Life Span Human Development [3rd (ANZ) ed.] 9780170415910, 9781337100731

Table of contents :
cover
Prelims
Half title
Title page
Imprint page
Brief contents
Contents
Guide to the text
Guide to the online resources
Preface
About the authors
Acknowledgements
Chapter 1: Understanding life span human development
1.1 How should we think about development?
Defining development
Conceptualising the life span
Framing the influence of nature and nurture
1.2 What is the science of life span development?
Goals of study
Early beginnings
The modern life span perspective
1.3 How is development studied?
The scientific method
Sample selection
Data collection techniques
Case study, experimental and correlational methods
Developmental research designs
1.4 What special challenges do developmental scientists face?
Protecting the rights of research participants
Conducting culturally sensitive research
Chapter 2: Theories of human development
2.1 Developmental theories and the issues they raise
Nature and nurture
Activity and passivity
Continuity and discontinuity
Universality and context specificity
2.2 Psychoanalytic theories
Freud: Psychoanalytic theory
Erikson: Psychosocial theory
Psychoanalytic theories: Contributions and weaknesses
2.3 Learning theories
Pavlov and Watson: Classical conditioning
Skinner: Operant conditioning
Bandura: Social cognitive theory
Learning theories: Contributions and weaknesses
2.4 Humanistic theories
Maslow: Hierarchy of needs
Humanistic theories: Contributions and weaknesses
2.5 Cognitive theories
Piaget: Cognitive developmental theory
Vygotsky: Sociocultural theory
Information-processing approach
Theories of adult cognitive development
Cognitive theories: Contributions and weaknesses
2.6 Systems theories
Gottlieb: Epigenetic psychobiological systems perspective
Systems theories: Contributions and weaknesses
2.7 Theories in perspective
Chapter 3: Genes, environment and the beginnings of life
3.1 Individual heredity
Conception
The genetic code
Mechanisms of inheritance
Genetic abnormalities and disorders
3.2 The interplay of genes and environment
Studying genetic and environmental influences
The heritability of different traits
How genes and environment work together
3.3 Prenatal stages
The germinal period
The embryonic period
The foetal period
3.4 The prenatal environment and foetal health
Teratogens
Maternal characteristics and foetal health
Paternal characteristics and foetal health
3.5 The perinatal environment
Childbirth
Identifying at-risk newborns
3.6 The neonatal environment
Breast or bottle?
Peripartum depression
Risk and resilience
Chapter 4: Body, brain and health
4.1 Building blocks of growth and lifelong health
The endocrine system
The brain and nervous system
Principles of growth
A life span developmental model of health
4.2 The infant
Rapid physical growth
The infant brain
Newborn capabilities
Infant motor development
Health and wellness in infancy
4.3 The child
Physical growth and motor capabilites
Brain lateralisation
Health and wellness in childhood
4.4 The adolescent
The adolescent growth spurt and puberty
The adolescent brain
Teen health and wellness
4.5 The adult
The changing body
The changing brain
The changing reproductive system
Health challenges: Ageing or disease, disuse or misuse?
Chapter 5: Cognitive development
5.1 Piaget’s cognitive developmental theory
Processes of intellectual and cognitive development
Piaget: Contributions and challenges
A modern take on constructivism
5.2 Vygotsky’s sociocultural theory
Culture and thought
Social interaction and thought
Tools of thought
Evaluation of Vygotsky
5.3 Fischer’s dynamic skill framework
Comparison to Piaget and Vygotsky
5.4 The infant
Sensorimotor thinking
The development of object permanence
The emergence of symbols
5.5 The child
Preschoolers: Symbolic thinking
School-age children: Logical thinking
5.6 The adolescent
Emergence of abstract and systematic thinking
Progress toward mastery of formal operations
Implications of formal thought
5.7 The adult
Limitations in adult cognitive performance
Growth beyond formal thought
Ageing and cognitive growth
Chapter 6: Sensory-perception, attention and memory
6.1 The information-processing approach to cognition
Sensation, perception and attention
Memory
Problem solving
6.2 The infant
Uncovering infants’ mental capabilities
Sensory-perceptual abilities
Early memory abilities
6.3 The child
Sensory-perceptual refinements
Advances in attention
Explaining memory development
Autobiographical memory
Developments in problem solving
6.4 The adolescent
Attention
Improvements in memory and problem solving
6.5 The adult
Sensory-perceptual changes
Memory, problem solving and ageing
Chapter 7: Intelligence and creativity
7.1 Defining and measuring intelligence and creativity
The psychometric view of intelligence
Gardner’s theory of multiple intelligences
Sternberg’s triarchic theory of intelligence
Creativity
7.2 Factors that influence intelligence and creativity
The Flynn effect
Genes and intelligence
Environment and intelligence
Genes, environments and creativity
7.3 The infant
Developmental quotients
Infant intelligence as a predictor of later intelligence
7.4 The child
The stability of IQ scores during childhood
The emergence of creativity
7.5 The adolescent
Intellectual change and continuity
IQ and school achievement
Fostering creativity
7.6 The adult
Changes in IQ with age
IQ, wealth and health
Potential for wisdom
Creative endeavours
7.7 The extremes of intelligence
Intellectual disability
Giftedness
7.8 Integrating cognitive perspectives
Chapter 8: Language, literacy and learning
8.1 The language system
Describing language: Basic components
Explaining language: Nature and nurture
8.2 The infant
Developing language
Mastery motivation
Early learning
8.3 The child
Expanding language skills
Learning to read
Fostering academic success
8.4 The adolescent
Academic achievement
Integrating school and work
Pathways to adulthood
8.5 The adult
Language: Continuity and change
Adult literacy
Adult education
Theoretical contributions to learning and education
Chapter 9: Self, personality, gender and sexuality
9.1 Conceptualising the self and personality
Basic concepts and theories of self and personality
Sex, gender and sexuality
9.2 The infant
The emerging self
Temperament
9.3 The child
The evolving self and personality
Acquiring gender roles
Childhood sexuality
9.4 The adolescent
Forging a sense of self and identity
Adhering to gender roles
Adolescent sexuality
9.5 The adult
Ageing and self-esteem
Continuity and discontinuity in personality
Eriksonian psychosocial personality growth
Changes in gender roles and sexuality
Vocational identity and development
Chapter 10: Social cognition and moral development
10.1 Social cognition
Developing a theory of mind
Perspective taking
Social cognition in adulthood
10.2 Perspectives on moral development
Moral emotion: Psychoanalytic theory and beyond
Moral reasoning: Cognitive developmental theory
Moral behaviour: Social cognitive theory
The functions of morality: Evolutionary theory
10.3 The infant
Empathy and prosocial behaviour
Early antisocial behaviour
Early moral training
10.4 The child
Moral understandings
Moral socialisation
10.5 The adolescent
Moral identity
Changes in moral reasoning
Antisocial behaviour
Bullying
10.6 The adult
Changes in moral reasoning
Religiousness and spirituality
Chapter 11: Emotions, attachment and social relationships
11.1 Emotional development
First emotions and emotional regulation
Emotional learning in childhood
Adolescent moods
Emotions and ageing
11.2 Perspectives on relationships
Changing social systems across the life span
Attachment theory
11.3 The infant
An attachment forms
Quality of attachment
Implications of early attachment
First peer relations
11.4 The child
The caregiver–child relationship
A new baby arrives
Peer networks
11.5 The adolescent
Balancing autonomy and attachment to parents
Changing peer relationships
11.6 The adult
Evolving social relationships
Family relationships
Adult attachment styles
11.7 Family violence and child abuse
Why does child abuse occur?
What problems do abused children display?
How do we stop the violence?
Chapter 12: Developmental psychopathology
12.1 What makes development abnormal?
Diagnostic guidelines and criteria
Developmental psychopathology
12.2 The infant
Autism spectrum disorder (ASD)
Depression in infancy?
12.3 The child
Externalising and internalising problems
Attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD)
Childhood depression
12.4 The adolescent
Storm and stress?
Eating disorders
Substance use disorders
Depression and suicidality
12.5 The adult
Depression in adulthood
Ageing and dementia
Chapter 13: The final challenge: Death and dying
13.1 Matters of life and death
What is death?
What kills us and when?
Theories of ageing: Why do we age and die?
13.2 The experience of death
Perspectives on dying
Perspectives on bereavement
13.3 The infant
13.4 The child
Grasping the concept of death
Experiences with death and dying
13.5 The adolescent
Advanced understandings of death
Experiences with death and dying
13.6 The adult
Death in the family context
13.7 Coping with death
Challenges to the grief work perspective
Who copes and who succumbs?
Bereavement and positive growth
Supporting the dying and bereaved
Taking our leave
Name Index
Subject Index

Citation preview

Copyright 2019 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. WCN 02-200-202

Copyright 2019 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. WCN 02-200-202

Copyright 2019 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. WCN 02-200-202

3RD AUSTRALIAN AND NEW ZEALAND EDITION

Sigelman – De George – Cunial – Rider Copyright 2019 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. WCN 02-200-202

Life Span Human Development

© 2019 Cengage Learning Australia Pty Limited

3rd Edition Carol K. Sigelman

Copyright Notice

Linda De George

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Authorised adaptation of Life-span human development, 9th edition, by Carol K.

National Library of Australia Cataloguing-in-Publication Data

Sigelman and Elizabeth A. Rider, published by Cengage Learning 2017 [ISBN

ISBN: 9780170415910

9781337100731]

A catalogue record for this book is available from the National Library of Australia.

This 3rd edition published in 2019 Cengage Learning Australia Chapter-opening images courtesy:

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CONTENTS

BRIEF CONTENTS

CHAPTER 1

Understanding life span human development  1

CHAPTER 3

Genes, environment and the beginnings of life  97

CHAPTER 6

Sensory-perception, attention and memory  267

CHAPTER 9

Self, personality, gender and sexuality  429

CHAPTER 12

Developmental psychopathology 615

CHAPTER 4

Body, brain and health 156

CHAPTER 7

Intelligence and creativity 326

CHAPTER 10

Social cognition and moral development 491

CHAPTER 2

Theories of human development 48

CHAPTER 5

Cognitive development  219

CHAPTER 8

Language, literacy and learning 381

CHAPTER 11

Emotions, attachment and social relationships  548

CHAPTER 13

The final challenge: Death and dying  676

Copyright 2019 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. WCN 02-200-202

v

vi

CONTENTS Guide to the text xii Guide to the online resources xvi Preface xviii About the authors xxii Acknowledgments xxiii

1 UNDERSTANDING LIFE SPAN HUMAN DEVELOPMENT 1.1 How should we think about development? 3

1.3 How is development studied?

1 21

The scientific method

22

Defining development

3

Sample selection

23

Conceptualising the life span

4

Data collection techniques

23

Framing the influence of nature and nurture 11

Case study, experimental and correlational methods

25

Developmental research designs

31

1.2 What is the science of life span development?

15

Goals of study

16

Early beginnings

17

The modern life span perspective

18

1.4 What special challenges do developmental scientists face? 38 Protecting the rights of research participants 38 Conducting culturally sensitive research 39

2 THEORIES OF HUMAN DEVELOPMENT 2.1 Developmental theories and the issues they raise

2.4 Humanistic theories

48 68

49

Maslow: Hierarchy of needs

69

Nature and nurture

51

Activity and passivity

51

Humanistic theories: Contributions and weaknesses

71

Continuity and discontinuity

52

Universality and context specificity

52

2.2 Psychoanalytic theories

54

Freud: Psychoanalytic theory

55

Erikson: Psychosocial theory

58

Psychoanalytic theories: Contributions and weaknesses 60

2.3 Learning theories

60

Pavlov and Watson: Classical conditioning 61 Skinner: Operant conditioning

62

Bandura: Social cognitive theory

65

Learning theories: Contributions and weaknesses 67

2.5 Cognitive theories

72

Piaget: Cognitive developmental theory 72 Vygotsky: Sociocultural theory

74

Information-processing approach

74

Theories of adult cognitive development 75 Cognitive theories: Contributions and weaknesses 76

2.6 Systems theories

78

Gottlieb: Epigenetic psychobiological systems perspective 78 Systems theories: Contributions and weaknesses 81

2.7 Theories in perspective

83

Copyright 2019 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. WCN 02-200-202

CONTENTS

3 GENES, ENVIRONMENT AND THE BEGINNINGS OF LIFE 3.1 Individual heredity

98

Conception 98

97

3.4 The prenatal environment and foetal health

126

The genetic code

100

Teratogens 126

Mechanisms of inheritance

104

Maternal characteristics and foetal health 132

Genetic abnormalities and disorders 107

3.2 The interplay of genes and environment

110

Studying genetic and environmental influences 111 The heritability of different traits

114

How genes and environment work together 115

Paternal characteristics and foetal health 136

3.5 The perinatal environment

136

Childbirth 137 Identifying at-risk newborns

141

3.6 The neonatal environment

142

Breast or bottle?

142

120

Peripartum depression

143

The germinal period

121

Risk and resilience

144

The embryonic period

121

The foetal period

123

3.3 Prenatal stages

4 BODY, BRAIN AND HEALTH 4.1 Building blocks of growth and lifelong health

156 4.3 The child

176

157

Physical growth and motor capabilites 176

The endocrine system

158

Brain lateralisation

178

The brain and nervous system

160

Health and wellness in childhood

179

Principles of growth

161

A life span developmental model of health 162

4.4 The adolescent

185

The adolescent growth spurt and puberty

185

164

The adolescent brain

191

Rapid physical growth

164

Teen health and wellness

193

The infant brain

165

Newborn capabilities

166

The changing body

196

Infant motor development

169

The changing brain

197

Health and wellness in infancy

173

The changing reproductive system

199

4.2 The infant

4.5 The adult

196

Health challenges: Ageing or disease, disuse or misuse? 202

5 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT 5.1 Piaget’s cognitive developmental theory

220

219 5.2 Vygotsky’s sociocultural theory 228

Processes of intellectual and cognitive development 221

Culture and thought

228

Social interaction and thought

228

Piaget: Contributions and challenges 223

Tools of thought

230

A modern take on constructivism

Evaluation of Vygotsky

232

226

Copyright 2019 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. WCN 02-200-202

vii

viii

CONTENTS

5.3 Fischer’s dynamic skill framework 234 Comparison to Piaget and Vygotsky 235

5.4 The infant Sensorimotor thinking

237 237

The development of object permanence 238 The emergence of symbols

5.5 The child Preschoolers: Symbolic thinking

240

241 241

School-age children: Logical thinking 246

5.6 The adolescent Emergence of abstract and systematic thinking

269

249

Progress toward mastery of formal operations 252 Implications of formal thought

5.7 The adult

254

256

Limitations in adult cognitive performance 256 Growth beyond formal thought

257

Ageing and cognitive growth

259

6 SENSORY-PERCEPTION, ATTENTION AND MEMORY 6.1 The information-processing approach to cognition

249

267

Advances in attention

287

Explaining memory development

288

Sensation, perception and attention 269

Autobiographical memory

293

Memory 269

Developments in problem solving

296

Problem solving

6.2 The infant

273

274

Uncovering infants’ mental capabilities 274

6.4 The adolescent

299

Attention 299 Improvements in memory and problem solving

300

Sensory-perceptual abilities

275

Early memory abilities

285

Sensory-perceptual changes

287

Memory, problem solving and ageing 308

6.3 The child Sensory-perceptual refinements

6.5 The adult

327

Gardner’s theory of multiple intelligences 332 Sternberg’s triarchic theory of intelligence 333 Creativity 336

339

The Flynn effect

339

Genes and intelligence

340

Environment and intelligence

341

Genes, environments and creativity 345

7.3 The infant

326 7.4 The child

The psychometric view of intelligence 327

7.2 Factors that influence intelligence and creativity

303

287

7 INTELLIGENCE AND CREATIVITY 7.1 Defining and measuring intelligence and creativity

303

345

Developmental quotients

346

Infant intelligence as a predictor of later intelligence

346

351

The stability of IQ scores during childhood 351 The emergence of creativity

7.5 The adolescent

352

353

Intellectual change and continuity

353

IQ and school achievement

354

Fostering creativity

354

7.6 The adult

355

Changes in IQ with age

355

IQ, wealth and health

359

Potential for wisdom

362

Creative endeavours

363

7.7 The extremes of intelligence Intellectual disability

365 365

Giftedness 367

7.8 Integrating cognitive perspectives 370

Copyright 2019 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. WCN 02-200-202

CONTENTS

8 LANGUAGE, LITERACY AND LEARNING 8.1 The language system

382

381

8.4 The adolescent

411

Describing language: Basic components 382

Academic achievement

411

Integrating school and work

413

Explaining language: Nature and nurture 384

Pathways to adulthood

415

8.2 The infant

388

Developing language

388

Mastery motivation

394

Early learning

395

8.3 The child

398

Expanding language skills

399

Learning to read

399

Fostering academic success

402

8.5 The adult Language: Continuity and change

416

Adult literacy

417

Adult education

418

Theoretical contributions to learning and education

419

9 SELF, PERSONALITY, GENDER AND SEXUALITY 9.1 Conceptualising the self and personality

430

Sex, gender and sexuality

435

The emerging self

440 440

Temperament 443

9.3 The child

446

The evolving self and personality

446

Acquiring gender roles

450

Childhood sexuality

455

492

Developing a theory of mind

492

Perspective taking

498

Social cognition in adulthood

499

10.2 Perspectives on moral development 501

457

Forging a sense of self and identity

457

Adhering to gender roles

463

Adolescent sexuality

464

9.5 The adult

466

Ageing and self-esteem

467

Continuity and discontinuity in personality 468 Eriksonian psychosocial personality growth 471 Changes in gender roles and sexuality 472 Vocational identity and development 475

10 SOCIAL COGNITION AND MORAL DEVELOPMENT 10.1 Social cognition

429

9.4 The adolescent 430

Basic concepts and theories of self and personality

9.2 The infant

416

491

The functions of morality: Evolutionary theory

10.3 The infant

502

Moral reasoning: Cognitive developmental theory

503

Moral behaviour: Social cognitive theory 507

509

Empathy and prosocial behaviour

510

Early antisocial behaviour

511

Early moral training

511

10.4 The child

Moral emotion: Psychoanalytic theory and beyond

508

513

Moral understandings

513

Moral socialisation

515

10.5 The adolescent

518

Moral identity

518

Copyright 2019 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. WCN 02-200-202

ix

x

CONTENTS

Changes in moral reasoning

518

Antisocial behaviour

519

Bullying 527

10.6 The adult Changes in moral reasoning

530

Religiousness and spirituality

534

11 EMOTIONS, ATTACHMENT AND SOCIAL RELATIONSHIPS 11.1 Emotional development

549

First emotions and emotional regulation 549

530

11.5 The adolescent

548 580

Emotional learning in childhood

552

Balancing autonomy and attachment to parents 580

Adolescent moods

553

Changing peer relationships

Emotions and ageing

554

11.2 Perspectives on relationships 556 Changing social systems across the life span

556

Attachment theory

559

11.3 The infant

562

11.6 The adult

581

584

Evolving social relationships

584

Family relationships

585

Adult attachment styles

590

11.7 Family violence and child abuse 594

An attachment forms

562

Why does child abuse occur?

Quality of attachment

563

Implications of early attachment

568

What problems do abused children display? 599

First peer relations

572

11.4 The child

How do we stop the violence?

595

599

573

The caregiver–child relationship

573

A new baby arrives

576

Peer networks

577

12 DEVELOPMENTAL PSYCHOPATHOLOGY 12.1 What makes development abnormal? 616

615

12.4 The adolescent

640

Storm and stress?

640

Diagnostic guidelines and criteria

616

Eating disorders

641

Developmental psychopathology

618

Substance use disorders

645

623

Depression and suicidality

649

12.2 The infant

12.5 The adult

655

Autism spectrum disorder (ASD)

623

Depression in infancy?

629

Depression in adulthood

656

631

Ageing and dementia

658

12.3 The child

Externalising and internalising problems 631 Attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD)

634

Childhood depression

637

Copyright 2019 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. WCN 02-200-202

CONTENTS

13 THE FINAL CHALLENGE: DEATH AND DYING 13.1 Matters of life and death

677

676

13.5 The adolescent

704

What is death?

677

Advanced understandings of death

704

What kills us and when?

682

Experiences with death and dying

704

Theories of ageing: Why do we age and die?

686

13.2 The experience of death

690

13.6 The adult Death in the family context

13.7 Coping with death

706 706

713

Perspectives on dying

691

Perspectives on bereavement

692

Challenges to the grief work perspective 713

13.3 The infant

697

Who copes and who succumbs?

715

13.4 The child

717

699

Bereavement and positive growth

Grasping the concept of death

699

Supporting the dying and bereaved 717

Experiences with death and dying

701

Taking our leave

Glossary [Online] Name index Subject index

732 751

Copyright 2019 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. WCN 02-200-202

720

xi

xii

GUIDE TO THE TEXT

4

CHAPTER

As you read this text you will find a number of features in every chapter to enhance your study of human development and help you understand how the theory is applied in the real world.

4

BODY, BRAIN AND HEALTH

CHAPTER

CHAPTER-OPENING FEATURES

CHAPTER OUTLINE 4.1

Building blocks of growth and lifelong health

4.3 The child

4.5 The adult

Physical growth and motor capabilities Brain lateralisation Health and wellness in childhood

Gain insight into how psychology theories explored in the chapter relate to real life individuals through the real-life story at the beginning of each chapter. 4.4 The adolescent adolescent growth spurt and The chapter outline signposts the main chapter heading contained in eachThe chapter for puberty 4.2 The infant The adolescent brain Rapid physical growth easy reference. Teen health and wellness The infant brain The endocrine system The brain and nervous system Principles of growth A life span developmental model of health

The changing body The changing brain The changing reproductive system Health challenges: Ageing or disease, disuse or misuse?

BODY, BRAIN AND HEALTH

Newborn capabilities Infant motor development Health and wellness in infancy

CHAPTER OUTLINE 4.1

Building blocks of growth and lifelong health The endocrine system The brain and nervous system Principles of growth A life span developmental model of health

4.3 The child Physical growth and motor capabilities Brain lateralisation Health and wellness in childhood

4.4 The adolescent The adolescent growth spurt and puberty The adolescent brain Teen health and wellness

4.2 The infant Rapid physical growth The infant brain Newborn capabilities Infant motor development Health and wellness in infancy

The arrow of time

evident in the photographs. Greying hair, wrinkling

4.5 The On adult 17 June every year, the Goldberg family photographs

skin and glasses appear in images of Diego and Susy as they progress through adulthood toward old age. And

The changing body each family member ‘to stop, for a fleeting moment, The changing the arrowbrain of time passing by’ (Goldberg, 2017). Diego The changing reproductive Goldberg, a photographer, and his wife Susy began their system family ritual in 1976. As each of their three sons, Nicolas, Health challenges: Ageing or Matias and Sebastian, were born, they too became part disease, disuse or misuse?

the photographs of their sons chronicle the remarkable growth and physical development that occurs from infancy through puberty to early adulthood. Nicolas, Matias and Sebastian now add yearly portraits of their

of the photographic essay. Adopting the same pose year

own growing families – this Goldberg family tradition

to year, the physical changes of growth and ageing are

today spans three generations.

CHAPTER 4: BODY, BRAIN AND HEALTH Express

157

Throughout this chapter, the CourseMate Express logo indicates an opportunity for online self-study, linking you to activities, videos and other online resources.

The Goldberg family’s photographic case study, spanning over four decades and now several generations, illustrates the changes in physical growth and appearance that occur throughout the life in the photographs. Greying hair, wrinkling such growth (see On the internet: Goldberg family evident tradition). What are the processes underlying The arrow span of time skin and glasses appear in images of Diego and Susy as On 17 June every the Goldberg familyabout photographs andyear, change? And what physical and biological changes that are not easily captured in yearly they progress through adulthood toward old age. And each family member ‘to stop, for a fleeting moment, photographic snapshots, such as changes the in internal bodily systems, physical capabilities and health photographs of their sons chronicle the remarkable the arrow of time passing by’ (Goldberg, 2017). Diego status? These are the sorts of questions that we address in this chapter on body, growth and physical development that occurs brain from and health. Goldberg, a photographer, and his wife Susy began their through puberty to156 early Nicolas, overview changes across life spaninfancy in body and brain and how adulthood. these changes influence our family ritual inWe 1976. As each of their three sons,the Nicolas, Matias and add yearly portraitsand of their health. were We also reproductive system as itSebastian maturesnow during adolescence then changes Matias and Sebastian, born,look they at toothe became part families – this Goldberg family tradition of the photographic Adopting the same pose againessay. during adulthood. And weyear considerown thegrowing physical self in action as movement becomes more today spans three generations. to year, the physical changes of growth and ageing are sophisticated throughout the life span. We identify influences on body, brain and health so that you can better understand why some children develop – and some older adults age – more rapidly than Express others.

ON THE INTERNET Goldberg family tradition

http://zonezero. com/en/open/158the-arrow-of-time Visit this link to view the Goldberg family’s yearly photographic portraits that feature in the chapter opening vignette. The portraits span three generations and four decades and chronicle some of the physical changes that occur individuals age. all Ma¯ ori and Pasifikaasfamilies treat their

FEATURES WITHIN CHAPTERS

Identify the key concepts that the chapter will cover with the Learning objectives at the start LIFE SPAN HUMAN DEVELOPMENT of each key164heading. Then test your knowledge and apply the theory you have learned with the Throughout this chapter, the CourseMate Express logo indicates an opportunity for online self-study, linking you to activities, videos and other online resources. checking understanding and critical thinking questions at the end of each key topic. > >4.1 > BUILDING BLOCKS OF GROWTH LIFELONG HEALTH when I cameAND to New Zealand from the the hospital environment. Family do 156

United Kingdom was that often when their personal cares, sit with them, elders in that way and that’s why it’s so an elderly Ma¯ ori or Pasifika person was sometimes bring their guitars in and important not to make assumptions ■ Associate key processes of the endocrine and nervous systems with important aspects of Learning admitted to hospital, the entire family, sing to them; and to me that is a huge based on stereotypes. But I take a growth and development. objectives and even the young people – the kids, positive strength of the culture. Of personal and person-centred approach ■ Describe and provide an example of each of the three major principles of growth. and grandkids their components teens – are of the course, it is important not tomodel make of health, to and eachthe person and their situation. ■ the Articulate theinmain life span developmental involved in of supporting sweeping generalisations, after all not value adoptingthat this person sort of in approach to understanding health.

Our physical selves – brain, body, and all the behaviours that emerge from these – are fundamental to what we are able to do in life. A 5-year-old child is physically able to experience the world in ways markedly different from those available to a 5-month-old infant. Five-year-old Mariah, for example, CHECKING UNDERSTANDING CRITICAL can throw a ball with her mum, run with her dog, play hopscotch with herTHINKING friends, feed and dress herself, anddoes enjoythe many of the system rides atsupport the park.Yet Mariah and Illustrate other 5-year-olds areoflimited their the aspects the lifeby span developmental model 1 How endocrine of health using the example of coeliac physical selves. As you will learn in this chapter, their strength and coordination must continue to disease discussed development? earlier in this chapter. improve before can competently with detailed motor tasks, and their bodies must grow LINKAGES 2 How does they myelination contribute engage to developmental changes thatbefore we canthey observe? taller and heavier can move through the world as adults do. It will be years before their Chapter 3 Genes, Get the answers to the Checkingand 3 What is one example allowing of each ofgreater the cephalocaudal, brains are fully developed, concentration and more sophisticated thought processes environment Express understanding questions on the beginnings of proximodistal and orthogenetic principles of (see Chapters 5 and 6). CourseMate Express. life Asdevelopment? you have been learning, human growth and development is an incredibly complex process, Chapter 5 influenced by both genetic and environmental factors (see Chapter 3). At certain times and for Cognitive development certain developments, genetic influences dominate, whereas at other times environmental influences Chapter 6 Sensoryare more powerful – yet genetic and environmental forces are always working together. Consider perception, height. The average female in Australia and New Zealand is 162 centimetres tall and the average attention and memory typical physical and brain changes during infancy. male isLearning 176 centimetres■tall,Discuss but there is considerable variability in individual adult height (Australian ■ Daley, Summarise capabilities thatof promote adaptation Bureau of Statistics, 2012; 2013).newborn Genes account for some this: tallhealthy people tend to havetotallthe world outside the objectives womb. parents, whereas short people often have ‘short genes’ in their family history. Heritability studies ■ Describe fine motor, gross motor, and locomotor skills, and note the typical order in which confirm a strong genetic influence on height (Dubois et al., 2012). these skills develop. Even if you inherit■theDiscuss geneticthe propensity to be tall (or short), environment can influence the dynamic systems theory of motor development and summarise the research expression of those genes. If you lack adequate nutrition, for example, or youduplicated, may not realise full or in part. WCN 02-200-202 findings supporting theory. Copyright 2019 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not bethis copied, scanned, inyour whole growth potential. And consider the case children with coeliac disease,health an inherited digestive ■ Describe the of birth-related risks to infant and the role ofproblem vaccinations in health. in which gluten (the protein found in all wheat products) triggers an immune response that damages

IN REVIEW

4.2 THE INFANT

We hope the broader message is clear: We must view life span development in its sociocultural and sociohistorical context. We must bear in mind that each social group settles on its own definitions of the life span, the age grades within it and the age norms appropriate to each age range, and that each social group experiences development differently. We must also appreciate that age – whether it is 7, 17 or 70 – has had different meanings in different historical eras and most likely will mean something different again in the decades and centuries to come. We must also remain aware of the cultural and subcultural contexts of development and how these too influence views of age boundaries and expectations. One of the most fascinating challenges in the study of human development is to understand which aspects of development are universal and which differ across social, historical and cultural contexts – and why (Norenzayan & Heine, 2005; Shweder et al., 2006).

xiii

Guide to the text

Application

Application Application boxes examine how knowledge has been applied to optimise development in a domain of developmental psychology. These facilitate student understanding of the practical and professional applications of developmental psychology theory.

There is tremendous variability in the health, wellness and functioning of older adults. Some are limited by health problems, but others, like Ruth Frith, the centenarian athlete who features in the chapter opening, enjoy active, healthy lives. What factors might account for differences in the functioning of older adults, and what do we know about staying healthy and ageing successfully in older adulthood? Longitudinal studies that have followed the same participants for a decade or more have produced some consistent findings. (To learn

more about longitudinal studies, see the section later in this chapter on ‘Developmental research designs’.) For example, the Melbourne Collaborative Cohort study (which commenced in 1990 with over 40 000 participants born in Australia, New Zealand and Europe) and the Three-City (3C) study in France (which commenced in 1999 with 9000 participants) both found that avoiding smoking, maintaining a healthy weight and engaging in physical activity are strong predictors of successful ageing in the elderly (Artaud et al., 2013; Hodge, English, Giles, & Flicker, 2013). In the 3C

Source: Steve Liss/Getty Images

SUCCESSFUL AGEING

Sister Esther, shown here at age 106, interacting with Nun Study researcher Dr David Snowdon

study, those older people who smoked and were overweight and sedentary had a 2.5-fold increased hazard of disability. >>> >>>

Successful aging

Ch 1, p. 10

Using developmental theories to prevent risky sexual behaviour and unplanned teen pregnancy

Ch 2, p. 86

Making inclusion work

Prevention and treatment of genetic conditions

Ch 3, p. 109

Treating disorders of sex development

Ch 9, p. 437

Halting the obesity ‘brain drain’

Ch 4, p. 195

Stopping the bullies

Ch 10, p. 528

Improving children’s cognitive functioning

Ch 5, p. 233

Preventing child abuse

Ch 11, p. 600

Aiding children with hearing impairments

Ch 6, p. 281

Nurturing development in early learning programs

Reducing risks to mental health when natural disasters strike

Ch 12, p. 632

Ch 7, p. 347

Supporting the bereaved family

Ch 13, p. 720

40

LIFE SPAN HUMAN DEVELOPMENT

Diversity

Diversity

CULTURALLY SENSITIVE RESEARCHERS

Explore the diverse cultural issues, research and practices in relation to developmental science by reading the Diversity boxes. Culturally sensitive researchers

Ch 8, p. 408

Ch 1, p. 40

Both Bronfenbrenner’s bioecological in New Zealand and Australia (see On method (Ma¯ ori approaches to research), model and Baltes’ life span perspective the internet: Guidelines for research which involved engaging Ma¯ ori iwi emphasise that development is shaped with Indigenous peoples) require (tribes) and health providers to assist by its cultural context. This implies consultation at all stages of research with recruitment and conduct of the that we need to study development with Indigenous people, not only for research and the use of Ma¯ ori language in a variety of contexts using culturally protecting research participants but in interviews (Dyall et al., 2013; Walker, sensitive methods to understand both also to ensure Ma¯ ori and Aboriginal Eketone, & Gibbs, 2006). With this what is universal and what is culturally and Torres Strait Islander people have a approach the researchers successfully specific about human development voice and are meaningfully engaged in recruited large, equal numbers of Ma¯ ori (Cole & Packer, 2011). research about issues for their people and non-Ma¯ ori participants (600 in each Culturally sensitive researchers must and communities (Health Research Council group). first be prepared to consult, negotiate of New Zealand, 2010; National Health Third, researchers who study and research with participants and and Medical Research Council, 2003). cultural influences on development, representatives (such as elders) of Second, it can be extremely or racial, ethnic and socioeconomic other cultural and subcultural groups challenging to ensure that data differences in development, must before, during and after research and collection procedures are culturally work hard to keep their own cultural when planning, implementing and appropriate, and that they mean values from biasing their perceptions disseminating research. Research the same thing for individuals from of other groups. Too often, Western design, conduct and analysis have different cultural groups if comparisons researchers have let ethnocentrism – the belief that evolved from Western worldviews, are to be made (Rogoff, 2003). For ethnocentrism The one’s own group belief that one’s own and people from other societies and example, when one organisation and its culture cultures may have different ideas translated a survey into 63 languages cultural or ethnic group is superior to others. are superior – about who should give consent for and then had the questions translated creep into their participation, or how research data can back into English, strange things research designs, procedures and be collected, analysed and used. For happened: ‘married or living with a measures. Ethnocentrism can mean example, in Australia and New Zealand, partner’ was translated as ‘married but the results of studies with children Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander have a girlfriend’, and ‘American ideas and adults from other cultures are and Ma¯ ori knowledge, which is an and customs’ became ‘the ideology of misinterpreted according to standards integral part of identity development America and border guards’ (Morin, of another culture; label participants and cultural preservation, is verbally 2003). Other times, researchers need as ‘deficient’ when they would passed down through the generations to select alternative research methods better be described as ‘different’; or and is collectively owned. Researchers or adapt data gathering processes. focus on vulnerabilities rather than respect group consent When recruiting older adult research LIFE SPAN HUMAN DEVELOPMENT 8 must therefore strengths (Spencer, 2006). Also, too processes (in addition to individual participants for ‘Life and Living in often researchers have assumed that consent), that data gathered remains Advanced Age: A Cohort Study in New Engagement all individuals within various cultural the property of the community (not Zealand’ (LiLACS NZ), the research groups are alike psychologically, when the researcher), and that use of the team used two different methods – in fact there is immense diversity data should be agreed by both non-Ma¯ ori participants were recruited HOW DO YOU RELATE TOthe OLDER ADULTS? within each cultural, racial or ethnic researchers and the community through local health and community Below are&20Toombs, statements that may or 10 When anMa older person has were endorsed when compared to the group (Helms, Jernigan, & Mascher, (Gorman 2009). General networks, while ¯ ori participants may not apply to you. Write a number an ailment, I may say, ‘That’s highest possible total score for all 2005). and specific research ethics guidelines recruited using the Kaupapa Ma¯ ori from 0 to 2 next to each statement that normal at your age’. the positive items. 11 When an older person can’t indicates how often you relate to older B Add together the ratings for items 2, remember something, I may people, aged 60 and over, in these 4, 6, 8, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 16, 17, 18, say, ‘That’s what they call a ways. 19 & 20 then divide that total by 28. ON THE INTERNET “Senior Moment”.’ 0 = Never This is the proportion of negative Guidelines for research withlouder Indigenous peoples 12 Talk or slower to older 1 = Sometimes ageist behaviours you endorsed Health Research Council of New Zealand (HRC) and Research with Māori people people because of their age. 2 = Often when compared to the highest http://www.hrc.govt.nz/news-and-publications/publications/maori 13 Use simple words when talking Search me! and score for all The Australian Institute of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Studies possible (AIATSIS) total and Guidelines for the Ethical Discover Access the to older people. How often do you: Research in Australian Indigenous Studies negative items. Psychology database older people 1 Compliment on 14 Ignore older people because of https://aiatsis.gov.au/research/ethical-research/guidelines-ethical-research-australian-indigenous-studies C To help you see roughly where you and investigate the these website links for their furtherage. information about research ethics and culturally sensitive research how well they look,Visit despite topic of culturally approaches with Aboriginal, Torres Islander and Māori peoples. stand, compare your positive and 15 Vote forStrait an older person their age. sensitive research. negative scores to the average age 2 Send birthday cards to older because of their age. and gender scores in Table 1.2. 16 Vote against an older person people that joke about The values in the table were found because of their age. their age. by Cherry and Palmore (2008) in 3 Enjoy conversations with older 17 Avoid older people because of a sample of 162 participants. As people because of their age. their age. indicated by the results in the 4 Tell older people jokes about 18 Avoid older people because table, they found all age groups old age. they are cranky. readily admitted to positive ageist 5 Hold doors open for older 19 When a slow driver is in front of behaviours. Any differences in the people because of their age. me, I may think, ‘It must be an endorsement of positive or negative 6 Tell an older person, ‘You’re too old person’. ageist items between age groups 20 Call an older woman, ‘young old for that’. was not significant, meaning the lady’, or call an older man, 7 Offer to help an older person younger and older adults endorsed ‘young man’. across the street because of similar numbers of items. Females To score and interpret your responses: their age. endorsed positive ageist items 8 When I find out an older A Add together the ratings for items significantly more often than person’s age, I may say, ‘You 1, 3, 5, 7, 9 and 10, then divide that males, but there were no gender don’t look that old’. total by 12. This is the proportion differences for the endorsement of 9 Ask an older person for advice of positive ageist behaviours you negative items. because of their age.

Culture and observational learning

Ch 2, p. 67

Childbirth and culture

Ch 3, p. 140

Aboriginal children’s health

Ch 4, p. 180

Are Piaget’s stages cross-culturally universal?

Ch 5, p. 224

Culture and autobiographical memory

Ch 6, p. 295

Morality, culture and gender

Ch 10, p. 531

Explaining cultural differences in IQ test scores

Ch 7, p. 344

Attachment and culture

Ch 11, p. 567

International differences in achievement test scores Ch 8, p. 414

Ethnic differences in rates of psychological distress Ch 12, p. 656

Culture and self-conceptions

Grief, mourning and culture

Ch 13, p. 693

Ch 8, p. 403

Ch 9, p. 434

Engagement Engagement boxes in each chapter provide real-life or hypothetical situations that will help students to engage personally with the material and assess their own knowledge, beliefs, traits and attitudes by completing personality scales, test items, surveys and short quizzes. How do you relate to older adults? Where do you stand on major developmental issues?

Ch 1, p. 8 Ch 2, p. 50

What’s your motivation style?

Genetic influence: what is myth, what is reality

Ch 3, p. 100

A brief personality scale

Ch 9, p. 432

Longevity quiz

Ch 4, p. 206

Do you have a theory of mind?

Ch 10, p. 496

How well do you understand Piaget’s stages?

Ch 5, p. 251

Identifying internal working models of attachment Ch 11, p. 592

Improve your memory!

Ch 6, p. 301

Is someone you know suicidal?

Are you creative?

Ch 7, p. 337

Life and death: what are your views?



Ch 12, p. 654 Ch 13, p. 681

TABLE 1.2 Average age and gender scores Group

Positive items

Negative items

Younger adults (18–29 years)

0.54

0.24

Middle-aged adults (40–57 years)

0.51

0.15

Older adults (60+ years)

0.54

0.26

Males

0.49

0.23

Females

0.55

0.24

Copyright 2019 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole 0.53 or in part. WCN 02-200-202 Total sample 0.23 Source: Reprinted from Cherry & Palmore (2008), with permission from Taylor & Francis Ltd, http://www.tandfonline.com, © 2008.

Guide to the text 35

CHAPTER 1: UNDERSTANDING LIFE SPAN HUMAN DEVELOPMENT

Exploration

Exploration

AUSTRALIAN AND NEW ZEALAND LONGITUDINAL STUDIES OF DEVELOPMENT

Exploration boxes provide in-depth investigation of local and international research on various high interest topics.

Australian and New Zealand longitudinal studies of development

Ch 1, p. 35

Psychoanalytic theorists: Notes on school refusal

Ch 2, p. 59

Learning theorists: Notes on school refusal

Ch 2, p. 67

Humanistic theorists: Notes on school refusal

Ch 2, p. 70

Cognitive theorists: Notes on school refusal

Ch 2, p. 75

Systems theorists: Notes of school refusal

Ch 2, p. 81

Parental influences on gene expression

Ch 3, p. 119

How can brain changes during adolescence explain risky behaviours?

Ch 4, p. 192

Can there really be a Santa Claus?

Ch 5, p. 244

Ageing drivers

Ch 6, p. 306

Cognitive enhancement for ageing adult

Ch 7, p. 358

As you have learned, longitudinal life span – for example (and this is LINKAGES research studies have clear advantages by no means an exhaustive list of over cross-sectional designs for the featured longitudinal studies Chapter 2 Theories of human answering questions about how we or of chapters that refer to the development develop and grow as we age. In findings of longitudinal studies): the Chapter 3 Genes, environment and the Table 1.5 we highlight some of the Australian Temperament Project beginnings of life Chapter 9 ); the Auckland largest ongoing Australian and New (ATP; LIFE SPAN HUMAN DEVELOPMENT Chapter 4 Body, brain and health Birthweight Collaborative (ABC) Zealand longitudinal studies – some Chapter 7 Intelligence and creativity Study (Chapters 3, 4 and 7); the studies are in early stages; others have Chapter 8 Language, literacy and Christchurch Health and Development been gathering data on participants learning enjoyable and more pressured as a result of work (Hayes, Qu, Weston, & Baxter, 2011). FamilyStudy (CHDS; Chapters 7 and 8); the for over 40 years! Chapter 9 Self, personality, gender and friendly policies, such as flexible Longitudinal Birthworking Cohort hours, if available, Throughout this book we workplaceGudaga sexuality may help some families Study and of Urban Australian Indigenous will draw on the resultsto of better these balance work family life (Gray & Tudball, 2002). Further, therecognition is considerable Chapter 10 Social and moral development 7); the leave Australian Infants (Chapter and many other Australian, international evidence that paid parental is associated with improved child development Mater-University Study of Pregnancy New Zealand and international and maternal health outcomes (Berger, Hill, & Waldfogel, 2005; Khanam, Nghiem, & Connelly, Values Study (NZAVS; Chapter 9); (MUSP; Chapter 10); the Minnesota longitudinal studies as we seek 2009). This is good news for the New Zealand and Australian parents who have been able to Twin Family Study (MTFS; Chapter 3); and the Seattle Longitudinal Study to understand the influences on accessthe government-funded parentalAttitudes leave since 2011 respectively (Department and of 7). the New Zealand and 2002 and(this chapter and Chapters 2 human development across

14

Families, Housing, Community Services and Indigenous Affairs, 2011; Inland Revenue, 2011). 5 In addition to microsystems, mesosystems, exosystems and macrosystems, Bronfenbrenner

TABLE 1.5 Ongoing Australian and New Zealand longitudinal studies

chronosystem The introduced the concept of the chronosystem to capture the idea that changes in people and system that captures their environments occur in a timeframe time) and unfold in particular patterns Study in Purpose Participants and timing(chrono Data means collection Unique features Examples the way changes of data collection methods or sequences over a person’s lifetime. Another way to think about this is that we cannot study environmental systems, such as social trends Australian To gain further Since 2000+ In addition forleads example, development by taking still1992, photos; we mustInterviews, use video to understand how one See, event to and life events, are Longitudinal Study of understanding South Australian adults surveys, to tracking in this chapter, another how societal changes intertwineinformant with changes inindividual people’s lives. Fordiscussion example,of an of how and social, aged 70+ years have patternedAgeing over a (ALSA) http://www.flinders. economic biomedical andmay result been assessed on 10+job reports, objective development, ALSAleading findingsto person’s lifetime. crisis in a husband’s loss, causing marital conflict, and in turn

The summer learning effect



Self-recognition around the world edu.au/sabs/fcas/ environmental occasions. Around 70

Ch 8, p. 407 Ch 9, p. 442

assessments 500+ married that provide divorce and to changesper in cent theirwere children’s lives of and family relationships. Each of us, then, functions factors are born in physical couples have insights into Australia, with a smallthefunctioning (e.g. been followed successful ageing. in associated particular with microsystems linked through mesosystem and embedded in the larger contexts ageing in older number of Aboriginal blood pressure, over the course of of people, the exosystem and and the Torres macrosystem, all in balance) the continual flux the of the chronosystem. and Strait and study. Bronfenbrenner’s bioecological model suggests that function answers to questions about how child to explore the Islander peoples. Those cognitive of healthy, born overseas are memory and abuse,concept marriage, retirement or other experiences (e.g. affect development will often be complex because active ageing. largely from Englishverbal ability). outcomes depend on so many factors. According to Bronfenbrenner and Morris (2006), researchers speaking countries.

alsa/

Marshmallows and the life span significance of self-control Ch 10, p. 512 MAKING

The intergenerational transmission of parenting CONNECTIONS

Ch 11, p. 597

Give an example Explaining the gender difference inrelationships eating disorders Ch p. 642 need to amongNew and effects of12, key characteristics of the person, context, Growing up in New To consider provide a the Seven thousand Interviews Data gathering See,the for example, of how each of Zealand study Bronfenbrenner’s

Chapter 3, complete picture Zealand children with parents started when the time dimension and the processes through which an active person and his or herinenvironment

your development over the past year.

another. Complex research and statistical techniques are needed to assess the many interacting health of mothers development, and todesigns continue until life, education, and babies during improve outcomes they become adults. psychological influences on development portrayed in Bronfenbrenner’s bioecological model, but progress is being pregnancy and for all children. All socioeconomic development, made (Holt, 2009; Sameroff, 2009). It is appropriate, then, that we look next at the science of life early infancy. levels are represented neighbourhood and environment, span human development.and the sample is

discussion of http://www. of the pathways born in 2009/10 have and children the mother of Communicating with patients with parent–infant unresponsive environmental (for example, interaction or playhealth with peers). Nature and nurture, studytherefore, findings growingup.co.nz/interact that lead to been assessed every about the study child systemsen.html have that provideone and easily12–18 months, and was 28 weeks wakefulness syndrome 13, p.system, 678 cannotsuccessful be separated because theywith are part Ch of awellbeing, dynamic continually influencing affected you and insights into the equitable child the study planned wha¯nau (family) pregnant.

ethnically diverse.

Professional practice

Professional Practice

and culture and identity.

MEET AN EDUCATIONAL AND DEVELOPMENTAL PSYCHOLOGIST What does your role as an educational and developmental psychologist involve, and why did you decide to become one?

Meet real professionals in the Professional practice boxes and gain insights into how theory relates to, and informs day-to-day practice for psychologists, social workers and educators.

The Australian Psychological Society recognises educational and developmental psychologists as those practitioners with specialised training and experience in providing assessment, intervention and counselling services to help children and adults with learning as well as developmental issues. I personally believe this definition accurately captures the nature of this specialisation. Yet the specific roles within this specialisation can be quite diverse.

Meet an educational and developmental psychologist Ch 1, p. 14

I decided to become an educational and developmental psychologist because as a former teacher I had a passion for nurturing children’s strengths and supporting their weaknesses, particularly those children with special learning or developmental needs, in order to help them achieve their full potential and succeed in a way that is meaningful for them. Thus, in my psychology practice I work with children, adolescents and their families. This means I really work with all stages of the life span, including even the prenatal stage if I am providing pregnancy support counselling.

>>>

Source: Kimberley Cunial

xiv

Kimberley Cunial BA(Hons), PGDipEd, MEdPsych, MAPS, CEDP, Educational and Developmental Psychologist, Queensland, Australia >>>

Meet an occupational therapist

Ch 1, p. 17

Meet a social worker

Ch 1, p. 20

Meet a clinical psychologist

Ch 2, p. 53

Administering intelligence tests

Ch 7, p. 331

Meet an educator

Ch 2, p. 82

Cooperative learning

Ch 8, p. 410

Fostering self-righting pathways

Ch 3, p. 145

Identity and wellbeing

Ch 9, p. 464

A strengths-based approach to health

Ch 4, p. 163

Responding to bullying

Ch 10, p. 529

Nurturing student success

Ch 5, p. 236

Responding to family violence

Ch 11, p. 596

Selective optimisation with compensation in practice Ch 6, p. 313

Kick-ing the rumination habit

Ch 12, p. 650

Being a person and a professional

Ch 13, p. 719

6

LIFE SPAN HUMAN DEVELOPMENT

Statistics snapshot

Statistics Snapshot

SOCIAL TRENDS In Australia …

Statistics snapshot boxes highlight important data relating to this region.

•

In 1976, 21 per cent of 18- to 34-year-olds lived at home with their parents; in 2011 this had increased to 29 per cent.

•

In 1976, the median age of first marriage was 24 years for males and 21 years for females; in 2015 this had increased to 32 years for males and 30 years for females.

•

Social trends

Ch 1, p. 6

Teen birth rates

Ch 2, p. 88

In 1976, 14 per cent of 18- to 34-year olds attended a higher education institution compared to 26 per cent in 2011.

Visual impairment and ageing

•

In 1974 the median age for first fatherhood was around 29 years; in 2010 this had increased to 33.1 years.

In New Zealand … •

From 1986 to 2006, the number of 20- to 24 year olds living at home has remained relatively stable at around 30 per cent, although there was a peak in 1991 at 38.7 per cent.

•

In 1971, the median age of first marriage was 23 years for males and 21 years for females; in 1966 it was 28 years for males and 26 years for females; and in 2015 it was 30 years for males and 29 years for females.

•

In 1996, 30 per cent of 18- to 24 year olds were studying, compared to 40 per cent in 2006.

•

in 1976 the median age for first motherhood was 25 years; this had increased to 28 years in 2011.

Age and development: Sociocultural perspectives

Ch 4, p. 206 Ch 6, p. 305

In 1971 the median age of first motherhood was 25.4 years; in 2014 this had increased to 29 years.

Sources: AIHW (2016); Australian Bureau of Statistics (1997, 2009, 2010, 2013, 2015); New Zealand Families Commission (2008); Statistics New Zealand (2012, 2015, 2017).

Prematurity, low birth weight and foetal mortality Ch 3, p. 135 Overweightness and obesity

•

Table 1.1 represents only one view of the periods of the life span; age, like gender, race and other

Juvenile crime rates Chthings 10,inp.different 521societies and cultures (Fry, 2009). significant human characteristics, means different culture A system of meanings shared by a population of people and transmitted from one generation to the next.

Culture is often defined as the shared understandings and way of life of a people (see Mistry &

Participation in early childhood education

Ch 7, p. 349

Households and families Ch 11, p. 558 Dutta, 2015; Packer & Cole, 2015). It includes beliefs, values and practices concerning the nature

Participation in adult education

Ch 8, p. 418

of humans in different phases of the life span, what children need to be taught to function in Suicide rates Ch 12, p. 650

Gender identification

Ch 9, p. 436

different developmental pathways, but we allCh participate in a683 culture. That culture becomes part of Life expectancy 13, p.

us, influencing how we live and how we experience our lives (Packer & Cole, 2015). Each culture has its own ways of dividing the life span and of treating the people in different age groups. And each socially-defined age group in a culture – called an age grade or age stratum – is assigned different statuses, roles, privileges and responsibilities. Segregating children into grades in school based on age is one form of age grading, but whole societies are layered into age grades and privilege certain ages. For example, in Australia and New Zealand, it has been determined duplicated, in whole or in part. WCN 02-200-202 that ‘adults’ (18-year-olds by law) can legally consume alcohol and are extended a voting privilege not granted to children. But even legal definitions of the boundaries between adolescence and adulthood vary. The legal age for marriage in Australia and New Zealand is 18 years; however, the age of consent for sexual activity ranges from 16–17 years (Lamont, 2010). Similarly, although many

age grade Sociallydefined age group or stratum, with distinct statuses, roles, privileges and responsibilities in society.

Copyright 2019 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or

their society, and how people should lead their lives as adults. Different cultures can lead us along

Guide to the text

ICONS As you read, keep an eye out for these icons.

Think about how developmental science theory connects with you by considering the Making connections margin questions throughout the chapters.

NEW Linkages icons in the margin direct

students to make connections between important topics covered elsewhere in the text.

Express

Take your learning further by considering the On the Internet activities throughout the chapters.

Explore the online resources by following the NEW CourseMate Express margin icons throughout the text. Find answers, activities and more.

END-OF-CHAPTER FEATURES CHAPTER 1: UNDERSTANDING LIFE SPAN HUMAN DEVELOPMENT

41

At the end of each chapter you will find several tools to help you to review, practise and extend your knowledge of the keyTHINKING learning objectives. CHECKING UNDERSTANDING CRITICAL • Review your understanding of the key chapter topics with the Summary. • Test your knowledge and consolidate your learning through the Self-test, Review questions and Discussion questions. Answers to the self-test can be found at the end of each chapter. • Expand your knowledge by conducting further research in the Search me! Psychology database with the suggested key terms. IN REVIEW

1

If researchers do not try to keep ethnocentrism out of their research, what can happen?

2

A researcher deceives research participants into thinking they are in a study of learning, when the real purpose is to determine whether they are willing to inflict harm on people who make learning errors, if told to do so by an authority figure. What ethical responsibilities does this researcher have?

A researcher wants to interview elderly widows in Japan, South Korea, Australia and New Zealand about their emotional reactions to widowhood shortly after the deaths of their husbands. What might the researcher do >>> to make this research as culturally sensitive as possible?

should be internally consistent, falsifiable and, Get the answers to the Checking ultimately, supported by the data. Express understanding questions ■ Commonon CourseMate data collection methods include reporting Express.

(self- and informant), behavioural observations and physiological measures. Use of multiple methods in the same study can capture different aspects of development and compensate for weaknesses in the different methods. ■ The goal of explaining development is best achieved through experiments involving random assignments to conditions, manipulation of the independent variable and experimental control. However, not all developmental issues can be studied with experiments for ethical reasons.

CHAPTER REVIEW 1.4

■ Researchers must adhere to standards of ethical research practice, with attention to ensuring informed consent, debriefing individuals from whom information has been withheld, protecting research participants from harm and maintaining ■ Understanding nature and nurture influences confidentiality of data. on development meanshuman understanding the researchers ■ To understand development, interaction of study heredity, biology maturation must humans in aand variety of ecological with environment, experiences and learning. The complexities of transactions between people and their environment are captured in Bronfenbrenner’s bioecological model, in which the individual, with his or her biological and psychological characteristics, interacts with environmental systems called the microsystem, mesosystem, exosystem and macrosystem over time (the chronosystem).

How should we think about development? ■ Development is systematic changes and continuities over the life span in the areas of physical, cognitive and psychosocial functioning, involving gains, losses and neutral changes in physical, cognitive and psychosocial functioning; it is more than just growth in childhood and biological ageing in adulthood. ■ Development takes place in a historical, cultural and subcultural context and is influenced by age grades, age norms and social clocks.

END-OF-CHAPTER ACTIVITIES

SELF-TEST

1.2

True or false? Plasticity, or the capacity of an organism to respond to positive and negative experiences, >>> Case studies haveafter limited generalisability, and in ceases childhood and adolescence. correlational studies, one faces the directionality and 4 True or __________, the capacity (b) of an organismand (c) 5 or A false? good Plasticity, theory is (a) __________ third variable problems in attempting to draw causeto respond to positive and negative experiences, __________. effect conclusions. Developmentalists use metaceases after childhood and adolescence. analysis synthesise the results of of multiple studiesstudies 6 toThe major disadvantage correlational 7 5 the A same good theory (a) __________, (b) __________ and (c) of toisproduce overall conclusions. is issue that:

__________.research designs seek to describe ■ Developmental a they are costly and time consuming. age development. Cross-sectional studies bonthey do not allow researchers tostudies draw cause-and6 effects The major disadvantage of correlational compare different age groups but confound age effect conclusions. is that: effects and cohort effects. Longitudinal studies study a they are costly and time consuming. age change but confound age effects and time-ofb they do not allow researchers to draw cause-andmeasurement effects. Sequential studies combine effect conclusions. the cross-sectional and longitudinal approaches to REVIEW QUESTIONS overcome these weaknesses.

What special challenges do developmental scientists face?

SUMMARY

1.1

>>>

4

c

d

the conclusions are confounded by time-ofmeasurement effects. they have no clear dependent variables.

Researchers protect research participants c 7 the conclusionsmust are confounded by time-offrom physicaleffects. and psychological harm by following measurement standards (a) __________. involves informing d they have noofclear dependent This variables. participants about all aspects of the research so they Researchers must protect research participants can provide __________.harm Participants must be from physical and (b) psychological by following guaranteed that their responses provided during the standards of (a) __________. This involves informing research will be (c) __________. participants about all aspects of the research so they can provide (b) __________. Participants must be guaranteed that their responses provided during the research will be (c) __________.

Develop your understanding of the chapter content by preparing short answer or essay responses to the following

REVIEW QUESTIONS contexts; this requires culturally sensitive questions – or ayou might like to tryapproach developing a concept map or thinking map for these questions. to research in which researchers collaborate with participants in the planning, implementation and Develop your understanding ofbetween the chapter contentand by preparing short answerthe or difference essay responses to naturalistic the following 6 Explain between 1 Explain the difference maturation dissemination of research; sensitive observation structured observation and the and howutilise eachtoculturally contributes to development questionslearning – or you might like try developing a concept map or thinking map forand these questions. methods and measures; reasons you would select one over the other to study across the life and span.keep their own cultural values and ethnocentrism from biasing their development. COURSEMATE EXPRESS 2 Discuss why emerging adulthood is proposed as a 6 Explain the difference between naturalistic 1 Explain the difference between maturation and conclusions. 7 Evaluate the strengthsobservation and weaknesses of the case distinct developmental stage.to development observation and structured and the learning and how each contributes The CourseMate website contains a range of research resources andone study tools for this study method. reasons you would select over the other to study across the life the span. Express 3 Discuss following one of theExpress seven assumptions development. chapter, 8 Evaluate the strengths and weaknesses of the of why the modern lifeadulthood spanincluding: perspective: Development is 2 Discuss emerging is proposed as a

ONLINE STUDY TOOLS

correlational research method. of the case characterised by lifelong 7 Evaluate the strengths and weaknesses distinct developmental stage. plasticity. study research the method. →3 Revision quizzes 9 Evaluate strengths and weaknesses of the 4 Explain what theone scientific is and why it is → Glossary Discuss the following of the method seven assumptions longitudinal research design. forspan developmental science. Evaluate the strengths and weaknesses of the of theimportant modern perspective: Development → Solutions to the life Checking understanding questions is →8 and more! correlational research method. characterised plasticity. of self-esteem, state a 10 Overview what developmental researchers must do 5 Focusingbyonlifelong the development to ensure their research is culturally and research question that illustrates each ofitthe the strengths and weaknesses ofsensitive the 4 Explain what scientific method is and why is four main9 Evaluate SEARCH ME!the PSYCHOLOGY ethically responsible. goalsfor of developmental the study of lifescience. span development. longitudinal research design. important

10 Overview developmental must do 5 Focusing on the development of self-esteem, state a for articles Explore Search me! Psychology relevant what to this chapter. Fast researchers and convenient, Answer these questions to self-test your knowledge of the chapter content. The answers the end each of the to ensure their research is culturally sensitive and research questionare thatatillustrates of the four main ■ The modern life span perspective on human Search me! Psychology is updated daily and provides you with 24-hour access to full text chapter. as set forth by Baltes, assumes that ethically responsible. goals of the study of life span development. development, articles from hundreds of scholarly and popular journals, eBooks and newspapers, including development (1) occurs throughout the life span, FOR DISCUSSION The Australian andtoThe changes directions, and continuities in a person occurring from conception to death are collectively referred as: New York Times. Log in to the Search me! Psychology database via (2)1 canSystematic take many different (3) involves http://login.cengagebrain.com and try searching for the following keywords: interlinked gains and losses at every age, (4) is a ageing. Discuss and debate your point of view on the following developmental issues, dilemmas and controversies related characterised by plasticity, (5) is affected by its b development. FOR toDISCUSSION topics in this chapter. historical cultural context, (6) is influenced by Search tip: Search me! Psychology → centenarian c and growth. multiple contains information from both d interacting learning. causal factors, and (7) can best be →one ageism Discuss and debate your of view on the of following developmental issues, dilemmas and controversies related 2 Many observers believe that age norms for transitions 1 international In this chapter wepoint presented view the periods understood through the lens of multiple disciplines. local and sources. To 2 The (a) __________ (Select from cohort effect or social clock) refers to an individual’s sense that certain life events adult development, such as marriage, parenthood, life span Table 1.1 you agree with thisresonance in tothe topicsof inthe this chapter. → ). Do functional magnetic imaging (fMRI). getby number of (see search should occur at aand particular to a schedule dictated (b)greatest __________. (Select from age grades, age The CourseMate Express website contains a range of resources study time, tools according for this Express peak career achievement and retirement, are view?both What life periods 1.3 How is development studied? results, try using Australian and would you break the life span norms, age effects or rites of passage) chapter, including: in our society. Do you think such age into? What characteristics you use to describe 2 Many weakening observers believe that age norms for transitions 1 In this chapter presented view of the periods American spellings in we your searches, onewould ■ The scientific method involves formulating theories conducting research with a sample (ideally a random norms could eversuch disappear entirely? Why or why not? periods in What arewith the best 3 Match termspopulation. from Bronfenbrenner’s bioecological theory withe.g. the‘globalisation’ appropriate definition ofyour these in adult development, as marriage, parenthood, of thethe life life span (see Table 1.1model? ).environmental Do you agree this and and ‘globalization’; and testing hypotheses derived from them by sample) fromthe a larger Good theories of thewould life span systems. → Revision quizzes → Glossary peak career achievement and retirement, are view? worst What life periods you from breakyour the perspective? life span >>> ‘organisation’ and stages ‘organization’.

What is the science of life span development?

■ The study of life span development, guided by the goals of description, prediction, explanation and optimisation, began with the baby biographies written by Charles Darwin and others. However, psychologist G. Stanley Hall came to be regarded as the founder of developmental science through his use of questionnaires and attention to all phases of the life span. COURSEMATE EXPRESS

ONLINE STUDY TOOLS

→

Solutions to the Checking understanding questions

→

SEARCH ME! PSYCHOLOGY

and more!

into? What characteristics would you use to describe

a microsystem

1 The interrelationships between immediate theenvironments life periods in your model? What are the best and

b mesosystem

worst stages of the life span from your perspective? 2 The larger cultural or subcultural context of development

c

3 The way changes in environmental systems are patterned over a person’s

exosystem

lifetime Explore Search me! Psychology for articles relevant to this chapter. Fast and convenient,

ANSWERS TO THE SELF-TEST

Search me! Psychology is updated daily and provides you with 24-hour access to full text 1: (b); 2: (a)functions social clock, (b) age norms; 3: (a) 4, (b) 1, (c) 5, d macrosystem 4 The immediate settings in which the person articles from hundreds of scholarly and popular journals, eBooks and newspapers, including e chronosystem

weakening in our society. Do you think such age norms could ever disappear entirely? Why or why not?

(d) 2, (e) 3; 4: False; 5: (a) internally consistent, (b) falsifiable,

5 Settings not experienced directly by individuals but which still influence their development

(c) supported by data; 6: (b); 7: (a) research ethics, (b) informed consent, (c) confidential

The Australian and The New York Times. Log in to the Search me! Psychology database via http://login.cengagebrain.com and try searching for the following keywords: Search tip: Search me! Psychology contains information from both local and international sources. To get the greatest number of search results, try using both Australian and American spellings in your searches, e.g. ‘globalisation’ and ‘globalization’; ‘organisation’ and ‘organization’.

→

centenarian

→

ageism

→

functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI).

42

REFERENCES

>>>

43

CHAPTER REVIEW

CHAPTER 1: UNDERSTANDING LIFE SPAN HUMAN DEVELOPMENT

Aber, L., Morris, P., & Raver, C. (2012). Children, families and poverty. Definitions, trends, emerging science and implications for policy. SRCD Social Policy Report, 26,1–19. Alwin, D. F. (2009). History, cohorts, and patterns of cognitive aging. In H. B. Bosworth, & C.

Arnett, J. J. (2000). Emerging adulthood: A theory of development from the late teens through the twenties. American Psychologist, 55, 469–480. Arnett, J. J. (2015). The cultural psychology of emerging adulthood. In L. A. Jensen (Ed.), The Oxford handbook of human development and culture: An interdisciplinary perspective (pp. 487–501). New York, NY: Oxford University Press.

CHAPTER REVIEW Australian Bureau of Statistics. (1997). Australian social trends, 1997. Canberra, ACT: ABS. Retrieved from http:// www.abs.gov.au/AUSSTATS/abs@. nsf/2f762f95845417aeca25706c00834efa/ a8d1bea8a2ff1b33ca2570e c001b0dc3!penDocument

43

Hertzog (Eds.), Aging and cognition: Research Copyright 2019 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in wholeAustralian or in part. WCN 02-200-202 methodologies and empirical advances. Bureau of Statistics. (2009). Australian Washington, DC: American Psychological Association.

ANSWERS TO THE SELF-TEST

Andrews, G., Clark, M., & Luszcz, M. (2002). Successful aging in the Australian Longitudinal Study of Aging: Applying the MacArthur model

Arnett, J. J., & Tanner, J. L. (Eds.) (2006). Emerging adults in America: Coming of age in the 21st century. Washington, DC: American Psychological Association. Artaud, F., Dugravot, A., Sabia, S., Singh-Manoux,

social trends, 2009: Home and away: The living arrangements of young people. Canberra, ACT: ABS. Retrieved from http:// www.abs.gov.au/AUSSTATS/[email protected]/ Lookup/4102.0Main+Features50June+2009

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GUIDE TO THE ONLINE RESOURCES FOR THE INSTRUCTOR Cengage is pleased to provide you with a selection of resources that will help you prepare your lectures and assessments. These teaching tools are accessible via cengage.com.au/instructors for Australia or cengage.co.nz/instructors for New Zealand.

COURSEMATE EXPRESS CourseMate Express is your one-stop shop for learning tools and activities that help students succeed. As they read and study the chapters, students can access revision quizzes, data activities, solutions to in-text questions and key weblinks. CourseMate Express also features the Engagement Tracker, a first-of-its-kind tool that monitors student engagement in the content. Ask your Learning Consultant for more details.

Express

MINDTAP MindTap is an interactive, customisable and complete online course solution. MindTap integrates authorita-tive textbook pedagogy with customisable student ‘learning paths’, an innovative ‘app’ model of instructional utilities, LMS interoperability, and the power of s social media to create a personal learning experience for today’s mobile students. To prescribe MindTap for your students, please contact your Learning Consultant.

INSTRUCTOR’S MANUAL

WORD-BASED TEST BANK

The Instructor’s manual includes: • chapter outlines • learning objectives • review questions with suggested answers • suggested class discussions and projects • suggested audio-visual material to aid learning • websites and readings, and • Search me! activities

This bank of questions has been developed in conjunction with the text for creating quizzes, tests and exams for your students. Deliver these through your LMS and in your classroom.

Copyright 2019 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. WCN 02-200-202

Guide to the online resources

ARTWORK FROM THE TEXT

POWERPOINTTM PRESENTATIONS

Add the digital files of graphs, pictures and flowcharts into your course management system, use them in student handouts, or copy them into your lecture presentations.

Use the chapter-by-chapter PowerPoint slides to enhance your lecture presentations and handouts by reinforcing the key principles of your subject.

FOR THE STUDENT New copies of this text come with an access code that gives you a 12-month subscription to the CourseMate Express website and Search me! psychology.Visit http://login.cengagebrain.com and log in using the access code card.

COURSEMATE EXPRESS FOR HUMAN DEVELOPMENT Access your CourseMate Express website, which includes a suite of interactive resources designed to support your learning, revision and further research, including: • key weblinks • revision quizzes • and more! • data activities • solutions to in-text questions Express

SEARCH ME! PSYCHOLOGY Expand your knowledge with Search me! psychology. Fast and convenient, this resource provides you with 24-hour access to relevant full-text articles from hundreds of scholarly and popular journals and newspapers, including The Australian and The New York Times. Search me! psychology allows you to explore topics further and quickly find current references.

MINDTAP A new approach to highly personalised online learning, MindTap is designed to match your learning style and provides you with an engaging interface to interact with the course content, multimedia resources as well as your peers, lecturers and tutors. In the MindTap Reader, you can make notes, highlight text and even find a definition directly from the page. To purchase your MindTap experience for Life Span Human Development, please contact your instructor. Copyright 2019 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. WCN 02-200-202

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PREFACE This book is about the development of human beings – from their days as fertilised eggs to their dying days. It highlights regularities as well as differences in development, and it asks fundamental questions about why we humans develop as we do. This third Australian and New Zealand edition of Life Span Human Development incorporates many exciting changes to ensure the book is relevant to students studying in the Australian and New Zealand context, yet it retains four core features of the original text that have been valued by students and instructors over the years: (1) the unique integrated topical–chronological approach, (2) a presentation that is both research-based and applied, (3) an emphasis on the different theoretical perspectives that guide thinking about human development and research; and (4) an indepth exploration throughout of nature and nurture contributions to development as well as the universality and diversity surrounding human development.

TOPICAL AND CHRONOLOGICAL APPROACH The most distinctive feature of this book is its unique integrated topical–chronological approach. Most other life span development textbooks adopt a chronological or ‘age–stage’ approach, carving the life span into age ranges and describing the prominent characteristics of individuals within each age range. In contrast, we adopt a topical approach for the overall organisation of the book and after three introductory chapters we blend a topical approach with a chronological approach within chapters. Each blended chapter focuses on a domain of development, such as physical growth, cognition or psychosocial development, and then incorporates major sections on infancy, childhood, adolescence and adulthood to trace the developmental trends and influences throughout the life span.

Why topical? Like many other instructors, we have typically favoured topically organised textbooks when teaching child-, adolescent- or adult-development courses. As a result, it seemed natural to use that same topical approach in introducing students to the whole life span. Besides, chronologically organised texts often have to repeat themselves as they remind readers of where development left off in an earlier age period that was covered in a previous chapter. More important, a topic-by-topic organisation conveys the flow of development in each area – the systematic, and often dramatic, transformations that take place as well as the developmental continuities. The topical approach also helps us emphasise the processes behind development. Finally, a predominantly topical approach is more compatible with a life span perspective, which views each period of life in relation to what comes before and what is yet to come. In chronologically organised textbooks, many topics are described only in connection with the age group to which they seem most relevant – for example, attachment in relation to infancy, or sexuality in relation to adolescence and adulthood. A topical organisation stimulates us to ask intriguing questions we might otherwise not ask, such as these about attachment relationships as explored in Chapter 11 Emotions, attachment and social relationships: • What do infants’ attachments to their parents have in common with, and how do they differ from, attachments between childhood friends or between adult romantic partners? • Do securely attached infants later have a greater capacity to form and sustain friendships or romantic partnerships than infants whose early social experiences are less favourable? • What are the consequences at different points in the life span of lacking a close relationship? Attachments are important throughout the life span, and a topical organisation helps make that clear. Copyright 2019 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. WCN 02-200-202

Preface

Why chronological? We also appreciate the strengths of the chronological approach, particularly its ability to portray the whole person in each period of the life span. For this reason, we integrated the age–stage approach with the topical organisation, aiming to have the best of both worlds. Each topical chapter contains major sections on infancy, childhood, adolescence and adulthood. The existence of these sections is proof that the chapters consider development in each of the domains covered across the whole life span. These age–stage sections call attention to the distinctive qualities of each phase of life and make it easier for students to find material on an age period of particular interest to them. In short, we believe that our integrated topical–chronological approach allows us to convey the flow of life span development in particular areas and the factors influencing it while highlighting the major physical, cognitive and psychosocial developments within each particular developmental period.

Adaptability of the integrated topical– chronological approach Even though links among chapters have been clearly identified throughout the book, instructors who are teaching short courses or who are otherwise pressed for time can omit a chapter without fear of rendering other chapters incomprehensible. For example: • A cognitively oriented course might omit one or more of the socially-oriented chapters (i.e. omit any of Chapters 9 to 13). • A socially oriented course might omit one or more of the cognitively-oriented chapters (i.e. omit any of Chapters 5 to 8). Moreover, the topical–chronological approach of the text gives instructors the flexibility to cover infancy, childhood and adolescence in a course, if they prefer, and to save the material in each chapter on adulthood for another course.

RESEARCH-ORIENTED AND RELEVANT COVERAGE We have worked hard to create a text that is rigorous yet readable – research-oriented yet ‘real’ to students. Life Span Human Development tackles complex theoretical concepts and controversies and presents the best of both classic and contemporary research from multiple disciplines in a way that is accessible and relevant to students’ life experiences and career development. We believe that it is critical for students to understand how we know what we know about development – to appreciate the research process. With that in mind, we describe illustrative studies and present their data in graphs and tables, and we cite the authors and dates of publication for a large number of books and articles, all fully referenced in the reference section at the end of each chapter. Some students may wonder why they are there. It is because we are committed to the value of systematic research, because we are bound to give credit where credit is due and because we want students and their instructors to have the resources they need to pursue their interests in human development during and after the course. We also appreciate that solid scholarship is of little good to students unless they want to read it, can understand it and see its relevance. We maintain that even the most complex issues in human development can be made understandable through clear and organised writing.To make the material more ‘real’, we clarify developmental concepts through examples and analogies, connect topics in

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Preface

the text to topics in the news, and highlight the practical implications of research findings. We also incorporate applied material relevant to students’ current and future roles as parents, teachers, psychologists, educators, social workers, occupational therapists and other allied health and human service professionals. And we help students see that major theories of human development do not just guide researchers but can help anyone analyse issues that we all face – including such practical matters as raising and educating children, working with troubled adolescents or coping with Alzheimer’s disease or death in the family.

THEORETICAL GROUNDING Theories are critical in any science, telling scientists what to study, how to study it and how to interpret their findings. We want students to leave the study of life span human development with more than facts alone; we want them to appreciate the major issues of interest to developmental scientists and how the leading theories in the field have shaped our thinking about development. Most important, we want students to learn to use these theoretical perspectives to guide their thinking and action when they encounter a question about human development outside the course. With this in mind, we have devoted Chapter 2 to laying out in broad strokes the psychoanalytic, learning, humanistic, cognitive and systems perspectives on human development, showing what they say, where they stand on key developmental issues and how they would explain developmental phenomena such as school refusal and teenage pregnancy. We delve deeper into these and other perspectives and show how they have been applied to the study of specific aspects of development in later chapters; see, for example, a treatment of the dynamic systems view of motor development in Chapter 4; a comparison of Jean Piaget’s cognitive developmental and Lev Vygotsky’s sociocultural perspectives in Chapter 5; an application of the information-processing perspective in Chapter 6; alternative views of intelligence in Chapter 7; nativist, learning and interactionist theories of language development in Chapter 8; alternative theories of personality and gender role development in Chapter 9; theories of moral development in Chapter 10; attachment theory in Chapter 11; models and theories relating to various disorders in Chapter 12; and perspectives on dying and bereavement in Chapter 13.

NATURE–NURTURE AND UNIVERSALITY– CONTEXT SPECIFICITY THEMES Finally, we want students to gain a deeper understanding of the influence of nature and nurture and of the many interacting forces affecting the developing person that contribute to both similarities (universalities) and differences (context specificity) in human development. We want students to appreciate that human development is an incredibly complex process that grows out of transactions between a changing person and a changing world and out of dynamic relationships among biological, psychological and social influences. No contributor to development – a gene, a temperament, a parent, a culture – acts alone and is unaffected by other influences on development. We introduce nature and nurture and (by implication) the universality and context specificity of development in Chapter 1, and we give these concepts extended treatment in Chapter 2, where we explore the developmental issues that underpin theories; and also in Chapter 3, where we focus on genes and environment. Each subsequent chapter includes many examples of the intertwined contributions of nature and nurture to development and the ways in which human development is both similar from person to person and culture to culture, but also diverse from person to person

Copyright 2019 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. WCN 02-200-202

Preface

and culture to culture. Along the way, we describe some exciting studies that compare individuals with and without particular genes and with and without particular life experiences to bring home what it means to say that genes and environment interact to influence development – as when genes predisposing an individual to depression combine with stressful life events to produce depression. We also illustrate the many ways in which genes and environment are intertwined and affect one another – for instance, ways in which genetic makeup influences the experiences an individual has, and ways in which experience influences which of an individual’s genes are activated or expressed. In this book we provide coverage not only of genes, hormones, brain functions and other biological forces in development but also of ways in which ethnicity, social class, community and the larger cultural context modify development. Most important, we illuminate the complex interrelationships between biological and environmental influences that are at the heart of the developmental process.

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ABOUT THE AUTHORS Carol K Sigelman is Professor of Psychology and, until recently, Associate Vice President for Research and Graduate Studies and then Graduate Studies and Academic Affairs at The George Washington University. She earned her bachelor’s degree from Carleton College and a doublemajor doctorate in English and Psychology from George Peabody College for Teachers. She has also been on the faculty at Texas Tech University, Eastern Kentucky University (where she won her college’s Outstanding Teacher Award) and the University of Arizona. She has taught courses in child, adolescent, adult and life span development and has published research on such topics as the communication skills of individuals with developmental disabilities, the development of stigmatising reactions to children and adolescents who are different, and children’s emerging understandings of diseases and psychological disorders. Through a grant from the National Institute of Child Health and Human Development, she and her colleagues studied children’s intuitive theories of AIDS and developed and evaluated a curriculum to correct their misconceptions and convey the facts of HIV infection. With a similar grant from the National Institute on Drug Abuse, she explored children’s and adolescents’ understandings of the effects of alcohol and drugs on body, brain and behaviour. For fun, she enjoys hiking, biking, discovering good movies and communing with her cats. Linda De George has, in recent years, focused her career on leading social innovation, having recently held senior government and university positions in this area as well as in stakeholder, community and consumer engagement. She earned an undergraduate degree in psychology and a Master of Educational Psychology from the University of Queensland, and a PhD from Griffith University. She has worked as a psychology practitioner and has considerable experience as a university academic, teaching courses in life span development, educational psychology, developmental disabilities, special education and psychological assessment. Linda’s research interests are broadly themed around capacity building of individuals, groups and communities. Outside of work, Linda loves to cook, camp and hike, spend time with amazing family and friends, and be owned by two cats. Kimberley Cunial is a practising Educational and Developmental Psychologist with experience working in school, university, community, hospital and private practice settings. She is also an approved Supervisor with the Australian Board of Psychology. She earned a Bachelor and a Master of Educational Psychology from the University of Queensland, and a Postgraduate Diploma of Education from the Queensland University of Technology. At the time of writing, Kimberley was in the final stages of completing her PhD in Clinical Psychology at Griffith University. Kimberley has particular research interests, and is published, in the area of attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD). For leisure, Kimberley enjoys spending time with her three children, family, friends, and beloved cats, as well as getting outdoors cycling, hiking and visiting the beach. Elizabeth A Rider is Professor of Psychology and Associate Academic Dean at Elizabethtown College in Pennsylvania. She has also been on the faculty at the University of North Carolina at Asheville. She earned her undergraduate degree from Gettysburg College and her doctorate from Vanderbilt University. She has taught courses on child and life span development, women’s and gender issues, applied developmental psychology and genetic and environmental influences on development. She has published research on children’s and adults’ spatial perception, orientation and ability to find their way. Through a grant from the Pennsylvania State System for Higher Education, she studied factors associated with academic success. The second edition of her text on the psychology of women, Our Voices, was published by John Wiley & Sons in 2005. When she is not working, her life revolves around her son and a fun-loving springer spaniel.

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The adapting authors would like to thank Carol K Sigelman and Elizabeth A Rider for allowing adaptation of their original work for the Australian and New Zealand first, second and third editions. Thank you also to the editorial team at Cengage Australia for their support in the development of this textbook.

Reviewers The authors and Cengage would like to thank the following reviewers for their time, expertise and constructive criticism: Annette Gainsford, Charles Sturt University Annette Henderson, The University of Auckland Claire Henderson,Wilson, Deakin University Ying Yang, Australian Catholic University (NSW) Sharna Spittle, V   ictoria University Natasha Loi, University of New England Joel Howell, Curtin University Tick Zweck, Tabor College of Higher Education Justine Dandy, Edith Cowan University Laynie Hall-Pullin, Western Sydney University Prudence Millear, University of the Sunshine Coast Sandra Goetz, Griffith University. Every effort has been made to trace and acknowledge copyright. However, if any infringement has occurred, the publishers tender their apologies and invite the copyright holders to contact them.

Copyright 2019 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. WCN 02-200-202

Copyright 2019 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. WCN 02-200-202

CHAPTER

UNDERSTANDING LIFE SPAN HUMAN DEVELOPMENT CHAPTER OUTLINE 1.1

How should we think about development? Defining development Conceptualising the life span Framing the influence of nature and nurture

1.2 What is the science of life span development?

1.3 How is development studied? The scientific method Sample selection Data collection techniques Case study, experimental and correlational methods Developmental research designs

1.4 What special challenges do developmental scientists face? Protecting the rights of research participants Conducting culturally sensitive research

Source: Getty Images/Heather Faulkner/AFP

Goals of study Early beginnings The modern life span perspective

The centenarian athlete

or smoke and generally enjoyed

Ruth Frith, born in 1909, was one of the world’s oldest

good health – even though she

competing field athletes, taking up the sport in her 70s and

didn’t eat vegetables as an adult,

competing until she died in 2014 aged 104. The Australian

as she didn’t like them! Ruth

great-grandmother held Masters Games medals and world

trained to be a solicitor but gave

records in shotput, javelin and hammer-throw. Ruth had

this away when she married in

a regular physical training regime, including bench-

1933: despite living through the

pressing, and was coached by her daughter, Helen Searle –

women’s liberation and feminism

herself a dual Olympic and Commonwealth Games

movements, Ruth thought a

athlete in the 1960s who also continues to compete as

woman’s place is in the home:

a veteran athlete. Ruth had pacemaker surgery at age

‘I think that’s half the problem

103 for heart problems, which temporarily interrupted

with children; there is no one to come home to when they

her athletics training. In her later years, she was not

come home from school’ (Jerga, 2009; McKimmie, 2010;

able to cook as much as she would have liked because of

SBS Insight, 2013; Stephens, 2014). Although her parents

eyesight problems related to macular degeneration. But

died when she was at high school, Ruth’s sisters lived long

overall, Ruth maintained a healthy lifestyle, did not drink

lives too, reaching 80 and 97 years of age.

Ruth Frith, centenarian athlete

Express Throughout this chapter, the CourseMate Express logo indicates an opportunity for online self-study, linking you to online resources.

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centenarian An individual who lives to be 100 years of age or older.

ON THE INTERNET The 100+ club

http://www. flickchicks.com. au/100+clubdoco/ media Enter this website to find out more about membership of one of the most exclusive clubs in the world, the 100+ club – where you don’t have to be rich and famous, just extremely old! At this website you can view a clip from the 100+ club documentary, which features Ruth Frith from our chapter opening, and you will also find links to more information about the club and centenarians.

This book is about the development of humans like Ruth Frith – and you – from conception to death. Like any life, the life of Ruth Frith, a centenarian (an individual who lives to 100 years or older; see On the Internet:The 100+ club), raises many questions:Was her extraordinary physical fitness in her 100s, and that of her daughter, now in her 70s, mainly a matter of good genes, or the result of physical training? What changes in functioning and fitness does ageing entail, and are conditions like heart and eye disease inevitable as we age? How important are lifestyle factors such as smoking and diet for health and longevity? Going in a different direction, how were Ruth and others of her generation affected by growing up in a society in which women often had to make the choice between marriage, family and a career? And what allows some people to cope better than others with negative life events such as the death of a partner, parent or siblings? We address questions like these and more in this book. Among other things, we’ll ask how infants perceive the world; how preschool children think; how life events such as the loss of a parent affect a child’s adjustment and later romantic relationships; why some young people engage in riskier pursuits than others; whether most adults eventually experience declines in their capacities; and how people typically change physically, mentally and emotionally as they age. We will also take on even more fundamental questions: How does a single fertilised egg cell turn into a unique human being like Ruth Frith? And how can we use knowledge of the genetic and environmental forces that shape development to optimise it? Do any of these questions intrigue you? Probably so, because we are all developing people interested in ourselves and other developing people around us. Many of us want to understand how we and those we know have been affected by our experiences, how we have changed over the years and where we may be headed. Throughout this book there will be opportunities for you to reflect on your own developmental experiences and views about development. For example, in the chapter Engagement boxes there are questionnaires and quizzes to complete, and in the For discussion activities at the end of chapter you can explore your beliefs and attitudes about topical issues and debates in human development. In the Making connections activities, you are invited to engage personally with specific theories and concepts you are learning about. Many who read this book have practical motivations for learning about human development – for example, a desire to be a good parent or to pursue a career as a psychologist, educator, nurse, occupational therapist, counsellor, speech and language pathologist, social worker or other human services or allied health professional. So, in this edition of the book we are delighted to introduce you to five Australian and New Zealand professionals who are practitioners, researchers and educators in some of these fields. In Professional practice boxes throughout the book, they will share their professional experiences with you, including how they use developmental theories, concepts and research to inform their work of optimising human development. Look out, too, for a range of other boxed features and activities throughout the text: Exploration boxes, Application boxes and Search me! activities are all designed to enhance your study of human development by helping you engage with the research and theory behind developmental sciences and the real-world applications (refer to the Resources guide at the front of this book for a description of these and more features). This introductory chapter will now lay the groundwork for the remainder of the book by addressing some basic questions: How should we think about development and the influences on it? What is the science of life span development? How is development studied? And what are some of the special challenges in studying human development?

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1.1

HOW SHOULD WE THINK ABOUT DEVELOPMENT?

■■ Define development and ageing, and their relationship to each other. ■■ Explain and illustrate the role played by age grades, age norms and the social clock in making human development different in various historical, cultural and subcultural contexts. ■■ Summarise the positions one can take on the ‘nature–nurture’ issue and the position most developmental scientists today take.

learning objectives

We begin by asking what it means to say that humans ‘develop’ or ‘age’ over the life span, how we can conceptualise the life span and its cultural and historical diversity, and how nature and nurture influence developing humans in their ever-changing environments.

Defining development Development can be defined as systematic changes and continuities in the individual that occur

between conception and death, or from ‘womb to tomb’. Development entails many changes; by describing these changes as systematic, we imply that they are orderly, patterned and relatively enduring – not fleeting and unpredictable like mood swings. Development also involves continuities, ways in which we remain the same or continue to reflect our past selves. The systematic changes and continuities of interest to those who study human development fall into three broad domains or areas of development: 1 Physical development is concerned with physical and biological processes, such as genetic inheritance; the growth of the body and its organs; the functioning of physiological systems, including the brain; health and wellness; the physical signs of ageing and changes in motor abilities; and so on. 2 Cognitive development is concerned with thought and other mental and intellectual processes, such as perception, attention, language, learning, memory, intelligence, creativity and problem solving. 3 Psychosocial development is concerned with aspects of the self, and social and interpersonal interactions, such as motives, emotions, personality traits, morality, social skills and relationships, and roles played in the family and in the larger society. Developmentalists appreciate that humans are whole beings and that these developmental areas are interwoven and overlap, with changes in one area often affecting the others throughout the life span (Figure 1.1). The baby who develops the ability to crawl (physical), for example, has new opportunities to develop her mind (cognitive) by exploring kitchen cabinets, and can hone her social skills (psychosocial) by following her parents from room to room and observing and interacting with them. And for Ruth Frith, introduced at the start of the chapter, daily training and exercise (physical) may have helped her retain her intellectual abilities (cognitive) and enriched her social interactions (psychosocial). How would you portray, in a graph, typical changes from birth to old age in these three domains? Many people picture tremendous positive gains in capacity from infancy to young adulthood, little change during early adulthood and middle age, and loss of capacities in the later years. This stereotypical view of the life span is largely false, but it also has some truth in it, especially with respect to physical development.Traditionally, biologists have defined growth as the physical changes that occur from conception to maturity. We indeed become biologically mature and physically

development Orderly patterns of change, as well as continuities, that occur in an individual throughout their life span.

physical development A component of development concerned with physical and biological processes. cognitive development A component of development concerned with thought and other mental and intellectual processes. psychosocial development A component of development concerned with aspects of the self, and social and interpersonal interactions.

growth The physical changes that occur from conception to maturity.

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FIGURE 1.1  The interwoven and overlapping nature of the three main domains that influence human development

competent during the early part of the life span. And biological ageing is the deterioration of all organisms, including humans,

that leads inevitably to their death. Biologically, then, development does involve growth in early life, stability in early and middle adulthood, and declines associated with the cumulative effects of ageing in later life. Physical Many aspects of development do not follow this ‘gain– development stability–loss’ model as we age, however. Developmental scientists have come to appreciate that developmental change at any age involves both gains and losses. For example, we should not assume that child development is all about gain; children gain many Cognitive Psychosocial development development cognitive abilities as they get older, but they also become less flexible in their thinking and less open to considering unusual solutions (Gopnik, Griffiths, & Lucas, 2015). They may also lose self-esteem and become more prone to depression (Wasserman, 2011; Manning, Bear, & Minke, 2006). Nor should we associate ageing only with loss. Some cognitive Source: Adapted from Santrock (2014). abilities do decline over the adult years. However, adults aged 50 and older typically score higher on vocabulary tests and on tests of mental ability that draw on a person’s accumulated knowledge than young adults do (Hartshorne & biological ageing Germine, 2015; Salthouse, 2012). They also sometimes show more wisdom when given social The biological and physical deterioration problems to ponder (Grossmann et al., 2010). Gerontologist Margaret Cruikshank (2009, p. 207) of organisms that conveyed the gains associated with ageing this way: ‘Decline is thought to be the main theme of leads inevitably to ageing, and yet for many, old age is a time of ripening, of becoming most ourselves.’ their death. In addition, people do not always improve or worsen but instead just become different than they were (as when a child who once feared loud noises comes to fear hairy monsters under the MAKING bed instead, or an adult who was worried about career success becomes more concerned about her CONNECTIONS children’s futures). Development clearly means more than positive growth during infancy, childhood Identify examples and adolescence, and decline during adulthood and old age. In short, development involves gains, of how you have changed and losses, neutral changes, and continuities in each phase of the life span, and ageing is part of it. stayed the same physically, mentally or emotionally from childhood into adulthood.

Conceptualising the life span If you were to divide the human life span into periods, how would you do it? Table 1.1 lists the periods that are typically referred to by professionals and researchers. Notice that the book’s inside back cover provides a table summarising key developments in these different periods of the life span; this is a preview of the aspects of physical, cognitive and psychosocial development we will be exploring throughout the chapters of this book. Note, however, that the given ages are approximate and age is only a rough indicator of developmental status. Improvements in the standard of living and health, for example, have meant that today’s 65-year-olds are not as ‘old’ physically, cognitively or psychosocially as 65-year-olds decades ago were. There are also huge differences in functioning and personality among individuals of the same age; while some adults are bedridden at age 90, others, like Ruth Frith, are involved in athletic competition and display the physical abilities of much younger people.

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CHAPTER 1: UNDERSTANDING LIFE SPAN HUMAN DEVELOPMENT

TABLE 1.1  An overview of periods of the life span Period of Life

Age Range

Prenatal period

Conception to birth

Infancy

First 2 years of life (the first month is referred to as the neonatal or newborn period)

Early childhood

2 to 5 or 6 years (some refer to children aged 1 to 3 who have begun to walk as toddlers)

Middle childhood

6 to about 12 years (or the onset of puberty)

Adolescence

Approximately 12 to 18 or 20 years (or when the individual becomes relatively independent of parents and begins to assume adult roles)

Emerging adulthood

18 to 25 or even 29 years (transitional period between adolescence and adulthood)

Early adulthood

20 to 40 years

Middle adulthood

40 to 65 years

Late adulthood

65 years and older (some refer to subcategories within this period, such as the young old, old old, and very old, based on age ranges or differences in functioning)

The most recent addition to this list of periods of the life span – the one you may not have heard of – is emerging adulthood, a transitional period between adolescence and full-fledged adulthood that extends from about age 18–25 and maybe as late as 29. According to psychologist Jeffrey Arnett and others, this is a distinct phase of life in which post-school youth spend years getting educated and saving money in order to launch their adult lives (Arnett, 2000, 2015). Emerging adulthood is a distinct developmental period primarily in developed countries, but the phenomenon is spreading to developing ones, especially in urban areas (Arnett, 2015). According to Arnett and colleagues (Arnett & Tanner, 2006), emerging adults (maybe you?): • explore their identities • lead unstable lives filled with job changes, new relationships, and moves • are self-focused, relatively free of obligations to others, and therefore free to focus on their own psychological needs • feel in between – adult-like in some ways but not others; and • believe they have limitless possibilities ahead. Not everyone agrees that emerging adulthood is a distinct period of development (Epstein, 2013). Do you believe individuals in their late teens or early 20s are truly an adult rather than an ‘emerging’ adult? Why or why not? There are many ways to define adulthood, but sociologist Frank Furstenberg and his colleagues (2004) looked at five traditional, objective markers of adulthood and found that adolescents and young adults in our society are taking longer to achieve some of these, such as completing an education, being financially independent, leaving home, marrying and having children – patterns evident in the Statistics snapshot box. Granted, many people today no longer consider marriage and parenthood to be markers of adulthood (Nelson et al., 2007), and the statistics may be misleading due to other changes in family structures. For example, in Australia, while the marriage rate has been decreasing, there has been a two-fold increase in cohabitation (two single adults living together as an unmarried couple), with 22 per cent of people aged 20–29 living in a de facto relationship in 2009–2010 compared to 10 per cent in 1992 (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2012). Still, progress toward adulthood is changing, lending some support to the concept of a period of emerging adulthood between adolescence and adulthood. Note too, that there are different social, cultural and historical views about the periods of the life span as shown in Table 1.1.

emerging adulthood A period of the life span from about 18–25 years, when young people are neither adolescents nor adults and are exploring their identities, careers and relationships.

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Statistics snapshot SOCIAL TRENDS In Australia … • In 1976, 21 per cent of 18- to 34-year-olds lived at home with their parents; in 2011 this had increased to 29 per cent. • In 1976, the median age of first marriage was 24 years for males and 21 years for females; in 2015 this had increased to 32 years for males and 30 years for females. • In 1976, 14 per cent of 18- to 34-year olds attended a higher education institution compared to 26 per cent in 2011.

• In 1971 the median age of first motherhood was 25.4 years; in 2014 this had increased to 29 years. • In 1974 the median age for first fatherhood was around 29 years; in 2010 this had increased to 33.1 years. In New Zealand … • From 1986 to 2006, the number of 20- to 24 year olds living at home has remained relatively stable at around 30 per cent, although there was a peak in 1991 at 38.7 per cent.

• In 1971, the median age of first marriage was 23 years for males and 21 years for females; in 1966 it was 28 years for males and 26 years for females; and in 2015 it was 30 years for males and 29 years for females. • In 1996, 30 per cent of 18- to 24 year olds were studying, compared to 40 per cent in 2006. • in 1976 the median age for first motherhood was 25 years; this had increased to 28 years in 2011.

Sources: AIHW (2016); Australian Bureau of Statistics (1997, 2009, 2010, 2013, 2015); New Zealand Families Commission (2008); Statistics New Zealand (2012, 2015, 2017).

Age and development: Sociocultural perspectives Table 1.1 represents only one view of the periods of the life span; age, like gender, race and other culture A system of meanings shared by a population of people and transmitted from one generation to the next.

age grade Sociallydefined age group or stratum, with distinct statuses, roles, privileges and responsibilities in society.

significant human characteristics, means different things in different societies and cultures (Fry, 2009). Culture is often defined as the shared understandings and way of life of a people (see Mistry & Dutta, 2015; Packer & Cole, 2015). It includes beliefs, values and practices concerning the nature of humans in different phases of the life span, what children need to be taught to function in their society, and how people should lead their lives as adults. Different cultures can lead us along different developmental pathways, but we all participate in a culture. That culture becomes part of us, influencing how we live and how we experience our lives (Packer & Cole, 2015). Each culture has its own ways of dividing the life span and of treating the people in different age groups. And each socially-defined age group in a culture – called an age grade or age stratum – is assigned different statuses, roles, privileges and responsibilities. Segregating children into grades in school based on age is one form of age grading, but whole societies are layered into age grades and privilege certain ages. For example, in Australia and New Zealand, it has been determined that ‘adults’ (18-year-olds by law) can legally consume alcohol and are extended a voting privilege not granted to children. But even legal definitions of the boundaries between adolescence and adulthood vary. The legal age for marriage in Australia and New Zealand is 18 years; however, the age of consent for sexual activity ranges from 16–17 years (Lamont, 2010). Similarly, although many of us define age 65 as the boundary between middle age and old age, the ages at which people become eligible for the age pension and ‘senior discounts’ differ. And age boundaries change over time as well: for example, the age of eligibility for age pension benefits for people born after 1 July 1952 in Australia will rise gradually from 65 years currently to 67 years by 2023 (Australian Government Department of Human Services, 2014). Note, however, that not all cultures and societies define age grades by years since birth. The !Kung San of Botswana often don’t know people’s chronological ages and instead define age grades in terms of functioning (Rosenberg, 2009). In relation to old age, they distinguish between the ‘old’ (na, meaning ‘big and

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CHAPTER 1: UNDERSTANDING LIFE SPAN HUMAN DEVELOPMENT

great’, is an honorary title granted to all older people starting at around age 50); the ‘old/dead’ (older but still able to function); and the ‘old to the point of helplessness’, who are ailing and need care. Once a culture has established age grades, this tends to define what people should and should not do at different points in the life span – referred to as age norms (Elder & Shanahan, 2006). In Western culture, for example, most people agree that 6-year-olds are too young to date or drink beer but are old enough to attend school. We also tend to agree that adults should think about marrying in their late 20s or early 30s (although in some segments of society earlier or later is considered better) and should retire around age 65 (Parker & Vassallo, 2009; Settersten & Trauten, 2009). In developing countries, age norms often call for having children in one’s teens and stopping work earlier than 65 in response to illness and disability (Shanahan, 2000). Why is understanding a society’s or culture’s age norms important? First, they influence the decisions people within that society or culture make about how to lead their lives and how easily they adjust to life transitions.They are the basis for what pioneering gerontologist Bernice Neugarten (1968) called the social clock – a concept that still seems to apply today and refers to a person’s sense of when things should be done and when he or she is ahead of or behind the schedule dictated by age norms. Prompted by the social clock, for example, an unmarried 30-year-old may feel that he should propose to his girlfriend before she gives up on him, or a childless 35-year-old might fear that she will miss her chance at parenthood unless she has a baby soon. Further, normal life events tend to affect us more negatively when they occur ‘off time’ than when they occur ‘on time’ at socially accepted ages (McLanahan & Sorensen, 1985). It can be challenging to experience puberty at either age 8 or age 18, or to become a new parent at 13 or 48. However, age norms in Western societies have been weakening for some time; it is less clear now what one should be doing at what age and so people do things like marry, have children and retire across a wider range of ages (Settersten & Trauten, 2009). Social age norms may also be associated with age-related stereotypes and ageism. For example, misunderstandings about older adults abound – that they are sickly, frail, forgetful, cranky, unattractive, dependent or otherwise incompetent. Such stereotypes about older adults can lead to prejudicial and discriminatory attitudes and practices toward the elderly in employment and education, and prevent them from accessing opportunities and services. Yet stereotypes and ageist behaviours are not always negative. Ageism toward older adults can also be positive in nature, for example, seeking out advice from someone who is older because of a stereotypical view that all older people are wise (see Chapter 7 for more on the topic of wisdom) (Cherry & Palmore, 2008). Either way, positive or negative ageism portrays older people in an unrealistic way – despite the stereotypes that suggest that all old people are alike, elderly adults are in fact the most diverse of all age groups in terms of physiological and psychological functioning (Andrews, Clark, & Luszcz, 2002). You might like to explore your own ways of relating to older people by completing the activity in the chapter Engagement box. Ageist attitudes and practices are unfortunately not limited to the elderly. Stereotypical views of children and adolescents as being ‘too young’ and unable to speak for themselves may lead to their opinions not being sought or being ignored in family and medical decision-making contexts (Scherer et al., 2013). Steps toward combating stereotypical and ageist attitudes and behaviours involve developing an accurate understanding of ageing and capabilities at various stages of the life span, while also appreciating the considerable developmental diversity within various life span periods.

age norms Expectations about what people should be doing or how they should behave at different points in the life span. social clock A personal sense of when things should be done in life and when the individual is ahead of or behind the schedule dictated by age norms.

MAKING CONNECTIONS Have you ever felt ahead of or behind schedule according to the social clock? What impacts has being ‘on time’ or ‘off time’ had for you?

stereotypes Generalisations about the attributes of a group which are assumed to be true of all members regardless of individual variation among the group members. ageism Prejudice or discrimination against individuals or groups on the basis of age.

LINKAGES Chapter 7 Intelligence and creativity

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Engagement HOW DO YOU RELATE TO OLDER ADULTS? Below are 20 statements that may or may not apply to you. Write a number from 0 to 2 next to each statement that indicates how often you relate to older people, aged 60 and over, in these ways. 0 = Never 1 = Sometimes 2 = Often How often do you: 1 Compliment older people on how well they look, despite their age. 2 Send birthday cards to older people that joke about their age. 3 Enjoy conversations with older people because of their age. 4 Tell older people jokes about old age. 5 Hold doors open for older people because of their age. 6 Tell an older person, ‘You’re too old for that’. 7 Offer to help an older person across the street because of their age. 8 When I find out an older person’s age, I may say, ‘You don’t look that old’. 9 Ask an older person for advice because of their age.

10 When an older person has an ailment, I may say, ‘That’s normal at your age’. 11 When an older person can’t remember something, I may say, ‘That’s what they call a “Senior Moment”.’ 12 Talk louder or slower to older people because of their age. 13 Use simple words when talking to older people. 14 Ignore older people because of their age. 15 Vote for an older person because of their age. 16 Vote against an older person because of their age. 17 Avoid older people because of their age. 18 Avoid older people because they are cranky. 19 When a slow driver is in front of me, I may think, ‘It must be an old person’. 20 Call an older woman, ‘young lady’, or call an older man, ‘young man’. To score and interpret your responses: A Add together the ratings for items 1, 3, 5, 7, 9 and 10, then divide that total by 12. This is the proportion of positive ageist behaviours you

endorsed when compared to the highest possible total score for all the positive items. B Add together the ratings for items 2, 4, 6, 8, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 16, 17, 18, 19 & 20 then divide that total by 28. This is the proportion of negative ageist behaviours you endorsed when compared to the highest possible total score for all the negative items. C To help you see roughly where you stand, compare your positive and negative scores to the average age and gender scores in Table 1.2. The values in the table were found by Cherry and Palmore (2008) in a sample of 162 participants. As indicated by the results in the table, they found all age groups readily admitted to positive ageist behaviours. Any differences in the endorsement of positive or negative ageist items between age groups was not significant, meaning the younger and older adults endorsed similar numbers of items. Females endorsed positive ageist items significantly more often than males, but there were no gender differences for the endorsement of negative items.

TABLE 1.2  Average age and gender scores Group

Positive items

Negative items

Younger adults (18–29 years)

0.54

0.24

Middle-aged adults (40–57 years)

0.51

0.15

Older adults (60+ years)

0.54

0.26

Males

0.49

0.23

Females

0.55

0.24

Total sample

0.53

0.23

Source: Reprinted from Cherry & Palmore (2008), with permission from Taylor & Francis Ltd, http://www.tandfonline.com, © 2008.

ethnicity A person’s classification in or affiliation with a group based on common heritage or traditions.

SUBCULTURAL DIFFERENCES Age grades, age norms and social clocks differ not only from culture to culture but also from subculture to subculture. Our own society is diverse with respect to race and ethnicity, or affiliation with a group based on common heritage or traditions. It is also diverse with respect

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to socioeconomic status (SES), or standing in society based on such indicators as occupational prestige, education and income. As you will learn throughout this book, Australia and New Zealand’s Indigenous people, and individuals of high versus low SES, sometimes have very different developmental experiences. Within these broad groups, of course, there are immense variations associated with a host of other factors. We must be careful not to overgeneralise. Perhaps the most important message about socioeconomic status is that, regardless of race and ethnicity, poverty can be very damaging to human development. In 2016, almost 1 in 5 Australian children (17 per cent, over 700 000 children) lived in poverty, defined as living in a household with income below the poverty line (50 per cent of median income), which equates to $895.22 per week for a couple with two children (Australian Council of Social Service, 2016). In New Zealand almost 1 in 3 children (28 per cent, almost 300 000 children) were living in poverty in 2016 (Simpson, Duncanson, Oben, Wicken, & Gallagher, 2016). Parents and children living in poverty experience more stress than higher-SES parents and children owing to noise, crowding, family disruption, hunger, exposure to violence, and other factors (Evans & Kim, 2012). Under these conditions, parents may have difficulty providing a safe, stable, stimulating and supportive home environment for their children (Duncan, Magnuson, & Votruba-Drzal, 2015; and see Chapter 11). As a result, the developmental experiences and trajectories of children who grow up in poverty and children who grow up in affluence are significantly different. The damaging effects of poverty can be seen in measurable differences in brain development between high- and low-SES children that grow wider over the critical periods of infancy and early childhood (Hanson et al., 2013) and that are linked to lower school achievement in adolescence (Mackey et al., 2015). Indeed, the negative impacts of poverty show themselves in a host of ways: not only in lower average academic achievement but in poorer mental health and wellbeing and even poorer physical health in adulthood (Aber, Morris, & Raver, 2012; Conger & Dogan, 2007; Evans & Kim, 2012).

socioeconomic status (SES) The position people hold in society based on such factors as income, education, occupational status and the prestige of their neighbourhood.

LINKAGES Chapter 11 Emotions, attachment and social relationships

Age and development: Sociohistorical perspectives The meanings of childhood, adolescence and adulthood also change from historical period to historical period. In the Western context, they have changed along the following lines: • Childhood. Although it is not quite this simple (Stearns, 2015), it has been claimed that in Western cultures it was not until the seventeenth century that children came to be viewed as distinctly different from adults, as innocents to be protected and nurtured. In medieval Europe (AD 500– 1500), for example, 6-year-olds were dressed in miniature versions of adult clothing, treated much like adults under the law, and expected to contribute to the family’s survival as soon as possible (Hanawalt, 2003). Today the goal in Western families is for children to be happy and self-fulfilled rather than economically useful (Stearns, 2015). • Adolescence. Not until the late nineteenth century and early twentieth century was adolescence recognised as a distinct phase of the life span (Hine, 1999). As industrialisation advanced, an educated labour force was needed, so laws were passed restricting child labour and making schooling compulsory. By the middle of the twentieth century, adolescence had become a distinct life stage in which youths spent their days in school, separated from the adult world and living in their own peer culture (Furstenberg, 2000). • Emerging adulthood. As you saw earlier, the transition period from adolescence to adulthood has become so long in modern societies that a new period of the life span, emerging adulthood, has been defined in the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries. • Middle age. This distinct life phase emerged in the twentieth century as parents began to bear fewer children and live long enough to see their children grow up and leave home (Moen & Wethington, 1999). Sometimes characterised as a time of ‘crisis’, sometimes as a time of hardly any psychological change, middle age is now understood to be a time of good health, peak

Search me! and Discover an example of a study focused on the emerging adulthood stage: Lane, J. A. (2015). Counseling emerging adults in transition: Practical applications of attachment and social support research. The Professional Counselor, 5, 30–42.

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cognitive functioning, stable relationships, many responsibilities and high satisfaction for most people (Whitbourne & Willis, 2006). • Old age. Not until the twentieth century did our society come to define old age as a period of retirement. In earlier eras, adults who survived to old age literally worked until they dropped. Starting in the last half of the twentieth century, thanks to pensions and medical and other support programs, working adults began to retire in their 60s with many years ahead of them (Schulz & Binstock, 2006). What lies ahead? It is estimated that by 2030, adults aged 65 or older will represent not the 14 per cent of the Australian and New Zealand population they represented in 2012, but more like 20–22 per cent (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2013; Statistics New Zealand, 2013).Yet as more and more people reach older ages, more chronic diseases and disabilities will be evident in the population, and an increasingly large group of elderly people will depend on an increasingly small group of younger, working adults to support them through social security, health services and other programs. This ‘greying’ of our society, and indeed of the world’s population, along with societal changes we cannot yet anticipate, will likely make the ageing experience by the end of the twenty-first century different than it is today. While we cannot know exactly what lies ahead, the chapter Application box summarises some of what researchers have learned about how we can improve the odds of successful ageing as we move toward this future. Successful ageing is a key theme that we will address often throughout this book. We hope the broader message is clear: We must view life span development in its sociocultural and sociohistorical context. We must bear in mind that each social group settles on its own definitions of the life span, the age grades within it and the age norms appropriate to each age range, and that each social group experiences development differently. We must also appreciate that age – whether it is 7, 17 or 70 – has had different meanings in different historical eras and most likely will mean something different again in the decades and centuries to come. We must also remain aware of the cultural and subcultural contexts of development and how these too influence views of age boundaries and expectations. One of the most fascinating challenges in the study of human development is to understand which aspects of development are universal and which differ across social, historical and cultural contexts – and why (Norenzayan & Heine, 2005; Shweder et al., 2006).

Application SUCCESSFUL AGEING There is tremendous variability in the health, wellness and functioning of older adults. Some are limited by health problems, but others, like Ruth Frith, the centenarian athlete who features in the chapter opening, enjoy active, healthy lives. What factors might account for differences in the functioning of older adults, and what do we know about staying healthy and ageing successfully in older adulthood? Longitudinal studies that have followed the same participants for a decade or more have produced some consistent findings. (To learn

more about longitudinal studies, see the section later in this chapter on ‘Developmental research designs’.) For example, the Melbourne Collaborative Cohort study (which commenced in 1990 with over 40 000 participants born in Australia, New Zealand and Europe) and the Three-City (3C) study in France (which commenced in 1999 with 9000 participants) both found that avoiding smoking, maintaining a healthy weight and engaging in physical activity are strong predictors of successful ageing in the elderly (Artaud et al., 2013; Hodge, English, Giles, & Flicker, 2013). In the 3C

Source: Steve Liss/Getty Images

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Sister Esther, shown here at age 106, interacting with Nun Study researcher Dr David Snowdon

study, those older people who smoked and were overweight and sedentary had a 2.5-fold increased hazard of disability. >>> >>>

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CHAPTER 1: UNDERSTANDING LIFE SPAN HUMAN DEVELOPMENT

>>>

Exercise in particular can reap many benefits for older adults – it can improve and enhance physical capacities (cardiovascular and respiratory functioning, bone density and muscle strength), cognitive capacities (memory and processing speed) and psychosocial capacities (psychological wellbeing and social relationships) (Langlois et al., 2013; Muster, Hyunggun, Kane, & McPherson, 2010). What exercise cannot do, however, is halt the inevitable ageing process. For example, longterm follow up of competitive athletes found that exercise capacity decreased for those in their 70s and 80s as a result of normal ageing processes, such as stiffening of cardiac valves (Muster et al., 2010). There is more to successful ageing than a healthy lifestyle and physical activity. In 1986, David Snowdon (2002) began the Nun Study with 678 nuns ranging in age from 75–106 years. In this remarkable longitudinal study,

participants underwent annual mental and physical testing, provided access to their lifetime health records, and agreed to donate their brains for examination following their deaths. A major finding from this investigation was that the nuns who were active, both physically and mentally, lived longer and healthier lives than nuns who were not as active. Snowdon also analysed the autobiography each nun had written prior to taking her vows (at an average age of 22 years) and found that the use of more complex vocabulary and the expression of positive emotions was associated with later health and longevity (Snowdon, 2002). Findings from the Australian Longitudinal Study of Ageing (ALSA; learn more about this study in the chapter Exploration box) have shown that older adults who maintain selfesteem and a sense of personal control are buffered against the effects of declining physical health and maintain a

positive perception of ageing (SargentCox, Anstey, & Luszcz, 2012). Findings also point to the benefits of social networks for successful ageing, showing that strong connections with friends and family are associated with longer survival and are protective against disability and moving to residential aged care (Giles, Glonek, Luszcz, & Andrews, 2005, 2007; Giles, Metcalf, Glonek, Luszcz, & Andrews, 2004). The message to take away is that a healthy lifestyle and physical and mental activity, along with a positive attitude and good social networks, can help slow the effects of ageing on both the body and brain and improve quality of life as we age. The good news, as you will see throughout the book, is that these factors are modifiable – so while we can’t avoid the biological reality of ageing, we can make choices throughout our life span that will increase the odds of ageing successfully.

Framing the influence of nature and nurture Understanding human development means grappling with the influences of nature and nurture on development, in other words, how biological forces and environmental forces act, and interact, to make us what we are. We raised a nature–nurture question at the start of the chapter by asking whether centenarian Ruth Frith’s athletic prowess was mainly attributable to good genes or good training, and we will highlight this always-fascinating issue throughout this book.

Nature Nature refers to the influence on development of heredity – the passing of traits to offspring from their parents or ancestors. Nature emphasises that development is largely a process of maturation, the biological unfolding of the individual according to a plan contained in the genes (the hereditary material passed from ancestors and parents to offspring at conception). Just as seeds turn into mature plants through a predictable process, humans ‘unfold’ within the womb (assuming that they receive the necessary nourishment from their environment).Their genetic blueprint then makes it likely that they will walk and utter their first words at about 1 year of age, achieve sexual maturity between 12 and 14, and grey in their 40s and 50s. Heredity at the species level helps us to understand why most humans achieve similar developmental milestones at similar times. Meanwhile, individual heredity offers an explanation as to why each person’s development is unique (see Chapter 3).

Nurture Nurture emphasises developmental change in response to environment – all the external physical and social conditions, stimuli and events that can affect us, from crowded living quarters and polluted air, to social interactions with family members, peers and teachers, to the neighbourhood and broader

heredity The passing of traits to offspring from their parents or ancestors. maturation Developmental changes that are biologically programmed by genes rather than caused primarily by learning, injury, illness or some other life experience.

LINKAGES Chapter 3 Genes, environment and the beginnings of life

environment Events or conditions outside the person that are presumed to influence and be influenced by the person.

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LIFE SPAN HUMAN DEVELOPMENT

MAKING CONNECTIONS Identify examples of how nature and nurture have influenced your development so far.

learning A relatively permanent change in behaviour, or behavioural potential, that results from a person’s experiences or practice.

cultural context in which we develop. We know that the physical environment matters; for example, that exposure to lead in the paint in older buildings can stunt children’s intellectual development, or that living near a noisy airport can interfere with their progress in learning to read (Evans, 2006). And we will see countless examples in this book of how the social environment, the behaviour of other people, shapes development. Rather than seeing maturation as the process driving development, nurture emphasises learning – the process through which experience (environmental stimuli) brings about relatively permanent changes in thoughts, feelings or behaviour. A certain degree of physical maturation is clearly necessary before a child can kick a soccer ball into position and score a goal, but careful instruction and long, hard hours of practice are just as clearly required if the child is to excel at soccer. Nurture helps us to understand the variety of pathways an individual’s life can take. Table 1.3 summarises the key concepts surrounding nature and nurture.

The interplay of nature and nurture

Developmental changes, then, are the products of a complex interplay between nature/heredity (genes, maturation and Nature Nurture biological predisposition) and nurture/environment (experiences, Heredity Environment learning and sociocultural influences). To make matters more Genes Experience complex, nature affects nurture and nurture affects nature! For example, heredity and genes (nature) provide us with a brain that Maturation Learning allows us to learn from experiences in our environment (nurture), Innate or biologicallySociocultural based predispositions influences experiences that in turn change our brains by altering neural connections and can even change our genes by activating and deactivating them (see  Chapter 3). Much of the joy of studying human development comes from trying to understand more precisely how these two forces combine LINKAGES to make us what we are and become. Chapter 3 Genes, To conceptualise a changing person in a changing environment, we will consider an influential environment and the beginnings of conceptual model of development formulated by Russian-born American psychologist Urie life Bronfenbrenner (1917–2005). Bronfenbrenner became disturbed that many early developmental scientists were studying human development out of context, expecting it to be universal and failing to appreciate how much it could vary from culture to culture, from neighbourhood to neighbourhood and from home to home. Bronfenbrenner formulated an ecological model to describe how the environment is organised and how it affects development. He later renamed it a bioecological bioecological model Bronfenbrenner’s model model of development to stress how biology and environment interact to produce development of development, which (Bronfenbrenner, 1979, 1989; Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 2006). emphasises the roles of both nature and nurture In Bronfenbrenner’s view, the developing person, with his or her genetic makeup and biological as the developing and psychological characteristics, is embedded in a series of environmental systems. These systems person interacts with a interact with one another and with the individual over time to influence development. As shown in series of environmental systems. Figure 1.2, Bronfenbrenner described five environmental systems that influence and are influenced by the developing person. microsystem The 1 A microsystem is an immediate physical and social environment in which the person interacts immediate settings face-to-face with other people and influences and is affected by them. The primary microsystem in which the person for a firstborn infant, for example, is likely to be the family – perhaps infant, mother and father, functions. all reciprocally influencing one another. The developing child may also experience other microsystems, such as a childcare centre or grandmother’s house. We have much evidence that the family environment is an important influence on development and have come to appreciate the importance of peers, educational settings and neighbourhood environments. TABLE 1.3  The language of nature and nurture

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FIGURE 1.2  The bioecological model of development In Urie Bronfenbrenner’s bioecological model he describes environment as a series of nested structures. All these systems influence and are influenced by the developing person.

Macrosystem Exosystem Mesosystem Home Microsystems

re Pa

nt s’

Person with biological and Peer psychological group characteristics

School

overnment

Day care

Loc al g

Chronosystem Patterning of events over time

wo rkp ks So laces wor and social net cia e l co tur cul nditi r e ons Broad

2 The mesosystem consists of the interrelationships or linkages between two or more microsystems. For example, teenagers who experience stressful events such as arguments in the family (one microsystem) report poorer attendance and greater difficulty learning at school (a second microsystem) for a couple of days afterwards; similarly, problems at school spill over to the family, possibly because adolescents take their bad moods home with them (Flook & Fuligni, 2008). In any developing person, what happens in one microsystem can have implications, good or bad, for what happens in another microsystem. 3 The exosystem consists of linkages involving social settings that individuals do not experience directly but that can still influence their development. For example, children can be affected by how their parents’ day at work went, or by a decision by the government to modify the school curriculum and assessment practices. 4 The macrosystem is the larger cultural context in which the microsystem, mesosystem and exosystem are embedded. For Bronfenbrenner, modern Western culture was not a very familyfriendly environment:

mesosystem The interrelationships between microsystems or immediate environments. exosystem Settings not experienced directly by individuals but which still influence their development. macrosystem The larger cultural or subcultural context of development.

Snapshot

In today’s world, parents find themselves at the mercy of a society which imposes pressures and priorities that allow neither time nor place for meaningful activities and relations between children and adults, which downgrade the role of parents and the functions of parenthood, and which prevent the parent from doing things he or she wants to do. Bronfenbrenner, 1974, cited in Gestwicki, 2010, p. 60.

Although Bronfenbrenner wrote these words over 40 years ago, his observations are still very relevant for families today, especially for those parents juggling work and family. Data from ‘Growing Up in Australia: The Longitudinal Study of Australian Children’ (LSAC; you can learn more about this study in the chapter Exploration box) indicates that work may negatively impact on the parenting role for many parents: 40 per cent of employed mothers and 66 per cent of employed fathers in the LSAC reported that they missed out on home or family activities as a result of work, and one-quarter indicated their family life was less

Urie Bronfenbrenner, in his bioecological model of human development, emphasised the influence of both nature and nurture.

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Source: Cornell University Faculty Biographical Files, #47-10-3394. Division of Rare and Manuscript Collections, Cornell University Library.

Source: Adapted from Kopp & Krakow (1982).

