Lives in Transition 9749930193

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LIVES IN TRANSITION

I.

The :influence of norther Thailand ' s economic and cultural change on young factory women ' s sexual behavior and HIV risk

RYOKO MICHINOBU

Ryoko Michinobu is assistant professor of cultural anthropology and sociology at the School of Health Sciences, Sapporo Medical University, Sapporo, Japan. She='has conducted medical anthropological research O11

the issues of gender and health, sexual health services and health promotion in Thailand since 1997, and of disabilities and therapeutic process in Japan since 2001. She graduated from Ochanomizu University, Japan, in June 2001, with a Ph.D. in cultural anthropology, and obtained the Ph.D. OI1 the topic of this book. Michinobu, Ryoko

Lives in Transition I Ryoko Michinobu. IS8N'977"9930'19°3

Text copyright © 2005 by the Center for Health Policy Studies All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced or utilized in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, or by any information storage and retrieval system, without written permission . from the publisher. I

Published by

I

Center for Health Policy Studies

Faculty of Social S times a year. Limited Lu 1 time a clay. BU times a year. All figures. unless indicated. are of baht. The F'm.=nr-age of the insurance for ordinary workers working more than 3

years. staffs and managers also extends in their spouse and children.

4 J'

happens when the worker, who is laid off due to a violation of a regulation, demands severance pay, although such cases are rare. A welfare committee has to be set up in a company with more than fifty employees. The committee consists of more than five workers' representatives. The committee meeting has to be held at least once a month, where managers and workers' representatives discuss various topics. They include employees' welfare, working regulations, complaints by employees and disputes in the company. According to a Japanese administration manager at EJCL, the topics presented by workers focus on wages, allowances and color of

company uniforms. not on the overall workers' welfare." Employees also have a right to organize employee associations in a company having more than fifty employees and labor unions with more than ten workers who propose this. Both of them must be registered to the Labor Department. At the NRIE, however, there were no labor 11I11011S-

Large Japanese companies organized various entertainment activities for workers such as annual trips to nearby provinces, sport tournaments, dinners and karaoke parties. Companies subsidize the costs of all activities and those who are able to participate enjoy the benefits. In EJCL, office workers and managers had better opportunities to participate since they rarely

had long overtime work. Ordinary workers had to take turn tO participate in the activities since in many cases they could not stop the production line. Some workers simply preferred working

overtime instead. At the NRIE, both workers and managers commonly said that Japanese factories provided better wages, allowances, welfare a n d social security services than did Thai and other foreign factories. Japanese managers shared a n idea that workers would contribute

to the factory better and stayed longer if workers' benefits were better. Ordinary workers were actually attracted to the good benefits in seeking job openings at tlle NRIE; however, once employed

they frequently worked overtime without taking any

CHAPTER 3 THEFACTOR:1ES

J apanese factories also followed the prescribed termination of employment procedures and severance pay in the Labor Protection Act. Employers have to pay severance pay to the worker unless the reason of severance is a n infringement of working regulations. According to a Thai personnel officer in Factory C, a legal. dispute

LlVES N IRA-N5IHON

48

annual holidays. They tried to maximize the overall income instead of enjoying the right to take holidays. Without overtime work, they said, they could neither send enough money to their families nor buy personal items.

3.3 Occupational Health and Safety Occupational health and safety management in factories follows the regulations stipulated in labor related acts administered by the Ministry of Industry and the Ministry of Labor and Social W'elfare. The Department of Industrial V5/'orks at the Millistl'y of Industry administers the Factory Act of 1969 (amended in 1972, 1975, 1979 and 1992) for all factories using machinery equivalent to five horsepower or more, or employing seven or more workers for manufacturing processes. This act specifies regulations regarding factory licenses, operation and expansion and safety operation. Within tlle industrial estates, the IEAT issues the regulations for procedures for controlling industrial pollution such as the control or release of waste, pollution, or anything else that arises from factory operations which may affect the environment. In addition, in the chapter on occupational safety, health and working environment, the Labor Protection Act states the establishment of a national committee to guide occupational health and safety management in the country. In a 1997 directive by the Ministry of Labor and Social Welfare regarding working safety of

employees, the Ministry also specified the appointments of safety officials at the level of basic work, foremen and the executive and

professional levels. In addition, the Ministry of Industry and the Ministry of Labor and Social Welfare jointly set up national occupational safety and health management systems (osnivis) standards, the Thai

Industrial Standards Institute providing rules on certification of the Thai Industrial Standards semi S on OSI-1MS (TIS 18000). Launched in 1999, TIS 18000 became nationally applicable OSHMS standards models based on international standards on the environmental management system of ISO 14000.13

49

In the NRIE, Japanese factories managed workers' health and safety by establishing a safety committee, conducting health and safety education, undertaking the standardization of OSHMS, providing first-aid a t a medical office and specifying rules for wearing uniforms and protective devices such as gloves, masks and ear plugs. In each factory, a safety committee and personnel department organized various kinds of educational seminars such as safety, environment, energy conservation, HIV/AIDS and drugs. Besides, Factory B and C had a health education seminar for pregnant workers. Basically, these occupational health and safety

activities developed in line with Thai national policies and global environment protection movements.

Lamp fun Provincial Office of Public Health (LpH). Lamp fun Provincial Office of Labour and Social Welfare (LLSW) and work' related NGOs provided help for factories in promoting occupational health and safety in the workplace by dispatching health officers and instructors to the factories. Members of a safety committee of each factory in turn sent their representatives to educational seminars organized by LPH, LSW or NGOs in Chiang Mai and Bangkok. in 1995-1999, HIWAIDS education was widely conducted in factories in the NRIE. In 2000-2003, drug c011t1'01 within the factories became an urgent issue, and Japanese factories in the NRIE participated in the "white factory project" proposed by the Ministry of Labor and Social Welfare to promote a drug free factory environment. The Drug Protection Department sent officers to factories to lecture, show videos and

conduct games, thereby

teaching workers the danger and outcome of drug addiction. Group leaders selected participants in educational seminars,

but not all workers were willing to join in. Some workers enjoyed participatory learning but felt tired of lecturing styles, and others

simply enjoyed freedom from production line work. Evaluating the outcoroe of education often revealed workers' increased knowledge, but

promoting and

maintaining up'dated knowledge requires

further efforts to cultivate positive attitudes towards learning. Similarly, not all members of a safety committee, who were appointed by the personnel managers, had high motivation to promote a healthy and safe environment in the factory. Some of tlielnl complained that their work schedule fell behind if they

CHAPTER 3 THE FACTORIES

18.3.1 Safety Committee and Education Semtnors

50 NOIUSN Val Nl SRAM

participated in a seminar outside, and others felt tired of listening to lectures all day. I n EJCL, group leaders often persuaded their

subordinates who were safety committee members to attend the seminars by providing' them with transportation and per diem.

3.3.2 Medical Office Thai labor regulations also require the employers to provide the employees with medical facilities. Japanese factories at the NRIE had a medical office equipped with one to six plain beds and a first°aid kit, staffed by one or two nurses from a nursing association of nearby hospitals. The nurses rotated to serve in the office, which

was open twenty"four hours a day except holidays. Medical offices in small to medium sized Japanese factories closed in the nighttime

so that group leaders took responsibility to manage first aid and delivery of workers to hospitals in case of emergency. in large Japanese factories, a doctor came to tlle medical office once a week and for annual health checks. Medical records of Factory B from 1995 to 1998 and Factory C from 1996 to 1998 showed that colds, respiratory tract infections and gastrointestinal disorders were the most common health problems. Dysmenorrhea, headache, muscle pain, by problems,

dermatitis and wounds were also prevalent. Less frequent other illnesses included urinary tract infections, dental problems, dizziness and vertigo, faints and psychosomatic illnesses. Women workers also came to receive counseling about family planning. Contraceptive pills and condoms were distributed free at the medical office.

