395; Epístola XLVIII, "Seu Liber Apologeticus, Ac! Pammachium, Pro Libris Contra Jovinianum," ibid., XXII, 504-5; Ambrose, "De Virginibus," Bk. I, Ch. VI, ibid., XVI, 195-96; Gregory of Nvssa, "De Virginitate," Ch. Ill, Migne, P.G., XLVI, 326-35. Because some of Jerome's contemporaries felt he had looked upon marriage unfavorably, they withheld his twelve books against Jovinian from the Romans. In Letter XLVIII, "Seu Liber Apologeticus," Migne, XXII, 493 ff., Jerome explained that it was not his intention to disparage the marriage state. 7 Augustine, "De Moribus Ecclesiae Catholicae," Ch. X X X , Migne, XXXII, 1336. 8 Augustine, Sermon LI, "De Concordia Evangelistarum Matthaei et Lucae in Generationibus Domini," Ch. 2, Migne, XXXVIII, 3 3 4 - 3 5 . 9 Robert Brifiault, The Mothers, III, 3 7 1 - 7 6 , and Havelock Ellis, Studies in the Psychology of Sex, IV, Ch. IV, 1 1 8 - 4 2 , and Ch. V, 1 4 3 - 7 7 , present a number of examples of the attitude of the Church toward virginity and marriage in the period of early Christian asceticism and in the Middle Ages. 10 Thomas Aquinas, Summa Theologica, Part II (Second Part) Q. 152, Art. 4. Translated by the Fathers of the English Dominican Province. 11 Decreta et Cánones Concilii Tridentini, Sessio X X I V , Canon X, from the Appendix to John Mockett Cramp's Text-Book, of Popery, p. 441.

MEDIEVAL ATTITUDE TOWARD WOMEN

13

act forgetful of the marriage goods is said to be "too ardent a lover" and is guilty of mortal sin. If, however, he seeks pleasure with his wife only that he may refrain from seeking it outside the marriage bonds, the sin is venial. H e quotes with approval the opinion of St. Augustine, ". . . nothing so casts down the manly mind from its heights as the fondling of women, and those bodily contacts which belong to the marriage state." 1 2 It is clear that there was little advance in the understanding of the sexual nature of men and women between the time of the Church Fathers and the thirteenth century. St. Thomas, who is representative of this period, merely restates earlier opinion. T h e unhealthy association of natural functions with shame and sin and the condemning of woman's part in such functions were basic in medieval thought. As a corollary to this viewpoint, woman was looked upon as an evil temptress bent upon man's destruction. With the spread of asceticism and the requirement of celibacy on the part of the clergy, this idea received even greater stress. Men were constantly warned to avoid the company of women. Coulton reports that monks were punished for baptizing children with women present, for bringing women within the church, and for allowing women workers a place outside the gates. H e states, further, that under at least three monastic codes, speaking with a woman alone was an offense for which the statutory penalty was from one hundred to two hundred stripes. Handlyng Synne (1303), directing its warning to laymen, tells them that talking with a woman alone will lead precipitately to sin. 1 3 Furthermore, since woman was accused of luring man from his preferred way of life— the sober, the pure, the ascetic—monks and clerics also made bitter denunciation of the body a kind of mental and spiritual exercise. Woman's body, of coursc, was deemed the vilest of all objccts. St. Odo (d. 942), as Havelock Ellis reports, called it a "sack of dung," and declared that if man ". . . could see beneath the skin, woman would rouse nothing but nausea." 1 4 St. Bernard of Clairvaux (1095-1153) asserted that the outward beauty of a woman's 12 Summa Theologica, Part III ( S u p p l e m e n t ) , Q. 42, Art. 4; Q. 46, Art. 1; Q . 49, Art. 6; Q. 41. Art. 3 - 4 ; ibid., Part II (Second P a r t ) , Q. 1 5 1 , Art. 3 - 4 . Similar ideas are expressed in H o c d e v e ' s Regiment of Princes ( 1 4 1 2 ) , ed. F. J. Furnivall, 11. 1 5 6 2 - 1 6 0 3 . Hoccleve enumerates the conditions u n d e r which a m a n may w i t h o u t blame have intercourse with his wife, b u t h e c o m m e n d s especially wedded folk w h o strive against fleshly lust a n d live in continence. T h e sense of shame associated with the physical manifestation of sex was undoubtedly reinforced by the concept of ccremonial purity. Peter Browc's Beiträge zur Sexualethik^ des Mittelalters discusses only one aspect of sexual ethics, the relationship of m a n ' s sexual life to the ceremonies of the Church. 13 George G. Coulton, Five Centuries of Religion, 2nd ed., I, 398-402; Robert of B r u n n e ' s Handlyng Synne, ed. F. J. Furnivall, 11. 7 5 3 7 - 4 8 . 14 Havelock Ellis, Studies in the Psychology of Sex, IV, 119. T h e original passage is f o u n d in "S. Odonis Abbatis Cluniacensis C o l l a t i o n u m , " Bk. II, C h . 9, Migne, CXXXIII, 556. Coulton, op. cit., I, Appendix 23, 528-29, mentions the passage as the source of other denunciatory rem a r k s about w o m e n . H e also quotes the r e m a r k of the Dominican Bromyard w h o , f o u r centuries later, spoke of w o m a n ' s body as " f o u l , a n d rotten, a n d stinking."

i4

LOVE A N D WAR IN T H E MIDDLE ENGLISH ROMANCES

body, which trapped men into deepest misery, was but the covering for its inward filth and ugliness. 1 8 T h i s attitude may have been originally only the view o£ the stricter m o n k s and clerics; but their opinion, always so sardonically expressed, often penetrated society. T h e condemnation and mockery of woman was a favorite subject not only of religious and didactic works but also of secular literature. A thirteenth-century wit clearly enjoyed answering the question, "Quid est mulier?" Amicitia inimica; ineffugabilis poena; necessarium malum; naturalis temptatio; desiderabilis calamatis, domesticum periculum, delectabile detrimentem; mali nati, boni colorc dipicta; janua diaboli, via iniquitatis; scorpionis percussus notitumque genus femina. Ex eis ab initio aucupatum est peccatum.18 T h o u g h m e n in their hearts may have made reservations, their tongues were bitter. Whether this narrow and bigoted view preserved in the recorded opinion of the most vocal section of society was shared by people at large is a question. Miss Power denies that men in general accepted the idea of woman's evil nature. She declares that they agreed rather with the statement of the W i f e of Bath that clerics, w h o could speak only ill of women, were merely giving vent to their prejudice and malice: For trusteth wel, it is impossible That any clerk wol speke good of wyves— But if it be of hooly Seintes lyves—• N o of noon other woman never the mo. 17 15 Bernard of Clairvaux, "Meditationes Piisimae de Cognitionc Humanac Conditionis," Ch. Ill, Migne, P.G., C L X X X I V , 489. 19 Thomas Wright and James O. Halliwell, Reliquiae Antiquae, I, 168. 17 Bede Jarrctt, in Social Theories of the Middle Ages, 2nd. ed., pp. 7 1 - 3 , also argues for spiritual equality. Many passages, nevertheless, asserting or implying the idea of woman's spiritual inferiority can be cited. G. G. Coulton, in Social Life in Britain, p. 433, quotes a part of a statement in Trevisa's Bartholomew (lib. VI, c. 7) about the thirteenth-century maiden: " . . . the malice of the soule is more in a woman than a man. And she is of feble kinde, and she makith more lesynges, and is more shamefast and more slowe in werkynge and mevynge than is a man, as sayth Aristotle, lib. 8." G. R. Owst, in Preaching in Medieval England, p. 5, quotes Humbertus de Romanis (d. 1 2 7 7 ? ) as listing among the reasons for the exclusion of women from the pulpit: first, that they lack sufficient intelligence; second, that God has assigned them an inferior role in life; third, that their presence in the pulpit would provoke immorality; and fourth, that the first woman, Eve, by opening her mouth, brought ruin to the world. In his second book, Literature and Pulpit in Medieval England, p. 1 1 8 , Owst states, "Rebuke for the vices of women was ever a solemn duty of the medieval pulpit." St. Thomas, in the Summa Theologica, Part II (Second part), Q. 155, Art. 1, says that women as regards the body hold to things weakly. He approves of the Aristotelian dictum, " . . . we do not describe women as being continent, because they are reckoned to be unstable of reason, and to follow their passions readily." Even common law expresses this viewpoint. Frederick Pollock and Frederic W. Maidand, in The History of English Law, 2nd. ed., I, 484, point out that common law decreed the word of women could not be accepted in proof by a court of law "because of their frailty."

MEDIEVAL ATTITUDE TOWARD WOMEN

15

Miss Power does admit, however, that it was only natural that the idea of the subjection of woman to man should have been accepted.18 Didactic works addressed to married women were based on the idea of woman's submission, meekness, and obedience, not on her sharing with man. Woman was ever counseled to worship her husband, to be meekly subject to him, to be silent and humble in manner: " A woman owe)? to lerne in silence, wij? alle obedience & subjeccioun." 19 Peter Idley (c. 1438-1459) writes, . . . ther is no thynge so precious & deere As an humble wyfl in goodly wyse.20 Bromyard, warning prospective husbands that they must be prepared to deal with a "certain unnatural condition of contrariety, or wilfulness" in their brides, listed obedience as the first womanly virtue. 21 Trevisa's Bartholomew includes the remark, " A man is the hede of a woman . . . And therefore a man is bounde to rule his wyfe . . ." 2 2 Many a legend, like that of Patient Griselda, had for its theme the idea of womanly submission. The Knight of L a Tour Landry tells the sad story of a wife who argued with her husband in public, though he bade hei be still. In anger he broke her nose. T h t author, who does not consider this discipline too severe, comments, "And therefor the wiff aught to suffre & lete the husbonde haue the wordes, and to be maister, for that is her worshippe." 2 3 And finally, the theory of submission was incorporated in the Corpus Juris Canonici: "It is a natural human order that the women should serve their husbands . . . for there is no justice where the greater serves the less." 24 In spite of the prevalent belief that woman should be submissive, there is evidence that she was granted a degree of equality with men in practical 18 Eileen Power, "The Position of Women," in The Legacy of the Middle Ages, ed. Charles George Crump and E. F. Jacob, pp. 402-3. 1» " o f Wcddid Men and Wifis and of Here Children Also," in Thomas Arnold's Select English Wor\s of John Wyclif, III, 193. Many shorter poems celebrate like virtues: for example, " H o w the Good Wijf Taughtc Hir Doughtir," in The Babees Book., ed. F. J. Furnivall, pp. 36-47; "Of Woman's Horns," in Reliquiae Antiquae, I, 79-80. Annie Abram, English Life and Manners in the Later Middle Ages, pp. 1 2 1 - 2 2 , discusses interesting historical examples bearing on the subjection of married women. 20 Peter Idley's Instructions to His Son, ed. Charlotte D'Evelyn, Book 2, II. 2080-81. 21 Owst, Literature and Pulpit, p. 389. Bromyard's dates are not certain, but his activity can be traced as late as 1409. Because too much attention to fashion and too much gadding about made women arrogant and disobedient, they were warned against these bad habits. Coulton, op. cit., I, 175, records that St. Odo of Cluny declared that certain saints deplored the desire of women to draw attention to themselves with adornment and preached that "the highest virtue in a woman is not to wish to be seen." St. Thomas, Stimma, Part II (Second Part), Q. 162, Art. 2, allows a woman to concentrate on her adornment only when her chief concern is for her husband's pleasure. 22 Coulton, Social Life in Britain, p. 441. The life of John of Trevisa dates from 1 3 2 6 - 1 4 1 2 . 23 The Book, of the Knight of La Tour Landry (c. 1 3 7 2 ) , ed. Thomas Wright, Ch. XVIII, p. 25. 24 Cited by G. G. Coulton, Medieval Panorama, p. 615.

16

L O V E A N D WAR IN T H E MIDDLE ENGLISH ROMANCES

affairs. A certain "rough and ready equality" with her lord is seen in the woman's management of large estates and households during his absence; in her acting as guardian of the manor and as regent of the state, and as such signing deeds and sharing all the obligations imposed by war and peace, even to the extent of waging war. 25 I^e Livre de Trots Vertus (c. 1407) lists the abilities a lady should have: she should be able to replace her husband in every way, to manage an estate, to budget money, and to understand the law. The famous Margaret Paston was thus gifted in practical management; and no doubt there were other women who responded to the exigencies of the age, but whose names have not been so happily perpetuated. 26 Henry Adams suggests that, in addition, women had physical equality with men. H e states that "Both physically and mentally the woman was robust, as the men often complained, and she did not greatly mind being treated as a man." 2 7 He believes that for this reason she had little objection to the physical disciplines so frequently imposed upon her. Nevertheless, women had few legally guaranteed rights. When Blackstone can say that "the very being or legal existence of woman is suspended during the marriage, or at least is incorporated and consolidated into that of the husband"; 28 when the father was awarded the right of guardianship over the children; 29 when by civil and canon law it was the husband's right to beat his wife for her trespasses, it can hardly be maintained that there 30 (was any actual equality between the man and the woman. T h e situation may perhaps be summed up as follows. Though the woman had a number of privileges and powers, it must be recognized that she was considered inferior to man, that she was subject to corporal punishment and the corrective stick, and that she could legally be treated little better than a 25 Eileen Power, "The Position of Women," pp. 4 1 0 - 1 2 ; Henry Adams, Mont-Saint-Michel and Chartres, pp. 199-200, 246; Thomas Wright, Womankind in Western Europe, pp. 1 5 1 - 5 2 ; Pollock and Maitland, History of English Law, I, 482-85. Pollock and Maitland make a comparison between the position of single and married women. Single woman has the following rights according to private law: 1. To inherit land, though there is a preference for a male heir. 2. To own land, even under military tenure. 3. To own chattels. 4. To sue and be sued in person without interposition of a guardian. 5. To plead with her own voice if she wishes. 6. To make wills and contracts. 7. A widow can be guardian of her own children; a lady, the guardian of her own tenants. The position of the married woman is different. The main idea governing husband and wife is not "unity of persons" but the idea of profitable guardianship (the mund) which the husband had over his wife and her property. 2 * Eileen Power, op. cit., pp. 418-20. 27 Mont-Saint-Michel and Chartres, pp. 199-200. 28 William Blackstone, Commentaries on the Laws of England, ed. George Sharswood, I, 441. 29 Holdsworth, A History of English Law, III, 5 1 1 - 1 2 . 30 Leon Gautier, Chivalry, trans. Henry Frith, p. 290; John C. Jeaffreson, Brides and Bridals I, 3 1 7 - 2 2 ; Coulton, Five Centuries of Religion, I, 174-75.

MEDIEVAL ATTITUDE TOWARD WOMEN

17

slave. T h e constant denial by the clergy of her capacity f o r moral and spiritual g r o w t h tended also to place her on a plane somewhat l o w e r than that of m a n . Despite some evidence to the contrary, despite some influences w o r k i n g to contradict or m o d i f y this v i e w , it clearly prevailed. W o m a n was, furthermore, the enemy of man's soul, a stumbling-block in his w a y , an inviting but treacherous bypath hindering him in his virtuous ascent h e a v e n w a r d . W h i l e h a v i n g its basis in biblical story and moral doctrines, the subjection of w o m e n w a s perpetuated and confirmed by the nature of medieval marriage. It is a commonplace that throughout the M i d d l e A g e s m a r r i a g e w a s an arrangement of convenience, an enforced legal contract, designed to secure certain political, military, or economic advantages. W i t h such ends in v i e w , it w a s inevitable that the desire of the w o m a n should be the least significant element in the bargain. T h a t m a r r i a g e built on such foundations was unsatisfactory and conducive to evil was recognized early by some of the C h u r c h Fathers, a m o n g w h o m w e r e St. A u g u s t i n e and St. Chrysostom. St. Chrysostom, objecting to the terms of the m a r r i a g e bargain, complained that a m a n in taking a w i f e sought money and possession, " . . . as if he were about to buy something, or settle some c o m m o n contract. . . . T h e r e f o r e they do even so call m a r r i a g t . . . . A n d they o f f e r insults to the gifts of G o d , and as though b u y i n g and selling, so do they marry and are given in marriage." H e advised the m a n to forget wealth, and to seek instead "a good disposition, and gentleness. Seek f o r a pious and self-deffying damsel, and these shall be to thee better than countless t r e a s u r e . " 3 1 M a n y of the C h u r c h Fathers, however, apparently accepted existing customs without any searching examination of their ethical implications. T h e r e f o r e whatever feeling there was that the economic arrangement w a s not a true basis for marriage did not particularly influence practices in the time of the C h u r c h Fathers. N o r w e r e f u n d a m e n t a l changes effected in the later M i d d l e A g e s . T h e C h u r c h had at first accepted existing marriage arrangements and added only a priestly blessing. T h e n by establishing certain customs a n d ceremonies, such as requiring the publishing of banns, setting the place of m a r r i a g e at the church porch, and encouraging participation in the bridal mass, it brought m a r r i a g e u n d e r its jurisdiction. F i n a l l y , in the second half of the t w e l f t h century, m a r r i a g e was established as one of the seven sacraments. 3 2 D u r i n g the long period in which the C h u r c h was struggling f o r jurisdiction, both civil and canonical laws were adopted to regulate the m a r r i a g e institution. T h e s e reforms, unfortunately, were not directed t o w a r d basic structural faults. Ecclesiastics busied themselves instead with the f o r m u l a t i o n of 31 Chrysostom, Homily LXXIII, "In Matthaeum," Migne, P.G., LV1II, 678; Augustine, "Enarratio in Psalmum L V , " Migne, X X X V I , 658. 32 George Elliott Howard, A History of Matrimonial Institutions, I, 291-99.

18

L O V E A N D W A R IN T H E MIDDLE ENGLISH

ROMANCES

matrimonial laws and the enforcement of rules governing matrimonial disability. Whether the consent of marital partners was necessary was a recurrent question. T h e approval of the father had at first been sufficient to make a marriage valid: in fact, the Anglo-Saxon father even had the power of sale over his daughter. T h e n by providing that no woman should be forced to accept a m a n she disliked or be given for money, the laws of the early English kings endeavored to offset the chief difficulty of the arranged marriage— that it was apt to be loveless. 33 T h e belief that the consent of contracting parties was necessary also prevailed in the thirteenth century. St. T h o m a s reaffirmed the idea that in the absence of inward and mental consent there could be no marriage and that compulsory consent invalidated marriage in the eyes of the Church. 3 4 Handlyng Synne, which also reflects this view, warned men w h o forced others to wed against their will that they were guilty of misdoing: Yn J>ys, do £>o men ful ylle, pat wedden any ajens here wylle; Here wyl behoue)> to-gedre consente, Are }>e prest do ]>e sacrament. N e }>ou ne shalt (not) do )>y my^t }>at two be weddyd wyth vnryjt. (11. 1 1 1 6 5 - 1 7 0 )

T h i s looks as if wise and necessary regulations had been made; but what really happened in the Middle Ages was that the power once possessed by the Anglo-Saxon father passed to the feudal lord, who could either marry his ward to his advantage or sell his power of wardship at considerable profit. 3 5 Since feudalism was essentially military and since a fief was defined as land held under military tenure, it was natural that the will of the father or feudal lord should prevail in marriage arrangements. 3 6 Because certain material gains were sought from marriage, it was almost inevitable that fathers and guardians would contract unions for babes and children. This gave rise to the question of the proper marriage age and to an attempt to check and regulate infant and child marriages. T h e Church, for instance, declared that babies in the cradle were not to be betrothed 83 I I Canute, Sect. 74, A . J. Robertson, Laws of the Kings of England from Edmund to Henry I, p. 2 1 3 . 84 Summa Theologica, Part III (Supplement), Q. 45, Art. 4; Q. 47, Art. 1 . 85 Bracton provides evidence that anyone who married without the consent of his lord was likely to lose his property rights or be involved in a legal controversy to maintain them. Case 965 (III, 1 7 - 8 ) , Case 1098 ( M , 1 1 5 ) present disputes over land, the right to which depended on the legality of the marriage. In both cases, but especially in Case 965, the question of whether the lords and parents consented is the focal point in the argument. Henry Bracton's Note Book., ed. F . W. Maitland. 36 Howard, Matrimonial Institutions, I, 2 7 6 - 7 7 , 3 5 8 - 5 9 .

MEDIEVAL A T T I T U D E TOWARD WOMEN

'9

except under pressure of some urgent need. It fixed the age of betrothal at seven years, pronounced marriage below that age invalid, and declared any marriage voidable so long as either partner was below the age of consummation, fourteen for boys, twelve for girls. But the records of temporal courts indicate that, in spite of canonical decrees, infant and child marriages did take place. 37 There were many other troublesome questions concerning the arrangements and conditions preliminary to marriage. The problem of the love-vow or trothplight aroused considerable discussion. Was a trothplight or a marriage valid if not witnessed by the Church? Could a secret love-vow ever be considered equivalent to marriage? Could a public vow supplant an earlier private contract? Handlyng Synne insisted, N o t r o u p e o g h t e to be j e u e wyj>

ryght

B u t y n holy c h e r c h y s sygt.

(11. 1 6 3 3 - 3 4 )

It also stressed the sacredness of the original vow: J?e ferst w o m m a n J>at J>ou ches Y s }?y w y f f e with-oute les.

(11. , 6 5 5 - 5 6 )

The Church would have liked, no doubt, to declare all secret vows invalid, both to protect women who were readily the dupes of unscrupulous men and to bring marriage more fully under its control. It declared, however, that secret vows or trothplights must be recognized as constituting marriage if they were expressed in terms of the present; if, on the contrary, they were expressed in terms of the future, they had the validity only of a promise, not of a marriage contract.38 37

Frederick J. Furnivall, Child Marriages, Divorces, and Ratifications, pp. x x x i x - x l ; Chilton L . Powell, English Domestic Relations, pp. 1 4 - 5 ; Gautier, Chivalry, p. 2 9 1 ; Jeaffreson, Brides and Bridals, I, 7 0 - 3 ; Summa Theologica, Part III (Supplement), Q. 43, Art. 2; Q. 58, Art. 5. Case 349 in Bracton (II, 289) records a lawsuit instigated by Walter of Clifford against Thomas of Watfordia for the custody of the four-year-old Robert, son of Richard of Chandos. Although Thomas had married his daughter to the infant Robert in an effort to secure his land, the court decreed that the custody of Robert (with that of his land) rightfully belonged to Walter. Similarly, Case 696 (II, 5 3 4 - 3 5 ) involves a dispute over the possession of land. John of Bassingburnia based his claim in part on the marriage between his four-year-old daughter and the infant heir to the land. William, Count de Ferrariis, protested, however, that since neither child was of marriageable age, the so-called marriage constituted no proper right to possession. 38 Howard, Matrimonial Institutions, I, 3 3 6 - 4 0 ; Summa Theologica, Part III (Supplement), Q. 43, Art. 1. Case 1267 (III, 2 7 6 - 7 7 ) in Bracton is of interest at this point. Thomas dc Baiocis, summoned to explain why he had married Elena, younger daughter of Eudo, who had other plans for her, testified that both by consent of Eudo and the wish of Elena he took her as w i f e — "per uerba de presenti dicendo, accipio te in uxorem meam." Later, however, when Eudo died, Thomas secured the union through a religious ceremony in the church in the presence of many dignitaries. The legality of this marriage hinges not merely on the form of the ceremony in which the marriage was consecrated but also on the fact that Elena was not yet of age. Case 1 2 9

20

LOVE A N D WAR IN T H E MIDDLE ENGLISH ROMANCES

The most serious criticism that can be directed toward medieval marriage is that its very nature precluded consideration of human emotions. This point of view was, in fact, not entirely unfamiliar to the period. For this reason, didactic writers carried on the protest of St. Augustine and St. Chrysostom against marriage for wealth. Handlyng Synne declared the forced marriage of children for gain might lead to the breaking of their vows when they were older. It labeled marriage for gain "no ry3t weddyng," since should the wealth unfortunately vanish, "f>an is J>e weddyng sorowe and kare." 3 9 The author of Piers Plowman (A Text, 1362-63) likewise disapproved of marriage for gain—whether it was contracted between children or adults— since from it arose the constant battle between husband and wife. Declaring only true wedlock pleasing to God, he advised men not to marry for money but to choose suitable mates: F o r no Iondes, but for loue loke ¿ e be w e d d e d , A n d )>anne gete ;$e )>e grace of g o d a n d g o o d y n o g h to lyue w i t h .

(B Text, 175-76) Hoccleve, in the Regiment of Princes, urges people to marry for love, which makes for a happy union. Hoccleve warns those who marry for money, ]?at all hir lif )>ei lede in heuynesse: S w i c h is }>e f r u y t e to w e d d e for rychesse.

(11. 1637-38) Furthermore, he especially deplores the custom of child marriage, and blames such unions on the covetousness of parents and guardians: A m o n g J>e ryche also is an vsage, E c h e of h e m his childe vn-to oj>res w e d d e , )>ogh }>ei be al to y o n g & tendre of age N o - w h e r ny

40

ripe y n o w to g o to bedde.

(11. 1639-42) Wyclif gives similar counsel: "Also summe myjtty men marien here children, where J>at here herte consenti}? not wilfully, but feynen for drede. For comunly J^ei loken alle aftir richesse and worJ>inesse to \>e world, and not after goodnesse of virtuous lif. And so God and his side is putte bihynde, and }>e devel and J?e world and)>c flesch han now here maistrie." 4 1 (II, 2 4 3 - 4 4 ) provides another example of the complications causcd by secret vows or private marriage. Robert of Norfolk lost his land and the custody of his two sons because he could not prove conclusively the validity of his private marriage. Although he had secured the union by a solemn church wedding, he lost his right of custody. 39 Handlyng Synne, 11. 1 1 2 0 3 - 2 1 4 . 40 The text at this point reads my. 41 "Of Weddid Men and Wifis and of Here Children Also," in T . Arnold's Select English Works of Wyclif, III, pp. 1 9 1 - 9 2 .

MEDIEVAL ATTITUDE TOWARD WOMEN

21

St. Thomas, however, expresses the more prevalent view in finding nothing basically wrong with marriage for gain. He argues that the final cause of marriage is twofold, essential and accidental. The essential, the begetting of children and the avoiding of fornication, is always good. T h e accidental, or what contracting parties seek as a result of marriage, does not alter its basic goodness; ". . . marriage does not become good or evil by reason of that cause." 4 2 By refusing to consider the human relationship, the emotions involved, or the actual morality, St. Thomas evades the issue. He gives the typical medieval answer to all questions concerning women—that they should be submissive. Though Miss Power believes that most medieval women were not illcontent with the marriage of convenience and their submissive role in it, she finds one woman who believed that marriage should have afforded her love and affectionate companionship. She quotes from the Liber de reformations monasteriorum, by Johann Busch (1470-75), the complaint of the dying Duchess of Brunswick: "I have lived here in this castle like an anchoress in a cell. What delights or pleasures have I enjoyed here, save that I have made shift to show a happy face to my servants and to my maidens? I have a hard husband, as you know, who has scarce any care or inclination towards women." 4 3 T h e Duchess declared that, in compensation for the marital joys she had missed, heaven should be granted her. Many other moralists reiterate what the Duchess of Brunswick and the authors of Piers Plou/man and Handlyng Synne point out—that there should be no marriage without consent, that marriage without love is a difficult state for a woman, that it subjects her to masculine callousness and brutality, and that it leads to bitterness and strife. T h e protests of the author of Halt Meidenhad (early 13th century) though not for the reform of the loveless marriage but for the purpose of urging young women to devote themselves to God, are of interest at this point. T h e picture of the type of marriage that established the husband as a domestic tyrant is vivid. The author warns that she who will not serve God must be enslaved under the marriage yoke. She shall become a man's servant and thrall, ". . . to do all and suffer all J?at he pleases, go it howsoever hard wij? her." As if in answer to the argument that he had a celibate's prejudice against marriage, the author suggests that rich ladies, if asked, would reply that "J?ey buy all \>c sweetness wi3 two proportions of bitter." T h e argument that there is no greater joy than that of a happy marriage is met with the comment, "JJOU sayest J?at a wife ha5 much comfort of her husband, when }>ey are well consorted, and each is well content wij> J?e O\>CT. Yea, but 'tis rarely seen on earS." When her husband grows exasperated with her, the wife's state is pitiable: 42 43

Summa Theologica, Part III (Supplement), 0 - 48, Art. 2. Quoted by Miss Power, " T h e Position of Women," p. 4 1 5 .

22

LOVE A N D W A R IN T H E M I D D L E ENGLISH ROMANCES

"When he is out, f>ou shalt have against his return sorrow, care, and dread. While he is at home )>y wide walls seem too narrow for )?ee; his looking on j?ee makes \>tc aghast; his loaSsome voice and his rude grumbling fill \>cc wi6 horror. H e chideS [?ee and jaweS )?ee, and he insults j?ee shamefully; he makeS mock at \>ee, as a lecher wi5 his hore; he beateS J?ee and mawlcS jpee as his bought Srall and patrimonial slave. J?y bones ake, and )?y flesh smarteS, \>y heart wiSin j?ee swelleS of sore rage, and ]>y face externally burneS wi5 vexation." 44 Though allowance must be made for ecclesiastical prejudice, this unpleasant picture shows the bitter plight of the unhappily married woman. It perhaps suggests that not even by trembling submission, supposedly the solution of all her problems, could the medieval wife be sure of gentle and considerate treatment. Yet the only answer given to the woman who grieved over an unhappy marriage was the typical one of resignation. Even those of her own sex who, like her other mentors, were unable to suggest any alternative instructed woman that in the event of an unhappy marriage the pious way of life was the uncomplaining one. So Christine de Pisan teaches in The Boof^ of the Du\e of True Lovers. In much the same unhappy mood as that of the Duchess of Brunswick, the Duchess in this didactic romance wrote to her friend, the Lady of L a Tour: ". . . you well know how that I am controlled, and held in great subjection and fear, and am harshly treated, and that my lot is a very hard one, and allows me little happiness." The Lady of L a Tour, unmoved by the pathos of the complaint, gave a hard counsel: "She who bears with such a husband patiently, and without discrediting herself, so much the more increases the good renown of herself and of her honour." 4 5 She further suggested that all the pleasure a woman needed could be gained by doing pieces of fancywork, managing her household, and caring for her children. T h e author of Handlyng Synne, who was aware of the evils of the marital system, nevertheless assigned woman in marriage a submissive and negative function. Discussing the sixth commandment, he explains that God made womman man to gyue, To be hys helpe yn hys lyue; he made here nat, man to greue, No to be mayster, but felaw leue, No nat ouer lough, no nat ouer hy, But euene felaw, to be hym by; And he, mayster, lorde, & syre; To hys wyl she shall meke hyre. (11. 1611-18) 44 45

HI.

Hali Meidenhad, ed. Oswald Cockayne, pp. 6, 8, 26, 30. Christine de Pisan, The Book, of the Du\e of True Lovers, trans. Alice Kemp Welch, pp. 1 0 1 ,

MEDIEVAL ATTITUDE TOWARD WOMEN

23

Though the author tries to give some dignity to the woman's position, "not ouer logh . . . but euene felaw," he has the inevitable idea of man as "mayster, lorde, & syre," to whose will woman is subject. She submits to two masters—God and Man. Further to increase woman's docile acceptance of this role, Handlyng Synne stressed the importance in marriage of the virtues of steadfastness, quietness, and chastity: For no Jjyng Ihesu cryst more queme)> }>an loue yn wedlak, )>ere men hyt jemyJj; Ne no ]>yng ys to man so dere As wommanys loue yn gode manere. A gode womman ys mannys blys Jjere here loue ryjt and stedfast ys; }>ere ys no solas vndyr heuene Of al }>at a man may neuene, J?at shuld a man so moche glew As a gode womman }>at love)? trew. Ne derer ys none yn goddys hurde }>aii a chaste womman with loucly vvrde. (11. 1903-14) The somewhat plaintive tone of these words suggests that the author found all too few women worthy of reverence. Carrying on his didactic purpose, he reports that St. Macaire asked two good women about their reputation for holiness and received the reply: "Syr, we knowe no holynesse But whan oure husbandys by}> vs by J>an bef> we yn loue ryjtly, And yn parfyte charyte Whan oure husbandys with vs be; J?ys ys moste of oure lyuys, And euer ha)> be, sy)> we were wyuys." (11. 1954-60) They later said that they had no desire to speak evil words, to stir up strife, to break the marriage sacrament, as did other women, but only to ". . . serue god and oure husbondys Yn alle }>yng . . ." (11. 1989-90) The responsibility of the man in preserving the marriage harmony is not entirely overlooked. Two English works, Peter Idley's Instructions to His Son and the Ancren Riwle (13th century) show some awareness of man's part in a successful marriage, but they are concerned mainly with the attitudes

24

LOVE A N D W A R IN T H E MIDDLE ENGLISH ROMANCES

and techniques which could bring women most willingly to submission. Idley advises the man, Thy wyffc )>ou loue in perfit wyse, In thought and dede, as hertely as }?ou can, With gentill speche )>c best J>ou can deuyse; This shall make hir a good woman, And also to loue )>e best of ony man, And drede the also & loth to offende, Thy goodis kepe, noither waste ne spende. (Bk. I, 11. 1226-32) He insists, however, that even if she is a gentle wife, soft of speech, for ony loue yeve hir not the maistrie; And if j>ou doo, J>ou shalt fynde hir contrarie. (Bk. 1,11. 1280-81) Though never yielding authority, the husband by setting his wife an example of perfect gentleness encourages her likewise to perfect love for him: To lieve in quyete it is a blesfull lyffe; Euer a good man maketh a good wyffe. 46 The author of the Ancren Riwle intends his picture of marriage to symbolize the tender love of Jesus for the newly vowed recluse: When a man hath newly brought a wife home, he, with great gendeness, observes her manners. Though he sees in her any thing that he does not approve, yet he taketh no notice of it, and putteth on a cheerful countenance toward her, and carefully uses every means to make her love him affectionately in her heart; and when he is well assured that her love is truly fixed upon him, he may then, with safety, openly correct her faults, which he previously bore with as if he knew them not; he becometh right stern, and assumes a severe countenance, in order still to try whether her love toward him might give way. At last when he perceives that she is completely instructed—that for nothing that he doth she loveth him less, but more and more, if possible, from day to day, then he sheweth that he loveth her sweetly, and doeth whatsoever she desires, as to one whom he loveth and knoweth —then is all that sorrow become joy. 47 Though the picture is presented for its religious symbolism, it is typical of the medieval marriage in which the man is the superior, the teacher, the guide; and the woman, who needs correction and chastisement, is the follower, the pupil, the subordinate. Except that in this case, as in the example 46 Peter Idley's Instructions to His Son, Bk. I, II. 1245-46. The passage immediately preceding (11. 1 1 6 9 - 1 2 4 4 ) , discussing the vicissitudes of love, instructs a man how to retain his wife's affection. Lines 526-33, in Bk. I, and lines 2078-84, in Book II, praise the glorious life with a good woman and the bliss of steadfast love. 47 Ancren Riwle, A Treatise on the Rules and Duties of Monastic Life, ed. James Morton, p. 2ig.

MEDIEVAL ATTITUDE TOWARD WOMEN

25

f r o m Peter Idley, gentleness, rather than the customary disciplines, is the inducement to good conduct. T h a t the preservation of a harmonious marriage depended on the honor and piety of the m a n and required the husband to be loving, courteous, and faithful is a minor note in the marriage ideal. T h e responsibility of the w o m a n receives far greater stress. Three forces, the cult of the Virgin Mary, the code of courtly love, and the institution of chivalry might be expected to have had noticeable effect in raising the status of w o m a n and therefore improving her position in the marriage partnership. Coulton feels that while the worship of the Virgin Mary may have had influence in this direction, its importance has been exaggerated. As evidence he states that the K n i g h t of La T o u r Landry, though he lived in the heyday of Mary-worship, accepted the beating of women as "a matter of course even in good society." Coulton mentions also the great Mary poet, Gautier de Coincy. As outspoken as the others in his cynical distrust of women, Gautier gave his approval to "the appalling sentence f r o m Ovid that if a woman be chaste it is for lack of opportunity." 4 8 T h e failure of the Mary worshipers to treat women with greater respect is in a sense not strange. T h e cult of the Virgin, though it sometimes found expression in words reminiscent of the secular love song, may be said to have exalted one woman rather than w o m a n k i n d . In depriving the Virgin of the perplexing aspects of the sexual relationship and thus denying her kinship with her sex, it translated her f r o m the h u m a n to the religious sphere. She became the shining figure in medieval man's life—the bright light of his spiritual world. But by the very measure in which he worshiped her, he set her apart f r o m the troublesome creatures who so confused his m u n d a n e existence. They were of the world; she was of a spiritual realm. This, no doubt, explains why the adoration of the Virgin had so little influence on medieval man's treatment of the women in his daily life. T h e code of courtly love, a second influence that might have modified the general attitude toward women, made the obligation of a knight to his lady like that of a vassal to his feudal lord. It set woman up as definitely superior; and, unlike the cult of the Virgin, it acknowledged her as superior in a very h u m a n relationship. Because of this it had some influence in offsetting the idea of her spiritual subordination. 4 9 Recognizing that the marriage bargain precluded the expression of h u m a n emotions, it advocated that they be satisfied in other relationships. It may, therefore, have also begun to exert an influence working indirectly and perhaps almost imperceptibly against the commercial nature of marriage. Yet, though it was an early and rather widespread concept, it was by no means sufficiently powerful to overcome long-established attitudes. It seems, on the whole, to have had no more 48 e gret amoure, Bytwene his son & Blanchefloure, And fought when J>cy were of age, \>2t her loue wolde noght swage, Nor he myght noght her loue withdrawe When Florys shuld wyfe after J>e lawc. (II. 3 5 - 4 0 ) He begins at once his persecution of Blancheflour. Since the time-lapse is brief in the story, and since the couple is constantly referred to as "the children," we may assume that theirs is a child marriage. Yet they act with the poise of maturity. The ages of heroes and heroines vary in other romances. In Havelock, the Dane the dying King of England stipulates that arrangements for the marriage of his daughter Goldborough should be made when she is twelve. Actually the marriage is postponed till she is much older. In Lay le Freine, Freine was twelve when she first drew the attention of Sir Guroun. The tale of Le Bone Florence of Rome begins when Florence was fifteen. In The Bo\e of Du\e Huon of Burdeux the Abbot of Cluny arranged for the marriage of the fifteen-year-old Clariet. In Partonope of Blois Partonope's mother urged the king to arrange the marriage of Partonope and his eighteen-year-old niece. Heroes, as they begin their careers, before love and marriage are a part of their experience, are usually a bit older. Horn was fifteen winters old at the beginning of his adventures; in Sir Perceval of Galles, Perceval had dwelt in the forest "fyftene winters and mare" before he went to Arthur's court. In some cases, age is suggested by the responsibilities of the heroes. When The Squire of Low Degree opens, the Squire had been for seven years the marshal in the hall of the King of Hungary. Sir Launfal, at the opening of his story, had served as Arthur's steward for ten years. 27

28

LOVE AND WAR IN THE MIDDLE ENGLISH ROMANCES

revealed, the participants are never questioned as to the terms in which they have expressed themselves but are immediately condemned as guilty of illicit love. Heroes and heroines, fathers and guardians show little awareness of the decision of the Church that vows differed in significance according to their phrasing. The idea of the priority of the initial vow seems to be foreign to fathers. Heroines are aware of it, not as an ecclesiastical decree, but as a decree of their own hearts once they have chosen lovers. Rymenhild, in King Horn, considered her secret agreement with Horn equivalent to marriage; yet examination shows that the author expressed Horn's vows in terms of the future, which, according to the Church, would not have constituted marriage. Although Rymenhild apparently protested on the grounds of her previous commitment, her parents forced her to marry King Modi of Reynes. The Palmer reported to Horn: "Heo sede J>at heo nolde, Ben ispused wifj golde, Heo hadde on husbonde, )>ej he were vt of londe." (Version C, 11. 1037-40) It is evident that Rymenhild cared not about terminology but only about the desires of her heart, that her parents had no concern about secret vows, and that the author is not interested in the verbal quibbling of the ecclesiastics.2 2

The later Horn romance, King Ponthus and the Fair Sidone, written in honor of a member of the Tour Landry family of Anjou, may be expected to contain instances of special pleading and to tend toward didacticism and the presenting of an idealized picture of knighthood. This, however, does not preclude its use to exemplify certain points of our discussion. In fact, it may serve the purpose of accentuating the contrasts between the ideal and the practice. As for the point at hand, King Ponthus and Sidone, like the earlier Horn romances, is unconcerned with the phrasing of the vow, b«t is somewhat more clerical in its expression of the priority of the initial vow. Ponthus, returning just as Sidone was about to marry the King of Burgoyne, congratulated her on her marriage "to assey hir pacience." She replied, " . . . I pray you nomor therof, for he lives not that I wolle haue, bot you, if itt pleasse you to haue me,—the whiche I swer to you and has sworne ofte tymes, with mouth and hertt,—for the last promys avayles not, bot oonly the furste." (p. 99). This statement is not so much the outpouring of an overwrought heart as the expression of a knowledge of the rules and a willingness to conform to them. In Torrent and Portyngale when the King of Portugal promised his daughter to the King of Aragon, though she was already promised to Torrent (and no doubt trothplighted), his wife reproved him. "All that ther of here tell, Ther of wyll speke schame." (11. 796-97) In Partonope, Melior's sister Urake warned her that though her lords were willing for her to take a husband after her secret love for Partonope had been disclosed, she could take none other than Partonope himself: "For yeffe ye take anoJ)er lorde, t>owe hyt be by alle here a-corde, For (jys ye shalle full ofte bere blame Hyt shalle fulle fowle a-peyre youre name." (11. 6 3 0 9 - 1 2 )

THE

MARRIAGE

OF

CONVENIENCE

29

In The Romance of William of Palerne, both Melior and William believe in the binding power of the first love-vow. There is nothing in the lines, however, to indicate that they are obedient to ecclesiastical doctrine on the matter; they are simply obeying the dictates of their own hearts. Though Melior had promised her loyal love forever to William, her father granted her hand to the son of the Emperor of Greece. When William heard of this and charged her with unfaithfulness, she regretted her father's foolishness and reavowed her love: " n e , l e m m a n , lore h a s t o w m e nou;$t. leue Jjow forso)>e, for J>oujh m i f a d e r folliche. haue f o r w a r d e s m a k e d , w e n e s t o w J^at i w o l d , his wille n o w p a r f o u r m e ? n a y , bi g o d ]>at m e g a f . }>e gost & ]>e soule, al }>at trauaile he has tynt. w h a t euer tyde a f t e r ! for )?ere nis m a n v p o n m o l d e }?at euer schal m e haue but j e , loueliche l e m m a n , leue m e for t r e w e , In feif>, J>ei y schold £>er-fore be f o r d o n as swi}>e, doluen dej> q u i c on er)>e. t o - d r a w e or o n - h o n g e d . " (11. 1 5 5 6 - 6 4 )

In Paris and Vienne, Vienne had pledged her love to Paris. Since Paris was of lower social rank, her father had bitterly opposed the match and encouraged the suit of the son of the Duke of Burgoyne. When she refused his love, he pleaded, ". . . telle to me for what cause ye wyl not haue me in maryage to your husbond." Her reply, ". . . syr sauyng your honour I am maryed," indicates that the love-vow had for her the sanctity of marriage. It can be said in this instance also that the lady was obeying the dictates of her heart rather than regulations about the priority of the initial vow. 3 Though the romances often talk of the trothplight, there is, then, little expression of the theoretical or ecclesiastical point of view as to phraseology or priority. Only a few romances, again, are concerned with the motive for intercourse and its consequent blamelessness or sinfulness—a question of major importance to theologians.4 The Wars of Alexander expresses the clerical view that intercourse was justified only for propagation or for avoiding fornication: Dindimus reports of the relationship of his countrymen to their women, Paris and Vienne, pp. 66-7. The related romances of Melusine and Partenay, like Ponthus and Sidone, are family romances, which at times show a homiletic intention or clerical influence. They indicate, for instance, the part of the Church in blessing the marriage bed and solemnizing the marriage act. In The Romance of Partenay, after the marriage of Raymond and Melusine, 8

4

. . . A Bisshop which that tyme ther was Signed and blissid the bedde holyly. (11. 1 0 1 0 - 1 1 ) In Melusine

(p. 1 5 8 ) the marriage bed of Hermine and Urian was thus hallowed.

3o

L O V E A N D W A R IN T H E M I D D L E E N G L I S H ROMANCES Ne ne^e wc neuirc j?aim on n i j t . to maite for na luste, Bot for to sustaync ourc sede. & syn ay to voide. (11. 4341-42)

In the late romance, The History of the Holy Grail, by the London skinner, the clerical view that intercourse is ugly and shameful is found. Adam, bidden by God to know Eve in the flesh, was bitterly chagrined. T h e n God mercifully sent darkness to cover the confusion of the culprits. 5 It is the rare individual in the romances, however, who is concerned with clerical admonitions about sexual intercourse or listens for directions from God about it. F e w persons seem aware of the decision of the moralists that deriving pleasure from the sexual act made it blameworthy. T h e more dominant attitude in the romances is one of frank pleasure in sexual intimacies, which are referred to as "a g a m e " affording "pleasaunce," as "playing the comen pley," as " j o y , " and as "solace." 6 T h e romances reflect the problem of the marriage relationship, then, not so much in the way in which or the extent to which they treat the smaller controversial questions, but in their presentation of the larger basic idea— the general nature of marriage. T h e fact that it was an arrangement of convenience and that therefore forced marriages were frequent gave rise to many situations involving further social and ethical considerations. T h e chief reasons for the marriage of convenience in medieval society, as we have already observed in Chapter II, were to secure economic, military, and political gains. Even the most cursory reading of historical and legal records affords evidence of this. 7 T h e romances, likewise, indicate that such motives governed the arrangement of marital alliances. 5 Herry Lovelich's History of the Holy Grail, Ch. XXIX, 11. 2 1 3 - 8 0 . In the same romance (Ch. XLI, 11. 1 7 - 3 2 ) Joseph received a command from heaven that it was God's will that he should know his wife in fleshly manner, "This niht only." In The Tale of Beryn the cleric's view of intercourse may perhaps also be expressed. Faunus and Agea sought ever to have their union blessed with offspring. It is not altogether clear, however, whether this was because they ardendy desired children or piously sought to fulfill a religious duty: . . . euer J>ey besoughte That God wold of his goodnes som fruyte betwene hem send; ffor gynnyng of hir spousaill, J>e myddil St t>e ende. (11. 852-54) 8 Pleasure in marital intercourse is indicated in Amis and Amiloun, 11. 1459-64; in The History of Roswall and Lillian, 11. 826 ff.; in Melusine, pp. 56-8. Pleasure in extra-marital intercourse is found abundantly—in Generydes, 11. 148 ff.; in Amis and Amiloun, 11. 763 s . ; in William of Palerne, 11. 1410 ff.; in Merlin, or The Early History of King Arthur, pp. 526, 508-9 (Hereafter referred to as the Prose Merlin); in Malory's Morte D'Arthur, Bk. VII, Ch. 22, pp. 247, Bk. X, Ch. 24, p. 452, Bk. XX, Ch. 3, p. 800; in Partonope, 11. 1 2 1 0 - 3 0 ; in Launfal (Rawls. MS.), 11. 144 ff., and in innumerable other instances. The pleasure of the relationship is stressed both by those who preach against straying and those who are trying to lead others astray, in Arthour and Merlin, 11. 737 ff.; Prose Merlin, p. 6; Lovelich's Merlin, 11. 3 3 3 - 5 4 ; Gest Hystoriale of the Destruction of Troy, 11. 7 5 2 - 5 3 . 7 Examples from English history are numerous. The Treaty of Montreuil (1299), providing that Edward I should marry Margaret, daughter of Philip of France, resulted in a brief truce

T H E MARRIAGE OF CONVENIENCE

31

Marriages for military and political reasons take place in the romances at different times and under different circumstances. The granting of a woman in marriage might be arranged before battle as an incentive to deeds of special prowess, or it might be a reward at the close of conflict for accomplished military service. When Horn was offered a king's daughter for services already rendered, he refused her hand but served her father another seven years.8 For deeds accomplished, the Eastern emperor offered Guy his daughter, as well as half his empire, both of which Guy would have taken, had he not suddenly remembered Felice.9 In The Sou/done of Babylone, Lukafer promised to bring Charles and the twelve peers to the Sultan if the Sultan would grant him his daughter Floripas. 10 A king might even set as prize the daughter or wife of his enemy and so try to rid himself of his enemy and any family complaints at the same time. The German emperor, for instance, promised Huon's wife and his lands to the person who killed Huon. 1 1 Sir Graham, having fought Sir Gray-Steel, refused a reward of which, renewed from time to time, finally led to a definite peace signed at Paris in 1303. At that time the alliance between France and England was further cemented by the betrothal of Edward's heir to Isabella, daughter of the French king. Among die provisions of the treaty bttween Bruce and the English king in 1328 was the agreement that Robert's son David was to marry Edward's seven-year-old sister, Joanna of the Tower. In 1395, negotiations for peace between Richard II and Charles VI of France were based on the marriage alliance of the English king with the sixyear-old Isabella, daughter of Charles VI. In 1420 the Treaty of Troyes between Charles VI of France and Henry V provided for the marriage of Henry with Catherine of France. In 1444, the Ear! of Suffolk maneuvered the betrothal of Margaret of Anjou to Henry VI, but secured only a two-year truce thereby. Cf. Kenneth H. Vickers, England in the Later Middle Ages, passim. Literary reports of the marriage of Henry V and the French Catherine stress its importance as a means to peace. Lydgate in his Troy Book, expressed die devout hope, An alliaunce of \>c blod royal, J?at is knet vp by bonde of mariagc, Of werre shal voide aweie J>e rage, To make pes with brighte bemys shyne. (Bk. V, 11. 3 4 2 0 - 2 3 ) Hocclcve, in the Regiment of Princes (11. 5388 ff.), deplored the difficulties between France and F.ngland and urged, "Purchaseth pees by way of marriage." A similar case is the marriage of the Duke of Lancaster with the eldest daughter of the dead Don Pedro, King of Spain, as reported in Froissart's Chronicles of England, France, and Spain, trans. Sir. John Bourchier, Lord Bcrners, II, Ch. C C L X X X V , 3 8 0 - 8 1 . The Duke's councilors urged the marriage upon him not only because it would be an act of mercy by which he would protect the weak, but because it would increase the territory of his heirs: ". . . we knowe wher is a great maryage for you, wherby you and your heyre shal be kyng of Castell; and also it is great almesse to confort maydens in their distresse, and specially doughters to a kyng, beyng in the case that they be in; sir, we your faythfull servantes wolde counsaylle you to take theldest to your wyfe, for we can nat tell wher ye shulde be so well maryed agayne, nor where that so moche profyte shulde come to you therby." (Except where otherwise indicated, all quotations from Froissart will be from the translation of Lord Berners.) 8 King Horn, 11. 892 ff. 9 The Romance of Guy of Warwick ( ' 4 t h . Ct. version), 11. 2884-90. 10 Sowdane of Babylone, 11. 238 ff. 11 Huon of Burdeux, p. 320.

32

L O V E A N D W A R IN T H E MIDDLE ENGLISH ROMANCES

land and gold and asked instead for the king's daughter. T o his request for "nothing but your hand," "Yea, then," she says, "it may well be; If it be so, so it likes me! For he that hath my marriage, Shall have my father's heritage." 12 Since a medieval lady was glad to have fortune and inheritance to bestow, there is probably no irony intended. Christians threatened with defeat by Saracens occasionally found it necessary, even in the midst of battle, to strengthen military forces by a marital alliance. Arthur's marriage with Guinevere was basically a military alliance arranged in one of the rest periods in intermittent warfare. 1 3 The Provost, who saw that Eglantine was interested in Blanchardyn, hoped that the love was serious: "Alas, we sholde wel desyre that it were so, to thende she myght take a goode lord for to defende vs and her lande." 1 4 In The Three Kings' Sons King Alfour of Sicily wished to marry, ". . . for to haue comfort and helpe ayenst the miscreauntes / that night and day made him warre." His barons advised him to ask for the hand of Sybil, daughter of the King of Spain, "in as moche as the kynge of ffraunce had no doughter / that this was the moost myghty place for the kynge of Sizile to be alied with / to haue helpe & comfort for to sustene his warres." 1 5 When Florence's father died in the midst of battle against Garcy, her barons advised her to take a lord at once, That doughty were of dede; For to mayntene and upholde agayne Syr Garcy that burne bolde.10 Marriage alliances were also contracted between enemies or potential enemies in an effort to prevent the outbreak of war. Though the outcome, of the marriage was unsuccessful, it was for this reason that Erubel, King of Molossis, granted his sister Olympias to Philip, "for had hee werned }?at 12

The History of Sir Eger, Sir Grahame, and Sir Gray-Steel, 11. 1951-54. Art hour and Merlin, II. 6571 ff., 8612 ff.; Lovclich's Merlin, II. 15465-484. 14 Caxton's Blanchardyn and Eglantine, p. 75. 15 The Three Kings' Sons, p. 3. 16 Le Bone Florence, II. 882-84. The union of Guy and Floripas (recorded in Sir ferumbras, 11. 2072-2111, and in The Sowdone of Babylone, 11. 1880 fT.) is another example of marriage designed to strengthen Christian against Saracen. Floripas granted aid and consented to become a Christian only in exchange for Guy. Similar examples occur in Melusine, pp. 1 5 3 - 5 7 , 237-40. T h e dying King of Cyprus arranged for the marriage of Urian with his daughter Hermine for this reason. Likewise, the King of Anssay advised Eglantine, after the death of her father, ". . . ye muste be maryed to suche a man that can kepe and cleffende you & your land ayenst all enemyes." 13

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33

17

wyght wo had hee suffred." In The Four Sons of Aymon, an old knight suggested that K i n g John of Gascony wed his sister to his vassal Reynawde, whose power was increasing alarmingly: " A n d therby ye shall be assured that he shall never be angry ne wrothe wyth you." K i n g John, thinking Reynawde would help him with his recalcitrant vassals, wisely followed the advice. After the marriage there were still "some that wolde not doo their devoyre to the kynge but Reynawde made theym well come forth for to doo the kyngis comaundement accordynge to theyr ligeaunce, wolde they or not." Later, however, when Charlemagne threatened John unless he gave up his alliance with the Four Sons, John's barons advised, "take fro hym your suster, and gyve her to a nother that is a gretter gentilman than is Reynawde / and that have no suche enmyes as is Charlemagne." 1 8 Another practical use for marriage was to seal a peace. Perhaps the most famous example of this was the unsuccessful attempt of Achilles to put an end to the Trojan war by marrying Pollexena. Priam at first refused to grant Achilles' request, but his more practical wife urged that they agree if Achilles would guarantee perpetual peace. 19 T h o u g h Priam finally followed his wife's advice, the opposition of the Greeks balked the desires of Achilles. In The Lyfe of Joseph of Armathia Mordrayous, a king of the West, received orders from Christ to conquer the K i n g of Wales. W h e n he did so, the Welsh king gave him Labell, his daughter, in marriage, and thus effected a peace. 20 A f t e r the wars between the Emperor and Segyn, the Emperor gave Segyn his sister Erneborwe. 2 1 In Ponthus and Sidone the K i n g of Scotland held the K i n g of Ireland prisoner and offered him terms, ". . . that ye may haue the kynges yongre doghtre and that your raunson and debate be foryeven in the marriage; and so euer aftre to be frendes." 2 2 Since one of the most important ends of marriage was the acquisition of wealth, marriages of convenience were frequently arranged for economic as well as military reasons. 23 Perceval was apparently glad to accept Arthur's 17 f>e Gates of f>e Worf>ie King and Emperour, Alisaunder of Macedoine ( M S . Greaves, Bodl e i a n ) , I. 2 0 8 . 18 The Right Plesaunt and Goodly Historic of the Four Sonnes of Aymon, p p . 1 5 1 , 1 5 5 , 2 0 8 . O t h e r marriages, t h o u g h not contracted between enemies, w e r e p l a n n e d to forestall w a r . S u c h are the u n i o n s in Lydgate's Siege of Thebes of E d i p p u s and Jocasta (11. 7 6 3 - 7 2 ) a n d of Polyneices a n d T i d e u s with the d a u g h t e r s of Adrastus (11. 1 5 7 7 - 1 6 4 9 ) . 19 The Seege or Batayle of Troye, 11. 1 5 6 2 - 6 6 . 20 The Lyfe of Joseph of Armathia, 11. 1 6 7 - 9 2 . T h e m a r r i a g e of A l e x a n d e r a n d Roxane, d a u g h t e r of Darius, in Wars of Alexander, 11. 3 4 4 3 - 6 7 , a n d of Hercules a n d Yole, d a u g h t e r of K i n g Pricus, in Recuyell of the Historyes of Troye, pp. 4 7 0 ff., arc also e x a m p l e s of m a r r i a g e s sealing a peace. T h e h u s b a n d s of Roxane a n d Yole killed the fathers of their wives; b u t R o x a n e a n d Yole, w h o recognized the need of strong protectors, held little r e s e n t m e n t against their h u s b a n d s . 21 Guy of Warwick ( 1 4 t h Ct. version), 11. 2 7 5 5 - 6 8 . 22 Ponthus and Sidone, p. 6 1 . 23 T h a t the marriage of convenience was concerned w i t h economic g a i n s — t h e possession of m o n e y , lands, or c h a t t e l s — a n d was sealed as a business bargain or contract is indicated in i n -

34

LOVE AND

WAR

IN T H E MIDDLE ENGLISH

ROMANCES

sister Achefleur for her o w n sake, but also " f o r f>e gyftes J?at ware g u d e . " 2 4 B y contrasting the marriage of F a u n u s with other marriages, the poet of the Tale of Beryn indicates that the marriage union was too often directed by mercenary or other unworthy aims. Senator F a u n u s , renowned for valor and f o r his lineage, married a w i f e f a m e d for beauty and k n o w l e d g e : A n d atte last he toke a w y f f , like to his parage; ffor, noriture & connyng, bewte 6c parentyne, W e r e tho countid more with, )>en gold or silver fyne.

(11. 840-42) T h e poet regrets that such noble unions had ceased to take place. Instead, m e n married f o r " g o l d and silver fine" or for less worthy reasons: But novve it is all othir in many mannys J ' o u j t ; ffor muk is nowe I-maried, & vertu set at n o u j t .

(11. 843-44) T h a t the marriage of convenience was suited to the needs of medieval life and that the w o m a n was something less than a h u m a n element in the bargain is apparent as much f r o m what is left unsaid as f r o m what is said. In Athelston the K i n g , f o r love of his foster brother, E g e l a n d , — . . . gaff hym tyl hys weddyd w y f f H y s owne sustyr, D a m e E d y f f Wi}> gret deuocyoun.