LIFE SPAN HUMAN DEVELOPMENT

chronosystem The system that captures the way changes in environmental systems, such as social trends and life events, are patterned over a person’s lifetime.

MAKING CONNECTIONS Give an example of how each of Bronfenbrenner’s environmental systems have affected you and your development over the past year.

enjoyable and more pressured as a result of work (Hayes, Qu,Weston, & Baxter, 2011). Familyfriendly workplace policies, such as flexible working hours, if available, may help some families to better balance work and family life (Gray & Tudball, 2002). Further, there is considerable international evidence that paid parental leave is associated with improved child development and maternal health outcomes (Berger, Hill, & Waldfogel, 2005; Khanam, Nghiem, & Connelly, 2009). This is good news for the New Zealand and Australian parents who have been able to access government-funded parental leave since 2002 and 2011 respectively (Department of Families, Housing, Community Services and Indigenous Affairs, 2011; Inland Revenue, 2011). 5 In addition to microsystems, mesosystems, exosystems and macrosystems, Bronfenbrenner introduced the concept of the chronosystem to capture the idea that changes in people and their environments occur in a timeframe (chrono means time) and unfold in particular patterns or sequences over a person’s lifetime. Another way to think about this is that we cannot study development by taking still photos; we must use video to understand how one event leads to another and how societal changes intertwine with changes in people’s lives. For example, an economic crisis may result in a husband’s job loss, causing marital conflict, and in turn leading to divorce and to changes in their children’s lives and family relationships. Each of us, then, functions in particular microsystems linked through the mesosystem and embedded in the larger contexts of the exosystem and the macrosystem, all in the continual flux of the chronosystem. Bronfenbrenner’s bioecological model suggests that answers to questions about how child abuse, marriage, retirement or other experiences affect development will often be complex because outcomes depend on so many factors. According to Bronfenbrenner and Morris (2006), researchers need to consider the relationships among and effects of key characteristics of the person, the context, the time dimension and the processes through which an active person and his or her environment interact (for example, parent–infant interaction or play with peers). Nature and nurture, therefore, cannot be separated easily because they are part of a dynamic system, continually influencing one another. Complex research designs and statistical techniques are needed to assess the many interacting influences on development portrayed in Bronfenbrenner’s bioecological model, but progress is being made (Holt, 2009; Sameroff, 2009). It is appropriate, then, that we look next at the science of life span human development.

Professional practice MEET AN EDUCATIONAL AND DEVELOPMENTAL PSYCHOLOGIST What does your role as an educational and developmental psychologist involve, and why did you decide to become one? The Australian Psychological Society recognises educational and developmental psychologists as those practitioners with specialised training and experience in providing assessment, intervention and counselling services to help children and adults with learning as well as developmental issues. I personally believe this definition accurately captures the nature of this specialisation. Yet the specific roles within this specialisation can be quite diverse.

I decided to become an educational and developmental psychologist because as a former teacher I had a passion for nurturing children’s strengths and supporting their weaknesses, particularly those children with special learning or developmental needs, in order to help them achieve their full potential and succeed in a way that is meaningful for them. Thus, in my psychology practice I work with children, adolescents and their families. This means I really work with all stages of the life span, including even the prenatal stage if I am providing pregnancy support counselling.

Source: Kimberley Cunial

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Kimberley Cunial BA(Hons), PGDipEd, MEdPsych, MAPS, CEDP, Educational and Developmental Psychologist, Queensland, Australia >>>

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>>>

However, I would say most of my work focuses on children 6–12 years of age who fall into the middle childhood stage of their life span. In my work as a university academic and teacher, I work with a range of students spanning adolescence through early, middle and even occasionally late adulthood.

How do the physical, cognitive and psychosocial domains of development and the contexts of development influence your psychology practice? Children often present with problems affecting their development across multiple domains. For instance, a

child with autism may present with proprioception (body awareness) problems, social challenges, as well as learning difficulties. Each individual is unique and may be functioning at different and indeed multiple developmental stages across domains. This means a comprehensive assessment is needed to get a complete picture of strengths and weaknesses across all domains, and to inform a holistic intervention. Any process of assessment and intervention needs to be systemic, with consideration given to multiple domains, but also contexts. This

means not only considering the childfamily dynamics but also relevant factors regarding the child’s school, peer group, community associations or clubs, cultural and religious groups, medical supports and so forth. The child and family may need to be referred to a range of support systems in order to fully accommodate all these considerations. Ultimately, the intervention plan would often be multidisciplinary, with me working in collaboration with the family, other medical and allied health professionals, as well as school teachers and support staff.

Before we continue, we invite you to visit the three Professional practice boxes that you will find throughout the remainder of this chapter. In these boxes you will meet three of the five professionals who will feature throughout this book – Kimberley Cunial, an educational and developmental psychologist and one of the authors of this book; Nancy Wright, an occupational therapist; and Bill McGarry, a social worker. (In Chapter 2, you will be introduced to an educator and a clinical psychologist.) Each describes their professional discipline and role and how they work to understand and optimise the development of their clients and others. You might like to take particular note of how all refer, in different ways, to the interweaving nature of the physical, cognitive and psychosocial domains and multiple contexts of development.

LINKAGES Chapter 2 Theories of human development

IN REVIEW CHECKING UNDERSTANDING

CRITICAL THINKING

1 What are the three broad domains or areas of development?

Apply Bronfenbrenner’s bioecological model to Ruth Frith, the centenarian athlete featured at the beginning of the chapter, and give an example of how each of Bronfenbrenner’s environmental systems may have affected her development over the course of her life span.

2 What is culture, and how does it influence development across the life span? 3 In Bronfenbrenner’s bioecological model, where is ‘nature’ and where is ‘nurture’? (Review Figure 1.2.)

Express

Get the answers to the Checking understanding questions on CourseMate Express.

1.2 WHAT IS THE SCIENCE OF LIFE SPAN DEVELOPMENT? ■■ Summarise the four goals of the science of life span development and describe how the study of human development began. ■■ List and illustrate the seven key assumptions of the modern life span perspective.

learning objectives

If development consists of systematic changes and continuities from conception to death, the science of development consists of the study of those changes and continuities and their causes. In this Copyright 2019 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. WCN 02-200-202

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LIFE SPAN HUMAN DEVELOPMENT

section we consider the goals of the science of life span development, its origins, and the modern life span perspective on development.

Goals of study

LINKAGES Chapter 12 Developmental psychopathology

evidence-based practice Professional action and practice grounded in theory and research, ensuring that interventions provided to optimise development have been demonstrated to be effective.

The goals driving the study of life span development are: • describing • explaining • predicting • optimising development (Baltes, Reese, & Lipsett, 1980). To achieve the goal of description, developmentalists characterise the functioning of humans of different ages and trace how it changes with age. They describe both normal development and individual differences, or variations, in development. Although average trends in human development across the life span can be described, it is clear that no two people (even identical twins) develop along precisely the same pathways. Description is the starting point in any science, but scientists ultimately strive to achieve their second goal, of predicting and explaining development. Developmentalists seek to identify factors that predict development and establish that these factors actually cause humans to develop as they typically do or cause some individuals to develop differently than others. To do so, developmentalists often study the contributions of nature and nurture to development. A first step is often finding a relationship between a possible influence on development and an aspect of development – for example, a relationship between whether or not an adolescent’s friends use drugs and whether or not the adolescent does. If there is a relationship, knowing whether an adolescent’s friends use drugs allows us to predict whether the adolescent uses drugs. But is this a causal relationship? That’s what must be established before the goal of explanation is achieved. Maybe it is not that friends cause adolescents to use drugs by exposing them to drugs and encouraging them to try them. Maybe it is just that adolescents who use drugs pick friends who also use drugs (see Chapter 12 for evidence that both possibilities may be true). A fourth goal is optimisation of human development. The questions to be answered in relation to this goal include: How can humans be helped to develop in positive directions? How can their capacities be enhanced? How can developmental difficulties be prevented, and how can any developmental problems that emerge be overcome? Pursuing the goal of optimising development might, for example, involve evaluating ways to stimulate intellectual growth in preschool programs, prevent binge drinking among university students or support elderly adults after the death of a spouse. To those who aspire to a career in human development, developmental research that defines, explains and offers insights into how to optimise development is especially relevant. Today’s human development professionals are being asked to engage in evidence-based practice, grounding what they do in theory and research – ensuring their assessments and evaluations take into account the established descriptions and explanations of development, and that the treatments or curricula they provide have been demonstrated to be effective. Too often, professionals go with what their personal or anecdotal experience tells them works, rather than using what scientific research says about developmental expectations and the most effective approaches (Baker, McFall, & Shoham, 2009). Ensuring that the results of research are implemented faithfully and successfully in real treatment and educational settings is challenging (McCall, 2009), but we can all probably agree that we would rather see investment in interventions of proven effectiveness than in ones that could be ineffective or even harmful.

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Early beginnings Just as human development has changed through the ages, attempts to understand it have evolved over time. Although philosophers have long expressed their views on the nature of humans and the proper methods of raising children, it was not until the late nineteenth century that the first scientific investigations of development were undertaken. Several scholars began to carefully observe the growth and development of their own children and publish their findings in the form of baby biographies. Perhaps the most influential baby biographer was Charles Darwin (1809–1882), who made daily records of his son’s development (Darwin, 1877; see also Dewsbury, 2009). Darwin’s curiosity about child development stemmed from his interest in evolution. He believed that infants share many characteristics with their non-human ancestors and that understanding the development of the embryo and child can offer insights into the evolution of the species. Darwin’s evolutionary perspective and studies of the development of embryos strongly influenced early theories of human development, which emphasised universal, biologically-based, maturational changes (Cairns & Cairns, 2006). Baby biographies, however, had major flaws as works of science. Each emphasised different developmental aspects, so they were difficult to compare; observations by parents of their own children may have been influenced by assumptions or bias; and finally, because each baby biography was based on a single child – often the child of a distinguished family – its findings were not necessarily generalisable to other children. Although Darwin and other baby biographers deserve credit for creating interest in the study of human development and influencing early views of it, the man most often cited as the founder of developmental science is G. Stanley Hall (1846–1924), an American psychologist (see Lepore, 2011, for an interesting view of the man). Well aware of the shortcomings of baby biographies, Hall attempted to collect more objective data on large samples of individuals. He developed a now all-toofamiliar research tool – the questionnaire – to explore ‘the contents of children’s minds’ (Hall, 1891).

Professional practice MEET AN OCCUPATIONAL THERAPIST What does your role as an occupational therapist involve, and why did you decide to become one? Occupational Therapy New Zealand (Whakaora Ngangahau Aotearoa) has adapted the World Federation of Occupational Therapists’ definition of occupational therapy and has incorporated the Maˉ ori language names for our profession in Aotearoa (New Zealand). Occupational therapy, or whakaora ngangahau, is: ‘a clientcentred health profession concerned with promoting health and wellbeing through occupation. The primary goal of occupational therapy [whakaora ngangahau] is to enable people to participate in the activities of everyday

life. Occupational therapists [nga kaiwhakaora ngangahau] achieve this by working with people and communities to enhance their ability to engage in the occupations they want to, need to, or are expected to do, or by modifying the occupation or the environment to better support their occupational engagement (adapted from WFOT definition, 2012)’. In my current roles I use my occupational therapy core skills to facilitate the people I work with to engage successfully in their occupations. So, in the residential aged-care home I assess and evaluate the elderly residents’ ability to engage, within their environments, in self-care, leisure and productive occupations. Where I identify a problem I then

work with the resident, their whaˉ nau (family) and carers and staff to develop solutions. I also use my skills to analyse other occupational challenges. For example, in managing staff I use my occupational therapy skills to analyse the interface between three elements: the person and their capacities, the environment in which they work and the requirements of the occupations or tasks that they need to do. I can then work with the person to develop the most effective approach to their role and tasks by suggesting adaptations to any of those three elements. I also use this approach with the occupational therapy students and their practicum supervisors in my role as Community and Clinical

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LIFE SPAN HUMAN DEVELOPMENT

Practicum Leader for Counties Manukau Health in South Auckland. Understanding individuals’ capacities and characteristics, the environments in which they are functioning, and the tasks and activities required of them is an approach which enables me to analyse and problem-solve any situation. Why did I decide to become an occupational therapist? Well, my choice was influenced by my concern that at the age of 23 I did not have a career path. I had left school at 16 and went to work in hotels and pubs. Then I trained to be a secretary – but hated it. I worked in Harrods department store in London as a sales assistant and did a couple

LINKAGES

Source: Library of Congress, Prints & Photographs Division, Reproduction number LC-DIG-ggbain-05209 (digital file from original neg.)

Chapter 12 Developmental psychopathology

Snapshot

G. Stanley Hall is considered the founder of the field of developmental science.

gerontology The study of the social, psychological, mental and biological aspects of ageing and old age. life span perspective The view of development as a lifelong, multidirectional process that involves gain and loss, is characterised by considerable plasticity, is shaped by its historicalcultural context, has many causes and is best viewed from a multidisciplinary perspective.

of stints as a nanny. None of these jobs appealed as a long-term career choice. My mother was working as an occupational therapist in mental health (she had qualified in the early 1950s) so I always had an idea of what she did. An opportunity arose to apply for a job as an occupational therapy assistant on a one-year rotation, working for 3 months in each of four different services. This experience was the catalyst for my decision to train as an occupational therapist. This is a job that enables me to really connect with people and it has the potential to focus on all aspects of a person’s wellbeing: physical, psychological and spiritual.

Source: Nancy Wright, DipCOT, MA, NZROT.

>>>

Nancy Wright DipCOT, MA, NZROT, Occupational Therapist (Kaiwhakaora Ngangahau), Auckland, Aotearoa New Zealand

Hall went on to write an influential book, Adolescence (1904). Inspired by Darwin’s evolutionary theory, Hall drew parallels between adolescence and the turbulent period in the evolution of human society during which barbarism gave way to modern civilisation. Adolescence, according to Hall, was a tempestuous period of the life span, a time of emotional ups and downs and rapid changes – a time he called ‘storm and stress’ (see Chapter 12). Thus, Hall is credited with the notion that most teenagers are emotionally unstable – a largely inaccurate notion, as it turns out (Arnett, 1999). Yet as this book will reveal, Hall was right to mark adolescence as a time of dramatic change; substantial changes in the brain and in cognitive and social functioning do take place during this period. Hall capped his remarkable career by turning his attention to the end of the life span in Senescence (1922), an analysis of how society treats (or, really, mistreats) its older members. Overall, Hall’s developmental science was limited by modern standards (Shanahan, Erickson, & Bauer, 2005).Yet he deserves much credit for stimulating scientific research on the entire human life span and for raising many important questions about it.

The modern life span perspective Although a few early pioneers of the study of human development, such as G. Stanley Hall, viewed all phases of the life span as worthy of study, the science of human development began to break into age-group specialty areas during the twentieth century. Some researchers focused on infant or child development, others specialised in adolescence, and still others formed the specialisation of gerontology, the study of the social, psychological, mental and biological aspects of ageing and old age. In the 1960s and 1970s, however, a true life span perspective on human development began to emerge. In an influential paper, noted developmentalist Paul Baltes (1939–2006) laid out the seven key assumptions of the life span perspective seen in the following list (Baltes, 1987; also see Baltes, Lindenberger, & Staudinger, 2006).These are important themes that you will see echoed throughout this book. They will also give you a good sense of the challenges facing researchers and practitioners who study human development from a life span perspective. 1 Development is a lifelong process. Today’s developmentalists appreciate that human development is not just ‘kid stuff ’, we can change throughout the entire life span. They also believe that development in any period of life is best seen in the context of the whole life span. For instance,

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3

4

5

6

Snapshot Source: Christine Windbichler

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our understanding of adolescent career choices is bound to be richer if we concern ourselves with formative influences in childhood and the implications of such choices for adult careers and success. Development is multidirectional. To many pioneers of its study, development was a universal process leading in one direction – toward more ‘mature’ functioning. Today’s developmentalists recognise that different capacities show different patterns of change over time; for example, some intellectual skills decline faster than others in late adulthood, some don’t change much, and some even continue to improve (see Chapters 6 and 7). Different aspects of human functioning have different trajectories of change. Development involves both gain and loss. As we have noted already, development is not just gain in childhood and loss in old age. Rather, gain and loss are intertwined during every phase of the life span. Baltes believed that gain inevitably brings with it loss of some kind, and loss brings gain – that gain and loss occur jointly. Examples? As infants gain command of the sounds of the language they hear spoken, they lose their early ability to ‘babble’ sounds heard in other languages of the world (see Chapter 8); gaining a capacity for logical thought as a school-age child means losing some of the capacity for fanciful, imaginative thinking one had as a preschooler (see Chapter 5); and choosing to hone certain skills in one’s career can mean losing command of other skills (see Chapter 9). Development is multiply influenced. Today’s developmental scientists share Urie Bronfenbrenner’s belief that human development is the product of many interacting causes – both inside and outside the person, both biological and environmental (see Chapter 3). It is the often-unpredictable outcome of ongoing interactions between a changing person and his or her changing world. Some influences are experienced by all humans at similar ages, others are common to people of a particular generation, and still others are unique to the individual. Development is characterised by lifelong plasticity. Plasticity refers to the capacity to change in response to both positive and negative experiences. Developmental scholars have long known that child development can be damaged by a deprived environment and optimised by an enriched one. It is now understood that this plasticity continues into later life – that the developmental process is not fixed but rather can be altered considerably depending on the individual’s experiences. As discussed in the chapter Application box, elderly adults can maintain, regain or even enhance some of their intellectual abilities and lessen their risk of dementia with the help of physical exercise and a mentally and socially active lifestyle, or training designed to improve specific cognitive skills (Hertzog, Kramer, Wilson, & Lindenberger, 2009; Park et al., 2014). Studies tell us such cognitive benefits are rooted in neuroplasticity, the remarkable ability of brain cells and structures to change in response to experience throughout the life span, as when the brain recovers from injury or benefits from stimulating learning experiences. It is now clear that physical exercise and mental stimulation can result in changes in neurochemistry, the formation of new connections among neurons, and, remarkably, new neurons in the hippocampus of the brain – an area involved in learning and memory – even in an ageing brain (see Chapter 4). Development is shaped by its historical-cultural context. This theme was discussed in some depth in Section 1.1 and will be illustrated throughout the book. For now, consider the launching of the internet as an example of an historical change with implications for human development. When baby boomers grew up, there were no mobile phones or home computers, much less an internet. The internet came into being in the early 1980s, around the time that home computers were becoming common (see, for example, Cotten, McCullough & Adams, 2011). Facebook was launched in 2004, Twitter in 2006, Snapchat in 2011. Media are now a big part of the daily lives of children and teens (Calvert, 2015; Lenhart et al., 2015). How are these technologies affecting adolescent development?

Developmentalist Paul Baltes is credited with increasing interest in the study of development from a life span perspective.

LINKAGES Chapter 6 Sensoryperception, attention and memory Chapter 7 Intelligence and creativity Chapter 8 Language, literacy and learning Chapter 5 Cognitive development Chapter 9 Self, personality, gender and sexuality Chapter 3 Genes, environment and the beginnings of life

plasticity The capacity of an organism to change in response to both positive and negative environments and experiences across the life span. neuroplasticity The ability of brain cells and brain structures to change in response to experience.

LINKAGES Chapter 4 Body, brain and health

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Search me! and Discover teachers’ views about how digital technology impacts on the lives of young people: Betts, L. R., & Spenser, K. A. (2015). ‘A large can of worms’: Teachers’ perceptions of young people’s technology use. International Journal of Cyber Behavior, Psychology and Learning, 5, 15–29.

LINKAGES Chapter 10 Social cognition and moral development

MAKING CONNECTIONS What historical events have you lived through in your lifetime and how has this shaped your development?

developmental science The multidisciplinary and interdisciplinary study of human development across the life span.

According to one analysis (Valkenburg & Peter, 2009), early studies of the impact of the internet on adolescents suggested that it was isolating them and keeping them from developmentally important social experiences such as interacting with peers. More recent studies are revealing positive effects of time on the internet and digital media use. Why? In the 1990s, adolescent internet users were fewer in number and usually surfed the net or talked to strangers in chat rooms. Now, many more adolescents use the internet and digital media to network with their friends – mainly through Facebook and other social media sites if they are girls, and often through video game sites if they are boys (Lenhart et al., 2015). And now that teens are spending much of their online time interacting with friends, studies are showing more positive correlations between internet use and social adjustment and wellbeing (Reich, Subrahmanyam, & Espinoza, 2012;Valkenburg & Peter, 2009). For emerging adults who have gone away to study, for example, social networking sites can be a way to hold on to the social support offered by their high school friends (Manago et al., 2012). However, the question of the effects of digital media on adolescents is far from resolved. For example, Roy Pea and his colleagues (2012) found that heavy media use – especially spending large amounts of time watching videos, engaging in online communication and using multiple media at once – was negatively associated with feeling good about one’s close relationships and social acceptance, whereas spending more time in face-to-face conversations was positively related to these aspects of social wellbeing. Then there are the negative effects of cyberbullying to consider. Cyberbullying, which has increased in recent years (Jones, Mitchell, & Finkelhor, 2013; and see Chapter 10), is linked to stress, depression and suicidal thoughts among its victims (Hamm et al., 2015; Kowalski et al., 2014). We still have much to learn about how human development is being affected by the internet and digital media. 7 Development must be studied by multiple disciplines. Because human development is influenced by everything from biochemical reactions to historical events, it is impossible for one discipline to have all the answers. A full understanding of human development will come only when many disciplines, each with its own perspectives and tools of study, join forces. Not only psychologists but also biologists, neuroscientists, educators, historians, economists, sociologists, anthropologists and many others have something to contribute to our understanding of human development.Where we once talked of developmental psychology as a field of study, we now talk of developmental science.

Professional practice MEET A SOCIAL WORKER What does your role as a social worker involve, and why did you decide to become one? A social worker looks after the psychosocial needs of any clients that come through the many and varied services that employ social workers. Some social workers work in government, some social workers work in NGOs (non-government organisations); it depends very much on the charter of that organisation as to what their duties are. Social

workers take a look at a person at their developmental stage across a life span and work out the psychosocial, economic and political circumstances around the client and work out how they can best move the client towards the goals that are mutually agreed between them and the client. Why did I decide to become a social worker? I worked in geophysics logging and when my own life circumstances changed I decided my commitment to social justice and equity would be

Source: Bill McGarry

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Bill McGarry, Social Worker, Tasmania, Australia >>>

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>>>

better met by studying to be a social worker and enacting those principles where I was able. I’ve worked in a variety of fields and in all of them to a greater or lesser degree I’ve been able to discharge what I thought was my responsibility as a professional in those fields. The one where my ideals have been less well met has been in child protection. Conversely, I met a lot of ideals in juvenile justice, which was great. I work now with adults, adults with addiction problems, and I also have some experience in working with both children and adults with mental health problems. The research shows that roughly 70 per cent of people with addiction problems have got some mental health disorder; there’s a comorbidity. One of the challenges is, in the remote areas where people are strapped for resources, to attempt to get them to incorporate the two, the mental health and the addiction problem, in the same management treatment. And that’s

rewarding when you achieve it. One of the things Drug and Alcohol Services used to do when I started here as team leader was to say to clients to get their mental health sorted, and then we’ll help you with your addiction. And Mental Health Services used to say, well this is a drug-induced psychosis, get the drugs under control and we’ll help you with the psychosis. Since starting, and with the agreement of a number of people, it’s been possible to actually say, no, this is a comorbid problem. We can work together with a client who has both an addiction and mental health problem. So if mental health services can get the psychosis under control to a level where we then can start doing some CBT (cognitive behavioural therapy) or other intervention, we are more than happy to co-work. Pretty much all of my work has been in regional and rural communities but probably remote areas entails maybe 50 per cent of my work, up in

the Gulf of Carpentaria, in northwest New South Wales, and here now in northwest Tasmania. One of the aspects I’ve really enjoyed is the possibilities and the opportunities that are entailed by working in remote and rural areas, so working with Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples, working with mental health, working with various communities, the various problems that come up in remote communities … trying to achieve some equity, not equalness, but equity – there is a difference. I guess I’m also talking about engagement with professionals and bureaucrats … talking with co-workers, especially medical staff in those locations, and encouraging them about the worthiness of making a service available to generally marginalised people. It requires some convincing, it requires some perseverance, and it requires some ‘thick skinnedness’, and I guess it also has a lot of a gratification when you make a difference.

IN REVIEW CHECKING UNDERSTANDING

CRITICAL THINKING

1 What are the four goals driving the study of life span human development?

Discuss how the assumptions of the life span perspective might apply to Ruth Frith, who featured in the chapter opening.

2 Which three of the seven assumptions in Baltes’ life span perspective are concerned with the influences of nature and nurture?

Express

Get the answers to the Checking understanding questions on CourseMate Express.

1.3 HOW IS DEVELOPMENT STUDIED? ■■ Summarise the scientific method and the choices involved in selecting a sample and choosing data collection methods. ■■ Evaluate the strengths and weaknesses of the case study, experimental and correlational methods. ■■ Evaluate the strengths and weaknesses of the cross-sectional, longitudinal and sequential designs.

learning objectives

How do developmental scholars gain understanding of the complexities of life span development? Let us review for you, briefly, some basic concepts of scientific research and then turn to research strategies devised specifically for describing, explaining, predicting and optimising development

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(Miller, 2013). Even if you have no desire to do developmental research yourself, it is important for you to understand how the knowledge of development represented in this book was generated.

The scientific method The scientific method is both a method and an attitude – a belief that investigators should allow their systematic observations (or data) to determine the merits of their thinking. For example, for every expert who believes that psychological differences between males and females are largely biological in origin, there is likely to be another expert who just as firmly insists that boys and girls differ because they are raised differently. Whom should we believe? It is in the spirit of the scientific method to believe the data – the findings of research.The scientist is willing to abandon a pet theory if the data contradict it. Ultimately, then, the scientific method can help the scientific community and society at large to weed out flawed ideas. LINKAGES The scientific method involves a process of generating ideas and testing them by making observations. Often, preliminary observations provide ideas for a theory – a set of concepts and Chapter 2 Theories of human propositions intended to describe and explain certain phenomena. Jean Piaget, for instance (whom development you will learn more about in Chapters 2 and 5), formulated his influential theory of cognitive Chapter 5 development by closely observing how French children of different ages responded to items on the Cognitive development Binet IQ test when he worked on the test’s development, as well as by watching his own children’s development. Theories generate specific predictions, or hypotheses, regarding a particular set of observations. theory A set of concepts and Consider, for example, a theory claiming that psychological differences between the genders are propositions designed largely caused by differences in their social environments. Based on this theory, a researcher might to organise, describe and explain a set hypothesise that if parents grant boys and girls the same freedoms, the two genders will be similarly of observations. independent, whereas if parents let boys do more things than they let girls do, boys will be more hypotheses Theoretical independent than girls. Suppose that the study designed to test this hypothesis indicates that boys predictions about are more independent than girls no matter how their parents treat them. Then the hypothesis would what will hold true if we observe a be disconfirmed by the findings, and the researcher would want to rethink this theory of gender phenomenon. differences. If other hypotheses based on this theory were inconsistent with the facts, the theory would have to be significantly revised or abandoned in favour of a better theory. FIGURE 1.3  The scientific method in action This, then, is the heart of the scientific method: theories Initial Formulate Propose generate hypotheses, which are tested through observation and observations theory hypothesis measurement, and new observations indicate which theories are worth keeping and which are not (Figure 1.3). It should be clear Keep Reject that theories are not just speculations, hunches or unsupported and/or refine current theory current theory opinions. A good theory should be: •  Internally consistent. Its different parts and propositions NO YES should hang together and should not generate contradictory hypotheses. Do research data •  Falsifiable. It should be able to be proved wrong; that is, it should confirm hypothesis? generate testable hypotheses that can be studied and either supported or not supported by data. If a theory is vague or New observations generates contradictory or ambiguous hypotheses, it cannot (research data) guide research, cannot be tested and therefore will not be useful in advancing knowledge. Design research •  Supported by data. A good theory should help us better describe, to test hypothesis predict and explain human development; that is, its predictions should be confirmed by research results. scientific method A method and attitude about the pursuit of knowledge that dictates that investigators must be objective and allow their data to decide the merits of their thinking and theorising.

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Sample selection Any study of development focuses on a particular research sample (the group of individuals studied) with the intention of generalising to a larger population or a well-defined group (such as premature infants, New Zealand high school students or Aboriginal elders) from which the sample is drawn and about which we want to draw conclusions. Although it is advocated more than it is used, and there are other approaches, the best approach is to study a random sample of the population of interest – a sample formed by identifying all members of the larger population and then, by a random means (such as drawing names from a hat), selecting a portion of that population to study. Random sampling increases confidence that the sample studied is representative of the larger population of interest and therefore that conclusions based on studying the sample will be true of the whole population. In practice, developmentalists often draw their samples – sometimes random, sometimes not – from their local communities. Therefore, researchers might survey students at a local New Zealand high school about their drug use but then be unable to make statements about New Zealand teenagers in general if, for example, the school is in a suburb where drug-use patterns are different than they might be in another suburb or in a less urban area. They would certainly be unable to generalise the findings to Malaysian or Brazilian high school students. All researchers must, therefore, be careful to describe the characteristics of the sample they studied and to avoid overgeneralising their findings to populations that might be socioeconomically or culturally different from the research sample.

sample The group of individuals chosen to be the subjects of a study. population A welldefined group that a researcher who studies a sample of individuals is interested in drawing conclusions about. random sample A study sample formed by identifying all members of the larger population of interest and then selecting a portion of them in an unbiased or random way to ensure that the sample studied is representative or typical of the larger population of interest.

Data collection techniques No matter what aspect of human development we are interested in, we must find appropriate ways to measure what interests us. The methods used to study human development are varied, depending on the age group and aspect of development of interest (Miller, 2013). Here we will look at some pros and cons of some of the major techniques of data collection used by developmental researchers: reporting, behavioural observations and physiological measurements.

Reporting Interviews, written questionnaires or surveys, ability and achievement tests, and personality scales all involve asking people questions, either about themselves (self-report measures) or about someone else (for example, child behaviour as reported by informants such as parents or teachers). These report measures usually ask the same questions in precisely the same order of everyone so that the responses of different individuals can be directly compared. Increasingly, reporting measures are administered via websites and smartphones. Although self-report and other report methods are widely used to study human development, they have shortcomings. First, as indicated above, self-report measures typically cannot be used with infants, young children, cognitively impaired individuals or people who cannot read or understand speech well. Informant surveys, questionnaires or interviews are often used in these situations instead. Second, because individuals of different ages may not understand questions in the same way, age differences in responses may reflect age differences in comprehension or interpretation rather than age differences in the characteristics of interest to the researcher. Finally, respondents may try to present themselves (or those they are providing information about in the case of informants) in a positive or socially desirable light.

Behavioural observations Naturalistic observation involves observing people in their everyday (that is, natural) surroundings (Miller, 2013). Ongoing behaviour is observed in homes, schools, playgrounds, workplaces, nursing homes or wherever people are going about their lives. Naturalistic observation has been used to

naturalistic observation A research method in which the scientist observes people as they engage in common everyday activities in their natural environments.

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Source: iStock/Getty Images Plus/MachineHeadz

Snapshot

Naturalistic observation is done in everyday settings – in this case, a playground.

structured observation A research method in which scientists create special conditions designed to elicit the behaviour of interest to achieve greater control over the conditions under which they gather behavioural data.

study child development more often than adult development, largely because infants and young children often cannot be studied through self-report techniques, which demand verbal skills. It is the only data collection technique that can reveal what children or adults actually do in everyday life, versus what they report they do. However, naturalistic observation has its limitations as well. First, some behaviours (for example, heroic efforts to help in emergencies) occur too infrequently and unexpectedly to be observed in this manner. Second, it is difficult to pinpoint the causes of the behaviour, or of any developmental trends in the behaviour, because in a natural setting many events are usually happening at the same time, any of which may affect behaviour. Finally, the presence of an observer can sometimes make people behave differently than they otherwise would. Children may behave differently when they have an audience; parents may be on their best behaviour.Therefore, researchers sometimes videotape the proceedings from a hidden location or spend time in the setting before they collect their data so that the individuals they are observing become used to their presence and behave more naturally. To achieve greater control over the conditions under which they gather behavioural data, and to capture rarely occurring events, researchers often use structured observation; that is, they create special stimuli, tasks or situations designed to elicit the behaviour of interest. To study helping behaviour in adults of different ages, for example, researchers might stage an emergency that involves a loud crash and a scream coming from the room next to the one where the research participant is working on tasks and then see if the participant takes action. By exposing all research participants to the same stimuli, this approach increases the investigator’s ability to compare the effects of these stimuli on different individuals. Concerns about this method centre on whether research participants in specially designed settings will behave naturally and whether conclusions based on their behaviour will generalise to their behaviour in natural settings.

Physiological measurements

functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) A brain-scanning technique that uses magnetic forces to measure the increase in blood flow to an area of the brain when it is active and can determine which parts of the brain are involved in particular cognitive activities.

LINKAGES Chapter 4 Body, brain and health

Developmental scientists sometimes take physiological measurements to assess variables of interest to them; for example, they use electrodes to measure electrical activity in the brain, chart changes in hormone levels in menopausal women or measure heart rate and other indicators of arousal to assess emotions. Many breakthroughs in understanding relationships between brain and behaviour have been made through the use of functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI), a brain-scanning technique that uses magnetic forces to measure the increase in blood flow that occurs in certain areas of the brain when those areas are active. By having children and adults perform cognitive tasks while lying very still in an fMRI scanner, researchers can determine which parts of the brain are involved in particular cognitive activities. Sometimes fMRI studies reveal that children and adults, or young adults and older adults, rely on different areas of the brain to perform the same tasks, providing new insights into the development and ageing of the brain and cognitive functions (see, for example, Goh & Park, 2009; Matthews & Fair, 2015; Wittmann & D’Esposito, 2012; and see Chapter 4). Physiological measurements have the advantage of being hard to fake; the person who tells you she is not angry may show signs of being physiologically aroused, and the adolescent who claims not to take drugs may be given away by a blood test. Physiological measurements are also particularly useful in the study of infants because infants cannot tell us verbally what they are thinking or feeling. The main limitation of physiological measurements is that it is not always clear exactly what they reflect – is physiological arousal, for example, indicating that a person is angry, or is another emotion they are experiencing producing the effect? In sum, the most commonly used techniques for collecting data about human development are: reporting measures (interviews, questionnaires and tests), behavioural observation (both naturalistic

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and structured) and physiological measures. We can illustrate the primary methods of data collection by considering a study by Julie Hubbard and her colleagues (2002) that used all three approaches. Hubbard was interested in the relationship between anger and two styles of aggression in 8-yearolds, as determined by teachers’ responses to questions about children’s behaviour in the classroom: a ‘hot’ kind of aggression, in which children hit, pinch and otherwise abuse other children when provoked, and a ‘cool’, more calculated style of aggression, in which children use aggression to get what they want. The researchers hypothesised that aggressive children of the first type would be more likely than aggressive children of the second type to become angry in a laboratory situation in which another child (a confederate of the researchers) cheated shamelessly in a board game about astronauts and won.The researchers needed a way to measure anger.What would you suggest? Here’s what they did. • Behavioural observation. Hubbard used the structured observation approach by setting up the astronaut game situation, having the confederate cheat to provoke children’s anger, and then observing signs of anger in facial expressions and non-verbal behaviour. The confederate was carefully trained to behave the same way with each of the 272 participants in the study. Sessions were videotaped; Hubbard then trained graduate and undergraduate students to code second by second whether the participants’ facial expressions were angry, sad, happy or neutral and whether they showed any non-verbal signs of anger (for example, slamming game pieces on the table). Two students coded a subsample of the videotapes to ensure that they could agree upon, or reliably code, facial expressions and non-verbal behaviour. • Reporting. The researchers also had each participant watch a videotape of the game he or she played with the cheating confederate, stopped the tape at each turn in the game, and asked each child, ‘How angry did you feel now?’ The child responded on a four-point scale ranging from 1 (not at all) to 4 (a lot). The researchers used these ratings to calculate for each child an average degree of self-reported anger over the entire game. • Physiological measurements. The researchers collected data on two physiological measures of anger by attaching electrodes to children’s hands and chests (after convincing the children that astronauts normally wear sensors when they go into space!). Emotionally aroused people, including angry ones, often have sweaty palms and low skin conductance, or electrical resistance of the skin, as measured by electrodes attached to their hands. Emotional arousal is also given away by a high heart rate, measured through electrodes on the chest. Using these measures, Hubbard and her colleagues were indeed able to distinguish between children who show ‘hot’ and ‘cool’ types of aggression. As expected, children who engaged in ‘hot’ aggression in the classroom showed more anger during the game than ‘cool’ aggressors, although the difference was more evident in their skin conductance and non-verbal behaviour than in their self-reports and heart rates. Because all data collection methods have their weaknesses, and because different measures often yield different results, as in Hubbard’s study, use of multiple methods in the same study is a wise research strategy.

Case study, experimental and correlational methods Once developmental scientists have formulated hypotheses, chosen a sample and figured out what to measure and how to measure it, they can test their hypotheses.As we have seen, developmental science got its start with baby biographies, and on occasion today’s researchers still study the development of individuals through case studies. More often they use the experimental and correlational methods to examine relationships between one variable and another – and, where possible, to establish that one variable causes another.

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Case study case study An indepth examination of an individual or a small number of individuals by analysing information from a variety of sources and methods, such as observing, testing and interviewing.

A case study is an in-depth examination of an individual (or a small number of individuals), typically carried out by compiling and analysing information from a variety of sources, such as observation and testing and interviewing the person or people who know him or her. The case study method can provide rich information about the complexities of an individual’s development and the influences on it. It is particularly useful in studying people with rare conditions and disorders, when it is simply not possible to assemble a large sample of people to study, and it can be a good source of hypotheses that can be examined further in larger-scale studies. This approach has been used, for example, to explore the origins of multiple personality disorder and to examine the effects of being deprived of human contact early in life. However, it is a limited method. Conclusions based on a single case may not generalise to other individuals, and inferences about what may have caused the person to develop as he or she did are more like speculations than solidly established scientific findings.

The experimental method experiment A research strategy in which the investigator manipulates or alters some aspect of a person’s environment to measure its effect on the individual’s behaviour or development.

independent variable The aspect of the environment that a researcher deliberately changes or manipulates in an experiment to see its effect on behaviour (the dependent variable). dependent variable The aspect of behaviour measured in an experiment and assumed to be under the control of, or dependent on, the independent variable.

In an experiment, an investigator manipulates or alters some aspect of the environment to see how this affects the behaviour of the sample of individuals studied. Consider an experiment conducted by Judy DeLoache and her colleagues (2010) to examine if infant videos aimed at advancing babies’ language actually speed infant language development.They conducted an experiment with 72 infants ranging in age from 12–18 months. The video the researchers studied showed scenes of a house and yard while a voice labelled 25 different household objects, each shown three different times. Each family in the study was randomly assigned to one of four experimental groups: (1) parent teaching (in this old-fashioned condition, no video was provided; rather, parents were given the 25 words featured in the video and asked to teach as many as possible to their babies however they wished), (2) video-with-interaction (child and parent watched the video together five or more times a week for 4 weeks and interacted as they did), (3) video-with-no-interaction (infants watched the video by themselves; their parents were usually nearby but did not interact with them), and (4) a no-intervention control (these babies got no video and no parent training; this control group was needed to determine how many words infants might learn naturally, without any training). After the training period, babies took a test of their knowledge of the target words. For example, an infant would be presented with replicas of a table (a target word in the video) and a fan (not a target word) and asked to point to the right object:‘Can you show me the table?’ The goal of an experiment is to see whether the different treatments that form the independent variable – the variable manipulated so that its causal effects can be assessed – have differing effects on the behaviour expected to be affected, the dependent variable in the experiment. The independent variable in DeLoache’s experiment was the type of training babies received, as defined by the four different experimental conditions. The dependent variable of interest was vocabulary learning (the percentage of words taught in the video that were correctly identified by the infant during the vocabulary test). When cause-effect relationships are studied in an experiment, the independent variable is the hypothesised cause and the dependent variable is the effect. Similarly, if researchers were testing drugs to improve memory function in elderly adults with Alzheimer’s disease, the type of drug administered (for example, a new drug versus a placebo with no active ingredients) would be the independent variable and performance on a memory task would be the dependent variable. So, in DeLoache’s experiment, did vocabulary learning ‘depend on’ the independent variable, the type of training received? Did infants learn from the baby video? The mean or average word learning scores for the four treatment groups are shown in Figure 1.4. Babies did no better on the vocabulary learning test if they had seen the video than if they were in the control condition and received no training at all. The only group that did better on the test than what would be expected by chance was the group of babies taught the old-fashioned way – those in the parent teaching group. And it

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wasn’t that babies or mothers were unenthusiastic about the video. As one mother exclaimed, ‘She loves the blasted thing. It’s crack for babies!’ (2010, p. 1572). FIGURE 1.4  Infants’ mean scores on a vocabulary test after vocabulary training in the DeLoache et al. (2010) experiment Only infants taught words by their parents did better than would be expected due to chance on the test; exposure to baby videos that taught the words had no effect.

60

Percentage correct

50 40 30 20 10 0

Parent teaching

Video with Video with interaction no interaction Condition

Control

Source: Adapted from DeLoache, Chiong, Sherman, Islam, Vanderborght, Troseth, Strouse, & O’Doherty (2010), Figure 1.

This DeLoache study has the three critical features shared by any true experiment: 1 Random assignment of individuals to treatment conditions. Random assignment of participants to different experimental conditions (for example, by drawing names from a hat) is a critical feature of experiments. It helps ensure that the treatment groups are similar in all respects at the outset (for example, in the baby video study, similar in socioeconomic status, ethnicity, previous level of cognitive and language development, and any other characteristics that could affect infants’ performance). Only if experimental groups are similar in all respects initially can researchers be confident that differences among groups at the end of the experiment were caused by differences in the experimental treatments they received. 2 Manipulation of the independent variable. Investigators must arrange for different groups to have different experiences so that the effects of those experiences can be assessed. If investigators merely compare infants who already watch baby videos with infants who do not, they cannot establish whether video watching causes an increase in word knowledge. For example, it could be that more-educated parents buy these videos more often than less-educated parents and also talk and read more to their children. 3 Experimental control. In a true experiment with proper experimental control, all factors other than the independent variable are controlled or held constant so that they cannot contribute to differences among the treatment groups. In a laboratory study, for example, all experimental groups may be tested in the same room by the same experimenter reading the same instructions. It is hard in a field experiment like DeLoache’s, where the experimental conditions are implemented in children’s homes by their parents, to control all extraneous factors. However, DeLoache and her colleagues asked parents to keep a log of their use of the video (or of the time they spent teaching vocabulary words if they were in the parent teaching condition). This allowed the experimenters to check that parents were following instructions and not using other materials or departing from the study plan. They were trying their best to ensure that infants in the four treatment conditions were treated similarly except for the type of training they received.

random assignment A technique in which research participants are placed in experimental conditions in an unbiased or random way so that the resulting groups are not systematically different.

experimental control The holding of all other factors besides the independent variable in an experiment constant so that any changes in the dependent variable can be said to be caused by the manipulation of the independent variable.

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quasi-experiment An experiment-like study that evaluates the effects of different treatments but does not randomly assign individuals to treatment groups.

The greatest strength of the experimental method is its ability to establish unambiguously that one thing causes another – that manipulating the independent variable causes a change in the dependent variable. When experiments are properly conducted, they contribute to our ability to explain human development and sometimes to optimise it. In the DeLoache study, the results suggest that parent–infant interaction may contribute more to vocabulary growth than baby videos. Does the experimental method have limitations? Absolutely! First, the findings of laboratory experiments do not always hold true in the real world, especially if the situations created in laboratory experiments are artificial and unlike the situations that people encounter in everyday life, or if research participants do not act naturally because they know they are being studied. Urie Bronfenbrenner (1979, p. 19), who was critical of the fact that so many developmental studies are contrived experiments, once charged that developmental science had become ‘the science of the strange behaviour of children in strange situations with strange adults’. Experiments often show what can cause development but not necessarily what does most strongly shape development in natural settings. A second limitation of the experimental method is that it cannot be used to address many significant questions about human development for ethical reasons. How would you conduct a true experiment to determine how older women are affected by their husbands’ deaths, for example? You would need to identify a sample of elderly women, randomly assign them to either the experimental group or the control group, and then manipulate the independent variable by killing the husbands of all the members of the experimental group! Ethical principles obviously demand that developmentalists use methods other than true experimental ones to study questions about the effect of widowhood – and a host of other important questions about development. Researchers sometimes study how a program or intervention affects development through a quasi-experiment  – an experiment-like study that evaluates the effects of different treatments but does not randomly assign individuals to treatment groups (see Pitts, Prost, & Winters, 2005). A gerontologist, for example, might conduct a quasi-experiment to compare the adjustment of widows who choose to participate in a special support group for widows and those who do not. When individuals are not randomly assigned to treatment groups, however, uncontrolled differences among the groups studied could influence the results (for example, the widows who seek help might be more sociable than those who do not). As a result, the researcher is not able to make strong statements about what caused what, as in a true experiment.

The correlational method correlational method A research technique that involves determining whether two or more variables are related.

Largely because of ethical issues, most developmental research today is correlational rather than experimental. The correlational method generally involves determining whether two or more variables are related in a systematic way. Researchers do not randomly assign participants to treatment conditions, manipulate the independent variable or control other factors, as in an experiment. Instead, researchers take people as they are and attempt to determine whether there are relationships among their experiences, characteristics and developmental outcomes. Like DeLoache and her colleagues, Frederick Zimmerman and his colleagues (2007) were interested in the effects of media viewing on the language development of infants. They conducted a correlational study that involved telephone surveys with 1008 parents of children 8–24 months of age. They asked about infants’ exposure to several types of media – not only videos and DVDs especially for babies, but children’s educational programs, children’s non-educational programs, and grownup TV. They used an established measure of language development in which parents report on their children’s understanding of various words, and they correlated frequency of exposure to the different types of media with infants’ vocabulary scores. Appreciating that there could be

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uncontrolled differences between families high and low in media use, they used statistical control techniques to adjust vocabulary scores to make it ‘as if ’ families were equal in potentially confounding characteristics such as race/ethnicity, parent education, family income, the presence of two parents in the home, childcare participation, and other factors that they believed might be related to both media use and language development. They also asked about and controlled for the amount of time parents spent interacting with their infants by reading books and telling stories. In correlational studies, researchers often determine the strength of the relationship between two variables by calculating a correlation coefficient – an index of the extent to which individuals’ scores on one variable are systematically associated with their scores on another variable. A correlation coefficient (symbolised as r) can range in value from +1.00 to −1.00. A positive correlation between video viewing time and vocabulary development would indicate that as time spent watching videos increases, so does an infant’s vocabulary development score (Figure 1.5, Panel A). A positive correlation of r = +0.90 indicates a stronger, more predictable positive relationship than a smaller positive correlation such as r = +0.30. A negative correlation would result if the heaviest video viewers consistently had the lowest vocabulary development scores and the lightest viewers had the highest vocabulary development scores (Figure 1.5, Panel B). A correlation near 0.00 would be obtained if there was no relationship between the two variables – if one cannot predict how advanced infants are in vocabulary development based on knowing how much they watch baby videos (Figure 1.5, Panel C).

correlation coefficient A measure, ranging from +1.00 to −1.00, of the extent to which two variables or attributes are systematically related to each other in either a positive or a negative way.

FIGURE 1.5  Plots of hypothetical correlations between the time babies spend watching baby videos and their knowledge of vocabulary

(A)

Hours of baby videos watched

(B)

r = – 0.60

Hours of baby videos watched

Vocabulary words known

r = +0.60

Vocabulary words known

Vocabulary words known

Each dot represents a specific child who watches a certain amount of baby videos and has a certain score on a vocabulary test. Panel A shows a positive correlation between video watching and vocabulary: The more infants watch infant videos, the more vocabulary words they know. Panel B shows a negative correlation: the more infants watch videos, the fewer vocabulary words they know. Finally, Panel C shows zero correlation: The amount of time watching baby videos is unrelated to an infant’s knowledge of vocabulary words.

(C)

r = 0.00

Hours of baby videos watched

One important rival interpretation in most correlational studies is the directionality problem: The direction of the cause-effect relationship could be the reverse of what the researcher thinks it is. That is, exposure to baby videos may not cause infants to be delayed in language development; rather, as Zimmerman et al. (2007) acknowledge, slow language development could cause video viewing. That is, parents who fear that their infant is delayed in language development may buy baby videos in the hope that the videos will speed language development. A second rival interpretation in correlational studies is the third variable problem: the association between the two variables of interest may be caused by some third variable. Zimmerman and his colleagues measured and tried to control for a number of possible third variables. For example, it could be that parents who are not very motivated to interact with their babies rely more on videos to entertain or babysit them and that it is the lack of parent–infant interaction, not increased time watching baby videos, that hurts young infants’ language development. To rule out this possibility,

directionality problem The problem in correlational studies of determining whether a presumed causal variable is the cause or the effect. third variable problem In correlational studies, the problem posed by the fact that the association between the two variables of interest may be caused by some third variable.

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Zimmerman and his colleagues showed that babies’ video watching was negatively correlated with vocabulary score even when the amount of parent interaction through reading and storytelling, as well as a number of other potential ‘third variables’, such as parent education and income, were controlled. However, as they admit, they did not control for the quality of parent–infant interactions and for additional, unmeasured factors that could explain why some infants both watch more baby videos than other infants and have lower language development scores. Therefore, the correlational method has one major limitation: it cannot unambiguously establish a causal relationship between one variable and another the way an experiment can. Correlational studies can, however, suggest that a causal relationship exists. Although Zimmerman’s team used statistical control techniques to make it as if other factors were equal, they could not completely rule out the directionality problem and the third variable problem to establish a cause-effect relationship between baby video viewing and delayed language development. It is a rule every researcher knows by heart: ‘Correlation is not causation.’ Despite this key limitation, the correlational method is extremely valuable. First, as already noted, most important questions about human development can be addressed only through the correlational method because it would be unethical to manipulate people’s experiences in experiments. Second, complex correlational studies and statistical analyses allow researchers to learn about how multiple factors operating in the ‘real world’ may combine to influence development.We just have to be on the lookout for the directionality problem and the third variable problem in interpreting correlational relationships. See Table 1.4 for a comparison of experimental and correlational methods. TABLE 1.4  A comparison of the experimental and correlational methods Experimental method

Correlational method

Manipulation of an independent variable to observe the effect on a dependent variable (investigator exposes participants to different experiences)

Study of the relationship between one variable and another (without investigator manipulation and control of people’s experiences)

Random assignment to treatment groups (to ensure similarity of groups except for the experimental manipulation)

No random assignment (so any subgroups of participants compared may not be similar in all respects)

Experimental control of extraneous variables

Lack of control over extraneous variables

Can establish a cause–effect relationship between the independent variable and the dependent variable

Can suggest but not firmly establish that one variable causes another, owing to directionality and third variable problems

May not be possible for ethical reasons

Can be used to study many important issues that cannot be studied experimentally for ethical reasons

May be artificial (findings from contrived experimental settings may not generalise well to the ‘real world’)

Can study multiple influences operating in natural settings (findings may generalise better to the ‘real world’)

Meta-analysis Overall, the understanding of why humans develop as they do is best advanced when the results of different kinds of studies converge – when experiments demonstrate a clear cause-effect relationship and correlational studies reveal that the same relationship seems to be operating in everyday life. One study’s findings are not enough to go on; indeed, very often in psychology as well as in other sciences the findings of a particular study are not consistently confirmed when other researchers try to replicate the study (Open Science Collaboration, 2015).When we have the results of multiple studies addressing the same question, these can be synthesised to produce overall conclusions through the Copyright 2019 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. WCN 02-200-202

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research method of meta-analysis (van Ijzendoorn, Bakermans-Kranenburg, & Alink, 2012). In our baby DVDs example, this might involve comparing, across many studies, the language development scores of infants who were exposed to baby videos and infants who were not. We do not yet have enough studies to say whether baby videos are helpful or worthless as a tool of language development. However, the experimental study and correlational study we have highlighted here, as well as other studies, do not support the claims of the makers of these products. They mostly say that baby DVDs neither help nor hurt infants (see, for example, Ferguson & Donnellan, 2014; Neuman et al., 2014; Richert et al., 2010). It is still the case that the best way for infants and toddlers to learn language is the old-fashioned way: by conversing with their caregivers as they go about their daily activities (Golinkoff et al., 2015; and see Chapter 8).

Developmental research designs

meta-analysis A research method in which the results of multiple studies addressing the same question are synthesised to produce overall conclusions.

LINKAGES Chapter 8 Language, literacy and learning

Along with the experimental and correlational methods used by all kinds of researchers to study relationships between variables, developmental researchers need specialised research designs to study how people change and remain the same as they get older (Creasey, 2006).To describe development, researchers have relied extensively on two types of research designs: the cross-sectional design and the longitudinal design. A third type of design, the sequential study, has come into use in an attempt to overcome the limitations of the other two techniques.

Cross-sectional designs In a cross-sectional design, the performances of people of different age groups, or cohorts, are compared. A cohort is a group of individuals born at the same time, either in the same year or within a specified span of years (for example, a generation is a cohort). A researcher interested in the development of vocabulary might gather samples of speech from several 2-, 3- and 4-year-olds; calculate the mean (or average) number of distinct words used per child for each age group; and compare these means to describe how the vocabulary sizes of children aged 2, 3 and 4 differ. The cross-sectional study provides information about age differences. By seeing how age groups differ, researchers can attempt to draw conclusions about how performance changes with age. Suppose we are interested in learning about how people’s use of the internet changes as they get older. As part of the World Internet Project, researchers Ewing and Thomas (2012) conducted a survey with a random sample of 1000 Australian adults to look at the social, political and economic impact of the internet and other new technologies. Figure 1.6 shows the percentage of participants using the internet for the five age groups. Clearly internet use was more common among younger adults than among elderly adults. A similar pattern of usage is evident in the results from a study of over 2000 New Zealanders aged 16–75 years and above, as shown in Figure 1.7 (Gibson, Miller, Smith, Bell, & Crothers, 2013). But can we conclude that internet use normally declines as people get older? Not really. People who are in their 60s and 70s are not only older than people in their 20s and 30s, but they also belong to a different cohort or generation and have had different formative experiences. The over-60s in these Australian and New Zealand studies did not have computers or the internet in their youth, whereas the 30-year-olds may have. Do 70-year-olds use the internet less because people lose interest or become incapable as they age, or is it because 70-year-olds are members of a cohort with less experience of computing and the internet? These studies do not tell us. In cross-sectional studies, age effects and cohort effects are confounded, or entangled. Age effects relate to the relationship between age (a rough proxy for changes brought about by nature and nurture) and particular aspects of development. Cohort effects are the effects of being born as

cross-sectional design A developmental research design in which different age groups are studied at the same point and compared. cohort A group of people born at the same time; a particular generation of people.

Express For additional insight on the data presented in Figures 1.6 and 1.7 try out the Understanding the data exercise on CourseMate Express.

age effects The effects on research findings of participants getting older or developing. cohort effects The effects on research findings of various age groups, or cohorts, being born at different times with different formative experiences.

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FIGURE 1.6  Percentage of Australian adults from different age groups who regularly used the internet in 2011 100

99%

98%

96%

90

FIGURE 1.7  Internet usage of New Zealanders from different age groups in 2013 The usage index is the average frequency of use for each individual across a range of online activities, where 0 equals ‘never’ on all activities, and 5 equals ‘several times a day’ on all activities.

84%

2.5

70

2.0 57%

60

Useage index

Percentage using internet

80

50 40 30 20

1.5 1.0 0.5

10 0

0 18–24

25–34

35–49 Age group

Source: Adapted from Ewing & Thomas (2012).

LINKAGES Chapter 7 Intelligence and creativity

50–64

65+

16–24

25–34

35–49 Age group

50–64

65+

Source: Adapted from Gibson et al. (2013).

a member of a particular cohort or generation in a particular historical context. Cross-sectional studies tell how people of different ages (cohorts) differ (cohort effect), but they do not necessarily tell how people normally change as they get older (age effect). In the internet studies, what initially looked like a developmental trend toward declining internet use in later life (an age effect) could actually be a cohort effect resulting from differences in the formative experiences of the different generations studied. Cohort differences are, however, of interest in their own right; they can tell us about the influence of the sociocultural environment on development and about the implications of being part of one generation or another. Does it make a difference, for example, whether one is part of the silent generation (the Second World War and Korean War generation, born between 1925 and 1946), the baby boomer generation (the huge cohort born after the Second World War, between 1946 and 1964), Generation X (the small generation, also called the ‘Me Generation’, born between 1964 and 1982) or Generation Y (also called the ‘millennials’ or the ‘baby boomlet’ generation, born between 1982 to the late 1990s and raised on the internet)? We seem to believe that different cohorts or generations not only have different formative experiences but also develop different characters. For example, some surveys suggest that younger generations (Generations X and Y) are less committed to work and more interested in freedom and personal fulfilment than the baby boomers or the silent generation (Fogg, 2008). In truth, we know very little about how the generations differ from each other as groups. Popular books on the subject often present overgeneralised portraits of generations – stereotypes (see Section 1.1) – based on little solid data. There are undoubtedly more psychological differences within than between generations. Still, as we have seen throughout this chapter, understanding how people are affected by the historical-cultural context in which they develop is an important part of the science of life span development, and genuine cohort differences sometimes emerge in research studies. However, the presence of cohort effects poses a problem in cross-sectional research whenever the growing-up experiences of the cohorts studied differ. As you will see in Chapter 7, it was once believed, based on cross-sectional studies of performance on intelligence tests, that people experience significant declines in intellectual functioning starting in middle age. Later longitudinal studies, which

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we will discuss in the next section, suggested that intellectual declines were less steep and, when they did occur, came later in life than first thought (Schaie, 2000). The conclusion reached was that the elderly adults in cross-sectional studies probably did not experience steep losses of intellectual abilities during adulthood (a true developmental or age effect); they merely performed less well than younger cohorts because they had received less education in their youth (a cohort effect) and probably always had lower intellectual abilities than younger cohorts as a result. The second major limitation of the cross-sectional design is that because each person is observed at only one point, researchers learn nothing about how people change with age. Returning to our internet use example, researchers cannot see whether different people show different or similar patterns of change in internet use as they get older, or whether individuals who were heavy internet users in their 20s and 30s are also heavy internet users in their 60s and 70s.To address issues like these, researchers need longitudinal research. Despite these problems with the cross-sectional design, it is a very important approach and developmentalists continue to rely heavily on it. It has the great advantage of being quick and easy and relatively inexpensive: researchers can go out this year, sample individuals of different ages, and then report their results. Moreover, cross-sectional studies should yield valid conclusions about age effects if the cohorts studied are likely to have had similar growing-up experiences – as when 3- and 4-year-olds, rather than 30- and 40-year-olds, are compared. It is when researchers attempt to make inferences about development over the span of many years that cohort effects in cross-sectional studies can yield a misleading picture of development.

Longitudinal designs

Cohort of individuals born in:

In a longitudinal design, the performance of one cohort of individuals is assessed repeatedly over time.A longitudinal design A study of the development of vocabulary would be longitudinal rather than cross-sectional if a researcher developmental research design in which one identified a group of 2-year-olds and measured their vocabulary sizes, waited a year until they were group of subjects is age 3 and measured their vocabularies again, did the same thing another year later when they were studied repeatedly over months or years. age 4, and then compared the mean scores of these same children at the three ages. In any longitudinal study, whether it covers only a few months in infancy or 50 years, the same individuals are studied as they develop.Therefore, the longitudinal design provides information about age changes rather than age differences. FIGURE 1.8  Cross-sectional and longitudinal studies of Imagine we’d had the foresight to design a development from age 30–60 longitudinal study of internet use back in the 1980s, The longitudinal study involves repeated assessment every 15 years starting in 1980, whereas in the cross-sectional study, when it was first introduced, and had surveyed 30-yearthe three age groups of interest are compared only in 2010. olds about their internet use in 1980 and every 15 years 2000 thereafter until 2010 (when they were 60). Figure 1.8 Cross-sectional study compares a cross-sectional and a longitudinal design for this study of 30-, 45-, and 60-year-olds. Because the longitudinal design traces changes in 1980 30-year-olds individuals as they age, it can tell whether most people vs. change in the same direction or whether different individuals travel different developmental paths. It can 50-year-olds 1960 indicate whether the characteristics and behaviours Longitudinal study vs. measured remain consistent over time; for example, whether people who used the internet a lot at age 30 30-year-olds 50-year-olds 70-year-olds 1940 were still among the heaviest users age 60. And it can tell whether experiences earlier in life predict traits 1970 1990 2010 and behaviours later in life. The cross-sectional design Time of measurement can do none of these. Copyright 2019 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. WCN 02-200-202

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time-of-measurement effects The effects on research findings of historical events occurring when the data for a study are being collected.

ON THE INTERNET Longitudinal studies in Australia and New Zealand Alongside the significant Australian and New Zealand longitudinal studies included in Table 1.5 are the corresponding website links. You will find access to all sorts of information about the studies on these websites, including more details about study design, research tools used by the researchers, newsletters, reports, papers and a wealth of other resources associated with the studies.

What, then, are the limitations of the longitudinal design? Our hypothetical longitudinal study of internet use centred on one cohort of individuals: members of the 1950 birth cohort. These people were raised in a historical context in which computers were scarce and the internet non-existent, and lived through a time when both became fixtures in almost every home.Their computer use probably increased over time from 1980 to 2010 as a result – a developmental trend precisely the opposite of the ‘decline in internet use with age’ finding evident in the cross-sectional internet studies we discussed in the previous section. However, such a longitudinal trend toward greater internet use with age does not necessarily mean that internet use typically increases with age. The technological advances that occurred from one time of measurement to the next during the timeframe of this particular study could be responsible for the observed increase. Time-of-measurement effects in developmental research are the effects of historical events and trends occurring when the data are collected (for example, effects of an economic recession, devastating natural disasters, advances in healthcare or, here, technological advances such as the invention of personal computers and the internet). Unlike cohort effects, time-of-measurement effects are not unique to a particular cohort; they can affect anyone alive at the time. In the longitudinal study, then, age effects and time-ofmeasurement effects are confounded. Because of time-of-measurement effects, we may not be able to tell for sure whether the agerelated changes observed in a longitudinal study are generalisable to people developing in other sociohistorical contexts. Perhaps we would obtain different ‘developmental’ trends if we were to conduct a longitudinal study about internet use starting today rather than in 1980. So, it can be challenging to identify true developmental or age effects – in cross-sectional studies because of cohort effects and in longitudinal studies because of time-of-measurement effects. The longitudinal design has other disadvantages (Pulkkinen & Kokko, 2012). One is fairly obvious: this approach is costly and time-consuming, particularly if it is used to trace development over a long span and at many points in time. Second, because knowledge is constantly changing, measurement methods that seemed good at the start of the study may seem dated or incomplete by the end. Third, participants drop out of long-term studies; they may move, lose interest or, especially in studies of ageing, die during the course of the study. The result is a smaller and often less representative sample on which to base conclusions. Finally, there may be effects of repeated testing; sometimes simply taking a test improves performance on that test the next time around. Are both the cross-sectional and the longitudinal designs hopelessly flawed, then? That would be overstating their weaknesses. Cross-sectional studies are very efficient and informative, especially when the cohorts studied are not widely different in age or formative experiences. Longitudinal studies are extremely valuable for what they can reveal about how people change with age – even though it must be recognised that the cohort studied may not develop in precisely the same way that an earlier or later cohort does. In the Exploration box you will learn about some of the major longitudinal studies of children and adults that have been conducted in Australia and New Zealand and from which we will draw data throughout this book to help us to understand development. You might also like to take some time to learn more about these studies via the On the internet links provided in the table.

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Exploration AUSTRALIAN AND NEW ZEALAND LONGITUDINAL STUDIES OF DEVELOPMENT As you have learned, longitudinal research studies have clear advantages over cross-sectional designs for answering questions about how we develop and grow as we age. In Table 1.5 we highlight some of the largest ongoing Australian and New Zealand longitudinal studies – some studies are in early stages; others have been gathering data on participants for over 40 years! Throughout this book we will draw on the results of these and many other Australian, New Zealand and international longitudinal studies as we seek to understand the influences on human development across the

life span – for example (and this is by no means an exhaustive list of the featured longitudinal studies or of chapters that refer to the findings of longitudinal studies): the Australian Temperament Project (ATP; Chapter 9); the Auckland Birthweight Collaborative (ABC) Study (Chapters 3, 4 and 7); the Christchurch Health and Development Study (CHDS; Chapters 7 and 8); the Gudaga Longitudinal Birth Cohort Study of Urban Australian Indigenous Infants (Chapter 7); the Australian Mater-University Study of Pregnancy (MUSP; Chapter 10); the Minnesota Twin Family Study (MTFS; Chapter 3); the New Zealand Attitudes and

LINKAGES Chapter 2 Theories of human development Chapter 3 Genes, environment and the beginnings of life Chapter 4 Body, brain and health Chapter 7 Intelligence and creativity Chapter 8 Language, literacy and learning Chapter 9 Self, personality, gender and sexuality Chapter 10 Social cognition and moral development

Values Study (NZAVS; Chapter 9); and the Seattle Longitudinal Study (this chapter and Chapters 2 and 7).

TABLE 1.5  Ongoing Australian and New Zealand longitudinal studies Study

Purpose

Participants and timing of data collection

Data collection methods

Unique features

Examples

Australian Longitudinal Study of Ageing (ALSA) http://www.flinders. edu.au/sabs/fcas/ alsa/

To gain further understanding of how social, biomedical and environmental factors are associated with ageing in older people, and to explore the concept of healthy, active ageing.

Since 1992, 2000+ South Australian adults aged 70+ years have been assessed on 10+ occasions. Around 70 per cent were born in Australia, with a small number of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples. Those born overseas are largely from Englishspeaking countries.

Interviews, surveys, informant reports, objective assessments of physical functioning (e.g. blood pressure, balance) and cognitive function (e.g. memory and verbal ability).

In addition to tracking individual development, 500+ married couples have been followed over the course of the study.

See, for example, in this chapter, discussion of ALSA findings that provide insights into successful ageing.

Growing up in New Zealand study http://www. growingup.co.nz/ en.html

To provide a complete picture of the pathways that lead to successful and equitable child development, and improve outcomes for all children.

Seven thousand New Zealand children born in 2009/10 have been assessed every 12–18 months, with the study planned to continue until they become adults. All socioeconomic levels are represented and the sample is ethnically diverse.

Interviews with parents and children about health and wellbeing, wha¯ nau (family) life, education, psychological development, neighbourhood and environment, and culture and identity.

Data gathering started when the mother of the study child was 28 weeks pregnant.

See, for example, in Chapter 3, discussion of study findings that provide insights into the health of mothers and babies during pregnancy and early infancy.

>>>

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>>>

Study

Purpose

Participants and timing of data collection

Data collection methods

Unique features

Examples

Growing Up in Australia: The Longitudinal Study of Australian Children (LSAC) http://www. growingupinaustralia. gov.au/

To provide a comprehensive national picture of the current generation of Australian children as they grow up.

Every 2 years since 2003/04, data have been collected on 10 000 Australian children (one cohort 0–1 years, a second cohort 4–5 years) and will continue until the children are in their mid- to late teens. The sample includes a subsample of almost 500 Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander families.

Interviews with parents, teachers and children to gather data on the children’s health; physical, intellectual and social development; emotional wellbeing; and family, community, learning and social environments.

The two-cohort design of the study offers the advantages of sequential research design. In conjunction with the study, The Life Series documentaries have been following up 11 of the study children and their families every 2 years since the age of 1.

See, for example, in Chapter 7, discussion of LSAC findings that provide insights into quality earlyintervention programs that nurture development.

Dunedin Multidisciplinary Health and Development Study (the Dunedin Study) http://dunedinstudy. otago.ac.nz/

To trace the development of a representative New Zealand birth cohort.

Over 1000 babies born in 1972/73 in the Otago region of New Zealand have been assessed at ages 3, 5, 7, 9, 13, 15, 18, 21, 26, 32 and 38 (in 2010–2012) with future data collection planned for ages 44 and 50. All socioeconomic levels are represented and the sample includes Ma¯ ori and Pasifika participants.

Interviews, parent and teacher informant reports, psychological tests, blood samples, and review of medical records to provide data on physical and mental health, relationships, behaviour and family.

Sub-studies of participants’ parents and children have been conducted alongside the main study, providing data for three generations of study families.

See, for example, in Chapter 10, discussion of Dunedin Study findings that provide insights into the trajectories of antisocial youth and adults.

Sources: Australian Government Department of Social Services (2013); Australian Institute of Family Studies (2013); Flinders University (2013); McKenzie & Carter (2010); Poland & Legge (2005); University of Auckland (2013); University of Otago (2013).

In an attempt to overcome the limitations of both cross-sectional and longitudinal designs, developmentalists have devised a more powerful method of describing developmental change: the sequential design.

Sequential designs: The best of both worlds sequential design A developmental research design that combines the crosssectional approach and the longitudinal approach in a single study to compensate for the weaknesses of each.

LINKAGES Chapter 7 Intelligence and creativity

A sequential design combines the cross-sectional approach and the longitudinal approach in a single study (Schaie & Caskie, 2005). In Chapter 7, you will read about an important sequential study of changes in mental abilities during adulthood conducted by K.Warner Schaie and his colleagues, known as the Seattle Longitudinal Study (1996, 2005). Adults ranging in age from 22–70 and grouped into age groups were tested on a battery of mental ability tests (in a cross-sectional design), then retested every 7 years (to create a longitudinal design). At each testing point a new sample of adults in their 20s to 70s was added to the study and those age groups were then retested. Some of the adults in the study have been followed for as long as 45 years. This elaborate study has yielded many insights into intellectual ageing. Not only have systematic changes with age in mental abilities been identified, but cohort and time-of-measurement effects have also been revealed, suggesting that intellectual functioning is indeed influenced by the times in which people develop (see also Alwin, 2009). Sequential designs, by combining the cross-sectional and longitudinal approaches, improve on both. They can tell researchers:

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• which age-related trends are truly developmental in nature and reflect how most people, regardless

of cohort, can be expected to change over time (age effects) • which age trends differ from cohort to cohort and suggest that each generation is affected by its distinct growing-up experiences (cohort effects) • which trends suggest that events during a specific period of history similarly affect all cohorts alive at the time (time-of-measurement effects). In short, sequential designs can begin to untangle the effects of age, cohort and time of measurement. Yet they are extremely complex and expensive. Generally, the study of life span human development has progressed from early (and sometimes misleading) cross-sectional studies to more long-term longitudinal studies and, increasingly, to more complex sequential studies, especially of adult development (Baltes, Lindenberger, & Staudinger, 2006). Table 1.6 provides a summary of the three basic developmental designs.

Search me! and Discover a report overviewing findings from the Growing Up in Australia (LSAC) sequential design study (referred to in Table 1.5): Edwards, B. (2014). Growing up in Australia: The longitudinal study of Australian children: Entering adolescence and becoming a young adult. Family Matters, 95, 5–14.

TABLE 1.6  Cross-sectional, longitudinal and sequential developmental designs Cross-sectional design

Longitudinal design

Sequential design

Procedure

Observe people of different cohorts at one point in time

Observe people of one age group repeatedly over time

Combine cross-sectional and longitudinal approaches; observe different cohorts on multiple occasions

Information gained

Describes age differences

Describes age changes

Describes age differences and age changes

Advantages

Demonstrates age differences in behaviour and hints at developmental trends

Indicates how individuals are alike and different in the way they change over time

Helps separate the effects of age, cohort and time of measurement

Can reveal links between early behaviour or experiences and later behaviour

Indicates whether developmental changes experienced by one generation or cohort are similar to those experienced by other cohorts

Age trends may reflect cohort effects rather than true developmental change

Age trends may reflect time-ofmeasurement effects during the study rather than true developmental change

Complex and time-consuming

Provides no information about change in individuals over time

Relatively time-consuming and expensive

Takes little time to conduct and is inexpensive Disadvantages

Measures may later prove inadequate

Despite being the strongest method, may leave questions about whether a developmental change can be generalised

Participants drop out Participants can be affected by repeated testing

IN REVIEW CHECKING UNDERSTANDING

CRITICAL THINKING

1 What are three data collection methods commonly used by developmental researchers? Provide examples of each.

Explain how a cross-sectional study of age differences over the adult years in attitudes about gender roles could suggest that attitudes become more traditional with age, but a longitudinal study could suggest that gender attitudes become less traditional with age.

2 In a comparison of a new program to prepare teenage mothers for childbirth with an existing prenatal preparation program, which of the following is the independent variable, and which is the dependent variable: age of mother, type of prenatal preparation program, pain ratings during labour, length of labour?

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3 In what ways do sequential research designs improve upon cross-sectional and longitudinal designs?

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LIFE SPAN HUMAN DEVELOPMENT

1.4 WHAT SPECIAL CHALLENGES DO DEVELOPMENTAL SCIENTISTS FACE? learning objectives

■■ Explain the four major ethical obligations of investigators to their research participants. ■■ Discuss the challenges in conducting culturally sensitive research.

We hope we have convinced you that conducting good research on human development is critical to advancing our understanding of and optimising human development. We conclude this chapter by discussing additional considerations, beyond basic research design and methods, which are critical to appropriate study of human development: protecting the rights of research participants and conducting culturally sensitive research.

Protecting the rights of research participants research ethics Standards of conduct that investigators are ethically bound to honour to protect their research participants from physical or psychological harm.

ON THE INTERNET Research ethics Health Research Council of New Zealand (HRC) http://www.hrc. govt.nz/ National Health and Medical Research Council (NHMRC) https://www. nhmrc.gov.au/

healthethics Visit these website links for more detailed information and guidelines about research ethics in Australia and New Zealand.

Developmental researchers must be sensitive to research ethics – the standards of conduct that investigators are ethically bound to honour to protect their research participants from physical or psychological harm. Many ethical issues arise in developmental research. For example, is it ethical to tell children that they performed poorly on a test to create a temporary sense of failure? Is it an invasion of a family’s privacy to ask adolescents questions about conversations they have had with their parents about sex? Should a study of how a hormone replacement pill affects menopausal women be halted if initial results indicate that the drug appears to be having harmful effects? If a drug to treat memory loss in elderly adults with Alzheimer’s disease appears to be working, should it continue to be withheld from the control group in the study? Such issues have led governments to establish national research ethics guidelines through peak bodies – in Australia and New Zealand these bodies are the Australian National Health and Medical Research Council (NHMRC) and the Health Research Council of New Zealand (HRC) (see On the internet: Research ethics).These bodies require universities and other organisations that conduct research with humans to have ethics committees that determine whether proposed research projects conform to ethical standards and to approve projects only if they comply. Deciding whether a proposed study is on safe ethical ground involves weighing the possible benefits of the research (gains in knowledge and potential benefits to humanity or to the participants) against the potential risks to participants. If the potential benefits greatly outweigh the potential risks; if there are no other, less risky procedures that could produce these same benefits; and if there is no direct harm to participants, the investigation is likely to be viewed as ethical. The investigator’s ethical responsibilities boil down to respecting the rights of research participants by (1) allowing them to make informed and uncoerced decisions about taking part in research; (2) debriefing them afterward (especially if they are not told everything in advance or are deceived); (3) protecting them from harm; and (4) treating any information they provide as confidential. Let’s look at each of these responsibilities in more detail.

Informed consent Researchers generally should inform potential participants of all aspects of the research that might affect their decision to participate so that they can make a voluntary decision based on full knowledge of what the research involves. But are young children or mentally impaired people capable of understanding what they are being asked to do and of giving their informed consent? Probably not. But in accordance with the United Nations Convention on Human Rights and the Convention on the Rights of the Child, which states that children should be consulted on matters that are of concern to them, researchers who study such ‘vulnerable’ populations should seek to obtain informed consent

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CHAPTER 1: UNDERSTANDING LIFE SPAN HUMAN DEVELOPMENT

both from the individual (if possible) and from someone who can decide on the individual’s behalf – for example, the parent or guardian of a child or the legal representative of a nursing home resident. Investigators must also take care not to pressure anyone to participate and must respect participants’ right to refuse to participate, to drop out during the study and to refuse to have their data used by the investigator.

Debriefing Researchers generally tell participants about the purposes of the study in advance, but in some cases doing so would ruin the study. If you told university students in advance that you were studying moral development and then gave them an opportunity to cheat on a test, do you think anyone would cheat? Instead, you might set up a situation in which students believe they can cheat without being detected and then debrief them afterward, explaining the true purpose of the study. You would also have an obligation to make sure that participants who cheated do not leave feeling upset.

Protection from harm Researchers are bound not to harm research participants either physically or psychologically. Infants may cry if they are left in a room with a stranger. Adolescents may be embarrassed if they are asked about their sex lives. Adults who are depressed may experience negative side effects when given experimental antidepressants. Investigators must try to anticipate and prepare to deal with such consequences. If physical or psychological harm to the participants seems likely, the researcher should consider another way of answering the research question. Moreover, if participants of any age become upset or are harmed, the researcher must take steps to undo the damage. Research ethics guidelines usually include specific information and requirements for research with children or other vulnerable members of society, such as people with disabilities, to protect these groups from harm.

Confidentiality Researchers also have an ethical responsibility to keep confidential and private the information they collect. It would be unacceptable when collecting research data, for example, to tell a child’s teacher that the child performed poorly on an intelligence test or to tell an adult’s employer that a drinking problem was revealed in an interview. Privacy legislation also guides the conduct of researchers in how they access, store and use research data and information. For example, in Australia, the Privacy Act 1988 and amendments are incorporated into the NHMRC’s health privacy framework, which requires human research ethics committees to consider how the legislation might apply to research proposals as they assess them (National Health and Medical Research Council, 2014).

Conducting culturally sensitive research Developmental researchers must give serious consideration to not only being ethically responsible in their research, but also being culturally sensitive in the planning, conduct and reporting of research. Concepts of consent, privacy and harm differ from society to society, so researchers must be sensitive to ethical values in the culture they will be studying (Miller, Goyal, & Wice, 2015). We have devoted the chapter’s Diversity box to a discussion about the issues and cautions associated with culturally sensitive research. Clearly, developmental researchers have some challenging issues to weigh if they want their research to be well designed, culturally sensitive and ethically responsible. Understanding life span human development would be downright impossible, though, if researchers merely conducted study after study without guiding ideas. Theories of human development provide those guiding ideas and are the subject of Chapter 2.

LINKAGES Chapter 2 Theories of human development

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LIFE SPAN HUMAN DEVELOPMENT

Diversity CULTURALLY SENSITIVE RESEARCHERS Both Bronfenbrenner’s bioecological model and Baltes’ life span perspective emphasise that development is shaped by its cultural context. This implies that we need to study development in a variety of contexts using culturally sensitive methods to understand both what is universal and what is culturally specific about human development (Cole & Packer, 2011). Culturally sensitive researchers must first be prepared to consult, negotiate and research with participants and representatives (such as elders) of other cultural and subcultural groups before, during and after research and when planning, implementing and disseminating research. Research design, conduct and analysis have evolved from Western worldviews, and people from other societies and cultures may have different ideas about who should give consent for participation, or how research data can be collected, analysed and used. For example, in Australia and New Zealand, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander and Ma¯ ori knowledge, which is an integral part of identity development and cultural preservation, is verbally passed down through the generations and is collectively owned. Researchers must therefore respect group consent processes (in addition to individual consent), that data gathered remains the property of the community (not the researcher), and that use of the data should be agreed by both the researchers and the community (Gorman & Toombs, 2009). General and specific research ethics guidelines

in New Zealand and Australia (see On the internet: Guidelines for research with Indigenous peoples) require consultation at all stages of research with Indigenous people, not only for protecting research participants but also to ensure Ma¯ ori and Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people have a voice and are meaningfully engaged in research about issues for their people and communities (Health Research Council of New Zealand, 2010; National Health and Medical Research Council, 2003). Second, it can be extremely challenging to ensure that data collection procedures are culturally appropriate, and that they mean the same thing for individuals from different cultural groups if comparisons are to be made (Rogoff, 2003). For example, when one organisation translated a survey into 63 languages and then had the questions translated back into English, strange things happened: ‘married or living with a partner’ was translated as ‘married but have a girlfriend’, and ‘American ideas and customs’ became ‘the ideology of America and border guards’ (Morin, 2003). Other times, researchers need to select alternative research methods or adapt data gathering processes. When recruiting older adult research participants for ‘Life and Living in Advanced Age: A Cohort Study in New Zealand’ (LiLACS NZ), the research team used two different methods – non-Ma¯ ori participants were recruited through local health and community networks, while Ma¯ ori participants were recruited using the Kaupapa Ma¯ ori

method (Ma¯ ori approaches to research), which involved engaging Ma¯ ori iwi (tribes) and health providers to assist with recruitment and conduct of the research and the use of Ma¯ ori language in interviews (Dyall et al., 2013; Walker, Eketone, & Gibbs, 2006). With this approach the researchers successfully recruited large, equal numbers of Ma¯ ori and non-Ma¯ ori participants (600 in each group). Third, researchers who study cultural influences on development, or racial, ethnic and socioeconomic differences in development, must work hard to keep their own cultural values from biasing their perceptions of other groups. Too often, Western researchers have let ethnocentrism – the belief that ethnocentrism The one’s own group belief that one’s own and its culture cultural or ethnic group is superior to others. are superior – creep into their research designs, procedures and measures. Ethnocentrism can mean the results of studies with children and adults from other cultures are misinterpreted according to standards of another culture; label participants as ‘deficient’ when they would better be described as ‘different’; or focus on vulnerabilities rather than strengths (Spencer, 2006). Also, too often researchers have assumed that all individuals within various cultural groups are alike psychologically, when in fact there is immense diversity within each cultural, racial or ethnic group (Helms, Jernigan, & Mascher, 2005).

ON THE INTERNET Guidelines for research with Indigenous peoples Search me! and Discover Access the Psychology database and investigate the topic of culturally sensitive research.

Health Research Council of New Zealand (HRC) and Research with Māori people http://www.hrc.govt.nz/news-and-publications/publications/maori The Australian Institute of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Studies (AIATSIS) and Guidelines for Ethical Research in Australian Indigenous Studies https://aiatsis.gov.au/research/ethical-research/guidelines-ethical-research-australian-indigenous-studies Visit these website links for further information about research ethics and culturally sensitive research approaches with Aboriginal, Torres Strait Islander and Māori peoples.

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CHAPTER 1: UNDERSTANDING LIFE SPAN HUMAN DEVELOPMENT

IN REVIEW CHECKING UNDERSTANDING

CRITICAL THINKING

1 If researchers do not try to keep ethnocentrism out of their research, what can happen?

A researcher wants to interview elderly widows in Japan, South Korea, Australia and New Zealand about their emotional reactions to widowhood shortly after the deaths of their husbands. What might the researcher do to make this research as culturally sensitive as possible?

2 A researcher deceives research participants into thinking they are in a study of learning, when the real purpose is to determine whether they are willing to inflict harm on people who make learning errors, if told to do so by an authority figure. What ethical responsibilities does this researcher have?

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CHAPTER REVIEW SUMMARY 1.1

How should we think about development?

■■ Development is systematic changes and continuities over the life span in the areas of physical, cognitive and psychosocial functioning, involving gains, losses and neutral changes in physical, cognitive and psychosocial functioning; it is more than just growth in childhood and biological ageing in adulthood. ■■ Development takes place in a historical, cultural and subcultural context and is influenced by age grades, age norms and social clocks.

■■ Understanding nature and nurture influences on development means understanding the interaction of heredity, biology and maturation with environment, experiences and learning. The complexities of transactions between people and their environment are captured in Bronfenbrenner’s bioecological model, in which the individual, with his or her biological and psychological characteristics, interacts with environmental systems called the microsystem, mesosystem, exosystem and macrosystem over time (the chronosystem).

1.2 What is the science of life span development? ■■ The study of life span development, guided by the goals of description, prediction, explanation and optimisation, began with the baby biographies written by Charles Darwin and others. However, psychologist G. Stanley Hall came to be regarded as the founder of developmental science through his use of questionnaires and attention to all phases of the life span.

■■ The modern life span perspective on human development, as set forth by Baltes, assumes that development (1) occurs throughout the life span, (2) can take many different directions, (3) involves interlinked gains and losses at every age, (4) is characterised by plasticity, (5) is affected by its historical and cultural context, (6) is influenced by multiple interacting causal factors, and (7) can best be understood through the lens of multiple disciplines.

1.3 How is development studied? ■■ The scientific method involves formulating theories and testing hypotheses derived from them by

conducting research with a sample (ideally a random sample) from a larger population. Good theories >>>

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>>>

should be internally consistent, falsifiable and, ultimately, supported by the data. ■■ Common data collection methods include reporting (self- and informant), behavioural observations and physiological measures. Use of multiple methods in the same study can capture different aspects of development and compensate for weaknesses in the different methods. ■■ The goal of explaining development is best achieved through experiments involving random assignments to conditions, manipulation of the independent variable and experimental control. However, not all developmental issues can be studied with experiments for ethical reasons.

Case studies have limited generalisability, and in correlational studies, one faces the directionality and third variable problems in attempting to draw causeeffect conclusions. Developmentalists use metaanalysis to synthesise the results of multiple studies of the same issue to produce overall conclusions. ■■ Developmental research designs seek to describe age effects on development. Cross-sectional studies compare different age groups but confound age effects and cohort effects. Longitudinal studies study age change but confound age effects and time-ofmeasurement effects. Sequential studies combine the cross-sectional and longitudinal approaches to overcome these weaknesses.

1.4 What special challenges do developmental scientists face? ■■ Researchers must adhere to standards of ethical research practice, with attention to ensuring informed consent, debriefing individuals from whom information has been withheld, protecting research participants from harm and maintaining confidentiality of data. ■■ To understand human development, researchers must study humans in a variety of ecological

contexts; this requires a culturally sensitive approach to research in which researchers collaborate with participants in the planning, implementation and dissemination of research; utilise culturally sensitive methods and measures; and keep their own cultural values and ethnocentrism from biasing their conclusions.

END-OF-CHAPTER ACTIVITIES SELF-TEST Answer these questions to self-test your knowledge of the chapter content. The answers are at the end of the chapter.

1

Systematic changes and continuities in a person occurring from conception to death are collectively referred to as: a b c d

ageing. development. growth. learning.

2

The (a) __________ (Select from cohort effect or social clock) refers to an individual’s sense that certain life events should occur at a particular time, according to a schedule dictated by (b) __________. (Select from age grades, age norms, age effects or rites of passage)

3

Match the terms from Bronfenbrenner’s bioecological theory with the appropriate definition of these environmental systems. a microsystem

1 The interrelationships between immediate environments

b mesosystem

2 The larger cultural or subcultural context of development

c exosystem

3 The way changes in environmental systems are patterned over a person’s lifetime

d macrosystem

4 The immediate settings in which the person functions

e chronosystem

5 Settings not experienced directly by individuals but which still influence their development

>>>

42

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>>>

c the conclusions are confounded by time-ofmeasurement effects. d they have no clear dependent variables.

4 True or false? Plasticity, or the capacity of an organism to respond to positive and negative experiences, ceases after childhood and adolescence. 5

A good theory is (a) __________, (b) __________ and (c) __________.

6

The major disadvantage of correlational studies is that:

7

a they are costly and time consuming. b they do not allow researchers to draw cause-andeffect conclusions.

Researchers must protect research participants from physical and psychological harm by following standards of (a) __________. This involves informing participants about all aspects of the research so they can provide (b) __________. Participants must be guaranteed that their responses provided during the research will be (c) __________.

REVIEW QUESTIONS Develop your understanding of the chapter content by preparing short answer or essay responses to the following questions – or you might like to try developing a concept map or thinking map for these questions.

6

Explain the difference between naturalistic observation and structured observation and the reasons you would select one over the other to study development.

7

Evaluate the strengths and weaknesses of the case study research method.

8

Evaluate the strengths and weaknesses of the correlational research method.

4 Explain what the scientific method is and why it is important for developmental science.

9

Evaluate the strengths and weaknesses of the longitudinal research design.

5

10 Overview what developmental researchers must do to ensure their research is culturally sensitive and ethically responsible.

1

Explain the difference between maturation and learning and how each contributes to development across the life span.

2

Discuss why emerging adulthood is proposed as a distinct developmental stage.

3

Discuss the following one of the seven assumptions of the modern life span perspective: Development is characterised by lifelong plasticity.

Focusing on the development of self-esteem, state a research question that illustrates each of the four main goals of the study of life span development.

FOR DISCUSSION Discuss and debate your point of view on the following developmental issues, dilemmas and controversies related to topics in this chapter.

1

In this chapter we presented one view of the periods of the life span (see Table 1.1). Do you agree with this view? What life periods would you break the life span into? What characteristics would you use to describe the life periods in your model? What are the best and worst stages of the life span from your perspective?

2

Many observers believe that age norms for transitions in adult development, such as marriage, parenthood, peak career achievement and retirement, are weakening in our society. Do you think such age norms could ever disappear entirely? Why or why not?

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43

ONLINE STUDY TOOLS COURSEMATE EXPRESS Express

The CourseMate Express website contains a range of resources and study tools for this chapter, including:

→ Revision quizzes

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SEARCH ME! PSYCHOLOGY Explore Search me! Psychology for articles relevant to this chapter. Fast and convenient, Search me! Psychology is updated daily and provides you with 24-hour access to full text articles from hundreds of scholarly and popular journals, eBooks and newspapers, including The Australian and The New York Times. Log in to the Search me! Psychology database via http://login.cengagebrain.com and try searching for the following keywords: Search tip: Search me! Psychology contains information from both local and international sources. To get the greatest number of search results, try using both Australian and American spellings in your searches, e.g. ‘globalisation’ and ‘globalization’; ‘organisation’ and ‘organization’.

→ centenarian → ageism → functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI).

ANSWERS TO THE SELF-TEST 1: (b); 2: (a) social clock, (b) age norms; 3: (a) 4, (b) 1, (c) 5, (d) 2, (e) 3; 4: False; 5: (a) internally consistent, (b) falsifiable,

(c) supported by data; 6: (b); 7: (a) research ethics, (b) informed consent, (c) confidential

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CHAPTER

THEORIES OF HUMAN DEVELOPMENT CHAPTER OUTLINE 2.1 Developmental theories and the issues they raise Nature and nurture Activity and passivity Continuity and discontinuity Universality and context specificity

2.2 Psychoanalytic theories Freud: Psychoanalytic theory Erikson: Psychosocial theory Psychoanalytic theories: Contributions and weaknesses

2.3 Learning theories

2.4 Humanistic theories

2.6 Systems theories

Maslow: Hierarchy of needs Humanistic theories: Contributions and weaknesses

Gottlieb: Epigenetic psychobiological systems perspective Systems theories: Contributions and weaknesses

2.5 Cognitive theories Piaget: Cognitive developmental theory Vygotsky: Sociocultural theory Information-processing approach Theories of adult cognitive development Cognitive theories: Contributions and weaknesses

2.7 Theories in perspective

Pavlov and Watson: Classical conditioning Skinner: Operant conditioning Bandura: Social cognitive theory Learning theories: Contributions and weaknesses

First day of school

He cries and says that he has a terrible stomach ache,

Joshua, age 6, just started Year 1 last week, full of

a headache and a sore foot, and is going to throw up any

enthusiasm and excitement at being all dressed in his

second, so please, please, can he stay home? Because

school uniform and carrying a backpack filled with new

his symptoms clear up quickly if he is allowed to stay

colouring pencils and other school supplies. Now he is

home, Joshua’s problem does not appear to be a physical

begging his mother each morning to let him stay home.

illness. But what is wrong?

Express Throughout this chapter, the CourseMate Express logo indicates an opportunity for online self-study, linking you to activities, videos and other online resources.

48 Copyright 2019 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. WCN 02-200-202

CHAPTER 2: THEORIES OF HUMAN DEVELOPMENT

School refusal behaviour is reluctance or refusal to go to school, to remain there, or both, and is

often accompanied by intense anxiety and emotional distress for the child or adolescent (Di Bartolo & Braun, 2017). School refusal is distinct from truancy, which typically involves lack of parental knowledge of the absenteeism and the presence of other child antisocial behaviours. School refusal affects around 5 per cent of school-age children at any given time, and many more at some point in their development; it is most common among 5- to 7-year-olds like Joshua who are venturing off to school for the first time, and peaks again at 11 years and 14 years (Goodman & Scott, 2012). School refusal can have a number of different causes associated with the child, their family and the school and other environments, and can have negative short- and longer-term consequences, such as academic difficulties, dropping out of school and even adjustment problems in adulthood (Goodman & Scott, 2012). How might we explain the school refusal behaviour of 6-year-old Joshua from the chapter opening? What is your explanation? What explanations might some of the leading theories of human development offer? In this chapter we will illustrate how different theories of human development provide different lenses through which to view development and developmental challenges such as school refusal.

school refusal behaviour Reluctance or refusal to go to school or to remain there, often accompanied by intense anxiety and emotional distress for the child or adolescent.

2.1 DEVELOPMENTAL THEORIES AND THE ISSUES THEY RAISE ■■ Explain why theories are needed in developmental science. ■■ Outline the four issues addressed by theories of human development.

As noted in Chapter 1, a theory is a set of ideas proposed to describe and explain certain phenomena  – in this book, the phenomena of human development. In science, it is not enough to simply catalogue facts without organising this information around some set of concepts and propositions. Researchers would soon be overwhelmed by trivia and would lack ‘the big picture’. A theory of human development provides the necessary organisation, offering a lens through which researchers can interpret and explain any number of specific facts or observations. A theory also guides the collection of new facts or observations, making clear what is most important to study, what can be hypothesised or predicted about it, and how it should be studied. Because different theorists often have different views on these critical matters, what is learned in any science greatly depends on which theoretical perspectives become dominant, which in turn largely depends on how well they account for the facts. In this chapter, we examine five influential theoretical viewpoints, each with important messages about the nature of human development: the psychoanalytic, learning, cognitive, humanist, and systems theory perspectives. We will be asking as we go whether these theoretical perspectives meet the criteria of good theories introduced in Chapter 1 – that is, whether they are internally consistent (coherent), falsifiable (testable) and supported by data (confirmed by research). In Exploration boxes throughout this chapter, we will suggest some major points theorists adhering to particular theoretical viewpoints might make about the causes of 6-year-old Joshua’s school refusal behaviour and the implications for intervention. We suggest that you predict what each theorist would say before you read each of these boxes to see whether you can successfully apply each theory to the issue of school refusal. At the end of the chapter in the Application box, we’ll invite you to apply the different theories again, this time to understanding and preventing risky sexual behaviour of teens and unplanned pregnancy. It is our hope that when you master the major theories of human

Learning objectives LINKAGES Chapter 1 Understanding life span human development

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development, you will be able to draw on their concepts and propositions to make better sense of – and perhaps to guide in more positive directions – your own and other people’s development. To further aid in comparing the theories, we will next outline four significant developmental issues that theorists may take different stances on. These are summarised in Figure 2.1 and are: nature and nurture, activity and passivity, continuity and discontinuity, and universality and context specificity (Miller, 2011). We all have certain assumptions about what influences human development, and reading this chapter should make you more aware of your own positions on these four developmental issues. Before we unpack these four issues in more detail, we invite you to complete the questionnaire in the chapter Engagement box, then later visit Table 2.4 at the end of the chapter to compare your responses with those that would be expected from the theorists described in this chapter. FIGURE 2.1  Issues in human development Nature and nurture To what extent is development primarily the product of genes, biology and maturation – or of experience, learning and social influences?

Activity and passivity How much do humans actively shape their own environments and contribute to their own development – or are they more passive and shaped by forces beyond their control?

Continuity and discontinuity To what extent do humans change gradually and in quantitative ways – or progress through qualitatively different stages and change dramatically into different beings?

Universality and context specificity In what ways is development similar from person to person and from culture to culture, and in what ways do pathways of development vary considerably depending on the social context?

Engagement WHERE DO YOU STAND ON MAJOR DEVELOPMENTAL ISSUES? Choose one option for each statement below that best matches your view of development. 1 Biological influences (e.g. heredity and maturational forces) and environmental influences (e.g. environment and learning experiences) both contribute to development. Overall, I think: a biological factors contribute far more than environmental factors.

b biological factors contribute somewhat more than environmental factors. c biological and environmental factors are equally important. d environmental factors contribute somewhat more than biological factors. e environmental factors contribute far more than biological factors.

2 People are basically: a active beings who are the prime determiners of their own abilities and traits. b passive beings whose characteristics are shaped either by social influences (significant people, events, environments, culture) or by biological changes beyond their control. >>>

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3 Development proceeds: a through stages so that the individual changes rather abruptly into a different kind of person than he or she was in an earlier stage. b in a variety of ways – some stage-like and some gradual or continuous. c continuously – in small increments without abrupt changes or distinct stages.

4 When I compare the development of different individuals, I see: a many similarities – children and adults develop along universal paths and experience similar changes at similar ages. b many differences – different people often undergo different sequences of change and have widely different timetables of development.

Write your pattern of choices below. You then might like to review Table 2.4 at the end of the chapter to compare your results with the developmental theorists described in this chapter. Q1_____  Q2_____ Q3_____  Q4_____

Nature and nurture As you saw in Chapter 1, development results from a complex interplay of nature and nurture where both forces ‘co-act’ to produce development. Some theorists, however, have taken different positions on the issue. Strong believers in nature have stressed the importance of individual genetic makeup, universal maturational processes guided by genes, and biologically-based predispositions built into genes over the course of evolution. Such theorists have been likely to claim that children typically achieve the same developmental milestones at similar times because of maturational forces, that major changes associated with ageing are largely biologically based, and that differences among children or adults are largely because of differences in genetic makeup and physiology. By contrast, strong believers in nurture emphasise environment or influences from outside the person. Nurture includes influences of the physical environment (crowding, pollution and the like) as well as the social environment (for example, learning experiences, child-rearing methods, peers, societal trends such as social media, and the cultural context in which the person develops). A strong believer in the influence of nurture is likely to argue that human development can take many paths depending on the individual’s experiences over a lifetime.

LINKAGES Chapter 1 Understanding life span human development

Activity and passivity The activity–passivity issue focuses on the extent to which human beings are active in creating and influencing their own environments and, in the process, producing their own development; or are passively shaped by forces beyond their control. Some theorists focus on humans as curious, active creatures who orchestrate their own development by exploring the world around them and shaping their environments. Both the budding scientist who experiments with chemicals in the backyard and the sociable adolescent who spends hours text messaging or on social media are seeking out and actively creating a ‘niche’ that suits their emerging traits and abilities – and that further develops those traits in the process (Plomin et al., 2013). Other theorists view humans as more passive in their development, being shaped largely by forces beyond their control – usually environmental influences but possibly strong biological forces too. From this vantage point, children’s academic failings might be blamed on the failure of their parents and teachers to provide them with the ‘right’ learning experiences, and the problems of socially isolated older adults might be attributed to societal neglect of the elderly or inevitable biological processes of ageing.

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FIGURE 2.2 Development is both continuous and discontinuous

Continuity and discontinuity

Another developmental issue of interest to theorists is the extent to which the changes people undergo over the life span are gradual or abrupt. Continuity theorists view Development involves human development as a process that occurs in small steps, without sudden changes, quantitative changes, becoming different in degree (as shown in as when children gradually gain weight from year to year. In contrast, discontinuity Panel A, with a size increase), theorists tend to picture the course of development as more like a series of stair steps, and qualitative changes, becoming different in kind each of which elevates the individual to a new (and often more advanced) level of (as shown in Panel B, where a functioning. When an adolescent boy rapidly shoots up 15 centimetres in height, gains tadpole becomes a frog). a bass voice and grows a beard, the change seems discontinuous. (A) Continuity in development Theorists have also been interested in whether changes are quantitative or qualitative in nature. Quantitative changes are changes in degree and indicate continuity: a person gains more wrinkles, grows taller, knows more vocabulary words or interacts with friends less frequently. By contrast, qualitative changes are changes in kind and suggest discontinuity. They are changes that make the individual Little frog Bigger frog fundamentally different in some way. The transformation of a tadpole into a frog rather than just a bigger tadpole; of a non-verbal infant into a speaking toddler; or (B) Discontinuity in development of a prepubertal child into a sexually mature adolescent are examples of qualitative changes (and see Figure 2.2). So continuity theorists typically argue that developmental changes are gradual and quantitative, whereas discontinuity theorists hold that they are more abrupt Tadpole Frog and qualitative. Discontinuity theorists often propose that people progress through developmental stages. A stage is a distinct phase of development characterised by a particular set of abilities, motives, emotions or behaviours that form a coherent pattern. developmental stage Development is said to involve fairly rapid transitions from one stage to another, each stage being A distinct phase within a larger sequence qualitatively different from the stage before or the stage after. Thus, the adolescent may be able to of development; a grasp abstract concepts like human rights and justice in a way that the school-aged child cannot, period characterised by a particular set or the middle-aged adult may be said to be concerned with fundamentally different life issues or of abilities, motives, conflicts than the young adult or older adult. behaviours or emotions that occur together and form a coherent pattern.

MAKING CONNECTIONS What positions on each of the four major issues in human development do you think your parents took in raising you?

Universality and context specificity Finally, developmental theorists may vary in their position on whether developmental changes are common to all humans (universal) or different across cultures, subcultures, communities, families and individuals (context specific). Discontinuity theorists typically believe that the stages they propose are universal. For example, a stage theorist might claim that virtually all children enter a new stage in their intellectual development as they enter adolescence, or that most adults, sometime around age 40, experience a midlife crisis in which they raise major questions about their lives. From this perspective, development proceeds in certain universal directions. But other theorists take the position that human development is far more varied and diverse because it is influenced by contextual factors. For example, cross-cultural researchers have found that paths of development followed in one culture may be quite different from paths followed in another culture, and may even differ from subcultural group to subcultural group, from neighbourhood to neighbourhood, from family to family and from individual to individual. Review the On the internet: Cross-cultural psychology link to learn more about the influence of culture on development. There seems to be both universality and context specificity in human development. As poet Mark Van Doren once said, ‘There are two statements about human beings that are true: that all human beings are alike, and that all are different’ (cited in Norenzayan & Heine, 2005, p. 763).

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Before continuing, you might like to review the Professional practice box below, in which we introduce Dr  Kumari Fernando Valentine, a clinical psychologist, who, like the professionals introduced in Chapter 1, will feature throughout this book. Kumari describes what clinical psychology is and her professional roles, and of particular relevance to this section of the chapter, provides an example of how awareness of the diversity of human development has influenced her psychological practice. Now that you are familiar with some of the significant issues of human development, we will begin our survey of some of the major theories that have influenced the field of developmental science over the last century. We will examine what stands each theory takes on these key issues, starting with the psychoanalytic theories. ON THE INTERNET Cross-cultural psychology https://www.socialpsychology.org/cultural.htm Explore the website link to learn about cross-cultural studies and how they have informed our understandings of universal and context-specific developmental changes and the influence of culture on development.

LINKAGES Chapter 1 Understanding life span human development

Search me! and Discover how an Australian Indigenous psychology approach reorients traditional psychology to reflect culturally relevant frameworks: Wall, L. (2013). An introduction to Australian Indigenous psychology. Family Matters, 93, 106.

Professional practice

Source: Kumari Fernando Valentine

MEET A CLINICAL PSYCHOLOGIST

Dr Kumari Fernando Valentine, MNZCCP, Clinical Psychologist, Dunedin, Aotearoa New Zealand

What does your role as a clinical psychologist involve, and why did you decide to become one? At an abstract level, we work with a scientist practitioner framework; for any given person who comes to see us we treat what’s happening as an N = 1 sample, generate hypotheses for what might be happening, use psychological literature to generate a formulation, and perhaps administer psychometric measures to help us determine a diagnosis and/or proceed with treatment. At a practical level, what we do is we work with people who

present with a variety of issues, and use psychological theory to help improve the person’s life in some way. The term ‘clinical’ in ‘clinical psychologist’ is a reference to the fact that we often work with people who are presenting with more severe symptoms of a disorder or unwellness. We also work with couples and families and organisations. One of the developments that I’d like to see us carry out in our profession is to work at a more preventative level within society to help prevent major mental health issues and also to promote mental wellness. I started out being very interested in working with adults only, because, sometimes even though a young person was the index (or presenting) client the pathology was actually within the interaction between the (family) environment and client. The more I worked with adult survivors of trauma though, and the more I became interested in early attachment as evidenced in adult distress, the more I became interested in working with younger people. And thus, I would say I’m interested very broadly in people across the life span, from the very young,

when typically I assess for a disability, for example, autism spectrum disorder, or abuse, to clients who are at the older end of the spectrum. My work as a psychology academic involves doing my own research, supervising research students and doing teaching/presenting. In relation to the question of why I chose to become a clinical psychologist … when I was growing up in quite rural South Africa, I had no idea about psychology or psychologists and the closest experience I had was seeing our family GP. What I knew was that I really wanted to work with people and that I was fascinated by people. At university I was trying to get into medicine, but I fainted when having to obtain my own blood sample and I was fortunate that I had taken two elective psychology programs. From the first time I sat in a psychology class I was completely in love. I really liked that there was not only a label for things that I could see happening – labels such as cognitive dissonance and bias and attributions – but also that there was a method to study human experience. I was really drawn to the fact that we could generate hypotheses about >>>

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>>>

human behaviour and test these out systematically. Furthermore, it seems to me that psychology is an everexpanding field and that there is just so much to read and learn about that there’s absolutely no way you can be bored.

How does awareness of diversity influence your practice as a clinical psychologist? One of my favourite things that I remember reading as an undergraduate was that a good behavioural assessment is, by definition, a really good cultural assessment, and that means taking into account individual responses to antecedents (a preceding circumstance, event, or phenomenon). I think that when we approach any assessment or treatment it is important to do so in a

very curious and open-minded way, and this means being aware of each person, or each family’s, explanatory model for what’s happening. Doing so means that we’re taking a cultural perspective. I say this with an awareness that ‘culture’ isn’t necessarily about ethnicity; even if we come from the same ethnic background, our family culture may be quite different. In order to practise safely though when working with people who come from a culture different from our own it is important to seek cultural supervision, for example, looking for cultural advisers to help us learn what to do. One example of incorporating awareness of diversity in my practice has been working with a client who comes from a Maˉori background. What I did with this client, without

making assumptions, was simply to ask him – the client identified that his culture was a really important aspect of who he was – about how we might tailor sessions so that they were more culturally appropriate. We agreed to start and end each session with karakia, which is translated very loosely as a song or a prayer. Also to conceptualise what was happening for this client, we used a Maˉori conceptualisation model. In this case, one model is called te whare tapa whaˉ. In this model, four corners of the marae are considered important. While the marae is an actual dwelling it is also a representation for a human being, and four important pillars: the body, the spirit, the family and the mind. So in our work together what we tried to do was keep coming back to these four aspects.

IN REVIEW CHECKING UNDERSTANDING 1 What are the two meanings of discontinuity in development? 2 What position are stage theorists likely to take on the issues of nature and nurture, continuity and discontinuity, and universality and context specificity?

to you (see Chapter 1). What questions would be raised about nature and nurture, continuity and discontinuity, and so on?

LINKAGES Chapter 1 Understanding life span human development

CRITICAL THINKING See if you can apply the four main issues in human development to one of the life span stages of interest

Express

Get the answers to the Checking understanding questions on CourseMate Express.

2.2 PSYCHOANALYTIC THEORIES Learning objectives

psychoanalytic theory The theoretical perspective that emphasises the importance of unconscious motivations, emotional conflicts and early experiences for shaping personality and behaviour.

■■ Summarise the three parts of the personality and the five psychosexual stages in Freud’s psychoanalytic theory. ■■ Analyse how Erikson’s psychosocial theory differs from and expands on Freud’s theory. ■■ Explain the conflicts humans face as they move through Erikson’s eight psychosocial stages. ■■ Evaluate the strengths and weaknesses of Freud’s and Erikson’s theories.

It is difficult to think of a theorist who has had a greater effect on Western thought than Sigmund Freud, the Viennese physician who lived from 1856 to 1939. Freud’s psychoanalytic theory, which focused on the development and dynamics of the personality, revolutionised thinking about human nature and human development. Freud proposed that people are driven by motives and emotional conflicts of which they are largely unaware, and that they are shaped by their earliest experiences in the family (Frosh, 2012; Newman & Newman, 2016). Freud’s ideas continue to influence thinking

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about human development, even though they are far less influential today than they once were. Let’s look at Freud’s theory more closely, then that of another psychoanalytic theorist, Erik Erikson.

Freud: Psychoanalytic theory

Instincts and unconscious motivation Freud viewed the newborn as inherently selfish and ‘driven’ by instincts, or inborn biological forces that motivate behaviour. These biological instincts are the source of the psychic (or mental) energy that fuels human behaviour and that is channelled in new directions over the course of human development. Freud strongly believed in unconscious motivation – the power of instincts and other inner forces to influence our behaviour without our awareness. A teenage girl, for example, may not realise that she is acting in babyish ways in order to regain the security of her mother’s love; a newly divorced man may not realise that his devotion to bodybuilding is a way of channelling his sexual and aggressive urges.You immediately see that Freud’s theory emphasises the nature side of the nature– nurture issue: development is shaped by biological forces that provide an unconscious motivation for behaviour. Nevertheless, as we shall see, his theory also includes environmental influences on development, mostly in the form of experiences in the family during the first 5 years. Thus, in a broad sense Freud’s work is consistent with a key theme throughout this book – that development is shaped by both nature and nurture.

Id, ego and superego According to Freud (1933, 1940/1964; and see Frosh, 2012; Newman & Newman, 2016), the child’s psychic energy is divided among three components of the personality as they develop: the id, the ego and the superego. At birth, all psychic energy resides in the id – the impulsive, irrational and selfish part of the personality whose mission is to satisfy the instincts. The id seeks immediate gratification, even when biological needs cannot be realistically or appropriately met. If you think about it, young infants do seem to be all id in some ways. When they are hungry or need their nappy changed, they fuss and cry until their needs are met. They are not known for their patience. The second component of the personality is the ego, the rational side of the individual that tries to find realistic ways of gratifying the instincts. According to Freud, the ego begins to emerge during infancy when psychic energy is diverted from the id to energise cognitive processes such as perception, learning and problem solving. Thus, the hungry toddler may be able to do more than merely cry when she is hungry; she may be able to draw on the resources of the ego to hunt down Dad, lead him to the kitchen and say ‘biscuit’. However, toddlers’ egos are still relatively immature; they want what they want, now. As the ego matures further, children become more capable of postponing their wants until a more appropriate time and of devising logical and realistic strategies for meeting their needs. The third part of the Freudian personality is the superego, the individual’s internalised moral standards. The superego develops from the ego as 3- to 6-year-old children internalise (take on as their own) the moral standards and values of their parents. Once the superego emerges, children have a parental voice in their heads that keeps them from violating society’s rules and makes them feel guilty or ashamed if they do. The superego insists that people find socially acceptable or ethical outlets for the id’s undesirable impulses. According to Freud, conflict among the id, ego and superego is inevitable (Figure 2.3). In the mature, healthy personality, a dynamic balance operates: the id communicates its basic needs, the ego restrains

instincts Inborn biological forces assumed to motivate behaviour. unconscious motivation The power of instincts and other inner forces, such as feelings and conflicts, which influence thinking and behaviour without awareness. id The inborn component of the personality that is driven by impulsive, irrational and selfish urges. ego The rational component of the personality that seeks to satisfy urges in a realistic manner.

Snapshot

Source: Getty Images/Imagno

Freud’s hugely influential theory emphasised biological instincts and unconscious motivation, the dynamics of three parts of the personality, and five stages of psychosexual development.

Sigmund Freud’s psychoanalytic theory was one of the first, and one of the most influential, theories of how the personality develops from childhood to adulthood.

superego The component of the personality that consists of the individual’s internalised moral standards.

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FIGURE 2.3  The id, ego and superego According to Freud, the three parts of the personality are inevitably in conflict.

the impulsive id long enough to find realistic ways to satisfy these needs, and the superego decides whether the ego’s problem-solving strategies are morally acceptable. The ego has a tough job: it must strike a balance between the opposing demands of the id and the superego while accommodating the realities of the environment. Psychological problems often arise if there is an imbalance in the three parts of the personality. For example, a person with an antisocial personality who routinely lies and cheats may have a strong id but a weak superego, whereas a married woman who cannot undress in front of her husband may have an overly strong superego. Through analysis of the dynamics operating among the id, ego and superego, Freud and his followers attempted to describe and understand individual differences in personality and the origins of psychological disorders.

Psychosexual stages

libido Psychic energy of the sex instinct. psychosexual stages Freud’s five stages of development (oral, anal, phallic, latency and genital) associated with biological maturation and shifts in the libido. fixation Defence mechanism in which development is arrested and part of the libido remains tied to an early stage of development. Oedipus complex  Psychic conflict that 3- to 6-year-old boys experience when they develop an incestuous desire for their mothers and a jealous and hostile rivalry with their fathers.

Freud maintained that as the child matures biologically, the psychic energy of the sex instinct, which he called libido, shifts from one part of the body to another, seeking to gratify different biological needs. In the process, the child moves through five psychosexual stages: oral, anal, phallic, latent and genital (see the first column of Table 2.1; the second column refers to the theory of Eric Erikson, which we will discuss next). At each psychosexual stage, the id’s impulses and social demands come into inner conflict; how the child copes with the challenges of a stage has implications for personality development. Freud also believed that how parents interact with their child during these stages can leave a lasting imprint on the personality. Let’s look at each stage more closely. The baby in the oral stage of psychosexual development focuses on the mouth as a source of pleasure and can, according to Freud, experience anxiety and need to defend against their desire if denied oral gratification by not being fed on demand, being weaned too early, being chastised for mouthing objects and so on. Through fixation, arrested development, in which part of the libido remains tied to an earlier stage of development, an infant deprived of oral gratification might become ‘stuck’ in the oral stage. He might become a chronic thumb sucker as a child and then an adult who chain smokes and is over dependent on other people. How the child copes with the challenges of a stage and what parents do to help or hurt can leave a lasting imprint on the personality. Similarly, the toddler in the anal stage must cope with new demands from the parents when toilet training begins. Parents who are impatient and punitive as their children learn to delay the gratification of relieving themselves can create high levels of anxiety and a personality that resists demands from authority figures. The parents’ goal should be to allow some (but not too much) gratification of impulses while helping the child achieve reasonable (but not too much) control over these impulses. The phallic stage from age 3 to age 6 is an especially treacherous time. Children, Freud claimed, develop an incestuous desire for the parent of the other sex and must defend against it. A boy experiencing an Oedipus complex loves his mother, fears that his father will retaliate against him and

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CHAPTER 2: THEORIES OF HUMAN DEVELOPMENT

TABLE 2.1  The stage theories of Freud and Erikson (see later in the text) compared AGE RANGE

FREUD’S PSYCHOSEXUAL STAGES

ERIKSON’S PSYCHOSOCIAL STAGES

Stage

Description

Stage

Description

Birth to 1 year

Oral stage

Libido is focused on the mouth as a source of pleasure. Obtaining oral gratification from a mother figure is critical to later development.

Trust vs mistrust

Infants must learn to trust their caregivers to meet their needs. Responsive parenting is critical.

1 to 3 years

Anal stage

Libido is focused on the anus, and toilet training creates conflicts between the child’s biological urges and society’s demands.

Autonomy vs shame and doubt

Children must learn to be autonomous – to assert their wills and do things for themselves – or they will doubt their abilities.

3 to 6 years

Phallic stage

Libido centres on the genitals. Resolution of the Oedipus or the Electra complex results in identification with the same-sex parent and development of the superego.

Initiative vs guilt

Preschoolers develop initiative by devising and carrying out bold plans, but they must learn not to impinge on the rights of others.

6 to 12 years

Latent period

Libido is quiet; psychic energy is invested in schoolwork and play with same-sex friends.

Industry vs inferiority

Children must master important social and academic skills and keep up with their peers; otherwise, they will feel inferior.

12 to 20 years

Genital stage

Puberty reawakens the sexual instincts as youths seek to establish mature sexual relationships and pursue the biological goal of reproduction.

Identity vs role confusion

Adolescents ask who they are and must establish social and vocational identities; otherwise, they will remain confused about the roles they should play as adults.

Intimacy vs isolation

Young adults seek to form a shared identity with another person, but may fear intimacy and experience loneliness and isolation.

40 to 65 years

Generativity vs stagnation

Middle-aged adults must feel that they are producing something that will outlive them, either as parents or as workers; otherwise, they will become stagnant and self-centred.

65 years and older

Integrity vs despair

Older adults must come to view their lives as meaningful to face death without worries and regrets.

20 to 40 years

resolves this conflict through identification with his father – by taking on his father’s attitudes and behaviours. Meanwhile, a girl experiencing an Electra complex is said to desire her father, view her mother as a rival and ultimately resolve her conflict by identifying with her mother. When boys and girls resolve their emotional conflicts by identifying with the same-sex parent, they incorporate that parent’s values into their superego and also adopt their gender role, so Freud viewed the preschool period as important in both gender-role development (see Chapter 9) and moral development (see Chapter 10). During the latency period, sexual urges are quiet and 6- to 12-year-olds invest psychic energy in schoolwork and play. Adolescents experience new psychic conflicts as they reach puberty and enter the final stage of psychosexual development, the genital stage. Adolescents may have difficulty accepting their sexuality (see Chapter 9), may re-experience the conflicting feelings toward their parents that they felt during the phallic stage and may distance themselves from their parents to defend themselves against these anxiety-producing feelings. During adulthood, people may develop a greater capacity to love and typically satisfy the mature sex instinct by having children. However,

identification Defence mechanism where the individual emulates or adopts the attitudes and behaviours of another person, particularly the samesex parent.

LINKAGES Chapter 9 Self, personality, gender and sexuality Chapter 10 Social cognition and moral development

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Electra complex  Psychic conflict that 3- to 6-year-old girls experience when they envy their father for possessing a penis, which results in sexual desire for their father and rivalry with their mother.

LINKAGES Chapter 12 Developmental psychopathology

defence mechanisms Mechanisms used by the ego to defend itself against anxiety caused by conflict between the id’s impulses and social demands. regression Defence mechanism that involves retreating to an earlier, less traumatic stage of development.

Source: Getty Images/Bettmann

Snapshot

Freud believed that psychosexual development stops with adolescence and that the individual remains in the genital stage throughout adulthood. To defend against all the anxiety that can arise as these psychic conflicts play out, the ego adopts unconscious coping devices called defence mechanisms, such as fixation and identification, which we have already discussed. Another example of a defence mechanism is regression, or retreating to an earlier, less traumatic stage of development, as when a preschool girl, threatened by a new baby brother, reverts to infantile behaviour and baby talk. Defence mechanisms can be healthy in that they allow us to function despite anxiety, but they can also spell trouble for some people if they involve too much distortion of reality (see Chapter 12) for contemporary views of developmental psychopathology.

Erikson: Psychosocial theory A sign of Freud’s immense influence is that his work inspired others to make their own contributions to the understanding of human development.The neo-Freudian who most influenced thinking about life span development was Erik Erikson (1902–1994), who studied with Freud’s daughter, Anna Freud, a child psychoanalyst who contributed significantly to our understanding of disturbances in child development (see Tischler, 2014). See the On the Internet:Women in psychology link to learn more about the contributions of women to developmental science. Like Sigmund Freud, Erikson (1963, 1968, 1982) concerned himself with the inner dynamics of personality and proposed that the personality evolves through systematic stages. However, compared with Freud, Erikson: 1 placed less emphasis on sexual urges as the drivers of development and more emphasis on social influences such as peers, teachers, schools and the broader culture, claiming that nature and nurture are equally important 2 placed less emphasis on the unconscious, irrational and selfish id and more on the rational ego and its adaptive powers 3 held a more positive view of human nature, seeing people as active in their development, largely rational, and able to overcome the effects of harmful early experiences 4 put more emphasis on development after adolescence. As one scholar summed it up, Erikson shifted Freudian thought ‘upward in consciousness, “outward” to the social world, and “forward” throughout the complete life span’ (Hoare, 2005, p. 19).

Psychosocial stages Erik Erikson proposed that people experience eight psychosocial crises over their life span.  

psychosocial stages Erikson’s eight stages of development (trust, autonomy, initiative, industry, identity, intimacy, generativity and integrity), which emphasise social over maturational influences as drivers of development.