3.3.3 Regulations on Clothing and Appearance Sharing an idea that untidiness and disorderliness leads to accidents in the factory, Japanese factories imposed a strict control on clothing and appearance of workers and tidiness and hygiene in the factory floor. In the factory such an environment was promoted lllllllll

by usiiig a slogan of "three S," meaning to promote gen' (orderliness),

§e1'ton (tidiness), sejketau (neatness) in Japanese. On the wall of the entrance to the factory floor in EJCL, a picture of a woman worker and man worker wearing a proper outfit was hung as a model of appropriate appearance. It details the length of the jacket and trousers, the way to bind long hair and how to wear a cap properly. New and young ordinary workers' clothing and appearance were

51

3.3.4 Toxic Chemicals and Public Protest From 1994 to 2001, the NRIE was intermittently attacked by local, national and international media, NGOs and academics regarding workers' occupational health.l4 In 1994, local and national media aroused public fear of toxic substances in the air both within and outside the factory. and also in the major waterways surrounding the NRIE, with reports of the deaths of eleven factory workers in Japanese electronics companies (Later the death toll amounted to fourteen). An investigation report by IEAT and LPH in 1995 showed that ten of' the fourteen workers died ollAIDS and others died of leukemia and cerebral disorder' .,

However, workers, NGOs and academics of Chiang Mai and Chulalongkorn University suspected that the deaths were related to load used in a soldering process of computer chip manufacturing. in a Japanese A personal testimony was made by a worker electronics company that her four years of work at the company from 1989 to 1993 exposed her to alumina dust to a level that caused chronic headache and bodily pain. Her protest was delivered to the government and later appeared in several newspapers. She then sued her company for compensation,

in 1997, the Central Labor Court dismissed the case on the ground that the evidence to prove that alumina caused her chronic illness was insufficient. During the same period, a popular singer, Ad Carabao composed a protest song named "Larnphun" against the government for not investigating fully the cause of death of the fourteen workersl82 They .Took like young b1}'d.s.

To travel and have a d,rea.rr2 SO far. Toler .»~1'}u? £0115 dot-w2 quiofrb'

lEE too fate. Parents end 1'eIat1lves crud

012, Lamp fun. Young girl must AAve a pain Tb the AQQIE.

CHAPTER 8 THE FACTOWE8

under surveillance by their group leaders. Walking around the

production floor, they not only supervised production processes but also checked on workers' jackets, pants, gloves and caps. In EJCL, long .jackets and loose pants were popular among lesbian workers and their leaders harshly attacked such appearance.

52 NOUISNVEM nl S?!AI'

[Who

UI help her and f1}1c?§e trudz?

No one some to find the truth. Smo.»'fe, dust and toxicity That must be the ca I:59. JkfMazma Ra'-" o1'"Lanna. It is a problem, and its t o late. Mxlnamata ofilanna.

In 1999, Japanese managers of those involved in the death cases and officers of LPH and LSW maintained that the factory environment was safe and clean, having good ventilation systems

on the floor and health and safety regulations. Managers also stressed that they conducted annual health checks O11 workers including lead levels i n the blood. in 1999, Japanese factories at the NRIE committed themselves to obtaining certification of ISOl4000 series environmental management systems, evidences of a clean environment.

Nonetheless, the staff a t a local NGO20 who worked for the workers' labor rights at the NRIE were critical of the certification, saying that it became a shield against public scrutiny of their environment and obscured the reality. I n 2000, workers and local

villagers still kept an image of the NRIE as a site of environmental pollution. Factory workers knew the protest song that was immediately banned by the government, even if all the words were not remembered or the name of Minamata.

3.4 Corporate Social Responsibility Multinational manufacturing corporations in Thailand had

been subjected to unfavorable comments and were discredited in the eyes of the local people and those who advocated their rights. The

local people regarded the multinational companies as exploiting agents who devastated the local environment and caused their health to deteriorate. Such images were reinforced in academia, in which

social, political and environmental scientists relentlessly bashed the "bad" practices of multinational corporations. Multinational corporations in present day Thailand, however, participate in many kinds of social activities that demonstrate their concerns and support for local good causes. They include donating money to local schools, temples and AIDS orphanages. The amount

of donations by the companies in the NRIE to these local institutions was around 500 baht on average. Although this is not a

53

those institutions as much as they could, since such activities were

a good public advertisement of their concerns for the local society. Some large factories also initiated the gathering of used clothes from their employees and sent them to schools in hill tribes' villages in January. In the northern highlands, January becomes very cold and people were often left without adequate clothes to survive the cold weather. This project was planned by Thai personnel who were concerned about the predicament of small hill tribe children in the cold season. These activities reflect the increasing importance of the concept of corporate social responsibility among multinational companies, which now operate not only for their own profit, but also

for the benefit of local society. This shift generated more favorable images and expectations from the local people towards multinational companies who opened their factories in their communities. Since a large number of entreaties were made year after year, however, some Japanese managers saw these practices with mixed feelings. Others felt that Japanese factories were being viewed only as charitable institutions to provide money.21 These managers stated that mutual understanding and cooperation with local societies would not be

achieved by just providing money on demand.

Notes 1

Large companies mean those having more than 1000 employees. medium. from 500 to 1000 and small: less than 500.

C"l

A Ecmuous namta.

3

A fictitious name.

4

" Kankei raisin "in Japanese.

5

A fictitimua

6

This ratio was similar to that in other large Japanese companies such as

Ila1UJE+

Factory B. C and E. In small to medium Japanese companies such Factory I and J, the percentage of married workers increased up to around 30%. Meanwhile, the real figure was uncertain since some married workers did not register their marriage.

CHAFT ER 3 THE I-ACTORIES

huge amount of money, entreaties for donations from Japanese

factories were incessantly made by various types of institutions, schools, and NGOs. These factories tried to meet the expectations of

[ .

LIVES IN TFZANSWION

5

S

Personnel files obtained from Fa"1.orv B in 1998. A is for ou\.st.anding performance, B. good porfornw.11co. C. fair performance. D.

improvement. required. and E. subjected to official warning leaner from the company. al

When he explained me this logic, workers in assembly sections made a monthly inventory of stocks. Managers were in a bad mood since some workers miscalculated the stocks and worked overtime. `

10

This is a typical example of` medical and life ins1.1rances in Jzapanrese fa:'t.ories in the NRIE.

11

inter-national Porporarion Bank. oggo. "Research report on social welfare system in Thailand." [T,21bkFJl'1: 111' offer!! syelfcai flosyo seido no kansurz: chose horrkokusyo). March. p. 55'alj6. (in Japans-AEE) In April "002. the number of employees of a r:ouJ.pany

subjected to the OAP changed from ten to unc.

extending the coverage from 18% to 30% of working population. 12

The interview with this Japanese manager was done on August 6, 1999. l t was

only one year later the Labor l'rotcc:t:ion Act went mc effect..

la 14

Iiogi 2002 "Khan Riga!! Lamp fun Jrap Took f u n Maj" (The workers in the NRIE and a new disease) Tiiaiiwzrh. l9*]-1, March 30. p.5I "iVie}Jorn LarrIphu/i bpoovzii réiauzg again pliers: km: i'o.r" (the NRIE turbulence and fr'iglltelled laborers) .SFaan21'st}J, 199-1. March 28, 11.112 "Fish deaths blamed O11 lackOf oxygen in polluted river" 10= "Working to Death in Thailand" Wir- Nation. 1098. December MuiriMfrivnzil Morzffor, 199T. Julyi'AuguA-st. IT User: (IT pollution}, 2001,

Yoshida Fiiinikazu. 15

Ye:-ihida "UO1

16

In 10'-38 local NGOs and academics founded Lamp fun Wolnenls Health Center. a community based NGO. to (:ont.iIlue their action to improve llc\allLh status of workers in the NRIE. In "ULN it. was closed due Lo manageI\uent prohiems.