(11. 46-8) A f t e r Sir G o w g h t e r married, he went to Austria and arranged for the wedding of his mother and the knight w h o m he had left in charge. 2 5 T h e dying A l e x a n d e r decreed that Ptolemy be K i n g of E g y p t and " . . . J?at he tak till his w y f e Cleopatra, )?at my F a d e r wedded sumtyme here bi-fore." 2 8 W h e n K i n g Elynas grieved f o r seven years over the loss of his w i f e Pressyne, his people thought him m a d and g a v e the government to his son Nathas. A s a part of the general arrangement they then g a v e Nathas " . . . agentyl w o m a n , whiche was the lady of Y c r y s , " as his w i f e . 2 7 T h e casual w a y in w h i c h authors report the arrangement of marriages, the fact that the w o m a n is often not consulted, the absence in many cases of any reaction on her part numerable cases recorded in Bracton's Note Book.. Case 1 5 1 (II, 125-26), Case 646 (II, 497), Case 659 (II, 506), Case 683 (II, 526-27), Case 1 9 1 2 (III, 681), Case i960 (III, 706-7), as well as innumerable other cases dealing with the marriage portion or dower rights, marriage contracts, and breach of promise, illustrate the concern for acquiring money, lands, and chattels through marriage unions. 24 Sir Perceval, 11. 37-40. 25 Syr Gowghter, 11. 626-31. 20 The Prose Life of Alexander, p. 1 1 2 . 27 Melusine, p. 12.

T H E MARRIAGE OF CONVENIENCE

35

—these and other things reiterate what we have already seen in the examination of the social record in Chapter II, that the marriage transaction did not take emotions into account and that, on the part of large sections of society, there was very little feeling that it should be otherwise. 28 Example after example of marriage in which the woman has no actual option in the matter could be quoted, yet it is not to be argued that society profited while the individual woman suffered. Often she held the point of view of the age and was glad to have a satisfactory marriage, arrangement completed for her. Guinevere was pleased to learn that her father's unknown helper was to be her husband. Watching him in battle, ". . . she had seide softely to her-self that well were that maiden that so feire a knyght wolde requere hir of love, and namely, so gode a knyght as is this; and well ought she to be shamed euer after that hym denyed." 2 9 Pleased with her marriage to Regnald, son of Melusine, Eglantine thanked him graciously for protection: "Wherfor, my ryght redoubted lord, I yeld thankyng to god, & to you also that haue dayned to take to your wyf her that was vnworthy therto." T h e courtesy of Regnald's reply was partly inspired by the winning manners of the lady and partly by the knowledge that he had made a good business bargain: ". . . dere herte, 8c my best beloued, ye haue do moche more for me than euer I dide ne possible is to me to doo for you / sene & consydered the noble yefte youen by you to me / that is your noble lady / and yet besyde that of your noble royame ye haue endowed me / and with me naught ye haue take / sauf only my symple body." 3 0 Heroines seem to have been satisfied with marriages of military alliance for two reasons. Since military skill was highly valued, they were flattered by the attention of great heroes and found marriage with them desirable. Some of them, also, as examples have shown, were grateful for unions that gave the maximum security. Frequently, therefore, such marriages proved satisfactory, and occasionally even ideal, relationships. T o keep any institution firmly established demands constant eulogizing 28 The Four Sons of Aymon, pp. 1 5 2 - 5 5 , provides an excellent example of the steps in arranging a marriage. K i n g John's sister was the last to be informed that her wedding with Reynawde had been contracted. 29 Prose Merlin, p. 225. 30 Melusine, pp. 2 4 1 - 4 2 . A second example from Melusine (p. 2 1 3 ) is the marriage of Christine, the Duchess of Luxembourg, to Anthony, who had just defeated her enemy. He consented to the urgings of her barons, with the comment, " . . . yf she be playsed therwith I consent me J>crto." Too much importance need not be given to this remark. It looks at first as if it indicated some freedom of choice for women in military alliances. Perhaps it has significance, but it is better interpreted merely as a polite gesture of a victorious warrior conscious of his popularity and aware that he represents all a woman could desire. The eloquence of her reply, in which she spoke of herself as a "poucre orphcynme . . . not worthy to be addressed in so highe a place," and of Anthony as "the flour of knighthode and the noblesse of alle the w o r l d " leaves no doubt as to her pleasure.

36

L O V E A N D W A R IN T H E MIDDLE E N G L I S H ROMANCES

of standards and attitudes designed to preserve it, and constant vigilance against subversive forces. We have seen in Chapter II that ecclesiastics and moralists, realizing this, built up with supporting arguments a conventional standard of virtues that would best guarantee marriage customs. The basic precept was that God required submission to masculine authority as the chief duty of all women. 3 1 The romances reiterate the idea that submission was the basic virtue of a woman in yielding to her husband's judgment and in suffering physical indignities from her guardian, father, or husband. In Partenay when Fromont wished to become a monk, the father consented after some hesitation, and then sent the lad to his mother, who said to him, "Off my part ye go, vnto my lord say, At hys plesaunce all ther-of will I do, Me submitte vnto hys ordinaunce all-wey; At hys plesire be I will, noght say nay; For whatsomeuer pleasith hys hynes hit liketh me wel, how-so he it dress." (11. 2599-2604) Her answer might have been a simple consent, but the author seizes the opportunity to make her utter a little sermon on the wifely virtue of submission. Women not only yielded to their husbands on such comparatively simple matters of general welfare, but meekly gave up their children in babyhood, and even agreed to their death. When Antor bade his wife put her child out to nurse and take Arthur instead, she was troubled but did not rebel: " I am yowre and the childe youre, therfore do with me and with hym youre will: and I it graunten wele, for I ought in no wise to do agein your volunte." 3 2 When the wife of Sir Amadas was willing that her child be divided in half rather than that her husband should break his promise to the White Knight, the poet considers her wifely loyalty exemplary: 31 The romances show many daughters perfectly submissive to their fathers. This prepared them for the acceptance of the authority of husbands. When Richard asked Cassodorien, in Richard Coer de Lion, for her hand, she was without opinion of her own: She answeryd with wordys stylle, "Sere, I am at my faderys wylle." (11. 177-78) When Philip, in The Three Kings' Sons (p. 1 9 4 ) wanted Iolante, daughter of the King of Sicily, "and askid hir, by hir feith, so many noble Princis as were at this assemble / if there were not one more than anothir in hir grace," she replied, "God gif hir grace to lyue no lenger than she be content with hym / that pleasith hir fadir to yeue hir, were it be he, or any othir." Ywaine and Gawin provides an example of a lady who, realizing a military alliance was necessary, refused to take a husband without the advice of her council: And to na lord wil sho tak tent Bot if it be by your assent. (11. 1 2 2 5 - 2 6 ) 32 Prose Merlin, p. 89.

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37

Full few lades ar of tho, That wolde serve ther lorde so, Bot sum wolde sey nay. 33 T h e wife of Amis, likewise, rejoiced that Amis had cured Amiloun of leprosy, even though he had effected the cure with the blood of their children. She did not chide him, but seemed rather to praise him: "O, lef liif!" sche seyd ]>o, "God may sende ous childer mo, Of hem haue )>ou no care." 34 It might be argued that both Sir Amadas and Amis and Amiloun are examples of special pleading—one for the sacredness of the vow, the other for the responsibilities of sworn brotherhood—and that this bias distorts the significance of other ideas in these romances. It might be objected, further, that the case of the children is not to be taken seriously, since in neither instance do they suffer permanent injury. When Amadas made clear that he intended to fulfill his vow at any cost, the White Knight released him from his promise; and after Amis had sacrificed his children, they were miraculously restored to life. These arguments, however, do not discredit the basic idea in the story that the wife's first loyalty, regardless of her children, was to her husband. That a wife was a man's chattel, subject to bodily injury at his hands or those of another, if the husband willed it, is seen in several romances. One of the stories of The Set/en Sages of Rome tells how a greedy steward commanded his wife to go to the foul and diseased K i n g , who would pay well for play with a woman, since his doctor asserted that it would cure his ailment. Though the task was distasteful to her, she obeyed. That the K i n g punished the steward for thus using his wife to gain money does not alter the basic story concept—the right of the husband to treat his wife as property over which he had absolute jurisdiction. 35 T h e complete physical subjugation of woman to man is again indicated in Amis and Amiloun. Amiloun, who became leprous, had been cast out by his wife, partly because he was diseased, and partly, it is true, because he had done wrong to kill the steward. T h e poet weeps with Amiloun: Alias, alias! J?at gentil knijt, J?at whilom was so wise & wijt, )>at j?an was wroujt so wo, }>at fram his leuedi, fair & brijt, Out of his owhen chaumber a-nijt He was yhote to go. (11. 1573-78) 33 84

35

Sir Amadas, II. 770-72. Amis and Amiloun, 11. 2392-94.

The Seven Sages, 11. 1 5 4 9 - 1 6 4 4 .

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LOVE A N D WAR IN T H E MIDDLE ENGLISH ROMANCES

This might be dismissed as simply another part o£ a curious distortion of values in Amis and Amiloun, were it not that we find in St. Thomas the dictum, " . . . a wife is bound to pay the debt even to a leprous husband." 3 6 Sheer physical brutality frequently made medieval women miserable. The pregnant Queen in Athelston knelt before her husband, the King, to beg mercy for the imprisoned Earl of Stane. When she persisted after he had ordered her from his presence, he viciously kicked her. In consequence, their child was born dead. Later when Athelston learned of his mistake, he mourned the loss of his heir; but there is no evidence that he made any amends to his queen. 37 There may have been actually less meekness on the part of lower-class women; but in the few instances provided by the romances, such women exemplify much the same patience as aristocratic ladies in submitting to masculine coldness, callousness, cruelty, and viciousness. When Clement, Butcher of Paris, for instance, bought the child Florent, son of Octavian, from outlaws, he gave him to his wife with the explanation that he was his bastard son. The wife, without complaint, reproof, or question, accepted her charge. 38 In stressing the basic virtue of submission, the romances reflect the belief that was characteristic of the age—that woman was an inferior being, whose original sin could be atoned for in some small measure by her submission to the guiding wisdom of man. T o this basic virtue, submission, the conservative pattern of conduct added the virtues of humility, wisdom, and faithfulness. Since examination shows that humility is the demand that feminine submission be sweet, gracious, charming, while wisdom is little more than a synonym for tht same idea, separate consideration of these traits is unnecessary. Hecuba's character was considered worthy of respect since she was . . . wise of her dedis, Meke of hir maners, myldest of chere.39 In the Awntyrs of Arthure at the Terne Wathelyne, when Waynoure met the ghost of her mother, she asked what might bring her to heavenly bliss and received the answer, "Mekenesse and mercy." 40 In the Recuyell of the Historyes of Troye, Cibell, the wife of Saturn, is commended: "She was owt of mesure ryght humble in spekyng, wyse in her werkes, honeste in 36

Summa Theologica, Part III (Supplement), Q. 46, Art. I. In the French version (Amis et Amiles, 11. 2075-2124) the wife Lubias petitioned the bishop for a decree of separation. Though he at first refused and rebuked her, she won the support of the townsfolk by a little skilful bribing, and the bishop was forced to yield. 37 Athelston, II. 273-84, 761-64. 38 Octouian Imperator, 11. 409-24. 89 Gest Hystoriale, II. 3978-79. " tuyrs of Arthure at the Terne Wathelyne, 11. 235 ff.

T H E MARRIAGE OF CONVENIENCE

39

conuersacion & flowryng in alle vertuys." 4 1 Men praised Clariet, Huon's daughter, for ". . . all her beaute and her swete demenor, and great hymelyte that was in her." 4 2 Richard, who had been held captive by Reynawd's wife, paid her the tribute, ". . . she is the humblest lady of the worlde and the moost wise." 4 3 T h e most important complementary virtue to submission was faithfulness. In William of Palerne William's mother instructed Florence that faithfulness to her husband was the chief means of gaining renown: "loueli dougter, leue lif. loue ]>i lord euere, & be euer busili aboute him buxumli to serue, Sc lede him euer wi)> J>i lore his lond to kepe; so schaltow lei 1 i be loucd wi}> lasse & wij? more." (11. 543^42) Esclarmonde, about to depart to fairyland with H u o n , advised her daughter likewise, ". . . be no iangeler agaynst your husbond / . . . loue your husbond, kepe youreselfe alwayes trewe / to the entente that none yll reporte be made of you."" 14 Prominent among the many virtues of the wife of the Emperor Diocletian was faithfulness: Of hyr body sche was trewe As euyr was lady that men kncwe And therto moost bryght. 46 T h e romances emphasize the ideal of physical faithfulness in the long absences of men, lasting sometimes for seven or fourteen years. Very often Recuyell oj the Hisloryes oj Troye, p. 1 9 . *-Huon oj Burdeux, p. 549. 1:1 I'ortr So/is of Aymon, p. 4'j5. Many examples indicate that men were grateful f o r quiet and uncomplaining w o m e n . Because such w o m e n did w h a t they were supposed to do and caused no trouble, they were considered wise and humble. In Kyng Alisaunder it is said of Olympias, " S e i l d e schco spak, and nought l o u d e . " (1. 2 8 3 ) . In Lay le Freine, Freine, w h o had been cast aside by her knight, was praised for her "simple cheer." As she prepared for his marriage to another w o m a n , 41

Albe her herte wel nigh to-broke, N o word of pride ne g r a m e she spoke.

(11. 347-48) In Sir Amadas, the w i f e was commended simply because she acted as the conventional hostess in greeting the White K n i g h t : Sche dyd as sche oght to do, T h a t her lord lovyd to w o r c h y p so; Blessed mot suche w e m e n bee.

(11. 632-34) In Vonthus and Si done, Sidone " . . . was hold the fairest, the comeliest, the most w o m a n l y in all Fraunce or B r e t a y n . " She was especially commended because she "best couthe behaue hir in presence of all m a n e r of people, both of high degre and lowe d e g r e . " (p. 1 2 ) .

" Huon of Burdeux, p. 688. 40 Earl oj Toulouse, 11. 43-5.

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LOVE A N D WAR IN T H E MIDDLE ENGLISH ROMANCES

such cases illustrate the fidelity of lovers before marriage, but marital fidelity is also frequently exemplified in this fashion. 4 6 While Guy is adventuring, his wife is at home, skilled in benevolence, pious, faithful. 47 Lydgate's Troy Bool{ praises Penelope, wife of Ulysses, His trewe wyf, with-oute spot or blame, Of whom jit grene is )>e noble fame, Whiche from hir lorde, for al his long absence, In J>ougt nor dede nevir dide offence, Bot sothly was, bo)>e in chere & dede, Jjoruj-oute Grece example of wommanhede. (Bk. V, 11. 2151-58) I

T h e poet adds, as if surprised, that this was true in spite of the fact that she was a mirror of fairness. 48 Flegentyne, Nascien's wife, in Lovelich's Holy Grail, is commended as a beautiful, courteous, gentle woman, "lowlich to Every Creature," "ful trewe" to her lord, "both humble and Meke in his presence," "and Chaste Evere in his Absence." 4 9 W h e n Charlemagne forced Reynawde to go on a pilgrimage, his wife died of grief. Alarde, who had watched her suffering, reported to him on his return, ". . . and soo longe she wept & sorowed, day & nyght, that she deyed at last / whereof I am sory for it, for she was the goodlyest & fayrest of all the worlde." 5 0 T h e fidelity of women was tested not merely by long absences. Many 46 Some of the many examples of loyalty of lovers before marriage are the love of H o r n and Rymenhild in King Horn, 11. 722 ff.; of Floris and Blancheflour in Floris and Blanchefiottr, 11. 785 ff.; of Eglantine and Blanchardyn in Blanchardyn and Eglantine, pp. 1 2 9 - 3 0 ; of the lady and the squire in Squire of Low Degree, 11. 277 ff.; of Ponthus and Sidone in Ponthus and Sidone, p. 66 ff. 47 Guy of Warwick (15th Ct. version), 11. 8397-8408. 48 Lydgate's Troy Book,, Bk. V, 11. 2 1 6 1 - 6 7 , praises Penelope:

And yit seyn bokes of hir, douteles, Was neuer noon t>at had so gret pres, But she hir kepte, chaunging for no newe, Vn-to hir lord euere I-liche trewe, Of hert (ay) oon, nat partid in-to tweyne, )>at she is called quene ic souereyne Of wyfly troupe in J?is bokes olde. Lovelich's Holy Grail, Ch. XXXVI, 11. 9-26. Four Sons of Aymon, p. 532. St. Thomas declared, in Summa Theologica, Part III (Supplement), Q. 61, Art. 1, that one person, after consummation of marriage, could not enter the religious life without the consent of the other. The romances take little heed of that decision. In the few examples found, married persons did not join religious orders, but were either forced to make pilgrimages or made them voluntarily, or became holy hermits. T h e failure to consider the wife in such cases reemphasizes the idea of her submission to masculine authority. Guy, in Guy of Warwick. (15th Ct. version), 11. 7276-7306, did not ask Felice to consent to his pilgrimage; he merely announced his decision to make one. Had she not been pregnant, she declared she would have committed suicide. In Lovelich's Holy Grail, Ch. XLVI, 11. 439—46, Mordreins, desiring to bccome a hermit, commended his wife Sarracynte to the care of his barons and her brother, but did not ask permission f r o m her. 49 50

T H E MARRIAGE OF CONVENIENCE

4i

men, u n m i n d f u l of the marriage vows of others, were skilled in the art of seduction both in the presence of husbands and when they were absent only for a short time. Confused as are the thought and the morality of the A r t h u r and Merlin legends, Ygerne is undoubtedly intended to exemplify the virtue of faithfulness, even though in the end she is seduced. W h e n UterPendragon sent Ulfin to her as an emissary, she repulsed his offer in the indignant language of virtuous ladies and threatened to tell her husband. Receiving report of the reply, the King praised the lady for her virtue but was not checked in his efforts to seduce her. 5 1 As soon as K i n g Aradas, in Syr Tryamour, had departed for battle, the false steward, Marrocke, began urging Queen Margaret "That he mighte in bedde with her slepe." Queen Margaret, surrounded by servitors who could protect her and strengthen her allegiance to her lord, threatened to have the offender hanged according to "the law of the londe," if ever he spoke of the matter again. 5 2 Often, however, the fidelity of a wife was tested in unhappier circumstances when she found herself alone with nothing to rely on but her physical strength, her purity, and the power of prayer. W h e n Tyrry's knight, Machary, desired Florence, the wife of Sir Emare, she seized a stone and smashed his face so hard that he rushed off "for drede of more wrethe." Since she had hit him so hard that "hys for tethe owte he spytt" and his mouth and nose "braste owt on blood," the rapid cooling of his desires is understandable. 5 3 At other times Florence resorted to prayer for self-protection. W h e n Miles, the false brother-in-law, would have lain by her, she prayed to God and Mary, and miraculously "Hys lykyng vanyscht all awaye." Florence again prayed when the mariner who had bought her as a slave proposed to enjoy her. This time she evoked a storm, which wrecked the ship but preserved her honor. 5 4 T h e ideal of woman's faithfulness is further illustrated by her refusal at times to be separated from her husband and her willingness to share his misfortunes, even if that meant death. Because it had been falsely reported that H u o n had failed in his mission, Charles intended to kill him. EsclarLovelich's Merlin, 11. 4814-18, 4848-52; Prose Merlin, pp. 65-77. ' Syr Tryamour, 11. 89-96. 53 Le Bone Florence, 11. 1605-13. The saints' legends and romances, which frequently share the same didactic purpose, are alike in representing maidens as violendy resisting amorous or religious persecution. St. Katherine used prayer and intellectual argument to overcome her foes, but Saint Margaret and Saint Juliana combined prayer and well-directed physical force. St. Margaret took the devil by the hair, heaved him up and down, then dashed him to the ground and held her foot upon him till she had lectured him properly. St. Juliana's violence frightened the devil, but not Euleusius, whose love she refused. When he subjected her to the torture wheel, the fiery furnace, and the burning pitch, however, her prayers made these punishments ineffectual. The Life of St. Katherine, ed. Eugen Einenkel, 11. 170 ff.; Seinte Marherete, ed. Oswald Cockayne, pp. 62 ff.; St. Juliana, ed. Oswald Cockayne, pp. 38 ff. Irene P. McKeehan's thesis, Some Relationships between the Legends of British Saints and Medieval Romance (University of Chicago, Abstract of Theses, Humanistic Series, II, 1924-25), though it treats masculine saints only, is concerned with the general similarities between the two literary types. 64 Le Bone Florence, 11. 1499 ff., 1842-80. 51 r2

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L O V E AND WAR IN T H E MIDDLE ENGLISH ROMANCES

monde immediately vowed her loyalty to her husband: " A , syr, now I se well / that grete pyte it shalbe the departynge of vs two / but yf I had a knyfe I wolde not abyde your deth / but fyrst I sholde slee my selfe before this false and vntrewe kynge." 5 5 Certain heroines incorporate all admirable wifely qualities. Esclarmonde, in Huon of Burdeux, is the apotheosis of the virtuous wife. She did not chide Huon when, after a long absence, he apologized, " . . . I requyre you pardon me that I haue taryed so longe fro you, & haue lefte you in suche pouerte / payne / and parell of deth." Instead, she thanked God for his return. H e r devotion is further illustrated in the speech in which she refused to let him go alone to fairyland: " . . . and god wyll ye shall not go one fote but that I wyll go wyth you / yf ye take any yll or anoyaunce I wyll haue my part / yf ye haue any good aduenture I wyll part with you; for without me ye shall not departe." 5 6 Another sympathetic and faithful wife, uncomplainingly sharing her husband's afflictions, is Dame Clarys in the romance, Sir Cleges. When Cleges mourned his poverty, she piously advised him to count his blessings, not his afflictions, and thank God. 5 7 From the viewpoint of the heroine, then, faithfulness is not mere physical fidelity.58 It includes the concept of faithfulness in afflictions and a willingness to share misfortunes. It is really the biblical "whither thou goest, I shall go; and where thou lodgest, I shall lodge . . ." T h u s we see that the romances reflect the general acceptance of the marriage of convenience, with its concomitant attitude of submission and wifely loyalty, and show that if there was love between partners, it happened by accident rather than by design. T h e authors of the romances reiterate the preachments of churchmen and moralists and portray the virtues that kept married women subject to the standard men imposed upon them. In what measure, then, do the romances also reflect the criticism of and the rebellion against the marriage convention that we occasionally find expressed in the social and historical record? 05 Huon of Burdeux, p. 256. Blanchardyn and Eglantine (pp. 29-30) offers a related example of a faithful love between knight and lady (whether married or single is not made clear). Blanchardyn rescued the lady from a knight who had wounded "her right true louer" and ridden off with her. When they rode back to the knight and found him dead, the lady fell dead across his body. 06 Huon of Burdeux, pp. 5 7 1 , 5 8 1 - 8 2 . 57 Sir Cleges, 11. 2 2 0 - 2 2 . 5 8 It includes, also, the concept of faithfulness after death. Widowhood was represented by moralists as the state second in desirability to virginity. The romances do not present widowhood from this viewpoint, but they do give instances of the maintaining of widowhood as an expression of faithfulness to the marriage partner. Apollonius' wife, in "Apollonius of Tyre," Gower's Confessio Amantis, Bk. VTII, 11. 1241 ff., fearing her husband was drowned, desired to live in chastity in some temple. Caxton's Eneydoi, pp. 3 2 - 6 , 39-49, 9 2 - 3 , 106, reports two legends of Dido's death: first, that she committed suicide rather than break her vow of widowhood; and second, that she was persuaded to marry Aneas but, made miserable by his departure, committed suicide later on his sword.

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43

M a n y women, not $0 humble as Eglantine and Christine, so submissive to their lot as Goldborough, so faithful as Esclarmonde, so staunch against attack as Florence, were rebellious against the arranged marriage. When these women were forced into marriages and the unions were actually consecrated, they attempted to prevent the consummation. Sometimes this required violence or the threat of violence. When Rymenhild, who loved H o r n , was married against her will, she hid a knife in her bed in order to kill her husband and herself if Horn did not rescue her. 59 Josian, w h o had given her love to Beves, rebuked Earl Miles when he wooed her. She declared she would go to bed with no one but the man she married. Forced later to wed Miles, she hanged him from the rod of their marriage bed. She explained to the discoverers the next day: "¿erstendai he me wedded wi]? wrong, & to n i j t ichaue him honge, D o ] ' be me al joure wille, Schel he neuer eft wimman spille."

60

T h e Tristrem legend, though the story pattern differs, is also representative of the endeavor of heioines to remain true to the love of their choice, heuit did not plan the death of Mark, her husband, by an arranged marriage. She wished, instead, to do away with her faithful servant, Brangwaine, in order to prevent Mark's learning that she had substituted for Iseult on her wedding night. Iseult would then feel safe to carry on her secret love with Tristrem, to w h o m she had given her heart before marriage: "Better is }>at we ra})e H i r e o Hue bring A l stille. ]>an doute w e for no )?ing )?at w e ne may han our wille."

C1

Stirred by gratitude and pity, however, Iseult abandoned her wicked plan. Most heroines tried by one means or another to prevent even the consecration of the marriage. T h e Emperor of Rome prepared for the wedding of his daughter Melior with the son of the Emperor of Greece. So great was the excitement over the preparation for the wedding that no one noticed the absence of the lady till the company had gathered at the church. T h e n the father discovered that she had run away with William. 6 2 Often ladies threatened to commit suicide rather than participate in undesired unions. 09

King Horn, II. 1 1 9 1 - 1 2 0 2 . The Romance of Sir Beues of Hamtoun, II. 3253-56. In Roswall and Lillian, 11. 743 ff., Lillian, who was married to the false steward, sulked till dinner time. Meanwhile three kings, arriving to honor Roswall, exposed the pretender. 61 Sir Tristrem, 11. 1745-49. 62 William 0/ Palerne, II. 1930 ff. 60

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Blanchcflour, who loved Floris, implied that she would kill herself before she would marry the Sultan: "Now ye shal swete Florys mysse, Ne shal noon other of me haue blysse."

63

Floripas, the Saracen maiden, resented her father's choice of Lucifer for her husband, after she had chosen Guy of Burgundy. W h e n the Christian prisoners killed Lucifer in a game, she rejoiced, " F o r by force he wold haue had me and my fader had gyuen me to hym." H a d this come to pass, she declared, "Neuer wold I have suffered it, but rather haue myn hede smyton of, or suflred vylaynous deth." 64 D u k e Otoun tried to force the Lady Ozelle to marry him, though she loved T y r r y . Believing her lover dying, she declared she must have forty days' respite to recover from her grief, but she determined to kill herself rather than marry the D u k e when the time had elapsed: Gret sorwe in hir hert sche leyd, Ar sche wille to him spoused be, Wi)? a kniif sche wil hir sle.C5 Esclarmonde had given her love to Huon, but the Admiral Galaffer wished to marry her. T o avoid the unwelcome union, she pretended that she had vowed to Mahomet ". . . that for a yere & a day fro hense forth I wyll not lye nor touch any man bodely." When she was alone, however, her prayer was addressed to Christ: " A , dere lord Jesu Cryst, humbly I requyre thee to gyue me that grace to kepe my trouth to my louer Huon, for or I shall do the contrary I shall suffer as myche payne & dolowre as euer woman dyd / nor for fere of deth I shal neuer breke my trouthe." 6 8 Many women seem to have demanded a choice in love, and several passages in the romances indicate that society almost granted it. When Huon and Esclarmonde departed for Oberon's kingdom, they left their daughter Clariet in charge of her uncle, the Abbot of Cluny. Huon's orders were explicit. H e left her with great riches, "to the entent to mary her so it be to a man of great valure / but I wyll not that she be maried to any parsone for riches, but a parson that is worthy I wolde shuld haue her." When Clariet was fifteen, she had innumerable suitors, not only because of her money but because of her great beauty. H a d the usual procedure been followed, Clariet would have been betrothed to the person who offered the best political and military alliance. T h e Abbot and the princes of the realm, however, decided "that they shulde se the lady / and that he that pleased her best shulde haue 83 64 66 66

Floris and Blanchcflour, 11. 7 9 3 - 9 4 . Charles the Great, p. 1 1 9 . Guy of Warwick (14th C t . version), 11. 5 9 3 4 - 3 6 . Huon of Burdeux, pp. 1 6 2 - 6 3 .

THE

MARRIAGE OF CONVENIENCE

45

67

her in maryage." In Ipomydon the barons, eager for the Lady of Calabria to take a husband, explained to her that the land needed a strong ruler and that the people wished an heir to the realm. The lady's reply, " Y o u r counseyle ys gode euerychone But husband yit will I haue none," (11. 5 6 5 - 6 6 )

seems to indicate a certain freedom of choice. The dissatisfied barons next sought her uncle, King Melliager, and asked him to bring pressure upon her. At length she agreed to the holding of a three-day tournament: " A n d w h o that there may bere hym best, A n d that doughtyest ys of hande, Shall wedde me and all this lande." (11. 6 1 6 - 1 8 )

Since the barons had no particular husband in mind for her, they were content. The lady, desiring the unknown knight who had visited her court, comforted herself with the belief that he would be bold enough to win her. 68 A passage from Partor.op: also implies that it was customary to grant women freedom of choice in love. Since society required marriage to endure throughout life, the author tells women to choose wisely: W h a t w o m a n ever an husbonde take, T h a t man hir lorde she muste make, J?is is a thing J?at euer is stable. D u r y n g her lyves it is not variable. Therefore a lady ought right wele be Advised vnto what persone £>at she Shuld give hir body with hir honoure, Of hir Garlande fairest is ^at floure. (11. 1 1 9 2 & - 9 3 5 )

Indeed, the theory of the consent of contracting parties should have guaranteed the right which is here implied. Yet the theory was put into practice, apparently, only when fathers or guardians had no particular plans for the maiden, or when they were aware that her choice would coincide with theirs. 69 Paris and Vienne states much more explicitly than most other romances the belief that the consent of contracting parties is necessary for a valid marriage. Paris chided Vienne because he had heard that her father was Huon of Burdeux, pp. 580-81, 608. Ipomydon, II. 625-28. 69 Mrlusme, pp. 2 1 1 - 1 5 ; Sir Eger, 11. 2102 ff.; Partonope, 11. 6267 ff.; Blanckardyn and Eglantine, pp. 74-80; Prose Merlin, p. 225 ff.; "Apollonius of Tyre," in Gower's Conjessio Amantis, Bk. v n i , 11. 930 ff.; The Squire of Low Degree, 11. 724 ff. 67 08

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arranging a marriage for her, though she had previously declared her love for him. She reminded him, . . parys yf my fader speke to me of maryage / it is noo grete meruaylle / for I may not deffende hym / Neuertheless I haue not consented to ony maryage / A n d ye knowe wel that maryage is nothyng worth / wythout the consentyng of bothe partyes." 7 0 T h o u g h this is a clear statement of the right of choice, the rest of the romance illustrates h o w medieval fathers tried to circumvent the regulation. Since any unusual concern for the will of the lady does not correspond with actuality, it is permissible to interpret it as a protest against prevailing customs. It is perhaps necessary to give some slight attention to the "lived happily ever after" conclusion which is recurrent in the romances. It is written of many a man and his mate, "with joy and blysse they led theyr lyfe." In fact, this sentiment or its equivalent occurs frequently enough to be a commonplace. 7 1 Yet it cannot be argued that the happy ending is used either in support or criticism of the marriage of convenience. It seems to be true, almost without exception, that marriages of choice were happy ones. O n the other hand, many arranged marriages were equally happy. W h e n the conquering Mordrayns granted his daughter Label to his enemy, the marriage was a serene one. T h e poet reports, Eche saluted other with wordes swete, And loued togyder the terme of theyr lyfe. 72 A t the conclusion of Havelolwe are told that Havelok and Goldborough ruled England for sixty years and that So mikel loue was hem bitwene J>at al J?e werd spak of hem two. (11. 2967-68) Because "here loue was ay newe," they never spoke angry words. Their greatest grief was separation; their greatest joy, companionship. Both these harmonious marriages were arranged marriages, as were those of Christine and Anthony and of Regnauld and Eglantine, and many others that might be listed. T h e arranged marriages of Mark and Iseult and of Guinevere and Arthur, however, were conspicuously unhappy. T h e "lived happily ever after" conclusion cannot, then, be proved to have any particular significance for this discussion. It is simply a literary device—a conveniently pleasant way for an author to wind up a story, regardless of whether the marriage was one of convenience or of choice. Paris and Vienne, p. 3 7 . Le Bone Florence, 11. 2 1 7 3 ff.; Sir Amadas, 1. 768; Squire of Low Degree, I. 1 1 2 8 ; The Earl of Toulouse, 11. 1 2 1 4 - 1 5 , Ipomydon, 11. 2 3 3 5 - 4 4 , Paris and Vienne, p. 93, and many other romances provide examples. 72 Joseph of Armathia, 11. 1 8 7 - 8 8 . 70

T1

T H E MARRIAGE OF C O N V E N I E N C E

47

T h e examination of the historical record has shown that the marriage of convenience was accepted as a necessary and effective means of transmitting wealth and power. It has also shown, however, that there was continuous criticism of the marriage institution. T h e granting of the privilege of choice both by the law and the Church, the attempt to regulate marriage age, the decision that compulsion invalidated marriage, the occasional statement or implication that the chief cause of discord in marriage was that it was a loveless bargain—these are indications of the attempt to correct the faults of the marriage institution. T h e romances, likewise, present these two points of view about marriage. Conservative women accepted without question current marriage customs and the concepts of virtue with which the Church and society endowed them. They strove to guard their virginity or chastity as the one requisite good and to practise submission, wisdom, humility, and faithfulness as the necessary virtues. Other less submissive women insisted on the right of choice in marriage. They could have demanded this privilege as one actually accorded them by the law and the Church and have offered the words of churchmen, moralists, and philosophers in support of their right. Whatever rebellion heroines felt against arranged marriage was, however, neither intellectual, philosophical, nor religious. The medieval heroine is not a crusader for women's rights. She does not consider marriage in itself evil or virginity the greater good, and she is unconcerned about the intellectual justification of her ideas and conduct. Like the Duchess of Brunswick, who did not argue about her unhappiness but simply pleaded her love lack and her loneliness, the medieval heroine revolts against arranged marriages for emotional and personal reasons. Because she has secredy given her heart and intends to be loyal at any cost, she considers sanctioned marriage with a person other than the loved one not only distasteful but apparently unholy. She guards her chastity, therefore, by any means and does not hesitate to employ violence. For such acts of bloodshed and cruelty, the heroine rarely suffers remorse or shame. T h e Middle Ages had no daily papers giving the intimate details of domestic tragedies, yet it is not improbable that suicides or murders resulted from frustrated emotions and from unhappy marital alliances. The romances may, at times, heighten the picturesque quality of such action, as in the case of Josian's hanging her husband from the rod of the marriage bed; but they do not deviate essentially from probability. Authors who represent heroines as conducting themselves in this fashion apparently felt called upon to set up an ideal of chastity and to show that women considered it among life's greatest goods. They therefore do not condemn the violence of heroines but accept it without comment or praise as indicative of the completeness and integrity of the lady's love.

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LOVE A N D W A R IN T H E MIDDLE ENGLISH ROMANCES

T h o u g h the frequent rebellion against marriage conventions which we find in the romances is not therefore entirely realistic, the picture of heroines steadfastly pursuing their own will in love is not merely a literary convention contradicting the record of the age. It does not stand isolated; it belongs, rather, to the slight but steadily growing protest against marriage customs which is also expressed in the social record. It may be that the romances were always a little ahead of their time, that they express the social concepts toward which society was moving; but in expressing an ideal they were not completely removed from the realities of actual life.

^

IV

^

OTHER TYPES OF MARRIAGE RELATIONSHIPS I N C E the normal sets the type and is generally predominant, we may assume that most marriages in the Middle Ages followed the usual pattern and presented only the problems which arose from the nature of the institution and the medieval conventions which governed it. These problems and their treatment in the romances we have examined in the two preceding chapters. But it is necessary to consider in addition certain causes falling outside the norm which likewise raised questions of conduct and attitude. T h e chief of these are incestuous marriage, marriage with unbelievers, marriage of age with youth, and marriage between persons of unequal rank.

S

Incest seems to have aroused different degrees of repugnance through the centuries, though the force of civil and religious law usually made plain the unlawful and sinful nature of the relationship. 1 T h e Penitentials, rude bodies of spiritual and secular laws influential from the third to the tenth century and even later, provided f r o m twelve to fifteen years of penance, or from three to seven years with perpetual pilgrimage. 2 T h e laws of the early English kings required the usual money payment, the amount depending on the degree of relationship between the offenders, or demanded the forfeiture of all possessions. 3 In the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, when 1

Otto Rank, Das Inzest-Motiv in Dichtung und Sage, discusses the use of incest as a subject matter for literary works throughout the ages. Ch. X, "Mittelaltcrliche Fablen und christliche Legenden," has most bearing on this discussion. The types of incest and prohibitions and penalties are presented from the sociological or anthropological point of view in Westermarck, History of Human Marriage, 5th ed., II, 3 5 - 2 3 9 ; Briffault, The Mothers, I, 2 1 7 - 6 6 ; and Fitz Roy Richard Somerset, Baron Raglan, Jocasta's Crime (London, 1 9 3 3 ) . 2 Penitential of Cummean (ca. 650), II, No. 7; Penitential of Theodore (668-98), I. Nos. 16—7. The Council of Mainz ( 8 1 3 ) provided that if incestuous persons refused to be separated and do pcnance, they should be expelled from the Church; but the First Capitulary of Charlemagne (c. 769) had stipulated that priests should take care that such misdoers did not perish in their sins, " . . . that when they die they may not pass away without the anointing with consecrated oil and reconciliation and the viaticum." The Icelandic Penitential of Thorlac Thorhallson ( 1 1 7 8 - 9 3 ) provided the fourtecn-year penalty for incest with relatives of the first and second degree of affinity. For other cases, the penalty was fifty days in length and consisted mainly of fasting, genuflections, and the recitation of the paternoster. John T. McNeill and Helena M. Gamer, Mediaeval Handbooks of Penance, pp. 103, 186, 400, 389, 357-58. For the use and misuse of the penitentials as sources of social history, see Thomas P. Oakley, "The Penitentials as Sources of Mediaeval History," Speculum, X V (1940), 2 1 0 - 2 3 . 3 II Canute, No. 5 1 , Robertson, Laws of the Kings of England, p. 201. 49

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the Church took the offense into its province, the penalty might be a money fine, or whipping, or bodily penance.4 The degree of relationship constituting incest was a persistently troublesome problem. 6 St. Thomas, who discusses at some length the question of consanguinity and spiritual affinity as barriers to marriage, indicates that marriage within the fourth degree was not permissible in his day, and comes to the conclusion that "Since all copulation apart from lawful marriage is mortal sin, which the Church uses all her endeavours to prevent, it belongs to her to separate those between whom there cannot be valid marriage, especially those related by blood and affinity, who cannot without incest be united in the flesh." * The offense of incest in the Middle Ages was stigmatized from almost every point of view. Handlyng Synne, analyzing the seven sorts of lechery, lists it as the third and the worst.7 Even courtly love, which gave greater freedom to the expression of love and sex than any other contemporary standard or authority, censured the incestuous relationship. In one of the cases supposedly judged by Queen Eleanor, such a love had been innocently contracted. When the fault was disclosed, the man wished to sever the relationship, but the woman clung to it as permissible under the circumstances. Queen Eleanor judged, " A woman who under the excuse of a mistake of any kind seeks to preserve an incestuous love is clearly going contrary to what is right and proper. We are always bound to oppose any of those incestuous and damnable actions which we know even human laws punish by very heavy penalties." 8 Though the romances reflect the general condemnation of incest as evil, they are not concerned with the complicated business of degrees of relationship. Besides the cases of incest between close relatives, I find only one mention of the prohibitory degree of relationship. Lady Melior, daughter of Presine and Helmas, guarded the Sparrow-Hawk Castle. Any knight who could watch there for three nights without sleeping was granted his wish. When the king of Armenia fulfilled the requirements, he asked for the love of Melior; but she explained that since they were both descended 4

Pollock and Maitland, History of English Law, II, 544. Laws of King Cnut, No. 7, B. Thorpe, Ancient Laws and Institutes of England, I, 365. This law commanded that " . . . no Christian man ever marry in his own family within the relationship of VI persons; nor with the relict of his kinsman who was so near of kin; nor with the relative of the wife whom he had previously had; nor with his godmother." Charles Edward Smith, Papal Enforcement of Some Medieval Marriage Laws, pp. 10—22, discusses the various canonical enactments to the end of the pontificate of Boniface VIII ( 1 3 0 3 ) which declared consanguinity, affinity, "public honesty," and spiritual relationship impediments to marriage and constituted such unions incestuous if they were contracted. The rest of his study illustrates how various popes applied the laws in particular cases. 6 Summa Theologica, Part III (Supplement), Q. 54, Art. 2; Q. 55, Art. 9. 7 Handlyng Synne, 11. 7367-80. 8 Andreas Capellanus, The Art of Courtly Love (c. 1 1 8 5 ) , trans. John Jay Parry, p. 170. 5

OTHER

TYPES OF MARRIAGE

51

from King Helmas' line, this might not be. 9 T h e related romance, Melusine, is a bit more ecclesiastical in its phrasing of the lady's objection: " T h o u folyssh kyng, now shalt thou lese the syght of me, & shalt fayll of thy yefte, & hast putte thyself in auenture to abyde within for euer in grete payne & tourment, bycause that thou art yssued of the lynee of kyng guyon that was sone to Melusyne, my sustir, and I am his ante / and thou art so nygh of my blood & kynred that though I wold be consentyng to thy wyll holy Chirch wold neuer suffre it." 1 0 Most examples of incest in the romances concern the closer unions of sister and brother, father and daughter, and mother and son. Several romances refer to historical ages in which for various reasons such unions were permitted. T h e author of the Recuyell of the Historyes of Troye tells of the happy and prosperous union of Uranus with his sister Vesca, of Saturn with his sister Cybele, and of Jupiter with his sister Juno. He explains, however, "In thys tyme whan the lawe of nature was in his vygour and strength the men maryed wyth her susters and especyal the paynems yf they were not content and had souffisance of oon wyf they myght take moo wyth out reproche." 1 1 In the beginning of the eighth book of the Confessio Amantis, Gower says that the law had first permitted the marriage of brother and sister, then changed to "cousinage," and finally enforced a stricter regulation after the birth of Christ. Gower regrets that men in his day followed where desire led them, in spite of the Pope's legislation against marriages between kin in the second and third degree: T h e r ben yit upon loves R a g e Full manye of suche nou aday T h a t taken w h e r thei take may. F o r love, w h i c h is unbesein, O f alle reson, as men sein, T h u r g h sotie and thurgh nycete, O f his voluptuosite H e spareth no condicion O f ken ne yit religion. (11. 1 5 0 - 5 8 )

H e then mentions a number of examples of incest to prove that it always brings disaster. Because of the union of Caius Caligula with his three sisters, God bereft him of "his life and eke his large empire." Lot, after his wife had been turned to salt, begot upon his two daughters two sons, Moab and Amon, founders of the tribes who later brought misfortune to the people of God. 1 2 ' Partenay, II. 5 5 7 3 - 5 6 2 1 . 10 Melusine, pp. 366-67. 11 Recuyell of the Historyes of Troye, p. 20. 12 Confessio Amantis, Bk. VIII, 11. 1 9 9 - 2 1 2 , 223-46, ed. G. C. Macaulay, The English Worlds of

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IN T H E MIDDLE ENGLISH

ROMANCES

In a number of cases the incestuous relationship in romance was unwittingly contracted, yet the circumstances did not excuse the sin. Emphasizing the idea that an incestuous union can bring nothing but sorrow and misfortune and the vengeance of God, Lydgate called Edipus' marriage with his mother Jocasta "ageyn the lawe" and "Grounde and roote/ of vnhap and meschaunce." He suggests that since men will be held responsible for mistakes committed through ignorance, they should carefully examine any proposed marriage before undertaking it. 1 3 Sir Degare and Sir Eglamour of Artois offer instances of incestuous unions contracted because of mistaken identity, but fortunately not consummated. After Degare's marriage to a lady whom he had won in a joust, the poet comments, L o , what chaunse and wonder strong Bitidej mani a man w i ^ wrong, £>at c o m e j into an vncou)>e }>ede A n d spousej wif for ani mede A n d knowes n o t i n g of hire kin, N e sche of his, neij>er more ne min, A n d be5 iwedded togidir to libbe Par auentoure, and beg n e g h j sibbe! So dede Sir Degarre £>e bold, Spoused )>er is moder (hold), A n d }>at hende leuedi also H e r owene sone was spoused to, )?at sche vpon here bodi bar; L o , what auentoure fil him )>ar. 14

God, however, "wolde nowt J?at J?ai sinned ifere." At bedtime Sir Degare thought of the glove which he was to fit upon his wife's hand. By this sign the mother and son recognized their relationship. Much the same tale is told in Sir Eglamour. Crystyabelle's child, Degrabelle, cast upon the sea with her, was stolen by a griffin. Later, as a knight, he won the hand of Crystyabelle in a joust and wedded her. When she asked about the symbol of the griffin and he brought the mantle in which he had been wrapped as a child, she realized that he was her son. Glad that the marriage had been performed at noon and had not yet been consummated, he immediately held another tournament to ensure her a husband. 15 In neither of John Gower. An example from Sir Degare implies that many individuals may have disregarded the law of consanguinity as an impediment to marriage or sexual relationships. Ravished by a fairy knight, the daughter of the King of England lamented her condition because she feared that, if the matter became known, her father would be accused of incest with her. 1 3 Lydgate, Siege of Thebes, 11. 791-92. 1,1 Sir Degare, 11. 611-24. 15 Sir Eglamour of Artois, 11. 1135-70.

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these romances is any moral pointed other than the suggestion in Sir Degare that one should know the lineage of one's marriage partner. Even this idea is incidental and unstressed. In Titus and Vespasian there is still another example of an incestuous union contracted because of mistaken identity. Since it was rumored that Judas, the son of Reuben and Ciberia, would bring grief to the Jews, the infant was set adrift. Rescued by the Queen of Scariot, he grew up a quarrelsome, tempestuous lad, who unwittingly killed his own father. Ciberia, finding the corpse, appealed to Pilate, who wed her to Judas to silence her complaints: S h e durste not ones say nay B u t toke Judas . . . (11. 4 7 6 1 - 6 2 )

When Judas observed her unhappiness and questioned her, she told her life story. Then they both realized their relationship: " A l a s , " she seide, " a r t j?ou soo? }>an is here w o u p o n w o o . H e r e is s o r w e upon sorwe, H o w shull w e ever be b o r w e ? " T h o J u d a s wist is m o d e r his w i f e , A n d had irefte his fader his life, O f his synne he g a n h y m repent. ("•

4787^3)

T h e romances offer a few examples of men who, regardless of social censure, deliberately sought incestuous alliances. Sometimes they did so secretly and without protest from anyone except the lady, who was helpless to protect herself. In "Apollonius of Tyre," when Antiochus' wife died, he lusted after his daughter who, because she was young, bewildered, and incapable of self-defense, submitted to his desires. Although her nurse bade her accept the situation, since nothing could be done about it, the daughter grieved bitterly. Antiochus, secure in his power and protected by the secrecy of the matter, enjoyed himself without qualms. T h e belief that God will not tolerate such misdemeanors and holds the participants equally guilty is made clear when lightning strikes both culprits dead. 16 In some of the Merlin stories Arthur begot a son Modred upon his halfsister, daughter of King Lot and Ygerne. T h e lady in most versions was innocent, "for steadfast sche was to hire Lord." 1 7 Arthur, though he is in all "Apollonius of Tyre," in Gower's Conjessio Amantis, Bk. VIII, 11. 9 9 9 - 1 0 0 2 . Lovelich's Merlin, II. 12321; Prose Merlin, p. 181. The version of Malory, however, makes the lady party to the deed: "for she was a possing fayr lady, wherfore the kynge cast grete loue vnto her/ and desyred to lye by her/ so they were agreed." It adds, however, "But al this tyme kyng Arthur knewe not that kyng Lot's wyfe was his syster." (Bk. I, Ch. XIX, p. 65.) 36 17

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versions a lusty warrior taking his will where he pleases, was unaware that he was committing incest. In Lovelich's Merlin, for instance, his subsequent conduct indicates that he knew he had wronged the lady and that she might seek revenge. H e pledged her to secrecy and promised never to reveal the incident himself; but in exchange for this silence he required . . . anothir thing sche scholde hym Sure; that harm to his body scholde sche neuere do, ne be hire to ben purchased nether to ne fro. (11. 12386-388)

Yet he did not then understand the full nature of his offense. 18 The Holy Grail says that Arthur thought his partner was the "maiden of Yrlond," and whanne that he knew Aperdy that with his Soster he hadde synned fleschly, Thanne Repented they hem Wondir Sore Of that dede they hadden don thore. (Ch. LI I, 11. 1151-54)

This is the only version that represents Arthur as repentant. There are a few examples of attempts to form incestuous unions openly. Florence, in Huon of Burdeux, announced to his barons his intention of wedding his fifteen-year-old daughter Ide: ". . . when the lordes hard that they regarded eche other/ blessyng them selues of the orryble and detestable wordes of the kyng, and beheld him maruaylously." When they opposed him, he threatened to kill them all; and the frightened Ide, ". . . began to wepe, and sayde/ 'O very god, I shall be shamyd & lost for euer yf he take me to his wyfe/ for both of vs cannot scape without dampnacyon." Later, pleading with the old mistress of her chamber to help her against her father, she expressed her horror of his intentions: ". . . but he that shulde be my father wold be my husbond/ ye whiche is a thyng that the erthe oughte not to bere nor sustayne them that wolde lyue in suche maner." Disguised as a youth, Ide fled the country, for she chose exile rather than damnation. Later, when the father fell ill, notable clerks persuaded him that ". . . without he wolde leue and forsake his folye he shulde be dampned bodye and soule." 19 In view of the general recognition that incest is sinful, it is surprising to find the Pope granting Emare's father permission to wed his own daughter. Why, one asks, did the author introduce such a situation? Was he unaware not only of the sharp contradiction in the character of the brave, courteous, 18 In Malory's Morte D'Arthur, Bk. I, C h . XX, p. 67, Merlin charges A r t h u r with incest a n d forecasts that the child of the union will destroy the realm. 19 Huon of Burdeux, pp. 6 9 3 - 9 7 ; 73 2 ~33- Modrcd's intention of m a r r y i n g Guinevere, his father's wife, was also publicly a n n o u n c e d . T h e Archbishop of Canterbury fled for sanctuary before he dared issue an u l t i m a t u m ; f r o m this place of safety he then excommunicated Modred. Le Morte Arthur (Harleian MS. 2 2 5 2 ) , 11. 3 0 0 4 - 1 9 .

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just father who yet desired his daughter, but also of the inconsistency between the belief of the Church and the decision of its chief functionary? Since authors of the romances are rarely constrained by the idea of consistency in plot and character, perhaps this is simply an oversight. Or was the author suggesting the corruption of the Church and its willing alliance with wealth and power, even at the cost of denying its principles? Is this, therefore, satiric? It seems hardly purposeful enough for that. Since, as the rest of the plot makes clear, the author is not approving incest, it may simply imply the power of the Pope to grant any indulgence. Emare was horrified at her father's suggestion and resisted him because she knew that by such an association they would both be damned. Her refusal to yield to her father's will caused him to set her adrift at sea. Almost immediately, however, he wept repentantly, called himself a "wrecched kaytyf," and confessed he had "wrowght a-jeyn Goddes lay." 2 0 Strong feeling against incest is also brought out in the examples of individuals willing to suffer death rather than participate. In Alisaunder, Eurydice, the lecherous wife of Amyntas of Macedonia, caused the death of her son Alexander when he rebuffed her. 2 1 Celidoyne accused Label of slaying his own sister because she would not suffer him "with hire bodyly to done Synne & foolee." 2 2 The three sons of the Earl of Hernox burned so with love of their sister that ". . . they lay by her, maulgre her hede." When she cried for her father, ". . . they slewe her and took their fader/ and putte him in pryson/ and wounded hym nygh to deth." 2 3 T h e laments of the heroines who were threatened with incest, their horror of it, and their sense of shame when they were involved show that, accepting the judgment of the Church as to its sinfulness, they feared social and religious censure and resulting material and spiritual misfortune. They do not exercise an ethical judgment in such cases; they react emotionally and instinctively, just as children do who have been trained in childhood to think something wrong and have in maturity never questioned their earlier training. T h e attitude of heroines in this instance is an instinctive corroboration of the mores of the times. T h e idea of the ugly sinfulness of incest is so deeply instilled in their minds that they feel only a shuddering disgust for the person who threatens them with it. It can be said, I believe, that in the matter of incest the romances reflect life truthfully. Though they do not record the specific punishments mentioned in the civil and ecclesiastical law—forfeiture of possessions, money fine, whipping, and bodily penance—they do reflect the general medieval censure of the relationship. 20 21

The Romance of Emarf, 11. 253-300. Alisatmder (MS. Greaves, Bodleian), 11. 28-43. Lovelich's Holy Grail, Ch. XXXII, I. 474. Malory, Morte D'Arthur, Bk. XVII, Ch. VIII, p. 701.

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The attitude of the Church and society toward the marriage of Christians with unbelievers changed several times before it became fixed in the twelfth century. Among the many spokesmen of the Church who expressed sharp disapproval was Tertullian, who called such marriage fornication and asserted that participants in it should be excluded from the communion of the brotherhood.24 Constantine, the later emperors, and various councils prohibited marriage with Jews; but some of the Fathers encouraged mixed marriages for the sake of propagating the faith. 25 Chrysostom writes that anyone who accepts the Christian faith after marrying cannot break off the marriage if the unbelieving partner wishes it to continue.26 St. Augustine, discussing the same biblical passage, expresses his acceptance of St. Paul's decision that by conjugal chastity "those who are united are sanctified by one another, if one is an unbeliever, and that their children are also sanctified." 2 7 The medieval viewpoint is expressed in the teachings of St. Thomas and in the Decretum of Gratian, which made "the impediment disparitas cultus part of the canon law of the Church" and invalidated from that time all alliances between Christian and infidel unless the consent of the Church could be obtained.28 St. Thomas decides that a believer cannot marry an unbeliever because it is against the good of the offspring. About marriage between unbelievers he judges, however, that a husband who afterwards becomes a Christian may remain with his wife, if he does so in the hope of winning her to .the faith. 29 Marriage with a pagan is in the historical record a religious as distinct from an ethical or moral question. Not difference in character or attitude or standard raises the barrier, but simply difference in faith. In the romances, likewise, the union of Christian and infidel or pagan is basically a religious matter. A Saracen is a person of ill repute not because of his social, racial, or military standing, but because of his belief. Though he was often scornfully designated by epithets such as "hethen hounde" and "dogges son," his military prowess was envied and admired in many instances by his opponents; and his courtesy was often equal to that of the Christian knight. 30 Since, after conversion, he was accepted almost at once 24

Tertullian, "Ad Uxorem," Bk. II, Ch. Ill, Migne, I, 1405-6. Edward Westermarck, The History of Human Marriage, II, 56-7. 26 Chrysostom, Homily XIX, "Argumentum Epistolae Primae ad Corinthios," Migne, P.G., LXI, 154. 27 St. Augustine, "De Moribus Ecdesiae Catholicae," Ch. 35, Sect. 79, Migne, X X X I I , 1344. 28 Westermfirck, op. cit., II, 57. 29 Sum ma Theologica, Part III (Supplement), Q. 59, Art. i , 2, 3. 30 In Charles the Great (p. 75), Oliver, engaged in single combat with Ferumbras, broke his helmet asunder. He saw his "vysage fyers and courageous" and prayed, "Now wold god that Charles had hym in his power and yf he wold be baptized Rolland and I shold be hys pryve felowes." Later, Oliver's comrades saw Ferumbras and were "abasshed of his gretenes & largenes," and praised Oliver "that had foughten h ouercomen suche a man." (p. 85). In Melusine (p. 145), 25

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in a military or marital alliance, he could not have been personally obnoxious. 31 W h e n he refused to be converted, however, or demanded that an unwilling lady marry him and accept his faith, conflict ensued. Sometimes when the Saracen held the upper hand, the Christian's rejection of a marital offer involved personal or national risk. When the King of Sicily refused to grant his daughter Iolante to the eldest son of the great Turk, war started. Prince Humphrey of England, explaining that the King of Sicily was fighting for the faith, begged the son of Lord Warwick to accompany him to Sicily: "and the kynge, hir fadir, might haue pees/ if he wolde marry hir among the myscreauntes/ but he had leuer d y / and }?e destrucción of hym & of his doughtir b o t h e / than euir, daies of his lif, he wold consent ther-to/ ye may wele se that this cometh of a stable herte/ grete drede & loue of god"32 U r i a n , fighting with the Sultan, said to himself, ". . . it is gretc pyte 4; d o m m a g e that y o n d e r T u r c k e byleueth nat on g o d , F o r he is moche preu & valyaunt of his h a n d . " T h e s a m e r o m a n c e reports of the siege of P r a g u e , " T h e Cristcn f a u g h t corageously/ and the paynemcs w i t h s t o d e & sustcyned theire grete strokes m a n f u l l y . " ( p p . 2 3 0 - 3 1 ) . In the Prose Merlin (p. 592), w h e n G a w a i n f o u g h t the p a g a n Brandoris, he a d m i t t e d , . . in the is grete valour and h i g h prowesse." In Parlonope, P a r t o n o p e f o u n d the h e a t h e n warrior Agisor oi Blois, Yonge, hardy, m a n l y yn f y g h t h t c , A n d t h e r - t o a passynge scmely k n y g h t h t e . For a n d he h a d d e bene off Crystys lore, I t r o w e m e n haue neuer by-fore In R o m a u n c e herd a w o r t h y e r kynge. H e loued k n v g h t h h o d c aboue alie thynge. (11. 2 6 6 9 - 7 4 ) In Ponthus and Sidone ( p . 2 7 ) , it is said of the Saracen king, Karados, that he was a " m c r v c l l o u s goode k n y g h t and of grete c o r a g e . " Partonope also records a battle between Partenay a n d t h e h e a t h e n Sornegour, at w h i c h all m e n m a r v e l l e d : T h e y sayde bo(>e were ryghte w o r t h y K n y g h t e s , and in batayle m y g h t y , S t u r d y , dclyuer, and also stronge. (11. 4 1 6 2 - 6 4 ) 31 Obviously the English r o m a n c e s d o not picture all Saracens or unbelievers as despicable. In instances w h e r e d e f e a t in battle a n d forced conversion d o not enter the case, the Saracen is occasionally pictured as noble. T h e Sultan in Floris and Blancheflour (11. 879 ff.), f o r instance, acts w i t h a d m i r a b l e C h r i s t i a n f o r b e a r a n c e a n d generosity w h e n he discovers that Blancheflour, his chosen q u e e n , has given herself to Floris. Mark S k i d m o r e ' s The Moral Traits of Christian and Saracen as Portrayed by the Chansons de Geste, pp. 94, 100-3, 1 2 4 - 2 8 , indicates that the c o n d u c t of Saracens c o m p a r e d favorably w i t h that of Christians. His study leads to the conclusion, ". . . the composers of the chansons de geste succeeded in m a k i n g their hated e n e m y only as b a r b a r o u s as themselves, if n o t a little m o r e h u m a n e , " and to the s u m m a r i z i n g s t a t e m e n t , "If the Saracen of the chansons de geste proves less cruel, less barbarous than the Christian, we m u s t conclude that the s u p e r i o r civilization a n d ethics of the Moor have been reflected in the very p o e m s that sought to extol C h r i s t i a n i t y . " 32 Three Kings' Sons, p. 80. O t h e r examples of pagans fighting for Christian m a i d e n s are the w a r of the Sultan of D a m m a s for t h e d a u g h t e r of the K i n g of Tars, in The Kyng of Tars and the Sowdone of Dammas (11. 49 ff.), the fight of the Sultan for L u f a m o u r in Sir Perceval (11. 972 ff.), t h e fight of Garcy for Florence in Le Bone Florence (11. 190 ff.), the fight of t h e Sultan of Persia for t h e b e a u t i f u l d u m b d a u g h t e r of the E m p e r o r in Sir Gowghter (11. 365 f f . ) ,

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Clariet, a shipwrecked Christian maiden, was offered protection by the King of Granada if she would accept Mohammedanism. She replied, ". . . god forbede that I shuld leue the lawe of Iesu Chryste to byleue on Mahomet, I had rather haue all my members drawen one pece fro another with wylde horses then to be wyfe to suche a man as ye be." Annoyed by her reply, the Saracen ". . . lyfte vp his hand and gaue her on the cheke suche a blowe that ye blode ran out of her mouthe & nose, so that she fel to the erth . . . " 3 3 But the maiden cheerfully bore injury rather than imperil her soul. This firmness of stand reflects the belief that if a Christian renounced his faith, it would be to him "wers & heuyer than ony deth corporall" and would bring him "for euermore dampnacion eternel." 34 Unions were resisted, then, if the pagan refused to forsake his gods or if he desired the Christian maiden to accept his belief. If the pagan agreed to be converted, marriages were immediately contracted. Such are the weddings of Josian and Beves; of Florentine and the daughter of the Saracen king; of Otuel and Belisaunt, the daughter of Charlemagne; of Guy and Floripas, and of numerous other couples.35 Though marriages of Christians with unconverted pagans were objectionable, such marriages did occur occasionally. If they were entirely out of self-interest, however, they were condemned by society. Fortiger was considered a traitor when he married the pagan daughter of Angwis to effect a military alliance with her father against his Christian enemies.36 At other times the marriage of Christian with Saracen was suggested as desirable to bring about the end of wars and thereby benefit the group, as the story of The Kyng of Tars illustrates.37 Florence, watching the battle, pleaded that she be given to the Sultan of Dammas, whose suit she had previously refused. She explained that unless her father granted her request, he would lose his Alymodes' fight for Eglantine in Blanchardyn and Eglantine (pp. 55-8), and the Sultan of Damascus' fight for the daughter of the King of Cyprus in Melusine (p. 121 ff.). 33 Huon of Burdeux, p. 619. 34 Melusine, p. 152. 35 Beues of Hamtoun, 11. 1189 ff.; Oclouian Imperator, 11. 1165 ff.; Otuel, 11. 507-628; Ferumbras, 11. 5866 ff. Other examples are the union of Joswe with Alphayne, the daughter of the newly converted pagan king Galafres; of Celidoyne and the daughter of the newly christened Label; of Piers and Camylle, daughter of the newly converted Orcaws, found in the Holy Grail, Ch. LV, II. 2 5 3 - 7 2 ; Ch. XXXVIII, II. 209 ff., Ch. IJI, II. 999-1014; the union of Esclarmonde and Huon in Huon of Burdeux, pp. 216-17; of Magog and the gentle duchess, Dame Jane of Anjou, in Rauj Coilyear, 11. 924 ff.; and the union of the sister of King Humphrey of England with the converted Sultan Charles, and in reciprocation, the marriage of King Humphrey with the Sultan's newly converted sister, in The Three Kings' Sons, pp. 198-200, 204. 36 Arthour and Merlin, 11. 475 ff.; Lovelich's Merlin, II. 1911. 37 Huon of Burdeux (p. 7 1 1 ) provides another example. Though the suggestion was not carried out, one of Huon's men advised the Emperor of Rome to give his daughter to the invading King of Spain for this reason: ". . . it were better for you that he had wedded youre daughter, then so many men shulde haue been slayne, and so many townes brcnte & destroyed/ & castellcs beten d o w n . "

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land, his men, and his life. Reluctantly, the father and mother gave their daughter in marriage to the Sultan. Under the threat of death Florence obeyed her husband's command that she accept Mohammedanism, kissed the statues of the heathen gods, and recited the heathen laws. Assured in a dream that G o d would aid her, however, she inwardly remained steadfast in the Christian belief. Perhaps because she sacrificed herself to prevent bloodshed and to save her parents, this strategy is not condemned. 3 8 A second justification of such a marriage was that it offered an opportunity to convert unbelievers. When their child was born lifeless and deformed, the Sultan, accusing his wife of merely pretending to accept his gods, blamed her for the catastrophe. She answered that his gods were powerless to help men in any w a y ; and since his prayers to them went unheeded, he broke his idols in pieces. Then, after the power of Jesus Christ miraculously gave his child limbs "hole and fere," he accepted Christianity. Another example of a marriage between Christian and unbeliever through which the conversion of a pagan was effected is found in Charles the Great. Agabondus, K i n g of Burgundy, permitted the marriage of his niece Clotildas to the pagan Cloys. On the marriage night, before she had intercourse with him, she vainly prayed Cloys to accept God. Their child, baptized at birth, died instantly. Cloys complained, "yf thou haddest gyuen hym and dedyed hym to my goddes he were now alyue." When the second son likewise was about to die, the K i n g again blamed the baptismal rite. Then the Queen prayed, the child lived, and the K i n g was converted. 39 T h o u g h such marriages between Christians and those of other faiths violated ecclesiastical precept, in a sense they can be made to accord with it. T h e marriage of Florence and the K i n g of Tars and of Cloys and Clotildas, which violated the thirteenth-century ecclesiastical decision that a difference in faith invalidated a marriage, might be justified from the earlier point of view that such marriages were permissible—even desirable—for the propagation of the faith. Or they might be justified even from the thirteenthcentury point of view, for it was sometimes possible to win the consent of the Church. In these cases the outcome of the marriage would invalidate the argument of St. Thomas that such unions were against the good of offspring. Since so much benefit was derived from the alliances, and especially since they effected the conversion of unbelievers, the Church might have sanctioned them. Marriages of youthful wives with aged husbands (or of aged wives with youthful husbands), usually marriages of convenience, were recognized as unwise and destined to unhappy endings. There is little if any legal evidence of such cases, but didactic writers found them a matter for concern. Because 3 8 The Kyng of Tart, 11. 223-348, 467-92. 39 Charles the Great, pp. 1 2 - 7 .