Erikson believed that humans everywhere experience eight major psychosocial stages, or conflicts, during their lives (Erikson’s psychosocial stages are matched up with Freud’s in Table 2.1) Whether the conflict of a particular stage is successfully resolved or not, the individual is pushed by both biological maturation and social demands into the next stage. However, the unsuccessful resolution of a conflict will influence how subsequent stages play out. For example, the first conflict, trust versus mistrust, revolves around whether or not infants become able to rely on other people to be responsive to their needs. To develop a sense of trust, infants must be able to count on their primary caregivers to feed them, relieve their discomfort, come when beckoned and return their smiles and babbles. Whereas Freud focused on the caregiver’s feeding practices, Erikson believed that the caregiver’s general responsiveness was critical to later development. If caregivers neglect, reject or respond inconsistently to infants, infants will mistrust others. A healthy balance between the terms of the conflict must be struck for development to proceed optimally. Trust should outweigh mistrust, but an element of scepticism is also needed: an overindulged infant may become too trusting and later become someone who is easily deceived.

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So it goes for the remaining stages of childhood. If all goes well as children confront and resolve each conflict, they will gain a sense of self and develop autonomy rather than shame and doubt about their ability to act independently (during the stage of autonomy versus shame and doubt); develop initiative, as opposed to guilt, that allows them to plan and tackle big projects (during the stage of initiative versus guilt); and acquire the sense of industry, rather than inferiority, that will enable them to master important academic and social skills in school (during the stage of industry versus inferiority). This growth will position adolescents to successfully resolve the conflict for which Erikson is best known, identity versus role confusion. Erikson characterised adolescence as a time of ‘identity crisis’ in which youths attempt to define who they are (in terms of career, religion, sexual identity and so on), where they are heading and how they fit into society. As part of their search, they often change their minds and experiment with new looks, new areas of study, new relationships and new group memberships. Whereas Freud’s stages stopped with adolescence, Erikson believed that psychosocial growth continues during the adult years. Successfully resolving the adolescent conflict of identity versus role confusion paves the way for resolving the early adulthood conflict of intimacy versus isolation and for becoming ready to participate in a committed, long-term relationship. Successful resolution of the middle-age conflict of generativity versus stagnation involves adults gaining a sense that they have produced something that will outlive them, whether by successfully raising children or by contributing something meaningful to the world through work or volunteer activities. Finally, elderly adults who resolve the psychosocial conflict of integrity versus despair find a sense of meaning in their lives that will help them face death. Erikson clearly did not agree with Freud that the personality is essentially fixed during the first 5 years of life. Yet he, like Freud and other psychoanalytic theorists, believed that people progress through systematic stages of development, undergoing similar personality changes at similar ages. Individual differences in personality presumably reflect the different experiences individuals have, both in the family and beyond, as they struggle to cope with the challenges of each life stage. Both biological maturation and demands of the social and cultural environment influence the individual’s progress through Erikson’s sequence of psychosocial stages. We now return to Joshua’s school refusal, as described in the chapter opening – the Exploration box below illustrates how the psychoanalytic approaches of Erikson and Freud might be used to explain this behaviour.

ON THE INTERNET Women in psychology

http://psychology. about.com/od/ womeninpsychology /tp/importantwomen-inpsychologyhistory.htm Learn more about the significant contributions of women in the field of developmental science, including Anna Freud and Mary Ainsworth, a developmental psychologist who focused on early caregiver-child attachment and who features in Chapter 11.

LINKAGES Chapter 11 Emotions, attachment and social relationships

Exploration PSYCHOANALYTIC THEORISTS: NOTES ON SCHOOL REFUSAL Children who refuse to attend school are sometimes suffering from psychological problems such as anxiety or depression (Goodman & Scott, 2012). According to the Freudian perspective, Joshua’s problem, of which he is probably unaware, may not be anxiety about school but instead separation anxiety – fear of leaving his mother – originating in an unresolved Oedipal conflict involving his incestuous desire for his mother in the phallic stage of psychosexual development. To address the school refusal, Freud

might insist that we analyse the mother–son relationship from birth to find the source of this boy’s problems. Lack of gratification, or too much gratification, from his parents during the oral or anal stages may have contributed to his current difficulty resolving his Oedipal conflict. Erikson would likely also check for unresolved conflicts from earlier stages of development. For example, might Joshua have developed a sense of shame and doubt owing to negative reactions from his parents when he tried to assert himself as a

toddler? Erikson would also focus on his current psychosocial stage, industry versus inferiority. Might Joshua have performed poorly on school tasks during the first week of school and concluded that he is inferior to the other children? Hence, it is not only the parent–child relationship that is of interest here. Something going on in Joshua’s relationships with his peers or teacher, or even something happening in the wider culture, may be upsetting him too.

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Psychoanalytic theories: Contributions and weaknesses MAKING CONNECTIONS Thinking about your own development so far, what evidence can you see that the life span conflicts described by Freud and Erikson are relevant in your life?

LINKAGES Chapter 9 Self, personality, gender and sexuality

Many people find Erikson’s emphasis on our rational, adaptive nature and on an interaction of biological and social influences easier to accept than Freud’s emphasis on unconscious, irrational motivations based in biological needs. Further, Freud’s claims about the role of sexual fantasy in child development have not received much support (Crews, 1996). On the other hand, Freud’s general insights – about unconscious processes underlying human behaviour, the importance for later development of early experiences, and the importance of emotions and emotional conflicts for personality development – have profoundly influenced theories of human development and psychotherapy (Frosh, 2012). Erikson also seems to have captured some central developmental issues in his eight stages. He has had an especially great impact on our understandings of adolescent identity formation and adult intimacy, generativity and integrity (see Berzoff, 2008; Chapter 9). Still, Erikson’s theory has some of the same shortcomings as Freud’s – the theories provide a description of development, but do not provide an adequate explanation of how this development comes about. Further, both theories are difficult to test and are therefore not easily falsifiable (Fonagy & Target, 2000). Psychoanalytic theorists such as Freud and Erikson continue to shape understanding of human development, but many developmentalists have rejected the psychoanalytic perspective in favour of theories that are more precise and testable.

IN REVIEW CHECKING UNDERSTANDING

CRITICAL THINKING

1 Jaime believes that people have both a selfish side and a moral side that work against each other. According to Freud’s psychoanalytic theory, what are these ‘sides’ called and when do they arise in development?

When Jocelyn was 10, she moved to a new school and experienced bullying from her peers. What might Freud hypothesise about Jocelyn’s personality development? What might Erikson hypothesise?

2 What are four major ways in which Erikson differed from Freud? 3 In what ways are the psychoanalytic theories of Freud

Express

and Erikson weak?

Get the answers to the Checking understanding questions on CourseMate Express.

2.3 LEARNING THEORIES Learning objectives

■■ Explain how the learning theory perspective on development differs from stage theory perspectives like Freud’s and Erikson’s. ■■ Using examples, differentiate between Watson’s classical conditioning, Skinner’s operant conditioning, and Bandura’s observational learning with regard to what learning involves and what can be learned. ■■ Evaluate the strengths and weaknesses of learning theories in general and discuss how Bandura overcame some of the weaknesses of earlier learning theories. Give me a dozen healthy infants, well formed, and my own specified world to bring them up in, and I’ll guarantee to take any one at random and train him to become any type of specialist I might select – doctor, lawyer, artist, merchant, chief, and yes, even beggar-man and thief, regardless of his talents, penchants, tendencies, abilities, vocations, and race of his ancestors. Watson, 1925, p. 82

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This bold statement – that nurture is everything and that nature, or genetic endowment, counts for nothing – was made by John B. Watson, a strong believer in the importance of learning in human development and a pioneer of learning theory perspectives on human development. Early learning theorists, such as Watson and B. F. Skinner, emphasised human behaviour changes in direct response to environmental stimuli; later learning theorists, such as Albert Bandura, grant humans a more active and cognitive role in their own development but still believe that development can take different directions depending on experiences. All learning theorists have provided us with important and practical tools for understanding how human behaviour changes through learning and how learning principles can be applied to optimise development.

Pavlov and Watson: Classical conditioning Watson’s (1913) behaviourism rested on his belief that conclusions about human development and functioning should be based on observations of overt behaviour rather than on speculations about unobservable cognitive and emotional processes. Watson rejected psychoanalytic theory and demonstrated that some of Freud’s fascinating discoveries about human behaviour could be explained as learned associations between stimuli and responses (Rilling, 2000). In his most famous study, Watson and colleague Rosalie Rayner (1920) set out to demonstrate that fears can be learned – that they are not necessarily inborn, as was commonly thought. They used the principles of classical conditioning, a simple form of learning in which a stimulus that initially had no effect on the individual comes to elicit a response through its association with a stimulus that already elicits the response.The Russian physiologist Ivan Pavlov first discovered classical conditioning quite accidentally while studying the digestive systems of dogs. In a famous experiment, Pavlov demonstrated how dogs, who have an innate (unlearned) tendency to salivate at the sight of food, could learn to salivate at the sound of a bell if, during a training period, the bell was regularly sounded just as a dog was given meat powder. Food is an unconditioned stimulus (UCS) – that is, an unlearned stimulus – for salivating. Salivating, in turn, is an automatic, unlearned or unconditioned response (UCR) to the presentation of food. No one has to teach dogs to salivate when food is presented to them. By repeatedly pairing the bell with the arrival of food, Pavlov made the bell a conditioned stimulus (CS) – that is, a learned stimulus – for what was now a conditioned response (CR) of salivation. When Pavlov then presented the bell without the food, the dogs still salivated. Using these classical conditioning principles, Watson and Rayner presented a gentle white rat to a now-famous infant named Albert, who showed no fear of it. However, every time the rat was presented, Watson would slip behind Albert and bang a steel rod with a hammer. The loud noise served as an unconditioned stimulus (UCS) for fear, an unconditioned response (UCR) to loud noises (since babies are naturally upset by them). During conditioning, the stimuli of the white rat and the loud noise were presented together several times. Afterward, Watson presented the white rat to Albert without banging the steel rod. Albert now whimpered and cried in response to the white rat alone. His behaviour had changed as a result of his experience: an initially neutral stimulus, the white rat, had become a conditioned stimulus (CS) for fear, now a conditioned response (CR), as shown in Figure 2.4. This learned or conditioned response generalised to other furry items such as a rabbit and a Santa Claus mask. By today’s standards, the Watson and Rayner experiment would be viewed as unethical, but a significant point was made: emotional responses can be learned. Fortunately, fears learned through classical conditioning can also be unlearned if the feared stimulus is paired with a UCS for happy emotions, which was first demonstrated by Mary Cover Jones (1924) in a Little Albert follow-up study with a boy named Peter.What ever happened to Albert, you might wonder? After a 7-year search, Hall P. Beck and his colleagues (2009) identified that Douglas Meritte, a boy who died at 7 years of age

behaviourism A perspective that argues that conclusions about human development should be based on controlled observations of overt behaviour rather than on speculation about unconscious motives or other unobservable phenomena. classical conditioning A type of learning in which a stimulus that initially had no effect on the individual comes to elicit a response because of its association with a stimulus that already elicits the response. unconditioned stimulus (UCS) A stimulus that elicits a particular response without prior learning. unconditioned response (UCR) The unlearned response elicited by an unconditioned stimulus. conditioned stimulus (CS) An initially neutral stimulus that elicits a particular response after it is paired with an unconditioned stimulus that always elicits the response. conditioned response (CR) A learned response to a stimulus that did not originally produce the response.

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FIGURE 2.4  The three phases of classical conditioning 1. Preconditioning phase Neutral stimulus leads to White rat No response Unconditioned stimulus (UCS)

Unconditioned response (UCR)

elicits

Loud noise

Fear

2. Conditioning phase Neutral stimulus

White rat + UCS

elicits (several pairings)

Fear Loud noise 3. Postconditioning phase

Conditioned response (CR)

Conditioned stimulus (CS) elicits White rat

operant conditioning A form of learning in which behaviours (or operants) become more or less probable depending on the consequences they produce.

from hydrocephalus, was likely the Little Albert of Watson’s and Rayner’s study. Despite the folklore that says otherwise, there is no evidence that Douglas/Albert was deconditioned. There are no family stories about him later being scared of furry items or loud noises, but it remains unknown if he did experience any long-term effects as a result of the conditioning. Classical conditioning is undoubtedly involved when infants learn to love their parents, who at first may be neutral stimuli but who become associated with the positive sensations of feeding, being rocked and being comforted. And classical conditioning helps explain why certain songs on the radio or scents can invoke feelings or memories associated with the time of first exposure to these songs and scents. It can also explain phobias or aversions, for example fear of dogs associated with being knocked over by one as a child. A range of emotional associations and attitudes are acquired through classical conditioning. According to the learning theory perspective, then, it is a mistake to assume that children advance through a series of distinct stages guided by biological maturation, as Freud, Erikson and other stage theorists have argued. Instead, learning theorists view development as essentially learning. It is a continuous process of behaviour change that is context specific and can differ enormously from person to person. Watson’s basic view was further advanced by B. F. Skinner.

Skinner: Operant conditioning

Burrhus Frederic Skinner, better known as B. F. Skinner (1905–1990), is one of the most famous figures in the history of psychology, and had a Fear huge impact on approaches to behaviour change (Rutherford, 2009). Through his research with animals, Skinner (1953) gained understanding of another important form of learning, operant conditioning, in which a learner’s behaviour becomes either more or less probable depending on the consequences it produces. A learner first behaves in some way and then comes to associate this action with the positive or negative consequences that follow it. The basic principle behind operant conditioning makes sense: people tend to repeat behaviours that have desirable consequences and cut down on behaviours that have undesirable consequences.Through operant conditioning, individuals learn new skills and a range of habits, both good and bad.

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FIGURE 2.5  Possible consequences of whining behaviour Scenario: James comes into the television room and sees his father talking and joking with his sister, Lulu, as the two watch television. Soon James begins to whine, louder and louder, that he wants them to stop watching the television so he can play Nintendo. If you were James’ father, how would you react and what would this likely mean for James’ whining in the future?

WITHDRAWN

ADMINISTERED

PLEASANT STIMULUS

UNPLEASANT STIMULUS

Positive reinforcement, adding a pleasant stimulus (strengthens the behaviour)

Positive punishment, adding an unpleasant stimulus (weakens the behaviour)

Dad gives in to the whining and lets James play Nintendo, making whining more likely in the future.

Dad tells James in a stern voice that he is being bad-mannered and that he should leave the room. James does not like this at all and is less likely to whine in the future.

Negative punishment, withdrawing a pleasant stimulus (weakens the behaviour)

Negative reinforcement, withdrawing an unpleasant stimulus (strengthens the behaviour)

Dad confiscates James’ favourite Nintendo game to discourage whining in the future. James is upset by this, making whining less likely in the future.

Dad stops joking with Lulu. James gets very jealous when Dad pays attention to Lulu, so his whining enables him to bring this unpleasant state of affairs to an end, and makes it more likely he will whine in the future.

Snapshot

Source: Getty Images/The LIFE Picture Collection/Nina Leen

In the language of operant conditioning, reinforcement occurs when a consequence strengthens a response, or makes it more likely to occur. If a preschool child cleans his room, receives a hug, then cleans his room more frequently thereafter, the hug provided positive reinforcement for room cleaning. Positive here means that something pleasant or desirable has been added to the situation, and reinforcement means that the behaviour is strengthened. Therefore, a positive reinforcer is a desirable event that, when introduced following a behaviour, makes that behaviour more probable. (Note that the effect on the child’s behaviour, not the parent’s belief that the child might find a hug reinforcing, defines the consequence as reinforcing.) Negative reinforcement (which is not, we repeat not, another term for punishment) occurs when a behavioural tendency is strengthened because something unpleasant or undesirable is removed from the situation, or is escaped or avoided, after the behaviour occurs. Are you familiar with the annoying sounds that go off in cars until you fasten your seat belt? The idea is that your ‘buckling up’ behaviour will become a habit through negative reinforcement: buckling your seat belt allows you to escape the unpleasant sound. Bad habits and behaviours often develop because they allow people to avoid or escape unpleasant events; they were learned through negative reinforcement. Teenagers may learn to lie to avoid lectures from their parents or to drink because it allows them to escape feelings of anxiety at parties. In each case, a behaviour is strengthened through negative reinforcement – through the removal or elimination of something undesirable, such as a lecture or anxiety. Contrast reinforcement, whether positive or negative, with punishment: Whereas reinforcement increases the strength of the behaviour that preceded it, punishment decreases the strength of the behaviour or weakens it. Two forms of punishment parallel the two forms of reinforcement. Positive punishment occurs when an unpleasant stimulus is applied or added to the situation following a behaviour (a child is spanked for misbehaving, a cashier is criticised for coming up short of cash at the end of the day). Negative punishment occurs when a desirable stimulus is removed following the behaviour (a child loses the privilege of watching television, the amount the cashier was short is deducted from her pay). Both positive and negative punishment decrease the likelihood that the punished behaviour will be repeated.The four possible consequences of a behaviour are exemplified in Figure 2.5.

B. F. Skinner’s operant conditioning theory emphasised the role of environment in controlling behaviour.

positive reinforcement The process in operant conditioning whereby a desirable event, when introduced following a behaviour, makes that behaviour more probable in the future. negative reinforcement The process in operant conditioning whereby something unpleasant is removed following a behaviour, which makes that behaviour more probable in the future. positive punishment The process in operant conditioning whereby something unpleasant is applied or added to the situation following a behaviour, which makes that behaviour less probable in the future. negative punishment The process in operant conditioning whereby something desirable is removed following a behaviour, which makes that behaviour less probable in the future.

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extinction The gradual weakening and disappearance of a learned response when it is no longer reinforced.

MAKING CONNECTIONS Give examples of how operant and classical conditioning principles explain aspects of your behaviour and development.

LINKAGES Chapter 1 Understanding life span human development.

Search me! and Discover acceptability and usefulness of strategies used by Australian parents to encourage desirable child behaviours and to decrease undesirable behaviours: Cuskelly, M., Morris, M., Gilmore, L., & Besley, T. (2015). Parents’ reported use and views of strategies for managing the behaviour of their preschool child. Australasian Journal of Early Childhood, 40, 99–106.

In addition, some behaviour has no consequence. Behaviour that is ignored, or no longer reinforced, tends to become less frequent through the process of extinction. Indeed, a good alternative to punishing a child’s misbehaviour is ignoring it and instead reinforcing desirable behaviour that is incompatible with it. Too often, the well-behaved child is ignored and the misbehaving child gets the attention – attention that can backfire because it serves as positive reinforcement for the misbehaviour. Skinner and other learning theorists have emphasised the power of positive reinforcement and have generally discouraged the use of punishment in child rearing. Although it is generally best to use positive reinforcement approaches before resorting to punishment, punishment can make children comply with parents’ demands in the short term (Benjet & Kazdin, 2003). This doesn’t mean, however, having to resort to physical punishment. Jane Millichamp, Judy Martin, and John Langley (2006), using data from the Dunedin Multidisciplinary Health and Development Study in New Zealand (see Chapter 1), found that when adults recollected the punishments they received in childhood, most reported that methods such as grounding were far worse than the physical punishments they received as children. This suggests non-physical punishments can be sufficiently aversive to be effective but are without the risks associated with physical punishment, such as injury and negative modelling. On the other hand, physical punishment such as smacking can be effective in changing behaviour in the longer run if it is (1) administered immediately after the act (not hours later, when the child is being an angel), (2) administered consistently after each offence, (3) not overly harsh, (4) accompanied by explanations, (5) administered by an otherwise affectionate person, and (6) used sparingly and combined with efforts to reinforce more acceptable behaviour (Gershoff, 2002). Frequent physical punishment can have undesirable effects, however. Especially worrying is evidence that episodes of physical discipline sometimes turn into child abuse; and physical punishment may make children anxious or depressed and may breed aggression by teaching them that hitting is an appropriate way to solve problems (Gershoff, 2002). Such findings, along with a desire to protect children’s rights and concerns about family violence, have led to laws being passed against parental physical punishment in over 20 countries, including New Zealand in 2007 (but not so far in Australia). Some, however, contest such laws, citing contravention of parental rights to discipline their child. The presence, or absence, of such laws and the issue of physical parental punishment will no doubt continue to be passionately debated. In sum, Skinner, like Watson, believed that the course of human development depends on the individual’s learning experiences. One boy’s aggressive behaviour may be reinforced over time because he gets his way with other children and because his parents encourage him to ‘toughen up’. Another boy may quickly learn that aggression is prohibited and punished. The two may develop in different directions based on their different histories of reinforcement and punishment. Skinner’s operant conditioning principles can help explain many aspects of human development; they are still widely researched as components of successful behavioural and cognitive behavioural interventions in educational and therapeutic settings (see, for example, Barnes, Smith, & Miller, 2014; Cuijpers et al., 2013; Mayer,Van Acker, Lochman, & Gresham, 2009). Indeed, there are many smartphone apps based on Skinnerian principles to help people lose weight, exercise more, overcome addictions and otherwise improve their health and wellbeing.Yet many developmentalists believe that Skinner placed too little emphasis on the role of cognitive processes in learning. Therefore, today’s developmental scholars are more attracted to Albert Bandura’s cognitive brand of learning theory than to Skinner’s operant conditioning approach.

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Snapshot

In his social cognitive theory (also called social learning theory), American psychologist Albert Bandura (1977, 1989, 2000, 2006) claims that humans are cognitive beings whose active processing of information plays a critical role in their learning, behaviour and development. Bandura agrees with Skinner that operant conditioning is an important type of learning, but he notes that people think about the connections between their behaviour and its consequences, anticipate the consequences likely to follow from their behaviour and are often more affected by what they believe will happen than by the consequences they actually encounter. Individuals also reinforce or punish themselves with mental pats on the back and self-criticism, and these cognitions also affect behaviour. Bandura highlighted observational learning – learning by observing the behaviour of other people (called models) – as an important mechanism through which human behaviour changes. By imitating other people, children can learn how to use computers and tackle maths problems, as well as how to swear, snack between meals and smoke. Observational learning is regarded as a more cognitive form of learning than conditioning because learners must pay attention, construct and remember mental representations (images and verbal summaries) of what they saw; retrieve these representations from memory later; and use them to guide behaviour. In a classic experiment, Bandura (1965) set out to demonstrate that children could learn a response neither elicited by a conditioned stimulus (as in classical conditioning) nor performed and then strengthened by a reinforcer (as in operant conditioning). He had school children watch a short film in which an adult model attacked a Bobo doll (an inflatable toy about a metre and half high that is weighted at the bottom so it returns to standing when knocked). The model hit the doll with a mallet while shouting ‘Sockeroo’, threw rubber balls at the doll while shouting ‘Bang, bang, bang’ and so on. Some children saw the model praised, others saw the model punished, and still others saw no consequences follow the model’s violent attack. After the film ended, children were observed in a playroom with the Bobo doll and many of the props the model had used to attack Bobo. What did the children learn? The children who saw the model rewarded and the children in the no-consequences condition imitated more of the model’s aggressive acts than did the children who had seen the model punished. But interestingly, when the children who had seen the model punished were asked to reproduce all of the model’s behaviour they could remember, it turned out that they had learned just as much as the other children about how to treat a Bobo doll. Apparently, then, through a process termed latent learning in which learning occurs but is not evident in behaviour, children can learn from observation even though they do not imitate (perform) the learned responses. Whether they will perform what they learn depends partly on vicarious reinforcement, a process in which learners become more or less likely to perform a behaviour based on whether consequences experienced by the model they observe are reinforcing or punishing. There is no doubt that observational learning is a very important form of learning for society, and can help to explain not only the socialisation of violence and aggression, but also positive human interactions and behaviours. In the Diversity box below we explore the cross-cultural similarities and variations in the extent to which learning occurs through observation.

Diversity

Source: Getty Images/the LIFE Images Collection/Jon Brenneis

Bandura: Social cognitive theory

Albert Bandura’s social cognitive theory highlighted the role of cognition in motivating human behaviour. Note the black and white photograph behind Bandura is an image taken during his well known ‘Bobo doll’ experiment modelled aggression.

social cognitive theory Bandura’s social learning theory which emphasises the role of cognitive processing of social experiences for motivating and self-regulating human behaviour. observational learning Learning that results from observing the behaviour of other people. latent learning Learning that occurs from observation but is not evident in behaviour. vicarious reinforcement A process in observational learning in which learners become more or less likely to perform a behaviour based on whether consequences experienced by the model they observe are reinforcing or punishing.

CULTURE AND OBSERVATIONAL LEARNING So important is observational learning in human development that, universally,

children show a tendency to overimitate what they see, even when it’s pretty

useless. In a study demonstrating this by Nielsen and Tomaselli (2010), >>>

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>>>

children in both urban Australia and the Kalahari bush of Africa watched an adult demonstrate how to open a box. Children in both cultures readily imitated the adult model’s action of pushing a stick down on a knob on the front of the box, even though a more direct and effective way to open the box was to simply pull the knob with one’s hand. More surprisingly, the children imitated completely irrelevant actions such as waving the stick three times over the box like a magic wand before opening the box. Research has also found comparably high rates of imitation among Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal Australian children (Nielsen, Mushin, Tomaselli, & Whiten, 2014, 2016). Such overimitation is not as evident among chimpanzees, who imitate only actions that directly help them reach their goals (Horner & Whiten, 2005). Why do humans overimitate then? Possibly, Nielsen and Tomaselli (2010) suggest, it is because it has proven adaptive and helps them learn the many – and often arbitrary – rituals and rules that are important in their culture. Cross-cultural studies indicate that observational learning plays a more

critical and central role in development in some societies and cultures than in others (Rogoff, Paradise, Arauz, Correa-Chavez, & Angelillo, 2003). For example, Aboriginal culture is strong in oral traditions and learning through participation in everyday activities. Aboriginal children learn through actively listening to and observing the demonstrations and non-verbal communications (gestures, postures and silences) of their elders and others in their kinship networks, including siblings and other children (Harrison, Sumsion, Bradley, Letsch, & Salamon, 2017). Observation as a critical cultural knowledge and practice was demonstrated in one interesting cross-cultural study (Correa-Chavez & Rogoff, 2009). Mayan children living in Guatemala, especially those whose mothers had had little Western schooling, were found to be much more attentive while their siblings were taught to use a new toy than EuropeanAmerican children from the United States – and the Mayan children learned more as a result. The Mayan children were more used to learning by watching what was going on around them than the European-American children, who

seemed to look to teachers and parents to arrange learning experiences directed towards them personally. In his later work, Bandura (2000, 2006) moved beyond the study of observational learning to emphasise human agency, or the ways in which people deliberately exercise cognitive control over themselves, their environments and their lives. From the time they are infants recognising that they can make things happen in their worlds, people form intentions, foresee what will happen, evaluate and regulate their actions as they pursue plans, and reflect on their functioning. These cognitions play a real causal role in influencing their behaviour and that of other people. For example, individuals may develop a high or low sense of self-efficacy in a particular area of activity; in other words, they may develop a strong or weak belief that they can effectively produce desired outcomes in that area. According to Bandura, whether the individual succeeds in that area, such as improving their diet or studying for a test, depends greatly on whether they have a sense of self-efficacy with respect to that behaviour.

Because he views humans as active, cognitive beings, Bandura holds that human development occurs through a continuous reciprocal interaction among the person (the individual’s biological and psychological characteristics and cognitions), his or her behaviour, and his or her environment – a perspective he calls reciprocal determinism (Figure 2.6). As Bandura sees it, environment does not rule, as in Skinner’s thinking. People choose, build and change their environments; they are not just shaped by them. And a person’s individual characteristics and behaviours FIGURE 2.6  Bandura’s reciprocal determinism affect the people around them, just as these people are According to Bandura, development arises from the interaction of the person, the person’s behaviour and the environment. influencing that person’s individual characteristics and Person future behaviours. Like Watson and Skinner, Bandura doubts that there are universal stages of human development. He maintains that development is context specific and can proceed along many paths. It is also continuous, occurring gradually through a lifetime of learning. Bandura acknowledges that children’s cognitive capacities mature, so they can remember more about what they have seen and can imitate a greater variety of novel behaviours. Yet he also Behaviour Environment believes that children of the same age will be dissimilar if their learning experiences have differed considerably.

self-efficacy The belief that one can effectively produce desired outcomes in a particular area of life.

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Obviously there is a fundamental disagreement between stage theorists such as Freud and Erikson and learning theorists such as Watson, Skinner and Bandura. Learning theorists do not give a general description of the normal course of human development because they insist that there is no such description to give. Instead, they offer a rich account of the mechanisms through which behaviour can change, using principles of learning that are universal in their applicability to understand how each individual changes with age in unique ways (Miller, 2011). We imagine what Watson, Skinner and Bandura would say about Joshua’s school refusal in the second Exploration box.

reciprocal determinism The notion in social cognitive theory that human development is shaped by the continuous interaction between the person, the person’s behaviour and their environment.

Exploration LEARNING THEORISTS: NOTES ON SCHOOL REFUSAL Anxiety disorders and phobias can be learned in a variety of ways. Watson might hypothesise that Joshua had a traumatic experience at school – maybe a fire drill alarm scared him or he became sick and threw up in class. Through classical conditioning, the school building might become a conditioned stimulus for anxious responses. B. F. Skinner would insist that we should analyse the consequences of going to school versus staying at home for Joshua to see whether those consequences can explain his behaviour. If Joshua’s act of going to school results in punishing consequences (punches from

a bully, harsh words from the teacher), the frequency of going to school will decline. And if acting sick is negatively reinforcing because it helps Joshua avoid the unpleasantness of going to school, ‘sick’ behaviour will become more frequent. Joshua’s mother could also be positively reinforcing stay-at-home behaviour by allowing Joshua to spend quality time with her doing fun things and giving him extra attention when he is ‘sick’. Through observational learning, Albert Bandura would add, a child who merely witnesses another child’s anxious behaviour at school may learn to behave anxiously. It may also

be important to understand what punishing consequences Joshua believes will occur if he attends school. And we should ask whether Joshua may have lost his sense of self-efficacy when faced with the new challenges of Year 1. Once it is clear how school refusal behaviour is learned, behavioural therapies and more contemporary cognitive behavioural therapies based on learning principles can be applied to reduce Joshua’s anxiety, reinforce going to school and change any distorted thinking (Heyne et al., 2014; Kearney & Graczyk, 2014).

Learning theories: Contributions and weaknesses Table 2.2 provides a summary of Watson’s, Skinner’s and Bandura’s contributions to the understanding

of human behaviour and development. Their learning theories are precise and testable – carefully controlled experiments have shown how people might learn everything from altruism to alcoholism. Moreover, learning principles operate across the life span and can be used to understand behaviour at any age. Finally, learning theories have incredibly important applications; they have been the basis for many highly effective behavioural and cognitive behavioural techniques for optimising development and treating developmental problems. TABLE 2.2  A summary of the three major types of learning Learning theorist

Type of learning

What it involves

What is learned

John Watson

Classical conditioning

A stimulus comes to elicit a response through its association with an unconditioned stimulus.

Emotional reactions (e.g. pleasant associations, phobias)

B. F. Skinner

Operant conditioning

Learning involves reacting to the consequences of one’s behaviour (reinforcement and punishment).

Skills; good and bad habits

Albert Bandura

Observational learning

Learning occurs through vicarious reinforcement or punishment by watching a model and the consequences of the model’s behaviour.

Skills, cognitions and behaviours, including ones that the learner has not been directly reinforced for displaying

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LINKAGES Chapter 8 Language, learning and literacy

Still, behavioural learning theories, and even Bandura’s more recent social cognitive theory, leave something to be desired as complete explanations of human development. First, they do not provide a clear description of the typical course of human development; they have been more focused on describing mechanisms of learning. Second, although they offer a rich account of the mechanisms through which behaviour can change, they do not show that learning is responsible for the changes we normally see in developing humans. For instance, studies consistently show that reinforcing infants’ vocalisations (cooing, babbling) with smiles, comments and imitation results in increased vocalisation (Dunst, Gorman, & Hamby, 2010). But does this mean that infants normally begin to vocalise because it is reinforced by their caregivers? Not necessarily. All infants, even deaf ones, babble around 4 months of age, and no matter what experiences are provided to newborns, they do not have the neural maturation and muscular control necessary for babbling (see Chapter 8). Third, learning theorists, and even Bandura, probably put too little emphasis on biological influences on development, such as genetic endowment and maturational processes. We may well learn to fear snakes, for example. But, because snakes were a threat to our ancestors, we have probably evolved so that we are biologically prepared to be wary of these critters. Thus, we learn to fear snakes far more easily than we learn to fear bunnies or flowers (Ohman & Mineka, 2003). Today’s learning theorists appreciate more than Watson and Skinner did that factors such as genetic endowment, previous learning, personality and social context all affect how humans react to their learning experiences (Mineka & Zinbarg, 2006).

IN REVIEW CHECKING UNDERSTANDING 1 Mr and Mrs Carter try to control their teenage daughter’s behaviour by (a) giving her an allowance only if she does her weekly chores, (b) setting her weekend curfew earlier if she stays out later than she was supposed to the weekend before, and (c) allowing her to get out of the distasteful task of cleaning the bathroom if she spends time with her grandmother. What specific consequences, using operant conditioning language, are illustrated by these three parenting strategies, and in each case, what effect do the parents hope to have on their daughter’s behaviour?

2 What are the main criticisms Albert Bandura might make of earlier behavioural learning theories?

CRITICAL THINKING Muriel, age 78, fell and broke her hip a year ago and has become overly dependent on her daughter for help ever since, even though she can get around quite well now. How might Watson, Skinner and Bandura explain her dependency? Express

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2.4 HUMANISTIC THEORIES Learning objectives

humanistic psychology A theoretical perspective that emphasises the innate goodness of people and a tendency toward growth and self-determination as motivating forces for cognition and behaviour.

■■ Outline the main emphases of humanistic theories of development. ■■ Explain Maslow’s hierarchy of needs and how these needs influence human behaviour and development. ■■ Evaluate the strengths and weakness of humanistic theories of human development.

Abraham Maslow (1908–1970) and Carl Rogers (1902–1987) are the founders of humanistic psychology, a theoretical perspective that emphasises the inherent goodness of people and a tendency towards growth and autonomy as driving forces for development (Duchesne, McMaugh, Bochner, & Krause, 2013). Thus, humanistic theories, which came to prominence during the 1950s and 1960s, offered perspectives that differed from those of the psychoanalysts, with their focus on psychopathology, and from those of the behaviourists, who tended to disregard the role of choice in human behaviour.

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Both Maslow and Rogers believed that the human tendency toward self-actualisation, an innate need for reaching one’s full potential, was significant in motivating human cognition and behaviour. While Rogers argued self-actualisation to be the predominant motivational drive, Maslow referred to a range of human motivations (Frager & Fadiman, 2012). Here we will focus on Maslow’s theorising to exemplify the humanistic perspective of development and to illustrate how physiological and psychological needs are powerful motivating forces for development.

Maslow: Hierarchy of needs

self-actualisation An innate human need for reaching one’s full potential. hierarchy of needs Five ascending levels of human needs that motivate thought and behaviour.

Snapshot

psychology and we must now fill it out with the healthy half. Maslow, 1968, p. 5

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In the statement above, Maslow acknowledged the immense contribution of the psychoanalysts toward understanding psychological disorders, but argued it is equally important to understand psychological wellness and motivational processes applicable to the broader population (Frager & Fadiman, 2012). Maslow  (1943,  1970) presented the fundamental motivations underlying human thought and behaviour as a hierarchy of needs with five ascending levels of need (Figure  2.7). Abraham Maslow According to Maslow, the lower needs must be achieved before the higher needs become active.The emphasised a hierarchy of needs needs, from lowest to highest, are: and striving to 1 Physiological needs – the fundamental biological needs required for survival, including food, drink, achieve one’s potential as oxygen, sleep, shelter and sex motivating forces 2 Safety needs – the need for a secure and stable environment for cognition and behaviour. 3 Belonging and love needs – the need for close relationships and being part of groups such as community, family and peers 4 Esteem needs – the need for self-respect through a FIGURE 2.7  Maslow’s hierarchy of needs sense of competence and individual achievement, and the need for respect from others via appreciation, status or fame Self5 Self-actualisation needs – the need to fully achieve actualisation one’s talents, capabilities and potential. The needs in the hierarchy are of two main types, Esteem Competence Approval Recognition with each influencing human thought and behaviour in distinct ways. The basic needs are those lower-level Belonging and love physiological needs and psychological needs (safety, Safety belonging and love, and esteem) that motivate people to reduce a deficit or unpleasant state if they experience Physiological it. The growth needs are higher-level needs associated with self-actualisation that motivate people to expand Source: Adapted from Duchesne et al. (2013). and grow toward their personal potential. Shifts from lower- to higher-level needs are, to a degree, associated basic needs Lowerwith maturity. Infants are focused on the basic physiological needs; the lower-level psychological level physiological needs and needs emerge throughout youth; and psychological growth needs tend to gain prominence with age. psychological needs All of the lower-level basic needs are considered essential for development or else, according (safety, belonging and love, and esteem) to Maslow, a deficiency will result, hence they are sometimes called deficiency needs. Of the basic that motivate people needs, physiological needs are the most primitive and demanding and must be fulfilled before others to reduce a deficit or are met, otherwise physical health will be compromised. For example, if one is hungry or thirsty, unpleasant state. all efforts will be mobilised to find food and drink for survival and there will be little interest in

Source: Getty Images/Bettmann

To oversimplify the matter, it is as if Freud supplied to us the sick half of

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growth needs Higherlevel needs associated with self-actualisation that motivate individuals to expand their personal potential.

fulfilling needs for safety, love and belonging, and esteem. Once physiological needs are met the individual is free to focus on basic psychological needs. Just as deprivation of the basic physiological needs risks physical health, deprivation of the psychological needs can jeopardise the mental health and wellbeing of the individual (Carver & Scheier, 2012). An individual is still likely to feel dissatisfied even when all basic needs have been met if they do not engage with growth needs, also referred to as being needs. According to Maslow (1943, 1970), achievement of growth needs can be hindered by becoming ‘stuck’ on the basic physiological and psychological needs due to factors such as the immediacy of these needs, bad habits (choosing a poor diet, addictions), influence by others (peer pressure), social responsibility (societal priorities, family responsibilities), fixation on a level of need due to deprivation at an earlier stage of life (those who grew up in a harsh family environment may crave belonging throughout their life), or inner deficiencies that can prevent self-awareness (defensiveness, repression). Maslow (1968) believed that achieving higher needs and self-actualisation was actually quite rare, with less than 1 per cent of people likely to be identified as such. Maslow studied psychologically healthy subjects who appeared to make best use of their intellectual or social potential, including historical figures like Albert Einstein, Eleanor Roosevelt, Mahatma Gandhi, Mother Teresa and Nelson Mandela, as well as a number of anonymous people, and identified several key characteristics of self-actualisers. As you can see in Figure 2.8, the self-actualiser is quite impressive, but Maslow observed that self-actualisers are not perfect people – they may push themselves and others to extremes and are just as prone to negative human emotions as others. FIGURE 2.8  Characteristics of self-actualisers Maslow studied psychologically healthy subjects, including key historical figures, who appeared to make best use of their intellectual or social potential to identify key characteristics of self-actualisers. Self-actualisers are logical, rational and realistic

MAKING CONNECTIONS Based on Maslow’s characteristics of self-actualisers, identify modern-day self-actualisers – this could be people you know personally, or well-known public figures globally or locally.

feel a connection with all of humanity have deep interpersonal relationships, but with only a few people

are accepting of themselves and other people are spontaneous and natural, rather than restrained and fake

are democratic and fair in their dealings with others

are altruistic and solution-focused, rather than egocentric and complaint-focused

value and enjoy the experiences as much as the outcome

value their independence and solitude

have a thoughtful sense of humour that does not ridicule others

are appreciative and bring fresh perspectives, even for the ordinary have peak experiences in which they feel intense joy and happiness

are creative, imaginative and inventive Albert Einstein

Mother Teresa

respect rules and conventions, but resist social pressure and conformity

Source: Adapted from Carver & Scheier (2012); Maslow (1970). Image sources: [L] Alamy Stock Photo/Sueddeutsche Zeitung Photo; [R] Imagefolk/Tim Graham/Robert Harding.

We now turn our attention back to Joshua’s school refusal. What do you think Maslow would have said about this situation? The third Exploration box sketches out some ideas.

Exploration HUMANISTIC THEORISTS: NOTES ON SCHOOL REFUSAL Maslow might argue that Joshua’s school refusal is an indication that one

or more of his basic needs are not being met. He would insist that someone

whom Joshua trusts, such as his parents or another family member, talk with >>>

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>>>

him about what has been happening at home or school in these first weeks to identify possible unmet needs and unpleasant states that he may be seeking to avoid by not going to school. For example, Joshua may be experiencing teasing or bullying by his peers, or may have been in trouble with his teacher, and could feel threatened and unsafe (unmet safety needs). He might not have settled into a peer group or established friendships and could be feeling isolated and lonely (unmet belonging and love needs).

He may also be struggling with the demands of learning academic skills and have been unsuccessful in his attempts to complete learning tasks, causing him to feel incompetent (unmet esteem needs). Perhaps even Joshua’s physiological needs have not been met during his first few weeks of school – he may not be getting enough breakfast in the rush of the new morning routine, or he may forget his lunch and get hungry during the day (unmet physiological needs). Once the unmet needs are

identified, Maslow would suggest an approach to intervention that involves trusted people working alongside Joshua in a caring and sensitive way to guide him towards strategies to address his needs (for example, discussing how to make friends or strategies for remembering to take his lunch), and offering more direct intervention where necessary (establishing a safe classroom and school environment or providing learning support) (Pina, Zerr, Gonzales, & Ortiz, 2009).

Humanistic theories: Contributions and weaknesses Maslow and others in the field of humanistic psychology provided important insights into what it is to be psychologically well and revealed this to be more than simply the absence of mental disease. Further, the humanistic psychologists and their focus on the positive dimensions of human experience and the potential in all individuals laid the foundations for the contemporary positive psychology movement, a branch of psychology concerned with understanding what makes life worth living and how individuals and groups can thrive and flourish (Waterman, 2013; Seligman & Csikszentmihalyi, 2000; and see On the Internet: Positive psychology). The original work of the humanistic theorists has nonetheless been criticised as broad and vague collections of thoughts and hypotheses, rather than comprehensive and verified theories, and is composed of difficult-to-measure constructs (Frager & Fadiman, 2012). In the decades following, however, approaches to the measurement of self-actualisation, peak experiences and the hierarchy of needs have emerged (see Friedman & MacDonald, 2006; Mouton & Montijo, 2016; Saeednia, 2011; Saeednia & Nor, 2013). A large body of research has accumulated, particularly in relation to the concept of self-actualisation. For example, self-actualisation has been found to be positively correlated with positive adjustment and maturity and negatively correlated with psychopathology, thereby offering some support for Maslow’s and Roger’s forecasts of self-actualisation as associated with life satisfaction (Ivtzan, Gardner, Bernard, Sekhon, & Hart, 2013). The universality, however, of Maslow’s hierarchy has been questioned, with evidence that needs and life satisfactions vary cross-culturally (Oishi, Diener, Lucas, & Suh, 1999; Tay & Diener, 2011). Researchers Kenrick, Griskevicius, Neuberg, and Schaller (2010), using an evolutionary psychology perspective, propose that the culturally universal reproductive goals of mate acquisition, mate retention and parenting should be added to the hierarchy. Further, they argue self-actualisation is not meaningfully separated from esteem and social status needs and suggest its removal from the top position of the hierarchy. Another criticism of Maslow’s work is that the sequence indicated in the hierarchy of needs does not always apply, and that growth needs may override more basic needs depending on biological and situational factors (Duchesne et al., 2013). For example, an artist intently focused on and enjoying their work may override physiological needs and forgo food and drink, or someone may risk their own life and override their personal safety needs to come to the aid of another.

positive psychology A branch of psychology concerned with understanding what makes life worth living and how individuals and groups can thrive and flourish.

ON THE INTERNET Positive psychology

http://ppc.sas. upenn.edu/ Learn more about the history of positive psychology and current directions in positive psychology research and practice at this comprehensive website that has readings, videos, questionnaires and more.

evolutionary psychology The application of evolutionary theory and its concept of natural selection to understanding why humans think and behave as they do.

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IN REVIEW CHECKING UNDERSTANDING

CRITICAL THINKING

1 What distinguishes basic needs from growth needs?

In his original study of self-actualisers, Maslow did not include spiritual leaders. Imagine that he did – how might this have influenced his list of characteristics of selfactualisers summarised in Figure 2.8?

2 Outline a criticism of Maslow’s hierarchy of needs with reference to the universality–context specificity issue.

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2.5 COGNITIVE THEORIES Learning objectives

LINKAGES Chapter 1 Understanding life span human development

■■ Explain the concept of constructivism and the differences in modes of thinking captured in the four stages of Piaget’s cognitive developmental theory. ■■ Evaluate the strengths and weaknesses of Piaget’s theory. ■■ Explain how the sociocultural, information-processing and adult cognitive developmental approaches have extended understanding of cognitive development.

From the 1950s and 1960s, many developmentalists began to look for theories that were both more cognitive and more clearly developmental than the work of the learning theorists or the humanistic psychologists. They found what they wanted in Jean Piaget’s groundbreaking cognitive developmental theory, which dominated the study of child development for about three decades until the 1980s; and later in the work of Lev Vygotsky, whose sociocultural perspective challenged some of Piaget’s thinking. With both Piaget and Vygotsky largely focusing their work on the cognitive development of children and adolescents, other scholars encouraged by the life span approach to human development (see Chapter 1) began to ask questions about the development of cognition in adulthood. Other challenges to Piaget and Vygotsky came from scholars of the informationprocessing approach, who saw a need to look more closely at the processes involved in thinking and factors affecting those processes. We will lay out the basics of these major cognitive perspectives here and follow them up in more detail throughout the book.

Piaget: Cognitive developmental theory

LINKAGES Chapter 7 Intelligence and creativity

Piaget (1896–1980) was a Swiss scholar who began to study children’s intellectual development during the 1920s. This remarkable man developed quickly himself, publishing his first scientific work (a letter to the editor about an albino sparrow) at age 11. Eventually, Piaget blended his interest in zoology and the adaptation of animals to their environments with his interest in philosophy. He then devoted his career to the study of how humans acquire knowledge and use it to adapt to their world. Piaget’s lifelong interest in cognitive development emerged while he worked at the Alfred Binet laboratories in Paris on the first standardised IQ test. IQ tests estimate individuals’ intelligence based on the number of questions they answer correctly (see Chapter 7). Piaget soon became interested in children’s wrong answers and noticed that children of about the same age gave the same kinds of wrong answers. By questioning them to find out how they were thinking about the problems presented to them, he began to realise that young children do not simply know less than older

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Influenced by his background in biology, Piaget (1950) viewed intelligence as a process that helps an organism adapt to its environment. The infant who grasps a biscuit and brings it to his or her mouth is behaving adaptively, as is the adolescent who solves algebra problems or the mechanic who fixes cars. As humans mature, they acquire ever more complex cognitive structures, or organised patterns of thought or action, that aid them in adapting to their environments.

Constructivism Piaget insisted that children are not born with innate ideas about reality, as some philosophers have claimed, nor simply filled with information by adults, as learning theorists believe. Piaget’s position, called constructivism, was that children actively construct new understandings of the world based on their experiences.This can be observed in children when they invent their own ideas about how the world works, for example, saying that the sun is alive because it moves across the sky, or that babies are bought at the baby store and then put in their mothers’ tummies. How do children construct more accurate understandings of the world? By being curious and active explorers: watching what is going on around them, seeing what happens when they experiment on the objects they encounter, and recognising instances in which their current understandings are inadequate to explain events. Children use their current understandings of the world to help them solve problems, but they also revise their understandings to make them better fit reality. The interaction between biological maturation (most importantly, a developing brain) and experience (especially discrepancies between the child’s understanding and reality) is responsible for the child’s progress from one stage of cognitive development to a new, qualitatively different stage.

Stages of cognitive development Piaget proposed four major periods of cognitive development: the sensorimotor stage (birth to age 2), the preoperational stage (ages 2 to 7), the concrete-operations stage (ages 7 to 11) and the formal-operations stage (ages 11 to 12 or older). These stages form what Piaget called an invariant sequence; that is, all children progress through the stages in the order they are listed without skipping stages or regressing to earlier stages. The ages given are only guidelines; different children progress at different rates. The key features of each stage are summarised in Table 2.3.We will explore these stages in more depth in Chapter 5, but in summary we can say that according to Piaget, children’s cognitive capacities change dramatically between infancy and adolescence as they progress through the four stages of cognitive development. Piaget’s core message is that humans of different ages think in qualitatively different ways (Inhelder & Piaget, 1958).

cognitive developmental theory Piaget’s theory of development which emphasises the role of experience and active exploration interacting with biological maturation as the drivers for cognitive development.

Snapshot

Source: Getty Images/Bettmann

children; rather, they think in a qualitatively different way. Eventually Piaget developed a cognitive developmental theory to account for changes in thinking from infancy to adolescence.

Swiss psychologist Jean Piaget revolutionised the field of human development with his cognitive developmental theory of intellectual growth.

constructivism The position that humans actively create their own understandings of the world from their experiences, as opposed to being born with innate ideas or being programmed by the environment.

LINKAGES TABLE 2.3  Jean Piaget’s four stages of cognitive development

Chapter 5 Cognitive development

Age range

Stage

Description

Birth to 2 years

Sensorimotor

Infants use their senses and motor actions to explore and understand the world. At the start they have only innate reflexes, but they develop increasingly ‘intelligent’ actions. By the end, they are capable of symbolic thought using images or words and can therefore mentally plan solutions to problems.

2 to 7 years

Preoperational

Preschoolers use their capacity for symbolic thought to develop language, engage in pretend play and solve problems. But their thinking is not yet logical; they are egocentric (unable to take others’ perspectives) and are easily fooled by perceptions, failing ‘conservation’ problems because they cannot rely on logical operations.

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>>>

Source: Alamy Stock Photo/SPUTNIK

Snapshot

Lev Vygotsky emphasised the role of social interaction and cultural tools for cognitive development.

sociocultural theory Vygotsky’s theory of development, which emphasises the role of the social and cultural context for cognitive development. social constructivism The position that humans actively create their own understandings of the world from their social interactions and exposure to cultural tools such as language.

LINKAGES

Age range

Stage

Description

7 to 11 years

Concrete operations

School-age children acquire concrete logical operations that allow them to mentally classify, add and otherwise act on concrete objects in their heads. They can solve practical, real-world problems through a trial-and-error approach but have difficulty with hypothetical and abstract problems.

11 to 12 years and older

Formal operations

Adolescents can think about abstract concepts and purely hypothetical possibilities and can trace the longrange consequences of possible actions. With age and experience, they can form hypotheses and systematically test them using the scientific method.

Vygotsky: Sociocultural theory The sociocultural theory of Russian psychologist Lev Vygotsky has also helped us to understand processes of cognitive development. Whereas Piaget proposed universal stages of cognitive development,Vygotsky argued that cognitive development is shaped by the sociocultural context in which it occurs and grows out of children’s interactions with members of their culture (Vygotsky, 1934/1962, 1935/1978). Each culture provides its members with certain tools of thought – most notably a language, but also in some cultures tools such as pencils, art media, mathematical systems and computers. The ways in which people in a particular culture approach and solve problems are passed from generation to generation through oral and written communication. Hence culture, especially as it is embodied in language, shapes thought. As a result, cognitive development is not the same universally; it varies across social and historical contexts. Like Piaget, Vygotsky believed children were active in their development. Piaget, however, tended to see children as independent explorers; Vygotsky saw them as social beings who develop their minds through guided participation in culturally important activities in which parents, teachers and other knowledgeable members of their culture provide ‘scaffolding’ or support that facilitates learning. Hence, the term social constructivism is often used to label the position associated with Vygotsky’s cognitive theory. We will explore Vygotsky’s theory more thoroughly, too, in Chapter 5.

Information-processing approach

Chapter 5 Cognitive development

informationprocessing approach An approach to cognition that emphasises the fundamental mental processes involved in attention, perception, memory and decision making.

LINKAGES Chapter 6 Sensoryperception, attention and memory

The information-processing approach, which became a dominant perspective in the 1980s, initially likened the human mind to a computer with ‘hardware’ (the machine itself) and ‘software’ (the programs used to manipulate and store information on the machine). The mind’s hardware is the nervous system, including the brain, sensory receptors and neural pathways; its software is rules, strategies and mental processes. Development, according to this perspective, proceeds due to changes in the capacity and speed (not the structure) of the nervous system, and in the increasing sophistication of strategies used to receive and process information from the environment. Information-processing theorists have been predominantly interested in examining mental processes such as attention, memory and decision making, and the implications for cognitive performance. They have not limited their focus to children, instead considering cognitive changes throughout the life span. The information-processing approach will be the focus of Chapter 6 – here we limit our discussion to exploring the positions that information-processing theorists hold as compared to Piaget and Vygotsky. Similar to Piaget, information-processing theorists believe that both maturation of the brain (for example, increased capacity of working memory) and experience (learning the importance of and how to use memory strategies) drive age-related changes in development (Kail, 2003). Yet

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information-processing theorists believe, like Vygotsky, that developmental change is gradual and cumulative, not comprising distinct universal stages as proposed by Piaget. While early informationprocessing models viewed cognitive processes as largely passive processes with information flowing from one part of the cognitive system to another (information into the system via the senses, then on to the short- and long-term memory stores), later approaches consider information processing as an active process. For example, the extent to which one can direct and maintain attention on a stimulus has a good deal to do with how well the information will be remembered (Kannass & Columbo, 2007). Finally, information-processing theorists, while acknowledging the species-related similarities of the nervous system, also acknowledge the importance of the environment, arguing that cognitive development can vary from individual to individual depending on the degree and type of stimulus from the environment (see Blanchard-Fields & Kalinauskas, 2009). What, then, do you suppose Piaget, Vygotsky and information-processing theorists would say about school refusal? The fourth Exploration box sketches possible thoughts. We then turn our focus specifically to adult cognitive development.

Exploration COGNITIVE THEORISTS: NOTES ON SCHOOL REFUSAL Cognition is an important influence on behaviour, and cognitive theorists would all argue we need to understand how Joshua is thinking to understand his school refusal. Piaget might insist we first assess his stage of cognitive development. Especially if he has not yet made the transition from the preoperational stage to the concreteoperational stage, his anxiety may be rooted in a faulty cause-effect analysis or a misunderstanding because he has not yet mastered logical operations. He may, for example, believe the terrorist he saw on television will kill his mother next, or that the natural disaster unfolding in another country will affect his home and school. His egocentrism could make it even more likely that he would come to believe that these scary events will affect him. Children who show school refusal problems have lots of negative

thoughts and make lots of cognitive errors, such as concluding from one failure that they cannot do anything right (Maric, Heyne, de Heus, van Widenfelt, & Westenberg, 2012). Vygotsky might focus on what Joshua has learned from interactions with parents, teachers, peers and other cultural sources, such as the media, about responding to such concerns or other difficulties that might be arising at school. Perhaps through discussion and supported problem solving with others, Joshua may develop new ways of understanding how to address the issues rather than avoid them (Pina et al., 2009). Information-processing theorists might hypothesise that Joshua’s school refusal is driven by issues associated with poor task performance in his first week of school. They would seek to find out which parts of the information-processing system may

be causing him difficulties. Perhaps Joshua has a hearing or sight problem and cannot hear or see the teacher clearly, and in turn he may not be sure how to complete tasks or what the behavioural expectations are. Investigation might reveal that Joshua has difficulty focusing his attention and is easily distracted. Or perhaps he lacks memory and problem-solving strategies that would enable him to work to his capacity. Interventions would target the aspect of the information-processing system that appears deficient; for example, Joshua may require reading glasses, or guidance on how to stay focused on tasks and effective learning strategies. Or perhaps changes to the environment might be warranted, such as moving Joshua closer to the teacher so he can be brought back to task more easily.

Theories of adult cognitive development The information-processing theorists were interested in life span cognitive development, but both Piaget and Vygotsky largely focused their work on the cognitive development of children and adolescents. With the emergence of the life span perspective, a number of researchers began to ask questions about what lay beyond Piaget’s formal-operations stage – what they referred to as postformal thought. For example, early on Gisela Labouvie-Vief (1992) and William Perry (1970)

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were concerned with the changes in complexity of adult cognition, finding that some adults acquire advanced levels of thought not considered by Piaget. Other researchers, for example, K. Warner Schaie (1977–1978) and his colleague Sherry Willis Executive Legacy creating (Schaie & Willis, 2000), argue that adult cognition does not Responsible Reorganisational Reintegrative necessarily advance beyond formal operations but instead changes in Achieving response to different uses related to career, family and maintaining Acquisitive quality of life into old age, and proposed a seven-stage model of life span cognitive development Childhood and Young Middle Young Old Oldest (Figure 2.9). The acquisitive stage adolescence adulthood age old old old of the model aligns with Piaget’s Source: Schaie and Willis, in Rubinstein, Moss, and Kleban (Eds.), 2000. Republished with permission of Springer; permission conveyed through Copyright Clearance Center, Inc. stages of cognitive development in childhood and adolescence and is concerned with the acquisition of knowledge. The adult stages that follow are then concerned with how this knowledge is used and applied. According to Schaie and Willis, the period of young adulthood to middle age is characterised by the application of acquired knowledge, first to career goals (the achieving stage) and then to establishing and supporting a family (the responsible stage). Fulfilment of an executive stage, as an extension of the responsible stage, may also occur for those with complex organisational roles. In young old age, the reorganisational stage is concerned with directing cognitive efforts toward replacing the responsibilities of work and family with other meaningful activity. This is followed by the reintegrative stage, in which knowledge application is more aligned than ever before with interests, attitudes and values as older people avoid wasting time on personally meaningless activities. The final stage is the legacy-creating stage, directed toward preparing for the end of life, possibly including making autobiographical recounts of one’s life, preparing a will and redistributing possessions. In their model, Schaie and Willis acknowledge the Piagetian stages of cognitive development. Did you also notice similarities between Schaie and Willis’ (2000) stages of cognitive development and Erikson’s psychosocial stages? The responsible and executive stages are concerned with focusing LINKAGES of the intellect on matters of family and work, similarly to Erikson’s stage of generativity, in which middle-aged adults are striving to contribute in ways that will outlive them, largely through work Chapter 5 Cognitive and family contexts. Schaie and Willis’ reintegrative and legacy-creating stages also seem to align development with Erikson’s ego integrity stage, in which older adults review and find meaning in their lives. And not unlike Vygotsky’s notions of the importance of social processes for cognitive development, Schaie and Willis also highlight the importance of sociocultural variables for understanding cognitive MAKING CONNECTIONS development. We will leave our consideration of adult theories of cognitive development here for now, but in Chapter 5 we will explore postformal thought and complex styles of thinking that adults Thinking about yourself and other tend to engage in, such as relativistic and dialectical thinking. FIGURE 2.9  The Schaie–Willis seven-stage model of life span cognitive development

adults you know, give examples of how the Schaie– Willis seven-stage model applies or does not apply.

Cognitive theories: Contributions and weaknesses Like Freud, Piaget was a true pioneer whose work has left a deep and lasting imprint on thinking about human development. You will see his influence throughout this text – the mind that

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CHAPTER 2: THEORIES OF HUMAN DEVELOPMENT

‘constructs’ understanding of the physical world also comes, with age, to understand sex differences (Chapter  9), moral values (Chapter 10), emotions (Chapter 11), death (Chapter 13) and a range of other important aspects of the human experience that feature through this text. Most developmentalists today continue to accept Piaget’s basic beliefs that thinking changes in qualitative ways during childhood, that children are active in their own development, and that development occurs through an interaction of nature and nurture. Still, Piaget has had his share of criticism (Lourenco & Machado, 1996, Miller, 2011; also see Chapter 5). For example, critics question whether Piaget’s stages really hang together as coherent, general modes of thinking that can be applied to a variety of types of problems; research suggests that the thinking skills needed to solve different types of problems are acquired at different rates. Critics also conclude that Piaget underestimated the cognitive abilities of young children (Desrochers, 2008). Piaget is also charged with putting too little emphasis on the role of parents and other more knowledgeable people in nurturing cognitive development; and critics challenge the idea that all humans in every culture develop through the same stages toward the same endpoints. On the other hand,Vygotsky’s cognitive theory, and to some extent the adult-focused cognitive theorists, highlight the importance of social interaction and culture for cognitive development and the diverse pathways of development while not dismissing Piaget’s theme that nature and nurture interact to produce developmental change. Vygotsky is not without his critics – it is argued that he overemphasised the role of language in cognitive development and that his ideas are broad and vague, making it difficult for researchers to verify them (Duchesne et al., 2013). Information-processing theorists, on the other hand, have provided models that allow for a detailed analysis of cognitive processes associated with performance. They have also sought to understand the development of cognition across the entire life span, not only in childhood as Vygotsky and Piaget did. Yet the ‘human mind as computer’ analogy and information-processing models fail to capture the affective factors that can also influence cognitive performance, such as emotions and motivation. Finally, the influence of cognitive theorists on educational practices cannot be underestimated. Teachers and parents have been encouraged to stimulate children to discover new concepts by having them directly grapple with problems (a Piagetian approach); to employ guided participation, in which children are provided with support and tools of learning in collaboration with a more skilled partner (a Vygotskian approach); and to teach children, and adults, about the rules, strategies and mental processes that impact cognitive performance (an information-processing approach) (Liu & Matthews, 2005). Educators working with older learners also appreciate a key message in the work of Schaie and others – that adult learners’ learning needs may change across different life stages and in different environments.

LINKAGES Chapter 9 Self, personality, gender and sexuality Chapter 10 Social cognition and moral development Chapter 11 Emotions, attachment and social relationships Chapter 13 The final challenge: Death and dying Chapter 5 Cognitive development

IN REVIEW CHECKING UNDERSTANDING

CRITICAL THINKING

1 Distinguish between concrete-operational thinking and formal-operational thinking in terms of what is operated upon mentally, using a specific example if you can.

What broad recommendations might Piaget, Vygotsky, information-processing theorists and adult cognitive theorists make to teachers?

2 What one major criticism would advocates of (a) the sociocultural perspective on cognitive development, (b) the information-processing approach to cognition and (c) adult cognitive theory make of Piaget’s cognitive developmental theory?

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2.6 SYSTEMS THEORIES Learning objectives

systems theories Theoretical perspectives based on the concept that developmental changes over the life span arise from the ongoing interrelationships between a changing organism and a changing environment, both of which are part of a larger, dynamic system.

LINKAGES Chapter 1 Understanding life span human development

natural selection The evolutionary principle of ‘survival of the fittest’, in which individuals who have characteristics advantageous for survival in a particular environment are most likely to survive and reproduce, leading to species change and new species over generations. ethology A theoretical perspective that focuses on the evolved behaviour of different species in their natural environments. epigenetic psychobiological systems perspective Gottlieb’s view that development is the product of interacting biological and environmental forces that form a larger, dynamic system, both over the course of evolution and during the individual’s life.

■■ Explain how systems theorists have changed the way developmentalists think about the roles of biological and environmental forces in development. ■■ Summarise the epigenetic psychobiological systems perspective of human development. ■■ Evaluate the strengths and weaknesses of systems approaches to understanding human development.

Systems theories of development, sometimes called contextual theories, claim that changes over the life span arise from ongoing transactions in which a changing organism and a changing environment affect one another (see, for example, Fogel, King, & Shanker, 2008; Gottlieb, Wahlsten, & Lickliter, 2006; Lerner, 2006).The individual and the physical and social contexts with which he or she interacts are inseparable parts of a larger system in which everything affects everything else. Development, then, can take a variety of paths depending on the complex interplay of multiple influences. Urie Bronfenbrenner’s bioecological model, introduced in Chapter 1, illustrates a systems perspective on development: the individual, with his/her biologically-based characteristics, is embedded in and interacts with four environmental systems over time. Here, we highlight another theorist, Gilbert Gottlieb (1929–2006), a developmental psychobiologist who emphasised that development grows out of a system of interacting influences.

Gottlieb: Epigenetic psychobiological systems perspective Gilbert Gottlieb believed that human development takes place in the context of our evolutionary history as a species and arises from ongoing interactions between biological and environmental influences. Whereas Bronfenbrenner started out interested in the environment and increasingly realised that biological influences on development were equally important, Gottlieb started out as a biologist and increasingly became convinced of the importance of environmental influences on what biologists had long believed were genetically influenced or innate phenomena. Gottlieb’s perspective grew out of earlier work looking at animal and human development in the context of Charles Darwin’s (1859) evolutionary theory, which maintained that genes that aid their bearers in adapting to their environment will be passed on to future generations more frequently than genes that do not – a process referred to as natural selection (Dewsbury, 2009). Researchers inspired by Darwin’s theory founded the field of ethology, the study of the evolved behaviour of various species in their natural environments (Archer, 1992; Hinde, 1983; and see Davies, Krebs, & West, 2012). While ethologists were examining the evolutionary roots of human behaviour, developmental psychobiologist Gilbert Gottlieb was studying how products of evolution such as genes and hormones interact with environmental factors to guide the individual’s development (1992, 2000, 2002; Gottlieb & Halpern, 2008; Gottlieb et al., 2006). According to Gottlieb’s epigenetic psychobiological systems perspective, development is the product of interacting biological and environmental forces that form a larger system. It is possible to focus on the interplay of nature and nurture both at the level of the species, interacting with its environment over the course of evolution, and at the level of the individual, with his/her unique genetic makeup interacting with his/her unique environment over the course of a lifetime (Li, 2003).

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Species heredity and cultural evolution The starting point in the epigenetic psychobiological systems perspective is recognition that evolution has endowed us with a human species heredity (genetic makeup). We do not start out as a blank slate. Rather, we are predisposed to develop in certain directions rather than in others – for example, humans have two eyes, we all have blood coursing through our veins, and virtually all of us develop in similar ways at similar ages for some aspects of development, such as walking and talking around 1 year, maturing sexually from ages 12–14, and watching our skin wrinkle in our 40s and 50s (Pinker, 2002). Each person’s development takes place in the context of our evolutionary history as a species. We share many genes with our fellow humans because those genes enabled our ancestors to adapt to their environments. However, genes and environment interact because humans actively and deliberately change their environments by farming, urbanising, polluting, fighting infectious diseases and so on. As we change our environments, through cultural evolution, we sometimes change the course of biological evolution. How? Because new environments may make different genes more critical to survival than earlier environments did (Bjorklund & Pellegrini, 2002). Consider that genes associated with a high tolerance for lactose in milk have become far more prevalent in human populations that have engaged in dairy farming than in other human populations, for example, in Europe versus in East Asia (Voight, Kudaravalli, Wen, & Pritchard, 2006). Over time, in the context of having plenty of milk to drink, people with these gene variants were apparently more likely to survive than people without them. So, genes and environment interact at the species level, and both biological and cultural evolution contribute to change over time in the human species.

species heredity The genetic endowment that members of a particular species have in common that contributes to universal species traits and patterns of maturation. cultural evolution Change in a species achieved not through biological evolution but through learning and passing on from one generation to the next new ways of adapting to the environment. epigenesis The process through which nature and nurture, genes and environment, jointly bring forth development in ways that are difficult to predict at the outset.

Epigenesis

FIGURE 2.10  Gottlieb’s model of bidirectional influences Moving from left to right, we see how the four levels of influence in Gottlieb’s system mutually affect one another as the individual develops. Genes do not determine development; rather, through the epigenetic process, genetic influences interact with environmental influences and the individual’s behaviour and activity at the neural level to make certain developmental outcomes more or less probable.

Source: © Nora Gottlieb

Snapshot

Turning to change at the individual level, Gottlieb maintained that genes do not dictate how development will go; they only participate – along with environmental influences – in making certain developmental outcomes more probable than others. What happens in development depends on the all-important process of epigenesis (meaning ‘over and above’ genes). Through epigenesis, nature and nurture (genes and environment) co-act to bring forth particular developmental outcomes – sometimes, surprising outcomes that are not easily predicted (see Spencer et al., 2009). In describing the epigenetic process, Gottlieb highlighted mutual influences over time involving (1) the activity of genes, which turn on and off at different points during development; (2) the activity of neurons; (3) the organism’s behaviour; and (4) environmental influences of all kinds – all part of a larger system, as shown in Figure 2.10.

Gilbert Gottlieb sought to understand how biology and environment co-act during the epigenetic process to produce development.

BIDIRECTIONAL INFLUENCES Environment (physical, social, cultural) Behaviour Neural activity Genetic activity Individual development over time Source: Gottlieb (1992, p. 186). © 1991 by Oxford University Press, Inc. Reprinted by permission.

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LINKAGES Chapter 3 Genes, environment and the beginnings of life.

Search me! and Discover the parental and family risk-factors associated with school refusal: Studies from Monash University further understanding of psychopathology Carless, B., Melvin, G. A., Tonge, B. J., & Newman, L. K. (2015). The role of parental self-efficacy in adolescent school refusal. Mental Health Weekly Digest (4 May), 203.

Gottlieb believed biologists of the past wrongly claimed that genes dictate what happens in development in a unidirectional and deterministic way, and that genetic and physiological influences are therefore more causally important than environmental ones. We need to appreciate, he said, that each of his four levels is important and must be understood in its own right. Behaviour cannot be explained, he argued, by reducing it to simpler components such as genes or neurons. In addition, we need to appreciate that behaviour and environment influence the activity of genes and the functioning of the brain, just as genes and the brain influence behaviour and the environment.To illustrate this point using Gottlieb’s terminology, consider that stimulation from the environment, gained partly through the infant’s exploratory behaviour, not only produces neural activity and changes the brain but also affects the activity of genes, which in turn influences the formation and functioning of the neural networks necessary for further development and behaviour (Johnston & Edwards, 2002). Gottlieb made his case for interacting levels of influence by demonstrating that behaviour that most biologists assumed was innate or instinctive – etched in the genetic code of all members of a species in the course of evolution and automatically displayed – may or may not occur, depending on the organism’s early experience. He showed, for example, that the tendency of young ducks to prefer their mothers’ vocal calls to those of other birds, such as chickens, is not as automatic as you might guess. Duckling embryos that were exposed to chicken calls before they hatched and then were prevented from vocalising at birth, and therefore had no experience hearing duck-like calls, actually came to prefer the call of a chicken to that of a mallard duck (Gottlieb, 1991). This and other studies demonstrated that hearing duck vocalisations, whether generated by ducklings’ mothers or by themselves, was necessary for ducklings to prefer the call of a mother duck. Discoveries in genetic research are shedding further light on epigenesis and ways in which environmental influences can alter the activity of genes. It has become clear that the biochemical environment of a cell, as influenced by factors such as nutrition and stress and even nurturing care early in life, can affect whether or not particular genes in that cell are expressed, or transcribed into RNA, so that they can guide the production of proteins and in turn influence the individual’s emerging traits. As we will see in Chapter 3, this research is suggesting that what ultimately matters in development may not be what genes a person has but which of them are expressed or activated – and that environmental factors have a lot to do with this (Champagne & Mashoodh, 2009). The message is clear: genes do not determine anything on their own (Gottlieb et al., 2006). Even seemingly instinctive, inborn patterns of behaviour will not emerge unless the individual has both normal genes and normal early experiences. And it is rather silly, Gottlieb believed, to try to figure out how much of an individual’s traits and behaviour is caused by nature and how much is caused by nurture when genes and environment ‘co-act’ and are therefore inseparable and equally important. The nature–nurture issue simply vanishes from Gottlieb’s perspective (Spencer et al., 2009). In summary, the epigenetic psychobiological systems perspective holds that the development of the individual arises from complex interactions over time among genetic, neural, behavioural and environmental influences operating as a system. Because genes have to be turned on with the help of environmental input in order to influence development, and even then only make particular developmental outcomes more or less probable, development is not genetically predetermined. Indeed, we cannot predict how the developmental story will end until we see what emerges from epigenesis, the long history of interactions among the multiple influences pictured in Figure 2.10. Interestingly, then, Urie Bronfenbrenner, who initially emphasised cultural influences on development, and Gottlieb, who initially emphasised biological influences, ended up in close agreement that it is the interactions among biological and environmental forces that really count. In the fifth Exploration box, we imagine what systems theorists like Gottlieb might think about the contributors to Joshua’s school refusal.

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CHAPTER 2: THEORIES OF HUMAN DEVELOPMENT

Systems theories: Contributions and weaknesses Systems theories of development are complex, but that is because life span human development is complex. We can applaud Gottlieb, Bronfenbrenner and like-minded theorists for conceptualising

Exploration SYSTEMS THEORISTS: NOTES ON SCHOOL REFUSAL From an epigenetic psychobiological systems perspective, we should first place Joshua’s behaviour in its evolutionary context: there are good reasons why humans might have evolved to be anxious in unfamiliar situations. We must also consider the possible influences of each of the following factors on each of the others: (1) genes (might he have a genetic predisposition to be anxious?), (2) neural activity (has he been experiencing over-arousal in response to a noisy, chaotic, stressinducing classroom?), (3) behaviour (does he have immature cognitive or coping skills?), and (4) the environment (could a gruff teacher, a bully or an overprotective parent be contributing to his problem?). Thus, characteristics of the school and the family environment should also be considered in addition to

individual factors (Carr, 2014; Kearney & Graczyk, 2014). What about cultural influences? Consider intergenerational trauma experienced by Indigenous people in Australia and New Zealand, associated with colonisation, systematic racism and assimilative government policies. Symptoms arising from such traumatic experiences can include disrupted relationships with caregivers and difficulties with regulation of attention, impulses and emotions (e.g. anxiety). These struggles may carry through adulthood and in turn affect parenting practices, with negative consequences for the next generations if children learn to behave, and then parent, similarly (O’Neill, Fraser, Kitchenham, & McDonald, 2016). Early evidence from the field of epigenetics

indicates that trauma and stress may also lead to molecular-level changes in the brain that are then able to be inherited by future generations, thereby providing a neurobiological explanation of the intergenerational transmission of trauma symptoms and other conditions (Blaze, Asok, & Roth, 2015; Griffiths & Hunter, 2014). Thus, Joshua’s school refusal and anxiety now may be related to the inherited impact of experiences of his parents, grandparents and generations even further back in his family tree. In short, one must analyse the whole person–environment system over time, expecting reciprocal influences among multiple factors and multiple developmental processes – there is not one simple cause or developmental process at work.

development as the often-unpredictable product of biological and environmental forces interacting within a complex system and challenging us to look closely at ongoing transactions between the individual and his or her environment. Yet systems theories can be faulted for not yet providing a clear picture of the course of human development and for being only partially formulated and tested. Indeed, an even more serious criticism can be made: systems perspectives may never provide any coherent developmental theory. Why? If we take seriously the idea that development can take a range of paths depending on a range of interacting influences both within and outside the person, how can we ever state generalisations about development that will hold up for most people? If change over a lifetime depends on the ongoing transactions between a unique person and a unique environment, is each life span unique? The problem is this: ‘For the contextual or systems theorist, often the only generalisation that holds is, “It depends”.’ (Goldhaber, 2000, p. 33). Yet human development may be more predictable than Bronfenbrenner’s and Gottlieb’s theories imply when children with normal human biological endowments develop in normal human environments and, as a result, tend to change in similar directions at similar ages (MacDonald & Hershberger, 2005). Perhaps it is still possible to see humans as moving in orderly directions in many aspects of their development while also appreciating diversity and individuality in development.

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Perhaps it is possible to view developmental attainments such as formal-operational thinking not as inevitable, universal achievements but as attainments that are more or less probable depending on the co-action of the individual’s genetic endowment and life experiences. We have now examined five major theoretical viewpoints, each with important messages about the nature of human development. In the Exploration boxes throughout this chapter, we have imagined what some of the theorists who hold these viewpoints might say about the causes of school refusal and how they might respond. How would you intervene in a case of school refusal? In the Professional practice box below, we introduce you to educator Dale Lisa Thain, the fifth and final practitioner who will feature in some of the chapters of this book. In addition to describing the role of educators today, Dale shares her experiences supporting a vulnerable teen struggling to attend school.

IN REVIEW CHECKING UNDERSTANDING

CRITICAL THINKING

1 How did Gottlieb’s work extend evolutionary theory and the work of ethologists?

Speaking from the perspective of Gilbert Gottlieb, criticise two of the other theorists discussed in this chapter.

2 Using one phrase or term for each, describe (a) the relationship between nature and nurture in Gottlieb’s epigenetic psychobiological systems perspective and (b) the way in which the two combine to influence development.

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Professional practice MEET AN EDUCATOR What does your role as an educator involve, and why did you decide to become one? I think educators these days are expected to be so many things – possibly too many things. We are educators, mentors, administrators, event organisers; we are also occasionally disciplinarians and step-in counsellors to name but a few roles. Every teacher tries to stick to the job description – even though the very parameters set by simply ‘being’ a teacher keep evolving. For example, you can find yourself counselling young people around a campfire, sewing costumes for their performance in the textiles room and all the while be attached to a laptop trying to get through assessments and reports. Teaching has been a bit of a calling for me; my skill set, background and

desire to make a difference led me into education. I had denied this calling for many years, as the devotion my parents provided to the education sector made me truly question whether the demands were worth the personal satisfaction they gained from the profession. They are. Some highlights include my first school production as a drama teacher, watching a number of my students graduate with pride and … introducing a young refugee child to Vegemite.

Source: Dale Lisa Thain

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What experiences have you had working with children with school refusal? How were you involved in getting the student back to school? There was a young teenager I had formed a bond with who had serious barriers to her education. Her home life often prevented her from attending, and when she did attend she was often

Dale Lisa Thain, BA Drama (Hon) QUT, Grad Dip Ed UC, Educator, Canberra, Australia

distracted and quick to find a reason or excuse to return home via truanting, >>>

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>>>

fighting or suspension. During one of these fracas, I stood by her (without any judgement of her behaviour) and kindly insisted that she formally write down her side of the story. This seemed to be the tipping point. Through an

ongoing series of mentor meetings, I established what her passions and strengths were. Building on her hidden strengths and abilities, I assisted her to connect with the school and community until she gained confidence in her own

abilities and sense of self-worth. Despite continuing obstacles on the home front, this young lady is now focused on the future, what she wants to be and exactly what she needs to do academically to achieve this vision.

2.7 THEORIES IN PERSPECTIVE ■■ Compare and contrast the major theories in this chapter in terms of their stands on the four major issues in human development. ■■ Apply a range of developmental theories to understand developmental growth and challenges.

Learning objectives

Just as developmental scientists need theories to guide their work, every parent, teacher, human services professional and observer of humans is guided by some set of basic assumptions about how humans develop and why they develop as they do. We hope that you will think over your own assumptions about human development by comparing the answers you gave to the questions in the Engagement box at the start of the chapter with the summary information in Table 2.4, and see which theorists’ views are most compatible with your own. TABLE 2.4  Compare yourself with the theorists In the first Engagement box, you were asked to indicate your position on basic issues in human development by answering four questions. If you transcribe your answers (a, b, c, d or e) in the appropriate boxes at the bottom of the table, you can compare your stance with those of the theorists described in this chapter – and review the theories. With whom do you seem to agree the most?

Perspective, theorist and theory

Key message

Nature–nurture

Activity– passivity

Continuity– discontinuity

Universality– context specificity

Psychoanalytic: Freud’s psychosexual theory

Biologically-based sexual instincts motivate behaviour and steer development through five psychosexual stages, oral to genital.

b More nature (biology drives development; but early experience in the family influences it, too)

b Passive (humans are influenced by forces beyond their control)

a Discontinuous (stage-like)

a Universal

Psychoanalytic: Erikson’s psychosocial theory

Humans develop through eight psychosocial conflicts, from trust vs mistrust to integrity vs despair.

c Nature and nurture equally

a Active

a Discontinuous (stage-like)

a Universal (although stages may be expressed differently in different cultures)

Learning: Watson and Skinner’s behavioural learning theories

Development is the product of learning through associating two stimuli via classical conditioning (Watson), or through the consequences of one’s behaviour via operant conditioning (Skinner).

e Mostly nurture

b Passive (humans are shaped by environment)

c Continuous (responses gradually increase or decrease in strength)

b Context specific (direction of development depends on experiences)

>>>

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>>> Perspective, theorist and theory

Key message

Nature–nurture

Activity– passivity

Continuity– discontinuity

Universality– context specificity

Learning: Bandura’s social cognitive theory

Development is the product of social cognition, as illustrated by observational learning and human agency.

d More nurture

a Active (humans influence their environments)

c Continuous

b Context specific

Humanistic: Maslow’s hierarchy of needs

Humans develop through the process of striving to meet fundamental physiological and psychological needs, from basic through to growth needs.

cN  ature and nurture equally

a Active

c Continuous

b Context specific

Cognitive: Piaget’s cognitive developmental theory

Development proceeds through four stages of cognitive development, from sensorimotor to formal operations.

bM  ore nature (maturation interacting with experience guides all through the same stages)

a Active

a Discontinuous (stage-like)

a Universal

Cognitive: Vygotsky’s sociocultural theory

Development is shaped by the sociocultural context through social interaction and cultural tools

d More nurture

a Active

c Continuous

b Context specific

Cognitive: Information processing approach

Development is the product of maturation of the nervous system and the cognitive rules, strategies and mental processes that enable processing and use of information from the environment.

cN  ature and nurture equally (maturation interacting with experience)

a Active (humans pay attention to, process and use information from the environment)

c Continuous

b Context specific (although there are common maturational changes in the nervous system)

Systems: Gottlieb’s epigenetic psychobiological systems perspective

Development takes many directions depending on transactions between a changing person and a changing environment.

cN  ature and nurture equally

a Active

b Both continuous and discontinuous

b Context specific

Your Answers from the first Engagement box  Question 1 ______  Question 2 ______  Question 3 ______  Question 4 ______

As you have seen, theories of human development can be grouped into categories based on the broad assumptions they make (Miller, 2011). Stage theorists such as Freud, Erikson and Piaget form one broad group and have much in common. They believe that development is guided in certain universal directions by biological-maturational forces, assuming that people grow up in a reasonably normal and stimulating environment. Humans everywhere evolve through distinct or discontinuous stages that are universal and lead to the same final state of maturity. By contrast, learning theorists such as Watson, Skinner and Bandura emphasise the role of environment more than the role of biology in development. People cannot be expected to develop in healthy directions unless they are exposed to particular learning experiences and shaped in certain directions. Finally, theorists like Vygotsky and Maslow, and systems and information-processing theorists, view biology and environment as inseparable components of a larger system. Humans contribute

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CHAPTER 2: THEORIES OF HUMAN DEVELOPMENT

actively to the developmental process (as stage theorists such as Piaget maintain), but environment is also an active participant in the developmental drama (as learning theorists maintain). The potential exists for both qualitative (stage-like) change and quantitative change. Development can proceed along many paths, depending on the intricate interplay of nature and nurture. Our understanding of human development has changed, and will continue to change, as one prevailing view gives way to another. From the beginning of the systematic study of human development at the turn of the twentieth century, through the heyday of Freud’s psychoanalytic theory, a stage theory perspective prevailed, emphasising biological developmental forces. In the 1950s and 1960s, learning theories came to the fore, and attention shifted from biology toward environment and toward the view that children are blank tablets to be written on. At around the same time, humanistic theories challenged the views of the psychoanalysts and behaviourists by seeking to understand the positive dimensions of human experience and the active role individuals take in shaping their own developmental course. Then, with the rising influence of cognitive psychology and Piaget’s theory of cognitive development in the late 1960s and 1970s, a stage theory model emphasising the interaction of nature and nurture gained prominence. Alternative cognitive perspectives also emerged:Vygotsky’s sociocultural theory stressed the role of social interaction and cultural tools; information-processing perspectives drew an analogy between the human mind and computers; and adult cognitive perspectives focused attention on the development of cognition throughout the entire life span. Finally, from the 1980s and 1990s through to the present, we have gained a fuller appreciation of both biological-genetic and cultural-historical influences on development. Where are we today? The broad perspective on key developmental issues taken by systems theorists such as Bronfenbrenner and Gottlieb is the perspective that most twenty-first century developmentalists have adopted. The field has moved beyond the extreme, black-and-white and Western-centric positions taken by many of its pioneers. We have for some time now appreciated that human development is always the product of nature and nurture; that both humans and their environments are active in the developmental process; that development is both continuous and discontinuous in form; and that development has both universal aspects and aspects particular to certain cultures, times and individuals. The assumptions and theories that guide the study of human development have thus become increasingly complex as the incredible complexity of human development has become more apparent. As we have emphasised, a main function of theories in any science is to guide research.Therefore, Freud stimulated researchers to study inner personality conflicts, Skinner inspired them to analyse how behaviour changes when its consequences change and Piaget inspired them to explore children’s modes of thinking. Different theories make different assumptions, stimulate different kinds of research and yield different kinds of facts and explanations about development, as you will see throughout this book. Theorists who view the world through different lenses not only study different things in different ways but are likely to disagree even when the same ‘facts’ are set before them, because they will interpret those facts differently (Miller, 2011). This is the nature of science. Theories also guide practice. As you have seen, each theory of human development represents a particular way of defining developmental issues and problems. And as you saw with Joshua’s case of school refusal, often how you define a problem determines how you attempt to solve it. To provide another illustration, consider risky sexual behaviour in teens and one of the potential consequences – unplanned pregnancy. How do you think major developmental theorists would explain it, and how do you think each would go about trying to reduce the rate of teenage pregnancy in our society? The Application box offers some ideas and will serve, too, as a review of the theories.You might think the problem through for yourself before you read the box.

Search me! and Discover Access the Psychology database and investigate the topic teen risky sexual activity and pregnancy.

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eclectics In the context of science, individuals who recognise that no single theory can explain everything but that each has something to contribute to our understanding.

Finally, you need not choose one favoured developmental theory and reject others. Because different theories often highlight different aspects of development, one may be more relevant to a particular issue or to a particular age group than another. Many developmentalists today are theoretical eclectics and rely on many theories, recognising that no major theory of human development can explain everything but that each has something to contribute to our understanding.

Application USING DEVELOPMENTAL THEORIES TO PREVENT RISKY SEXUAL BEHAVIOUR AND UNPLANNED TEENAGE PREGNANCY Having sex at an early age, having many sexual partners and having unprotected sex are examples of sexually risky behaviours, and are not uncommon among Australian and New Zealand teens. In Australia, about one-third of Year 10 students and more than half of Year 12 students are sexually active – and almost half of these sexually active teens have had more than one partner in the previous 12 months (AIHW, 2011). In a 2001 and 2007 survey of New Zealand secondary school students aged 13–17 years, 33 per cent had begun sexual activity, although this dropped to 24 per cent in 2012 (Clarke et al., 2013). Most sexually active teens report using some form of contraception, but this includes less reliable methods such as withdrawal or the rhythm method (11 per cent) and emergency methods such as the morning after pill (8 per cent); and only 51 per cent report always using a condom (AIHW, 2011; see Chapter 4 for more on adolescent risk taking). Sexually risky behaviour is associated with sexually transmitted infections, which can have short- and long-term health implications, and unplanned pregnancy. While teen childbearing is valued in many traditional societies, it is generally discouraged in developed societies like Australia and New Zealand

as it carries risks for the mother, father and child. For the child, the risks are increased likelihood of low birth weight, prematurity and perinatal death (Chen, Wen, Fleming, Yang, & Walker, 2008). And although teen parenthood may mobilise family and other supports and motivate teens to continue their studies to gain employment to support their new family and be a positive role model to their child, teen parents too often experience stress and health problems associated with disruptions to education, limited job prospects and poverty (Dillon, 2014; Lyra & Medrado, 2014). The good news is that the overall teen birth rate in Australia and New Zealand has decreased considerably since peak rates in the 1970s, most likely a result of increased access to contraception, abortion and sex education rather than decreased sexual activity. On the other hand, birth rates continue to be much higher for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Australian and Maˉori teens (Lewis & Skinner, 2014; and see the Statistics snapshot box). Why does there continue to be sexual risk taking and unplanned teen pregnancy, and what might we as a society do to prevent this? Here we consider the issue from the perspectives of the main developmental theorists featured in this chapter.

Psychoanalytic theory

LINKAGES Chapter 4 Body, brain and health

Psychoanalytic theorists tend to locate the causes of problems within the person – in their personality dynamics.

Source: iStock/Getty Images Plus/ArtisticCaptures ArtisticCaptures

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Why are there so many teenage pregnancies? What approaches do you think are needed to reduce risky sexual activity and the rate of unplanned teen pregnancy?

They would want to identify highrisk teenagers who are experiencing especially difficult psychic conflicts and treat them through psychoanalysis aimed at helping them resolve their conflicts. Freud would likely argue that teenagers engage in risky sexual behaviour because they experience intense emotional conflicts during the genital stage of psychosexual development – that their new sexual urges are anxiety-provoking and they may not have strong enough egos (to analyse the consequences) or superegos (to arouse guilt) to keep their selfish ids in check. >>>

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Erikson might also wonder about unresolved conflicts from earlier stages of development but might attribute unwanted teen pregnancy primarily to the adolescent psychosocial conflict of identity versus role confusion. In Erikson’s view, adolescents seek a sense of identity by experimenting with different roles and behaviours to see what suits them; they try drugs, dye their hair, join radical groups, change study areas, and yes, have sex. Some adolescents may also try to find an easy resolution to their role confusion by prematurely latching onto an identity as another’s boyfriend or girlfriend rather than doing the hard work of experimenting to find out who they are. In support of the psychoanalytic perspective, psychological problems arising in early childhood have been linked to having sex at an early age (see Schofield, Bierman, & Heinrichs, 2008). However, although the psychoanalytic approach might work with teenagers who are psychologically disturbed, most teenagers who engage in risky sexual behaviours and become pregnant are not disturbed (Farber, 2003).

Piaget’s cognitive developmental theory Cognitive limitations, failure to anticipate consequences and lack of knowledge may all influence the risky sexual decision making of teens, according to Piaget. Adolescents who are not yet solidly into the stage of formal operations may not be able to think through the long-range consequences of their sexual behaviour; or they may weight various risk factors inappropriately. In one study, young Australian males aged 15–24 years, despite having concerns about their partner getting pregnant, were less motivated to use a condom when they perceived the risk of sexually transmitted infections to be low or when their partner was using birth control (Smith, Fenwick, Skinner, Merriman, & Hallett, 2011).

According to Piaget’s cognitive developmental perspective, the solution is improved sex education programs – programs that provide teenagers with accurate information and strategies for avoiding unwanted and unprotected sex, correct misconceptions (pun intended!) and help them think through the long-range consequences of their sexual decisions. Carefully designed and comprehensive sex education and relationship programs in which schools, health promotion agencies and parents work together can indeed delay first intercourse, decrease the number of sexual partners and increase contraception use (Chin et al., 2012). In fact, simply completing more years of school is associated with lower levels of sexual risk taking, sexually transmitted infections and other unintended consequences of sex (De Graaf, Vanwesenbeeck, & Meijer, 2015). However, education alone is often not enough, so we need to consider solutions that locate the causes of teenage pregnancy in the environment rather than in the individual’s psychological weaknesses or cognitive limitations.

Learning theorists Through classical conditioning, Watson might argue, teenagers learn to associate the very presence of a partner with the pleasurable sensations associated with sexual activity. And, as B. F. Skinner might observe, teenagers probably have unprotected sex because having sex is reinforcing, whereas using contraceptives is not. Finally, Albert Bandura might emphasise observational learning, noting that teens who are exposed to a lot of sexually explicit material on television, the internet and other media begin having sex earlier, engage in more risky sexual behaviour and experience higher rates of unwanted pregnancy (Collins, Martino, Elliott, & Miu, 2011; O’Hara, Gibbons, Gerrard, Li, & Sargent, 2012). Learning theorists believe that changing the environment will change the person. In support of this belief, it appears that one effective approach

to reducing risky sexual behaviour and teenage pregnancy prevention is to make contraceptives readily available to teens and to teach them how to use them (Franklin & Corcoran, 2000). This approach reflects a Skinnerian philosophy of encouraging desired behaviour by making it more reinforcing and less punishing. Albert Bandura’s social cognitive theory suggests that it might also help to provide teenagers with more role models of responsible sexual behaviour and fewer examples of irresponsible sexual behaviour (FinnertyMyers, 2011).

Maslow’s hierarchy of needs Maslow would consider the issue of teen sexual activity and unwanted pregnancy in terms of his hierarchy of needs. Starting at the lowest physiological level, he might begin by arguing sexual activity is a basic need linked to reproduction and human survival, and that it is not realistic to expect teens to abstain from sex, particularly in affluent societies where other basic needs for food and shelter are largely met. Maslow, however, would likely focus on whether teen sexual behaviour is being driven by the basic psychological needs, such as belonging and love – perhaps some teens equate love and closeness in relationships with sex? Or, for other teens, sexual behaviour may be motivated by the need for self-esteem, helping them to gain positive selfidentity, and even status or popularity in their peer group if they believe that having sex or multiple sexual partners and not using contraception is the norm (Ajilore, 2014; Brechwald & Prinstein, 2011). Maslow would believe that the way forward is to help teens to understand how engaging in sexual activity is meeting their needs and how risky sexual behaviour might harm them, and to guide them toward considering safer behavioural alternatives.

Gottlieb’s epigenetic psychobiological systems theory Finally, Gilbert Gottlieb would first place behaviour in its evolutionary context: >>>

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sexual behaviour is adaptive, after all; it has allowed humans to reproduce for millennia. He would also look for multiple, interacting causes, and analyse the ongoing interactions between developing adolescents (the activity of their genes, their neural activity and their behaviour are all rapidly changing) and the changing world in which they are developing (their physical, social and cultural environment). He would expect bidirectional influences throughout the developmental system; for example, he would not be surprised to learn that just as poor parent and peer relations can increase the likelihood of risky sexual behaviour, risky sexual behaviour can negatively affect parent and peer relations (Henrich, Brookmeyer, Shrier, & Shahar, 2006). Gottlieb might also ask whether teenagers’ cultural environments consider teenage pregnancy a normal step in development or a social problem; in some cultures, including

some lower-income subcultures, early motherhood is viewed as adaptive and teenage pregnancy is common (Davies et al., 2003). He might also consider whether the school environment engages or alienates students and whether teenagers’ family environments are supportive or stressful (Ajilore, 2014; Woodward, Fergusson, & Horwood, 2001). Mainly, he would recognise that there is not one cause of teenage pregnancy; there is a whole system of interacting causes. Systems theorists such as Gilbert Gottlieb would recommend comprehensive programs that attempt to change both the person and the environment – or, really, to change the whole system of interacting influences on development (Arbeit, 2014; Gottlieb & Halpern, 2008; Pilgrim & Blum, 2012). Interventions may need to address teenagers’ broader needs as sexual and social beings and empower them to take charge of

their own development (Allen, Seitz, & Apfel, 2007; Arbeit, 2014). Interventions may also need to alter contextual influences – for example, changing how adolescents and their parents, peers and partners interact and addressing problems associated with poverty and family instability – to enable youth in all segments of society to perceive opportunities to succeed in life if they postpone parenthood and pursue education and vocational preparation (Cowan, 2011; Jordahl & Lohman, 2009; Tanner et al., 2013). You can see, then, that the theoretical position one takes has a profound effect on how one attempts to optimise development. In all likelihood, multiple approaches are needed to address complex problems such as teen sexual risk taking and unplanned pregnancy – and to achieve the larger goal of understanding human development.

1000 in 1991, 18 per 1000 in 2001, 16 per 1000 in 2011, and 12 per 1000 in 2015 (Figure 2.11).

higher than the total births for teens, with 75 births per 1000 Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander women aged 15–19 years in 2001, 70 per 1000 in 2011, and 58 per 1000 in 2015.

Statistics snapshot TEEN BIRTH RATES In Australia … • In 1971, teen births reached a peak of 55 births per 1000 women aged 15–19 years. Since then, teen birth rates have trended downward: in 1981 the teen birth rate had dropped to 28 per 1000, then 22 per In New Zealand … • In 1972, births for teens reached a peak of 69 births per 1000 women aged 15–19 years. Teen birth rates

• Birth rates for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander teen women, while also trending downward over the decades, remain almost five times have trended downward since then: the teen birth rate was 30 births per 1000 in 1984, 33 per 1000 in 2008, then 19 per 1000 in 2015 (Figure 2.12).

• The Maˉori teen birth rate in 2013 was 53 births per 1000 women aged 15–19 years, down from 70 per 1000 in 2000, but remains higher than for non-Maˉori teens. >>>

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FIGURE 2.11  Age-specific birth rates for Australia, 1932–2015

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15–19 years 20–24 years 25–29 years 30–34 years 35–39 years 40–44 years

200 150

Number of births per 1000 women

Number of births per 1000 women

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FIGURE 2.12  Age-specific birth rates for New Zealand, 1962–2015

100 50 0 1932

1942

1952

1962

1972

1982

1992

2002

200 150 100 50 0 1962

2012

Source: Australian Bureau of Statistics (2013, 2015)

30–34 years 25–29 years 35–39 years 20–24 years 15–19 years 40–44 years

250

1972

1982 1992 Age group in years

2002

2012

Source: Statistics New Zealand (2016)

Sources: Australian Bureau of Statistics (2001, 2013, 2015); Statistics New Zealand (2012, 2016) licensed by Stats NZ for reuse under the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International licence.

IN REVIEW CHECKING UNDERSTANDING

CRITICAL THINKING

1 How has the position on the nature–nurture issue changed from (a) Freud to (b) Skinner to (c) Gottlieb?

You have decided to become an eclectic and to take only one truly great insight into human development from each of the five major theory perspectives in this chapter (psychoanalytic, learning, cognitive, humanistic and systems theory). What five ideas would you choose, and why?

2 How has the position on the issue of universality– context specificity changed from (a) Freud to (b) Erikson to (c) Skinner?

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SUMMARY 2.1 Developmental theories and the issues they raise ■■ Theories organise and explain the facts of human development and should be internally consistent, falsifiable and supported by data.

■■ Four significant issues in the study of human development are nature and nurture, activity and passivity, continuity and discontinuity, and universality and context specificity. >>>

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2.2 Psychoanalytic theories ■■ In Freud’s psychoanalytic theory, humans are irrational beings primarily driven by inborn biological instincts of which they are largely unconscious. The personality is partitioned into the id, ego and superego (which emerge in that order). Libido is rechannelled across five psychosexual stages – oral, anal, phallic, latent and genital. Each stage involves psychic conflicts that can result in fixation at a stage, create the need for defence mechanisms and have lasting effects on personality. Biological needs drive development, but parents affect a child’s success in dealing with conflicts and can contribute to emotional problems, especially if they are overly restrictive or punitive.

■■ Compared with Freud, neo-Freudian Erik Erikson, in his psychosocial theory, emphasised biological urges less and social influences more; emphasised id less and ego more; held a more optimistic view of human nature and people’s ability to overcome early problems; and theorised about the whole life span. According to Erikson, development proceeds through eight psychosocial stages involving issues of trust, autonomy, initiative, industry, identity, intimacy, generativity and integrity. Parents, peers and the larger culture influence how conflicts are resolved. ■■ The theories of both Freud and Erikson have been influential but are difficult to test and tend to describe development better than they explain it.

2.3 Learning theories ■■ Learning theorists maintain that humans change gradually and can develop in many directions depending on environmental influences. ■■ The behaviourist Watson focused on the role of Pavlov’s classical conditioning in the learning of emotional responses to stimuli, and Skinner highlighted operant conditioning and the roles of reinforcement in strengthening behaviour and punishment in weakening behaviour.

■■ Bandura’s social cognitive theory emphasises the importance of cognitive processes in learning, observational learning and self-efficacy; and holds that reciprocal determinism among person, behaviour and environment shapes development. ■■ Learning theories are well supported and applicable across the life span, but they do not necessarily explain developmental changes, and underemphasise biological influences on development.

2.4 Humanistic theories ■■ Humanistic psychology theories emphasise the inherent goodness of people and a tendency towards growth and autonomy, or selfactualisation, as motivating forces for cognition and behaviour. ■■ Maslow’s hierarchy of needs identifies five ascending levels of need that drive thought and behaviour. The lower-level basic (deficiency) needs are physiological, safety, belonging and love, and

esteem; and the higher-level growth (being) need is self-actualisation. ■■ Humanistic theories are important for understanding psychological wellness, but have been criticised as vague, immeasurable and understudied. Maslow’s hierarchy of needs may not be as universal as he intended, with the types of needs and sequence in the hierarchy likely to vary between individuals due to a range of biological, cultural and situational forces.

2.5 Cognitive theories ■■ Piaget’s cognitive developmental perspective holds that humans adapt to and create new understandings of the world through their active interactions with it (constructivism). According to Piaget, the interaction of biological maturation and experience causes children to progress through four universal, invariant and qualitatively different stages of thinking: sensorimotor, preoperational, concrete-operational and formaloperational. ■■ Like Piaget’s theory, the sociocultural theory of Vygotsky contends that children are active in their development but emphasises the role of the social and cultural context for cognitive development (social constructivism) and rejects

the notion of universal stages of cognitive development. ■■ Information-processing theorists initially likened the human mind to a computer and argued that development involves changes in the capacity and speed of the brain (‘hardware’), and in the strategies used to receive, process and retrieve information (‘software’). ■■ Theories of adult cognitive development include those concerned with the nature of cognition beyond Piaget’s formal-operational stage, referred to as postformal thought, and theories like that of K. Warner Schaie and colleagues, who highlight the importance of psychosocial variables for understanding adult cognitive development. >>>

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■■ Despite Piaget’s immense influence, critics think his concept of broad stages is flawed, that he underestimated young children, and that he put too little emphasis on social and cultural influences on development (as highlighted in Vygotsky’s sociocultural perspective) and on cognitive processes such as attention and memory (as highlighted by the information-

processing approach). Both Piaget’s and Vygotsky’s theories paid limited attention to cognitive development beyond childhood and adolescence – a limitation in cognitive theorising that was later addressed by informationprocessing theorists and proponents of life span theories of adult cognition.

2.6 Systems theories ■■ Systems and contextual theories view development as the product of ongoing transactions and mutual influence between the individual and the environment. ■■ Gottlieb’s epigenetic psychobiological systems perspective highlights mutual influences among

genes, neural activity, behaviour and environment – both over the course of evolution and during the individual epigenetic process. ■■ Systems theories are incomplete, however, and do not provide a coherent picture of human development.

2.7 Theories in perspective ■■ During the twentieth century, stage theories such as Freud’s, emphasising biological forces, gave way to learning theories emphasising environmental influences and then to Piaget’s cognitive developmental theory, which emphasises the interaction of nature and nurture. ■■ Psychoanalytic theories emphasising psychopathology, and behavioural theories that discounted choice, gave way to the humanistic theories that focused on the positive dimensions of

human experience and emphasised autonomy as a motivating force. ■■ Piaget’s concept of universal stages has given way to more complex systems theories such as those of Bronfenbrenner and Gottlieb, who expect developmental outcomes to be more or less probable depending on multiple factors. ■■ Theories influence both research and practice, and many developmentalists are theoretical eclectics.

END-OF-CHAPTER ACTIVITIES SELF-TEST Answer these questions to self-test your knowledge of the chapter content. The answers are at the end of the chapter.

1

One of the basic issues of concern for developmental theorists is whether change is gradual and qualitative or abrupt and quantitative. This is referred to as the _____________ issue. Select your answer from the choices below. a nature and nurture b activity and passivity

2

c continuity and discontinuity d universality and context specificity

First, match each theorist with their theory, then identify the theoretical perspective that each group of theorists belongs to. a Freud

1 Cognitive developmental theory

b Erikson

2 Classical conditioning

c Piaget

3 Social cognitive theory

d Schaie

4 Psychosexual theory

e Vygotsky

5 Epigenetic psychobiological systems theory

These theorists are associated with the (l) _____________ perspective These theorists are associated with the (m) _____________ perspective

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3

f Bandura

6 Operant conditioning

g Skinner

7 Hierarchy of needs

h Watson

8 Bioecological model

i Gottlieb

9 Sociocultural theory

j Bronfenbrenner

10 Psychosocial theory

k Maslow

11 Stage model of life span cognitive development

These theorists are associated with the (n) _____________ perspective

These theorists are associated with the (o) _____________ perspective This theorist is associated with the (p) _____________ perspective

a The person who is shy was either rewarded for being shy or punished for being outgoing. b A person might be shy because they were genetically predisposed to shyness and then ended up in environments that fostered this predisposition. c Shyness may develop as a result of not adequately resolving a psychosocial life crisis. For example, the caregiver of a preschool child may be too overprotective and inhibit the child’s initiative and interactive skills. This results in the child feeling guilty when trying new things and he or she then avoids these experiences. d Children construct their understanding of the world through interactions with the environment. Therefore, an infant who has had limited opportunities to explore their environment may become shy due to lack of experience. e Shyness may result when a child models their behaviour after a shy adult and is then rewarded in some way for this behaviour.

Of the following, learning theorists have been most criticised for: a paying insufficient attention to biological and maturational processes of development. b proposing that sexual instincts propel children from one stage of development to the next. c the belief that cognitive development occurs through an invariant sequence of stages.

4 Theorists such as (a) ______________, ______________ and ______________ believe in universal stages of development, whereas (b) ______________, ______________ and ______________ focus more on the environment. Theorists like (c) ______________ focus on both factors. (Select from Bandura, Erikson, Freud, Gottlieb, Piaget, Skinner and Watson) 5

Consider the problem of shyness. Many children and adults in our society are socially shy to a significant degree and express anxiety in many everyday social situations. Consider the following explanations for shyness. Which theorist would offer each as an explanation of shyness? (Select from Bandura, Erikson, Gottlieb, Piaget and Skinner)

REVIEW QUESTIONS Develop your understanding of the chapter content by preparing short answer or essay responses to the following questions – or you might like to try developing a concept map or thinking map for these questions.

1

Explain the value of developmental theories.

7

2

Outline four issues for developmental science that theorists may take different stances on.

Using examples, explain how Maslow’s hierarchy of needs explains human cognition and behaviour.

8

3

Summarise the parts of the personality in Freud’s psychoanalytic theory and how these relate to healthy or problematic personality development.

Evaluate the strengths and weaknesses of Piaget’s theory, noting how the sociocultural, informationprocessing and life span approaches have attempted to correct for its weaknesses.

9

Explain how systems theorists, such as Gottlieb and Bronfenbrenner, have changed the way developmentalists think about the roles of biological and environmental forces in development.

4 Analyse how Erikson’s psychoanalytic theory differs from and expands on Freud’s theory. 5

6

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Using examples, differentiate between Watson’s classical conditioning, Skinner’s operant conditioning, and Bandura’s observational learning with regard to what learning involves and what can be learned. Evaluate the contributions and weaknesses of learning theories.

10 Compare and contrast major theories in terms of their stances on the four major issues in human development.

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FOR DISCUSSION Discuss and debate your point of view on the following developmental issues, dilemmas and controversies related to topics in this chapter.

1

In this chapter, we referred to physical punishment in the form of smacking, and overviewed some of the positive and negative outcomes associated with this discipline strategy. Where do you stand on the issue of physical punishment in child rearing? Do you, or will you, smack your children? Why or why not?

2

You may have observed that the major theorists featured in this chapter are men from predominantly Western backgrounds (we assure you that the work of female and cross-cultural researchers and theorists is featured throughout this book). Why do you think this might be? How do you think this may or may not have impacted on our understanding of human development?

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SEARCH ME! PSYCHOLOGY Explore Search me! Psychology for articles relevant to this chapter. Fast and convenient, Search me! Psychology is updated daily and provides you with 24-hour access to full text articles from hundreds of scholarly and popular journals, eBooks and newspapers, including The Australian and The New York Times. Log in to the Search me! Psychology database via http://login.cengagebrain.com and try searching for the following keywords:

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→ school refusal → cross cultural psychology → positive psychology.

ANSWERS TO THE SELF-TEST 1: (c); 2: (a) 4, (b) 10, (c) 1, (d) 11, (e) 9, (f) 3, (g) 6, (h) 2, (i) 5, (j) 8, (k) 7, (l) psychoanalytic, (m) cognitive, (n) learning, (o) systems, (p) humanistic; 3: (a); 4: (a) Freud, Erikson, Piaget,

(b) Watson, Skinner, Bandura, (c) Gottlieb; 5: (a) Skinner, (b) Gottlieb, (c) Erikson, (d) Piaget, (e) Bandura

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3 CHAPTER

GENES, ENVIRONMENT AND THE BEGINNINGS OF LIFE CHAPTER OUTLINE 3.1 Individual heredity Conception The genetic code Mechanisms of inheritance Genetic abnormalities and disorders

3.2 The interplay of genes and environment Studying genetic and environmental influences The heritability of different traits How genes and environment work together

3.3 Prenatal stages The germinal period The embryonic period The foetal period

3.4 The prenatal environment and foetal health Teratogens Maternal characteristics and foetal health Paternal characteristics and foetal health

3.5 The perinatal environment Childbirth Identifying at-risk newborns

3.6 The neonatal environment Breast or bottle? Peripartum depression Risk and resilience

Surprise pregnancy

control pill. Serena’s mind raced as she considered all

At age 26, Serena was not thinking about getting

the things she had done – or had not done – during recent

pregnant. She and her boyfriend, Tony, were both getting

months that might have affected her unborn baby. Had

adjusted to new jobs and working long hours. Serena tried

she eaten a healthy diet? Did she drink too much alcohol?

to keep up with her regular exercise routine and struggled

These thoughts were quickly followed by concerns about

through a nasty sinus infection requiring treatment

what childbirth would be like and how she and Tony

with antibiotics. She wasn’t too concerned when she

would adjust to this rather unexpected change in their

gained a few kilos but began to worry when she missed

lives. She was also excited thinking about who the baby

several menstrual periods. A visit to her doctor revealed

might look like, her or Tony, but did worry about how

she was nearly 5 months pregnant, probably a result of

her family history of haemophilia (her brother has the

the antibiotics decreasing the effectiveness of her birth

disorder) might affect their child.

Express Throughout this chapter, the CourseMate Express logo indicates an opportunity for online self-study, linking you to activities, videos and other online resources.

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98

LIFE SPAN HUMAN DEVELOPMENT

In this chapter we will address Serena’s questions and more as we look at prenatal development, the birth experience and the first days of life; as well as considering in some detail how nature (heredity) and nurture (environment) contribute to the shaping of individual physical and psychological characteristics. Reading this chapter should increase your appreciation of genetic contributions to development, give you new insights into the importance of environmental influences and, importantly, reveal how nature and nurture work together to guide development. The material in this chapter is a good illustration of how developmental research can be used to optimise development by guiding practices before, during and after pregnancy.

3.1 INDIVIDUAL HEREDITY Learning objectives

■■ Outline the process of conception and the challenges associated with infertility. ■■ Describe the basics of the genetic code and what we inherit from our parents. ■■ Distinguish and give examples of the major mechanisms of inheritance (single-gene-pair, sex-linked and polygenic inheritance). ■■ Summarise what we know about the nature, inheritance, diagnosis and treatment of selected genetic diseases.

We begin this chapter by looking at how genes contribute to individual development and the differences among humans. To do this, we must first understand the process of conception – the beginning of life – and then look at the workings of genes and the mechanisms through which genes can influence human traits.

Conception

conception The moment of fertilisation, when a sperm penetrates an ovum, forming a zygote. zygote A single cell formed at conception from the union of a sperm and an ovum. infertility An inability to get pregnant after a year of trying to do so.

LINKAGES Chapter 1 Understanding life span human development

Midway through the menstrual cycle, every 28 days or so, females ovulate: an ovum (egg cell) ripens, leaves the ovary and begins its journey through the fallopian tube to the uterus. Usually the ovum disintegrates and leaves the body as part of the menstrual flow. However, if the woman has intercourse with a fertile man around the time of ovulation, the 300 million or so sperm cells in his seminal fluid swim, tadpole style, in all directions. Of the approximately 300 sperm that survive the 6-hour journey into the fallopian tubes, one may meet and penetrate the ovum on its descent from the ovary (Sadler, 2015; see also Figure 3.1). Although fertilisation usually takes place within 12 hours of ovulation, sperm can survive for up to 6 days in the reproductive tract, which means pregnancy can result from intercourse that has occurred as much as 6 days prior to ovulation (Sadler, 2015). Once this one sperm penetrates the ovum cell, a biochemical reaction occurs that repels other sperm and keeps them from entering the already fertilised ovum. A few hours after the sperm penetrates the ovum, the sperm cell begins to disintegrate, releasing its genetic material. The nucleus of the ovum releases its own genetic material, and a new cell nucleus is created from the genetic material provided by the female and male. Conception, the union of the sperm and ovum, has occurred, and this new cell, called a zygote and only the size of a pinhead, is the beginning of a human. The process may sound simple; however, an estimated 48.5 million couples worldwide are unable to have a child after 5 years of trying (Mascarenhas, Flaxman, Boerma,Vanderpoel, & Stevens, 2012). Consider, too, the findings from the longitudinal Growing Up in New Zealand study we first referred to in Chapter 1, which found that 10 per cent of planned pregnancies had required treatment to assist with conception (Morton et al., 2010). And even though, on average, becoming pregnant was achieved within around 2 months for the mothers in the Growing Up study, a smaller number had been trying to become pregnant for 12 years or more. Infertility – being unable to get pregnant after

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FIGURE 3.1  Fertilisation and implantation (A) Millions of sperm cells have entered the vagina and are finding their way into the uterus. (B) Some spermatozoa are moving up the fallopian tube (there is a similar tube on the other side) toward the ovum. (C) Fertilisation occurs. The fertilised ovum drifts down the tube, dividing and forming new cells as it goes, until (D) it implants itself in the wall of the uterus by the seventh or eighth day after fertilisation.

Four-cell stage

Fallopian tube

Two-cell stage

Zygote Eight-cell stage

Morula

Sperm

B

Mature follicle Developing follicles

Uterus D

Fertilization

Mature ovum

C

Ovary Blastocyst

A

a year of trying – is equally likely to be traced to the man as the woman and stems from a variety of causes, including: maternal age, low sperm count, endometriosis (cells from the lining of the uterus [endometrium] growing outside of the uterine cavity), male and female obesity, smoking, alcohol use and sexually transmitted infections (STIs). Some couples turn to assisted reproductive technologies (ART) for assistance. Worldwide, over five million babies have been born as a result of ART (ESHRE, 2012). In Australia and New Zealand, it is estimated that 2–4 per cent of babies born are conceived through ART (Li, Zeki, Hilder, & Sullivan, 2013; Statistics New Zealand, 2010). ART techniques typically start with or include prescription drugs for the woman to stimulate her ovaries to ripen and release several ova. If this is unsuccessful, some may proceed to artificial insemination (also called intrauterine insemination), which involves injecting sperm, either from a woman’s partner or from a donor, into her uterus. Or there is in vitro fertilisation (IVF), in which several ova are removed from a woman’s ovary and manually combined with sperm in a laboratory dish before being returned to a woman’s uterus in the hope that one ovum will implant on the wall of the uterus. Use of ART, however, does not guarantee a successful pregnancy. In Australia and New Zealand, ART treatments result in around 24 per cent of women becoming pregnant and 18 per cent giving birth. The birth rate success of ART decreases with maternal age, with 30 per cent of Australian

artificial insemination A method of conception that involves injecting sperm from a woman’s partner or from a donor into the uterus. in vitro fertilisation (IVF) Procedure in which several ova are removed from a woman’s ovary, fertilised with sperm in the laboratory, then transferred to the woman’s uterus.

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Search me! and Discover the social and emotional experiences and challenges of lesbian and bisexual women trying to have children: Yager, C., Brennan, D., Steele, L. S., Epstein, R., & Ross, L. E. (2010). Challenges and mental health experiences of lesbian and bisexual women who are trying to conceive. Health & Social Work, 35, 191–200.

and New Zealand women under 30 giving birth using ART, versus 10 per cent for women aged 40–44, and only 1 per cent for women aged 45 and older (Harris, Fitzgerald, Paul, Macaldowie, Lee & Chambers, 2016). Infertility, and its investigation and treatment, can also be highly stressful, and unsuccessful treatment can have mixed psychosocial effects for couples. For instance, in a study of couples followed up 10 years after ART, those who had children had higher self-esteem than those who underwent treatment and were not successful (Wischmann, Korge, Scherg, Strowitzki, & Verres, 2012). Yet women in the study without children following ART reported greater job satisfaction and indicated that there were positive aspects to not having children. All couples, with and without children, reported similar levels of satisfaction with their friendships, their sex lives, and life in general. Another study conducted in Sweden 20 years after women had undergone IVF treatment found somewhat negative outcomes, such as higher rates of depression, for women whose treatment was unsuccessful (Vikström, Josefsson, Bladh, & Sydsjö, 2015). The authors noted that 20  years after IVF treatment, many women were in a peer group beginning to experience or anticipate grandparenthood, and this may have contributed to elevated depression levels. Those women who maintain a strong desire for children in the years following infertility treatment are more likely to experience adjustment or mental health problems, but these women represent only a small minority of those who go through infertility treatments (Gameiro et al., 2014; Wischmann et al., 2012). Finally, women seem to fare better when they know that the cause of infertility is not directly attributable to them (Gameiro et al., 2014). Overall, then, despite the stress experienced during treatment for infertility for some, there do not seem to be significant or long-lasting negative outcomes for most women or couples. In the next part of the chapter we are going to look more closely at how our genetic makeup, inherited from our parents at the time of conception, influences development. Before we begin, take the short quiz in the Engagement box to find out whether you have any misconceptions about genetic influences on development.

The genetic code chromosomes Threadlike structures made up of genes.

Chromosomes are threadlike bodies in the cell nucleus. Except for sperm and ova (and also red

blood cells, which have no nucleus), all normal human cells contain copies of the 46 chromosomes (23 pairs) provided at conception.

Engagement GENETIC INFLUENCE: WHAT IS MYTH, WHAT IS REALITY? Categorise each of the following statements as True or False to identify any misconceptions about genetic influences you may have. The answers are printed at the end of this box. Watch for the explanations throughout the chapter. 1 The father, not the mother, determines the sex of a child. 2 If a trait is highly influenced by genes, it is generally extremely hard for environmental forces to change it.

3 Most important psychological traits, such as intelligence and personality, are influenced by a single pair of genes. 4 Environmental influences, such as stress and a poor diet, can cause certain genes to turn on or off. 5 Biological siblings turn out about as similar in personality if they grow up apart as if they grow up in the same home.

Answers: 1. T (because sperm have either an X or a Y chromosome); 2. F (for example, genetically influenced IQ scores can be raised by enriched environments); 3. F (most are influenced by multiple genes); 4. T (environment can influence whether genes are active or not); 5. T (shared environment has little effect on personality traits)

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CHAPTER 3: GENES, ENVIRONMENT AND THE BEGINNINGS OF LIFE

Sperm and ova, unlike other cells, have only 23 individual chromosomes because they are produced through a specialised process of cell division called meiosis. At the start of this process, a reproductive cell in the ovaries of a female or the testes of a male that contains 46 chromosomes (23 pairs) splits to form two 46-chromosome cells, and then these two cells each split again to form a total of four cells. In this last step, though, each resulting cell receives only 23 individual chromosomes. The end product is one ovum (and three non-functional cells that play no role in reproduction) in a female, or four sperm in a male. A sperm cell from the father and an ovum from the mother, then, each contribute 23 chromosomes to the zygote at conception to provide the full complement of 46 chromosomes. Ova are formed prenatally and later ripen one by one during menstrual cycles; sperm are created starting in puberty and throughout adulthood. The single-celled zygote formed at conception becomes a multiple-celled organism through the more usual process of cell division, mitosis. During mitosis, a cell (and each of its 46 chromosomes) divides to produce two identical cells, each containing the same 46 chromosomes. As the zygote moves through the fallopian tube toward its prenatal home in the uterus, it first divides into two cells; the two then become four, the four become eight, and so on, all through mitosis. Mitosis continues throughout life, creating new cells that enable us to grow and replacing old cells that are damaged. Table 3.1 compares the processes of mitosis and meiosis.

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meiosis The process in which reproductive cells divide to produce sperm or ova that contain only half (23 chromosomes) of the original complement of 46 chromosomes.

mitosis The process in which a cell duplicates itself to produce two genetically identical cells with the full complement of 46 (23 pairs) chromosomes.