IT

1"-JIFE.

18

'1`ram¢lat.ed by 1.1114 author.

19

Minamata is internationally notorious for Nlinamata disease. which was caused by mercury poisoning' in the Minarnana Bay of Kulmamoto 1'rofocLure it: Japan.

20

Phwan ml; ph wolf. Hz local NGO in Lamp fun .

21

The president o{'EJCT.. rjlistressad by the ziurnbrer of ontrcaties to the company.

M £.wu1*+z2v:* Tr3"L:i'».'a.

stated Ltiat the northern Thai commuzli1.y had a culture of haggirlg. He resided in Hanakok fm' as-wan _wears and moved to Tainphiin in 2001. Him first iinpressioil of Lho nornharn coniznuniiy was negative and he lnovccl no another ai'Ililialod con1]Jally of the Electronics Japan Corporation Group in Japan in 2003.

55 CHAPTFR 4 HUMAN RELATIONS IN FA.CIORIES

Having talked about various aspects of formal factory organization and regulations in the previous chapter, I will explore human relations

in

factories

in

the present chapter, I n particular,

based on fieldwork in EJCL, I will examine the characteristics of employees, interactions among employees during work and breaks and workers' everyday

experience

on the shop floor.

4.1 The Employees 4.1.1 Japanese Japanese factories at the NRIE had at least one Japanese representative of the mother company. Their roles included management, education of Thai managers and facilitation of smooth communication between the Thai subsidiary and the mother company. A former administration division manager in EJCL had a view that EJCL is a Thai company and his role was to educate Thai personnel who would manage EJCL in the future. A former general

affairs manager in Factory B also had a vision that Japanese would take only advisory roles once Thai people acquired sufficient management skills to stand on their own, These visions were shared among Japanese representatives in other factories at the NRIE. When EJCL and Factory B started operations at the NRIE in the early 1990s, Japanese occupied all managerial posts. From around 1997, the' assigned 'Eli People to the middle level

management and some to the top level such as the deputy division manager. These companies entrusted Thai managers with the power to manage personnel affairs, OJT (on the job training), social and technical education, OSHMS (national occupational safety and health management systems) and other miscellaneous jobs. i n 2002 when the former administration division manager of EJCL went,

LNES IN TRANS'TION

56

back to Japan, a Thai deputy manager who was fluent in Japanese and familiar with Japanese business customs took his position. This

reflected the future management system in Thai subsidiaries of Japanese companies, in which Japanese trained Thai managers take the managerial post and role of facilitators between the Thai subsidiary and the mother company. The mother companies intend to assign Japanese staff to Thai subsidiaries until such a management system l established. most large Japanese companies in the NRIE, tenure § Japanese staff at Lamp fun subsidiaries is often brief, from two to

IE

three years. Since the dispatched staff remains affiliated to the original Japanese companies, most of them go back to their original companies

when their tenure is iinished.1

Electronics Japan Corporation had two types of personnel postings, global and local. The number of those who requested to take the global option was small among the younger generation.

According to the former administrative division manager, younger employees were satisfied with their jobs and working environment in Japan and reluctant to go abroad. In the 1960s and 1970s when Japanese direct investment started in Southeast Asian countries, the global option attracted many younger Japanese employees,

regarding this as more glorious. Accordingly, Electronics Japan Corporation used to dispatch staff who were willing to go abroad, but in the 1990s it had to persuade or sometimes order staff to go abroad. This is one reason why mother companies of Thai

subsidiaries at the NRIE make the tenure of Japanese staff relatively short while encouraging Th ai managers to acquire Japanese management and communication skills. Most Japanese, especially those in the late thirties and forties, came to Thailand alone, leaving their wife and children in Japan, with a concern about their children's education which they think would not be satisfied in Chiang Mai. Their wife and children also preferred staying in Japan since they are uncertain about how Life in Chiang Mai would work for them. Those in the twenties and early thirties, either single or married having no children or having only preschool children and do not need to worry about the children's education very much, were more likely to bring their families to Chiang Mai, Those in the fifties, whose children were grown up, either came alone or brought their wife if she wished, The wife of the former president of EJCL, having a teachers license, followed him and

taught mathematics and

Japanese literature for Japanese

primary students at a supplementary school in Chiang Mai.

57

ways of coping with their solitude. Once dispatched, however, the Japanese were entitled to a luxurious life available to them in Thailand. They lived in Bretclass condominiums in Chiang Mai, the room rent being more than

12,000 baht a month. It in affordable for Japanese staff who receives Japanese standard salaries from their original companies.

Japanese also preferred staying in Thailand to going to other Southeast Asian countries such as Vietnam and Indonesia to which many Japanese companies relocate factories so as to keep the labor cost down. Japanese staff at the NRIE highly regarded Thailand as a politically stable country with a relatively uniform way of life and religious values. The Japanese president of Factory H stressed the importance of political stability for Japanese staff to live safely. The

mother company of Factory H opened a new factory in Jakarta, Indonesia in 2001 and he visited there but hurried to go back to Lamp f u n as he felt the political upheaval dangerous?

4.1 .2 Thai Managers and Group Leaders Thai managers and group leaders in Japanese companies were highly educated, holding a bachelor's degree and in some cases a master's degree. They came from middle-class families in Bangkok,

provincial urban centers such as Chiang Mai and Khan Keen and affluent and educe red families in northern rural villages Many of them were in the thirties and early forties, some married and commuted from their house. Others were single and rented a I'OOH1

CHAPTER 4 HUMAN RtLATICJNS :n Y_,\C[ORlg§

Japanese managers who came alone often had a solitary life in Chiang Mai. According to the administrative division manager in EJCL, they were deeply depressed when they just returned from Japan after New Year holidays. He hurried going back home at the end of the year but had a hard time on returning to Thailand, Waking up at around 5:00 a.m- and standing on the platform to take the first train to Nerita airport, he felt sad in that still dark cold January morning in Japan. Well understanding his responsibility to manage EJCL, he often questioned himself as to why he followed the company'S order. On the weekend in Chiang Mai, those Japanese who came alone often gathered to have dinner, went karaoke bars and enjoyed golf tournaments. Some managers in EJCL had a carved wooden Thai woman placed at the vestibule, whose smile healed the sorrow of a lonely life. These were their

LIVES FN TRANSIHON

58

in a sec.ond'class condominium in Chiang Mai, with a monthly rent

of around 5,000 baht. Their parental occup ations varied from smallscale business owners and wealthy farnlers to school teachers and civil servants. Their parents lived in a medium-sized wooden or concrete house, with three to four bedrooms, a kitchen and a living room, equipped with a TV, video, personal coinputer, washing machine and other modern electronics. A Thai deputy administrative manager in EJCL was born to a family of school teachers in Chiang Mai. After graduating from

Chiang Mai University, he went to Japan to learn the Japanese language and stayed over six years to work for a Japanese music instrument company. He married a Japanese woman, came back to Chiang Mai, and found a managerial position in EJCL in 1992. In 2002, he received a master's degree in business management from Chiang Mai University. He lived with his wife and two daughters in a house in a modern residential park in a suburb of Chiang Mai and commuted to EJCL by private car, both symbolizing the middle' class status in present day Thailand. 4_1 8 Office Scoff I n EJCL, office staff aside from managers included group leaders, clerks, secretaries and quality control staff. Social and educational backgrounds of these office staff were similar to those of managers. They came from middle class families in provincial

urban centers or relatively wealthy faIIlili€s in northern rural

villages and had finished two or four years' college education. Age and working experience were different from those of managers many of them were in the twenties and early thirties, working only two to three years. As with the case of Thai managers, they comiiiuted from their house, condominium,

of'

rented house in Lamp f u n or Chiang Mai.