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such alliances were designed for profit and not for the expression of a natural desire that might have natural outcomes, the author of Piers Plowman condemns them: Hit is vn-Comely Couple, be Cryst, as me }>inke)>, To jeuen a Jong wenche. to an olde feble Mon, Or to wedden an Old widewe for weol)?e or hire goodes, )>at neuer schal Child bere, bote hit beo in hire Armes. In Ielesye Ioyeles and Ianglynge in Bedde. Mony peire se^en )>e pestilence, han pliht hem togedere; )>e Fruit }>at J>ei bringen forJ>, ben mony foule wordes. Han J>ei none children bote chestes. and choppes hem bitwene.40 The "Proverbs of Hendyng" includes a similar warning against the marriage of youth with age: 3ef thou art an old mon, Tac thou the no 3ong wommon For to be thi spouse; For love thou hire ner so muche, Hue wol telle to the lute In thin oune house. "Moni mon syngeth When he horn bringeth Is jonge wyf; Wyste wot he brohte, Wepen he mohte Er his lyf syth!" Qyoth Hendyng.41 The romances by many examples emphasize the idea that such unequal marriages might lead to unhappiness. Since the passion of love is generally not considered congruous with the signs of age and physical decline—white hair, shrinking skin, and stiffening joints—an elderly man who allowed his desire for a young girl to become known was severely ridiculed. Florence's emphatic reply, when she was asked if she would marry Garcy, knight of the city of Constantine, was an expression of personal distaste and an instinctive recoiling from the signs of age: "Me had levyr the warste bachylere In all my fadurs thede, 40 Piers Plowman, A Text, X, 180-87. Wyclif's "Of Weddid Men and Wifis," in Thomas Arnold's Select English Worths of John Wyclif, III, 1 9 1 , contains a very similar passage against the evils of mercenary marriage: "Also J)is contract shulde not be maade bitwixe a yonge man and an olde bareyne widewe, passid child-berynge. for love of worldly muk, as men ful of coveitise usen symtyme,—for f>an comet" soone debat and avoutrie and enemyte, and wast of goodis, and sorowe and care ynowgh." 11 "Proverbs of Hendyng" (MS. Harleian, 2253), Reliquiae Antiquae, I, 1 1 2 .

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Then for to lye be hys bresyd boones, When he coghyth and oldely grones, I can not on hys lede." 42 Florence was only fifteen; Sir Garcy, rumor said, was a hundred years or more. His flesh trembled; his blood was cold; his lips were blue. He needed a warm fire, a hot bath, a soft bed rather than a maiden. No wonder Florence preferred the shame of marriage with one of low degree to this particular disgrace. In the absence of Ponthus, Guenelete set Sidone's father to contract a marriage for her with the King of Burgone, but Sidone objected, ". . . itt is told me that he is evyll condiciouned, fatt, olde, scabbyd, and frentyke." 43 Beatrice, daughter of the Saracen Alymodes, mocked her father for his love of Eglantine: "Olde vnfamouse myschaunt/ how arte thou soo folyshe and so ouerwenynge/ as for to wene to haue her/ thou haste that berde of thyne ouer whyte therto/ thy face is to mykel wonne/ and that olde skynne of thyn ys ouer mykel shronken to gyder; put thy selfe in to some fayr hermytage, and medel thou nomore wyth loue." 44 Not only fear of mockery but common sense dictated that love and marriage between age and youth should be avoided. The wisdom of the elderly Cassamus, for instance, in The Bui/^ of Alexander, led him to release the young Ideas from her vow to him. Deliberately leading before her the handsome young captive Baudraine, he praised his youth, high spirits, and prowess, and said of himself, " I am our aid to clap and kis M a y d i n that s o n g and ioly is." ( " A v o w i s of A l e x a n d e r , " 11. 1971-72)

If Cassamus had not released Ideas from her pledge, she would have kept her promise, though she felt the charm of the young captive. Had all elderly men possessed the wisdom of Cassamus, there would have been no problem of the marriage of age and youth. Unfortunately many men, lacking understanding both of maidens and of themselves, were too often guided by motives other than their own good. T h e romances show that the rebellion of women against marriage with old men was in part rebellion against any marriage in which there could be little emotional and physical satisfaction. T o many women even the idea of marriage with an older man, who was apt to be physically weak or emotionally frigid, was revolting. The woman's sense of distaste was augmented by the current opinion that a young man's desires were natural and pure, while those of an older man were lustful and therefore shameful. For these 42 43 44

Le Bone Florence, 11. 245-49. Ponthus and Sidone, p. 90. Blanchardyn and Eglantine, p. 186,

62

L O V E A N D W A R I N T H E M I D D L E E N G L I S H ROMANCES

reasons, most women never promised themselves voluntarily to an old man; rather, they resisted such marriages with all their power. When such unions were contemplated or carried out, they often led to complications. If the woman's passion remained unsatisfied, trouble frequently resulted. In Beues of Hamtoun, the wife of the aged Guy found the marriage unsatisfactory. Disgusted with the physical weakness of the old warrior, she complained that he was concerned with the satisfaction of the soul rather than the flesh and consequently preferred the church to her bower: Hadde ich itaken a Jong knijt, j?at ner noujt brused in werre & fi^t Also he is, A wolde me louen dai and nijt, Cleppen and kissen wi)j al is mijt And make me blis. (11. 6 1 - 6 )

In order to be free to find a more suitable partner she ordered her aged husband murdered. H e r feeling of repulsion and her sense of being cheated of conjugal satisfaction were the grounds on which she justified her conduct. The Seven Sages of Rome provides at least two examples. The wooing stepmother complained to Florentine, in extenuation of her conduct, that the Emperor had served her ill as a husband, and that she had married him only to have accord with Florentine: "J?i louerd )?e emperour is old, Of kinde, of bodi he is cold. I swere, bi sonne and by mone, W13 me ne hadde he neuer to done." (11. 435-38)

Since she was in the habit of misrepresenting she was undoubtedly lying, but the example is nevertheless an indication that marriage of age with youth was apt to lead to misconduct. The second example from the Seven Sages is the case of the hoary-headed old man who, having outlived two wives, was advised by his friends to marry a third time: Bi her rede he toke a ¿ong womman, Ase wone is of old man gong womman for to spouse And Jeanne be wraw and gelouse. Litel J?ai mai do wijouten gabbe, That gong womman wolde habbe. Al so ferde )>at olde wise, He dede his wif wel smal seruise. (11. 1729-36)

OTHER TYPES OF MARRIAGE

63

Finding the union unsatisfactory, the wife complained to her mother, "Mi louerd doJ> me no solas." Though she tried various schemes to arouse his interest, . . . of blisse sche was al bare, For, neij>er be ni^t no be dai, Hire louerd nolde w i j hire plai. (11.

1778-80)

Finally the husband, tiring of her tricks, disciplined her by having her bled in three great bowlsful to take the lust out of her. 45 Since a satisfactory physical relationship is supposed to be conducive to emotional stability, payment of the marriage debt, which St. Thomas declared basic, has some immediate bearing on the question of the marriage of age and youth. In rebelling against marriage with an older person, a young woman might have justified her attitude by an appeal to the opinion of St. Thomas. 46 Yet even in cases where the elderly husband was capable of paying the debt, women seem to have been restless and dissatisfied. An elderly man, constitutionally unable to satisfy the clamoring of his mate for youth, strength, and beauty, was therefore never sure of commanding her loyalty in the presence of an attractive and amorous youth. One of the bestknown examples of the fact that a young wife might find an illicit relationship with a youthful lover preferable to union with an aged husband is Chaucer's famous fabliau, The Merchant's Tale. About the marriage of those of unequal rank there is considerable social and historical record. In order that a ward might have a marital partner of her own rank, the Middle Ages made legal provisions for her protection. The Magna Charta provided that "the ward must not be married to one of lower social rank." 47 The moralists added the weight of their opinion to that of the law. Their words imply that loving within your own class was virtuous, but that loving outside your class was at best a manifestation of bad judgment, arousing both family antagonism and general social disapproval, and at worst, reprehensible lewdness. In The Boo\ of the Knight of La Tour Landry, a mother expresses her desire that her daughters should keep their fancies turned in the right direction and strictly under discipline. She advises her daughters not only against marriage with those socially 45 The Recuyell of the Histories of Troye (p. 203) provides another example of the marriage of people of unequal age. It comments upon the marriage of Aurea, "She was yong and her husbond pricus was auncyent in his werkes and condycions. And moch lasse desired the carnall desires than his wif did." With complete and apparently unconscious inconsistency the author adds, "how well they were bothe right nighe of one eage." Dissatisfied with her husband's lovemaking, Aurea solicited the love of Bellorophon. When he rebuked her, she denounced him for attempting to dishonor her. 4B Summa Theologica, Part III (Supplement), Q. 58, Art. I. St. Thomas lists impotence as one of the impediments to marriage. 47 Holdsworth, A History of English Law, III, 63.

64

L O V E A N D W A R IN T H E MIDDLE ENGLISH ROMANCES

beneath them but against attempting to raise their own status by marriage with one of higher rank: "For the grete lordes shalle not take them to theyr wyues; but alle theyr louynge loke and semblaunt, they do it for to deceyue them, and for to haue the delytes and playsaunce of theyr bodyes, and for to brynge them into the folye of the world." 4 8 The convention of marrying within one's own social rank was occasionally violated, and at times the Church even lent approval. Margery Paston did at length marry the bailiff and general manager of John Paston's estate in spite of her brother's declaration that he would never give his consent for his sister to "selle kandyll and mustard in Framlyngham." The bishop who examined the couple discovered that they had made their vows in words of the present, which established between them the bonds of matrimony. There was momentary consideration of a divorce; but the Pastons, unwilling to imperil their souls by breaking the union, reluctantly acknowledged the marriage. In a letter to John, Margaret anticipated disaster for the young people: "wettyst wele, sche xal ful sor repent her leudnes her aftyr, and I pray God sche mute do soo." 4 9 Margery Paston's marriage is an example of an actual revolt against arbitrary restrictions. In unions where there was a still sharper cleavage in the station of the participants, as in the marriage of a free woman with a villein or bondman, the English law decreed that the woman and her children took the rank of the man. 50 Though loss of legal rights such as the right of the woman to inherit during the lifetime of her husband may have minimized the number of marriages between free women and bondmen, such unions did occur. 51 A literary example of a marriage between those of unequal rank is found in William Staunton's vision of St. Patricks Purgatory (early fifteenth century). In purgatory he saw his sister. She complained that her brother had prevented her marriage to the man she loved who was in purgatory with her. St. John, who was accompanying the brother, then asked, " W h i diddest thou this trespas agen G o d and thi o w n e soule? fíor y tel the ther nis no man that letteth m a n or w o m a n to go togeder in the bond of G o d , thow the man be a sheperd, and alle his auncestres, and the w o m a n be comyn of kingis or of emperours; or if the m a n be c o m y n of never so high kynne, and the w o m a n of never so lowe kynne, if thei love other otheir, he synneth in holy chirche agenst G o d and his cristendome in dede, in that he letteth hem, w h o ever he be, and therefore shall havé moche payn and tribulación." 48

52

The Book, of the Knight of La Tour Landry, Ch. C X X V I , p. 178. The Paston Letters, ed. James Gairdner, II, Introduction, pp. liii-liv; Letters 607, 617, pp. 347, 366. 60 Fortescue, De Laudibus Legum Angliae, trans. Francis Gregor, ed. Andrew Amos, Ch. XLII, pp. 157-64. 51 Case 702 (II, 539-40), Case 1 0 1 0 (II, 5 1 ) , and Case 1 1 3 9 (III, 158-59) in Bracton's Note Book, provide evidence. 62 St. Patrick's Purgatory, ed. Thomas Wright, p. 144. 49

OTHER T Y P E S OF MARRIAGE

65

T h e attitude expressed in St. Patrick's Purgatory is, however, exceptional. Objection to the marriage of persons of unequal rank was the conventional attitude of an aristocratically-controllcd society. It was, of course, without moral or ethical foundation; yet it is hardly to be assumed that such an attitude could be manifested without giving rise to social problems. In the romances there are many indications of disapproval of marriage contracted between those of unequal rank. For this reason men might refuse to woo women of the noble or royal class. Declaring he was a foundling, "icome of J?rall," Horn offered his pretended low birth as an excuse for refusing Rymenhild's love: "Hit nere no fair wedding Bitwcxe a )>ral & a king."

53

Driven by the force of his love for Felice, Guy decided, ". . . streight to hir woll y goo, And in hir mercy y shall me doo." H e hesitated, however, when he considered how his forwardness might be punished: "For my lordys Doughter she is And y his norry ywis." 54 William of Palerne, who did not know his parentage, was distressed because in a dream his lady Melior came to him in love. He chided himself for daring to dream thus: "Min hert is to hauteyn—so hye to climbe so to leue }>at ladi wold louwe hire so moche, Jsat is an emperours eir, and euene his pere, to come to swiche a catytif, nay crist it forbede, )?at ich more of J>at matere. so misseliche J>enke!" 55 53

King

Horn

(Version C ) , II. 4 2 3 - 2 4 . I n Huon

of Bttrdeux

the E m p e r o r wished to m a r r y his

daughter to Ide, w h o in the disguise o f a m a n had given h i m able assistance in his wars. T o escape the predicament, lde pleaded, " I a m but a poore g e n t y l m a n banysshed out of m y c o u n t r e . " (p. 7 2 1 ) . s* Guy of

Warwick

( 1 4 t h Ct. v e r s i o n ) , 11. 289—90, 2 9 7 - 9 8 . Felice was the d a u g h t e r of E a r l

R o h a u n d e . G u y was the son of his steward S y w a r d e . T h o u g h the author takes pains to explain that S y w a r d e was noble and brave and held the c o u n t r y of W a l y n g f o r d e in allegiance, this m a r riage is o n e of unequal rank, as the words of Felice (11. 3 7 8 ff.) indicate. By deeds of prowess G u y at l e n g t h w o n the right to Felice, and because of the marital opportunities he had refused, as well as his k n i g h t l y accomplishments, seems

finally

to h a v e had the upper hand in the b a r g a i n i n g .

W h e n at last the Earl offered Felice to h i m , G u y r e m a r k e d , " T h i s is a faire yifte, sikirly. T h y d o u g h t e r well leuere m e is In hir s m o k k e alone, ywis, T h a n to wedde with al spaigne T h e Emperours doughter of

Almaigne."

(11. 7 3 7 6 - 8 0 ) 65

William

of Palerne,

11. 7 0 7 - 1 1 .

66

LOVE A N D WAR IN T H E MIDDLE ENGLISH ROMANCES

T h e theme of Paris and Vienne is the question of marriage between those of unequal rank. In the unfolding of the talc most of the different attitudes toward such a union are expressed, with the emphasis upon its unsuitability. W h e n Paris was enamored with "the fayre vyenne the daulphin's daughter of Vennoys that was his liege lord," he kept his love long a secret, for he " . . . thought euer in hys herte that this loue was not wel lykly ne cordable/ For he was not of so hyghe lynnage as the noble mayden vyenne was of." T h e lady seems to have been less conventional. She declared to her confidante Ysabeau that she had dedicated her heart to the sweet, unknown singer, ". . . nor neuer I shal haue playsyr ne Ioye vnto f>e tyme that I knowe what he is/ for my loue is all his / & of what so euer estate he be of I neuer shall take myn herte fro hym." When the two girls discovered that Paris was the serenader, Ysabeau warned Vienne to do nothing foolish: " F o r not wythstondyng that parys haue so moche good & vertues/ yet ye ought to consyder that he is not egal to you in lygnage ne in estate." Both the father of Paris and the father of Vienne took the attitude that to think of such a marriage was "grete presumpsyon." 5 6 T h e prevailing skepticism about marriage with a woman whose lineage was unknown seems further to bear out the idea of social disapproval óf the marriage of unequals. In Melusine, when the Earl of Poitiers was invited to Raymondin's wedding, he asked, ". . . telle vs what she is and of what lynee." But Raymondin replied, "ye demande of me a thing/ to the whiche I can not gyue none ansuere, for neuere in my lyf I ne dide enquyre me therof." This the Earl considered "grett meruaylle." 5 7 W h e n Florence, the son of the K i n g of Aragón, proposed to be the true love of Clariet, who had represented herself as a poor man's daughter and a servant of the Duchess Esclarmonde, the K i n g did everything he could to discourage Florence: " T h o u arte a fole to thynke that I wyll suffer after my dysses that a poore caytyfe, newe founde, shulde be lady and quene crowned to such a realme." 5 8 T h e marriage of a young lady to a knight whose identity was unknown was viewed in various ways. Fathers and daughters who accepted the belief that deeds of prowess indicated noble blood did not hesitate to contract 56

Paris and Vienne, pp. 3, 1 1 , 28, 39. Melusine, pp. 48-9. There is an amusing difference between the versions in Melusine and Partenay. In Partenay, Raymondin asserted that the lady dressed and acted like a Icing's daughter and that there was never one fairer: 57

"Off hir linage enquered I no-thing; Where she be duk or of markois hy; Forsoth I wyll hyr haue, she is to me pleasyng." (11. 849-5O In Melusine (p. 49) he asserts rather crossly, " . . . sith it suffyseth me as thereof, ye oughte wel to be playsed, For I take no wyf that shall brawle or stryue with you/ but only with me/ and I alone shall bere eyther joye or sorowe for it, after that it shall please to god." 68 Huon of Burdeux, p. 645.

O T H E R TYPES OF MARRIAGE

«7

marriages with knights whose conduct was noble and whose deeds were valiant. T h o u g h many marriages contracted thus seem at first to be marriages of unequals, the u n k n o w n knight almost invariably proves eventually to be of royal or noble blood. In "Apollonius of T y r e " the K i n g ' s daughter chose Apollonius, though three princes sought her hand. W h e n the K i n g asked his wife's advice, she gave consent immediately. H e r somewhat humorous recognition of her daughter's strong will is one reason for her conduct: Sche syh debat, sche syh desese, Bot if sche wolde hir dowhter plese, And is ther assented full. A more important reason, however, for the consent of the parents was that the deeds of Apollonius recommended h i m : And natheles, so as hem thoghte, His dedes to the sothe wroghte T h a t he was come of gentil blod: H i m lacketh noght bot worldes good, And as thereof is no despeir, For sche schal ben hire fader heir And he was able to governed 9 Arthur, whose identity had not yet been revealed, proved himself the most valiant a m o n g sixty-two knights, Wherfore the kynges dowhter dame gonnore Fulsore hire loue on hym caste thore, and desired jn herte ful pryvyle, to hym j-weddid that sche myhte be aboven alle tho that evere sche say. 60 Fortunately her father had already been impressed by the prowess of his unidentified helper. H e

had announced

earlier that he would give his

daughter to any young k n i g h t sure in arms, "al thowh he were of non hygh lynage, Of hygnesse of Lordschepe, ne of gret parage."

91

W h e n the marriage was at length accomplished and Arthur's identity disclosed, Gonnore was joyful " o f hire newe lord & of hire k y n g . " "Apollonius of Tyre" in Gower's Confessio Amantis, Bk. VIII, 11. 9 3 5 - 3 7 , 941-47. Lovelich's Merlin, 11. 1 5 5 0 7 - 5 1 1 . The Prose Merlin (p. 222) contains a more definite expression of the attitude of the medieval aristocrat. Gonore said to herself, "what-so-ever he be, hym semeth that he is come of high lynage; ffor no man of lowe berthe durste not vndirtake no soche dedes, but yef it come of highe herte." 6 1 Lovelich's Merlin, II. 15483-484. The earlier romance, Arthour and Merlin (11. 6571 ff., 8621 ff.) tells the same story and expresses similar sentiments. 50

60

68

LOVE A N D WAR IN T H E MIDDLE ENGLISH ROMANCES

Another example of the belief in the nobility of those who won military victories is found in Blanchardyn and Eglantine. Eglantine, watching Blanchardyn in battle, saw that he wore the token of one of the daughters of the provost. Smitten with love of him, she protested, "Certes that knyght that I see yonder dooth merueylles of armes/ I see ]>c prouost that of nyghc foloweth him. it is to be thought f?at he shal wyl giue him one of his doughters in mariage, with a grete parte of his hauoyre; but on my fayth it were dommage, for he is a man of noble corage & right valyaunt/ & nought it is to be doubted, but \>ax he is come of some noble hous." Her instructions to the provost indicate further that marriage of unequals is to be deplored. With evident self-appreciation, she first explained to him that the knight was ". . . in the goode fauoure and grace of a kynges doughter, right ryche, myghty, and well in lynage, & endowed as men sayen of all that/ that can be desyred in the body of a woman." She then ordered the father to instruct his daughters, ". . . that they forbere hem self to the smylynges and fayre shewes of their eyen, whiche wauntonly they caste full often vpon that yonge knyght." 6 2 Yet there was some skepticism about unions contracted with strange knights, however glamorous their reputations. In Sir Degare, the father would give his daughter only to the man who could unhorse him in a joust, regardless of the victor's rank. Though the father arrogantly thought himself invincible, a strange young knight unhorsed him. The daughter grieved )>at hi scholde ispoused ben To a knigt }>at sche neuer had sen, And lede here lif wi}) swich a man £>at sche ne wot who him wan, No in what lond he was ibore; Carful was J?e leuedi }?erfore. (11. 5 8 5 - 9 1 )

In Syr Tryamour, the fair Elyne did not know that her betrothed was a king's son till just before the wedding. Her joy at the news seems to indicate that the information relieved her of anxiety. 63 In the combat for Melior, Partonope, posing as a poor unknown knight, excelled. Melior feared, however, that the judges would not be willing to grant her as a prize to such a person: Supposyng J>at }>e Iuggeours wolde deme That she j?at is so highe a queen Shuld not agre hir to so pore a knyght, And eke what he was )>ere knewe no wight, 82 B3

Blanchardyn and Eglantine, pp. 64, 72. Syr Tryamour, 11. 1500-84.

OTHER TYPES OF MARRIAGE

69

Sauc she and her suster good Wrake, Thus she is aferde to lese hir make.84 When the question of noble deeds did not enter and the rank of the marriage partner was actually low or seemed so to be, women were distressed by the threat of the shameful union. In Havelof{, Goldborough's treacherous guardian Godrich arranged for her marriage with Havelok, supposedly a kitchen knave. At first she rebelled: "Bi crist, and bi seint iohan, £>at hire scholde noman wedde, Ne noman bringen to hire bedde, But he were king, or kinges eyr, Were he neuer man so fayre." (11. 1112-16) Since she was helpless to do otherwise, however, she eventually submitted. Melior, daughter of the Emperor of Rome, felt degraded when she fell in love with a man who had passed his childhood under the care of a cow^ herd 6 5 When the Lady of Calabria, in Ipomydon, discovered that the strange young knight whom she had reprimanded indirectly had left her court without farewell, she was a "sory woman": This lady that was of ryche blode, That nyght she cowde but lytell gode, That she shuld suche mone make For a strange mannys sake, That no man wist what he was; But yit she sayd ofte, "Alias t" For suche ys none in Crystente! Full wele hym semeth a knight to be." (11. 505-12) Though she was ashamed to admit even to herself that her fancy had been taken, she justified her attitude by affirming that the young man was noble in bearing. Because of the shame involved in love or marriage between those of unequal rank, disaster sometimes resulted. In the Holy Grail, Ypocras' wife tried to poison him apparently for this reason: Evere his wyf was prowd In herte, And of hire hosbonde sche hadde gret smerte, For that sche was so hygh I-bore, And sche thowhte On hym sche was but lore; 6* 60

Partonope, 11. 1 1 2 0 6 - 2 1 1 . William of Palcme, 11. 433-579.

7o

LOVE A N D W A R IN T H E M I D D L E E N G L I S H R O M A N C E S Therfore sche hated hym ful dcdly and purposed hym to Slen A1 prevyly. (Ch. XXXVI, 11. 535-40)

Though the sentiment against marriage between those of unequal rank was strong, such marriages occasionally occurred, sometimes even with parental consent. 66 If we take into consideration degrees of nobility, examples are innumerable. T h o u g h a lady of high rank might hesitate to take a simple knight, she might do so. This seems to be the case in Sir Eglamour. Earl Prynsamour had a faithful knight Eglamour who was in love with the Earl's daughter. Eglamour's squire persuaded him that since she had refused emperors and kings, she must already have granted her love to Eglamour: "Yyt wylle sche not have of thoo, But in godenes hur holdyth so, The whych y trowe ys for thy love and no mo. Sche wolde never a kynge forsake, And soche a sympulle knyght to take, But yf thy love were in hur herte wroghte." 67 In Ponthus and Sidone, the King of England summoned the kings of Ireland and Cornwall and the lords and barons to explain that the Earl of Rychmond had asked the hand of his daughter for Pollides. T h e English king believed that Pollides, because he was of lesser rank and fewer possessions, would best serve the purpose of the marriage: "Ye knowe wele that I be aged, so it behoues that our doghtre be maried to a man that wer likly to kepe you in reste and peace. If ye take a grete lorde, a kyng, or a prince, peradventur he wolle make his dwellyng in his awn contrey, and so shuld ye be withouten gouernour; and if any wrong be doon to any of you, or to this reame, or to any of our pouere comones, they shuld be fane to goo oute of the contrey to seke ryght of his request. Therfore, as me semes, it wer bettre to haue a yonge knight of high kynrede, that wolle abide and dwell with you, and that wold thynk himself to be beholden to haue worshipp by hys wyfe; and in so myche he shuld be the more endined to obey you and the reaume." 68 86 In Floris and Blancheflour, Floris started to commit suicide on what he believed to be the grave of Blancheflour. When the mother argued,

" . . . better it were she were his make, t>an he were deed for hur sake," the father at length granted, "Sen it may noon other be, Leuer me were she were his wyf t>an y lost my sonnes l y f . " (11. 3 0 3 - 4 , 3 0 6 - 9 ) 67 68

Sir Eglamour, 11. 7 6 - 8 1 . Ponthus and Sidone, p. 1 4 2 .

OTHER TYPES OF MARRIAGE

71

Somewhat similar is the example in The Three Kings' Sons. The Emperor of Sicily considered the marriage of his daughter Iolante. He seemed at first to be contemplating a marriage of unequals in considering Surnome as the possible husband: " T h u s may ye se, what the body of one noble man is w o r t h / and for asmoche as ther may cowardise be loggid in the hert of a right mighti kynge, aswele as in a symple persone, Therfore y wolde knowe, for the wele of you alle/ hym that shuld haue my doughtir, for a noble m a n / for y hadde leuer she had the pore h a r d y / than the riche cowarde/ for the wele of me, m y reaume, and of you alle I had leuer she had one of the iij straungers, that is to sey, L e Surnome, Ector, or A t h i s / if they were of roialle blode, than the moost riche kynge that at this day is livynge."

69

Though the King here is willing to overlook inequality in wealth, it becomes evident as he talks that he still demands equality of rank. A man's poverty is a momentary misfortune that time can change; the matter of birth is fixed. The two clearest expressions of the belief that there might be marriage between those of unequal rank are found in Ponthus and Sidone and The Squire of Low Degree. The example from Ponthus and Sidone, however, while it asserts this to be true, really succeeds in reaffirming the conventional point of view. When the King of England's sons were dead, the barons decided that Ponthus, called Surdyte at the time, should inherit the power and should have the King's daughter. Surdyte thanked them but added, "It is bot febly counselled, for it longes not to a kynges doghtre, and suche an heirytoure, to haue suche oon as I am, and of so lowe lynnage; and God forbede, that as by me should be lowed the bloode riall." The reply of the King, "We be all comen of oon fadre and modre," has a religious note unusual in the romances in such a situation; but he continues with the aristocratic conviction that nobility alone expresses itself in noble deeds, "And mor ouer there be so myche goode and worshipp in you that ye be worthie to haue a grettre." When the matter was finally settled and it was learned that Surdyte was Ponthus, the son of the King of Spain, the King remarked, "Me thoght euer that he was of hygher degre then he said he was, for the noble dedes that he dyd and for the goodnes of hym." 7 0 So, though the legend seems at first to approve the marriage of unequals, it really reasserts the idea that marriage with an unknown warrior who has a reputation for bravery guarantees a noble mate. A clear deviation from the sentiment against the marriage of unequals and from the idea that only those of noble birth are capable of noble deeds is found in The Squire of Low Degree. In this romance, the father realized that the lady's love sickness could be cured only if she had her heart's 69 70

Three Kings' Sons, p. 154. Ponthus and Sidone, pp. 87, 93.

72

L O V E A N D W A R IN T H E M I D D L E E N G L I S H

ROMANCES

desire. H e therefore promised to any great lord w h o scorned her, sufficient gold to m a k e him change his mind, and he guaranteed to raise the rank of any m a n of low degree w h o sought her hand. T h e father expressed his feelings further w h e n he w o u l d not accept the report that the squire had attempted to lie w i t h his daughter. H e had found the squire so wise, so courteous, so loyal, that he refused to believe evil of h i m : "I truste hym so well, withouten drede, That he would neuer do that dede, But yf he myght that lady wynne In wedlocke to welde, withouten synne; And yf she assent hym tyll, T h e squyer is worthy to haue none yll; For i haue sene that many a page Haue become men by mariage; Than it is semely that squyer T o haue my doughter by this manere, And eche man in his degre Become a lorde of ryaltye, By fortune and by other grace By herytage and by purchase." (11. 367-80) H e r e is the positive point of view that a man's l o w rank need not be an obstacle to his marriage w i t h a lady of high rank if he is capable of rising as opportunity offers. 7 1 Y e t this attitude is the exception; the romance, w h i c h is late (c. 1450) and is one of the f e w romances obviously designed for bourgeois consumption, may be said to express middle-class sentiment rather than the aristocratic point of v i e w which is generally characteristic of the older romances. T h e attitude of the romances toward marriage between those of unequal rank is perhaps best seen in the fact that they rarely record the marriage of an aristocrat with a person actually of l o w degree. It is usually revealed that the person thought to be of humble birth is the lost child of noble parents or some king's son or daughter exiled f r o m homeland or traveling incognito for one reason or another. 7 2 7 1 Laura E. Hibbard, Medieval Romance in England, pp. 264-65, comments on The Squire of Low Degree, ". . . the plot elements are awkwardly managed. T h e mesalliance theme is unconvincing, for the King has no real feeling about his daughter's marriage to the Squire; the Princess makes no delay about loving her lowly suitor, but pauses before undoing her door for a discourse of unconscionable length while he waits in peril of his life; her father, who is supposed to be kindly, nevertheless permits her to suffer seven years of needless anguish." About the substitution of the steward's body for that of the lover supposed to be dead, Miss Hibbard states, ". . . the lady's father permits the deception in the hope of breaking her attachment for the Squire." 7 2 The fortunes of the heroes in King Horn, William of Palerne, Huon of Burdeux, Roswall and Lillian, Peare of Provence, and Ipomydon provide examples.

OTHER TYPES OF MARRIAGE

73

William, son of Embrons, King of Apulia, for example, was stolen by a werewolf. Later he was found by a cowherd, who reared him. Roswall, sent traveling by his father, the King of Naples, was deprived of his gold by the false_steward, who assumed his place. Taking the name of Dissowar, Roswall proved so bright in school that the King's steward took him to court, where he became the chamberlain with whom Lillian, the King's daughter, fell in love. The legend of Patient Griselda is one of the rare instances in medieval literature of marriage between persons of unequal rank. It might be argued from this example that this type of marriage was satisfactory. The popularity of the legend might even be used to show that medieval society approved of such a union. Inequality in rank, however, has little importance in the legend; it merely makes more conceivable the tests of Griselda's faith and endurance. The story exemplifies, rather, the medieval concept of wifely docility; and from the modern point of view it is a hideous revelation of what might happen to a woman in a society which established the husband as marital dictator. The romance Emare seems to present a similar case, though the difference in rank of the husband and wife is not stressed. When the Queen got the letter from her husband ordering that she be cast upon the sea, she made no complaint at the injustice but told the weeping steward, "For me haue J?ou no kare, Loke }?ou be not shente, But do my lordes commaundement, God for-bede J?ou spare! For he weddede so porely. On me, a sympulle lady, He ys a shamed sore." (11. 627-33) There are in the age a few mild protests against confining love within the artificial limits of social classes, just as there are protests against the bargain marriage; but the objection is slight. Society as a whole continued to express disapproval of marriage between persons of unequal rank. Medieval society condemned unreservedly incestuous marriage as contrary to the law of God. It decreed against marriage with one of another faith, although special consideration might be granted by the Church. It frowned upon unions of those of unequal rank as shameful, and considered the marriage of age with youth as unwise and conducive to unhappiness. The heroines in the romances were revolted by the thought of incest and never willingly contracted incestuous unions. Since they wished in marriage to maintain loyalty to the Christian faith, they also tried to avoid marriage with an unbeliever. Those who for reasons of general welfare became party to such unions did so as martyrs, not as rebels flaunting public opinion.

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Since most heroines had the pride of social position, they did not seek marriages with those of u n e q u a l rank. W h e n they insisted on marrying brave warriors whose lineage w a s u n k n o w n , they usually brought to bear the aristocratic a r g u m e n t that noble deeds are the proof of noble birth. F o r t u nately, in the romances, this usually proved true. Heroines forced to unequal marriages were shamed, but a friendly fate often proved they had been granted a noble or royal partner. N o r are y o u t h f u l heroines pictured as willingly taking aged mates; and w h e n such unions are presented, dissatisfaction and disaster are s h o w n to result. In presenting the idea that society feared and sought to m a k e w o m e n avoid these types of marriage, authors corroborate the attitude expressed in the social record. But before we can adequately sum up medieval standards f o r w o m e n in the matter of sex and marriage, it is necessary to examine the closely related subject of illicit unions.

# v

%

IRREGULAR SEXUAL RELATIONSHIPS ^ f l ^ H E constant warfare of the Middle Ages and the social disorder ac^ ^ companying it made for confusion and irregularity in the realm of ethical conduct. Since the conditions of the period stimulated the emotions at the same time that they loosened the restraints ordinarily placed upon the passions, men who expressed their anger and hate ruthlessly on the battlefield satisfied their lusts just as ruthlessly and violently. The desire for gratification, not the need for restraint, dominated men. The most violent form taken by such unrestrained passion was rape, and so common was the felony that it was necessary for society to enact laws and exert all possible influence to protect women from it. Although punishment for rape generally tended to be severe, there is evidence that at different periods one influence or another served to modify that severity. It is true that the laws of William the Conqueror provided castration and blinding as punishments for rape, and Bracton also lists these punishments as characteristic penalties. The statement of St. Thomas that the rape of a maiden promised is judged differently from that of a maiden not promised suggests, however, that the Anglo-Saxon custom of payment and restoration continued in effect. If she was promised, she must be restored to her betrothed. If not so promised, she must be restored to her father, who might then give his consent for the abductor to marry her. 1 Although the first Statute of Westminster in 1275 fixed the comparatively mild punishment of two years' imprisonment with the possibility thereafter of ransom at the king's pleasure, the penalty was made more severe in the Second Statute of Westminster in 1285. From that time rape was listed among the seven or eight grave offenses punishable by death. Yet because lawsuits were dropped or privately settled, or because rape sometimes became the prelude to marriage, the record of cases is slight. 2 Handlyng Synne, though it states that the law exacted the death penalty, also indicates that less severe punishments were not unknown: 3yf J^ou rauyssh any mayden clene— Ajens here wyl, J?at ys to mene,— 1 2

Summa Theologica, Part II (Second Part), Q. 154, Art. 7. Pollock and Maitland, History of English Law, II, 490-91, 5 1 1 . 75

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ROMANCES

hyt ys scydc J>urgh lawc wrete, J?at Jjyn hedc shuldc be of stnctc (Lawc make)> )>at commandemcnt) with-outyn any iuggemcnt; }>at mayst }>ou fynde al an sum In code, 'de raptu virginum.' (11. 2177-84) T h e lines immediately following suggest other means of atonement that could be substituted if the w o m a n agreed. T h o u g h " c o m u n lechours" m i g h t thus escape the death penalty, the author adds a sober w a r n i n g that " M a n y withoute shryfte shul deye." 3 T h e fact that w o m a n was constantly in danger of sexual affronts in the ordinary activities of daily life is evident in the provisions of the penitentials and in the admonitions of the moralists. T h e r e seems to have been danger even in places and circumstances connected w i t h the performance of religious duties. T h e K n i g h t of L a T o u r L a n d r y instructed w o m e n , for that reason, not to g o on pilgrimages because they w o u l d subject themselves to temptations and would at best get themselves bad reputations. H e cautioned them against the danger even in church attendance: ". . . euery w o m a n amerous is more tempted within the C h y r c h e than eny other p l a c e . " 4 Didactic works addressed to w o m e n of all classes warned them that rape was a danger w h i c h they constantly faced, that any slightest misdemeanor in look, bearing, or word, any idle straying f r o m the shelter of home, any casual bit of flirtation, any thoughtless caress m i g h t arouse the evil solicitation and perhaps the uncontrollable lust of the male. If they stayed quietly at home, looking neither to the right nor to the left and busying themselves with domestic tasks, they might possibly escape the danger. T h e y were cautioned against g i v i n g audience to wooers w h o w o u l d bewail their anguish and seek sympathy only that they might gratify their desires. E v e n the religious recluse and the nun were warned of the wiles and deceptions of men, w h o respected the virginity of w o m a n in holy orders no more than that of other women.6 T h e romances m a k e frequent reference to the " l a w of the land," w h i c h Handlyng Synne, 11. 2185-93. * Book, of the Knight of IA Tour Landry, pp. 35-6, 50-3, 174-75. Henry Charles Lea, A History of Auricular Confession and Indulgences in the Latin Church, I, 285, states that "solicitation, or seduction of penitents in the confessional" was a danger to which w o m e n were exposed. T h e Ancren Riwle (p. 69) directs w o m e n never to speak w i t h m e n , even in the confessional, without a third person as witness. Such a precaution would have two beneficial effects: it would check scandal against the innocent and it would prevent the seduction of the w e a k . A statement f r o m Handlyng Synne (11. 2015-20), forbidding the use of the church and churchyard for copulation, indicates that holy places were sometimes desecrated by immoral men and w o m e n . 5 " H o w the Good Wijf T a u g h t e H i r D o u g h t i r , " in The Babees Book., ed. F. J. Furnivall, Part I, 36-47; The Book of the Knight of La Tour Landry, p. 175; The Ancren Riwle, pp. 69, 97; Hali Meidenhad, p. 16; Handlyng Synne, II. 7677 ff. 3

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penalized rape with death by burning, quartering, and flaying. Kings who made wise laws to protect the weak and to guarantee the safety of women were praised. Among the virtues of good King Athelwold, for example, were his pity for the fatherless, his just punishment of misdoers, and his concern for the protection of women: And wo so dide maydne shame Of hire bodi, or brouth in blame, Bute it were bi hire wille, He made him sone of limes spille.0 But the assignment of penalties for rape by the king or lord was generally subject in the romances to the approval of a council of barons. In The Seven Sages of Rome, when the Empress accused Florentine of attacking her, the Emperor ordered his men to beat Florentine, "And afterward him hegge anhonge." Protesting against the beating assigned "wigouten counseil and rede," the barons demanded that the Emperor postpone until the next day the decision as to the fate of Florentine, "And Jeanne saue him o)?er slen By conseil of J?i gentil men." (11. 5 0 3 - 4 )

Because of this request, the Emperor spared his son but had him thrown into prison. Likewise, in Generydes, the Sultan, thinking Generydes had seduced his daughter, urged his lords to condemn him to death, even though Generydes vowed he could prove his innocence. The council of barons, in this case also, checked the harsh judgment of the ruler; for Anasore, keeper of the prison, declared, "The sowden doth vs wrong, As thinkith me, To make vs deme a man withoute law." (11. 1613-14) Influenced by Anasore and Darell, who pleaded for Generydes, the barons then went to the King, since . . . wele they wist that reson was ther (n)on, A man to deme, in eny maner case, Withoute lawe and in so litell space. (11. 1643-45)

In both instances the barons, by demanding deliberation, served as a check on the hasty judgment of the ruler. After thus preventing the administration of the death penalty, barons sometimes effected the release and vindication of an innocent man. By the same process, unfortunately, a rascal might also escape punishment. 8 Havclok, 11. 83-6.

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In some instances groups or individuals, impatient of the law, took upon themselves the punishing of rape, or the intention of rape. T h e Saracen Maubyn, who stole the magic girdle f r o m Floripas, would have raped her, but was killed by Guy of Burgundy. 7 In Huon of Btirdeux two thieves punished Brohart because his intentions toward Clariet were evil, though they had not been carried out. Declaring Brohart guilty of the worst conceivable misdemeanor, the thieves hanged him by his feet to a tree and then made a fire under his head, "& so made hym to dye in great doloure." T h e incident is pleasantly ironic, for the thieves found it impossible to maintain this highminded attitude. Becoming enamored of the beautiful lady, they killed each other in a quarrel over the right to possess her. 8 Sometimes the individual took summary action on the battlefield. Libeaus Desconus rescued Violette from two giants who had captured her and would have shamed her. Returning her to her father, Earl Antore, he . . . telde ]>e erl t i d i n g e , H o u he w a n in

fijtinge,

H i s child f r o m w o and schame.0

W h e n Cassamus killed Clarus in the great battle of Effesoun, he rebuked him, " T h o w w a l d h a u e h a d to thy b e h u f e , M y n e c e halely a g a n e her w i l l ! "

10

Authors emphasize further the heinous nature of rape by showing that it was sometimes punished supernaturally. In The Holy Grail, the Captain of Come, according to the hermit's tale, hotly desired Flegentyne, the wife of Nascien, "and Neuere his Wille Myghte he haue." T h e n the devil snared the captain's soul by taking the shape of the lady and making the unsuspecting captain swear allegiance to him. 1 1 In the romance Le Bone Florence, the many assaulters of the heroine suffer variously. Myles "was woxyn a fowle meselle." Machary also became ill: G o d h a d send on h y m a w r a k e , T h a t in the palsye c a n he s c h a k e , A n d w a s c r o m p y l d e a n d c r o k y d therto. (11. 1 9 7 7 - 7 9 ) Ferumbras, II. 2 3 8 7 - 2 4 4 8 ; Firumbras (Fillingham MS.), 11. 1 0 2 - 5 6 ; and Charles the Great, p. 1 2 3 , recount the same story. 8 Huon of Burdeux, p p . 6 1 4 - 2 3 . Later w h e n Peter of A r r a g o n rescued Clariet, he killed all the Saracens except their leader. T h e n because the Saracen confessed his intention of r a p i n g the lady and refused to repent and b e c o m e a Christian, Peter killed him also. 9 Libeaus Desconus, II. 7 2 4 - 2 6 . 10 " T h e Great Battle of E f f e s o u n " in Alexander Buik., 11. 9568-69. 11 Lovclich's Holy Grail, C h . X L V , 3 8 9 - 4 0 2 . 7

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The mariner was crippled by ailments: He came thedur wyth an evyll, Hyppyng on two stavys lyke the devyll, Wyth woundys wanne and weke. (11. 1 9 9 2 - 9 4 )

The thief Clarebalde, whom Florence had saved from death only to have him attempt to dishonor her, was brought on a wheelbarrow, for he "had no fote on to go." Unwilling to let these examples alone point the moral, the author concludes with a warning that all faithless persons come to a grievous end. Since numerous circumstances unfortunately favored men in the satisfaction of their desires, many of them were willing to risk the law and private revenge. Because the physical weakness of women often prevented them from successfully resisting men, and because husbands, fathers, or brothers —their natural protectors—were frequently absent, the evil man found it easy to carry out his will. He sometimes also counted on the shame and fear of the woman he had violated as a protection for his guilt. Leodogran sought the wife of his steward Cleodalis, while his own wife was at mass, ". . . and bad hir be stille, and seide yef she made eny noyse she sholde be deede. The lady her deffended I-nowgh as with speche, but she durste not crye ne make no noyse; but litill a-vailed her defense, for the kynge by hir lay." 1 2 In this case the lady's shame kept her silent afterwards also, and the offender went unpunished. Woman's weakness sometimes aroused the shame or the protective instinct of knights and quieted their desires, but more often the protests of ladies excited men to violence of some kind. In "Apollonius of Tyre" virtue proved its own reward. Thieves sold Thaise to the master of a brothel, who bade his clients lay down their gold and take their pleasure. Ten or twelve knights sought her chamber, but she was so full of God's grace, Was non of hem which pouer hade To don hire eny vileinie.13 The Morte D'Arthur provides an example of resistance that produced an opposite effect. The harsh reprimand of Queen Guinevere did not make Sir Meligraunce and his eight score men hesitate when they attacked her 12 Prose Merlin, p. 2 1 3 ; Lovelich's Merlin, II. 1 4 4 4 5 ( 1 . In the early romance, Arthour Merlin, the same story is told with less elaboration: i>e king aros bi wrongful lines &, what bi loue & what bi striif, He forlay J>e stewardes wiif. (11. 6492-94) 13

"Apollonius of T y r e , " Gower's Confessio Amantis,

Bk. VIII, II. 1 4 3 0 - 3 1 .

and

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and her maidens on the way home from maying. Instead, Sir Meligraunce boasted, " . . . I haue loued yow many a yere/ and neuer or now coude I gete yow at suchc an auauntage as I doo n o w / and therfor I wylle take yow as I f y n d e yow." 1 4 Some frustrated men found compensation in killing offending maidens or giving them a sound beating. 1 5 T h e Abbot of Cluny put his niece Clariet in charge of Barnard until such time as she should choose a husband from her many suitors. T h e traitor Brohart, wishing to have Clariet for himself, told Barnard she must go with him to the city of Blaye. On the voyage Brohart, after pushing Barnard into the river and leaving him to drown, forced himself upon the unwilling Clariet. H e declared, "whether she wold or not he wolde haue his pleasure of her," and argued that ". . . it were better for her to f u l f y l l his pleasure with good wyll and loue rather than by force, or elles to caste her into the ryuer of Geroune." Her reply that he would never have joy or pleasure of her body so irritated him that he "dyd bete the lady, that pety it was to se; so he lefte her lyenge in a maner deed." 1 6 Sometimes when a suitor could not lay hands on the woman for immediate revenge, he took sadistic pleasure in terrifying the lady by threatening to capture her and subject her to the lusts of his servants and knaves. Y w a i n e found a giant besieging the castle of a knight w h o had refused to give him his daughter. T h e father reported that the giant vowed to give the maiden to the "laddes of his k y c h y n " and his "werst fote-knave." Gawain, feeling that it would be unspeakable for so lovely and gentle a lady to be defiled with a thrall, at once championed her cause. 1 7 E v e n knights of worthy reputation contemplated unsanctioned ways of approaching women. K i n g Lot and his sons were lodged overnight at the house of Mynoras, w h o had two beautiful daughters. On the following day as they rode through the forest, the sons talked about how they would act Malory, Morte D'Arthur, Bk. XIX, Ch. II, p. 774. Arthur (Bath MS.), 11. 349-60. A Spanish giant stole away the fair Elayne and her mother. W h e n the damsel resisted his advances, he killed her. 16 Huon of Burdeux, p. 6 n . I n n u m e r a b l e other examples could be cited. In the Avowing of Arthur, Sir Gawain, Sir Kay, and Sir Baldwin of Britain (11. 2 7 4 - 8 4 ) , Kay, w a n d e r i n g through the forest, met a k n i g h t leading a w e e p i n g lady, w h o prayed to Mary that her maidenhood be spared. In Blanchardyn and Eglantine, Blanchardyn came u p o n a k n i g h t with a stolen lady, "a damoyscll d o l a u n t and ful sprenct w y t h grete teerys/ Ryght fowly handled it sore beten by the sayde k n y g h t , f o r the reffuse that she m a d e to his shameles concupyscence." ( p p . 2 5 - 6 ) . Of Sir G o w g h t e r it is reported, in the romance by the same name, that he did all things evil, such as beating people, b u r n i n g nunneries, and besieging his m o t h e r . In addition, 14 15

Maidenes m a n a g e s wold he spill; A n d take wyfes agayn here will, A n d sle here husbonds too.

(11. 190-92)

In King Alisaunder, Candeleke, son of Q u e e n Candace, sought Alexander's aid against a wiftfstealer. (11. 7 4 5 2 - 5 9 ) 17 Ywaine and Gawin, 11. 2249-2428.

IRREGULAR SEXUAL RELATIONSHIPS

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were the ladies with them. Gawain and Lot, reproving Agravain for vowing that he would have his will, told him such actions would be an ill reward for hospitality. T o Agravain's defense, "thei sholde not therfore haue no mayme of hande ne foote," his father replied, "No . . . but thei shull lese all worshippe." Agravain, however, felt that women do not respect a man who is too gentle and considerate: "I cannot sey," quod Agravain, "of eny man that wolde hem spare, yef he hadde heme a-lone by hym-self, ffor after that he lete her passe she sholde hym neuer love." The author apparently did not share this opinion of women; for he reports that Agravain, in punishment for his attack upon a woman, later became scabby and eaten with the itch. In this same case Geheret, another son of Lot, expressed the truly chivalrous view, "I sholde make hir my love yef I myght therto hir entrete, but be force wolde I nothinge do, for than were the game nought, but yef it plesed hir as well as me." 18 The fact that knights knew the physical weakness of women and were willing to risk the penalties imposed for attacking them explains in some measure the surprisingly frank speech of heroines. Women constantly gave utterance to their fear of attack from men who were forcing attention upon them or even from their avowed lovers. After Clariet's many encounters with lustful men, it is not surprising that she was suspicious of Florence when he fell in love with her: ". . . synne I am pouer and desolate/ I requyre you in the honoure of oure lorde that ye wyll not requyre me of any velany of my body and honeste nother in dede nor worde/ and, syr, I byleue suerly no more ye thynke to d o / for I had rather be hewen al to peces then any creature shulde haue pleasure of my body without I were maryed." 19 After Vienne's father had learned of Paris' love for her and Vienne had decided to flee the country with Paris, she stipulated that he must conduct himself with restraint, ". . . that ye touche not my body vnto the tyme that we be lawfully maryed." 2 0 In Le Bone Florence, Florence was condemned to burn because she had supposedly slain Beatrice, daughter of Lord Tyrry. Because Tyrry could not bear to watch Florence suffer, he took her to the woods and set her free. Though glad to escape punishment, she feared some knight might try to take advantage of her unprotected state, "Syr, sche seyd, for chartye, Lat none of thy men folowe me To worche me no more care." 21 Prose Merlin, pp. 5 2 6 - 2 9 . Huon oj Burdeux, p. 627. 20 Paris and Vienne, p. 4 1 . 21 Le Bone Florence, II. 1 7 0 4 - 6 . The conccrn of women for their honor becomes a commonplace. In Peare of Provence (p. 295) Maguelon promised to depart with a knight to his country but stipulated, " . . . if ye wille swere vnto me neuer to offir me dishoneste, but kepe me a virgyne 4c yourc true lover, tille ye mary, I assent to depart when ye wille." Sidone, in Ponthus and Sidone 18

19

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T h e extension of hospitality with the opportunities it offered was another factor in overstimulating sexual desires. When beautiful women were received as guests, their host or his followers often sought sexual intercourse with them. Examples are numerous in the Arthurian stories, where kings themselves were frequently the offenders. Since they often fulfilled their purpose by trickery, the innocent woman was unaware of her position. By trickery Merlin caused Ygerne, the wife of the Earl of Cornwall, to accept Uther in a union of which Arthur was the offspring. 2 2 Other tricked unions were those of Arthur and the maid of Lysanor who came to pay him h o m a g e ; 2 3 of Arthur and the wife of K i n g Lot, of which union Modred was begotten; 2 4 of K i n g Ban and the daughter of Agravadain; 2 5 and of Sir Lancelot and Elaine, daughter of K i n g Pelles, of which union Galahad was the offspring. 2 6 A n example outside the Arthurian legends is the union of Neptanabus and Olympias. 2 7 If no trickery or magic was employed, the presence of the husband might protect his wife. Sir Gawain, K a y , and Sir Baldwin, when they were hunting, lodged overnight with the Carle of Carlyle. At the supper table his beautiful wife sat with them. Gawain, who was seated by the lady, fell so in love that his state was obvious to his fellows. T h e husband noticed it and spoke about it: ( p p . 3 1 - 2 ) , t o o k P o n t h u s as h e r k n i g h t , c o m m e n t i n g , " P o n t h u s , y o u r seruice I t a k e w e l e a w o r t h e , w h y l s t h a t ye be t r e w e a n d w i t h o u t e t h i n k y n g of vylanye to m e , f o r I w o l d t h a t y o u r love b e c l e n e a n d s u r e ; a n d w y t t ye w e l e , t h a t if I perceyve a n y o t h r e wyse t h a t ye t h y n k e , t h e n t o y o u r w o r s c h i p p a n d m y n a n d to m y f r e n d e s , as m y c h e as I love you, I w o l l e h a t e y o u . " Related e x a m p l e s o c c u r in The Holy Grail, C h . X X X V , 11. 196 ff. a n d 3 3 2 ff. 22 Arthur ( B a t h M S . ) , 11. 19 ff.; An hour and Merlin, 11. 2 2 3 9 - 2 6 8 4 ; M a l o r y , Morte D' Arthur, B k . I, C h . II, pp. 3 6 - 7 . 23 L o v e l i c h ' s Merlin, 11. 1 1 7 4 9 ff.; Prose Merlin, p. 1 7 1 . 24 Prose Merlin, p p . 1 8 0 - 8 1 ; L o v e l i c h ' s Merlin, II. 1 2 3 1 3 ff. 25 Prose Merlin, p . 608. 29 M a l o r y , Morte D'Arthur, B k . X I , C h . 2, 3, 9, p p . 5 7 2 - 7 6 , 583. 27 Kyng Alisaunder, 11. 1 4 5 ff; Prose Life of Alexander, p p . 2 - 5 . In this r o m a n c e t h e a s t r o l o g e r N e p t a n a b u s p r e d i c t s t h a t O l y m p i a s w i l l h a v e a son by t h e g o d A m m o n , w h o will visit h e r in t h e s h a p e of a d r a g o n . T h e n N e p t a n a b u s a s s u m e s t h e a p p e a r a n c e of t h e g o d a n d e n j o y s O l y m p i a s . A l e x a n d e r is t h e f r u i t of t h e u n i o n . T h i s , of course, is a m e d i e v a l r e p r e s e n t a t i o n of a f o l k l o r e m o t i f w h e r e b y t h e h e r o is g i v e n a s u p e r n a t u r a l b i r t h . T h e f o l k c u s t o m of sexual hospitality, of w h i c h e x a m p l e s in t h e r o m a n c e s a r e c o m p a r a t i v e l y f e w , is a d i f f e r e n t m a t t e r . S e x u a l h o s p i t a l i t y g a v e a w o m a n in t h e h o u s e h o l d to a g u e s t . T h e m o r a l i t y of earlier times c o n s i d e r e d b o t h t h e w o m a n a n d t h e g u e s t h o n o r e d b y t h e association. I n M a l o r y ' s Morte D'Arthur ( B k . V I I , C h . II, p . 2 3 1 ) Sir P e r s a n t of I n d e sent his e i g h t e e n - y e a r - o l d d a u g h t e r to t h e b e d of B c a u m a i n s w i t h t h e instruction, " m a k e h y m n o straunge c h e r e / but good chere." W h e n Beaumains discovered that she was a "clene m a i d e n , " he replied, " G o d d e f e n d e . . . that I sholde defoyle you to d o o Sir P e r s a u n t a s h a m e . " I n Huon of Burdeux, H u o n t o o k a l i k e a t t i t u d e , t h o u g h t h e situation d i f f e r e d . H e h a d t o m a k e a choice b e t w e e n losing a chess g a m e a n d i n c o n s e q u e n c e h i s h e a d , o r w i n n i n g it a n d e n j o y i n g a n i g h t w i t h t h e lady w h o w a s his o p p o n e n t . H i s c o m m e n t is u n d e r s t a n d a b l e : "yf it w e r e y o u r p l e a s u r e I w o l d e b e g l a d to f o r b e r e t h a t e n t e r p r y c e . " ( p . 1 7 8 ) . Generydes (II. 63 ff.), Charles the Great ( p . 96 ff.), Firumbras (11. 8 5 2 - 6 2 ) , a n d Syre Gawene and the Carle of Carelyle (11. 454 ff.) c o n t a i n e x a m p l e s t h a t i n d i c a t e t h e persistence of s e x u a l hospitality in c o m p l e t e o r m o d i f i e d f o r m . T h e y also i n d i c a t e k n i g h t l y scruples a b o u t e n j o y i n g it.