TABLE 3.1  Mitosis and meiosis compared Mitosis

Meiosis in males

Meiosis in females

Begins

Conception

Puberty

Early in the prenatal period when unripened ova form

Continues

Throughout the life span

Throughout adolescence and adulthood

Through the reproductive years; an ovum ripens each month of the menstrual cycle

Produces

Two identical daughter cells, each with 46 chromosomes like its parent

Four sperm, each with 23 chromosomes

One ovum and three non-functional polar bodies, each with 23 chromosomes

Accomplishes

Growth of the human from a fertilised ovum and renewal of the body’s cells

Formation of male reproductive cells

Formation of female reproductive cells

Both members of a chromosome pair influence the same characteristics. Each chromosome consists of strands of deoxyribonucleic acid (DNA), the double-helix molecule whose chemical code constitutes our genetic endowment. DNA is made up of sequences of four chemicals known by the letters A (adenine), C (cytosine), G (guanine) and T (thymine) (see Figure 3.2). Some of these sequences are functional units and are called genes. Each gene, of which there can be several variants or alleles, provides instructions that lead to the production of particular proteins, the building blocks of all bodily tissues and of essential substances such as hormones, neurotransmitters and enzymes. Through the Human Genome Project, completed in 2003, researchers mapped the sequence of the four chemical units that make up the strands of DNA in a full set of 46 human chromosomes (see On the internet: Human Genome Project link).The human genome has about 3.1 billion of the chemical constituents A, C, G and T. However, it turns out that only about 3 per cent of the human genome consists of genes, comprising 20 000–25 000 genes (International Human Genome Sequencing Consortium, 2004). Some of the remaining stretches of DNA, originally called ‘junk DNA’, actually

DNA Deoxyribonucleic acid, the doublehelix molecule whose chemical code makes up chromosomes and serves as our genetic blueprint. genes Stretches of DNA that are transcribed into RNA (ribonucleic acid), which then serves as a template for the production of particular proteins; transmitted from parent to child and generation to generation at conception. alleles Possible variants of a particular gene.

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FIGURE 3.2  Chromosomes and DNA The chromosomes in each cell consist of strands of DNA made up of sequences of the bases A, T, C and G, some of which are functional units called genes.

Cell nucleus with 46 chromosomes Chromosome made up of DNA

DNA coiled in the shape of a double helix.

Genes are functioning segments of the long DNA strand.

ON THE INTERNET Human Genome Project

http://www. ornl.gov/sci/ techresources/ Human_Genome/ home.shtml Learn more about the Human Genome Project (HGP), chromosomes and genes by exploring this archive of information and educational resources covering all aspects of this groundbreaking international project.

Source: National Institute of General Medical Sciences, http://publications.nigms.nih.gov/insidelifescience/genetics-numbers.html.

play critical roles in regulating the activity of the protein-producing genes, choreographing how they turn on and off in different types of cells at different times (Brown & Boytchev, 2012). The massive genome analysis projects that have followed on from the Human Genome Project have been yielding astounding discoveries. The International HapMap Project, for example, described the genetic similarities and differences among 270 people from a variety of racial and ethnic groups around the world (Turnpenny & Ellard, 2012). It turns out that about 999 per 1000 base chemicals are identical in all humans; it is the remaining 1 in 1000 that makes us each unique. Analysis of DNA samples has also shed light on evolution. For example, it has revealed gene variants that have evolved in response to changes in the environments of modern human populations. A classic example is gene variants that make people tolerate lactose in milk; these gene variants spread quite rapidly among Europeans as dairy farming became common, presumably because tolerating milk enhanced survival (McCabe & McCabe, 2008). Through such studies, researchers gain new insights into how the human species evolved and how humans are similar to and different from one another.

Genetic uniqueness and relatedness People are both different from and similar to their relatives genetically because when a pair of parental chromosomes separates during meiosis, which of the two chromosomes ends up in a particular sperm

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CHAPTER 3: GENES, ENVIRONMENT AND THE BEGINNINGS OF LIFE

or ovum is a matter of chance. And, because each chromosome pair separates independently of all other pairs, and because each reproductive cell contains 23 pairs of chromosomes, a single parent can potentially produce 223 – more than eight million – different sperm or ova. Any couple could theoretically have at least 64 trillion babies without producing two children with identical genes. The genetic uniqueness of children of the same parents is even greater than this because of a quirk of meiosis known as crossing over. When pairs of chromosomes line up before they separate, they cross, or pass each other, and parts of them are exchanged in the process. Crossing over increases even further the number of distinct sperm or ova that an individual can produce. In short, it is incredibly unlikely that there ever was or ever will be another human exactly like you genetically. The one exception is identical twins (or identical triplets, and so on), also called monozygotic twins, because they result when one fertilised ovum divides to form two or more genetically identical individuals. This happens in about 1 of every 250 births. How genetically alike are parent and child or brother and sister? You and either your mother or your father have 50 per cent of your genes in common because you received half of your chromosomes (and genes) from each parent. But siblings may have many genes in common or few depending on the luck of the draw during meiosis. Because siblings receive half of their genes from the same mother and half from the same father, their genetic resemblance to each other is 50 per cent, the same genetic resemblance as that of parent and child. The critical difference is that they share half of their genes on average; some siblings share more and others fewer. Indeed, we have all known some siblings who are almost like twins and others who could not be more different if they tried. Fraternal twins (also called dizygotic twins because two ova are involved) result when two ova are released at approximately the same time and each is fertilised by a different sperm, as happens in about 1 of every 125 births. Fraternal twins are no more alike genetically than brothers and sisters born at different times and can be of different sexes. Fraternal twins tend to run in families and became more common with the use of fertility drugs and ART such as IVF, which may involve the releasing and implanting of several ova from the ovaries, although multiple embryo transplantation has lessened over recent years due to the risks associated with multiple births and also the good pregnancy rates that can now be achieved with only a single embryo transfer (Harris et al., 2016). Grandparent and grandchild, aunt or uncle and niece or nephew, and half-brothers and half-sisters have 25 per cent of their genes in common, on average.Therefore, everyone except an identical twin is genetically unique, but each person also shares genes with their kin that contribute to family resemblances.

Determination of sex Of the 23 pairs of chromosomes that each individual inherits, 22 (called autosomes) are similar in males and females. The chromosomes of the 23rd pair are the sex chromosomes and are distinct in males and females. A male has one long chromosome called an X chromosome and a shorter companion with far fewer genes called a Y chromosome. Females have two X chromosomes. Figure 3.3 shows a chromosomal portrait (karyotype) of a male and female. Each X chromosome has almost 1100 genes, compared with only about 80 on a Y chromosome, many of which are involved in the production of sperm. It is now understood that most of the genes on one or the other of a female’s X chromosomes are normally inactivated early in the prenatal period and remain inactive in cells subsequently produced through mitosis (Ross et al., 2005).

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crossing over A process in which genetic material is exchanged between pairs of chromosomes as they cross each other during meiosis. identical twins Monozygotic twins who develop from a single (mono) fertilised ovum (zygote) that later divides to form two genetically identical individuals.

fraternal twins Dizygotic twins who are not identical and result when a woman releases two ova at roughly the same time and each is fertilised by a different sperm. X chromosome The longer of the two sex chromosomes; females have two X chromosomes, whereas males have only one. Y chromosome The shorter of the two sex chromosomes; males have one Y chromosome, whereas females have none. karyotype A chromosomal portrait created by staining chromosomes, photographing them under a high-power microscope and then arranging them into a predetermined pattern.

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FIGURE 3.3  Male and female chromosomes The male karyotype (left) shows the 22 pairs of autosomal chromosomes and the 2 sex chromosomes – an elongated X and a shorter Y chromosome. The photographic arrangement of a female’s chromosomes (right) shows two X chromosomes.

Source: CNRI/Science Source

single-gene-pair inheritance The genetic mechanism through which a characteristic is influenced by only one pair of genes with two gene variants or alleles. dominant gene allele A relatively powerful variant of a gene that is expressed as an observable characteristic and masks the effect of a less-powerful recessive gene allele. recessive gene allele A relatively less powerful variant of a gene that is not expressed as an observable characteristic when paired with a dominant gene.

Because a female’s ovum cell has only X chromosomes and a male’s sperm cell has either an X chromosome or a Y chromosome (depending on which sex chromosome a sperm receives during meiosis), it is the male who determines a child’s gender. If an ovum with its one X chromosome is fertilised by a sperm bearing a Y chromosome, the product is an XY zygote – a genetic male. A gene on the Y chromosome then sets in motion the biological events that result in male sexual development. If a sperm carrying an X chromosome reaches the ovum first, the result is an XX zygote – a genetic female. So, a genetically unique boy or girl has a genome with 20 000–25 000 protein-building genes and a lot of regulatory DNA on 46 chromosomes arranged in 23 pairs. How do these genes influence the individual’s characteristics and development? We address this in the next sections of the chapter.

Mechanisms of inheritance To understand how genes influence human development you need to understand first how parents’ genes influence their children’s traits through three major mechanisms of inheritance: single-genepair inheritance, sex-linked inheritance and polygenic (or multiple-gene) inheritance.

Single-gene-pair inheritance Through single-gene-pair inheritance, human characteristics can be influenced by only one pair of genes – one from the female, one from the male. As an illustration of the principles of single gene-pair heredity, consider the interesting fact that some of us have dry earwax (cerumen) and others have wet sticky earwax. It so happens that there is a gene associated with earwax type that has two alleles; one is a dominant gene allele for a particular trait (wet earwax), and the other is a recessive gene allele for a particular trait (dry earwax), meaning it is weaker and can be dominated (McDonald, 2011).Thus, the person who inherits one ‘wet earwax’ variant of the earwax gene (label it ‘W’) and one ‘dry earwax’ variant (call it ‘w’) would have wet earwax because the dominant wet earwax allele overpowers the recessive dry earwax allele.

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CHAPTER 3: GENES, ENVIRONMENT AND THE BEGINNINGS OF LIFE

Using Figure 3.4 as a guide, you can calculate the odds that parents with various genetic makeups (genotypes) for earwax type will have children who have wet or dry earwax. Each cell of Figure 3.4 shows the four possible genotypes of children that can result when a male contributes one of his two earwax genes to a sperm and a female contributes one of her two earwax genes to an ovum and a child is conceived. For example, if a male with the genotype WW (wet earwax) and a mother with genotype ww (dry earwax) have children, each child they produce will have one dominant allele for earwax type and one recessive allele for earwax type (genotype Ww), and each will have wet earwax because the wet earwax allele will dominate.You can say that this couple has a 100 per cent chance of having a child with wet earwax. We call this outward expression of the genotype the phenotype. Notice that two different genetic makeups, WW and Ww, both produce the same phenotype: wet earwax.

genotype The genetic endowment that an individual inherits. phenotype The way in which a person’s genetic endowment is expressed in observable or measurable characteristics.

FIGURE 3.4  The odds of having a child with wet earwax Wet earwax is determined by a dominant variant of a particular gene; if you have wet earwax, then either your mother or father has it too, because one of them must have the dominant variant. All possibilities are shown here; each of the nine boxes shows the gene combinations of the four possible children a particular female and a particular male can have.

Mother Dry

Wet

Wet

Phenotype

Wet

All have dry

2 dry 2 wet

All wet Genotype

Phenotype

Wet

Father

Dry

Genotype

2 dry 2 wet

All wet

1 dry 3 wet

All wet

All wet Possible offspring

All wet

Recessive (dry earwax) Dominant (wet earwax)

A man and a woman who both have wet earwax can surprise everyone and have a child who lacks the trait. These two parents must both have the Ww genetic makeup. If the father’s recessive allele and the mother’s recessive allele happen to unite in the zygote, they will have a child with dry earwax (genotype ww).The chances are 25 per cent – 1 in 4 – that this couple will have such a child. Of course, this couple could beat the odds and have a whole family of children with dry earwax, or they could have none. But because people who have dry earwax must have genotype ww, two parents with dry earwax will have only children with dry earwax (ww). In some cases, a dominant variant incompletely dominates a recessive partner gene and the result is a new trait that blends the parents’ traits – as when crossing red and white flowers produces pink ones or when dark-skinned and light-skinned parents have a child with light brown skin. This

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incomplete dominance A condition in which a stronger gene variant fails to mask all the effects of a weaker partner gene; the observable characteristic that results is similar but not identical to the effect of the stronger gene. co-dominance A condition in which two different but equally powerful gene variants are both expressed as observable characteristics. sex-linked characteristic An attribute determined by a gene that appears on one of the two types of sex chromosomes, usually the X chromosome.

phenomenon is called incomplete dominance. In other cases, two variants that influence a trait are simultaneously expressed in the product, as when crossing red and white flowers produces flowers with red and white streaks – a phenomenon called co-dominance. For example, an AB blood type is a mix of A and B blood types.

Sex-linked inheritance Sex-linked characteristics are influenced by single genes located on the sex chromosomes rather

than on the other 22 pairs of chromosomes. You could even say X-linked rather than sex-linked because most of these attributes are associated with genes located on X but not Y chromosomes. Let’s look at an example.Why do far more males than females display red–green colour blindness? The inability to distinguish red from green is caused by a recessive gene variant that appears only on X chromosomes. If a boy inherits the recessive colour-blindness gene on the X chromosome his mother provides to him, there is no colour-vision gene on his Y chromosome to dominate the colour-blindness gene. He will be colour blind. By contrast, a girl who inherits the gene usually has a normal colour-vision gene on her other X chromosome that can dominate the colour-blindness gene (Figure 3.5). She would have to inherit two of the recessive colour-blindness genes (one from each parent) to be colour blind. FIGURE 3.5  The workings of sex-linked inheritance in red–green colour blindness

Mother (carries the recessive colour-blindness gene on one X chromosome)

Colour-blindness gene

No colour-vision gene

Normal son

Colour-blind son

Normal gene

Normal daughter

Carrier daughter

Father

Normal gene

Polygenic inheritance polygenic traits Characteristics influenced by the action of many gene pairs rather than a single pair.

So far we have considered only the influence of single gene pairs on human traits. However, most important human characteristics are polygenic traits; they are influenced by multiple pairs of genes, interacting with environmental factors. Examples of polygenic traits include height, weight, intelligence, personality, susceptibility to cancer and depression, and much more. When a trait like intelligence is influenced by multiple genes, many degrees of it are possible, depending on how many of the genes associated with the trait individuals inherit. At this point, we do not know how many gene pairs influence intelligence or other polygenic traits. What we can say is that unknown and probably large numbers of genes, interacting with environmental forces, create a range of individual differences in most important human traits.

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Genetic abnormalities and disorders Genetic abnormalities, or changes in genes or the chromosomes that carry genes, result in an

abnormal DNA sequence that may, in turn, result in a genetic disorder or disease. Just as traits such as eye colour can be passed from parents to children through inheritance, so too can genetic disorders. Huntington’s disease is an example of a genetic defect associated with a single dominant gene variant; specifically, the genetic defect involves a small sequence of DNA on chromosome 4 which abnormally repeats itself dozens of times and causes brain atrophy (Dunn, 2016; Nance, 2017). This disease typically strikes in middle age and among the effects are motor disturbances such as slurred speech, an erratic and seemingly drunken walk, grimaces and jerky movements; personality changes such as increased moodiness and irritability; and dementia or loss of cognitive abilities. Any child of a parent with Huntington’s disease is almost certain to develop the disease if he or she receives the dominant (but fortunately rare) Huntington’s gene variant rather than its normal counterpart at conception; the risk for an individual who has a parent with Huntington’s disease is therefore 1 in 2, or 50 per cent. (You may wish to work out the odds for yourself using the approach shown in Figure 3.4.) Sometimes, however, a new gene variant appears as if out of nowhere; it is not passed on by a parent. A gene mutation is a spontaneous change in the structure or arrangement of one or more genes that produces a new characteristic or trait. Some characteristics arising from mutation may be desirable, but others are not. For example, the recessive gene for the sex-linked disorder haemophilia, a defect in the blood’s ability to clot, is thought to be a mutation first introduced into the royal families of Europe by Queen Victoria. New cases of haemophilia, then, can be caused by either sex-linked inheritance or spontaneous mutations. The odds that mutations will occur are increased by environmental hazards such as radiation and toxic substances, but most mutations are just spontaneous errors in cell division (Turnpenny & Ellard, 2012). Recently it has been discovered that fathers contribute about four times the number of new mutations as mothers do overall and that the odds of mutations increase steadily as fathers get older because more errors are made during sperm production (Kong et al., 2012). Mutations associated with autism (O’Roak et al., 2012), schizophrenia (Frans et al., 2011) and other disorders become more likely as a father’s age increases. Copy number variations – instances in which a person receives too many or too few copies of a stretch of DNA, including mutations of whole genes – can either be inherited from a parent or arise spontaneously. Increasingly, researchers are finding that some copy number variations contribute to diseases and disorders such as autism, schizophrenia and attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) (Rucker & McGuffin, 2012). Chromosomal abnormalities occur when a child receives too many or too few chromosomes (or abnormal chromosomes) at conception. This can be inherited, as in the case of fragile X syndrome – a chromosome abnormality in which one arm of the X chromosome is only barely connected to the rest of the chromosome (Hagerman, 2011). More commonly, however, chromosomal abnormalities are accidents of nature caused by errors in chromosome division during meiosis or mitosis, as is usually the case with trisomy 21 (also known as Down syndrome), in which a child has an extra 21st chromosome. The chance of chromosome abnormalities like trisomy 21 increases as a parent’s age increases. Why? As we have learned, ova and sperm are increasingly likely to be abnormal with maternal and paternal age. Older mothers and fathers are also more likely than younger ones to have been exposed to environmental hazards that can damage ova or sperm – radiation, drugs, chemicals or viruses. Note that in most cases, a zygote with the wrong number of chromosomes is spontaneously aborted; chromosome abnormalities are the main cause of pregnancy loss.

genetic abnormalities Changes in genes, or the chromosomes that carry genes, which result in an abnormal DNA sequence and can cause genetic disorders or diseases.

mutation A spontaneous change in the structure or arrangement of one or more genes that produces a new characteristic or trait.

copy number variations Instances in which a person receives too many or too few copies of a stretch of DNA via inheritance or spontaneous mutation. chromosomal abnormalities The result of a child receiving too many or too few chromosomes (or abnormal chromosomes) at conception.

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Genetic diagnosis and treatment

genetic counselling A service designed to inform and guide people about genetic conditions they or their unborn children are at risk of inheriting.

Globally, around 6 per cent of babies are born with birth defects (Lobo & Zhaurova, 2008). Although you will be reassured to hear that most babies will not be born with major birth defects, genetic disorders and diseases can profoundly affect human development when they do occur and are a leading cause of infant mortality and disability. Genetic counselling is a service that provides information and guidance regarding the nature, likelihood, effects and treatment of genetically-based diseases and disorders to people who suspect or learn that they or their unborn children are at risk of inheriting these (Turnpenny & Ellard, 2012). Genetic counselling services today have a range of screening procedures that can detect many genetic abnormalities prenatally (Nussbaum, McInnes, & Willard, 2016). The techniques and pros and cons are summarised below: • Ultrasound is non-invasive and the easiest and most commonly used method of prenatal screening. Sound waves are used on the abdomen to scan the womb and create a visual image of the foetus on a monitor screen. Ultrasound can indicate how many foetuses are in the uterus, their sex and whether they are alive, and it can detect genetic defects that produce visible physical abnormalities. Ultrasound is widely used even when abnormalities are not suspected because it is considered very safe. • Amniocentesis involves inserting a needle into the abdomen of a pregnant woman and withdrawing a sample of amniotic fluid into which foetal cells have been shed.These foetal cells can be analysed to detect chromosome abnormalities such as trisomy 21 or to determine through DNA analysis whether the genes for particular single-gene-pair disorders are present. A risk of miscarriage exists, but it is low, making the procedure relatively safe and advisable for pregnant women over age 35 who are at higher risk for having a child with birth defects. Its main disadvantage is that it is not considered safe until the 15th week of pregnancy. • Chorionic villus sampling (CVS) involves inserting a catheter through the mother’s vagina and cervix (or, less commonly, through her abdomen) into the membrane called the chorion that surrounds the foetus, and then extracting tiny hair cells from the chorion that contain genetic material from the foetus. Sample cells are then analysed for the same genetic defects that can be detected using amniocentesis. The difference is that chorionic villus sampling can be performed as early as the 10th week of pregnancy, allowing parents more time to consider the pros and cons of continuing the pregnancy if an abnormality is detected. The risks of CVS are only slightly greater than those of amniocentesis. • Maternal blood sampling has been used for a number of years to test the mother’s blood for various chemicals that can indicate abnormalities in the foetus. Now it can also be used to obtain loose embryonic DNA that has slipped through the placenta into the mother’s blood. This can then be analysed for chromosome abnormalities and genetic diseases with no risk at all to the foetus (Fan et al., 2012; Winerman, 2013). Methods for detecting Down syndrome with high accuracy at around 9 or 10 weeks after conception are now available (Verweij et al., 2012). Maternal blood sampling of foetal DNA has the tremendous advantages of being non-invasive and usable early in the pregnancy, but it is normally followed up with amniocentesis or CVS to be 100 per cent certain (Winerman, 2013). • Preimplantation genetic diagnosis may be used by parents who know they are at high risk of having a baby with a serious condition. It involves fertilising a female’s ova with a male’s sperm in the laboratory using IVF techniques, conducting DNA tests on the first cells that result from mitosis of each fertilised ovum, and implanting in the female’s uterus only ova that do not have chromosome abnormalities or genes associated with disorders. Although costly, this option may appeal to high-risk couples who would not consider abortion but want to decrease the chances their child will have a serious defect.

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The advances in prenatal diagnostic methods such as maternal blood sampling and preimplantation genetic diagnosis have extended further the potential to prevent serious disorders and diseases. They also open the door to early interventions that might save the lives of babies with problems or set them on a healthier developmental path. Indeed, sequencing of the genomes of newborns is starting to be used to help pinpoint what is wrong with babies in neonatal intensive care units in order to treat them appropriately and prevent their death (Saunders et al., 2012). However, the prospect that all pregnant women may soon have their blood analysed for evidence of chromosome and other genetic abnormalities is raising ethical red flags, especially about the possibility that abortion rates will soar if more parents decide that they do not want babies with trisomy 21 or other ‘undesirable’ characteristics, or if parents try to create ‘designer’ babies who are healthy, smart and of the desired gender (Benn & Chapman, 2009; Geddes, 2013).

GENE THERAPY Our society is grappling with the complex ethical issues that have arisen as geneticists have gained the capacity to identify the carriers and potential victims of diseases and disorders, to give parents information that might prompt them to abort a foetus that is not of the desired health status or intellect, and to experiment with techniques for altering an individual’s genetic makeup through gene therapy (Lewis, 2012, 2015; Nussbaum et al., 2016). Gene therapy, which involves altering a person’s genetic makeup by, for example, substituting normal genes for the genes associated with a disease or disorder, has been used to treat such genetic disorders as haemophilia (through infusions of normal genes into the blood) and the lung disease cystic fibrosis (using aerosol sprays to deliver normal genes to the lungs). There has been some success and there is likely to be more. New techniques for ‘editing’ the genome and inserting new genes in patients’ bodies promise to revolutionise gene therapy – and raise all kinds of ethical issues and concerns about unintended consequences (Achenbach, 2015). Researchers are also studying the epigenetic markings, or codings, of individuals, which you will read about shortly, and scrambling to develop drugs and dietary treatments to alter these codings for those who have associated diseases and disorders (Boyce & Kobor, 2015; Moore, 2015). It is likely impossible that gene therapies will ever prevent or cure most diseases and disorders.Why? Because most conditions are the product of the interaction of multiple genetic and environmental factors. Researchers must not only deliver the right genes to the body in sufficient numbers to have the desired effect, but must also get the genes to turn on and off when they should to produce normal functioning, and control important environmental influences.There are no ‘quick fixes’, such as the PKU diet approach identified in the chapter Application box, for most conditions, especially those that are polygenic in origin. Still, genetic diagnostic and therapy techniques will improve, and we as a society will have to make ethical decisions about how and how not to use them.

Source: Science Photo Library/Dr Najeeb Layyous

Snapshot

A 3D ultrasound image showing the face of a foetus at 24 weeks’ gestation.

gene therapy Interventions that involve substituting normal genes for the genes associated with a disease or disorder, or altering a person’s genetic makeup.

Application PREVENTION AND TREATMENT OF GENETIC CONDITIONS Ultimately, genetic researchers want to know how the damaging effects of genes associated with diseases and disorders can be prevented, cured

or at least minimised. One of the greatest success stories in genetic research involves phenylketonuria (PKU), a metabolic disorder caused by

recessive mutations in a single gene pair (Waisbren, 2011). About 1 in 50 people are carriers of the PKU allele, and two carriers have a 1 in 4 chance of having >>>

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>>>

a child with the condition. Affected children lack a critical enzyme needed to metabolise phenylalanine, a component of many foods (including milk). As phenylalanine accumulates in the body, it is converted to a harmful acid that attacks the nervous system and causes intellectual disability and hyperactivity. Researchers discovered that a simple blood test can detect PKU soon after birth, before damage is done. Today, newborn infants are routinely screened for PKU, and affected

children are immediately placed on a special diet low in phenylalanine. It was once thought they could get off the diet after early childhood, but they are now advised to stay on it, at least to some extent, for the rest of their lives or risk deterioration in their cognitive functioning (Waisbren, 2011). It is especially important for a mother with PKU to stay on the special diet during pregnancy so that high levels of phenylalanine in her blood cannot harm her foetus (Widaman, 2009).

Here, then, is an example of how genetic research led to the prevention of one cause of intellectual disability. And here is a clear-cut example of the interaction between genes and environment: a child will develop the condition and become intellectually disabled if he or she inherits the PKU alleles and eats a normal (high-phenylalanine) diet but not if he or she eats the special (lowphenylalanine) diet.

IN REVIEW CHECKING UNDERSTANDING 1 What is conception, and what techniques can be used to assist conception? 2 Hairy forehead syndrome (we made it up) is caused by a single dominant allele of a gene, H. Using diagrams such as those in Figure 3.4 and Figure 3.5, work out the odds that Herb (who has the genotype Hh) and Harriet (who also has the genotype Hh) will have a child with hairy forehead syndrome. Now repeat the exercise, but assume that hairy forehead syndrome is caused by a recessive allele, h, and that both parents again have an Hh genotype.

3 What are two mechanisms that can give rise to genetic abnormalities?

CRITICAL THINKING Imagine you work at a genetic counselling service. What information and guidance might you provide to Serena from our chapter opening story in regard to her concerns about how her family history of haemophilia might affect her unborn baby? Express

Get the answers to the Checking understanding questions on CourseMate Express.

3.2 THE INTERPLAY OF GENES AND ENVIRONMENT Learning objectives

■■ Distinguish among the effects of genes, shared environmental influences and non-shared environmental influences, and explain how twin and family studies can shed light on the importance of each of these influences. ■■ Summarise the main messages of behavioural genetics research on intelligence, personality and psychological disorders in terms of the roles of genes, shared environment and nonshared environment. ■■ Explain how genes and environment work together through gene-environment interaction, gene-environment correlation and epigenetic effects.

You do not have to be a scientist to appreciate that environmental factors help to determine which genetic potentials are translated into physical and psychological realities and which are not. As we have already seen in the case of PKU (in the Application box), intellectual disability caused by a genetic abnormality can be prevented with dietary changes. In another everyday example, consider the genes that influence height. Some people inherit genes encoding exceptional height, and others inherit

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CHAPTER 3: GENES, ENVIRONMENT AND THE BEGINNINGS OF LIFE

genes encoding short stature. But as we learned in the earlier earwax type example, the genetic makeup a person inherits – their genotype – is not always a perfect reflection of the characteristic or trait the person eventually displays – their phenotype. An individual whose genotype encodes exceptional height may or may not be tall. Indeed, a child who is severely malnourished from the prenatal period onward may have the genetic potential to be a basketball centre but end up too short to make the team. Therefore, genes do not determine anything in isolation; rather, genes and environment co-act to influence development and behaviour throughout the life span.

Studying genetic and environmental influences Behavioural genetics is the scientific study of the extent to which genetic and environmental

differences among people are responsible for differences in their traits (Knopik, Neiderhiser, DeFries, & Plomin, 2016). It is impossible to say that a given person’s intelligence test score is the result of, say, 80 per cent, 50 per cent or 20 per cent heredity and the rest environment. The individual would have no intelligence without both genetic makeup and experiences (see Chapter 7). It is possible for behavioural geneticists to estimate the heritability of measured IQ and of other traits or behaviours. Heritability is the proportion of all the variability in the trait within a large sample of people that can be linked to genetic differences among those individuals. To say that measured intelligence is heritable, then, is to say that differences in tested IQ among the individuals studied are to some degree attributable to the different genetic endowments of these individuals (Knopik et al., 2016). The variability in a trait that is not associated with genetic differences is associated with differences in experiences and other environmental influences. There are a number of ways behavioural geneticists study heritability. Those who study animals can gather evidence through experimental breeding studies. For example, if a trait such as learning ability is genetically influenced, breeding animals with high learning ability with each other should produce more offspring with high learning ability over several generations than breeding together animals with low learning ability (Knopik et al., 2016). Experimental animal breeding studies like this have shown that genes contribute to learning ability, activity level, emotionality, aggressiveness, sex drive and many other attributes in rats, mice and chickens (Knopik et al., 2016). But people do not take too kindly to the idea of being selectively bred. Instead, behavioural genetics research with humans has relied primarily on determining whether the degree of genetic similarity between pairs of people is associated with the degree of physical or psychological similarity between them. Twin, adoption and other family studies provide this information. More recently, molecular genetics techniques that allow study of the effects of specific genes have expanded our knowledge.

LINKAGES Chapter 7 Intelligence and creativity

behavioural genetics The scientific study of the extent to which genetic and environmental differences among individuals are responsible for differences in traits, such as intelligence and personality. heritability The proportion of variability in some trait dimension within a population that is attributable to genetic differences among those individuals.

Twin, adoption and family studies Twins have long been recognised as important sources of evidence about the effects of heredity. A simple type of twin study to untangle genetic and environmental influences involves determining whether identical twins reared together are more similar to each other in traits of interest than fraternal twins reared together. If genes matter, identical twins should be more similar because they have 100 per cent of their genes in common, whereas fraternal twins share only 50 per cent on average. More complex twin studies include not only identical and fraternal twin pairs raised together but also identical and fraternal twins reared apart – four groups in all, differing in both the extent to which they share the same genes and the extent to which they share the same environment. Identical twins separated near birth and raised in different environments are particularly fascinating and informative because any similarities between them cannot be attributed to common family experiences.

twin study Method of studying genetic and environmental influence in which the similarity of identical twins and (less genetically similar) fraternal twins are compared, often involving twin pairs reared together or reared apart.

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adoption study Method of studying genetic and environmental influence that involves determining whether adopted children are more similar to their biological parents (whose genes they share) or adoptive parents (who shaped their environment).

Although it is basically sound and widely used, the twin method has some limitations (Brendgen, Vitaro,  & Girard, 2012). First, one can question whether findings based on twins will generalise to singleton children. Second, identical twins could be more psychologically similar than fraternal twins, even if they are separated after birth, because they shared a more similar prenatal environment than fraternal twins or other siblings did. Finally, the fact that identical twins are treated more similarly than fraternal twins could partly explain their greater psychological similarity. As it turns out, though, there appears to be little relationship between how similarly twins are treated and how similar they turn out to be psychologically; more likely, twins’ similarities result in their being treated similarly (Brendgen et al., 2012). A second commonly used method of studying the effects of heredity is the adoption study. Are children adopted early in life psychologically similar to their biological parents, whose genes they share, or are they similar to their adoptive parents, whose environment they share? If adopted children resemble their biological parents in intelligence or personality, even though those parents did not raise them, genes must be influential. If they resemble their adoptive parents, even though they are genetically unrelated to them, a good case can be made for environmental influence. Like the twin method, the adoption method has proved useful but has its limitations (Lickliter & Honeycutt, 2015). Researchers must appreciate that not only the genes of a biological mother but also the prenatal environment she provided could influence how an adopted child turns out. Researchers must also be careful to correct for the tendency of adoption agencies to place children in homes similar to those they were adopted from. Finally, there has been some concern that because adoptive homes are generally above-average environments, adoption studies may underestimate the effects of the full range of environments children can experience. Finally, today’s researchers are conducting complex family studies that include pairs of siblings who have different degrees of genetic similarity – for example, identical twins, fraternal twins, full biological siblings, half siblings and unrelated step-siblings who live together in step-families (Knopik et al., 2016). They are also measuring qualities of these family members’ experiences to determine how similar or different the environments of siblings are. Researchers also study twins and other pairs of relatives longitudinally so that they can assess the contributions of genes and environment to continuity and change in traits as individuals develop throughout the life span.

Estimating influences

concordance rate The percentage of pairs of individuals (for example, twins) studied that both have a particular trait given that one has that particular trait.

LINKAGES Chapter 9 Self, personality, gender and sexuality

Having conducted a twin, adoption or family study, behavioural geneticists use statistical calculations to estimate the degree to which heredity and environment account for individual differences in a trait of interest. When they study traits that a person either has or does not have (for example, a smoking habit or diabetes), researchers calculate and compare concordance rates – the percentage of pairs of people studied that both share a trait given that one of the pair has the trait. If concordance rates are higher for pairs of people who are more genetically related than for pairs of people who are less genetically related, the trait is heritable. Suppose researchers are interested to find out whether homosexuality is genetically influenced. They might locate gay men and lesbian women who are one of twins, either identical or fraternal, then locate their twin siblings and find out whether they, too, are gay or lesbian. In one Australian study using this method (Bailey, Dunne, & Martin, 2000; see also Chapter 9), the concordance rate for identical twins was 20 per cent for male twins and 24 per cent for female twins, whereas the concordance rate for fraternal twins was 0 per cent for male twins and 11 per cent for female twins. This finding and others suggest that genetic makeup contributes to both men’s and women’s sexual orientation (Dawood, Bailey, & Martin, 2009; Långström, Rahman, Carlström, & Lichtenstein, 2010). But notice that identical twins are not perfectly concordant. Environmental factors must also affect

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sexual orientation. After all, Bailey et al. (2000) found that in 80 per cent of the male identical-twin pairs and 76 per cent of female identical-twin pairs, one twin was gay or lesbian but the other was not, despite their identical genes. When a trait can be present in varying degrees rather than all or none, as is true of height, intelligence or personality dimensions, correlation coefficients rather than concordance rates are calculated (see Chapter 1 for an explanation of correlation coefficients). To better appreciate what LINKAGES can be learned from behavioural genetics studies using correlation coefficients, consider what Robert Chapter 1 Plomin and his colleagues (1988) found when they assessed aspects of personality among adult twins Understanding in Sweden. One of their measures assessed an aspect of emotionality – the tendency to be angry life span human development or quick tempered. The scale was given to many pairs of identical twins and fraternal twins – some pairs raised together, others separated near birth and raised apart – and the correlations calculated. Correlations reflecting the degree of similarity between twins for angry emotionality are presented in Table 3.2. From such data, behavioural geneticists can estimate the contributions of three factors to individual differences in angry emotionality: genes, shared environmental influences and nonshared environmental influences. 1 Genes. In the example in Table 3.2, genetic influences are clearly evident, for identical twins are consistently more similar in emotionality than fraternal twins are – that is, 0.37 is greater than 0.17, and 0.33 is greater than 0.09. (Keep in mind that these correlations tell us how similar twin pairs are – not how high or low they score in angry emotionality.) The correlation of 0.33 for identical twins reared apart also testifies to the importance of genetic makeup.These data suggest that angry emotionality is heritable and, more specifically, that about a third of the variation in emotionality in this sample can be linked to variations in genetic endowment. 2 Shared environmental influences. Individuals growing up in the same environment experience shared shared environmental influences Experiences environmental influences, common experiences that work to make them similar – for example, that individuals living a common parenting style or exposure to the same toys, peers, schools and neighbourhood. in the same home In Table 3.2, notice that both identical and fraternal twins are slightly more similar in angry environment share and that work to make emotionality if they are raised together than if they are raised apart – that is, 0.37 is slightly members of the same greater than 0.33, and 0.17 is slightly greater than 0.09. These correlations tell us that shared family similar. environmental influences are evident but very weak: twins are almost as similar when they grow up in different homes as when they grow up in the same home. 3 Non-shared environmental influences. Experiences unique to the individual – those that are not shared by other members of the family and that work to make individuals different from each non-shared other – are referred to as non-shared environmental influences. Whether they involve being environmental influences Experiences treated differently by parents, having different friends or teachers, undergoing different life crises unique to the individual or even being affected differently by the same events, non-shared environmental influences make that are not shared by other members of the members of the same family different. In Table 3.2, notice that identical twins raised together family and that tend to are not identical in angry emotionality, even though they share 100 per cent of their genes and make members of the the same family environment; a correlation of 0.37 is much lower than a perfect correlation same family different. of 1.00. Any differences between identical twins raised together are attributable to differences in their unique, TABLE 3.2  Correlations from a twin study of the heritability of angry emotionality or non-shared, experiences. Anyone who has a brother or sister can attest that Raised together Raised apart different children in the same family are not always treated Identical-twin pairs 0.37 0.33 identically by their parents. Moreover, studies of identical twins have revealed that differences in their prenatal Fraternal-twin pairs 0.17 0.09 environments, as indicated by different birth weights, Source: Plomin, R. et al. (1988). © 1988 by the American Psychological Association. and in their early family experiences can be linked to

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MAKING CONNECTIONS In what ways are you and your siblings (or other close relatives) similar and different? To what extent do you think shared and non-shared environment factors have contributed to the differences and similarities identified?

molecular genetics The analysis of particular gene alleles and their effects by comparing the traits of those who have the alleles and those who do not.

later differences in such characteristics as their levels of anxiety, conduct problems and academic achievement (Asbury, Dunn, & Plomin, 2006; Vitaro et al., 2011). Therefore, failing to find strong shared environmental influences on a trait does not mean that family influences on development are unimportant. There could be strong non-shared environmental influences, both within and outside the home, working to make children in the same family different rather than similar.

Molecular genetics Molecular genetics is the analysis of particular genes and their effects. It involves identification of specific alleles that influence particular traits and comparisons of humans (or animals) who have these alleles with those who do not.Therefore, it can help determine which specific genes contribute to making a trait heritable in behavioural genetics studies and allow researchers to study the effects of those genes in combination with the effects of specific environmental influences. If researchers are not sure what genes contribute to a trait, they can analyse research participants’ entire genomes to identify which genes distinguish individuals who have a trait or do not, or who score high or low on a measure of the trait (Butcher & Plomin, 2008). Molecular genetics can therefore help identify the multiple genes that contribute to polygenic traits – the genes behind evidence from twin and adoption studies that traits are heritable (Knopik et al., 2016). The goal is to be able to say, for instance, ‘This gene accounts for 20 per cent of the variation, and these two other genes each account for 10 per cent of the variation’ in a phenotype or trait of interest. So far, molecular genetics studies have failed to identify genes that account for large percentages of the variation in traits. Rather, these analyses suggest that many genes contribute to each polygenic trait or disorder and that each gene’s contribution is very small (Chabris et al., 2012; Davis et al., 2010). Despite its limitations, behavioural genetics research involving experimental breeding studies of animals and twin, adoption and family studies has taught us a great deal about the contributions of genes (heritability), shared environmental influences and non-shared environmental influences to similarities and differences among us.

The heritability of different traits MAKING CONNECTIONS To what degree do you think genes (versus environment) account for your level of intelligence, personality traits and attitudes?

LINKAGES Chapter 13 The final challenge: Death and dying

Although genes contribute to variation in virtually all human traits that have been studied, some traits are more heritable than others. Figure 3.6 presents, by way of summary, correlations obtained in the Minnesota Twin Family Study, a major longitudinal study of twins raised apart in which their similarity on various traits was examined (Segal, 2012). Some observable physical characteristics, from eye colour to height, are strongly associated with individual genetic endowment. Even weight is heritable; adopted children resemble their biological parents but not their adoptive parents in weight, even though their adoptive parents feed them. So too are certain aspects of physiology, such as measured brain activity and level of physical activity (Eriksson, Rasmussen, & Tynelius, 2006). In addition, genetic differences among older adults contribute to differences in their functioning and changes in markers of ageing, such as decreased lung capacity (Finkel & Reynolds, 2010). Genes also contribute to susceptibilities to many diseases associated with ageing, and genetic differences account for about one-third of the variation in longevity (Arking, 2006; see also Chapter 13). If physical and physiological characteristics are strongly heritable, general intelligence is moderately heritable: 50 per cent or more of the variation among people is attributable to genes. Somewhat less influenced by genes are aspects of temperament and personality, for which about 40 per cent of the variation can be traced to genes, and susceptibility to many psychological disorders, for which heritability varies from condition to condition. Finally, genetic endowment contributes modestly to differences in attitudes and interests – for example, political conservatism and vocational interests

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FIGURE 3.6  Correlations reflecting the degree of similarity on various traits for twins raised apart Characteristic 0.86

Height 0.73

Weight

0.80

Alpha activity in brain 0.64

Systolic blood pressure

0.69

IQ score 0.48

Personality traits Occupational interests

0.40

Religiosity Non-religious social attitudes

0.49 0.34

0.00 0.10 0.20 0.30 0.40 0.50 0.60 0.70 0.80 0.90 1.00 Twin correlation Source: Bouchard, Lykken, McGue, Segal, & Tellegen (1990). © 1990, American Association for the Advancement of Science. Reprinted with permission.

(Alford, Funk, & Hibbing, 2005; Segal, 2012). It has proven difficult to find a human characteristic that is not to some degree heritable. For most psychological traits, genes often account for somewhere up to half the variation in a group, and environmental factors (especially non-shared rather than shared ones) account for the other half or more (Knopik et al., 2016).Throughout this book we will consider in more detail how genes and environment contribute to human attributes, including intellectual functioning (see Chapter 7), temperament and personality (see Chapter 9), and developmental and psychological disorders (see Chapter 12) (see also Kim, 2009; Knopik et al., 2016).

How genes and environment work together As you have seen so far, behavioural geneticists try to establish how much of the variation observed in human traits such as intelligence can be attributed to individual differences in genetic makeup and how much can be attributed to individual differences in experience. Useful as that research is, it does not take us far in understanding the complex interplay between genes and environment over the life span. As Ann Anastasi (1958) asserted many years ago, instead of asking how much is because of genes and how much is because of environment, researchers should be asking how heredity and environment work together to make us what we are. With that in mind, we will now consider the important developmental mechanisms of gene-environment correlations, gene-environment interactions and epigenetic effects.

Gene-environment correlations The concept of gene-environment correlations recognises that people with different genes have different experiences – in other words, nature affects nurture. Three kinds of gene-environment

LINKAGES Chapter 7 Intelligence and creativity Chapter 9 Self, personality, gender and sexuality Chapter 12 Developmental psychopathology

gene-environment correlation A systematic interrelationship between an individual’s genes and environment; there are three main types: passive, evocative and active.

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correlations, or ways in which a person’s genes and his environment or experiences are interrelated, have been proposed: passive, evocative and active (Scarr, 1993). As an illustration, consider children with a genetic potential to be highly sociable and other children whose genes are likely to make them shy.

PASSIVE GENE-ENVIRONMENT CORRELATIONS The kind of home environment that parents provide for their children is influenced partly by the parents’ genotypes. Passive gene-environment correlations work like this: because parents provide children with both their genes and a home environment compatible with those genes, the home environments to which children are exposed are correlated with (and are typically likely to reinforce) their genotypes. For instance, sociable parents not only transmit their ‘sociable’ genes to their children but also, because they have ‘sociable’ genes themselves, create a highly social home environment – inviting their friends over frequently, taking their children to social events and so on. The combination of genes for sociability and a social environment may make their children more sociable than they would otherwise be. By contrast, the child with shy parents may receive genes for shyness and a correlated environment without much social stimulation.

EVOCATIVE GENE-ENVIRONMENT CORRELATIONS

MAKING CONNECTIONS Give examples of passive, evocative, and active geneenvironment influences on your development.

gene-environment interaction A geneenvironment interplay whereby the effects of genes depend on the kind of environment experienced and the effects of the environment depend on the genetic endowment.

In evocative gene-environment correlations, a child’s genotype evokes certain kinds of reactions from other people. The smiley, sociable baby is likely to get more smiles, hugs and social stimulation – and more opportunities to build social skills – than the wary, shy baby who makes you fear they will howl if you look at them. Similarly, the sociable child may be chosen more often as a playmate by other children, the sociable adolescent may be invited to more parties, and the sociable adult may be given more job assignments involving public relations. In short, genetic makeup may affect the reactions of other people to an individual and, hence, the kind of environment the individual will experience throughout life.

ACTIVE GENE-ENVIRONMENT CORRELATIONS Finally, through active gene-environment correlations, children’s genotypes influence the kinds of environments they seek. The individual with a genetic predisposition to be extroverted is likely to go to every party in sight, invite friends over, join organisations, have a multitude of Facebook friends, and otherwise build a ‘niche’ that is highly socially stimulating and that strengthens social skills. The child with genes for shyness may actively avoid large group activities and instead develop solitary interests. Passive, evocative and active gene-environment correlations can all operate throughout the life span. However, the balance of the three types of gene-environment correlations shifts during development (Rutter, 2006). Because infants are at home a good deal and are dependent on their caregivers, their environment is largely influenced by their parents through passive influences. Evocative influences operate throughout life; our characteristic, genetically influenced traits consistently evoke certain reactions from other people. Finally, as humans develop, they become increasingly able to build their own niches, so active gene-environment correlations become increasingly important.

Gene-environment interactions

LINKAGES Chapter 1 Understanding life span human development

The concept of gene-environment interactions suggests that the effects of our genes depend on what kind of environment we experience, and how we respond to the environment depends on what genes we have – in other words, nature and nurture combine (Chapter 1). While the concept of gene-environment correlations says that people with different genes have different experiences, the

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CHAPTER 3: GENES, ENVIRONMENT AND THE BEGINNINGS OF LIFE

Probability of major depression episode

concept of gene-environment interactions tells us that people with different genes react differently to LINKAGES the experiences they have. Chapter 1 Using the molecular genetics approach, Avshalom Caspi and his colleagues (2003) sought to Understanding understand why stressful life experiences cause some people but not others to become depressed. life span human They performed DNA analysis on a large sample of New Zealand participants in the Dunedin Study development (see Chapter 1) to determine which alleles of a gene known to affect levels of the neurotransmitter serotonin in the brain each person in the sample had, knowing that a low serotonin level is linked to depression. FIGURE 3.7  The odds of a depressive episode They also administered surveys to measure the stressful At age 26 the odds of a depressive episode are highest for individuals who: (1) inherit two alleles known to increase the events each person had experienced between ages 21 and risk of depression rather than two alleles known to protect 26, and whether at age 26 each person had experienced a against depression, and (2) experience four or more stressful diagnosable case of depression in the past year. In Figure 3.7, life events between ages 21 and 26. This is an example of gene-environment interaction: the effects of genetic you can see the results, which illustrate well the concept makeup on depression depend on how stressful a person’s of gene-environment interaction. In the figure, you see environment is, and the effects of stressful life events depend on the person’s genotype. that individuals with two of the high-risk variants of the .50 5-HTTLPR gene are more vulnerable to depression than Two high-risk people with two of the protective variants of the gene only genes .40 if they experience multiple stressful events. By comparison, One high-risk, one protective .30 even multiple stressful events will not easily cause people gene with the protective genes to become depressed. Thus, the Two protective .20 genes genes people have make a difference only when their .10 environment is stressful, and a stressful environment has an effect only on individuals with a genotype that predisposes .00 1 2 3 4+ 0 them to depression. Genes and environment interact. Number of stressful life events Genes and environment can interact very early in life, Source: Caspi et al. (2003). Figure 1B. © 2003. Reprinted by permission of AAS. during pregnancy, to influence whether some children, too, experience depression or not. According to the concept of foetal programming, environmental events during pregnancy can affect growth and Express later development (Beydoun & Saftlas, 2008). One of the ways that foetal programming may work For additional insight on the is when environmental events during pregnancy interact with gene function and expression to data presented in affect later development. For example, research with Auckland Birthweight Collaborative cohort Figure 3.7 try out the Understanding participants has linked an interaction of genes and stressors in pregnancy with childhood depression the data exercise (D’Souza et al., 2016). Specifically, researchers found that children who were smaller than expected on CourseMate for their age at birth (small for gestational age; see Chapter 4) and had a particular variant of a Express. gene that regulates the neurotransmitter dopamine had greater symptoms of depression at age 11 compared to those who had the gene variant but were born a healthy weight.These findings suggest LINKAGES that in-utero conditions that contribute to low birth weight also seem to influence the adverse Chapter 4 Body, effects of certain gene variants on depression. brain and health From an applied standpoint, it is becoming clearer that psychological problems might be prevented more effectively by targeting individuals whose genes predispose them to problems. For foetal programming example, Gene Brody and his colleagues (2009) showed that 11-year-olds with the high-risk variant The effect of environmental events of the same 5-HTTLPR gene studied by Caspi and his colleagues could be spared from high rates of during pregnancy problem behaviours such as substance use and early sexual intercourse if their families participated in that affect growth and later development a prevention program that stressed good parenting skills and parent–child communication. Control- in childhood, and group youth who had the high-risk alleles but did not receive the prevention program engaged in which may endure into problem behaviours at twice the rate of peers with the high-risk alleles who participated in the adulthood. prevention program and peers who did not have high-risk alleles. More and more evidence of

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gene-environment interactions involving the 5-HTTLPR gene and a number of other important genes is emerging as researchers use molecular genetics to study interactions between specific genes and specific experiences (Dodge & Rutter, 2011; Lenroot & Giedd, 2011).

Epigenetic effects on gene expression Another way in which genes and environment interplay is through epigenetic effects, whereby environmental factors influence development by turning off or turning on genes (Boyce & Kobor, 2015; Champagne, 2013; Moore, 2015). Through epigenetic effects, factors such as diet, stress, alcohol and drugs; environmental toxins; and early parental care leave imprints in the form of chemical codings on top of certain genes that affect whether those genes are turned on or off. The genes themselves are not altered when epigenetic effects occur; rather, their expression is altered – in ways that can affect health and mental health, cognition and behaviour. So, on top of our complex genome, we also have an epigenome consisting of these kinds of epigenetic markings. Epigenetic effects are especially important during prenatal development, when both regulatory genes and environmental influences orchestrate early development. Foetal programming brought about by epigenetic effects occurs when environmental events during pregnancy alter molecular pathways and the expected genetic unfolding of the embryo/foetus, or reset its physiologic functions (Sandman, Davis, & Glynn, 2012). As a result of these alterations, prenatal experience can change a person’s physiology and the wiring of the brain and influence how the individual responds to postnatal events. Conditions of the prenatal period, then, might set the stage for susceptibility to later health and mental health problems, perhaps decades down the road. Adult conditions such as obesity, heart disease and schizophrenia may have their origins in the prenatal environment and foetal programming (Kirkbride et al., 2012). But that’s not all. As Figure 3.8 illustrates, it is not only the unborn child who may be affected by prenatal environmental factors: the offspring of the unborn child may also be affected. Through epigenetic FIGURE 3.8  Foetal programming codings carried on the DNA of the reproductive cells of A woman’s experiences during pregnancy can impact not the developing foetus, a pregnant woman’s health, diet and only her own health, but that of her unborn baby and future environment may adversely affect her future grandchildren grandchildren. (Shrivastava et al., 2012; Wadhwa, Buss, Entringer, & Swanson, 2009). Remarkably, some epigenetic marks have been shown to survive in animals across multiple generations (Moore, 2015). Epigenetic effects are not only limited to the prenatal period. They can occur throughout the life span and can, for example, explain why despite having identical genes, identical twins with the same genetic endowment are Mother - 1st generation sometimes quite different, particularly beyond childhood as non-shared experiences and associated chemical codings Foetus - 2nd generation increase. Or why one twin will develop a condition such as schizophrenia and the other will not. Moreover, Reproductive cells - 3rd epigenetic codings etched on top of genes during a generation parent’s life can sometimes be transmitted through sperm or ova to offspring (Champagne, 2010). So, although the chromosomes are generally wiped clean of epigenetic marks soon after conception, some epigenetic codings etched on top of genes during a parent’s life can affect his

epigenetic effects Ways in which environmental influences alter the expression of genes (whether genes are turned on or off) and therefore the influence of genes on traits.

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CHAPTER 3: GENES, ENVIRONMENT AND THE BEGINNINGS OF LIFE

or her offspring (Boyce & Kobor, 2015; Moore, 2015). The chapter Exploration box describes examples of some of the remarkable discoveries about the transmission of epigenetic effects from parent to child.

Exploration PARENTAL INFLUENCES ON GENE EXPRESSION Michael Meaney, Frances Champagne and their colleagues have shown through a series of elegant studies how the early experience of rat pups can affect the activity of their genes and, in turn, not only their development but that of their offspring (see Champagne, 2013; Kaffman & Meaney, 2007). Here’s how it goes. If the mothers of rat pups are nurturing – if they regularly lick and groom their pups and nurse them with an arched back in the first week of life – the pups grow up able to handle stress well. If rat mums are neglectful and do not provide this tender tactile care, rat pups become timid and easily stressed adults. But why? The differences in pups’ reactivity to stress is not due to heredity. Raising the pups of nurturing mothers with neglectful mothers and the pups of neglectful mothers with nurturing mothers demonstrated that it was rearing that mattered, not heredity. Rats turned out to be stress resistant if raised by nurturing mothers and stress reactive if raised by neglectful mothers, regardless of their biological parentage. But these styles of responding to stress were not acquired through learning, either. Rather, Meaney and his colleagues found that early licking and grooming affect the development of the stress response system through their effects on gene expression. In properly licked and groomed pups, genes in the hippocampus of the brain that influence the regulation of stress hormones stay turned on, whereas in neglected pups these genes turn off,

making the hippocampus less able to tone down stress hormone responses. Early care therefore has a lasting effect on development by altering gene expression in specific cells of the brain. Too little licking and grooming in infancy also turns off genes that affect sensitivity to female hormones and later maternal behaviour (Champagne, 2013). As a result, daughters of neglectful mothers turn into neglectful mothers themselves. Here, then, we see epigenetic (rather than genetic) transmission of mothering styles across generations. The DNA sequence itself is not altered; rather, the early experience of neglected pups results in molecular codings being attached to certain genes in their brains – codings that interfere with the transcription of DNA into RNA and the expression of these genes. These epigenetic codings on top of the DNA code are replicated in new cells produced through mitosis – and, remarkably, are passed on to offspring at conception. Epigenetic effects like this demonstrate another way in which parents influence their children besides genetic inheritance and social learning: environmental influence on gene expression. And there’s now evidence suggesting that epigenetic marks similar to those observed in rat pups may help explain the transmission from mother to daughter of abusive and neglectful parenting in both monkeys and humans, as well as the increased susceptibility to mental health problems associated with early abuse and neglect (Maestripieri,

Lindell, & Higley, 2007; McGowan, 2013; McGowan et al., 2009). But the cycle of neglect and abuse may be breakable: Meaney and his colleagues showed that epigenetic effects of neglectful parenting on stress response and parenting style in rats can be reversed if young animals are raised by sensitive, nurturing mothers or if drugs that affect gene expression in critical parts of the brain are administered (McGowan, Meaney, & Szyf, 2008; Zhang & Meaney, 2010). It appears, too, that some diseases and disorders arise not because a normal gene is missing but because it is not expressed normally, sometimes as a result of a poor diet, alcohol or drug use, toxins or stressful experiences. Consider this intriguing example of how epigenetic effects might help explain obesity and diabetes: feeding a father rat (but not the mother rat) a high fat diet and making him overweight changes epigenetic codings in his sperm, which changes his female daughter’s physiology so that she becomes more prone to obesity and diabetes – even though both she and her mother ate healthy diets (Ng et al., 2010). There’s now evidence indicating that overweight human fathers can also pass on epigenetic marks through their sperm that are likely to increase their children’s odds of obesity and related problems – and that in men who lose weight after undergoing gastric bypass surgery, many of the markings associated with obesity are reversed (Donkin et al., 2016).

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ON THE INTERNET Behaviour and genetics

https://www.khanacademy. org/test-prep/mcat/ behavior#behaviorand-genetics Via this link you will have access to short video tutorials on a range of topics covered in this chapter relating to behaviour and genetics, including twin and adoption studies, heritability and gene– environment interactions.

It’s not yet clear where epigenetic research will lead, how often epigenetic marks are inherited by our children and grandchildren, or how often they actually cause later physical and mental health problems. However, it is clear that environment can influence gene expression and, in turn, traits and behaviour. By altering gene expression, some epigenetic effects may contribute to greater plasticity, helping organisms and their offspring adapt flexibly to whatever environmental conditions they encounter rather than wait generations for biological evolution to do its work (Champagne, 2013; Meaney, 2010). In the end, we do not fully understand how genes and environment acting together bring about certain developments at certain points in the life span. However, we are learning a tremendous amount from studies of gene-environment interactions, gene-environment correlations and epigenetic effects.You might find it useful to access the On the internet: Behaviour and genetics link to consolidate or develop your knowledge further on this complex topic.

IN REVIEW CHECKING UNDERSTANDING 1 What are two problems in adoption studies of genetic influence? 2 What does the following (hypothetical) table of correlations tell you about the contributions of genes, shared environment and non-shared environment to frequency of use of marijuana? Raised together

Raised apart

Identical twins

+0.90

+0.40

Fraternal twins

+0.50

+0.10

3 Label each example below as an example of (i) geneenvironment interaction, (ii) passive gene-environment correlation, (iii) evocative gene-environment correlation, (iv) active gene-environment correlation or (v) epigenetic effects. a Roger inherited genes for artistic creativity from his parents and grew up watching them paint.

b Tamara was abused as a child and this seems to have made her stress response system overly reactive. c Kayla inherited genes for mathematical ability and has been taking extra maths and science courses at university. d Sydney inherited a gene that can cause intellectual disability but only in children who do not receive enough folic acid in their diet. e Andy got genes for anxiety, and his anxious behaviour makes his parents overprotective of him.

CRITICAL THINKING Sherrita believes that if intelligence is heritable, genes explain everything and nothing can be done to boost the intelligence of children who have low levels of it. Drawing on evidence about the heritability of intelligence, convince Sherrita that she is wrong. Express

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3.3 PRENATAL STAGES Learning objectives

■■ Summarise the main events and three phases of the prenatal period. ■■ Explain the major changes in brain development during the prenatal period.

Recall that the zygote contains the 46 chromosomes that are the genetic blueprint for the individual’s development. It takes about 266 days (about 9 months), and three stages or periods, for the zygote to become a foetus of billions of cells that is ready to be born. In this next section we look more closely at the stages of prenatal development – the germinal period, the embryonic period and the foetal period – and ask: What maturational milestones normally occur during this period? And what risks and opportunities does the prenatal environment present to the developing foetus? Note that these stages do not align exactly with the more common division of pregnancy by parents-to-be and their

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obstetricians into three trimesters corresponding to the first 3 months, the middle 3 months, and the last 3 months of the prenatal period.

The germinal period The first trimester begins with the germinal period, which lasts approximately two weeks; the important events of this period are outlined in Table 3.3. For the first week or two, the zygote divides many times through mitosis, forming the blastocyst, TABLE 3.3  Events of the germinal period a hollow ball of about 150 cells that is the size of the head of a pin. When the blastocyst reaches the Day Event uterus around day 6, it implants tendrils from its 1 Fertilisation usually occurs within 24 hours of ovulation. outer layer into the blood vessels of the uterine 2 The single-celled zygote begins to divide 24–36 hours wall. This is quite an accomplishment; only about after fertilisation. half of all fertilised ova are successfully implanted in 3–4 The cellular mass has 16 cells and is called a morula; it is the uterus. In addition, not all implanted embryos travelling down the fallopian tube to the uterus. survive the early phases of prenatal development. 5 An inner cell mass forms; the entire mass is called a Although estimates vary widely, up to one third of blastocyst and is the size of a pinhead. pregnancies are short-lived and end in miscarriage 6–7 The blastocyst attaches to the wall of the uterus. (Hure et al., 2012;Tulandi & Al-Fozan, 2011). Many 8–14 The blastocyst becomes fully embedded in the wall of the of these early losses are because of genetic defects. uterus. It now has about 250 cells.

The embryonic period The first trimester continues with the embryonic period, which occurs from the third to the eighth week after conception. Development proceeds at a breathtaking pace, as summarised in Table 3.4. The layers of the blastocyst differentiate, forming structures that sustain development. The outer layer develops into both the amnion, a watertight membrane that fills with fluid that cushions and protects the embryo, and the chorion, a membrane that surrounds the amnion and attaches rootlike extensions called villi to the uterine lining to gather nourishment for the embryo. The chorion eventually becomes the lining of the placenta, a tissue fed by blood vessels from the mother and connected to the embryo by the umbilical cord. Through the placenta and umbilical cord, the embryo receives oxygen and nutrients from the mother and eliminates carbon dioxide and metabolic TABLE 3.4  Events of the embryonic period Week

Event

3

Now an embryo, the person-to-be is just 2 mm long. It has become elongated, and three layers are emerging – the ectoderm, mesoderm and endoderm.

4

The embryo is so curved that the two ends almost touch. The outer layer (ectoderm) folds into the neural tube. From the mesoderm, a tiny heart forms and begins to beat. The endoderm differentiates into a gastrointestinal tract and lungs. Eyes develop.

5

Ears, mouth and throat take shape. Arm and leg buds appear. The handplate from which fingers will emerge appears. The heart divides into two regions, and the brain differentiates into forebrain, midbrain and hindbrain.

6–7

The embryo is about 2.5 cm long. The heart divides into four chambers. Fingers emerge from the handplate, and primitive facial features become evident. The important process of sexual differentiation begins.

8

Most structures and organs are present. Ovaries and testes are evident. The embryo begins to straighten and assumes a more human appearance.

germinal period First phase of prenatal development, lasting about 2 weeks from conception until the developing organism becomes attached to the wall of the uterus. blastocyst A hollow sphere of about 100 to 150 cells that forms by rapid cell division of the zygote as it moves through the fallopian tube. embryonic period Second phase of prenatal development, lasting from the third through the eighth week after conception, during which the major organs and anatomical structures begin to develop. placenta The organ that provides the oxygen and nourishment needs of the unborn child and eliminates its metabolic wastes.

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wastes into the mother’s bloodstream. A membrane called the placental barrier allows these small molecules to pass through, but prevents the large blood cells of embryo and mother from mingling. It also protects the developing child from many harmful substances, but as you will see shortly, it is not infallible; some dangerous substances slip through. During the short embryonic period, every major organ takes shape, in at least a primitive form, in a process called organogenesis. The cells in the interior of the blastocyst differentiate into three different types of tissue ectoderm, mesoderm and endoderm – that will eventually evolve into specific tissues and organ FIGURE 3.9  The beginnings of the nervous system systems, including the central nervous system (brain and spinal cord) from the ectoderm; muscle tissue, cartilage, The nervous system emerges from the neural plate, which thickens and folds to form the neural groove. When the edges bone, heart, arteries, kidneys and gonads from the of the groove meet, the neural tube is formed. All this takes mesoderm; and gastrointestinal tract, lungs and bladder place between 18 and 26 days after conception. from the endoderm (Sadler, 2015). The beginnings of a brain are apparent after only Future brain Neural 3–4 weeks, when the neural plate folds up to form the plate Developing Neural neural tube (Figure 3.9).The bottom of the tube becomes heart bulge fold the spinal cord. ‘Lumps’ emerge at the top of the tube and eventually form the forebrain, midbrain and hindbrain Neural tube (Figure 3.10). The so-called primitive or lower portions of the brain develop earliest.They regulate such biological Neural functions as digestion, respiration and elimination; they groove also control sleep–wake states and permit simple motor reactions. These are the parts of the brain that make life possible.

Source: Alamy Stock Photo/RGB Ventures/ SuperStock/Mark Alberhasky

organogenesis The process, occurring during the embryonic period, in which every major organ begins to take shape.

Snapshot

FIGURE 3.10  The brain at four stages of development, showing hindbrain, midbrain and forebrain Midbrain

Midbrain

Hindbrain

Forebrain Hindbrain Forebrain Spinal cord About a month after conception, this embryo is shown against a cross-section of the placenta. The umbilical cord is shown at the bottom of the photo, connecting the embryo to the placenta. The eyes are clearly visible, as are the arms, legs and ear buds. The fingers are just beginning to differentiate, and the mouth is formed.

3 weeks after conception

7 weeks after conception

Midbrain

Forebrain

Forebrain Hindbrain Cerebellum Medulla

Midbrain (hidden)

11 weeks after conception

At birth

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CHAPTER 3: GENES, ENVIRONMENT AND THE BEGINNINGS OF LIFE

In approximately 1 in 2000 pregnancies, the neural tube fails to fully close (Liptak, 2013). When this happens at the bottom of the tube, it can lead to spina bifida, in which part of the spinal cord is not fully encased in the protective covering of the spinal column. Children with spina bifida typically have neurological problems ranging from very mild to severe depending on the location and size of the opening. Failure to close at the top of the neural tube can lead to anencephaly, a lethal defect in which the main portion of the brain above the brain stem fails to develop. Neural tube defects occur 25–29 days after conception and are more common when the mother is deficient in folate, a type of B vitamin that is critical for normal gene function (Liptak, 2013). This illustrates the importance of good maternal nutrition for development – more on this later. Clearly the embryonic period is dramatic and highly important because it is when the structures that make us human evolve. Yet many pregnant women, either because they do not yet know they are pregnant – like Serena from the chapter opening story – or because they do not appreciate the value of early prenatal care, or experience barriers to accessing adequate prenatal care, do not make the lifestyle adjustments that can reduce the risk of damage to the embryo. By this time, it may be too late to prevent the damage that can be caused by an unhealthy lifestyle.

The foetal period The foetal period lasts from the ninth week of pregnancy until birth, which means it encompasses part of the first trimester and all of the middle and last trimesters.The major milestones of this period are summarised in Table 3.5, and then described in more detail. TABLE 3.5  Events of the foetal period Week

Event

9

Bone tissue emerges, and the embryo becomes a foetus. The head of the foetus looks huge relative to the rest of the body – it takes up about half the total length of the foetus. The foetus can open and close its mouth and turn its head.

10–12

Fingers and toes are clearly formed. External genitalia have developed. Movements have increased substantially – arms and legs kick vigorously, but the foetus is still too small for the mother to feel all these movements. The foetus also shows ‘breathing’ movements with its chest and some reflexes.

13–16

The heartbeat should be audible with a stethoscope. Foetal movements may become apparent to the mother. The foetus is about 11.5 cm long, and the skeleton is becoming harder.

17–22

Fingernails and toenails, hair, teeth buds and eyelashes grow. Brain development is phenomenal, and brainwaves are detectable.

23–25

These weeks mark the age of viability, when the foetus has a chance of survival outside the womb. It is about 30 cm long and weighs about half a kilogram.

26–32

The foetus gains weight and its brain grows. The nervous system becomes better organised.

33–38

The last 6 weeks of a full-term pregnancy bring further weight gain and brain activity. The lungs mature and begin to expand and contract.

foetal period The third phase of prenatal development, lasting from the ninth prenatal week until birth, during which the major organ systems begin to function effectively and the foetus grows rapidly.

Brain development The foetal period is an important period for brain development and involves three processes: proliferation, migration and differentiation. Proliferation of neurons involves their multiplying at a staggering rate during this period; by one estimate, the number of nerve cells increase by hundreds of thousands every minute throughout all of pregnancy, with a concentrated period of proliferation occurring between 6 and 17 weeks after conception (du Plessis, 2013). As a result of this rapid

proliferation An intense period of brain cell growth originating from stem cells undergoing rapid cell division.

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LINKAGES Chapter 4 Body, brain and health

migration The process by which brain cells travel to their intended location in the nervous system via chemical signals or being pushed along with the growth and movement of other brain cells.

Snapshot

proliferation, the young infant has around 100 billion nerve cells. Another period of proliferation takes place after birth, but this produces an increase in glial cells, not nerve cells. Glial cells function primarily as support cells for nerve cells (see Chapter 4). In migration, the nerve cells move from their place of origin to particular locations within the brain where they will become part of specialised functioning units. Migration is influenced by genetic instructions and by the biochemical environment in which brain cells find themselves. Some neurons migrate passively by getting pushed out of the way to make room for other neurons being born (Johnson & de Haan, 2015). This form of migration is typical for neurons that will end up in the brain stem and thalamus. Other neurons, such as those that will form the cerebral cortex, take a more active role: they travel along the surface of glial cells and detach at programmed destinations in the developing brain (see Figure 3.11). Nerve cells migrate to the closest or innermost parts of the brain first and to the farthest or outermost parts last, and much of this occurs between 8 and 15 weeks after conception (McDonald, 2007). Once a neuron reaches its ‘home’, it begins to communicate with the surrounding neurons. FIGURE 3.11  Nerve cell migration

Source: Science Photo Library/MedicalRF.com; Science Photo Library/Nucleus Medical Art/Visuals Unlimited

Neurons move to their final destinations in the brain by attaching themselves to strands of glial fibre and then slowly progressing along the surface of the glial fibre.

Outer surface

On the left, we see what the developing foetus looks like in the womb at 10 weeks after conception. On the right, we see how things look at this same time on the outside: a ‘baby bump’ is just barely visible on the mother, despite the amazing changes that have been taking place inside.

Migrating neuron

Glial fibre

Migrating zone

Inner surface

differentiation The progressive transformation of brain cells that results in their taking on different characteristics and functions depending on where they end up in the brain.

Along with proliferation and migration of cells, a third process, differentiation, is occurring. Early in development, every neuron starts with the potential to become any specific type of neuron; what it becomes – how it differentiates – depends on where it migrates.Thus, if a neuron that would normally migrate to the visual cortex of an animal’s brain is transplanted into the area of the cortex that controls hearing, it will differentiate as an auditory neuron instead of a visual neuron (Johnson & de Haan, 2015).

First trimester Organ systems that formed during the embryonic period continue to grow and begin to function. Harmful agents will no longer cause major malformations because organs have already formed, but they can stunt the growth of the foetus and interfere with the wiring of its rapidly developing nervous system.

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CHAPTER 3: GENES, ENVIRONMENT AND THE BEGINNINGS OF LIFE

In the third month of pregnancy, distinguishable external sex organs appear, the bones and muscles develop, and the foetus becomes frisky: by the end of the third month (that is, by the end of the first third of pregnancy, or first trimester), it moves its arms, kicks its legs, makes fists and even turns somersaults. The mother probably does not yet feel all this activity because the foetus is still only about 7.5 cm long. Nonetheless, this tiny being can swallow, digest food and urinate. All this ‘behaving’ contributes to the proper development of the nervous system, digestive system and other systems of the body, and is consistent with the behaviours that we observe after birth (Piontelli, 2015).

Second trimester During the second trimester (the fourth, fifth and sixth months), more refined activities appear (including thumb sucking), and by the end of this period the sensory organs are functioning: premature infants as young as 25 weeks respond to loud noises and bright lights (Sadler, 2015). At about 23 weeks after conception, midway through the fifth month, the foetus reaches the age of viability, when survival outside the uterus is possible if the brain and respiratory system are sufficiently developed.The age of viability is earlier today than at any time in the past because medical techniques for keeping fragile babies alive have improved considerably over the past few decades. Although there are cases of ‘miracle babies’ who survive severely premature birth, many infants born at 22–25 weeks do not survive, and of those who do, many experience chronic health or neurological problems. Among infants born at the cusp of survivability – 22–23 weeks – 92 per cent do not survive beyond a few hours or days despite the use of aggressive medical therapies (Swamy, Mohapatra, Bythell, & Embleton, 2010). At 23 weeks, 25 per cent of premature babies survive, and with just one more week in the womb, the survival rate jumps to 55 per cent (Berger et al., 2012). (We will learn more about the challenges for premature infants in Chapter 4.) Therefore, the age of viability is an indicator of when survival may be possible, but it is by no means a guarantee of life or health.

age of viability A point at around the 24th prenatal week when a foetus may survive outside the uterus.

LINKAGES Chapter 4 Body, brain and health

Third trimester During the third trimester (the seventh, eighth and ninth months), the foetus gains weight rapidly. This time is also critical in the development of the brain, as is the entire prenatal period. As we have already learned, early in pregnancy is when the basic architecture of the nervous system is developed. During the second half of pregnancy, nerve cells not only multiply at an astonishing rate (proliferation) but they also increase in size and develop an insulating fatty cover, myelin, that improves their ability to transmit signals rapidly. Most importantly, guided by both a genetic blueprint and early sensory experiences, nerve cells connect with one another and organise into working groups that control vision, memory, motor behaviour and other functions. As the brain develops, the behaviour of the foetus becomes more like the organised and adaptive behaviour seen in the newborn. For example, Janet DiPietro and her colleagues (2006, 2007) assessed heart rates and activity levels in foetuses at various prenatal intervals (between 20 and 38 weeks after conception), at 2 weeks of age, and again at 2 and 2½ years of age. Heart rate was relatively stable from the prenatal period into early childhood. By 36 weeks of gestation, heart rate and movement had become increasingly organised into coherent patterns of waking and sleeping known as infant states. The patterns detected in this and other studies suggest that important changes in the nervous system occur 28–32 weeks after conception, when premature infants are typically well equipped to survive. As the nervous system becomes more organised, so does behaviour. Interestingly, different foetuses display consistent differences in their patterns of heart rate and movement, and researchers have detected correlations between measures of foetal physiology and behaviour and measures of infant temperament (DiPietro et al., 2007; Werner et al., 2007). For example, active foetuses turn out to be active, difficult and unpredictable babies, and foetuses whose states are better organised are

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also better regulated at 3 months old, as indicated by their waking fewer times during the night. The message is clear: newborn behaviour does not spring from nowhere; it emerges long before birth. There is, then, a good deal of continuity between prenatal behaviour and postnatal behaviour. By the middle of the ninth month, the foetus is so large that its most comfortable position in cramped quarters is head down with limbs curled (the ‘foetal position’). The mother’s uterus contracts at irregular intervals during the last month of pregnancy. When these contractions are strong, frequent and regular, the mother is in the first stage of labour and the prenatal period is drawing to a close. Under normal circumstances, birth will occur within hours.

IN REVIEW CHECKING UNDERSTANDING

CRITICAL THINKING

1 What is organogenesis and what is the timeline for this during the embryonic period?

Mary and her husband Josh are expecting their first child and are having an antenatal ultrasound scan in the 12th week of the pregnancy. What body structures and foetal behaviour might they expect to see during the scan?

2 How does the development of the brain and nervous system unfold during the embryonic and foetal periods? 3 What is the ‘age of viability’?

Express

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3.4 THE PRENATAL ENVIRONMENT AND FOETAL HEALTH Learning objectives

prenatal environment The physical environment of the womb.

teratogen Any disease, drug or other environmental agent that can harm a developing foetus.

■■ Explain and exemplify the principles of teratogenic effects on an unborn child. ■■ Provide examples of how drugs, maternal diseases and conditions, and environmental hazards may harm foetal and child development. ■■ Summarise characteristics of the parents-to-be that may influence the pregnancy and its outcomes.

The mother’s womb is the prenatal environment for the unborn child. Just as children are influenced by their physical and social environments, so too is the foetus affected by its surroundings. When all is right, the prenatal environment provides just the stimulation and support needed for healthy foetal development. Yet the developing embryo-then-foetus is a vulnerable little creature. Whereas it was once believed that the placenta served as a screen to protect the foetus from harmful substances, we now know that this is not the case. Research increasingly shows that events of the prenatal period can have lifelong effects on physical health and mental development (see, for example, Hellemans, Sliwowska,Verma, & Weinberg, 2010;Waldie et al., 2014). Importantly, though, good health may also have its origins in the prenatal period, suggesting that this is a period of opportunity, not just a period of vulnerability. What hazards, then, does the foetus face, and how can development during this period be optimised? In the next sections, your main mission is to discover the extent to which early environmental influences, interacting with genetic influences, make or break later development.

Teratogens We begin by looking at the effects of exposure to teratogens during the prenatal period. A teratogen is any disease, drug or other environmental agent that can harm a developing foetus, for example, by causing deformities, blindness, brain damage or even death. The list of teratogens

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is long, and the environment contains many potential teratogens whose effects on development have not yet been assessed. Let us emphasise, however, that only 15 per cent of newborns have minor problems, and even fewer – perhaps 5 per cent – have more significant anomalies due to teratogens (Sadler, 2015). Figure 3.12 summarises some generalisations about the effects of teratogens on the developing foetus. The critical period generalisation is particularly important. The critical period of an organ system is a period of rapid growth during which the developing organism is especially sensitive to environmental influences, positive or negative. As you will recall from earlier in the chapter, organogenesis takes place during the embryonic period (weeks 3–8 of prenatal development). As Figure 3.13 shows, it is during this time – before many women even realise they are pregnant – that most organ systems are most vulnerable to damage. Moreover, each organ has a critical period that corresponds to its own time of most rapid development (for example, weeks 3–6 for the heart and weeks 4–7 for the arms and fingers). Once an organ or body part is fully formed, it is usually less susceptible to damage. However, because some organ systems – above all, the nervous system – can be damaged throughout pregnancy, sensitive period might be a better term than critical period. FIGURE 3.12  Principles of teratogenic effects

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Snapshot

As it nears the end of the gestational period (38–40 weeks for a full-term infant), the foetus engages in many behaviours observed in newborns (here, it sucks its thumb).

sensitive period A period of life during which the developing individual is especially susceptible to the effects of experience or has an especially high level of plasticity.

Critical period. The effects of a teratogenic agent are worst during the critical period, when an organ system grows most rapidly.

Dosage and duration. The greater the level of exposure and the longer the exposure to a teratogen, the more likely it is that serious damage will occur.

Environment. The effects of a teratogen depend on the quality of both the prenatal and the postnatal environments.

Genetic makeup. Susceptibility to harm is influenced by the unborn child’s and the mother’s genetic makeup.

Let’s illustrate the principles of teratology by surveying the effects of drugs.There are many drugs – prescription, over-the-counter, illicit and social – that can disrupt prenatal development (see Table 3.6). Under a doctor’s close supervision, medications used to treat ailments and medical conditions are usually safe for mother and foetus. However, aligned with the critical period principle, certain individuals exposed to certain drugs in certain doses at certain times during the prenatal period are damaged for life. For example, in the late 1950s, the tranquilliser thalidomide was widely used in Australia and the United Kingdom to relieve morning sickness (the periodic nausea and vomiting many women experience during the first trimester of pregnancy). The drug was presumed to be safe; it had no ill

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Source: Lennart Nilsson/Albert Boniers Forlag, AB, A Child is Born, Dell Publishing Company

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FIGURE 3.13  Sensitive periods of prenatal development Teratogens are more likely to produce major structural abnormalities during the third through the eighth prenatal week. Note, however, that many organs and body parts remain sensitive to teratogenic agents throughout the 9-month prenatal period.

Period of the embryo Prenatal week

Period of the fetus

3

4

5

6

7

8

CNS

Eye

Heart

Ear

Palate

Ear

Heart

Leg

Arm

Teeth

12

16

20–36

38

Brain

Site of birth defect (the part of the embryo or fetus where damage is most likely to occur) External genitalia

Central nervous system such as neural tube defects Heart such as valve defects Arms such as missing or shortened arm Eyes such as cataracts, glaucoma

Severity of defects (dark orange shading indicates the most highly sensitive period for teratogenic effects)

Legs such as a missing or shortened leg Teeth such as defective enamel Palate problems such as a cleft palate External genitalia such as masculinization of female genitalia Ear such as malformed ears, deafness Major structural abnormalities

Physiological defects and minor structural abnormalities

Source: Adapted from Moore (2013).

effects in tests on pregnant rats.Tragically, however, the drug had adverse effects on humans.Thousands of women who used thalidomide during the first 2 months of pregnancy gave birth to babies with all or parts of their limbs missing, with the feet or hands attached directly to the torso, or with deformed eyes, ears, noses and hearts. It soon became clear that there were critical periods for different deformities. If the mother had taken thalidomide 20–22 days after conception, her baby was likely to be born without ears. If she had taken it 22–27 days after conception, the baby often had missing or small thumbs. If it was taken between 27 and 33 days after conception, the child was likely to have stunted legs or no legs. And if the mother waited until 35 or 36 days after conception before using thalidomide, her baby was usually not affected. Therefore, thalidomide had specific effects on development, depending on which structures were developing when the drug was taken. Another principal of teratogenic action is that the effects of a teratogen depend on the quality of both the prenatal and the postnatal environments. Consider the use of cocaine during pregnancy. Babies born to mothers who use cocaine during pregnancy are affected prenatally, often born preterm and with low birth weight compared to babies born to non-using mothers (Smith & Santos, 2016). These children may also experience later behaviour problems and cognitive deficits that can persist in adolescence and adulthood. The postnatal environment, however, can mitigate some of

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CHAPTER 3: GENES, ENVIRONMENT AND THE BEGINNINGS OF LIFE

TABLE 3.6  Examples of drugs taken by the mother that harm foetal and child development Drug

Effects

Alcohol

Heavy prenatal exposure to alcohol can result in a cluster of symptoms referred to as foetal alcohol syndrome (FAS), in which affected children have a small head and distinctive facial abnormalities, and physically lag behind their peers. Intellectual disability, heart defects, and other cognitive and behavioural problems (e.g. ADHD, conduct disorder) are also common in children with FAS. Some children exposed to alcohol prenatally may not develop all the features of FAS but may experience milder physical, behavioural or cognitive problems (Kodituwakku & Kodituwakku, 2014; Nulman, Ickowicz, Koren, & Knittel-Keren, 2007).

Tobacco

Babies of smokers tend to be small and premature, have respiratory problems, and sometimes show intellectual deficits or behavioural problems later in development (Campos, Bravo, & Eugenin, 2009; Meyer et al., 2009; Stene-Larsen, Borge, & Vollrath, 2009). Smoking and secondhand smoke in the pregnant woman’s environment can increase her risk of miscarriage (George, Granath, Johansson, Annerén, & Cnattinguis, 2006).

Stimulants

Caffeine, found in coffee, tea and many sodas, is a stimulant and diuretic. As such, it can increase blood pressure, heart rate and urination. Heavy caffeine use has been linked to miscarriages, higher heart rates, growth restriction and irritability at birth, but does not seem to have long-lasting effects on development (Loomans et al., 2012).

Antiepileptic drugs

Some drugs used to treat seizures are associated with substantial risk of restricted growth, microcephaly, heart defects, neural tube defects, kidney disease, and cleft lip and palate. Newer antiepileptic drugs have lower malformation rates (Veiby, Daltveit, Engelsen, & Gilhus, 2014).

Over-the-counter pain/fever reducers (aspirin and ibuprofen)

An occasional low dose is okay, but used in large quantities, such drugs may cause neonatal bleeding and gastrointestinal discomfort. Large amounts of these over-the-counter pain relievers have been associated with low birth weight, prematurity and increased risk of miscarriage (Rebordosa, Kogevinas, Bech, Sørensen, & Olsen, 2009).

Sex hormones

Birth control pills containing female hormones have been known to produce heart defects and cardiovascular problems, but today’s pill formulas are safer. Progesterone in drugs used to prevent miscarriage may masculinise the foetus. Diethylstilboestrol, once prescribed to prevent miscarriage, increases the risk of cervical cancer and creates infertility and pregnancy problems in exposed daughters (DES Action, 2013).

Marijuana

Heavy use of marijuana has been linked to premature birth, low birth weight and mild behavioural abnormalities such as irritability at birth. It may lead to small deficits in general intelligence as well as in some of the skills that contribute to higher-level problem solving, including sustained attention and cognitive flexibility (Wendell, 2013).

Narcotics

Addiction to heroin, codeine, methadone or morphine increases the risk of premature delivery and low birth weight. The newborn is often addicted and experiences potentially fatal withdrawal symptoms (e.g. vomiting and convulsions). Longer-term cognitive deficits are sometimes evident (Shepard & Lemire, 2010).

Sources: Modified from Creasy et al. (2013); Paulson (2013); Sadler (2015); Shepard & Lemire (2010).

these effects. For example, children exposed to prenatal cocaine who are raised by adoptive or foster parents display fewer language problems at age 10 than those raised by their biological mother, suggesting that the quality of the postnatal parenting environment matters (Lewis et al., 2011).

Teratogens and genes Let’s explore the role of genes in affecting how teratogens act to affect development. Could there be a genetic connection between a mother and child that explains the negative outcomes for some children exposed to drugs? Frances Rice, Anita Thapar and their colleagues (2009) used a clever research design to clarify the connection between maternal smoking and physical and psychological outcomes for infants. They studied two groups of children conceived through in vitro fertilisation: children who were the biological offspring of the mother (that is, the mother’s own ova were retrieved, fertilised and then implanted in her womb) and children who were not biologically related

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to the mother (that is, a donor ovum was fertilised and then implanted in her womb).The researchers looked at two dependent variables: birth weight and antisocial behaviour at around age 6.They found that polluting the environment of the womb with the by-products of cigarette smoke results in lower birth weight – lower birth weights were observed in the babies of mothers who smoked regardless of the genetic connection between mother and child. As for antisocial behaviours, these were observed in the offspring of smokers only when there was a genetic connection between mother and child. The children who were conceived with donor ovum and whose mothers smoked during pregnancy did not show elevated rates of antisocial behaviour. Therefore, a prenatal environment of smoke by-products alone does not increase antisocial behaviour, but rather the interaction of the mother’s genetic contribution and smoking does. Why? There may be, for example, certain personality characteristics that make it more likely that a woman will smoke and also contribute to antisocial behaviours that are passed along to offspring. There may also be gene-environment interaction effects at work. For example, New Zealand researcher Karen Waldie and colleagues (2014) used a molecular genetics approach to study the effects of maternal smoking on intelligence. In particular, they investigated whether maternal smoking exposure interacts with variants of the BDNF gene to affect IQ of offspring. After controlling for the effects of birth weight, they found that there was indeed a gene-environment interaction effect. Carriers of the Met-BDNF allele had lower IQ scores (more than 8 IQ points) when mothers smoked during pregnancy compared to when they did not. Thus, gene-environment interactions illustrate that some foetuses are more or less resistant to teratogens, and that not all foetuses are equally affected, or indeed affected at all, by a teratogen. Note that it is not just the mother’s use of drugs that can adversely affect development. Paternal smoking during pregnancy also has an effect that is independent of maternal smoking on an increased risk of later ADHD symptoms (Langley, Heron, Smith, & Thapar, 2012). Some research suggests that a father’s use of alcohol, too, can influence foetal development through transmission of the father’s genetic makeup to his offspring (Knopik et al., 2009). Other research, however, shows that paternal drinking does not affect foetal development directly, but affects development indirectly through poor parenting (Knopik et al., 2009). Also, fathers who abuse alcohol or drugs are often with partners who abuse alcohol or drugs, making it difficult to separate the effects of the mother’s use of these substances from the father’s use (Frank, Brown, Johnson, & Cabral, 2002). Therefore, researchers still do not know whether a father’s consumption of alcohol causes the problems or whether the problems arise from situations often associated with a father’s abuse of alcohol. What should you make of these findings of the potentially harmful effects of legal and illicit drugs? You now understand that drugs do not damage all foetuses exposed to them in a simple, direct way. Instead, complex transactions between an individual with a certain genetic makeup and the prenatal, perinatal and postnatal environments influence whether or not prenatal drug exposure does lasting damage. Note too, that just as drugs can jeopardise the prenatal environment, so can diseases and environmental hazards. Table 3.7 summarises how a number of maternal diseases may affect prenatal development. Table 3.8 describes some of the environmental hazards that may endanger the unborn child. The principles of teratogens also apply to explaining the foetal and developmental effects of diseases and environmental hazards, with the principles of dosage and duration especially evident.

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CHAPTER 3: GENES, ENVIRONMENT AND THE BEGINNINGS OF LIFE

TABLE 3.7  Maternal diseases and conditions that may harm foetal and child development DISEASE OR CONDITION

EFFECTS

Sexually transmitted infections (STIs) Acquired Immunodeficiency Syndrome (AIDS)

AIDS, an illness caused by the human immunodeficiency virus (HIV), destroys the immune system, increases susceptibility to infections and may lead to death. Mothers can acquire it through sexual contact, or contact with contaminated blood, and can transmit the virus to their babies (1) prenatally through the placenta, (2) perinatally through blood exchange between mother and child as the umbilical cord and placenta separate, or (3) postnatally during breastfeeding. About 15–35 per cent of babies born to HIV-infected mothers will become infected, but risk is reduced if mother and child are provided with drug treatment or the infant is bottle-fed (Avert, 2012; Becquet et al., 2012).

Chlamydia

Chlamydia can lead to premature birth, low birth weight, eye inflammation or pneumonia in newborns. This most common STI is easily treatable.

Gonorrhoea

This STI attacks the eyes of the child during birth; blindness is prevented by administering silver nitrate eye drops to newborns.

Herpes simplex (genital herpes)

This disease may cause eye and brain damage or death in the first trimester. Mothers with active herpes are advised to undergo caesarean deliveries to avoid infecting their babies during delivery, because 85 per cent of infants born with herpes acquire the virus during passage through the birth canal.

Syphilis

Untreated syphilis causes miscarriage or stillbirth in 6 per cent of cases (CDC, 2012). For live births, it can cause serious birth defects such as blindness, deafness, heart problems or brain damage. Prior to the 18th prenatal week syphilitic organisms cannot cross the placental barrier, therefore it is most damaging in the middle and later stages of pregnancy. Even with appropriate penicillin treatment some infants are infected or die (Blencowe, Cousens, Kamb, Berman, & Lawn 2011).

Other maternal conditions or diseases Chickenpox

Chickenpox can cause spontaneous abortion, premature delivery and slow growth, although fewer than 2 per cent of exposed foetuses develop limb, facial or skeletal malformations.

Cytomegalovirus (CMV)

This common infection shows mild flu-like symptoms in adults. About 25 per cent of infected newborns develop hearing or vision loss, intellectual disability or other impairments, and 10 per cent develop severe neurological problems or even die.

Diabetes

Well-controlled diabetes typically poses few, if any, prenatal complications. However, poorly controlled diabetes can lead to premature delivery, stillbirth or miscarriage; immature lung development; and large-for-date foetuses, which can complicate delivery.

Influenza (flu)

The more powerful strains can cause spontaneous abortions or neural abnormalities early in pregnancy that may lead to decreased intelligence scores in adulthood (Eriksen, Sundet, & Tambs, 2009).

Rubella (German measles)

Rubella infection is most dangerous during the first trimester, a sensitive period when the eyes, ears, heart and brain are rapidly forming. Birth defects, such as vision and hearing loss, intellectual disability, heart defects, cerebral palsy and microcephaly, occur in 60–85 per cent of babies exposed to the disease in the first 2 months of pregnancy, 50 per cent in the third month, and 16 per cent in the fourth or fifth months (Kelley-Buchanan, 1988). Nearly 15 per cent of pregnant women with rubella experience miscarriage or foetal death (Andrade et al., 2006). Doctors recommend that women should not try to become pregnant unless they have been immunised against rubella or have previously had it.

Toxaemia

The mildest form of toxaemia, pre-eclampsia, affects about 5 per cent of mothers in the third trimester, causing high blood pressure and rapid weight gain in the mother. Untreated, pre-eclampsia may become eclampsia and cause maternal convulsions and coma, and death of the mother, the unborn child or both. Surviving infants may be brain damaged.

Toxoplasmosis

This illness, caused by a parasite in raw meat and cat faeces, leads to blindness, deafness and intellectual disability in approximately 40 per cent of infants born to infected mothers. So, it is recommended that pregnant women avoid eating undercooked meat and do not clean out cat litter boxes, or have cats tested and treated before pregnancy to eliminate potential exposure to parasites.

Sources: Bell (2007), © 2007; Sadler (2015).

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TABLE 3.8  Environmental hazards that may harm foetal and child development Environmental hazard

Effect

Radiation

Clinical doses of radiation, such as those used in X-rays and cancer treatment, can cause mutations, spontaneous abortions and a variety of birth defects, especially if the mother is exposed in weeks 8–15. Therefore, expectant mothers are routinely advised to avoid X-rays unless they are essential to their own survival, as might be the case with women undergoing certain cancer treatments.

Lead

Children exposed to lead prenatally are smaller at birth and may be born preterm (Jelliffe-Pawlowski, Miles, Courtney, Materna, & Charlton, 2006). They also show impaired intellectual functioning as infants proportional to the amount of lead in their umbilical cords, even after controlling for other differences among children, such as socioeconomic status (Yorifuji, Debes, Weihe, & Grandjean, 2011). Avoiding exposure to older-style lead-based paints (e.g. dust from old paint during home renovations or ingestion of paint chips from old painted surfaces) is recommended, as exposure to even very low levels of lead can affect mental function.

Mercury

Mercury exposure prenatally typically results from eating fish. Studies looking at prenatal exposure to mercury from maternal consumption of fish suggest adverse consequences, including delayed development and memory, attention and language problems, with the effects commensurate with the amount of mercury exposure (Paulson, 2013). It is recommended that expectant mothers be cautious of eating some fish, namely those larger fish that consume lots of little fish, as these tend to have higher concentrations of mercury.

Pesticides, dioxins and polychlorinated biphenyls (PCBs)

Prenatal exposure to pesticides, dioxins and polychlorinated biphenyls (PCBs) has also been associated with perinatal and postnatal problems (Govarts et al., 2012). For example, prenatal exposure to PCBs from maternal consumption of contaminated foods is associated with poor reflexes in infants and later learning difficulties, including lower IQ scores at age 9 (Paulson, 2013). Children whose mothers were exposed to pesticides during pregnancy have greater body fat relative to children not exposed (Wohlfahrt-Veje et al., 2011); exposed boys have smaller genitals, and exposed girls experience earlier breast development compared to non-exposed girls (Wohlfahrt-Veje et al., 2012a; Wohlfahrt-Veje et al., 2012b). Expectant mothers should avoid substances such as PCBs and pesticides.

Maternal characteristics and foetal health In addition to drugs, diseases and environmental hazards, what else is associated with risk to the foetus or pregnancy? Figure 3.14, which presents recent Australian data about mothers and babies, FIGURE 3.14  Selected maternal characteristics and associations with poor foetal growth Small for gestational age babies, by selected maternal characteristics, 2014 Age

Low birthweight liveborn babies, by selected maternal characteristics, 2014

Maternal BMI

Age

Under 20 years 20-39 years 40 and over year

Inner regional Outer regional Remote

Lowest SES Indigenous status SES

SES

Very remote

Indigenous status

20-39 years Underweight Normal weight Overweight Obese Major cities

Remoteness

Remoteness

Major cities

Under 20 years

Highest SES Indigenous Non-Indigenous 0

2

10 4 6 8 Per cent of LBW babies

12

14

Inner regional Outer regional Remote Very remote Lowest SES Highest SES Indigenous Non-Indigenous 0

2

4

6 8 10 12 14 Per cent of SGA babies

16

18

Source: Australian Institute of Health and Welfare (2016)

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highlights several characteristics of the mother that have been well researched globally and found to be associated with foetal health indicators such as foetal growth and prematurity.

Age One characteristic known to influence foetal health is the mother’s age. As illustrated in Figure 3.14, and in terms of healthy foetal weight, the safest time to bear a child is at about 20–40 years of age. Very young mothers (under 20) and older mothers (40 years and above) have higher rates of birth complications, including premature deliveries and stillbirths (foetal death that occurs late in pregnancy, from 20 or more weeks gestational age) (American Academic of Pediatrics, 2011;Yilmez et al., 2016).Why? Young mothers are more likely to develop high blood pressure and go into labour earlier. They may also be less likely to seek ongoing prenatal care and are more likely to live in poverty and drink alcohol than mothers in their 20s and older (American Academic of Pediatrics, 2011). As for older women, they are also more likely to experience pregnancy complications such as high blood pressure, and more likely to experience labour and delivery complications and deliver via caesarean section. Older women are also more likely to have a foetus with a genetic disorder and to carry multiple foetuses (most commonly twins), both of which are associated with preterm delivery and low birth weight (American Academic of Pediatrics, 2011;Yilmez et al., 2016). Foetal mortality for higher-order pregnancies (three or more foetuses) is more than four times the rate for single pregnancies (MacDorman & Gregory, 2015). Keep in mind, however, that despite the increased risks for younger and older women in childbearing, most have normal pregnancies and healthy babies.

Nutritional condition The mother’s nutritional condition has also been shown to impact foetal health. Doctors recommend a well-balanced diet during pregnancy with about 300 additional calories per day, with a total weight gain of 11–15 kilograms for normal-weight women. As shown in Figure 3.14, mothers being underweight is a particular concern for foetal growth. At the other end of the spectrum, obesity, a worldwide health problem (see Chapter 4), is also a concern, being associated with pregnancy loss, congenital anomalies and caesarean delivery. Babies of obese women have increased body fat, which is associated with increased risk of childhood obesity (Catalano, & Shankar, 2017). As well as overall maternal weight, healthy eating, including consuming lots of milk and leafy green vegetables during pregnancy, reduces the risk of low birth weight (McCowan & Horgan, 2009). Of concern are findings that many women do not adhere to nutritional advice – for instance, most pregnant mothers from the Growing Up in New Zealand study did not adhere to nutritional guidelines in pregnancy, with only 3 per cent meeting food group recommendations (Morton et al., 2014). One clear example of the connection between specific nutrients and birth outcome or later behaviours is a deficiency of folate, which has been linked to neural tube defects and was referred to earlier in the chapter. Both Australia and New Zealand have mandated the folate enrichment of bread products in an effort to increase folate levels of women of childbearing age. While the impacts of mandatory fortification in Australia and New Zealand are not yet known, similar programs in the United States and Canada since the mid-1990s have been associated with decreases in the incidence of neural tube defects (Hamilton, Martin, & Ventura, 2009). Although such fortification programs appear beneficial, most healthcare professionals recommend pregnant women and those planning to become pregnant take prenatal vitamin supplements to ensure adequate levels of folate and other important vitamins and minerals before and during pregnancy. Concerning are additional results from the Growing Up in New Zealand study that found 16 per cent of study mothers did not take folic acid during their pregnancy (Morton et al., 2010; and see Morton, Grant, & Atatoa Carr, 2013).

LINKAGES Chapter 4 Body, brain and health

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Ethnicity Adverse outcomes of pregnancy, such as foetal mortality, low birth weight and prematurity, have been found to vary with the ethnicity of the mother. Most notable in Australia and New Zealand are the differences between infants born to Indigenous and non-Indigenous women – see the Statistics snapshot box. The reasons for these disparities between Indigenous and non-Indigenous infants are largely associated with the social and economic disadvantage experienced by many Indigenous women and families and the challenges associated with living in remote locations (see Figure 3.14). For example, the low birth weight of Aboriginal Australian infants has been linked to alcohol use and smoking (maternal and passive) during pregnancy, maternal medical conditions such as high blood pressure and genitourinary tract infections, and poor education and living conditions (AIHW, 2016; Eades et al., 2008). Aboriginal mothers are also more likely than non-Aboriginal mothers to present for the first antenatal visit after the first trimester and may have low overall rates of antenatal care (AIHW, 2016). A way forward, then, for decreasing foetal mortality, low birth weight and prematurity rates for Indigenous infants is to improve access to primary healthcare, including culturally appropriate antenatal care during pregnancy, along with coordinated government and community strategies to address the determinants of social and economic disadvantage for Indigenous people (D’Antoine & Bessarab, 2010; Kildea, Kruske, Barclay, & Tracy, 2010). Consider too the finding of Australian researcher Jane Yelland and her colleagues (2016) that although the majority of Aboriginal women do access healthcare in the months after giving birth, a number do not. Specifically, they found that 86 per cent had seen a specialist nurse, 81 per cent had seen a GP, and 61 per cent had seen an Aboriginal health worker. However, 16 per cent of women with gestational diabetes, 10 per cent with hypertension and 24 per cent who had a low–birth weight infant had not seen a health practitioner. As the researchers conclude, there is clearly more to be done to ensure Aboriginal women and their infants receive appropriate postnatal care.

Emotional health and stress Life is filled with many stressors – both chronic (for example, poverty, racism or ongoing job stress) and acute (for example, experiencing a car accident, or the unexpected death of a loved one). Being pregnant does not make stress disappear; indeed, for women who experience pregnancyspecific anxiety (for example, about the health and wellbeing of their baby, or impending childbirth), pregnancy may lead to increased stress levels (Dunkel Schetter & Tanner, 2012). How is the foetus affected by the mother’s experience of these types of stress and anxiety? The most immediate effects on the foetus are a faster and more irregular heart rate and stunted prenatal growth, which can lower birth weight, cause premature birth and lead to birth complications (Bussieres et al., 2015). There is some evidence that female foetuses may be more susceptible to maternal stress than their male counterparts (Wainstock, Shoham-Vardia, Glasserb, Antebyc, & Lerner-Gevabd, 2015). Following birth, babies whose mothers had been highly stressed during pregnancy tend to be smaller, more active, more irritable and more prone to crying than other babies (Dunkel Schetter & Tanner, 2012). They may experience delays in cognitive development and exhibit greater fearfulness and more behavioural and emotional problems during childhood (Dunkel Schetter & Tanner, 2012; Slykerman et al., 2015). Acute maternal stress during the first trimester has been linked to increased likelihood of developing schizophrenia, a serious mental disorder whose symptoms typically emerge in adolescence or early adulthood (Barouki, Gluckman, Grandjean, Hanson, & Heindel, 2012). How might maternal stress contribute to these later adverse outcomes for the child? Likely through foetal programming involving epigenetic effects of the environment on gene expression,

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CHAPTER 3: GENES, ENVIRONMENT AND THE BEGINNINGS OF LIFE

as discussed earlier in the chapter (Gudsnuk & Champagne, 2011). For example, researchers with the longitudinal Auckland Birthweight Collaborative Study have found that children who have a particular genotype and who have been exposed prenatally to maternal stress are at an increased risk for later behavioural and emotional problems in childhood, and also lower IQ and reading difficulties (D’Souza et al., 2016; Lamb et al., 2014; Thompson et al., 2012). Stress and anxiety are not the only maternal emotional states to consider. Maternal depression during pregnancy (prepartum depression) is associated with low birth weight and may contribute to motor delays in newborns and influence their temperament (Davis et al., 2007; Dunkel Schetter & Tanner, 2012). Depression during pregnancy is not uncommon; for example, consider the findings from the Growing Up in New Zealand study: 16 per cent of expectant mothers were identified as having symptoms consistent with depression (Morton et al., 2010). Meta-analytic findings, too, report the prevalence of depression as 7–18 per cent throughout pregnancy (see Bennett, Einarson, Taddio, Koren, & Einarson, 2004; Hübner-Liebermann, Hausner, & Wittmann, 2012). Given these figures, expectant mothers may wonder if pregnancy causes depression. In the Growing Up in New Zealand study, 1 in 4 mothers reported a pre-pregnancy history of depression that continued during pregnancy, with only 1 per cent developing depression for the first time during pregnancy (Morton et al., 2010). A 10-year longitudinal study of Australian women found that pregnancy is not associated with increased symptoms of depression (or anxiety) on average (Leach, Christensen, & Mackinnon, 2014). Other longitudinal studies tracking women before, during and after pregnancy also indicate that becoming pregnant on its own does not negatively impact women’s mental health (Van Bussel, Spitz, & Demyttenaere, 2006). It is important to remember, however, that some women may be at increased risk of depression and other mental health issues during pregnancy, so it is important to monitor this and provide treatments as needed throughout pregnancy.

MAKING CONNECTIONS Imagine you have unexpectedly found out you are 3 months pregnant (yes, even if you are a man!). Think back over the past 3 months – what aspects of your lifestyle have possibly optimised or risked the health of your unborn child? What lifestyle changes might you need to make for the remainder of the pregnancy?

Statistics snapshot PREMATURITY, LOW BIRTH WEIGHT AND FOETAL MORTALITY In Australia … • In 2014, 9 per cent of babies were born preterm (before 37 weeks’ gestation) and 6 per cent were of low birth weight (less than 2500 g). • In 2014, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander infants were twice as likely as non-Indigenous Australian infants to have low birth weight (12 per cent compared to 6 per cent) and to be born preterm (14 per cent compared to 8 per cent). • In 2014, there were 2986 perinatal deaths (which includes foetal/stillbirth and neonatal deaths), with a death rate of 10 per 1000 births. Specifically, there were 7 per 1000 foetal (stillbirth) deaths and 3 per 1000 neonatal deaths (deaths of liveborn babies aged less than 28 days).

• In 2014, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander infants were 1.5 times more likely than non-Indigenous Australian infants to die perinatally (foetal and neonatal deaths), with a rate of 14 deaths per 1000 births compared to 9 per 1000. This is a decrease in the death rate from 2011, during which 19 per 1000 Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander infants died perinatally. In New Zealand … • In 2012, 7 per cent of babies were born preterm (before 37 weeks’ gestation) and 3 per cent were of low birth weight (less than the 10th percentile for birth weight). • In 2011, Maˉori infants were twice as likely as infants of European or Pasifika descent to have low birth

weight (3 per cent compared to 1 per cent). Maˉori infants were also more likely to be born preterm (8.2 per cent compared to 7.9 per cent for Pasifika infants and 7.4 per cent for European infants). • In 2012, there were 448 foetal deaths (stillbirths), with a foetal death rate of 7 per 1000 births. There were 294 neonatal deaths (deaths of liveborn babies aged less than 28 days), with a neonatal death rate of 5 per 1000. • In 2012, the Asian ethnic group had the highest foetal death rate, at 14 per 1000 – an increase of 14 per cent compared to the previous 5-year period (2007–2011). Foetal death rates for the Pasifika ethnic group decreased by 21 per cent over this period.

Sources: Australian Institute of Health and Welfare (2016); New Zealand Ministry of Health (2015, 2016).

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Paternal characteristics and foetal health

Search me! and Discover how the interaction of expectations of fathering competence and sense of importance of the fathering role are associated with father involvement during pregnancy: Adamsons, K. (2013). Possible selves and prenatal father involvement. Fathering: A Journal of Theory, Research, and Practice about Men as Fathers, 11, 245–255.

Does the father’s state have any influence on the quality of the prenatal environment or the outcome of a pregnancy? Unfortunately, there is not a lot of research on the father’s contributions to prenatal development beyond his genetic contribution. Researchers do know that the father’s age, just like the mother’s age, can influence development. The odds of miscarriage and infant mortality increase with paternal age and are approximately twice the rate when fathers are in their 40s or 50s than when they are in their 20s or 30s (Belloc et al., 2008; Doamekpor, Amutah, & Ramos, 2013; Sadler, 2015). Children born to older fathers also face elevated risk of congenital heart defects, neural tube defects and kidney problems, as well as preterm delivery and low birth weight (Alio et al., 2012; Grewal, Carmichael,Yang, & Shaw, 2012; Shah, 2010). As we noted earlier in the chapter, researchers have consistently identified advanced paternal age (that is, 50 and older) as a risk factor for Down syndrome (Fisch et al., 2003), schizophrenia (Crystal, Kleinhaus, Perrin, & Malaspina, 2011; Frans et al., 2011; Rucker & McGuffin, 2012) and autism (O’Roak et al., 2012). As well, the offspring of young fathers (less than 20 years) are at greater risk for Down syndrome and some other anomalies (Wiener-Megnazi, Auslender, & Dirnfeld, 2012). Finally, we noted earlier in the chapter that we now have some evidence that paternal nutrition, and in particular obesity, is also associated with offspring obesity and diabetes via epigenetic mechanisms (Ng et al., 2010). Thus, fathers, like mothers, should assess and, if need be, change their lifestyles and exposure to risk factors to optimise their chances of a healthy child.

IN REVIEW CHECKING UNDERSTANDING

CRITICAL THINKING

1 What maternal drug use, diseases and conditions, and environmental hazards can cause harm to foetal and child development?

Consider Serena, whose story was summarised at the start of the chapter. What risks might her child face given Serena’s lack of awareness of her pregnancy for the first 4–5 months?

2 What principles can help us understand the effects of teratogens? 3 What maternal and paternal factors can influence the prenatal environment and health of the foetus?

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3.5 THE PERINATAL ENVIRONMENT Learning objectives

perinatal environment The environment surrounding birth, including delivery practices, possible birth hazards and the social and physical environment during and after birth.

■■ Describe the stages of childbirth and analyse the use of various interventions during delivery on neonatal outcomes. ■■ Compare cultural practices surrounding labour, delivery and neonatal life, and predict how these differences might affect later child development. ■■ Describe how at-risk newborns are identified at birth.

The perinatal environment is the environment surrounding birth; it includes delivery practices, possible hazards at the time of birth and the social and physical environment during and after birth. Like the prenatal environment, the perinatal environment can greatly affect human development.

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Childbirth The childbirth process Childbirth is a three-stage process (see Figure  3.15). The first stage of labour begins as the mother experiences regular contractions of the uterus and ends when her cervix has fully dilated (widened) to 10 centimetres so that the foetus’ head can pass through. This stage of labour lasts an average of 9 hours for firstborn children and 4–6 hours for later-born children, but it may last much longer (or shorter) depending on the individual and her circumstances. The second stage of labour is delivery, which begins as the foetus’ head passes through the cervix into the vagina and ends when the baby emerges from the mother’s body. This is when the mother is often told to ‘bear down’ (push) with each contraction to assist her baby through the birth canal. For first deliveries, this stage takes about 1 hour; for later deliveries, it can be 15–20 minutes. Finally, the third stage of the birth process is the delivery of the placenta, which lasts only a few minutes. Before continuing, take some time with the On the internet: Inside pregnancy link provided for access to online animations about the many aspects of pregnancy and childbirth you have been reading about in this chapter.

FIGURE 3.15  The three stages of labour (A) Stage 1: Contractions of the uterus cause dilation of the cervix. (B) Stage 2: The mother pushes with each contraction, forcing the baby down the birth canal, and the head appears followed by the shoulders and then the rest of the baby’s body. (C) Stage 3: With a few final pushes, the placenta is delivered.

Umbilical cord Placenta Uterus

Stage 1 Vagina Cervix

(A) Contractions occur and the cervix opens (dilates)

Stage 2

(B) After the head appears (crowns), the baby passes through the vagina

POSSIBLE HAZARDS DURING CHILDBIRTH In most births the entire process goes smoothly, and parents and newborn Stage 3 quickly begin their relationship. Occasionally, however, problems arise. One clear hazard during the birth process is anoxia, or oxygen shortage (also called asphyxia). Anoxia can occur for any (C) Expulsion of the placenta number of reasons – for example, because the umbilical cord becomes pinched or tangled during birth, because sedatives given to the mother reach the foetus and interfere with the baby’s breathing, because mucus lodged in the baby’s throat prevents normal breathing, or because the

Placenta being detached

Umbilical cord

anoxia A lack of sufficient oxygen to the brain that may result in neurological damage or death.

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ON THE INTERNET Inside pregnancy

https://www. babycenter.com. au/c25004365/ fetal-developmentvideos These online animated videos take you ‘inside pregnancy’ to view conception and the various stages of prenatal development. There are also videos about how babies hear sound and receive nutrients, and the process of labour and birth.

breech presentation A delivery in which the foetus emerges feet first or buttocks first rather than head first. caesarean section A surgical procedure in which an incision is made in the mother’s abdomen and uterus so that the baby can be removed through the abdomen.

baby is in a breech presentation (feet or buttocks first) during a vaginal delivery. Anoxia is dangerous primarily because brain cells die if they are starved of oxygen for more than a few minutes. Severe anoxia can initially cause poor reflexes, seizures, heart rate irregularities and breathing difficulties. In the long run, severe anoxia can lead to memory impairment or cerebral palsy, a neurological disability primarily associated with difficulty controlling muscle movements; it also increases the risk of learning or intellectual disabilities and speech difficulties (Fehlings, Hunt, & Rosenbaum, 2007). Milder anoxia makes some infants irritable at birth or delays their motor and cognitive development but usually does not lead to permanent problems. In some cases, mothers may need assistance with delivery, possibly because labour has proceeded too long or because of concern about the wellbeing of the baby or mother. Assistance may be in the form of use of forceps (an instrument resembling an oversized pair of tongs) or vacuum extraction (suction) to aid vaginal delivery. Although vacuum extraction does not carry the same risk of neonatal cranial bleeding and brain damage that is associated with forceps, and takes up less space in the birth canal and therefore is felt less by the mother, it can cause some marking and swelling of the scalp (Shekhar, Rana, & Jaswal, 2012; Schot, Halbertsma, Katgert, & Bok, 2012). In some cases, the foetus must be delivered by caesarean section, otherwise known as C-section, which is a surgical procedure in which an incision is made in the mother’s abdomen and uterus so that the baby can be removed. Use of emergency caesarean sections as an alternative to normal vaginal delivery has prevented the death of many babies and mothers due to birth complications. Still, overall rates of foetal and neonatal death have not improved with increased numbers of caesarean sections (Blanchette, 2011). There is also evidence that caesarean section entails higher risk of bleeding complications for mothers and respiratory distress for infants compared to vaginal delivery (Karlström, Lindgren, & Hildingsson, 2013). Mothers who have caesarean sections also take longer to recover from the birth process, are sometimes less positive toward and involved with their babies, and breastfeed their newborns less often (Prior et al., 2012; Sakalidis et al., 2013). The caesarean section rate in Australia has increased from 29 per cent in 2004 to 33 per cent in 2014, or around 1 in 3. (AIHW, 2016). Women who had a caesarean section include all women who had no labour onset, as well as some women who required a caesarean section after labour started. In New Zealand in 2014, 1 in 4 women had a caesarean birth and just over half of these were emergency caesareans (New Zealand Ministry of Health, 2015). Between 2005 and 2014 the percentage of elective caesarean sections increased from 9 per cent to 12 per cent of all births, whereas emergency caesarean sections remained fairly stable, moving from 13 per cent to 14 per cent of all births. The increase in caesareans, and in particular elective caesareans, has been controversial. Various reasons have been put forward as to the reason for the increase, such as maternal anxiety about birthing or the desirability of a scheduled birth (Fuglenes, Aas, Botten, Øian, & Kristiansen, 2012; Ramvi & Tangerud, 2011). But mothers and their doctors need to be careful of the timing of elective caesarean births. When infants are born via non-emergency caesarean at 38 weeks rather than 39 weeks, they can experience greater respiratory complications (Bates et al., 2010; Blanchette, 2011; Tita, Landon, & Spong, 2009). On the other side of this picture, caesareans performed at 41 or more weeks are also associated with complications, including risk of stillbirth. Thus, there is a fairly narrow window at 39–40 weeks when elective caesareans should be performed to optimise outcomes. Interestingly, mothers who undergo planned (as opposed to emergency) caesareans rate the birth experience more positively than any other group, including those who deliver vaginally (Blomquist, Quiroz, MacMillan, Mccullough, & Handa, 2011).

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The childbirth experience In most Western cultures, a dramatic shift in birthing practices occurred during the twentieth century. In the 1930s in the United States, around 80 per cent of births took place at home; by 1990, this figure had plummeted to less than 1 per cent (MacDorman, Mathews, & Declercq, 2012). Hospitals and conventional labour wards remain the main place in which women give birth. In Australia in 2014, 98 per cent of women gave birth in hospitals, with just under 2 per cent giving birth in birthing centres, and less than 1 per cent giving birth at home or in other settings (AIHW, 2016). In New Zealand, the rate for home births is a little higher, at just over 3 per cent of births in 2014 (New Zealand Ministry of Health, 2015). The change in birth setting from home to hospital over the past century has been accompanied by a shift from thinking about birth as a natural family event to thinking about it as a medical problem to be solved with high technology (Cassidy, 2006); and in most cases today doctors assume full authority for decisions regarding delivery. Many couples, however, want to give birth in a situation that combines the security of modern technology with a comfortable homelike feeling. Some hospitals have responded by restructuring their labour delivery rooms and practices to give couples greater flexibility and control. Some health systems also make greater use of midwives or doulas. For example, in New Zealand, pregnancy support is delivered by a system of Lead Maternity Carers (LMC). The Growing Up in New Zealand study revealed that 98 per cent of mothers reported having an LMC, and only 1 per cent of those LMCs were general practitioners, with two-thirds being independent midwives and the remainder hospital-based midwives and obstetricians (Morton et al., 2010). In general, midwives view pregnancy and delivery as natural life events rather than as medical events requiring medical intervention. They partner with the labouring mother-to-be to assist her with delivery but do not dictate the conditions of labour and delivery. Such support tends to shorten labour by as much as half and reduce the need for pain medication and assisted delivery with forceps or vacuum (Hodnett, Simon, Hofmeyr, & Sakala, 2012). Unfortunately, birthing choices can be limited by location, especially for those living in rural and remote areas, and also impacted by limited public funding and indemnity insurance for midwives to attend home births. In New Zealand, however, 88 per cent of mothers report having a choice of LMC, and this is actually higher for those in rural areas, at 92 per cent (Morton et al., 2010).

THE MOTHER’S EXPERIENCE For every woman who has given birth, you are likely to hear a unique birth story. In one study, most mothers admitted that they experienced severe pain and a good deal of anxiety, including feelings of outright panic (Waldenström, Borg, Olsson, Sköld, & Wall, 1996).Yet most also emerged from the delivery room feeling good about their achievement and their ability to cope (‘I did it!’). Overall, 77 per cent of mothers felt the experience was positive and only 10 per cent said it was negative. And, despite longer labours and more medication, first-time mothers did not perceive labour and delivery much differently than experienced mothers. What factors influence a mother’s experience of birth? Not surprisingly, women who labour longer report more negative feelings about the birth experience (Ulfsdottir, Nissen, Ryding, Lund-Egloff, & Wiberg-Itzel, 2014). Psychological factors such as the mother’s attitude toward her pregnancy; her knowledge, expectations and fears about the birth process; her sense of control over childbirth; and the social support she receives from her partner or someone else are important determinants of her experience of delivery and of her new baby (Haines, Rubertsson, Pallant, & Hildingsson, 2012). Women report a more negative birth experience when their newborn seems to be struggling immediately after birth, even when the infant quickly rebounds (Ulfsdottir et al., 2014).

Search me! and Discover the stresses and social and emotional wellbeing needs of Australian Aboriginal women during pregnancy: Prandl, K. J., Rooney, R., & Bishop, B. J. (2012). Mental health of Australian Aboriginal women during pregnancy: Identifying the gaps. Archives of Women’s Mental Health, 15, 149–154.

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The experience of childbearing is shaped, too, by the cultural context in which it occurs, and, as discussed in the chapter Diversity box, cultural practices surrounding birth differ widely. Regardless of whether women experience their infant’s delivery as positive or negative, their feelings about motherhood are largely positive 6 months after the experience (DiPietro, Goldshore, Kivlighan, Pater, & Costigan, 2015).

Diversity

The experience of childbirth is shaped by the cultural context in which it occurs. Among the !Kung San of Namibia, for example, women typically labour by themselves (Cassidy, 2006). Giving birth alone is considered to be a strength. When labour begins, the !Kung woman goes off on her own and is expected to labour quietly. To do otherwise is considered a sign of weakness and possibly shows indifference toward the baby. Models of childbirth valued by the !Kung San are in contrast to medicalised models in highly industrialised Western societies where women are hospitalised and hooked up to monitors. Medicalised models may especially contradict the sociocultural models of health and childbirth for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people. For example, limited support and resources for nonhospital births in Australia has meant many Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander women, particularly those in remote locations with limited local health services, must leave their home and family, sometimes for weeks at time, to give birth in a hospital. Not being able to ‘birth on country’ or residing in an urban environment may mean limited

social, emotional and spiritual support from extended family and elders and lack of access to traditional birthing practices such as smoking ceremonies, which can compromise both the mother’s and baby’s health, spirit and connection to the land (Dunbar & Ford, 2010; Kildea, 2006). Hospital practices may also contradict cultural practices, as described by one Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander health worker: [S]moking will close up and heal the soreness of childbirth … it should be available in hospital … the placenta should not be burnt as the mother might then get a sickness in the womb, it is alright to freeze it till it can be buried by the families at home.

The identification of totems during pregnancy and provision of these to the child at birth may also be prevented when mothers and fathers are away from their country – totems come from the animals, plants, landscape and weather of their land (Queensland Studies Authority, 2008). Remotely located fathers and siblings too may struggle to build positive relationships with the new

Source: Getty Images/Paul Chesley

CHILDBIRTH AND CULTURE

The smoking ceremony is a traditional Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander custom in which native leaves are lit and the mother and newborn are passed through the smoke as a way of promoting physical and spiritual health.

baby, which they may not see for several weeks after the birth. There is no denying that access to medical care and treatment has helped to improve infant survival rates and maternal health, especially for high-risk pregnancies. But increasingly, women and families want choice when it comes to childbirth so they can experience care consistent with their personal and cultural beliefs. The secret to a more optimal birth experience may be to blend beneficial traditional and cultural practices with modern medical know-how to ensure the optimum physical and psychological health of mothers and infants. Source: Kildea, 1999, p. 85.