Many preferred living in Chiang Mai, commuting by company bus or van Company buses are big tour bases, carrying staff and workers to remote towns and villages in Lainphun. Ordinary workers were entitled to take the bus service but not the van. The latter was a privilege given only to Thai managers and office staff living in Chiang Mai,

59

morning from 6200 to T100 a.m. and sent to the factory at around 7130 a.m. Women office workers used the communing time efficiently by eating breakfast or making themselves up. Waking up early and taking a shower, they hurried to take the van. By the

time the bus reached the factory, their wet hair was half'dried and makeup was done. In the evening, the vans left the factory a t around 5220 p.m. and carried the staff to their homes. They chatted for a while and often slept or read newspapers on their way.

4.1 .A Ordioory Workers A majority of employees at the NRIE are ordinary workers and many were from northern and northeastern farming families. In EJCL in 2000, 45% of ordinary workers were from Lamphnn, 52% were from other provinces in the North, 2% were from the Northeast and 1% was from other regions. Those who lived in remote parts of Lamp f u n and those who were from other provinces and regions, except those commuting from Chiang Mai, were migrants. Although the exact figure of the migrants was unknown t.o the administrative department, a rough estimate by the personnel office showed that nearly 60% of ordinary workers were migrants. In EJCL, nearly 84% of ordinary workers were women and this figure was similar or higher in Factory B, C, E and F, which had a large number of assembly line workers. Being

daughters

of

marginally

poor

to

middle

class

agricultural households, they belong to the lower class in overall Thai social structure, along wit.h general laborers in agricultural, service and construction industries. However, factory work, especially a t multinational or foreign companies, gives them opportunities to upgrade their social status unattainable 111 other general work. Employment in factory work at multinational or foreign companies is relatively stable, with labor protection and social welfare being better than those in other general work, But it requires secondary school education, good health, dexterity and

diligence, which would not be equally available for, or carried on by village youth. Thus, the village youth who successfully got a position in multinational or foreign companies had a certain level pride in themselves.

CHAPTER 4 HUMAN RELATIONS IN FACTORIES

There were several van routes from Chiang Mai t.o the NRIE. Staffs were picked up at the most convenient route early in the

LIVES IN TRANSITION

60

4.2 Human Relations in the Focfory 4.2.1 Japanese Moriegers a n d Thai Managers Japanese and Thai employees in the low and middle level

management maintained

harmonious

relationships.

The former

entrusted the latter with important tasks in the factory such as issuing orders to the workers and carrying out factory projects and activities. The latter then cared about the former, behaving politely and submissively. However, these amicable relationships coexisted with sporadic disputes and disagreements between the two parties.

For instance, familiarity with the working place and high education sometimes backed up Thai managers to confront Japanese managers in everyday decision making in the factory. 'Thai managers tended to hold their post longer and were more knowledgeable about the internal affairs than Japanese managers. Some held a master's degree in business, economics and other social sciences, which, according to a Japanese manager in EJCL, was highly valuable for the company's future, but intimidating them. In 2002 in EJCL, the Japanese president ordered the deputy administrative manager to officially reprimand a worker for stealing a product from the shop floor and dismiss him. The Thai manager refused and let the worker resign by himself so it would not destroy his career. He explained Lo the Japanese president that disciplinary action in Thai society is much milder than that customarily practiced in Japan. hence he preferred moderate ways to resolve the ease. Being assigned to the post in 2001, the Japanese president was unfamiliar with northern Thai people and their lifestyles. He complained that their irresponsibility' and

indiscipline

were unacceptable to him. The Thai manager thought. that the president neither understood the Thai way of resolving problems,

nor management of people, which, he believed* should humanity, not on authoritarianism,

pp

Thai managers also used "smiling" strategies to persuade and calm down Japanese managers. Working directly with Japanese managers, Thai managers were generally very careful about revealing opposing attitudes and concealing them in a smile. On a day in 1999, a Japanese quality control departnzient manager in the power-supply division in EJCL called a Thai man section manager and indicated a n error in a n order ship. He found the error when the number of delivered parts was not complete. Knowing that the Japanese manager had arrived only six month before and had not

61

manager smilingly insisted that the error was not on his side but the verldor's side. Actually the subordinate of the Thai --`ager

miswrote the order f o l l and delivered the new order ship later, which the vendor overlooked. Thus both parties 'Me at fault. Nonetheless, the Thai manager highly explained away his and his subordinates fault and the Japanese manager finally accepted his decision.

4.2.2 Japanese Managers and Thai Group Leaders Thai group leaders, who in general behaved very straightforwardly, took a more direct and aggressive attitudes towards their Japanese bosses than did Thai managers, They had a confidence and pride that many miscellaneous issues in the factory were actually managed by them. If they judged Japanese instructions unreasonable or inappropriate, they candidly turned it down, skillfully using their command of the Japanese language. On the other hand, Japanese, most of whom did not understand Thai, had to yield to t h e n . For instance, on a day in 1999, a Japanese production control department manager requested a Thai woman group leader to make a n order of material parts in the course of the day. He said in Japanese politely, "Kara kyouzyum' onega1'sN1'masu" (could you please order this by the end of the day") She replied rudely in Thaii "pNrungnjj dir' kwaa" (it is better to order tomorrow.).Knowing that he was perplexed by the answer, she then said, "asNita dir' kwaa." AsNjta' means tomorrow in Japanese. He replied politely? "ashjra

air'

kwaa analrrrte, kyou onega1'sh1°masu" not tomorrow, please order it

today.) She ignored him for a while and made a call to the Thai vendor to make sure that the order would be delivered the day after. She then said to Japanese that both she and the vendor were busy a n d the next day was preferable. Without understanding what

agreement was made between her and the vendor, he had to give in. While such trivial matters were in the hands of Thai group leaders, disagreement between Japanese managers and Thai group leaders sometimes gradually grew into deep antagonism between the two parties and Thai leader's side eventually yielded to Japanese and Japanese organizational power. Such a case happened when Thai group leaders persisted in their opinions to the point that their Japanese bosses saw it intolerable. A Thai woman group leader of the quality control section i n the power-