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". . . Comfort )>e, for synn ys swete, & J>t I se, Sertcn I the hete; Sche ys myn ]?u woldyst w'thynn, Leve seche J>ojtt, & drenke J?e wynne, For her )>u schalt nott geytt." At this reprimand, "Syr Gawene was a-schemyde I his Jjowjt." 2 8 Sometimes the protective power of the husband's presence needed to be reinforced by other guarantees. In the romance Havelo\, when Ubbe of D e n m a r k invited Havelok to dinner, Havelok dreaded the shame that might befall his wife. Ubbe's invitation, however, included the comforting reassurance, "And haue )>ou of hire no drede, Shal hire no man shame bede. Bi f>e fey that y owe to \>c }?erof shal i me serf-borw be." (11. 1 6 6 4 - 6 7 )

Conditions apparently made such a stipulation not extraordinary. A n historical instance of making hospitality an opportunity for scducing a woman is given in Froissart's account of the entertainment of the Countess of Salisbury at the court of King Edward. W h e n the Scots were attacking the castle of Salisbury, held by the countess alone, K i n g E d w a r d relieved the siege. Afterwards, when the Countess entertained h i m courteously, the K i n g looked upon her with desire. Although she denied his suit, and although her husband was one of his most loyal councilors, the K i n g would not desist. Since he could not dominate her in her own castle, he invited her with her husband to attend a feast and tournament at L o n d o n : "Therle graunted the kyng as he that thought none yvell: the gode lady durst not say nay; howbeit she came sore agaynst her wyll, for she thought well ynough wherfore it was, she durst nat dyscover the mater to her husband, she thought she wolde deale so, to bringe the kynge fro his opynion." 2 9 T h e danger which women suffered f r o m hospitality may perhaps have been exaggerated in fiction; but the picture of their insecurity evidently had some basis, at least, in fact. T h e misfortunes of battle further endangered women, for it was recognized that the sexual desires of warriors must be satisfied in some way. T h o u g h groups of prostitutes accompanied the armies for this purpose, many leaders believed this an unwise military provision. T h e author of the Song of Roland implies that through wine and women Ganelon and the Saracens undermined the strength of the soldiers of Charlemagne: 2S Syrt• Gawene and the Carle of Carelyle, 11. 409-15. Though the Carle would not allow Gawene pleasure with his wife, he later sent him his daughter. Froissart's Chronicles, I, Ch. LXXXIX, 217.

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LOVE A N D WAR IN T H E MIDDLE ENGLISH ROMANCES When they wer in bed and thought to a rcstid, they went to the women J^at wer so hend, that wer sent fro saragos of sairsins kind: they synned so sore in )>at ylke while that many men wept and cursid )?at vile. (11. 72-6)

Charles the Great, likewise, reports that after the battle ". . . the crysten men were moche wery, and had nede to reste theym." Nevertheless they made themselves drunk on the good sweet Saracen wine, "And after many of them that were dronke went & laye by the wymmen sarasynoys, & also wyth other that they had brought oute of fraunce." When thirty thousand Saracens fell upon them later in a surprise attack and slaughtered them, the author of the romance declares defeat and disaster fit punishment of their sin. 30 On the crusade conducted by Godfrey of Boloyne so many things went amiss that the barons ordered a three-day period of prayer and pcnance that they might appease the anger of the Lord: "after this they commanded that alle the comyn wymmen of euil lyf shold be voyded & cast out of thoost/ & was cryed thrugh out al the ooste that who that after that were taken in adulterye or in fornycacion shold haue his heed smeton o f . " 3 1 Prostitutes were generally to be found near an army encamped, but some men had scruples about resorting to them. They did not therefore fulfill the sexual needs of warriors. Probably for this reason and possibly also because women were articles of property to be distributed like any other spoils of war, it was customary at the close of battle to grant captive women to warriors. The protection theoretically accorded women by law and by chivalry was thus canceled by the right of the victor in battle.32 Though rape was thus a common occurrence in medieval life, there were also many cases of illicit relationships in which the woman was not the innocent victim of brutish men but a voluntary participant in the union and at times even the aggressor. Wives may sometimes have felt justified in seeking satisfaction through extra-marital relationships when their marriages proved disappointing; while weak-willed or wilful young girls and unmarried women, responding as did the men to the restlessness and disorder of the times, sought pleasure regardless of the social conventions. The problem of restraining women from unions in which they wished to participate or to which they consented was, then, as troublesome as the problem of protecting them from rape. 30

Charles the Great, p. 232. Godeffroy 0/ Boloyne, p. 150. The Sowdone of Babylone (11. 224-35) records that heathen kings likewise feared promiscuous unions. T h e Sultan had ten thousand Christian maidens slain that his people might not be defiled. 32 T h e prevalence of this custom and the attitude toward it will be discussed more fully in Chapter VIII. 31

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T h e innumerable provisions for the punishment of adultery and fornication in the penitentials are complicated by the fact that distinctions were drawn between penalties for clerics and laymen and for w o m e n and men, and that circumstances and conditions determined the seriousness of the offense and the nature of the penalty and atonement. T h e penalties for clerics consisted of spiritual disciplines, sometimes lasting as long as twelve years but not always involving the loss of office. Penalties for laymen included spiritual disciplines of from four to seven years for offenses with virgins, and one year for offenses with widows. In addition, some penitentials imposed fines. T h e Penitential of C o l u m b a n required that an offender guilty of adultery with a married w o m a n should pay to her husband the price of her violated honor; the m a n offending with a maiden paid to her parents the "price of her humiliation." If the offenders, in the latter case, wished to marry, they might do so after a year's penance. T h e Penitential of T h e o d o r e assigned the adulteress a seven-year penance and permitted her husband to divorce her and take another wife. If, however, he preferred not " t o put her away," the Church permitted the reconciliation and allowed h i m to punish her as he saw fit. 3 3 T h e provisions in the laws of the early English kings were likewise varied. T h e y included the right of private revenge by mutilation or death; the penalties of exile, forfeiture of goods, payment of fines; and loss of privileges such as membership in the C h u r c h and the right of burial in consecrated ground. 3 4 T h e laws of C n u t required the male offender to m a k e amends or depart from his native land, and a married w o m a n to surrender all her possessions and to forfeit her nose and ears. 3 5 T h e laws of W i l l i a m I made castration a penalty. T h e statute of E d w a r d I punished with loss of dower the woman who eloped and continued to live with her adulterous partner. H e r husband, if he wished, however, m i g h t bring her back and be reconciled with her. 3 6 Bracton records the punishment of exile for fornication. T h e court required Crescent de Stampes, a J e w of Bristol, and Isabella, his 3 3 Canons of a Synod of Patrick, Auxilius, and Iserninus, No. 14; Excerpts from the Book of David (c. 500-20), Nos. 5 - 6 ; The Penitential of Finnian (c. 5 2 5 - 5 0 ) , Nos. 10, 36, 37, 45, 5 1 ; Penitential of Columban, On Capital Offences (c. 600), Nos. 2, 1 4 - 1 5 ; Penitential of Cummean (c. 650), II, Nos. 1-2; Penitential of Theodore (c. 668-90), Bk. I, Ch. XIV, Nos. 8 - 1 5 ; Bk. II, Ch. XII, Nos. 5 - 1 2 ; Regino's Ecclesiastical Discipline (c. 906), McNeill and Gamer, Mediaeval Handbooks of Penance, pp. 78, 173, 89, 94, 97, 252, 254, 102, 196, 208-9, 3 ' 7 _ I 8 . 3 4 I Edmund, No. 4, Robertson, Laws of the Kings of England, p. 7; Laws of Wihtred, No. 3, F. L. Attenborough, Laws of the Earliest English Kings. The laws of Aethelberht, Nos. 10, 11, 16, 3 1 , 85, and of Alfred, Nos. 10-11, in Attenborough, ibid., pp. 5, 7, 9, 15, 7 1 , show how the fine and the person to whom it was paid varied according to the status of the offenders. Sometimes the fine went to the husband, sometimes to the guardian or father, and sometimes to the feudal lord. Occasionally it was paid to the woman herself. The laws of Henry I decreed that the man's fine be paid to the king, the woman's to the bishop, according to Pollock and Maitland, History of English Law, II, 367. 3,1 II Canute, No. 53, Robertson, Laws of the Kings of England, p. 203. 3 0 Pollock and Maitland, ibid., II, 395.

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partner in crime, to abjure the realm within one month and one day after the verdict was returned against them. 37 Most of the laws of the early English kings permitted the injured person the right of private revenge. The husband who found his wife in adultery was allowed to slay the guilty pair without delay for examination of the case. This privilege was also extended to the father who found his daughter and the son who found his mother in an illicit relationship.38 In the thirteenth century there is some indication that it was no longer the husband's privilege to slay the culprits if they were caught in the act; but he was still permitted to emasculate the man. One case of emasculation is recorded in the chronicle of Matthew Paris for the year 1248, and one occurred in the reign of King John. The account of Matthew Paris indicates, however, not only that sympathy was with the culprit but that those who were responsible for the deed were punished by the King: "All who were present at the perpetration of this deed of enormous cruelty were dispersed in exile, homeless fugitives; and thus this inhuman and merciless crime involved many nobles in a lamentable calamity." 3 9 Moreover, the discussion of St. Thomas shows that though the husband theoretically had the right to kill, the disapproval of the Church kept him from exercising it. If a husband killed his wife in the very act, the civil law condoned his conduct by not inflicting on him the punishment for murder, ". . . on account of the very great provocation which the husband received by such a deed to kill his wife." The Church, on the contrary, did not sanction such conduct or release the husband either from the "debt of eternal punishment" or from that assigned by an ecclesiastical court. St. Thomas concludes that for a husband to kill his wife on his own authority is never permissible: ". . . he who wishes to belong to the Church cannot rightly take advantage of the law which permits a man to kill his wife." 4 0 Though the death penalty had apparently ceased to be applied to any extent in the Middle Ages, this does not mean that adultery and fornication became less common or that they were relegated to the list of minor offenses. On the contrary, the ceaseless preaching of moralists indicates the prevalence of the sins of lust, adultery, and fornication; and the spiritual loss which such offenses were said to entail gives evidence of the concern with which they were viewed. The author of Handlyng Synne calls fornication, "whan two vnweddyd haue mysdon," the least serious of the seven types which he lists, but concludes, "^yt hyt forbarrej? J?e blys of heuene." Peter Idley asserts 87

Bracton, Note Book, Case 1 1 7 9 (III, 1 9 3 ) . The (so-called) Laws of William I, Nos. 18, 35, Robertson, ibid., pp. 263, 269; Laws of Alfred, Cap. 42, No. 7, Attenborough, Laws of the Earliest English Kings, p. 85; Leges Regis Henrici Primi, LXXXIT, No. 8, B. Thorpe, Ancient Laws and Institutes, I, 590. 89 Pollock and Maitland, History of English Law, II, 484; Matthew Paris, English History from the Year 123^-127^, Trans. J. A. Giles, II, 277-78. 40 Summa Theologica, Part III (Supplement), Q. 60, Art. 1. 88

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that damnation may be averted only if there is repentance, shrift, due satisfaction, and humble penance. 41 About the tenth commandment, the author of Handlyng Synne writes, . . . almost hyt ys euery-whore A gentyl man haj? a wyfe and a hore; And wyues haue now comunly here husbondys and a ludby.42 He declares men guilty of mortal sin who have sought by any means to win the wives of other men yn foly wurdys, or yn foly play, yn vntyme, be nygt or day." Peter Idley states that from the "dampnable syn of avowtre" between wedded folk "mych sorow hath J?e soule," and that when a wedded man takes a single woman or vice versa, Myscheue at )>e last wyll him asseyll, )?e lust of hvs lechery soule xall beweyll. (11. 2629-30) T h e Knight of La Tour Landry, comparing the punishments for adultery in other historical periods and lands—stoning, burning, burying alive— with the leniency of punishments in his day, points out that nevertheless social disgrace, as well as spiritual death, results from fornication and adultery. He tells women if they ". . . do amisse and use synne and folye, they lyue in blame, in esclaundre, and in gret disworship, and lese the name of thaire estat and noblesse before God and in this worlde." 4 4 The story of the Adulterous Falmouth Squire tries to frighten men and women into controlling their lust and disciplining their passions. The squire's son saw his father tortured in hell: He sawe his Fapcr hou he brentt, And by the membrys how that he henge; Fendis black with Crokis kene Rent his body fro lithe to lyth. (11. 201-4) Handlyng Synne, 11. 7 3 5 2 - 5 6 . Peter Idley's Instructions to His Son, Bk. II, 11. 2 6 1 2 - 1 8 . Handlyng Synne, 11. 2 9 2 7 - 3 0 . Hoccleve ( R e g i m e n t of Princes, 11. 1 7 6 2 - 6 4 ) declares adultery more prevalent in England than in other countries: 41 42

Alasse! this likerous dampnable errour, In this londe hath so large a (rede I-sponne, J>at wers peple is non vnder the sonne. 43 Handlyng Synne, 11. 2 9 6 1 - 6 2 . In the debate poem, The Owl and the Nightingale (c. 1 2 2 0 ) , ed. J. W. H. Atkins, II. 1 4 6 7 - 1 5 1 0 , the nightingale counsels women to keep their marital vows, and seems reluctant to believe that any man would urge them to do otherwise. 44 The, Book, of the Knight of La Tour Landry, p. 162.

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T h e father, confessing the folly of his ways and admitting that he "had spared nof>er meyd ne wyffe," pleaded with his son that he become a priest "And warne euery man, where-so }>u come Of wedlok to breke, ware to be." 45 Many attitudes or customs of the period, in themselves not h a r m f u l , were unfortunately conducive to misconduct and were used by the wicked as avenues to adultery and fornication. Courtly love, for instance, permitted wives to participate in romantic love affairs for the sake of inspiring knights to valorous deeds. Kept on an idealistic plane, such conduct might have been harmless enough. W h e n the intention of the knight was evil, however, the woman had little chance of escaping disaster, even if her initial intention was pure. Christine de Pisan warned women, therefore, not to participate in such relationships since through them women inevitably suffered loss of reputation. 4 8 A second cause of trouble was the secret love-vow. T h o u g h it was as firm as the marriage bond where good faith existed, evil men frequently made use of it simply for the purpose of lying with women. Both Peter Idley and the author of Handlyng Synne, who recognized the danger, preached against the secret vow. Peter Idley, believing that . . . som men yeve her trouthe to vj or vij, And women in like wyse to x or xj, (Bk. II, 11. 1677-78) declared that vows should be taken "openly in holy churches sight." A third source of difficulty was the holy pilgrimage. Devout men and women undertook it for the purpose for which it was designed—as a pious exercise; but evil men and women seized the social opportunities which it afforded for the purpose of license. T o point the moral that "no body shulde go in holy pilgrimages for to fulfell no foly, plesaunce, nor the worlde, nor flesshely delite," the Knight of La T o u r Landry tells the story of a wife who went on a pilgrimage to gratify her love for a squire. 4 7 There is evidence that even the office of the cleric was misused. "Of W e d d i d Men and Wifis" accuses priests of fornication; they "schenden maydenes and wifis, and fallen foulest of alle." 4 8 Robert Grosseteste expressed the belief that priests were the slayers of souls because their primary interest was mercenary and because they were themselves guilty of fornication, incest, and adultery. 4 9 45 The Adulterous Falmouth Squire, 11. 2 3 7 - 3 8 , in Political, Religious, and Love Poems, cd. F. J. Furnivall, pp. 9 3 - 1 0 2 . 46 Christine d e Pisan, The Book of the Duke of True Lovers, p p . 1 0 6 - 1 1 . 47 The Book, of the Knight of La Tour Landry, p. 51. 48 "Of W e d d i d Men a n d Wifis and of H e r e C h i l d r e n Also," in T h o m a s Arnold's Select English Works of fohn Wyclif, III, 1 8 9 - 9 0 . 49 Robert Grosseteste's Memorial Presented to I n n o c e n t III in 1250, as q u o t e d by H e n r y C h a r l e s Lea, History of Auricular Confession, I, 242.

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O n e aspect of illicit relationships—the status of the offspring of such unions —is of interest at this p o i n t . T h e r e was some feeling that illegitimate offspring w e r e necessarily c o r r u p t ; for Fortescue quotes the old saying, "If a bastard be good, it is mostly by accident, or special grace; if wicked, it is but nature." Perhaps this belief is in part the basis f o r the attitude of the C h u r c h , w h i c h refused to a d m i t bastards to holy orders or, if it did, generally prevented their attaining eminence. Yet the p r o b l e m of the nature a n d the status of illegitimate offspring is not so m u c h a moral as a legal concern. Medieval English law debarred illegitimate offspring f r o m the right of inheritance, a n d this law became t h e focus a r o u n d which revolved the right to the inheritance not merely of acres of land b u t of entire k i n g d o m s . 5 0 English law also decreed that a subsequent u n i o n did not legitimate children born of an illicit u n i o n . 5 1 Fortescue eulogizes t h e English law as a "chaste law, a law of order," w h i c h discouraged s i n f u l relationships. H i s prince c o m m e n d s it as a law " w h i c h does most effectually cast out sin, and establish virtue." 5 2 It no doubt served in some measure as a deterrent; but like most laws of its k i n d , its direct p u r p o s e was not to prevent misconduct but to take care of situations a n d p r o b l e m s resulting f r o m it. Bastardy, it may be said, was not so m u c h a social a n d m o r a l disgrace as an inconvenient legal handicap. A l t h o u g h t h e romances m a k e clear that society strove to curb adultery a n d fornication, they indicate t h a t it viewed uncritically the double standard of sexual ethics w h i c h overlooked or condoned the offenses of m e n at t h e same time that it dealt severely with t h e misdemeanors of w o m e n . In revealing that illegitimacy was not necessarily synonymous with shame, t h e romances give o n e evidence of the acceptance of the double standard. Illegitim a t e offspring ( w h o are almost invariably male) do not bear the n a m e of bastard as a disgrace. It is true that because the barons were ignorant of t h e parentage of A r t h u r , they refused h i m as k i n g . 5 3 It is also true, however, that 50 Fortescue, De Laudibus Legum Angliae, p. 158. A n d r e w Amos states in a note that "Richard III took great pains to propagate a belief of the bastardy of the children of Edward IV," and that he " t h o u g h t it politic to proclaim the bastard desccnt of Henry T u d o r , in order to prejudice the country against his pretensions to the t h r o n e . " Bracton's Note Book, contains innumerable cases involving the possession or inheritance of land by bastards: Case 299 (II, 249), Case 984 (III, 3 2 ) , Case 1706 (III, 547), Case 1879 (III, 661), Case 1909 (III, 679), Case 1927 (III, 689). 61 Fortescue, Ch. X X X I X - X L , 150-56. This provision of English law contrasts with that of Civil and C a n o n law, which permitted base-born children to be legitimated by a subsequent marriage. Fortescue, however, praises the English law as wiser, m o r e just, and more conducive to rectitude. Bracton, in Case 1117 (III, 1 3 4 - 3 7 ) , reports that the C h u r c h representatives at Merton tried to force the adoption of the rule of subsequent legitimation, but "omnes Comites et Barones q u o t q u o t f u e r u n t u n a voce responderunt quood noluerunt leges Anglie m u t a r e q u e usque ad tempus illud usitate f u e r u n t et approbate." 52 Fortescue, pp. 1 5 2 , 1 5 4 - 5 6 . 03 Lovelich's Merlin, 11. 7 8 2 0 - 3 6 ; Arthour and Merlin, II. 3 1 7 3 ff. One of the versions of the Alexander legend ( K y n g Alisaunder, 11. 795 ff., 995 ff.) records a similar case. Philip had accepted Alexander as heir, t h o u g h he k n e w of his birth. Later, the m e n of Greece c o n d e m n e d Olympia, " F o r heo h a d an hore beone," and declared Alexander as "fals air." At their bidding

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in the Troy stories there is no moral drawn or any counsel given when it is recorded that Priam had five sons by Hecuba, A n d j i t gat he on other symmen Thritti other doughti men, That were euere gode knyghtes and sekir, Bold and strong in eche bekir."

Though there is sometimes a suggestion that those born out of wedlock were apt to be villains and weaklings,"'3 illegitimate children often proved noble and gained power and respect. The holy clerk in Lancelot of the Lai\ told Arthur that since he did not know his parentage he had God alone to thank for his rise to power: "It cummyth al bot only of his myght, A n d not of the, nor of thi elderis Richt T o the discending, as in heritage, For yow was not byget in to spousag. Wharfor yow aucht his biding to obserf, A n d at thi mycht yow shuld hyme pless and serf." (11. 1 3 3 1 - 3 6 )

The Holy Grail states that by God's will Galahad, son of Lancelot and Pelle, became a "blessid knyht . . . not withstondyng thowgh he were begeten In Synne." 5 6 When the romances do at times condemn the adultery of men, it is usually for chivalric rather than religious or ethical reasons. The conduct of Telamon in keeping Hessione as a consort was called unknightly: For his worschip and his owne glorie, H a v y n g rewarde to hir h i j e degre, H e schulde rather of kyngly honeste, A n d of knyjthood, haue weddid hir J>erfore, K i n g Philip took Cleopatra as his w i f e . T h e desire that their lord should have a legitimate heir r a t h e r t h a n m o r a l censure also m a d e the k n i g h t s of Sir G u r o u n ( L a y Le Freine, 11. 305 ff.) turn against Freine a n d bid h i m t a k e a lord's d a u g h t e r . K y n g P y l o n n u s , in T h e Recuyell of the Historyes of Troye, gave n o particular t h o u g h t to heirs or to the sin of adultery w h e n he m a r r i e d D a n e s , w h o h a d conceived Perseus by intercourse w i t h Jupiter: " h e had pytc of her. A n d w e d d e d h e r w y t h grete h o n n o u r A n d d i d e d o norysshe perseus." ( p . 170). 54 Laud Troy Booli, 11. 1 8 9 3 - 9 6 . I n fact, the T r o y legends seem to list a m o n g their bravest a n d m o s t a d m i r a b l e fighters such bastard offspring. The "Gest Hystoriale" of the Destruction of Troy speaks of t h e m as " g o o d e m e n of A r m y s , a n d felle m e n in fight" (11. 1 5 0 6 - 7 ) . Lydgate's Troy Bool(, Bk. Ill, 11. 3 8 8 - 9 4 , calls t h e m " m a n l y m e n . " 05 Titus and Vespasian (11. 1489 ff.), attributes the villainy of Pilate to the fact t h a t he was the bastard son of the K i n g of Spain and a miller's d a u g h t e r . I n the Recuyell of the Historyes of Troye ( p . 3 4 2 ) , Lincus tried to p e r s u a d e Megara that Hercules, h e r h u s b a n d , was dead. H e c o n g r a t u l a t e d h e r on the loss of a h u s b a n d " g o t e n in a u o u l t r y e " a n d offered, " h e n s f o r t h ye shall be f e l a w e St wyf of a m a n legitisme & b o r n in l a w f u l m a r r i a g e . " 56 Lovelich's Holy Grail, C h . L V , 11. 507.

IRREGULAR SEXUAL RELATIONSHIPS Syth J>at sche was of blood so gentil bore, }>an of fals lust, agcyn al godlyhede, Vsed hir bewte and hir womanhede Dishonestly, and in synful wyse." T h e offense is here censured more as an indignity to noble blood—a contradiction of chivalric idealism—than a violation of divine law. In Le Morte Arthur, when the knights were indignant at the adultery of Lancelot and Guinevere, their criticism fell chiefly on the Queen, not for ethical reasons but because she kept their greatest fighter from their company. 58 In some cases, nevertheless, the objection was ethical and religious. When Modred took Guinevere, the author of the romance Arthur writes, he toke )>e qwene, Arthourez wyff, Ayenst goddes lawe & gode lyff. («• 553-54) In the Prose Merlin, the kinsmen of Cleodalis are said to have hated Leodogran, "for the grete shame that he dide to Cleodalis of his wif, that he so longe hadde holden in avouterie maugre Cleodalis." 5 9 Such examples as these make it unfair to say that adultery on the part of men went uncondemned. T h e tendency in judging their offenses, however, was toward leniency. Another indication of the double standard was the belief that, since men apparently might stray and still come to grace, women must overlook their trespasses. Handlyng Synne explains that the wise woman, the patient, understanding wife, could win her husband from evil by being oblivious to his follies: gyf a man be of Ioly lyfe And mysdo onys vndyr hys wyfe, gyf she be gode and certeyn To gode state she turnej? hym ajyen. (11. 1727-30) T h e case of the woman who sinned was by contrast hopeless: But )>ere J?e wyfle haunted foly Vndyr here husbunde a lubdy, Comunly she wyl neuer blynne But euere be brennyng yn here synne; Vnto )>e deuyl confounde her here And brynge her to helle fere. (11. 1731-36) Lydgate's Troy Book, Bk I, 11. 4356-63. Le Morte Arthur (Harleian MS. 2252), 11. 1380-87. 89 Prose Merlin, p. 451. Lydgate's Troy Book, Bk. V, II. 2808 if., reports that Orestes killed Pyrrhus for loving Orestes' wife, and comments that sudden death or disaster are "}>e guerdon of avowterie." 87 88

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Having once relaxed her vigilance, in other words, the woman's natural talent for evil was likely to plunge her more and more irrevocably into sin. The Recuyell of the Historyes of Troye likewise expresses the belief that woman must overlook man's trespasses. When Deyanira complained about Hercules' love for Yole, Hercules stated that ". . . he had none other wyf but her And that he prayd her that she sholde not gyue her to none euyll thynkynge but leue in hope and in pacyence/ as a wyse lady and noble oughte and is bounde to doo for her honour & worshippe." 8 0 When Yole asked Lycas for advice, he urged in typical masculine fashion that she be patient till Hercules tired of the lady and left her "a lytyll & a lytyll." When Hercules died from wearing the poisoned shirt which Deyanira vengefully sent him, his last speech reproached her, as if he had been guiltless and she at fault: "Thou haddest neuer so moche honour and worshippe as thou now hast deseruyd blame/ not onely for the allone, but for all women/ that ben or shall be euer in the world/ for yf hit happen that kynges or prynces acquente them with ladyes or damoyselles for the humayne multepliance they shall neuer have credence ne affiance in theire propre wyues." 8 1 Medieval society, according to the romances, seems to have shared the opinion of Hercules and Lycas that it was the woman's lot to bear her husband's infidelities without recrimination. It was also her duty, of course, to keep herself free from guilt, since her misconduct could not be judged with equal leniency. Some things in the romances can be understood only if it is remembered that society was severe in its judgments of the misdemeanors of women and was generally skeptical of their virtue. Addressing a prayer to Dido, Caxton asks her help in the correction of the many vices of womankind: T o the, thenne in all affection crayntyue, I addressc m y thoughte d e p r e c a t y u e / yf in ony wyse that hast strengthe or puyssaunce towarde the goddys of hyghe magestye in theyr pryue mansyon, w h y c h e for the, wylle some thynge d o o / that it maye playse the to entende to the correction of the maners l u b r y k e / Inconstaunte and euyl of our matrones impudike and folyshe/ and to rendre theym from theyr lacyuyte into pudike / mystike & shamefaste c h a s t y t e / and in-to benygne & uery obedyence, so m o c h e that they abyde with t h e / in thy n a m e and fame venerable/ T h e whiche, wyth-oute ende k n o w y n g eternelly, we maye see by thy merytes thoneste of chaste dennesse maternalle to be a u g m e n t e d & growe in h o n o u r . 6 2

The Prose Merlin contains another example of the restless and fickle nature of women. Merlin, advising the Roman emperor to forget his first wife, who had been burned for adultery, and to take a new one, generalized about women: 60 61 62

Recuyell of the Historyes of Troye, p. 489. Recuyell of the Historyes of Troye, pp. 486, 498. Caxton's Eneydos, p. 37.

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for as longe as the w o r l d c e n d u r e t h it doth but apcire, a n d all that c o m e t h

to h e m be the grete s y n n e of l u x u r e that in h e m is closeth; f f o r w o m a n is of that nature and of that disire, that w h a n she hath the moste w o r t h i m a n of the w o r l d e to hir lorde, she w e n e t h she h a u e the werste, a n d w i t e ye f r o w h e n s this c o m e t h of the grete fragelite that is in h e m ; a n d the foule c o r a g e a n d the f o u l e t h o u g h t that thei haue w h e r e thei m a y beste hir volunte a c c o m p l i s h . "

03

T h e conviction that the purity of a woman could endure only when untempted is indicated in the reflections of the author of The "Gest Hystoriale" of the Destruction of Troy. After he tells us that Helen went to the temple of Venus solely that she might satisfy her curiosity about Paris, he advises women to remain cloistered at home, lest they be led astray and cause unending trouble. 6 4 In this case the moral is drawn from Helen's conduct, but there is no reference to the fact that Paris, her partner, was also promiscuous. Belief in the moral corruption of womankind was so strong that innocent love could not command credence. W h e n Ipomydon, as an unknown knight, visited the court of the Lady of Calabria, they gazed so openly at each other that the lady suddenly realized they might bring censure upon themselves: A n d t h e r e w i t h b y g a n to s h a m e . F o r she m y g h t lightly falle in blame, If m e n p e r s e y u e d it o n y t h y n g , B y t w y x e h e m t w o such l o k y n g e ; T h a n w o l d they say all b y d e n e , T h a t some loue w e r e h e m b y t w e n e ; T h a n schulde she falle in slandre, A n d lese m y c h e of h y r h o n o u r e . (11. 4 3 5 - 4 2 )

N o doubt the lady was aware that moralists so emphasized "the lechery of looking" as one of the steps leading to misconduct that observers might deem the innocent new love a guilty one. Actions were even more hastily condemned. In the midst of a tournament, Partonope, riding to Melior, offered his banner: W h e r e o f m e n speke ]?an d i s h o n o u r , A n d seide J?at m a n w a s hir p a r a m o u r . T h o u g h a l a d y f o r J>e best a )?ing do, M e n h a u e such Ioy to lye so, T h e y w o l e it t u r n e all f o r the w o r s t e , T h e y h a u e n o I o y e to say the beste. 6 5

T h e author explains this cynicism also by saying that men who have been disappointed in love become soured in disposition. In the tale of The Knight 03 64 66

Prose Merlin, p. 433. Gest Hystoriale, 1 1 . 2920-70. Partonope of Blois, 1 1 . 1 0 1 1 9 - 1 2 4 .

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of Courtesy, the faultless wife of a great lord wished to love in chastity a knight who came to dwell in the land. When the knight was fatally wounded, he sent his heart to the lady as a final token; but the husband, who could not credit the purity of the love, intercepted the gift, had it cooked as a delicacy in a savory fashion and served at the lady's table. Learning of the sadistic trick, the lady vowed that she had never eaten meat so sweet and that she would never eat again. Then she died for love.66 In The Holy Grail, Lancelot, the grandfather of Ban, worshiping the goodness of the Duchess married to Celidoyne's cousin, loved her in purity. When gossiping people reported that they lived in folly, the Duke murdered Lancelot on Good Friday. Thereafter, as the Duke entered his castle, a stone fell on him and killed him. Such punishment no doubt indicates a divine judgment either for killing on a holy day or for thinking evil of the innocent, or perhaps for both.87 Fathers readily suspected their own children of misconduct and imposed upon them, sometimes without cause and without examination of the evidence, the sharpest disapproval and the severest punishment. Part of this was due, as Florence explains, to the natural cynicism of old age, somewhat jealous of the emotional experience of youth. When Florence's father forbade him to see Clariet because he distrusted him, Florence, reminding his father that youthful love has more purity than suspicious old age can credit, avowed his honor, and suggested that old age could be better occupied in prayer than in condemning youth.68 Huon was undoubtedly right in attributing paternal severity to the sourness of old age, but it was also the expression of the misogyny so generally characteristic of the period. Despite the double standard with its tendency to place the burden of responsibility on the woman, there are a few instances of tolerance toward her misdemeanors. Malory's Morte D'Arthur in at least one instance mocks at the puritanism of those who condemn sexual irregularity. Sir Lamorak sent to Mark a magic horn, from which no woman could drink if she had been unfaithful to her husband. When the Queen and her hundred maidens tried, only four passed the test. The King resolved to burn the guilty ones; but the barons, knowing the sorceress Morgan Le Fay was responsible for the horn, asserted that "alweyes in her dayes she had ben an enemy to alle true louers," and refused to support his decision.69 The Avowing of Arthur 68

The Knight of Courtesy and the Fair Lady of Faguell, 11. 44 ff. Lovelich's Holy Grail, Ch. LVI, 11. 287-436. Huon of Burdeux, pp. 6 3 0 - 3 1 . Fathers like the emperor in Guy of Warwick (15th Ct. version, 11. 3098 ff.) and the king in The Squire of Low Degree (11. 355—402), who refused to believe evil of their children, were the exceptions. 68 Malory, Morte D'Arthur, Bk. VIII, Ch. XXXIV, p. 325. Sexual irregularity is seldom taken so lighdy, however, even in this book. For examples of a severe attitude toward irregularity in sexual relationships see Malory, Bk. X, Ch. XXIV, p. 452, and the examples of private revenge previously cited in the discussion of rape. 67 48

IRREGULAR SEXUAL RELATIONSHIPS

95

and Emare offer examples of tender forbearance and unwillingness to condemn. K i n g Arthur, having schemed to make Baldwin think his wife guilty of adultery, showed him a knight asleep in his lady's bed, and asked if he were not angry: "Nay, sir," he sayd, "withouten othe, Ne wille J>e lady no lothe: I telle 30 as quy: For hitte was atte hur awen wille; Els thurst no mon comun hur tille, And gif I take hitte )>enne to ille, Muche maugreue haue y. For mony wyntyr togedur we haue bene, And gette ho dyd me neuyr no tene, And ich syn schall be sene And sette full sorely." (11. 894-904) Emare's husband, by the contrivance of his wicked mother, was led to believe that his wife had borne a devil child with three animal heads. Since the superstition prevailed that multiple or irregular births were evidence of sexual promiscuity, it would not have been surprising that Emare's husband berated her for her infidelity. Instead, he commanded his followers to serve her faithfully till she regained her health. 7 0 In the Troy Boo\ Lydgate shows considerable inconsistency in his attitude toward w o m e n . 7 1 A t times he seems entirely willing to excuse all their follies and to overlook misdemeanors. H e explains that if they are fickle and frequently "chese hem lovis newe," it is because "ofte tyme |?ei se men do }?e same." H e suggests good-naturedly enough that since it is feminine instinct not to live alone and to desire more loves than one, he finds it in his heart to be tolerant. Rebuking the tale-bearing Vulcan, who found his wife Venus "liggyng a-beddc with Mars her owne k n y j t " for " m a k y n g )?e sklaundre al abrood to sprede," he advises men to "passe ouere lijtly" such offenses "liste J?at J?ou be to wommen odyous." 7 2 Other passages in the Troy Boo\ where 70 Emare, 11. 530-73. The belief that multiple births of human or animal offspring was through intercourse with a "by-leman" is found in Lay Ic Freine (II. 7 1 - 9 ) , in Chevelere Assigne (II. 66 ff), and in Octouian Xmperator (11. 1 2 1 - 5 0 ) . 71 This inconsistency is explained in some measure by the fact that Lydgate is at times reporting accurately opinions from his source, Historia Destructionis Troiae, by Guido delle Colonne. At other times he is amplifying his source and criticizing Guido's ideas. The difficulty is that it is not always possible to determine whether Lydgate is serious or jesting. Cf. Henry Bergen's notes on Lydgate's Troy Book, in EETSES, 126, for a comparison of the text of Lydgate with that of Guido. Lydgate's Troy Boot Bk. I, 11. 2 1 0 8 - 1 8 ; Bk. II, II. 5803-19. Bergen states (EETSES, Vol. 126, p. 2 1 8 ) that ". . . even assuming that his implied attack on double morality was inspired by desire to give women fair play . . . his whole tone shows very clearly that he was not serious

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ROMANCES

L y d g a t c half grants, half denies that women are emotionally unstable and sexually promiscuous illustrate his halting between two opinions. W o m e n are represented as showing their beauty in high chambers, in halls, on pilgrimages, in cities and towns, and "all is for to sell." Lydgate then hastens to attribute all unfavorable comments to his source Guido, w h o m he cond e m n s for his cynicism, and to reassure women that he does not share the ill o p i n i o n : For i dare wel affermen by J>e rode, Ageyn oon badde ben an hundrid gode. ( B k . Ill, 11. 4 3 6 1 - 6 2 ) It is his own opinion, he declares, that a man finds in a w o m a n what he looks f o r : Among an hundrid ^oug ]?at )>er be oon Of gouernaunce ]>at be vicious! For )>er ageyn a J>ousand vertuous Yif J>at ye liste, lightly ye may fynde. ( B k . Ill, 11. 4 3 9 4 ^ 7 ) T h o u g h Lydgate seems to understand in measure the reason for the misconduct of women, he never brings himself to excuse it completely. In what seems an ironic comment on the "pity" of women for masculine suffering, L y d g a t e reiterates the idea that women have no self-control. H e says that Cressid gave her heart to Diomede because he was ill after his long

fight

with T r o i l u s and she could not bear to see him suffer for love. H e speaks of the "pite . . . mercy eke & benygne routhe" in woman that enabled her readily to lay aside an old love lest some new admirer be "in meschef for hir sake."

73

In explanation of Clytemnestra's faithlessness with Egisthus he

comments, Such drede hadde she for to lyn allone, Sorweles so wel she koude grone. ( B k . V, 11. 1 1 0 9 - 1 0 ) T h a t he is not actually condoning her fault, however, becomes evident later in his lament for the evils that adultery breeds. W h e n Egisthus murdered but only intending to be sprightly, with his mind rather on the Wyf of Bath than on Penelope and the Virgin of Cologne." 7 8 Lydgate's Troy Book., Bk- IV, 11. 2 1 4 6 - 5 3 . The famous tale from The Seven Sages of Rome of the sheriff, his widow, and the knight was a popular one to illustrate the treachery of women. The soldier told the widow her conduct had taught him a lesson: J>ou hast itawt me a newe ran, J>at i schal neuer leue wimman. For J>ere t>ei make semblant fairest, J>ai wil bigile }>e al )>erformest. (11. 2 7 1 3 - 1 6 )

IRREGULAR SEXUAL RELATIONSHIPS

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Clytemnestra's husband, Agamemnon, and married the widow, Lydgate cries out, Alias! Jjat synne hath domynacioun To former wronge and abate rijt! (Bk. V, 11. 1126-27) and Lo how ]>c synne of avouterye Brou5t in mordre by conspiracie. (Bk. V, 11. 1131-32) Since Lydgate invariably returns to the idea of the evil results of adultery, any apparent tolerance that he expresses is superficial and transient. That the lenient attitude and the mild penalty were the exception is made clear by the fact that the romances present death as the common punishment for adultery and fornication. In the Prose Merlin, Julius Caesar, Emperor of Rome, discovered that the Empress kept as her attendants twelve men disguised as maidens. The barons decided to condemn all alike to the flames, . . and a-noon it was don, and thei were bounde hande and foot and made hem to be caste into the brynynge fier, and in short tyme thei were alle brent, ffor the fier was grete and huge." 74 The death penalty was sometimes administered, just as in the case of rape, by private revenge. When the Emperor's son made love to Huon's wife, Huon, posing for the Emperor a hypothetical case, inquired what punishment such a man deserved. The Emperor replied, "knowe for trouth yf I had a wyfe . . . & that I knewe surely that she loued me enterly/ then yf I knewe any man lyuynge that wolde purchase me such a treason/ thoughe he were my nerc parent, yf I myght fynde him, in what soeuer place it wcr in and though I shold be slayne in the quarell, there shold nother chyrche, aultre, nor crucyfyx that sholde saue his lyfe/ but that with my two handes I shold slee him." 7 5 This is the Emperor's disinterested judgment; it is not sur74 Prose Merlin, p. 4 3 1 . In the same romance (p. 4 1 8 ) Nimiane, whom Merlin loved, fearing the wrath of her father and the death penalty, asked Merlin to teach her the magic of putting people to sleep, " . . . for I wolde make my fader a-slepe alle the tymes that I wolde speke with yow, whos name is Dionas, and my moder, that thei aparceyve neuer of yow ne me, ffor witeth it well thei wolden me sle yef thei parceyved of vs two ought." In Arthottr and Merlin (II. 7 2 7 ff.) one of the three orphaned sisters was seduced by a young man. Death was the penalty, but it was possible to escape it by becoming a prostitute. The same incident is recorded without significant variation in Lovelich's Merlin, II. 225-44. William Jackson in his article on "Adultery" in A Dictionary of Christian Antiquity, ed. William Smith and Samuel Cheetham, I, 26—8, discusses the administration of the death penalty in the reigns of Constantine, Augustus, and the other Roman emperors. He refers to the effort of Theodosius I to reform the custom in Rome of making a woman taken in adultery become a prostitute—the custom found in the Merlin legends. 79 Huon of Burdeux, pp. 287-88. The right to private revenge seems to be denied, however, in the Prose Merlin. Bertelak killed a knight who had slain his cousin for the sake of his wife. When the relatives of the slain knight complained to King Leodogran, he declared that Bertelak

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prising, however, that when Huon slew the Emperor's guilty nephew, Duke RaoXil, the Emperor sought revenge. The right to private revenge included the right of the injured brother or son as well as the right of the husband. In Kyng Alisaunder, Pausanias, a rich Greek baron, had committed adultery with Olympias and had mortally wounded her husband Philip. Alexander, returning home opportunely, dragged Pausanias before his dying father that Philip might have the pleasure of delivering the death blow. 76 In The "Gest Hystoriale" of the Destruction of Troy, Orestes claimed that in murdering Clytemnestra for infidelity and the death of his father, he had followed the command of the gods. The Duke of Athens offered to champion him and prove, . . . all the dedis he dyd were done vppon reason, Evyn wrought by the wille of hor wale goddes. (11. 13081-82) Since no one would accept the challenge, Orestes was restored to his kingdom. In Malory's Morte D'Arthur, when Sir Gaheris found Sir Lamorak with his mother, "he cam to their beddes syde alle armed with his swerd naked/ and sodenly gat his moder by the here and strake of her hede." He did not kill Sir Lamorak, who was unarmed, but swore he would punish him later on the battlefield. 77 Sometimes justice was ironically executed by the illegitimate son. In the Gest Hystoriale, Telogonus, the son of Ulysses and Circe, killed his father. There.is no moralizing of the incident, however; the death is accidental, and when Telogonus learns the identity of his victim, he prays to die with him. 78 The Alexander legend presents a contrast. Alexander, having slain Neptanabus, dragged his body before the Queen and chided her for her sins and the disasters they had wrought:

had no right to private revenge, "But yef ye hadde yow complayneth to me, and I wolde not haue it redressed than myght ye haue take vengeaunce, but ye ne spak ther-of to me neuer worde." (p. 469). The barons judged Bertelak in the wrong, seized his property, and banished him. Often, apparently, the fear of public opinion discouraged private revenge. In Generydes (11. 1 3 5 2 - 7 8 ) the Sultan wished to put Generydes and Clarionas to death at once, when he discovered their secret meetings, but refrained because he feared his people would condcmn his hasty decision. In Richard Coer dc Lion (11. 9 1 5 - 5 6 , 1 1 2 6 - 3 2 ) the German king wished vengeance on King Richard, who had violated his daughter Marjorie. Since kings were exempt from the death penalty, he first plotted to bring about Richard's death by treachery, and when that attempt failed, decided to accept a ransom. 76 Kyng Alisaunder, 11. 1334-60. Although Olympias seems to have been a willing participant, won over by pleading and gifts, she escaped punishment. 77 Malory, Morte D'Arthur, Bk. X, Ch. XXIV, p. 452. The right to private revenge might lead to injustice. In Octouian Imperator (11. 1 1 4 - 2 1 6 ) Octavian killed the innocent kitchen knave whom he found asleep in his wife's bed. His jealous mother had contrived this in order to turn Octavian against his wife. 78 Gest Hystoriale, II. 13228-232, 13928-959.

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99

"It is thy foule fowlye, J>at this fare wrought, Your carefull conscience, yee casten so large, That yee wern no wyght but wyrch as yee lyst." 79 Kyng Alisaunder

includes the comment,

Soth hit is, in al thyng Of eovel lif comuth eovel eyndyng. (11- 75^-53) In Malory's Morte D'Arthur, the use of the bastard son as an instrument of vengeance is clearly expressed by Merlin. H e complained of Arthur's incest with his sister, wife of Lot, "But ye haue done a thyng late that god is displeasyd with y o w / for ye haue layne by your syster/ and on her haue goten a chyld/ that shalle destroye yow and all the knyghtes of your realme . . . it is gods wyll that youre body be punysshed for your fowle dedes." 8 0 T h e death penalty was administered, then, either by law or by private revenge or, it might be said, by ironic justice in the case of the death of a father at the hands of his illegitimate son. Other punishments for adultery include divorce, imprisonment, and exile. Achilles urged the Greeks not to try to regain Helen but to pronounce a divorce for Menelaus and find him a new wife. 8 1 In Octouian hnperator and The Earl of Toulouse, imprisonment and burning were the penalties. 82 Exile was a common form of punishment both for adultery and fornication. When Mark saw the love between Tristrem and Iseult, he exiled them. 8 3 In Horn, Fikenhild falsely reported to K i n g Aylmar that Horn had dishonored Rymenhild and advised ">u do him vt of londe, OJ?er he do)? )?e schonde." (Version C, 11. 701-2) Horn Childe records that the father went home and beat his daughter unmercifully. H o r n found her lying in her bed with her mouth and nose 7 " Alisaunder (MS. Greaves 60, Bodleian), 11. 1 1 0 3 - 5 . 80 Malory, Morte D'Arthur, Bk. I, Ch. XX, p. 67. 81 Lydgate's Troy Book., IV, 597-1057. T h e decision of St. Thomas in Summa Theologica, Part III (Supplement), Q. 59, Art. 6, had been that adultery was cause for divorce, but he declared (Q. 62, Art. 5) that it was unlawful for both wife and husband to contract a second marriage while the first mate lived. He lists a number of impediments which forbid marriage and annul it when contracted (Q. 50, Art. I ) . In the romances, however, the matter of annulment or divorce is passed over lightly. In Generydes (11. 1 3 3 1 - 3 7 ) Auferius married Sereyne, though there was no mention of the dissolution of his marriage with Serenydes. In Lay le Freine (II. 393 ff.) the marriage of Cordre with Sir Guroun was annulled for no other reason than that the knight wished to marry his first love. In Torrent of Portyngale (11. 1328-30) Desonell was granted to Torrent after she was divorced from her first husband, the Prince of Aragon. In neither of the last two examples is divorce a moral issue; it is rather a story necessity. 8 - Octouian Imperator, II. 2 1 7 ff.; Earl of Toulouse, 11. 862-64. 8:1 Sir Tristrem, II. 2436-55.

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bloody, but she was less distressed by her own plight than by anxiety about Horn. Her worst fears were realized when her father exiled him and threatened to draw him with wild horses if he failed to leave the country at once. 84 In Syr Tryamour, when King Aradus was persuaded by his treacherous steward Marrocke that the child born to his wife Margaret was not his own son, he exiled her. 86 Gonore discovered that Morgan Le Fee and Guyomar had "pleyde the comen pley . . . wherfore thei were departed." 8 8 Exiled women were sometimes cast upon the sea in provisioned or unprovisioned boats, depending upon the severity of the judgment. In Torrent of Portyngale, when the King learned that his daughter was pregnant, he declared she should be cast upon the sea as an example to "Euery kyngis doughter ffer and nere." Because her mother intervened, she was permitted to remain in her father's realm until she had given birth to twins, and was then cast out. 87 When Crystyabelle, who had been promised to Sir Eglamour, bore him an illegitimate child in his absence, her father set her adrift with the new-born babe. 88 From the point of view of morality it was probably intended that such culprits should perish, but story-telling necessity often dictated that they be saved.89 Any discussion of the attitude of medieval society toward sex cannot omit the attitude of the young people themselves who were the objects of their elders' concern. The attitude of youth in any age toward the social regulation of sex usually follows one of two general patterns. The docile and imitative, accepting the standard of their conservative elders, either satisfy themselves within its limits or, when satisfaction is unobtainable, deny themselves pleasures or privileges to which they feel they are not entitled. Other young people, either because they are inherently wilful and reckless or because they find themselves deprived of what they feel to be their right, rebel against conventional conduct. Both of these points of view are found in the romances. Conservative heroines, believing that man alone had the privilege of speaking and that woman must hold her tongue lest she be accused of boldness, 84

Horn Childc, II. 492-563. Syr Tryamour, 11. 190-225. Some wives were not exiled but simply cast out. In The Seven Sages 0} Rome (II. 2 1 9 3 - 2 3 1 0 ) the husband turned out of doors his wife whose adultery was disclosed by his pet magpie. 88 Prose Merlin, pp. 508-9. 87 Torrent of Portyngale, 11. 1 7 9 5 - 1 8 1 8 . 88 Sir Eglamour of Artois, 11. 802 ff. In the Recuyell of the Historyes of Troye (p. 168) the father of Danes cast her and her illegitimate son upon the sea, "with oute mete or drynke & with oute steer or gouernail & gafe her ouer to al wyndes." Doubdess he was punishing her offense, but since he had been warned that the child would turn him to stone at some later time, he was also taking precaution for his own safety. 8 9 Malory's Morte D'Arthur (Bk. XXI, Ch. I, p. 839.) provides one example of another type of punishment, the ecclesiastical reprimand. When Modred said that he would make Guinevere his wife despite that fact that she was already married, the Bishop of Canterbury declared he would curse him with book and bell and candle. Though the threat of the most severe of spiritual disciplines did not deter Modred, no one suggested additional penalties under the civil law. 85

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101

accepted the passive role in love. They knew that it was the woman's part not merely to exemplify the virtues of reticence and self-control, but to restrain her impatient lover.90 We have already met examples of this type of woman in the discussion of the marriage of convenience in Chapter III. Some heroines, either wives bored with their husbands or maidens emotionally overwrought, disregarded the conventional standards and, becoming aggressors in love, invited men to participate with them in irregular unions. For a knight to accept such wooing was a simple matter; but if he wished for any reason to refuse it, he needed considerable diplomacy. Gawain, by saying he was unworthy of the lady who wooed him and offering to become her servant rather than her lover, seemed to flatter, not to rebuke his amorous hostess.91 Other knights, because they were essentially pure or because they distrusted their own self-control, were abrupt and rude. When the Queen of India, wife of Auferius, made advances to Generydes, he rebuked her sharply, for he was disturbed by the idea that if he yielded he would be guilty not only of sexual irregularity but also of violating his allegiance to his sovereign lord.92 A silent disregard of the invitation or a blunt refusal usually aroused the angry recrimination of the woman, who then publicly accused the unwilling knight of having attempted rape. In The Seven Sages of Rome when Florentine's stepmother sought his love, and in Launfal when Launfal refused the proffered love of Gonore, the women vented their spite in this fashion.93 Maidens sometimes pursued knights as unabashedly as did restless wives. Ponthus gained renown for the skill with which he parried the love-making of the many maidens ". . . whiche with goode wyll wold haue loued hym, and he hade wold. Bot he shewed to eueryche elyke goode chere withoute any contenaunce of love; wherfor there were many soroful." 94 Beves, on the other hand, was so startled by the wooing of Josian that, though there was no real obstacle to their love, he went off, "sore aneiged and aschamed." 9 0 There are innumerable illustrations for this point. A partial list includes Sir Degravant, 11. 1507-20; Lancelot of the Laik., 11. 2 4 3 3 - 4 0 ; Partonope of Blois, 11. 1 2 6 1 - 7 1 ; "Apollonius of Tyre," Gower's Confessio Amantis, Bk. VIII, II. 834-63. 81 Sir Gawain and the Green Knight, 11. 1241-47, 1 2 7 6 - 7 9 . In another version of the story, The

Grene Knight,

Gawain's reply to the lady who solicited his love in the absence of her husband

shows that he was too shocked to be tactful: Sir Gawaine blushed on the lady bright Saitb, "your husband is a gentle knight, By him yt bought me dearel T o me itt were great shame. If I schold doe him any grame, Y t hath becae kind to met." er byef> moche uolk dyade/ Jjct ne habbe nenne gelt, cherchen tobroke. tounes uorbernd. abbeyes, priories, bernes destrud/ and men/ and wyfmen/ and children diserited/ and y-exiled. and londes destrud. and to moche o)?re harmes/ that byej> y-do." The Fayttes of Armes (Bk. I, Ch. IV, p. 1 2 ) states that although Alexander, the Roman conquerors, and others were praised in books of chivalry as were those " . . . that gretly be vengid on their enemyes be it wel or euyl," no such approval can be found in divine law and scripture, which gives God, not man, the right to vengeance. 14 Hearnshaw, "Chivalry," pp. 8-9. Lull in The Book, of the Ordre of Chyualry (p. 38) states, "Thoffyce of a knyght is to mayntene and deffende wymmen/ widowes and orphanes." 15 Froissart, Chronicles, I, Ch. IX, 3 1 .

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and helpe them that be comfortlesse and specyally so hyghe, and so noble a lady as this is, who is doughter to a kyng and descendyd of a royall kyng; we be of her bloode and she of oures. I hadde rather renounce and forsake all that I have, and go serve God over the see, and never to retourne into this countrey, rather than this good lady shulde have departed from us withowte comforte and helpe." 1 8 Since Isabella, seeking strong political alliance, had negotiated the marriage of her son with the daughter of William II of Hainault, John's brother, it must be conceded that John's actions were dictated as much by family interests as by chivalric gallantry. 17 Both chivalry and the Church exhorted men to fight in defense of the faith. In The Boo\ of the Ordre of Chyualry Lull listed as one of the chief offices of a knight "to mayntene and deffende the holy feyth catholyque." He declared that God chose both clerks and knights for a purpose: the clerks were to maintain the faith with Scripture and reason against unbelievers; the knights were to defend the faith and vanquish miscreants: ". . . & suche kny3tes god holdeth them for his frendes honoured in this world/ & in that other when they kepe & mayntene the feith by the whiche we entende to be saued." 1 8 The Church in proclaiming the Crusades exalted the defense of the faith as one of the most glorious types of war. Pope Urban, calling for crusaders to protect the Eastern Christians from the attack of the Turks, promised that if they died on the way or in fighting the pagans, their sins would be remitted and their entrance into heaven would be expedited. 19 In Fulcher of Chartres' account of the First Crusade it is seen that Urban encouraged war against the infidel but discouraged private wars, civil wars, and wars of Christian against Christian: "Let those . . . who are accustomed to wage private wars wastefully even against Believers, go forth against the Infidels in a battle worthy to be undertaken now and to be finished in victory . . . let those, who formerly contended against brothers and relations, rightly fight barbarians." 2 0 Even about wars for the faith there was not complete unanimity of opinion. Handbooks such as Lull's Ordre of Chyualry and Christine de Pisan's Fayttes of Armes apparently sanction all wars against unbelievers, for they simply list wars for the faith as justifiable and do not discuss the matter 16

Froissart, Chronicles, I, Ch. X, 32. Froissart also recounts (I, Ch. L X X X I , 198—204) Sir Walter Manny's effort to succor Joan of Flanders, Countess of Montfort, against her besiegers, Sir Lewis of Spain and Sir Charles of Blois. 17 Thomas F. Tout, History of England from the Accession of Henry III to the Death of Edward II, pp. 298-99. 18 Lull, Boo\ of the Ordre of Chyualry, pp. 24-5. 19 Erdmann, Die Emstehung des Kreuzzugsgedan\cns, pp. 3 1 6 - 1 7 . 20 Fulcher of Chartres, Chronicles of the First Crusade, Part III, Sect. 7, p. 16. Bede Jarrett, in Social Theories of the Middle Ages, p. 185, states that De Eruditione Principum ( 1 2 6 0 - 6 5 ) declared the war of Christian against Christian inhuman. Holdsworth, A History of English Law, V, 29, reports that Wyclif asserted the illegality of wars between Christians.