THE FATHER’S EXPERIENCE When birthing moved into hospitals, the medical establishment aggressively prohibited fathers from participating in their children’s birth on the grounds that they would contaminate the sterile environment needed for a safe birth (Cassidy, 2006). Today, many men prepare for fatherhood before delivery, attend prenatal classes with their partner and are present for their child’s birth. Fathers report that they want to be involved with their partner’s pregnancy, although even today they don’t always know how to make this happen. Fenwick and colleagues (2012), for example, found that

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CHAPTER 3: GENES, ENVIRONMENT AND THE BEGINNINGS OF LIFE

some Australian first-time and experienced fathers-to-be reported feeling ‘sidelined’ and ignored by healthcare professionals at antenatal visits, and in turn felt ill-equipped for the birth. Australian researchers have found that stress levels among fathers tend to be highest during their partner’s pregnancy and then decrease after the birth of the baby (Condon, Boyce, & Corkindale, 2004). For many fathers, however, attending prenatal classes with their partner improves their experience of childbirth (Greenhalgh, Slade, & Spiby, 2000). As for the labour period, new fathers in particular report feeling scared, unprepared, helpless and frustrated (Fenwick et al., 2012). They find labour to be more work than they had expected and some experience a sense of powerlessness and distress at their partner’s pain during labour. Despite the stresses, the majority of fathers are found to have a positive birth experience, and negative emotions usually give way to relief, pride and joy when the baby finally arrives (Fenwick et al., 2012; Johansson, Rubertsson, Rådestad, & Hildingsson, 2012). Those fathers present for delivery who cut their newborn’s umbilical cord are found to have greater emotional connection to their infants at 1 month (Brandão & Figueiredo, 2012). This doesn’t mean that all fathers-to-be need to cut the umbilical cord, though; there are many other opportunities to develop a strong emotional connection between father and infant. Pregnancy and childbirth, then, can be both a positive and a potentially unsettling time for fathers-to-be.

Identifying at-risk newborns A few infants will be considered at risk for either short-term or long-term problems because of genetic defects, prenatal hazards or perinatal damage. It is essential to these infants’ survival and wellbeing that they be identified as early as possible. One way this is done is with routine screening of newborns using the Apgar test, which provides a quick assessment of the newborn’s heart rate, respiration, colour, muscle tone and reflexes (see Table 3.9). The test has been used for more than 60 years and, despite its low-tech nature, is still considered a valuable diagnostic tool. The simple test is given immediately and then 5 minutes after birth. It yields scores of 0, 1 or 2 for each of the factors, which are then added to yield a total score between 0 and 10. Infants who score 7 or higher are in good shape; infants scoring 4 or lower are at risk – their heartbeats are sluggish or non-existent, their muscles are limp and their breathing is shallow and irregular, if they are breathing at all. These babies will immediately experience a different postnatal environment than a normal baby because they require medical intervention in intensive care units to survive. One particular group of at-risk babies that will be examined more closely in Chapter 4 are those with low birth weight.

at risk Describes children who have a higher than normal chance of either shortterm or long-term problems because of genetic defects, prenatal hazards or perinatal damage. Apgar test A test routinely used to assess a newborn’s heart rate, respiration, colour, muscle tone and reflexes immediately after birth and 5 minutes later; used to identify high-risk babies.

LINKAGES Chapter 4 Body, brain and health

TABLE 3.9  The Apgar test FACTOR

SCORE 0

1

2

Heart rate

Absent

Slow (100 beats per minute)

Respiratory effort

Absent

Slow or irregular

Good; baby is crying

Muscle tone

Flaccid, limp

Weak; some flexion

Strong; active motion

Colour

Blue or pale

Body pink, extremities blue

Completely pink

Reflex irritability

No response

Frown, grimace or weak cry

Vigorous cry

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IN REVIEW CHECKING UNDERSTANDING

CRITICAL THINKING

1 What steps occur during the process of childbirth?

Considering the research on birth and the perinatal environment, plan what would be the perfect birth experience for you, your partner and the baby, and justify its features. Where would you be, who would be with you and what would be done?

2 Why is the sociocultural context surrounding childbirth important? 3 What risks does the baby potentially face during the birth process?

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3.6 THE NEONATAL ENVIRONMENT Learning objectives neonatal environment The environment and events surrounding the first month after birth.

■■ Compare and contrast breast- and bottle-feeding, offering pros and cons of both practices. ■■ Discuss the impacts of peripartum depression on parents and the parent–child relationship. ■■ Explain how we can optimise the development of at-risk newborns.

In this section we will look at aspects of the neonatal environment – the environment and events surrounding the first month after birth – and how parents and families adjust to the arrival of a new baby and optimise the development of young infants. We begin by considering the benefits of breastfeeding and some of the reasons why more women don’t breastfeed.

Breast or bottle?

MAKING CONNECTIONS What factors make it more or less likely that you will breastfeed, or encourage your partner to breastfeed, if you have children (or if you are already a parent, what factors affected your decisions)?

Over time and across cultures, feeding practices vary considerably.Without question, breastfeeding is the most natural form of nutrition for newborns. And until modern times, it was the sole source of nourishment until solid foods were introduced. The health benefits of breastfeeding are numerous and include fewer ear infections and respiratory tract problems for children, and lower risks of ovarian cancer and early breast cancer for mothers (Ip et al., 2007). In homes where a caregiver smokes cigarettes, breastfeeding offers some protection against the respiratory infections that frequently plague infants exposed to secondhand (passive) smoke (Yilmaz et al., 2009). Children who breastfeed for at least 4 months have stronger lung function, almost certainly because breastfeeding requires infants to suck stronger and longer to obtain the same amount of milk as when bottle-feeding (Karmaus et al., 2008). For premature babies, breast milk has been referred to as ‘more of a medicine than a food’ because of its positive effects on their immune systems and weight gain (Gross-Loh, 2006, p. 38). And mothers who breastfeed lose the weight gained during pregnancy more quickly than those who do not breastfeed following childbirth. There are also longer-term psychosocial benefits for mothers who breastfeed and their babies. Mothers who breastfeed are at lower risk for depression and breastfeeding is associated with better child mental health up to age 14 (Dennis & McQueen, 2009; Oddy et al., 2009). Longitudinal Australian research has found that breastfeeding is also associated with lower risk of maternalperpetrated child maltreatment (Strathearn, Mamun, Najman, & O’Callaghan, 2009). As well, breastfeeding for the first 4–6 months is associated with a handful of cognitive advances during infancy, especially among preterm babies (Quigley et al., 2012). The World Health Organization (WHO, 2015) recommends 6 months of exclusive breastfeeding and continued breastfeeding to 2 years. But in Australia, only 2 per cent of infants are exclusively

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breastfed for 6 months and rates decline rapidly after the first month (AIHW, 2011). In New Zealand, too, breastfeeding rates rapidly decline – the full/exclusive breastfeeding rate in 2015 was 79 per cent at 2 weeks and dropped to 67 per cent at 6 weeks, 56 per cent at 3 months, and 27 per cent at 6 months (Plunket, 2017). Given the health benefits of breastfeeding, why don’t more women breastfeed? Women cite a number of reasons for not continuing with breastfeeding, ranging from milk supply problems to discomfort and concerns that the infant is not getting adequate nutrition (Ahluwalia, Morrow & Hsia, 2006;Thulier & Mercer, 2009).Young women, those from low socioeconomic backgrounds and those with less education are less likely to breastfeed than other women (Ryan & Zhou, 2006). Being employed outside the home is also associated with lower breastfeeding rates, presumably because of the logistical problems of breastfeeding while at work. Maternal self-efficacy and social support also affect whether mothers initiate and continue breastfeeding (Brown, 2014). Cultural values and attitudes toward breastfeeding can be ambivalent in some countries and communities, and despite legislation that protects the right of women to breastfeed in public places, a small minority of mothers have experienced criticism and confrontation, which can affect their breastfeeding confidence.

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Search me! and Discover Access the Psychology database and research the topic of breastfeeding.

Peripartum depression Many new mothers report feeling tearful, irritable, moody, anxious and depressed within the first few days after birth. Referred to as the ‘baby blues’, this condition is relatively mild, passes quickly and is probably linked to steep drops in the levels of female hormones that normally occur after delivery and to the stresses associated with delivering a child and taking on the responsibilities of parenthood (not to mention coping with the lack of sleep experienced by many new mothers). A far more serious condition is peripartum depression. According to the latest edition of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM-5; and see Chapter 12), which spells out defining features and symptoms for the range of psychological disorders, peripartum depression is an episode of clinical depression with onset during pregnancy (prepartum) or during the 4 weeks after birth (postpartum) (American Psychiatric Association, 2013; Sharma & Mazmanian, 2014). As we highlighted earlier in the chapter, clinical depression during pregnancy is estimated to be around 18 per cent, and remains around this level postpartum (19 per cent) (Hübner-Liebermann et al., 2012). Many women affected with pregnancy-related depression have prior histories of depression. For example, data from the Growing Up in New Zealand study found having a pre-pregnancy diagnosis of depression was a risk factor for postpartum depression (Underwood, Waldie, D’Souza, Peterson, & Morton, 2016). Also, women vulnerable to depression during pregnancy or after childbirth are more likely to become depressed if they are experiencing other life stresses on top of the stresses of becoming a mother (Honey, Bennett, & Morgan, 2003). In a study of over 4000 Australian women, Jane Yelland, Georgina Sutherland, and Stephanie Brown (2010) found that women reporting three or more recent major life events (relationship issues, unemployment, death of a family member or friend) or social health issues (financial strain, legal troubles, serious family conflict or homelessness) were more likely to experience postnatal anxiety or depression than women who did not report social health issues. Lack of social support – especially a poor relationship with a partner – also increases the risk of postpartum depression (Webster, Nicholas,Velacott, Cridland, & Fawcett, 2011). Postpartum depression has significant implications for the parent–infant relationship and can result in less secure infant attachment as well as other issues throughout childhood, such as more negative interactions with other children and parents; behaviour problems and violence (Hay, Pawlby, Angold, Harold, & Sharp, 2003); and elevated levels of cortisol in adolescence, which is associated with major depression and might predispose these children to later depression (Halligan, Herbert, Goodyer, & Murray, 2004). How exactly might maternal depression in the weeks and months following delivery affect children’s behaviour and increase their odds of developing depression? Mothers who are

LINKAGES Chapter 12 Developmental psychopathology

peripartum depression An episode of clinical depression with onset during pregnancy or during the 4 weeks following childbirth.

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depressed tend to be relatively unresponsive to their babies and may even feel hostility toward them. They are tired and distracted, and often lack the energy needed to be fully engaged with their infants. Even though mothers typically recover from peripartum depression, research suggests that their early attitudes about their babies and the resulting pattern of early mother–child interactions set the stage for ongoing interaction problems that affect the child’s behaviour (Murray et al., 2011; Murray, Halligan, & Cooper, 2010; Weinberg, Olson, Beeghly, & Tronick, 2006). The contributions of genes inherited from their depression-prone mothers, foetal programming from exposure to the prenatal chemistry of their mothers, and poor quality of the postnatal mother–child relationship can combine to precipitate depression or other problems in the child (Field, 2011). Research reveals that new fathers experience symptoms of depression during their partners’ pregnancies and following the birth of their children (Paulson, Dauber, & Leiferman, 2006; Pinheiro et al., 2006). In a study of 3523 New Zealand men participating in the Growing Up in New Zealand cohort study, it was found that 2 per cent had elevated depression scores during the third trimester of their partner’s pregnancy, rising to 4 per cent 9 months after childbirth (Underwood et al., 2017). The symptoms of depression for these fathers were associated with stress, poor health, and adverse social and relationship factors. These findings suggest that the prenatal and postnatal period could be enhanced for both mothers and fathers by stronger support systems and encouragement to seek professional help. A particular barrier, however, for Indigenous women is access to culturally appropriate screening for peripartum depression, including use of suitable screening tools and access to practitioners that understand cultural notions of mental health (Kotz, Munns, Marriott, & Marley, 2016).

Risk and resilience

resilience Functioning well despite exposure to risk factors for disorder, or overcoming even severe early problems to become well adjusted.

LINKAGES Chapter 12 Developmental psychopathology

To what extent does harm done in the prenatal or perinatal period last, and to what extent can postnatal experiences make up for it? You have encountered many examples in this chapter of what can go wrong before or during birth. Some damaging effects are clearly irreversible: the thalidomide baby will never grow normal arms or legs, and the child with trisomy 21 will be intellectually impaired. Yet throughout history, many children turned out fine even though their mothers  – unaware of many risk factors – smoked and drank during their pregnancies, had complicated deliveries or experienced serious illness. So, although many factors place a foetus at risk and increase the likelihood of problems after birth, not all at-risk infants end up with problems. Is it also possible that some babies exposed to and clearly affected by risks recover from their deficiencies later in life? Indeed it is, and the results of major longitudinal studies prove it. For 40 years, Emmy Werner and her colleague Ruth Smith, in a now classic study, studied a group of babies born in 1955 on the island of Kauai in Hawaii (Werner, 1989a, 1989b; Werner & Smith, 1982, 1992, 2001). This was a monumental undertaking. All women of Kauai who were due to give birth in 1955 were interviewed in each trimester of pregnancy, and doctors noted any prenatal, perinatal or postnatal complications. On the basis of this information, each baby was categorised as having been exposed to severe, moderate, mild or no prenatal or perinatal stress. At ages 1, 2, 10, 18, 32 and 40 years, researchers diligently tracked down their participants and conducted interviews (initially with the mothers and later with the children), administered psychological and cognitive tests, rated the quality of the family environment, and conducted medical examinations. Remarkably, at the 40-year follow-up, 70 per cent (489 of 698) of the original group of babies born in 1955 still participated in the study. One-third of the children classified as ‘at risk’ showed considerable resilience, getting themselves back on a normal course of development (see also Chapter 12). Through this self-righting capacity, they were able to mature into competent, successful adults with no evident learning, social or

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vocational problems despite being at risk for poor outcomes. Two major findings emerge from this research: • the effects of prenatal and perinatal complications decrease over time • the outcomes of early risk depend on the quality of the postnatal environment. The postnatal environments of these successful at-risk children included two types of protective factors, influences that prevent the damaging effects of risk factors or help children overcome disadvantages. These are: • Personal resources. Possibly because of their genetic makeup, some children have qualities such as intelligence, sociability and communication skills that help them choose or create more nurturing and stimulating environments and cope with challenges. For example, parents and other observers in the study noted that successful at-risk children were agreeable, cheerful and self-confident as infants, which elicited positive caregiving responses. As they got older these children also believed that they were in control of their own fates – that through their actions, they could bring about positive outcomes. • Supportive postnatal environment. Some at-risk children become successful because they receive the social support they need within or outside the family. Most importantly, they are able to find at least one person who loves them unconditionally and with whom they feel secure. Clearly, hazards during the important prenatal and perinatal periods can leave lasting scars, and yet many children show remarkable resilience. There seem to be some points in the life span, especially early on, in which both positive and negative environmental forces have especially strong effects. Yet environment matters throughout life. It would be a mistake to assume that all children who have problems at birth are doomed. In short, early experience by itself can, but rarely does, make or break development; later experience counts, too, sometimes enough to turn around a negative course of development. In the chapter Professional practice box, social worker Bill McGarry shares his observations about individuals’ self-righting capacities in the face of adversity, and how he helps clients to develop pathways toward resilience in his social work practice.

protective factors Influences that prevent the damaging effects of risk factors or help atrisk children overcome disadvantages.

Professional practice

In your social work practice, what have you observed about resilience and individuals’ self-righting capacities? You can gather very quickly that the clients who continuously re-present to a service are the ones who have a diminished self-righting capacity. Some argue a traumatic background is why clients present with problems. My answer is, no, lots of people have a traumatic background and they don’t behave like that, so there has to be some other thing there, for example, personality, and those physical/ biological/psychosocial aspects of a person’s development. I think selfrighting is a way some people just

breeze on through life – so despite a particular upbringing, they won’t behave like that. As another example, in relation to the intergenerational transmission of abuse, I remember doing a training course. In my original training we were taught about the intergenerational transmission of abuse, the deterministic view. Later I was privileged to attend training at ECAV where I learned 70 per cent of people who were abused or witnessed abuse as children now choose deliberately not to abuse as adults, meaning we’ve only got 3 people out of 10 who actually are choosing, or they’re not thinking about their motivations when they use violence as a tactic, a weapon. Yeah, that was an interesting

Source: Bill McGarry

FOSTERING SELF-RIGHTING PATHWAYS

Bill McGarry, Social Worker, Tasmania, Australia

thing for me. And so the people who have less self-righting capacity are probably the people who are going to fit in that 3 out of 10. >>>

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In your social work practice how do you help clients develop pathways to this self-righting capacity? What I hope to do is propose contradictions and give alternative views and alternative explanations, asking them to reconsider. So a big jump in the story now, stay with me dear reader. (Bear in mind I am 110 kg and hairless.) I might say to the client, ‘Do you trust me to close your eyes and do

some imagining? Now I want you to imagine that I’m wearing a pink tulle skirt, little pink ballet pumps and I have angel wings. Now, what would you like to retain about your life, if your life was dramatically changed, when I touch you on the shoulder?’ It’s about proposing a different path and using breaks in your therapy to get people to consider the next proposition you’re putting in front of them. Without them ‘arguing

away’ the next proposition you’re about to make. Because people will always rationalise what you’re about to say in terms of their own experience, and if it’s too contradictory they’ll discount it. You have to find some way of managing the conversation with that client in a way that moves them towards some kind of self-righting capacity. You don’t want them always needing your service.

IN REVIEW CHECKING UNDERSTANDING

CRITICAL THINKING

1 What are the benefits of breastfeeding?

Given what we know about some of the challenges experienced by new parents, and the research about protective factors, what programs would you include as part of a national effort to support mothers, fathers and their infants in the months following birth?

2 What factors influence parental adjustment to the birth of a new baby? 3 What are two factors that allow some babies to show resilience to negative events of the prenatal or perinatal periods?

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CHAPTER REVIEW SUMMARY 3.1 Individual heredity ■■ Each human has an individual heredity provided at conception, when sperm and ovum, each with 23 chromosomes (thanks to meiosis), unite to form a single-cell zygote with 46 chromosomes. Parent and child share 50 per cent of their genes in common; siblings share 50 per cent on average. Some couples experience difficulties conceiving and turn to assisted reproduction technologies (ART) to assist them with having a baby. ■■ The chromosomes contain some 20 000–25 000 protein-building genes, along with regulatory DNA; the Human Genome Project has mapped these

genes and revealed similarities and differences between the genes of different human groups and species. ■■ The three main mechanisms of inheritance are single-gene-pair inheritance, sex-linked inheritance and polygenic (multiple-gene) inheritance. Some children are also affected by non-inherited changes in gene structure (mutations, copy number variations); others, because of errors in meiosis or mitosis, have chromosome abnormalities such as trisomy 21.

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■■ Genetic counselling offers information and guidance to people at risk for genetic conditions or for passing such conditions on to their children; many genetic abnormalities can be detected prenatally

through ultrasound, amniocentesis, chorionic villus sampling, maternal blood sampling and preimplantation genetic diagnosis.

3.2 The interplay of genes and environment ■■ Behavioural geneticists conduct twin, adoption and other family studies that describe resemblances between pairs of people using concordance rates and correlation coefficients. They then estimate the heritability of traits and the contributions of shared (with siblings in the same home) and non-shared (unique) environmental influences. Techniques of molecular genetics are used to identify and study particular gene variants and to compare people who do and do not have them. ■■ Overall, physical and physiological characteristics are more strongly influenced by genetic endowment than are intellectual abilities, temperament,

personality traits, psychological disorders, attitudes and interests. In addition to genetic influence, nonshared environmental influences are also significant for intelligence and aspects of temperament and personality, more so than shared environmental influences, which become less important after childhood. ■■ Genes and environment interact in complex ways to influence development, including through gene-environment interactions; passive, evocative and active gene-environment correlations; and epigenetic effects of environment.

3.3 Prenatal stages ■■ Prenatal development begins with conception and proceeds through the germinal, embryonic and foetal periods, with critical developments occurring during each period. Growth during the prenatal period is faster than during any other period of the life span. ■■ The germinal period lasts about 2 weeks. During this time, the single-celled zygote created when a sperm penetrates an ovum repeatedly multiplies and travels to the uterus where it implants itself. ■■ The embryonic period lasts through the third to the eighth week after conception. Every major organ

takes shape during this time in a process called organogenesis. The placenta forms and connects the embryo to its mother through the umbilical cord. Major developments occur during this time, including formation and beating of the heart and the start of sexual differentiation. ■■ The foetal period lasts from the ninth week after conception until the end of pregnancy. The body and brain undergo much growth during this time. Neurons multiply, migrate and differentiate into what they will finally become. The age of viability is reached at around 23–24 weeks’ gestation.

3.4 The prenatal environment and foetal health ■■ Teratogens include diseases, drugs and other environmental agents that can harm the developing foetus in the prenatal environment (the womb). Teratogens are most damaging to an organ during the time when the organ is developing most rapidly. In addition, the longer and stronger the exposure to a teratogen, the more likely that damage will occur to the developing child. The genetic makeup of both mother and unborn baby influence the effect of a teratogen, as does the quality of the prenatal and postnatal environments.

■■ Characteristics of the mother can influence the quality of the prenatal environment, including her age, emotional condition and nutritional condition. Adverse outcomes associated with pregnancy have been found to vary with the ethnicity of the mother, likely due to socioeconomic disadvantage and poor preconception health associated with minorities. Characteristics of the father, such as his age, may also affect the baby.

3.5 The perinatal environment ■■ The perinatal environment is the environment surrounding birth, including delivery practices, possible hazards experienced during birth and the social environment during and after birth. ■■ Childbirth is a three-stage process that begins with regular contractions of the uterus and dilation of the cervix, followed by delivery of the baby and then delivery of the placenta. Possible birth complications include anoxia or breech presentation, which may result in the need for interventions such as vacuum

extraction, use of forceps or caesarean section for a safe delivery. ■■ Many births take place in the medical setting of a hospital or birthing centre. Experiences of pregnancy and childbirth vary widely, for both women and men and across cultures. ■■ Some infants are considered to be at risk for shortterm or long-term problems and must receive extra care following birth. The Apgar test can help to identify these at-risk infants soon after birth.

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3.6 The neonatal environment ■■ The neonatal environment refers to the events of the first month or so after delivery. ■■ Nearly all cultures promote breastfeeding as the ideal way to nourish the young infant. For a variety of reasons, some mothers bottle-feed their newborns or switch to bottle-feeding after a trial run with breastfeeding. ■■ Some women experience mild symptoms of depression for a short period following childbirth; others may experience an episode of more

serious postpartum depression. Fathers, too, can experience symptoms of depression and need time to adjust to the life changes that accompany becoming a parent. ■■ Many at-risk babies show remarkable resilience and outgrow their problems, especially if they have personal resources, such as sociability and intelligence, and grow up in stimulating and supportive postnatal environments where someone loves them.

END-OF-CHAPTER ACTIVITIES SELF-TEST Answer these questions to self-test your knowledge of the chapter content. The answers are at the end of the chapter.

1

The single cell formed at conception begins to divide through a process called (a) ______________, which results in daughter cells with the same 46 chromosomes as the mother cell. The sperm cell and ovum result from the process of (b) ______________ so that they each have only 23, or half, of the original cell’s chromosomes. (Select from mitosis and meiosis)

2

Match the prenatal procedure for detecting genetic abnormalities with its description.

3

a amniocentesis

1 Insertion of a catheter through the cervix of the mother to withdraw foetal cells from the chorion, which are then tested for chromosomal abnormalities and other genetic defects

b chorionic villus sampling

2 Method of examining physical organs by scanning them with sound waves

c ultrasound

3 Prenatal diagnostic procedure after in vitro fertilisation in which only fertilised ova that do not have chromosome abnormalities or gene alleles associated with disorders are implanted in the uterus

d maternal blood sampling

4 Extraction of foetal body cells from amniotic fluid via the abdomen of the mother, which are then tested for chromosomal abnormalities and other genetic defects

e preimplantation genetic diagnosis

5 A non-invasive method of prenatal diagnosis involving testing for substances in maternal blood, including foetal DNA

4 What is the name of the period of prenatal development between the second and eighth week after conception, which is the time when all major organs begin to form? a b c d 5

c d e f

True or false? If heredity influences a trait, identical twins should be more similar on a trait than fraternal twins.

embryonic period germinal period foetal period age of viability

Newborns are routinely screened using the Apgar test. Which one of the following is not assessed by the Apgar test?

6

muscle tone respiration colour reflexes

Longitudinal studies of at-risk babies: a show that most of these babies continue to have problems throughout their lives. b show that most of these children never develop any problems regardless of their experiences. c show that babies at greater risk have a better prognosis because they receive more medical care than babies at less risk. d suggest children can outgrow their problems when placed in favourable environments.

a heart rate b genetic profile

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REVIEW QUESTIONS Develop your understanding of the chapter content by preparing short answer or essay responses to the following questions – or you might like to try developing a visual responses to these questions using a concept map or thinking map.

1

Explain sex-linked inheritance and provide an example of the workings of this mechanism of inheritance.

6

Summarise what we know about prenatal foetal behaviour.

2

Describe and exemplify the different ways in which genetic disorders can arise.

7

3

Describe the techniques currently available to screen for genetic abnormalities, and the pros and cons to be considered in selecting a particular method.

Describe what anoxia is, how it can risk the health of the baby, and what impacts this may have on childbirth.

8

Outline those characteristics of parents that may influence pregnancy and its outcomes.

4 Define the main goal and research methods of behavioural genetics.

9

Compare and contrast the pros and cons of breast and bottle-feeding.

5

10 Describe and exemplify a key mechanism for optimising the development of at-risk newborns.

Explain what epigenetic effects are and what they say about the relationship between genes and environment.

FOR DISCUSSION Discuss and debate your point of view on the following developmental issues, dilemmas and controversies related to topics in this chapter.

1

Should there be age limits on the use of assisted reproductive technologies (ART)? Why or why not? If age limits were in place, what would they be and how would they be determined?

2

Some experts worry that an increasing number of caesarean sections are elective rather than being

required for medical reasons. Should a woman be able to choose whether she delivers vaginally or by caesarean section? Conversely, should hospitals be permitted to force a woman to deliver by caesarean if they believe the foetus is in danger or abide by her choice to proceed with a vaginal delivery?

ONLINE STUDY TOOLS COURSEMATE EXPRESS Express

The CourseMate Express website contains a range of resources and study tools for this chapter, including:

→ Revision quizzes

→ Glossary

→ Solutions to the Checking understanding questions

→ and more! >>>

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SEARCH ME! PSYCHOLOGY Explore Search me! Psychology for articles relevant to this chapter. Fast and convenient, Search me! Psychology is updated daily and provides you with 24-hour access to full text articles from hundreds of scholarly and popular journals, eBooks and newspapers, including The Australian and The New York Times. Log in to the Search me! Psychology database via http://login.cengagebrain.com and try searching for the following keywords: Search tip: Search me! Psychology contains information from both local and international sources. To get the greatest number of search results, try using both Australian and American spellings in your searches, e.g. ‘globalisation’ and ‘globalization’; ‘organisation’ and ‘organization’.

→ gene therapy → resilience → peripartum depression.

ANSWERS TO THE SELF-TEST 1: (a) mitosis, (b) meiosis; 2: (a) 4, (b) 1, (c) 2, (d) 5, (e) 3; 3: True; 4: (a); 5: (b); 6: (d)

REFERENCES Achenbach, J. (2015, December 2). Faster, cheaper way to alter DNA points up ethics issues. The Washington Post, p. A7. Ahluwalia, I. B., Morrow, B., & Hsia, J. (2006). Why do women stop breastfeeding? Findings from the pregnancy risk assessment and monitoring system. Journal of the American Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry, 45, 699–700. Alford, J. R., Funk, C. L., & Hibbing, J. R. (2005). Are political orientations genetically transmitted? American Political Science Review, 99, 153–167. Alio, A. P., Salihu, H. M., McIntosh, C., August, E. M., Weldeselasse, H., Sanchez, E., & Mbah, A. K. (2012). The effect of paternal age on fetal birth outcomes. American Journal of Men’s Health, 6, 427–435. American Academy of Pediatrics. (2011). Teenage pregnancy. Retrieved from http://www. healthychildren.org/English/ages-stages/teen/ dating-sex/pages/Teenage-Pregnancy.aspx American Psychiatric Association. (2013). Diagnostic and statistical manual of mental disorders DSM-5 (5th ed.). Washington, DC: American Psychiatric Publishing. Anastasi, A. (1958). Heredity, environment, and the question, ‘how?’ Psychological Review, 65, 197–208. Andrade, J. Q., Bunduki, V., Curti, S. P., Figueiredo, C. A., de Oliveria, M. I., & Zugaib, M. (2006). Rubella in pregnancy: Intrauterine transmission and perinatal outcome during a Brazilian epidemic. Journal of Clinical Virology: The Official Publication of the Pan

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American Society for Clinical Virology, 35, 285–291. Arking, R. (2006). The biology of aging: Observations and principles (3rd ed.). New York, NY: Oxford University Press. Asbury, K., Dunn, J. F., & Plomin, R. (2006). Birthweight-discordance and differences in early parenting relate to monozygotic twin differences in behaviour problems and academic achievement at age 7. Developmental Science, 9, F22–F31. Australian Institute of Health and Welfare. (2011). 2010 Australian National Infant Feeding Survey: Indicator results. Canberra, ACT: AIHW. Australian Institute of Health and Welfare (2016). Australia’s mothers and babies 2014 – In brief. Perinatal statistics series no. 32. Cat no. PER 87. Canberra: AIHW. Avert. (2012). Preventing mother-to-child transmission of HIV (PMTCT). Retrieved from http://www.avert.org/motherchild.htm Bailey, J. M., Dunne, M. P., & Martin, N. G. (2000). Genetic and environmental influences on sexual orientation and its correlates in an Australian twin sample. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 78, 524–536. Barouki, R., Gluckman, P. D., Grandjean, P., Hanson, M., & Heindel, J. J. (2012). Developmental origins of non-communicable disease: Implications for research and public health. Environmental Health, 11, 3–9. Bates, E., Rouse, D. J., Mann, M. L., Chapman, V., Carlo, W. A., & Tita, A. T. (2010). Neonatal outcomes after demonstrated fetal lung

maturity before 39 weeks of gestation. Obstetrics & Gynecology, 116, 1288–1295. Becquet, R., Marston, M., Dabis, F., Moulton, L. H., Gray, G., Coovadia, H. M., … & UNAIDS Child Survival Group (2012). Children who acquire HIV infection perinatally are at higher risk of early death than those acquiring infection through breastmilk: A meta-analysis. PLoS ONE, 7, e28510. Bell, M. F. (2007). Infections and the fetus. In M. L. Batshaw, L. Pellegrino, & N. J. Roizen (Eds.), Children with disabilities (6th ed.) Baltimore, MD: Paul H. Brookes. Belloc, S., Cohen-Bacrie, P., Benkhalifa, M., Cohen-Bacrie, M., DeMouzon, J., Hazout, A., & Ménéza, Y. (2008). Effect of maternal and paternal age on pregnancy and miscarriage rates after intrauterine insemination. Reproductive BioMedicine Online, 17, 392–397. Benn, P. A., & Chapman, A. R. (2009). Practical and ethical considerations of noninvasive prenatal diagnosis. Journal of the American Medical Association, 301, 2154–2156. Bennett, H. A., Einarson, A., Taddio, A., Koren, G., & Einarson, T. R. (2004). Prevalence of depression during pregnancy: Systematic review. Obstetrics & Gynecology, 1034, 69–70. Berger, T. M., Steurer, M. A., Woerner, A., MeyerSchiffer, P., & Adams, M. (2012). Trends and centre-to-centre variability in survival rates of very preterm infants (>>

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when I came to New Zealand from the United Kingdom was that often when an elderly Ma¯ ori or Pasifika person was admitted to hospital, the entire family, and even the young people – the kids, and the grandkids in their teens – are involved in supporting that person in

the hospital environment. Family do their personal cares, sit with them, sometimes bring their guitars in and sing to them; and to me that is a huge positive strength of the culture. Of course, it is important not to make sweeping generalisations, after all not

all Ma¯ ori and Pasifika families treat their elders in that way and that’s why it’s so important not to make assumptions based on stereotypes. But I take a personal and person-centred approach to each person and their situation.

IN REVIEW CHECKING UNDERSTANDING

CRITICAL THINKING

1 How does the endocrine system support development?

Illustrate the aspects of the life span developmental model of health using the example of coeliac disease discussed earlier in this chapter.

2 How does myelination contribute to developmental changes that we can observe? 3 What is one example of each of the cephalocaudal, proximodistal and orthogenetic principles of development?

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4.2 THE INFANT Learning objectives

■■ Discuss typical physical and brain changes during infancy. ■■ Summarise newborn capabilities that promote healthy adaptation to the world outside the womb. ■■ Describe fine motor, gross motor, and locomotor skills, and note the typical order in which these skills develop. ■■ Discuss the dynamic systems theory of motor development and summarise the research findings supporting this theory. ■■ Describe the birth-related risks to infant health and the role of vaccinations in health.

Infancy is characterised by rapid growth and brain development and impressive sensory, reflexive and emerging motor capabilities. Understanding the newborn’s capacities and limitations brings a fuller appreciation of the dramatic changes that take place between birth and adulthood. However, some infants, as we shall see later in this section, start life with serious challenges to their health and development.

Rapid physical growth Newborns are typically about 50 centimetres long and weigh 3–3.5 kilograms. However, weight and length at birth can mislead us about eventual weight and height because the growth of some foetuses is stunted by a poor prenatal environment (Lejarraga, 2012). Size during the first few months of life is related more to prenatal experiences (environment) than to size of parents (genes).This is easy to see in twins and other multiple births, because their prenatal growth is significantly restricted by siblings competing for the limited space in the mother’s womb. In the first few months of life, infants grow rapidly, gaining nearly 30 grams of weight a day and 2.5 centimetres in length each month. By age 2, they have already attained about half of

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CHAPTER 4: BODY, BRAIN AND HEALTH

their eventual adult height and weigh 12–14 kilograms on average. Although we usually think of growth as a slow and steady process, daily measurements of infant length show that babies grow in fits and starts (Lampl & Thompson, 2007). In the end, 90–95 per cent of an infant’s days are growth-free, but their occasional bursts of physical growth add up to substantial increases in size. Infants whose overall weight gain outpaces gains in length (height), even for a short time, are at risk of childhood obesity, a topic we will explore further throughout this chapter (Bjerregaard et al., 2014; Salgin et al., 2015). Bones and muscles are also developing quickly during infancy. At birth, most bones are soft, pliable and difficult to break. They are too small and flexible to allow newborns to sit up or balance themselves when pulled to a standing position. The soft, cartilage-like tissues of the young infant gradually ossify (harden) into bony material as calcium and other minerals are deposited into them. In addition, more bones develop, and they become more closely interconnected. As for muscles, young infants are relative weaklings. Although they have all the muscle cells they will ever have, their strength will increase only as their muscles grow.

The infant brain

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synaptogenesis The formation of synapses, or connections, between neurons. synaptic pruning The removal of unnecessary synapses, or connections, between neurons.

In Chapter 3 we traced the amazing evolution of the brain during the prenatal period. Here we look at what goes on in the brain after birth. At birth, the brain weighs about 25 per cent of its adult LINKAGES weight; by age 2 it reaches 75 per cent of its adult weight; and by age 5, the brain has achieved 90 Chapter 3 Genes, per cent of its adult weight. Although the brain is proportionately the largest and most developed environment and part of the body at birth, much of its development takes place after birth. Postnatally, though, the beginnings of life development is not so much about generating new neurons as about connecting existing neurons and forging more and more connections between neurons (Johnson & De Haan, 2015). Figure 4.4 shows how the complexity of the communication network – the dendrites extending from each neuron – increases over childhood. As we go about our daily business of behaving FIGURE 4.4  Synaptogenesis and synaptic pruning and thinking, some of the connections among neurons Between birth and 7 years of age there is a tremendous become more numerous. But other connections, seldom amount of synaptogenesis, or development of connections between neurons (compare the first and second panels used, seem to shrivel up and disappear. During childhood this of the figure). But between 7 and 15 years of age, there is synaptogenesis, or growth of synapses, and synaptic pruning, another process at work: synaptic pruning, or elimination of unnecessary or unused connections (compare the or removal of unnecessary synapses, are both important second and third panels of the figure). components of brain development. Synaptic density The development of the brain early in life is heavily influenced by the unfolding of a genetic program that has evolved over many generations. But genes are not the only influence – an individual’s experiences are also crucial to brain development. As Charles Nelson and colleagues (Nelson, Thomas & de Haan, 2006) describe it,‘the brain’s circuitry must rely on experience to customise connections to serve the needs of the individual’ (p. 3). Assuming that the infant has normal opportunities to explore and experience the world, the result will be a normal brain and normal development. Thus, during the early brain spurt that begins before birth and continues At birth 7 years 15 years during infancy, the brain is fine-tuned by experience through the dual processes of synaptogenesis and synaptic pruning.

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LINKAGES Chapter 3 Genes, environment and the beginnings of life Chapter 7 Intelligence and creativity

LINKAGES Chapter 6: Sensoryperception, attention and memory

The brain, then, especially early in its formation, has great plasticity; that is, it is responsive to the individual’s experiences and can develop in a variety of ways (Kolb, Whishaw, & Teskey, 2016). On the negative side, the developing brain is highly vulnerable to damage if it is exposed to drugs or diseases (recall the description of teratogens in Chapter 3) or if it is deprived of sensory and motor experiences or enriching environments. Researchers have found that spending the first few years of life in impoverished families and neighbourhoods leads to less ‘grey matter’, the brain tissue believed to be involved in information processing (Hanson et al., 2013). These youngsters start life with the same amount of grey matter as those from wealthier families and neighbourhoods, but they experience slower rates of brain growth during infancy and early childhood. By 3 years of age, there are measurable differences in the brain matter of children in high, middle and low socioeconomic groups. Clearly, environment matters. On the positive side, this highly adaptable brain can often recover successfully from injuries. Neurons that are not yet fully committed to their specialised functions can often take over the functions of damaged neurons. Moreover, the immature brain is especially able to benefit from stimulating experiences. Brain plasticity is greatest early in development. But the organisation of synapses within the nervous system continues to change in response to experience throughout the life span. This holds promise for those children who start life in poverty but then have opportunities to live or learn in more enriched circumstances.We will return to this possibility of catch-up growth in cognitive development in Chapter 7. In short, the critical, or sensitive period (see Chapter 3) for brain development – the time when it proceeds most rapidly – is during the late prenatal period and early infancy. The developing brain is characterised by a good deal of plasticity: normal genes may provide rough guidelines about how the brain should be configured, but early experience influences the architecture of the brain.

Newborn capabilities Newborns may be viewed as helpless and ill-prepared to cope with the world outside the womb. They are, however, quite well equipped to begin life. Just what can a newborn do? Among the most important capabilities are reflexes; functioning senses; a capacity to learn; and organised, individualised patterns of waking and sleeping. In this chapter, we’ll examine newborn reflexes and behavioural patterns; in Chapter 6 we’ll address their sensory abilities and their potential to learn from experience.

Reflexes reflex An unlearned and automatic response to a stimulus.

One of the newborn’s greatest strengths is a set of useful reflexes. A reflex is an unlearned and involuntary response to a stimulus, such as when the eye automatically blinks in response to a puff of air. Table 4.2 lists some reflexes that can be readily observed in all normal newborns.These seemingly simple reactions are actually quite varied and complex patterns of behaviour that provide infants with a way to begin interacting with their world (von Hofsten, 2013). Some reflexes are called survival reflexes because they have clear adaptive value. Examples include the breathing reflex (useful for obvious reasons), the eye-blink reflex (which protects against bright lights or foreign particles) and the sucking reflex (needed to obtain food). Other reflexes, called primitive reflexes, are not clearly useful; many are believed to be remnants of evolutionary history that have outlived their purpose (but see Schott & Rossor, 2003, for another perspective). The Babinski reflex is a good example. Why would it be adaptive for infants to fan their toes when the

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bottoms of their feet are stroked? Frankly, we don’t know. Other primitive reflexes may have some adaptive value, at least in some cultures. For example, the grasping reflex may help infants carried in slings or on their mothers’ hips to hang on. Finally, some primitive reflexes – for example, the stepping reflex – are forerunners of useful voluntary behaviours that develop later in infancy. The expression of primitive reflexes, however, is not clearly related to the expression of later motor behaviours (Eriksson, Katz-Salamon, & Brogren Carlberg, 2006). Thus, infants who demonstrate a strong primitive grasping reflex at 6 weeks are not necessarily the infants who demonstrate a strong voluntary grasp later in infancy. Primitive reflexes typically disappear during the early months of infancy. For instance, the grasping reflex becomes weak by 4 months and is replaced by voluntary grasping. Primitive reflexes are controlled by the lower, subcortical areas of the brain and are lost as the higher centres of the cerebral cortex develop and make voluntary motor behaviours possible. Even though many primitive reflexes are not very useful to infants, they are useful in diagnosing infants who have neurological problems. If such reflexes are not present at birth – or if they last too long in infancy – doctors know that something is wrong with a baby’s nervous system. Preterm infants, too, may show little to no evidence of primitive reflexes at birth, and their survival reflexes are likely to be irregular or immature. But the missing reflexes will typically appear soon after birth and disappear a little later than they do among full-term infants.The existence of reflexes at birth, then, tells doctors that infants are ready to respond to stimulation in adaptive ways. The disappearance of certain reflexes tells them that the nervous system is developing normally and that experience is positively affecting both brain and behaviour. Thus, the presence and then the absence of reflexes can serve as a general indicator of neurological health.

Source: Getty Images/Emily Kim

Snapshot

Behavioural states

Source: OImagefolk/Fotomaschinist/ Westend61

Rooting reflex

Grasping reflex Source: Alamy Stock Photo/Picture Partners

Another sign that newborns are healthy and equipped for life is their ability to establish organised and individualised patterns of daily activity. Settling into an organised sleep–wake pattern is an indication that the baby is integrating biological, physiological and psychosocial information. Infants must move from short sleep–wake cycles distributed throughout the day and night to a pattern that includes longer sleep periods at night with longer wake periods during the day. Settling into an organised sleep–wake pattern is an indication that the baby’s nervous system is developing as expected and is beginning to integrate a myriad of external signals with internal states. By 3 months, infants begin to establish a predictable sleep–wake cycle, which becomes fairly stable by 6 months of age. Much to their relief, about two-thirds of mothers report that their 6-month-old infants are sleeping through the night nearly every night (Weinraub et al., 2012). The other one-third of mothers continue to be awakened by their infants more nights than not and report that this pattern persists until their infants are about 24 months of age. These early sleep patterns are indicative of other behaviours. For instance, among premature infants, those who transition smoothly from one state to another exhibit more mature neurocognitive outcomes than other premature infants (Weisman, Magori-Cohen, Louzoun, Eidelman, & Feldman, 2011). And those infants with poor sleep habits at 12 months of age are reported to have problems with attention regulation as well as behaviour problems at 3 to 4 years of age (Sadeh et al., 2015). Are they more easygoing because they are well rested from a good night’s sleep, or do they sleep well at night because they are easygoing? We don’t know the answer to this in infants, but we do know that adults who are normally easygoing can be irritable when deprived of sleep, so perhaps this is true for infants as well.

Stepping reflex

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TABLE 4.2  Major reflexes of full-term newborns Reflex

Developmental course

Significance

Breathing reflex

Permanent

Provides oxygen; expels carbon dioxide

Eye-blink reflex

Permanent

Protects eyes from bright light or foreign objects

Pupillary reflex: Constriction of pupils in response to bright light; dilation in response to dark or dimly lit surroundings

Permanent

Protects against bright light; adapts visual system to low illumination

Rooting reflex: Turning a cheek toward a tactile (touch) stimulus (see photo)

Weakens by 2 months; disappears by 5 months

Orients child to breast or bottle

Sucking reflex: Sucking on objects placed (or taken) into mouth

Gradually modified by experience over the first few months after birth; disappears by 7 months

Allows child to take in nutrients

Swallowing reflex

Permanent but modified by experience

Allows child to take in nutrients; protects against choking

Babinski reflex: Fanning then curling toes when bottom of foot is stroked

Disappears by 12–18 months

Presence at birth and disappearance in first year indicate normal neurological development

Grasping reflex: Curling fingers around objects (such as a finger) that touch the palm (see photo below)

Disappears in first 3–4 months; is replaced by voluntary grasping

Presence at birth and later disappearance indicate normal neurological development

Moro reflex: Loud noise or sudden change in position of baby’s head will cause baby to throw arms outward, arch back, then bring arms toward each other

Disappears by 4 months; however, child continues to react to unexpected noises or a loss of bodily support by showing startle reflex

Presence at birth and later disappearance (or evolution into startle reflex, which does not disappear) indicate normal neurological development

Swimming reflex: Infant immersed in water will display active movements of arms and legs and will involuntarily hold breath (thus staying afloat for some time)

Disappears in first 4–6 months

Presence at birth and later disappearance indicate normal neurological development

Stepping reflex: Infants held upright so that their feet touch a flat surface will step as if to walk (see photo below)

Disappears in first 8 weeks unless infant has regular opportunities to practise it

Presence at birth and later disappearance indicate normal neurological development

Survival reflexes

Primitive reflexes

REM sleep Rapid eye movement sleep, which is a state of active, irregular sleep.

As shown in Figure 4.5, newborns spend around 50 per cent of their sleeping hours in active sleep, also called rapid eye movement or REM sleep (for the rapid eye movements that occur during it). Infants older than 6 months spend only around 30 per cent of their total sleep in REM sleep, which more closely resembles the 20 per cent that adults spend in REM sleep. Why do young infants sleep so much and spend so much more time in REM sleep than adults? Some research suggests that sleep patterns in infancy are associated with brain maturation and plasticity (Tarullo, Balsam, & Fifer, 2011). REM sleep in particular may be important for learning and memory processes (Diekelmann, Wilhelm, & Born, 2009). This may help explain why infants, who have so much to learn, spend more time in this sleep. Think about it: infants are taking in vast amounts of new information during the times they are awake. These periods are invariably followed by sleep, which may help their brains learn and remember the new information. If deprived of sleep, infants may become ‘overloaded’ with too much new information that their immature nervous systems cannot fully process. This may explain

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169

FIGURE 4.5  Changes in sleep across the life span This graph shows changes with age in the total amount of daily sleep and the percentage of REM sleep versus non-REM sleep. Note, there is a sharp drop in the amount of REM sleep after the early years, falling from 8 hours at birth to less than 1 hour in old age. The change in the amount of non-REM sleep is much less marked, falling from 8 hours to about 5 hours over the life span.

16

16

Hours 14

13

14

Total daily sleep (hours)

12 *50

12

11

10.5 10

8.5

7.5

7

6

5.5

REM sleep

40

10

30-25

25

Waking 20

18.5

8

* Per cent of total sleep

18.5 20

22

6

18.5

Total daily sleep (hours)

20–23

4 Non-REM sleep 2

Age

0

0–12 wks

3–5 mos

6–23 mos

Neonate Infants

2–3 yrs

3–5 yrs

5–9 10– 14–18 yrs yrs 13 yrs

Children

Adolescents

19–30 yrs

33–45 yrs

50 yrs

Adults

70+ yrs

Old age

Source: http://www.sleephomepages.org

why infants are notoriously fussy at the end of a busy day. The infant’s nervous system can be overstimulated by the flood of stimulation received during the day. Somehow, the arousal needs to be reduced – perhaps by crying and then sleeping. Adults sometimes marvel at how infants can sleep through the loudest noises and the brightest lights, but being able to do so may serve a valuable function.

Infant motor development The motor (movement) behaviours of newborns are far more organised and sophisticated than they appear at first glance, but newborns are not ready to dance or thread needles. By age 2 immobile infants have become toddlers, walking up and down stairs by themselves and using their hands to accomplish simple self-care tasks and to operate toys. In this section you will learn more about infant motor skills and the typical order in which these skills develop. We will then consider how motor skills move from simple to increasingly complex during infancy.

Motor milestones Table 4.3 shows the average age, or developmental norm, at which infants master particular motor

skills, behaviours or milestones. Developmental norms such as these must be interpreted carefully, as they hide a good deal of variation among children, even in the sequence in which skills are mastered. Most children who master a skill earlier or later than the developmental norm are still within the

developmental norm The average age by which half of a large group of infants or children will have mastered a developmental skill, behaviour or milestone.

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normal range of development. Parents should not be alarmed if their child is 1 or 2 months ‘behind’ the norm; only significantly delayed achievement of key skills such as sitting up or walking is cause for concern. TABLE 4.3  Age norms for important motor milestones during the first year Age (months)*

Milestone

 2

Lifts head up when lying on stomach

 3

Rolls over from stomach to back; holds head steady when being carried

 4

Grasps a cube or other small object

 5

Sits without support (toward end of month)

 6

Stands holding on to something

 7

Rolls over from back to stomach and may begin to crawl or creep; shows thumb opposition

 8

Pulls self up to standing position

 9

Walks holding on to furniture; bangs two objects together

10

Plays clapping games (e.g. pat-a-cake)

11

Stands alone

12

Walks well alone; drinks from a cup

*Indicates the age at which 50 per cent of infants studied have demonstrated the skill. Keep in mind that there are large individual differences in when infants display various developmental milestones and these ages are a guide only. Sources: Bayley (2005); WHO Multicentre Growth Reference Study Group (2006).

gross motor skills Motor skills that involve large muscles and whole body or limb movements. fine motor skills Motor skills that involve precise movements of the hands and fingers or feet and toes. pincer grasp A grasp in which the thumb is used in opposition to the fingers.

Norms also depend on the sociocultural and sociohistorical group studied – children walk earlier today than they used to and motor milestones are achieved earlier in some cultures than in others. For example, patterns of accelerated onset dates have been reported in cross-cultural research with African and American infants (see, for example, Adolph, Karasik, & TamisLeMonda, 2010). Why might this be? Different ages of onset of motor skills across various cultural groups is linked to cultural practices that either stimulate or restrict motor skills, including informal child handling practices such as how parents hold, bathe and carry infants; and formal training such as parents massaging, stretching and encouraging infant movement (Adolph et al., 2010). Can you recognise the workings of the cephalocaudal and proximodistal principles of development in the milestones in Table 4.3? Early motor development follows the cephalocaudal principle because the neurons between the brain and the muscles acquire myelin sheaths in a headto-tail manner. Therefore, infants can lift their heads before they can control their trunks enough to sit, and they can sit before they can control their legs to walk. The proximodistal principle of development is also evident in early motor development. Activities involving the trunk are mastered before activities involving the arms and legs, and activities involving the arms and legs are mastered before activities involving the hands and fingers or feet and toes. As the nerves and muscles mature downward and outward, infants gradually gain control over the lower and the peripheral parts of their bodies. Therefore, infants can roll over before they can walk or bring their arms together to grasp a bottle, and children generally master gross motor skills (skills involving large muscles and whole body or limb movements, such as kicking the legs or waving the arms) before mastering fine motor skills (skills such as picking up small sweets with a pincer grip – involving only the thumb and the forefinger or another finger – and writing letters of the alphabet, which involve precise movements of the hands and fingers).

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Motor skills as dynamic action systems How do motor skills develop from simple to complex? According to dynamic systems theory, motor developments take place over time through a ‘self-organising’ process in which children use the sensory feedback they receive when they try different movements to modify their motor behaviour in adaptive ways (Spencer,Thomas, & McClelland, 2009). Behaviours that seem to emerge in a moment of time are actually the cumulative effects of motor decisions that the infant makes over a longer time. In this view, motor milestones such as crawling and walking are the learned outcomes of a process of interaction with the environment in which infants do the best they can

locomotion The process of moving from one location to another.

Source: Alamy Stock Photo/Elva Etienne

Snapshot

Once infants have mastered the pincer grasp, they can pick up all sorts of objects.

Snapshot Source: Shutterstock. com/Keeshi Ingram

The orthogenetic principle is also evident in early motor skills development. A young infant is likely to hurl their body as a unit at a bottle of milk held out to them (a global response). An older infant gains the ability to move specific parts of their body separately (a differentiated response); he or she may be able to extend one arm toward the bottle without extending the other arm, move the hand but not the arm to grasp it, and so on, making distinct, differentiated movements. Finally, the still older infant is able to coordinate separate movements in a functional sequence – reaching for, grasping and pulling in the bottle while opening their mouth to receive it and closing their mouth when the prize is captured (an integrated response). Locomotion, or movement from one place to another, is a particularly vital aspect of development. Most infants around 10 months old end up crawling on their hands and knees, and they all seem to figure out that the best way to keep their balance is to move the diagonal arm and leg at the same time. Infants begin walking around their first birthday. One of young children’s most impressive accomplishments is getting up off of their bellies, backs or bottoms and moving with purpose throughout their environment on two legs. The basic nervous system requirements and motor patterns required for walking are present at birth, as evident in the newborn’s stepping reflex and in the spontaneous kicking of infants lying down. However, infants need more than a mature nervous system to walk; they must also develop more muscle and become less top-heavy. Even when they begin to walk, they lack good balance, partly because of their big heads and short legs. Steps are short, legs are wide apart, and hips, knees and ankles are flexed. There is much teetering and falling, and a smooth gait and good balance will not be achieved for some time. In many cases, the infant who has recently impressed her parents by staggering across the room in an upright position seems to regress by reverting to crawling. By collecting an enormous number of observations of infants’ daily movements, Adolph and Robinson (2013) have found that it takes an average of 13 starts and stops over a period of days and sometimes weeks before infants show consistent performance of a motor skill. During the transition period of acquiring a new motor skill, they are truly taking ‘one step forward, two steps backward’. From the infant’s perspective, the apparent regression in skills is quite logical. They have mastered crawling and are quite fast at it, whereas walking on two legs is hard work and can slow them down (Adolph & Tamis-Lemonde, 2014). So if they have important things to do, they might find it more efficient to use their reliable crawling skills than to labour at walking. With a little bit of practice, walking will soon become routine. Indeed, by 14 months of age, infants are taking an average of 2000 steps an hour (see Adolph et al., 2012). The shift from crawling to walking offers toddlers the opportunity to engage differently with their environments. They are no longer restricted to objects that are close by and close to the ground, and walking frees up their arms and hands. They can now cross the room to get objects, access higher objects, and use their hands to share and interact with objects in new ways. Experience moving through the spatial world opens up new environments and contributes to cognitive, social and emotional development (Adolph & Robinson, 2015).

Babies use a variety of methods to get from place to place. Some, like this baby, use their hands and feet, whereas others crawl on their knees, scoot on their bottoms or drag themselves with their arms.

dynamic systems theory A perspective on motor development that proposes that more sophisticated patterns of motor behaviour emerge over time through a process of adapting motor responses as a result of sensory feedback.

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with what they have in order to achieve their goals. Thus, development is highly individualistic: ‘infants must explore a wide range of behaviours to discover and select their own unique solutions in the context of their intrinsic dynamics and movement history’ (Spencer et al., 2006, p. 1528). Neural maturation, physical growth, muscle strength, balance and other characteristics of the child interact with gravity, floor surfaces and characteristics of the specific task to influence what children can and cannot learn to do with their bodies.You can probably think of times when you have been through this dynamic self-organising process: when you were learning to serve a tennis ball, dance a new dance, or drive a car. Consistent with the dynamic systems approach, Karen Adolph and colleagues have found that young toddlers can adjust their walking to changes in both their body dimensions and the slope of a walkway. The researchers had young toddlers walk on slopes of different degrees while wearing a vest with removable ‘saddlebags’ that could be weighted to simulate changes in their body dimensions (Adolph & Avolio, 2000; Adolph & Robinson, 2015; and see Figure 4.6). The weights added mass and shifted the toddler’s centre of gravity, akin to what happens when toddlers grow. Would toddlers be able to compensate for the changes in their body and their environment? Yes – they adjusted their motor skills to adapt to rapid ‘growth’ of their bodies and to changes in their environment. Like adults carrying a heavy load on their shoulders, toddlers bent their knees and kept their upper bodies stiffly upright to maintain their balance with heavier loads. Toddlers with FIGURE 4.6  Studying infant motor responses to body weight and greater walking experience did better than those environmental conditions with less experience (Garciaguirre, Adolph, & This figure illustrates the walkway with adjustable slope used by Karen Adolph and colleagues to study infant motor responses to different Shrout, 2007). Toddlers also seemed to recognise body weights and environmental conditions. Infants are outfitted with when the walkway was too steep for safe travel – weighted saddlebags to alter their body mass and centre of gravity and the slope of the walkway and type of handrails can be adjusted. While they either avoided it or scooted down on their an experimenter stays beside infants to ensure safety, parents stand at bottoms or on their hands and knees. Young the end of the walkway and encourage their child to walk toward them. walkers (16 months) are also clever enough to figure out that they can use handrails to help maintain their balance while walking across bridges (Berger & Adolph, 2003). Further, they quickly discover that a sturdy handrail offers more support than a wobbly handrail and they are more adventuresome when they can use a sturdy handrail for support (Berger, Adolph, & Lobo, 2005). If they are not sure how to proceed across a potentially unstable surface, they look to their mothers for advice. With mother’s encouragement, 75 per cent of infants will try to navigate a questionable slope; only 25 per cent of infants are brave enough to give it a shot when their mother expresses discouragement (Karasik, Tamis-LeMonda, Adolph, & Dimitropoulou, 2008; Tamis-Lemonda et al., 2008). As every parent knows, toddlers do not become proficient walkers without experiencing more than Source: From Adolph K. E. & Avolio, A. M. Walking infants adapt locomotion to changing body a few falls – as many as 15 per hour by one estimate dimensions. Journal of Experimental Psychology: Human Perception and Performance, 26, 1148– (see Adolph et al., 2012). As it turns out, these 1166. Copyright © 2000 by the American Psychological Association. Reprinted with permission of the American Psychological Association tumbles may help walkers learn which surfaces are

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CHAPTER 4: BODY, BRAIN AND HEALTH

safe and which ones may be problematic. With age, toddlers become increasingly adept at figuring out how to avoid falls, but will still appear awkward compared to the older child, who takes steps in more fluid and rhythmic strides and is better able to avoid obstacles. Finally, changes in one area of the dynamic system influence other areas. When toddlers start to walk, it temporarily disrupts their previously established ability to balance themselves while sitting (Chen, Metcalfe, Jeka, & Clark, 2007). It is as if toddlers experience a ‘recalibration of an internal model for the sensorimotor control’ of their bodies (Chen et al., 2007, p. 16). What does this dynamic systems perspective say about the contribution of nature and nurture to development? According to this approach, nature (that is, maturation of the central nervous system) and nurture (sensory and motor experience) are both essential and largely inseparable. Feedback from the senses and from motor actions is integrated with the ever-changing abilities of the infant. Having learned how to adjust one motor skill (such as crawling) to successfully navigate environmental conditions does not mean that infants will generalise this knowledge to other motor skills (such as walking; see Adolph & Robinson, 2015). Different motor skills present different challenges. Crawling infants, for instance, must learn to avoid such dangers as bumping their head on table legs. Walking infants face other challenges, such as not toppling over when turning around. To master these challenges, infants need opportunities to gather feedback from each motor activity. Finally, an important contribution of the dynamic systems approach to motor development is its integration of action with thought (von Hofsten, 2013). The motor behaviours we have been describing are not separate and distinct from the child’s knowledge. Children have to think about how to organise their movements to optimise what they are able to get from their ever-changing environment. Thus, there is far more to motor development than implied by norms indicating when we might expect infants to sit up, stand alone or walk independently. The emergence of motor skills is complex and is closely connected to perceptual-cognitive developments (see Chapters 5 and 6).

LINKAGES Chapter 5 Cognitive development Chapter 6 Sensoryperception, attention and memory

MAKING CONNECTIONS Recall a time when you learned a new motor skill – for example, how to play tennis or dance steps. Apply the dynamic systems approach to understand how your skill developed over time.

Health and wellness in infancy

LINKAGES

As you will see in these next sections, some infants experience challenges from early in life that impact their immediate and lifelong health, and some cases are life threatening. There are ways to detect and prevent or respond to these issues.

Chapter 13 The final challenge: Death and dying

Birth-related risks to health Congenital malformations – defects that are present at birth, either from genetic factors or prenatal

events – are a leading cause of death during the first year in Australia, New Zealand and other developed countries such as the United States (see Chapter 13). Such malformations include heart defects, spina bifida and Down syndrome (see Chapter 3). Another group of at-risk babies are those who have a low birth weight (LBW) of less than 2500 grams. Some of these babies are born at term and are called small for gestational age, but many are born preterm (less than 37 weeks of gestation) and are more at risk as a result. See the Statistics snapshot box in Chapter 3 for information about the rates of prematurity and LBW in New Zealand and Australia. As Table 4.4 illustrates, the younger (and smaller) babies are at birth, the lower their chances of survival. Modern medicine has made it possible for smaller and smaller babies to survive premature delivery, but sadly, most babies born weighing less than 750 grams are stillborn or die within the first year (Li, Zeki, Hilder, & Sullivan, 2013).

Chapter 3 Genes, environment and the beginnings of life

congenital malformations Defects that are present at birth, caused by genetic factors, prenatal events or both. low birth weight (LBW) A weight at birth of less than 2500 grams; associated with increased risk of developmental problems.

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TABLE 4.4  Survival and health of premature babies by gestational age Factors

Results (In weeks and %)

Number of completed weeks since last menstruation

22 weeks

23 weeks

24 weeks

25 weeks

26 weeks

Percentage of babies who survived to one year

10%

52%

67%

82%

85%

Percentage of survivors beyond one year with mild or moderate disability

60%

49%

54%

46%

44%

Percentage of survivors beyond one year with a severe disability

40%

21%

13%

10%

7%

Source: Based on data from Serenius et al, 2013.

LINKAGES Chapter 3 Genes, environment and the beginnings of life

Source: Getty Images/Tom Stewart

kangaroo care Holding a young infant skin-toskin on a parent’s chest.

Snapshot

Modern technology permits the survival of younger and smaller babies, but many experts believe we have reached the lowest limits of viability, between 23 and 24 weeks of gestation.

We don’t always know what causes LBW, but as we identified in Chapter 3, a number of factors are regularly associated with it, such as parental smoking and other drug use, stress and multiple births. In New Zealand, the longitudinal Auckland Birthweight Collaborative (ABC) Study (comparing small-for-gestational-age children and babies within the normal weight range) and the Growing Up in New Zealand study have identified the following maternal risk factors for LBW: older age, lower income, low pregnancy weight, exercise, first pregnancy, smoking and hypertension (Morton et al., 2012; Thompson et al., 2001). And not surprisingly, the more risk factors experienced during pregnancy, the greater the likelihood of delivering a small baby (Rosenberg, 2001). Parental ethnicity is also associated with LBW; for example, in New Zealand and Australia, more Indigenous babies are born preterm and LBW. This relationship between ethnicity and LBW is most likely explained by the low socioeconomic status of many ethnic and Indigenous groups, since women from lower socioeconomic backgrounds are more likely to have poor nutrition and inadequate prenatal care, which are risk factors for LBW. The good news is that most LBW babies born since the advent of neonatal intensive care in the 1960s function within the normal range of development and experience significant catchup growth during their first months and years of life (Chyi, Lee, Hintz, Gould, & Sutcliffe, 2008; Wilson-Costello et al., 2007). Compared with normal-birth-weight children, LBW children, especially those with extremely LBW (less than 1000 grams) are at greater risk of disability related to blindness, deafness and cerebral palsy; numerous neurobehavioural problems, such as poor academic achievement and autism; and health problems (Costeloe et al., 2012; Serenius et al., 2013). Cognitive deficits in childhood can be traced to deficits in attention, speed and memory evident in preterm infants during their first year (Rose, Feldman, Jankowski, & Rossem, 2005). Many of these problems persist into childhood and adulthood for the smallest and earliest preterm babies (Aarnoudse-Moens, Weisglas-Kuperus, van Goudoever, & Oosterlaan, 2009; Johnson et al., 2009). How well premature and LBW babies do depends considerably on two factors. The first is their biological condition – their health and neurological status in particular. The second is the quality of the postnatal environment they experience. In addition to high-tech medical care, research has shown that several low-tech interventions can go far in improving the developmental outcomes of LBW infants. For starters, these vulnerable infants benefit from their mother’s breast milk to help boost their fledgling immune system. Babies with extremely LBW who receive breast milk later score about 5 points higher on mental development scales than similar babies who receive no breast milk (Vohr et al., 2006). There is also evidence that skin-to-skin contact, or kangaroo care, from parents helps maintain body temperature, heart rate and blood oxygen levels (Feldman & Eidelman, 2003). Premature infants who experience kangaroo care settle into more mature patterns of quiet

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sleep and alert wakefulness than premature infants who do not receive this treatment. Further, babies receiving moderate massage have been shown to gain weight more quickly, possibly due to being more relaxed and less aroused, and have more efficient digestive system functioning (Diego, Field, & Hernandez-Reif, 2005; Field, Diego, Hernandez-Reif, Deeds, & Figuereido, 2006). Research also shows that at-risk infants can benefit from programs that teach their parents how to provide responsive care and appropriate intellectual stimulation to them once they are home. Interventions that help parents provide a more growth-enhancing home environment – for example, giving their babies appropriate toys and learning materials, and interacting with them in stimulating ways – help these at-risk babies, especially the heavier ones, achieve more cognitive growth by age 3 than they would otherwise have achieved (McCormick et al., 2006). However, children who weigh 2000 grams or less at birth do not seem to get much benefit from such programs. Other research similarly shows that early-intervention effects on premature infants fade over time (Johnson, Ring, Anderson & Marlow, 2005). Researchers have more to learn, then, about what it takes to keep the development of LBW children on a positive track after the infant period comes to a close.

Vaccination Health for infants has dramatically improved in recent decades through the administration of vaccinations aimed at protecting them from a variety of communicable diseases such as diphtheria, whooping cough, polio, chickenpox and meningococcal. Those infants who do not receive the recommended immunisations are more likely to contract illnesses that can compromise their health and, in some cases, cause death. While there are some common side effects of immunisation, such as redness, soreness or swelling at the site of injections; mild fever; and being unsettled, more serious reactions and allergies to immunisation are very rare (Australian Academy of Science, 2012). There is no evidence to support concerns that vaccines cause autism (Demicheli, Rivetti, Debalini, & Di Pietrantonj, 2012; and see Chapter 12). In some countries, socioeconomic status often determines who has access to healthcare services that cover immunisations. In Australia and New Zealand there are comprehensive national immunisation programs that cover the cost of vaccines and provide a national register for recording childhood vaccinations. In New Zealand, vaccination coverage has improved in recent years, up from 77 per cent of 2-year-olds fully vaccinated in 2005 to 92 per cent in 2014 (New Zealand Ministry of Health, 2014). Increases in vaccination rates of Ma¯ori and Pasifika children in New Zealand over the past 5 years has resulted in immunisation rates equal to New Zealand children of European descent in more than half of New Zealand health districts (New Zealand Ministry of Health, 2014). Coverage has held steady in Australia between 2007 and 2013 with around 92 per cent of 2-year-olds fully vaccinated among both Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander and non-Indigenous Australian infants (Hull, Dey, Menzies, Brotherton, & McIntyre, 2016). These vaccinations rates are strong but still fall a little short of the Australian and New Zealand targets of 95 per cent of children fully immunised by age 2 (Australian Government Department of Health, 2016). How might we maintain and even increase these high rates of vaccination in Australia and New Zealand and around the world? Consider that most mothers make decisions about their child’s immunisation early on in pregnancy (Glanz et al., 2013). Results from the Growing Up in New Zealand study have also shown that both mothers’ and their partners’ intentions to immunise during pregnancy correlate with timely immunisation of the child (Grant et al., 2016). This suggests that providing information about the risks and benefits of immunisation and discussing parental vaccination concerns may be most effective if addressed with both mothers and their partners from early on in pregnancy, and then continued throughout pregnancy and infancy.

LINKAGES Chapter 12 Developmental psychopathology

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IN REVIEW CHECKING UNDERSTANDING 1 What are the most significant brain changes that occur during infancy? 2 What can an infant’s sleep–wake cycle indicate about his or her development? 3 According to dynamic systems theory, how do infants learn to get around in the world once their muscles are strong enough to support their body weight?

4 How is the life span developmental model of health evident in the case of LBW babies?

CRITICAL THINKING In what ways is brain plasticity an advantage and in what ways might it be a disadvantage to the developing human? Express

Get the answers to the Checking understanding questions on CourseMate Express.

4.3 THE CHILD Learning objectives

■■ Outline the major physical and motor accomplishments of childhood. ■■ Discuss the implications of brain lateralisation and other brain changes for behaviour and functioning. ■■ Describe the health challenges of childhood and the role of the life span model of health in addressing these challenges.

As you will learn in this section of the chapter, ‘slow and steady’ is probably the best way to describe much of the growth that occurs during childhood. You will also see how factors associated with childhood health and wellness are consistent with the life span development approach to health overviewed at the beginning of the chapter.

Physical growth and motor capabilites From age 2 until puberty, children gain about 5–7 centimetres and 2 kilograms every year. This growth is often tracked on a growth chart that plots an individual’s height and weight against normative data. This allows doctors and families to see how a particular child is progressing relative to other children of the same age and gender and to graph the pattern of growth over time. Children who are markedly different – higher, lower or more erratic in their growth rate – may warrant additional investigation. During middle childhood (ages 6–11), children may seem to grow little, probably because the gains are small in proportion to the child’s size (122–137 centimetres and 27–37 kilograms on average) and therefore harder to detect. The cephalocaudal and proximodistal principles of growth continue to operate. As the lower parts of the body and the extremities fill out, the child takes on more adult-like body proportions. The bones continue to grow and harden, and the muscles strengthen. Children’s physical and motor capabilities are noticeably advanced compared to those of infants and toddlers. For instance, although toddlers are capable of controlling their movements in relation to a stationary world, children master the ability to move capably in a changing environment (Haywood & Getchell, 2014). Children learn they must modify their movements to adapt to changes in environment as well as changes in their own bodies as they grow bigger (Adolph & Robinson, 2015). These adaptations allow them to bring their hands together at just the right time to catch a ball and to avoid bumping into moving people when walking through a crowded shopping centre. They also refine many motor skills. For example, young children throw a ball only with the arm, but

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older children learn to step forward as they throw. Their accuracy throwing a ball increases around age 7, as does their speed of throwing (Favilla, 2006). Thus, older children can throw a ball farther than younger ones can, not just because they are bigger and stronger but also because they can integrate multiple body movements – raising their arm, turning their body, stepping forward with one foot and pushing their body forward with the other foot (Haywood & Getchell, 2014). Children are fluid and rhythmic in their stride, quickly becoming able to do more than just walk. By age 3, they can walk or run in a straight line, although they cannot easily turn or stop while running. By age 4, children are getting so talented with their motor skills that they can trace a figure with one hand while tapping a pen with their other hand (Otte & van Mier, 2006). Kindergarten children can integrate two motor skills – hopping on one foot and walking or running – into mature skipping (Haywood & Getchell, 2014). With each passing year, school-age children can run a little faster, jump a little higher and throw a ball a little farther. Their motor skills are also responsive to practice. In one study, children improved their arm movements 25–30 per cent with practice – an impressive accomplishment compared with the 10 per cent improvement shown by adults who practised (Thomas,Yan, & Stelmach, 2000). From age 3 to age 5, eye-hand coordination and control of the small muscles are improving rapidly, giving children more sophisticated use of their hands (Haywood & Getchell, 2014). At age 3, children find it difficult to button their shirts, tie their shoes or copy simple designs (their drawings often look more like scribbles than pictures). By age 5, children can accomplish all of these feats and can cut a straight line with scissors and copy letters and numbers with a crayon. Their drawings become recognisable and are increasingly realistic and detailed (see Chapter 5 for cognitive developments associated with increases in drawing sophistication). The typical 5- to 6-year-old can also tie his or her shoes and even use a knife to cut soft foods. By age 8 or 9, children can use household tools such as screwdrivers and have become skilled performers at games that require eyehand coordination. Older children, too, have quicker reactions than young children do. Handwriting quality and speed also improve steadily from age 6 to age 15. Fine motor development and handwriting may, however, be affected in cases of developmental and neurological conditions. For example, Robyn Doney and her colleagues (2017) found handwriting skills were immature for 7- to 9-year-old Australian Aboriginal children in a remote Western Australian community with high levels of prenatal alcohol exposure (PAE) and foetal alcohol spectrum disorder (FASD; see Chapter 3). Children without FASD exhibited poor handwriting, indicating that environmental factors may also be involved in the results, but children with FASD performed significantly worse than children without FASD or PAE. There are some gender differences in physical capabilities. Have you heard the taunt ‘you throw like a girl!’? As it turns out, there is a well-established gender difference in both throwing speed and distance: girls do, indeed, throw like girls and not like boys (Thomas, Alderson, Thomas, Campbell, & Elliott, 2010). A typical 13-year-old girl can throw a ball at an average of 60 kilometres per hour, which sounds fast until you learn that the typical 13-year-old boy averages 85 kilometres per hour. Some of this difference seems to be nurture: boys are given more things to throw, start earlier in sports that involve throwing, and spend more time practising throwing. But practice and the environment do not explain all of the gender difference in throwing. Boys may also be able to throw faster and farther because of their greater upper body muscle mass and their shoulder width. We should note that girls are somewhat ahead of boys in hopping and tasks that require manual dexterity (Junaid & Fellowes, 2006; van Beurden, Zask, Barnett, & Dietrich, 2002). But again, these differences seem to arise, at least in part, from practice and different expectations for males and females. Let’s now consider the changes going on within the brain.

LINKAGES Chapter 3 Genes, environment and the beginnings of life Chapter 5 Cognitive development

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Brain lateralisation lateralisation The specialisation of the two hemispheres of the cerebral cortex of the brain.

In childhood, the brain becomes further organised to support the behaviours, both mental and physical, in which children are regularly engaged. One important feature of the developing organisation of the brain is the lateralisation, or asymmetry and specialisation of functions, of the two hemispheres of the cerebral cortex. Instead of developing identically, the functions controlled by the two hemispheres diverge (see Figure 4.7). In most people, the left cerebral hemisphere controls the right side of the body and is adept at the sequential (that is, step-by-step) processing needed for analytic reasoning and language processing. The right hemisphere generally controls the left side of the body and is skilled at the simultaneous processing of spatial information and visual-motor information to achieve understanding, as well as processing of the emotional content of information (Kensinger & Choi, 2009). Although it is an oversimplification, the left hemisphere is often called the thinking side of the brain, whereas the right hemisphere is called the emotional brain. FIGURE 4.7  Brain lateralisation The brain consists of two hemispheres that specialise in different functions. Functions such as logic, analytic reasoning and language are typically associated with the left hemisphere, whereas such functions as creativity, intuition and holistic thinking are associated with the right hemisphere.

Left-hemisphere functions Sequential processing Analytic thought Logic Language Science and maths

Right-hemisphere functions Simultaneous processing Holistic thought Intuition Creativity Art and music

Having two hemispheres of the brain is not the same as having two brains. The hemispheres ‘communicate’ and work together through the corpus callosum, ‘the super-highway of neurons connecting the halves of the brain’ (Gazzaniga, 1998, p. 50). Even though one hemisphere might be more active than the other during certain tasks, they both play a role in all activities. For example, the left hemisphere is considered the seat of language because it controls word content, grammar and syntax, but the right hemisphere processes the melody, pitch, sound intensity and affective content of language. If one hemisphere is damaged, it may be possible for the other hemisphere to take over the functions lost. For example, most children who have one hemisphere removed to try to reduce or eliminate severe seizures regain normal language function (Liégeois, Cross, Polkey, Harkness, & Vargha-Khadem, 2008). It does not matter whether the remaining hemisphere is the left or the right. Therefore, although the left hemisphere processes language in most people (perhaps 92 per cent), the right hemisphere may also be able to fill this function, although it is not known how this possibility might be limited – or enhanced – by age or other characteristics of the individual (Gazzaniga, 1998). When does the brain become lateralised? Signs of brain lateralisation are clearly evident at birth. Newborns are more likely to turn their heads to the right than to the left, and some clearly prefer

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the right hand in their grasp reflex (Johnson & de Haan, 2015). Newborns may also show more left hemispheric response to speech sounds (Kotilahti et al., 2010), although this response becomes stronger and more reliable in the second half of the first year (Holowka & Petitto, 2002). Signs of lateralisation so early in life suggest that it has a genetic basis. Further support for the role of genes comes from family studies of handedness. Overall, about 9 in 10 people rely on their right hands (or left hemispheres) to write and perform other motor activities. Males are somewhat more likely to be left-handed than females (Vuoksimaa, Koskenvuo, Rose & Kaprio, 2009). In families where both parents are right-handed, the odds of having a left-handed child are only 2 in 100.These odds increase to 17 in 100 when one parent is left-handed and to 46 in 100 when both parents are left-handed (Springer & Deutsch, 2001). Although this suggests a genetic basis to handedness, it could also indicate that children become left-handed because of experiences provided by lefthanded parents. However, experience would not account for head-turning preferences in young infants or for the differential activation of the left and right hemispheres observed in newborns listening to speech sounds. Overall, then, the brain appears to be structured very early so that the two hemispheres of the cortex will be capable of specialised functioning. As we develop, most of us come to rely more on the left hemisphere to carry out language processing and more on the right hemisphere to do such things as perceive spatial relationships and emotions. We also come to rely more consistently on one hemisphere, usually the left, to control many of our physical activities.

Health and wellness in childhood Children’s health is influenced by a multitude of factors, many of which are beyond their control. For instance, cancer, particularly brain cancer, and unintentional injuries at home, at school and in other contexts (for example, motor vehicle accidents) are leading causes of hospitalisation and death for children in Australia and New Zealand (see Chapter 13). Parents’ education and socioeconomic status, too, affect their children’s health (Chen, Martin, & Matthews, 2006; Matthews & Gallo, 2011). Children whose parents are less educated, for example, are more likely to experience poor or fair health compared to children with more educated parents. The chapter Diversity box also highlights the health inequities that exist for a number of Aboriginal Australian and New Zealand Maˉ ori children, and the association between socioeconomic inequality and poor health outcomes. There is some cause for optimism, however, with clear national policies and major initiatives aimed at addressing the health disparities for Aboriginal Australian and Maˉ ori children and families making some headway into the problem. For example, in Australia, the Close the Gap campaign (see On the internet: Closing the Gap), and development of national Key Performance Indicators for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander primary healthcare in areas such as otitis media, antenatal care, immunisations, type 1 and type 2 diabetes, and cardiovascular disease (see Sibthorpe, Gardner, & McAullay, 2016; Sibthorpe et al., 2017) are helping to improve Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander health outcomes. Community-based programs led by local leaders and supported by parents, schools and multidisciplinary professionals have also been implemented with some success (see Lyons & Janca, 2012; Purdie, Dudgeon, & Walker, 2010). But more work is clearly needed to improve health outcomes for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Australian and Ma¯ori children and adults, including adopting service models that integrate Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Australian and Ma¯ori views of health as interconnected with culture, spirit, identity, family, and social and emotional wellbeing (see New Zealand Ministry of Health, 2014; Priest, Mackean, Davis, Briggs, & Waters, 2012).

LINKAGES Chapter 13 The final challenge: Death and dying

Search me! and Discover the Australian SeeMore Safety program that combines preschool and homebased education to prevent unintentional injury: O’Neill, S., Fleer, M., Agbenyega, J., OzanneSmith, J., & Urlichs, M. (2013). A cultural-historical construction of safety education programs for preschool children: Findings from SeeMore Safety, the pilot study. Australasian Journal of Early Childhood, 38, 74–84.

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Diversity

Considerable health disparities exist for Aboriginal Australian children. For example, Aboriginal children experience infectious diseases more often than their non-Aboriginal counterparts. When compared to non-Aboriginal children, tuberculosis is 4.2 times more prevalent in Aboriginal children aged 0–4 years, 4.8 times higher in 5- to 14-year-olds and 13.9 times higher in 15to 24-year-olds (Burns et al., 2014). Cases of otitis media, middle ear infections that can lead to thick, gluelike fluid build-up in the ear (giving it the common name ‘glue ear’) and eardrum perforation are 2.8 times more common in Aboriginal children than in non-Aboriginal children. In the Northern Territory in 2007–2012, 2 in 3 Aboriginal children had at least one middle ear infection, and of those who had follow-up hearing checks, more than half had associated hearing loss in one ear (Australian Institute of Health and Welfare, 2012; Burns et al., 2014). Aboriginal children have some of the highest rates in the world of rheumatic fever, which can cause acute inflammation of the heart, joints and brain, and rheumatic heart disease in

otitis media Middle ear infection.

the longer-term (Roberts et al., 2017). These alarmingly high rates of infectious diseases for Aboriginal children are often associated with social inequality and the negative impacts lower socioeconomic status can have on living conditions for Aboriginal families and communities, such as overcrowded housing, poor sanitation, lack of access to clean drinking water and inadequate rubbish disposal (Lyons & Janca, 2012). The poorer health of Aboriginal children is also linked to inadequate healthcare to prevent, monitor, detect and treat infections (Roberts et al., 2017). For example, Aboriginal children are more likely than non-Aboriginal children to be delayed in the timing of vaccinations and less likely to be fully immunised by 5 years of age (Australian Institute of Health and Welfare, 2011). Thus, as highlighted in the life span developmental model of health adopted in this chapter, the sociohistorical context, and in particular socioeconomic inequality and disadvantage, plays a critical role in children’s health and wellbeing. The life span model of health also reminds

Source: Getty Images/Paul Watson

ABORIGINAL CHILDREN’S HEALTH

Early and culturally appropriate interventions are needed to address Aboriginal health disparities.

us that health is multidimensional, with physical health linked to mental and social functioning, and that early health status can have an ongoing impact throughout life. In the case of Aboriginal Australian children, higher rates of infectious and chronic diseases and acute longer-term complications, such as hearing loss and heart disease, can have adverse outcomes for school attendance, learning, socialisation and mental wellbeing that can, in turn, impact into adulthood and create generational cycles of poverty and poor health (Lyons & Janca, 2012; Purdie et al., 2010).

In the next section of the chapter we consider in depth an illustration of the multitude of factors that can influence children’s health by focusing on an issue of increasing concern: childhood obesity.

Overweightness and obesity in childhood obesity Condition of being markedly overweight; specifically, being at or above the 95th percentile for individuals of the same height, age and sex.

Of growing concern is the number of children globally who meet the criteria for childhood overweightness and obesity (see Figure 4.8, p.182). Overweightness in children is generally defined as being at a weight between the 85th and 95th percentile for children of the same age and sex; obesity is being at a weight at or above the 95th percentile (CDC, 2011). As detailed in the Statistics snapshot box later in this chapter, overweightness and obesity now affect around a third of New Zealand children and a quarter of Australian children (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2015; New Zealand Ministry of Health, 2016). The data also highlight another concerning trend occurring globally for Indigenous health, with Australia and New Zealand having higher proportions of overweightness and obesity among Indigenous children compared

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to non-Indigenous children (Anderson et al., 2016). Additionally, there is some evidence emerging of faster rates of BMI increase in the early childhood years for Indigenous children. Katherine Thurber and her colleagues (2017) found that about 30 per cent of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children with normal BMI at 3 and 6 years of age developed overweightness/obesity 3 years later.This is a faster rate than findings reported for non-Indigenous Australian children, among which just over 20 per cent with normal BMI at age 4 to 5 years develop overweightness/obesity 6 years later (Wheaton, Millar, & Nichols, 2015). Children (and teens and adults too) who are overweight or obese experience a number of challenges.The additional weight puts them at risk for physical problems such as diabetes, high blood pressure, elevated cholesterol levels and sleep apnoea (Amed, Daneman, Mahmud, & Hamilton, 2010; Genovesi, Nava, & Giussani, 2012; Arens  &  Muzumdar, 2010; Raghuveer, 2010). There is an emotional toll as well, with obese youth reporting significantly lower levels of emotional, social and psychosocial functioning relative to their average-weight peers (Zeller & Modi, 2006). Obese children report poorer self-concepts and lower levels of self-esteem compared to normal-weight children, which is not surprising as 44 per cent of adolescent girls and 31 per cent of adolescent boys report being teased about their weight by peers, family members, or both (Griffiths, Parsons, & Hill, 2010; Wallander et al., 2009). What factors are associated with the rise in obesity and the associated risks to children’s health? Unsurprisingly, poor diet and limited physical activity are key contributors, but as you will see, it is more complex than this, with an interplay of genes and environment as well as physical, cognitive and psychosocial considerations – as per the life span development model of health we outlined earlier in the chapter.

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Search me! and Discover Access the Psychology database and research the topic of sociocultural aspects of health and wellness.

DIET-RELATED FACTORS Many children today regularly eat fast foods or snacks, which are often fried, high in carbohydrates and low in nutritional value; and consume soft drinks, packed with sugar and artificial flavours.These dietary habits are not only linked to weight gain and obesity, they are also contributors to poor oral health and are associated with lower consumption of milk and intake of calcium, an important nutrient for bone health (Keller, Kirzner, Pietrobelli, St-Onge, & Faith, 2009; Lim et al., 2009; Malik, Pan, Willett, & Hu, 2013). To what extent do Australian and New Zealand children consume fast foods and soft drinks? The 2016 New Zealand Health Survey (New Zealand Ministry of Health, 2016) revealed that 17 per cent of children had drunk at least three fizzy drinks in the past week, with Ma¯ori children (23 per cent) and Pasifika children (31 per cent) more likely to consume these drinks than nonMa¯ori and non-Pasifika children (14 per cent). The survey also showed that 8 per cent of New Zealand children had eaten fast food at least three times in the past week, with rates of 17 per cent for Pasifika children, 14 per cent for children living in the most deprived neighbourhoods, 12 per cent for Ma¯ori children, and 8 per cent and 5 per cent respectively for children from Asian and European backgrounds. In Australia, the proportion of energy consumed from fast foods is lowest among 2- to 3-year-old children (32 per cent for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children, and 30 per cent for non-Indigenous children) and highest among 14- to 18-year-olds (43 per cent for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children, and 41 per cent for non-Indigenous children). In the age group of 4–8 years there is a difference between Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children and nonIndigenous children, with the proportions of energy consumed from fast foods being 42 per cent and 38 per cent respectively (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2014, 2015). Thus, these figures show first, that the overall rates of consumption of fast food and fizzy drinks are high for Australian and New

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FIGURE 4.8  World prevalence of overweightness and obesity and the top three countries in each region Panel A shows the prevalence of overweightness and obesity for boys; panel B shows the prevalence of overweightness and obesity for girls.

European region 1. Crete (45%) 2. Greece (44.4%) 3. Malta (38.9%)

Americas region 1. USA (41.3%) 2. Mexico (36.9%) 3. Argentina (32.1%)

Eastern Mediterranean region 1. Kuwait (54.7%) 2. UAE (43.1%) 3. Lebanon (38.5%)

Asia Oceania region 1. New Zealand (29.6%) 2. Australia (28.4%) 3. Taiwan (26.8%)

Africa region 1. Nigeria (18.5%) 2. Seychelles (16.3%) 3. South Africa (16.2%)

>

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>>>

(Khurana et al., 2015). In addition, a positive relationship between teens and their parents can help protect them during this period of development (Qu, Fuligni, Galvan, & Telzer, 2015). On the other hand, teens tend to be more prone to risk taking when hanging out with their peers, again thanks to what’s going on in

the brain at this time of development (Somerville, 2013). Teens’ risky behaviours may reflect a combination of seeking new experiences and finding certain stimuli more attractive or motivating – both influenced by changes in brain chemistry and incomplete development of the

prefrontal cortex during adolescence. The adolescent brain, then, is still a work in progress, and a propensity toward risk taking by some teenagers might be expected until further brain developments, such as maturation of the prefrontal cortex, refine their judgement and decision making (Jetha & Segalowitz, 2012).

Teen health and wellness As we discuss in more detail in Chapter 13, the leading causes of death among teenagers are unintentional injuries (mostly from motor vehicle accidents), violence and suicide. In this chapter so far we have identified some of the risky behaviours and lifestyle choices, such as alcohol and drug use and cigarette smoking, that may be associated with these leading causes of death for adolescents. In the next sections, we focus on two areas that can compromise the health of teens: unhealthy weight and insufficient sleep.

LINKAGES Chapter 13 The final challenge: Death and dying

Overweightness and obesity in adolescence Adolescents should be reaching their peak of physical fitness and health and, indeed, some adolescents are strong, fit and energetic. Unfortunately, the sedentary lifestyle of modern society may be undermining the health of an increasing number of teens: as is the case in children, the number of teenagers who meet the criteria for overweightness and obesity has also increased in recent decades. Some of the same issues that we discussed earlier regarding children’s weight also apply to adolescents. That is, adolescents have more sedentary lifestyles and consume more empty calories than they need, often in the form of beverages. Adolescents who drink more calorie-dense, nutrientpoor beverages not only gain weight, but also have higher systolic blood pressure (Nguyen, Choi, Lustig & Hsu, 2009). The increased weight and blood pressure put them at risk for later health problems, including heart and kidney disease, diabetes, liver problems and arthritis. Rates of diabetes – a disease causing high levels of sugar in the blood – have significantly increased in recent years among adolescents, with more and more teens now taking antidiabetic drugs (Hsia et al., 2009). As outlined in the chapter Application box, obesity can also be detrimental for cognitive performance. As you learned earlier in the chapter, obesity is usually the product of both nature and nurture: heredity is certainly important, but poor eating habits, inactivity, and parental and community environments all contribute (Steffen et al., 2009).With increased independence teenagers may be less influenced by parents and more influenced by peers in their food and activity choices. Adolescents who are overweight tend to gravitate toward other overweight teenagers (Valente, Fujimoto, Chou & Spruijt-Metz, 2009). Being friends with other teenagers who are overweight may be comfortable in that it reduces the stigma of being overweight. Further, it establishes an unhealthy pattern of behaviour – inactivity coupled with poor eating habits – as normative and acceptable. There is little incentive to be different from the peers with whom you spend your time, so if they are sitting around eating junk food and drinking sugary drinks, then it is easy to do the same.

Changes in sleep patterns Another health issue that seems to plague many teenagers is insufficient sleep. Teenagers report later bedtimes from age 12- to 18, with only 14 to 27 per cent getting the optimal 9 hours of sleep on school nights and 25 per cent getting less than 6 hours sleep (Bartel, Gradisar, & Williamson, 2015).

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LINKAGES Chapter 1 Understanding life span human development

Search me! And Discover technology as a risk factor for sleep disturbance and poor mental health outcomes: Thomée, S., Härenstam, A., & Hagberg, M. (2012). Computer use and stress, sleep disturbances, and symptoms of depression among young adults: A prospective cohort study. BMC Psychiatry, 12, 176.

Biological factors, puberty in particular, seem primarily responsible. Puberty ushers in changes in the sleep–wake cycle, melatonin production and circadian rhythms, which can shift the ‘natural’ time for falling asleep later and later. Research shows that the level of melatonin (a sleep-promoting hormone) rises later at night for teenagers than for children or adults (Crowley, Cain, Burns, Acebo, & Carskadon, 2015). Thus, teenagers who go to bed at 11 p.m. should not wake up until around 8  a.m. if they are to get the recommended amount of sleep. Yet most teenagers find themselves getting out of bed earlier than this to get to school on time. Thus, just when teenagers’ biological clocks are pushing back sleep times at night, schools are getting them up earlier in the morning. Other psychosocial factors may contribute to suboptimal sleep in adolescence, for example, screen time or doing homework into the night. Several reviews over the past decade have highlighted the link between youth technology use and sleep disruption related to physiological arousal, displacing sleep time and potential effects of screen light on circadian rhythms (see Bartel et al., 2015). As we noted in Chapter 1, correlational effects do not necessarily indicate causal relationships or the exact direction of the relationship. Thus, other researchers have proposed that technology use may in fact reflect difficulties sleeping, not that difficulty sleeping is a result of technology use (Bartel & Gradisar, 2017). What are the consequences for teenagers who do not get enough sleep? Teenagers report greater sleepiness during the day, which is associated with decreased motivation, especially for ‘boring’ tasks (Chiang, Arendt, Zheng, & Hanisch, 2014).Yes, tired teenagers may be able to successfully navigate a favourite class or read a particularly good book, but these same teenagers may have trouble completing an assignment in their least-favourite subject or studying for an exam. In attempt to counterbalance their lack of sleep, many teens begin consuming caffeine or smoking, which in turn can further disrupt their sleep cycles (Carskadon & Tarokh, 2014; Bartel et al., 2015). Teenagers who have had their sleep restricted display increased sleepiness in proportion to the number of nights that their sleep is reduced. But surprisingly – at least to many adults – these same teenagers ‘perk up’ in the evenings and show high levels of energy that discourage them from going to bed early (Carskadon, 2011). Teenagers who sleep less at night or who stay up later on the weekends than their peers report higher levels of irritability and lack of tolerance for frustration, and may also have difficulty controlling their emotional responses, which leads to greater expression of aggression or anger (Carskadon, 2011). As with younger children, teenagers who do not get enough sleep may have trouble concentrating in school, experience short-term memory problems and doze off in class (National Sleep Foundation, 2015). Reviews across many studies have indicated there is an association between shortened sleep and obesity in childhood and adolescence (Quist, Sjödin, Chaput, & Hjorth, 2016). Teens with suboptimal sleep patterns are also more likely to experience significant mood and behavioural disorders, substance use, and poorer mental and physical health (Zhang et al., 2017). Some teens report that, with their busy schedules, cutting back on sleep is unavoidable. Consider teens who have a big test scheduled for the next day but also have after-school obligations that will push back the start of their study time. Should they stay up late and study or should they go to bed with less study time? If you answered that they should go to bed and get a good night’s sleep instead of studying, then you are correct according to research by Cari Gillen-O’Neel,Virginia Huynh, and Andrew Fuligni (2013).These researchers had students keep diaries of their sleep and study times for blocks of time in Years 9, 10 and 12.They found that amount of study time throughout the week did not matter if students ended up cutting short their sleep time. Students who got a good night’s sleep the night before a test did better than students who sacrificed a good night’s sleep to get in more study time. There is an important message here for you: Manage your time so that you get all the study time you need without sacrificing your sleep time. Maintaining a consistent sleep–wake cycle with sufficient sleep time is an essential part of optimising cognitive skills, not to mention physical health (Gozal, 2017).

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For all ages, learning more about sleep needs and the effects of sleep deprivation can lead to healthy lifestyle changes. Adhering to a regular bedtime and wake time on the weekends and on school and work days can help maintain healthy ‘sleep hygiene’, a term that means good sleep habits. Unfortunately, ‘sleeping in’ on the weekends alters the sleep–wake cycle and makes it more difficult to get up early for work or school come Monday morning. (See On the internet: Sleep health in this section for more sleep hygiene tips). So, next time you find yourself dozing off in class or at work, do not jump to the conclusion that the work you are doing is boring. It may be that your sleep–wake cycle is out of sync with the schedule imposed on you by studies or work. ON THE INTERNET Sleep health http://www.sleephealthfoundation.org.au/ This excellent Australian website offers many resources about sleep and how to improve it, such as fact sheets, sleep quizzes and access to a six-article supplement published in the Medical Journal of Australia titled ‘Sleep disorders: A practical guide for Australian health care practitioners’.

Application HALTING THE OBESITY ‘BRAIN DRAIN’ Obesity increases the risk of physical, health and social problems. If this is not reason enough to be concerned about obesity rates among our youth, then consider some research that examined the brain function of obese youth with metabolic syndrome (MeTS), which is a combination of risk factors (high blood pressure, unhealthy cholesterol levels and insulin resistance) that can lead to cardiovascular disease (see Kassi, Pervanidou, Kaltsas, & Chrousos, 2011). Researchers compared 49 adolescents with MeTS with 62 adolescents without MeTS (Yau, Castro, Tagani, Tsui, & Convit, 2012). The two groups were matched on multiple factors that might otherwise influence the results: age, gender, ethnicity and socioeconomic status. The adolescents underwent endocrine testing, were evaluated with MRIs and were assessed for cognitive and intellectual functioning. The findings showed that adolescents with MeTS scored slightly lower – 4 points – on overall IQ, and maths achievement was lower too. They also demonstrated some issues with attention and mental flexibility. While all scores were in the normal or average ranges, it is concerning that adolescents with MeTS are not operating at the same level of cognitive functioning as their

non-MeTS peers. The MRIs also revealed some structural differences in the brains of the two groups of adolescents. This suggests that MeTS, a condition typically found only among individuals who are obese, is associated with a different brain architecture. And the more MeTS risk factors these teens had, the lower their cognitive functioning. Let’s be careful, though, not to jump to the conclusion that obesity or MeTS caused brain damage in the adolescents in this study. As the authors point out, there could be other factors in play, such as a delay in brain maturation that will eventually be caught up. Nonetheless, the cognitive deficits, whether permanent or temporary, add to the larger picture of childhood and adolescent obesity, and, collectively, the findings indicate this is a serious health concern that cannot be ignored. The good news is that, as for adults, the incidence of MeTS and its associated health hazards can be reduced among teens. An analysis of more than half a million adults has shown that adhering to the so-called Mediterranean diet can reduce the risk of MeTS (Kastorini et al., 2011). The Mediterranean diet has numerous components, including use of olive oil rather than butter, and consumption of

LINKAGES Chapter 13 The final challenge: Death and dying

daily fruits and vegetables, weekly fish and poultry, and very little red meat. Not only does the Mediterranean diet help with the body weight that contributes to MeTS, but it may also provide healthy antioxidants that have been associated with longevity (see Chapter 13). But diet alone may not be sufficient. In other research, relatively inactive adults were twice as likely to have MeTS as their active peers (Ford, Kohl, Mokdad, & Ajani, 2005). It turns out, according to findings from the Australian Diabetes, Obesity and Lifestyle Study, that sitting for long periods of time, whether it is in front of the television or the computer, can affect your body’s ability to process fats and is linked to increased risk of death (Dunstan et al., 2010). Amazingly, just one day of inactivity decreases your ‘good’ cholesterol, which is considered good because it helps clear the ‘bad’ cholesterol from your blood (Hamilton, Healy, Dunstan, Zderic, & Owen, 2008). Thus, we need to pay attention to both our eating habits and our levels of physical activity to optimise our health.

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IN REVIEW CHECKING UNDERSTANDING

CRITICAL THINKING

1 What factors affect the timing of menarche in girls?

Imagine you have been asked to present a session to high school students about good sleep habits. How would you argue for the importance of good sleep habits, and what good sleep habits and tips would you suggest?

2 How do the typical brain changes during adolescence correlate with teen behaviour? 3 What biological changes associated with puberty impact on adolescent sleep patterns?

Express

Get the answers to the Checking understanding questions on CourseMate Express.

4.5 THE ADULT Learning objectives

■■ Describe the body changes typical of adulthood. ■■ Integrate the findings of both gains and losses in the adult brain. ■■ Summarise changes in the reproductive system throughout adulthood, with attention to how the physical changes may influence psychological wellbeing. ■■ Discuss how ageing, disease, disuse and misuse relate to the health challenges adults may experience.

The body of the mature adolescent or young adult is in its prime in many ways. It is strong and fit, and its organs are functioning efficiently – it is considered to be in peak health. But it is ageing, as it has been all along. Physical ageing occurs slowly and steadily over the life span. Physical and health changes begin to have noticeable effects on appearance and functioning in middle age and have an even more significant effect by the time old age is reached, although more so in some people than in others. But don’t equate ageing with only loss and decline of physical capacities and health: there are also gains and increases in some areas. In the next sections, then, we discuss typical changes that occur in appearance, physical functioning, the brain and the reproductive system as we progress through middle adulthood and old age. We also look at health and consider what it takes to age successfully. You will learn that lifestyle choices play a key role in your overall health and longevity.

The changing body Only minor changes in physical appearance occur in the 20s and 30s, but many people notice signs that they are ageing as they reach their 40s (Whitbourne & Whitbourne, 2014). Skin becomes wrinkled, dry and loose, especially among people who have spent more time in the sun. Hair thins and often turns grey from loss of pigment-producing cells. And to most people’s dismay, they put on extra weight throughout much of adulthood as their metabolic rate slows but their eating and exercise habits do not adjust accordingly. This ‘middle-aged spread’ could be controlled by regular exercise but it occurs at a time in life when many adults feel they have little time to exercise because family and work responsibilities demand a great deal of their time. As people move into their 60s and beyond, they typically begin to lose some weight, although this may not be evident until their 80s. Unfortunately, this loss of weight in old age is not from losing the fat gained in middle age but from losing valuable muscle and bone. Importantly, it is not age per se that reduces muscle mass but again the sedentary lifestyle adopted by many older adults.

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Ageing also involves a gradual decline in the efficiency of most bodily systems from the 20s on. Most systems increase to a peak sometime between childhood and early adulthood and decline slowly thereafter. No matter what physical function you look at – the capacity of the heart or lungs to meet the demands of exercise, the ability of the body to control its temperature, the ability of the immune system to fight disease, strength – the gradual effects of ageing are evident. For example, we lose nearly 10 per cent of our strength with each passing decade (Katzel & Steinbrenner, 2012). In terms of handgrip strength, both men and women show declines from early to late adulthood, with men’s losses fairly evenly distributed over adulthood and women’s losses starting out slow but then escalating after age 55 (Samson et al., 2000). Why consider handgrip strength? It turns out that handgrip strength in middle age is a good predictor of disability and ability to function in later life: those with weaker handgrip in middle age are more likely to have greater functional limitations and disabilities 25 years later (Rantanen et al., 2012).Why would handgrip be associated with health and longevity? Likely because it is an external indication of internal health and wellness. Someone with a strong handgrip is likely more active and healthy than someone with a weak handgrip. Another fact of physical ageing is a decline in the reserve capacity of many organ systems, that is, their ability to respond to demands for extraordinary output, such as in emergencies. For example, older and younger people do not differ much in resting heart rates, but older adults, even if they are disease-free, will have lower maximal heart rates (Lakatta, Spurgeon, & Janczewski, 2014).This means that older adults who do not feel very old as they go about their normal routines may feel very old indeed if they try to run up mountains.The average older person tires more quickly and needs more time to recover after vigorous activity than the average younger person. Older adults also walk more slowly than the average 120 centimetres per second of their younger counterparts. In many situations, the older adult may simply need to allow additional time for getting places. In other situations, though, their slow speed may pose a safety concern, such as crossing a busy street where traffic lights are programmed for the average adult’s walking speed and not the average older adult’s walking speed (Lobjois & Cavallo, 2009). In addition, research has revealed that walking speed can be a useful predictor of survival among older adults. Stephanie Studenski and her colleagues (2011) examined the relationship between the walking speed of more than 34 000 adults over the age of 65 and their 5-year and 10-year survival rates. The findings showed that an older adult’s walking speed can effectively predict survival, especially among those 75 years and older.Thus, the fast-walking 75-year-old is more likely to be alive 5 and 10 years later than their slow-walking companions.This makes sense when you consider that walking speed, like handgrip strength, gives us a window into the functioning of multiple internal organ systems. When one or more of the organ systems that contribute to walking (for example, lungs, heart, musculature, nervous system, and so on) is damaged or begins to deteriorate, this will be reflected externally in a slower gait. Note that there is tremendous variability in the functioning of older adults. Even though the average older person is less physiologically fit than the average younger person, not all older people have poor physiological functioning. Older adults who remain physically active retain greater strength and faster reaction times than their less active peers (Katzel & Steinbrenner, 2012).

reserve capacity The ability of many organ systems to respond to demands for extraordinary output.

The changing brain When does the brain complete its development? In the past, we might have answered that the brain was fully developed by the end of infancy, or even by the end of pregnancy. Today, however, the answer is that brain development is never truly complete. The brain is responsive to experience and is capable of neurogenesis, the process of generating new neurons, across the life span. Neurogenesis in adult humans was once considered impossible, but recent evidence shows that it is indeed possible (Jessberger & Gage, 2014; Kempermann, Song, & Gage, 2015). Consider Terry Wallis who, injured at

neurogenesis The process of generating new neurons that occurs across the life span.

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MAKING CONNECTIONS What are your views generally about the changes in appearance and functioning associated with ageing? Do you have a positive, neutral or anxious outlook about your own ageing?

Snapshot

Pre-exercise Source: Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America. vol. 104 no. 13 Copyright (2007) National Academy of Sciences, U.S.A.

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Post-exercise Your brain on exercise. Using magnetic resonance imaging (MRI) technology that maps cerebral blood volume, researchers have found evidence of increased blood volume in a region of the hippocampus after exercise. This suggests the brain is capable of neurogenesis and could pave the way for developing new treatments for various conditions.

LINKAGES Chapter 12 Developmental psychopathology

age 19 in a serious car accident, suffered severe brain damage and existed in a minimally conscious state for nearly 20 years (Hopkins, 2006). Doctors had assumed that recovery was not possible, but one day Terry ‘woke up’ and began to talk. Although he remains disabled from injuries sustained during the accident, he has regained some functions and can communicate. Similarly, Australian Emma De Silva, who was severely brain injured when a car hit her and her baby while out walking, emerged from a coma a few months after doctors advised there was limited hope of survival for her off life support. She gradually recovered some function and language (Le Tourneau, 2011). But does what happened with these individuals hold true for other adults? Fred Gage and his colleagues studied the effects of exercise on brain activity in a small group of adults (Pereira et al., 2007; and see Kempermann, Song, & Gage, 2015). The adults were given a learning task, completed a 3-month aerobic exercise program, and were then given another learning task. Learning improved following the exercise program. The researchers could not examine actual brain tissue after exercise. However, they did study blood volume in the brain and found that it was almost twice as high in the hippocampus, a part of the brain involved in learning and memory (see photo). This increased blood volume seems to be associated with production of new neurons. Other researchers have uncovered evidence that certain health conditions, such as stroke and epilepsy, may increase neurogenesis, whereas other conditions, such as depression, may decrease it (Balu & Lucki, 2009). Denise Park and Chih-Mao Huang (2010) reviewed whether culture – growing up surrounded by Eastern Asian versus Western cultural values and experiences – has an effect on the organisation of the brain. When asked to view pictures of an individual object, a background, and the object Post-exercise embedded in the background, East Asians and Westerners demonstrated different patterns of brain activity with each type of picture, as illustrated by images of blood flow captured by functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) (see Goh et al., 2007). Over various studies like this one, the findings suggest that different patterns of brain activity are associated with different cultural experiences, reflecting the collectivist focus of East Asian and the individualistic focus of Western cultures. In other words, your cultural experiences shape your brain function and possibly also brain structure (Park & Huang, 2010).Your brain continues to be responsive to the environment; it is not ‘done’ or set in stone at birth or even in infancy or childhood. Thus, the brain displays plasticity early in life and signs of neurogenesis and synaptogenesis throughout life. It can change in response to physical and mental exercise. It may be able to regenerate some functions following injury, which holds great promise for future therapies for patients with a wide range of conditions such as stroke, epilepsy, and degenerative diseases such as Parkinson’s and Alzheimer’s (Ernst & Frisen, 2015). But although the adult brain can generate new neurons, it does so at a much lower rate than the young brain (Lee, Clemenson, & Gage, 2012). What does this mean for the average person? What happens to the typical brain as it ages? Many people fear that ageing means losing brain cells and ultimately becoming ‘senile’. As you will see in Chapter 12, Alzheimer’s disease and other conditions that cause serious brain damage and dementia are not part of normal ageing; they do not affect most older people. Similar to the pattern of other body system changes, normal ageing is associated with gradual and relatively mild degeneration within the nervous system – some loss of neurons, diminished functioning of many remaining neurons, and potentially harmful changes in the tissues surrounding and supporting the neurons, such as the protective myelin covering (Scheibel, 2009). Just as brain weight and volume increase over the childhood years, they decrease over the adult years, especially after age 50 (Bartzokis & Lu, 2009; Taki et al., 2013). As people age, more of their neurons atrophy or shrivel, transmit signals less effectively and ultimately die (Scheibel, 2009). Elderly adults may end up with 5–30 per cent fewer neurons, depending on the brain site studied, than they had in early adulthood. Neuron

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loss is greater in the areas of the brain that control sensory and motor activities than in either the association areas of the cortex (involved in thought) or the brain stem and lower brain (involved in basic life functions such as breathing). Other signs of brain degeneration besides neuron loss include declines in the levels of important neurotransmitters; the formation of senile plaques, hard areas in the tissue surrounding neurons that may interfere with neuronal functioning and are seen in abundance in people with Alzheimer’s disease; and reduced blood flow to the brain, which may starve neurons of the oxygen and nutrients they need to function (Aanerud et al., 2012). As you will see later in Chapter 6, one of the main implications of such degeneration is that older brains typically process information more slowly than younger brains. On the positive side, research shows that middle age brings greater integration of the left and right hemispheres, which may help increase creativity and cognitive functioning. And the brain can remain healthy with exercise, both mental puzzles and physical aerobic workouts. Older adults who engage in high levels of aerobic activity show enhanced mental performance and corresponding higher levels of activity in certain regions of the brain (Barcelos et al., 2015; Gill et al., 2015). Some intriguing new research suggests that physical aerobic activity may determine the number of new neurons generated in the brain, whereas mental activity influences the number of these new neurons that survive (Curlik & Shors, 2013). And not just any mental activity, but activity that is ‘new, effortful, and successful’ (Shors, 2014, p. 311). Thus, if you want to grow your brain, you are going to have to put in some hard work. What does it mean for older adults that both degeneration and plasticity – both losses and gains – characterise the ageing brain? In some people, degeneration may win and declines in intellectual performance will occur. In other people, plasticity may prevail; their brains may form new and adaptive neural connections faster than they are lost so that performance on some tasks may actually improve with age (at least until very old age). Denise Park and Patricia Reuter-Lorenz (2009) make a compelling case that the ageing brain may compensate for losses with increased activity in the prefrontal cortex. In particular, they propose the scaffolding theory of ageing and compensation (STAC) to explain how the brain may adapt to losses by revving up in other areas. Thus, where a young adult’s brain would use only the area that specialises in a particular kind of task to perform it, an older adult’s brain might recruit other brain areas to help out. This kind of compensation may not always be possible due to health issues, genetic predispositions or adverse life experiences, but when it is, older adults may be able to maintain useful cognitive functioning for longer. In a revised version of the STAC model, the researchers acknowledge that life events can have both a negative effect on the brain, depleting neural resources, and a positive effect, conserving and even enriching neural resources (Reuter-Lorenz & Park, 2014). It is important to consider a person’s current level of cognitive functioning as well as the rate at which cognitive change occurs.Thus, you can reject the view that ageing involves nothing but a slow death of neural tissue. Old brains can learn new tricks (it may just take some work).

LINKAGES Chapter 6 Sensoryperception, attention and memory

MAKING CONNECTIONS Suppose you set a goal of reaching age 100 in superb physical and mental condition. Describe and justify a plan for achieving your goal.

The changing reproductive system During most of adulthood, the sex hormones that prompted puberty and all of its changes continue to be produced, maintaining interest in sexual behaviour and the ability to have children. These hormones also have psychological implications and affect the experience of ageing. In men, testosterone levels fluctuate annually, with peak levels detected in spring and lower levels in autumn; and daily, with peak levels in the morning (Moskovic, Eisenberg, & Lipshultz, 2012; van Anders, 2012). Men with high levels of testosterone tend to be more sexually active and aggressive than other men, although this relationship is influenced by other factors (see Trainor & Nelson, 2012). Otherwise, it is not clear that changes in men’s hormone levels are tied to changes in their moods and behaviour.

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premenstrual syndrome (PMS) The combination of symptoms experienced shortly before the menstrual period, including tender breasts, feeling bloated, irritability and moodiness. premenstrual dysphoric disorder (PDD) A severe form of premenstrual syndrome with disabling moodrelated symptoms.

By contrast, hormone levels in women shift drastically each month as they progress through their menstrual cycles. Oestrogen and progesterone levels rise to a peak mid-cycle, when a woman is ovulating, and decline as she approaches her menstrual period. For some women, these shifts may be accompanied by symptoms such as bloating, moodiness, breast tenderness and headaches during the days just before the menstrual flow, symptoms collectively referred to as premenstrual syndrome (PMS). Estimates of how many women experience PMS vary substantially. Roughly half of young women report that they experience PMS, and a majority – as many as 90 per cent – report at least some symptoms before menstruation, usually regarding these as a normal accompaniment to the menstrual cycle (Delara et al., 2012; Wong, 2011). As many as 10 per cent of women experience symptoms severe enough to interfere with their ability to perform daily activities and a few of these, perhaps 2–3 per cent, may be diagnosed with a severe form of PMS called premenstrual dysphoric disorder (PDD). PDD differs from PMS in that it includes affective symptoms in addition to physical symptoms associated with the menstrual cycle, and it can be disabling, disrupting work and relationships (American Psychiatric Association, 2013).Women with PDD report poorer healthrelated quality of life than those without PDD (Delara et al., 2012). In recent decades, there has been some debate about the validity of PMS. In research where women are simply asked to complete mood surveys every day and do not know that their menstrual cycles are being studied, most report little premenstrual mood change.This suggests that expectations and not hormones play a role in many cases of PMS. Still, symptoms consistent with PMS are reported across many cultures, including those that generally do not label or acknowledge the syndrome (see Yonkers & Casper, 2012). Various treatments are available for PMS, depending on the severity and type of symptoms experienced. For instance, some women with severe PMS may find relief when treated with antidepressant drugs (Maharaj & Trevino, 2015). For women with milder forms of PMS, treatment with calcium, potassium, iron and vitamin D may alleviate symptoms because the low oestrogen levels experienced prior to menstruation can interfere with the absorption of these substances by the body (Chocano-Bedoya et al., 2013; Saeedian Kia, Amani, & Cheraghian, 2015). There is considerable variability in how women experience their menstrual cycles and, as we’ll see in the next section, how they navigate through the years when their menstrual cycles end.

Female menopause menopause The ending of a woman’s menstrual periods and reproductive capacity around the age of 50, associated with decreasing levels of oestrogen and progesterone.

Like other systems of the body, the reproductive system ages. The ending of a woman’s menstrual periods in midlife is called menopause. Levels of oestrogen and other female hormones decline so that the woman who has been through menopause has a hormone mix that is less ‘feminine’ and more ‘masculine’ than that of premenopausal woman. Researchers have discovered that menopause can be predicted by anti-Müllerian hormone, which peaks around age 16, remains stable until about age 25, and then begins a slow decline (Fong et al., 2012).When menopause is completed, a woman is no longer ovulating, no longer menstruating and no longer capable of conceiving a child. The average woman experiences menopause at around age 50, and the usual age range is from 45 to 55. The process takes place gradually over 5 to 10 years as periods become irregular and more or less frequent. Although life expectancy has increased and the age of menarche has decreased over history as part of the secular trend noted earlier in the chapter, the average age of menopause does not appear to have changed much (Towner, Nenko, & Walton, 2016). What has changed is that women are now living long enough to experience a considerable period of postmenopausal life. The age at which an individual woman reaches menopause is related to both the age at which she reached menarche and the age at which her mother reached menopause. Environmental factors influence the timing of menopause too, for example, smoking and drinking alcohol is associated with early menopause (Ruth et al., 2016).The influence of environment, and in particular an impoverished

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environment, is likely linked to the finding that many Indigenous women around the world, including within Australia and New Zealand, experience an earlier average onset of menopause (Chadha, Chadha, Ross, & Sydora, 2016). Notably, the age of onset of menopause is associated with many long-term health consequences for women. Women who experience premature menopause (before age 40) or early menopause (between ages 40 and 45) are at increased risk of cardiovascular and neurological diseases, psychiatric conditions and decreased longevity (Shadyab et al., 2017; Shuster, Rhodes, Gostout, Grossardt, & Rocca, 2010). Irrespective of the age of onset, menopause tends to be associated with many negative physical and psychological symptoms. Researchers have, however, discovered wide variation among menopausal women in the extent to which they experience these symptoms. About two-thirds of women experience hot flushes – sudden experiences of warmth and sweating, usually centred around the face and upper body, that occur at unpredictable times, last for a few seconds or minutes, and are often followed by a cold shiver (Whitbourne & Whitbourne, 2014). Many also experience vaginal dryness and irritation or pain during intercourse. Still, some women experience no physical symptoms. What about the psychological symptoms associated with menopause – irritability and depression? Women entering menopause typically report mild depression and temporary emotional distress, probably in reaction to their physical symptoms, but only about 10 per cent could be said to have become seriously depressed in response to menopause (Mishra & Dobson, 2012). Why do some women experience more severe menopausal symptoms than others? Part of the answer may lie with biology. Women who have a history of menstrual problems (such as PMS) report more menopausal symptoms, both physical and psychological (Hautamäki et al., 2014). But psychological and social factors of the sort that influence women’s reactions to sexual changes and to their menstrual cycles also influence the severity of menopausal symptoms. For example, women who expect menopause to be a negative experience are likely to experience what they expect (Ayers, Forshaw, & Hunter, 2010). There is also a good deal of variation across cultures in how menopause is experienced. In a recent study, women from the United States, United Kingdom and Canada reported more symptoms than women from Sweden and Italy (Minkin, Reiter, & Maamari, 2015). Portuguese women report primarily neutral symptoms and feelings about menopause (Pimenta, Leal, & Ramos, 2011). It appears that the effect of menopause is coloured by the meaning it has for the woman, as influenced by her society’s prevailing views of menopause and by her own personal characteristics. Perceptions may vary, too, depending on when women are asked and how fresh the experience is for them. Women who have been through menopause generally say it had little effect on them or that it even improved their lives; they are usually more positive about it than women who have not been through it yet (Morrison et al., 2014). Of course, this is not true of all women: some report that the whole thing was worse than expected (Minkin et al., 2015). For years, hormone replacement therapy (HRT) (taking oestrogen and progesterone to compensate for hormone loss at menopause) was considered an effective cure for the symptoms that many women experience with menopause. HRT relieves physical symptoms of menopause, such as hot flushes and vaginal dryness, and can prevent or slow osteoporosis. Unfortunately, trust in HRT was shattered in 2002 by a large government study that found that HRT increases women’s chances of developing breast cancer and experiencing heart attack or stroke (Women’s Health Initiative, 2004). For most women, these risks outweigh the benefits of HRT, particularly if the hormones are taken over a long period. For women with early-onset menopause or severe menopausal symptoms associated with decreasing production of hormones, short-term HRT (for example, up to 2 years) may be warranted. Lifestyle changes such as exercising and getting adequate sleep may be the best options for the majority of menopausal women because they alleviate some complaints and are safe.

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hormone replacement therapy (HRT) Administration of oestrogen and progesterone to compensate for menopausal hormone loss in women.

Search me! and Discover a cognitivebehavioural treatment program and alternative to HRT for women who experience severe menopausal symptoms: Green, S. M., Haber, E., McCabe, R. E., & Soares, C. N. (2013). Cognitivebehavioral group treatment for menopausal symptoms: A pilot study. Archives of Women’s Mental Health, 16, 325–332.

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Male andropause

andropause The slower and less-dramatic male counterpart of menopause, associated with decreasing levels of testosterone; also called age-associated hypogonadism.

LINKAGES Chapter 9 Self, personality, gender and sexuality

Obviously, men cannot experience menopause because they do not menstruate. They also do not experience the sharp drop in hormones that accompanies menopause in women. However, men may experience andropause as they age. Andropause, also called age-associated hypogonadism, is characterised by slowly decreasing levels of testosterone and a variety of symptoms including low libido, fatigue and lack of energy, erection problems, memory problems and loss of pubic hair (Samaras, 2015). The prevalence of hypogonadism is about 40 per cent in men 45 years and older and increases with age (Mulligan, Frick, Zuraw, Stemhagen, & McWhirter, 2006). Still, this condition does not affect all men, and men can father children long after women become incapable of bearing children. Treatments for hypogonadism include testosterone replacement therapy (TRT).There have been concerns about cardiovascular risk associated with TRT, but recent reviews do not support a causal link, particularly when hypogonadism is properly diagnosed and TRT is appropriately administered (Corona, Rastrelli, Maseroli, Sforza, & Maggi, 2015; Xu, Freeman, Cowling, & Schooling, 2013). Nonetheless, weight loss and treatment of other conditions, such as sleep apnoea, are recommended as a first course of treatment or in conjunction with TRT and with careful ongoing monitoring (Lawrence, Stewart, & Larson, 2017). Should erectile dysfunction be a concern, this may be treatable with sildenafil, no doubt more familiar to you by the name Viagra. In sum, the changes associated with andropause in men are more gradual, more variable and less complete than those associated with menopause in women. Frequency of sexual activity does decline as men age. However, this trend cannot be blamed entirely on decreased hormone levels, because sexual activity often declines even when testosterone levels remain high (see Chapter 9 on sexuality).