CHAPTER 4 HUMAN RELATIONS IN FAC70k'IE5

yet become familiar with the ordering process in Thailand; die Thai

6j nouaswvai NI SEAN

supply division in EJCL had been on bad terms with the division manager since he was appointed to this position in January 2000, and she quit the job in October 2002, three months before the manager went back to Japan. The causes of disuse fusion were various,

from the time schedule of her business trip to Japan to a new regulation on the partition between the division office and production floor in the powersupply division. The Japanese manager ordered her to take an afternoon plane, arriving at Narita airport at midnight. She refused it because it was inconvenient and dangerous. The Japanese manager also ordered Thai managers and group leaders to keep open the door of the partition on the factory floor SO that workers could move more smoothly and efficiently The Thai woman group leader again refused it on account of health risk. She regarded the partition as a protective barrier that keeps the air of the office clean. The Japanese insisted that the air of the production floor

is clean and safe with no health hazard identified. In these two incidents, she finally gave in to him. She kept complaining about the

policy and

attitude of this manager

administrative

division

manager

so that the Japanese

transferred

her

to

the

administrative department in October 2001. She worked there for a year, but was deeply depressed, and finally resigned from EJCL in

2002. Japanese companies have a clearly defined hierarchy in which Japanese managers, occupying the highest rank in the companies

with an ultimate decision making power, supervise Thai managers and group leaders. While exerting such a power, Japanese managers often feel perplexed with defiant attitudes and everyday miscommunication with Thai staff. A Japanese division manager of the photo~conductor division who came to EJCL in June 1999 was troubled with his relationship with his subordinates in the division.

When he arrived at the office 011 the first day, he was amazed to see office workers behavior before workand during breaks. Some group leaders stood at a kitchenette to eat noodles, fruits and snacks during breaks and often they did not clean the kitchenette afterwards, leaving it in a mess. In Japan, eating something standing in the workplace is impolite behavior. in addition, office women customarily take the role of charwomen, tidying the office and cleaning the kitchenette. Thinking that his subordinates were not accustomed to eating manners and tidying in the company, he tried to teach them manners often scolding them at the sight of their behavior.

63

4.2.3 Group Leoders, Line Leaders and Ordinory Workers On the p1'odur;tloI1 floor, stratification among Thai employees from group leaders and line leaders to chief workers and ordinary workers was clear, along with a number of senior/junior and supervisor subordinate relationships at each positional level. Thai group leaders supervised line leaders, who entrusted chief operators with controlling the production process of ordinary operators. Skilled operators supported chief operators, having responsibility to take care of ordinary operators and temporary operators to keep up with the production pace.

On the production floor, a morning assembly of a production group was customarily held almost every day from 8200 to 8215 a.m, Besides, a section or department assembly was held inonthly. in the group assembly, a group leader, standing in front of workers informed them about the day's production quota and target, important notices on the production process and group activities such as ISO and three S. The group leader also talked about

customers' demands of the products, reminding operators of processing products carefully and precisely. All workers lined up neatly in two or three rows and quietly listened t.o the group leader. After the customary morning assembly, workers hurried to go back to their own line, and the line leader reviewed the day's

production plan with the operators. The relations between the line leader and ordinary workers resemble Thai senior junior relationships, where the senior tools care of the junior with dignity. The line leader issued detailed instructions to her line inenibers and carefully controlled each production process walking around the line. When some workers had a chat with their coworkers while

processing products, the line leader gave a warning to them. The line leader also warned workers of leaving the Line frequently to go

C*-IAVER 4 l-UMANREl.-'\TIerS IN FACTOR ES

Contrary to his intention, Thai office workers did not like him bothering with such Japanese formalities and never tried to clean the kitchenette. They had a clear idea of a division of labor that chairwomen should clean it. The office workers then spoke ill of him as fussy and shorttempered. He was distressed Lo know that they criticized him, and so he took a seminar, entitled "How to manage Thai workers" in Bangkok, where he learned that Thai people do not like to be scolded in public. Puzzled by the unfamiliarity of working with Thai people, some Japanese managers lost weight, others felt distress whilst others hurried to go back to Japan.

LIVES IN TRANSHION

64

to the toilet or locker room. Unlike many other Japanese companies where the toilet time was basically fixed, EJCL allowed workers to go to the toilet anytime SO that the line leader had responsibility to watch them.

Many line leaders

were university

or vocational

school

graduates. They t.ried to differentiate themselves from ordinary

workers based on the social status of their families and kept psychological distance from operators. Some line leaders were

secondary school graduates a n d promoted from ordinary workers. Having a similar social background to them, they were more

friendly a n d mingling more naturally with ordinary workers than university or vocational school graduate line leaders. Some of these secondary graduate leaders detached themselves from either party,

since their newly acquired occupational status did not fit neatly with the preexisting social status in northern Thai society. These leaders were loners, who concentrated on work and did not pay attention to making friends or forming groups.

4.2.4 Homan Relations among Operators Operators developed friend networks within the factory consisting of two to three workers of the same production line. No sooner had they been assigned to a poet in a production line than they looked for coworkers with whom they could from a group. They preferred to become friends with those who started to work in the

factory a t the same period, were of similar age and from the same village, province or region. When they first talked to their co' workers, they always asked their birthplace,

this becoming the

bases on which they determined how far they could get involved.

Those who lived in communities other than their own were basically "strangers," regional differences in determinants of n.on'involvement,

particular being

Those who came from the North tended to look down on those from the Northeast, saying that they were "dark'skinned," "backward" and "poor" On the other hand, those from the Northeast. held northern women in contempt, with a stereotypical

image of northern women as sexually loose and promiscuous. They attributed the undesirable sexual reputation of female workers a t

the rulE to t.he typical image of women from the North. The friendship among workers was highly fluid,

the

memberships changing frequently, Some left the group when they

had a quarrel with others, while others left when they got married

65

-4.2.5 Inleroctions (Hmong Employees during Break Time Everyday a t 3200 p.m. in EJCL, all employees, iron; Japanese managers to ordinary workers, took a break. Japanese managers gathered at a conference room and had a cup of coffee or tea and Japanese confectionary, served by charwomen. They chatted about trivial things, regarding their business trips to Japan, golf tournament in Chiang Mai, new Japanese restaurants and karaoke

bars in Chiang Mai. Thai managers assembled at a kitchenette and had Thai sweets, trait, soy-been milk, coffee/tea,

Cup

noodles and

various other foods, having bought these at be market in the morning or a t the miscellaneous shop in the canteen during the lunch break. They had a n endless supply of topics for conversation, from their private stories to complaints about their Japanese bosses. The animated conversation with other managers eased their stress at work. Ordinary workers took a break outside of production building. They were not accustomed to be locked in a n air"conditio11ed room so they preferred going out and taking a breath of' fresh air. Sitting

on a bench or directly on the ground,5 they chatted and ate Thai sweets, fruits and snacks that. they bought a t the market or the canteen. Some workers chatted, read

comics

and ate food at a locker

room. Others sold jewelry, clothes, cosmetics, food and other miscellaneous items to their colleagues a t the locker room. In Factory A and B, Japanese managers banned selling goods in the factory, and in other factories Japanese managers overlooked it. They generally regarded the factory floor as a public space, which should be differentiated from a private space in which a n individual

can sell and buy commodities. Ordinary workers stopped their work punctually a t break time

but went back to their line two to three minutes before the end of the break. This made the actual time of work a little shorter. But operators developed their own ways to escape such rigidity and have become more relaxed. For instance, when line leaders were out to have a meeting, they went to the toilet more frequently and

Ca IAPIER 4 HUMAN EFIATIONS IN FACTORIES

and found married women's groups more comfortable to join. Still others left their group when they were promoted to a n upper occupational position. This fragility was partly due to the limit of the inters ctions within the shop floor, which hardly expanded into other social spaces. In the dormitories and horoetowns, for instance, they had other kinds of friend networks.