II8

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ROMANCES

further. Gilbert of the Haye's manual, The Bu\e of the Law of Armys (1456), presents a different view. It discusses at considerable length the justice of wars against unbelievers and concludes that general wars against the Saracens or wars to compel the infidel to accept the Christian faith are not to be sanctioned, ". . . for faith sulde nocht be compellit be fors." Wars to recover the Holy Land, which Christ conquered "with his awin precious blude," and wars against unbelievers who "mak ony molestacioun to cristyn that is in thair jurisdictioun" are sanctioned. Wars against Jews are pronounced unlawful, ". . . be caus thai may nocht to us harme, bot ar under Cristyn folk as bondis and slavis, men rekkis nocht of thame." 2 1 The Bu\e of the Law of Armys reflects a point of view that only gradually won recognition. Pope Innocent IV (1243-54) decreed it unjust to wage wars against Saracens merely to convert them or to seize their lands and goods when they had done no harm to Christians. Although Henry of Susa opposed Innocent with a statement that only infidels who lived in subjection to Christians were immune to attack, and though his views were for a time popular, the opinion of Innocent gradually prevailed. 22 Aquinas shares the view of Innocent IV that it is not right to fight unbelievers to compel them to believe, but that it is lawful to make war against them to prevent them from obstructing the exercise of the Christian faith. 23 The romances are as seriously concerned as the moralists with the problem of just and unjust wars. They indicate repeatedly that warriors fighting for unjust causes will inevitably be disgraced and defeated. By contrast, those fighting for just causes are guaranteed the victory. Medieval man is constantly told that any quarrel grounded and rooted in falsehood will come to "euell ende," that those who fight "agayne the ryghte" will presently be brought low by the wheel of fortune. 24 Warriors are given as battle slogans the phrases "good cause," "ryght quarrell," and their equivalents. T h e sentiment that Hyt ys grete parell, sothe to telle, T o be agayne the ryght quarell,25 21 Gilbert of the Haye's The Buk.e of the Law of Armys, ed. J. H. Stevenson, Part 4, Ch. 2, pp. 102-6; Part 4, Ch. 63, p. 189. 22 Holdsworth, English Law, V, 3 1 . 23 Summa Theologica, Part II (Second Part), Q. 10, Art. 8, 1 1 . Marshall W. Baldwin, "Western Attitudes toward Islam," Catholic Historical Review, XXVII (1942), 4 0 3 - 1 1 , points out the conflict between the two methods of converting the faithless—by force, or the crusades, and by peaceful persuasion, or missionary activity. He states, " . . . the majority of the early missionary propagandists, like Humbert of Romans or Raymond Lull regarded the crusades as an indispensable aid to their work." He adds, "Notwithstanding, there were a few missionaries who insisted on the incompatibility of the two methods, force and persuasion," and mentions the thirteenth-century William of Tripoli as urging the abandonment of the crusades. 24 Lydgate's Siege of Thebes, II. 2494-2505; Earl of Toulouse, II. 1 3 0 - 3 1 ; Four Sons of Aymon, PP- 559~6°; Awntyrs of Arthure, 11. 248-60. 25 Earl of Toulouse, 11. 142-43.

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is expressed over and over again. 2 8 T h e just and unjust wars which are explained and exemplified in the romances correspond at many points with the definitions and views of the theorists. T h e romances, for example, reflect the problem raised by the feudal relationship. They accept the idea that a vassal must render military service, and they therefore grant the lord the right to wage war to force that tribute from a recalcitrant follower. Charlemagne commanded D u k e Benes to report to him with all his forces and threatened to slay him, his wife, and his son, if he disobeyed. Benes* wife, partly because of the threat and partly because she believed her husband in the wrong, urged him to submit: " . . . no man shall prayse you that ye make warre agaynst your right-wyse lorde/ and wit it well that it is agaynst the commaundements of God, & against all equitie." 2 7 In William of Palerne the Emperor reminded G o d that his enemy the D u k e of Saxony unjustly waged war against him: "& Lorde! he is my lege man. lelly J?ou knowes, for holly )>e londes )>at he has. he holdes of mi-selue, J>er-for j>e wronger he wirches. al ]>c world may know, for-J?i a rrynde on me, lord, for J?i moder loue, help me haue J>e herre hand. her-afTtir in my rijt." (11. 1174-78) When the D u k e was finally defeated he confessed his wrong with great lamenting, for he "wist J?an he hade wrongly w r o u j t J^urgh his pride." H e repledged his allegiance, but so dolorous was he that "he deide on \>c fifte day to talke \>e. sothe." In Huon of Burdeux when Huon became L o r d of Bordeaux, ons of his liege men, Angelars, would not obey h i m : ". . . whan Huon saw that he wolde not holde of hym nor do hym homage, he was sore dyspleasyd, and made promyse that, yf that he myght gette hym parforce, he wolde surely hange hym vp & as many as were in the castell." 2 8 Later, Huon carried out his threat. Generydes, 1!. 3 2 1 0 - 1 1 ; Squire of Low Degree, 1. 194; Ponthus and Sidone, p. 76; Melusme, pp. 1 1 0 , 1 9 1 , and many other romances contain similar advice and similar phrases about just and unjust wars. It might be argued that the fights of Amiloun for Amis and of Lancelot f o r Guinevere contradict any cthical significance of the above examples. T h e fact that there were some victors in battles whose causes were evil though they appeared to be good need not invalidate the faith by which the many lived—that the evil cause would bring defeat, the good cause victory. Four Sons of Aynion, pp. 20, 25. 28 Huon of Burdeux, p. 275. Many examples illustrate the refusal of a vassal to give the required service. When Partonope, in the romance by that title, asked the K i n g of France why he had not sent for aid from his vassals against the heathen, " S o haue y d o , " thenne seyde the kynge. " T h e y wylle obbeye me nothynge. Y canne ynne no wysc, trewly see But thatt they neyder holde me For kynge, for souereyne, ne for lorde." (II. 2 7 0 7 - 1 1 )

i2o

LOVE AND WAR IN THE MIDDLE ENGLISH ROMANCES

The romances classify as unjust those wars in which the feudal lord overstepped his rights. It was unlawful, for instance, to force allegiance where a man owed none. Arthur was fighting Golagros simply to make him receive his lands in fealty from him. When Sir Spynagrose objected, Arthur replied, "My hecht sail haldin be, for baill or for bliss," and was so determined that no one dared gainsay him: Thair wes na man that durst mel to the king, . Quhan thai saw that mighty sa mouit in his mynde.29 Although Arthur's knights believed his cause unjust, since they could not move him to wisdom and since they were his sworn followers, they fought for him. In Kyng Alisaunder the people of Athens sent letters to the conquering Alexander. They did not wish to pay tribute since they had successfully resisted similar demands from his father Philip and from other kings. If he refused the petition, they intended to fight him and drive him out of the land because they believed "oure is the right: his is the wowhe." 30 In The Earl of Toulouse the Emperor Diocletian disinherited many men and took their lands; but Sir Barnard, when he was so mistreated, fought the Emperor and defeated him. The Emperor's wife Beulybon believed the Emperor wrong and urged him to make a settlement.31 The romances stress the chivalric precept that knights owe protection to women and approve wars for that purpose. King Arthur instructed his men, ". . . alweyes to doo ladyes/ damoysels/ and gentlewymmen socour vpon payne of dethe." 32 Many examples are, of course, the combats of individual knights to protect ladies; but often their protection necessitated general warfare. The danger from which women most frequently needed protection was the courting of a suitor who tried to force them into marriage or irregular relationships. Such courtship by battle was a method of both Christian and pagan wooers. King Achelous loved Deyanira, daughter of Oeneus of Chalcedon, and swore, "yf he wold not gyue her to hym at thys tyme/ he wold moleste and greue his contre & wold make hym warre." 3 3 Aeneus fought Turnus of Larentum because he tried to keep Lavinia, daughter of King Latinus, from him. 34 Men who protected maidens from unwelcome suitors waged war justified on two counts—that it was to proThe Knightly Tale of Golagros and Gawane, 11. 2 9 9 - 3 0 0 . Kyng Alisaunder, II. 3074. 31 Earl of Toulouse, 11. 3 3 - 4 8 , 1 5 1 - 5 6 . 3 2 Malory, Morte D'Arthur, Bk. Ill, Ch. X V , p. 1 1 8 . Haye's Buke of the Law of Armys (Bk. IV, Ch. 33, p. 140) states that knights who voluntarily protect ladies "aw nocht til ask wagis." 33 Recuyell of the Historyes of Troye, p. 371. 3 4 Caxton's Eneydos, pp. 1 4 5 - 4 6 , 1 5 4 - 5 6 . Other examples of attempts to win women by force are found in Beues of Hamtoun, 11. 9 1 1 ff.; William of Palerne, 11. 2633/f.; Syr Tryamour, 11. 1339 ff.; Lancelot of the Laik, H- 546 ff.; Le Bone Florence, 11. 5 7 4 - 8 3 ; Melusine, pp. 183, 202. Blanchardyn and Eglantine, p. 78 ff., Impomydon, 11. 1 7 1 1 ff., and countless other romances provide examples of knights willingly giving service and protection to women. 29 30

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tcct the weak and helpless and, if the suitor was a pagan, to give God the victory over his enemies. T h e romances clearly indicate, nevertheless, that not all wars for women were justified. T h e Troy stories repeatedly state that women such as Helen and Hessione were not worthy of the expenditure of the lives of good men. Even Achilles, after many days of sulking in his tent and refusing to help his comrades in arms, forgot Pollexena and vowed vengeance for the death of valiant men. 3 5 Wars for women were judged evil if a woman's character was suspect, if the circumstances were questionable, or if the aim of the war was to force a woman into marriage. T h e romances reecho the opinion of the moralists that the defense of the faith was the most glorious cause for which a man might fight. In defending the faith a knight not only rendered a service to God and his fellow Christians but assured himself of admission to heaven if he died on the field. Urian, upon the death of the King of Cyprus, encouraged his warriors in this fashion, ". . . ye oughte thenne to vnderstand all certaynly, that alle thoo that shull dye in this quarelle, mayntenyng & enhaunsyng the feyth, shal be saued, & shal haue the glorye of Paradvs." 3 0 According to Godeffroy of Boloyne, Pope Urban had promised all those who went on the First Crusade, "yf they deyde in this waye, confessid and repentaunt, he wolde take it on his fayth, that they incontinent shold goo in to the Ioye of heuen." T h e author first finds it strange that so many French noblemen were willing to leave their country, their wives, children, and homes, to undertake the crusade. Then he reminds himself, "But whan one thynketh that reward he shal haue of our Lord so to doo, thenne he geteth a feruent loue in hym self for charyte of our lord, and leueth the naturel loue of his flessh, for to saue his sowle." 3 7 T h e dying Richard of Normandy, in The Sege of Melayne, uttered a paean of joy at the vision he saw: 35 Laud Troy Book., 11. 1 7 0 9 - 2 8 ; 2 3 5 1 - 7 2 ; 1 4 1 7 7 - 1 8 2 ; Gest Hystoriale, 11. 1 0 1 8 4 - 2 1 2 . Guy's conviction that his slaughter of innumerable men to win Felicc could be atoned for only if he fought with equal vigor for the Church has already been mentioned. Since his decision is obviously used as a device for story prolongation, any interpretation of its ethical value is open to question; yet it is possible to believe that it implies some feeling against the conviction that manly energy should be spent in deeds of prowess to impress and win women. 36 Melusine, p. 140. Earlier in the same romance (p. 106) Urian and Guyon rebuked two knights for not aiding the King of Cyprus, " . . . consyderyng as it semeth to vs that alle good cristens are hold St bound to helpe eche other spccyally ayenst the paynemys." Also in the same romance (p. 2 3 5 ) , Regnauld told Eglantine, " . . . euery good cristen is hold & bound aftir the playsire of god toppresse & dystroye thenemyes of God." Roland, in The Four Sons oj Aymon (pp. 4 5 5 - 5 6 ) , chided Charlemagne for wasting his strength in civil war against Reynawde instead of gaining glory by fighting the Saracens. 37 Godefiroy of Boloyne, pp. 4 3 - 4 . Richard Coer de Lion, II. 1 3 1 5 - 2 0 , also records Pope Urban's call to the First Crusade and his pronouncement of the spiritual rewards. Realizing the strength of family ties Urban pleaded with men "hindered by love of children, parents, and wives" to remember the biblical text in which those who forsake their wives and families for the love of God are promised everlasting life. Speech of Urban at the Council of Clermont, 1095, as recorded by Robert the Monk, ed. Dana Carleton Munro, pp. 6 - 7 .

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L O V E AND W A R IN T H E MIDDLE ENGLISH ROMANCES Loo! I see oure vawarde ledde to heucne With Angells songe & merye steuene, Reghtc as J>ay faughte in j?e felde! I see moo Angells, loo! with myn eghe, Then there are men with-In Cristyante, }>at any wapyn may welde. To heuen )?ay lede oure nobill knyghtis, And comforthes pam with mayne & myghtis With mekill blysse & belde.38

Authors were apparently so zealous for the defense of the faith that they did not differentiate, as did some of the moralists, between harmless and wicked groups of unbelievers. T h e y give the impression instead that all pagans, whether they were belligerent or quietly minding their own business, might justly be destroyed; "to kepe and mayntene the faith." In Melusine, Urian declared the Saracens had attacked without cause, and encouraged his followers to defend their rights. By adding, " . . . and though we had goon on them vnto theire owne lande, we ought to doo soo," he indicates his belief that aggressive wars against unbelievers were also righteous. 3 9 T h e discussion of the legitimate causes of war has already indicated some of the unjust causes—wars for women, when they were unworthy, and wars of vassals trying to throw off allegiance to their sworn lords. T h e romances consider civil conflict and wars of Christian against Christian two other types of unjust conflict. Most civil wars arose because of the envy and greed of leaders. Rebuking Eteocles and his brother for allowing a personal quarrel to become a civil war, Jocasta warned them: "Thow shalt accountys and a reknyng make For alle tho that persshyn for sake." 40 In Merlin, Constantine left his realm to his son under the protection of Fortager, his greatest vassal. Fortager, having tacitly led his barons to kill the rightful heir, then punished the men for the deed. F o r this reason a feud arose between Fortager and the relatives of the punished men. 4 1 38 Sege of Melayne, 11. 3 1 6 - 2 4 . Richard, in Richard Coer de Lion (II. 6 7 2 9 - 3 4 ) , encouraged his hosts with the idea of the spiritual awards gained for wars for the faith. In Ponthus and Sidone (p. 8 7 ) , Ponthus comforted the King of England, who was grieving over the death of his son, by reminding him, " . . . in more mery ne in bettre seruice myght he not dye, then in the seruice of God and in defendyng of his contrey apenes the Saresyns." 39 Melusine, p. 128. The Siege of Jerusalem (11. 4 8 8 - 5 1 8 ) seems also to teach that any war against "failles folke" is justifiable in vengeance for the suffering of Christ. 4 0 Lydgatc's Siege of Thebes, 11. 3 6 7 7 - 7 8 . 4 1 Lovelich's Merlin, 11. 1 6 7 7 - 1 9 0 9 . The story is also found in Arthour and Merlin (11. 193 IT.). Other civil wars were the wars of Charlemagne against Reynawde and his brothers in The Four Sons of Aymon, the war of Lancelot against Gawain and Arthur in Le Morte Arthur (Harlrian 2 2 5 2 ) ; and the war of Eteocles and Tideus in Lydgatc's Siege of Thehes.

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W a r s of Christian against Christian are also condemned by the romances. G o d f r e y rebuked the K i n g of H u n g a r y , a Christian, for killing Christians, " i n suche w y s e that the most mortal enemyes that w e have had not done w e r s e . " H e asked the H u n g a r i a n emperor whether the pilgrims had forced h i m to such action in justice or in defense of his land. If he had killed innocent, faultless Christians out of hate, G o d f r e y v o w e d revenge. 4 2 Because H u o n felt civil w a r w i t h Christian destroying Christian, should be avoided, he refused aid f r o m the n e w l y converted E m p e r o r of Persia, saying, " . . . yf it please our lorde Iesu Chryste, w h o hathe a y d y d me out of many p a r e l l e s / I hope he w y l l so ayde m e that I shall not nede to m a k e warre a n d to dystroye the chrysten blode." H e wished rather to regain by " f a y r e speche" his w i f e and his city of B o r d e a u x f r o m the E m p e r o r of G e r m a n y w h o had seized them, a n d v o w e d , " . . . as long as i leue, I shall m a k e no w a r against chrysten m a n yf I may haue ryght and reason s h e w y d to me." 4 3 T h e ceaseless recurrence of w a r in the M i d d l e A g e s and its sanguinary and brutal character naturally led society to try to limit, terminate, or prevent strife. D e f i n i n g just a n d unjust reasons for conflict was one part of the attempt to lessen wars, but f u r t h e r efforts w e r e necessary. H o l d s w o r t h , w h o states that moralists never ceased to stress that w a r was the abnormal, peace the n o r m a l condition, believes that their insistence that the restoration of peace be held as an ideal led to attempts to find other solutions than w a r for the settlement of disputes. 4 4 James H a r v e y Robinson states that the various chronicles of the age g i v e evidence that feudalism not only failed to secure peace and order but tended directly to promote disorder. 4 , 1 T o quiet the disorder and tumult, attempts were m a d e to establish peace by ecclesiastical decrees. S e e i n g that the incessant w a r f a r e of the nobles threatened the life and property of the masses of people as well as its o w n property, the C h u r c h established the Peace of G o d (989-1050) to exempt certain g r o u p s — w o m e n , peasants, merchants, and clerics—from the ravages of w a r ; and the T r u c e of G o d , to limit the number of days w h e n w a r f a r e was permissible. F r e d e r i c k A u s t i n O g g comments, " . . . these decrces, though enacted again and again, had often little apparent e f f e c t . " 4 6 Sometimes the attempt to secure peace w a s by royal decree. T h e Coronation Charter of H e n r y I ( 1 1 0 1 ) contained the statement, " A firm peace in my whole k i n g d o m I establish and require to be kept h e n c e f o r t h . " 4 7 T h a t too m u c h success was not anticipated either f r o m royal or ecclesias42

Godeffroy of Boloyne, pp. 65-6. Huon of Burdeux, pp. 468-70. 44 Holdsworth, English Law, V, 36-7. 43 James Harvey Robinson, Readings in European History, I, 187. 46 Frederick A. Ogg, Source Book of Mediaeval History, pp. 228-29. Though fighting on holy da\s was generally censured, St. Thomas approved of it if it was nccessary for the commonweal. Stimma Theologica, Part II (Second Part), Q. 40, Art. 4. 4T Coronation Charter of Henry /, ed. Edward P. Cheyney, Sect. 12, p. 5. 43

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tical decrees is perhaps indicated by the acts of the Council of Clermont. T h o u g h it confirmed the T r u c e of G o d , it apparently did not expect it to be fully observed, for one of Pope Urban's arguments for the crusade was that drawing the energies of the most violent and quarrelsome into foreign wars would put an end to strife at home. Urban suggested that the overpopulation and the land-crowding which often caused civil strife would be lessened in this manner. 4 8 Negotiation of some kind, whether by conference or arbitration, was a normal way of terminating battles and arranging for restitution, amends, or terms which would guarantee peace. Although settling disputes by conference was not often tried because of mutual distrust, arbitration proved somewhat more successful and was quite a common method. Often representatives of the Church served as emissaries or arbitrators. A t Calais cardinals from Pope Clement met with representatives and lords from both sides to arrange a certain treaty of accord between the French and the English king. A t the battle of Poitiers the Cardinal de Perigord went as an emissary for peace between the French and English.' 19 In the fight between Henry III and E d w a r d (in 1264) against the rebellious barons, the Preaching Brothers and the Minorites went back and forth between the parties and arranged ". . . that due deliberation should be taken as to which of the statutes and provisions ought to be observed to benefit the kingdom, and which ought to be a n n u l l e d . " 5 0 T h e Treaty of Bretigny (1360) and the Treaty of Arras ( 1 4 3 5 ) were largely due to the negotiation of the Pope. Often kings served as arbitrators. Henry II ( 1 1 7 7 ) arbitrated between the kings of Castile and N a v a r r e : Louis I X of France (1246) between Henry III and his barons; and E d w a r d I ( 1 2 9 1 ) arbitrated the dispute of the thirteen competitors for the Scotch throne. 5 1 Sometimes negotiation or arbitration effected temporary peace through a marital or military alliance. Froissart records that when Flanders angered the English king by killing his favorite, Jacob van Artevelde, it suggested a marriage between the daughter of the king and the young lord who was heir to Flanders in order to bring about peace. 52 T h e marriage of the fifteenyear-old Earl L e w i s of Flanders illustrates the use of the marital alliance to secure a strong military power to prevent attack and thereby secure the peace. T h e English king wanted his daughter Isabell to be the Earl's bride, ". . . for he thought by that mariage, the Flemmynges wolde the 48

Speech of Urban II at the Council of Clermont in 1095, as reported by Robert the Monk, p. 7. Erdmann, Die Entstehung des Kreuzzugsgedan\ens, pp. 3 1 2 - 1 3 , quotes from a number of Urban's contemporaries who shared his opinion that energies directed toward a holy war would no longer be expended evilly in civil conflict. 48 Froissart, Chroniclcs, I, Ch. C X L V , 3 2 7 ; CLXI, 366-69. 50 Matthew Paris, English History, III, 349. 51 Holdsworth, English Law, V , 37. 52 Froissart, ibid., I, Ch. C X V , 260-65.

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gladlycr helpe h y m : and the Flemmynges thought by havyng of the kynge of Englande on their partie, they might well resyst the Frenchmen." T h e young Earl, " . . . who had ben norysshed amonge the noble men of France, wolde not agre." H e preferred marriage with the daughter of the D u k e of Brabant, who promised that the French and Flemings would then be his allies. But the great English lords acting as emissaries won the support of the Flemish people, w h o forced the young earl to submit. 5 3 T h e Treaty of Troyes (1420) provided for the marriage of Catherine of France with Henry V , ". . . for the good of the said peace" between the French and the English. 5 4 T h e many methods used in the romances to terminate war, limit its ill results, and prevent its recurrence correspond in general to those found in history. T h e making of strong marital alliances for this purpose is common in the romances. W e have already seen in Chapter III the use of the marital alliance to prevent the outbreak of war and to seal a peace. A n instance of an attempt to make a military alliance for the purpose of terminating a long war is Naymes' effort to bring Charlemagne and the F o u r Sons to an agreement. Because Naymes had confidence in the military prowess of the F o u r Sons, he advised Charlemagne to make an alliance with them, ". . . yf ye have ones the four bredern & Mawgis their cosin to your frendes/ there shall be no prynce in all crystendome so hardy that dare move werre agenst you." 5 5 Charlemagne, who felt secure in his own strength and hated the F o u r Sons, refused to consider the suggestion. Another road to peace was through arbitration and negotiation. T h e romances provide many examples of this method, but indicate that it rarely succeeded in preventing war, though it sometimes postponed it."'0 Priam was ready to declare war against the Greeks, but his barons, arguing "Better is pes for ay and 00 )?an monslaugter in werre and woo,"

57

advised him to send some wise baron to the Greeks to demand that they make amends. T h o u g h such procedure often effected only a temporary delay, it indicates that men felt they must give the appearance at least of working for an amicable settlement before plunging into war. 5 8 53 54

Froissart, ibid., I, Ch. C X L , 3 1 7 - 1 8 . Extract from the Treaty of Troyes, ed. Edward P. Chcyney, Readings

in English

History,

p. 287. 55 Four Sons 0/ Aymon, p. 329. 58 In Sir Degrevanl (II. 401 ff.), Sir Degrevant tried to negotiate with the earl who had destroyed his forests and killed his foresters, but he could get no satisfaction. He then declared he would wage war in which "many dowghty" would die. 67 Scege of Troye, 11. 3 6 3 - 6 4 . 68 In Le Morte Arthur (Harleian 2252) 11. 2254 ff., the Pope intervened in the wars between Arthur and Lancelot, and ordered Lancelot to return Guinevere to Arthur. As soon as the restitution was made, Lancelot was allowed to return to his land, and peace should have prevailed. Instead, Arthur and Gawain again took up arms against Lancelot.

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Restitution or making amends in some fashion was usually a part of any attempted negotiation or arbitration. In William of Palerne, the Spanish king taken prisoner by the Queen of Apulia promised to hold his lands as her subject. 59 Modard, Emperor of Germany, frightened by the passing of Richard's crusaders through his country, offered to restore to Richard the treasure he had previously taken from him, if he would guarantee peace. 80 In Le Morte Arthur, when Gawain and Arthur attacked Lancelot after the unsuccessful intervention of the Pope in their quarrels, Lancelot took the initiative in presenting peace terms. He offered a twelve months' truce and peace thereafter, and promised to spend the rest of his days in the Holy Land. His offer was prompted both by the consciousness of the waste of warfare and the knowledge that for Christian to fight Christian was sinful: "Thoughe we myght the worshyppe wynne, Off A thynge myn hert is sore; Thys land is of folke full thynne, Bataylles has it made full bare; Wete ye welle it were grete synne Chrysten folke to sle thus more." ( H a r l e i a n 2252, 11. 2596-2601)

In the conflict between Huon and the Emperor Thierry, Huon frequently sought peace. Once he sent Thierry the terms that he would make amends for all damage and wrong he had done him and his men, that he would receive his lands in homage from him instead of from the King of France, that he would deliver five hundred prisoners, ". . . quyte without any raunsome payenge," and that he would take with him a hundred knights and go at Lent to the Holy Land to pray for the souls of the slain nephews. 61 Limiting strife by means of single combat appears to have been a method occasionally suggested in actuality, but rarely if ever employed for the solution of a major conflict. The romances, on the contrary, indicate that leaders welcomed single combat as a means of deciding a quarrel "for to Eschewe grete blode schedynge." In Caxton's Eneydos, Aeneas proposed single combat with Turnus primarily to settle their quarrel over the daughter of Latinus but also to prevent unnecessary bloodshed and destruction. He explained that since the victor should have the lady and the vanquished should die, ". . . thus, they that be not gylty, sholde not deye, nor ye londe not be dystroyed." One of Latinus' men expressed the general sentiment in the William of Palerne, 11. 3 9 9 6 - 4 0 0 6 . Richard Coer de Lion, 11. 1 5 9 1 - 1 6 0 6 . 61 Huon of Burdeux, p . 3 4 2 . L a t e r , H u o n a g a i n o f f e r e d to b e c o m e t h e E m p e r o r ' s liege m a n if h e w o u l d r e t u r n his l a n d s , his w i f e , a n d h i s m e n . T h i s T h i e r r y r e f u s e d u n t i l H u o n tricked h i m i n t o y i e l d i n g . O t h e r e x a m p l e s of a t t e m p t s a t a r b i t r a t i o n o r n e g o t i a t i o n a n d of t h e type of a m e n d s m a d e o c c u r in Godeffroy 0/ Boloyne, p . 1 2 3 , in The Four Sons of Aymon, p p . 47 ff., a n d in Guy of Warwick. ( 1 5 t h C t . v e r s i o n ) , 11. 2 5 5 2 - 5 4 . 59 60

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words, " F o r folke ynoughe are all redy slayne/ wherby the lande is dystroyed." 8 2 Since the outcome of any single combat could hardly be expected to satisfy all, it was often entered upon with skepticism. W h e n Amaunt and Bohors arranged a single combat for a castle belonging to Uter-Pendragon, they also make "alle hir men to be sworn to holde the same with-oute faile." 8 3 In The Four Sons of Aymon, likewise, when the two sons of Reynawde were going to fight the two sons of Moryllon, Charlemagne bade the barons keep peace among the spectators. Even as he spoke, however, friends of the sons of Moryllon plotted ambush. If Reynawde's sons began to win, they intended to "yssue oute vpon theym wyth a ryght grete nombre of folke, for to slee theym shamfully." 8 4 T h e unwillingness of groups of men to accept the results of a single combat frequently caused them to reject this means of settlement. 65 History has repeatedly exemplified the truth that techniques, methods, devices, and decrees alone can never secure peace. Only when the mind of society is purposefully set on humanitarian and unselfish aims can peace be maintained. But history also illustrates the truth that leaders bent on augmenting their own power can subtly shape the will of an entire nation toward warfare and undermine or completely destroy the general will to peace. In the Middle Ages both spiritual and temporal leaders who were responsible for maintaining peace and protecting the people often deliberately precipitated war. A leader who did consider the welfare of the people first was highly honored. Gerald de Barry ( 1 1 4 6 - 1 2 2 0 ? ) praises Henry II because, though he was a bold and mighty warrior, he sought most prudently to avoid war by trying all possible methods before resorting to arms. 68 T h e romances stress especially the responsibility of kings and leaders for the welfare of their people. In the effort to prevent rulers f r o m plunging their followers recklessly into conflict, they emphasized the tremendous human cost of warfare and censured the leaders w h o through arrogance, suspicion, or envy wasted human lives. Although Hector wished vengeance 62 Caxton's Eneydos, pp. 1 4 6 , 1 4 9 . In Generydes (11. 1 8 4 1 ff.) Generydes offered to fight Belin the Bold "hand be hand." The fight is described at some length in 11. 3 2 8 4 - 3 5 6 3 . Other examples occur in Ywaine and Gawin, 11. 3 5 9 1 ff.; in Pontkus and Sidone, pp. 18—9; in Tryamour, 11. 9 6 4 7 0 1 4 ; in Guy of Warwick, ( 1 4 t h Ct. version), II. 1 0 5 7 4 ff.; in Awntyrs of Arthure, 11. 4 5 3 ff.; in Richard Coer de Lion, 11. 5 2 3 3 ff. In the last instance, the fight is of three Saracens against three Christians, instead of the usual one against one. 15 1 - Prose Merlin, p. 3 6 5 . 01 Four Sons of Aymon, p. 5 5 3 . 6 " In The Four Sons of Aymon (pp. 2 9 6 - 9 8 ) when Bishop Turpin and the other earls would not agree to single combat between Reynawde and Roland, the whole force fought. In The Gest Hystoriale (II. 7 9 4 8 - 8 0 2 5 ) when Hector and Achilles agreed to single combat to settle the Troy battle, both sides refused to approve the plan. n " Giraldus Cambrensis, Expugnatio Hibernica, ed. James F. Dimock (London, 1 8 6 7 ) , Bk. I, Ch. XLVI, p. 3 0 3 .

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on the Greeks, he warned Priam of the losses caused by war. He was concerned, however, only about his own class; for he declared that it was worse for those of high estate, "hem J>at ben famous in manhood"—worthy, renowned, of gende blood—to suffer injury than for a "wrecche." 8 7 Occasional sharp criticism of a leader whose extreme class consciousness precluded consideration of the common man indicates a demand, however, for a more humanitarian attitude. The author of Alexander and Dindimus, for instance, rebukes unscrupulous lords and kings who use their own personal gain as a reason for driving the common soldiers into war and wasting them in causes they have come to believe their own. Dindimus accused Alexander of instigating many wars in this fashion: "Miche & gret Many }>orou

maugre j e maken. among many kingus, werre in )>is world, to waste J>e peple. men vp-on molde. ful mek & ful simple J>e, prouede prince, ful proude ben woxe."

(11. 544-47) T h e Troy stories illustrate particularly the petty reasons for which leaders wasted their people in war. Laomedan was rude to Hercules and Jason who, intending no harm, landed on his shores. The grievances cherished by Hercules and Jason for that insult are alleged to be the cause of the Trojan War. 6 8 Lydgate, lamenting losse, j?e costis, and \>z grete damage" caused by hot-tempered rulers, states that "}?e pore sodyours," though they are unable to influence events, bear the burden and . . . J>e meschef of werre comounly; and }>ou3 J?ei pleyne, )>ei haue no remedie of Jnnges whiche sitten hem ful vnsofte.69

The fact that wars are prompted by some little thing or for a reason ")?at wold geperly haue ben forgeton in yeres a few" is stressed in most of the Troy stories. 70 Naturally leaders were also warned that they were responsible for disasters resulting from their refusal to accept peace offers. Gower, in the poem "In Praise of Peace," suggests that if kings suffered as much as the common people, if they understood "what is to sle the poeple," they would be careful to avoid conflict. He advises them: Lydgate's Troy Book, Bk. II, II. 2 1 9 7 - 2 2 0 1 . Seege oj Troye, II. 7 7 - 1 2 0 ; Land Troy Book., 11. 445-60, 4 7 5 - 5 0 0 . 6 9 Lydgatc's Troy Book, Bk. Ill, 11. 3271-73- In the same romance (Bk. IV, 11. 1 8 4 8 - 5 4 ) Achilles tried to bring peace between the Trojans and the Greeks in order to get Pollexena. One of the arguments he used was that perhaps all gentle blood would perish and churls would rule. Achilles' belief that war cost more in noble than in common lives contradicts the view previously given, but it is to be remembered that Achilles is indulging in special pleading at this point. 70 Gest Hystoriale, 11. 2068; Lydgate's Troy Book, Bk. I, II. 7 8 5 - 8 6 , Bk. II, I. 1 2 7 ; Laud Troy Book, H- 9 3 4 ° ff67 68

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If, pes be profred, unto thi manhode, Thin honour sauf, let it noght be forsake. (11. 157-58) H e believes that the king who preserves peace is most respected and loved: What kyng that wolde be the worthieste, The more he myghte oure dedly werre cesse, The more he schulde his worthinesse encresse . . . («• 75-7) In Lydgate's Troy Boo\, the responsibility of leaders in peace negotiations is indicated by the attitude of Priam and the Greeks. Priam sent to the Greeks asking for the restoration of Hesione. In turn, the Greeks asked Priam to restore Helen and proffer terms. If Priam sent Helen to them, they could return home without dishonor; if he refused to treat for peace, they could fight blamelessly. The Greeks felt . . we schal be Jjorouj J?e world, J>er-fore, With-oute spot of trespace or of blame," (Bk. II, 11. 6702-3) whereas the Trojans would be censured for refusing their peace offer. In the long wars between Charlemagne and the Four Sons, Reynawde often sought peace. When Charlemagne refused one such overture, Reynawde accused him of having wasted noble men and knights in a sixteen-year war, and chided, ". . . for G o d / ye see well what it cometh of the werre/ for a lord that hath no pite in him, hath a hert as harde as a stone." Naymes also accused Charlemagne of merciless stubbornness: "But ye have alwayes shewed your self the moost prowde kynge of the world agenste hym, and the moost angry; and ye wylle bylcve noo counscylle." 7 1 Public opinion occasionally forced a stubborn leader to accept terms. Agabondus, King of Burgundy, refused to give Clotildas, wife of Cloys, her heritage; but the Burgundians insisted that the king yield what was rightly due. Furthermore, they felt it wise to have an alliance ". . . with clois the kyng and wyth all the frensshe peple, to thende that they renne not on vs. For the people is boystous & furious and, that werse is, wythout mynde of god." 72 Here the motive is not particularly noble. Though there is a desire for justice, it is prompted by fear of an attack by a godless people. The aim, nevertheless, is a peaceful settlement of difficulties. Men who humbled themselves for the sake of peace were honored. When Reynawde finally accepted humiliating peace terms for the benefit of his people, he was praised by both his own men and Charlemagne's. Naymes and Richard were glad when ". . . they sawe the noble Reynawd agreed to the wylle of Charlemagne/ soo moche as for to be-come a poure begger for 71 72

Four Sons of Aymon, pp. 347, 469. Charles the Great, p. 16.

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to have peas." Roland eulogized him, " . . . how meke is Reynawde, and good of kynde, to haue made peas in this maner of wyse. Blessed be Ihesus that hathe gyven hym that wylle for to goo now a fote, wherof I playne hym sore." A n d Ogier added, " R e y n a w d e is a lambe full of mekenes/ and in him are all the gode condycyons that a knyghte oughte to h a v e . " 7 3 E v e n when leaders were thus humble and conciliatory, peace was difficult of attainment. H u o n , though he had been wronged by the emperor, intended to try "al swetenes and reasonable offers," and refused to declare war till he was positive the emperor would "inclyne nother to ryghte nor resone." 7 4 T o o many leaders, unfortunately, failed to listen to right and reason and kept their people in a state of constant turmoil. It should be observed, moreover, that the willingness of great leaders to humble themselves usually manifested itself at the end of long and exhausting military careers, or after all attempts to overpower the enemy had failed. Such humility cannot therefore have had any influence for maintaining peace. T h e social record indicates that concepts of peace in the Middle Ages were largely negative. Peace was conceived of as a temporary state—a respite from strife. T h e words of the Synod of Cologne (1083) in declaring the Truce of G o d illustrate this: "Inasmuch as in our times the church, through its members, has been extraordinarily afflicted by tribulations and difficulties, so that tranquillity and peace were wholly despaired of, we have endeavored with God's help to aid it, suffering so many burdens and perils. A n d by the advice of our faithful subjects we have at length provided this remedy, so that we might to some extent re-establish, on certain days at least, the peace which, because of our sins, we could not make enduring." 7 5 Nevertheless, certain positive concepts of peace can be found. Delamare declares that in the Carolingian period the idea of peace appeared in two forms: "paix impériale, paix ecclésiastique . . . E n effet la paix civile a pour but l'unanimité des coeur, et d'autre part, la paix du coeur est donnée comme le fondement de la paix sociale." 7 9 Gautier reports the words of the Fathers of the Council of Kiersy (858), w h o exhorted the heads of the feudal system, " W e ought to war against our vices, and make peace with our brethren." 73 Four Som of Aymon, pp. 490-91. In Guy of Warwick., Segyn, as the conciliator, appeared in penitential garb before the German emperor:

All weping his wey forth he doth kenne. Thurgh the stretc barefote he gooth And barehede in his sherte forsoth With a roope a boute his swere. (14th Ct. version, 11. 2 6 1 8 - 2 1 ) 74 75 76

Huon of Burdeux, p. 526. The Truce of God for the Diocese of Cologne ( 1 0 8 3 ) , ed. Dana C. Munro, p. 9. Roger Barnard Delamare, L'idée de paix a l'époque Carolingienne, p. 3 1 1 .

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He also mentions the words from the proclamation of Leo X at the Lateran Council in 1514: "Nothing is more pernicious, nothing is more disastrous to the Christian Republic than the inhuman rage of war." 7 7 The belief that peace was the only social state consistent with New Testament teaching also led the minority group, the fourteenth-century Lollards, to take its stand against war. 78 The moralist Gower, by listing the destructive effects of war in his poem "In Praise of Peace," suggests that peace has definite constructive values. War, as the "modir of the wronges alle," slays the priest at mass, deflowers the maid, razes cities, subverts the law, impoverishes and grieves the common people, secures nothing, destroys all, and necessitates beginning all things anew. Indeed, Gower concludes, T h e r e is no thing whereof meschef mai g r o w e W h i c h is noght caused of the werre, y trowe.

(11. 1 1 1 - 1 2 ) In Hoccleve's Regiment of Princes the idea of peace is developed with unusual fulness. Hoccleve states that the major concern of rulers should be to maintain laws with justice. Using St. Anselm as a source, he defines a just society as that in which every man understands his obligation to others and renders whatever service or homage is due. Moreover justice, to Hoccleve, is a social condition that can be maintained only as an expression of an inward spiritual harmony: L a w e f u l justice is, as in manere, A 1 vertu; and w h o wole han J>is iustice, T h e lawe of crist, to kepe mot he leere.

(11. 2500-2) Iustice is of the k y n d e and the nature O f g o d ; and he ha]? made it, and ordeyned O n remes and on euery creature. B y iustice, is schedyng of blood refreyned, A n d gilt punysched, when it is compleyned. Iustice deffendeth possessions, A n d peple kepe]? f r o m oppressions.

(11. 2507-13) Through a just social order "schedyng of blood" is avoided. In the final section of The Regiment of Princes, Hoccleve explains his concept of peace further. He declares peace the state most pleasant to God: 7?

Gautier, Chivalry, p. 2. George M. Trevelyan, England in the Age of IVycliffe, New ed„ pp. 328-29; Westermarck, Development of the Moral Ideas, I, 362. 78

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ROMANCES

. . . wher pecs is, crist is there, ffor crist nat lyst a-byden elles-where,

(11. 5025-26) and H o w plesant to god, is of pees J>e myrthe!

(1. 5202) H e deplores the tendency to strife in his day and sets up three conditions most conducive to peace: Thynges J>at leden men to pees be thre: Conformyng in god; in our self humblesse; A n d with our neigheboures tranquillite. ffirst seye I J>at we moot our willés dresse, And hem conformen alie moré & lesse T o goddis wil. (11. 5 0 3 4 - 3 9 )

Elsewhere Hoccleve, declaring that England had been wasted by ambition, avarice, and greed, concludes "No goode may come of werres wrathful dynt." Hoccleve's distress over the conditions in England and his genuine desire for peace led him to approach his subject directly and to give it a more careful and thoughtful treatment than is usually found in medieval literature. Although praise of peace in the romances, like that in the social record, is largely negative, nevertheless positive concepts of peace do appear. It is true that examples are scarce and the concepts are often vaguely rather than clearly realized. In The Wars of Alexander Dindimus numbered spiritual peace as one of the attributes of his people: "Perseuerance of pacience. & pes we reserue; Oure inward enmys ilkane, we inwardly drepis, }>at is to say, al }>e syn, J>at solp may }>e saule, As surfet, surquidry, & slawth J>e seuyn al bedene; So j?at oure werraours without, vs worthis n o j t at drede. For wele sonere is a cite sesid, or a castell, )>at segid is on bath sidis ( t h a n ) J>at segid is with-out. Is J?ar na brag in oure bondis. ne bering of armes But ay perpetuall pes. p i j t in oure landes."

(11. 4290-96, 4319-20) Several romances present the idea of peace as a constructive social force benefiting man in all ways. In Alexander and Dindimus, Dindimus suggested to Alexander that his people were so occupied with good works that they had no time to become involved in the evils that instigate wars:

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"Ay ar we in pes. and arm us forsaken, & to no wikkede werke. woned we fare." (11. 3 7 7 - 7 8 )

In the Recuyell 0} the Historyes of Troye, Jupiter sent ambassadors to his father with the message, " . . . euery k y n g e oughte tentende to lyue in peas/ ffor the most f a y r thyng of the w o r l d is peas Peas norysshyth proufSt by peas ar norysshid men and chyldren/ townes and cytees are vnyed and knet to geder by charite. and anexed by amerous comynycacion. by peas the royames prouffyten en decoracion and bildyng fair houses In labour and ereyng the erth and in length of l y f / By peas the mannes bodyes ben hole and quyete." 7 9

The author eulogizes peace as the builder of noble people and noble cities, as the nourisher of the fruits of the earth, and as the foundation for the quiet of man's soul.80 Direct praise of peace in this fashion, as a spiritual experience or as a constructive social force, however, is negligible in the romances. In connection with the ideas of peace found in the romances it is necessary to ask at this point why authors painted with such frequency and such vividness the grim realities of warfare. War, the destroyer and slayer, is represented as the breeder of hate, bitterness, and violence. It incited men to deeds of ruthless cruelty. The romances show that poisoned weapons were sometimes used, that wounded prisoners were kept in prisons flooded with sea water. They tell how Bohemond, at the siege of Antioch, roasted Turkish prisoners and served them to his barons in order to frighten spies.81 They record that when supplies were short men gratefully ate horse meat. The death penalty was not executed with quickness and mercy; instead, the victim might be tortured, flayed, and disemboweled. Women were raped and mutilated, children mercilessly slaughtered.82 Realistic pictures of battle scenes both in their effect on individuals and in the large are numerous in the romances. Mawgis, for instance, came upon the wounded Richard, ". . . that laye vpon therthe wyth his bowelles betwene his handes . . . And whan he sawe Richarde thus sore wounded/ 79

Recuyell of the Historyes of Troye, p. 95. Recuyell of the Historyes of Troye (p. 372) suggests the same idea again somewhat later. King Oeneus regretted that if he did not grant his daughter to King Achelous, there would be war: " . . . I knowe well that I am dysplesyd, ffor warre is the externall exylement of the contre/ Perdycion and waaste of the peple and of goodes." 81 It is necessary to realize, of course, that in many instances the examples from the romances are not realistic but pseudorealistic, that the accounts are at times either highly exaggerated for the sake of effect, or, as in the case of Bohemond, actual misrepresentations. 82 Alisaunder (MS. Greaves) 11. 900 ff. Kyng Alisaunder, 11. 2979 ff., shows how for spite Philip killed the dukes and princes of Thebes. Godeffroy of Boloyne, pp. 150-51; Holy Grail, Ch. XIIT, 11. 924 ff.; King Ponthtu and Sidone, pp. 134-35, afford examples of the savagery of other medieval warriors. 80

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he was wrothe/ & had grete pyte for to see the wounde that was so grete/ for men sawe the lyver wythin his b o d y . " 8 3 Ferumbras, in Charles the Great, was " . . . hurte in such manere that almoost hys bowellys yssued oute of hys bely." In Ferumbras, we have the added detail that Oliver "pulte is bowels in ageyn." 8 4 Realism is also found in the many broad and sweeping descriptions of battle scenes. D u k e Naymes, in The Four Sons of Aymon, warned the Emperor that if he did not make peace, he would "see many knyghtes to traylle theyr bowelles thorughe the feeldes." 8 5 In Roland and Otuel, brains and blood made the "brode medowe" . . . waxen rede, J>at ere was growen grene. (11. 1 1 1 5 - 1 6 ) T h e Laud

Troy

Boof^ describes a battlefield where Many a legge lay on that sond, Many on loste bothe arme & hond, Many an hed was smeton of thore. (11. 6 7 0 1 - 3 )

Lines such as " . . . the blode ron downe the stretes lyke a ryuer" become almost a formula. Other realistic touches record that rich banners were " q u y k y-bathed in heorte blod" and that noble knights were "y-fouled under fet of hors." 8 6 It would be asburd to argue that every reference to destruction on the battlefield and to brutality in warfare was intended to sicken men with the thought of war and turn them earnestly to the pursuit of peace. Such sights and sounds must have been familiar in the Middle Ages, for the world was then a battlefield, and warfare a disease from which there was no immunity. I n picturing with realistic detail the ugliness of battle, authors probably had no propaganda purpose whatsoever; they were simply describing, as a natural background for tales of knightly prowess, what they had no doubt seen and heard. T o what extent can the record of the romances as to the medieval attitude toward war and peace be relied upon? In indicating that warfare and strife were so continuous in the Middle Ages that it was necessary for society to place some kind of restraint upon military activity, the romances are in accord with the historical record. In accepting military activity as legitimate, Four Sons of Aymon, p. 276. The same type of picture is given on pp. 241, 250. Charles the Great, p. 7 7 ; Ferumbras, 1. 774. 85 Four Sons of Aymon, pp. 449-50. 86 Huon of Burdeux, p. 95; Octouian Imperator, 1. 1760; Guy of Warwick (14th Ct. version), II. 3 6 6 3 - 6 4 ; Kyng Alisaunder, 11. 2708; Lovelich's Holy Grail, Ch. XIV, 11. 2 8 - 4 0 ; Richard Coer de Lion, 11. 5 0 7 1 if. 83

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yet attempting to limit it to just wars, in indicating that opinion was not always united on what was a good or a bad cause, in illustrating how qualifications and limitations were deliberately disregarded, or how an evil cause sometimes masqueraded as a good one, and in exemplifying how self-interest rather than common welfare often dictated wars, the romances reflect realistically the conflict between ideal and actuality. Furthermore, the types of just and unjust wars in the romances correspond in general with those approved or denounced by the theorists and by feudal society. Wars in support of feudal lords or rulers, wars in defense of the weak and helpless, and wars for the glory of the faith are approved; wars expressing desire for revolt, revenge, or domination and power, and wars of Christian against Christian are condemned. T h e emphasis in the romances is, however, frequently different from that in the historical record. This is perhaps accounted for by the fact that the romances, in spite of their revelation of human faults and weaknesses, are an expression of chivalric idealism that tried to inspire men to fight for their ladies, their lords, their God. History, which is replete with wars of revolt against overlords, rarely shows that anything other than superior force brought vassals to terms. Though the romances also contain many examples of wars of revolt against feudal lords, they censure them rather severely and occasionally show that a conviction of his own guilt brought the rebel to submission. The romances also stress the idea of feudal loyalty so strongly that they sometimes report that vassals rendered military service even when they considered the lord's cause for war unjust. In history, wars for the defense of women are invariably tangled with the idea of territorial and political rights or the right of inheritance. In the romances, on the contrary, knights frequently fight for ladies out of quixotic gallantry when no political advantage can be obtained. The romances, furthermore, show greater unanimity about wars against unbelievers than the social record does; for the romances sanction all wars against unbelievers, whereas the social record registers the opinion that under certain conditions such wars had no justification. Not only in defining just and unjust wars but in indicating methods attempting to limit the costly business of warfare the romances are fairly realistic. It is true that they seem to reflect little if at all the efforts of the Church to limit war through the Peace of God or the Truce of God. At least they do not refer to these decrees by name, though they occasionally express the opinion that common people, peasants, and women should not be annihilated. Like history, however, they illustrate that strong marital and political alliances were resorted to in an effort to prevent the outbreak of war, and that negotiation, arbitration, and the making of amends were other means used to limit or terminate strife. Like history, too, they illustrate that peace

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brought about by such efforts was usually short-lived. T h e romances depart f r o m history, however, in presenting single combat as a means of settling wars quickly and with a minimum of bloodshed. T h e use of this method in the fictional account exemplifies the chivalric standard of knightly prowess employed courageously for the benefit of one's comrades, yet it would hardly be expected that in actuality entire armies with their powers still unexhausted would stand as idle spectators and accept the outcome of a fight between two warriors. T h o u g h the romances afford a f e w scattered examples of positive concepts of peace as a spiritual or as a constructive force, the negative concept of peace as an escape f r o m the horrors of war is the common one, just as it is in the social record. T h e romances also confirm history in indicating that efforts to secure peace were largely futile both because leaders were greedy and arrogant and because there was little if any belief in the possibility of peace as a permanent social condition in which justice and harmony prevailed and from which definite benefits might be derived. T h e Middle Ages would have defined peace, rather, as an intermission between wars. T h o u g h the romances show some love of peace, it is, then, largely of a negative character —the love of a thing for the disasters it prevents rather than for the benefits it conveys. A s such, peace was acclaimed as a state more desirable but not necessarily holier than war. T h e nature of the social order in the Middle Ages made the attitude toward peace which is seen in the romances almost inevitable. A feudal society exacting military service from vassals and sub-vassals must necessarily approve of war. T h e purpose of chivalry was obviously not to curb warlike activity but to refine and channelize it. Even the Church, though it issued decrees to stop the appalling destruction of property and loss of life which war involved, could do little to withstand the trend of the times. Encumbered with the property of a great feudal institution, it sometimes even made use of war to ensure its own position, or with the slogans, " F o r the Faith" and " G o d Wills It," called on men to overcome the infidel. But aware that war brought constant distress to the faithful and was not in harmony with the teachings of the Prince of Peace, ecclesiastics wherever possible served between contending factions as emissaries or arbitrators bent on bringing conflicts to amicable settlements. In showing the feeble, uncertain, yet persistent groping of medieval society after peace, often as much f r o m sheer weariness as from any reasoned motive, it is apparent that the romances are realistic.

•fc VII ATTITUDE OF INDIVIDUALS TOWARD WARFARE AND FIGHTING H E task of society and the Church was not completed when it had built ^ ^ u p the theoretical justification for the institution of war; the problem of the individual upon whose activity the life of the institution depended had not yet been faced. Naturally warriors (unless they remained at the savage or brute level) and their loved ones would wish to feel that their deeds received social and religious sanction. What attitude, then, should the Church assume toward warriors who desired the comforts of the faith and participation in the rites of the Church ? Could bloodshed on the battlefield be guiltless ? Could the warrior be received at the communion table ? Could the soul of a warrior be saved? These were some of the questions that demanded official answers. As would be expected, the attitude of the Church in the period of pacifism was severe. It did not cut the warrior oil completely from the comforts of his faith, but it declared that no arms should be introduced into the Church and that no soldier returning even from righteous wars should be admitted to communion till after a period of penance and purification. 1 Long after the period of pacifism the Church viewed the deeds of the warrior with considerable distaste and exacted penance for them. Certain decrees from the time of Basil (330-79) to the time of William the Conqueror provided penalties for those who shed blood on the field. Ecclesiastical canons of William's time required soldiers to do a year's penance for each man whom they were aware of having killed in battle.2 The handbooks of chivalry also discuss the right to kill in battle; for the question, even as late as the time of their composition, was still under dispute and the answer still equivocal. Declaring nothing more displeasing to God than the destruction of those made in his image, the Fayttes of Armes advises men to avoid manslaughter. In discussing whether the soul of a warrior can be saved, the same handbook declares that if a man die in a quarrel which is against his conscience he has no hope of salvation, but 1

Lecky, European Morals, II, 248. J. Bass Mullinger, "War," in Smith and Cheetham, Dictionary of Christian Antiquity, 2028-30; Wcstermarck, Moral Ideas, I, 348-49. 2

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promises that if he die in wars for the faith, and repents of his sins, he "goeth strayghte as a martyr vnto heuen." A warrior also gains "right gret meryte" and "goeth right forthe in to paradyse" when he ". . . deyeth in a bataylle grownded vpon a iuste and gode quarelle/ for to help the ryght/ or that hit be for the true deffense of the lande/ or for the comonwele/ or for to kepe the fraunches and good customes of the place or countrey." 3 T h o u g h the question of the spiritual welfare of those who shed blood in battle was troublesome and persistent, men were encouraged in warlike activities in innumerable ways. W e have already seen that in the matter of the crusades war was proclaimed as a duty, and that death on the field of battle in wars for the faith was pronounced a sure way to heaven. T h e granting of indulgences to warriors, the forming of religious orders combining the character of soldier and priest, and the symbolizing of the sword handle as the cross were additional ways of appealing to the individual, of quieting his doubts, and of stimulating him to deeds of military prowess. 4 Although the Church accepted warfare as legitimate under certain conditions, it refused to sanction the tournament and joust—forms of fighting used primarily for entertainment. T h e tournament, which is supposed to 3 C h r i s t i n e de Pisan, Fayttes of Armes, Bk. III, Ch. XI, p. 2 1 2 ; Bk. IV, Ch. X I V , pp. 2 8 2 - 8 3 . * Lecky, European Morals, II, 2 5 2 - 5 3 . Erdmann shows that from earliest times various types of w a r (der Ketzerkrieg, der Missionskrieg, der Heidenkrieg, der Türkenkrieg, der Maurenkrieg, der Krieg gegen der Gegenpapst, der Orientkreuzzug) had been propagandized as holy in order to encourage the necessary military service. Furthermore, soldiers participating in such conflicts were designated as militia Christi or militia sancti Petri that they might be further impressed with the sanctity of their calling. Erdmann also makes clear that under Urban the pilgrimage became not merely a personal pious work but an instrument for Christian expansion. At Clermont, the idea of a "beweaponed pilgrimage" ( b e w a f f n e t e Wallfahrt) was proclaimed for the first time, and a new rite for pilgrims in which they were enjoined to wear not merely the staff and pouch but also the sword was instituted. Erdmann comments, " D a s war nicht nur ein 'neuer Weg der Busse' sondern vor allem ein weiterer hochbedeutsamcr Schritt auf dem Wege der kirchlichen Rezeption des Waffenhandwerks." Die Entstehung des Kreuzzugsgedankens, pp. 8, 86, 158 fr., 1 8 5 ff., 293, 3 0 6 - 7 . Lea, Auricular Confession, III, 4 3 - 4 , states that St. Bernard (Epistola 3 6 3 ) not only promised crusaders full pardon but even argued that God created the necessity for the crusades in order to bring men to eternal glory. Lull, in The Book of 'he Ordre of Chyualry (Ch. V I , p. 76 ff.) explains the symbolism of the parts of the knight's armor. Most important is the significance of the sword: " V n t o a knyght is gyuen a Swerd whiche is made in semblaunce of the crosse for to svgnefye hou our lord god vavnquysshed in the Crosse the deth of humayn lygnage/ to the whiche he was Iuged for the synne of our fyrste fader A d a m . " Knyghthode and Bataile, ed. R. Dyboski and Z. M. Arend, though a fifteenth-century verse paraphrase of Flavius Vegetius Renatus' treatise De Re Militari, digresses from the original to present medieval concepts of knighthood and battle. Knights were men of noble rank; God, His angels, and the Virgin were expected to care for them. Knighthood is called an order

Obeysaunt in God, and rather deye T h a n disobeye; and as magnificent As can be thought; exiled al envye; As confident the right to magnifie As wil the lawe of Goddis mandement, A n d as perseueraunt and patient. (11. 1 3 2 - 3 7 )

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have had its origin in the ninth and tenth centuries and was in full operation in the twelfth, was a favorite pastime of the aristocrat. As the sport developed, certain rules were formulated to govern both those who were eligible as fighters and their conduct and equipment. Anyone who had injured the Church, been false to his lord, fled without cause from the field of battle, made a false oath, committed an outrage on a woman, or engaged in trade was disqualified. Participants must not only be able to prove themselves innocent on these counts but must also be able to trace their descent from four noble families or risk being chased from the lists. In order to reduce the number of fatalities, rules were made requiring that lances be blunted in jousts of peace and that the armor both of the horse and the rider be padded. In the contest a I'outrance, however, the game became a serious matter, and death for some of the contestants was the inevitable outcome. The Church, shocked by the bloody and wasteful form of the amusement, decreed at the Lateran Council of 1179 that those killed in tournaments were to be denied Christian burial, and pope after pope issued bulls excommunicating those who took part.5 G . G . Coulton quotes the opinion of Caesarius of Heisterbach (c. 1170-c. 1240) that . . there is no question but that such as are slain in tournaments go down to hell, if they be not helped by the benefit of contrition." 8 Secular rulers seem not to have been in complete accord with the view of the Church on the matter of tournaments. Henry II, it is true, stopped tournaments, but other rulers encouraged them. Richard I believed that they were excellent training for more serious fighting and would save his knights the embarrassment of being found clumsy and unskillful when they were matched against the French. A part of the celebration of the marriage of Edward III consisted of three weeks of jousts and tournaments. Henry V , by contrast, looked upon tournaments as an interruption to the serious business of war and refused to hold jousts to celebrate his marriage. 7 According to the romances the average knight was convinced that his activities had religious sanction. The stories show that the Church blessed military endeavor and that soldiers turned to it for religious consolation and absolution as they died. Mass was often celebrated before battle. In Godeflroy of Boloyne just before the attack of the Turk, Corbagat, the men went into the Church, ". . . And songe deuoutly/ They that shold goo to batayll were confessyd, and alle receuyed the bodye of our lord, which gaf to them surete of body and sowle." 8 5 Annie Abram, "Chivalry," Cambridge Medieval History, VI, Ch. 24, 8 1 0 - 1 2 ; F. Warre Cornish, Chivalry, p. 92. 6 G. G. Coulton, Life in the Middle Ages, I, 68. 7 A. Abram, op. cit., p. 8 1 1 ; Cornish, Chivalry, pp. 93-100. 8 Godefjroy of Boloyne, p. 205. Mass was also heard by Gawain before he undertook his quest in Sir Gawain and the Green Knight (11. 590-93) and by Roland before he fought the Saracen in The Song of Roland (11. 583-87).