Health challenges: Ageing or disease, disuse or misuse? As we have seen, many aspects of physical and physiological functioning seem to decline over the adult years in many individuals. Indeed, by the time people are 65 or older, it is hard to find many who do not have something wrong with their bodies. But an important question arises: When researchers look at the body changes and performance of older people, are they seeing the effects of ageing alone or the effects of something else? The ‘something else’ could be disease, disuse of the body, misuse of the body, or all three.

Disease

osteoporosis A disease affecting older adults in which bone tissue is lost, leaving bones fragile and easily fractured.

Declines in the body and functioning may be a result of disease. National health surveys in Australia and New Zealand indicate chronic illness increases with age (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2009; New Zealand National Health Committee, 2007). For example, in Australia all people aged 65 years and over have at least one long-term condition and more than 80 per cent have three or more conditions. Among older adults who live in poverty, some of whom are members of a minority group, health problems and difficulties in day-to-day functioning are even more common and more severe (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2011; New Zealand Ministry of Health, 2013). There are a number of diseases that become more prominent with age. Among the most common diseases of old age is osteoporosis (meaning ‘porous bone’), a disease in which serious mineral loss results in loss of bone tissue and leaves the bones fragile (Figure 4.9). Of those aged 65 years and older in Australia, around 16 per cent of women and 5 per cent of men are reported to have

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been diagnosed with osteoporosis, and this figure rises to around FIGURE 4.9  Cause and effect of osteoporosis 30 per cent of women and 10 per cent of men aged 75 and over Osteoporosis reduces bone density and weakens (Australian Institute of Health and Welfare, 2011). Osteoporosis is the bones, leading to the stooped posture displayed painful and can result in fractures if the person falls. In New Zealand, by many older adults. It also increases the risk of fractures, which can rob older adults of their it is estimated that 1 in 3 women and 1 in 5 men over the age of 50 independence. will suffer a fragility fracture because of osteoporosis (Osteoporosis New Zealand, 2017). Around 20–30 per cent of elderly adults who fracture a hip die within 1 year due to fracture-related complications; hip fractures are also a leading cause of nursing home admissions (Whitbourne & Whitbourne, 2014). One fall can change an older person’s entire lifestyle, requiring a shift from independent living to assisted living. Not surprisingly, adults who have experienced a fall often begin to restrict their activities out of fear of falling again. Unfortunately, less activity can make them more vulnerable because it can lead to further decreases in muscle and bone mass (Whitbourne & Whitbourne, 2014). Osteoporosis is especially problematic for older women, who have never had as much bone mass as men and whose bones tend to thin rapidly after menopause. European and Asian women with light frames, those who smoke and those with a family history of osteoporosis are especially at risk. What can be done to prevent osteoporosis? For starters, dietary habits can influence a person’s risk of osteoporosis. Many individuals do not get enough calcium to develop strong bones when they are young or to maintain bone health as they age (National Osteoporosis Source: Rob3000/Dreamstime.com Foundation, 2013). Weight-bearing exercises such as walking or jogging can help prevent osteoporosis. It is increasingly evident that good bone health starts in childhood and adolescence. Girls and young women who are physically active and eat a healthy diet develop higher bone density, which protects them from bone loss in later life. Another common disease among older adults is osteoarthritis, which results from gradual osteoarthritis A joint deterioration of the cartilage that cushions the bones from rubbing against one another. As the problem resulting from a gradual deterioration cartilage wears out, the joints stiffen. Osteoarthritis affects 48 per cent of people aged 65 years and of the cartilage that above in Australia and up to 51 per cent of New Zealanders aged 75 and above (Australian Bureau cushions the bones and keeps them from of Statistics, 2011; New Zealand Ministry of Health, 2013). Many older adults experience pain rubbing together. or discomfort from osteoarthritis. For some older adults, osteoarthritis is deforming and painful and limits their activities. The older person who can no longer fasten buttons, stoop to pick up dropped items or even get into and out of the bathtub may easily feel incompetent and dependent (Whitbourne & Whitbourne, 2014). As you have seen, many older adults have chronic diseases and impairments. However, only a minority of adults report physical limitations; most adults maintain physical capabilities that allow them to function successfully. Further, relatively few older adults say they need assistance with daily activities, although the figures for severe impairment and requirement for assistance climb with age – from 10 per cent of Australians aged 65–69 years up to 68 per cent of those aged 90 years and older (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2012). Although having a chronic disease or disability tends to lower an older person’s sense of wellbeing, many people with osteoarthritis, osteoporosis and other difficulties are no less content with their lives than anyone else. Clearly, most older people are able

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to retain their sense of wellbeing and their ability to function independently despite an increased likelihood of impairments. But how would an elderly person function if he or she could manage to stay disease-free? James Birren and his colleagues (1963) addressed this question in a classic study of men aged 65–91 years. Extensive medical examinations were conducted to identify two groups of elderly men: (1) those who were almost perfectly healthy and had no signs of disease, and (2) those who had slight traces of some disease in the making but no clinically diagnosable diseases. Several aspects of physical and intellectual functioning were assessed in these men, and the participants were compared with young men. The most remarkable finding was that the healthier group of older men hardly differed from the younger men. They were equal in their capacity for physical exercise, and they beat the younger men on measures of intelligence requiring general information or knowledge of vocabulary words. Their main limitations were the slower brain activity and reaction times that seem to be so basic to the ageing process. Overall, ageing in the absence of disease had little effect on physical and psychological functioning. However, the men with slight traces of impending disease were deficient on several measures. Diseases that have progressed to the point of symptoms have even more serious consequences for performance. So it is possible that disease, rather than ageing, accounts for many declines in functioning in later life. We must note, however, that Birren and his colleagues had a tough time finding the perfectly healthy older people they studied. Most older people experience both ageing and disease, and it is difficult to separate the effects of the two. Although ageing and disease are distinct, increased vulnerability to disease is one part of normal ageing.

ON THE INTERNET Exploring the New Zealand Health Survey results https:// minhealthnz. shinyapps.io/ nz-health-survey2015-16-annualupdate/ This is a link to an online tool that allows you to easily interact with the wealth of data collected as part of the New Zealand Health Survey 2015/16. You can explore results for different age groups and health topics addressed in this chapter and others, such as nutrition and physical activity, body size, alcohol and tobacco use, access to healthcare and mental health.

Disuse One of the other factors that could also lead to declines in physical functioning is disuse of the body. Older adults are often less fit than younger ones because they decrease their involvement in vigorous physical activity as they get older – females earlier than males (Katzel & Steinbrenner, 2012).When Abby King and colleagues (2000) surveyed nearly 3000 women in middle and later adulthood, they found that only 9 per cent met the criteria for being regularly active. And as age increased, level of activity decreased. (See On the internet: Exploring the New Zealand Health Survey results for details about New Zealanders’ activity levels and other health indicators.) Muscles atrophy if they are not used, and the heart functions less well if a person leads a sedentary life (Rosenbloom & Bahns, 2006). Changes such as these in some ageing adults are much like the changes observed in people of any age confined to bed for a long time. Age is not the only culprit, however, in making adults less active; low levels of education, poor neighbourhood characteristics and personal factors (such as caregiving responsibilities and lack of energy) also influence whether or not adults exercise (King et al., 2000). Social factors are also important. Older adults who are socially isolated and lonely reduce their physical activity even more than those who maintain strong social connections (Hawkley, Thisted, & Caciappo, 2009). The brain also needs ‘mental exercise’ to display plasticity and to continue to function effectively in old age (Carlson et al., 2009). In short, most systems of the body seem to thrive on use, but too many people become inactive as they age (Rosenbloom & Bahns, 2006). One major consequence of physical inactivity is the climbing rate of overweightness and obesity in adulthood. Around 60 per cent of New Zealand and Australian adults are overweight or obese, and, as shown in Figure 4.10, Australian and New Zealand adults are among the most overweight in the world (New Zealand Ministry of Health, 2016; Australian Bureau of Statistics,

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2015; and see the Statistics snapshot box in this section). As we learned earlier in the chapter, overweightness and obesity is a multifaceted problem related not only to physical activity but also to diet, social environment and genes; and is associated with increased risk of diseases, including heart disease, type 2 diabetes, arthritis, certain cancers and stroke. There are also social stigmas and financial costs to the individual as well as to society. Unless the upward trend in obesity rates is curbed, future generations will face the prospect of shorter life spans than their parents or grandparents.

Misuse Finally, misuse of the body contributes to declines in physical functioning in some people. Excessive alcohol consumption, a high-fat diet and smoking are all clear examples. In addition, some older adults abuse drugs, either illicit or prescription (Dowling, Weiss, & Condon, 2008; Martin, 2008). Experts believe that we may see an increase in recreational drug use among the elderly as the baby boomers, who came of age during the drug culture of the 1960s, retire (White, Duncan, Nicholson, Bradley, & Bonaguro 2011). Drugs typically affect older adults more powerfully than they do younger adults; they can also interact with one another and with the ageing body’s chemistry to impair functioning. Overall, then, poor functioning in old age may represent any combination of the effects of ageing, disuse, disease and misuse. We may not be able to do much to change basic ageing processes but, as you have seen throughout this chapter, we can change our lifestyles to optimise the odds of a long and healthy old age (see also Chapter 13). Take the longevity quiz in the Engagement box to learn which lifestyle factors you might address to increase your health and longevity.

FIGURE 4.10  Obesity among adults in selected countries, 2015 or nearest year Japan Korea Italy

Women Men

Switzerland Norway Sweden Netherlands Austria Denmark France Slovak Rep. Portugal Poland Spain Greece Israel Estonia Belgium Iceland Slovenia OECD Czech Rep. Latvia Turkey Luxembourg Ireland Germany Finland Chile Canada United Kingdom Australia Hungary New Zealand Mexico United States India Indonesia China Lithuania Russian Fed. Brazil Colombia South Africa

0

10

20

30

40

% of population aged 15 years and over Source: OECD (2017), Obesity Update 2017, https://www.oecd.org/els/health-systems/ObesityUpdate-2017.pdf

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Statistics snapshot OVERWEIGHTNESS AND OBESITY In New Zealand in 2016 … • One in nine children (11 per cent) aged 2–14 years was obese, up from 8 per cent in 2006/07. A further 21 per cent of children were overweight but not obese. Fifteen per cent of Maˉori children and 30 per cent of Pasifika children were obese. • One in three adults (32 per cent) aged 15 years and above was obese, up from 27 per cent in 2006/07. A further 35 per cent of adults were overweight but not obese. Forty-seven per cent of Maˉori adults and 67 per cent of Pasifika adults were obese. • Children living in the lowest socioeconomic areas were three times as likely to be obese as children living in the highest socioeconomic areas. Adults living in the lowest socioeconomic areas

were 1.7 times as likely to be obese as adults living in the highest socioeconomic areas. In Australia … • In 2015, 1 in 4 children (27 per cent) aged 5–17 was overweight or obese, comprised of 20 per cent overweight and 7 per cent obese. There was virtually no change compared with the proportion of children who were overweight or obese in 2011/12 (26 per cent). • In 2015, the prevalence of overweightness and obesity among Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children was 12 per cent for children aged 2 years and 22 per cent for children aged 4 years, increasing to 40 per cent at age 10 years. • In 2015, 1 in 3 adults (28 per cent) aged 18 and above

was obese. A further 36 per cent were overweight but not obese. The prevalence of adult overweightness and obesity increased between 1995 (56 per cent) and 2012 (63 per cent), but there was no significant increase between 2012 and 2015. • In 2013 overweightness and obesity were more common among Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander adults than among non-Indigenous adults, especially obesity (43 per cent compared with 27 per cent for non-Indigenous adults). • Adults living in the lowest socioeconomic areas were more likely to be overweight or obese than those in the highest socioeconomic areas (66 per cent compared with 58 per cent).

Sources: Australian Bureau of Statistics (2015); Australian Institute of Health and Welfare (2016); New Zealand Ministry of Health (2016).

Engagement LONGEVITY QUIZ There are estimated to be 450 000 people over the age of 100 (centenarians), and by the year 2050 experts believe there will be about 3 million (United Nations, 2010). Is there a 100th birthday in your future? Take the following longevity quiz and get an estimate of your personal life expectancy. Start with the average life expectancy of 83 years if you are female and 79 years if you are male. Then add and subtract years as you answer each question below to arrive at an idea of your life expectancy. If you notice you are subtracting years as a result of certain poor lifestyle choices, you can take actions to alter these choices as you move forward in life. 1 Add 5 years if two or more of your grandparents lived to 80 or beyond.

2 Subtract 4 years if any parent, grandparent or sibling died of heart attack or stroke before age 50. 3 Subtract 2 years if any parent, grandparent or sibling died from one of these diseases after age 50 but before age 60. 4 Subtract 3 years for each case of diabetes, thyroid disorder, breast cancer, cancer of the digestive system, asthma or chronic bronchitis among parents or grandparents. 5 If you are married, add 4 years. If you are over age 25 and not married, subtract 1 year for every decade not married. 6  Add 2 years if your family income places you in the

middle-class or higher socioeconomic category. 7 Subtract 3 years if you have been poor for most of your life. 8 Subtract 1 year for every 4.5 kilograms you are overweight. 9 If your belly measurement is bigger than your chest measurement, subtract 2 years. 10  Add 3 years if you are over 40 and not overweight. 11 Add 3 years if you exercise regularly and moderately (e.g. jogging three times a week). Add another 2 years if your regular exercise is vigorous (e.g. long-distance running). 12 Subtract 3 years if your job is sedentary or add 3 years if your job is active. >>>

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>>>

13 Add 2 years if you are a light drinker (1–3 drinks per day) but subtract 5–10 years if you are a heavy drinker (more than 4 drinks per day). 14 Subtract 8 years if you smoke two or more packs of cigarettes per day. Subtract 2 years if you smoke anything less than this. 15 Add 2 years if you are a reasoned, practical person, but subtract 2 years if you are aggressive, intense and competitive.

16 Add 1–3 years if you are basically happy and content with life, but subtract 1–5 years if you often feel unhappy, worried or guilty. (Use your best judgement on how happy/unhappy you are to determine how many years to add or subtract.) 17 Add 1 year if you attended 4 years of education beyond high school. Add an additional 3 years if you attended 5 or more years beyond high school.

18 Add 4 years if you have lived most of your life in a rural environment, but subtract 2 years if you have lived most of your life in an urban environment. 19 Subtract 5 years if you sleep more than 9 hours a day. 20 Add 3 years if you have regular medical checkups and regular dental care. Add another year if you floss your teeth every day. 21 Subtract 2 years if you are frequently ill. Source: Adapted from Woodruff-Pak (1988)

IN REVIEW CHECKING UNDERSTANDING 1 What physical changes, including those in the brain, can we expect as we age? 2 What factors influence the age at which a woman reaches menopause? 3 What factors influence physical functioning and health in older adulthood?

CRITICAL THINKING

evident in the photos of husband and wife Diego and Susy as they get older. What other biological, functional and psychological changes might Diego and Susy be going through in older age? What do they have to be optimistic about with regard to ageing? Cite specific concepts and research findings from the chapter. Express

Get the answers to the Checking understanding questions on CourseMate Express.

In our chapter opening about the Goldberg family photographic study, we noted the signs of physical ageing

CHAPTER REVIEW SUMMARY 4.1 Building blocks of growth and lifelong health ■■ Growth is influenced by genes and environments, through the working of the endocrine and nervous systems. The nervous system consists of the brain, spinal cord and peripheral nerves. Endocrine glands such as the pituitary, thyroid, testes and ovaries

regulate behaviour by secreting hormones directly into the bloodstream. The workings of the endocrine and nervous systems can be hindered or enhanced by environmental forces. >>>

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■■ Physical growth proceeds according to the cephalocaudal (head to tail), proximodistal (centre outward) and orthogenetic (global and undifferentiated to differentiated and integrated) principles.

■■ Health is best viewed from a life span developmental perspective emphasising genes, personal choice and environmental factors in interaction.

4.2 The infant ■■ Rapid physical changes occur during infancy; infants gain significant height and weight, their bones harden and their muscles become strong enough to support locomotion and fine motor skills such as grasping. ■■ The infant’s brain undergoes synaptogenesis (growth of synapses) as well as synaptic pruning (loss of unused synapses). It is capable of responding to experiences, both positive and negative. ■■ Infants come into the world equipped with reflexes and organised states that allow them to adapt to their environments.

■■ Major motor milestones are achieved during infancy, including crawling, walking, reaching and grasping. These accomplishments are best understood within a dynamic systems model. This model suggests that infants ‘self-organise’ their motor development by using sensory feedback they receive from their movements to modify their motor behaviour in adaptive ways. ■■ Congenital malformations and complications of low birth weight and preterm birth are the leading causes of infant mortality. Preventative medicine such as vaccinations can improve infant health.

4.3 The child ■■ There is steady and marked improvement in all aspects of physical growth and motor behaviour over the childhood years. ■■ During childhood, neural transmission speeds up and lateralisation of various brain functions, although present at birth, becomes more evident in behaviour.

■■ Accidental injuries and cancer are leading causes of death during childhood. Children’s health is enhanced by proper nutrition and physical activity. Their parent’s choices, socioeconomic status and community characteristics can also influence child health. Current lifestyles may result in poor nutritional choices and decreased physical activity, resulting in increased weight among today’s children.

4.4 The adolescent ■■ The adolescent period is marked by a physical growth spurt and puberty, which results in attainment of sexual maturity. Girls experience their growth spurt at a younger age than boys. The major milestone of sexual maturity for girls is menarche – their first menstruation; for boys, it is semenarche – their first ejaculation. A combination of genes, hormones and environmental factors determine the timing and rate of growth and puberty. ■■ The physical changes of adolescence are significant and have psychological implications, with early-maturing boys and girls having a more

negative experience and being at higher risk for poor life outcomes in the short and longer term. ■■ During adolescence, the brain (especially the prefrontal cortex) continues to develop, permitting sustained attention and strategic planning. The characteristics of adolescent brain development may place adolescents at greater risk for making unsafe decisions. ■■ Adolescents are relatively healthy, but the health of some teenagers is poor or at risk because of a lack of physical activity, poor diet, insufficient sleep and risk-taking behaviour.

4.5 The adult ■■ Changes in physical appearance and functioning start to become evident during middle adulthood, and declines are noticeable in most older adults. There are large individual differences, however, in physical functioning of older adults. Negative stereotypes about ageing may lead many older adults to negatively interpret the natural changes that accompany ageing. ■■ The adult brain is capable of some degree of neurogenesis, or generating new neurons. The ageing brain exhibits both degeneration and

plasticity. Neurons atrophy and die, and blood flow to the brain decreases; but the ageing brain forms new synapses to compensate for neural loss and reorganises itself in response to learning experiences. ■■ For both sexes, changes in the reproductive system are a normal part of ageing. Women experience menopause, a cessation of menstruation and reproductive capacity. Men experience andropause, a more gradual change in their reproductive system. The individual experience of menopause and andropause is variable. >>>

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■■ Ageing, disease, disuse and misuse of the body all affect functioning in later life – health and wellbeing during adulthood are influenced by genetic predispositions acting in concert with the environment and lifestyle choices. Common

diseases among older adults include osteoporosis, which leads to fragile bones, and osteoarthritis, or joint inflammation. Exercise and healthy lifestyle can enhance both physical and mental functioning.

END-OF-CHAPTER ACTIVITIES SELF-TEST Answer these questions to self-test your knowledge of the chapter content. The answers are at the end of the chapter.

1

The ______________ gland is the ‘master gland’ that regulates and signals other endocrine glands to secrete the hormones that influence growth.

2

In adolescence, the brain: a develops no further synaptic connections. b develops more and more synaptic connections through to adulthood. c increases, peaks and then decreases synaptic connections. d decreases myelination.

3

Physical growth proceeds from the head to the tail, or in a (a)______________ direction. Growth also occurs from the centre outward, or in a (b)______________ direction. According to the (c)______________ principle, physical development proceeds from responses that are global to those

that are differentiated and integrated. (Select from orthogenetic, cephalocaudal and proximodistal) 4 The developmental norm for grasping small objects is ___ months of age, and the developmental norm for standing unsupported is ___ months of age. a b c d

6, 18 2, 6 4, 11 12, 8

5

True or false? Health and wellness is influenced by sociohistorical factors such as socioeconomic status.

6

True or false? Once old age is reached, environment and lifestyle choices, such as engaging in physical activity, play very little role in preserving health and physical functioning.

REVIEW QUESTIONS Develop your understanding of the chapter content by preparing short answer or essay responses to the following questions – or you might like to try developing a concept map or thinking map for these questions.

 1 Describe the components of the life span developmental model of health.

 6 Summarise the major physical accomplishments typical of childhood.

 2 Explain the value of newborn reflexes.

 7 Describe the bodily changes that occur during puberty.

 3 Define and provide an example of each of fine motor, gross motor, and locomotor skills.  4 According to dynamic systems theory, how do infants learn to get around in the world once their muscles are strong enough to support their body weight?  5 Outline the benefits and risks of infant vaccination.

 8 Explain how alcohol use by adolescents can exacerbate risk-taking behaviour.  9 Explain what changes occur during male andropause. 10 Explain how the diseases osteoarthritis and osteoporosis can affect physical functioning.

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FOR DISCUSSION Discuss and debate your point of view on the following developmental issues, dilemmas and controversies related to topics in this chapter.

1

In this chapter we discussed how falls and tumbles in infancy are an important experience in babies for them to become proficient walkers and learn how to avoid falls and potential hazards in the future. Protecting children from injury during this stage of their development is important – as we also learned in this chapter, injury is a leading cause of hospitalisation and death for children. Some, however, argue that protecting infants has gone too far, with some parents limiting children’s exploration or opting for baby crash helmets to protect their children from bumps and knocks. How do you think these protective behaviours might influence the development of infants? Consider the positive and negative short- and longer-term implications of these (over?) protective measures.

2

The debate about how to tackle obesity is sometimes presented as a matter of personal or, in the case of children, parental responsibility.

Another position taken by individuals and organisations, like Obesity Australia in their 2013 Action Agenda (see https://static1.squarespace. com/static/57e9ebb16a4963ef7adfafdb/t/5 80ec0ba9de4bb7cf16fff29/1477361853047/ Obesity%2BAustralia%2BAction%2BAgenda% 2BApril%2B2013.pdf) and the New Zealand Medical Association (NZMA) in their 2014 policy briefing Tackling Obesity (see https://www.nzma.org.nz/ publications/tackling-obesity), is that addressing obesity is ‘the collective responsibility of all of society, including healthcare professionals, policy makers, educators, the food industry, parents, concerned individuals, community groups, NGOs and government’ (NZMA, p. i). What is your position on this issue? You might also like to do an internet search using the search terms obesity and personal responsibility to identify articles and opinion pieces related to both sides of this debate.

ONLINE STUDY TOOLS COURSEMATE EXPRESS Express

The CourseMate Express website contains a range of resources and study tools for this chapter, including:

→ Revision quizzes

→ Glossary

→ Solutions to the Checking understanding questions

→ and more!

SEARCH ME! PSYCHOLOGY Explore Search me! Psychology for articles relevant to this chapter. Fast and convenient, Search me! Psychology is updated daily and provides you with 24-hour access to full text articles from hundreds of scholarly and popular journals, eBooks and newspapers, including The Australian and The New York Times. Log in to the Search me! Psychology database via http://login.cengagebrain.com and try searching for the following keywords: Search tip: Search me! Psychology contains information from both local and international sources. To get the greatest number of search results, try using both Australian and American spellings in your searches, e.g. ‘globalisation’ and ‘globalization’; ‘organisation’ and ‘organization’.

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→ obesity → coeliac disease → low birth weight (LBW).

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ANSWERS TO THE SELF-TEST 1: pituitary; 2: (c); 3: (a) cephalocaudal, (b) proximodistal, (c) orthogenetic; 4: (c); 5: True; 6: False

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Amed, S., Daneman, D., Mahmud, F. H., & Hamilton, J. (2010). Type 2 diabetes in children and adolescents. Expert Review of Cardiovascular Therapy, 8, 393–406. American Psychiatric Association. (2013). Diagnostic and statistical manual of mental disorders DSM-5 (5th ed.). Washington, DC: American Psychiatric Publishing.

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5 CHAPTER

COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT CHAPTER OUTLINE 5.1 Piaget’s cognitive developmental theory Processes of intellectual and cognitive development Piaget: Contributions and challenges A modern take on constructivism

5.2 Vygotsky’s sociocultural theory Culture and thought Social interaction and thought Tools of thought Evaluation of Vygotsky

5.3 Fischer’s dynamic skill framework Comparison to Piaget and Vygotsky

5.4 The infant Sensorimotor thinking The development of object permanence The emergence of symbols

5.5 The child Preschoolers: Symbolic thinking School-age children: Logical thinking

5.6 The adolescent Emergence of abstract and systematic thinking Progress toward mastery of formal thought Implications of formal thought

5.7 The adult Limitations in adult cognitive performance Growth beyond formal thought Ageing and cognitive growth

A magnet ‘Consider what would happen if children of various

might hypothesise that only objects with certain

ages were given a metal magnet for the first time.

characteristics are attracted to the magnet and

Six-month-olds might accommodate to the unfamiliar

might test out the conditions in which magnetism

metallic taste, the peculiar (horseshoe) shape and the

occurs – through glass, water and certain distances.

sound of the magnet being dropped … Three-year-olds,

Only in adolescence could children accommodate

if given an assortment of objects, might accommodate

by formulating an abstract theory of magnetism and

to the fact that some of the objects cling to the magnet

simultaneously consider all of the variables involved,

and might entertain explanations such as “stickiness”

such as the size and shape of the magnet and the

and “wanting to stay together”. Nine-year-old children

distance from the object.’ (Miller, 2016, pp. 59–60)

Express Throughout this chapter, the CourseMate Express logo indicates an opportunity for online self-study, linking you to activities, videos and other online resources.

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LIFE SPAN HUMAN DEVELOPMENT

Source: Black Star/Yves de Braine

Snapshot

Piaget spent a lifetime carefully observing children and presenting them with problem-solving opportunities.

cognition The activity of knowing and the processes through which knowledge is acquired and problems are solved.

In the chapter opening, four children – an infant, a 3-year-old, a 9-year-old and an adolescent – interact with the same object, a magnet, but their interactions are influenced by their current level of development and lead to very different understandings. The infant is competent at getting objects into their mouth, and so goes the magnet. The 3-year-old is probably amused by how some objects stick to the magnet without having any clue why this occurs. The 9-year-old may do some trial-and-error testing to see which objects stick to the magnet, and from this develop a fairly logical understanding of magnetism. The adolescent may generate hypotheses about magnetism, systematically test these hypotheses and create an abstract understanding of the properties of magnetism. At least, this is how their behaviour would be interpreted using one prominent theory of cognitive development put forward by Jean Piaget, who painstakingly observed and tested children of different ages. Developmental science was significantly altered by Piaget’s curiosity and desire to figure out precisely what children were thinking and why their responses changed with age. Although many of Piaget’s ideas were initially formulated in the 1920s, there was little knowledge of his work until the 1960s, when John Flavell’s (1963) summary of Piaget’s theory appeared in English. Piaget’s theory then dominated the field for many decades and generated a tremendous amount of useful research. Some findings emerging from this research support Piaget’s general description of the development of cognition – the activity of knowing and the processes through which knowledge is acquired and problems are solved. Other findings, though, have led to the emergence of alternative theories. Perhaps the most influential of these is Lev Vygotsky’s sociocultural perspective on cognitive development. After gaining an understanding of these two theories, we will consider a contemporary theory that incorporates some ideas from both Piaget and Vygotsky, before turning our attention to changes in cognitive development across the life span.

5.1 PIAGET’S COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENTAL THEORY Learning objectives

LINKAGES Chapter 2 Theories of human development

■■ Describe the processes of developmental change in Piaget’s theory and give an example of each process. ■■ Discuss the strengths of Piaget’s theory, noting features that remain fairly well supported by the research in this field. ■■ Explain the challenges to Piaget’s theory that have emerged as scientists have conducted research to test hypotheses generated from the theory.

As you learned in Chapter 2, Piaget became intrigued by children’s mistakes because he noticed that children of the same age often made similar kinds of mental mistakes – errors typically different than those made by younger or older children. Could these age-related differences in error patterns reflect developmental steps, or stages, in intellectual growth? Piaget thought so, and he devoted his life to studying how children think, not just what they know. Piaget began his studies with close observation of his own three children (Jacqueline, Lucienne and Laurent): how they explored new toys, solved simple problems that he arranged for them and generally came to understand themselves and their world. Later, Piaget studied larger samples of children through what has become known as the clinical method, a flexible question-and-answer

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CHAPTER 5: COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT

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technique used to discover how children think about problems. Consider the following exchange between Piaget and 6-year-old Van: Piaget: Why is it dark at night? Van: Because we sleep better, and so that it shall be dark in the rooms. Piaget: Where does the darkness come from? Van: Because the sky becomes grey. Piaget: What makes the sky become grey? Van: The clouds become dark. Piaget: How is that? Van: God makes the clouds become dark. Piaget, 1926, p. 293

Many contemporary researchers consider the clinical method imprecise because it does not involve asking standardised questions of all children tested, but Piaget (1926) believed that the investigator should have the flexibility to pursue an individual child’s line of reasoning to fully understand that child’s mind. Using his naturalistic observations of his own children and the clinical method to explore how children understand everything from the rules of games to the concepts of space and time, Piaget formulated his view of intellectual development.

Processes of intellectual and cognitive development There are different views about what intelligence is, as you will discover later in Chapter 7. Piaget’s definition of intelligence reflects his background in biology: intelligence is a basic life function that helps an organism adapt to its environment. You can see adaptation when you watch a toddler figuring out how to work a jack-in-the-box, a school-age child figuring out how to divide treats among friends or an adult figuring out how to operate a new mobile phone. As infants and children explore their world, their brains respond by creating schemata – the plural of schema. A schema is a cognitive structure – an organised pattern of action or thought that a person constructs to interpret their experiences (Piaget, 1977). Schemata are effectively a set of rules or procedures that structure our cognition (Miller, 2016). For example, the infant’s grasping actions and sucking responses are early behavioural schemata, patterns of action used to adapt to different objects. During their second year, children develop symbolic schemata, or concepts. That is, they use internal mental symbols such as images and words to represent or stand for aspects of experience, such as when a young child sees a funny dance and carries away a mental model of how it was done (Miller, 2016). Older children become able to manipulate symbols in their heads to help them solve problems, such as when they add two numbers together mentally rather than on paper or with the aid of their fingers. As children develop more sophisticated schemata, or cognitive structures, they become increasingly able to adapt to their environments. Because they gain new schemata as they develop, children of different ages will respond to the same stimuli differently. The infant may get to know a juice box mainly as something to chew, the preschooler may decide to let the box symbolise or represent a telephone and put it to their ear, and the school-age child may mentally read the writing on the box. It is important to note here that Piaget took an interactionist position on the nature–nurture issue (see Chapter 2): children actively create knowledge by building schemata from their experiences (nurture), using two inborn (nature) intellectual functions, which he called organisation and adaptation (Piaget, 1971). These processes operate throughout the life span. Through organisation, children systematically combine existing schemata into new and more complex ones. Therefore, their minds

LINKAGES Chapter 7 Intelligence and creativity

schema A cognitive structure or organised pattern of action or thought used to understand and deal with experiences.

LINKAGES Chapter 2 Theories of human development

organisation The inborn tendency to combine and integrate available schemata into more coherent and complex systems or bodies of knowledge.

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adaptation The inborn tendency to adjust to the demands of the environment, consisting of the complementary processes of assimilation and accommodation. assimilation The process by which children interpret new experiences in terms of their existing schemata. accommodation The process of modifying existing schemata to incorporate or adapt to new experiences.

MAKING CONNECTIONS Using your own everyday experiences, or those of people around you, give examples of assimilation and accommodation.

equilibration Piaget’s term for the process of seeking a state of mental stability in which our thoughts (schemata) are consistent with the information we receive from the external world. cognitive developmental theory Piaget’s theory of development, which emphasises the role of experience and active exploration interacting with biological maturation as the drivers for cognitive development.

LINKAGES Chapter 2 Theories of human development

are not cluttered with an endless number of independent facts; they contain instead logically ordered and interrelated actions and ideas. For example, the infant who gazes, reaches and grasps will eventually organise these simple schemata into the complex structure of visually-directed reaching. Further complex cognitive structures in older children continue to grow out of reorganisations of simpler structures. Adaptation is the process of adjusting to the demands of environment. It occurs through two complementary processes, assimilation and accommodation. Imagine you are a 2-year-old, the world is still new and you see your first horse. What will you make of it? You likely will try to relate it to something familiar using assimilation, the process by which we interpret new experiences in terms of existing schemata or cognitive structures. Therefore, if you already have a schema that mentally represents your knowledge of four-legged animals as dogs, you may label this new beast ‘doggie’. Through assimilation, we deal with our environment in our own terms, sometimes bending the world to squeeze it into our existing categories. Throughout the life span, not just in childhood, we rely on our existing cognitive structures to understand new events. But if you start to notice that this ‘doggie’ is bigger than most dogs, and that it has a mane and an awfully strange ‘bark’, you may be prompted to change your understanding of the world of fourlegged animals. Accommodation is the process of modifying existing schemata to better fit new experiences. Perhaps you will need to invent a new name for this animal or ask what it is, and revise your concept of four-legged animals accordingly. If we always assimilated new experiences, our understandings would never advance. Thus, Piaget believed that all new experiences are greeted with a mix of assimilation and accommodation. Once we have schemata, we apply them to make sense of the world, but we also encounter puzzles that force us to modify our understandings through accommodation. According to Piaget, when new events seriously challenge old schemata, or prove our existing understandings to be inadequate, we experience cognitive conflict. This cognitive conflict, or disequilibrium, then stimulates cognitive growth and the formation of more adequate understandings (Piaget, 1985). This occurs because mental conflict is not pleasant; we are motivated to reduce conflict through what Piaget called equilibration, the process of achieving mental stability, where our internal thoughts are consistent with the evidence we are receiving from the external world (Piaget, 1978). Figure 5.1 summarises the processes of cognitive change according to Piaget’s theory. Intelligence, then, in Piaget’s view, develops through the interaction of the individual with the environment. Nature provides the complementary processes of assimilation and accommodation that make adaptation to environments possible. The processes of adaptation and organisation are driven by an innate (nature-driven) tendency to maintain equilibration. Piaget developed his cognitive developmental theory to account for changes in thinking from infancy through to adolescence and emphasised the interaction of biological maturation and experience as the drivers for cognitive development. According to Piaget, as a result of the interaction of biological maturation and experience, humans progress through four distinct stages of cognitive development (you were introduced to these in Chapter 2 and Table 2.4): 1 The sensorimotor stage (birth to approximately 2 years) 2 The preoperational stage (approximately 2–7 years) 3 The concrete-operations stage (approximately 7–11 years) 4 The formal-operations stage (approximately 11 years and beyond). These stages represent qualitatively different ways of thinking and occur in an invariant sequence – that is, in the same order in all children. However, depending on their experiences, children may progress through the stages at different rates, with some moving more rapidly or more slowly than others. Thus, the age ranges associated with the stages are only averages. A child’s stage of development

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FIGURE 5.1  An example of the processes of cognitive change according to Piaget’s theory Equilibrium Current understanding of the world (internal data) is consistent with external data.

Hairy animals with four legs are called dogs. They have a tail and they bark.

Disequilibrium Along comes a new piece of information that does not fit with current understanding of the world, leading to disequilibrium – an uncomfortable state of mind that the child seeks to resolve.

?

That’s strange – this hairy creature has four legs and a tail, but it is much bigger than other dogs and has a strange bark.

Assimilation and accommodation This unbalanced (confused) state can be resolved through the processes of organisation and adaptation (assimilation and accommodation).

This can’t be a dog. Daddy called it a horse, which means it must be a different kind of animal.

Equilibrium These lead to a new way of understanding the world – a new state of equilibrium.

I’ll have to remember that dogs and horses are different types of animals.

is determined by his or her reasoning processes, not his or her age. We’ll describe each of the stages more fully as we progress through this chapter.

Piaget: Contributions and challenges Piaget is a giant in the field of human development. As one scholar, quoted by Harry Beilin (1992, p.  191), put it, ‘assessing the impact of Piaget on developmental psychology is like assessing the impact of Shakespeare on English literature or Aristotle on philosophy – impossible’. It is hard to imagine researchers would know even a fraction of what they know about intellectual development without Piaget’s groundbreaking work. In this section we explore Piaget’s contributions, followed by some of the major criticisms of Piaget’s work.

Contributions One sign of a good theory is that it stimulates research. Piaget asked fundamentally important questions about how humans come to know the world and showed that we can answer them ‘by paying attention to the small details of the daily lives of our children’ (Gopnik, 1996, p. 225). His cognitive developmental perspective has been applied to almost every aspect of human development, and the important questions he raised continue to guide the study of cognitive development. Therefore, his theory has undoubtedly stimulated much research in the decades following its creation.

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We can credit Piaget with some lasting insights, including ones that have become so deeply entrenched in our way of thinking as to be taken for granted (Flavell, 1996). For example, Piaget showed us that infants and children are active in their own development – that from the start they seek to master problems and to understand the incomprehensible by using the processes of assimilation and accommodation to resolve their cognitive disequilibrium. And as you will see as you proceed through this chapter, Piaget taught us that young people think differently than older people – and often in ways we never would have suspected. In addition, many scholars today agree that Piaget was largely right in his basic description of cognitive development.The sequence of stages he proposed seems to describe the course and content of intellectual development for children and adolescents from the hundreds of cultures and subcultures that have been studied (Miller, 2016; and see the Diversity box).

Diversity ARE PIAGET’S STAGES CROSS-CULTURALLY UNIVERSAL? For more than half a century, researchers have studied the cross-cultural application of Piaget’s theory to find out if the stages of cognitive development are evident in all cultures around the world, and achieved in the same sequence and at the ages proposed by Piaget. Numerous cross-cultural studies and comparisons have been conducted in countries all around the world – such as Africa, Australia, India, Indonesia, New Zealand and Switzerland, to name a few – and in various sociocultural contexts within those countries, for example, studies of minority and Indigenous groups (see Dasen & Heron, 1981; Mishra, 2014; Rogoff & Chavajay, 1995). After decades of cross-cultural research and review, what can we conclude about the universality of Piaget’s theory? As it turns out, the sensorimotor, preoperational and concreteoperational stages are consistently demonstrated in many cultures throughout the world, indicating that these stages may indeed be universal and driven largely by maturational forces. There is considerable crosscultural variation, however, in the age at which each stage is achieved and not necessarily as per the age stages

described by Piaget. There is variation too in the rate of progress through each stage. This indicates that other factors may be involved in ‘speeding up’ or ‘slowing down’ cognitive development (Mishra, 2014). Studies have also found that progress to the formal-operational stage is more variable among different cultural groups than the earlier stages and does not always seem to occur, something Piaget himself reflected on (Piaget, 1972). What, then, explains why individuals in some cultures or sociocultural groups seem to progress more slowly through the early stages, or never reach the formal-operational stage? Rather than cross-cultural differences in cognitive structures, it seems to come down to variations in experiences across cultural groups – as Piaget argued, cognitive development is about the interaction of biological maturation and experience. For example, advanced educational experiences seem to be essential (but not sufficient) to achieve formal-operational thought: few people in cultures without secondary schooling reach the formal-operational stage (Mishra & Dasen, 2013; Rogoff & Chavajay, 1995). Consider, too, that Piagetian tasks used to assess cognitive

ability may be unfamiliar to children in some cultures; yet when trained in these tasks or tested using materials more familiar to them, their performance may improve (see Bevli, Ghuman, & Dasen, 1989). This suggests that some cross-cultural lags may reflect poor performance due to unfamiliarity with the task rather than poor cognitive competence. On the other hand, training in some Piagetian abilities seems to have limited impact on task performance across cultural groups (for example, training in spatial concept tasks; see Dasen & Mishra, 2010), or may take effect only when children are in the process of transitioning to a higher stage. Possibly, then, other training improvements that have been observed may be limited to superficial behavioural changes rather than reflecting maturational advances in cognitive development (Mishra, 2014). What seems clear from cross-cultural studies to date is that while cultural and experience factors influence the rate of cognitive growth, the direction of development is almost always universally from sensorimotor thinking to preoperational thinking to concrete operations, and for some, to formal operations.

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Challenges Partly because Piaget’s theory has been so enormously influential, it has had more than its share of criticism: some of this has been mild – suggesting the need for minor tweaking of the theory – whereas other criticism has been more severe. John Broughton (1984), for example, concluded that Piaget’s theory is fundamentally flawed and should be thrown out. Despite Broughton’s revolutionary position on Piaget, most challengers have used the decades of accumulated research on Piaget’s theory to offer targeted refinements to specific areas of the theory. Here, we focus on four common criticisms (see Lourenco & Machado, 1996; Miller, 2016): 1 Underestimating young minds. Piaget seems to have underestimated the cognitive abilities of infants and young children, although he emphasised that he was more interested in understanding the sequences of changes than the specific ages at which they occur (Lourenco & Machado, 1996). When researchers use more familiar problems than Piaget’s and reduce tasks to their essentials, hidden competencies of young children, and of adolescents and adults, are sometimes revealed. What should we make of these earlier competencies when task demands are reduced? It may be that Piaget failed to distinguish between competence and performance. There is an important difference between understanding a concept (competence) and passing a test designed to measure it (performance). Piaget may have been too quick to assume that children who failed one of his tests lacked competence; they may only have failed to demonstrate their competence in a particular situation. Perhaps more importantly, Piaget may have overemphasised the idea that knowledge is an all-or-nothing concept (Schwitzgebel, 1999). Instead of having or not having a particular competency, children probably gain competence gradually and experience long periods between not understanding and understanding. Indeed, many of the seemingly contradictory results of studies using Piagetian tasks can be accounted for with this idea of gradual change in understanding (Miller, 2016). 2 Wrongly claiming that broad stages of development exist. According to Piaget, each new stage of cognitive development is a coherent mode of thinking applied across a range of problems. Piaget emphasised the consistency of thinking within a stage and the difference between stages. Yet individuals are often inconsistent in their performance on different tasks that presumably measure the abilities defining a given stage. This may occur because cognitive development is domain specific – that is, it is a matter of building skills in particular content areas – and because growth in one domain may proceed much faster than growth in another (Fischer, Kenny, & Pipp, 1990). In addition, the transitions between stages are not swift and abrupt, as most of Piaget’s writings suggest, but are often lengthy (over several years) and subtle (see Meadows, 2006). It is not always clear when a child has made the shift from one set of structures to a more advanced set of structures. Thus, research findings have cast serious doubts on the idea that stages can adequately describe development (Barrouillet, 2015). 3 Failing to adequately explain development. Several critics suggest that Piaget did a better job of describing development than of explaining how it comes about (Bruner, 1997; Meadows, 2006; Miller, 2016). To be sure, Piaget wrote extensively about his interactionist position on the nature–nurture issue and did as much as any developmental theorist to tackle the question of how development comes about. Presumably, humans are always assimilating new experiences in ways that their level of maturation allows, accommodating their thinking to those experiences and reorganising their cognitive structures into increasingly complex modes of thought.Yet this explanation is vague. Researchers need to know far more about how specific maturational changes in the brain and specific kinds of experiences contribute to important cognitive advances. A good theory needs to be able to explain and predict the course of cognitive development, something that Piaget’s theory struggles to accomplish.

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LINKAGES Chapter 10 Social cognition and moral development

4 Giving limited attention to social influences on cognitive development. Some critics say Piaget paid too little attention to how children’s minds develop through their social interactions with more competent individuals and how they develop differently in different cultures (Karpov, 2005).The child as described by Piaget often resembles an isolated scientist exploring the world alone, but children develop their minds through interactions with parents, teachers, peers and siblings. True, Piaget had interesting ideas about the role of peers in helping children adopt other perspectives and reach new conclusions (see Chapter 10 on moral development). But he did not believe that children learned much from their interactions with adults. This may seem counterintuitive, but Piaget believed that children see other children, but not adults, as ‘like themselves’. Hearing a different perspective from someone like oneself can trigger internal conflict, but hearing a perspective from someone different from oneself may not be viewed as a challenge to one’s current way of thinking because the person – and their view – is simply too different. Therefore, in Piaget’s model, no notable cognitive conflict, and therefore little cognitive growth, occurs from children interacting with adults. As you will see shortly, the significance of all social interaction for cognitive development is the basis of the alternative perspective on cognitive development offered by Lev Vygotsky.

A modern take on constructivism LINKAGES Chapter 2 Theories of human development

constructivism The position that humans actively create their own understandings of the world from their experiences, as opposed to being born with innate ideas or being programmed by the environment.

LINKAGES Chapter 4 Body, brain and health

neuroconstructivism theory A theory that argues new knowledge is constructed via changes in the neural structures of the brain in response to experiences.

In Chapter 2, we referred to Piaget’s position as constructivism – he maintained that children actively create or build (construct) their own understandings of the world based on their experiences. Some scholars have attempted to be more precise on the specific mechanisms of how development occurs, that is, just how do children construct knowledge? One promising approach to this issue comes from work by Denis Mareschal and Gert Westermann, and Annette Karmiloff-Smith (see, for example, KarmiloffSmith, 2006, 2009, 2015; Mareschal, 2011; Mareschal et al., 2007; Westermann, Thomas, & KarmiloffSmith, 2010).They propose a model of cognitive development that builds on this central tenet of Piaget’s theory, namely, that we construct increasingly complex mental representations of the world. According to the neuroconstructivism theory, new knowledge is constructed through changes in the neural structures of the brain in response to experiences (Westermann et al., 2010; and see Chapter 4). Piaget had a background in biology and certainly believed that biological factors played a role in cognitive development. Consider, though, that Piaget developed his theory in an era devoid of modern tests for measuring electrical activity and blood flow in the brain, before precise reactiontime and eye-tracking measures, and before genetic analyses could be performed.Thus, theories such as neuroconstructivism are not necessarily an indication that Piaget was incorrect. Instead, they are taking our understanding of cognitive development to a level not possible when Piaget developed his theory. Where Piaget noted that cognitive structures become more sophisticated and others have argued that mental representations become more complex, neuroconstructivists believe that the neural structures in the brain underlying these cognitive phenomena develop and change in response to experience (Sirois et al., 2008). As Annette Karmiloff-Smith (2009) states, ‘human intelligence is a process [that emerges from] dynamic multidirectional interactions between genes, brain, cognition, behavior, and environment’ (p. 61). Development of cognition is not static but reflects a complex and ongoing interplay of factors that change across the life span and across different contexts. The manner in which an environmental factor interacts with genetic factors to influence an aspect of cognition may be quite different in different periods of the life span (Karmiloff-Smith, 2006). Consider some research by Olivier Houdé and colleagues (2011). Children aged 5–10 years were given a classic Piagetian cognitive task in which they had to compare two rows of objects and determine whether the rows contained the same number of objects. As they were solving the task,

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FIGURE 5.2  An fMRI study of a number conservation task Images from functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) reveal a big difference between children who successfully solve a number conservation task (the bottom images) and children who are not successful (the top images).

Number task Z score 16 Unsuccessful children 5–6 years 0 L

R

Z score 25 Successful children 9–10 years 0

Source: Reed Elsevier. Copyright 2013 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.

researchers used functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) to monitor their brain activity. As shown in Figure 5.2, children who successfully solved the task showed increased activity in parts of their brains that were not activated in children who did not solve the task. Both groups of children, solvers and non-solvers, showed activity in a part of the brain associated with processing numbers; thus both groups understood the task to be about numbers. Obviously, though, this is not enough for success on the task.Those who were successful also showed activity in an area of their prefrontal lobes associated with working memory control.Thus, the neuroconstructivist theory attempts to modernise Piaget’s theory by connecting the patterns of thought he described with patterns of neural activity. We leave this section by concluding that, although there have been challenges to Piaget’s theory, it continues to offer a useful framework for any discussion of cognitive development. Throughout this chapter, we describe advances in cognitive development across the life span using research from Piaget and other like-minded scholars in the field. First, though, we consider another influential theorist, Lev Vygotsky, who drew our attention to the role of culture in cognition.

IN REVIEW CHECKING UNDERSTANDING

CRITICAL THINKING

1 What is a schema in Piaget’s theory?

How might Piaget’s theory be updated to include the research findings that have emerged since he constructed his theory?

2 How does equilibration stimulate cognitive growth? 3 What are three major problems with, or challenges to, Piaget’s theory of cognitive development?

Express

Get the answers to the Checking understanding questions on CourseMate Express.

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5.2 VYGOTSKY’S SOCIOCULTURAL THEORY Learning objectives

■■ Indicate how culture and social interaction affect thought in Vygotsky’s theory. ■■ Explain how tools, especially language, influence thought.

Lev Vygotsky was born in 1896, the same year as Piaget, and was an active scholar in the 1920s and 1930s when Piaget was formulating his theory. For many years, Vygotsky’s work was banned for political reasons in his homeland, the former Soviet Union, and scholars lacked English translations of his work, which limited consideration of Vygotsky’s ideas until recent decades. Additionally, Vygotsky died of tuberculosis at age 38, before his theory was fully developed. However, his main theme is clear: cognitive growth occurs in a sociocultural context and evolves out of the child’s social interactions.

Culture and thought

Source: Alamy Stock Photo/RGB Ventures/SuperStock/Kaehler, Wolfgang; iStock/Getty Images Plus/shironosov

Snapshot

According to Lev Vygotsky’s theory, cognitive development is shaped by the culture in which children live and the kinds of problem-solving strategies that adults and other knowledgeable guides pass on to them.

Culture and society play a pivotal role in Vygotsky’s theory. Indeed, intelligence in the Vygotskian model is held by the group, not the individual, and is closely tied to the language system and other tools of thinking the group has developed over time (Case, 1998). Culture and social experiences affect how we think, not just what we think. Consider some research by Vygotsky’s colleague, Alexander Luria, who tested groups of 9- to 12-year-old children growing up in different social environments. Children were given target words and asked to name the first thing that came to mind when they heard each word. Luria found that children growing up in a remote rural village with limited social experiences gave remarkably similar responses, whereas children growing up in a large city gave more distinctly individual answers. Vygotsky and Luria believed that this difference reflected the city children’s broader exposure to various aspects of culture. On their own, the rural children were unable to develop certain types of knowledge. Knowledge, then, depends on social experiences. Vygotsky would not be surprised to learn that formal-operational thought is rarely used in some cultures; he expected cognitive development to vary from society to society depending on the mental tools, such as the language, that the culture values and makes available. How do children acquire their society’s mental tools? They acquire them by interacting with parents and other more experienced members of the culture and by adopting their language and knowledge (Callaghan & Corbit, 2015).

Social interaction and thought Consider this scenario: Annie, a 4-year-old, receives a jigsaw puzzle, her first, for her birthday. She attempts to work the puzzle but gets nowhere until her father sits down beside her and gives her some tips. He suggests that it would be a good idea to put the corners together first. He points to the pink area at the edge of one corner piece and says, ‘Let’s look for another pink piece.’ When Annie seems frustrated, he places two interlocking pieces near each other so that she will notice them. And when she succeeds, he offers words of encouragement. As Annie gets the hang of it, he steps back and lets her work more independently.This kind of social interaction, said Vygotsky, fosters cognitive growth. How?

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Zone of proximal development

Z Th one is of lev p el rox of im ab al ilit de y i ve s p lop os m sib en le t: wi th su pp or

t.

First, Annie and her father are operating in what Vygotsky called the FIGURE 5.3  The zone of proximal development zone of proximal development – the gap between what a learner can According to Vygotsky, the zone of proximal accomplish independently and what they can accomplish with the development is the optimal zone for development and should be the target for instruction. guidance and encouragement of a more skilled partner (Figure 5.3). Skills within the zone are ready for development and are the skills at Abilities beyond reach, which instruction should be aimed. Skills outside the zone are either even with help well mastered already or still too difficult. According to Vygotsky, we learn best when challenged at an 80 per cent success rate. In this example, Annie obviously becomes a more competent puzzle solver with her father’s help than without it. More importantly, she will internalise the problem-solving techniques that she discovered in collaboration with her father, working together in her zone of proximal development, and will use them on her own, rising to a Current ability level new level of independent mastery. What began as simply a social process involving two people becomes a cognitive process for each individual. An important implication of the zone of proximal development is that knowledge is not a fixed zone of proximal development The state and no single test or score can adequately reflect the range of a person’s knowledge. The mind gap between what a has potential for unlimited growth. Development consists of moving toward the upper range of the learner can accomplish zone using the tools of society, such as the language and the inventions it has created.The upper limit independently and what they can continues to move upward in response to cultural changes. accomplish with Support for Vygotsky’s idea of the zone of proximal development comes from various sources, the guidance and encouragement of a including research showing that children’s performance on assisted (as opposed to unassisted) learning more skilled partner. tasks is a good predictor of their future achievement (Meijer & Elshout, 2001). Another example is research on pairing less-skilled readers with more-skilled ones, which shows that reading fluency increases substantially when the less-skilled readers are provided with a model of good reading and encouragement (Nes, 2003). Other support for Vygotsky’s zone comes from applied research conducted by a group of Grade 7 and 8 science teachers (Hui & Mohd Salleh, 2015). The teachers first determined their students’ scientific understanding by assessing their ability to identify patterns in data and use of scientific concepts to explain these patterns. After understanding what students could do on their own, the teachers provided ‘bite-sized’ instruction to introduce students to the knowledge and skills they would need to move forward in their scientific thinking. The teachers found that they sometimes needed to make adjustments in their lessons to keep students ‘in the zone’ so that the concepts were not too difficult but remained within reach of students’ abilities. After the instruction, students were again asked to explain scientific principles and they critiqued one another’s explanations (i.e. did peer review). This careful approach led to improvement in students’ scientific reasoning, supporting Vygotsky’s concept of the zone of proximal development. As a final example, Australian researchers Graham Chaffey, Stan Bailey, and Ken Vine (2015) found that for a group of Aboriginal children in Grade 3 to 5, non-traditional testing methods based on the zone of guided participation proximal development resulted in identification of academic potential, and in some cases giftedness, A process in which children learn by that was not identified prior using an established culture-fair test.

Guided participation In many cultures, children do not go to school with other children to learn, nor do their parents explicitly teach them tasks. Instead, they learn through guided participation – by actively participating in culturally relevant activities with the aid and support of their parents and other knowledgeable

actively participating in culturally relevant activities with the aid and support of their parents and other knowledgeable individuals.

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scaffolding A process whereby a more skilled learner provides structure to a less skilled learner to encourage advancement.

guides (Rogoff, 1998). Jerome Bruner (1983) had a similar concept in mind when he wrote of the many ways in which parents provide scaffolding for their children’s development; that is, the more skilled person gives structured help to a less skilled learner but gradually reduces the help as the less skilled learner becomes more competent. Learning guides do not have to be adults – older siblings or more advanced peers can also support learning in formal schooling contexts (see Cooc & Kim, 2017) and during everyday social interactions and play. Note, too, that guided learning and harnessing the zone of proximal development are not limited to academic achievement, and also involve psychosocial growth through learning relationship and collaboration skills (Holzman, 2017). Consider the findings of Alma Dender and Karen Stagnitti (2015), Australian researchers who engaged with Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander community elders to understand the cultural context of social and peer play of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children.The elders described multi-age social play as occurring from an early age, with a strong sense of relationships, sharing and collaboration. There are particular roles for older children around initiating and directing play, but also recognising and responding with care to younger children’s less mature understandings of sharing. By calling attention to processes that operate with the zone of proximal development, such as guided participation and scaffolding,Vygotsky was rejecting Piaget’s view of children as independent explorers in favour of the view that they learn more sophisticated cognitive strategies through their interactions with more mature thinkers. To Piaget, the child’s level of cognitive development determines what he or she can learn; to Vygotsky, learning in collaboration with more knowledgeable companions drives development.

Tools of thought

Search me! and Discover dance as tool of thought for early childhood learning: Deans, J. (2016). Thinking, feeling and relating: Young children learning through dance. Australasian Journal of Early Childhood, 41, 46–57.

Vygotsky believed that mental activity, like physical activity, is mediated by tools (Daniels, 2011). If a child wants to start a garden, we wouldn’t send him or her outside empty-handed and say, ‘Go ahead and make a garden.’ We would, instead, equip the child with an array of tools – shovel, rake, gloves, fertiliser, seeds and so on – that have already been proven useful for accomplishing this task. Further, we would probably show him or her how best to use these tools to accomplish the desired task. We might show the child how to poke holes in the soil and drop seeds inside, watch while the child attempts this and perhaps correct them if they push the seeds in too deep. As the child practises and masters the use of the tools presented by the adult, the child adopts the tools as his or her own. The same process is involved in passing along culturally derived tools for mental activity. In Vygotsky’s view, adults use a variety of tools to pass culturally valued modes of thinking and problem solving to their children. Spoken language is the most important tool in some cultures, but writing, using numbers and applying problem-solving and memory strategies also convey information and enable thinking (Vygotsky, 1978). In some cultures, including Indigenous Australian and New Zealand cultures, and for young children too, stories and songs are important tools of thought; tools may also be less verbal and more kinaesthetic in nature, including drawing, painting, dancing and tools of observation.The type of tool used to perform a task influences performance on the task. Consider a study by Dorothy Faulkner and her colleagues (2000) with 9- and 10-year-old children. Children worked in pairs on a science project (a task developed by Inhelder and Piaget in 1964 that involves figuring out which chemicals to combine to make a coloured liquid), using either a computer simulation of the task or the actual physical materials.The children who worked with the computerised version talked more, tested more possible chemical combinations and completed the task more quickly than children who worked with the physical materials. The computer, then, was a tool that changed the nature of the problem-solving activity and influenced performance.

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Private speech Look more closely at Vygotsky’s notion of how tools – especially language – influence thought. Whereas Piaget maintained that cognitive development influences language development,Vygotsky argued that language shapes thought in important ways and that thought changes fundamentally once we begin to think in words (Bodrova & Leong, 1996). Piaget and Vygotsky both noticed that preschool children often talk to themselves as they go about their daily activities (‘I’m putting the big piece in the corner. I need a blue one. Not that one – this one.’). And two preschool children playing next to each other sometimes carry on separate monologues rather than conversing. Piaget (1926) regarded such speech as egocentric – further evidence that preoperational thinkers cannot yet take the perspectives of other people (in this case, their conversation partners) and, therefore, have not mastered the art of social speech. He did not believe that egocentric speech played a useful role in cognitive development. In contrast,Vygotsky called children’s recitations private speech – speech to oneself that guides one’s thought and behaviour. Rather than viewing it as a sign of cognitive immaturity, he saw it as a critical step in the development of mature thought and as the forerunner of the silent thinking-inwords that adults engage in every day. According to Vygotsky, adults guide children’s behaviour with speech, a tool that children then adopt to talk themselves through activities, just as adults did with them. Gradually, this regulatory speech is internalised. Overt or audible private speech first emerges between the ages of 3–5 years, and then decreases in middle childhood to be replaced by less obvious forms of private speech such as muttering, whispering and silent lip movements, before becoming fully internalised verbal thought (Winsler, 2009). Studies conducted by Vygotsky and other researchers support his claim of the role of private speech in cognitive development. For example, in one set of studies, Vygotsky (1962) measured children’s private speech first as they worked unimpeded on a task, then as they worked to overcome an obstacle placed in their path. Their use of private speech increased dramatically when they confronted an interruption of their work – a problem to solve. Katherine Nelson (2015), who has studied language and its relationship with thought for over 40 years, concurs with Vygotsky when it comes to private speech. In an extensive examination of a toddler’s ‘crib speech’, Nelson concluded that this talking out loud to oneself is a way to externally examine and process what is in one’s head. Thus, at least some private speech is the external representation of thought and may help young children solve complex problems. Children tend to use more private speech when faced with a new task and use less private speech as the task becomes familiar (Duncan & Pratt, 1997). Even adults sometimes think aloud when they are stumped by a problem (Duncan & Cheyne, 2002). Both the amount of private speech and the nature of private speech appear to be related to task performance. Joann Benigno and colleagues (2011), for example, measured the audible on-task, audible off-task and internalised on-task private speech of 4- and 5-year-olds as they gained expertise with a spatial task over six sessions. They found that the children who showed an abrupt performance improvement between consecutive learning sessions had higher rates of private speech utterances; in particular, these high performers used more on-task private speech relative to off-task private speech when compared to those with less-noticeable improvements, who were more variable in their use of on-task private speech. Children who use private speech to talk themselves through a problem (‘No, I need to change this. Try it over here. Yes, that’s good.’) also show greater motivation toward mastery; that is, they are more likely to persist on a task even without adult prodding (Alarcón-Rubio, Sánchez-Medina, & Prieto-García; Chiu & Alexander, 2000).

private speech Vygotsky’s term for self-speech that guides one’s thoughts and behaviour.

MAKING CONNECTIONS Recall times when you have talked aloud to yourself or engaged in inner self-speech. Is there a pattern to when this occurs? In what ways is this private speech helpful to you?

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LINKAGES Chapter 6 Sensoryperception, attention and memory

Search me! and Discover a neurocognitive perspective on private speech: Girbau, D. (2007). A neurocognitive approach to the study of private speech. The Spanish Journal of Psychology, 10, 41–51.

Private speech also appears to have an especially important role in the development of executive control processes that are involved with the planning and regulation of goal-directed behaviour (see Chapter 6). This is particularly evident in children who have difficulties with executive control skills, including children with autism spectrum disorder. Winsler and colleagues (2007) found that children with autism spectrum disorder were more likely to get items correct when using private speech than when being silent, suggesting that private speech may help them to direct and monitor their performance. Private speech, then, is not only indicative of gains in cognitive development but appears to be a crucial tool in helping at least some children to regulate behaviour, thought and emotions (Winsler, Fernyhough, & Montero, 2009).

Evaluation of Vygotsky Although many scholars find Vygotsky’s ideas a refreshing addition to Piaget’s, some concerns should be noted.Vygotsky died young, leaving us with many intriguing ideas but without a complete theory of cognitive development. It is, of course, impossible to know how the theory might have evolved had Vygotsky continued to work on it for as long as Piaget worked on his theory. Whereas Piaget has been criticised for placing too much emphasis on the individual and not enough on the social environment, Vygotsky has been criticised for placing too much emphasis on social interaction (Feldman & Fowler, 1997). Vygotsky seemed to assume that all knowledge and understanding of the world is transmitted through social interaction. But at least some understanding is individually constructed, as Piaget proposed.Vygotsky and Piaget are often presented as opposites on a continuum representing the extent to which cognitive development derives from social experience. However, a careful reading of the two theorists reveals that they are not as dissimilar as they are often presented to be (Lourenço, 2012). For example, both Piaget and Vygotsky acknowledge the importance of the social context of development. Still, there are differences in their emphasis. Table 5.1 summarises some of these differences between Vygotsky’s

TABLE 5.1  A comparison of Vygotsky and Piaget Vygotsky’s Sociocultural View

Piaget’s Cognitive Developmental View

Processes of animal and human development are fundamentally different.

Processes of animal and human development are fundamentally the same.

Cognitive development is different in different social and historical contexts.

Cognitive development is mostly the same – universal.

The appropriate unit of analysis is the social, cultural and historical context in which the individual develops.

The appropriate unit of analysis is the individual.

Cognitive growth results from social interactions (guided participation in the zone of proximal development).

Cognitive growth results from the child’s independent explorations of the world.

Children and their partners co-construct knowledge.

Children construct knowledge on their own.

Social processes become individual psychological ones (e.g. social speech becomes inner speech).

Individual, egocentric processes become more social (e.g. egocentric speech becomes social speech).

Adults are especially important because they know the culture’s tools of thinking.

Peers are especially important because the cognitive conflict triggered by different perspectives of other children is not so overwhelming that it cannot be resolved.

Learning precedes development (tools learned with adult help become internalised).

Development precedes learning (children cannot master certain things until they have the requisite cognitive structures).

Training can help mediate development.

Training is largely ineffective in ‘speeding up’ development.

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sociocultural perspective and Piaget’s cognitive developmental view. The chapter Application box summarises how their theories can be used to improve cognitive functioning. You might also like to take some time now to explore Vygotsky’s ideas further via the On the internet: The Vygotsky project link. ON THE INTERNET The Vygotsky project http://webpages.charter.net/schmolze1/vygotsky/ This is a tremendous resource for anyone seeking information on the life and work of this famous Soviet theorist. Highlights include links to papers comparing Vygotsky to other theorists such as Piaget, and the implications of Vygotsky’s theory for practice.

Application IMPROVING CHILDREN’S COGNITIVE FUNCTIONING What do the theories of Piaget and Vygotsky have to contribute to the goal of optimising cognition? Let’s start with Piaget. Studies suggest that many concepts can be taught to children who are younger than the age at which the concepts would naturally emerge according to Piaget’s stages. For instance, Dorothy Field (1981) showed that 4-year-olds can be trained to recognise the identity of a substance such as a ball of clay before and after its appearance is altered in Piaget’s famous conservation task – that is, to understand that although the clay looks different, it is still the same clay and has to be the same amount of clay. Nearly 75 per cent of the children given this identity training could solve at least three of five conservation problems 2–5 months after training. More recently, Heather Baker and colleagues (2011) demonstrated that 5-year-old children could be trained to improve their understanding of how density (an object’s mass over its volume) affects object buoyancy – that is, a denser object will sink faster than a less dense object. Despite the difficulties that adolescents and even adults have differentiating density from the surface properties of mass and volume, Baker and colleagues found that preschoolers who received density instruction made significantly better predictions about which of two objects

would sink faster compared to a notraining control group. Other training studies have demonstrated that children who function at the late concreteoperations stage can be taught formal operations (see, for example, Adey & Shayer, 1992). Despite these sorts of successes, no one has demonstrated that 2-year-olds can be taught formal operations! But at least these studies demonstrate that specific training experiences can somewhat speed a child’s progress through Piaget’s stages or bring out more advanced capacities in an adult performing at a less advanced level (but see the earlier Diversity box). In truth, Piaget disapproved of attempts to speed children’s progress through his stages (Piaget, 1970). He believed parents should provide young children with opportunities to explore their world and teachers should use a discovery approach in the classroom that allows children to learn by doing. Given their natural curiosity and normal opportunities to try their hand at solving problems, children will, according to Piaget, construct ever more complex understandings on their own or with peers. Many educators have incorporated Piaget’s ideas about discovery-based education into their lesson plans, especially in science classes. Teachers have also taken seriously Piaget’s notion that

children understand material best if they can assimilate it into their existing understandings. Finding out what the learner already knows or can do and providing instruction matched to the child’s level of development are in the spirit of Piaget. What would Vygotsky recommend to teachers who want to stimulate cognitive growth? As you might guess, Vygotsky’s theoretical orientation leads to a different approach to education than Piaget’s does – a more social one. Whereas students in Piaget’s classroom would most likely be engaged in independent exploration with incidental involvement with peers, students in Vygotsky’s classroom would be involved in guided participation, ‘co-constructing’ knowledge during interactions with teachers and more knowledgeable peers that provide just enough assistance to allow them to solve a new problem (Wass & Golding, 2014). The roles of teachers and other more skilled collaborators would be to assign tasks that are challenging but can be done with assistance, provide just enough assistance in the form of hints and suggestions carefully tailored to the student’s abilities, and gradually turn over more of the mental work to the student. According to Vygotsky’s sociocultural perspective, the guidance provided by a skilled partner will then be internalised by the learner, first as >>>

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>>>

private speech and eventually as silent inner speech. Education ends up being a matter of providing children with tools of the mind important in their culture, be they hunting strategies or computer skills (Berk & Winsler, 1995; Bodrova & Leong, 1996). Is there evidence that one of these theoretical approaches might be superior to the other? Consider what Baker and colleagues (2011) found in another of their density experiments. This time they compared the performance of two groups of 3- to 5-year-old children: one group was shown a demonstration and instructed

about density (as might be the case in Vygotsky’s guided learning) and the second group was allowed to explore the sinking behaviour of objects independently (Piaget’s discovery-based learning). The results were clear: children who were instructed performed better on the density test compared to those in the exploration condition. What’s more, those children in the exploration-only condition performed similarly to a notraining group in an earlier experiment. So children do not always learn the most when they function as solitary scientists, seeking discoveries on their own; often, conceptual growth springs

from children’s interactions with other people – particularly with competent people who provide an optimal amount of guidance. Yet it would seem that many children might benefit most from the best of both worlds: opportunities to explore on their own and the availability of supportive companions to offer help when needed.

Search me! and Think Discover Access the Psychology database and research the importance of social interaction for cognitive development.

IN REVIEW CHECKING UNDERSTANDING

CRITICAL THINKING

1 How do Piaget’s and Vygotsky’s positions differ with regard to the individual versus society in terms of cognitive development?

Create two annotated drawings – one of a Piagetian school and another of a Vygotskian school, or perhaps a university. What are the differences in how students will be taught and assessed, and what aspects of the design of the school and its classrooms would support each approach?

2 What is the zone of proximal development?

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5.3 FISCHER’S DYNAMIC SKILL FRAMEWORK Learning objectives

■■ Summarise Fischer’s dynamic skill framework, including its perspective on context and performance, and what changes or develops. ■■ Compare Fischer’s model of cognitive development to Piaget’s theory. ■■ Indicate where Fischer’s concepts of developmental change are similar to Vygotsky’s concepts.

Throughout his professional career, Kurt Fischer has been developing, testing and revising a dynamic skill framework for understanding cognitive development (Fischer, 1980; Fischer & Bidell, 1998; Fischer & Pipp, 1984). According to this perspective, ‘it is not possible to analyze behavior outside the context in which it occurs. Behavior is not something that a person “has”; it emerges from interactions between person and context’ (Rose & Fischer, 2011, p. 146). Consider the experience of studying for an exam and having your friend test your understanding with questions the day before the exam as you relax in a coffee shop.You answer the questions successfully and go into the exam

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feeling confident. But now, in the context of the exam room with palpable stress in the air, you don’t seem to ‘know’ nearly as much as you did the day before. Or perhaps you can relate to the example of the basketball player who can make shots all day long when practising, but then misses the hoop in the context of a game. In contrast, maybe you perform well under pressure and need the increased stress that comes with a testing or game situation to really focus and demonstrate your best performance. Fischer believes that such differences in performance across different contexts are perfectly normal. Indeed, when someone consistently performs at the same level over and over, we often say ‘he’s like a machine’. Such consistency across different contexts seems more typical of a machine than of a human. Unlike machines, human performance is dynamic, that is, it changes in response to changes in context.

Comparison to Piaget and Vygotsky Fischer’s dynamic system view is different from Piaget’s view that the cognitive structures underlying each stage are inherent in the person. Piaget, and much of the research sprouting from Piaget’s theory, tested children in rather artificial settings with carefully constructed tasks that may not be typical of tasks encountered in everyday life. Fischer and others, including Bronfenbrenner, whom we discussed in Chapter 1, firmly believe that developmentalists need to put development back into its natural context and not study it in isolation. Another difference between Piaget and Fischer is their view of what develops. According to Piaget, cognitive structures develop, whereas Fischer proposes that skill levels change and develop. A  skill is a person’s ability to perform on a particular task in a specific context (Fischer & Bidell, 1998). Someone who wins spelling bees is demonstrating skill to perform this task – spelling words – in the context of a competition. This person may or may not exhibit skill on a related task, such as defining words based on how they are used in sentences. A surgeon who has a 99 per cent success rate of repairing retinal tears on eyeballs has a skill for this type of surgical procedure in the context provided by this type of surgical arena. The same surgeon may not be the one you want to have repairing your damaged heart valve. Thus, a skill is both task-specific and context-specific. Whereas Piaget proposed distinct stages in which thinking undergoes fairly dramatic, abrupt qualitative change from one stage to the next, change in Fischer’s model may or may not seem ‘stagelike’. Under conditions with little support, children’s development may appear to be gradual and linear as they slowly work themselves through the levels of acquiring a skill. But under conditions of high support, change may occur swiftly and more closely resemble stages, as children master several levels within a short period of time. Drawing directly from Vygotsky, Fischer uses the concept of the zone of proximal development to explain how cognition advances from one level to another. The ‘zone’ represents the opportunity for growth that exists between a person’s potential ability and their actual performance on a given task in a particular context, that is, their current skill level. With research and further refinement of dynamic skill theory, Fischer and others have adopted the term developmental range to better capture their findings that people’s abilities vary with context.With a supportive context, people can perform at an optimal level of skill. Most of the time, though, we perform below our optimal level because the support structure needed to perform optimally is not in place (Fischer & Rose, 1998). Thus, high levels of support can lead to larger jumps in skill acquisition, whereas low levels of support can result in slow, linear acquisition of skills. In sum, the dynamic skill theory that has taken shape over the past 40 years uses some ideas from Piaget and Vygotsky and proposes new concepts to account for the variability observed in actual performance. Piaget was interested in uncovering universal stages of cognitive development. Fischer

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dynamic Describes changes in human performance in response to changes in context.

LINKAGES Chapter 1 Understanding life span human development

skill The ability to perform a particular task in a specific context.

developmental range The variation in people’s abilities depending on the context, from optimal levels in highly supportive contexts to lower levels in unsupportive situations.

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MAKING CONNECTIONS Imagine you are preparing for a competition, whether this is an athletic, academic, musical or other type of competition. What features of dynamic skill theory could you apply to enhance your performance?

and other dynamic theorists are especially interested in the variability of performance, as research has repeatedly shown that people demonstrate inconsistent skills. Once a person ‘has’ a skill, why wouldn’t they always demonstrate optimal use of this skill? As we’ve seen, dynamic skill theorists believe that skills do not exist in isolation from the task and the context. Seen from this perspective, many seemingly inconsistent performances begin to make much more sense. We have now examined three major perspectives on cognitive development. In the following sections, we will look at specific aspects of cognitive development in infancy, childhood, adolescence and adulthood, guided largely by Piaget’s theory. We will also see how Vygotsky’s and Fischer’s perspectives enrich our understanding of cognitive development at various life span stages. Before you continue reading, visit the chapter Professional practice box to find out how educator Dale Lisa Thain helps students to experience success, and see if you can connect the teaching and learning practices she describes to aspects of the theories of Piaget,Vygotsky and Fischer.

Professional practice

Source: Dale Lisa Thain

NURTURING STUDENT SUCCESS

Dale Lisa Thain, BA Drama (Hon) QUT, Grad Dip Ed UC, Educator, Canberra, Australia

As an educator, how do you help students to experience success? There are three main ways I try to help students experience success: through breaking down tasks into manageable chunks using diagnostics, building confidence through skill-building

exercises and reducing the fear of failure. In the first instance I look at what the curriculum requires and either pretest or gain a sense of where a student is at during the initial stages of a project or course. I then reverseengineer the learning process from assessment back to where the student is in their learning journey. For example, if a student is fluent in dance but has a crippling fear of speaking in public, I look at bridging the speaking gap in a drama project. This then transparently sets the parameters for the next stage. Appropriate confidence-building exercises are then introduced, for example, the student is asked to lip sync to a favourite dance tune but without an audience. They are given manageable tasks to accomplish at home. A wordat-a-time project is integrated in a fun

context. Then slowly a very supportive audience is introduced through peer group participation. Appropriate praise for progress made is offered publicly and privately. Finally, redirecting an understanding of failure as a fundamental requirement of successful learning is layered over the top. Why didn’t this work out at this time? Do you think you’ve learnt something? Does it matter if you fail at this? I expect you to fail with confidence. This is the first time you’ve attempted this challenge – it is not expected that you will get this the first time around, possibly even the second or third etc. Mistakes and failures are anticipated and required for learning. Even experts in this field fail – and I try to cite a relevant or amusing examples, including my own learning journey to date.

IN REVIEW CHECKING UNDERSTANDING

CRITICAL THINKING

1 What is the meaning of the term developmental range in the dynamic skill framework?

How might a classroom teacher use dynamic skill theory to optimise students’ performance in maths?

2 How is the dynamic skill framework similar to Vygotsky’s sociocultural theory? 3 In what ways is the dynamic skill framework different from Piaget’s theory of cognitive development?

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5.4 THE INFANT ■■ Explain the importance of object permanence and describe the path from lack of object permanence to full object permanence. ■■ Note the major cognitive achievements that emerge during the sensorimotor period of infancy.

What sort of cognitive activity is possible during infancy? One of the strengths of Piaget’s approach to cognitive development is that he provided a rich description of what he observed infants and young children doing. From this, he inferred what they were thinking and how their minds were working. Piaget proposed that the groundwork for cognitive development occurs during the first 2 years of life as infants learn about the world through their senses and their motoric actions, which is how he arrived at naming this first stage of his theory the sensorimotor stage.

Sensorimotor thinking The dominant cognitive structures of the sensorimotor stage are behavioural schemata – patterns of action that evolve as infants begin to coordinate sensory input (seeing an object) and motor responses (grasping an object). Because infants solve problems through their actions rather than with their minds, their mode of thought is qualitatively different from that of older children. The six substages of the sensorimotor stage are outlined in Table 5.2. At the start of the sensorimotor period, infants may not seem highly intelligent, but they are already active explorers of the world around them. Researchers see increasing evidence of intelligent behaviour as infants

Learning objectives

sensorimotor stage Piaget’s first stage of cognitive development, in which infants rely on their senses and motor behaviours to adapt to the world around them.

TABLE 5.2  The substages and intellectual accomplishments of the sensorimotor period Age

Substage

Description

Birth–1 month

I Reflex activity

Active exercise and refinement of inborn reflexes (e.g. accommodating sucking to fit the shapes and sizes of different objects)

1–4 months

II Primary circular reactions

Repetition of interesting acts centred on the child’s own body (e.g. repeatedly sucking a thumb, kicking legs or blowing bubbles), typically beginning as random acts but then being repeated for pleasure

4–8 months

III Secondary circular reactions

Repetition of interesting acts on objects (e.g. repeatedly shaking a rattle to make an interesting noise, or batting a mobile to make it wiggle) that extend beyond oneself (primary) to objects in the environment (secondary to self)

8–12 months

IV Coordination of secondary schemata

Combination of actions to solve simple problems (e.g. pushing aside a barrier to grasp an object, using the schema as a means to an end); first evidence of intentionality

12–18 months

V Tertiary circular reactions

Experimentation to find new ways to solve problems or produce interesting outcomes (e.g. exploring bathwater by gently patting it, then hitting it vigorously and watching the results; or stroking, pinching, squeezing and patting a cat to see how it responds to varied actions)

18–24 months

VI Beginning of thought

First evidence of insight; emergence of ability to solve problems mentally and use symbols to stand for objects and actions (e.g. visualising how a stick could be used to move an out-of-reach toy closer)

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LINKAGES Chapter 4 Body, brain and health

Source: Science Source/ Doug Goodman

object permanence The understanding that objects continue to exist when they are no longer visible or otherwise detectable to the senses.

pass through the substages, because they are gradually learning about the world and about cause and effect by observing the effects of their actions. They are transformed from reflexive creatures, who adapt to their environment using their innate reflexes (see Chapter 4), to reflective ones, who can solve simple problems in their heads. The advances in problem-solving ability captured in the six substages of the sensorimotor period bring many important changes.We can illustrate the impressive advances in thinking across infancy by closely examining in the next section the acquisition of one of Piaget’s most notable concepts – object permanence.

The development of object permanence

According to Piaget, newborns lack an understanding of object permanence (also called object concept). This is the fundamental understanding that objects continue to exist – they are permanent – even when they are no longer visible or otherwise detectable to the senses. It probably does not A-not-B error The tendency of 8- to occur to you to wonder whether your coat is still in the wardrobe after you shut the door. But very 12-month-old infants young infants, because they rely so heavily on their senses, seem to operate as though objects exist to search for a hidden object in the place only when they are perceived or acted on. According to Piaget, infants must construct the notion they last found it (A) that reality exists apart from their experience of it. rather than in its new Piaget believed that object permanence develops gradually over the sensorimotor period. Up until hiding place (B). roughly 4–8 months, it is ‘out of sight, out of mind’; infants will not search for a toy if it is covered with a cloth or screen. By substage 4 (8–12 months), they master that trick but still rely on their perceptions Snapshot and actions to ‘know’ an object (Piaget, 1952). After his 10-month-old daughter, Jacqueline, had repeatedly retrieved a toy parrot from one hiding place, Piaget put it in a new spot while she watched him.Amazingly, she looked for it in the original hiding place. She seemed to assume that her behaviour determined where the object would appear; she did not treat the object as if it existed apart from her actions or from its initial location. The surprising tendency of 8- to 12-month-olds to search for an object in the place where they last found it (A) rather than in its new hiding place (B) is called A-not-B error. The likelihood of infants making the A-not-B error increases with lengthier delays Until an infant between hiding and searching and with the number of trials in which the object is found in spot A masters object (Marcovitch & Zelazo, 1999). permanence, objects outside of his visual As we suggested earlier in this chapter, task demands and physical limitations of infants influence sight are ‘out of mind’. performance on the A-not-B task (Lew, Hopkins, Owen & Green, 2007). To evaluate this, Ted Ruffman and his colleagues (2005) conducted a series of studies and concluded that multiple factors do influence FIGURE 5.4  Test stimuli to test young infants’ performance, but infants do indeed have a conceptual understanding of object permanence problem when it comes to understanding that the object Infants are shown the odd situation of a doll moving behind is located at B and not at A. This is one of those areas the screen on the left and reappearing on the right side of the second screen, without appearing in the space between screens. where simplifying the task leads to the finding that infants develop at least some object permanence far earlier than Piaget thought. For example, Renee Baillargeon and her colleagues have used a method of testing for object concept that does not require reaching for a hidden object, only looking toward where it should be. In one study, as illustrated in Figure 5.4, infants as young as 2½ months seemed surprised (as demonstrated by looking longer) when a toy that had disappeared behind one screen reappeared from behind a second screen Source: Aguiar & Baillargeon (2002), Figure 1. Reprinted by permission of Elsevier. without appearing in the open space between the two screens (Aguiar & Baillargeon, 1999, 2002).

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At this young age, understanding of hidden objects is still limited. Consider the scenario shown in Figure 5.5. In the high-window condition, a toy is hidden as it moves along a track behind a block that has a window located at its top. There is nothing odd about this condition. In the low-window condition, a toy should be visible as it moves along a track behind a block that has a window located at its bottom, but it is not. To someone who understands the properties of object permanence, this should strike them as odd. At 2½ months, infants do not show signs that they detect a difference between an object moving along a track under the high-window and low-window conditions. But just 2 weeks later, at 3 months, infants look longer at the low-window event compared with the high-window event, as if surprised (Aguiar & Baillargeon, 2002). Therefore, by 3 months, it seems infants have gained an understanding that objects have qualities that should permit them to be visible when nothing is obstructing them. FIGURE 5.5  High- and low-window test stimuli to test young infants’ understanding of object permanence Infants are shown a high-window event on the left, the unsurprising situation of a moving doll not being visible in the middle space as it moves along the track, then a low-window event on the right, in which the doll should (but does not) appear in the middle space.

High-window event

Low-window event

Source: Aguiar & Baillargeon (2002), Figure 2. Reprinted by permission of Elsevier.

In general, then, it seems that babies sometimes know a good deal more about object permanence than they reveal through their actions when they are given the kinds of search tasks originally devised by Piaget (Baillargeon, 2002). This illustrates Fischer’s notion that skill depends on the task demands and the context. When tested using the task demands specified by Piaget, infants demonstrate less skill. But changing the task demands, by peeling away some of the complexity and providing a supportive context, gives infants the opportunity to demonstrate optimal skill levels (Fischer & Bidell, 1991). In addition to characteristics of the task, characteristics of the infant can influence performance. For instance, researchers at the Uppsala Child and Baby Lab in Sweden have found that infants’ activity levels affect their performance on object permanence tasks (Johansson, Forssman, & Bohlin, 2014). Those with lower activity levels perform better, perhaps because their lower activity allows for greater focus on the cognitive task. To be fair to Piaget, we should note that he contended that looking behaviours were developmental precursors to the reaching behaviours that he assessed. He did not believe, however, that looking represented complete understanding of object permanence. An analysis of infants’ looking behaviours by Carolyn Rovee-Collier (2001) suggests that Piaget was wise to distinguish between infants’ looking and reaching. In some situations, looking may developmentally precede reaching for an object, as Piaget suggested. In other situations, however, infants’ looking behaviour does not predict their subsequent action on an object. Regardless of the specific measure researchers use, infants gradually become more skilled at acting on their knowledge by searching in the right spot.

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symbolic capacity The cognitive capacity to use symbols such as words, images or actions to represent or stand for objects and experiences. primary circular reactions The second stage of Piaget’s sensorimotor period, in which the infant engages in repetitive (circular) actions centred on his or her own body (primary).

LINKAGES Chapter 4 Body, brain and health

secondary circular reactions The third stage of Piaget’s sensorimotor period, in which the infant’s repetition of actions is focused on objects in the environment (secondary). coordination of secondary schemata The fourth stage of Piaget’s sensorimotor period, in which the infant combines and coordinates actions to solve simple problems. tertiary circular reactions The fifth stage of Piaget’s sensorimotor period, in which the infant experiments with actions to find new ways to solve problems or produce interesting effects.

LINKAGES Chapter 8 Language, literacy and learning

By 12–18 months of age (the fifth substage, tertiary circular reactions), the infant overcomes the A-not-B error but continues to have trouble with invisible displacements – as when you hide a toy in your hand, move your hand under a pillow, and then remove your hand, leaving the toy under the pillow. The infant will search where the object was last seen, seeming confused when it is not in your hand and failing to look under the pillow, where it was deposited. Finally, by the end of the second year (18–24 months), the infant is capable of mentally representing such invisible moves and conceiving of the object in its final location. According to Piaget, object permanence is fully mastered at this point.

The emergence of symbols Perhaps the most important cognitive achievement of infancy is the emergence of symbolic capacity – the ability to use images, words or gestures to represent or stand for objects and experiences. This allows infants and young children to manipulate ideas mentally, not just motorically, opening the door to more sophisticated thinking based on manipulating ideas in their heads. Consider how the emergence of symbolic capacity changes the quality of infants’ play activities across the sensorimotor stage. During the first, reflex activity substage, young infants react reflexively to internal and external stimulation (see reflexes in Chapter 4). In the second, primary circular reactions substage (1–4 months) they are more interested in their own bodies than in manipulating toys. Piaget named this substage ‘primary circular reactions’ because he observed infants repeating (hence the term circular) actions relating to their own bodies (that is, primary to themselves) that had initially happened by chance. Piaget reports the example of his son, Laurent, at just over 1 month accidentally getting his thumb in his mouth then having it fall out. This happens again on another day. Indeed, after the first accidental occurrence, Piaget observes it happening over and over again. Increasingly, a finger or thumb successfully makes it into the mouth, which pleases Laurent. He seeks opportunities to repeat this pleasant action involving his body (alas, Laurent was not to be a thumb sucker for very long – by 2 or 3 months of age, Piaget had bandaged his son’s hands to bring this habit to an end). By the third substage, secondary circular reactions (4–8 months), infants derive pleasure from repeatedly performing an action, such as sucking or banging a toy. Now the repetitive actions are called secondary circular reactions because they involve something in the infant’s external environment (that is, secondary to the self). In the fourth substage (8–12 months), coordination of secondary schemata, infants combine (that is, coordinate) secondary actions to achieve simple goals such as when they push an obstacle out of the way in order to grasp a desired object. Later, when they reach the fifth substage, tertiary circular reactions (12–18 months), infants experiment in varied ways with toys, exploring them thoroughly and learning all about their properties. In this stage, a true sense of curiosity and interest in novel actions appears. Now it is interesting to the baby to repeat an action with variations, such as experimenting with all the many ways that cereal can land on the floor and walls when launched from a highchair in different directions and at different velocities. With the final substage, the beginning of thought (about 18 months), we have solid evidence of symbolic capacity, where one object can be used to represent another. For example, a cooking pot becomes a hat or a shoe becomes a telephone – simple forms of pretend play made possible by the capacity for symbolic thought. Perhaps most importantly, with symbolic capacity, infants and toddlers understand that a word can be used to represent something else, such as an object, which leads to the language explosion associated with toddlerhood. We have more to say about pretend play, language, and symbolic capacities in Chapter 8.

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CRITICAL THINKING

1 Why does the name sensorimotor seem to capture the essence of Piaget’s first stage of development?

Suppose an infant fails to develop object permanence. How would this deficit influence his or her behaviour and knowledge of the world?

2 What must infants master or acquire in order to attain object permanence?

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5.5 THE CHILD ■■ Describe the typical preschool-age child’s pattern of thinking. ■■ Outline the characteristics of thought that enable (or inhibit) a child’s ability to solve conservation tasks. ■■ Compare the elementary school child’s thinking to that of a preschool child.

Learning objectives

As with the period of infancy, our understanding of cognitive development during childhood has benefited from Piaget’s detailed observations of how children solve problems and what aspects of problems challenge their thinking. Here, we discuss how the largely symbolic thinking of preschoolers progresses to logical thinking as they enter their primary school years.

Preschoolers: Symbolic thinking The symbolic capacity that emerges at the end of the sensorimotor stage continues to develop in the preschool years and is the greatest cognitive strength of the preschooler. Imagine the possibilities: the child can now use words to refer to things, people and events that are not physically present. Instead of being trapped in the immediate present, the child can refer to past and future. Pretend or fantasy play flourishes at this age: blocks can stand for telephones, cardboard boxes for trains. Some children – especially firstborns and only children who do not have ready access to play companions – even invent imaginary companions, which can take many forms, including humans and animals. Although parents may worry about imaginary friends, they are normal; their inventors know their companions are not real. Having an imaginary companion may lead to advanced cognitive and social development (see Chapter 10), as well as higher levels of creativity and imagery use (Gleason & Kalpidou, 2014; and see On the internet: Imaginary friends). Young children with imaginary companions engage in more private speech than other children (Davis, Meins, & Fernyhough, 2013, 2014), perhaps because they have a ‘buddy’ with them at all times. As noted earlier in this chapter, private speech may help children work through complex problems, which could be the link to the more advanced development sometimes seen among children with these companions. From his studies of children, Piaget concluded that the young child’s mind is limited compared with that of an older child. Piaget called the stage of preschool-age children’s thinking the preoperational stage, that is, not yet having (pre-) logical mental operations. Although less so than infants, preschoolers are highly influenced by their immediate perceptions. They often respond as if they have been captured by, or cannot go beyond, the most perceptually salient aspects of a situation. This focus on perceptual salience, or the most obvious features of an object or situation,

imaginary companion A play companion invented by a child in the preoperational stage who has developed the capacity for symbolic thought.

LINKAGES Chapter 10 Social cognition and moral development

preoperational stage Piaget’s second stage of cognitive development, in which children think at a symbolic level but have not yet mastered logical operations. perceptual salience Phenomenon in which the most obvious features of an object or situation have disproportionate influence on the perceptions and thought of young children.

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ON THE INTERNET Imaginary friends

http://www.abc. net.au/catalyst/ stories/2689032.htm This is a link to an episode of the ABC Catalyst program on the topic of imaginary friends and the implications for child development. Both video and transcript are available. conservation The concept that certain properties of an object or substance do not change when its appearance is altered in some superficial way.

means that preschoolers can be fooled by appearances. They have difficulty with tasks that require them to use logic to arrive at the right answer. Their ‘logic’, if we can indeed refer to it as such, is based on their intuitions. We can best illustrate this reliance on perceptions and lack of logical thought by considering the results of Piaget’s classic tests of conservation in the next sections (and see Figure 5.6).

Lack of conservation One of the many lessons about the physical world that children must master is the concept of conservation – the idea that certain properties of an object or substance do not change when its appearance is altered in some superficial way. Find a 4- or 5-year-old and try Piaget’s conservationof-liquid task (see photo). Pour equal amounts of water into two identical glasses, and get the child to agree that each has the same amount of water. Then, as the child watches, pour the water from one glass into a shorter, wider glass. Now ask whether the two containers – the tall, narrow glass and the shorter, broader one – have the same amount of water or whether one has more water. Children younger than 6 or 7 will usually say that the taller glass has more water than the shorter one. They lack the understanding that the volume of liquid is conserved (stays the same) despite the change in the shape it takes in different containers.You might like to see for yourself how a preschool child responds to the conservation-of-liquid tasks and other conservation tasks via the On the internet: Piagetian conservation tasks and the preoperational child link.

ON THE INTERNET Piagetian conservation tasks and the preoperational child http://www.youtube. com/watch?v= gnArvcWaH6I Visit this website to see what happens when some of Piaget’s traditional conservation tasks are administered to a 4½-year-old child. decentration The cognitive ability to focus on two or more dimensions of a problem at one time. centration The tendency to focus thinking on only one aspect of a problem when two or more aspects are relevant. reversibility The cognitive ability to reverse or negate an action by mentally performing the opposite action.

Source: Alamy Stock Photo/ Marmaduke St. John

Snapshot

At the start of the conservation-ofliquid task, children confirm that the two glasses contain equal amounts of liquid.

As the child watches, liquid from one of the original containers is poured into a new container that is a different size.

Now for the test: Does the new glass contain more, less, or the same amount of liquid as the glass next to it?

How can young children be so easily fooled by their perceptions? According to Piaget, the preschooler is limited because they lack certain mental operations. For starters, they are unable to engage in decentration – to focus on two or more dimensions of a problem at once. Consider the conservation task: the child must focus on height and width simultaneously and recognise that the increased width of the short, broad container compensates for its lesser height. Preoperational thinkers engage in centration – the tendency to centre attention on a single aspect of the problem. They focus on height alone and conclude that the taller glass has more liquid; or, alternatively, they focus on width and conclude that the short, wide glass has more. In this and other ways, preschoolers seem to have one-track minds. A second contributor to success on conservation tasks is reversibility – the process of mentally undoing or reversing an action. Older children often display mastery of reversibility by suggesting that the water be poured back into its original container to prove that it is still the same amount.The

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CHAPTER 5: COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT

FIGURE 5.6  Some common tests of the child’s ability to conserve

Liquids:

Two identical beakers are filled to the same level, and the child agrees that they have the same amount to drink.

Mass (continuous substance):

Two identical balls of playdough are presented. The child agrees that they have equal amounts of dough.

Number:

Contents of one beaker are poured into a differentshaped beaker so that the two columns of water are of unequal height.

Conserving child recognises that each beaker has the same amount to drink (on average, conservation of liquids is attained at age 6–7 years).

One ball is rolled into the shape of a sausage.

Conserving child recognises that each object contains the same amount of dough (average age, 6–7).

Child sees two rows of beads and agrees that each row has the same number.

One row of beads is increased in length.

Conserving child recognises that each row still contains the same number of beads (average age, 6–7).

Area:

The child sees two identical sheets, each covered by the same number of blocks. The child agrees that each sheet has the same amount of uncovered area.

The blocks on one sheet are scattered.

Conserving child recognises that the amount of uncovered area remains the same for each sheet (average age, 9–10).

Volume (water displacement):

Two identical balls of clay are placed in two identical beakers that had been judged to have the same amount to drink. The child sees the water level rise to the same point in each beaker.

One ball of clay is taken from the water, moulded into a different shape, and placed above the beaker. Child is asked whether the water level will be higher than, lower than, or the same as in the other beaker when the clay is reinserted into the water.

Conserving child recognises that the water levels will be the same because nothing except the shape of the clay has changed — that is, the pieces of clay displace the same amount of water (average age, 9–12).

Source: Gelman (1972), © 1972 by Academic Press. Reprinted with permission of Elsevier.

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transformational thought The cognitive ability to conceptualise transformations, or processes of change, from one state to another. static thought Thought that is fixed on end states rather than on the changes that transform one state into another.

young child shows irreversibility of thinking and may insist that the water would overflow the glass if it were poured back. Finally, preoperational thinkers fail to demonstrate conservation because of limitations in transformational thought – the ability to conceptualise transformations, or processes of change from one state to another, as when water is poured from one glass to another. Preoperational thinkers engage in static thought, or thought that is fixed on end states rather than the changes that transform one state into another, as when the water is sitting in the two glasses, not being poured or manipulated. In Piagetian theory, then, preoperational children do not understand the concept of conservation because they engage in centration, irreversible thought and static thought. The older child has mastered decentration, reversibility and transformational thought. The correct answer to the conservation task is a matter of logic to the older child; there is no longer a need to rely on perception as a guide. Another interpretation, though, has been offered by the neuroconstructivists, who report that success on logic tasks such as conservation is supported by increased activity in parts of the frontal cortex associated with greater cognitive control, which inhibits responding on the basis of perceptual salience (Houdé & Borst, 2014; Simon, Lubin, Houdé & Neys, 2015). Consistent with this interpretation, research shows that being able to think logically requires being able to both activate a correct strategy and resist (or inhibit) an incorrect one (Borst, Poirel, Pineau, Cassotti & Houdé, 2012, 2013). Preschoolers can be helped to overlook a salient, yet irrelevant, task feature if its irrelevance is pointed out to them before they are asked to solve the problem (Yu & Kushnir, 2016). The Exploration box considers how children’s mastery of mental operations influences their belief in magical characters like Santa Claus.

Exploration

Many young children around the world believe in Santa Claus, the Easter Bunny, the Tooth Fairy or a similar magical being. This occurs despite the fact that the existence of these fantasy figures violates numerous principles of logic. How can this be? We know that children whose parents endorse and promote Santa or another mythical being are more likely to believe than children whose parents do not (Shtulman & Yoo, 2015). After all, children normally trust their parents and thus accept their statements about Santa at face value. Children also tend to accept supporting evidence of Santa (e.g. there are presents under the tree) without questioning whether this evidence is conclusive proof of Santa’s existence (Tullos & Woolley, 2009; Woolley & Cornelius, 2013). At what point, and why, do their beliefs in these figures begin to

waver? Research with 5- and 6-year-old children shows that they are already somewhat less confident about the existence of Santa and the Tooth Fairy than they are about two invisible but scientifically proven entities – germs and oxygen (Harris, Pasquini, Duke, Asscher & Pons, 2006). According to Piaget’s theory, children would begin to seriously question the existence of Santa Claus when they acquire concrete-operational thought. With their ability to reason logically, they may begin to ask questions such as ‘How can Santa Claus get around to all those houses in one night?’, ‘How can one sleigh hold all those gifts?’, ‘Why haven’t I ever seen a reindeer fly?’ and ‘How does Santa get into houses without chimneys?’ What made sense to the preoperational child no longer adds up to the logical, concreteoperational thinker. With their focus

Source: Getty Images Plus/najin

CAN THERE REALLY BE A SANTA CLAUS?

Cognitive development and the surrounding culture both influence whether or not children believe in Santa Claus and for how long.

on static endpoints, preschool-age children may not have a problem imagining presents for all the children in the world (or at least those on the ‘nice’ list) sitting at the North Pole waiting to be delivered and then sitting under decorated trees on Christmas morning. But once children understand transformations, they are confronted with the problem of how all those presents get from the North Pole to the individual houses >>>

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CHAPTER 5: COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT

>>>

in record time. The logical thinker notes that the gifts under the tree are wrapped in the same paper that Mum has in a cupboard. Some children question why gifts sport certain brand labels if Santa and his elves spent the year making gifts in their workshop. Therefore, children begin using evidence to build a case against Santa (Tullos & Woolley, 2009). Indeed, researchers delving into the mystery of

Santa Claus have found that disbelief in Santa increases with children’s burgeoning logical reasoning abilities (Shtulman & Yoo, 2015). Adults often attempt to resolve some of these inconsistencies for children to help maintain children’s beliefs in Santa Claus. They, for example, point out that Santa has many helpers and that reindeer native to the North Pole are unlike those

ever seen in the wild or in a zoo. Some parents who want to perpetuate the Santa myth get tough and simply tell their children that non-believers will not get any presents. So the level of cognitive development and the surrounding culture both play roles in whether or not children believe in Santa Claus and for how long.

Egocentrism Another characteristic of preschool-age children in Piaget’s FIGURE 5.7  Piaget’s ‘three mountains’ task to theory is their tendency to view the world solely from their own evaluate egocentrism perspective and to have difficulty recognising other points of view, When the child is seated on the left and a doll is ‘seated’ on the right, the child is asked how the what Piaget termed egocentrism. Figure 5.7 illustrates the ‘three scene looks from the doll’s perspective. mountains’ task Piaget used to assess children’s understanding of perspective. Piaget asked children to choose a drawing that shows what the display of three mountains would look like from a particular vantage point.Young children often chose the view that corresponded to their own position (Piaget & Inhelder, 1956). But this is one of those areas where Piaget may have underestimated young children’s minds. By reducing tasks to the bare essentials, several researchers have demonstrated that preschool children are not as egocentric as Piaget claimed. In one study, 3-year-olds were shown a card with a dog on one side and a cat on the other (Flavell, Everett, Croft & Flavell, 1981). The card was held vertically between the child (who could egocentrism The see the dog) and the experimenter (who could see the cat). When tendency to view the children were asked what the experimenter could see, these 3-year-olds performed flawlessly. world from one’s own

Difficulty with classification The limitations of relying on perceptions and intuitions are also apparent when preoperational children are asked to classify objects and think about classification systems. When 2- or 3-year-old children are asked to sort objects on the basis of similarities, they make interesting designs or change their sorting criteria from moment to moment. Older preoperational children can group objects systematically on the basis of shape, colour, function or some other dimension of similarity (Inhelder & Piaget, 1964). However, even children aged 4–7 have trouble thinking about relations between classes and subclasses or between wholes and parts (Siegler & Svetina, 2006). Given a photo of a set of furry animals, most of which are dogs but some of which are cats, preoperational children do fine when they are asked whether all the animals are furry and whether there are more dogs than cats. That is, they can conceive of the whole class (furry animals) or of the two subclasses (dogs and cats). However, when the question is, ‘Which group would have more – the dogs or the animals?’ many 5-year-olds say, ‘Dogs’. They cannot simultaneously relate the whole class to its parts; they lack what Piaget termed the concept of class inclusion – the logical understanding that the parts

perspective and fail to recognise that others may have different points of view.

class inclusion The logical concept that parts or subclasses are included in the whole class and that the whole is therefore greater than any of its parts.

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FIGURE 5.8  The development of understanding of class inclusion Between the ages of 5 and 10, children steadily improve on class-inclusion problems. At age 5, only 30 per cent of children answer correctly, but by age 9, nearly all children understand class-inclusion problems.

are included within the whole. Notice that the child centres on the most striking perceptual feature of the problem – dogs are more numerous than cats – and is again fooled by appearances. Performance on class-inclusion tasks increases steadily throughout childhood, as shown in Figure 5.8. Snapshot Source: Shutterstock.com/Ermolaev Aleander

Percentage of correct answers

100 80 60 40 20 0

5

6

7

Age

8

9

10

To test understanding of class inclusion, children are asked whether there are more dogs or animals in the picture.

Once again, though, researchers have found that preschool children seem to have a good deal more understanding of classification systems than Piaget believed. Sandra Waxman and Thomas Hatch (1992) asked 3and 4-year-olds to teach a puppet all the different names they could think of for certain animals, plants, articles of clothing and pieces of furniture.The goal was to see whether children knew terms associated with familiar classification hierarchies – for example, if they knew that a rose is a type of flower and is a member of the larger category of plants. Children performed well, largely because a clever method of prompting responses was used. Depending on which term or terms the children forgot to mention (rose, flower or plant), they were asked about the rose: ‘Is this a dandelion?’ ‘Is this a tree?’ ‘Is this an animal?’ Often, children came up with the correct terms in response (‘No, silly, [it’s not an animal,] it’s a plant!’). Even though young children typically fail the tests of class inclusion that Piaget devised, they appear to have a fairly good grasp of familiar classification hierarchies. Research such as this also raises an important question about individual differences in cognitive development. Aubrey Alvarez and Amy Booth (2016) have found variability in causal understanding among 3- to 4-year olds, and this observed variability among preschoolers is relatively consistent over time. That is, those youngsters with higher levels of causal understanding at age 3 tend to continue to demonstrate high levels of causal thinking. Interestingly, preschoolers’ understanding of causal information is related to how much their mothers talk to them about causal relations. This suggests that interactions with a knowledgeable adult can strengthen young children’s thinking, which you should now recognise as being consistent with Vygotsky’s theory.

Source: Siegler & Svetina (2006). © 2006, Blackwell Publishing. Permission conveyed through Copyright Clearance Center, Inc.

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School-age children: Logical thinking concrete-operational stage Piaget’s third stage of cognitive development, in which children are acquiring logical operations and can reason effectively about real objects and experiences.

About the time children start primary school, their minds undergo another transformation.According to Piaget, this transformation corresponds to the concrete-operational stage of development, extending roughly from 7 to 11 years of age. The concrete-operations stage involves mastering the logical operations missing in the preoperational stage – becoming able to perform mental actions on objects, such as adding and subtracting sweets, classifying dinosaurs or arranging objects from largest to smallest. This allows school-age children to think effectively about the objects and events they experience in everyday life. For every limitation of the preoperational child, there is a corresponding strength of the concrete-operational child. These contrasts are summarised in Table 5.3.

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TABLE 5.3  Comparison of the characteristics of preoperational and concrete-operational thinkers Preoperational thinkers

Concrete-operational thinkers

Inability to solve conservation tasks – due to: • Irreversible thought – children cannot mentally undo an action. • Centration – children centre on a single aspect of a problem rather than two or more dimensions at once. • Static thought – children fail to understand transformations or processes of change from one state to another.

Ability to solve conservation tasks – due to: • Reversibility of thought – children can mentally reverse or undo an action. • Decentration – children can focus on two or more dimensions of a problem at once. • Transformational thought – children can understand the process of change from one state to another.

Perceptual salience – understanding is driven by how things look rather than derived from logical reasoning.

Logical reasoning – children acquire a set of internal operations that can be applied to a variety of problems.

Transductive reasoning – children combine unrelated facts, often leading them to draw faulty cause-effect conclusions simply because two events occur close together in time or space.

Inductive reasoning – children draw cause-effect conclusions logically, based on factual information presented to them.

Egocentrism – children have difficulty seeing things from other perspectives and assume that what is in their mind is also what others are thinking.

Less egocentrism – children understand that other people may have thoughts different from their own.

Single classification – children classify objects by a single dimension at one time.

Multiple classification – Children can classify objects by multiple dimensions and can grasp class inclusion.

Conservation Given the conservation-of-liquid task, the preoperational child centres on either the height or the width of the glasses, ignoring the other dimension. The concrete-operational child can decentre and juggle two dimensions at once. Reversibility allows the child to mentally reverse the pouring process and imagine the water in its original container. Transformational thought allows the child to better understand the process of change involved in pouring the water. Overall, armed with logical operations, the child now knows that there must be the same amount of water after it is poured into a different container; the child has logic, not just appearance, as a guide. First-grade children who demonstrate success on Piaget’s conservation-of-liquid task are also more likely to demonstrate success on math problems than their peers who do not correctly solve the conservation task (Wubbena, 2013). The logical operations that allow children to understand conservation also allow them to solve addition and subtraction problems, skills that are important to success in school.

Seriation and transitivity To appreciate the nature and power of logical operations, consider the child’s ability to think about relative size. A preoperational child given a set of sticks of different lengths and asked to arrange them from biggest to smallest is likely to struggle, awkwardly comparing one pair of sticks at a time. Concrete-operational children are capable of the logical operation of seriation, which enables them to arrange items mentally along a quantifiable dimension such as length or weight. Therefore, they perform this seriating task quickly and correctly. Concrete-operational thinkers also master the related concept of transitivity, which describes the necessary relations among elements in a series. If, for example, John is taller than Mark, and Mark is taller than Sam, who is taller – John or Sam? It follows logically that John must be taller than Sam, and the concrete operator grasps the transitivity of these size relationships. Lacking the concept of transitivity, the preoperational child will need to rely on perceptions to answer the question; they may insist that John and Sam stand next to each other to determine who is taller.

seriation A logical operation that allows a person to mentally order a set of stimuli along a quantifiable dimension such as height or weight. transitivity The cognitive ability to recognise the necessary or logical relations among elements in a serial order.

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Preoperational children do, however, when tested with simpler methods, demonstrate a better understanding of transitive relations than Piaget gave them credit for. Recent research shows that even infants can reason transitively about others’ preferences. For example, Yi Mou and colleagues (2014) showed 16-month-old infants that a person preferred a red ball over a yellow ball (A > B; indicated by the person grasping the red ball across several trials), and then showed them that the person preferred a yellow ball over a green ball (B > C). Then they used the looking-time testing method, as featured earlier in the chapter when describing Baillargeon and colleagues’ exploration of infant object permanence. Mou and colleagues found the infants looked less when the person selected the red ball over the green ball (A > C), as was consistent with the demonstrated colour preference; but looked longer, as if surprised, when the person selected the green ball over the red ball, which did not match the demonstrated colour preference.Therefore, these infants seemed to be able to reason transitively about the person’s colour preferences.

Other advances The school-age child overcomes much of the egocentrism of the preoperational period, becoming increasingly better at recognising other people’s perspectives. Classification abilities improve as the child comes to grasp the concept of class inclusion and can bear in mind that subclasses (brown beads and white beads) are included in a whole class (wooden beads). Mastery of mathematical operations improves the child’s ability to solve arithmetic problems and results in an interest in measuring and counting things precisely (and sometimes in fury if companions do not keep accurate score in games). Overall, school-age children appear more logical than preschoolers because they possess a powerful arsenal of ‘actions in the head’. In addition, the school-aged child can inhibit the earlier incorrect or inefficient strategies of the preoperational stage (Lubin, Simon, Houdé & Neys, 2015). But surely, if Piaget proposed a fourth stage of cognitive development, there must be some limitations to concrete operations. Indeed, there are. This mode of thought is applied to objects, situations and events that are real or readily imaginable (thus the term concrete operations). As you will see in the next section, concrete operators have difficulty thinking about abstract ideas and unrealistic hypothetical propositions.

IN REVIEW CHECKING UNDERSTANDING 1 Name three ways that preoperational thought is limited relative to concrete-operational thought. 2 What is the defining feature of concrete-operational thought?

preoperational thinkers, while at other times you are teaching children who are concrete-operational thinkers. How would you adjust a lesson plan on recycling to best address these different levels of thought?

CRITICAL THINKING Imagine you are a contract teacher and you sometimes find yourself teaching young children who are mostly

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5.6 THE ADOLESCENT ■■ Explain how adolescent thinking differs from children’s typical pattern of thinking. ■■ Describe the sorts of tasks that adolescents might be able to solve with their newly emerged reasoning skills. ■■ Assess Piaget’s description of the adolescent as a formal-operational thinker who systematically considers hypothetical and abstract concepts.

Learning objectives

Although tremendous advances in cognition occur from infancy to the end of childhood, other transformations of the mind are in store for the adolescent. If teenagers become introspective, question their parents’ authority, dream of perfect worlds and contemplate their futures, cognitive development may help explain why.

Emergence of abstract and systematic thinking Piaget set the beginning of the formal-operations stage of cognitive development around age 11 or 12 and possibly later. If concrete operations are mental actions on objects (tangible things and events), formal operations are mental actions on ideas. Therefore, the adolescent who acquires formal operations can mentally juggle and think logically about ideas that cannot be seen, heard, tasted, smelled or touched. In other words, formal-operational thought is more hypothetical and abstract than concrete-operational thought; it also involves adopting a more systematic and scientific approach to problem solving (Inhelder & Piaget, 1964).

formal-operations stage Piaget’s fourth and final stage of cognitive development, in which the individual begins to think more rationally and systematically about abstract concepts and hypothetical ideas.

Hypothetical and abstract thinking If you could have a third eye and put it anywhere on your body, where would you put it, and why? That question was posed to 9-year-old children (likely to be in the concrete-operational stage) and to 11- to 12-year-old children (the age when the first signs of formal operations often appear). In their drawings, all the 9-year-olds placed the third eye on their foreheads between their existing eyes; many thought the exercise was stupid (as reported in Shaffer & Kipp, 2014). The 11- and 12-yearolds were not as bound by the realities of eye location. They could invent ideas contrary to fact (the idea of an eye in the palm of a hand) and think logically about the implications of such ideas (see Figure 5.9). Thus, concrete operators deal with realities, whereas formal operators can deal with possibilities, including those that contradict known reality. Formal-operational thought is also more abstract than concrete-operational thought.The schoolage child may define the justice system in terms of police and judges; the adolescent may define it more abstractly as a branch of government concerned with balancing the rights of different interests in society. Also, the school-age child may be able to think logically about concrete and factually true statements (‘If you drink poison, you will die. Fred drank poison.’) in order to deduce conclusions (‘Therefore, Fred will die.’).The adolescent can do this but can also engage in ‘if-then’ thinking about contrary-to-fact statements (‘If you drink milk, you will die’) or symbols (If P, then Q. P, therefore Q).Therefore, formal operators can engage propositional thought to evaluate the logic of statements without the need to refer to the real world.

propositional thought The cognitive ability to evaluate the logic of statements without the need to refer to the real world.

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FIGURE 5.9  Demonstrating hypothetical thinking by asking, ‘Where would you put a third eye?’ Tanya (age 9) did not show much inventiveness in drawing her third eye. But Ken (age 11) said of his eye on top of a tuft of hair, ‘I could revolve the eye to look in all directions’. John (also 11) wanted a third eye in his palm: ‘I could see around corners and see what kind of biscuit I’d get out of the biscuit jar’. Ken and John show early signs of formal-operational thought.

Tanya’s response

Ken’s response

John’s response

Scientific reasoning Formal operations also permit systematic and scientific thinking about problems. One of Piaget’s famous tests for formal-operational thinking is the pendulum task (Figure 5.10). The child is given several weights that can be tied to a string to make a pendulum and is told that he or she may vary the length of the string, the amount of weight attached to it, the height from which the weight is released and the force applied to find out which of these factors, alone or in combination, determines how quickly the pendulum makes its arc. How would you go about solving this problem? FIGURE 5.10  The pendulum problem The child is shown how four factors can be varied. A

A

A pendulum is made by hanging a weight at the end of a string fixed at the other end. If released from A, it swings at a regular rate.

2 Length of string

4

6

Weight

B

C

Point of release

Amount of impetus

Find out which of these factors makes the pendulum go faster or slower. Source: E. Labinowicz, The pendulum problem, The Piaget primer, p. 83. © 1980 Pearson Education.

The concrete operator is likely to jump right in without much advanced planning, using a trialand-error approach. That is, the child may try a variety of things but fail to test different hypotheses systematically – for example, to test the hypothesis that the shorter the string is, the faster the pendulum swings by keeping all other factors (weight, height of release and force) constant. Concrete operators are, therefore, unlikely to solve the problem. They can, however, draw proper conclusions

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from their observations – for example, from watching as someone else demonstrates what happens if a pendulum with a short string is compared with a pendulum with a long string while keeping all other factors constant. What will the formal-operational individual do? In all likelihood, they will first sit and think, planning an overall strategy for solving the problem. All the possible hypotheses should be generated; after all, the one overlooked may be the right one.Then it must be determined how each hypothesis can be tested. This is a matter of hypothetical-deductive reasoning, that is, deducing specific implications from general ideas or rules using reasoning. In the pendulum problem, it means starting with a hypothesis and tracing the specific implications of this idea in an if-then fashion: ‘If the length of the string matters, then I should see a difference when I compare a long string with a short string while holding other factors constant.’ The trick in hypothesis testing is to vary each factor (for example, the length of the string) while holding all others constant (the weight, the height from which the weight is dropped and so on). (It is, by the way, the length of the string that matters; the shorter the string, the faster the swing.) In summary, formal-operational thought involves being able to think systematically about hypothetical ideas and abstract concepts. It also involves mastering propositional thought and the hypothetical-deductive approach that scientists use – forming many hypotheses and systematically testing them through an experimental method. Before continuing, take a few minutes to assess your understanding of Piaget’s stages of cognitive development with the questions in the Engagement box.

hypotheticaldeductive reasoning A form of cognitive problem solving in which a person starts with general or abstract ideas and deduces specific implications.

Engagement HOW WELL DO YOU UNDERSTAND PIAGET’S STAGES? 1 Baby Jake seems to be fascinated with the dog’s tail: he repeatedly pushes at it with his foot, which makes the dog wag her tail. Jake finds this highly amusing. This suggests that Jake is in which substage of the sensorimotor period? a Primary circular reactions b Secondary circular reactions c Coordination of secondary schemata d Tertiary circular reactions 2 Justin is playing with his infant daughter, Sophia, showing her a stuffed bear and then dropping it behind the couch. Sophia seems interested in the toy when it is in front of her, but as soon as Justin drops it behind the couch, she stops playing the game and looks at other things. According to Piaget, this would illustrate that Sophia: a has not yet developed object permanence.

b is not really interested in the toy. c is mentally trying to figure out where the toy has gone after it is dropped. d is still operating with secondary circular reactions but has not yet learned to combine them to solve the problem. 3 Which of the following statements is true regarding Piaget’s first stage of cognitive development, the sensorimotor stage? a Piaget may have overestimated infants’ abilities by allowing them multiple attempts to solve problems. b Infants progress through the substages in an individualised order that does not permit researchers to make any generalisations about developments of this stage. c Piaget underestimated infants’ abilities because he placed

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complex task demands on them in assessing their knowledge. d Piaget was right on the mark with his description of the ages when infants typically acquire symbolic logic. 4 Benny used to just bang his shoe on the coffee table, but now he has started holding it up to his ear and ‘talking’ to it as if he is using a telephone. Benny has acquired: a decentration. b transformational thought. c symbolic capacity. d object permanence. 5 Kate emphatically tells her older brother Daniel that ‘there is a Santa Claus because I see lots of presents under the tree!’ Kate’s thinking reflects: a the ‘A-not-B error’. b conservation. c transformational thought. d perceptual salience.

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>>>

6 When Mum presents the kids with some biscuits, big sister Carolyn immediately grabs for the unbroken biscuit, saying she doesn’t want the broken one. Little sister Beverley happily takes the biscuit broken in half, saying, ‘Ha ha! I got more than you!’ Beverley seems to lack an understanding of: a egocentrism. b conservation. c class inclusion. d object permanence. 7 Janice understands that if A is bigger than B, and B is bigger than C, then A must also be bigger than C. This shows that she has mastered:

a b c d

transitivity. conservation. seriation tasks. reversibility of thought.

8 An important distinction between concrete-operational thought and preoperational thought is: a the acquisition of logical reasoning skills in the concreteoperational stage. b the acquisition of symbolic logic in the concrete-operational stage. c the acquisition of hypothetical thinking in the concreteoperational stage. d the use of deductive reasoning in the concrete-operational stage.