66

chatted in a livelier way with co'workers. Some workers also simplified the quality inspection procedure. At the quality check of a selection group, for instance, they had to inspect all computer parts placed in a clear folder, but when there was no supervision by their bosses they passed several folders unchecked.G Knowing that faults were unlikely to happen in their production line, they Firmly believed that random checks were sufficient. This gave them extra time to go to the toilet, locker room or have a chat. Breaks in the night shift had another aspect. Workers rarely talked or walked around during the breaks. They slept in a chair or lay down on the floor where they spread some pieces of cardboard and took a nap. Working hours in the night shift had a relaxed atmosphere since managers and group leaders did not work a t night. Line leaders, who took the night shift in turn, were not strict O11 them insofar as workers carried out the day's production goal. The workers were allowed to talk, walk around or go to the toilet more freely than in the day shift. Loud music was played on the radio during night working time to keep workers awake all night, but it stopped during the break to let them sleep.

4.3 Use of Space In Japanese factories, there was a spatial division of office and production works, corresponding to separation of mental and physical w o r k ' In a main building of EJCL, the production area of the semi-conductor division was on the first floor, the export-import office and three meeting rooms were on the second floor, and. the

president's office and the administration office were on the third floor. The powersupply division and photo-conductor

division were

in separate buildings of one story. While there are practical reasons why the production area is on the first floor, this arrangement symbolizes the upper rank of office work over production work.3 The three production divisions of EJCL also had their own office and meeting rooms, integrated into the production area but partitioned by large glass panels. Map 4.1 shows the arrangement

of the production area of the power-supply division.. In the office rooms, division managers, department managers and group leaders worked, while inspecting the operator's performance a t any time. The glass walls also served to protect the offices from the noise of the machines and the smell of chemicals.

Map 4.i The Production Floor of the Power-supply Division in EJCL, 2000

m ,-..

Tailits fur Operatuis

Toilets for Dperaturs

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Production Area-5

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Locker ROUITI

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Production Areas

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Material Stock

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Toilets for Office- `u".For|¢ors

The production area had four simple toilets for use by the operators and two deluxe toilets specifically designed for office workers, The simple toilet was equipped with five or six toilet seats, both western and Thai style, and a large washbasin. During the day a charwoman cleaned the toilet once in the morning and once in the

afternoon, supplying paper each time. During the night as the chairwoman had gone home, the toilet was messed up and paper was out of supply.9 The deluxe toilet was equipped with two western-style toilet seats and a washbasin, always kept clean by a

charwoman and supplied with paper, an aromatic deodorant placed in each seat. All operators had to use the simple toilet and were

prohibited from using the deluxe toilet, a notice on the door saying "only for staff." The strict rule of the use of the toilet and the difference

in

equipment

signify

the

subordinated to that of the office worker.

operators

status

as

68

Even during lunchtime, office workers and operators did not. mix nlucli. In the EJCL canteen, both parties joined a queue to buy their meals, but they took their seats at different tables. The canteen in large and equipped with approximately thirty tables, each seating by six people. When tables were not available, office workers sat at tables taken by operators, prompting the latter to eat quickly and leave, operators feeing somewhat intimidated by

the presence of office workers and staying silent. Office workers, on the other hand, ignored these operators and chatted with other office workers over the meal. After lunch, office workers read newspapers a t the corner of the canteen, which operators never did on the day shift. in the night shift when office workers were absent, operators took the corner seat and read newspapers.

4.4 Gender Relations In Japanese manufacturing

companies

in Japan, men tended

to occupy supervisory positions such as managers and foremen,

whereas women were placed in subordinate positions such as secretaries and operators. I n Thai subsidiaries a t the NRIE, the

same gender hierarchy existed *in the distribution of the workforce and use of space. On the production floor, the designated place for male and female workers was set according to the types of work, which reflected Japanese managers' gendered expectation on the appropriateness of performing a task. For instance, female workers were more likely to be assigned to tasks that required dexterity, whereas male workers were assigned to those tasks requiring physical strength. In EJCL, a large proportion of men were in the groups that needed physical power, including stocking materials and pressing and molding frames. Most women were in the groups

which performed detailed tasks, such as assembling, selecting and visually checking material parts (see Table 4.1).

69

-

_

Section

-

1

Process

Workforce by Gender

Material control

1. Receiving parts

Men

group (1 -3)

2. Quality inspection

Men and women Men Women

3. Stocking Assembly group (4-10)

4. Quality check 5. Covering frame with Elm

Women

6. Putting parts on frame

Women

7. Soldering frame

Women

8. Cleaning frame

Women

9. Drying frame

Women

10. Visual check

Women

Molding

I1. Pressing frame

File n

group 111-13)

12. Molding frame

Me n

13. Quality check

Men and women

14. Cutting' frame into chips

Women

Selection

group (14-19)

15. Inserting chips into magazine Women

16. Quality check

Shipment

Women

17. Marking

Women

18. Visual appearance check

Women

19. Final check and packing

Men and women

20. Shipment

Men

group (20)

-

Source! Observation at the semiconductor division of EJCL, 1999

At the level of managements, a designated place in a meeting room shows gender hierarchy. At a monthly meeting of managerial

-Ther

classes in EJCL, for instance, Japanese managers occupied the first and second rows of a large meeting room with six tables and chairs. Thai male managers and group leaders took the third and forth rows, and the Thai women counterparts the fifth and sixth. was a tacit understanding among them that their gender and occupational positions determined the place to take.

CHAPTER 4 HUMAN RELANONS iN FACTORlES

Table 4.1 Production Processes and the Workforce by Gender in the Semi-Conductor Division of EJCL, 1999

LIVESIN TRANSITION

70

Such gendered hierarchy and spatial distribution were norms in the factory, but women of all occupational ranks actually retained potential to exert power over the management and production, sometimes enabling women formally to overcome the existing hierarchy. For instance, managers in administration or the

general affairs department in Factory C, G, J and I were women. Japanese managers relied heavily on the performance of these women who had good command of Japanese and English. These female managers had Thai male subordinates in the office. In EJCL, female group leaders had actual management powers in the otlice. At a quality control section in EJCL, Japanese section

managers totally depended on a Thai woman group leader, who was fluent in Japanese and English, in negotiating with foreign customers regarding a claim on the products. She first negotiated

with a Thai counterpart of the company that made a claim. If negotiation failed she talked directly with his or her boss until the dispute was settled. She was a strong and c o r a genus woman, being so aggressive when disputes happened that her opponent retreated.

Thai male managers tended to quail before her determined attitudes and never talked against her, rather they respected her courage to face the angry customers and settled disputes. Thai female managers and group leaders assumed characteristics different form those that Thai society generally accepted as behavioral norms for young women, such as tenderness and gentleness. In the material control group of the powersiipply division at EJCL, when a cargo arrived, a female group leader ordered male ordinary workers to deliver the parcels to the quality inspection room, undo the package, inspect the quality of each item, and place

them in the material stock area. She simply gave an order and male " T:run iimy: 1," a courteous reply of men. The workers followed lt, say

I'

(L

a

woman also constantly watched the way they work and scolded them

were lazy. According to her, men become lazy unless when t women watch them. Tender and gentle women would not be able to deal with Japanese bosses, their male counterparts and customers. Thai managers generally believed that women were more likely to be industrious, patient, conscientious and reliable, more so than men. They evaluated female workers higher than their male counterparts. When inspecting the quality of the part, for instance, workers have to detect a n error smaller than one mi.'llimeter.