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Fighting knights gained strength by calling on Christ and the Virgin. Melior's advice to Partonope, " Y e mowe notte fayle of hye cheualrye, Yff ge loue God and owr lady," was one expression of the common belief that deeds of chivalry were a religious duty, a service to God and Mary. 9 A Christian character exemplifying the virtues of loyalty, courtesy, generosity, and free from the vices of covetousness, pride, and a vengeful spirit was assured of the blessings of God. 1 0 Both priests and soldiers thought that when God and the Virgin watched over them, victory was certain. Huon told the Admiral of Persia, who thanked him for saving the honor of the Medes and Persians, "this grace and glory cometh of our lord god, who hath aydyd and socoryd you." 1 1 If God and the Virgin neglected their warriors, disaster was inevitable. Turpin reproved the Virgin, for this reason, for the defeat of Roland: "A! Mary mylde, whare was thi myght, )>at }>ou lete thi men thus to dede be dighte, )?at wighte & worthy were?" 1 2 Knights gloried in battle not merely because on certain occasions they felt God favored their efforts but because it was the natural expression of the aristocrat and the chief way of maintaining honor and reputation. It is indicated that warlike prowess, which was in a sense the most important criterion of noble birth, would find its outlet in spite of training and environment. 13 T h e statement that " T h e noble was bred for war, trained for war, and passed his life in fighting" 1 4 is amply illustrated in the ro9

Partonope of Blots, 11. 2 4 2 1 - 2 2 . Other examples are found in The Romance of Dtil(e Rowland and of Sir Otueli of Spayne, II. 508 ff.; Morle Arthure (Lincoln MS.), II. 2869 ff.; Sir Gawain and the Green Knight, 11. 640 ff.; 1876 ff. Warriors also prayed to saints and to the sacred relics for strength and victory as exemplified by The Sowdone of Babylone, 11. 161 ff., and Ferumbras, 11. 5039 ff. 10 Prose Alexander, pp. 67-8; Wars of Alexander, 11. 3270 ff.; "Battle of Effesoun," Alexander Buil(, 11. 9 6 0 3 - 1 8 ; Aumtyrs of Arthure, II. 248 ff.; Morte Arthure, 11. 2406 ff.; Lovelich's Holy Grail, Ch. XII, II. 190-204; Lydgate's Siege of Thebes, 11. 2703-20. The bishop's sermon in Partonope, II. 5 7 1 1 - 2 8 , makes it quite clear that being a good Christian paid good dividends. 11 Huon of Burdeux, p. 5 1 7 . In Charles the Great (p. 202) Charlemagne thanked his Maker "of |>e grace that he had gyuen to hym in surmountyng hys enemyes." In The Sege of Melayne (II. 109 ff.) an angel gave Charles a sword and commanded him to help Alantyne, lord of Milan. 12 Sege of Melayne, 11. 547-49. 13 Sir Perceval (in Sir Perceval of Galles, 11. 593-96 and 1565 ff.) took readily to the ways of chivalry though he had spent the first fifteen years of his life in the forest and had fought only with wild beasts. Octavian (in Octouian I m perat or, 11. 702 ff.) was reared by a butcher, but he exchanged the oxen he was selling at market for a horse and a hawk. The romances Chevelere Assigne and Ubeaus Desconus provide somewhat similar examples to show that the innate aristocratic skill in fighting found expression in spite of environment and early training. 14 Painter, French Chivalry, p. 7.

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manees. It is not only that they provide many examples of the participation of knights in jousts and tourneys but that they do not generally reflect the disapproval of these activities which the Church showed. Romance upon romance has as a part of its plot-mechanism the joust or tournament in which a strange knight or a knight in disguise wins the hand of a lady. Ipomydon fell in love with the Lady of Calabria, but since he was acting as her servant and since he had sworn never to reveal his identity or to tell whence he came, he would not declare himself. When the lords of Calabria insisted that the lady marry, she put off the choice by declaring she would accept only the knight who proved doughtiest in a three-day tournament. Ipomydon, the victor, was therefore awarded the lady. 1 5 Tournaments and jousts were used for other purposes than that of deciding a lady's marriage. When Richard Coer de Lion was crowned king, he held a tournament at Salisbury and took part himself in disguise to prove his worthiest knights. As a result, he invited Sir Fulk Doyly and Sir Thomas Multon to accompany him to the Holy Land. 1 6 The romances show furthermore that since the primary interest of every knight was in his reputation, knights were bored by idleness and eager for some encounter that would bring them honor. Philip, in The Three Kings' Sons, jousted, played tennis, and danced at court, but he was greatly annoyed ". . . that ther were no warres ne dedes of armes/ for the cause of his departyng from his fadir was only to do god seruice yn the warres ayenst the hethen men." 1 7 The desire of the knights for battle is further illustrated by their refusal to accept duties that failed to test prowess adequately. When Roland was making a sortie from his besieged castle, he wished to leave Naymes in charge of the gate. Feeling that this was an insult, Naymes objected. He granted that he was hoar and old, " j u t y a m of power an hauberk to bere M y gode schylde to were and m y swerd to bere, W y ^ t l y at wylle to lepen on a stede, A - m o n g all }>e sarisins wel to do my dede."

18

Other romances containing somewhat similar situations arc Sir Eglamottr, Sir Degrevant, Sir Tryamour, Sir Degaré, Sir Isumbras, Peare of Provence, Three Kings' Sons, Golagros and Gawane, Ros will and Lillian, Torrent of Portyngale, Paris and Vienne. 16 Richard Coer de Lion, II. 2 5 1 - 6 1 2 . The use of the joust as a part of the wedding celebration is illustrated in Huon of Burdeux, p. 577. The tournament was frequently neither a harmless game nor a means of celebration, unfortunately. This is illustrated in Sir Perceval of Galles. The Red Knight deliberately killed the older Sir Perceval in a tournament because in a previous encounter Perceval had inflicted a hand wound on the Red Knight. 17 Three Kings' Sons, p. 37. In Lancelot of the Laik. (11. 358 ff.) the knights begged to leave Carlisle and go to Camelot, where they "Ware wont to heryng of armys day be day." Sir Cador of Cornwall, in Morte Arthure (Lincoln MS.), 11. 252-58, welcomed the Roman demand for tribute because he knew it would precipitate war. 18 Firumbras, 11. 305-8.

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A leader who wished to stimulate his men urged them to execute deeds heroic enough to be recorded in story and song. So Gerames spoke when he called for an attack upon the besiegers of Bordeaux: ". . . let vs do there as good knyghtys ought to do, to the entente that good songes maye be made of vs. A n d that the Almaynes haue no cause to say but that we be as good men as they be." 1 9 The attitude of the Church toward tournaments and toward wars unjustly waged indicates that it never intended to approve all conflicts or to sanction the greed and arrogance that led to individual quarrels and private warfare. Yet, as inevitably happens in an age that glorifies warlike deeds and exploits the fighting instinct, many men either interpreted the definitions as they saw fit or did not heed the limitations set upon conflict if it was to be considered justifiable. One of the most misused justifications of combat was the plea of selfdefense. Though theorists approved conflicts both in defense of the state and in self-defense, they made stipulations about the conduct of the individual. St. Thomas declared, ". . . if a man, in self-defence, uses more than necessary violence, it will be unlawful: whereas if he repel force with moderation his defence will be lawful, because according to the jurists, it is lawful to repel force by force, provided one does not exceed the limits of a blameless defence." 2 0 Jacob's Well (MS. c. 1440) also limits or qualifies, "In stryif, jif J>ou f y j t e , or smygte wylfully & vnry^tfully ano)>er persone, )?ou dost dedly synne. he )>at defendyth hym, & he do it for to sauyn himself, & defende him in mesure & resoun, & as nede is, & no3t out of curse, for rancure or pride; he doth lytel synne, or ellys n o n e . " 2 1 Idley declares it lawful to bear arms to withstand the malice of an enemy since a man should protect his God-given body. Recognizing, however, that self-defense was frequently used as an excuse for reprehensible conduct, he counsels, Yet be ware of suche folie in ony wyse, fior moche myschieff therof doith rise.22 Christine de Pisan takes much the same point of view. She declares that a man may not pursue and slay an assailant who has run away because that would not be striking in self-defense. However, ". . . yf he had slayne that other sodaynly whan he fyrst stroke hym," he would be acting in selfdefense, ". . . by cause that the lawe sufTreth to slee another for sauynge 19 Huon of Burdrux, p. 393. Modred, in Mortc Arthure (Lincoln MS), objected for similar reasons to being left in charge of the kingdom when Arthur went to war:

20 21 22

"Whene of>er of werre wysse are wyrchipide hereaftyre, T h a n may I forsothe be sette bott at lyttill." (11. 685-86) Summa Theologica, Part II (Second Part), Q. 64, Art. 5. Jacob's Well, ed. Arthur Brandeis, p. 99. Idley's Instructions to His Son, Bk. I, 11. 923-24.

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of his owne lyffe." She concludes with the warning, ". . . not wyth standynge for conscience and for alle oughte a man to kepe hym self as nyghe as he can that he sle not another/ For nothynge what soeuere it be is more dyspleasaunte vnto god than for to dystroye hys lyke." 2 3 T h e romances provide a number of examples of quarrels between individuals or small groups in which the excuse of self-defense is offered. 24 Josian's father threatened to kill Beves for the slaughter of his Saracens; but Josian pleaded that she was sure he had slain only in self-defense and that her father must not judge till he had examined " W h o haf? \>e wronge, who ha)? rigt." Because he had slain the fifteen Saracens in an argument over the relative strength of the pagan and Christian religions, Beves considered his conduct justifiable; but it is surprising that the pagan emperor forgave him so readily. Perhaps his "Fourti grete, grisli wounde" moved the king to pity. 25 Tristrem's plea of self-defense was also justified, for he fought in single combat with Iseult's uncle Moraunt to champion Mark's cause. A s Iseult was about to kill Tristrem in revenge, he told her that he had killed her uncle because, had he not done so, Moraunt would have killed him. 2 6 W h e n Huon had to justify himself before the Emperor for killing his nephew and son, he declared the act necessary: ". . . by youre nephewe Raoull ye haue all this domage, who by his falsenes thoughte to haue betrayed me & to haue had my w y f e / yf I haue slayne your nephewes' and your men, I haue done it in defendyng myn owne body." 27 In this case the Emperor refused to accept the excuse and vowed he would take Huon quick or dead. Reynawde, who killed the Emperor's son during a chess game, not from necessity but from hasty temper, justified his deed with the comment, "that I dyde, was in me defendynge," and the argument, ". . . who letteth hym self to be slayne, his soule shall never have pardonne." 28 As we have seen, men who thus argued that to accept a blow without returning it was, like suicide, a sin, could have found some corroboration of their point of view in the words of the philosophers, moralists, and the 23 Fayttes of Armes, B k . Ill, C h . XII, pp. 2 1 1 - 1 2 . 24

A n u m b e r of cases in Bracton present situations s o m e w h a t similar to those f o u n d in the romances. A m a n in a private quarrel hot-headedly kills his o p p o n e n t and pleads self-defense in extenuation of his act. W h e r e the court a d m i t t e d the justice of the d e f e n d a n t ' s plea t h a t he h a d killed noc in felony b u t in self-defense, the o f f e n d e r was considered guiltless. Case 1084 (III, 106-7), C 3 5 « i 2 6 i (IN, 229-30), a n d Case 1474 (III, 407) have some bearing on this p o i n t . T h e Ust case indicates t h a t t h e old law of a money fine paid to t h e parents of the slain m a n m a y still have obtained in s o m e parts of E n g l a n d . 23 Beues of Hamtoun, 11. 585-742. 26 Sir Tristrem, 11. 1595-1606. 27 Huon of Burdeux, p . 298. 28 Four Sons of Aymon, p . 88. T h e s a m e type of h o t - h e a d e d a n d unnecessary killing justified by the plea of self-defense is exemplified in Guy of Warwick (15th Ct. version, 11. 6585-86) w h e n G u y killed Earl F l o r e n t i n e ' s son.

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chivalric handbooks. Yet most moralists took pains to define and limit the term "self-defense" in order to prevent its abuse. The romances, on the contrary, evidently accept it as always a legitimate explanation. Most knights apparently did not know or did not care about the qualifications which the moralists had placed on killing in self-defense, if it was to be considered justifiable—not exceeding the limits of a "blameless self-defense," not for "vengeance and aforethought," and "as reason and need is." When they were criticized or challenged for a deed, they glibly replied, conscious only of their right, "me defandaunt it was done." The authors of the romances indicate clearly that many such encounters were the expression of arrogance and natural quarrelsomeness, yet they draw no moral and make no differentiation between a justified self-defense and the use of the term to cover misconduct. Although the romances reveal that the ceaselessly stimulated fighting instinct sought expression regardless of set limits, they also present many heroes who were sated with battle and begged for temporary or permanent release from conflict. Often the reason was simple exhaustion. Alexander, calling his men together after Philip's death, harangued them about their forthcoming rule of the world and bade them prepare their armor. The old knights, pleading their years, their fatigue, and their wounds, besought Alexander to recruit his men from the "gong lordes & Jong knyghtes, }?at ere listy men & able for to suffre disesse for to be wit jow. For here we giffe vp att armes if it be gour will & forsakes j?am for euer." 29 By complimenting them on their wisdom and experience, Alexander won them to his cause; but their submission does not invalidate the fact that they wished to give up arms forever, not to rule the world. More often men craved temporary relief from overwhelming fatigue. Duke Naymes counseled Charlemagne to make a five-year truce so that his folk who were "wery of the werre" might later fight with better will. At one time when Charlemagne was forcing his exhausted men who had just returned from Spain to go again into Gascony against King John and the Four Sons of Aymon, the Earl of Nantuell objected, "And also in this felawship ben marfy prynces and barons that have not ben yet in theyr countrey, nor seen theyr wyves and chyldren." 30 In both these cases peace was begged simply that men might recuperate their strength in preparation for further war. Certain passages from the romances, nevertheless, reflect not exhaustion but the distaste for strife and the soul-weariness that are of a troubled conscience. The Prose Life of Alexander contains one As Alexander marched into India, the rebellious princes, feeling conquest of Darius and Persia should have sufficed, complained, 28 80

Prote Life of Alexander, p. 13. Four Sons of Aymon, pp. 162, 183.

physical the signs example. that the

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" N e J?is Alexander nane oJ>er thynge^ desyrej, bot for to wende abowte and thurgh werre to brynge all ]>c worlde vndere his subieccion. For werre & debate unrechej his body so fer furth }>at, and he ristede any lange tyme witowten werre, rijte als it were for defaute of mete he schulde faile & dye. Leue we hym }>arefore, and turne we agayne vn-till oure awenn cuntree." 3 1 Chidings of conscience also troubled the hardened fighter Titus. Shocked by the heaps of unburied bodies and the moans of the survivors as he entered Jerusalem, he knelt to ask God's forgiveness. Yet he was not courageous enough to accept full responsibility for the misery he had caused. Instead, he excused his conduct with the typical conqueror's explanation that had the people not resisted, they need not have suffered: "Lorde, forjeve my fader and me, For }>urgh us lye }>ei not deed, But for her owne feble reed. Hadde )>ei erst hem jolden to us, Ne shulde J?ei noght have leyn }>us."

32

Both these examples illustrate the shallowness of conscientious scruples: Alexander won his warriors to his purpose again by accusing them of sloth and cowardice; and Titus, though momentarily distressed, had no intention of giving up the business and excitement of conquest. In other seasoned warriors, distress of conscience, perhaps the result of war-weariness induced by declining physical prowess, led to retirement. Mawgis, long a participant in battle, at length took up the contemplative life with the avowed purpose of atoning for his sins, primary among which was the slaughter of many in battle. H e explained to Reynawde, " . . . I have made myselfe an hermyte, and I have lefte the worlde ^for to serve hym that made me, & the blessed virgin Mary, his moder, for to have pardonne of my sinnes that I have doon in my life/ F o r I have don many grete evylles agenst my creatour/ and by me are deed so many folke, wherof I knowe that our lorde is gretly wrothe agenst me." 3 3 It is to be noticed that M a w g i s felt that the L o r d was angry not merely because he had committed "grete evylles" of a general nature, but specifically, as he says, because by his hand so many folk were dead. It is also to be observed that Mawgis, like the man who prayed, "Lord, save my soul—but not now," was able to get in a couple 51 32 33

Prose Alexander, p. 60. Titus and Vespasian, 11. 3536-40. Four Sons of Aymon, p. 465.

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of good stiff battles before he turned to prayer and contemplation. 34 Other war-weary leaders were equally loath to renounce completely their activities. T h e examples of war-weariness in the romances do not indicate any deepseated protest against conflict and bloodshed. Men whose distaste for war and whose sense of guilt for their part in it were prompted by conscience rather than fatigue are not numerous. T h e significance of their protest, moreover, is somewhat invalidated by the fact that it came at the conclusion of long and bloody careers. Since the chief argument for respite from battles was fatigue, the expression of war-weariness reemphasizes the fact that the typical knight believed the battlefield the only adequate testing ground for manhood, and objected to war chiefly when he was not in condition to do his best. It is a truism that whatever problems trouble men also burden the women w h o love them or are associated with them. Since it is perhaps equally true that woman's point of view has some influence, however slight or unacknowledged, on the conduct of men, it is necessary to consider the attitude of medieval women toward warfare. T h o u g h history at this point provides only meager evidence, in the light of the position assigned to medieval women, it would be surprising if they did not accept warfare as a l a w f u l activity, essential to the age in which they lived. Miss Power states that woman was obliged to be not only a housewife in her own capacity, but also, in the absence of her husband, an amateur soldier. When circumstances necessitated, some women served in active combat or functioned as organizers and directors of battle. T h e Countess of Montfort at the siege of Hennebont was a bold and courageous warrior; Oueen Philippa at the battle of Newcastle on T y n e went bravely about the field encouraging her soldiers; Blanche of Champagne waged war for fourteen vears in behalf of her minor son. Blanche of Castile organized two fleets at Calais to establish the right of her husband to the throne of England; furthermore, she broke up the league of barons in 1226 and repelled the attack of the K i n g of 84 When Revnawde (in The Four Sons of Aymon, p. 5 7 2 ) became a hermit, he explained, " . . . thruehe my cause are deed many a man, whereof I fele mv pour soule greved sore, and ther-fore wyll I bere pcyn on my b o d y / for it doyng penaunce all the remnaunt of my l i f e / and vf I mav save my soule, I aske none other thyng." Guv of Warwick (15th Ct. version) has already been referred to. G u y felt responsible for the deaths he had caused in order to win Felice. As he started on the pilgrimage of atonement, he listed his offenses:

" I haue many a man slane, Abbeys brente and cytees tane."

(11. 7163—64)

T h o u g h Charlemagne once declared (in Charles the Great, pp. 2 0 1 - 2 ) that he wished to retire and take up the contemplative life, his desire was prompted not by a sense of guilt. He believed his glorious wars received divine sanction. Perhaps he was momentarily weary: " . . . he purposed neuer more to f v g h t ne to make batavlle, but to reste & lede forth a contemplatvf l y f . " Presently, however, he obeyed the command of St. James of Galicia, that he recover Galicia from the Saracens.

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E n g l a n d in 1230. Matthew Paris reports that Margaret, Countess of Flanders, had no fear of warfare but pursued her purpose regardless of injury to her own children. John of Avesnes, her son, having captured his uterine brothers, wrote his mother for peace terms. She replied, " Y o u r brothers, my sons, are in your hands; I will not be turned from my purpose on their account; they are exposed to your will and pleasure. Put them to death, cruel villain, and eat them, one boiled with pepper, and the other roasted with garlic." 3 3 T h o u g h not all women who engaged in war show the ruthless spirit of the Countess of Flanders, many of them acquitted themselves with such boldness that they thwarted their enemies or struck fear in their hearts. W o m e n , then, were sometimes active participants in battle; but they were probably more often the victims of its misfortunes, helpless sufferers from its brutality, or pawns passed between opponents for the sake of strengthening military alliances or securing peace. It is recorded, for instance, that E d w a r d I extended no chivalric courtesies to the Queen of Scotland and her ladies when they fell into his power, but kept them imprisoned. H e showed no mercy to the Countess of Buchan, w h o had helped crown Bruce. Instead, he "shut her up in an iron chamber circular as the crown she gave," and later at Berwick exhibited her to the populace " f o r her everlasting infamy." 3 6 Christine de Pisan, one of the few articulate women of the period, might have used her literary power to condemn war and the misfortune it entailed for women. Instead, though she shows no love of war for its o w n sake and though she realizes it is much criticized and condemned, she accepts it as a lawful activity, lists the just and unjust causes of war, and analyzes and defines the rules and theories that should govern encounters. 07 T h e romances represent the typical heroine as one who rejoiced in war. She was convinced that it was her responsibility to encourage her chosen 35 Froissart, Chronicles, I, Ch. L X X X , 198-202; CXXXVIII, 3 1 2 - 1 4 ; E. Power, "Position of Women," Crump and Jacob, Legacy of the Middle Ages, p. 422; Elic Berger, Histoire de Blanche de Castile (Paris, 1895); Matthew Paris, English History, III, 75. About the words of the Countess of Flanders, Matthew Paris comments, "This offensive spcech passed from mouth to mouth amongst the public, much to the shame of all mothers." 36 Charles Mills, History of Chivalry, p. 129. The history of the Paston family shows that women also suffered indignities from rioting in private quarrels and from civil strife. E. Power, "The Position of Women," p. 419; Coulton, Medieval Panorama, p. 620; The Paston Letters, I, Nos. 77-8, pp. 1 0 5 - 1 3 . The examples from Froissart included in Chapter VIII are also illustrative of the misfortunes of women during periods of strife. 37 Fayttes of Armes, Bk. I, Ch. II, p. 9. "But to thende that this present werke by somm enuyous myght be reproched sayeng that it is but ydlencs & losse of tyme as to treate of thynges not lawfull/ first it is to wyte yf warres & bataylles/ chyualrye & faytes of armes of whiche thynge we hope to speke/ it is or not/ o thynge iuste/ for as in excersysing of armes ben doon many grete euyllis/ extorcyons/ & grieues/ Iyke as occisions rauayne by forces/ to brenne by fyre & infenyte harmes may seme to somme that warres & bataylles shold be acursed thyng Sc not due."

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knight in valor. The belief that warriors were made brave by the strength of love is often repeated: For he was neuere gode werryour, T h a t cowde not loue a-ryght: F o r loue hath made many a conquerour A n d many a worthy knighte. 3 8

A number of heroines, far from shuddering at the brutality of conflict, cheered knights on to greater bloodiness and surer victory. As Guy fired the dart at the King of Barbary and smote him through the heart and liver, Floripas laughed and praised his marksmanship. 30 Eglantine sent Blanchardyn her white sleeve, not merely as token of her love, but with the battle cry that for her sake he should . . dye the whyte coloure in to red wyth the blode of her enmyes." 4 0 Such delight in battle is not unusual. Many heroines, like Eglantine and Floripas, show no more squeamishness about shedding blood than about any other activity. Other women, by contrast, do not seem especially happy in their role of spectators and encouragers. Lydgate's description of the ladies on the Troy wall is charming but pathetic: A s fresche be-seyn as M a y is with his flouris, \>c ladies J>en ascendid of J>e toun—• So fair, so jonge, stondyng enviroun j>e quene Eleyne, passyng fair to sene.

They are described as Inly a-gast, and of fere affrayed

Pale and dredful for her lordis were. 4 1

It is true that these ladies are agitated and disturbed; but they are not passionately aroused against war, perhaps because they are powerless against it. The impression is given that they are stirred by the drama and excitement yet dazed by the possibility of disaster. They could not have been unaware of the familiar truth that every military encounter left many women husbandless and friendless. 42 38 Sou/done of Babylone, 11. 975-78. In the Prose Merlin (p. 641) Gawain stated that it was the inspiration of ladies that made knights ". . . to vndirtake the hardynesse of armes that thei don." 38 Sowdone of Babylone, 11. 2259-62. 40 Blanchardyn and Eglantine, p. 168. 41 Lydgate's Troy Book., Bk. Ill, 11. 518-29. A somewhat similar picture is found in Golagros and Gawane (11. 1051 ff.) when the knights and ladies grieve over the defeat of Golagros. 42 Laud Troy Book., 9633-36; Caxton's Eneydos, p. 146; Lovelich's Merlin, 11. 14543-546; Earl of Toulouse, 11. 97-108.

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A few heroines are not passively submissive, but are outspoken in their objection to war. Sometimes the objection is dictated almost solely by selfinterest. A s Arthur departed for Rome, for instance, Guinevere prayed to die in her husband's arms rather than endure separation. Perhaps the same kind of self-pity and resentment caused Acheflour, after the death of her husband, to rear her son in the forest since she desired that he play with wild beasts rather than be schooled in the uses of war. 4 3 T h e necessities of the story return Perceval, of course, to knightly adventure. Christine of Luxemborg was less self-centered and more compassionate in her attitude than Acheflour. A s she watched the battle being fought for her protection, she felt it were better that she had been born dead or had been drowned, ". . . than so many creatures shuld be slayne & perysshe for myn owne synne." 44 Cassandra, preaching ardently and without self-concern against the conflict with the Greeks, deplored the general suffering war brought upon women and children. 4 5 Heroines by such protests evidently made little impression on their associates; theirs were voices crying in the wilderness. Most women quietly submitted to what seemed inevitable. There was still another group of individuals whose attitude toward war and whose right to participate in it must be considered, for clerics as well as laymen sometimes served as warriors. On the matter of the right of the cleric to do so, opinion was divided. T h e First Council of Macon (581 A X ) . ) decreed that a priest found carrying arms or wearing unbecoming clothes should be imprisoned thirty days and fed bread and water only; but it tempered the order by stating that if the battle were in behalf of a good cause, no punishment should be inflicted. T h e Council of Toulouse (c. 633 A . D . ) ordered that clergy taking up arms should be sent to do penance in a monastery. T h e popes of the eighth and ninth centuries issued decrees forbidding the clergy to have any part in warlike endeavors. T h o u g h exceptions occurred, especially when defense against the heathen was imperative, and though the pope himself sometimes became an army leader, the official position of the Church was that weapon-bearing was forbidden the clergy. T h o u g h this point of view was repeatedly expressed, feudalism, by making bishops and abbots vassals under military tenure, continued to modify the feeling against fighting clergy. T h e historical record indicates that many clerics not only encouraged warfare but actively participated in it. Charles Martel, for instance, exhorted the clergy to fight; Claudius, Bishop of Turin (d. 839), often took up the sword with his lay comrades to drive back the Saracens; Pope Leo I X (in 1053) led an army against the Normans who had laid waste his church; and as late 43

Morte Arthure (Lincoln MS.), 11. 699-704; Sir Perceval of Gallei, II. 162-92. Melusine, p. 202. Florence in The Kyng of Tars (II. 2 1 7 - 8 8 ) stopped the costly battle for her protection by marrying the Sultan of Dammas. 46 Lydgate's Troy Book., Bk. Ill, 2 2 7 2 - 8 1 . 44

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as the Battle of Agincourt (1415) bishops and priests participated in battle. On the other hand, Pope Boniface decreed that "only two or three chosen bishops should attend the army for the performance of needful spiritual functions." 46 Those who opposed participation of the clergy in battle did so because they believed the function of the clergy was spiritual, not because they condemned war. Pope Urban made a secular prince military leader of the First Crusade and appointed as his papal legate a bishop, whose functions were chiefly political. He stipulated that the clerics, whom he also called to the crusade, were to participate only in the sense of caring for the souls of the crusaders. He bade the monks, whom he considered militia spiritualis, to serve by spurring on soldiers to a more vigorous fight against the Saracens. 47 St. Thomas stated that clerics should withstand the pillager and oppressor with spiritual weapons only: ". . . among the faithful, carnal wars should be considered as having for their end the Divine spiritual good to which clerics are deputed. Wherefore it is the duty of clerics to dispose and counsel other men to engage in just wars. For they are forbidden to take up arms, not as though it were a sin, but because such an occupation is unbecoming their personality." 48 It was believed by scholastic philosophers that participation in battle interfered with the spirit of prayer and contemplation expected of clerics; that as ministers to the Passion of Christ in the Mass, it ill became them to inflict death on others; and tha't the one thing which could justify their presence on the battlefield was to succor, to console, and to exhort. 49 The sentiment that fighting was not included among the functions of the clergy is also expressed in the lines from Jacob's Well, which lists among the damned, "Alle clerkys wyth-in holy ordrys }>at beryn armys a3en J?e J>es.',B0 Medieval handbooks of chivalry include most of the varying points of view in regard to this question. The Bu\e of the Law of Armys sum« up all 49 J. F. Bethune-Baker, The Influence of Christianity on War, pp. 45-56; Erdmann, Die Entstehung del Kreuzzugsgedank.ens, pp. 1 2 - 3 ; Reginald Lane Poole, Illustrations in the History of Medieval Thought, p. 32. Froissart records (I, Ch. LIV, 1 5 3 ) that when the French soldiers attacked the Abbey of Vycongne and were about to burn it down, the Abbot did not hesitate to set up crossbows and frighten his enemy off. Froissart also tells how the Prince of Wales sent the Cardinal of Perigord the body of the Cardinal's dead nephew, Robert of Duras: "The prince was enformed that the cardynalles men were on the felde agaynst hym, the which was nat pertayning to the right order of armes, for men of the churche that cometh and gocth for treaty of peace ought nat by reason to ber harnes, nor to fyght for neyther of the parties; they ought to be indyfferent." (I, Ch. CLXTI, 3 7 3 ) . Charles W. Oman, A History of the Art of War, p. 380, reports that Henry I invaded the lands of his brother Robert, Duke of Normandy. In this fight one of Henry's chaplains, Waldric, captured Duke Robert, ". . . for which unclerical feat he was soon after made bishop of Llandoff." 47 Erdmann, Dte Entstehung des Kreuzzugsgedan\ens, p. 3 1 0 . 48 Summa Theologica, Part II (Second Part), Q. 40, Art. 2. 49 Bede Jarrett, Social Theories of the Middle Ages, p. 201. Jacob's Well, p. 56.

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opinions: that "clerkis" may take up arms only to defend; that they may use all arms, "bathe armes invasives and defensives," that they may also make war at the bidding of the Pope; and finally, that clerics, as other men, are obliged to fulfill their feudal duties: "Bot efter the tothir opynioun, the bischopis and othir clerkis, the quhilkis haldis erledomes, baronryis, and castellis under fiee of the king ar behaldyn to pas with him in bataillis." At this point, however, an interesting stipulation is made. Although the clergy may fight, they must beware lest in their excitement they use the wrong words to encourage their comrades: "And thai may wele say to the kingis folk, Takis, strikis, and inprisonys! Bot thai may nocht say Sla! Sla! for than war thai irregularis." Otherwise, a cleric may act just as any other courageous knight, for he is counseled to slay his enemy rather than flee shamefully from the battlefield. 51 Though the romances indicate in many ways that the Church on occasion blessed war and honored the warrior, they do not often show the Church as represented officially on the field of conflict by fighting clergy. A notable exception is provided by The Sege of Melayne, in which Bishop Turpin rather than Charlemagne, Roland, or any of the twelve peers is the hero. When Roland returned from the siege of Milan with only four men, the traitor Ganelon advised Charles to submit to the Sultan and accept his kingdom in fealty from him. Turpin, however, exhorted Charles to gather all his good knights, and promised, " . . . alle }>e C l e r g y vndir-take 1 O f f alle F r a u n c e full sekerly }>ay sail w e n d e to J>at w e r e . O f J?e pope I haue pouste, A t t m y b y d d y n g e sail j?ay bee B o t h w i t h schelde a n d s p e r e . "

(11. 613-18) In answer to the bishop's call T h e C l e r g y grauntes alle }>er to, A l s d o g h e t y m e n of dede solde d o ]?at w o r t h y w e r e & w y g h t e . B e c o m e n w a s w e k e s three T h a r e semblede a ful faire m e n j h e , In baneres burneschid b r y g h t e . A h u n d r e t h e t h o w s a n d e w e r e redy bownit O f Prestís )>at w e r e d e schauen c r o w n n , A n d fresche m e n for to

fighte.

(II.625-33) 51

Gilbert Hayc's

Bn^e oj the Law of Armys,

Part I V , Ch. 36, pp. 1 4 2 - 4 3 .

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T h e poet comments, "It was a ful faire syghte." 52 In the course of the war Turpin's army of clerics fights as bravely as Charlemagne's warriors; and Turpin himself, confident in his belief, ". . . we are halden with )>e righte Clerkes appon cursede men to fighte," (»• 736-37)

is the outstanding example of chivalric bravery. The romances express more frequently the opinion that a priest must not participate in conflict. In The Sou/done of Babylone, Ferumbras, striking his enemy to the ground, discovered he was a priest and chided him, "Fie, prcest, god gyfe the sorowe! What doist thou armede in the feelde, That sholdest saie thy matyns on morwe, What doist thou with spere and shelde?" (11. 559-62)

Much the same sentiment is expressed in The Four Sons of Aymon on a similar occasion. Reynawde struck Bishop Turpin a mighty blow upon the helm so that both the horse and the rider reeled: "And whan Reynawde sawe the bysshop in that plyghte/ he sayd to h y m / 'Fader, be ye the same Turpyn that prayseth your selfe soo sore? By my fayth, me semeth it were better for you to be in some churche to synge some masse, than for to be here, wenynge to greve me.'" 63 In Huon of Burdeux, the Abbot of Cluny, to whom Huon appealed when Chariot struck down the unarmed Gerard, refused aid, explaining, "I am a prest & serue gode; I may not be where any man ys slayne." Later on, however, he became Huon's active ally.54 62 The army raised by the pope in Le Bone Florence of Rome to break the false wedding of Myles and Florence provides another example of an army of clerics. 33 Four Sons of Aymon, p. 196. 04 Huon of Burdeux, pp. 21, 572-75. Another reason for the feeling seems to have been a kind of antagonism between the chivalric and the religious classes and a conviction that the clergy were ineffectual fighters. For this reason Troylus in The Laud Troy Book., mocked Elenus, who had advised Priam against war with the Greeks: "Off men sought amonges a hundur, A ffebler herte schulde ye not ffyndc Thow ye sought henne in-to Inde; Ye yeues him alle to clergie, For he is ferde of Chiualrie." (II. 2558-62) Lydgate's Troy Book, calls Helenus a "cowarde prest," and says all priests ". . . lyue in lust it voide awey traueyle, And dedly hate to heren of bataille." (Bk. H, 11. 3009-10)

In Partenay (11. 3200-3316) the reason Geoffrey burned the monastery which his brother had entered was that his brother had forsaken chivalry'. Meltisine (pp. 307-9) reports that Fromont should never have sought the consent of his parents, who wished to profit by his prayers, nor have

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T h e comparison of the social record with that of the romances reveals some similarities and some differences in the point of view of various groups of individuals toward war. T h e social record may be said to indicate a continuously troubled conscience, a halting between two opinions. M i n d f u l of the ancient precept, " T h o u shalt not kill," moralists and churchmen were loath to approve bloodshed even in just wars and made stipulations which, though mainly academic, were designed to place checks on the passions of men. Nevertheless, since the Church found it necessary to reassure the individual fighter, it promised him spiritual rewards for necessary fighting; it refused, however, to sanction fighting as a sport. T h o u g h the romances reflect this conflict of opinion in several ways, the spirit of protest on the part of the individual knight is a minor note. Most heroes in the romances, believing that the activities of the warrior had religious sanction, accepted without reservation the idea that military activity and fighting were the natural expression of the aristocrat. Eagerly seeking opportunity for conflict, they often disregarded the stipulations of the moralists. They seem, in fact, to express the conviction that war is not merely natural but legitimate and holy, that it is the supreme challenge not only of a man's physical but of his moral and spiritual courage, and the ultimate test of the depth and sincerity of his religious faith. It is perhaps safe to conclude from the social record that women submitted to war as inevitable. They realized that they sometimes profited f r o m it, more often suffered from it; but even in the latter case they give no evidence of crusading against it. Yet in real life the majority of women do not glamorize war by posing as the inspiration of men on the battlefield. Even the records of Froissart, which are inclined to present the chivalric point of view, give only a f e w instances of women as the inspirers of knightly deeds. T h e attitude of women in general seems, in fact, somewhat fatalistic: they participate in conflict if they can and must, or they submit rather dully to whatever fate w a r brings. This does not necessarily mean that women felt no objection to war and made no complaint; it probably means simply that our record is incomplete. T h e romances, by contrast, give instances of women w h o participated actively in war, of those who submitted to its fortunes or misfortunes, of those who complained about the personal discomfort and unhappiness which it involved, and of a few who protested against the general misfortune war brought. By far the most prevalent note, however, is the yielded to the flattery of the monks who sought "for to fare f>e better by him." Instead, he should have married a noble lady or engaged ill chivalric practices. Paris and Vienne (p. 1 2 ) reports that Sir James thought his son Paris was neglecting chivalric activities and consorting too much with the Bishop of Saint Lawrence: " . . . for lothe I were to see you bycome a man of relygyon as I fere he wyl brynge you to." Perhaps these examples are significant only as representing the opposition of worldly and sophisticated parents in any age to having their sons adopt a way of life different from theirs.

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chivalric idea that women were the inspirers of knightly valor and that they derived pleasure and satisfaction from this function. As for the attitude of the clergy, it is reasonably evident both from history and fiction that many clerics enjoyed the sound and the fury of battle and that some, at least, fought as efficiently as the trained knight. History reveals that the attempt of the Church to limit the activity of the cleric to spiritual functions on the field of conflict was not altogether successful. The position of the Church and its representatives in the feudal organization of society was bound to be somewhat embarrassing. The picture given in the romances is rather sharply opposed to the historical account; for the cleric is rarely represented as a warrior, and when he is encountered on the field he is usually reprimanded for neglecting his spiritual functions. The case of Turpin in The Sege of Melayne is a notable exception.

* VIII # CONDUCT ON THE BATTLEFIELD H O U G H medieval society accepted warfare and fighting as necessary ^ ^ activities sanctioned by feudalism and under certain conditions by the Church, it could not deny the sanguinary nature of such conflict. W e have seen in Chapter V I that the Church sought to curb conflict by cautioning men against unjust wars and by limiting or qualifying the reasons for even just wars. Since war continued to be waged almost incessantly, however, there remained the necessity of mitigating its cruelty by some means lest man be reduced to the level of the animal fighting in blind struggle for survival. T h e institution of chivalry, designed essentially to exert a modifying influence upon the horrors and brutality of w a r f a r e , was the means by which men were encouraged to look upon their enemies as human beings whose misfortune in w a r should be conducive to pity rather than revenge. 1 T h e concept of knighthood, the regulations governing it, and the feeling that men who took vows became brothers in arms devoted to the assistance of their fellows should have had this effect. T h e r e is indeed some reason to believe that forbearance even among enemies and assistance to a brother in arms were considered the highest obligations of knighthood. 2 T h e handbook of R a m o n Lull (1257-1268) and that of Honore Bonet ( 1 3 8 2 - 1 3 8 7 ) , as well as the later translations and adaptations of these books made by Gilbert of the Haye, Christine de Pisan, and William Caxton, express the theory of the institution and explain the ideal of conduct toward which knights aspired—unceasing courtesy, generosity, bravery; selfless devotion to feudal lords, ladies, and knightly comrades; and unflagging religious zeal. Y e t even the earliest versions indicate that the standard was an ideal far f r o m achievement and that it led to unfortunate extremes of gallantry in which the individual knight wasted his own energy and life as heedlessly as he did those of his associates. Consequently, good sense and discretion came to be encouraged as necessary characteristics of knighthood. T h e romances, which within the limits of fiction reveal the effect of 1

Holdsworth, History of English Law, V, 33. Annie Abram, "Chivalry," Cambridge Medieval History, VI, Ch. 24, 802-3; Mills, History of Chivalry, p. 48; Raymond Lincoln Kilgour, The Decline of Chivalry, p. ix, states, "The chivalric ideal was always noble, whatever the flaws in the order itself." He also states again, on p. xxiii, "Chivalry's value to the mediaeval world lay in the very soaring of its ideal above the plane of reality." 2

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chivalry on conduct, give innumerable guides for the actions of knights in any trial of arms, whether on the Held of battle or in individual combats. Carrying out the chivalric ideal of unceasing courtesy, generosity, and bravery, the romances stress constantly the rule of fair play or equal chance. The demand that opponents be evenly matched was the basic aspect of the concept of honor, for to pit strength against weakness and win was considered inglorious. Since it was impossible for women to have fighting strength equal to that of men, it was deemed wrong to assail fortresses governed only by women. Froissart, however, records numerous instances of the besieging of castles held by ladies in the absence of their lords. King David, the Scot, besieged the castle of the Countess of Salisbury; Sir Charles of Blois and Sir Lewis of Spain, the castle of the Countess of Montfort; and Sir John of Hainault, the fortress of his own daughter, Lady Jane, though she pleaded with him to spare the heritage of her husband.8 In none of these instances, even that of Lady Jane, are either knights or ladies troubled about niceties of conduct. The knights fight energetically; the ladies devote their cleverness either to helping with the actual defense or to the strategies of peacemaking. The Countess of Montfort, who had the courage of a man and the heart of a lion, "ware harness on her body and rode on a great courser." Asking no quarter from the enemy because of her sex, she instructed her women at the siege of Hennebont, ". . . to cutte shorte their kyrtels, and to cary stones and pottes full of chalk to the walles, to be cast downe to their ennemyes." Furthermore, when she saw an opportune moment, she led three hundred men in a foray against the enemy camp and "cutte downe tentes, and set fyre in their lodgynges." 4 Had all ladies been like the countess, it might suggest that men refrained from attacking them not merely out of respect for their helplessness. The romances, likewise, show that the idea that men must not attack fortresses held only by women was frequently disregarded. In Merlin, Queen Helayne, the sixteen-year-old wife of King Ban, and her younger sister, wife of King Boors, were besieged in the castle of Trebes by the Romans. The young queens ". . . hadde grete drede leste thei sholde haue be taken be some maner treson; and many tymes thei wepten for theire lordes, that so longe hadde ben from hem and thei hadde herde of hem no tidinges." 5 In Huon of Burdeux, Gerames led Huon to the city of Anfalern: ". . . in the cyte there was no men of warre; all were in the felde with the Admyrall agaynste Yuoryn; there were none but women and chyldren & olde folkes." 3

Froissart, Chronicles, I, Ch. LXXVI, 190-93; LXXX, 198-202; XXXIX, 1 1 5 . * Froissart, Chronicles, I, Ch. LXXX, 199. 6 Prose Merlin, p. 380.

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This did not prevent Gerames and Huon from entering and slaying all they met.6 The refusal to attack women is exemplified, on the other hand, in Melusine. Geoffrey, discovering Gueron was absent, wished Melusine to know that he did not come to "make warre ayenst ladyes & damoyselles" and added, "be ye of this sure, that neyther to you nor to none of your fortes I wyl nought say nor hurt, yf your husband be not there." 7 That fighting against women was considered wrong is again indicated in The Prose Life of Alexander when Talyfride, Queen of the Amazons, arguing, "And if it happen )>at )>ou hafe J?e victory of vs, wirchipe sail it nane be to the bi-cause }?ou hase discomfit women," persuaded Alexander to accept tribute rather than fight. 8 The futility of engaging in a struggle from which no fame could be derived, and the ideal of courtesy to ladies, were the elements determining the belief that men must not engage in military conflict against women. The ideal of fair play or equal chance—the theory that opponents must be evenly matched in number, strength, position, and equipment—should have governed actual conflicts between men. The record seems to indicate, however, that the ideal had little influence in actual combat where necessity governed conduct. In the Battie of Constance, for instance, Geoffrey saw that the English were outnumbered by the French. Since he did not wish to be taken prisoner, he valiantly held off his foes for a long time. Then two Frenchmen, who did not know or did not care about the rule of even number, ". . . mounted on their horses and ranne bothe with their speares at ones at hym, and so bare hym to the yerth." No one cried shame upon the French, but instead, ". . . than other that were afote, came with their swerdes and strake hym into the body under his harneys so that ther he was slayne." 9 If we can accept this example as characteristic of actual combat, the usual rule in warfare was not one of fair play but of getting your opponent by any method. Other examples from Froissart show that the rule of equal chance, which was so constantly appealed to in the romances, was in actuality either unknown, hastily forgotten, or deliberately disregarded. At the Battle of Crecy, some of the allies of the French were terrified by the English archers and fled. When the French king saw this, he ordered his men to kill the cowards. In the confusion that followed, the Englishmen made the most of the situation. They shot their arrows where the press was thickest, and many men and horses fell and could not rise again: "And also amonge the Englysshemen there were certayne rascalles that went a fote with great knyves, 8 7 8 9

Huon of Burdcux, p. 200. Melusine, p. 260. Prose Life of Alexander, p. 66. Froissart, Chronicles, I, Ch. CLXXII, 392.

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and they went in among the men of armes, and slewe and murdredde many as they lay on the grounde, bothe erles, barownes, knyghtes, and squyers." 1 0 T h e English king was the only one displeased. He criticized the action of the men, not for their unknightliness, but because they should have spared their captives for ransom. Another instance of disregard for the code is found in the fight between Lord Berkeley of England and the French squire, John de Helennes. Johan struck Lord Berkeley, who dropped his sword and stooped to pick it up. A t that moment the squire, ". . . by happe strake hym through both the thyes, so that the knyght fell to the yerth, and could nat helpe hymselfe." Lord Berkeley did not accuse John of taking unfair advantage of him, but yielded with the remark, " . . . I am content to be your prisoner, for ye have by the lawe of armes wonne me." 1 1 The historical record seems to indicate that a man might rightfully take advantage of his opponent's weaknesses and that there was no ignominy in doing so. On the contrary, the romances, which reveal the various aspects of the concept of fair play, stress continually the requirement of equality in number and strength, and usually condemn as unknightly any disregard of the rule. When a Saracen sent a challenge to three Christians, Horn insisted that he alone would accept the challenge since ". . . hit nis no rijte On wi}> J?re to figte, Ajen one hunde )?re cristen men to fonde." 1 2 King Arthur and three companions came upon Percival clad in the armor of the Red Knight, whom he had just killed. Though they saw he was eager for battle, King Arthur said they must not attack since for four to overcome one would bring no honor. 13 In Melusine, when Raymondin challenged Josselin to right the wrong he had done, Josselin's son Oliver proposed that he and another fight Raymondin. This cowardice angered the king, who declared,". . . that shall nat happe in my Court as long as I shall lyue J?at one knight alone shal fyght ayenst two for oo maner quarell/ and grete shame is to you/ only to haue thought it in your herte." 1 4 In Ipomydon, Sir Campanus warned Ipomydon to give up his demand for the lady he had won, "And ellis I swere, by God Almyght We shal all ageynst the fight." (11. 2027-28) Froissart, Chronicles, I, Ch. CXXX, 298. Froissart, Chronicles, I, Ch. CLXIII, 377. 12 Horn (Version C), 11. 829-32. In Libeaus Desconus (11. 547-49) Libeaus Desconus lamented that the two nephews of William had dishonored themselves by attacking him. 13 Sir Perceval of Galles, 11. 1421-24. 14 Melusine, p. 79. 10

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Astonished, Ipomydon replied, ". . . What may this bee? Is this the maner of this contre?" (11. 2029-30) T h e n he challenged those who thought they had a better right to the lady to come forth one by one. Since they refused, he alone undertook the battle with the assurance, "Rather I wille the bataile take, And lese my lyffe for hyr sake, And put it all in Goddis hond." Agayne hem al he thoght to stond. (11. 2039-42) T h e romances apply the requirement of equality in number not only to individual quarrels and fights but to battles. T o force battle against unequal powers or to attack those already outnumbered was the act of a villain or craven. Gawain grieved to see his little band of men matched against sixty thousand Saracens. 15 Reynawde lost such a battle against his father, ". . . for his fader had thre tymes as many folke as he hadde." 1 6 T h e author of the Gest Hystoriale condemned Achilles for overthrowing Memnon when he was surrounded by a multitude. 1 7 Those who were outnumbered were nevertheless occasionally glad to face overwhelming odds for the sake of the greater glory gained in victory. Ywaine had to meet three accusers at once to prove that Lunet had not advised her lady falsely, and Libeaus Desconus was forced to fight three knights who wished to avenge his overthrowing of their brothers. 18 In The Sege of Melayne, Turpin urged the king to attack sixty thousand Saracens, who far outnumbered the Christians: " ( B i ) God Jjat made all thynge, The more powere that thay be, The more honour wyn shall we, We dowte noghte )>am to dynge." (11. 1509-12) Men who pitted small forces against large ones, however, were sometimes blamed for recklessness, even though they won. In Morte Arthure, Arthur censured Sir Cador for matching his men unequally with the Saracens. 1 9 15 18 17 18 19

Morte Arthure (Lincoln MS.), 11. 3780 ff. Four Sons of Aymon, p. 107. Gest Hystoriale, 11. 10426-458. Ywaine and Gawin, II. 2583 ff., Libeaus Desconus, 11. 485. Morte Arthure (Lincoln MS.), 11. 1920-27.

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Constable Crystafor rebuked the emperor, who had asked for volunteers for a military enterprise in which the odds were too heavy: " T o sende yowre men for to be dedde, Me thynkyth, hyt ys a sympull reddc. Thou myghtyst as welc wyth )>yn hande Slec \>y men welc wyttande." 2 0 Malory records that Sir Lancelot with ten thousand men fought an army of R o m a n s numbering sixty thousand. When this battle was reported to the K i n g , he wept and reprimanded Lancelot, " Y o u r courage hade nere hand destroyed y o w / F o r though ye had retorned a g e y n e / ye had lost no w o r s h i p / F o r I calle hit f o l y / knyghtes to abyde whan they be ouermatched." 2 1 T h o u g h glad of Lancelot's victory, Arthur obviously considered it a matter of luck rather than good sense. A leader who did not take such chances was apt to be more loyally supported than a reckless one. By hesitating to undertake an encounter with the odds ten to one, lest his men suffer, Clarion won the approval of his followers: Whanne )>ese worthy men vndirstoodyn his sawe, With hym to ryden they wolden riht fawe, And preiseden him mochel for his Seyeng, For hit was wel Seyd of a kyng; and for not ellis letted he, but only J?at of }>e peple he hadde pyte. 22 T h e romances show that observation of the rule of equality in number was required of the noble knight. T h o u g h this theory had its pragmatic element—the avoidance of danger and unnecessary bloodshed—it was in large measure determined by the ideal of fair play. Any warrior who deliberately disregarded the precept and by chance gained victory, won with it simultaneously disgrace and ignominy. W e are led to believe, moreover, that divine justice often meted out victory to warriors who were plunged into an unequal conflict through no choice of their own. Insisting that opponents should be equal in strength as well as in number, the romances declare that there is no honor in overcoming weary or exhausted men. Because Arthur had come into his land with inadequate forces, Galiot refused to attack him and proposed a twelvemonth's truce. 2 3 Similarly, Reynawde delayed attacking the besiegers of his castle, Charlemagne and his "ryght sore traueylled" hosts: " . . . and now whyle they ben thus w e r i / it were no worship to vs to renne theym v p o n / but whan they shall Guy of Warwick. ( 1 5 t h Ct. version), 11. 3 5 5 9 - 6 2 . Malory, Mortc D" Arthur, B k . V, C h . VII, p. 1 7 2 . 2 2 L o v e I i c h ' s Merlin, II. 1 8 7 9 1 - 7 9 6 . 28 Lancelot of the Laik., 11. 1 1 5 5 - 6 4 . 20

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b e a lityll eased of their werynes, w e shall t h e n n e m a k e dyligently & worthyli o u r first yssue vpon t h e m . " 2 4 In conjunction w i t h this, the standard of conduct forbade attacking defenseless sleeping m e n . In The Four Sons of Aymon, Richard came u p o n t h e sleeping Charles and wished to kill him, but N a y m e s and Ogier restrained h i m with the w a r n i n g , ". . . refrayne your c o u r a g e / F o r it were n o t well doon for to kylle a m a n that slepeth." 2 5 Huon of Burdeux affords t w o more examples of conduct t o w a r d sleeping foes. Esclarmonde offered to bring H u o n u p o n his sleeping enemy, her father, ". . . and then ye may slee h y m / and as for me, I shall be the fyrst that shal stryke h y m / and w h e n h e is slayne then shal ye departe surely." Since H u o n felt the f r e e d o m gained in such a fashion was ignoble, he preferred to wait for some other means of delivery. A g a i n w h e n H u o n wished to free Sebylle, his cousin, f r o m the giant w h o kept her captive, she advised h i m to slay the giant as he slept. H u o n replied, ". . . god wyll it shall neuer be layde to m y r e p r o c h e / that I shulde stryke any m a n w i t h out defyaunce." Later, he w a k e n e d the giant a n d challenged h i m , but first gave h i m time to don his a r m o r . 2 6 T h o u g h a f e w persons believed that the rule which forbade attacking sleeping enemies applied to all encounters, the more c o m m o n belief was that any m e t h o d of overcoming the faithless was permissible. T h e words of Richard exemplify the m o r e idealistic point of view. A Saracen w h o owed Richard r a n s o m w a n t e d to pay his debt by telling Richard h o w to capture Saladin's treasure host " a n d slay h i m al faste slepende." Richard, t h o u g h not incapable of other types of treachery, was horrified: "Fy, A debles! quod the king, God geve the now an evyl endyng! I am no traytour, tak thou keep, T o sloo men, whyl they slepe." 27 T h e conduct of groups of knights illustrates the m o r e prevalent attitude. K i n g P o n t h u s led an a r m y against the Saracen e n c a m p m e n t w h e r e they ". . . began to bete d o u n e tentys and pavyllouns, and to sley s u m e as thei wer a r m y n g t h e y m a n d s u m e n a k e d . " 2 8 Since according to the medieval point of view, Saracens were " h e a t h e n dogs," u n w o r t h y of the same consideration extended to Christians, suspending the regulation of fair play would have been considered excusable. Four Sons of Aymon, p. 77. Four Sons of Aymon, p. 407. 26 Huon of Burdeux, pp. 139, 102. 27 Richard Coer de Lion, 11. 6 3 8 1 - 8 4 . 28 Ponthus and Sidone, p. 27. Similar examples of attacks against u n a r m e d Saracens are f o u n d in Lovelich's Merlin, 11. 15641 ff., a n d in Melusine, pp. 174, 2 8 1 - 8 4 . Huon of Burdeux expresses the usual situation, ". . . the crysten m e n were a r m y d , and the paynems w i t h o u t harnes or eny wepyn." 21

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Another disgraceful act violating the rules of fair play was for an uninjured man to fight an injured one. Malory reports that the wounded Gawain called Lancelot to approach and continue the battle to the death. Lancelot responded, "I wyll doo bataylle vpon you alle the whyle I see you stande on your feet/ But for to smyte a wounded man that may not stonde, god deffende me from such a shame." 2 9 When Generydes fought Sir Ysores, Ysores was so cruelly wounded that he had no strength to sit his steed, B u t t as G e n e r i d e s put to his h a n d e ; W h e r e b y a man m y g h t k n o w e and

vnderstonde

A noble k n y g h t a n d full of prowesse, his e n e m y so to helpe in his distresse. 3 0

Ponthus and Sidone tells that Ponthus unhorsed Geffray de Lazynyen, who was pinned under the animal and broke his foot in the fall. After Ponthus helped him to his feet, Geffray insisted on continuing the fight. Ponthus refused, "Knyght, I see you in the feblear partie, wherfore it wer shame to assayle you." T h e people commended Ponthus as "right courteous and gentle, . . . and said iche of theym to other, 'Sawe ye not the grete benignite—how that he wold not tovche the knyght, by cause he sawe hym hurte, and how he had two tymes releved him?' Wherfore they made grete talkyng therof and gave hym a great lovyng." 3 1 Because the liege lord so ordered, men were sometimes reluctantly forced to fight wounded or weary knights. Duke Otoun planned an ambush for the wounded Guy and exhorted his men, " H e r k y n all to m y reson. ¿ e be m y m e n to m e p l y g h t , Y e be h o l d y n to do m y r y g h t , A n d to do m y c o m a w n d c m e n t , In w h a t stede ye be sente."

3

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A similar instance occurs in Malory's Morte D'Arthur. Tristrem was ordered by Mark to fight Lamorak, who had just encountered thirty knights. Tristrem complained that he was bidden to do a thing against knighthood, since he could readily overcome the exhausted Lamorak: ". . . and wete ye w e l / that he wil take hit for grete vnkyndenes/ For euer one good knight is lothe to take another at disauauntage." 3 3 On this occasion, as in many cases of knightly conduct, the situation involves a choice. Though to fight 2 9 Malory, Morte D'Arthur, Bk. X X , Ch. X X I I , p. 838. U 11. 2926-29, records a similar sentiment. 30 Generydes, 11. 4 9 4 8 - 5 1 . 31 Ponthus and Sidone, pp. 49-50. 32 Guy of Warwick ( 1 5 t h Ct. version), 11. 936-40. 3 3 Malory, Morte VArthur, Bk. VIII, Ch. XXXIII, p. 323.

Mortc

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with a wounded enemy was dishonorable, Tristrem chose to obey his lord, since not to do so would also violate the knightly code. Another violation of the rules of the game was attacking a weaponless man. Libeaus Desconus broke the sword of his challenger, William Salebraunche, who pleaded, " A live let me passe! H i t wer gret vilanie, T o do a k n i j t to d i j e Wepenles in place."

31

Libeaus Desconus spared him but made him go to Arthur's court and surrender. In Lancelot of the Lai\ Arthur heard that his enemy Galiot was not arming for the conflict: W h a r f o r he thoght of armys nor of sheld None wald he tak, nor mak hyme for the feld. (11. 7 7 9 - 8 0 )

Apparently the ideal of knightly conduct even went so far as to demand that a knight should lend one of his weapons to an enemy. Refusal to do so was the sign of a niggardly spirit that would inevitably bring about its own defeat. In Guy of Warwic\ when Guy broke his sword, his enemy Collebrand demanded his surrender. Guy, instead, asked for one of Collebrand's many weapons; and when his request was refused, he seized his enemy's axe and killed him. 35 Since the rule of equal chance exacted ideal and lofty conduct, it is hardly surprising that weak, selfish, and normal human beings frequently disregarded it or only partially observed it. In Syr Tryamour Burlonge seized the sword dropped by Tryamour and refused to return it because Tryamour had slain his brother. Later in the fight Burlonge unfortunately fell and dropped his weapon. As he started to rise, Tryamour . . . smote his legges euen a twayne Harde fast by the knee. (11. 1 4 8 4 - 8 5 )

The fact that Tryamour then suffered him to take another weapon seems a somewhat factitious courtesy. The author, however, does not see the inconsistency, for he refers to Tryamour as a "knyght of moche pryce." Knights who made no pretense of observing the rule about attacking wounded, weaponless, or sleeping men were generally reproved by their associates or condemned by the author. The author of the Geste Hystoriale 34 35

Libeaus Desconus, II. 387-90. Guy of Warwick. (15th Ct. version), 11. 10329-364.