9 The defining difference between concrete-operational thought and formal-operational thought is: a the use of logical reasoning. b the ability to reason about abstract and hypothetical problems. c the ability to imagine performing before an audience. d the ability to use relativistic thinking. Answers:  1. (b);  2. (a);  3. (c);  4. (c);  5. (d);  6. (b);  7. (a);  8. (a);  9. (b)

Progress toward mastery of formal operations Are 11- and 12-year-olds really capable of all these sophisticated mental activities? Anyone who has had dealings with this age group will know that the answer to this question is ‘usually not’. Piaget (1970) described the transition from concrete operations to formal operations as taking place gradually over years. Many researchers have found it useful to distinguish between early and late formal operations. For example, 11- to 13-year-olds just entering the formal-operations stage are able to consider simple hypothetical propositions such as the third-eye problem. But most are not yet able to devise an overall game plan for solving a problem or to systematically generate and test hypotheses. Even with training, 11- to 12-year-olds continue to struggle to systematically coordinate multiple variables, although they may do fine on single-variable tasks (Kuhn, Pease, & Wirkala, 2009). Consider the findings from the Munich Longitudinal Study on the Ontogenesis of Individual Competencies (LOGIC) (see Schneider, 2014; Schneider & Bullock, 2009). LOGIC began in the 1980s with 200 school-aged children who were observed and tested on multiple dimensions over a 20-year period. One of the areas of study was scientific reasoning and, in particular, whether participants understood a crucial component of scientific reasoning – control of variables. Did they understand that scientific testing requires identifying and holding constant all relevant variables while systematically testing the effects of varying the variable of interest? The LOGIC participants were given a group of experiments to evaluate; each experiment contained a design error, such as not keeping all variables but one constant, or not having a comparison group for an intervention study. In addition to evaluating experimental designs, participants were also tested to determine whether they could produce their own experiments. As Figure 5.11 shows, most participants, even those as young as 10, showed an understanding of the important scientific principle of control of variables. However, there was a marked difference between their ability to recognise good scientific reasoning and their ability to produce it. For example, among 12-year-olds, more than 80 per cent could recognise good and bad examples of experiments, but only 35 per cent could create a good experiment themselves. By age 18, though,

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FIGURE 5.11  Age-related performance on recognition and production of the strategy of controlling variables in an experiment 100 90

Recognition

80

Production

Per cent

70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0

9

10

11

12

18

23

Age Source: W. Schneider & M. Bullock (Eds.) (2009). Human development from early childhood to early adulthood: Findings from a 20 year longitudinal study, pp. 173–97, Reprinted by permission of Taylor & Francis Group.

the ability to create a good experiment was catching up to the ability to recognise a good experiment (91 per cent versus 85 per cent). Therefore, adolescents show an awareness of scientific reasoning (‘I know it when I see it’), but they may not be able to produce logical scientific reasoning skills until they are older (and see Kail, 2013). Piaget claimed that intuitive reasoning is replaced by scientific reasoning as children age, but it turns out that the two forms of reasoning – intuitive and scientific – coexist in older thinkers (Klaczynski, 2013). Being able to shift between intuitive and scientific reasoning provides flexibility in problem-solving situations as long as the thinker can effectively select the appropriate strategy. However, like children (and adults), adolescents often seem to adopt an intuitive or experiential strategy, perhaps because it is generally easier than applying scientific reasoning. In cases where the conclusion from the intuitive approach is clearly incorrect, adolescents more readily shift to using scientific judgement (Amsel et al., 2008; Klaczynski, 2013). In addition, adolescents are increasingly able to decontextualise, or separate prior knowledge and beliefs from the demands of the task at hand (Kuhn & Franklin, 2006; Stanovich, 2011, 2016). For example, someone who believes that males are better at mathematics than females may find it difficult to accept new evidence that girls attain higher classroom maths grades than boys if intuitions based on their prior experiences do not allow them to scientifically process the new information. Decontextualising increases the likelihood of using reasoning to analyse a problem logically rather than relying on intuition or faulty existing knowledge. There is some evidence that recent cohorts of teens (ages 13−15) are better able than earlier cohorts to solve formal-operational tasks. For example, 66 per cent of teens tested in 1996 showed formal-operational thought on a probability test, whereas 49 per cent of teens tested in 1967 showed such skills (Flieller, 1999). Why might formal-operational skills improve over time? Changes in school curricula are the likely explanation. Notably, science curricula have increasingly incorporated more hands-on discovery learning activities, perhaps reflecting adoption of Piaget’s concept of active learning. The achievement of formal-operational thinking depends on opportunities to learn scientific reasoning, as is often the case through exposure to mathematics and science education (Babai & Levit-Dori, 2009; Karpov, 2005). The more hands-on the learning, the greater the benefit to performance on hands-on, formal-operational tasks.

decontextualise To separate the demands of a task at hand from prior beliefs and knowledge.

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Progress toward the mastery of formal operations is slow, at least as measured by Piaget’s scientific tasks.These findings have major implications for secondary school teachers, who are often trying to teach abstract material to students with a range of thinking patterns. Teachers may need to give concrete thinkers extra assistance by using specific examples and demonstrations to help clarify general principles, and teaching reasoning skills (Kuhn, 2009; Larson, Britt, & Kurby, 2009). Engaging in scientific argumentation has also been found to be valuable for developing higherorder reasoning skills – an approach that aligns with Vygotsky’s view that language shapes thought (Kuhn, 2010).

Implications of formal thought LINKAGES Chapter 10 Social cognition and moral development

adolescent egocentrism A characteristic of adolescent thought that involves difficulty differentiating between one’s own thoughts and feelings and those of other people.

Formal-operational thought contributes to other changes in adolescence – some good, some not so good. First, the good news. As you will see in upcoming chapters, formal-operational thought may prepare the individual to gain a sense of identity, think in more complex ways about moral issues and understand other people better (see Chapter 10). Advances in cognitive development help lay the groundwork for advances in many other areas of development, including the appreciation of humour. Now, the bad news. Hypothetical thinking may also be related to some of the more difficult aspects of the adolescent experience. Children tend to accept the world as it is and to heed the words of authority figures. The adolescent armed with hypothetical and scientific reasoning abilities can think more independently, imagine alternatives to present realities and raise questions about everything from why parents set certain rules to why there is injustice in the world. Questioning can lead to confusion and sometimes to rebellion against ideas that do not seem logical enough. Some adolescents become idealists, inventing perfect worlds and envisioning logical solutions to problems they detect in the imperfect world around them, sometimes losing sight of practical considerations and real barriers to social change. Just as infants flaunt the new schemata they develop, adolescents may go overboard with their new cognitive skills, irritate their parents and teachers and become frustrated when the world does not respond to their flawless logic. Many years ago, David Elkind (1967) proposed that formal-operational thought also leads to adolescent egocentrism – difficulty differentiating one’s own thoughts and feelings from those of other people. The young child’s egocentrism is rooted in ignorance of different people having different perspectives, but the adolescent’s egocentrism reflects an enhanced ability to reflect about one’s own and others’ thoughts. Elkind identified two types of adolescent egocentrism: the imaginary audience and the personal fable. The imaginary audience phenomenon involves confusing your own thoughts with those of a hypothesised audience for your behaviour. Therefore, the teenage girl who ends up with pizza sauce on the front of her shirt at a party may feel extremely self-conscious: ‘They’re all thinking what a slob I am! I wish I could crawl into a hole!’ She assumes that everyone in the room is as preoccupied with the blunder as she is. Or a teenage boy may spend hours in front of the mirror getting ready for a date, then may be so concerned with how he imagines his date is reacting to him that he hardly notices her: ‘Why did I say that? She looks bored. Did she notice my pimple?’ (She, of course, is equally preoccupied with how she is playing to her audience. No wonder teenagers are often awkward and painfully aware of their every slip on first dates.) The second form of adolescent egocentrism is the personal fable – a tendency to think that you and your thoughts and feelings are unique. If the imaginary audience is a product of the inability to differentiate between self and other, the personal fable is a product of differentiating too much. Therefore, the adolescent in love for the first time imagines that no one in the history of the human

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race has ever felt such heights of emotion. When the relationship breaks up, no one – least of all a parent – could possibly understand the crushing agony. The personal fable may also lead adolescents to feel that rules that apply to others do not apply to them. Thus, they believe they will not be hurt if they speed down the highway without wearing a seat belt or drive under the influence of alcohol. And they will not become pregnant if they engage in sex without contraception, so they do not need to bother with contraception. As it turns out, high scores on measures of the personal fable are associated with risky behaviours such as substance use, dangerous driving and promiscuity (Greene, Krcmar, Walters, Rubin & Hale, 2000; Omori & Ingersoll, 2005; see Chapter 9). Elkind hypothesised that the imaginary audience and personal fable phenomena should increase when formal operations are first being acquired and then decrease as adolescents get older, gain fuller control of formal operations and assume adult roles that require deeper consideration of others’ perspectives. Indeed, in the early work on adolescent egocentrism, both the self-consciousness associated with the imaginary audience and the sense of specialness associated with the personal fable were most evident in early adolescence and declined by late high school (see, for example, Enright, Lapsley, & Shukla, 1979). Later research, however, has pointed to the re-emergence of egocentrism in late adolescence due to new contexts or life situations, such as commencing university (Schwartz, Maynard, & Uzelac, 2008). Contrary to what Elkind hypothesised, researchers have been unable to reliably link the onset of the formal-operations stage to the rise of adolescent egocentrism. Indeed, Evangelia Galanaki (2012) tested various aspects of adolescent egocentrism and found only that preoccupation with one’s self increased during the transition from adolescence to young adulthood. In other research, Joanna Bell and Rachel Bromnick (2003) suggest that adolescents are preoccupied with how they present themselves in public not because of an imaginary audience but because of a real audience. That is, research indicates that adolescents are aware that there are real consequences to how they present themselves.Their popularity and peer approval, as well as their self-confidence and self-esteem, are often influenced by how others (the real audience) perceive them. Adults, too, are aware that their actions and appearance are often judged by others, but these adult concerns are usually assumed to be realistic, whereas similar concerns by adolescents are sometimes viewed, perhaps unfairly, as trivial (Bell & Bromnick, 2003).

LINKAGES Chapter 9 Self, personality, gender and sexuality

MAKING CONNECTIONS Can you recollect times when an imaginary audience or personal fable have affected your behaviour?

IN REVIEW CHECKING UNDERSTANDING

CRITICAL THINKING

1 What change in thinking marks the shift from concreteto formal-operational thinking?

Refer back to the opening vignette about the magnet. Develop an educational program or plan that would move adolescents toward a formal-operational understanding of magnetism.

2 What is the hypothetical-deductive approach to problem solving?

Express

Get the answers to the Checking understanding questions on CourseMate Express.

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5.7 THE ADULT Learning objectives

■■ Outline the characteristic features of adult cognition. ■■ Discuss ways that adult thought is the most advanced level of thinking and ways that adult thought is limited. ■■ Evaluate whether a stage beyond Piaget’s formal operations is warranted and outline what this stage might look like. ■■ Describe changes to cognitive skills in later adulthood.

Do adults think differently than adolescents do? Does cognition change over the adult years? In the past, developmentalists did not ask such questions. Piaget indicated that the highest stage of cognitive development, formal operations, was fully mastered by most people between ages 15 and 18. Why bother studying cognitive development in adulthood? As it turns out, it has been worth the effort. Research has revealed limitations in adult performance that must be explained, and has suggested that at least some adults progress beyond formal operations to more advanced forms of thought (Jacobs & Klaczynski, 2002).

Limitations in adult cognitive performance If many high school students are shaky in their command of formal operations, do most of them gain fuller mastery after the high school years? Gains are indeed made between adolescence and adulthood. But not all adults show firm and consistent mastery of formal operations on Piaget’s scientific reasoning tasks, including those who attend university (Godino, Batanero, & Roa, 2005; Vázquez & de Anglat, 2009). Why don’t more adults do well on Piagetian tasks? In addition to an average level of intelligence, it appears that formal education, and the familiarity with formal language, tasks and assessments that comes with such education, is necessary for a person to achieve formal-operational thought. But neither lack of intelligence nor lack of formal education is a problem for most adults in modern society, so why don’t all do well on Piagetian tasks? It seems adults have difficulty with tests of formal operations when they lack expertise in a domain of knowledge. Piaget (1972) suggested that adults are likely to use formal operations in a field of expertise but to use concrete operations in less familiar areas.This is precisely what seems to happen. For example, Richard De Lisi and Joanne Staudt (1980) gave three kinds of formal-operational tasks – the pendulum problem, a political problem and a literary criticism problem – to university students majoring in physics, political science and English. What they found was that each group of students did well on the problem relevant to that group’s field of expertise. On problems outside their fields, however, about half the students failed. Possibly, then, many adolescents and adults fail to use formal reasoning on Piaget’s scientific problems simply because these problems are unfamiliar to them and they lack relevant expertise. As noted earlier, Fischer maintains that each person may have an optimal level of cognitive performance that will show itself in content domains that are familiar or in which they are well trained (Fischer, 1980; Fischer, Kenny, & Pipp, 1990). But performance is likely to be highly inconsistent across content areas unless the person has had a chance to build knowledge and skills in all these domains. More often, adults may use and strengthen formal modes of thinking only in their areas of expertise. By adopting a contextual perspective on cognitive development, you can appreciate that the individual’s experience and the nature of the tasks they are asked to perform influence cognitive performance across the life span.

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Growth beyond formal thought While some researchers have been asking why adults sometimes perform so poorly on cognitive tasks, others have been asking why they sometimes perform so well. Take Piaget. Was his ability to generate a complex theory of development no more than the application of formal-operational thought? This seems unlikely and, indeed, Fernando Vidal (1994) uses Piaget’s own writings as a teenager and young man to show how his thinking shifted over time from largely formal-operational to something beyond formal operations. Further, formal operations involves applying logic to a closed set of ideas and not to the open sets of ideas that characterise most adult issues. To illustrate this, consider again the pendulum problem. A defined or closed set of variables is associated with this problem; solving the problem is possible by systematically applying logic to this closed set of variables. You do not need to go beyond the problem set. But how do adults make decisions about complex dilemmas and problems that have no well-defined set of variables, or whose variables are constantly changing rather than static? Several intriguing ideas have been proposed about stages of cognitive development that may lie beyond formal operations – that is, about postformal thought, ways of thinking that are more complex than those of the formal-operational stage (see Commons & Ross, 2008; Gurba, 2005). How might thought be qualitatively different in adulthood than it is in adolescence? Several theorists have taken a shot at exploring postformal thinking (for example, Schaie & Willis, 2000 in Chapter 2), and here we consider additional possibilities: relativistic thinking and dialectical thinking. As noted earlier, adolescents who have attained formal operations sometimes get carried away with their new powers of logical thinking. They insist that there is a logically correct answer for every question – that if you simply apply logic, you will arrive at the right answer, at some absolute truth. In contrast, adults often think flexibly and recognise that there is not a single right or wrong answer; there are shades of grey to many problems and flexible or creative thinking may be required to successfully navigate many of the complex issues of the adult world. Therefore, adults are more likely to engage in relativistic thinking, or understanding that knowledge depends on its context and the subjective perspective of the knower (Marchand, 2002). Whereas an absolutist assumes that truth lies in the nature of reality and that there is only one truth, a relativist assumes that his or her starting assumptions influence the ‘truth’ discovered and that a problem can be viewed in multiple ways. Consider this logic problem:‘Subject A grows 1 cm per month. Subject B grows 2 cm per month. Who is taller?’ (Yan & Arlin, 1995, p. 230). The absolutist might say, ‘Subject B’, but the relativist would be more likely to say, ‘It depends.’ It depends on how tall Subject A and Subject B were to begin with and on how much time passes before their heights are measured. The relativistic thinker will recognise that the problem is ill-defined and that further information is needed, and he or she will be able to think flexibly about what the answer would be if certain assumptions were made rather than others. Or consider this problem, given to preadolescents, adolescents and adults by Gisela LabouvieVief and her colleagues:

postformal thought Ways of thinking that lie beyond and are more complex than formal-operational thought.

LINKAGES Chapter 2 Theories of human development

relativistic thinking A form of postformal thought in which it is understood that there are multiple ways of viewing and solving a problem depending on the context and the subjective perspective of the knower.

John is known to be a heavy drinker, especially when he goes to parties. Mary, John’s wife, warns him that if he gets drunk one more time she will leave him and take the children. Tonight John is out late at an office party. John comes home drunk. Labouvie-Vief, G., 1983, p. 5

Does Mary leave John? Most preadolescents and many adolescents quickly and confidently said, ‘Yes.’They did not question the assumption that Mary would stand by her word; they simply applied logic to the information they were given. Adults were more likely to realise that different starting

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assumptions were possible and that the answer depended on which assumptions were chosen. One woman, for example, noted that if Mary had stayed with John for years, she would be unlikely to leave him now. This same woman said, ‘There was no right or wrong answer.You could get logically to both answers’ (p. 12). Postformal thinkers seem able to devise more than one logical solution to a problem. In an early and fascinating study of cognitive growth during university, William Perry (1970) found that beginning university students often assumed that there were absolute, objective truths to be found by consulting their textbooks or their lecturers. They looked to what they believed were authoritative sources for the answer to a question, as if all problems have a single, correct answer. As their university careers progressed, they often became frustrated in their search for absolute truths. They saw that many questions seemed to have several answers, depending on the perspective of the respondent. Taking the extremely relativistic view that any opinion was as good as any other, several of these students said they were not sure how they could ever decide what to believe. Eventually, many understood that some opinions can be better supported than others; they were then able to commit themselves to specific positions, fully aware that they were choosing among relative perspectives. Between adolescence and adulthood, then, many people start as absolutists, become relativists and finally make commitments to positions despite their FIGURE 5.12  The nine dot problem more sophisticated awareness of the nature and limits of knowledge. Not Your task is to connect all nine dots using four straight lines or less, without surprisingly, students at the absolute level of thinking use fewer thinking styles; lifting your pen or pencil from the paper. they stick mainly with traditional or conventional modes of thinking (Zhang, Hint: To be successful, you need to think outside the box! For the solution, search 2002). Students who are relativistic thinkers use a greater variety of thinking the internet for ‘solution for nine dot styles, including ones that promote creativity and greater cognitive complexity problem’. (Wu & Chiou, 2008). Some refer to this as ‘thinking outside the box’, or thinking unconventionally. Try the nine dot problem in Figure 5.12 to see if you can think outside the box. Another possibility for advanced thought beyond formal operations is dialectical thinking, or detecting paradoxes and inconsistencies among ideas and trying to reconcile them (Basseches, 1984, 2005). For example, you engage in dialectical thinking when you recognise that the problem facing you is multifaceted and will be difficult to solve; you ‘wrestle’ with it mentally, considering the various possibilities and trying to reconcile the pieces that do not immediately make sense to you. You may solicit input from several trusted friends and then consider the pros and cons of each possible solution. Finally, dialectical thinking you make a decision on the best way to address the problem, knowing that it is not necessarily a An advanced form of perfect solution, but it is the best option under the current conditions. By engaging in dialectical thought that involves detecting paradoxes thinking, advanced thinkers repeatedly challenge and change their understanding of what constitutes and inconsistencies ‘truth’. For example, they may arrive at one conclusion, then think of an idea that contradicts their among ideas and trying conclusion, and then synthesise the two ideas into a more complete understanding. They realise that to reconcile them. the search for truth is an ongoing process and can take them down many different paths. In an attempt to integrate various postformal ideas, Helena Marchand (2002) suggests three common features that characterise postformal thinkers, that is, they: 1 Understand that knowledge is relative, not absolute; there are far more shades of grey than there are clear dichotomies of knowledge. 2 Accept that the world (physical and mental) is filled with contradictions: inconsistent information can exist side by side. 3 Attempt to integrate contradictions into some larger understanding.

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Environments that expose us to a wider range of ideas, roles and experiences seem to foster this higher level of thinking. For instance, higher education students who have greater diversity among their friends tend to exhibit more of these postformal characteristics than those whose friends are very similar (Galupo, Cartwright, & Savage, 2010). It is not yet clear whether relativistic, dialectical or other forms of advanced thinking might qualify as an added postformal stage of cognitive development. Marchand (2002) concludes that classifying postformal thought as a fifth stage of cognitive development may not be warranted. Adult thought may indeed be different or more advanced than the formal-operational thought of adolescence. And much research confirms that cognitive growth does not end in adolescence, and advances in cognitive development help lay the groundwork for advances in many other areas of development, including the appreciation of metaphor and irony. Yet the characteristics of adult thought may not follow the same Piagetian principles that organise the four recognised stages of his theory. That is, adult thought may not reflect a qualitatively different, structural change in thinking that is universal and irreversible (Lerner, 2006).

Ageing and cognitive growth What becomes of cognitive capacities in later adulthood? Comparisons of different age groups have indicated that older adults often have trouble solving Piagetian tests of formal-operational thinking. Elderly adults too, sometimes perform poorly relative to young and middle-aged adults on concreteoperational tasks assessing conservation and classification skills (Blackburn & Papalia, 1992). This does not mean that elderly adults regress to immature modes of thought. For one thing, these studies have involved cross-sectional comparisons of different age groups. The poorer performance of older groups does not necessarily mean that cognitive abilities are lost as people age. It could be caused by a cohort effect (see Chapter 1), because the average older adult today has had less formal schooling than the average younger adult. Education has indeed been found to significantly relate to problem-solving performance (see, for example, Thornton, Paterson, & Yeung, 2013). Further, older adults attending college tend to perform as well as younger college students on tests of formal operations (Hooper, Hooper, & Colbert, 1985). Moreover, brief training can quickly improve the performance of older adults long out of school, which suggests that the necessary cognitive abilities are there but merely need to be reactivated (Blackburn & Papalia, 1992). Questions have also been raised about the relevance of the skills assessed in Piagetian and other laboratory tasks to the lives of older adults. Not only are these problems unfamiliar to many older adults, but they also resemble the intellectual challenges that children confront in school, not those that most adults encounter in everyday contexts. Therefore, older people may not be motivated to solve them. Further, older adults may rely on modes of cognition that have proved useful to them in daily life but that make them appear cognitively deficient in the laboratory. Indeed, as we noted in Chapter 2, Schaie argues that adult cognition does not necessarily advance structurally but changes in response to life situations related to career, family and maintaining quality of life into old age (Schaie & Willis, 2000). This is precisely the message from Fischer’s skill theory: Abilities vary with context. By providing older adults with a supportive context, we can optimise their level of performance. What if real-life tasks are used to examine older adults’ problem-solving abilities? And what might the results of longitudinal studies reveal about age-related changes in problem-solving abilities? Consider this example: Patricia Haught and Richard Walls (2007), using a sequential study design (see Chapter 1), tracked over a period of 20 years the everyday problem-solving performance of three groups of adults. There was a young adult group of 20- to 30-year-olds (mean age 31 years), a middle-aged group of 40- to 50-year-olds (mean age 51 years), and an older adult group of 60- to 90-year olds (mean age 71 years). By the end of the study, the mean age of participants in each group

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MAKING CONNECTIONS Consider the questions or answers you contribute to class discussions – do they reflect primarily concreteoperational thinking, formaloperational thinking or postformal thinking such as relativistic or dialectical thinking?

Search me! and Discover a study examining the association of postformal thinking with other cognitive abilities: Blouin, P. S., & McKelvie, S. J. (2012). Postformal thinking as a predictor of creativity and of the identification and appreciation of irony and metaphor. North American Journal of Psychology, 14, 39–60.

LINKAGES Chapter 1 Understanding life span human development Chapter 2 Theories of human development

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was 53, 71 and 82 years respectively. Participants were asked on three occasions over the 20 years to describe as many different ways as they could to respond to practical problems, such as a faulty refrigerator, a flash flood, a lost or sick child and observing an assault.The cross-sectional comparisons showed that at each testing occasion, participants in the younger adult group provided more and higher-quality responses to the everyday problems compared to the participants in the older adult group. Longitudinally, too, the results favoured the younger group. Problem-solving performance improved over the 20 years for the younger adults, and to a lesser extent for the middle-aged adults. A decline in problem-solving performance was evident for the older adults. Could differences in educational experience explain the results? Only partially – education was a stronger predictor than age of better problem-solving performance at the start of the study, but did not predict performance at all for subsequent testing sessions. So older adults appear to perform less well, on both traditional laboratory and everyday problem-solving tasks, than their younger contemporaries. Further, there is some evidence of age-related declines in problem solving over and above the effects of education, but drops in performance may not become apparent until people reach their 70s or 80s. At this stage we cannot yet rule out that differences and changes in operational and problemsolving abilities may be related to factors other than age, such as education and motivation. Planners of seniors education and social services might bear in mind that some older adults (but certainly not all) may benefit from instruction and support related to problem solving, even everyday problem solving, to optimise their performance and guide them toward maintaining independence and quality of life (Thornton et al., 2013).

IN REVIEW CHECKING UNDERSTANDING

CRITICAL THINKING

1 When, or under what conditions, is an adult most likely to use formal-operational thinking?

How important is it to achieve formal-operational thought? What limitations might you experience at work and school if you operated at a concrete-operational level all the time and never progressed to formal-operational thought?

2 What is dialectical thinking? Express

Get the answers to the Checking understanding questions on CourseMate Express.

CHAPTER REVIEW SUMMARY 5.1 Piaget’s cognitive developmental theory ■■ Jean Piaget developed a theory of how children come to know their world by constructing their own schemata or cognitive structures through

active exploration. Studying children using the clinical method, a flexible question-and-answer technique, Piaget formulated four stages of cognitive >>>

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development (sensorimotor, preoperational, concrete-operational and formal operations) in which children construct increasingly complex schemata through an interaction of maturation and experience. ■■ Intelligence, according to Piaget, is a basic life function that allows organisms (including humans) to adapt to the demands of their environment. Children adapt to the world through the processes of organisation and adaptation (assimilating new experiences to existing understandings and accommodating existing understandings to new experiences). ■■ Piaget’s theory has stimulated much research over the years, which has added considerably to our understanding of cognitive development. Piaget showed us that infants are active, not passive, in their own development. He argued that children

think differently during different phases of their development, as reflected in his four qualitatively different stages. ■■ Piaget has been criticised for underestimating the capacities of infants and young children, not considering factors besides competence that influence performance, failing to demonstrate that his stages have coherence, offering vague explanations of development, and underestimating the role of language and social interaction in cognitive development. ■■ Modern constructivist theories such as neuroconstructivism propose that observed differences in cognitive skills result from experienceinduced changes in the underlying neural structures supporting these skills.

5.2 Vygotsky’s sociocultural theory ■■ Lev Vygotsky’s sociocultural theory emphasises cultural and social influences on cognitive development more than Piaget’s theory does. ■■ Through guided participation in culturally important activities, children learn problem-solving techniques from knowledgeable partners sensitive to their zone of proximal development. ■■ Language is the most important tool that adults use to pass on culturally valued thinking and problem solving to their children. Language shapes their

thought and moves from social speech to private speech and later to inner speech. ■■ Vygotsky and Piaget did hold different views about cognitive development but both acknowledged the importance of the social context for cognitive development. Vygotsky, however, is criticised for placing too much emphasis on social interaction and underestimating individual construction of knowledge.

5.3 Fischer’s dynamic skill framework ■■ According to Fischer, development results from changes in skill levels. Skills reflect what a person can do on a particular task in a specific context.

■■ People operate within a developmental range, with higher levels of performance demonstrated within a supportive context and after more experience with a task.

5.4 The infant ■■ According to Piaget, infants progress through six substages of the sensorimotor period by perceiving and acting on the world; they progress from using their reflexes to adapt to their environment to using symbolic or representational thought to solve problems in their heads.

■■ Major accomplishments of the sensorimotor stage include the development of object permanence, or the realisation that objects continue to exist even when they are not directly experienced; and symbolic capacity, or the ability to allow one thing to represent something else. The emergence of symbolic capacity paves the way for language development and pretend play.

5.5 The child ■■ Preschool children are in Piaget’s preoperational stage and do not yet reason logically; instead they rely on perceptually salient features of a task or object. Their pre-logical set of cognitive structures leads them to have trouble with conservation and classification tasks. In particular, preoperational children lack the abilities to decentre, reverse thought and understand transformations. In addition, they tend to be egocentric – viewing the world from their own perspective and not recognising others’ points of view.

■■ School-age children are in Piaget’s concreteoperational stage and can reason logically about concrete information, which allows them to solve conservation and classification tasks. Concreteoperational children have acquired the abilities of decentration, reversibility of thought and transformational thought. They can think about relations, grasping seriation and transitivity, and they understand the concept of class inclusion.

>>> CHAPTER REVIEW

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5.6 The adolescent ■■ Adolescents may advance to Piaget’s last stage of cognitive development – formal-operational thought – in which they can think about abstract concepts to engage in propositional thought and apply their logical reasoning to hypothetical problems. Formal-operational

thinkers can simultaneously consider multiple task components. ■■ Advanced perspective-taking skills may give rise to positive identity and moral development, but may also be associated with confusion about the world and social change.

5.7 The adult ■■ Some adults may acquire advanced levels of thought not considered by Piaget, such as relativistic thinking, or understanding that knowledge is dependent on the knower’s subjective perspective; and dialectical thinking, or detecting and reconciling contradictory ideas.

■■ Many adults seem to function at the concreteoperational level, rather than at Piaget’s highest level of formal-operational thought. Formaloperational thought appears to be highly dependent on formal education. It is also influenced by culture and area of expertise.

END-OF-CHAPTER ACTIVITIES SELF-TEST Answer these questions to self-test your knowledge of the chapter content. The answers are at the end of the chapter.

1

According to Piaget, as knowledge is gained, people form cognitive structures called (a) ______________, which are organised patterns of action or thought that allow us to interpret our experiences. These patterns develop through two innate processes: (b) ______________, in which existing patterns are combined into more complex ones, and (c) ______________, which refers to the process of adjusting to the environment. When we encounter new experiences, the conflict between new and old information creates (d) ______________, which stimulates cognitive growth. (Select from organisation, schemata, disequilibrium and adaptation.)

2

According to Vygotsky, the ______________ is the gap between what one can do independently and what one can do with assistance.

3

In comparing Piaget’s and Fischer’s views of cognitive development, which of the following is most true?

a Both Fischer and Piaget were interested in uncovering universal stages of cognitive development. b Fischer believed that cognitive growth occurs as skills levels develop, whereas Piaget believed that changes in cognitive structures are responsible for cognitive growth. c Both Fischer and Piaget proposed that people’s performance may vary considerably in different environments. 4 Cognitive research with older adults shows that the older adults: a are all reasoning at the formal-operational level. b perform worse than younger adults on many concrete-operational tasks. c perform similarly to younger adults on all Piagetian tasks. d cannot achieve postformal thought such as relativistic or dialectical thinking.

REVIEW QUESTIONS Develop your understanding of the chapter content by preparing short answer or essay responses to the following questions – or you might like to try developing a concept map or thinking map for these questions.

1

Summarise two of Piaget’s major contributions to our understanding of cognitive development.

2

Explain how assimilation and accommodation operate to bring about cognitive change.

3

Identify five key differences between Vygotsky’s sociocultural view and Piaget’s cognitive developmental view of human development.

4 Outline the meaning of dynamic and skill in Fischer’s dynamic skill framework. >>>

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5

Summarise the substages and intellectual accomplishments of the sensorimotor period.

6

Identify the possible developmental advantages associated with imaginary companions and explain why these developmental advances may occur.

7

Describe and explain the reason for the difficulties that preschool- and school-age children may have with classification tasks.

8

Describe three of Piaget’s conversations tasks and the responses that would indicate an understanding of conservation.

9

Summarise both the positive and the challenging psychosocial implications of formal-operational thinking.

10 Define relativistic thinking and provide an example of a response a relativistic thinker might make to a problem.

FOR DISCUSSION Discuss and debate your point of view on the following developmental issues, dilemmas and controversies related to topics in this chapter.

1

Imagine you receive dinner invitations from Jean Piaget, Lev Vygotsky and Kurt W. Fischer. The dinners are all on the same day, so you can only accept one invitation. Which invitation will you accept? Which theorist would you most like the opportunity to talk with in person about their theory and why? What questions or suggestions would you have for your dinner host about their theory?

2

In this chapter we considered how children’s cognitive development may affect their belief in magical

beings like Santa Claus, but also noted that parental endorsement is another factor that influences children’s belief in Santa. On the one hand, this parental endorsement has been criticised as inappropriate deception, while on the other hand it is argued to be an acceptable cultural tradition. What do you think? Is there any harm in parents promoting belief in Santa or other magical beings? Why or why not?

ONLINE STUDY TOOLS COURSEMATE EXPRESS Express

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SEARCH ME! PSYCHOLOGY Explore Search me! Psychology for articles relevant to this chapter. Fast and convenient, Search me! Psychology is updated daily and provides you with 24-hour access to full text articles from hundreds of scholarly and popular journals, eBooks and newspapers, including The Australian and The New York Times. Log .in to the Search me! Psychology database via http://login.cengagebrain.com and try searching for the following keywords: Search tip: Search me! Psychology contains information from both local and international sources. To get the greatest number of search results, try using both Australian and American spellings in your searches, e.g. ‘globalisation’ and ‘globalization’; ‘organisation’ and ‘organization’.

→ constructivism → scaffolding → post formal thought.

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ANSWERS TO THE SELF-TEST 1: (a) schemata, (b) organisation, (c) adaptation, (d) disequilibrium; 2: zone of proximal development; 3: (b); 4: (b)

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6 CHAPTER

SENSORY-PERCEPTION, ATTENTION AND MEMORY CHAPTER OUTLINE 6.1 The information-processing approach to cognition Sensation, perception and attention Memory Problem solving

Sensory-perceptual abilities Early memory abilities

6.3 The child

6.2 The infant Uncovering infants’ mental capabilities

Sensory-perceptual refinements Advances in attention Explaining memory development Autobiographical memory Developments in problem solving

6.4 The adolescent Attention Improvements in memory and problem solving

6.5 The adult Sensory-perceptual changes Memory, problem solving and ageing Explaining autobiographical memory

An extraordinary memory What would it be like to remember nearly every day of your life? Elizabeth Parker, Larry Cahill and James McGaugh (2006) described the case of ‘AJ’, the first Source: Getty Images/Dan Tuffs

recorded case of highly superior autobiographical memory (HSAM), previously referred to as hyperthymesia (excessive remembering). ‘AJ’, a woman of average intelligence born in 1965, has extraordinary recall for most days of her life since she was around 8 years old. When given a date, such as 4 October 1989, she reports that she ‘sees’ the day – sees the events of that day unfold in her head, experiences the events as if they were current, and effortlessly recalls information from the day. Her memories are highly personal, revolving around her daily activities. Interestingly, she was an average student with no special ability to memorise facts and figures unconnected to her personally. ‘AJ’ went on to write a memoir, using her real name of Jill Price, describing her memory as a movie

Jill Price has extraordinary autobiographical memory for the events of her past. When given a specific date, she can tell you what she was doing on that date and other events that happened to the extent that she experienced them in the past.

constantly playing in her head as if on a split screen, with the present running on one half of the screen and her past running on the other half (Price & Davis,

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2008; Rodriguez McRobbie, 2017). ‘Most have called it

(Parker et al., 2006, p. 35). Obviously, Jill Price has a

a gift,’ she says, ‘but I call it a burden. I run my entire

highly unusual memory.

life through my head every day and it drives me crazy’

Express Throughout this chapter, the CourseMate Express logo indicates an opportunity for online self-study, linking you to activities, videos and other online resources.

LINKAGES Chapter 2 Theories of human development Chapter 5 Cognitive development

In this chapter, we continue examining cognition by looking at a view different from Jean Piaget’s, Lev Vygotsky’s and Kurt W. Fischer’s approaches described in Chapter 5. Cognitive psychologists in the 1950s, influenced by the rise of computer technology, began to think of the brain as a computer that processes input (maths tuition) and converts it to output (correct answers on tests), and developed what is called the information-processing approach, which we overviewed in Chapter 2. The computer seemed to provide a good analogy to the human mind and, indeed, efforts to program computers to play chess and solve other problems as well as human experts helped scientists understand a great deal about the strengths and limitations of human cognition. Simple early information-processing frameworks based on computers have been modified as research has uncovered more and more about the basic mental processes that underpin decision making. Figure 6.1 shows a contemporary view of the information-processing model that features the basic mental processes of sensory-perception, attention, memory and decision making.

FIGURE 6.1  A comprehensive model of information processing Consolidation

Input from the environment via the senses

Attention

Sensory register (logs input; very brief duration)

Attention

Working (short-term) memory (small amount of information; limited duration)

Some information moves to LTM for storage

Some information may be retrieved from LTM

Long-term memory (large quantity of information; unlimited duration)

Central executive The ‘supervisor’ Controls attention and flow of information

Phonological loop Auditory information

Episodic buffer Integrates auditory and visual information; retains chronological order

Visual–spatial scratchpad Visual and spatial information

Sources: Adapted from Atkinson & Shiffrin (1968); Baddeley (2001); Gagné & Medsker (1996).

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6.1 THE INFORMATION-PROCESSING APPROACH TO COGNITION ■■ Explain the workings of the human information-processing system, from first exposure to information or an event through the sensory-perceptual system, to eventual retrieval of this information from memory. ■■ List and define the different forms of memory. ■■ Describe the neural underpinnings of memory. ■■ Discuss how stored information is processed to solve problems.

Learning objectives

In this section, we turn our attention to consider each of the basic mental processes that feature in the information-processing approach as summarised in Figure 6.1.

Sensation, perception and attention Imagine you are in a modern history class and your lecturer says the Australian and New Zealand armed forces (Anzacs) landed at Gallipoli on 25 April 1915. This statement is an environmental stimulus, detected by your sense of hearing, and perhaps also vision, if the instructor is using visual aids during the lecture. Your sense, or sensation, of hearing and vision is the process by which sensory receptor neurons detect information such as sound and light and transmit it to the brain. The next step, perception, involves the interpretation of the sensory input to understand what is said to you and to recognise what you see. Assuming that you are not lost in a daydream, your sensory register, a basic memory store, will log it, holding it for a fraction of a second as a kind of after-image or echo. Much that enters the sensory register quickly disappears without further processing. However, attention, or the focusing of perception and cognition on a stimulus, has a good deal to do with what information enters the sensory register and what information may be processed further by the memory systems. Let’s now look more closely at these memory systems.

Memory Memory – our ability to store and later retrieve information about past events – is complex and

comprises a number of forms. In the next sections, we will explore the different ways that memory is stored and the processes involved in remembering and learning.

Memory stores To illustrate different memory stores, let’s return to our Anzacs example. Imagine you need to remember 25 April 1915 as the day the Anzacs landed at Gallipoli, perhaps for an upcoming quiz. It will first be moved into short-term memory, which can hold limited information (around seven items or chunks) for several seconds. We can also distinguish between passive and active forms of short-term memory, and use the term working memory to refer to a mental ‘scratch pad’ that temporarily stores information while we are actively operating on it (Baddeley, 2001). It is what is ‘on one’s mind’, or in one’s consciousness, at any moment. As you have likely experienced, people can juggle only so much information at once in working memory. To illustrate working memory, look at the following seven numbers.Then look away and add the numbers in your head while trying to remember them: 7256147

sensation The process by which information is detected by the sensory receptors and transmitted to the brain. perception The interpretation of sensory input. sensory register The first memory store in information processing, in which stimuli are noticed and are briefly available for further processing. attention The focusing of perception and cognition on a stimulus. memory The ability to store and later retrieve information about past events.

short-term memory The memory store in which limited amounts of information are temporarily held. working memory A short-term memory store, often referred to as a mental ‘scratch pad’, that temporarily holds information when it is being actively operated upon.

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Search me! and Discover key research findings about working memory and future research directions in an interview with a leading working memory researcher: Alloway, T., Shaughnessy, M. F., & Moore, T. L. (2014). An interview with Dr Tracy Alloway about working memory. North American Journal of Psychology, 16, 427.

long-term memory Memory store in which information that has been examined and interpreted is stored relatively permanently. encoding The process of getting information into the informationprocessing system in a form suitable for shortterm storage. consolidation The processing and organising of information in the information-processing system in a form suitable for long-term storage. storage The long-term holding of information in the informationprocessing system. retrieval The process of retrieving information from long-term memory when it is needed. recognition Identification of an object or event as one that has been experienced before. recall Recollection or active retrieval of objects, events and experiences when examples or cues are not provided. cued recall Recollection of objects, events or experiences in response to a hint or cue.

Most likely, having to actively manipulate the numbers in working memory to add them together disrupted your ability to rehearse them to remember them. People who are fast at adding numbers would have better luck than most people, because they would have more working memory space left for remembering the items. Alan Baddeley (2001) has proposed a four-component model of working memory following on from research that showed a single short-term memory store just was not sufficient. As illustrated in Figure 6.1, this expanded view of short-term memory consists of four parts. First, a central executive directs attention and controls the flow of information; this is the supervisor of the working-memory system. In addition, there are three types of short-term memory storage: • phonological, which briefly holds auditory information such as words or music • visual–spatial, which holds visual information such as colours and shapes • episodic buffer, which links auditory and visual information. To be remembered for any length of time, information must be moved from working shortterm memory into long-term memory, a relatively permanent store of information that is what most people mean by memory. In our Anzacs and Gallipoli example, you will more than likely hold the lecturer’s statement about the date in short-term memory just long enough to record it in your notes. Later, as you study your notes, you will rehearse the information in working memory to move it into long-term memory so that you can retrieve it the next day or week when you are taking the test.

Memory processes With the different forms of memory, there are, then, a number of processes you must do to learn and remember something. The first step is encoding the information: getting it into the system. If it never gets in, it cannot be remembered. Second, information undergoes consolidation, during which it is processed and organised in a form suitable for long-term storage. Consolidation transforms the immediate sensory-perceptual experience of an event into a long-lasting memory trace, a process that is facilitated by sleep (Diekelmann & Born, 2010; Kopasz et al., 2010). Without consolidation, the information would not make the leap from the first step of encoding to the third step of storage (Banai, Ortiz, Oppenheimer, & Wright, 2010). Storage, of course, refers to holding information in a long-term memory store. Memories fade over time unless they are appropriately stored in long-term memory. It is clear that storing memories is a constructive process and not a static recording of what was encoded. As Mary Courage and Nelson Cowan (2009, p. 2) describe it, ‘human memory does not record experience as a video camera would, but rather as an historian would: as a dynamic and inferential process with reconstructions that depend on a variety of sources of information’. Finally, for information processing to be complete, there must be retrieval – the process of getting information out of memory when it is needed. People say they have successfully remembered something when they can retrieve it from long-term memory. Retrieval can be accomplished in several ways. If you are asked a multiple-choice question about when the Anzacs landed at Gallipoli, you need not actively retrieve the correct date; you merely need to recognise it among the options. This is an example of recognition. If, instead, you were asked, ‘What date did the Anzacs land at Gallipoli?’ this is a test of recall; it requires active retrieval without the aid of cues. Between recognition and recall memory is cued recall, in which you would be given a cue to facilitate retrieval (for example, ‘What date did the Anzacs land at Gallipoli? Hint: Anzac Day, the national date of remembrance, is held on this date every year.’). Most people find questions requiring recognition easier to answer than those requiring cued recall, and those requiring cued recall easier than those requiring pure recall.This holds true across the life span, which suggests that many things people have apparently encoded or learned are stored in long-term memory even though they may

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be difficult to retrieve without cues. Breakdowns in remembering may involve difficulties in initial encoding, storage or retrieval.

Implicit and explicit long-term memory Memory researchers have concluded that the long-term memory store responds differently depending on the nature of the task. They distinguish between implicit memory (also known as nondeclarative memory), which occurs unintentionally, automatically and without awareness, and explicit memory (also known as declarative memory), which involves deliberate, effortful recollection of events (see Figure 6.2). FIGURE 6.2  Types of long-term memory

explicit memory Memory that involves consciously recollecting the past; also known as declarative memory.

Long-term memory

Explicit (declarative)

Episodic (events)

implicit memory Memory that occurs unintentionally and without consciousness or awareness; also known as nondeclarative memory.

Implicit (nondeclarative)

Semantic (facts, general knowledge)

Skills, procedures, habits

Priming

Other (e.g., classical conditionings, habituation)

Autobiographical Source: Based on Squire (2004)

Explicit memory is tested through traditional recognition and recall tests (such as in an exam with multiple-choice and essay questions) and can be further divided into semantic memory for general facts and episodic memory for specific experiences. Jill Price, featured in the chapter opening, has a highly superior memory ability for autobiographical memory, a type of episodic memory.To further clarify the two types of explicit memory, an example of episodic memory would be remembering that a devastating earthquake and tsunami affecting most landmasses surrounding the Indian Ocean occurred on 26 December 2004 (known as the Boxing Day tsunami). Semantic memory might be, for example, knowing the Indian Ocean is the third-largest ocean. The first example illustrates memory for a specific event, whereas the second example reflects general knowledge about the world. Most memory experts agree that explicit memories, whether they are semantic general knowledge or the specific memories that make up episodic memories, are deeply entwined with language. Implicit memory is a different beast. Learners are typically unaware that their memory is being assessed with implicit ‘tests’. Consider an example: individuals are exposed to a list of words (orange, tablet, forest and so on) to be rated for likeability, not to be memorised. In a second task, they are given word stems such as tab and asked to complete them with the first word that comes to mind. People who are exposed to the word tablet in the initial task are more likely than people who are not exposed to the word to come up with tablet rather than table or tabby to complete the word stem, demonstrating that they remembered or learned something from their earlier exposure to the words even though they were not trying to. Adults with amnesia do poorly on tests of explicit memory in which they study words and then are asked to finish word stems such as tab with a word they

semantic memory A type of explicit memory consisting of general facts. episodic memory A type of explicit memory consisting of specific episodes that one has experienced. autobiographical memory Episodic memory of everyday events that the individual has experienced.

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MAKING CONNECTIONS Consider your own memory profile. On what types of memory tasks and under what conditions is your memory good and, conversely, which types of tasks and conditions challenge your memory?

studied earlier. Amazingly, however, if they are merely exposed to a list of words and then given an implicit memory test that asks them to write the first word that comes to mind, they do fine (Graf, Squire, & Mandler, 1984). Many forms of amnesia, such as that associated with Alzheimer’s disease (AD), destroy explicit memory but leave aspects of implicit memory apparently undamaged (see Boccia, Silveri, & Guariglia, 2014). Explicit memory, then, is fallible – subject to forgetting – whereas implicit memory is more likely to remain intact (Bauer, 2007; Lloyd & Miller, 2014).

Neural basis of memory Research on the neural basis of memory, including case studies of individuals with brain damage, and using technologies such as functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI), shows that different parts of the brain are involved in the different forms of memory. Damage to a specific region of the medial temporal lobe – the hippocampus – leads to significant impairments in creating new episodic memories, such as recalling that you went to the dentist on Monday morning, as well as episodic future thinking, where you are asked to imagine the future (Race, Keane, & Verfaellie, 2011; and see Schacter, Addis, & Szpunar, 2017). (Medial means toward the the middle of the brain, and the temporal lobe is located at the base of the brain.) More recently, an area of the temporal lobe called the entorhinal cortex has been found to play a critical role in episodic memory by connecting the hippocampus to other parts of the brain (Annese et al., 2014). Procedural memory (such as memory of how to ride a bike), which is a type of implicit memory, is mediated by an area of the forebrain called the striatum. Explicit memory, including episodic memory as discussed above, is largely localised in the medial temporal lobe of the brain. In particular, the medial temporal structures are thought to be crucial to consolidating information into a memory trace for long-term storage. Sleep, too, facilitates the consolidation of memories. For example, a 90-minute nap after a learning task helps integrate new learning with existing knowledge and assists with retention of the new material among children (Urbain et al., 2016). The actual storage and retrieval of information take place in whichever part of the cortex originally encoded or was activated by the information. For example, vocabulary seems to be stored in the limbic-temporal cortex, as evidenced by the vocabulary impairment experienced by individuals with damage to this part of the brain (Bauer, 2009). Thus, sensory information initially activates one of the cortical association areas distributed throughout the brain.This information then passes to the medial temporal lobe for consolidation. If and when this consolidation occurs, the resulting memory trace is stored in the cortical association area of the brain that first registered the information, and it is from this area that the information must be retrieved. Research suggests that implicit memory develops earlier in infancy than explicit memory (Bauer, 2008; Schneider, 2011). Explicit memory improves as the hippocampus becomes more mature during the second half of the first year (Nelson, Thomas, & de Haan, 2006). Further, the two types of memory follow different developmental paths. Explicit memory capacity increases from infancy to adulthood, then declines in later adulthood. By contrast, implicit memory capacity changes little; young children often do no worse than older children and elderly adults often do no worse than younger adults on tests of implicit memory (Schneider, 2011). Research on implicit memory shows that young and old alike learn and retain a tremendous amount of information from their everyday experiences without any effort. Now that you have an understanding of the mental processes associated with the informationprocessing approach, consider individuals with highly superior autobiographical memory, like Jill Price, who featured in the opening vignette. Why is it that these individuals have such extraordinary autobiographical memory? First note that research with individuals with HSAM show only average performance on standard memory tasks and are as prone as the rest of us

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to false memories (LePort et al., 2012; Patihis et al., 2013). Further, individuals with HSAM do not demonstrate superior cognitive functioning in areas of sensory-perception, attention or emotional memory (LePort, Stark, McGaugh, & Stark, 2017; Patihis et al., 2013; Patihis, 2016). On the other hand, LePort and colleagues have shown that 80 per cent of individuals with HSAM have obsessional tendencies toward thinking about their past, and retrieval of memories is highly selective for recollection of personally experienced material (LePort, Stark, McGaugh, & Stark, 2016; LePort et al., 2017). Thus, individuals with HSAM may habitually recall and reflect on autobiographical materials, which, in turn, leads to more efficient consolidation and retrieval than individuals without HSAM. However, more research is needed to confirm this hypothesis and discover the exact mechanisms that underpin the superior autobiographical memory ability of people with HSAM. Further, researchers are unclear whether the functional and structural differences displayed by individuals with HSAM cause their extraordinary memory or are a consequence of it (Rodriguez McRobbie, 2017).

Problem solving Think back now to our history lecturer who seems to want you to remember when the Anzacs landed on Gallipoli (can you remember?). Now imagine that you are asked how many years passed between the Anzacs landing at Gallipoli (1915) and the end of the First World War (1918). This is a simple example of problem solving, or use of the information-processing system to achieve a goal or arrive at a decision (in this case, to answer the question). Here, too, the information-processing model describes what happens between stimulus and response. That is, the question will move through the memory system – you will need to draw on your long-term memory to understand the question, then you will have to search long-term memory for the two relevant dates. Moreover, you will need to locate your stored knowledge of the mathematical operation of subtraction. You will then transfer this stored information to working memory so that you can use your subtraction ‘program’ (1918 minus 1915) to derive the correct answer. Notice that processing information successfully for problem solving requires both knowing what you are doing and making decisions. This is why researchers have added executive control processes to the information-processing model in Figure 6.1. These control processes run the show, guiding the selection, organisation, manipulation and interpretation of information. Stored knowledge about the world and about information processing guides what is done with new information. Cognitive psychologists recognise that information processing is more complex than can be captured in models like that in Figure 6.1. For example, people, like computers, engage in parallel processing, carrying out many cognitive activities simultaneously (for example, listening to a lecture and taking notes at the same time) rather than always performing operations in a sequence (such as solving a maths problem by carrying out a series of ordered steps).They also appreciate that different processing approaches are used in different domains of knowledge. Still, the information-processing approach to cognition has the advantage of focusing attention on how people remember things or solve problems, not just on what they recall or what answer they give. It can aid too in considering how a person’s performance on a problem could be the result of breakdowns in different parts of the information-processing system. For example, an individual might have sensory-perceptual problems, as in the case of a hearing or visual impairment; might not be paying attention to the relevant aspects of the problem; might be unable to hold all the relevant pieces of information in working memory long enough to do anything with them; might lack the strategies for transferring new information into long-term memory or retrieving information from long-term memory as needed; might simply

problem solving The use of the informationprocessing system to achieve a goal or arrive at a decision.

executive control processes Processes in the prefrontal cortex of the brain that direct and monitor the selection, organisation, manipulation and interpretation of information in the information-processing system. parallel processing Simultaneously carrying out many cognitive activities.

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not have enough stored knowledge to understand the problem; or might not have the executive control processes needed to manage the steps for solving problems. Many processes involved in sensation, perception, attention, memory and problem solving improve between infancy and adulthood and then decline somewhat in old age, although this pattern is not uniform for all processes or all people. Our next task in this chapter, then, is to describe these age trends and, of greater interest, to try to determine why they occur.

IN REVIEW CHECKING UNDERSTANDING

CRITICAL THINKING

1 What is sensation?

Create a memory assessment to tap into someone’s implicit memories and explicit memories.

2 What is memory and what are the different types of memory? 3 Why are memory recognition tasks generally easier than recall tasks?

Express

Get the answers to the Checking understanding questions on CourseMate Express.

6.2 THE INFANT Learning objectives

LINKAGES Chapter 5 Cognitive development

■■ Explain how researchers are able to assess the sensory-perceptual and memory capabilities of infants. ■■ Describe the development of infants’ visual, auditory, taste, smell and somaesthetic sensoryperceptual capabilities. ■■ Explain the early experiences needed for development of normal perceptual skills and the influence of early experience on the brain. ■■ Outline the characteristics of infant memory and the types of information that infants are likely to remember.

In Chapter 5, you learned of Piaget and his view that infants explore the world through their senses and motor abilities. But how sophisticated are infants’ sensory-perceptual abilities? And are they remembering anything of their experiences?

Uncovering infants’ mental capabilities Young infants have far greater sensory-perceptual and memory abilities than you might expect.Their senses are functioning even before birth, and in the first few months of life they show many signs that they are perceiving and remembering their world in a coherent way. However, assessing infant sensory-perceptual abilities, memory and problem solving requires some ingenuity because infants, after all, cannot tell researchers directly what they perceive or remember. So the trick has been to develop ways to let their behaviour, and brain, speak for them (Bauer, 2007; Courage & Cowan, 2009). Table 6.1 outlines the main methods used to study infant senses and perception and uncover their memory and problem-solving capabilities. We now turn our attention to what these research techniques have revealed about infants’ mental capabilities.

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TABLE 6.1  Methods for assessing infant sensory-perceptual, memory and problem-solving abilities

Habituation

A procedure to test infants’ discrimination between different sensory stimuli; can be used for all senses. The same stimulus is repeatedly presented until the infant grows bored with what has become familiar and disengages (e.g. looks away). Researchers can measure how long (e.g. how many trials) until an infant becomes bored. They can also measure how distinct a second, new stimulus needs to be in order to recapture the infant’s attention.

Preferential looking

A procedure to test infants’ discrimination between sensory stimuli that can be used for all senses. Two stimuli are simultaneously shown to an infant to determine which one they prefer, which is inferred to be the one they look at longer. A preference for one over the other indicates that the infant discriminates between the two stimuli. Head-mounted eye-tracking cameras have allowed researchers to more precisely measure preferential looking.

Imitation

A simple procedure to assess infant memory by noting whether or not infants can imitate an action performed by a model, such as sticking out the tongue or opening the mouth (see photo). Imitation of a novel act after delay may represent an early form of explicit memory.

Operant conditioning

A procedure that assesses infants’ perceptual and memory capabilities. Infants are conditioned to reliably respond in a certain way to a certain stimulus (e.g. they are rewarded for turning their head every time they hear a sound or for sucking faster or slower). Once this response is well established, the researcher can examine the conditions under which the infants will, or will not, continue to produce the behaviour. Continued head turning suggests that infants do not detect a noticeable difference between the original and new stimuli, whereas lack of the conditioned response is evidence that they do distinguish between the two stimuli.

Evoked potentials

This youngster does not seem at all bothered by wearing an electrode cap that allows researchers to measure the electrical activity of different regions of the brain while the infant is exposed to various sensory stimuli.

Snapshot Source: Losevsky Pavel/ Alamy

A method of testing infants’ detection of sensory-perceptual information by observing their behavioural, autonomic (e.g. heart rate) and facial responses to stimuli. Memory may also be inferred from such responses.

Snapshot

A procedure that assesses electrical activity in different parts of the brain while the infant watches, listens to, or is otherwise exposed to stimuli. Electrodes are attached to the surface of the scalp (see photo) and a computer records the patterns of electrical activity corresponding to various stimuli. Visual and auditory evoked potentials are most common, but more recent research has explored the use of evoked potentials to measure sense of smell too (e.g. Schriever, Góis-Eanes, Schuster, Huart, & Hummel, 2014).

Sensory-perceptual abilities As explained earlier in the chapter, our sensory-perceptual abilities involve processes of detecting and interpreting information from the environment through our senses of vision, hearing, taste, smell, and the bodily senses that alert us to touch, temperature and pain. As you will see, our sensoryperceptual abilities begin to develop in the womb and advance rapidly over the first 2 years of life.

Vision Many of us tend to think of vision as our most indispensable sense. Because vision is indeed important, we examine its early development in some detail before turning to the other senses.

One way to assess infant memory is to observe whether or not infants can imitate simple actions performed by others, such as pursing their lips or sticking out their tongue.

BASIC VISUAL CAPACITIES First, how does something as complicated as vision work? The eye functions by taking in stimulation in the form of light and converting it to electrochemical signals to the brain. As Figure 6.3 shows, light enters the eye through the cornea and passes through the pupil and lens before being projected (upside down) on the retina. From here, images are relayed to the brain by the optic nerve at the back

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Source: iStock/Getty Images Plus/WhitneyLewisPhotography

Behavioural observation

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Source: Laurel Trainor, Infant Auditory Lab, McMaster University

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FIGURE 6.3  The human eye and retina Light passes through the cornea, pupil and lens and falls on the light-sensitive surface of the retina, where images of objects are projected upside down. The information is relayed to the brain by the optic nerve.

Pupil Muscles to move the eye Iris

Retina

Cornea Fovea Optic nerve (to brain)

Pupil

Lens Muscles to adjust the lens

visual acuity The ability to perceive detail in a visual stimulus.

visual accommodation The ability of the lens of the eye to change shape to bring objects at different distances into focus.

Optic disc (and blind spot)

of each eye. The pupil of the eye automatically becomes larger or smaller depending on the lighting conditions, and the lens changes shape, or accommodates, to keep images focused on the retina. How well does the infant’s visual system work? Even before birth, the foetus responds to bright lights it detects from the outside world, such as a flashlight directed at the mother’s belly (see Johnson & Hannon, 2015). And after birth, the infant can visually track a slow-moving picture or object. Failure to follow an object when the object is presented within normal viewing range is often an early indicator of a visual problem. But, even among sighted newborns, visual capabilities are lacking when compared to a child or an adult. At birth, newborns’ visual acuity, or ability to perceive detail, is 40 times worse than an adult’s, but improves across the first month of life to roughly the equivalent of 20/120 vision on the standard eye chart – ability to see only the big E at the top of an eye chart (Hamer, 2016; Figure 6.4). Objects are blurry to young infants unless they are about 20 centimetres from the face or are bold patterns with sharp light-dark contrasts – the face of a parent, for example. The young infant’s world is also blurred because of limitations in visual accommodation – the ability of the lens of the eye to change shape to bring objects at different distances into focus. It takes roughly 6 months to 1 year before the infant can see as well as an adult (Hofsten et al., 2014). Infants see the world in colour, not in black and white as some early observers thought (Zemach, Chang, & Teller, 2006). Researchers have confirmed this using the habituation technique described in Table 6.1. Infants are first habituated to a blue disc, then shown either a blue disc of a different shade or a green disc. Four-month-old infants will show little interest in a disc of a different blue but will attend to a green disc (Schiffman, 2000). Thus, 4-month-olds appear to discriminate between colours and categorise portions of the continuum of wavelengths of light into the same basic colour categories (red, blue, green and yellow) that adults do. Newborns cannot discriminate some colour differences well because their receptors are not yet mature. By 2–3 months, however, colour vision is

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CHAPTER 6: SENSORY-PERCEPTION, ATTENTION AND MEMORY

FIGURE 6.4  The Snellen eye chart

Express

The Snellen eye chart is often used to estimate a person’s visual acuity. Although 20/20 vision is frequently assumed to be the best vision, 20/10 on the Snellen chart would actually be optimal vision. At birth, visual acuity may be as poor as 20/400, improving to 20/120 over the first month and to 20/30 by 8 months.

For additional insight on the data presented in Figure 6.4 try out the Understanding the data exercise on CourseMate Express.

First month 20/120

4 months 20/60

8 months 20/30

Optimal 20/20 vision

mature (Goldstein, 2007). Thus, the infant’s visual sensory-perceptual system is not working at adult levels, but is working and advances quickly. As one researcher summarises it: infants are able to see what they need to see (Hainline, 1998).

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PATTERN AND FACE PERCEPTION Perception involves organisation and it is clear that infants try to impose order on the complex world of visual objects they experience. In doing so, they demonstrate preferences for certain patterns over others. What are the properties of patterns that capture the young infant’s attention? • Young infants pay attention to patterns that have a large amount of light-dark transition, or contour; they are responsive to sharp boundaries between light and dark areas; pastel colours may not have enough contrast to be detected (Brown & Lindsey, 2009). • Young infants are interested in displays that contain movement. Newborns can and do track a moving target with their eyes, although their tracking at first is imprecise and likely to falter unless the target is moving slowly (Slater et al., 2010). • Young infants seem to be attracted to patterns that are moderately complex: not too simple, which would be boring, and not too complex, which would be overwhelming.Thus, they prefer a clear pattern (for  example, a bold checkerboard pattern) to either a blank stimulus or an elaborate one such as a page from the newspaper. As infants mature, they prefer more complex stimuli (Courage, Reynolds, & Richards, 2006). There appears to be a simple explanation for these early visual preferences: young infants prefer to look at whatever they can see well with their limited visual-perceptual capabilities – input that will stimulate the development of the visual centres of their brains (Hainline, 1998). One special pattern that has generated much attention from researchers is the human face. Soon after birth, young infants prefer to look at schematic drawings of faces rather than other patterned stimuli, and faces elicit more visual tracking by young infants than other targets (Gamé, Carchon, & Vital-Durand, 2003). Newborns can distinguish a human face from a monkey face, although they do not show a preference for the human face (Di Giorgio, Leo, Pascalis, & Simion, 2012). They can also distinguish their mother’s face from that of a stranger, at least in static and simplified displays (see Sai, 2005). Such findings seem to suggest an inborn tendency to discriminate between faces and non-faces, and even to recognise particular faces. More challenging for infants is discrimination among faces in real settings where the faces are dynamic (moving) and embedded in an everchanging environment. In this case, researchers have found that ‘actions are more salient than faces’ (Bahrick, Lickliter, & Castellanos, 2013, p. 2) and concluded that infants do not yet have sufficient attention resources to attend to both actions and face: they can only attend to one or the other, and action is more salient to their young attentional system. Some argue there is an innate preference for face patterns because they are critical for successfully navigating the social world. But as we have learned, infants prefer contour, movement and moderate complexity. Human faces have all of these physical properties.Thus, what appears to be a preference for faces may be a preference for the features that happen to be connected with faces. Despite this, converging evidence indicates that infants perceive a meaningful face, not merely an appealing pattern, by 2–3 months of age. At this time, for example, infants smile when they see faces as though they recognise them as familiar and appreciate their significance. Although infants have face recognition, there are further refinements in both the accuracy and speed of face recognition throughout infancy and childhood (Chien & Hsu, 2012; de Heering, Rossion, & Maurer, 2012; Otsuka, 2014).

DEPTH PERCEPTION Another important aspect of visual perception involves perceiving depth and knowing when objects are near or far. Although it can take years to learn to judge the size of objects in the distance, very young infants have some intriguing abilities to interpret spatial cues involving nearby objects.

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size constancy The ability to perceive an object as the same size despite changes in its distance from the eyes. visual cliff An elevated glass platform that creates an illusion of depth and is used to test the depth perception of infants.

LINKAGES Chapter 4 Body, brain and health

Snapshot Source: The Image Works/ The Image Works Archives

For example, they react defensively when objects move toward their faces; blinking in response to looming objects first appears around 1 month and becomes more consistent over the following few months (Kayed & van der Meer, 2007). By 4 months of age, infants demonstrate understanding of size constancy: they recognise that an object is the same size despite changes in its distance from the eyes (Granrud, 2006). Does evidence of early spatial perception mean that infants who have begun to crawl know enough about depth and space to avoid crawling off the edges of beds or staircases? Researchers use an apparatus called the visual cliff to assess this. Consider the photo of a visual cliff. This cliff consists of an elevated glass platform divided into two sections by a centre board. On the ‘shallow’ side a checkerboard pattern is placed directly under the glass. On the ‘deep’ side the pattern is several feet below the glass, creating the illusion of a drop-off or ‘cliff ’. Infants are placed on the centre board and coaxed by their mothers to cross both the shallow and the deep sides. The majority of infants 6½ months of age and older would cross the shallow side, but very few would cross the deep side. Thus, most infants of crawling age (typically 7 months or older; see Chapter 4) clearly perceive depth and are afraid of drop-offs. Infants as young as 2 months, who cannot yet crawl but are lowered over the visual cliff, have been shown to have a slower heart rate on the deep side. Why slower? When we are afraid, our hearts beat faster, not slower. A slow heart rate is a sign of interest. So, 2-month-old infants perceive a difference between the deep and the shallow sides of the visual cliff, but they have not yet learned to fear drop-offs. But do infants really avoid drop-offs out of fear? Perhaps not. Karen Adolph and her colleagues (2013) point out several flaws with this conclusion, including the rather circular logic that infants avoid the cliff out of fear and we ‘know’ they are afraid because they avoid the cliff. Further, Adolph points out that these allegedly fearful infants spend time exploring the edge of the cliff, often with no visible signs of distress such as crying. Rather than being a product of fear, avoidance of drop-offs is likely learned through falling now and then while crawling, or at least coming close to it. Some beginning crawlers will shuffle right off the ends of beds or the tops of stairwells if not watched carefully. However, avoidance of drop-offs is stronger in infants who have logged a few weeks of crawling than in infants of the same age who do not yet crawl. Alas, infants who have learned the lesson that crawling over drop-offs is risky do not transfer it to similarly risky situations they encounter once they begin walking.They must again learn what they can and cannot do when faced with, for example, a stair step or an open space in the floor that a foot could fall through (Adolph, Berger, & Leo, 2011; Kretch & Adolph, 2013). Both maturation and experiences of moving about contribute to depth perception, it seems.

An infant on the edge of a visual cliff, being encouraged to cross the ‘deep’ side.

Hearing We now turn our attention to another of the key senses for interacting with our environment: hearing. Let’s start with understanding the structures of the ear and how hearing works.

BASIC AUDITORY CAPACITIES The process of hearing begins when moving air molecules enter the outer ear and vibrate the eardrum in the middle ear (Figure 6.5). These vibrations are transmitted to three small bones called the ossicles: the malleus (‘hammer’), incus (‘anvil’) and stapes (‘stirrup’). The ossicles amplify the vibrations and send them to the cochlea in the inner ear, where they are converted to nerve signals and sent via the auditory nerve to the brain, which then interprets these as sounds. How well does the infant’s auditory system work?

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FIGURE 6.5  The process of hearing Sound waves enter the outer ear, causing the eardrum and ossicles in the middle ear to vibrate. These vibrations are then sent to the cochlea, where they are converted to nerve impulses and relayed to the brain by the auditory nerve.

Outer ear

Outer ear

Middle ear

Ossicle bones

Inner ear Auditory nerves

Cochlea Sound wave

Eardrum

Hair cells

Ear canal

cochlear implant A hearing device implanted in the inner ear that works by bypassing damaged sensory receptors located in the inner ear and directly stimulating the auditory nerve with electrical impulses.

Newborns can hear well – better than they can see. They can localise sounds: they are startled by loud noises and will turn from them, but they will turn toward softer sounds (see Burnham & Mattock, 2010). Infants seem to prefer listening to auditory stimuli that are relatively complex, a finding that is consistent with the preference for moderate complexity that we saw with visual stimuli (Richard, Normandeau, Brun, & Maillet, 2004). Foetuses hear some of what is going on outside the womb as early as 19 weeks after conception, as demonstrated by changing foetal heart rates in response to changes in sounds they are exposed to while in their mother’s womb (Fifer, Monk, & Grose-Fifer, 2004; Saffran, Werker, & Werner, 2006). Prenatal exposure to music has been shown to have a lasting effect on brain activity (see Partanen, Kujala, Tervaniemi, & Huotilainen, 2013). Thus, not only is the auditory system operational prior to birth, but prenatal auditory experiences can shape the neural architecture of the brain. Under typical conditions, the environment of the womb exposes foetuses to low-frequency sounds, in stark contrast to the high-frequency sounds of the postnatal environment. This may be especially problematic for premature babies whose auditory systems are not fully developed and might place them at risk for later attention, hearing or language problems (Lahav & Skoe, 2014; McMahon, Wintermark, & Lahav, 2012). Interestingly, preterm infants who are exposed to ‘womblike’ sounds (for example, maternal voice, heartbeat and intestinal gurgles) in the neonatal intensive care unit (NICU) develop a larger auditory cortex than preterm infants who listen to the standard sounds of the NICU (Webb, Heller, Benson, & Lahav, 2015). This is further evidence that the environment of the womb provides the ideal conditions for development. But what if foetuses or infants have hearing problems? This would place them at risk for later language and communication problems. The Application box examines the importance of early identification and treatment of hearing problems.

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Application

Although sensory impairments can change an individual’s developmental course, much can be done to help individuals born with auditory or visual impairments to develop in positive directions and function effectively in everyday life. Here we examine interventions for infants and children who have hearing impairments. For the 2–3 in 1000 Australian and New Zealand children born deaf or hearing impaired, early identification and treatment are essential if they are to master spoken language (RIDBC, 2014; New Zealand National Screening Unit, 2014). We know that children who receive no special intervention before age 2 usually have lasting difficulties with speech and language (Korver et al., 2010; Vohr et al., 2011, and see Chapter 8). To help identify the need for early intervention, universal neonatal screening programs for hearing loss are available in New Zealand and in most states in Australia. As newborns cannot communicate what they are hearing, testing is done using auditory evoked potentials (see Table 6.1). Infants’ behaviours may also give parents and doctors clues about their hearing. Does the child turn their head when spoken to? React to loud noises? Is the child soothed by a parent’s voice? If the answers to these questions are no, a more thorough examination is warranted.

LINKAGES Chapter 8 Language, literacy and learning

Once hearing-impaired infants are identified, interventions can be planned. Many programs attempt to capitalise on whatever residual hearing these children have by equipping them with hearing aids. Today, even some profoundly deaf children can be helped to hear

through an advanced amplification device, developed by Australian Professor Graeme Clarke, called the cochlear implant (see photo). The device is implanted surgically in the cochlea in the inner ear (see Figure 6.5) and connected to a microphone worn outside the ear (but fully internal implants are in development; see Hardesty, 2014). The implant bypasses damaged hair cells (the sensory receptors located in the inner ear) and directly stimulates the auditory nerve with electrical impulses. The younger children are when they receive the implant, the better the outcome. Australian researchers have found that children with severe to profound hearing loss receiving implants in their first year of life perform better on a variety of speech perception, language, and speech production measures compared to those who receive implants aged 2 to 6 years (Dettman et al., 2016). In this study, the language of children receiving implants in the first 12 months was also in the normative range by school entry. In addition, speech production and speech perception are improved in deaf children who have cochlear implants compared with deaf children who have traditional hearing aids, with language development of those with the implants nearly equivalent to that of children with normal hearing (Levine, Strother-Garcia, Golinkoff, & Hirsh-Pasek, 2016). Why, then, are not all hearingimpaired children with hearing loss provided with cochlear implants? First, cochlear implants replace the function of a damaged or abnormal cochlea and are not suitable for other causes of deafness, for example conductive hearing loss problems associated with the outer ear, ear drum or ossicle bones. Second, should a cochlear implant be suitable treatment, cochlear

Source: Getty Images/John Robertson/Barcroft Media

AIDING CHILDREN WITH HEARING IMPAIRMENTS

Many deaf children can be helped to hear with the use of surgically implanted cochlear implants.

implantation requires surgery and is expensive. In Australia and New Zealand the cost of an implant is tens of thousands of dollars. For a limited number of patients these costs are met by the government health system, but there are waiting lists. And despite their significant developmental benefits, cochlear implants do not have the full support of the Deaf community (see, for example, Humphries et al., 2014; Napoli et al., 2015). Some say that deaf children who use them will feel ashamed of being deaf and be deprived of participation in the unique culture that has developed in communities of deaf people who share a common language and identity. They may also feel that they do not belong the hearing world, because their hearing will still be far from normal. The correct amplification device and auditory training has proven effective in improving the ability of hearingimpaired infants and preschoolers to hear speech and learn to speak. Yet for other deaf and severely hearing-impaired children, the most important thing may be early exposure to sign language. Early-intervention programs for parents of deaf infants can teach them strategies for getting their infants’ attention and involving them in conversations using sign. The earlier in life deaf children acquire some language system, whether spoken or signed, the better their >>>

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>>>

command of language is likely to be later in life (Humphries et al., 2016). Deaf children whose parents are deaf and use sign language with them, as

well as deaf children of hearing parents who participate in early-intervention programs, generally show normal patterns of development, whereas

children who are not exposed to any language system early in life are at risk (Marschark, 1993).

SPEECH PERCEPTION

Search me! and Discover brain activation and cortical plasticity in the hearing centres of the brain following cochlear implantation in adults: Petersen, B., Gjedde, A., Wallentin, M., & Vuust, P. (2013). Cortical plasticity after cochlear implantation. Neural Plasticity, Article ID 318521, 1–11.

LINKAGES Chapter 8 Language, literacy and learning

Young infants seem especially responsive to human speech and show a preference for speech over non-speech sounds (Vouloumanos & Werker, 2007). As you will learn more about in Chapter 8, infants can discriminate between basic speech sounds very early in life. For example, newborns just hours old recognise vowel sounds from their native language, which they were exposed to in the womb, and infants 2–3 months old distinguish between similar consonant sounds (for example, ba and pa). Such results demonstrate that infants are not a blank slate at birth: they have already been learning in their prenatal environments (Moon, Lagercrantz, & Kuhl, 2013). By 1 year of age, when infants are just beginning to utter their first words, they have already become insensitive to contrasts of sounds that are not part of their native language (see, for example, Werker, Yeung, & Yoshida, 2012; and Chapter 8). Further, they show increased sensitivity to native language sounds (Kuhl et al., 2006). Their early auditory experiences have shaped the formation of neural connections, or synapses, in the auditory areas of their brains so that they are optimally sensitive to the sound contrasts that they have been listening to and that are important in the language they are acquiring.

The chemical senses: Taste and smell Can newborns detect different tastes and smells? Both of these senses rely on the detection of chemical molecules; therefore, they are characterised as the chemical senses.

TASTE The sensory receptors for taste – taste buds – are located mainly on the tongue. In ways not fully understood, taste buds respond to chemical molecules and produce perceptions of sweet, salty, bitter or sour tastes.At birth, babies can clearly distinguish sweet, bitter and sour tastes and show a preference for sweet. Different taste sensations also produce distinct facial expressions in the newborn. Newborns lick their lips and sometimes smile when they taste a sugar solution but purse their lips and even drool to get rid of the foul taste when they are given a bitter solution (Mennella, & Bobowski, 2015). Their facial expressions become increasingly pronounced as a solution becomes sweeter or more bitter, suggesting that newborns can discriminate between different concentrations of a substance. Even before birth, babies show a preference for sweet tastes by swallowing more amniotic fluid that contains higher concentrations of sugar than amniotic fluid with lower concentrations of sugar (Bakalar, 2012). Although we may have a general, innate preference for sweet tastes and avoidance of bitter tastes, flavour preferences are highly responsive to learning (Shepherd, 2012). For example, our early experience with foods may leave us with lasting taste preferences. In one study, for example, infants were fed one of two formulas for 7 months, starting at 2 weeks of age (Mennella, Griffin, & Beauchamp, 2004). One formula was bland, and the other was bitter and tasted sour, at least to most adults. After this period, the babies who had been fed the sour formula continued to consume it, but the other infants refused when it was offered to them. By 4–5 years, children fed the unpleasanttasting formula were more likely to consume other sour-tasting foods (for example, a sour-flavoured apple juice) than children exposed to only bland-tasting formula.

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Such research may be key to helping researchers understand why some people are picky eaters, whereas others are open to a wide variety of tastes. Greater exposure to a variety of flavours during infancy – what a breastfed baby with a mother who eats many different foods might experience – may lead to more adventurous eating later on. Although learning plays a role in taste preferences, we cannot discount genetic predispositions. Discovery of a ‘taste gene’ has shown that genetic variation can account for a lot of the variation in children’s and adults’ perception of bitterness and some of the variation in children’s perception of sweetness (Knaapila et al., 2012; Mennella, Reiter, & Daniels, 2016).

SMELL Like taste, the sense of smell, or olfaction, is working well at birth (Romantshik, Porter, Tillmann, & Varendi, 2007). Even premature babies (born at 28 weeks’ gestation) are capable of detecting various odours. Newborns react vigorously to unpleasant smells such as vinegar or ammonia and turn their heads away. Newborns also reliably prefer the scent of their own amniotic fluid over that of other amniotic fluid, suggesting that olfactory cues are detectable prenatally (Schaal, Barlier, & Soussignan, 1998). Exposure to a familiar odour – their own amniotic fluid or their mother’s breast milk – can also calm newborns, resulting in less crying when their mothers are absent or when they undergo a painful procedure (Nishitani et al., 2009). All babies also show a preference for the smell of human milk over formula, even if they have consumed only formula (Delaunay-El Allam, Marlier, & Schaal, 2006). Furthermore, babies who are breastfed can recognise their mothers solely by the smell of their breasts or underarms within 1 or 2 weeks of birth (Vaglio, 2009). Babies who are bottle-fed cannot, probably because they have less contact with their mothers’ skin. On the flip side, mothers can identify their newborns by smell, and they are less repulsed by the odour of their own infant’s dirty nappy than by one from an unfamiliar infant (Case, Repacholi, & Stevenson, 2006). Therefore, the sense of smell we often take for granted may help babies and their parents get to know each other.

The somaesthetic senses The somaesthetic senses are your ‘body’ senses, including your sense of touch, temperature and pain, as well as your kinaesthetic sense of knowing where your body is in relation to other body parts and to the environment. The sense of touch seems to be operating well before birth and, along with the body senses that detect motion, may be among the first senses to develop (Hollins, 2010). You saw in Chapter 4 that newborns respond with reflexes if they are touched in certain areas. For example, when touched on the cheek, a newborn will turn their head and open their mouth. And like the motor responses also described in Chapter 4, sensitivity to tactile stimulation develops in a cephalocaudal (head-to-toe) direction, so the face and mouth are more sensitive than lower parts of the body. No wonder babies like to put everything in their mouths – the tactile sensors in and around the mouth allow babies to collect a great deal of information about the world. Most parents quickly recognise the power of touch for soothing a fussy baby. Touch has even greater benefits: premature babies who are systematically stroked over their entire body gain more weight and exhibit more relaxed behaviour and more regular sleep patterns than premature babies who are not massaged (Field, Diego, Hernandez-Reif, Deeds & Figuereido, 2010). Newborns are also sensitive to warmth and cold, and clearly respond to painful stimuli such as needle pricks. You have now seen that each of the major senses is operating in some form at birth and that perceptual abilities improve dramatically during infancy. By the end of the second year, the most important aspects of perceptual development are complete. It seems clear too that the senses function in an integrated way at birth. For instance, newborns will look in the direction of a sound they hear, suggesting that vision and hearing are linked.This integration of the senses helps babies perceive and

olfaction The sense of smell, made possible by sensory receptors in the nasal passage that react to chemical molecules in the air.

somaesthetic senses Body-related senses, including sense of touch, temperature and pain, as well as kinaesthetic sense (knowing where your body is in relation to other body parts and to the environment).

LINKAGES Chapter 4 Body, brain and health

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respond appropriately to the objects and people they encounter (Burr & Gori, 2012). Are any special experiences necessary to develop their sensory-perceptual abilities?

Influences on early sensory-perceptual development LINKAGES Chapter 2 Theories of human development

LINKAGES Chapter 3 Genes, environment and the beginnings of life

cataracts A pathologic condition of the eye involving opacification (clouding) of the lens that can impair vision or cause blindness.

Source: Courtesy: National Eye Institute, National Institutes of Health (NEI/NIH)

Snapshot

Congenital cataracts can interfere with the visual input that is needed to develop normal vision.

The fact that perceptual development takes place so quickly can be viewed as support for the ‘nature’ side of the nature–nurture debate (see Chapter 2). Many basic perceptual capacities appear to be innate or to develop rapidly in all normal infants. What, then, is the role of early sensory experience, or nurture, in perceptual development?

EARLY EXPERIENCE AND THE BRAIN Sensory experience is vital in determining the organisation of the developing brain. Here we focus on vision to illustrate this. Classic animal research in the 1960s by Nobel Prize winners David Hubel and Torsten Wiesel showed that deprivation of normal visual experience in kittens during the socalled critical period of the first 8 weeks of life can lead to permanent vision loss as a result of changes in the visual cortex (Constantine-Paton, 2008). By contrast, depriving an adult cat’s eye of light does not lead to permanent damage. In humans, as you have learned in earlier chapters such as Chapter 3, it is more accurate to characterise the effects of early experience on later development in terms of a sensitive period rather than a critical period.There is evidence for multiple sensitive periods during which human vision can be influenced by experience. First, there is the period they call visually-driven normal development. This is when expected developmental changes in vision will occur with exposure to normal visual input; these changes will not occur if visual input is absent. Second, there is a sensitive period for damage; that is, there is a period when abnormal or absent visual input is likely to lead to permanent deficits in some aspects of vision.Third, there is a sensitive period for recovery, when the visual system has the potential to recover from damage (Lewis & Maurer, 2005, 2009). Let’s explore these multiple sensitive periods for vision using the example of congenital cataracts, a clouding (opacification) of the lens affecting 1 in every 100 infants that results in blindness from birth if not corrected. Imagine what visual perception would be like in an infant with congenital cataracts who was blind at birth but later had surgery to permit vision. In the past, surgery to remove cataracts was often delayed until infants were older. But such delays meant that infants had weeks, months or even years with little or no visual input. Consequently, some never developed normal vision even after the lens defect was removed. It turns out the visual system requires stimulation early in life, including patterned stimulation, to develop normally. Although the visual system has some plasticity throughout childhood, the first 3 months of life are a sensitive period. During this time, the brain must receive clear visual information from both eyes. Identification and removal of cataracts by 10 weeks of age, then, is associated with better long-term outcomes than identification and removal after this age (Chan et al., 2012). Even after surgery ‘restores’ their sight, these infants have difficulty, at least initially, perceiving their visual world clearly (Maurer, Mondloch & Lewis, 2007). Years after corrective surgery, individuals who missed out on early visual experience because of congenital cataracts show normal visual abilities in some areas, such as sensitivity to low spatial frequencies (for example, wide stripes) and recognition of faces based on the shape of facial features. However, they struggle with certain other visual tasks, including the ability to distinguish between mid- and high-spatial frequencies (for example, medium and narrow stripes) as well as holistic face processing and recognising faces based on spacing of facial features. What might account for this pattern?

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Daphne Maurer and her colleagues (2007) argue that the lingering deficits reflect sleeper effects – delayed outcomes – of early visual deficits. Thus, patterned visual input early in life is critical to developing later sensitivity to detail and holistic face processing. Even though these abilities do not normally develop until after early infancy – and after corrective surgery has been done – early visual deprivation likely affects the brain in a way that prevents infants from developing these abilities even when normal visual input is restored (Maurer et al., 2007). Clearly, then, early visual experiences influence later visual perception. The same message about the importance of early experience applies to the sense of hearing: exposure to auditory stimulation early in life affects the architecture of the developing brain, which in turn influences auditory perception skills (Xia et al., 2017).The conclusion is clear: maturation alone is not enough; normal perceptual development also requires normal perceptual experience. The practical implication is also clear: visual problems (and other sensory problems, such as hearing) should be detected and corrected as early in life as possible. Parents need not be overly worried about arranging the right sensory environment for children whose development is not impacted by a congenital visual condition. Infants are active explorers and stimulus seekers; they orchestrate their own perceptual, motor and cognitive development by exploring their environment and learning what it will allow them to do. By combining perception and action in their exploratory behaviour, infants actively create sensory environments that meet their needs and contribute to their own development. As children become more able to attend selectively to the world around them, they become even more able to choose the forms and levels of stimulation that suit them best.

Early memory abilities

Snapshot

Sources: Alamy Stock Photo/Cathyrose Melloan

What are infants’ memory capacities? To test long-term memory of young infants, Carolyn RoveeCollier and her colleagues devised a clever task that uses the operant conditioning techniques we referred to in Table 6.1 (see Rovee-Collier & Cuevas, 2009). When a ribbon is tied to a baby’s ankle and connected to an attractive mobile, the infant will shake a leg now and then and learn in minutes that leg kicking brings about a positively reinforcing consequence: the jiggling of the mobile. To test infant memory, the mobile is presented at a later time to see whether the infant will kick again. To succeed at this task, the infant must not only recognise the mobile but also recall that the thing to do is kick. This task taps into implicit, or procedural, memory (Rovee-Collier & Cuevas, 2009). When given two 9-minute training sessions on this mobile task, 2-month-olds remember how to make the mobile move for up to 2 days, 3-month-olds for about 1 week, and 6-month-olds for about 2 weeks (Rovee-Collier & Cuevas, 2009). Using a modification of this task for older infants, Carolyn Rovee-Collier and her colleagues (2009) have shown that by 18 months, infants can remember for at least 3 months! Further, the researchers could enhance young infants’ memory by giving them three 6-minute learning sessions rather than two 9-minute sessions. Although the total training time is the same in the two conditions, the distributed, or spread-out, training is more effective. As it turns out, distributed practice is beneficial across the life span – a good thing to keep in mind when you are studying for tests (Litman & Davachi, 2008). What if stronger cues to aid recall are provided? Three-month-old infants who were reminded of their previous learning, by seeing the mobile move 2–4 weeks after their original learning experience, kicked up a storm as soon as the ribbon was attached to their ankles, whereas infants who were not reminded showed no sign of remembering to kick (Rovee-Collier & Barr, 2004). It seems, then, that cued recall (in this case, memory cued by the presence of the mobile or, better yet, its rotation by the experimenter) emerges during the first couple of months of life and that infants remember best

When ribbons are tied to their ankles, young infants soon learn to make a mobile move by kicking their legs. Carolyn Rovee-Collier has made use of this operant conditioning paradigm to find out how long infants will remember the trick for making the mobile move.

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LINKAGES Chapter 2 Theories of human development

when they are reminded of what they have learned. Other research shows that verbal reminders are also effective with 15-month-olds and can help them remember an event after a month as well as they did after a week (Hayne & Simcock, 2009). However, this research also suggests that young infants have difficulty recalling what they have learned if cues are insufficient or different.They have trouble remembering when the type of mobile (for example, the specific animals hanging from it) or the context in which they encountered it (for example, the design on the playpen liner) is even slightly different from the context in which they learned. In short, early memories are cue-dependent and context-specific. When are infants capable of pure recall – of actively retrieving information from memory when no cues are available? Infants as young as 6 months, given repeated exposure to a model’s actions, can imitate novel behaviours (for example, pushing a button on a box to produce a beep) after a 24-hour delay (Barr, Dowden, & Hayne, 1996; and see Chapter 2). As infants age, they demonstrate recall or deferred imitation over longer periods. By 6 months, infants can defer their imitation of an action over a longer delay and can recall the order of a simple sequence of events (Bauer, 2007). Older infants (16 months and 20 months) can store and retrieve events for 12 months after exposure (Bauer et al., 2011). By age 2, recall is more flexible – less bound by the specific cues present at the time of learning (see Lukowski & Bauer, 2014). Much like children and adults, infants remember best when they have repeated exposures to what they are to remember, when they are given plenty of cues to help them remember and when the events they must remember occur in a meaningful or logical order. By age 2, infants have become verbal and can use words to reconstruct events that happened months earlier. In one study, for example, researchers interviewed young children about emergency room (ER) visits for accidents the children had between about 1 and 3 years of age (Peterson & Rideout, 1998). Interviews were conducted soon after the ER visits and 6, 12, 18 or 24 months later. Children who were 18 months or younger at the time of their ER visit were unable to verbally recall aspects of their visits after a 6-month delay, but children 20 months or older were able to do so. Children who were at least 26 months old at the time of their ER visit could retain information and answer verbal questions about their experiences for at least 2 years following the event. In addition, children as young as 2 years can benefit from simple verbal reminders about previously experienced events (Imuta, Scarf, & Hayne, 2013). It is clear that language helps memory performance.

IN REVIEW CHECKING UNDERSTANDING 1 What procedures do researchers use to assess infant information-processing abilities? 2 During the first few months of life, what can infants see best? 3 What is the importance of nurture in early perceptual development?

4 At what age do infants begin to show reliable recall for events?

CRITICAL THINKING How would you design a nursery for infants that would appeal to their information-processing abilities? Express

Get the answers to the Checking understanding questions on CourseMate Express.

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6.3 THE CHILD ■■ ■■ ■■ ■■

Overview the refinements of the sensory-perceptual system that occur during childhood. Discuss and evaluate the four major reasons why memory improves over childhood. Describe autobiographical memory, provide an example, and list contributing factors. Explain changes in problem-solving ability throughout childhood.

Learning objectives

There are some refinements of the sensory-perceptual systems during childhood, and significant advances in attention and memory.

Sensory-perceptual refinements For the most part, sensory-perceptual development is complete by the end of infancy. However, visual acuity improves to adult levels around 4–6 years, and contrast sensitivity develops completely by about 7 years of age (Maurer, Mondloch, & Lewis, 2007). The ability to identify odours improves across childhood, although this may reflect improved language skills and ability to communicate about smell more than any real change in sensory sensitivity (Bastos et al., 2015). Two important accomplishments occur from infancy to childhood: first, as detailed in Chapter 4, there is a coupling of perception with action, leading to purposeful movement – it becomes even harder to separate sensory-perceptual development from motor and cognitive development. Second, children continue to refine integration of information from multiple sources of sensory information, developing cross-modal perception, or the ability to recognise through one sense an object familiar through another. This capacity is required in children’s games that involve feeling objects hidden in a bag and identifying what they are by touch alone. Although present in a rudimentary form in early infancy, full and meaningful integration of the senses evolves late relative to development of individual senses (Burr & Gori, 2012).This more advanced skill requires ongoing ‘conversation’ among the various sensory systems and the brain. As the brain develops, so does the ability to consider multiple pieces of information and draw on memory of past experiences to better understand the meaning of multiple sources of input (Burr & Gori, 2012). With each new encounter of the nearly continuous flow of multisensory information, children refine their understanding of the rich sensory world.

LINKAGES Chapter 4 Body, brain and health

cross-modal perception The ability to use one sensory modality to identify a stimulus or a pattern of stimuli already familiar through another modality.

Advances in attention At least some of the advances in sensory-perceptual development across childhood and adolescence reflect the development of attention. Infants actively use their senses to explore their environment, and prefer some sensory stimuli to others. Selective as they are, though, young infants do not deliberately choose to pay attention to faces and other engaging stimuli. Instead, a novel stimulus attracts their attention, and once their attention is caught they sometimes seem unable to turn away. Thus, the attention of the very young child is ‘captured by’ something and that of the older child is ‘directed toward’ something. This difference has been described as having an orienting system that reacts to events in the environment versus having a focusing system that deliberately seeks out and maintains attention to events. Research suggests that preschool children have an adult-like orienting system but an immature focusing system of attention (Ristic & Kingstone, 2009). As children get older, three things change: their attention spans become longer, they become more selective in what they attend to, and they become better able to plan and carry out systematic strategies for using their senses to achieve goals.

orienting system An attentional system that reacts to events in the environment. focusing system An attentional system that deliberately seeks out and maintains attention to events.

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LONGER ATTENTION SPANS

LINKAGES Chapter 4 Body, brain and health

Young children have short attention spans. Researchers know that they should limit their experimental sessions with young children to a few minutes, and early childhood teachers often switch classroom activities every 15–20 minutes. Even when they are doing things they like, such as watching a television program or playing with a toy, 2- and 3-year-olds spend far less time concentrating on the program or the toy than older children do (Ruff & Capozzoli, 2003). From ages 5–6 to ages 8–9 those parts of the brain involved with attention become further myelinated and improvements in sustained attention occur (Betts, McKay, Maruff, & Anderson, 2006; and see Chapter 4). Beyond ages 8–9 there is not much increase in length of sustained attention, but children do become more accurate on tasks requiring sustained attention over the following few years (Betts et al., 2006;Vakil, Blachstein, Sheinman, & Greenstein, 2008).

MORE SELECTIVE ATTENTION

selective attention Deliberately concentrating on one thing and ignoring something else.

Although infants clearly deploy their senses in a selective manner, they are not good at controlling their attention – deliberately concentrating on one thing while ignoring something else, known as selective attention. With age, attention becomes more selective and less susceptible to distraction. As infants approach 2 years, they become able to form plans of action, which then guide what they focus on and what they ignore. Between approximately 3½ and 4 years, there is a significant increase in focused attention. However, while young children can perform well with intermittent distraction, task performance does decrease with constant distraction (for example, constant background television noise) (Kannass & Colombo, 2007). These findings should suggest to parents and teachers of young children that performance will be better if distractions in task materials and in the room are kept to a minimum. If distractions cannot be avoided, children can benefit from regular reminders to stay on task (Kannass, Colombo, & Wyss, 2010).

MORE SYSTEMATIC ATTENTION

LINKAGES Chapter 12 Developmental psychopathology

Finally, children become better able to plan and carry out systematic perceptual searches. You have already seen that older infants are more likely than younger ones to thoroughly explore a pattern. Over the first 6 years of life, visual scanning also becomes considerably more exhaustive and systematic, and more details are scanned in an ordered rather than a haphazard way. But children still search more slowly than adults and they are also less efficient (Donnelly et al., 2007). For most, improvements in visual scanning continue to be made throughout childhood and into early adulthood. For some, performance will be affected by attention problems, such as attention deficit hyperactivity disorder, as you will see in Chapter 12. We now turn to the dramatic improvements in memory and problem solving that occur throughout the childhood years as children learn everything from how to flush toilets to how to work out advanced maths problems.

Explaining memory development In countless situations, older children learn faster and remember more than younger children do. For example, 2-year-olds can repeat back only about two digits immediately after hearing them, 5-year-olds about four digits and 10-year-olds about six digits. And second-graders are not only faster learners than preschoolers but also retain information longer.Why is this? There are four major hypotheses about why learning and memory improve, which we will explore on the next sections: changes in basic capacities, changes in memory strategies, increased knowledge about memory, and increased knowledge about the world (see Schneider, 2011).

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Do basic capacities change? Because the nervous system continues to develop in the years after birth, it seems plausible that older children remember more than younger children because they have a larger or more efficient information-processing system. We can rule out the idea that a smaller storage capacity of long-term memory impairs memory performance in infants and young children. There is no consistent evidence that capacity changes much across the life span and, indeed, young and old alike probably have more room for storage than they could ever use (Cunningham, Yassa, & Egeth, 2015). If long-term storage capacity does not contribute to developmental differences in memory, then what about the encoding and consolidation processes needed to move information into long-term storage? Encoding begins with the sensory registration of stimuli from the environment. As we learned earlier, the sensory systems are working fairly well from a very early age and undergo only slight improvements during the first year. But although the senses themselves are functioning well, there is evidence that the encoding of information improves over the first several years of life as the prefrontal cortex and medial temporal lobes mature (see Ghetti & Lee, 2014). It is also clear that the memory consolidation process undergoes developmental change. Of course, information that is not encoded in the first place is not going to be consolidated and stored. But separate from the changes in encoding, consolidation and storage of memories show improvement over infancy and childhood that seem to correspond to maturation of the hippocampus within the medial temporal lobe, as well as other parts of the brain, such as the frontal lobe, which is believed to be centrally involved in consolidation of memories (Bauer, 2009; Conklin, Luciana, Hooper, & Yarger, 2007). We also know the speed of mental processes improves with age, as neurons become myelinated, and this allows older children and adults to perform more simultaneous mental operations in working memory than young children can (Cowan, Morey, AuBuchon, Zwilling, & Gilchrist, 2010; Ghetti & Lee, 2014). As basic mental processes become automatic, they can also be performed with little mental effort. This, in turn, frees space in working memory for other purposes, such as storing the information needed to solve a problem. These changes, too, correspond to maturational changes in the brain. By age 4 or 5, working memory activity becomes more concentrated in the frontal lobes of the brain, as opposed to the more scattered brain activity seen in infants (Bell & Wolfe, 2007). Some research suggests that short-term memory capacity is domain-specific, varying with background knowledge and type of task (Schneider, 2015). Greater knowledge in a domain or area of study increases the speed with which new, related information can be processed. In other words, the more you know about a subject, the faster you can process information related to this subject. In sum, the basic capacities of the sensory register and long-term memory do not change much with age. There are, however, improvements with age in encoding; consolidation, through which memories are processed for long-term storage; and operating speed and efficiency of working memory.

MAKING CONNECTIONS Identify an example of how you have used rehearsal, organisation and elaboration strategies to try to remember something. How successful were these strategies for you?

Do memory strategies change? If shown the 12 items in Figure 6.6, 4-year-olds might recall only 2–4 of them, 8-year-olds might recall 7–9, and adults might recall 10–11 items after a delay of several minutes. Are there specific memory strategies that evolve during childhood to permit this dramatic improvement in performance? Strategies to aid memory can be applied at the time information is presented for learning (encoding strategies) or they can be applied at the time when retrieval of the information is sought (retrieval strategies). Strategies can employ mental activities, such as silent rehearsal of the names of items to be remembered, or behavioural activities, such as placing your bag by the door as a cue to

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remember to take it with you. The likelihood of using a strategy to aid memory seems to be greater when the goal Imagine that you have 120 seconds to learn the 12 objects is personally relevant; for example, children as young as 2 pictured here. What tricks or strategies might you devise to years can deliberately remember to do things important make your task easier? to them, such as reminding a parent to buy lollies at the supermarket. Children younger than 4 show little flexibility in switching from an ineffective strategy to an effective one, and they typically do not generate new strategies even as they gain experience with a task (Chen, 2007). In contrast, many 4- and 5-year-olds will flexibly switch strategies and generate new strategies, making them more effective on memory tasks than younger children. As you learned in the previous section, 4-year-olds can also selectively focus on relevant information and ignore irrelevant information, with this ability becoming more robust with age and experience (Schneider, 2015). Younger children have a tendency to make perseveration errors: they continue to use the same strategy that was perseveration error Continuing to use the successful in the past despite the strategy’s current lack of success.Therefore, if they previously found same strategy that their favourite toy under the sofa, they search this location on future occasions when the toy is lost was successful in the past over and over (Chen, 2007). By age 4, we see a decline in these perseveration errors. despite the strategy’s Yet even 4-year-olds have not mastered many of the effective strategies for moving information lack of success in the into long-term memory. For example, when instructed to remember toys they have been shown, 3current situation. and 4-year-olds will look carefully at the objects and will often label them once, but they only rarely use the memory strategy called rehearsal – the repeating of items they are trying to learn and remember rehearsal A memory strategy that involves (Schneider, 2015). To rehearse the objects in Figure 6.6, you might say, ‘apple, truck, grapes, …’ repeating the items to repeatedly. This repetition is believed to help form memories by activating the hippocampus with be remembered. each repetition. organisation A Another important memory strategy is organisation, or classifying items into meaningful groups. memory strategy that You might lump the apple, the grapes and the hamburger in Figure 6.6 into a category of foods and involves grouping or form other categories for animals, vehicles and baseball equipment. You would then rehearse each classifying stimuli into meaningful clusters. category and recall it as a cluster. Another organisational strategy, chunking, is used to break a long number (6065551843) into manageable subunits (606-555-1843), as we might do when trying to remember a phone number. Organisation is mastered later in childhood than rehearsal. Until about age 9 or 10, children are not much better at recalling lists of items that lend themselves readily to grouping than they are at recalling lists of unrelated words (Bjorklund, Dukes, & Brown, 2009). elaboration A memory Finally, the strategy of elaboration involves actively creating meaningful links between items to strategy that involves be remembered. Elaboration is achieved by adding something to the items, in the form of either creating meaningful words or images. Creating and using a sentence such as ‘the apple fell on the horse’s nose’ could help links between items to be remembered. you remember two of the items in Figure 6.6. Elaboration is especially helpful in learning foreign languages. For example, you might link the Spanish word pato (sometimes pronounced pot-o) to the English equivalent duck by imagining a duck with a pot on its head. Children who can elaborate on the relationship between two items (for example, generating similar and different features of the items) have improved retention of these items (Howe, 2006). Memory or encoding strategies develop in a fairly predictable order, with rehearsal emerging first, followed by organisation and then elaboration. Children do not suddenly start using strategies, however, and even once they have demonstrated knowledge of a strategy, they do not consistently FIGURE 6.6  A memory task

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apply it in all situations. Initially, children have a mediation deficiency, which means they cannot spontaneously use or benefit from strategies, even if they are taught how to use them. Children with a mediation deficiency seem unable to grasp the concept of the strategy. This phase is typically followed by a production deficiency, in which children can use strategies they are taught but do not produce them on their own, instead needing reminding.The third phase is a utilisation deficiency, in which children spontaneously produce a strategy but their task performance does not yet benefit from using the strategy. Why would children who use a strategy fail to benefit from it? One possibility is that using a new strategy is mentally taxing and leaves no free cognitive resources for other aspects of the task (Pressley & Hilden, 2006). Once using the strategy becomes routine, then other components of the task can be addressed simultaneously. Whatever the reason for utilisation deficiencies, they reflect a child–task interaction; that is, it is not task difficulty per se, but how difficult a task is for a particular child, that matters (Bjorklund et al., 2009). Using effective storage strategies to learn material is only half the battle; retrieval strategies can also influence how much is recalled. Indeed, retrieving something from memory can often be a complex adventure when solving problems, such as when you try to remember when you went on a trip by searching for cues that might trigger your memory (‘Well, I still had long hair then, but it was after Bronwyn’s wedding, and …’). In general, young children rely more on external cues for both encoding and retrieving information than do older children. Thus, young children may need to put their toothbrushes next to their pyjamas so that they have a physical reminder to brush their teeth before they go to bed. Older children are less likely to need such external cues but may continue to use them throughout primary school. In many ways, then, command of memory strategies increases over the childhood years, but the path to effective strategy use is characterised more by noticeable jumps than by steady increases (Schneider, 2015).

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mediation deficiency The initial stage of mastery of memory strategies, in which children cannot spontaneously use or benefit from strategies even if they are taught to use them. production deficiency The second phase of mastery of memory strategies, in which children can use strategies they are taught but cannot produce them on their own. utilisation deficiency The third phase of mastery of memory strategies, in which children fail to benefit from a memory strategy they are able to produce.

Does knowledge about memory change? The term metamemory refers to knowledge of memory and monitoring and regulating memory processes. It is about knowing, for example, what your memory limits are, which memory strategies are more or less effective and which memory tasks are more or less difficult. It is also about recognising when your efforts to remember something are not working and you need to try something different. Metamemory is one aspect of metacognition, or knowledge of the human mind and of the range of cognitive processes. When do children first show evidence of metamemory? If instructed to remember where the Sesame Street character Big Bird has been hidden so that they can later wake him up, even 2- and 3-year-olds will go and stand near the hiding spot, or at least look or point at that spot; they do not do these things as often if Big Bird is visible and they do not need to remember where he is (DeLoache, Cassidy, & Brown, 1985). By age 2, then, children understand that to remember something, you have to work at it. Are increases in metamemory a major contributor to improved memory performance over the childhood years? Children with greater metamemory awareness demonstrate better memory ability, but several factors influence the strength of this relationship (Geurten, Catale, & Meulemans, 2015; Schneider, 2015). There is a connection between metamemory and memory performance among older children and among children who have been specifically asked to remember something (DeMarie & Ferron, 2003). Metamemory is also influenced by children’s language skills and by their general knowledge about mental states and their roles in behaviour – what is known as theory of mind (Lockl & Schneider, 2007; and see Chapter 10 for theory and discussion). Awareness of memory processes benefits even young children on tasks that are simple and familiar and where connections between metamemory knowledge and memory performance are fairly obvious (Schneider, 2015).

metamemory A person’s knowledge about memory and about monitoring and regulating memory processes. metacognition A person’s knowledge of the human mind and of the range of cognitive processes, including thinking about personal thought processes.

LINKAGES Chapter 10 Social, cognitive and moral development

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Yet children who know what to do may not always do it, so good metamemory is no guarantee of good recall. It seems that children must not only know that a strategy is useful but also know why it is useful in order to be motivated to use it and to benefit from its use (Schneider, 2015). The links between metamemory and memory performance, although not perfect, are strong enough to suggest the merits of teaching children more about how memory works and how they can make it work more effectively for them.

Does knowledge of the world change?

FIGURE 6.7  Effects of expertise on memory Michelene Chi found that child chess experts outperformed adult chess novices on a test of recall for the location of chess pieces (although, in keeping with the usual developmental trend, these children could not recall strings of numbers as well as adults could).

10 9 8 7 6 5 4

Chess pieces Numbers 10-year-old chess experts

Adult chess novices

Source: Dreamstime.com/Imtmphoto

Express For additional insight on the data presented in Figure 6.7 try out the Understanding the data exercise on CourseMate Express.

Number of items recalled

knowledge base A person’s existing information about a content area, which influences how well that individual can learn and remember further information in this content area.

As we have seen, 10-year-olds remember more than 2-year-olds do, but then 10-year-olds know more than 2-year-olds do. An individual’s knowledge of a content area to be learned, or knowledge base, clearly affects learning and memory performance. Think about the difference between reading about a topic that you already know well and reading about a new topic. In the first case, you can read quickly because you are able to link the information to the knowledge you have already stored. All you really need to do is check for any new information or information that contradicts what you already know. Learning about a highly unfamiliar topic is more difficult. Perhaps the most dramatic illustration of the powerful influence of knowledge base on memory was provided in an early study by Michelene Chi (1978). She demonstrated that even though adults typically outperform children on tests of memory, this age difference could be reversed if children had more expertise than adults. Chi recruited children who were expert chess players and compared their memory skills with those of adults who were familiar with the game but lacked expertise. On a test of memory for sequences of digits, the children recalled fewer than the adults did, demonstrating their usual deficiencies. But on a test of memory for the locations of chess pieces, the children clearly beat the adults (Figure 6.7). Because they were experts, these children were able to form more and larger mental chunks, or meaningful groups, of chess pieces, which allowed them to remember more. When child experts were compared with adult experts, there were no differences in performance (Schneider, Gruber, Gold, & Opwis, 1993). Knowledge in a content area probably allows you to make better use of the limited capacity of working memory.

Consider, though, some research by Nelson Cowan and his colleagues (2015). They tested university students and 7-, 9-, and 12-year-olds with two sets of materials, one consisting of familiar English language letters and another consisting of symbols from a language unfamiliar to the participants. Older children and the young adults performed better than younger children with both

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the familiar letters and the unfamiliar symbols, suggesting that memory improvements over this age span are not solely attributable to a greater knowledge base. That is, the older children performed better even when they were tested under conditions that eliminated any advantage they might have from increased knowledge of the world. What should we conclude, then, about changes in memory across childhood?

Revisiting the explanations We can draw four conclusions about the development of memory and learning: 1 Older children are faster information processors and can juggle more information in working memory. Maturation of the nervous system leads to improvements in short-term memory and consolidation of memories. Older and younger children and adults, however, do not differ in terms of sensory register or long-term memory capacity. 2 Older children use more effective memory strategies in encoding and retrieving information. Acquisition of memory strategies reflects qualitative rather than quantitative changes. 3 Older children know more about memory, and good metamemory may help children choose more appropriate strategies and control and monitor their learning more effectively. 4 Older children know more in general, and their larger knowledge base improves their ability to learn and remember. A richer knowledge base allows faster and more efficient processing of information related to the domain of knowledge. Is one of these explanations of memory development better than the others? Darlene DeMarie and John Ferron (2003) tested whether a model that includes three of these factors – basic capacities, strategies and metamemory – could explain recall memory better than a single factor. For both younger (5–8 years) and older (8–11 years) children, the three-factor model predicted memory performance better than a single-factor model. Use of memory strategies was an especially strong direct predictor of recall. Importantly, there were also correlations among factors. Having good basic capacities, for example, was related to advanced metamemory and to command of strategies and had both direct and indirect influences on recall. So, all these phenomena may contribute something to the dramatic improvements in learning and memory that occur over the childhood years. We return to these four hypotheses when we consider changes in memory and learning in adulthood.

Autobiographical memory Children effortlessly remember all sorts of things: a birthday party last week, where they left their favourite toy, what to do when they go to a fast-food restaurant. Much of what children remember and talk about consists of personal experiences or events that have happened to them at a particular time and place. As you will recall from earlier in the chapter, these are referred to as autobiographical memories, and are essential ingredients of present and future experiences as well as our understanding of who we are (see Berntsen & Rubin, 2012). Here we look at how autobiographical memories are stored and organised and at factors that influence their accuracy.

When do autobiographical memories begin? You learned earlier in this chapter that infants and toddlers are able to store memories.You also know that children and adults have many specific autobiographical events stored in long-term memory. Yet research shows that older children and adults exhibit childhood amnesia; that is, they have few autobiographical memories of events that occurred during the first few years of life. As Patricia Bauer (2014) describes it, ‘it’s as though our lives don’t really begin until we are at least 3 to 4 years of age’ (p. 519).

childhood amnesia A lack of memory for the early years of one’s life.

MAKING CONNECTIONS What is your earliest autobiographical memory from childhood and how old are you in this memory?

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To determine how old we have to be when we experience significant life events to remember them later in life, researchers typically ask adults to answer questions Recall increases as a function of how old participants were about early life experiences such as the birth of a younger at the time of the birth of their sibling. Those who were at least 4 years of age recall much more than those who were sibling, a hospitalisation, the death of a family member younger than 4. or a family move early in life. Research shows that most 20 adults do not remember much from before the age of 4 or 5 years (Jack & Hayne, 2007). For example, Nicola Davis and her colleagues (2008) asked university students who 15 had experienced the birth of a younger sibling by the age of 5 to recall as much as they could about this early event. 10 As Figure  6.8 shows, university students who had been 1, 2 or 3 years old at the time recalled very little of the event, but those who were 4 or 5 when their sibling was 5 born recalled significantly more. Even Jill Price, with her unusual autobiographical memory, does not recall events 0 1 2 3 4 5 from before she was about 2 years old (Parker at al., 2006). Age at time of sibling’s birth (years) Why do we remember little about our early years? As Source: Davis, N., Gross, J., & Hayne, H. (2008). Defining the boundary of childhood you have seen, infants and toddlers are certainly capable amnesia, Memory, 16(5), 465–474, Figure 2. Reprinted by permission of Taylor & Francis Group. of encoding their experiences and young children seem able to remember a good deal about events that occurred when they were infants. Research tracking children’s autobiographical memory from 3 to 9 years of age has shown that children aged 5, 6 and 7 years actually remember a large proportion of autobiographical events to that point in their lives, but by 8–9 years they have forgotten many of those same memories and demonstrate an adult-like profile of their autobiographical memories and childhood amnesia for early life events (Bauer & Larkina, 2013). Let’s consider several reasons for loss of early memories. Mean number of clauses reported

FIGURE 6.8  University students’ recall of the birth of a younger sibling

SPACE IN WORKING MEMORY One explanation of childhood amnesia is that infants and toddlers may not have enough space in working memory to hold the multiple pieces of information about actor, action and setting needed to encode and consolidate a coherent memory of an event. As you learned earlier in this chapter, functional working-memory capacity increases with age as the brain, particularly the frontal lobe, matures. But this explanation is unsatisfactory because, as we have just noted, toddlers can remember these events, indicating that they were encoded to some degree.

LACK OF LANGUAGE Perhaps infants’ lack of language is the answer. Because autobiographical memory seems to rely heavily on language skills, we would expect such memories to increase with increased language skills. New Zealand researchers Gabrielle Simcock and Harlene Hayne (Hayne & Simcock, 2009; Simcock & Hayne, 2002, 2003) assessed the verbal skills of young children (27, 33 and 39 months old) who participated in a unique event involving a ‘magic shrinking machine’ that seemingly made items smaller in a matter of seconds. After a 6- or 12-month delay, children were tested for both verbal recall (answers to open-ended questions) and non-verbal recall (identification of photos of the items used in the activity) of the unique event. Their non-verbal recall improved with age but was good at all ages.Verbal recall was poor and depended on the simpler verbal skills present at the time of encoding rather than the more developed verbal skills present at the time of recall. In other

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words, ‘children’s verbal reports of the event were frozen in time’ (Simcock & Hayne, 2002, p. 229). So a relative lack of verbal skills during the first few years of life may limit what we are able to recall from this period. In a 6-year follow up, 20 per cent of the children were able to verbally recall the event, but interestingly, better verbal abilities at the time of the initial event were no longer associated with the quality of verbal recall of the event (Jack, Simcock, & Hayne, 2012).Thus, there is individual variation in later memory for events that occur during early childhood, and the language skills hypothesis does not fully explain childhood amnesia.

SOCIOCULTURAL SUPPORT Another aspect researchers have considered is whether parental conversational style with young children about past events influences early memories. There are large individual differences in toddler–parent ‘conversations’ about past events (see Fivush, 2014). An examination of mother– toddler conversations about past events shows that some mothers provide rich elaborations of these events in the course of conversing with their toddlers, whereas others do not (Fivush, 2014). Years later, adolescents whose mothers were more elaborative during their early mother-toddler conversations have stronger autobiographical memories than adolescents whose mothers were less elaborative (Jack et al., 2007). It may be that regular rehearsal, in this case in the form of a parent repeating the story, is the sociocultural context needed to ensure long-term recall of an early event. Consider again the children who participated in the ‘magic shrinking machine’ study. When they were asked about the event 6 years later (Jack et al., 2012), only those whose parents had talked with them about the experience sustained any long-term recall of the event. Caregiver conversational style also helps to explain some of the cross-cultural differences that have been found in the age of earliest memories (see the chapter Diversity box).

Diversity CULTURE AND AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL MEMORY Although adults in all cultures have problems remembering their infancy and early childhood, there are some interesting cross-cultural differences. For example, earliest autobiographical memories for adults in European cultures tend to go back to around 3½ years, compared to around 4 years in Asian cultures (Mullen, 1994; Wang, 2003). Maˉori adults in New Zealand have the earliest first memories among all cultural groups studied so far – they can remember back, on average, to around 2½ years, compared to 3½ years for European New Zealanders and 6 years for Chinese New Zealanders (Hayne & MacDonald, 2003). What might explain these cultural differences in the age of earliest memories? Some researchers have become interested in the crosscultural patterns of how adults talk

with their children about the past as a possible explanation. Studies have indicated crosscultural similarities and differences in how parents reminisce with their children about past events, including the frequency of reminiscing, the length of time spent reminiscing, the amount of detail that is discussed and the mother’s conversational style (Tõugu, Tulviste, Schröder, Keller, & De Geer, 2011). Research has shown that Asian mothers reminisce less about past events and are less elaborative than mothers in European cultures (Wang, 2003). They also tend to highlight in their reminiscences the societal implications, rather than focusing on children’s autonomy as European mothers do, thus reflecting cultural differences often observed in collectivist versus individualist cultures. Lisa Schröder and

colleagues (2015) found some similarities among German and Indian mothers in the way they recounted baby stories to their children – both groups were highly elaborative (rather than repetitive) and child-centred. Indian mothers, however, constructed a routine or general baby story, while German mothers told stories specific to the child’s infancy. New Zealand researchers Elaine Reese, Harlene Hayne and colleagues (2003, 2008, 2015) have found that Maˉori mothers are less elaborative than non-Maˉori New Zealand mothers when discussing everyday past events with their children, but are more elaborative when discussing significant past events, like the birth story of their child. Maˉori mothers, too, refer more to relational time (describing events relative to each other on a timeline) and internal states such as emotions >>>

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when reminiscing with their children about their birth. These characteristics of Maˉori mothers’ conversational style may emerge from the strong oral tradition of Maˉori culture, particularly for significant life events. Indeed, Maˉori mothers with a strong cultural affiliation tend to reminisce more frequently with their children (Reese &

Neha, 2015). These culturally influenced conversational patterns may, in turn, influence encoding or retrieval of early autobiographical memories and help to explain the recall of earlier memories by Maˉori adults. Autobiographical researchers have found, for example, that personal events that are repeated over time in different contexts or

experienced as highly emotionally arousing (either positive or negative) are more likely to be remembered in adulthood (Bauer, 2007; Berntsen & Rubin, 2012). Having a clearer autobiographical timeline may also help in the organisation and retrieval of personal memories (Fivush & Nelson, 2006; Reese et al., 2008).

SENSE OF SELF We need to consider that toddlers lack a strong sense of self and as a result may not have the necessary ‘pages’ on which to write memories of personally experienced events (Howe, 2014; Reese, 2015). Without a sense of self, it is difficult to organise events as ‘things that happened to me’. Indeed, young children’s ability to recognise themselves in a mirror is a good predictor of children’s ability to talk about their past (see Howe, 2014; and see Chapter 9 about self-recognition milestones).

LINKAGES Chapter 9 Self, personality, gender and sexuality

fuzzy-trace theory The theory that verbatim and general or gist-like accounts of an event are stored separately in memory.

VERBATIM VERSUS GIST STORAGE Some researchers have also tried to explain childhood amnesia in terms of fuzzy-trace theory (Brainerd & Reyna, 2014, 2015). According to this explanation, children store verbatim and general accounts of an event separately. Verbatim information (such as the word-for-word content of a biology class lecture) is unstable and likely to be lost over long periods; it is easier to remember the gist of an event (for example, the general points covered in a biology lecture) than the details (Brainerd & Reyna, 2014, 2015). With age, we are increasingly likely to rely on gist memory traces, which are less likely to be forgotten and are more efficient than verbatim memory traces in the sense that they take less space in memory (Klaczynski, 2001). Children pass through a transition period from storing largely verbatim memories to storing more gist memories, and the earlier verbatim memories are unlikely to be retained over time (Howe, 2000).

NEUROGENESIS Finally, some intriguing research with mice suggests that neurogenesis, the birth of new cells, in the hippocampus early in life ‘refreshes’ our memory store (Akers et al., 2014; Frankland & Josselyn, 2016). That is, new cells and new memories displace older cells and older memories. After birth, the period with the highest rate of neurogenesis is infancy, so perhaps this is why memories from infancy are largely non-existent. More research is needed before we can conclude that this is a legitimate cause of childhood amnesia. Whether it is due to neurogenesis, insufficient working memory to encode events, poorly developed language skills, lack of sense of self, encoding of only the verbatim details of what happened rather than a ‘fuzzy trace’, or a combination of these factors, it appears that our memories of the events of our early childhood do not undergo the consolidation needed to be stored long term (Bauer et al., 2007).