Besides good vision, meticulousness is required, and managers believed that women performed better than men. I n the photo'

71

partitioned room, she operated a machine that placed tubes into a tub of warm water, shook off dirt and particles, dried the tubes and

foiwartled them to the next process. This task used to be assigned to male workers, but they could not stand doing the monotonous work in the isolated room and left the job in no more than six months. The division manager then appointed a female worker instead and she successfully kept working for over a year.

4.5 Pleasures and Hclrdships of Life in the Factories Factory work

experience

was both joyful and hard. It was

joyful for young workers to have opportunities to meet new friends, explore new life styles and develop their knowledge and technical skills. in the factory, parental and community control O11 whom they should associate with was gone, giving factory workers freedom to nurture friendships, largely based on their personal preference and affinity. They even had a chance to develop a romantic relationship with other workers in everyday interaction of receiving orders or participating in the same company activities. Sitting close with each other or occupying a room together in processing a particular type of work gave them a chance to develop a feeling of affection. In the village, such proximity of men and women was generally forbidden

for unmarried youth; but in the company, it could happen in the course of performing a task. Having a chance to develop their work related skills was another advantage to work in a company. Factory workers' everyday work involved a variety of skills from lining up parts neatly to checking the numbers accurately and making a daily report. A mathematical skill was required to make the summary report, and operators learned the skill through daily experience of writing. Factory workers also joined in a company proposal activity, in

which

they

find

problems

and

conditions

that

require

improvement and propose original ideas to revise them.l'* Participation in this activity promoted the workers' prohlenzrsolving skills. Factory workers

in

Factory B and C had a chance to develop

their Japanese language skill by participating in a weekly Japanese language seminar provided by their companies. The companies

CHA PIER 4 HUMAN RELATIONS IN FACTOREES

conductor division at EJCL, a task to operate a machine that cleans aluminum film tubes was allocated to a female operator. In a small

offered the seminar mostly for managers and group leaders, but ordinary workers with exceptionally good work performance and several years' work experience were advised to take the course by their group leaders. These activities, in addition to other educational seminars, provided workers with possibilities to acquire practical skills highly regarded by the company. At the same time, workers had a various kinds of hardships in the factory work. A rigid work schedule, repetitive work, strict rules

and. supervision by group leaders in the factory generated a feeling of tiredness (Dual) and boredom (nay bua) among them. Factory workers often complained that in a Japanese factory everything was rushed, rigid and their bosses were indifferent, mistrustful and short'tempered. Workers also disliked working all day long in a closed building, often without windows. Japanese factories had modern air~conditioned buildings, completely excluding the air outside. The temperature was kept under 20 degrees. These conditions depressed some operators who missed the blue sky and sunshine. At EJCL and Factory C, about one percent of new operators could not stand such artificial conditions and quit their job within the three months

of the trial period. Fragility of friend'relationships in the. factory was another factor generating stress among operators, as they always had to look for a friend whom they could trust. A sporadic explosion of quarrels among operators on the shop floor was a sign of such a stressful situation. Factory workers who had worked long enough to accustom themselves to such a situation experienced different kinds

of hardships. They often felt tired of working long hours and days without taking a holiday. In addition to having work responsibility, they were eager to get extra money to save or shop. As a result, they

kept working very hard until they had chronic fatigue. Female operators also faced the critical attitudes of female

office workers towards their sexual behavior. Female office workers generally believed that a woman from a respectable middle class family has decent sexual behavior, whereas a woman from a lower class family does not. Their perception of such a class difference in sexual behavior manifests itself in their criticism of female operators' sexual behavior. They regarded operators from lower class peasant families as ignorant, immature and immoral, due to a

'73

enough to display good judgment in their sexual behavior. When asked about a view of female operators' sexual behavior, a n office woman in EJCL replied They are still young, but know too much about the outside world. They are immature and try to do everything they want, One glance would be enough for a young operator to go to bed with a man. They do not care if they are in a loving relationship or not. Anyone is fine to have sex with, and they

break up easily. Well, to tell the truth l used to have a boyfriend here, but we broke up because he had many girlfriends, lt was beyond my understanding. If I let down my guard for just a second, some girls would turn up and knock on his door. Saying that she cannot get into her dormitory, she asks him for a place to spend the night. Then he lets her stay with him. Another example is a company party. At the party, there are many couples here and there. Some guys have wives back home and make girlfriends at the factory. In a company

camp, you Can also see couples of factory men and young operators a t every corner. Their wives would be furious if they found out that their husband had relationships with factory girls. When young operators go out with men, they hold hands and arms or touch their thighs. At company parties, the girls ask factory men to let them sit close to them. If the girls are loose, there is more hugging and touching. (An informal interview in July 1999)

Actually, female office workers were familiar with modern social and sexual values among urban youth from the time they studied at colleges and universities in Bangkok and Chiang Mai. They learned liberal views of premarital Sexual relations through reading popular literature, hearing their friends' love stories or encountering various types of sexual relations in the city. However, admitting familiarity with, and advocacy of liberal sexuality would run the risk of being placed in the same category as female operators, whom they regarded as "cultural others" whose ideas and behavior were different from theirs and not mutually compatible."

CHAPTER 4 HUMAN RELATIONS IN FACTORFES

lack of education and family discipline, and as being exposed to a city life style without having matured enough to have good sense. On the other hand, they saw themselves as mature and thoughtful

TO N0l1aSN VEIL NI. S3AIII

Notes

1

This temporary status is called "slluk!rd` in Japanese.

In July 2001. there was a n upheaval in Indonesian politics regarding the naLion':s presidency in which Megawati Sukarnoputri replaced a Muslim cleric, Abdurrahman Wahid. 3

The lifestyle of the middle-class in northern provincial towns and that, of middleclass in the BMA are not similar as the former has much humbler living styles than the latter, living in a smaller house, having older cars and spending less money on shopping. dining and entertainment.

According to a quality control group leader in EJCL, living places signify family status so the middle class people prefer living in the city. 5

Japanese and Thai managers reprimanded workers sitting on the ground that it was untidy and unsanitary.

6

Each part was very small so that. it was often grouped into a clear folder for a visual check.

T

Aihwa One stated that the sophistication of electronics Lechiiology facilitated separation of mental and physical tasks (Ong 19872 155).

8

Hirai Kyonosuke found that. in a company manufacturing stationery in the NRIE, workers called the office "the above" (tang bon) and the workshop "the below" (tang Hun). symbolically showing an unequal status between office workers and operators (I-Iirai 19987 14T).

9

Operators also had a clear sense of division of labor and never cleaned the toilet by themselves.

10

This activity was called " :Sian seidel' in Japanese and a common activity among Japanese manufacturing companies in Japan.

II

Female office workers often stated that each female operator had her dispositions (ni/-.-sax). and :hat she did whatever she liked following her own desires which had little consensus even among operators.

A prevailing idea in Thailand is that young women have

transformed their life-style and everyday behavior on the basis of contemporary youth culture introduced by foreign countries during the time of industrialization and modernization. Contrary to this

perception, young factory women in the NRIE maintained their sense of belonging to their rural communities. Their behavioral

changes after coming to the NRIE and mingling with new friends seemed temporary and did not fundamentally challenge the behavioral norms of northern rural communities. In the present chapter I will provide a view of their social networks in and outside of the NRIE. In their socializing activitie.s as well as their practices of maintaining ties with their rural families, we will find important focal points for the creation of sexual identities in young factory women. This is in large part a n oral history provided by sixty factory women who participated in in~depth interviews.