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reproaches Achilles for slaying the unarmed Hector as he was leading his prisoner from the field: . . . his brcst naked, His shild on his shuldres shot was behynd, He hedut no hathell, ne no harme thoght, Saue the kyng to his company denly to bryng.36 Chariot wished to kill Gerard, who came unarmed to talk to him. Gerard reproached him and begged mercy: "It shalbe greatly to your veleny and reproche yf I be thus slayne by you: It neuer commyth of yentyll courage of any knyght to assayle any person without armure or wepeyn/ howe be it, syr, I crye you mercy/ wel ye se that I haue nother swerde/ shylde/ nor spere/ to defende me with all." 3 7 Chariot, unheeding, struck him to the ground with such force that the wound seemed mortal. , Because position in fighting was of major importance, another aspect of fighting etiquette required that when a steed was killed underneath the rider, the knight should be allowed to regain his footing and then both contestants should fight either on foot or on horseback. Amiloun, taking the fallen steward by the hand, helped him to arise: & seyd, "So god me spede, Now )>ou schalt a-fot go, Y schal fijt a-fot also; & elles were gret falshed." 38 After slaying the horse of Otuel, Roland allowed Otuel time to regain his footing before attacking him. In this case the courtesy was returned; for later when Otuel killed Roland's horse he recalled Roland's action, & he stod al stille, and leet roulond risen at wille.80 At the riverside of Belencon, Oliver came upon Reynawde so fast that he had not time to mount, but Reynawde won Oliver's help by reminding him how "one curtesie requyreth another; For whan ye were to the grounde caste, I 38 Gest Hystoriale, 11. 1 0 3 3 7 - 3 4 0 . T h e Laud Troy Book. (11. 1 0 9 1 1 - 9 4 2 ) gives the same report. The Seege of Troy (11. 1 4 8 7 - 1 5 2 0 ) a n d Lydgate's Troy Book. (Bk. Ill, 11. 7 9 4 - 8 1 8 ) say Achilles' treachery was not responsible for Hector's death but Hector's o w n greed for a richly jeweled helm which he saw on the field. Lydgate's Troy Book (Bk. Ill, 11. 3046 ff.) reports that Menelaus, w h o f o u n d Paris weaponless on the field, w o u l d have ungenerously slain him, had not Aeneas c o m e to the rescue. 37 Huon of Burdeux, p. 20. 38 Amis and Amiloun, 11. 1 3 4 1 - 4 4 . T r i s t r e m conducted himself in a similar m a n n e r in his fight with M o r a u n t in Tristrem (11. 1050-60). So also did Degare in his fight against a k n i g h t for a lady's sake in Degare (11. 9 1 4 - 7 5 ) , P o n t h u s in his fight w i t h Landry de la T o u r e in Ponthus and Sidone (p. 5 1 ) , and F e r u m b r a s in his fight with Oliver in Charles the Great (pp. 69-70). 38 Otuel, 11. 493-94-

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deliverede you your horse agen, and holpe you to lighte vpon hym agen." 4 0 In Lovelich's Merlin, Amcus and Boors were both unhorsed and stunned in single combat. Boors, who regained consciousness first, saw Ameus apparently dead on the ground, and with his swerd he poked hym j>ere vppon his Scheld jn diuers Manere. (11. 2 5 3 6 5 - 3 6 6 )

When Ameus presently regained his senses, he thanked his enemy heartily, . . . that so longe he wolde abyde, with-owten harm hym doyng that tyde, and hym preisede for curteys Sc gent that he so longe wolde taryen, verament. (11. 2 5 3 8 1 - 3 8 4 )

Although Boors very soon thereafter killed Ameus, at least he had been generous enough to allow him to defend himself. Blanchardyn, though bitter against a traitor knight, advised him to remount quickly or he would run his spear through his body: "For thy lyffe is to me so gretly displeasaunte/ But that it were for shame that I see the a fote, I shoide haue separed alredy the sowle of t h e / from the body." 4 1 An unhorsed knight could not always count on consideration from his opponent. Earl Geoffrey unhorsed the Admiral of Persia and ". . . torned hym towarde thadmyralle, & smote hym so grete a stroke with his swerde vpon his helme, that he astonyed him." The Admiral was not too astonished to yell for help, however; and his people soon came to his rescue and set him on his horse again. 42 When Duke Benes was cast from his horse, he had to fight on foot: ". . . sodaynly came there vpon hym the erle Guenes, that satte vppon a goode courser, the whiche smote the duke Benes of Aygremounte wyth his spere suche a stroke, that he shoued hym thorughe and thorughe his body, and thus fell doun deed the duke Benes of Aygremounte." 4 3 Only the quick help of the Spaniards saved their prince from a similar fate when William struck him to the ground and stooped, "to haue with his swerd swapped of his hed." 44 Perhaps in an effort to offset the natural but savage urge to deny an enemy mercy when you have him at your will, it is suggested that the knights who did forget or deliberately refused to comply with the code of sportsmanship met a disastrous end. T h e case of Foulques, who came upon Reynawdc on foot, exemplifies this. Reynawde challenged Foulques to dismount and 40 41 42 45 44

Four Sons of Aymon, pp. 383-84. Blanchardyn and Eglantine, p. 27. Four Sons oj Aymon, p. 503. Four Sons of Aymon, p. 56. William of Palerne, 1. 3609.

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fight: ". . . knyghte, yf ye wyll do like a good man, lyghte a fote as I a m / And ye shall knowe what I canne doo." Foulques, refusing to dismount, took a clout at Reynawde, who in return ". . . clove him into the harde teeth, and felde hym deed to the erthe." 4 5 The story of the fight between Oliver and Ferumbras illustrates many of the points of fair play. Of the several accounts of the incident, Charles the Great is the most interesting for our purpose. Unwillingness to fight a wounded man is exemplified by Ferumbras' desire to share his magic healing lotion with Oliver, his bleeding opponent, and by his suggestion that they postpone the fight. He felt it would be "grete dyshonour" to fight with one whom he accounted but a "dede man." Oliver, likewise, generously refused to take advantage of the weaponless Ferumbras: ". . . whan he fonde hym dysarmed he had slayne hym wythoute grete payne yf he had wold, and after he was soo curtoys that he ayded to arme hym that shold f y j t ayenst him." The author's enthusiastic eulogy of the conduct of the two opponents of dissimilar faith is significant. He seems to feel that he cannot say enough about the "grete loyalte & curtoyse bytwene them whyche were assembled for to make mortal warre and eche to slee other, and yet they dyd eche to other syngular seruyce." Again the author exclaims, "O, what grete loyalte of noblesse was bytwene them whyche were of fayth and creaunce contrarye! . . . I suppose that god shold be wel pleased yf there were suche confyaunce emonge crysten men and so ful of naturel noblesse." 46 The desire that such courtesy should prevail among Christian fighters no doubt indicates that this episode represents an ideal which the poet found too far removed from reality. Even in the fight between Oliver and Ferumbras, as it progresses, tiere is deviation from the quixotic standard. At length Ferumbras gained the upper hand; but wishing to bring Oliver to terms rather than slay him he offered him his sister in marriage, if he would renounce his faith. Olver refused the offer. Then the Saracen gave him a chance to recover his swrd, partly because he admired his obstinacy and partly because, as he explaiied, " I am contente that thou take thy swerde hardyly and surely for withiute competent wepen thou mayst not preuaylle ne more than a woman." Atthis point Oliver had decided, however, that he intended to slay his oppoient if possible; and since he did not wish to be indebted to him or feel requred later to grant him mercy, he refused the proffered aid. He declared his life and death were in the hands of God, and added, ". . . yf I had recoierd my swerde by thy curtoyse And it happed that thou were vnder puyssaince and thou thenne demaundest of me amytye & frendshyp & thenne (I) put 45 46

Four Sons of Aymon, p. 236. Charles the Great, pp. 58-61.

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47

the to deth it shold to mc be vylete and reproche." This passage suggests that when the opponents found the chivalric rules demanded too much restraint or exacted too much generosity, they might declare their intention to disregard them and to fight the quarrel out in natural savagery. The ideal of fair play as presented in the romances not only forbade the knight to win victory by any method other than pitting his strength against equal strength, but extended the concept to include acts of quixotic gallantry. As we have seen in the contest of Oliver and Ferumbras, men who intended to kill each other helped their opponents secure the armor which was their chief protection. Or again, quixotic gallantry sometimes prompted knights to release an enemy whom they had just overpowered. It must be admitted that this was sometimes a matter of expediency rather than magnanimity and that it often anticipated a later return of courtesy. Oliver and Ogier took the Saracen king Clariell prisoner. Then, pursued by a thousand Saracens, they were embarrassed by their captive and thought about slaying him. Ogier suggested that they release him: "On Hue i rede we leten him go, & ne do we him nammore wo. Such cas may fallen in sum neede He mai quiten vs oure mede." 48

Clariell, who pronounced this "a worde of gentill blode," later protected Ogier when he was taken captive by the Saracens, and sent him to his lady to have his wounds tended. The Three Kings' Sons contains a similar example. Prince David, with his back to the wall, was bravely holding off the Saracens. The sultan's son, seeing that David fought unavailingly, took him prisoner and guaranteed him protection. When the sultan wanted to kill David, Orcays claimed the privilege of a prince with his first prisoner—to equip him and let him go. Later David took Orcays prisoner, and in return for his former courtesies allowed him to escape unharmed. 49 In Roland and Vemagu the requirement of courtesy is extended to the matter of allowing a sleepy enemy an intermission for a nap. We have seen that medieval knights did not believe in atttacking an enemy while he was sleeping, but this courtesy goes even a little further. When Roland and Vernagu were in the midst of conflict, Vernagu became so drowsy that he could fight no longer. Roland not only granted him time for a nap but placed a stone under his head for a pillow that he might rest more comfortably. Astonished at such excessive consideration and knowing that it could 47 48 49

Charles the Great, pp. 7 3 - 4 . Otuel, 1 1 . 8 5 5 - 5 8 . The Three Kings' Sons, pp. 6 1 - 2 , 7 1 - 2 , 77, 1 3 5 .

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be the act only of a very noble knight, Vernagu declared he wished to make his benefactor his dear friend, "}>ei J?at he were mi fo." 3 0 Such extravagant courtesies did not always inspire admiration and reciprocation, for many men were niggardly in spirit. Sometimes, as in Guy of Warwick the exchange was uneven. In the midst of the Giant Ameraunt's fight with Guy, the latter permitted him time to drink. Later, when Guy thirsted, the giant would not return the courtesy; nor was he shamed by the reproof that if he persisted in his meanness victory would bring him dishonor. Finally, on condition that Guy tell his name, Ameraunt granted the permission, but broke his promise when Guy revealed his identity. Then Guy ran to the water, dived, and drank. Ameraunt attacked him, and for a while ". . . held hym in, he myght not oute." Presently, when Guy had drunk his fill, he sprang out of the stream and began to fight anew. 51 The vindictive meanness of the giant serves to emphasize Guy's gracious conduct and to show the nobility of the ideal of courtesy to enemies. In contrast to the exalted idea of fair play and quixotic generosity set by the romances, the practice of riding over a fallen foe stands out sharply. It is true that it generally happened, not in an individual fight, but in battles where the pressure and panic of conflict might be extenuating circumstances. In at least two romances, in the same spirit in which malicious small boys bully weaker ones or tease bewildered animals, the knights ride deliberately and repeatedly over a fallen man. In the episode "The Forray of Gadderis," in The Alexander Buit{, Gaudifer rescued his lord Duke Bennes, whom he saw, At erd amange his enemyis, Wnder hors fute defoullit sa That, ay (quhan) he on hand wald ta To get on fute, thay that war by Wald beir him doun deliuerly. (11. 2708-12)

A like example occurs in the Prose Merlin. Here Bohors, fighting Pounce, knocked him stunned to the ground: ". . . and the-kynge rode ouer hym on horse bakke all armed so often, that he was all for brosed and swowned for anguyssh, and the kynge hadde grete talent to a-light for to smyte of his 50 Roland and Vernagu, 11. 611-49. The Sowdone of Babylone reports that F e r u m b r a s and Oliver f o u g h t so long that they were both worn out, a n d by m u t u a l consent, H a i d r e w e h e m a litil bysyde A litil while thaym to avente, And refresshed h e m a t J>at tyde. (11. 1 2 3 6 - 3 8 ) 61 Guy of Warwick. (14th Ct. version), 11. 8490-8517. In Libcaus Desconus (11. 1426-52) there is a similar episode. Mawgis granted Libeaus' request for time to refresh himself with a d r i n k , but as he lay on the b a n k , Mawgis hit h i m so h a r d that he fell into the river.

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heede, but he hadde hym not a-ryght at his volunte." The Romans pressed to the rescue of Pounce and remounted him, but "sore was he diffouled and beten." 5 2 Riding over a fallen foe could sometimes have been accidental, but in these instances it was deliberate and malicious; the man knocked to the ground was given no chance to defend himself, and all sense of fair play was forgotten. Since the Merlin legends include no adverse criticism, such conduct, it may be assumed, was not blamable. In Lovelich's Merlin in the instance of Galachim, it is in fact praised; for when Gawain told King Ban of Galachim's deeds, Ban commended him as "on of )>e beste knyghtes in this world wyde." The idea of fair play seems not to have precluded the use of trickery or treachery to gain an end in warfare, if we accept the many examples provided by Froissart. When the Earl of Montfort wanted to take Hannebont, the strongest castle in Brittany, Henry de Spinefort said it was well enough fortified to resist a siege indefinitely; but since his brother held the castle, he volunteered to take it by strategy. His method was simple enough. Approaching under the banner of Brittany, he was admitted as a friend. Then he announced, " . . . I take possession of this towne tor therle Mountfort, who is nowe duke of Bretayne, to whome I have made fealtie and homage, and the most part of the contrey hath obeyed unto hym, and so shall you do in likewyse, and it wer better ye dyd it by love than by force, ye shall deserve the more thanke." No one concerned seemed shocked by the method used to gain the victory. Nor was there in this instance much consideration of the matter of allegiance; for "So moche Olyver was styred by his brother that he agreed to hym." 5 3 Many a man boasted the use of trickery in outwitting his enemies. When the English were assailing certain French strongholds, they came to a castle governed by Giradon Buissel, who refused to give up his keys. The English captain, Amerigot Marcel, said to Giradon, "Give me thy hand . . . and I swear to thee, on my faith, that thou shalt not suffer the smallest loss." Giradon foolishly extended his hand from the small window of the tower and was pulled out and forced to submit: " 'Now see,' said Aymerigot to his companions, when he had got the keys, 'if I have not well cheated the fool; I am equal to many such feats as this.'" 5 4 It is the foolish faith of the sim52 Prose Merlin, pp. 391-92. Most of the examples occur in the Merlin stories; the Prose Merlin records other examples on pp. 331 and 476; Lovelich's Merlin provides examples in lines 18399 22909 ff., and 26993 ft63 Froissart, Chronicles, I, Ch. LXVII, 1 7 6 - 7 7 . 64 Froissart, Chronicles, ed. Thomas Johnes, II, Ch. CXLIII, 9. Trickery was occasionally employed to a good purpose. Matthew Paris, English History, III, 129, reports that when the King of England in 1255 went to Scotland to settle his daughter's feud with her nobles and especially with Robert de Ros, the king and his men were prepared to fight. They avoided the difficulty, however, by passing themselves off as humble knights in the house of Robert de Ros. So they gained admission to the casde, heard the queen's complaints, and effected a peaceful settlement.

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pic governor, not the craftiness of the besiegers, that is held up to scorn. Moralists who considered the problem of the use of trickery to overcome an enemy had taken the somewhat equivocal position that though it was wrong to deceive an enemy by saying something false or by breaking a promise, it was permissible to deceive him by laying an ambush or by not declaring one's purpose. 55 By contrast, the handbooks of chivalry condemn trickery and attempt to inculcate the loftier principle of open and plain dealing. The Bu\e of the Law of Armys proclaims that to summon an enemy for parley and then take him prisoner is a breach of oath and wicked. It states that since Jesus gave all his instructions clearly, ". . . othir kingis and princis suld nocht do in hidilis, na with cautelis, na barat till our cum ane othir king, alset he war thair inymy. For God reprovis all dedis done in myrknes and obscuritee, na with dissait, ne subtilitee. And sen it is againis God and his doctrine, me think be all men it suld be forborne." 5 6 The Boof{ of Fay ties of Armes declares that since every man whose quarrel is just should trust in God, "Therfore he that hathe a good & ryghtewis quarelle ought to goo . . . the ryght waye of werre without to vse of eny wyles." 5T Innumerable victories in the romances both of individuals and of armies, which arc gained through treachery or some form of trickery, go uncondemned. Moreover, they are not merely overlooked or disregarded; frequently they are lauded as a sign of the hero's cleverness. King Richard, who outwitted the son of the Emperor of Germany in the contest of blows, had certainly violated the principle of fair play when he waxed his hand into a huge fist with which to break the boy's jaw and kill him. 58 This is somewhat as if one struck with a rock when the rules stipulated the use of the hand only; yet the author does not censure Richard. Examples of trickery to gain a military objective occur in The Sow done of Baby lone, where the Saracen Lukafer, by carrying the Roman banner, gained permission to enter the city towers while his enemy Savaris was in battle.59 In The Four Sons of Aymon, Hernyer got Charlemagne to promise to cede him the castle in which Reynawde and his brothers were besieged if he could take the Four Sons prisoners. Crying that he was pursued by Charlemagne, Hernyer was admitted to the city. That night, when all were asleep, he slew the watch and admitted Charlemagne's host. 60 T h e amazing thing both in legend and history is not that there were so many rogues but that the many fools never learned from experience and were constantly duped. In fact, the crafty man seems often to command greater admiration than the good one. 58 88 67 58 09 80

Summa Theologica, Part II (Second Part), Q. 40, Art. 3. Gilbert Haye's The Buk.e of the Law of Artnyt, Bk. I V , Ch. XLIX, p. 163. Christine de Pisan, Fayttet of Armes, Bk. Ill, Ch. XHI, p. 2 1 3 . Richard Coer de Lion, 11. 779-98. Sowdone of Babylone, 11. 312-43. Four Sons of Aymon, pp. 90-2.

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Cases in the romances in which trickery arouses indignant criticism reflect the more idealistic standard of open and fair dealing proposed in the chivalric handbooks. Lydgate, reprimanding Achilles for his attempt to trap Troilus, declared that he had "Compassid tresoun, knyjthade leydc a-side." He lamented, further, that such treachery Shuld in )>is world in any k n y j t be founde, |>at be to troupe of her order bounde!

61

Whether or not treachery is permissible seems to depend at times on where the sympathy of the author lies. In the Laud Troy Boo!{ Penthesilea, Queen of the Amazons, scolded Pirrus, son of Achilles, for his father's treacheries.82 Lydgate also condemned the falseness of Achilles; but when Hecuba by an equal treachery effected the death of Achilles, Lydgate asserted the Tightness of the act by an eye-for-an-eye argument: A n d rijtfully, of resoun as it sit, J>us w a s ]>c fraude & }>e falshede quit Of Achilles, for his h i j e tresoun: A s deth for deth is skilfully gueurdon. 6 3

In The Wars of Alexander, this contradiction is again exemplified. A Persian prince, saying he had served Darius for nought, offered to deliver him to Alexander. Partly from principle, because he would not accept victory through treachery, and partly for the practical reason that he put no trust in the words of traitors, Alexander refused the offer. Yet Alexander employed trickery for his own ends when he punished the slayers of Darius. 64 If we base our judgment as to the permissibility of the use of trickery and deceit on evidence from the romances, it seems fair to conclude that expediency, not justice or generosity, was the guiding principle. Trickery and equivocation on the part of an enemy were never justified; yet if carried out to a successful conclusion, they could be excused in oneself or one's allies. Though examples in the stories are sometimes blatant violations of decency and honor, the attitude does not differ essentially from that found allowable by the moralists and from practices as recorded by Froissart; but it contrasts with the somewhat more idealistic and exacting standard of the chivalric handbooks. One of the most important matters in the regulation of battles was the question of the rights possessed by messengers and the inviolability of the safe-conduct. That respect for the rights of the messenger was at times superficial is illustrated by an example from Froissart. Charles, King of Lydgate's Troy Book., Bk. IV, 11. 2675-76. Laud Troy Booh., 11. 16831-850. «> Lydgate's Troy Book. Bk. IV, 11. 3195-98. 04 Wars of Alexander, 11. 2678-90, 3420-40.

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France, summoned the Prince of Wales to appear in court before a chamber of peers. When the Prince grew angry at the messengers, they pleaded that they were only paying their obligation to their lord, as his subjects in like manner did to him, and asked his indulgence. The Prince did not immediately punish the messengers, but later the high steward arrested them on the complaint of an innkeeper, who falsely accused them of stealing his 85 horses. / / T o judge from the chivalric handbooks, anyone, whether Saracen or Christian, who put complete faith in a safe-conduct was indeed naive. Certainly a Saracen who trusted a Christian was foolish, for The Buke of the Law of Armys states that a Christian king may not give a safe-conduct to a Saracen. The reason is simply that Saracens are "inymyes of God" and therefore "ar generale and commoune inymy to all." So it is proper to give one's word to a pagan and to break it at will. 08 The same handbook advises that no great lord should trust himself in his enemy's power even under safe-conduct.67 Possibly this advice was prompted by the common use of ambiguous phrasing by which a man could triumph over his too credulous enemy, who had not considered carefully the wording of his safe-conduct. That this type of chicanery was common may be implied from a statement in the Fayttes of Armes, ". . . therfore the lawe hathe purueyed therto/ that deffendeth expressely that noone shall deceyue by wordes or fallace or cawtelouse." 68 Walter Manny learned by experience that the handbooks were justified in being skeptical. His safe-conduct to ride through France to "Calais was respected everywhere except in Orleans, where he was arrested and imprisoned. Not until the Duke of Normandy, who had issued the safe-conduct, had ". . . requyred the kynge as moche as he might to delyver hym, or els it shulde. be sayde howe he had betrayed him," and not until the Duke had threatened that he and his followers would never again bear arms against England, was Sir Walter released.69 The romances by many examples set up an ideal of considerate treatment of messengers. When forty messengers brought presents to the Emperor Otis of Rome and asked the hand of his daughter for Garcy, the Emperor returned the presents, but commanded, ". . . no man schulde do Harme the mesengerys unto." 70 65

Froissart, Chronicles, ed. Thomas fohnes, II, Ch. C C X L V I I - C C X L V I I I , 3 9 4 - 9 6 . Gilbert Haye's Bu\e of the Uw of Armys, B k . I V , Ch. C V , pp. 2 4 6 - 4 7 . 87 Buk.e of the Law of Armys, Bk. I V , Ch. C I V , p. 244, states " F o r thare is samekle falshede, barat and trecherye in the warld, that men wate nocht quham in to traist; for the warld is worthit sa subtile inrfalshede that nane is or few that may kepe tham tharwith but a fall or a l a k . " 68 Christine de Pisan, Fayttes of Armes, B k . IV 1 , C h . I, p. 244. 89 Froissart, Chronicles, I, Ch. C X X X V , 3 0 6 - 7 . 70 Le Bone Florence, 11. 2 8 3 - 8 4 . 86

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Sir Simon advised that Duke Benes of Aygremounte treat the messengers of Charlemagne with respect, "Recyve honourably the messangers of K y n g Charlemagne for wel ye wote that he is your ryght-wyse lorde." When Ogier and Naymes, as messengers from Charlemagne, asked Reynawde to submit, he replied, "yf it were not that I loue you/ I sholde make you both to be hewen all to peces." 7 1 The general custom was to guarantee the rights of messengers, however arrogant they were. Sometimes these rights were protected in the face of an angry court only by the action of a leader and one or two high-principled knights. The infuriated Britons wanted to kill the messengers from Rome because they demanded tribute from Arthur: "Nay," seyd Arthour, "per de, That were ajenst alle kynde, A messager to bete or bynde; Y charge alle men here for to make ham good chere." 72 When Pilate was ready to kill Velocian because he claimed tribute, Barabbas intervened. He said that since the man was alone, was brave, and had performed his errand aright, it would be a shame to harm him. 73 When the rude and overbearing Diomedes demanded that the Trojans return Helen to her husband and make all necessary amends or die, Priam would not permit the knights to punish him: "I wold sothely, my-seluyn, suffer full harde, Or any messanger were mysdon, or marrit with hond, Within my courtte, or my cumpany, or any cause here." 74 The Laud Troy Boo\ reports that though Priam controlled his angry court, he declared that the Greeks owed him amends, and dismissed Diomedes with the rebuke, ". . . wendes out swithe of my sight, For of joure wordes haue I dispit! Ne were that ge come in message, Veleyns dethe schulde be joure wage." (11. 3883-86) Otuel's defiant message from Garcie, heathen King of Lombardy, to Charles, caused a riot, during which the knights sought to kill Otuel. Roland and 71

Four Sons of Aymon, pp. 20, 76. Arthur, 11. 236-40. The same seotiment is found in Morte Arthure (Lincoln MS.), 11. 120 ff„ and in Malory's Morte D'Arthur, Bk. I, Ch. XXIII, p. 70. Prose Merlin (p. 643) reports that though Arthur refused to give the tribute, he presented the messengers with rich gifts. ' 3 Titus and Vespasian, 11. 1911-20. '* Gest Hystoriale, 11. 5087-89. The same sentiment is expressed in Lydgate's Troy Book,, Bk. II, II. 7023 ff.

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Charles set themselves against the attack, however, in the belief that harm to a messenger would dishonor the whole court. Charles ordered, "A kinges messager for he is, He ne schal habbe non harm, i-wis." Even when Otuel killed Sir Estut, Roland and Charles insisted that Sir Estut was the guilty one and that the messenger must not be punished. 76 Otuel also mocked Duke Naymes, "For cheualrye is fro hym gone, A nolde nappere als he were." 76 This grieved Naymes and angered Roland, who, since he could not punish his impudence immediately, threatened to do away with Otuel in battle if ever they met on the field. Duke Benes was angered by the tactless and insolent tone of the message from Charles requiring feudal service, and called on his men to fight Lohier, the messenger, and his hundred companions. T h e author's disapproval of such violation of good form is clear in his comment, ". . . and as ye maye knowe, suche assemble was ryght euyll." 7 7 A good messenger, capable of fulfilling his task and escaping alive, needed certain characteristics. H e needed to be sage, prudent, and fearless, a person who "for doubte of death shall not leve nothynge vnsayd of hys message"; 7 8 for in spite of the theory that messengers should be honored and in spite of the grace period sometimes granted them, their business was at best delicate and dangerous. 79 N o messenger, however tactful and wise, could be sure of immunity; for even if his manner was inoffensive, the message he bore was resented, and hot-headed lords might act suddenly and violently. In such instances, the messenger protected himself either by strategy or force, or submitted to the denial of his rights. When Richard sent messengers to demand restitution from the Emperor of Cyprus, the Emperor lost his temper and threw a knife at one of them, who sidestepped to save himself. 80 Angered by Darius' letter proclaiming him a thief, Alexander ordered the bearers to the gallows. Partly by flattery, Otuel, 11. 1 4 3 - 4 4 . Roland and Otuel, 11. 2 8 7 - 8 8 . 77 Four Sont of Aymon, pp. 2 4 - 7 . 7B Four Sont of Aymon, p. 18. I n Gett Hystoriale (11. 1 7 7 2 ff.) Antenor, the messenger, is instructed to use " f a u e r and fair w o r d e s . " In The Sowdone of Babylone (II. 1 6 6 5 - 1 7 3 8 ) Charlem a g n e assigned the messenger's task to his peers because they dared to advise h i m . Possibly this was o n e way to get rid of disobedient followers, for Charles k n e w that the cursed Sultan Laban, "Alle messengeris d o t h he s h e n d e . " Te Roland and Otuel, 11. 109 ff. In this account the messenger was granted a grace period of eight days. 80 Richard Coer de Lion, 11. 2 1 0 6 ff. In Beues of Hamtoun (11. 3 0 9 7 - 3 1 0 4 ) the enraged emperor threw a k n i f e at a messenger a n d killed his o w n son instead. "

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partly by supplication, partly by offering to bear his reply to Darius, they gained pardon: "J?ase ditis endited to j o w e . sir Darius him-seluyn, F o r he knew n o j t of j o u r knijthede. ne of j o u r kid strenth; N e wist n o j t of j o u r worthenes, & wrate all j?e baldire. Bot wald j e grant vs to gaa, & gefe vs j o u r lefe, }>en suld w e bremely j o u r bill, to J>e berne shewe."

81

Some messengers wasted no time in pleading but acted immediately in selfdefense. Since the Sultan bade that Guy, the messenger of the Eastern emperor, should be cast into prison and slain, Guy struck off his head and rode away. 82 In a similar fashion when Ganelon went to Balan, Ferumbras' father, to ask him to become a Christian, Balan commanded that the messenger be killed. Instead, Ganelon, hurling a spear, killed a Saracen and rode off with the rest of the Saracens in pursuit. 83 Death was frequently the fate of the messenger. In The Sowdone of Babylone the ten peers of King Charles met the messengers of Saladin and cut off their heads. These they bore to Saladin's court, where they demanded that ht release the imprisoned knights of Charles at once and return the holy relics.84 Somewhat similar conduct is found in Ponthus and Sidone. Ponthus cut off the head of the young Saracen messenger who represented King Karodas. Putting it on the point of his sword, he presented it to the Saracen squires, saying, " . . . I present you with the hede of your maistre. Goo and ber it to the sawdeyn sonne your kyng . . . So goth oon your wey, for ye shall goo save and sure—for a messynger shall haue noon harme, bot if he require dedes of armes." 8 5 If the squires were at all thoughtful, the assurance that "messengers shall have none harme" must have given them small comfort. Though messengers might escape death, they were sometimes humiliated or mistreated. Even ambassadors had no guarantee that their dignity and importance would be recognized and respected. The Sultan sent to Richard T e n eerles, all clad in samyte, A l l e olde, hore, and nought yungge, (II. 3 3 5 5 - 5 6 )

bearing rich gifts as ransom for his men. Richard sadistically served them heads of captive Saracens marked with their names. Since after their dinner he sent the ambassadors home under safe-conduct, he considered his action blameless: 81 82 83 84 85

Wars of Alexander, 11. 1823-27. Guy of Warwick (14th Ct. version), 11. 3949 fi. Ferumbras, 11. 5307-62. Sowdone of Babylone, 11. 1790-1830. Ponthus and Sidone, p. 21.

176

LOVE A N D WAR IN T H E MIDDLE ENGLISH ROMANCES "As I am Kyng, Crystcne, and trewe, Ye schol be theroff certayn, In saff cunduyt to wende agayn; For I nc wolde, for no thyng, That wurd off me, in the world scholde spryng, I wer so evyl of maneres, That I wolde mysdoo messangeres." 80

In The Siege of Jerusalem the twelve knights sent by Vespasian to warn the Jews that they had come to avenge the death of Christ were humiliated. The Jews took them, bound their hands behind their backs, shaved their beards and heads, disrobed them, blackened their faces and bodies, tied them together with cord, and sent them back, scorned and disgraced, to their leaders.87 A messenger might travel under tacit agreement or might be granted a safe-conduct from one military leader to another. A safe-conduct might also be used to permit a knight to travel unarmed within given geographical bounds.88 The safe-conduct was frequently violated, but this was considered an act of treason. After Chariot and Amaury had ambushed Huon and his brothers while they were on their way to court, Huon declared, ". . . by the grace of God I shal not retourne for feer of deth/ tyll I haue sene ye kyng to apele hym of treason, when vnder his condught and commaundement we be betrayed, and watchyd by ye waye to murder vs." When he reached court, he prayed God to save all the noble barons but to confound the king: ". . . seynge that by his messengers and his letters/ patentes he hath sent fore vs to do hym seruyce/ the which commaundement we haue obbeyed as to our souerayne lorde/ but by false treason & a wayte hath layde asspyall fore vs, and a grete busshement, for to haue murderyd vs by the way." 89 In The Four Sons of Aymon, likewise, Duke Benes was traveling to Charles's court when he was ambushed by the treacherous Ganelon and four thousand men. The Duke accused Charles, " H a god, how myght one kepe hym frome traytours/ Alas, I helde the kynge Charlemayne for a true prynce/ and I see now the contrary." 9 0 The weight of evidence from the romances tends to indicate that instances where an undue tolerance of envoys is shown represent the ideal of conduct rather than the actuality. The ill treatment of messengers or the violation of their rights in one measure or another and the disregard of the safeconduct, which are common in the romances, are closer to the practice as it is 86

Richard Coer de Lion, 11. 3490-96. Siege of Jerusalem, 11. 357 ff. 88 Three Kings' Sons, pp. 98-100; Blanchardyn and Eglantine, p. 90; Titus and Vespasian, 11. 591 ff.; Paris and Vienne, p. 78. 89 Huon of Burdeux, pp. 25-6. 90 Four Sons of Aymon, p. 53. 87

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seen in Froissart or as it is implied in the regulations of the chivalric handbooks. Another important problem of conduct in the waging of battles or in fights between individuals was whether withdrawal from the field of conflict was always cowardly. The handbooks of chivalry instruct knights that good judgment and discretion rather than extravagant conduct in this matter are praiseworthy. In The Buke of the Law of Armys, the answer to the question, ". . . gif a man suld ches erar to dee in the place, na to flee fra the bataill" is that he should flee, since "to lyve is mair delytable na to dee." The idea is then somewhat qualified. If Christian men are fighting together and the flight of one means the loss of the battle, "he suld erar ches to dee na to flee, bot se he that al be tynt quhethir he byde or flee, than may he sauf him self and suld be excusit; for he mycht efterwart recover company, and do grettar gude agaynis the inymyes na the tynsale of him mycht do than." If a Christian is fighting for his own or his lord's lands, however, he should bide the battle, "for outhir, mon he be manesuorne or tyne of his awin heretage throu his cowardis." 9 1 Bonet's enumeration of the cardinal virtues of a military leader shows that discretion and the desire to prevent loss of men were considered signs of wise leadership. He remarks, ". . . thare is here thre thingis till understand, the tane is, till assailj^e, the tothir to flee in tyme, the thrid till abyde." 92 Lull, also speaking from the rational point of view, favors moderation as a necessary characteristic of the wise warrior. Froissart records the case of Sir Edward Roucy who left the field of Poitiers: "bycause he sawe the feld was lost without recovery, he thought nat to abyde the danger of the Englysshmen." The English knight who pursued him with the cry, "Retourne agayne sir knyght, it is a shame to flye awaye thus," considered this shameful desertion; but Sir Edward was acting from realistic acknowledgment of defeat and not from cowardice. He turned upon his pursuer and taunter, took him prisoner, and exacted a heavy ransom. 03 A corollary of the belief that armies must show marks of battle before they sent for aid was the feeling that individual warriors must not leave the field as messengers unless they bore grievous wounds in witness of their bravery. Froissart's account of the siege of Salisbury provides an example. It was necessary to send to King Edward for help; but since none would volunteer for the task, the captain, Sir William Montagu, was forced to undertake it himself. 94 The refusal of the knights to leave the presence of their lady may be interpreted as indicating their desire to protect her unto death. The cynical interpretation that no one but the captain was brave enough to go is also possible. 91 92 93 94

Haye's Bul^e of the Law of Buke of the Law of Armys. Froissart, Chronicles, I, Ch. Froissart, Chronicles, I, Ch.

Armys, Bk. Ill, Ch. VIII, pp. 85-7. Bk. Ill, Ch. VI, p. 84. CLXIII, 376. LXXVI, 191-92.

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In contrast to the sensible and moderate standard of the chivalric handbooks, the romances emphasize the idea that men must never withdraw from battle except with mortal wounds. When Laban vowed to destroy Rome and had disembarked and begun the slaughter of the Christians, one of the Roman senators wished to send to Charles for aid. Objecting to the proposal since their heads and their weapons were not yet broken, Duke Savariz maintained that they had nothing of which to complain: "Mech uylanye we myght wynne, That for noght were so sonc afrayed." 85 In The Song of Roland when Ganelon's treachery was discovered, Oliver suggested that Roland blow his horn to signal Charles. Answering that neither he nor his men could show broken shields, helms, or hauberks, Roland rebuked those who tried to persuade him: "ye knyghtis, for shame shon ye neuer. haue ye broken eny bone, or eny harm tid ? may ye schew in your sheld eny strokis wid ? I will fight with them that vs hathe sought. And or I se my brest blod throughe my harnes ryn blow neuer horn for no help then." (11. 560-62, 565-67) In The Four Sons of Aymon, when Reynawde was ambushed, Alarde tried to get him to send for aid; but he called such advice foolish: "Certes, I wolde not doo so for all the golde of the worlde. I sholde be sore badde and full vnkynde yf I dyde so/ For I cowde not spylle my selfe sooner than for to leve you in soo grete perylle. Other we shall all scape, or elles we shall all deye togyder/ For the one shall not fayll the other as longe as we may lyve." 96 Yet an example from the same romance indicates that sending for aid was at times considered good sense. When Gerard of Roussyllon sent to Duke Benes for aid, ". . . that he sholde come soone to socoure hym," there was no dillydallying or arguing about honor and dishonor.97 The romances stress the idea that an unwounded man's first duty was on the battlefield. Charles wished Baldwin to go to France for reinforcements, but Baldwin protested that he had a "body hole with owttyn wounde" and that he would not "feyntly flee." His attitude was shared by Sir Ingelore, but Barnard finally consented to go in exchange for knighthood.98 The major part of "The Forray of Gadderis" in The Alexander Bui^ is taken up 95 98 97 98

Sowdone of Babylone, 11. 179-80. Four Sons of Aymon, p. 247. Four Sons of Aymon, p. 43. Sege of Melayne, 11. 1370-1416.

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with Emenidus' attempt to get someone to go to Alexander for help. T h e attitude of the ten or twelve warriors who refused the mission is expressed in the words of Licanor: " M y scheild, that now is haill and feir, Sail hewin be in pecis seir; My hawberk and my helm of steill Salbe to-hewin ilk a deill, And I neir woundit out of life, Or ony leuand man me driue, Or do to gar me tak the flicht! T o were me j i t I haue sum micht."

(11. 261-68) T h e clash between desire for personal honor and duty to one's leader might cause comrades to be needlessly slaughtered when knights refused thus to go for aid; but here, as in other instances in medieval thought, the welfare of the many is less a matter of concern than the honor of an individual. Naturally men who considered serving as a messenger a shameful task would feci that retreat iroin battle was a disgrace. Arthour and Merlin lists as one of the important characteristics of a knight that he should . . . neuer fle out of bataile Whiles he on fot stond m i j t .

(11. 2206-7) T h e young Libeaus Desconus, before he undertook Lady Ellen's quest, said that he had learned at court the lesson that "he J?at flee}? for drede" shall d i e . " Guy, beset by an overwhelming force, told his followers, "Better it is to dye manly T h a n to flee with shame and vilanye."

100

Alorys urged Ganelon to leave Charles alone to face his enemies; but Ganelon replied that such treason would be the same as consenting to the death of his rightful lord. When Alorys called him a fool, Ganelon still insisted, "god forbede that euer 1/ sold be a traytre to my lord, ne that I leue hym vnholpen, but doo my deuoyr to ayde hym. I had leuer to be dysmembred, than to be shamed and blamed in this dede." 1 0 1 Because retreat opened them to the taunts of their friends, men preferred death to safety and withdrawal. Gadderis bewailed the first time he was "chassit out of ane stour." When Corneus chided Gaudifer, Libeaus Desconus, II. 2 1 1 - 1 4 . 100 QUy 0j Warwick ( 1 4 t h Ct. version), 11. 2 1 1 9 - 2 0 . 101 Charles the Great, p. 1 7 4 . An example from The Sowdonc of Babylone (II. 2 9 6 7 - 9 4 ) makes the newly converted Ferumbras, not Ganelon, the one who insists that they preserve their honor by rescuing Charles and his peers from the Saracen city. 89

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Gaudifer angrily slew him. 1 0 2 Again and again in the romances instances illustrate the fact that the fear of shame caused many a man to stand his ground. 1 0 3 Though there is marked censure of forced retreat in the romances, there is some slight indication that a voluntary retreat did not necessarily involve shame. Geoffrey's knight, for instance, bade him cease chasing the sultan and advised him to return to the Christian host before he was forced to do so: ". . . and also, it me semeth best, that we retourne toward oure ost by our owne wyll/ than yf by force we were constrayned to retourne; For no doubte who that retourneth fleeying, & is chassed by hys enemyes/ that may be to hym but blame/ how be it, that oftyme it is said/ that bettre it is to flee, }?an to abyde a folyssh enterpryse." 1 0 4 The important point in this case is the fact of withdrawal "by youre owne wyll." In Lovelich's Merlin K i n g Newtris first exhorted his men to turn again when they were forced back. Then realizing the situation was hopeless, he called them to fight bravely as he gradually led them in withdrawal. Such conduct the author commended: beholdeth the w y s d o m of this m a n n e , w i t h al h i s m e y n e h y m a b o w t e , a n d euere h y m S e w e d a ful gret rowte w e n y n g h e m to s l e n & t a k e .

(11. 16660-663) Guy, Duke Segyn, and their followers left the city to attack the besieging Germans; but as soon as they discovered they were outnumbered, they accepted without protest Guy's decision not to risk the conflict: " F o r r a y of Gadderis," Alexander Buil{, 11. 2762, 2798—99. Passages reiterating this idea occur in Sir Gawain and the Green Knight, 11. 2091-2131; The Avowing of Arthur, 11. 693-96; The Sege of Melayne, 11. 367-68; Lovelich's Merlin, II. 16593 ff., 22749 ff.; Morte Arthure (Lincoln MS.), 11. 1719 ff. In The Four Sons of Aymon ( p . 140) Reynawde taunted Bourgoyns, chief of the Saracens, "yf thou deyed fleeng thou sholdcst be s h a m e d " ; in Melusine ( p p . 285-86) the sultan was taunted into abiding the battle with Geffray. In Lydgate's Siege of Thebes the Greeks w e r e persuaded to continue the siege w i t h the argument, 102

103

. . . better it w e r / to euery werryour Manly to deye / with worship a n d h o n o u r . (II. 4123-24) In The Four Sons of Aymon (p. 232) the brothers would not consider flight, for a very sensible reason which R e y n a w d e states, ". . . ye wote well that oure mewles m y g h t not renne before t h e horses / w h a t sholde avaylle vs for to flee, sith that we m y g h t not save ourselfe?" Reynawde of course adds the m o r e h i g h - s o u n d i n g reason, "Certcs, I sholde not flee for all ye w o r l d / I have lever deye w y t h my w o r s h i p / than I sholde lyve wyth grete s h a m e ; for he that dcyeth in fleynge, his soule shall never be saved." 104

Melusine, p . 288.

CONDUCT ON THE BATTLEFIELD "For, and we here any lenger duelle, For fooles we may oure-self telle; For they been fourty ayenst vs oon." 105 T h o u g h the romances reflect in some measure the idea of the use of discretion and good sense in order to prevent loss of life, they emphasize as the primary requisite for battle the kind of courage that precluded such weaknesses as sending for aid before the crisis actually occurred, serving as a messenger before testing battle strength and receiving wounds, and retreating f r o m the field. It was necessary for leaders and moralists to regulate conduct not only during battle but at the close of conflicts; for even after actual combat had ceased, the spirit of destruction and savagery, the lust for blood, continued to express itself in murder, burning, pillaging, and wanton destruction. In Froissart, we read again and again that men, women, and children were slaughtered after victories. W h e n the Scottish king took D u r h a m , "the cytie was wonne byforce, and robbed, and clene brent, and all maner of people put to deth without mercy, men, women, and chyldren, monkes, prestes, and chaiions, so that tlier abode alyve no manner a person, house, nor church, but it was distroyed; the whiche was great pytie so to dystroy christen blode, and the churches of Godde, wherin that God was honoured and served." 1 0 6 T h e Earl of Hainault took the abbey in the town of St. A m a n d and commanded that all should be put to the sword: " T h e towne anone was full of men of armes, and they within chased and sought for, fro strete to strete, and in every house, so that fewe scaped, but all wer slayne." 1 0 7 It is not uncommon to hear that English soldiers took abbeys and "wasted the countrey al about" or to learn of some good town, "incontynent it was taken by assault and robbed and an abbaye of ladyes vyolated, and the towne brent." T h a t the common soldier was apt to be ruthlessly slaughtered by the victors is indicated in the special plea that Sir Agos de Bans made to prevent this happening to his men when the Earl of Derby won the Castle of La Reole, ". . . for Goddes sake, sir, blemyssh nat your noblenesse/ for a poore sort of soudyours that be here within, w h o hath won with moche payne and paryll their poor lyveng." Since he would accept no terms that did not grant mercy to all, the soldiers, on condition that they bore with them 105 Guy of Warwick (14th Ct. version), 11. 2416-18. When Tyrry in Guy of Warwick. (15th Ct. version) fled from Guy's men after his sword had broken, the author commented, Sonne Tyrrye turned hys stede And fledde faste, as he had nede; Full dere had that stroke be boght, Had he there dwellyd oght. (11. n 19-22) 10,1 Froissart, Chronicles, I, Ch. LXXV, 189-90. 107 Froissart, Chronicles, 1, Ch. LX, 163.

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only their armor, were allowed to pass unmolested from the castle.108 Either as a matter of principle or of military expediency, kings and individuals found it necessary to put restraints upon savagery and to attempt to enforce standards of decent and humane conduct after battle. In several instances Froissart reports that kings hanged soldiers who burnt abbeys or churches. 109 After the siege of Poitiers, soldiers, indulging in various orgies of violence, killed several hundred men, women, and children, destroyed churches and committed many evil deeds. Froissart comments " . . . and mo had ben done, and therle had nat ben; for he commaunded on payne of dethe, no man to brenne no churche nor house." 1 1 0 Sir Godfrey restrained the king who wanted to kill the townsfolk after the siege of Caen; and "Thane Sir Godfray with his baner rode fro strete to strete, and commaunded in the kynges name non to be so hardy to put fyre in any hous, to slee any persone, nor to vyolate any woman." At the same time, Sir Thomas Holland, a one-eyed English knight, took the prisoners under his protection and "saved many lyves of ladyes, damosels, and cloysterers fro defoylyng for the soudyers were without mercy." 1 1 1 Sir Godfrey was acting, not for humanitarian reasons, but because he believed the king would profit from the friendliness of the people. The romances, which likewise give many accounts of the savagery that usually followed battle, show that innocent bystanders of either sex were commonly slaughtered. Many of the examples in the romances, however, involve the victory of Christian over pagan. In such cases the victors rejoiced that they were the instruments of God used to punish the unbelievers. Certain that he was divinely commanded, Richard slaughtered all except twenty of the sixty thousand Saracens taken at Acre: T h e r they herden aungeles off hevene; They sayde, "Seynyors, tuez, tuez! Spares hem nought, behedith these!" King Richard herde the aungelys voys, And thankyd God, and the holy croys. 112

The author of Godeffroy of Boloyne, who found the slaughter at the siege of Jerusalem appalling, would have been moved to compassion had he not recalled that the faithless need not be considered as human beings: ". . . and alle the stretes of the toun were couered with dede men, In suche wyse that it was grete pyte for to see, yf it had not be of thenemyes of our lord Ihesu 108 109 110 111 112

Froissart, Chronicles, I, Ch. CXI, 256. Froissart, Chronicles, I, Ch. XLVn, 139; CXXV, 287. Froissart, Chronicles, I, Ch. CXXXVII, 310. Froissart, Chronicles, I, Ch. CXXIV, 284-85. Richard Coer de Lion, II. 3720-24.

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113

Creste." In Titus and Vespasian Titus took a similar attitude. Though the defenders of the city begged mercy, he denied it to them: "Noo mercy shull 3c fynde in me; For is stede, Jhesu Crist in his manhede, Without alle maner of gylte 3e demede hym to ben yspilte." (11. 3 8 1 8 - 2 2 )

Since the Jews had swallowed their treasure, Titus sold them at thirty a penny, with the barbarous instructions that to "qwenchen her venym," they be hanged, burned, roasted, scalded, flayed, and cut to pieces. H e assured the people, "And Goddes blessyng J?ei have ay, J?at serveth hem (so), til domesday." ("• 4235-36) The author of Huon of Burdeux, by contrast, pities the slain even though they are pagan. He comments after the fall of Angore, ". . . the cristen men slewe the paynymes and Sarasyns, men, women, and chyldrene, that pyte it was to se them lye dedde on heppes in ye stretes/ so that the bloode of them that were slayne, ranne in the strettes to the horse pastours." 114 The romances indicate that those who escaped the general slaughter and were taken captive might suffer a number of different fates. They might, of course, be ransomed; or they might be tormented, cast upon the sea, sold as slaves, tortured, maimed, burned, hanged, or imprisoned. 115 The fate of women captives was in no sense easy. Nor was their suffering, according to the romances, much relieved by chivalric courtesies. The Laud Troy Boo\ reports of the capture of Troy, Many a curtais ladi swete In that Palais to dethe thai bete. (11. 18285-286) Godeffroy of Boloyne, pp. 2 7 3 - 7 4 . This is a particularly bloody r o m a n c e . Again a n d again we are told of the crusaders, "alle them that they m e t they slew & smote right d o w n m e n , w y m m e n , a n d childeren sparyng n o n e . " Of the capture of Antioch it is reported ( p . 1 8 2 ) , ". . . grete occision and slaughter h a d be in the t o u n ; they spared n o m a n , ne w o m a n , ne childe . . . ther were slayn of t h e m of the toun that day m o o than x.M., of w h o m the bodyes laye alle bare in the wayes a n d stretes." 114 Huon of Burdeux, p. 477. 115 Sege of Melayne, 11. 487 ff.; Four Sons of Aymon, pp. 3 2 4 - 2 5 ; Huon of Burdeux, pp. 5 3 1 - 3 2 ; Siege of ferusalem, 11. 6 9 4 - 7 1 8 , 1 3 1 3 if.; Laud Troy Book., II. 1 6 9 1 f t . ; King Horn (Version C ) , 11. 97 ff. In The Wars of Alexander (11. 3 1 4 9 - 5 6 ) the Greeks f o u n d one of Darius' prisons full of m a i m e d prisoners. 113

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But death was probably a less distressing fate than that of women who were by common consent granted as prizes to the victors. Hercules is reprimanded for putting his captive Hesione to shameful servitude. Instead of wedding her himself, he granted her to Telamon, . . .

a k y n g ]?at is curst, of vnclene lyfe,

F f o r to lede in his lechery all his lyfe a f t e r . 1 1 6

Hercules was told that much unhappiness, hate, warfare, and woe would spring "thurgh vnhappe of J?at hynde )?at f?u a hore mase." Calling Telamon's treatment of one of high estate both "ungodly" and "agaynes gentilnes," Lydgate concludes that since the Greeks treated noble women with such disrespect, they could not be expected to show any consideration for women of the common class: I suppose other, J?at ben of low degre, Gouerned ben ful dishonestly; F o r £e may Jnnke and deme trewely H o w wyvis, maidenes, in }?at companye W i t h oJ>er eke )>at ben of j o u r alye, I-haunted ben and vsed at her lust; O n )>e Grekis I haue no better trust, F o r f>ai ne spare nouther blood nor a g e . 1 1 7

In Blanchardyn and Eglantine a wounded knight sorrowed because in defeat he had been forced to yield his lady to his opponent. The dying man complained, "I fele deth atte thentree of my sorowefull herte, prest and redy to make me pryuated of the swete remembraunce of our entyre and feythfull loue/ but moche more werse and greuouse is to me that by vyolent opressyon/ that traytour that hath wounded me to deth/ shall enioye youre youghthe vnpolusshed." 1 1 8 Under the circumstances it was only natural that many women preferred death to captivity and accompanying dishonor. Though Pollexena had little choice, since Pyrrhus, son of Achilles, held her responsible for his father's death and vowed revenge, her final words expressed her wish to die rather "j>en be defoulit in filth with febill of astate." 1 1 9 When the Saxons were leading the Queen of Garlot to their king, she made "the grettest doel of 116 Gest Hyitoriale, 11. 1400-1. According to the Recuyell of the Historyes of Troye (p. 509) Priam was distressed because Hesione was held as a "comyn woman." 117 Lydgate's Troy Book,, Bk. II, 11. 1192-99. Book I, 11. 4337-40, speaks of "yonge maydenes . . . ful gentil born," whom the Greeks led home from the first sack of Troy "falsly to mysvse." 118 Blanchardyn and Eglantine, p. 23. 119Geft Hystoriale, 11. 12126. Laud Troy Book, 18547 ff., and Lydgate's Troy Boo\, Bk. IV, 11. 6731 ff., report the last words of Pollexena also.

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the worlde, and thei myght not hir confortc for nothinge that thei cowde." 1 2 0 Like Pollexena, the Queen feared dishonor. There was some protest against the custom of granting women to victor knights. Sometimes individual leaders issued a general order for the protection of all women, but more often special efforts were made to protect noble women. Alexander, for instance, protected the mother, wife, and children of Darius from harm; but other women were assigned to individual knights or made "al comunes." 1 2 1 Sometimes leaders issued orders to extend protection to all classes of women and to threaten death to those who disregarded the instructions. In Morte Arthure (Lincoln MS.) Arthur promised the Countess of Crasyne, when he captured her city, " S a i l no mysse do ¿ o w , ma dame, J?at to me lenges, I g y f 50W chartire of pes, & j o u r e cheefe maydens." (11. 3 0 5 7 ^ 8 )

Furthermore, he instructed his followers: " O f payne of lyf and lym and lesynge of londes, T h a r no lele lige-mane, that to him lonngede Sulde lye be no ladysse, ne be no lele maydyns, N e be no burgesse w y f f e , better ne werse."

122

The Emperor of Germany, when he took Bordeaux, ". . . made it to be cryed in euere strete that no man shulde be so hardy on payne of dethe/ to vyolat any woman, or deflowre any mayd." 1 2 3 When Hercules destroyed Troy and Laomedon fled with Hesione and Antigone, the palace was the only thing left in Ilion. There "the ladyes and maydens were withdrawen. Hercules wolde in no wyse destroye this palays. For as moche as the ladyes made to hym a requeste for to spare hit." 1 2 4 The sanguinary Godeffroy oj Boloyne records one instance of consideration for women prisoners. The Emperor Constantine, who held the wife of the Turk Solyman and his two sons prisoners, ". . . made moch grete feste to the lady & her children, & as longe as they were in toun he helde them moche honorably." Presently in order to win the friendship of the Turk, he sent them home without demanding ransom. 1 2 5 1

Prose Merlin, p. 590. Kyng Alisaunder, 11. 2499-2506. The case of Helen is of interest. After Troy fell, she sought to be reconciled to her lord, Menelaus. According to the Gest Hysloriale, 11. 11549—580, 13043-55, he took her with good will, forgave her guilt, and proudly led her to Crete, where everybody came to gaze upon her. The Land Troy Book. (1- 18071) implies that life may not have been so easy for Helen as this report suggests. When Priam delivered her to the Greeks, he asked them not to disrespect her or harm her, "And thei seyde, 'Nay' with ficul thought." 1 -2 Morte Arthure (Lincoln MS.), 11. 3079-82). 1- 3 Huon of Burdeux, p. 398. 1:4 Recuyell oj the Historyes of Troye, p. 295. i - 0 Godeffroy of Boloyne, p. 107. 121

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T h e treatment of noblemen, as both history and romance indicate, was determined largely by the fact that they had both exchange and ransom value. This value often ensured them safety unless some one of their enemies desired revenge more than he desired money. Edward III, hearing Lord Clisson and others had lost their heads in France, wished to kill the French prisoner, Henry of Leon, in reprisal. T h e Earl of Derby suggested that though King Philip had foully put to death noble knights, the English should not blemish their nobleness but should ransom their prisoner. 126 If no friendly influence intervened, a captive, even of noble rank, might be put to death to satisfy his captor. Sir Vauflart de la Croix was sent to Lille as a prisoner, ". . . bycause he had done to them moche damage; and so within the towne they dyd put him to deth; they would in no wyse have pyte on him, nor put hym to ransome." 1 2 7 Matthew Paris reports the death of Herbert Fitz-Matthew in the war of the Welsh against the English under the command of Henry III. Fitz-Matthew fell from his horse and was overwhelmed by a number of knights who, concerned for his ransom, began arguing as to whose prisoner he rightfully was. In the quarrel one of the Welshmen "ran Herbert through his body from behind, saying 'Now, whoever chooses may take h i m . ' " 1 2 8 Sometimes whole groups suffered death because their captor's desire for reprisal was greater than his desire for gain. Sir Robert Knolles, attempting to break the harsh terms of a treaty his cousin had made with the Duke of Anjou, fortified himself in the castle of Derval. When Sir Robert refused to surrender, the Duke beheaded his hostages. In retaliation, Sir Robert executed several knights and squires of France whom he had in prison, with the remark, ". . . if I were offered one hundred thousand francs I would not show mercy to any one of them." 1 2 9 In contrast to the ruthlessness with which captives were usually treated, the historical accounts also give instances of magnanimous courtesy to prisoners and humanitarian concern for their comfort. Such consideration had an economic rather than a chivalric or ethical basis; it was merely a matter of good business to tend to the wounds of prisoners. Froissart records, for instance, that at the Battle of Poitiers the prisoners outnumbered the victorious host. Those who were physically able were at once dismissed for ransom, and the wounded were carefully tended that they might later go forth on the same errand. 1 3 0 So also when Squire John de Helennes took Lord Berkeley prisoner, he tended him through a year's convalescence; but 126

Froissart, Chronicles, I, Ch. CI, 233-34. Froissart, Chronicles, I, Ch. LVIII, 160. Matthew Paris, English History, II, p. 47. 129 Froissart, Chronicles, ed. Thomas Johnes, I, Ch. CCCXVIII, 499. Cornish, Chivalry, p. 1 1 7 , records a similar instance which occurred at the capture of Acre in 1 1 9 1 , when Richard and Saladin, who could not come to terms, slew all their captives to spite each other. Froissart, Chronicles, I, Ch. CLXVI, 382. 127

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his care was rewarded by a ransom so large that he was enabled to become a knight. 1 3 1 T h e romances show that men of noble rank, like women, preferred death to captivity, and indicate the several reasons that governed the preference. First, yielding in battle was the sign of a c r a v e n ; 1 3 2 second, the tendency was to subject captives, whether they were common soldiers or noblemen, followers or leaders, to indignities; third, if the captor had a grudge against his captive, he might prefer to kill rather than ransom him. In Melusine, though Raymondin pleaded for the captive Josselin and his son Oliver, the king justified as a religious necessity the extreme penalty. Though he commended Raymondin's generous impulse, he proclaimed, ". . . by the feyth that I owe to god Josselin nor his sone shal neuer doo treason ne cause no man to goo out of my land as exiled," and ordered the prisoners hanged. 1 3 3 Richard took Cyprus and, in revenge for the seizing of his treasure and imprisoning of his men, who had been shipwrecked on their way to the Holy Land: A1 the burgesses of the toun, Richard let slee without rpnsoun; Their tresour and their meles He toke to his own deles.134

In The Four Sons of Aymon, Mawgis, aware that his life was in danger because Charlemagne bore him a grudge, yielded to Oliver only on condition that he would not be delivered to the King, ". . . for yf ye deliver me in his handes, I am deed without remedy, & he shall make me deie shamfully as a theef." Oliver replied that he did not dare hide his captive from Charlemagne but that he would intercede for him. Charlemagne's earlier speech, in which he had told Reynawde what he would do were Mawgis delivered to him, shows that Mawgis' fear was justified: " I promyse you that I shold make hym to be drawen shamfully at four horses taylles thrughe parys. And after that, I shold doo take from the body of hym the limmes one 131 132

Froissart, Chronicles, I, Ch. CLXIII, 377. In Lovclich's Holy Grail Orcaws refused to yield to Piers: "Mochel lever hadde Ich here to dye Thanne to speken that schamful word." (Bk. LII, II. 692-93)

When Segwarde asked Guy, in Guy of Warwick., to surrender, Guy replied, "The whyle y may defende me, Schall y neuer yylde to the." (15th Ct. version, II. 1095-96) When Ogier asked Reynawde to yield, in The Four Sons of Aymon (pp. 247-48), he replied, ". . . by hym that made the worlde, I shall never yelde me. I was never noo theef, & therfore wylle I not be hanged/ I have lever deie lyke a knyght, than to hange lyke a theeff." 1 3 3 Melusine, p. 86. 134 Richard Coer de Lion, 11. 2217-20.