5.1 Family Neiworks 5.1 .1 Cooperation with Family Members in the Home Village The majority of the sixty factory women came from two"parent farming households, and

included nine who had at least one

grandparent (see Table A.2 in Appendix 2). Many of them had siblings, whose occupation included farmers or agricultural wage laborers, factory workers at the NRIE, traders, general employees in private offices, and other professions. About a half of the younger siblings were students. Forty°six out of the sixty factory women remitted money to their rural families. Taking out a basic amount from their income, including money for rent, food and electricity, they allocated the rest to remittances, personal use and savings. Most factory women

76

earned at least 4,000 baht a month and spent 40 to 60% of their salary on basics (see Table 5.l)8 Remittances varied, depending on the financial situation of their household, the wonlan's own needs, and other expenses, such as monthly installments for a motorcycle, a

car, furniture, and other expensive items. For most of the informants, however, remittance to their rural households was the top priority each month. They would not divert even part of the remittance for personal use of any kind, especially when they knew their rural families would run short of money. They even reduced their personal consumption to increase the remittance whenever their parents needed a large sum of money. Table 5.1 Morlthly Expenses of InformcnMs Who Remit Money Category

Expenses lbahf)

(Basic Expenses)

Remittance Rent

Food and necessities

1,000 2,000 500

1,000

1,000

1,500

(Special Expenses)

Motorcycle installment Clothes and cosmetics Sourced

1,000 . 1,500

500 . 1,000

Interviews with the sixty factory women

W l l , 14, 35 and 593 did not remit money to their parents W l 4 and 59 saved their money and W l l and 35 spent most of their

income on monthly installments for a car, a motorcycle, and personal commodities instead. W14 had lost ties to her family and was all alone. Her father had passed away when she was four years old and her mother left. her with her husband's mother when she remarried a man from another village. Her grandmother died when she was ten years old, Because she did not want to stay with her father's relatives, she left the village, W l l and 35 had lost their mother and their father granted them autonomy after they

graduated from high school. These four examples showed that the factory women did not remit money to their rural households where their families had other sources of income, or where they did not have a close relationship with their families. The loss of a parent,

especially a mother, seems to weaken these ties. It should be noted

77

tuition fees for younger siblings. Household emergencies include sudden illnesses, a bad harvest and debt. While families relied on the remittance from their daughters, they did not force them to work at the factories or to remit money, nor did they encourage them to stay at the NRIE or go to Bangkok to look for work. Rather their families only asked for help when they had to pay off a debt or pay tuition for a younger sibling. Even then, they did not normally request money directly. Factory women retained their autonomy in managing their own money so that the amount and the frequency of remittances were left to their own discretion. However, if their parents do not force them

to remit money, they do not refuse it, either. They did express delight when their daughters handed over a purse, taking it without l1esitatio11.5 The relationship with their families of the forty-six informants who remitted money regularly were interdependent, as their family members also rendered help in many ways. Mothers provided them with immediate and direct assistance, such as making hand~woven blankets for them so that they could sleep comfortably in the dormitory even during the dry and cool season. i n addition, mothers would frequently call their apartments to ask how they were getting on. Mothers would also bring them fruit, peanuts or vegetables. Other family members, including fathers, brothers, younger sisters, and extended family members (grandparents, uncles and aunts), also cared for the factory women, but care and supports from other family members were primarily psychological. Being good caregivers and counselors, older sisters were the second most important family members for factory women. While many of the older sisters stayed in their natal villages, those who worked or used to work outside helped contribute financially to the household and the education of younger siblings and provided any

necessary care for them. Wall, in bad health since coming to work

CHA PTER 5 FAMILY AND PERSONAL RELATlONSHlPS

that all of the women I interviewed who lost their fathers kept interdependent relationships with their mothers and remitted money regularly. Factory women's remittances represented a reliable supplement to the rural household economy* Families used the remittance from their daughters for everyday expenses, such as food, genera] goods and clothes, or to build a new house or renovating an old one, besides seasonal expenses or household emergencies. Seasonal expenses included those arising during the harvest, transplanting rice, and

-,---

"78 NQHISNVEEH NI s9.A.11

at the NRIE, said that her older sister, a 29 year old employee at a private office in Chiang Mai, always took care of her when she was sick. She recalled one time in particular when she had a severe cough and fever and was hospitalized overnight at a hospital nearby the NRIE. She was given an intravenous drip and her sister

tended to her throughout the night. Older sisters are particularly good counselors on issues related

to sexual and reproductive health and dating. Although nearly half of ray informants thought

friends,

often

married

that they would consult with close

female

friends.

about

sexual

and

reproductive health issues, the rest of the informants stated that

they still depended on their family members, especially mother and older

sisters,

when

problems

arose.

They

considered

it

inappropriate to ask friends with whom they were not very close about sexual matters and instead felt more comfortable consulting with female family members or childhood friends. Factory women not only received support but also helped out their older sisters when possible. For example, if an older sister was raising children a t home, a portion of the factory woman's remittance Could be allocated for milk or clothes for the children. WE remitted about 4,000 baht a month to her family, which covered their daily expenses and the cost of raising her sister's baby. The

remittance meant a lot to her sister, who was a dressmaker and earned too little to pay for a monthly supply of dried mi1k.8

5.1 .2 Cooperoiion between Family Members of the NRIE Factory women's support networks expanded as they entered the NRIE with their sisters and brothers. In total, eleven of the sixty informants had or used to have female siblings and six had male siblings at the NRIE. All except one9 of the eleven maintained good relationships with their sisters, sharing 'living expenses,

helping each other find jobs and pooling their income to buy relatively expensive goods such as furniture and motorcycles. On

the other hand, only O11610 of the six women who had brothers working a t the NRIE rented a room in the same apartment in which her brother lived, and the remaining women lived separately from their brothers. While the six women maintained ties with their brothers a t the NRIE and did receive some support from them (such as carrying luggage and furniture to a new apartment or driving back to their home villages together), t.he collaboration between my female informants and their male siblings was less perceptible. In

79

The male siblings did contribute to their rural households economy, unless they were still in school or had married and lived

with their wife's family. Those who stayed at home helped their parents' farm, and those who had formal employment in the city remitted moneyil However, at the NRIE female siblings' solidarity was more perceptible than that among male siblings or among female and male siblings, This could he partially due to the fact that the overall number of male workers at the NRIE is smaller than that of female workers, making collaborative work with male siblings less likely.

Female siblings could work together to improve substantially

the well-being of the family, while some fought constantly with their female siblings until one of them eventually returned home. The examples of W6, 54 and 55 illustrated the former and that of W20 the latter. Woman #6 (we) and her two sisters W6 had a 2T year old older sister and a 22 year old younger sister. Their parents had been farmers and used to work a small rice field. in a small farming village in Chiang Mai, but they had given up farming several years earlier. Their mother now stayed at home and their father earned spare money by peeling garlic every day. The family had once suffered such extreme poverty that they could not afford proper food or shelter. Whenever heavy rainfall lasted through the night, the rain would drip into the house through holes in the thatched roof. During the dry and cool seasons

the family often shivered in their flimsy house, lacking adequate

clothes to dress in, or blankets. On such days, their father would collect whatever clothes he had in the house and even take off his own shirt in order to give it to his children. Their parents would call everybody to huddle close together, holding the children close to protect them from the cold wind blowing through the house. Having suffered such hardship and struggled to obtain basic necessities as food, clothing and shelter, the three sisters were

determined

to find a more stable source of income- They helped

each other to get secondary educations, believing that their chances

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