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after a nother, and thenne I shold make him to be brent, and his ashes to be cast at the wynde." 1 3 5 In thus showing that the desire for revenge sometimes caused the death of noble prisoners in spite of their ransom value, the romances reflect actuality. Nevertheless the romances are also realistic in showing that the exchange and ransom value of noble prisoners frequently militated against the extreme penalty. In The Sowdone of Babylone, the Sultan would have slain his prisoners, Charles and Roland, had not Floripas suggested that as hostages they would guarantee the life of her captive brother Ferumbras. 136 In another instance reported in Charles the Great, Floripas does not show the same wisdom. She suggests that in order both to distress her father, the Saracen leader, and to dispense with a powerful enemy, Roland should kill Espoulat, the captured nephew of Balan. It is the "moche wyse" Duke Naymes who reminds her, "Madame, it is not behoeful to put hym so to deth; but sythe he is a man of auctoryte, and hath audyence wyth your fader, we been the more Ioyous . . . yf peraduenture one of vs were taken of our enemyes, by the moyen of this man he myght be rendred and chaunged for him." 137 Aeneas, in the Gest Hystoriale, warned Priam that to execute his noble captive Thoas would be a "laithe dede." If the Greeks thereafter took -any of his sons, they would then put him to death in vengeance. 138 Alexander treated the mother, wife, and sons of Darius with great consideration, but there was good reason to do so; for Darius offered as ransom, ". . . the treasures we have in Aydem and Susa and Batram, the which our fathers hoarded and hid in earthen cellars. And we will give you the kingship of the Medes and Persians." 139 Though the romances indicate that courteous treatment of captives may often have been prompted by an ulterior motive, they also contain examples which suggest that humanitarian treatment of prisoners was the expression of generosity and compassion. Oliver, who had wounded his enemy, ". . . had so moche compassyon of hym for hys soor that he sore wepte, and after he layed hym in the shadowe vnder a tree and there bounde his mortal Four Sons of Aymon, pp. 356-57, 349. Sowdone of Babylone, II. 1503-20. 137 Charles the Great, p. 145. 138 Gest Hystoriale, 11. 7576-84. 139 Prose Alexander, p. 50. Although requiring ransoms was common, as Morte Arthure (Lincoln MS.), 11. 1549 ff., Melusine, pp. 209-10, and innumerable other romances show, there was some objection to the custom, especially when exorbitant amounts were exacted. Morte Arthure (Lincoln MS.) expresses this conviction: 135 136

For it comes to no kynge |?at conquerour es holden, To comon with his captifis fore couatys of siluer: It come neuer of knyghthede, knawe it yif hym lyke T o carpe of coserie, when captyfis ere takyn. (11. 1579-82)

CONDUCT

ON THE

BATTLEFIELD

189 ,4

woundes in suche wyse that he staunched hys bledyng." ° In The Four Sons of Aymon, though Reynawde ordered that his prisoner, Duke Richard of Normandy, "be put in yrons," he added that he must ". . . be well kept & curtesly, and that he be well served of that apperteyneth to his estate/ Thenne was the duke Rycharde all thus in prison/ but he was well served of all goode metes; and he had good company for to playe to whate game that he wolde. And also the good duchesse clare dyde visite hym often, and recomforted hym with her fair langage." 1 4 1 Duke Segyn invited the German prisoners to eat with him and then gave them into the charge of his fair sister: " T h i s e prisouners thou take to the, A n d in thy Chambre thou kepe theim me,

A n d ouer all other the D u k e Reyner, T h a t to me is leef and deer."

142

Melusine entertained the King of Anssay, whom Anthony had sent to her as a prisoner, by putting him in a fair and rich chamber, " . . . & with hym ladyes & damoyselles, also knyghtis & squyers, for to make hym forgete his losse, & forto reioye & haue hym out of melencolye." 1 4 3 Such examples seem to suggest that noble prisoners were sometimes honored guests, whose hosts were chiefly concerned to see that they had refreshment, entertainment, and pleasant companionship. The examination of the romances has shown that chivalry attempted to regulate the conduct of knights during and after battle by insisting upon a concept of fair play. This principle discouraged taking advantage of an enemy in any way, such as by superior number, strength, equipment, or fighting position; it frowned upon anything but truthfulness and plaindealing with the enemy; it encouraged generosity and magnanimity toward the defeated. T h e exaggerated idealism of the code may have had some slight basis in actuality, for the historical record indicates that the concept of brothers-in-arms had at least some modifying influence on a man's attitude toward his enemies. In the main, however, it stands out in contrast to reality and is undoubtedly intended to present an ideal in an effort to offset existing evils. Other aspects of the knightly code, as presented in the romances, show a discrepancy between standard and practice. Though the messenger, for instance, was theoretically privileged to pass unharmed and to speak without 140 141 142 143

Charles the Great, p. 78. Four Sons of Aymon, p. 475. Guy of Warwick (14th Ct. version), II. 2273-74, 2277-78. Melusine, pp. 204-5.

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fear of punishment, his rights were often disregarded. In the matter of withdrawing from battle the romances present an ideal of quixotic courage concerned mainly with the honor and reputation of the individual rather than the welfare of the many. This was apparently put into practice frequently enough to draw attention to its human wastefulness. T h e fact that the chivalric handbooks began to lay stress on discretion and good sense as the determining factors in problems of conflict and emphasized the importance of saving life rather than spending it prodigally makes this assumption possible. Even the romances occasionally praise the use of discretion and good sense to save lives. T h e romances picture the ugly reality of conduct after victory. Savagery in the treatment of the conquered is a major part of the record. Victory gave the right to destroy property and to slaughter men, women, and children. Captives were executed or brutally mistreated; women, like other spoils of war, were used for the satisfaction of the victor. Y e t the romances also present the ideal of mercy to the conquered, of decent and courteous treatment of captives, and of consideration for women. In thus giving a composite picture, they duplicate the historical record. T h e y indicate, however, as does history, that so loud was the confusion and fury of conflict, so prevalent the lust to kill, that the voice of humanitarian idealism was only faintly heard. In representing the lawlessness, the violence, the brutality of warfare and warriors, the romances do not exaggerate the historical record. According to Froissart, only a few individuals, like Sir John Chandos and Walter Manny, actually practised chivalric idealism. T h e idealism in the fictitious accounts, expressing itself in quixotic and superficial gallantry, was a matter of showmanship and histrionics. T h e very extravagance of the accounts tends to demonstrate that the authors had no intention of presenting these incidents as facts but rather as good stories that might inspire men to a type of conduct not generally practised on the battlefield.

^ IX ^ CONCLUSIONS H E N we look back over the ground covered in the present study and try to draw together the individual conclusions to which the evidence leads, it may be well to recognize the limits beyond which generalizations cannot wisely go—in other words, to note the restrictions imposed upon us by the nature of the material. In the first place, the romances, arranged in the chronological order of their composition, will not give an accurate account of the changing aspects of the life of women in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. T o those who reflect upon the nature, composition, and sources of the romances and the appallingly slow process by which any noticeable change in the position of women was effected, this will be obvious. T h e English romances stand at the end of a long period in which there was little actual development—simply a halting between two opinions—as to the function and place of woman in society, with the weight in favor of keeping her inferior and subordinate. Secondly, it must be admitted that the romances are not accurate in their presentation of aspects of civil and ecclesiastical law. Authors seem almost stupidly unaware of legal and ecclesiastical provisions that would have solved the problems of their characters. T o o often the penalty exacted for misconduct is not a fourteenthcentury penalty but a more severe provision of a much earlier period chosen to fit the didactic purpose of the author. In the third place, romances do not always use characters or situations and incidents that can be thought of as realistic. Giants, fairy knights and ladies, and sometimes even h u m a n heroes, exhibit magic powers. Situations in the natural as well as the supernatural world are frequently incredible. W o m e n twice the age of their hero sons are won by them as wives in tournaments or contests, and n o one observes the discrepancy in age until some insignificant item reveals the relationship and prevents the misfortune of an incestuous alliance. H u s bands are miraculously united to their wives after absences of seven or fourteen years and separations by kingdoms and seas. Such situations were no more probable in the Middle Ages than they are today. O t h e r situations involving hospitality, war, and sexual insecurity, however, though they may include some exaggeration necessary to the purpose of story-telling, are basically realistic in their picture of women and are just as constantly a part of the narratives. 191

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T h a t the romances as a group present an essentially truthful picture of the place assigned to woman in medieval society, of the environment in which she lived, the problems she faced, and the attitudes she assumed, can be justly maintained. W e have seen repeatedly in the social record the idea that woman was an inferior being, a creature whose moral and spiritual weakness was to be scorned or a being whose subtle evil was to be feared. Accordingly she was subjected in every way to man's control. Medieval marriage, in which man was the purchasing agent and woman little more than an object of exchange, reinforced her subordinate position. T h e idea of woman's inferiority is likewise basic in the romances. It is exemplified by the many marriages of convenience in which the woman was the pawn, by the fact that she submitted to physical brutalities with little sense of shame or degradation, and by the somewhat negative pattern of virtues which she was taught. E v e n the finest of these virtues, wisdom, was not intended to express itself in any aggressive participation in life or to fit her for making decisions and directing her own activities. Medieval man assumed responsibility, however painfully and inadequately, for her problems. This is the evidence of both history and romance. In picturing the troubled and disordered environment in which women moved, and in showing that they had no adequate protection against the violence of the lustful male, the romances are further in accord with the social record. Civil and religious laws indicate that the efforts to protect women against such violence were often ineffectual, and that the innumerable admonitions addressed to women lest they be victimized by the lusts of men were prompted by something more tangible and more menacing than the repressions and fears of monks and clerics. T h e fictional account exaggerates perhaps only in giving women so little respite from danger. Certainly there must have been intermissions during which the passions of men were quiescent. T h e long periods of warfare which produced a fatigue close to exhaustion would, for example, have occasionally kept desire dormant. T h e historical record has indicated the frequency of the adulterous relationship, which was in part a result of the disorder of the times and in part a result of the nature of medieval marriage. That neither marriage customs nor the position assigned to women was accepted without question either by the women themselves or by moralists is clear. T h e concern of the clergy with the administration of marriage, the changing civil laws, and the existence of the code of courtly love are some of the indications of dissatisfaction. It may be truthfully said that there was some slight recognition that marriage without love might be stormy and difficult. A t any rate, women unwillingly married to partners they disliked were not always silenced by reprimands or restrained from seeking satisfaction outside mar-

CONCLUSIONS

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riage. I n indicating the prevalence of adultery—of voluntary irregular unions — t h e romances, t h o u g h they m a y exaggerate, are essentially t r u t h f u l . M o r e over, the attitudes of the authors t o w a r d irregular unions reflect the various opinions of the day. N a t u r a l l y , since irregular unions are accompanied by tensions, secrets, fears, a n d uncertainties, authors recognize their story v a l u e ; but they use them f o r d i f f e r e n t purposes. W h e r e the artistic purpose prevails, they are a m e a n s of creating excitement and arousing interest; w h e r e the clerical point of v i e w predominates, they are the occasion for admonition against sin. In both cases, to avoid alienating the pious and in the interest of c o n f o r m i t y , the unions are inevitably legitimized before the close of the tales. It may perhaps be m a i n t a i n e d that one or t w o authors, influenced by the courtly love convention, approved the adulterous relationship because, in contrast to marriage, it w a s motivated by love; but instances of this type are infrequent. W h a t e v e r the author's purpose, story-telling technique necessitated some h e i g h t e n i n g of the situation. Y e t the f u n d a m e n t a l truth that irregularities were n u m e r o u s and that the efforts of society to limit and control them w e r e ineffectual is revealed by the romances. It must be concluded, then, that the fictional account is essentially realistic in representing the prevalence both of rape a n d of voluntary irregular relationships. It should be kept in m i n d that the romances picture almost exclusively the higher social classes a n d that, therefore, t h o u g h the conclusions d r a w n f r o m the stories apply in s o m e cases to all w o m a n k i n d , they have to do primarily with the position and f u n c t i o n of aristocratic w o m e n . H i s t o r y , as w e h a v e previously said, s h o w s that medieval w o m e n w e r e largely inarticulate. T h e f e w capable of self-expression stand out in contrast to the m a n y w h o were silent or submissive about their lot in life. Most of those f r o m w h o m w e do have opinions express their thoughts in patterns set by men. T h o u g h there are a n u m b e r of instances of noble w o m e n w i t h considerable ability and self-direction, they are f a r o u t w e i g h e d by the mass of w o m e n w h o w e r e household puppets or domestic ornaments. In large measure intellectually untrained and unstimulated, most w o m e n — e v e n the rebellious o n e s — m a d e their d e m a n d s on life not on an intellectual or philosophical but chiefly on an emotional basis. T h o u g h the romances idealize w o m e n , they do not on the w h o l e vary greatly f r o m this concept of w o m a n k i n d . C o n t r a r y to the s o m e w h a t generally accepted a n d sentimentalized belief that w o m a n was the essential, the d o m i n a t i n g influence in the chivalric age, an idolized being, the center of man's universe, the romances s h o w that she w a s a domestic creature, at best a m e a n s to man's c o m f o r t and sexual satisfaction, a propagating agent. S e l d o m w a s she his equal, rarely in any sense his superior. T h o u g h the romances w e r e the outstanding expression of the chivalric point of v i e w that w o m e n w e r e w o r t h y of m a n ' s devotion and w e r e the inspiration f o r his noblest deeds, the final impression they g i v e us of the posi-

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tion of women in medieval society is in keeping with the record of history, not with the tenets of chivalry. T h e romances are realistic, therefore, not only in picturing the essential outlines of the status and problems of womankind, but in indicating the incidental part played by women in the life of man. In presenting the medieval attitude toward war and peace, the romances show a consciousness of the problem that had long baffled moralists—how to reconcile war with the teachings of Christianity. They also demonstrate that their answer was as equivocal as that given by moralists. Only a few authors, for instance, praise peace directly as an individual and social need; yet the spiritual and physical hunger for the beneficent, restorative influence of peace is a recurrent theme. In spite of their acknowledgment of the need for peace, the romances have for a primary purpose the glorification of fighting and warfare. Though the authors of the tales recognize that war frequently had no legitimate cause, though they point out the agony of combatants and noncombatants, the bloodshed, the brutality, the destruction, nevertheless they extol the heroic virtues required of the warrior and proclaim war as the means of achieving noble ends. In thus justifying and exalting war and in praising the warrior as a fighter for noble causes, the romances are in accord with the prevalent medieval belief as expressed in chivalric precepts, the principles of feudalism, and the tenets of the Church. Though the romances reflect with considerable truth the attitude of society toward warfare, they do not deal quite so realistically with individual encounters and with jousts and tournaments. The romances lend approval to the individual fight—whether it was the expression of necessity, arrogance, or braggadocio—as a demonstration of prowess. The joust and tourney, forms of entertainment for the aristocrat, are a constant part of the plot material of the romances. There is little indication that ecclesiastical, and sometimes civil, authority condemned them severely. In showing that the sport which was intended for the demonstration of skill frequently deteriorated into a fatally bloody encounter, the romances reveal, nevertheless, the reason the Church refused to sanction the tourney and joust. Jealousy, treachery, savagery, greed, lust for blood often made the fatalities in tournaments comparable with those on the battlefield. Though the Church could bless the shedding of blood in a righteous cause, it could not condone such needless expenditure of life. The romances, however, accept the tourney and joust, with warfare, as legitimate forms of military encounter. Though the romances can be said, then, to picture realistically the joust and tourney, they cannot be said to reflect the entire truth about the attitude of the age toward these forms of fighting. In representing the attitude of knights, ladies, and clerics toward fight-

CONCLUSIONS

195

ing, the romances are again somewhat at variance with reality. T h e social records indicate that theorists were ceaselessly troubled by the necessity of approving bloodshed on the battlefield, but seldom record that the warrior gave the matter much thought. Though in a few instances in the romances knights are troubled in conscience, the majority of them enjoy fighting as a normal and manly function, or submit to it as a necessity. On the attitude of women the historical record is sketchy: but it shows that far from serving as the inspiration for great military exploits, women took only a passive part in war. The romances, on the contrary, in order to exemplify chivalric precepts, stress woman's importance as a motivating force. Again, though the clerics were in theory forbidden to participate on the battlefield, history shows that they took up the sword on many occasions and for many reasons. They fought not only for the protection of their own lives and the property of the Church but, like their brothers from whom they were separated only by their religious habit, for the glory of fighting. T h e romances, in accord with the theory rather than the history, suggest that the presence of clerics on the field of conflict was infrequent. When a cleric does appear as a warrior in the romances, however, he is usually pictured as outstandingly skillful and valiant. The romances present an idealized picture of the rules of conduct for fighters and warriors. The brutality of warfare, which called forth as a corrective the code of honor, mercy, and generosity toward opponents expressed in the chivalric handbooks, led to such extreme requirements as that a warrior should never leave the field except with mortal wounds and that he should never send for aid except with his dying gasp. But in the interest of good sense and in an effort to avoid waste of life, these requirements were early modified. Authors of romances, however, either unaware of the modifications or deliberately disregarding them, picture knights as practising a quixotic, even a senseless, gallantry. This does not mean, nevertheless, that authors were living in a dream world with their characters; rather, they were exaggerating an ideal which served to offset certain savage practices. Even the idealistic concepts, then, serve as a revelation of truth. T h e romances reiterate the ideal of fair play, for instance; but they show at the same time that it was constantly disregarded. They insist upon mercy to the defeated, but indicate that it was often denied. They condemn trickery, yet praise the man clever enough to use it successfully. They proclaim the inviolability of the messenger, but report that he was often treated ignobly or even deprived of life. They laud men who stand their ground at the cost of their lives and even those of their comrades, yet they approve the good sense of the warriors who retreat when they are outmatched. Though they preach that knights must protect women, they show that many men spared

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no physical violence, that they considered women spoils of war and, except when special provisions were made, assigned them to warriors or forced them to serve as prostitutes. T h e attitude toward unbelievers which is seen in the romances perhaps requires special mention since it is significant for the larger question of the realism with which the romances reflect life. According to the romances, the chivalric doctrine of fair play was occasionally extended to Saracens; but the idea more frequently expressed is that, since infidels were fiends or animals, any method, however savage, might be employed against them. This belief is more fanatical than the theory expressed by certain moralists and some of the chivalric handbooks—that wars against pagans were justifiable only under certain conditions. In comparison with the accounts given in the chronicles of the crusades, however, it seems to accord essentially with the attitude of the age. T o what degree can we say in conclusion that the romances picture realistically the medieval theory of war and the standard of conduct required ? Obviously, many plot situations are completely detached from reality. It is highly improbable that enemies would allow conflicts to be decided by single combat, that armies would refrain from attacking weary opponents, that in a fight between individuals one person would allow the other an opportunity for a refreshing nap, even though acts equally quixotic—instances of humanitarian generosity, examples of heroic self-sacrifice—are occasionally to be met with in real life. In their record of the brutality and violence of fighting the romances then are realistic; it can also be said that in some slight measure they are realistic in recording instances, however exceptional, of nobler behavior. In thus recording the interplay between the harsh reality and man's aspirations, the romances give us the truth about the age. Finally, to contend that the romances offer a detailed and duplicatory record of medieval customs and thought or that they show chronological development in matters pertaining either to the relationship of the sexes or the conduct of war would be foolish. It would be equally unsound not to admit that certain romances, taken singly, might lead to misconceptions. Viewed as a group, however, and considered as a part of the social order out of which they grew, they give an amazingly reliable picture of the life of medieval women and the ideals which guided them, and of the theory and practice of warfare. Beyond doubt, if the present study were extended to include other problems of social and ethical import such as the attitude of the age toward lying, the use of the oath and vow, and the relationship of children to parents, a similar degree of realism would be disclosed. We may rightfully insist, then, that the romances present the essential outlines and the fundamental concepts of medieval society and reproduce faithfully the ideals which were the correctives for the many evils of the age.

BIBLIOGRAPHY ABBREVIATIONS

E E T S — E a r l y English Text Society, Original Series E E T S E S — E a r l y English Text Society, Extra Series PMLA—Publication of the Modern Language Association ScoTS—Scottish Text Society, Original Series ScoTSNS—Scottish Text Society, N e w Series ENGLISH

ROMANCES

Alexander and Dindimus or The Letters of Alexander and Dindimus, King of the Brahmins, with the Replies of Dindimus, ed. W . W . Skeat (London, 1878; E E T S E S , 31). In MS. Bodley 264 (c. 1450). Probably composed c. 1340. John Barbour's Bui\ of Alexander, or The Bui'n of the Most Noble and Valiant Conqueror Alexander the Grit, ed. R. L . Graeme Ritchie (Edinburgh, 1921-29; ScoTSNS, 12, 17, 21, 25). Preserved only in Lord Panmure's copy of the text printed in 1580 by Alexander Arbuthnot. Composed in 1438. pe Gestes of pe Worpi King and Emperour Alisaunder of Macedoine, ed. W . W . Skeat (London, 1867; E E T S E S , 1). In MS. Bodley, Greaves 60 (16th century). Composed c. 1340. The Life of Alisaunder, or King Alisaunder, ed. Henry Weber, Metrical Romances of the Thirteenth, Fourteenth, and Fifteenth Centuries (Edinburgh, 1810), I. In MSS. Laud Misc. 622 (c. 1400), Lincoln's Inn L 150 (late 14th or early 15th century), and Auchinleck MS. (1330-40). Composed before 1330. Prose Life of Alexander, ed. J. S. Westlake (London, 1913; E E T S , 143). In Thornton MS. (1430-40). Composed before 1430. The Wars of Alexander, ed. W . W . Skeat (London 1886; E E T S E S , 47). In MSS. Ashmole 44 and Dublin Trinity College D , 4, 12 (15th century). Composed c. 1450. Amis and Amiloun, ed. MacEdward Leach (London, 1937; E E T S , 203). In MSS. Douce 326 (15th century), Harley 2386 (16th century), Egerton 2862 (end of 14th century), and Auchinleck MS. (1330-40). Composed in late thirteenth century. Sir Amadas, ed. Henry Weber, Metrical Romances (Edinburgh, 1810), III. In Ireland MS. (15th century) and Auchinleck MS. (1330-40). Probably composed 1350-1400. "Apollonius of Tyre," in John Gower's Confessio Amantis, Bk. VIII, ed. G . C . Macaulay, The English Workj of John Gower (London, 1901; E E T S E S , 82). Composed 1390-93. 197

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LOVE A N D W A R IN T H E MIDDLE E N G L I S H ROMANCES

Arthur (Bath MS.), cd. F. J. Furnivall (London, 1864; EETS, 2). In the Marquis of Bath's MS. (1430-40). Composed 1350-1400. Arthour and Merlin, ed. Eugen Kolbing (Leipzig, 1890; Altenglische Bibliothek, 4). Earlier version in Auchinleck MS. (1330-40). Composed not later than 1325 and probably between 1250-1300. The Avowynge of King Arthur, Sir Gawain, Sir Kay, and Sir Baldwin of Britain, ed. W. H. French and C. B. llale, Middle English Metrical Romances (New York, 1930). In Ireland MS. (15th century). Probably composed in the latter half of the fourteenth century. The Awntyrs of Arthure at the Terne Wathelyne, ed. Frederic Madden, Syre Gawayne (London, 1839; Bannatyne Club, 61). In Ireland MS. (15th century), Thornton MS. (1430-40), MS. Douce 324 (15th century), Lambeth 491 (1400-50). Probably composed in the middle or latter half of the fourteenth century. Morte Arthure (Lincoln MS.), ed. Mary Macleod Banks (London, 1900). In Thornton MS. (1430-40). Probably composed between 1350-1400. Lf Morte Arthur (Harley 2252), ed. Samuel B. Hemingway (Boston, 1912). In MS. Harley 2252 (late 15th century). Composed at the end of the fourteenth century. Athelston, ed. W. H. French and C. B. Hale, Middle English Metrical Romances (New York, 1930). In MS. Caius College Cambridge 175 (15th century). Composed about 1350. The Tale of Beryn, ed. F. J. Furnivall and W. G. Stone (London, 1909; EETSES, 105). In the Duke of Northumberland's unique MS. Composed between 1400-50. Caxton's Blanchardyne and Eglantine, ed. Leon Kellner (London, 1890; EETSES, 58). Romance dated c. 1489. The Romance of Sir Beues of Hamptoun, ed. Eugen Kolbing (London, 1885-94; EETSES, 46, 48, 65). In MSS. Caius College Cambridge 175 (15th century), Egerton 2862 (end of 14th century), Auchinleck MS. (1330-40), and several other fifteenth century MSS. Probably composed about 1300. The Lyfe of the Noble and Crysten Prynce Charles the Grete, trans. William Caxton, ed. Sidney J. Herrtage (London, 1881; EETSES, 36-37). Printed by Caxton in 1485. Chevelere Assigne, ed. W. H. French and C. B. Hale, Middle English Metrical Romances (New York, 1930). In MS. Cotton Caligula A II (15th century). Composed at the end of the fourteenth century. Sir Cleges, ed. Henry Weber, Metrical Romances (Edinburgh, 1810), I. MS. in the Advocates' Library, Edinburgh, Jac. V, 7, 27 (15th century), and in MS. Ashmole 61 (15th century). Composed at the beginning of the fifteenth century. Sir Degari, ed. W. H. French and C. B. Hale, Middle English Metrical Romances (New York, 1930). Most perfect version is preserved in Auchinleck MS. (133040); fragments are found in the Percy Folio MS. (c. 1650) and in three other MSS. of the fifteenth century. Composed not later than 1325. Sir Degrevant, ed. James Orchard Halliwell, Thornton Romances (London, 1884;

BIBLIOGRAPHY

199

Camden Society, 30). In Thornton MS. (1430-40) and MS. Cambridge University Library Ff. I. 6. (15th century). Composed between 1350-1400. The Earl of Toulouse, ed. W . H. French and C. B. Hale, Middle English Metrical Romances (New York, 1930). Preserved in MSS. Cambridge University Library Ff. II. 38. (15th century), Ashmole 45 (15th century) and 61 (16th century), and Thornton MS. (1430-40). Composed in early 15th century. The History of Sir Eger, Sir Grahame, and Sir Gray-Steel, ed. David Laing, Early Metrical Tales (Edinburgh, 1826). In Percy Folio MS. (c. 1650). Date of composition uncertain; first mentioned in 1497. Sir Eglamour of Artois, ed. J. O. Halliwell, Thornton Romances (London, 1844; Camden Society, 30). In Thornton MS. (1430-40), and MSS. Cotton Caligula A II (15th century), Cambridge University Library Ff. II. 38 (15th century), Egerton 2862 (end of 14th century). Composed between 1350-1400. Caxton's Eneydos, ed. W. T . Cully and F. J. Furnivall (London, 1890; E E T S E S , 57). Dated 1490. The Romance of Emare, ed. Edith Rickert (London, 1908; E E T S E S , 99). In MS. Cotton Caligula A II (15th century). Dated toward the end of the 14th century. Sir Ferumbras, ed. Sidney J. Herrtage (London, 1897; E E T S E S , 34). In MS. Ashmole 33 (end of 14th century). Probably composed 1375-1400. Firumbras (Fillingham MS.), ed. Mary Isabelle O'Sullivan (London, 1935; E E T S , 198). In Fillingham MS. (last half of 15th century). Probably a pre-Chaucerian composition. Le Bone Florence of Rome, ed. Joseph Ritson, Ancient English Metrical Romances (London, 1802), III. In MS. Cambridge University Library Ff. II. 38 (15th century). Composed probably about 1400. Floris and Blanchefleur, ed. W. H. French and C. B. Hale, Middle English Metrical Romances (New York, 1930). In MSS. Egerton 2862 (end of 14th century), Cotton Vitelius D III (1250-1300), Cambridge University Library Gg. IV. 27 (1250-75 or 1250-1300), Auchinleck MS. (1330-40). Composed about 1225-50. The Right Plesaunt and Goodly Historie of the Four Sonnes of Aymon, trans. William Caxton, ed. Octavia Richardson (London, 1884-85; E E T S E S 44-45). Printed c. 1481. Lay le Freine, ed. Henry Weber, Metrical Romances (Edinburgh, 1810), I. In Auchinleck MS. (1330-40). Probably composed at the beginning of the 14th century. Sir Gawain and the Green Knight, ed. Israel Gollancz (London, 1940; E E T S , 210). In MS. Cotton Nero A X (14th or early 15th century). Composed about 1370. Sir Gawene and the Carle of Carelyle, ed. Frederic Madden, Sir Gawayne (London, 1839; Bannatyne Club, 61). In Porkington Library MS. 10. (c. 1460). Probably composed in late fourteenth or early fifteenth century. The Knightly Tale of Golagros and Gawane, ed. Frederic Madden, Sir Gawayne (London, 1839; Bannatyne Club, 61). Extant in text printed in Edinburgh in 1508 and preserved in Advocates' Library. Composed 1450-1500. Generydes, ed. W. Aldis Wright (London, 1878; E E T S , 55). In Helmingham MS.

200

LOVE A N D W A R IN T H E MIDDLE ENGLISH ROMANCES

(1400-50) and in MS. Trinity College Cambridge, Gale O 5 2 (15th century; perhaps c. 1440). Probably composed about 1430. The "Gest Hystoriale" of the Destruction of Troy, ed. George A. Panton and David Donaldson (London, 1896, 1874; E E T S , 39, 56). In a MS. in the Hunterian Museum of the University of Glasgow. Composed probably between 1350-1400. Godeßroy of Boloyne or The Siege and Conqueste of Jerusalem, trans. William Caxton, ed. Mary Noyes Colvin (London, 1893; E E T S E S , 64). Printed by Caxton in 1481. Sir Gowghter, ed. Edward V . Utterson, Select Pieces of Early Popular Poetry (London, 1817), I. In MSS. Advocates' Library Edinburgh 19, 3, 1 (15th century) and in B. M. Royal 17 B XLIII (15th century). Composed about 1400, or shortly thereafter. The Romance of Guy of Warwic\, ed. Julius Zupitza (London, 1883, 1887, 1891; 14th century version, E E T S E S , 42, 49, 59) (London, 1875-76; 15th century version, E E T S E S , 25-26). Fourteenth century version in Auchinleck MS. (1330-40); fifteenth century version from Paper MS. Ff. II. 38 in the University Library Cambridge. Earliest extant version probably composed about r300. The Grene Knight, ed. Frederic Madden, Sir Gawayne (London, 1839; Bannatyne Club, 61). In Percy Folio MS. (c. 1650). Composed in the fifteenth century. The Lay of Havelo{ the Dane, ed. W. W. Skeat (London, 1868; E E T S E S , 4). In MS. Laud Misc. 108, part II (c. 1300-20). Perhaps composed about 1275-80. Horn Childe, ed. Joseph Hall, King Horn, A Middle English Romance (Oxford, 1901). In Auchinleck MS. (1330-40). Probably composed about 1300-25. King Horn, ed. Joseph Hall, King Horn, A Middle English Romance (Oxford, 1901). In MSS. Cambridge University Library Gg. IV. 27 (c. 1250-60), Laud Misc. 108, part II (c. 1300-20), Harley 2253 (c. 1 3 1 0 ) . Composed about 1225. Herry Lovelich's History of the Holy Grail, ed. Dorothy Kempe (London, 1905; E E T S , 20). In MS. Corpus Christi College Cambridge 80 (late 15th century). Composed about 1450. The Bo\e of Duke Huon of Burdeux, trans. Sir John Bourchier, Lord Berners, ed. Sidney L. Lee (London, 1882-84; E E T S E S , 40, 41, 43). Printed by Wynkyn de Wörde about 1534. The Lyfe of Ipomydon, ed. Henry Weber, Metrical Romances (Edinburgh, 1810), II. In MS. Harley 2252 (late 15th century). Composed in early fifteenth century. Sir Isumbras, ed. J. O. Halliwell, Thornton Romances (London, 1844; Camden Society, 30) In MSS. Caius College Cambridge 175 (15th century), Ashmole 61 (15th century), Advocates' Library Edinburgh 19, 3, 1 (15th century), Cotton Caligula A II (15th century), Thornton MS. (1430-40). Composed 1350-1400. The Lyfe of Joseph of Aramathia, ed. W . W. Skeat (London, 1871; E E T S , 44). In Vernon MS. (1370-80). Composed about 1350. The Knight of Courtesy and the Fair Lady of Faguell, ed. Joseph Ritson, Ancient English Metrical Romances (London, 1802), III. Extant in a print by Copland in 1568, but dating perhaps from 1450-1500. The Kyng of Tars and the Soudan of Damas, ed. Joseph Ritson, Ancient English Metrical Romances (London, 1802), II. In Auchinleck MS. (1330-40), Vernon

BIBLIOGRAPHY

201

MS. (1370-80), MS. B.M. Additional 22283 (1380-1400). Probably composed before 1325. Lancelot of the Lai\, ed. W. W. Skeat (London, 1866; E E T S , 6). In MS. Cambridge University Kk. I. 5 (15th century). Composed 1475-1500. Thomas Chestre's Launfal, ed. Joseph Ritson, Ancient English Metrical Romances (London, 1802), I. In MS. Cotton Caligula A II (15th century). Composed between 1300-75. Launfal (Rawlinson MS.), ed. George Lyman Kittredge (American Journal of Philology, X, 1889). In MS. Rawlinson C 86 (16th century). Composed in the fifteenth century. Libeaus Desconus, ed. Max Kaluza (Leipzig, 1890; Altenglische Bibliothek,[, 5). In MSS. Lincoln's Inn Library 150 (end of 14th century, or beginning of 15th century), Cotton Caligula A II (15th century), Ashmole 61 (15th century), Lambeth 306 (end of 15th century). Composed about 1325-50. Sir Thomas Malory, Morte D'Arthur, ed. H. Oskar Sommer (London, 1889). Composed 1469-70; printed 1485. Melusine, ed. A. K. Donald (London, 1895; E E T S E S , 68). In MS. Royal 18. B. II (c. 1500). Composed after 1478. Herry Lovelich's Merlin, ed. Ernest A. Koch (London, 1904, 1913, 1932; E E T S E S , 93, 1 : 2 ; E E T S , 185). In MS. Corpus Christi College Cambridge, 80 (late 15th century). Composed about 1450. (Prose) Merlin, or The Early History of King Arthur, ed. Henry B. Wheatley (London, 1865-69; E E T S , 10). In a 15th century MS. in Cambridge University Library. Composed about 1450-60. Octouian Imperator, ed. Henry Weber, Metrical Romances (London, 1810), III. First version in Cotton Caligula A II (15th century). Composed c. 1350. Second version in MS. Cambridge University Library Ff. II. 38 (15th century), Thornton MS. (1430-40). Composed c. 1350. The Romance of Otuel, ed. Sidney J. Herrtage (London, 1882; E E T S E S , 39). In Auchinleck MS. (1330-40). Composed probably at beginning of 14th century. Otuel and Roland, ed. Mary Isabelle O'Sullivan (London, 1935; E E T S , 198). In Fillingham MS. (second half of 15th century). Date uncertain; probably composed in late 14th or early 15th century. The Romance of Partenay, ed. W. W. Skeat (London, 1866; E E T S , 22). In MS. Trinity College Cambridge R, 3, 17 (late 15th century). Composed before 1500. Paris and Vienne, Thystore of the noble knyght Paris and of the fayr Vyene, ed. W. C. Hazlitt for the Roxburghe Library, 1866. Trans, and printed by Caxton (Westminster, 1485). Partonope of Blois, ed. A. Trampe Bödtker (London, 1912; E E T S E S , 109). In MS. B.M. Additional 35288 (late 15th century) and various other 15th century MSS. Date of composition uncertain; probably composed in early fifteenth century. Peare of Provence and the Fair Maguelone, ed. F . J. Furnivall, Political, Religious, and Love Poems (London, 1866; E E T S , 15), p. 293. 15th century paper MS. in possession of Lord Clifden of Cornwall. Composed in 1453.

202

L O V E A N D WAR IN T H E MIDDLE ENGLISH ROMANCES

Sir Perceval of Galles, ed. W. H. French and C. B. Hale, Middle English Metrical Romances (New York, 1930). In Thornton MS. (1430-40). Composed about 1350-1400. King Ponthus and the Fair Sidone, ed. Frank Jewett Mather ( P M L A , XII, 1897), pp. 1 - 1 5 0 . In MS. Digby 185 and MS. Douce 384 (15th century). Composed after 1450. The TailI of Rauf Coilyear, ed. S. J. Herrtage (London, 1882; E E T S E S , 39). Preserved in a unique copy of a text printed by Robert Lekpreuik in 1572. Composed about 1475-1500. Richard Coer de Lion, ed. Henry Weber, Metrical Romances (Edinburgh, 1810) II. Most complete and best version in MS. Caius College Cambridge 175 (13501400). Probably composed during reign of Edward I. Roland and Vernagu, ed. S. J. Herrtage (London, 1882; E E T S E S , 39). In Auchinleck MS. (1330-40). Composed before 1325. The Romance of Dul^e Rowlande and Sir Otuell of Spayne, ed. S. J. Herrtage (London, 1880; E E T S E S , 35). In MS. Additional 31042 (15th century). Probably composed about 1400. Song of Roland, ed. S. J. Herrtage (London, 1880; E E T S E S , 35). In MS. Lansdowne 388 (1450 or later). Composed toward end of the 14th century or possibly in the 15th century. The History of Roswall and Lillian, ed. David Laing, Early Metrical Tales (Edinburgh, 1826). Black letter copy dated 1663 in Advocates' Library Edinburgh. Composed not earlier than 15th century. The Sege of Melayne, ed. S. J. Herrtage (London, 1880; E E T S E S , 35). In MS. Additional 31042 (15th century). Probably composed about 1350-1400. The Seege or Batayle of Troye, ed. Mary Elizabeth Barnide (London, 1927; E E T S , 172). In MS. Harley 525 (early 15th century), MS. Lincoln's Inn 150 (end of 14th century or beginning of 15th century) and in Egerton 2862 (end of 14th century). Probably composed 1350-1400. The Seven Sages of Rome, ed. Karl Brunner (London, 1933; E E T S , 191). Eight Middle English versions in nine MSS. Southern version in MSS. Egerton 1995 (1450-1500), Arundel 140 (15th century), Cambridge University Library Ff. II. 38 (c. 1450), Balliol College Oxford 354 (early 16th century), Auchinleck MS. (1330-40). Probably composed 1300-25. Siege of Jerusalem, ed. Eugen Kolbing and Mabel Day (London, 1932; E E T S , 188). Found in seven MSS. of the 15th century, among them MSS. Cotton Caligula A II, Cotton Vespasian E X V I , Laud 656, B.M. Additional 31042, Cam• bridge University Library Mm. V. 14, and Lambeth 491. Composed in last decade of 14th century. John Lydgate's Siege of Thebes, ed. Axel Erdmann (London, 1 9 1 1 ; E E T S E S , 108). Composed between 1420-22. The Romance of the Sou/done of Babylone and of Ferumbras His Sone Who Conquered Rome, ed. Emil Hausknecht (London, 1881; E E T S E S , 38). In MS. Douce 175 (19th century copy of an earlier MS.). Composed c. 1400 or shortly thereafter. The Squire of Low Degree, ed. W. H. French and C. B. Hale, Middle English

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William

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Gilbert of the Haye's The Bu^e of the Law of Armys, ed. J. H. Stevenson (London, i9°0Thomas Hoccleve's Regiment of Princes, ed. F. J. Furnivall (London, 1897; E E T S E S , 61). "How the Good Wijf Taufte Hir Doujtir," in The Babees Booled. F. J. Furnivall (London, 1868; E E T S , 32). Peter Idley's Instructions to His Son, ed. Charlotte D'Evelyn (Boston, 1935). Jacob's Well, ed. Arthur Brandeis (London, 1900; E E T S , 1 1 5 ) . John of Salisbury's Policraticus, Books 1 - 3 and selections from Books 7-8, trans. Joseph B. Pike (University of Minnesota, 1938). The Statesman's Bool^ of John of Salisbury, Books 4-6 and selections from Books 7-8, trans. John Dickinson (New York, 1927). St. Juliana, ed. Oswald Cockayne (London, 1872; E E T S , 5 1 ) . The Life of St. Katherine, ed. Eugen Einenkel (London, 1884; E E T S , 80). The Bool( of the Knight of La Tour-Landry, ed. Thomas Wright (Revised ed., London, 1906; E E T S , 33). Knyghthode and Bataile, a 15th century verse paraphrase of Flavius Vegetius Renatus' Treatise "De Re Militari," ed. R. Dyboski and Z. M. Arend (London, 1935; E E T S , 201). "Land of Cockaigne," in Early English Poems and Lives of Saints, ed. F. J. Furnivall (Berlin, 1862). Ramon Lull's Boo^ of the Ordre of Chyualry, trans. William Caxton, ed. Alfred T. P. Byles (London, 1926; E E T S , 168). McNeill, John T . and Gamer, Helena M., Medieval Handbooks of Penance (New York, 1938). Seinte Marherete, ed. Oswald Cockayne (London, 1866; E E T S , 13). Dan Michel's Ayenbite of Inwit, ed. Richard Morris (London, 1866; E E T S , 23). "Of Weddid Men and Wifis and of Here Children Also," in Select English Worths of John Wyclif, ed. Thomas Arnold (Oxford, 1871). The Owl and the Nightingale, ed. J. W. H. Atkins (Cambridge, England, 1922). "The Pain and Sorrow of Evil Marriage," in Early English Poetry and Ballads, ed. J. Payne Collier (London, i860). St. Patricks Purgatory, ed. Thomas Wright (London, 1844). Patrologiae Cursus Completus, Series I, Patrologiae Latinae; Series II, Patrologiae Graecae, ed. J. P. Migne (Paris, 1841-1881). All references in Migne are to the Latin series unless otherwise indicated by the abbreviation P.G. Ambrose, "De Virginibus," and "Exhortatio Virginitatis," Migne, X V I . Athanasius, "Epistola ad Amunen," Migne, P.G., X X V I . Augustine, "De Moribus Ecclesiae Catholicae," Migne, X X X I I ; Sermon LI, "De Concordia Evangelistarum Matthaei et Lucae in Generationibus Domini," Migni, X X X V I I I ; "Enarratio in Psalmum L V , " Migne, X X X V I ; Tractatus IX, "In Joannis Evangelium," Migne, X X X V . Bernard of Clairvaux, "Meditationes Piisimae de Cognitione Humanae Conditions," Migne, P.G., C L X X X I V . Gregory of Nyssa, "De Hominis Opificio," Migne, P.G., X L I V ; "De Virginitate," in Migne, P.G., X L V I .

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INDEX "Adulterous Falmouth Squire," 87-88 Adultery legend Potiphar's wife, 1 0 1 - 1 0 2 moralists Thomas Aquinas—private revenge, 86 abuse of secret love-vow, 88 Handlyng Synne—penalty, 86-87; of husbands, 9 1 ; of wives, 91 Knight of La T o u r Landry, 87-88 "Of Weddid Men and Wifis"—unscrupulous priests, 88 Christine dc Pisan, 88 Robert Grosseteste—unscrupulous priests, 88 romances atonement, 1 0 7 - 1 0 8 attitudes of authors, 1 0 8 - 1 1 1 bastards as avengers, 98-99 courtly love, 1 0 4 - 1 0 7 death—common penalty, 97 double standard, 89-97 I.vdgate—adultery of women, 95-97, 1 0 3 104 preliminary to marriage, 1 0 3 privilege of men, 92 punishments—divorce, imprisonment, exile, 99-100 reasons for condemnation, 90 sexual pleasure—right of lovers, 1 0 2 - 1 0 3 skepticism about virtues of women, 93 taboo of silence, 1 0 4 tolerance of adultery of women, 94-97 voluntary unions, 1 0 2 - 1 0 4 wooing ladies, 1 0 1 - 1 0 2 social record Bracton's Note Book,, 85 death penalty not common, 86 double standard, 91 influence of courtly love, 88 laws of early English kings, 85-86 Penitentials, 85 private revenge, 86 thirteenth century law, 86 see also Moralists

summary, m - 1 1 2 , 1 9 2 - 1 9 3 Ancren Rtwle, 23, 24, 25, 76 Andreas Capellanus, Art of Courtly Love, 50, 105 Aquinas, St. Thomas, 1 2 , 1 3 , 1 8 , 1 9 , 20, 2 1 , 38, 40, 50, 56, 63, 75, 86, 1 1 3 , 1 1 4 - 1 1 5 , 118, 142, 150 Aucassin and Nicolete, 1 0 5 Ayenbite of Inwit, 1 1 6 Bastards. See Illegitimacy Book, of the Knight of La Tour Landry, 1 5 , 25, 63-64, 76, 87-88 Bracton's Note Book, 1 8 , 19-20, 64, 86, 89, 1 4 2 Bromyard, 1 3 , 1 1 4 Chaucer, Merchant's Tale, 63 Chivalry romances purposes and ideals, 189 sworn brotherhood, 37 social record brothers-in-arms, 1 5 5 influence on position of women, 26 international ideal, 1-2 purposes and ideals, 1 5 5 see also Adultery, Conduct on battlefield, Marriage, Rape, War, Warriors, Woman Church Fathers Ambrose, 1 1 , 1 2 Augustine, 1 1 , 1 2 , 1 3 , 1 7 , 56, 1 1 3 , 1 1 4 Bernard of Clairvaux, 1 4 John Chrysostom, 1 1 , 1 7 , 56 Gregory of Nyssa, I I , 1 2 Jerome, 1 2 Tertullian, 1 1 , 56 Clerics moralists Thomas Aquinas—fighting clerics, 1 5 0 Bake of the Law of Armys—fighting clerics, 1 5 0 - 1 5 1 Jacob's Well—fighting clerics, 1 5 0 seduction of women, 76 romances fighting clerics, 1 5 1 - 1 5 2

INDEX

210

Clcrics (Continued) social record decrees o£ Church—fighting clerics, 149 feudalism encourages fighting clerics, 149 historical examples—fighting clerics, 149150 monks as militia spiritualis, 150 Pope Urban—fighting clerics, 150 warned to avoid company of women, 13 see also Moralists Conduct on battlefield moralists chivalric handbooks, 155 trickery, 170 romances equal chance or fair play, 158-160 equality in strength and number, 160 injured enemies, 162-163 pagan enemies, 1 6 1 quixotic gallantry, 166-168 riding over fallen enemies, 168-169 sleeping enemies, 161 trickery, 1 7 0 - 1 7 1 unhorsed enemies, 164-166 violations of rule of equal chance, 163166, 168-169 weaponless enemies, 163-164 women opponents, 156-157 social record trickery, 169-170 women opponents, 156-158 see also Moralists summary, 189-190, 195-196 Courtly love legend Aucassin and Nicolete, 105 influence on position of women, 26, 105 influence on English romances, 105-106, 107 romances Lancelot and Guinevere, 106 Tristrem and Iseult, 106 social record historicity, 105 tenets and principles denial of clerical concepts of sexual purity, 105 faithfulness—primary tenet, 107 incest condemned, 50 love cannot exist between married people, 104 rebellion against idea of woman's inferiority, 105 English romances Lippman's theory—basic Saxon, 8

virtues

Anglo-

period of composition, 8-9 revelation of ethical standards of society, 1 use of sources, 1-2, 102 variations from French in attitudes toward sex, 2-6 variations from French in general standards, 2-4 variations from French in standard of conduct for knights, 7-8 Fathers romances quick to believe ill of children, 94 social record right of guardianship, 16 power of sale over daughter, 18 see also Marriage, Woman Folk-motifs fairy mistress, 102 Potiphar's wife, 102 supernatural birth of hero, 82 Fornication. See Adultery Fortescue, 64, 89, 1 1 5 French romances Anus e Amilun, 5 Amis et Amilun, 5 Fterabras, 4 Florence de Rome, 3 Lai del Freisne, 6 Marie de France, Lanval, 2 morality, 2 Froissart, 3 1 , 83, 1 1 7 , 124-125, 146-147, 156, >57. 158, 169-170, 1 7 1 - 1 7 2 , 177, 1 8 1 , 182, 186, 187 Fulcher of Chartres, 1 1 7 see also War Gilbert of the Haye's Buk^e of the Law of Armys, 1 1 8 , 1 5 0 - 1 5 1 , 170, 172, 177 Gower, "In Praise of Peace," 1 1 3 - 1 1 4 , 1 1 5 , 128, 129, 1 3 1 Hali Meidenhad, 21-22, 76 Handlyng Synne, 18, 19, 20, 22, 23, 50, 75-76, 86, 87, 88, 91 Hoccleve's Regiment of Princes, 1 3 , 20, 3 1 , 1 3 1 - 1 3 2 . 133 Husbands romances rights, 36 social record rights, 16 see also Marriage, Woman Idley's Instructions to His Son, 15, 23-24, 25, 87, 88, 142

INDEX Illegitimacy romances bastards often noble, 90 social record attitude of Church, 89 English law, 89 Incest moralists Thomas Aquinas—degrees of relationship, 50 Gower, Confeisio Amantis, 5 1 Handlyng Synne, 50 romances incest censured, 50-55 objection of heroines to unions, 55 unions mistakenly contracted, 52-53 unions openly contracted, 54-55 social record Church decrees in thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, 50 laws of early English kings, 49 Infidels romances marriage with Christians, 56-59 soci-l rccord marriage with Christians, 56 see also Conduct on battlefield, War, Warriors Intercourse moralists Thomas Aquinas—not to be used for pleasure, 1 3 ; venial or even mortal sin, 12, 13 lawful for begetting children, 1 1 , 1 2 lawful for keeping marriage partner from illicit relationships, 1 1 , 1 2 punishment for sin of Adam and Eve, 1 1 romances dominant attitude—sexual intimacies afford pleasure, 30 not much concerned with motives, 29-30 Jacob's Well, 1 4 2 , 1 5 0 John of Salisbury's Policraticus, Jousts. See Tournaments

114

Knights. See Conduct on battlefield, War, Warriors Lull, Book of the Ordre of Chyualry,

116, 117

Marriage legend Patient Griselda—union of partners of unequal rank, 73

211

moralists Thomas Aquinas—final cause twofold, 2 1 ; leprous mate, 3 8 ; between age and youth, 6 3 ; for gain, 2 1 ; union of Chrisdan and unbeliever, 5 6 ; virginity preferable, 1 2 attitude of women, 2 1 - 2 2 burdens of marriage, 1 2 escape for the weak, 1 1 , 1 2 Halt Meidenhad—burdens of marriage, 2 1 lawful and holy state, 1 1 , 1 2 marriage of age and youth censured, 5960, 63-64 marriage of convenience precludes consideration of emotions, 20 marriage of pagan and Christian encouraged to propagate faith, 56 no better than fornication, 1 1 objections of Church Fathers to bargain marriage, 1 7 protests against marriage for wealth, 20 resignation—answer to all of woman's problems, 22 responsibility of husbands, 2 3 , 24 Tertullian call: msrriage of Christian with pagan fornication, 56 wife-beating, 25 wifely virtues, 1 5 - 1 6 , 22-23 woman's subordination, 1 2 romances absolute jurisdiction of husband over wife, 37 approval of marriage partners of unequal rank, 70-72 attitude of women toward marriage of convenience, 3 5 disapproval of marriage partners of unequal rank, 65-66 freedom of choice, 44-46 heroines rebellious against arranged marriage, 43-44 heroines rebellious against marriage with unknown knight, 68-70 heroines rebellious against marriage with infidels, 58 leprous mate, 3 7 marriage of convenience suited to needs of age, 34 military and political alliances, 3 1 - 3 3 objections to marriage of Christian and pagan, 57-58 physical brutality, 38 proper age, 26 prevention of war though marriage, 3 2 - 3 3 reasons for sanction of marriage between Christian and pagan, 57-59

212

INDEX

Marriage, romances (Continued) securing peace through marriage, 33 unions between age and youth, 60-63 unions with unknown knights, 66-70 unions with women of unknown lineage, 66 virtues of lower class wives, 38 wealth, 32-34 wifely virtues, 36-42 woman without option in matter, 35 social record Anglo-Saxon father has power of sale over daughter, 18 arrangement of convenience, 20, 2 1 , 26, 30 canon law invalidates marriage between Christian and pagan, 56 Church jurisdiction, 17 consent of contracting parties, 18 infant and child marriages, 18-20 influence of chivalry, 26 influence of courtly love, 25-26 influence of cult of the Virgin, 25 laws of early English kings, 18 Magna Charta, 64 powers of feudal lord, 18 proper age, 18 protest of Duchess of Brunswick, 21 reasons for marriage of convenience, 30 unions of partners of unequal rank, 64 see also Moralists summary, 47-48, 192 Messengers romances considerate treatment, 172-174 death, 175 mistreatment, 174-176 social record superficial respect for messengers, 1 7 1 - 1 7 2 Paris, Matthew, English History, 86, 124, 147, 169, 186 Paston Letters, 64 Patient Griselda, 1 5 , 73 St. Patricks Purgatory, 64-65 Peace moralists Gower, 1 3 1 Hoccleve's Regiment of Princes, 1 3 1 - 1 3 2 romances positive concepts, 1 3 2 - 1 3 3 social record Carolingian period, 130 Council of Kiersy, 130 Lateran Council, 1 3 1 marital alliances, 1 2 4 - 1 2 5

negative concept, 130 negotiation or arbitration, 124 Peace of God, 123 Pope Urban, 124 Synod of Cologne, 130 Truce of God, 123-124 see also Moralists summary', 134-136, 194 Pcnitentials, 49, 85 Piers Plowman, 20, 2 1 , 60 Christine de Pisan Book of the Dul(e of True Lovers, 22, 88 Fayttes of Armes, 1 1 5 , 1 1 7 - 1 1 8 , 138, 142M3, 147, 170. 172 Prisoners romances death for noble captives, 187-188 general slaughter of vanquished, 1 8 1 - 1 8 3 generous gallantry toward captives, 188189 hostages, 188 protest against ill-treatment of women, 185 ransom, 188 women granted to victors, 184-185 women put to death, 183 social record death for noble captives, 186 generous treatment of noble captives, 1 8 1 , 186-187 ransom, 158, 185-186 slaughter of vanquished, 1 8 1 - 1 8 2 Prostitutes, 83. 84 Prorerbs of Hendyng, 60 Ransom. See Prisoners Rape moralists danger to women in holy orders, 76 danger to women from ingratiating wooers, 76 clanger to women from their own unbecoming behavior, 76 danger to women in pilgrimages and church attendance, 76 Handlyng Synne, 76 Knight of La Tour Landry warns women of dangers, 76 romances effect of resistance by heroines, 79-81 extension of hospitality provides opportunity, 82 misfortunes of war, 83-84 private revenge, 78 punishments, 77-79 punishments supernatural, 78-79, 81

INDEX trickcry or magic employed to dupe women, 82 weakness of women, 79 social record extension of hospitality provides opportunity, 83 prelude to marriage, 75 punishments, 75 Statutes of Westminster, 75 see also Moralists summary, 1 1 1 - 1 1 2 , 1 9 2 Retreat moralists chivalric handbooks, 1 7 7 romances ideal standard—withdrawal from battle disgraceful, 1 7 8 - 1 8 0 voluntary retreat not always shameful, 180-181 social record Froissart, 1 7 7 Safe-conduct moralists Ruke of the Law of Armys, Fayttes of Armet, 1 7 2 romances

172

abuse of safe-conduct, 1 7 5 - 1 7 6 social record Walter Manny's safe-conduct, 1 7 2 Self-defense moralists Thomas Aquinas, 1 4 2 definition and limitation of term, 1 4 2 , 144 Idley, 1 4 2 jacob's Well, 1 4 2 Christine de Pisan, 1 4 2 romances use and abuse, 1 4 3 Sexual hospitality, 72 Tournaments moralists participants damned, 1 3 9 romances lest of knightly valor, 1 4 1 used to win lady, 1 4 1 sanctioned, 1 4 1 social record attitude of Church, 1 3 8 - 1 3 9 , 142 attitude of kings, 1 3 9 contest a Voutrance, 1 3 9 Lateran Council, 1 3 9 origin, 1 3 9 rules, 1 3 9 summary, 194

2I

3

Trothplight moralists necessity for witness, 1 9 , 88 romances lovers' right to sexual pleasures, 1 0 3 wording of love-vow, 28 social record equivalent to marriage, 1 9 priority of initial contract, 1 9 words of the present and of the future, 1 9 Urban, 1 1 4 , 1 1 7 , 1 2 4 , 1 3 8 Virginity exalted above marriage by moralists, 1 1 , see also Adultery, Intercourse, Rape

12

War moralists Thomas Aquinas—approval of war, 1 1 3 ; just and unjust causes, 1 1 4 - 1 1 5 Augustine—justification, 1 1 3 - 1 1 4 Bromyard—wars rise from man's folly, 114 Bitke of the Law of Armys, Fayttes of Armes, 1 1 7 - 1 1 8 Gower, 1 1 3 - 1 1 4 Innocent I V , 1 1 8

118

John of Salisbury—blanket approval, 1 1 4 Ordre of Chyualry, 117-118 romances arbitration and negotiation, 1 2 5 Christian versus Christian, 1 2 3 defense of faith, 1 2 1 - 1 2 2 defense of women, 1 2 0 feudal allegiance, 1 1 9 - 1 2 0 just and unjust causes, 1 1 8 - 1 2 3 military alliances to terminate war, 1 2 5 objections of women to war, 149 realistic pictures, 1 3 3 - 1 3 4 responsibility of leaders, 1 2 2 - 1 2 3 , 1 2 7 - 1 3 0 restitution or making amends, 1 2 6 single combat to prevent general bloodshed, 1 2 6 , 1 2 7 social record attempts to limit or curb, 1 2 3 - 1 2 4 compromise position of Church, 1 1 3 - 1 1 4 crusades, 1 1 6 , 1 1 7 customary English law of twelfth century, "5 defense of faith, 1 1 6 defense of women, 1 1 6 Fortescue, 1 1 5 influence of chivalry and feudalism, uò

us-

214

INDEX

War, social record ( C o n t i n u e d ) just and unjust c a u s a , 1 1 4 - 1 1 7 participation of women, 1 4 6 , 1 5 6 responsibilities of kings and leaders, 1 1 ; , 127 Urban—just and unjust causes, 1 1 7 see also Moralists summary, 1 3 4 - 1 3 6 , 1 9 4 - 1 9 5 Warriors moralists chivalric handbooks on right to kill in battle, 1 3 7 salvation of warrior's soul, 1 3 7 - 1 3 8 romances battle fatigue, 1 4 4 - 1 4 6 conscience troubled, 1 4 4 - 1 4 5 chivalric deeds—aristocratic exercise, 140>41 deeds blessed by saints, Virgin, and God, 139-140 deeds sustain knighdy honor, 1 4 1 - 1 4 2 women as inspiration for knighdy deeds, 147-148 social record penalties for shedding blood on battlefield, 137 rewards offered by the Church, 138 Urban's encouragement to crusaders, 1 1 7 see also Moralists summary, 1 3 4 - 1 3 5 , 1 4 7

Wooing ladies. See Adultery Woman legend Patient Griselda, 1 5 moralists Bromyard, 1 4 evil temptress, 1 2 - 1 4 Idley, 1 5 incapable of moral and spiritual growth, 17 inferior to man, 1 6 Knight of La T o u r Landry, 1 5 skepticism about virtue of woman, 92 subjection of woman, 1 5 warned against adornment, 1 5 woman's body vile, 1 3 - 1 4 romances general virtues, 1 0 1 social record Corpus Juris Canonici, 15 equality with man in practical affairs, 1 4 16 legal existence suspended in marriage, 1 6 legally subject to physical punishment, 1 6 practical abilities, 1 6 subjection confirmed by nature of medieval marriage, 1 7 see also Moralists summary, 1 9 2 - 1 9 3 Wyclif, 1 5 , 20, 62, 66, 88