Developments in problem solving Memories are vital to problem-solving skills.To solve any problem, a person must process information about the task, as well as use stored information, to achieve a goal.Thus, working memory is a critical component of problem solving. How do problem-solving capacities change during childhood? As

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you saw in Chapter 5, Piaget provided one answer to this question by proposing that children LINKAGES progress through broad stages of cognitive growth, but information-processing theorists were not Chapter 5 satisfied with this explanation. They sought to pinpoint more specific reasons why problem-solving Cognitive prowess improves so dramatically as children age. development Consider the specific problem of predicting what will happen to the balance beam in Figure 6.9 when weights are put on each side of the fulcrum, or balancing point. The goal is to decide which way the balance beam will tip when it is FIGURE 6.9  The balance beam apparatus used by Robert released. To judge correctly, one must take into Siegler to study children’s problem-solving abilities account both the number of weights and their Which way will the balance beam tip? distances from the fulcrum. Piaget believed that concrete-operational thinkers can appreciate the significance of either the amount of weight or its distance from the centre, but will not grasp the Source: Siegler, R. S. (1981). Developmental sequences within and between concepts, inverse relationship between the two factors. Only Monographs of the Society for Research in Child Development, 46, (2, Serial No. 189). Copyright © 1981. Reprinted with permission of John Wiley & Sons, Inc. when they reach the stage of formal operations will new cognitive structures allow them to understand that balance can be maintained by decreasing the number of weights and moving them farther from the fulcrum, or by increasing the number of weights and moving them closer to the fulcrum (Piaget & Inhelder, 1969). Robert Siegler (1981, 2000) proposed that the information-processing perspective could provide a fuller analysis. His rule assessment approach determines what information about a problem rule assessment children take in and what rules they then formulate to account for this information. This approach approach An approach to studying assumes that children’s problem-solving attempts are not hit-or-miss but are governed by rules; it also the development assumes that children fail to solve problems because they fail to encode all the critical aspects of the of problem solving that determines what problem and are guided by faulty rules. information about a Siegler (1981) administered balance-beam problems to individuals aged 3–20. He detected clear problem an individual age differences in the extent to which both weight and distance from the fulcrum were taken into takes in and what rules they then formulate account in the rules that guided decisions about which end of the balance beam would drop. Few to account for this 3-year-olds used a rule; they guessed. By contrast, 4- and 5-year-olds were governed by rules. More information. than 80 per cent of these children used a simple rule that said the side of the balance beam with greater weight would drop; they ignored distance from the fulcrum. By age 8, most children had begun to consider distance from the fulcrum and weight under some conditions: when the weight on the two sides was equal, they appreciated that the side of the balance beam with the weights farthest from the fulcrum would drop. By age 12, most children considered both weight and distance on a range of problems, although they still became confused on complex problems in which one side had more weights but the other had its weights farther from the fulcrum. Finally, 30 per cent of 20-year-olds discovered the correct rule – that the pull on each arm is a function of weight times distance. For example, if there are three weights on the second peg to the left and two weights on the fourth peg to the right, the left torque is 3 × 2 = 6 and the right torque is 2 × 4 = 8, so the right arm will drop. The increased accuracy of young adults comes at a price – increased time to solve the problem (van der Maas & Jansen, 2003). Although, in general, information processing time gets faster with age, the complex rules needed to successfully solve all the variations of the balance-beam problem demand more time. So, on some problems, adults are slower than children because they are using a more sophisticated strategy. In most important areas of problem solving, Siegler (1996) concluded, children do not simply progress from one way of thinking to another as they age, as his balance-beam research suggested (see also Hoffman et al., 2015). Instead, in working out problems in arithmetic, spelling, science and other

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Use of thinking strategy

school subjects, most children in any age group use multiple rules or problem-solving strategies rather than just one. In working out a subtraction problem such as 12 − 3 = 9, for example, children sometimes count down from 12 until they have counted off 3 and arrive at 9, but other times count from 3 until they reach 12. In one study of second- and fourth-graders, more than 90 per cent of the children used three or more strategies in working out subtraction problems (Siegler, 1989). Similarly, Michael Cohen (1996) found that most preschoolers used all possible strategies when attempting to overlapping waves solve a practical mathematical problem in the context of playing store. He also found that children’s theory The theory that selection and use of strategies became more efficient over multiple task trials; that is, they increasingly the development of problem-solving skills selected strategies that would allow them to solve the task in fewer steps. involves using a variety Such results suggest that cognitive development works much as evolution does, through a process of strategies at each of natural selection in which many ways of thinking are available and the most adaptive survive age and becoming increasingly selective (Siegler, 1996, 2000). Rather than picturing development as a series of stages resembling stair steps, with experience about Siegler argues, we should picture it as overlapping waves, as shown in Figure 6.10. According to which strategies to use in particular situations. Siegler’s (2006) overlapping waves theory, the development of problem-solving skills is a matter of knowing a variety of strategies, becoming increasingly selective with experience about which strategies to use, changing strategies as needed, and getting better at using known strategies (Fazio, DeWolf, & Siegler, 2016). Research with students of varying mathematical abilities suggests that one of the problems for low-performing students is their regular choice of a ‘questionable’ strategy (Fazio et al., 2016).Training on selecting an effective strategy from among the options is a start, but it must be paired with FIGURE 6.10  Overlapping waves of thinking strategy use among children as they age training on effective use or application of the strategy. Cognitive development may resemble overlapping waves Imagine how effective teachers might be if they, more than a staircase leading from one stage to another. like Siegler, could accurately diagnose the informationChildren of a particular age typically use multiple thinking processing strategies of their learners to know what each strategies rather than just one. child is noticing (or failing to notice) about a problem More and what rules or strategies each child is using, and Strategy 5 Strategy 1 Strategy 4 when. Like a good car mechanic, the teacher would be Strategy 2 able to pinpoint the problem and encourage less use of faulty strategies and rules and more use of adaptive ones. Much remains to be learned about how problem-solving Strategy 3 strategies evolve as children age, and why. However, the rule assessment approach and overlapping waves theory give a fairly specific idea of what children are doing Less Younger Older (or doing wrong) as they attack problems and illustrate children children how the information-processing approach to cognitive Source: Siegler, R. S. (1996). Emerging minds: The process of change in children’s thinking. Copyright © 1996 by Oxford University Press, Inc. Used by permission of development provides a different view of development Oxford University Press, Inc. than Piaget’s approach does.

IN REVIEW CHECKING UNDERSTANDING 1 What is the difference between orienting and focusing systems of attention? 2 What are two reasons why older children have better memories than younger children?

3 How might the neurogenesis hyothesis explain why we cannot remember the early events of our lives? 4 What is the main idea of the overlapping waves theory of problem solving?

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CRITICAL THINKING You are a first-grade teacher, and one of the first things you notice is that some of your students remember a good deal more than others about the stories you read to them. Based on what you have read in this chapter, what are your

main hypotheses about why some children have better memories than other children the same age? How would you adjust your teaching? Express

Get the answers to the Checking understanding questions on CourseMate Express.

6.4 THE ADOLESCENT ■■ Document the changes in attention that occur during the adolescent period and discuss the implications of the multitasking lifestyle of today’s teens. ■■ Explain why adolescents demonstrate stronger memory abilities than children.

Learning objectives

There is little to report about sensation and perception during adolescence, except that some developments of childhood are not completed until then. Several developments during adolescence, though, warrant discussion, particularly refinements in attention and improved memory.

Attention Adolescents have longer attention spans than children. They can, for example, sit through longer classes, work on papers or study for lengthier periods of time, and take tests that last as long as 3–4 hours. As we noted in Chapter 4, this seems to be tied to increased myelination of those portions of the brain that help regulate attention (Nelson et al., 2006). In addition, adolescents are better able to switch attention from one task to another (Crone et al., 2006). They become more efficient at ignoring irrelevant information so that they can concentrate on the task at hand. Not only do they learn more than children do about material they are supposed to master, but they also learn less about distracting information that could potentially interfere with their performance. But adolescents’ longer attention spans and ability to shift attention between two tasks do not mean that their attention spans are unlimited. Today’s teens are flooded with information from multiple sources and they are increasingly juggling multiple tasks, or multitasking. For example, around 50 per cent of university students’ time on the internet is spent multitasking (Moreno et al., 2012). Terry Judd (2013) monitored computer sessions of university students in an open computerlaboratory setting and found that only 10 per cent of the sessions were focused on a single task. Students surveyed about multitasking during class report engaging in a wide range of additional behaviours, including texting (50 per cent of students), working on other course work (18 per cent), eating (26 per cent), posting to Facebook (25 per cent), instant messaging (13 per cent) and listening to music (7 per cent). These percentages are significantly higher when students are asked to report on their multitasking during an online class (Burak, 2012). And we suspect that if students report this much multitasking during class time, they are likely engaged in at least as much multitasking when studying on their own. What are the consequences of such multitasking? When students text during a class lecture, they don’t perform as well when tested on the lecture material as students who do not text (Ellis, Daniels, & Jauregui, 2010). Students who multitask while reading or studying for a class take longer to complete their assignments. The same pattern occurs when students are on a laptop during a class lecture – they do not perform as well when tested on the material (Sana, Weston, & Cepeda, 2013).

LINKAGES Chapter 4 Body, brain and health

multitasking Attending to two or more tasks at the same time.

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MAKING CONNECTIONS Think back to your most recent learning activity, such as a study session, a class or even reading this book. Were you completely focused on the activity or were you multitasking? What effect might this have had on your learning?

What’s more, students who could see their classmate’s screen during the lecture also did not do as well on the test. The relationship here is fairly clear: as multitasking increases, performance decreases (Burak, 2012). While we may be able to multitask two activities that are familiar and well learned, our success at multitasking quickly dissipates when the tasks are less familiar and relatively new to us (Schumacker et al., 2001).When faced with multiple pieces of information coming in for processing, our brains are forced to make some decisions about what to attend to first and what to put aside (Dux et al., 2006). Many people overestimate their abilities to multitask, believing that they can successfully juggle more than one task at a time. However, those folks who regularly multitask are more distracted by irrelevant information than those who focus on one thing at a time (Ophir, Nass, & Wagner, 2009; Sanbonmatsu et al., 2013). It turns out that the very people who think they are good at multitasking and engage in this juggling act on a regular basis are less capable of it than their peers who typically stick to a single task. So next time you set aside time to study for a test, consider whether it would be more beneficial to spend time on this one task rather than allowing yourself to be interrupted and distracted by texting, tweeting, messaging and more. You may find that focused attention to one task at a time is more efficient than attending to multiple tasks but not effectively mastering any of them.

Improvements in memory and problem solving Although parents in the midst of reminding their adolescent sons and daughters to do household chores or homework may wonder whether teenagers process any information at all, learning, memory and problem solving do continue to improve considerably during the adolescent years. Research on episodic memory shows that the performance of young teens (11–12 years) is quite similar to that of children, and both groups do markedly worse than young adults (Brehmer, Li, Müller, von Oertzen, & Lindenberger, 2007). Clearly, then, there is room for improvement during adolescence. How does this improvement occur? First, new learning and memory strategies emerge. It is during adolescence that the memory strategy of elaboration is mastered (Schneider, 2015). Adolescents also develop and refine advanced learning and memory strategies highly relevant to school learning – for example, note-taking and underlining skills. Adolescents also make more deliberate use of strategies that younger children use unconsciously (Schneider, 2015). For example, they may deliberately organise a list of words instead of simply using the organisation or grouping that happens to be there already. And they use existing strategies more selectively. For example, they are adept at using their strategies to memorise the material on which they know they will be tested and at letting go of irrelevant information (Lorsbach & Reimer, 1997). So, during primary school, children get better at distinguishing between what is relevant and what is irrelevant, but during adolescence they advance further by selectively using their memory strategies only on the relevant material. If it is not going to be on the test, forget it! (For some tips on how to improve your own memory, visit the Engagement box.) Basic capacities also continue to increase during adolescence. As discussed earlier in this chapter, adolescents have greater functional use of their working memory because maturational changes in the brain allow them to process information more quickly and to simultaneously process more chunks of information.Younger teens (13 years) with greater working memory perform better on a variety of academic subjects (Alloway, Banner, & Smith, 2010), perhaps because greater working

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memory is associated with better reading skills (Alexander & Fox, 2011; Titz & Karbach, 2014). Interestingly, weaker working memory is associated with impulsivity and adolescent alcohol use (Khurana et al., 2013). Improving working memory may help strengthen academic skills as well as non-academic decision making. Fortunately, there is evidence that training programs can improve working memory among teenagers, including those born with extremely low birth weight (Lohaugen et al., 2011).

KNOWLEDGE BASE AND METAMEMORY Knowledge base continues to expand during adolescence, and adolescents may do better than children on some tasks simply because they know more about the topic. Metamemory and metacognition also improve. In general, adolescents become better able to tailor their strategies to different purposes (for example, studying versus skimming) and to judge when a task is likely to be easy or hard and adjust their strategies accordingly (Paulus et al., 2014; Weil et al., 2013). About 80 per cent of senior high school students report that they monitor their memory and learning strategies. But only 50–60 per cent report that they think in advance to develop an effective plan for a difficult task or think back after completing a task to evaluate what worked or did not work (Leutwyler, 2009). Clearly, this leaves room for improvements beyond adolescence. Teenagers who have received explicit training on metacognitive skills from their teachers show improvements in learning outcomes (Williams et al., 2002).This suggests that it may be important to teach not only content but also how to monitor one’s understanding of content acquisition (Farrington et al., 2012). In summary, growth in basic capacities, strategies, knowledge base and metacognition helps explain the growth in everyday problem-solving ability that occurs during the adolescent years. Teenagers perfect several information-processing skills and become able to apply them deliberately and spontaneously across a variety of tasks.

Engagement IMPROVE YOUR MEMORY! What are some practical steps you can use to improve your memory? First, keep in mind that your brain, which is absolutely essential for memory, does not operate in isolation from the rest of you. Your brain, and therefore your memory, is affected by such factors as the amount of sleep you get, your nutrition and your physical activity. Consider sleep. The process of consolidation of memories is critical to moving them into long-term storage and is improved with sleep. Try reviewing to-be-remembered information right before you go to sleep at night and then get the recommended hours of sleep for your age (see Chapter 4). Studying in the afternoon and then taking a nap has

also been shown to help consolidate memories. And before you start to study, plan to do some aerobic exercise. This increases oxygen to your brain and also helps you stay alert and focused once you settle down to study. As for nutrition, a growing body of research suggests that omega-3 fatty acids contribute to brain function, as do B vitamins and antioxidants. A good meal for your brain might be salmon and spinach salad and a strawberryblueberry smoothie. So you have adopted healthy eating, exercise and sleep habits. What can you do to improve your memory when actually studying course material for that upcoming test? We’ll focus here on a few things that will assist

LINKAGES Chapter 4 Body, brain and health

ON THE INTERNET Cambridge brain sciences

http://www.cambridgebrainsciences. com/ Take free, fun and sometimes challenging tests of memory, reasoning, concentration and planning. You will also find short videos about how the tests have been used in research studies.

with encoding and consolidation of memories, as well as some helpful hints for retrieval. Then visit the On the

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internet: Cambridge brain sciences link for some fun memory activities.

Repeating items over and over is a simplistic strategy that helps store fairly simple facts. For more complex material, you need to dig deeper into your toolbox of strategies and choose those that will create richer connections to existing material or will allow you to elaborate the new material. Examples of these strategies might include associating each new word to an existing concept; this could be taken a step further – elaborated – by thinking of the similarities and differences between the new and old material. You could think of an acronym using the first letter of each to-be-learned word. Or you could create a story that ties together a new set of concepts that you want to recall later; by retelling the story, you recall the concepts.

1 Pay attention. If you are daydreaming in class or thinking of something else while reading, you will not encode the information to be learned. If you don’t encode it, you will be out of luck when it comes time to retrieve the memory – it simply won’t be there. To increase your attention, reduce the distractions that may be present in your environment. 2 Organise and make connections to existing knowledge. Organising to-be-learned material into logical groups can aid in consolidation and storage of the information. What is logical depends on each individual and each task. The organisational scheme must make sense to the learner in the context that it needs to be learned. Consolidation is also more likely to occur when the new material can be related to existing knowledge. Think of how you might use familiar ideas to help you remember new ideas. 3 Use strategies that enrich and elaborate the new material.

4 Customise your learning strategies to optimise your learning style. Some research suggests that students who use the strategy of verbal elaboration (that is, creating sentences about the material) have better recall than students who use mental imagery or another visual strategy

(Kirchhoff & Buckner, 2006). But this same research also showed that individuals choose different strategies to learn the same material. Some learners tend to be more visual, whereas others excel with more verbal material and strategies. 5 Overlearn new material. If you study new material just enough to recognise or recall it for a short period, chances are good you will forget a considerable amount of this material. To prevent this from happening, you need to overlearn the material. Don’t stop studying when you reach that point where you think you might be able to remember the material if you take the test very soon. Keep studying until retrieval of the information becomes quick and effortless. There is evidence that overlearning strengthens the neural connections involved in storing information and makes it more likely that you will be able to retrace these neural paths when it comes time to retrieve it.

IN REVIEW CHECKING UNDERSTANDING 1 What is the relationship between multitasking and performance?

whether they are similar or different. What can you expect of each child, and what can you do to optimise the performance of the younger child?

2 What is a key improvement in basic memory capacity from childhood to adolescence?

CRITICAL THINKING You are a tutor and want a 5-year-old and a 15-year-old to systematically compare pairs of maps to determine

Express

Get the answers to the Checking understanding questions on CourseMate Express.

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CHAPTER 6: SENSORY-PERCEPTION, ATTENTION AND MEMORY

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6.5 THE ADULT ■■ Describe typical changes in vision and hearing that occur over adulthood and indicate how these changes may affect daily activities. ■■ Discuss age-related changes in memory across adulthood, noting factors that enhance and factors that impede memory. ■■ Explain how older adults may compensate for declines in memory and problem-solving ability. ■■ Explain what accounts for patterns of autobiographical memory over the life span.

Learning objectives

If you are about age 20, you will be pleased to know that the young adult has served as the standard of effective information processing against which all other age groups are compared. In other words, information processing is thought to be most efficient – at its peak – in emerging and young adults. Still, improvements in cognitive performance continue during the adult years even as ageing begins to take its toll on some memory and problem-solving capacities, as you will learn later in the chapter. But first, what becomes of sensory and perceptual capacities during adulthood?

Sensory-perceptual changes There is good news and bad news with regard to sensory-perceptual changes as we age, and we might as well dispense with the bad news first: sensory-perceptual capacities decline gradually with age. Whispers become harder to hear, seeing in the dark becomes difficult, food may not taste as good and so on. The good news is that these changes are gradual and usually minor, and only a minority of older people develop serious problems, such as blindness and deafness. As a result, we can usually compensate for them, making small adjustments such as turning up the volume on the television or adding a little extra seasoning to food. Sensory-perceptual losses take two general forms. First, sensation is affected, as indicated by a raised sensory threshold. The threshold for a sense is the point at which low levels of stimulation can be detected – a dim light can be seen, a faint tone can be heard, a slight odour can be detected and so on. Stimulation below the threshold cannot be detected, so the rise of the threshold with age means that sensitivity to very low levels of stimulation is lost. (You saw that the very young infant is also insensitive to some very low levels of stimulation.) Second, perceptual abilities decline in some ageing adults. Even when stimulation is intense enough to be well above the detection threshold, older people sometimes have difficulty processing or interpreting sensory information. Of all the changes in sensation and perception during adulthood, those involving vision and hearing appear to be the most important and the most universal, so these will be our focus in the next sections.

sensory threshold The point at which low levels of stimulation can be detected.

Vision problems and loss Ageing brings changes to all major components of the visual system, including the pupil, lens and retina (see again Figure 6.3). These physical changes lead to increased vision problems with age, as illustrated in the Statistics snapshot box. As we age, for example, our pupils become somewhat smaller and do not change as much when lighting conditions change. As a result, older adults experience poorer visual acuity when lighting is dim, take longer to recover from glare or bright light and are slower to adapt to sudden changes in lighting conditions from light to dark. The lens of the eye also undergoes change with age. The lens is yellowing, and both it and the vitreous humour, the gelatinous liquid behind it, are becoming less transparent. The lens has also been gaining new cells since childhood, making it denser and less flexible later in life. The thickening of the lens with age leads to refractive error, or decreased ability of the lens to accommodate objects close to the eye. Copyright 2019 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. WCN 02-200-202

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presbyopia Agerelated loss of near vision related to refractive error, which is a decreased ability of the lens to accommodate objects close to the eye.

age-related macular degeneration (AMD) A degenerative disease that affects the macula, a central area of the retina, causing progressive loss of central vision and blindness. glaucoma A condition in which increased fluid pressure in the eye damages the optic nerve and causes progressive loss of peripheral vision and blindness.

Refractive error and associated low vision (presbyopia) is a leading cause of vision problems in Australia and New Zealand, particularly for those in middle age (Foreman et al., 2016; Taylor & Mapp, 2010). As for distance vision, visual acuity increases in childhood, peaks in the 20s, remains steady through middle age, and steadily declines in old age. Problems with near vision can usually be accommodated by reading glasses; if there are problems with distance vision as well as reading, multifocal glasses may be prescribed; reading fine print may still be a problem, however. Those adults who do experience serious declines in vision, and even blindness, typically suffer from pathological conditions of the eye that are not easily corrected with interventions such a glasses. One major cause of serious vision impairment and blindness is cataracts. As you learned earlier in the chapter, cataracts, which cause cloudiness of the normally clear lens, can be congenital and present very early in life. But cataracts can also be caused by lifelong heavy exposure to sunlight and its damaging ultraviolet rays, and poor vision and blindness can result if left undetected and untreated. Age-related macular degeneration (AMD), a serious retinal problem that becomes more prevalent in old age, is another leading cause of serious vision impairment and blindness. AMD results from damage to cells in the retina responsible for central vision.Vision becomes blurry and begins to fade from the centre of the visual field, leading to a blank or dark space in the centre of the image. Genetic and lifestyle factors, such as smoking and lack of physical activity, have been identified as possible causes of AMD (Khan et al., 2006; deAngelis et al., 2017; McGuinness et al., 2017). Currently there is no cure for AMD, but researchers are working to develop retinal implants that stimulate the remaining cells of the retina and may restore some useful vision (Boston Retinal Implant Project, 2017). Glaucoma, increased fluid pressure in the eye, becomes more common after age 50 and also causes vision impairment and blindness. Glaucoma can damage the optic nerve and cause a progressive loss of peripheral vision. The key is to prevent the damage before it occurs, using eye drops or surgery to lower eye fluid pressure. In many cases, however, the damage is done before people experience visual problems; only regular eye tests can reveal the buildup of eye pressure. See Figure 6.11 for a view of how the world looks through eyes affected by glaucoma, AMD and cataracts respectively.

FIGURE 6.11  These photos illustrate how a scene might be viewed by someone with (A) cataracts, (B) glaucoma and (C) age-related macular degeneration.

Cataract

(A)

(B)

Glaucoma

(C)

Age-related Macular Degeneration

Sources: National Eye Institute, National Institutes of Health

Statistics snapshot VISUAL IMPAIRMENT AND AGEING 1 As shown in Table 6.2 and Table 6.3, most people in Australia

and New Zealand will not experience total loss of vision as they age;

however, an increasing number will experience poorer vision.

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2 Note, too, in Table 6.2 and Table 6.3 that more Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander and Maˉ ori adults will experience poor vision and blindness compared to their non-Indigenous counterparts. 3 There are also differences in the major causes of poor vision

TABLE 6.2  Prevalence of blindness and visual impairment for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander and non-Indigenous Australians

LINKAGES Chapter 4 Body, brain and health

TABLE 6.3  Prevalence of blindness and visual impairment for Maˉori and non-Maˉori New Zealanders RATE (%) NON-MAORI

RATE (%) NONINDIGENOUS

ABORIGINAL AND TORRES STRAIT ISLANDER

health for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander and Maˉori versus non-Indigenous people (Lyons & Janca, 2012; and see Chapter 4).

and blindness with age and when comparing Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander and Maˉori and non-Indigenous adults (see Figure 6.12 and Figure 6.13). Lower socioeconomic status and associated poor living conditions and access to healthcare largely explain these differences in eye

Age (Years)

Age (years)

Blindness

MAORI

Low vision

Blindness

Low vision

50–54

 0.90

 2.33

 0.19

 5.31

55–59

 0.90

 2.33

 0.19

 5.31

60–64

 0.27

 4.70

 0.62

10.71

40–49

 5.66

-

65–69

 0.27

 4.70

 0.65

11.37

50–59

 8.23

 4.42

70–74

 0.65

11.39

 1.57

27.58

60–69

16.85

 4.37

75–79

 0.65

11.39

 0.65

11.36

70–79

18.52

 7.87

80–84

 4.28

28.71

 4.28

28.71

80+

46.15

15.21

85–89

 4.28

28.71

 4.28

28.71

90+

17.18

45.13

17.18

45.13

Source: Foreman et al. (2016, p.87). Australian Institute of Health and Welfare, © 2005.

Source: Taylor & Mapp (2010, p. 24).

FIGURE 6.12  Main causes of vision impairment in Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander adults (Panel A) and non-Indigenous adults (Panel B) Panel A: DR 1.49%

Other 3.98%

Glaucoma 1.49%

Not determinable 7.96%

Panel B: Combined mechanisms 0.50%

AMD 1.09%

Combined mechanisms 1.64% DR 5.46%

Other 1.09%

Glaucoma 0.55%

Not determinable 6.56%

AMD 8.96% Cataract 13.93%

Refractive error 61.69%

Cataract 20.22%

Refractive error 63.39%

Source: Foreman et al. (2016, p. 83)

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FIGURE 6.13  (A) Main causes of vision loss among New Zealanders aged 40 and over, 2009; (B) Main causes of blindness among New Zealanders aged 50 and over, 2009

Other 18%

DR 2%

Other 21%

Uncorrected RE 55%

Cataract 13% Glaucoma 4% AMD 9%

(A)

Uncorrected RE 3%

AMD 48%

Cataract 11%

Glaucoma 16%

(B)

DR = Diabetic retinopathy AMD = Age-related macular degeneration RE = Refractive error Other = includes other retinal causes, neuro-ophthalmic causes, corneal and other Source: Taylor & Mapp (2010, pp. 28, 30).

To recap, you can expect some changes in vision as you age. Fortunately, it is possible to correct or compensate for most of these ‘normal’ changes. For more serious visual problems, early detection and treatment can preserve vision in most adults. The Exploration box considers the impacts of visual and other sensory-perceptual changes that might make driving more hazardous for older people.

Exploration AGEING DRIVERS Older drivers are perceived by many as more accident prone and slower than other drivers. Is the stereotype of older drivers accurate? This is an important question, because about 20–22 per cent of the Australian and New Zealand population will be 65 years or older by 2030 (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2013; Statistics New Zealand, 2013). It is true that older adults (70 years and older) are involved in more automobile fatalities than middle-aged adults in Australia, New Zealand and elsewhere. But the

most accident-prone group is young drivers in their 20s (Roy Morgan, 2013; New Zealand Ministry of Transport, 2013). When you take into account that young people drive more than elderly people, it turns out that both elderly drivers and young drivers have more accidents per kilometre driven than middle-aged drivers (Langford et al., 2008). Why is driving hazardous for elderly adults? Clearly, vision is essential to driving; vision accounts for approximately 90 per cent of the

information necessary to operate and navigate a car (MessingerRapport, 2003). A number of aspects of visual function that change with age can help to explain the higher crash risk for older adults (see Owsley & McGwin, 2010). Limited visual acuity or clarity is one component of problematic driving, but as noted in the main text, poor acuity is fairly easy to correct with glasses. Diminished peripheral vision associated with ageing also makes driving hazardous because good >>>

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drivers must be able to see vehicles and pedestrians approaching from the side. Another issue is how well a driver can simultaneously process multiple pieces of information. Older drivers have trouble reading street signs while driving, and can have trouble focusing and quickly changing their focus from the dashboard to the rear-view mirror to the road ahead (MacLeod, Satariano, & Ragland, 2014). When another vehicle is approaching, drivers must be able to evaluate the speed and trajectory of these objects and integrate this information with their own speed and trajectory to determine a course of action. For example, is the car approaching from the left going to hit my car, or will I be through the intersection before it reaches me? Unfortunately, perceiving moving objects is a problem for older adults, even for those who have good visual acuity (Erber, 2005). Finally, after understanding the dynamics of a potentially dangerous situation, the driver must be able to react quickly to threats (for example, a child chasing a ball into the street). As you learned in Chapter 4, older adults typically have slower response times than younger adults; thus, they need more time to react to the same stimulus (Horswill et al., 2008). But the driving records of older adults are not as bad as might be expected, because many of them compensate for visual and other perceptual difficulties and slower

reactions by driving less frequently, especially in conditions believed to be more hazardous – at night, during peak hour and when the weather is poor (Macleod et al., 2014; MessingerRapport, 2003). Older adults with visual problems such as cataracts and those with cognitive problems are also more likely to limit their driving than older adults without these problems (Messinger-Rapport, 2003). However, although older drivers may self-assess and self-regulate their driving activities, Australian researchers have shown that older drivers may overestimate their driving ability (Horswill, Sullivan, LurieBeck, & Smith, 2013). Based on the knowledge that older drivers are at increased risk of involvement in motor vehicle accidents and fatalities due to sensory-perceptual changes, older drivers (75 years and older) in New Zealand and Australia are required to be medically certified as fit to drive prior to each licence renewal and may also have to renew their licence more frequently than younger drivers. In some cases, mandatory road retesting may be required for renewal, either at the direction of a medical practitioner or because a person has reached a certain age, for example, 85 years in New Zealand. While some call for even more stringent testing of older drivers, seniors’ advocacy groups have raised concerns that age is not a good predictor of driving ability and such practices may be potentially discriminatory and put

mobility and independence at risk for older people. Further, general health declines and poor mental health have been observed in older people following driving cessation (Edwards, Lunsman, Perkins, Rebok, & Roth, 2009; Ragland, Satariano, & MacLeod, 2005). Some good news is that older drivers who return to the classroom for a refresher course on safe driving and get behind-the-wheel training can improve their driving (Kua, KornerBitensky, Desrosiers, Man-Son-Hing, & Marshall, 2007). And by understanding the strengths and limitations of their sensory-perceptual abilities, older adults are in better position to keep driving safely. Self-screening tools like the one featured in On the internet: Older driver self-assessment questionnaire can assist driving safety at all ages.

LINKAGES Chapter 4 Body, brain and health

ON THE INTERNET Older driver self-assessment questionnaire

https://secure.racq.com.au/ssl/ questionnaires/older_drivers_self_ assessment_questionnaire.cfm Drivers of all ages are encouraged to take this online self-assessment screen of health, driving and other factors known to affect safe driving. After submitting your answers you will receive a colour-coded score and recommendations according to your driver risk profile.

Hearing loss There is some truth to the stereotype of the hard-of-hearing older person. Over half of Australians and New Zealanders aged 60 and over have hearing loss (Australian Hearing, 2010; National Foundation for the Deaf, 2014). But very few are totally deaf. Sources of hearing problems range from excess wax buildup in the ears, to infections (for example, otitis media or middle ear infection, see Chapter 4), to noisy environments. Outside of environmental factors, most age-related hearing problems originate in the inner ear (Schieber, 2006). The cochlear hair cells that serve as auditory receptors, their surrounding structures, and the neurons leading from them to the brain (see again Figure 6.5) degenerate gradually over the adult years.The most noticeable result is a loss of sensitivity

LINKAGES Chapter 4 Body, brain and health

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presbycusis Agerelated hearing loss associated with deterioration of inner ear structures.

Search me! and Discover Access the Psychology database and investigate the topic of sensory impairments.

ON THE INTERNET Know your noise

https:// knowyournoise.nal. gov.au/ Australian Hearing has developed this interactive website that includes useful resources such as a noise risk calculator and an online hearing check. It was developed in the main for young Australians to know if they have dangerous listening habits that may lead to hearing loss in the future, but is still a valuable resource for all ages about hearing health.

LINKAGES Chapter 2 Theories of human development Chapter 12 Developmental psychopathology Chapter 1 Understanding life span human development

to high-frequency (high-pitched) sounds, the most common form of presbycusis, or problems of the ageing inner ear. Therefore, an older person may have difficulty hearing a child’s high voice, the flutes in an orchestra and high-frequency consonant sounds such as s, z and ch (Whitbourne & Whitbourne, 2011); but may have less trouble with deep voices, tubas and sounds such as b. After age 50, lower-frequency sounds also become increasingly difficult to hear. Thus, to be heard by the average older adult, a sound – especially a high-pitched sound but ultimately any sound – must be louder than it would need to be for a younger person. Is this loss of hearing as we age the inevitable result of basic ageing processes, or can it be caused by other factors? Researchers know the loss is more noticeable among men than among women, that men are more likely to work in noisy industrial jobs, and that those who hold such jobs experience more hearing loss than other men (Martin & Clark, 2015; and see On the internet: Know your noise to assess how noise might affect you). But even among adults who have held relatively quiet jobs, men show detectable hearing losses earlier in life (in their 30s) and lose hearing sensitivity at a faster rate than women do. It seems, then, that most people, men more than women, will experience some loss of sensitivity to high-frequency sounds as part of the basic ageing process, but that certain people will experience more severe losses because of their experiences. For example, as we mentioned earlier, a major cause of hearing loss for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander adults and children is otitis media (middle ear infection) related to poor living conditions and access to health services (Couzos, Metcalf, & Murray, 2008). Although people compensate for many sensory declines, the effects cannot be entirely eliminated. At some point, ageing adults find that changes in sensory abilities affect their activities. Older adults with one or two sensory impairments are more likely to experience difficulty with basic tasks of living – walking, getting outside, getting in or out of bed or a chair, taking medicines or preparing meals. However, even older adults without sensory impairments report some difficulty with these tasks. People who are limited by sensory impairments usually have physical or intellectual impairments as well, most likely because of general declines in neural functioning that affect both perception and cognition (Baltes & Lindenberger, 1997). Most older adults, though, even those with sensory impairments, are engaged in a range of activities and are living full lives. Thus, although most adults will experience some declines in sensory abilities with age, these changes do not need to detract from their quality of life (Wahl et al., 2013).

Memory, problem solving and ageing No less an expert on learning than B. F. Skinner (see Chapter 2) complained about memory problems: ‘One of the more disheartening experiences of old age is discovering that a point you have just made – so significant, so beautifully expressed – was made by you in something you published a long time ago’ (Skinner, 1983, p. 242). Most elderly adults report that they have at least minor difficulties remembering things (Reid & Maclullich, 2006; Vestergren & Nilsson, 2011). They are especially likely to have trouble recalling names and items they will need later; they are also more upset than young adults by memory lapses, perhaps because they view them as signs of ageing, or even dementia (see Chapter 12). Much research indicates that, on average, older adults learn new material more slowly, learn it less well than young and middle-aged adults do, and remember what they have learned less well. However, the following qualifications are important and will be expanded on in the following sections. • Most research is based on cross-sectional studies that compare age groups, which suggests that the age differences detected could be related to factors other than age. (If needed, you can refresh your memory of the strengths and weaknesses of cross-sectional designs by referring back to Chapter 1.)

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• Declines, when observed, typically do not become noticeable until we reach our 70s and are

most severe among the oldest elderly people. • Not all older people experience these difficulties. • Not all kinds of memory and learning tasks cause older people difficulty. Studies of memory skills in adulthood suggest that the aspects of memory, learning and problem solving in which older adults appear most deficient in comparison with young and middle-aged adults are some of the same areas in which young children compare unfavourably with older children (see Bauer, 2007). Let’s consider in more detail now. 1 Timed tasks. On average, older adults are slower than younger adults to learn and retrieve information; they may need to go through the material more times to learn it equally well and may need more time to respond when their memory is tested.Thus, older adults struggle on tasks with time limits, and tend not to show memory deficits in untimed situations, at least not until very old age (Finkel et al., 2003). 2 Unfamiliar or artificial content. Older adults fare especially poorly compared with younger adults when the material to be learned is unfamiliar or meaningless – when they cannot tie it to their existing knowledge. But while young adults outperform older adults on learning unfamiliar material, older adults outperform young adults on familiar material (Badham et al., 2016). Similarly, older adults perform significantly worse in laboratory contexts but can often outperform younger adults in naturalistic contexts and real-life problems (Henry, MacLeod, Phillips, & Crawford, 2004). 3 Recall versus recognition. Older adults are likely to be more deficient on tasks requiring recall memory than on tasks requiring only recognition of what was learned (Charles, Mather, & Carstensen, 2003). A large gap between recognition and recall shows that older people have encoded and stored the information but cannot retrieve it without the help of cues. Sometimes older adults fail to retrieve information because they never thoroughly encoded or learned it, but at other times they simply cannot retrieve information that is stored. 4 Explicit memory tasks. Finally, older adults seem to have more trouble with explicit memory tasks that require mental effort than with implicit memory tasks that involve more automatic mental processes (Nyberg, Lovden, Riklund, Lindenberger, & Backman, 2012). Older adults, then, have little trouble with skills and procedures that have been routinised over the years – established as habits. But even though explicit memory declines, the magnitude of the decline varies with the type of explicit memory. Older adults retain fairly good semantic memory (general factual knowledge accumulated over time) but show steady declines in episodic memory (recall of specific events that are tied to a specific time and place) (Nyberg et al., 2012). Overall, these findings suggest that older adults, like young children, have difficulty with similar tasks – those that require speed, the learning of unfamiliar material, recall rather than recognition, or explicit and effortful memory rather than implicit and automatic memory. Yet older adults and young children have difficulty for different reasons, as you will now see.

Explaining declines in old age In asking why some older adults struggle with some learning and memory tasks, we will first return to the hypotheses used to explain childhood improvements in performance: knowledge base, metamemory, strategy use and basic processing capacities. Then we will consider some additional possibilities.

KNOWLEDGE BASE If you start with the hypothesis that differences in knowledge base explain memory differences between older and younger adults, you immediately encounter a problem: young children may lack Copyright 2019 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. WCN 02-200-202

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knowledge, but elderly adults do not. Indeed, older adults are generally at least as knowledgeable as young adults, and semantic memory increases until about age 65 (Rönnlund, Nyberg, Bäckman, & Nillson, 2005; Salthouse, 2016).Verbal knowledge shows no decrease throughout mid- and older adulthood and may not decline until we are in our 90s (Rönnlund et al., 2005). So, deficiencies in knowledge base are probably not the source of most memory problems that many older adults display. On the contrary, gains in knowledge probably help older adults compensate for losses in information-processing efficiency (Salthouse, 2015).

METAMEMORY Could elderly adults, like young children, be deficient in metamemory? Is their knowledge of some of the strategies that prove useful in school learning – and in laboratory memory tasks – unpractised? This theory sounds plausible, but research shows that older adults seem to know as much as younger adults about such things as which memory strategies are best and which memory tasks are hardest, and they can monitor their memory to assist their learning (Castel, McGillivray, & Friedman, 2012; Hines, Touron, & Herzog, 2009). Still, older adults are more likely than younger ones to misjudge the accuracy of some aspects of their memory, such as the source of the memories (Dodson, Bawa, & Krueger, 2007). Moreover, although older adults know a lot about memory, they express more negative beliefs about their memory skills than do younger adults – memory loss may contribute to a drop in confidence in memory skills, but negative beliefs about memory skills also appear to hurt memory performance (Hess, 2006). Therefore, it’s not clear whether declines in actual memory performance lead to the development of negative beliefs about memory, whether negative beliefs – either one’s own or those of the surrounding culture – undermine memory performance (Hess, 2006; Hess, Hinson, & Hodges, 2009), or whether it is a combination of both. Thus, metamemory seems largely intact across the life span, but there may be some isolated areas of weakness.

MEMORY STRATEGIES

LINKAGES Chapter 7 Intelligence and creativity

What about the hypothesis that failure to use effective memory strategies accounts for deficits in old age? Many older adults do not spontaneously use strategies such as organisation and elaboration, even those as simple as writing notes to help remember a phone message (Schryer & Ross, 2013). At least some older adults show improved memory performance when they are prompted to use a strategy (Frankenmolen et al., 2016). Whether or not memory improves seems to depend on a person’s level of intelligence: those with higher intelligence benefit from strategy use, whereas those with lower intelligence do not benefit, possibly because they do not correctly implement the strategy (Frankenmolen et al., 2016, and see Chapter 7 for more about the topic of intelligence). Studies (see for example, Karbach & Verhaeghen, 2014; Rebok et al., 2014; Zinke et al., 2014) show, however, that older adults can be trained to use cognitive strategies. Furthermore, the benefits of training are not just evident on laboratory tasks but also on activities important to daily living, such as driving and understanding the interactions and side effects of prescription drugs.

BASIC PROCESSING CAPACITIES Changes in basic processing capacities that occur with age are perhaps the biggest issue with memory. For starters, declines in sensory abilities may tax available processing resources, leading to memory deficits (Baltes & Lindenberger, 1997). In addition, working-memory capacity diminishes with age (Logie & Morris, 2015). Older adults do fine on short-term memory tasks that require them to juggle just a few pieces of information in working memory. However, when the amount of information that they are to operate on increases, they begin to show deficits. Older adults may have more trouble than younger ones ignoring irrelevant task information. For instance, trying to memorise a list of words while walking is more problematic for older adults than for middle-aged

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Snapshot Source: Getty Images/Bloomberg

or younger adults (Li, Lindenberger, Freund, & Baltes, 2001; Lindenberger, Marsiske, & Baltes, 2000). Brain research confirms that older adults show a pattern of neural activity consistent with increased monitoring of their environment when working under conditions with more distractions and taskirrelevant information (Stevens, Hasher, Chiew, & Grady, 2008). Thus, their working-memory space may become cluttered with unnecessary information, limiting the space available for the task at hand (Hoyer & Verhaeghen, 2006). Limitations in working-memory capacity are most likely rooted in slower functioning of the nervous system both early and late in life (see Hartley, 2006). Much research shows that speed of processing increases during childhood and adolescence, peaks in early adulthood, then declines slowly over the adult years (Baudouin et al., 2009). Age differences in performance on cognitive tasks often shrink when age differences in speed of information processing are taken into account and controlled for. Experience in a domain of learning can certainly enhance performance, but if children and older adults generally have sluggish ‘computers’, they simply may not be able to keep up with the processing demands of complex learning and memory tasks (Hartley, 2006). Using brain imaging techniques, researchers have also begun to identify different patterns of activity during memory tasks in the prefrontal cortex of younger and older adults (see, for example, Galdo-Alvarez, Lindin, & Diaz, 2009). Although some studies show underactivity in older adults’ brains, others show overactivity. Underactivity in the older brain is assumed to result from a deficiency of either the hardware of the brain or of the software it uses, such as the strategies that could be employed on a task (Reuter-Lorenz & Cappell, 2008). Overactivity, on the other hand, may indicate that the older brain is trying to compensate for age-related losses. By compensating, or working harder, the older brain may be able to perform as well as its younger counterpart, at least until this overactivity can no longer overcome steeper age-related declines (Meulenbroek et al., 2010). Some promising research with mice points to the role of a protein (called B2M) that accumulates with age and inhibits the formation of new brain cells, resulting in memory loss (Villeda et al., 2014). Injecting this ‘old age’ protein into young mice led to impaired memory but once the protein had dispersed from their bodies, their memories rebounded to normal levels. And consistent with our discussion in Chapter 4 about the importance of a good night’s sleep, sleep deprivation, at least in mice, interferes with the synthesis of hippocampal protein, leading to memory deficits (Tudor et al., 2016). Future research needs to determine whether the same connection between this protein and memory exists for humans and, if so, what – if anything – can be done to circumvent this potential problem. Slow neural transmission, then, may be behind limitations in working memory in both childhood and old age (Bailey, Dunlosky, & Hertzog, 2009). Limitations in working memory, in turn, may contribute not only to limitations in long-term memory but also to difficulties performing a range of cognitive tasks, including problem-solving tasks and tests of intelligence, even those that have no time limits (Hartley, 2006). On the basis of the information we have considered thus far, you might conclude that many older adults, although they have a vast knowledge base and a good deal of knowledge about learning and memory, experience declines in basic processing capacity that make it difficult for them to carry out memory strategies that will drain their limited working-memory capacity. But the basic processing capacity hypothesis cannot explain everything about age differences in memory.You must consider some additional hypotheses, including sensory changes and a variety of contextual factors.

Dorothy Emmrich, 100, uses a memory program to exercise her informationprocessing skills. Research suggests that both physical and mental workouts can aid memory across the life span.

LINKAGES Chapter 4 Body, brain and health

CONTEXTUAL CONTRIBUTORS Many researchers have adopted a contextual perspective on learning and memory, emphasising both biological and genetic factors along with environmental and situational factors (Hess & Emery,

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LINKAGES Chapter 7 Intelligence and creativity

LINKAGES Chapter 12 Developmental psychopathology

selective optimisation with compensation (SOC) A strategy for coping with diminishing cognitive, physical or psychosocial resources; involves focusing on the most-needed aspects or skills and practising or investing most in those, and developing ways to avoid the need for the others.

2012). They emphasise that performance on learning and memory tasks is the product of an interaction among (1) characteristics of the learner, such as goals, motivations, abilities and health; (2) characteristics of the task or situation; and (3) characteristics of the broader environment, including the cultural context, in which a task is performed. They are not convinced that there is a universal biological decline in basic learning and memory capacities, because older individuals often perform capably in certain contexts. First, cohort differences in education and IQ can explain age differences in some learning and memory skills. Elderly people today are less educated, on average, than younger adults, and further removed from their school days. When education level is controlled for, age differences shrink, although they do not disappear (Rönnlund et al., 2005). Therefore, to some extent, education can compensate for ageing. Older adults who are highly educated or who have high levels of intellectual ability often perform as well as younger adults (Haught et al., 2000). Similarly, health and lifestyle differences between cohorts may contribute to age differences in learning and memory. Older adults are more likely than younger adults to have chronic or degenerative diseases, and even mild diseases can impair memory performance (Schaie, 2012). Older adults also lead less active lifestyles and perform fewer cognitively demanding activities than younger adults, on average. These age-group differences in lifestyle also contribute to age differences in cognitive performance. Older adults who engage in fitness training show enhanced cognitive ability and memory, possibly because physical activity increases blood flow to the brain (Etgen et al., 2010; Ottenbacher et al., 2014). And increased blood flow to the hippocampus is associated with improved memory performance (Heo et al., 2010). Similarly, older adults who remain mentally active or take on challenging mental activities outperform other older adults on working memory and other cognitive tasks (Stine-Morrow, Parisi, Morrow, & Park, 2008; and see Chapter 7). The implications of such research are clear: declines in information-processing skills are not inevitable or universal. Nature may place some boundaries on the information-processing system, but nurture plays a significant role in sustaining memory and problem-solving skills. Older adults may be able to maintain their memory skills if they are relatively well educated, stay healthy and exercise their minds. Simply reviewing material after its presentation can help them improve their memory performance (Koutstaal et al., 1998). Still, factors such as education and health cannot account completely for age differences in cognitive performance. Perhaps the truth lies somewhere between the basic processing capacity view, which emphasises nature by pointing to a universal decline in cognitive resources such as speed and working memory that affect performance on many cognitive tasks, and the contextual view, which emphasises nurture. Contextual theorists stress variability from person to person and situation to situation based on cohort differences, motivational factors and task demands. Sometimes there are marked declines in memory and problem-solving performance associated with cognitive impairments and diseases like Alzheimer’s (see Chapter 12). Yet significant memory loss and poor learning is not likely among healthy older adults.

Selective optimisation with compensation Even into advanced old age, when some loss of basic processing resources occurs, many older adults have developed specialised knowledge and strategies that allow them to compensate for these losses as they carry out the everyday cognitive activities most important to them. Researchers have proposed a selective optimisation with compensation (SOC) framework to understand how older adults may cope with and compensate for their diminishing cognitive resources (Baltes & Rudolph, 2013; Riediger, Li, & Lindenberger, 2006). Three processes are involved: selection (focusing on a limited set of goals and the skills most needed to achieve them),

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optimisation (practising those skills to keep them sharp) and compensation (developing ways around the need for other skills). If your cognitive resources are limited or unstable, then you can’t take on everything; you need to be selective and choose to do only those tasks that are most important or have to be done. For example, you might prepare dinner (after all, you have to eat), but not worry about getting every surface of the house dusted. You need to focus on what you do well – optimise your strengths and minimise weaknesses. If you still have the skills to balance the accounts and this is something your partner struggles with, then you should take over managing the accounts. If your vision is so bad that you cannot tell that your ‘clean’ dishes have chunks of food remaining on them, then compensate by offloading this task to a dishwasher or partner. Research suggests that both middle-aged and older adults take advantage of SOC, although older adults less so than middle-aged ones (Robinson, Rickenbauch, & Lachman, 2016). Both groups are more likely to use SOC on days when they experience greater stress. In addition, SOC has been used to try to help older adults overcome weaknesses in explicit memory by taking advantage of the relative strength of their implicit memory. For instance, Cameron Camp and his colleagues (see, for example, Camp et al., 1996) have worked with patients who have dementia caused by Alzheimer’s disease. They have taught patients with AD to remember the names of staff members by having the patients name photos of staff members repeatedly and at ever longer intervals between trials. People who originally could not retain names for more than a minute were able to recall the names weeks later after training. The technique appears to work because it uses implicit memory processes that are often retained even when explicit memory ability is lost; adults learn effortlessly when they repeatedly encounter the material to be learned. See also the chapter Professional practice box, where occupational therapist Nancy Wright discusses how the principles associated with selective optimisation with compensation are relevant to occupational therapy practice and her work with clients in residential care facilities. By selecting and optimising, then, older adults can often compensate for their diminishing explicit memory, and other skills too, allowing them to maintain independence for a longer period of time (Riediger et al., 2006). Yet some caution is warranted, as selectivity could result in reduced participation in cognitively demanding activities that have cognitive health benefits (see Hess, 2014). Other research, too, has looked at how memory and cognitive problem-solving skills can be enhanced through training and practice (see Chapter 7).

Search me! and Discover how video game training can improve older adults’ multitasking abilities, with follow-on effects for sustained attention and working memory: Anguera, J. A., Boccanfuso, J., Rintoul, J. L., Al-Hashimi, O., Faraji, F., Janowich, J., & Gazzaley, A. (2013). Video game training enhances cognitive control in older adults. Nature, 501, 97–101.

MAKING CONNECTIONS Identify an example of where you have used each of the strategies of selection, optimisation and compensation.

LINKAGES Chapter 7 Intelligence and creativity

Professional practice SELECTIVE OPTIMISATION WITH COMPENSATION IN PRACTICE In what ways are the principles associated with selective optimisation with compensation relevant to your occupational therapy practice? Although I do not use the term selective optimisation with compensation, in practice this is an approach that I use. My primary task as an occupational therapist is to assist a client to identify her/his valued occupations (activities of everyday life) and to prioritise these

occupations, so that those which are most important (or put another way, most personally meaningful) can be addressed first. There are occupational therapy assessments that may be used to identify these occupations, such as the Canadian Occupational Performance Measure (COPM) – a semi-structured interview in which the occupational therapist engages with the client to identify daily occupations of importance that they want to do,

need to do, or are expected to do but are unable to accomplish in areas of everyday living, including self-care, productivity or leisure (see http:// www.thecopm.ca/about/). In my work in the residential aged care home I tend to assess in an informal way, through dialogue with the elderly residents, because the COPM is a long assessment with many questions about multiple occupations that a person might engage in. The use of >>>

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Source: Nancy Wright

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Nancy Wright DipCOT, MA, NZROT, Occupational Therapist (Kaiwhakaora Ngangahau), Auckland, Aotearoa New Zealand

an assessment such as the COPM may emphasise the occupational deprivation that a resident could potentially experience, whereas informal assessments may be less confronting. One of the challenges in residential care facilities such as private residential hospitals is that the capacity of the resident to engage in occupations is often diminished by physical or cognitive decline (personal factors) and by the lack of opportunity in the environment (environmental factors). For example, having your bed made for you every day denies you the opportunity to choose to engage in this habit/ routine. The evidence in this chapter suggests that it is these habits and

roles and their associated behaviours which are in implicit memory – an area of memory that is more likely to be retained by elderly people. Therefore, elderly people may retain their capacity to engage in these meaningful habits and occupations, giving structure and focus to their days. So my role is to help the resident identify their valued occupations and create a goal, I then assist the person to identify what the barriers are to achieving the goal. Then these barriers can be analysed and different approaches taken to optimise the potential for the barriers to be overcome. This is in essence, I think, the SOC approach.

Explaining autobiographical memory Earlier in this chapter, we examined the emergence of autobiographical memories and you learned that most adults do not remember much about their first few years of life. So what determines whether an event is likely to be recalled at a later point in time? We will consider four factors identified by Patricia Bauer (2007) that may influence autobiographical memories: personal significance, distinctiveness, emotional intensity and life phase of the event.

PERSONAL SIGNIFICANCE Most people believe that the personal significance of an event affects our memory for the event – that events of great importance to the self will be remembered better than less important events. As it turns out, the personal significance of an event, as rated at the time the event occurs, has almost no effect on one’s ability to later recall the event. It may be that what was once considered important becomes less so with the passage of time and with the broader perspective gained over the years. For example, imagine that at age 19, you break up with your boyfriend of 2 years. This is traumatic and of great importance to you as a 19-year-old.You expect you’ll never get over it and that the details of the event will be forever etched into your memory. But over the next 10, 20, 30 years or more, so many other events occur that the importance of this youthful breakup fades as you date others, marry, work, raise children and so on. Thus, personal significance of events may influence memory for these events as long as they remain important to us. But as some events become less important and others become more important over time, there is an associated shift in memory for these events.

DISTINCTIVENESS In contrast, the distinctiveness or uniqueness of an event has been consistently associated with better recall (Bauer, 2007). The more unique an event is, the more likely it is to be recalled later on, and to be recalled as a distinct event with relevant details. Common events and experiences are often recalled, if at all, as multiple events lumped together as one (Burt, Kemp, & Conway, 2003). Thus, you may retain fond memories of your childhood experiences of the yearly family camping trip to a favourite beach, but the chances are good that you have integrated in your memory many of the common and similar experiences: you remember fishing, but because you did this every year, you don’t recall the experience of one year as separate from your experience of all the other years. On Copyright 2019 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. WCN 02-200-202

CHAPTER 6: SENSORY-PERCEPTION, ATTENTION AND MEMORY

the other hand, if one year something highly unusual happened when fishing (for example, your father ‘caught’ a toilet seat), you may indeed remember this particular event for many years to come because of its uniqueness.

EMOTIONAL INTENSITY The affective or emotional intensity of an event also influences later recall (Bauer, 2007). Events associated with either highly negative or highly positive emotions are recalled better than events that were experienced in the context of more neutral emotions. This enhanced memory for emotionarousing events occurs even though the emotion associated with the event tends to dissipate with time, especially if it is a negative emotion (Paz-Alonso, Larson, Castelli, Alley, & Goodman, 2009). It is likely that strong emotions activate the body’s arousal system and the neural components associated with arousal enhance encoding and consolidation of events. This can be seen with fMRI scans of the brain as participants are cued to retrieve an autobiographical memory. The brain scans show activation of the amygdala, an area of the brain associated with emotions, when participants retrieve an emotionally charged memory but not when they retrieve a neutral memory (see Rubin, 2012; St Jacques, 2012). And if you are an angry person, you tend to recall more negative, angry autobiographical memories (Hung & Bryant, 2016). Similar findings have emerged for other personal characteristics, which may provide valuable insight into the variability of memory across individuals.

LIFE PHASE

life script Personal life stories that we repeatedly retell over time and in different contexts.

Per cent of memories

Finally, research on autobiographical memory has FIGURE 6.14 Seventy-year-olds’ recall of the times of revealed that people recall more information from their their lives. teens and 20s than from any other time except the near What does this graph illustrate about the recall of present (Rubin, 2002). Figure 6.14 shows the number of autobiographical memories by older adults? memories recalled by 70-year-old adults. Not surprisingly, 35 they recalled a lot from their recent past (for example, age 65). But the number of memories recalled from about ages 30 15–25 was higher than the number recalled from other points of the life span, especially for positive life events 25 (Zaragoza et al., 2015). This ‘reminiscence bump’ (Koppel & Berntsen, 2016; Koppel & Rubin, 2016) may occur 20 because memories from adolescence and early adulthood 15 are more easily accessible than memories from other periods of the life span. They are more accessible because 10 of their distinctiveness and the effort applied by adolescents and young adults to understanding the meaning of the 5 events. Notably, this time of life typically coincides with the major life events of leaving home, acquiring education or 0 training for a job or career, forming romantic relationships, 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 starting a family, and having other experiences signifying Age at time of event adulthood (Berntsen & Rubin, 2012; Conway, 2005).These Source: Rubin, D.C, Wetzler, S. E., & Nebes, R. D. (1986). Autobiographical memory across the adult lifespan. In D. C. Rubin (ed.), Autobiographical memory across the events form one’s life script, those stories of our lives that lifespan. Cambridge University Press. Reprinted with permission. we tell over and over again (Berntsen & Rubin, 2012; and see Chapter 9 on narrative identities). Such life scripts are LINKAGES repeated over time and contexts, becoming further consolidated with each retelling, ensuring that these major life events are solidly secured in our memory system. Research shows that there may be Chapter 9 Self, personality, gender other ‘bumps’ in memory across the life span that are influenced by what particular cultures prescribe and sexuality as important life events (Fitzgerald & Broadbridge, 2012). Copyright 2019 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. WCN 02-200-202

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IN REVIEW CHECKING UNDERSTANDING

CRITICAL THINKING

1 What is macular degeneration?

In the chapter opening you were introduced to Jill Price, the woman with extraordinary autobiographical memory for every day of her life since she was 8 years of age. What cognitive and other advantages and challenges might be experienced as a result of her condition?

2 On what types of memory and problem-solving tasks are older adults most likely to experience problems? 3 What influences the recall of autobiographical memories over the life span?

Express

Get the answers to the Checking understanding questions on CourseMate Express.

CHAPTER REVIEW SUMMARY 6.1 The information-processing approach to cognition ■■ The information-processing approach to cognition focuses on how we acquire, remember and use information. Information about the environment is first taken in via the senses. If the person pays attention to the information in the sensory register it is further processed (encoded) into short-term, or working, memory. Eventually, information may be stored in long-term memory, which seems to be unlimited in terms of size and permanency. In order for something to move into the long-term memory store, it must undergo a process of consolidation, in which a memory trace of the event is created. To be remembered, information must be retrieved from long-term memory using retrieval strategies such as recognition, recall and cued recall.

■■ Explicit and implicit memories are separate components of long-term memory; explicit memory is deliberate and effortful and changes over the life span, whereas implicit memory is automatic and relatively stable over the life span. ■■ Memory has neurological underpinnings that influence memory effectiveness and contribute to developmental changes across the life span. ■■ Stored memories are instrumental to success at problem solving, or using stored information to achieve a goal. Executive control processes select, organise, manipulate and interpret what is going on in the context of problem solving.

6.2 The infant ■■ Methods of studying infant sensory-perceptual, memory and problem-solving abilities include behavioural observation, habituation, preferential looking, imitation, evoked potentials and operantconditioning techniques. ■■ All of the major senses of vision, hearing, taste, smell and the somaesthetic, or body, senses are

operating fairly well at birth, and perceptual abilities to interpret this information improve dramatically during infancy. Infants develop cross-modal perception around 3–6 months of age, although this ability to recognise through one sense what was learned by a different sense continues to develop throughout childhood. >>>

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■■ The early presence of sensory and perceptual abilities suggests that they are innate, but they are also clearly influenced by early experiences of sensory stimulation and infant active exploration of their environment. ■■ Infants clearly show recognition memory for familiar stimuli at birth and cued recall memory by about

2 months. More explicit memory, which requires actively retrieving an image of an object or event no longer present, appears to emerge toward the end of the first year. By age 2, it is even clearer that infants can recall events that happened long ago, for they, like adults, use language to represent and describe what happened.

6.3 The child ■■ Sensory skills undergo little change during childhood, although children learn how to better use the information coming in through their senses. ■■ Learning to control attention is an important part of perceptual development during childhood. Infants and young children are selectively attentive to the world around them, but they have not fully taken charge of their attentional processes. With age, children become more able to concentrate on a task for a long period, to focus on relevant information and ignore distractions, and to use their senses in purposeful and systematic ways to achieve goals. ■■ Memory improves during childhood, with increased efficiency of basic information-processing capacities, greater use of memory strategies, improvement in

metamemory and growth of general knowledge base. Even though infants and toddlers show evidence of autobiographical memory, older children and adults often experience childhood amnesia, or lack of memory for events that happened during infancy and early childhood. ■■ Even young children use systematic rules to solve problems, but their problem-solving skills improve as they replace faulty rules with ones that incorporate all the relevant aspects of the problem. Multiple strategies are used at any age so that development proceeds through a natural selection process and resembles overlapping waves more than a set of steps leading from one way of thinking to the next.

6.4 The adolescent ■■ Basic perceptual and attentional skills are perfected during adolescence. Adolescents are better than children at sustaining their attention and using it selectively and strategically to solve the problem at hand. ■■ Adolescents master advanced memory and learning strategies such as elaboration, note-taking and underlining, and they use their strategies more deliberately and selectively.

■■ Adolescents have larger knowledge bases, and their metamemory skills also improve and contribute to increased memory performance and problemsolving ability. Teens often multitask, however, which can lead to less-efficient learning of new information.

6.5 The adult ■■ During adulthood, sensory thresholds – the amount of stimulation required for detection – rise, and perceptual processing of sensory information often declines, although many changes are minor and can be compensated for. Moderate to severe declines that are not corrected can lead to declines in activities and quality of life among older adults. ■■ Many older adults perform less well than young adults on memory and problem-solving tasks that require speed, the learning of unfamiliar or meaningless material, the use of unexercised abilities, recall rather than recognition memory, and explicit rather than implicit memory. ■■ Intrinsic factors such as declines in basic processing capacity, sensory changes, and

difficulty using strategies, plus contextual factors such as cohort differences, health and lifestyle differences, and task factors such as unfamiliarity and irrelevance of the memory task, contribute to age differences in memory and problemsolving performance. Older adults may cope with and compensate for their diminishing cognitive resources using a selective optimisation with compensation (SOC) framework. ■■ Adults tend to better remember past autobiographical information that was distinctive and highly emotionally arousing; these events become a life script, comprising narratives of our lives that are repeatedly told, which further consolidates these memories.

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END-OF-CHAPTER ACTIVITIES SELF-TEST Answer these questions to self-test your knowledge of the chapter content. The answers are at the end of the chapter.

1

2

The information-processing approach to cognition proposes that incoming information about the environment from the senses is held briefly in (a) ______________. If the person pays attention to this information, it will be moved into (b) ______________. Information to be remembered for any length of time must be moved into (c) ______________. The information-processing system also includes a number of (d) ______________, which are necessary for problem solving. (Select from executive control processes, the sensory register, short-term memory and long-term memory)

3

What are the three changes in attentional capabilities that result in improved attention during childhood and adolescence?

4 Which of the following statements describes agerelated changes in memory performance? a Memory systematically declines throughout adulthood with considerable declines in older age. b Memory declines may occur in older adulthood but they are typically small. c Memory does not change from adolescence through middle adulthood, but after this, memory declines quite rapidly and severely. d Older adults experience no memory declines because they use more memory strategies than younger adults.

True or false? Auditory capabilities are well developed at birth.

REVIEW QUESTIONS Develop your understanding of the chapter content by preparing short answer or essay responses to the following questions – or you might like to try developing a concept map or thinking map for these questions.

1

Explain the relationship between sensation, perception and attention.

6

Summarise three ways attention improves during childhood.

2

Describe the four processes necessary for learning and remembering according to the information-processing perspective.

7

Explain childhood amnesia according to proponents of fuzzy-trace theory.

8

3

Overview the differences between implicit memory and explicit memory.

Summarise three mechanisms behind the improvement of memory during adolescence.

9

Explain those factors that are more likely and less likely to be associated with older adults’ difficulties with some memory tasks.

4 Explain how researchers have used operant conditioning to assess infant memory capabilities. 5

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Discuss two hypotheses as to why infants prefer facial patterns above all other pattern types.

10 Explain the concept of selective optimisation with compensation.

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FOR DISCUSSION Discuss and debate your point of view on the following developmental issues, dilemmas and controversies related to topics in this chapter.

1

In educational circles there is some controversy as to whether rote memorisation or learning something ‘by heart’, like multiplication tables or poetry, is valuable. Some argue that it is useful – it exercises the brain for everyday memory tasks (like remembering phone numbers), helps to uncover new insights in the process of memorising and allows for more efficient and complex problem solving once the brain is freed from having to work out the basics every time. Others argue that rote memory gets in the way of understanding. What do you think – is there a role for rote learning in today’s educational systems?

2

You may have seen on occasion media reports about deaf parents trying to conceive a deaf child, often

arguing that deafness is not a disability but a linguistic minority, and that by being deaf the child will be able to share fully in the language and culture of the parents and Deaf community. Further, some deaf parents of children who are born with some residual hearing are reported to elect not to provide their children with amplification devices such as hearing aids and cochlear implants. (You can locate some of these media reports using the search term ‘deaf baby by choice’, or similar) What are your reactions to parents wishing to have a deaf child or denying their child hearing amplification devices? Can you see the parents’ point of view? What about the rights of the child?

ONLINE STUDY TOOLS COURSEMATE EXPRESS Express

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SEARCH ME! PSYCHOLOGY Explore Search me! Psychology for articles relevant to this chapter. Fast and convenient, Search me! Psychology is updated daily and provides you with 24-hour access to full text articles from hundreds of scholarly and popular journals, eBooks and newspapers, including The Australian and The New York Times. Log in to the Search me! Psychology database via http://login.cengagebrain.com and try searching for the following key words: Search tip: Search me! Psychology contains information from both local and international sources. To get the greatest number of search results, try using both Australian and American spellings in your searches, e.g. ‘globalisation’ and ‘globalization’; ‘organisation’ and ‘organization’.

→ memory → cochlear implant → metacognition.

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ANSWERS TO THE SELF-TEST 1: (a) sensory register, (b) short-term memory, (c) long-term memory, (d) executive control processes;

2: True; 3: attention span becomes longer, and attention becomes more selective and strategic; 4: (b)

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7

CHAPTER

INTELLIGENCE AND CREATIVITY CHAPTER OUTLINE

The psychometric view of intelligence Gardner’s theory of multiple intelligences Sternberg’s triarchic theory of intelligence Creativity

7.2 Factors that influence intelligence and creativity The Flynn effect Genes and intelligence Environment and intelligence Genes, environments and creativity

7.3 The infant

7.6 The adult

Developmental quotients Infant intelligence as a predictor of later intelligence

7.4 The child The stability of IQ scores during childhood The emergence of creativity

Changes in IQ with age IQ, wealth and health Potential for wisdom Creative endeavours

7.7 The extremes of intelligence Intellectual disability Giftedness

7.5 The adolescent Intellectual change and continuity IQ and school achievement Fostering creativity

7.8 Integrating cognitive perspectives

A mind for mathematics

and is an awarded composer

Terence Tao, born in South Australia, was reading by

and musician. Trevor’s

age 2, studying high school calculus books at age 5

achievements are all the

and attending university mathematics classes at age 8.

more remarkable given he

Terence went on to receive a PhD at age 21 from Princeton

was diagnosed with autism

University in the United States, became a full professor at

at age 2, and at age 5 had

24 and won a prestigious international mathematics prize

difficulties speaking and

at 31. He purportedly has an IQ of over 200. Terence’s two

dressing. With specialist

brothers are also gifted: Nigel, the youngest brother, won

support and intervention as a

medals at the International Mathematics Olympiad at

child, Trevor overcame many

age 14, and later studied mathematics and economics at

of the challenges associated

university. Trevor, the middle brother, was a junior chess

with autism (Cauchi, 2006;

champion at age 14, completed a PhD in mathematics

Guilliatt, 2007; Smith, 2006).

Source: Getty Images/Steve Jennings/Stringer

7.1 Defining and measuring intelligence and creativity

Terence Tao, a gifted child who has gone on to extraordinary achievements as an adult.

Express Throughout this chapter, the CourseMate Express logo indicates an opportunity for online self-study, linking you to activities, videos and other online resources.

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CHAPTER 7: INTELLIGENCE AND CREATIVITY

The range of human intellectual abilities is immense – from giftedness at one end of the continuum, as exemplified by Terence Tao in our chapter opening vignette, to intellectual disability at the other end. So far, much of the material on cognitive development in this book has focused on what human minds have in common, not on how they differ. Piaget was interested in identifying universal stages of cognitive development (see Chapter 5). The information-processing approach has been used mainly to understand the basic cognitive processes all people rely on to learn, remember and solve problems (see Chapter 6). Here we introduce still another approach to the study of intellectual and cognitive functioning: the psychometric, or testing, approach to intelligence, which led to the creation of intelligence (IQ) tests. IQ tests have provided researchers with good information about intellectual development and variations in intellectual performance. Furthermore, they have been used for the practical purpose of identifying different levels of intelligence among school children, military recruits and potential employees. Many people, however, have doubts about IQ tests.These measures have their limitations, and have sometimes been misused, prompting scholars to propose alternative intelligence theories and measures. In this chapter we examine both the psychometric and alternative approaches to intelligence and its measurement, and how and why IQ changes or stays the same over the life span. We also examine the experiences of gifted and intellectually disabled individuals. We discuss creativity, an intellectual ability not measured by traditional IQ tests. Finally, we summarise and integrate the different approaches to cognition that you have been introduced to in Chapters 5 and 6, and this one. Let’s begin by trying to understand the meanings of intelligence and creativity.

327

LINKAGES Chapter 5 Cognitive development Chapter 6 Sensoryperception, attention and memory

7.1 DEFINING AND MEASURING INTELLIGENCE AND CREATIVITY ■■ ■■ ■■ ■■ ■■

Outline the psychometric view of intelligence. Summarise key points relating to the measurement of IQ. Describe the difference between fluid and crystallised intelligence. Discuss the differences between Gardner’s and Sternberg’s theories of intelligences. Summarise what creativity is and how it can be measured.

Learning objectives

What is intelligence and what is its relationship to creativity? Bear in mind that understanding of these complex human qualities has changed over time – and there is still no single, universally accepted definition of intelligence or creativity. We will consider three approaches that have attempted to explain the nature of intelligence and to some extent creativity: the psychometric approach, multiple intelligences theory and triarchic theory.

The psychometric view of intelligence The research tradition that spawned the development of intelligence tests is the psychometric approach. According to psychometric theorists, intelligence is a trait or a set of traits that characterises some people to a greater extent than others. The goals are to identify these traits precisely and measure them so that differences among individuals can be described.Yet experts have not agreed on whether intelligence is one general cognitive ability, or many specific abilities.

A two-factor theory of intelligence

psychometric approach A view of intelligence as a trait or a set of traits that varies from person to person and can be measured by standardised intelligence tests.

Charles Spearman (1927) proposed a two-factor theory of intelligence. The first factor is the general mental ability, g, that contributes to performance on many different kinds of tasks.

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This g factor is what accounts for Spearman’s observation that people are often consistent in their performance across a range of tasks. For example, general intelligence has been found to correlate with performance on exams in 25 different academic subjects (Deary, Strand, Smith, & Fernandes, 2007). However, Spearman also noticed that a student who excelled at most tasks might score low on a particular measure (for example, memory for words). So he proposed a second aspect of intelligence: s, or special abilities, each of which is specific to a particular kind of task. Some research suggests that g may play a greater role in IQ test performance during childhood than adolescence (Kane & Brand, 2006). By adolescence, many effortful processes that underlie expression of g have become automated, freeing up cognitive resources to hone certain specific abilities.

Fluid and crystallised intelligence Raymond Cattell and John Horn have greatly influenced current thinking concerning intelligence by distinguishing between two broad dimensions of intellect: fluid intelligence and crystallised fluid intelligence intelligence (Cattell, 1963; Horn & Cattell, 1967; Horn & Noll, 1997). Fluid intelligence is the Aspects of intelligence ability to use your mind actively to solve novel problems – for example, to solve verbal analogies, that involve actively remember unrelated pairs of words or, as shown in Figure 7.1, to recognise relationships among thinking and reasoning to solve geometric figures.The skills involved – reasoning, seeing relationships among stimuli and drawing novel problems. inferences – are usually not taught and are believed to represent a person’s ‘raw informationcrystallised processing power’ (Gottfredson & Saklofske, 2009). Crystallised intelligence, in contrast, is intelligence Aspects of intelligence that the use of knowledge acquired through schooling and other life experiences. Tests of general involve using existing information (At what temperature does water boil?), word comprehension (What is the meaning knowledge acquired of duplicate?) and numerical abilities (What is 23 × 3?) are all measures of crystallised intelligence. through experience. Thus, fluid intelligence involves using your mind in new and flexible ways, whereas crystallised intelligence FIGURE 7.1  An example of a problem used to assess involves using what you have already learned through fluid intelligence. Which of the eight numbered pieces would you select to complete the design shown in the experience. large box?

A three-stratum theory of intelligence

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

There is no single answer to the question What is intelligence? Nonetheless, some consensus has emerged from the vast research conducted over the years, and the groundbreaking contribution of John Carroll (1993), who factor-analysed hundreds of studies of human cognitive abilities across a 50-year period to propose a three-tier (stratum) model (Figure 7.2). The models of Cattell and Horn, and Carroll, have since been integrated into the Cattell–Horn–Carroll (CHC) theory of cognitive abilities. Intelligence from this psychometric perspective is most often viewed as a hierarchy that includes: (1)  a general ability factor at the top, influencing how well people perform on a range of cognitive tasks; (2) a number of broad dimensions of ability that are distinguishable in factor analyses; and (3) at the bottom, many specific abilities such as numerical reasoning, spatial discrimination and word comprehension that also influence how well a

Answer: 7

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CHAPTER 7: INTELLIGENCE AND CREATIVITY

329

FIGURE 7.2  John Carroll’s three-stratum model of human intellectual abilities with levels showing general intelligence, broad dimensions of intelligence and specific skills. General intelligence (g)

Fluid intelligence

Crystallised intelligence

General memory and learning

Broad visual perception

Broad auditory perception

Broad retrieval ability

Broad cognitive speediness

Processing speed

Sequential reasoning

Printed language

Memory span

Visualisation

Creativity

Rate of test taking

Simple reaction time

Inductive reasoning

Language comprehension

Associate memory

Speech sound discriminations

Choice reaction time

Vocabulary knowledge

Naming facility

Numerical facility

Quantitative reasoning

General sound discriminations

Perceptual speed

Semantic processing speed

Spatial relations Closure speed

Ideational fluency

Source: Adapted from Kail & Cavanaugh (2010).

person performs on cognitive tasks that tap these specific abilities (Carroll, 2005; Schneider & McGrew, 2012).The broad dimensions of human intellectual ability identified by Cattell, Horn and Carroll are evident in CHC theory but the number and nature of these dimensions is evolving as proponents of the psychometric approach continue to explore the structure of human intelligence (McGrew, 2009).

The Stanford-Binet test of intelligence Another of the most significant contributions to the psychometric approach to intelligence occurred in 1904 when Alfred Binet and Theodore Simon were commissioned by the French government to devise a test that would identify ‘dull’ children who might need special instruction. Binet and Simon devised a large battery of tasks measuring skills believed to be necessary for classroom learning: attention, perception, memory, reasoning, verbal comprehension and so on. Items that discriminated between ‘normal’ children and those described by their teachers as ‘slow’ were kept in the final test. This forerunner of the modern IQ test was soon revised so that the items were age-graded. For example, a set of ‘6-year-old’ items could be passed by most 6-year-olds but by few 5-yearolds; ‘12-year-old’ items could be handled by most 12-year-olds but not by younger children. This approach permitted the testers to describe a child’s mental age or the level of age-graded problems that the child could solve. Therefore, a child who passes all items at the 5-year-old level but does poorly on more advanced items – regardless of the child’s actual age – is said to have a mental age of 5. Binet’s test became known as the Stanford-Binet Intelligence Scale after Lewis Terman of Stanford University translated and published a revised version of the test for use with American children. Terman developed a procedure for comparing a child’s mental age (MA) with their chronological age (CA) by calculating an intelligence quotient (IQ): MA divided by CA then multiplied by 100 (IQ = MA/CA × 100). An IQ score of 100 indicates average intelligence, regardless of a child’s age. The average child passes just the items that age-mates typically pass; mental age increases each year, but so does chronological age. Thus, a child of 8 with a mental age of 10 has experienced rapid intellectual growth and has a high IQ (specifically, 125); if he or she still has a mental age of 10 when 15 years old, then he or she has an IQ of only 67 and is below average compared with children of the same age.

ON THE INTERNET Free IQ Test http://www.freeiqtest.net Want to know what it’s like to take an IQ test? Standardised IQ tests must be administered by a qualified psychologist, but you can experience types of IQ test items with this free online test. Have a go at completing additional IQ test items by visiting the CourseMate Express website.

intelligence quotient (IQ) A numerical measure of a person’s performance on an intelligence test relative to the performance of other examinees of the same age.

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test norms Standards of normal performance on psychometric instruments based on the average scores and range of scores obtained by a large, representative sample of test takers.

The Stanford-Binet, now in its fifth edition, is still in use (Roid, 2003). Its test norms – standards of normal performance expressed as average scores and the range of scores around the average – are based on the performance of a large, representative sample of 2-year-olds through to adults from many socioeconomic and racial backgrounds. The concept of mental age is no longer used to calculate IQ; instead, individuals receive scores that reflect how well or poorly they do compared with others of the same age. An IQ of 100 is average, and the higher the IQ score an individual attains, the better the performance is in comparison with that of age-mates.

The Wechsler tests of intelligence David Wechsler constructed another set of intelligence tests, collectively referred to as the Wechsler Scales, also in wide use today. The Wechsler Preschool and Primary Scale of Intelligence (WPPSIIV) is for children between the ages of 2 years 6 months through to 7 years and 7 months (Wechsler, 2012). The Wechsler Intelligence Scale for Children (WISC-V) is for school children aged 6 years through to 16 years and 11 months (Wechsler, 2014), and the Wechsler Adult Intelligence Scale (WAIS-IV) is for individuals aged 16 years through to 90 years and 7 months (Wechsler, 2008).There are Australian and New Zealand standardised editions for these tests. The Wechsler tests yield index scores for verbal comprehension, based on vocabulary, general information and the like; visual spatial based on such non-verbal skills as the ability to work with blocks and visual puzzles; fluid reasoning based on the ability to apply quantitative and analogical reasoning to figure out patterns and solve problems by identifying missing parts; working memory based on the ability to remember and repeat sequences of numbers and letters, as well as to memorise parts of scene images whilst comprehending the scene situations at the same time; and processing speed that measures speed of visual-perceptual and motor processing. A person’s full-scale IQ on the Wechsler tests is a combination of the four index scores. As with the Stanford-Binet, a score of 100 is defined as average for the person’s age. Figure 7.3 provides examples of test items typically found on modern intelligence tests like the Wechsler Scales and the Stanford-Binet. FIGURE 7.3  Typical intelligence test items Tests of intelligence typically include items tapping a variety of skills, including: ∙ general knowledge – 'How many days are there in a leap year?' ∙ verbal knowledge (see below) – 'which picture shows furniture?'

∙ number patterns – 'Which is the next number? 4, 5, 7, 10, …' ∙ logical reasoning – 'Three sisters were walking downstairs. Jen came downstairs first. The youngest sister followed her. Sue followed Jude. Sue is the middle sister. Who is the oldest?' ∙ abstract thinking (see below) – Which of these things does not belong with the others?'

∙ spatial visualisation (see below) – 'Which is a rotation of A?' A

B

C

D

Source: Adapted from Duchesne, McMaugh, Bochner, & Krause (2013).

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FIGURE 7.4  A normal distribution curve showing traditional intelligence testing scores in the classic bell shape around the average score of 100

52–55

2.14%

13.59% 68–70

34.13% 84–85

34.13% 100

13.59% 115–116

For additional insight on the data presented in Figure 7.4 try out the Understanding the data exercise on CourseMate Express.

normal distribution A symmetrical bellshaped curve that describes the variability of characteristics within a population, with most people falling at or near the average score and relatively few with high or low scores.

68% of test takers score within / one standard deviation of the average score 0.13%

Express

2.14% 130–132

0.13% 145–148

(Average) IQ score

standard deviation A measure of the dispersion or spread around the mean of a distribution of scores.

Note that scores on both the Stanford-Binet and Wechsler Scales form a normal distribution, or a symmetrical, bell-shaped spread around the average score of 100 (Figure 7.4). One standard deviation is 15 points. Scores around the average are common; very high and very low scores are rare. About two-thirds of people taking one of these IQ tests have scores between 85 and 115, which corresponds to the spread or range of scores within one standard deviation above and below the average score. Fewer than 3 per cent have scores of 130 or above, a score often used as one criterion

Professional practice ADMINISTERING INTELLIGENCE TESTS

Yes, I use intelligence tests, such as the WPPSI, the WISC and the WAIS in particular, depending on the age of the child or adolescent being assessed. I find intelligence tests useful, not because of the global IQ score they produce, but because an analysis of their subtests can give a broad picture of relative strengths and weaknesses. Such information is highly valuable in understanding, explaining to the families, and optimising for the child,

their cognitive development. Such an understanding may then effectively inform interventions. This may include implementing interventions that bolster strengths to accommodate areas of weakness, and implementing focused interventions that target those identified areas of weakness. Source: Kimberley Cunial

Do you administer intelligence tests, and if so, how are they valuable in your work as a psychologist?

How do you approach assessment of intellectual and cognitive functioning with clients from culturally diverse backgrounds? I am always sensitive and ethical in my choice of cognitive tests. For instance, it may be more appropriate to use non-verbal tests such as the

Kimberley Cunial BA (Hons), PGDipEd, MEdPsych, MAPS, CEDP, Educational and Developmental Psychologist, Queensland, Australia >>>

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>>>

Wechsler Nonverbal Scale of Ability or the Universal Nonverbal Intelligence Test. I would also be mindful in my interpretation of the test results, and

Source: Getty Images/ Pradeep Gaur/Mint

Snapshot

perhaps take far more observational data than usual. Certain test items may need to be interpreted with caution if there is potential for cultural bias.

I would also ensure that my decision making draws on a broad range of data drawn from multiple sources.

of giftedness. Similarly, fewer than 3 per cent have IQs below 70, a cut-off commonly used to define intellectual disability. In the end, the intelligence tests guided by psychometric theories have emphasised general intellectual ability by summarising performance in a single IQ score, and assess only some of the specialised abilities they propose humans possess. Critics believe traditional psychometric tests have not fully described what it means to be an intelligent person, and some have offered alternative ways of thinking about intelligence that represent challenges to the traditional psychometric view. Reading about these approaches in the following sections will help you appreciate the complexity of defining and measuring intelligence. Before you continue, review the Professional practice box to learn how Kimberley Cunial, an educational and developmental psychologist, uses intelligence tests, and the care she takes when administering tests to individuals from different cultural backgrounds, a topic we will consider in more depth later in the chapter.

Gardner’s theory of multiple intelligences Howard Gardner argues there are at least eight intelligences in his theory of multiple intelligences. 

As noted, not everyone agrees that the psychometric approach is the best way to understand intelligence. Howard Gardner (1999/2000, 2011) rejects the idea that a single IQ score is a meaningful measure of human intelligence. He argues that there are many intelligences, most of which have been ignored by standardised intelligence tests. Instead of asking, ‘How smart are you?’ Gardner says researchers should be asking, ‘How are you smart?’ and identifying people’s strengths and weaknesses across the full range of human mental faculties (Chen & Gardner, 1997). Gardner proposes at least eight distinct intellectual abilities – see Table 7.1. TABLE 7.1  Gardner’s eight intelligences Intellectual ability

Description

Verbal–linguistic

Language skills, such as those seen in a poet’s facility with words

Logical–mathematical

The abstract thinking and problem solving shown by mathematicians and computer scientists and that was emphasised by Piaget

Musical

Thinking that is based on an acute sensitivity to sound patterns, shown by musicians

Spatial–visual

The capacity to think in images and to visualise accurately and abstractly; shown by artists who can successfully convey to others what they perceive

Bodily–kinaesthetic

The skilful use of the body to create crafts, perform or fix things; shown by dancers, athletes and surgeons

Interpersonal

Social intelligence, social skill and exceptional sensitivity to other people’s motivations and moods; demonstrated by salespeople and psychologists

Intrapersonal

A deep capacity to reflect on one’s own feelings and inner life and selfanalyse; demonstrated by philosophers and theorists

Naturalist

Thinking that is based in expertise and hands-on engagement in the natural world of plants, animals and the outdoors; shown by farmers and conservationists

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CHAPTER 7: INTELLIGENCE AND CREATIVITY

Traditional IQ tests emphasise verbal–linguistic and logical–mathematical intelligence, and to some extent they test spatial–visual intelligence, perhaps because those are the forms of intelligence Western societies value most highly and work the hardest to nurture in school. But IQ tests can be faulted for ignoring most of the other forms of intelligence. Although Gardner does not claim that his is the definitive list of intelligences, he presents evidence suggesting that each of these eight abilities is distinct. For example, a person can be exceptional in one ability, but poor in others – witness savant syndrome, the phenomenon in which extraordinary talent in a particular area is displayed by a person otherwise intellectually disabled. Leslie Lemke, one such individual, is affected by cerebral palsy, blindness and intellectual disability, and could not talk until he was an adult (Treffert, 2000). Yet he can hear a musical piece once and play it flawlessly on the piano or sing songs in perfect German or Italian, even though his own speech is still primitive. He apparently has a high level of musical intelligence. Other savants, despite low IQs, can draw well enough to gain admittance to art school, or can calculate on the spot what day of the week it was on 16 January 1909 (Hermelin & Rutter, 2001). Some scholars think the skills shown by savants are so specific and depend so much on memory that they do not qualify as separate ‘intelligences’ (Nettelbeck & Young, 1996). However, Gardner insists that savant syndrome simply cannot be explained by theories emphasising the general intelligence factor g. Gardner also marshals evidence to show that each intelligence has its own distinctive developmental course. Many great musical composers and athletes revealed their genius in childhood, whereas exceptional logical–mathematical intelligence typically shows up later, after the individual has gained the capacity for abstract thought and has mastered an area of science. Finally, Gardner links his distinct intelligences to distinct structures in the brain, arguing that the eight intelligences are neurologically distinct. Critics of Gardner have argued there is limited empirical evidence to support the theory, due in part to a lack of or inadequate tests to measure all of the intelligences (Waterhouse, 2006). Other researchers have observed correlations between a number of the intelligences and traditional tests of ability, indicating the multiple intelligences are not as distinct from general intelligence as purported in the theory (Chamorro-Premuzic & Furnham, 2005; Visser, Ashton, & Vernon, 2006). Neurocognitive studies comparing savants and prodigies have found some overlap in brain activation patterns during the performance of extraordinary talents, but also some differences, indicating that learning history and strategy use may be a better explanation of these skills, rather than the presence of underlying distinct intelligences (Dubischar-Krivec, Bölte, Braun, Poustka, Birbaumer, & Neumann, 2014; Fehr, Wallace, Erhard, & Herrmann, 2011).

Sternberg’s triarchic theory of intelligence Agreeing with Gardner that traditional IQ tests do not capture all that it means to be an intelligent person, Robert Sternberg (1985, 1988a, 2011) has proposed a triarchic theory of intelligence that emphasises three components that jointly contribute to intelligent behaviour: practical or contextual, creative or experiential, and analytic (Figure 7.5).

Practical intelligence First, the practical intelligence component highlights that what is defined as intelligent behaviour varies from one sociocultural context to another. What might be intelligent in one context may be illogical in another. People who are high in this practical component of intelligence can adapt to the environment in which they find themselves and can shape the environment to optimise their strengths and minimise their weaknesses. These people have ‘street smarts’, or common sense.

333

savant syndrome Phenomenon in which extraordinary talent in a particular area is displayed by a person who is otherwise intellectually disabled.

MAKING CONNECTIONS Give examples to illustrate which of Gardner’s eight intelligences are likely to be your intellectual strengths.

triarchic theory of intelligence An information-processing theory of intelligence that argues that practical, creative and analytic components jointly contribute to intelligent behaviour. practical intelligence The aspect of intelligence in the triarchic theory of intelligence that emphasises the effect of context on intelligence.

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FIGURE 7.5  Sternberg’s triarchic theory of intelligence includes three components: analytic, practical and creative intelligences Practical intelligence Practical intelligence, or ‘street smarts,’ means successfully solving problems that arise in your everyday life. This includes: • Adapting to the environment you are in • Selecting environments in which you can succeed • Shaping your environment to fit your strengths.

Creative intelligence Effectively dealing with novel problems and automating responses to familiar problems. Includes: • Creating • Inventing • Discovering • Imagining.

Analytic intelligence

Intelligence

Selecting mental processes that will lead to success; thinking critically and analytically, which includes: • Planning • Evaluating • Analysing • Monitoring • Comparing and contrasting • Filtering information.

Sternberg’s triarchic theory of intelligence Intelligence arises from a combination of three components

Source: AP Images/Michelle McLoughlin

Snapshot

Intelligent behaviour also changes over time. Numerical abilities may not play as important a role in intelligent behaviour now that calculators and computers are widely used, for example, whereas analytical skills may be more important than ever in a complex urban world. The infant learning how to master new toys shows a different kind of intelligence than the adult mastering a university curriculum. Therefore, the definition of the intelligent infant must differ from the definition of the intelligent adult. The practical component of Sternberg’s triarchic theory, then, defines intelligent behaviour differently depending on the sociocultural context in which it is displayed. Intelligent people adapt to the environment they are in (for example, a job setting), shape that environment to make it suit them better, or find a better environment. They can walk into a new situation, quickly evaluate it and adapt their behaviour to be successful in this new context. Although recognised by many people as an important form of intelligence, this real-world adaptability is not assessed by traditional intelligence tests.

Robert Sternberg argues there are three interacting components of intelligence. 

creative intelligence The aspect of intelligence in the triarchic theory of intelligence that emphasises the effect of experience on intelligence. automatisation The process by which information processing becomes effortless and highly efficient as a result of continued practice or increased expertise.

Creative intelligence According to the creative intelligence component of triarchic theory, what is intelligent when a person first encounters a new task is not the same as what is intelligent after extensive experience with that task. This kind of intelligence, in response to novelty, requires active and conscious information processing. Sternberg believes that relatively novel tasks provide the best measures of intelligence because they tap the individual’s ability to come up with creative ideas or fresh insights. In daily life, however, people also perform more or less intelligently on familiar and repetitive tasks, such as driving a car). This kind of intelligence reflects automatisation, or an increased efficiency of information processing with practice. It is intelligent to develop little ‘programs in the mind’ for performing common, everyday activities efficiently and unthinkingly. Thus, according to Sternberg, it is crucial to know how familiar a task is to a person before assessing that person’s behaviour.

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Analytic intelligence The third aspect of the triarchic theory, the analytic intelligence component, focuses on the information-processing skills that are assessed by traditional intelligence tests.These include thinking critically and analytically. People who score highly on this component can plan what to do, monitor progress, filter out irrelevant information and focus on the relevant, compare new information to existing knowledge, and evaluate outcomes. As an information-processing theorist, Sternberg believes that the theories of intelligence underlying the development of traditional IQ tests ignore how people produce intelligent answers. He argues that a full picture of intelligence includes not only the number of answers people get right, but also the processes they use to arrive at their answers and the efficiency with which they use those processes. So, to fully assess how intelligent people are, researchers must consider the practical context in which they perform (their age, culture and historical period), their ability to respond creatively to new tasks and their analytic strategies. Individuals who are intelligent, according to this triarchic model, are able to carry out logical thought processes efficiently and effectively to solve both novel and familiar problems and to adapt to their environment. Before moving on, you might like to review Sternberg’s three components of intelligence with the examples provided in Table 7.2. Sternberg’s triarchic theory of intelligence has not been without its critics. It is argued that Sternberg has underestimated and ignored the evidence pointing toward the importance of g, and that there is little evidence showing testable differences among individuals on the practical intelligence component (Chamorro-Premuzic & Furnham, 2005; Gottfredson, 2003; Reeve & Bonaccio, 2011).

analytic intelligence The aspect of intelligence in the triarchic theory of intelligence that emphasises cognitive processes used to solve problems.

TABLE 7.2 Sternberg’s triarchic theory of intelligence Examples of three hypothetical students, each excelling at one of the three components of Sternberg’s triarchic theory of intelligence. You might like to extend the descriptions of each student further based on what you have learned about these three components of intelligence.

Component

Description of hypothetical student

Practical

Practical Patty is not terribly creative, nor does she get the best grades in the classroom. However, if you want to get a task done, enlist Patty’s help; she can figure out a way to get a job done with the available resources.

Analytic

Many people rate Analytic Alice as a gifted student, and teachers love having her in their classrooms. Although not very imaginative, she is able to analyse a collection of ideas and provide a logical critique of them.

Creative

Creative Cathy does not get as ‘deep’ into understanding the material as her classmate Alice. But she generates lots of new ideas and can be counted on to offer a different perspective in class discussions.

Source: Adapted from Sternberg (1985).

Successful intelligence Sternberg (1999b, 2003, 2011) has expanded his triarchic theory of intelligence to include what he calls the theory of successful intelligence. According to the most recent version of this theory, successful intelligence consists of being able to: • establish and achieve reasonable goals consistent with your skills and circumstances • optimise your strengths and minimise weaknesses • adapt to the environment through a combination of selecting a good environment and making modifications to the self or the environment to increase fit • use of all three components of intelligence – analytic, creative and practical. The path to successful intelligence is figuring out a reasonable goal given your skills and circumstances, and positioning yourself to allow strengths to blossom and weaknesses to fade. It also

successful intelligence The concept that people are intelligent to the extent that they are able to succeed in life in their sociocultural context.

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MAKING CONNECTIONS Consider your own goals, circumstances, strengths and weaknesses. What path might be an intelligent option for you according to the theory of successful intelligence?

means when circumstances or skills change, you can adapt or alter the environment or move on to something that is a better fit. Consider Bob’s story. After struggling with academics throughout school, Bob decided that further study after completing high school was not his best option. Instead, he found himself ‘in the right place at the right time’ as his grandfather was getting older and looking for some help with his landscaping business. Bob had always loved working outdoors and had an eye for how to arrange plantings to their best advantage, something for which his grandfather never had much patience. After a few years, when his grandfather was ready to retire, Bob knew he had most of the skills needed to take over the business. He realised, though, that the business had not really been modernised and that he lacked the bookkeeping skills needed to maintain and grow the business. He took some courses and talked to customers about their needs. From this, he developed a marketing and growth plan for the business. The business thrived, but after a few years, Bob recognised his customers increasingly asked about water gardens, something he had not previously offered. After considering the pros and cons of branching out, Bob decided he could handle it. He didn’t want to lose customers to his competitors just because water gardens had not been ‘his thing’ in the past. He figured he knew enough to incorporate this alternative type of garden into the business. Bob does not necessarily exhibit the type of intelligence that many people may think of when they consider the meaning of intelligence, that is, the type measured by academic tasks. However, Bob illustrates successful intelligence: establishing a goal that made sense for him given his situation, being aware of his strengths and weaknesses, and adapting to changes over time. Thus, intelligence is not just the ability to do well in school, as indicated by traditional intelligence tests, but also the ability to do well in life (Sternberg, 2004). Unfortunately, according to Sternberg, today’s widely used tests of intelligence do not reflect this multifaceted view of intelligence; they instead focus on analytic intelligence. Sternberg has developed a test to measure all three components of intelligence according to his triarchic theory. The Sternberg Triarchic Abilities Test (STAT) uses a variety of question formats, combining those found on traditional IQ tests with those designed to tap into the other components of intelligence. For instance, test takers write an essay on how they would reform their school system, offer solutions to everyday dilemmas such as how to plan a route around an obstacle, infer the meanings of ‘fake words’ from the sentence context, and figure out analogies based on counterfactual information. Some studies suggest that the STAT is a valid measure of the three components of intelligence that it is intended to assess (Sternberg, 2011). In addition, there is evidence that the STAT can augment other standardised tests to extend prediction of school performance from primary and secondary levels to higher education (Stemler, Grigorenko, Jarvin, & Sternberg, 2006; Sternberg, 2009). By tapping into different types of intelligence not assessed by traditional tests, the STAT can uncover exceptional intelligence among individuals who might otherwise be overlooked. Whether we use a traditional intelligence test or one of the alternatives, trying to boil down a person’s intelligence to a single score is a formidable task. Human mental functioning is truly complex. Intelligence tests can provide us with only a snapshot in time – an estimate that is not always the best indicator of a person’s underlying intellectual competence.

Creativity creativity The ability to produce novel responses that are meaningful.

Most scholars define creativity as the ability to produce novel responses appropriate to the context and valued by others, thus creative responses are both original and meaningful (Simon, 2001; Sternberg, 2003). Someone who comes up with a novel and useful idea is considered creative, whereas someone who comes up with a novel idea that has no apparent value may not be considered creative.Yet some researchers who study creativity have concerns about defining as creative only those ideas that are deemed useful (see Smith, 2005). Who decides what is useful, and

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CHAPTER 7: INTELLIGENCE AND CREATIVITY

who is to say whether something will be valued by someone at some time? Consequently, some researchers examine all novel outputs and not just those that are subjectively deemed valuable. Before reading further, you may want to test your creativity with the problems presented in the Engagement box.

Engagement ARE YOU CREATIVE? 1 Quick! List all the uses you can think of for a pencil. 2 Make something out of each shape displayed here. For Question 1, compare your responses to the discussion in this

section of the text about ideational fluency. For Question 2, compare your responses to those provided on CourseMate Express.

Express See some examples of how question 2 in the Engagement box above was answered on CourseMate Express.

Source: Copyright © by Michael Plishka. Used by permission.

Research shows some connection between creativity and intelligence, although not a particularly strong connection (Kaufman & Plucker, 2011). A minimum of intelligence is probably required for creativity – highly creative people rarely have below-average IQs (Runco, 2007). But, among people who have average or above-average IQs, an individual’s IQ score is essentially unrelated to his or her level of creativity. IQ scores and creativity scores do not correlate very well because they measure two different types of thinking. IQ tests measure convergent thinking, which involves finding the one best answer to a problem. If we could typecast someone as a convergent thinker, it would be the person who wants to know the correct answer to a problem. In contrast, creativity involves divergent thinking, or identifying a variety of ideas or solutions to a problem when there is no single correct answer. Responses on divergent thinking tasks can be analysed along three dimensions: the originality or

convergent thinking Thinking that involves finding the one best answer to a problem. divergent thinking Thinking that requires identifying a variety of ideas or solutions to a problem when there is no one right answer.

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ideational fluency The sheer number of different ideas, including novel ones, that a person can generate.

investment theory A theory of creativity in which creative achievement results when many individual and environmental factors converge at the right time.

uniqueness of the generated ideas, the flexibility of or number of different categories expressed by the ideas and the fluency of the ideas (Runco, 2007). This last one – ideational fluency, or the sheer number of different (including novel) ideas that a person can generate (recall the instruction you were given in the Engagement box to list all the uses of a pencil) – is most often used to assess creativity because it is easy to score. For uses of a pencil, an uncreative person might say you could write letters, notes, postcards and so forth; by contrast, one creative person envisioned a pencil as ‘a backscratcher, a potting stake, kindling for a fire, a rolling pin for baking, a toy for a woodpecker, or a small boat for a cricket’ (Richards, 1996, p. 73). As you can see, although the two constructs are related, intelligence, with its focus on convergent thinking, and creativity, with its focus on divergent thinking, are distinct. We should ask at this point whether performance on tests of creativity can predict actual creative accomplishments, such as original artwork or outstanding science projects. Some researchers have found that scores on creativity tests administered in either primary or secondary school predict creative achievements, such as inventions and writing novels, in adulthood (Howieson, 1981; Runco, 2007). However, just as it is a mistake to expect IQ scores to predict accomplishments, it may also be a mistake to expect tests of creativity to do so with any great accuracy. Why? First, creativity is expressed in different ways at different points in the life span; engaging in imaginative play as a child is correlated with high scores on tests of creativity but may have little to do with being a creative scientist or musician as an adult. Also, creativity tests, like IQ tests, attempt to measure a general cognitive ability when many specific talents exist, and each (artistic, mathematical, musical and so on) requires distinct skills and experiences. This use of divergent thinking tasks to assess creativity reflects a psychometric, or testing, approach. It assumes creativity is a trait that is held to a greater or lesser degree by individuals and can be measured. While the psychometric approach can be useful, such an approach may ignore the complexity or multitude of factors that constitute creativity. This is where Sternberg’s investment theory of creativity is valuable (Sternberg, 2012). As we saw earlier, creativity is one of the three main components of Sternberg’s triarchic theory of intelligence; but scoring highly in this component alone will not lead to creative achievement. Studies have shown that the realisation of creativity emerges from a convergence of the following six factors: • intellectual skills that include the trio of abilities comprising Sternberg’s triarchic theory of intelligence • enough knowledge of a field to have an understanding of the current state or what might be missing or needed in the field • a thinking style that ‘enjoys’ mentally toying with ideas • a personality style that is open to some risk and is comfortable stepping outside the norm • motivation to stay focused on the task and not give up when faced with obstacles • an environment that supports and rewards creative output. So, according to investment theory, creativity is a confluence of many factors, each added in appropriate concentrations at the proper time. Similarly, Gardner and other scholars argue creativity is a dynamic process involving the convergence of individual factors such as talents, domain expertise, personality and motivation; the domain in which one is working, with its own characteristic forms of creativity; and the context in which quality and originality are judged (Gardner, 2011, 2013). We might think of creativity as analogous to making a soufflé: it requires certain ingredients in specific amounts combined in a particular order, baked at the proper temperature for the right amount of time. All these things must come together or your soufflé will be a failure. And so it is with creativity.

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IN REVIEW CHECKING UNDERSTANDING

CRITICAL THINKING

1 What is the difference between fluid and crystallised intelligence?

Imagine that you are chosen to head a project on intelligence testing, with the task of devising an IQ test for use in schools that is better than any that currently exists. Sketch out the features of your model IQ test. What would be your definition of intelligence? Would you include measures of convergent and divergent thinking in your test? In what ways would your test improve upon the tests that are currently used?

2 What is the main point of Gardner’s theory of intelligence? 3 Explain the path to ‘successful intelligence’. 4 How does creativity compare to intelligence and how is it typically measured? Express

Get the answers to the Checking understanding questions on CourseMate Express.

7.2 FACTORS THAT INFLUENCE INTELLIGENCE AND CREATIVITY ■■ Outline the ‘Flynn effect’. ■■ Summarise the relationship between genes, the environment, creativity and intelligence. ■■ Describe the factors that influence scores on IQ and creativity tests, and discuss the extent to which intelligence and creativity are stable throughout the life span. ■■ Discuss the role of Vygotsky’s zone of proximal development in cognitive development.

Learning objectives

Before we survey changes and continuities in intellectual and creative functioning over the life span, we will address these questions: Why do children or adults who are the same age differ in their IQ scores and, by implication, intelligence? And what influences creativity? We will also explore the often contentious issue of IQ score differences between groups, such as those from different cultural backgrounds. Part of the answers to the above questions relate to differences in the kinds of motivational and situational factors that can affect intellectual or creative performance on a given day.Yet there are real differences in underlying intellectual and creative abilities that need to be explained. As usual, the best explanation is that genetic and environmental factors interact to make us what we are.

The Flynn effect Over the twentieth century, average IQ test scores have increased in all countries studied, a phenomenon called the Flynn effect after James Flynn (1987, 1998, 1999, 2007), who focused our attention on this phenomenon. In the United States, Australia and New Zealand, the increase has amounted to 2–4 IQ test points per decade. So a group of adults born in 1980 will score on average 2–4 points higher than a similar group of adults born in 1970 and 4–8 points higher than those born in 1960. Figure 7.6 illustrates the gains in intelligence over a period of more than 50 years based on data from the United States. Full-scale IQ test scores have increased 18 points over this time, with scores on some IQ test subscales increasing as much as 24 points, others increasing 10 points, and some increasing a slight 2–3 points. Further, Flynn (2007, p. 9) presents data that suggest these trends extend back more than 100 years, leading him to ask, ‘How can our recent ancestors have been so unintelligent compared to ourselves?’ Most researchers argue that increases of this size in a relatively short period of time cannot be caused by genetic evolution and, therefore, must have environmental causes (but see Mingroni, 2004).

Flynn effect The global rise in average IQ test scores over successive generations.

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Flynn and others have suggested that improved nutrition and living conditions over the course Over a 50-year period, test scores on several measures of intelligence of the twentieth century have contributed to the have risen substantially, illustrating the ‘Flynn effect’. Are people really rise in intellectual functioning (see Lynn, 2009). getting smarter? What factors might explain such a rise in intelligence test scores? In addition, today’s children grow up in smaller 30 families where they have the opportunity to receive more focused attention from their parents than 25 previous generations of children. Children today 20 are also better educated than earlier generations; 15 85 per cent today complete high school, compared with just 5 per cent in 1895 (Greve, 2006). 10 Researchers have examined average IQ 5 test scores by country and found they seem to 0 be associated with the country’s incidence and 1940 1950 1960 1970 1980 1990 2000 2010 prevalence of infectious disease (Eppig, Fincher, Year & Thornhill, 2010). People in countries with Raven’s progressive matrices The five performance subtests high rates of infectious disease have, on average, The similarities subtest The comprehension subtest lower IQ test scores than those in countries with Full scale IQ Information and arithmetic low rates. Researchers believe that infectious and vocabulary diseases, especially parasitic diseases that cause Source: Flynn (2007), Figure 1. Reprinted by permission of Cambridge University Press. diarrhoea in infants and children, rob the brain of essential nutrients for intellectual development. As countries reduce airborne and waterborne Express diseases through vaccinations, clean water and sewerage, we can expect to see a rise in the average For additional IQ test scores of those countries, perhaps contributing to an ongoing Flynn effect.

Gain

FIGURE 7.6  Illustrating the ‘Flynn effect’

insight on the data presented in Figure 7.6 try out the Understanding the data exercise on CourseMate Express.

Genes and intelligence The pioneers of the IQ testing movement believed that individual differences in IQ test scores exist simply because some people inherit better genes at conception than others. This position is still held by hereditarians who draw upon twin studies and other family research to demonstrate a genetic contribution to intelligence (see Herrnstein & Murray, 1994; Jensen, 1998). Consider the average correlations between the IQ test scores of different pairs of relatives presented in Table 7.3. These averages are primarily from a review by Thomas Bouchard Jr and Matthew McGue (1981) TABLE 7.3 Average correlations between the IQ scores of family pairs raised together versus apart

Search me! and Discover an interview with James Flynn, Professor Emeritus at the University of Otago, in which he responds to questions about intelligence, IQ tests and, of course, the Flynn effect: Traynor, L. (2014). The future of intelligence: An interview with James R. Flynn. Skeptic Magazine, 19, 36–45.

Family pairs

Raised together

Raised apart

Identical twins

0.86

0.72

Fraternal twins

0.60

0.52

Biological siblings

0.47

0.24

Biological parent and child

0.42

0.22

Half siblings

0.31

—

Adopted siblings

0.34

—

Adoptive parent and adopted child

0.19

—

Unrelated siblings (same age, same home)

0.26

—

Sources: All but two of these averages were calculated by Bouchard and McGue (1981) from studies of both children and adults. The correlation for fraternal twins reared apart is based on data reported by Pedersen et al. (1985); and the correlation for unrelated children in the same home is based on data reported by Segal (2000).

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CHAPTER 7: INTELLIGENCE AND CREATIVITY

of studies involving 526 correlations based on 113 942 pairs of children, adolescents and adults. Identical twins obtain more similar IQ scores than fraternal twins even when they have been raised apart. Moreover, the IQs of adopted children at adolescence are more strongly correlated with those of their biological parents than with those of their adoptive parents. Overall, the heritability of IQ is about 0.50, meaning that genetic differences account for about half of the variation in IQ within the samples studied (Plomin & Spinath, 2004; van Leeuwen, Van den Berg, & Boomsma, 2008; and see Segal & Johnson, 2009). So what exactly does it mean to conclude that there is a genetic influence on intelligence? First, we must make clear what it does not mean: genetic influence, even if it is strong, does not mean that a trait, in this case intelligence, is ‘set in stone’ or unresponsive to the environment (see Nisbett et al., 2012). In fact, one study of a New Zealand birth cohort showed a lack of pure association between genes and intelligence (Bagshaw et al., 2013). Clearly other factors contribute to variations in intellect. Genetic factors may set upper and lower limits on what is possible, but environment can play a significant role in determining where, within these broad limits, behaviours fall. Further, there are likely many genetic influences on intelligence. For example, one child might be predisposed to have strong curiosity or openness to new experiences. As a result, the child asks more questions, picks up more books, works on more puzzles, accepts invitations to a variety of activities, goes on more trips and so on. This creates an environment that may allow intelligence to bloom. Genetic factors are important, but they do not tell the entire story, as genes need environments for expression (see Chapter 3).

Environment and intelligence

LINKAGES Chapter 3 Genes, environment and the beginnings of life

How, then, does the environment influence intelligence? A number of studies have examined the environmental factors that put children at risk of low IQ scores – and, by implication, the factors associated with higher intelligence. One study in New Zealand examined the purported relationship between community water fluoridation and intelligence, but found no significant association and instead acknowledged the impact of confounding variables such as socioeconomic status, birth weight, educational attainment and so forth (Broadbent et al., 2015). An important factor worthy of attention is poverty. Poverty is often defined by low family income, but child poverty involves more than parent income: it also includes inability of parents to adequately meet their children’s needs (Lipina & Colombo, 2009).Therefore, children who live in poverty often have inadequate nutrition and poor health and dental care, and live in overcrowded and unsafe neighbourhoods.Their families often experience chronic stress. Children who live in impoverished environments average some 10–20 points below their middle-class age-mates on IQ tests. This is true in all racial and ethnic groups (Helms, 1997). Low socioeconomic status affects not only IQ scores but also children’s rate of intellectual growth – cognitive development is slower and their endpoint is lower. On average, they end up a full standard deviation below their age peers (Espy, Molfese, & DiLalla, 2001). Other studies have looked more closely at the characteristics of families and home environments that can influence children’s intellectual development. Arnold Sameroff and his colleagues (1993) assessed the 10 risk factors shown in Table 7.4 at age 4 and again at age 13. Every factor was related to IQ at age 4, and most predicted IQ at age 13. In addition, the greater the number of these risk factors affecting a child, the lower his or her IQ. Which risk factors the child experienced was less important than how many he or she experienced, a finding confirmed by other research (Lipina & Colombo, 2009). Jenny McDonald and colleagues (2014), for example, in a study of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander 3-year-olds, found that as the number of socioeconomic risk factors increased from 0 to 5, children’s overall developmental scores decreased.

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TABLE 7.4  How environmental risk factors affect IQ of children at age 4 Risk factor

Average IQ for children who experienced risk factor

Average IQ for children who did not experience risk factor

Child is a member of a minority group

90

110

Head of household is unemployed or a low-skilled worker

90

108

Mother did not complete high school

92

109

Family has four or more children

94

105

Father is absent from family

95

106

Family experienced many stressful life events

97

105

Parents have rigid child-rearing values

92

107

Mother is highly anxious or distressed

97

105

Mother has poor mental health or diagnosed disorder

99

107

Mother shows little positive affect toward child

88

107

Source: Adapted from Sameroff, Seifer, Baldwin, & Baldwin (1993). © John Wiley & Sons, Inc.

Source: Getty Images/Greg Wood

Snapshot

An impoverished community. How will these conditions affect the children who grow up here?

LINKAGES Chapter 5 Cognitive development

Robert Bradley and his colleagues (2001), using a widely used assessment of the intellectual stimulation of the home environment, the Home Observation for Measurement of the Environment (HOME) inventory (Table 7.5), found that scores on the HOME can predict the IQs of children at age 3, with correlations of about 0.50 (see also Cleveland, Jacobson, Lipinski, & Rowe, 2000). HOME scores continue to predict IQ scores between ages 3 and 6 (Espy et al., 2001). Gains in intellectual performance from age 1 to age 3, as measured by habituation and speed of processing, are likely to occur among children from stimulating homes, whereas children from families with low HOME scores often experience drops in performance over the same period. These findings are consistent across numerous countries and racial/ethnic groups, with a few exceptions (Farah et al., 2008; Lipina & Colombo, 2009). Other studies using the HOME inventory indicate that the most important factors for intellectual development are parental involvement with the child and opportunities for stimulation (Gottfried, Gottfried, Bathurst, & Guerin, 1994). However, the amount of stimulation parents provide to their young children may not be as important as whether that stimulation is responsive to the child’s behaviour (a smile in return for a smile) and matched to the child’s competencies so that it is neither too simple nor too challenging (Smith, Landry, & Swank, 2000). As we discussed in Chapter 5, Vygotsky argued that parental and others’ inputs that are targeted at a child’s zone of proximal development are best for fostering new levels of cognitive mastery. Parents having less time and resources to devote to this type of stimulation may help explain why some research finds a connection to family size and birth order, with firstborns and children from small families scoring slightly higher (about 2 points) on IQ tests than later-borns and children from large families (Sulloway, 2007). A longitudinal study of infants from birth to 7 years in the Auckland Birth Weight Collaborative Study (ABC) further confirms the importance of home and family factors for intellectual development (Theodore et al., 2009). That is, ABC researchers found no difference between childhood IQ scores of low-birth-weight babies versus babies born at a healthy weight; but they did find that less parental education and later birth order were associated with lower intelligence for both low-birth-weight and healthy-weight babies. Developmental delay, too, was associated with lower intelligence. Other researchers have found that characteristics typical of children with developmental delay (for example, poor social responsiveness, slower reactions

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TABLE 7.5  Subscales and sample items from the home inventory Subscale 1: Emotional and Verbal Responsivity of Parent (11 Items) Sample items

Parent responds verbally to child’s vocalisations or verbalisations. Parent’s speech is distinct, clear and audible. Parent caresses or kisses child at least once.

Subscale 2: Avoidance of Restriction and Punishment (8 Items) Sample items

Parent neither slaps nor spanks child during visit. Parent does not scold or criticise child during visit. Parent does not interfere with or restrict child more than three times during visit.

Subscale 3: Organisation of Physical and Temporal Environment (6 Items) Sample items

Child gets out of house at least four times a week. Child’s play environment is safe.

Subscale 4: Provision of Appropriate Play Materials (9 Items) Sample items

Child has a push or pull toy. Parent provides learning facilitators appropriate to age – mobile, table and chairs, highchair, playpen and so on. Parent provides toys for child to play with during visit.

Subscale 5: Parental Involvement with Child (6 Items) Sample items

Parent talks to child while doing household work. Parent structures child’s play periods.

Subscale 6: Opportunities for Variety in Daily Stimulation (5 Items) Sample items

Father provides some care daily. Child has three or more books of his or her own.

Source: Adapted from Caldwell & Bradley (1984).

and behaviour problems) disrupt parental responsiveness, including the provision of scaffolded stimulation (see Warren & Brady, 2007). Clearly, to grow up in a disadvantaged home with an adult unable to provide much intellectual nurturance is harmful for intellectual development. The good news, however, is that improving children’s home environments can improve their IQs. So bright children are bright not because of their inherited genes nor because of their home environment. They are bright because genes and environments combine in ways that allow children with particular genetic makeups to display higher intelligence under some environmental conditions. Overall, intellectual development seems to go best when a motivated, intellectually capable child ready for intellectual enrichment is fortunate enough to get it from involved and responsive parents. Now that you are familiar with the ways in which genes and environments interact to influence intellectual development, take some time to read the Diversity box, which explores the controversial topic of racial and ethnic group differences in IQ scores.

MAKING CONNECTIONS Think of your home environment when you were growing up, or perhaps the home environment of children you know today (perhaps your own children, or those of relatives or friends). Identify the intellectually stimulating features of that environment.

ON THE INTERNET Koori IQ Test

http://www.johnwiley.net.au/highered/cyberPsych03/interactives/culturalBias/09int1.html Experience the impact that culture bias can have on your test-taking performance by completing the brief version of the Koori IQ Test available via the link provided. The Knowledge of Operative Reflective Intelligence (Koori) IQ test was developed by James Wilson-Miller in 1982. This ‘IQ test’ is not designed to measure IQ at all, but aims instead to demonstrate that knowledge is socially constructed and to give non–Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander adults an experience of what it might be like to be assessed with culturally unfamiliar questions.

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Diversity EXPLAINING CULTURAL DIFFERENCES IN IQ TEST SCORES Most studies, using samples from numerous countries, find racial and ethnic differences in IQ and other cognitive test scores (see Lynn, 2008a, 2008b; te Nijenhuis, 2016; Wicherts, Dolan, & van der Mass, 2010). In Australia and New Zealand, for example, culturally and linguistically diverse and Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people have been found to score lower, on average, on cognitive tests compared to those from Englishspeaking European backgrounds (Baxter, 2013; Walker, Batchelor, & Shores, 2009). Similarly, in the United States, Asian American and European American children tend to score higher on IQ tests than African American, Native American and Hispanic American children (Lynn, 2008b). It is essential to keep in mind here that we are talking about group averages – IQ scores of individuals from any cultural background can of course run the range from intellectually impaired to gifted (within group differences). And researchers certainly cannot predict an individual’s IQ merely on the basis of racial or ethnic identity. Having said that, why do these group average racial differences exist? Scholars such as Arthur Jensen (1969, 1998) and Herrnstein and Murray (1994) have controversially suggested that IQ differences may be because of ‘nature’ or genetic differences between the races. Earlier in the chapter we discussed the overall influence of genetic factors on individuals’ intelligence, but is there any evidence that between-group genetic differences account for different racial or ethnic group performance on cognitive tests? The available evidence indicates that the contribution of heredity to withingroup differences says little about the reasons for between-group differences (Neisser et al., 1996). The research instead indicates that what is more likely is that these differences are better explained by ‘nurture’ factors associated

with culture bias in testing. That is, racial and ethnic differences in cognitive test scores may reflect cultural familiarity rather than intellectual ability. For example, individuals for whom English is not their primary language, including some Indigenous peoples, may have low English literacy and fluency and therefore may not understand aspects of test instructions or items. What is more, some cultural groups may have different educational experiences and limited exposure to the knowledge and skills reflected in traditional intelligence tests – consider the extent to which a Sudanese refugee new to Australia or New Zealand would be familiar with the verbal questions in Figure 7.3. Another possibility is that individuals may not be motivated to do their best in testing situations because competition and speeded responses are not valued in their culture. Motivation may also be influenced by cultural variations in implicit beliefs – for example, belief in the malleability of one’s intelligence and achievement. For instance, recent research found no direct relationship between students’ Aboriginal Australian status and their actual intelligence and achievement, but rather their implicit beliefs about their self-efficacy and performance (Tarbetsky, Collie, & Martin, 2016). Other researchers have revealed similar findings, with strong links between IQ and self-efficacy that are mediated by culture (see Jurecska, Lee, Chang, & Sequeira, 2011). Individuals may also be anxious due to unfamiliarity with the testing situation or the examiner, who is often of a different cultural background (Ardila, 2005; Huang, 2009). Disadvantaged children score some 7–10 IQ points higher when they are given time to get to know a friendly examiner or are given a mix of easy and hard items so that they do not become discouraged by a long string of difficult items (Zigler, Abelson, Trickett, & Seitz, 1982). In response to concerns about the potential negative impacts of limited

language and cultural familiarity on intelligence test scores, the use of more culture-fair tests has been encouraged. These tests include items that should be equally unfamiliar to people from all backgrounds and do not require proficiency with language, for example, the puzzle-like items in Figures 7.1 and 7.3. However, cultural differences still emerge on such tests, indicating these items are not ‘culture free’, possibly due to the fact that some cultures may be more familiar than others with the puzzle- and gamelike nature of non-verbal items on intelligence tests (Ardila, 2005; Rosselli & Ardila, 2003). The major implication of findings about cultural differences in intelligence test scores is that individuals, whatever their cultural background, perform better on IQ tests when they are proficient with the language of testing, have experience with the ‘culture’ of the testing, and feel motivated and comfortable. If it is necessary to assess individuals from different cultural backgrounds, and if the instrument is not available in the language of the test taker, the use of culture-fair, non-verbal intelligence tests is always preferred. Even then, examiners must consider the degree to which the impacts of culture bias, rather than intellectual capacity, might explain the resulting IQ test score. This is a particularly salient point given the high-stakes decisions associated with IQ test scores in Western society, including forensic decisions, education services and social security/welfare eligibility, as well as admission to tertiary programs and elite organisations such as MENSA (Black, 2017; Trahan, Stuebing, Fletcher, & Hiscock, 2014).

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Genes, environments and creativity As you have seen, average IQ scores differ across racial and socioeconomic groups, but scores on creativity tests usually do not, nor do self-perceptions of one’s creativity (Kaufman, 2006). Genetic influences (a source of individual differences in IQ) seem to have little to do with performance on tests of creativity; twins are similar in the degree of creativity they display, but identical twins are typically no more similar than fraternal twins (Sawyer, 2012). This suggests that certain qualities of the home environment tend to make brothers and sisters alike in their degree of creativity. What qualities? Although there is little research to go on, parents of creative children and adolescents tend to value nonconformity and independence, accept their children as they are, encourage their curiosity and playfulness, and grant them freedom to explore new possibilities on their own (Runco, 2007). Although this may be true for some individuals, it is not true for all of them. Researchers have found that young adolescents from multicultural compared with monocultural families are more creative, even when controlling for family background and personality factors (Chang, Hsu, Shih, & Chen, 2014). It is not clear what aspects of multicultural family experience account for increased creativity, but it is hypothesised that as a result of culturally diverse experiences in the home, children are confronted with and reflect on the mindsets and stereotypes they experience from the surrounding broader culture, and this, in turn, fosters cognitive complexity and creativity (Crisp & Turner, 2011).

culture bias The situation that arises in testing when one cultural or subcultural group is more familiar with test items than another group and therefore has an unfair advantage.

Search me! and Discover a framework for psychological assessment in New Zealand’s bicultural society with implications for other cross-cultural settings: Macfarlane, A. H., Blampied, N. M., & Macfarlane, S. H. (2011). Blending the clinical and the cultural: A framework for conducting formal psychological assessment in bicultural settings. New Zealand Journal of Psychology, 40, 5–15.

IN REVIEW CHECKING UNDERSTANDING 1 What is the Flynn effect? 2 How does home environment influence IQ scores?

for measuring intelligence of students from Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander, Maˉori, and culturally and linguistically diverse backgrounds? What changes would you need to make to the test items to make the instrument culture-fair?

3 Explain the rationale for ‘culturally fair’ IQ tests.

CRITICAL THINKING Revisit your response to the Critical thinking question in Section 7.1, where you sketched out the features of a new and improved IQ test. How suitable (valid) would this test be

Express Get the answers to the Checking understanding questions on CourseMate Express.

7.3 THE INFANT ■■ Outline the purpose and nature of developmental quotients. ■■ Summarise key points relating to how infant intelligence may predict later intelligence in life. ■■ Describe how infant habituation and reaction time is associated with intelligence scores in childhood and adolescence. ■■ Discuss the impact of early learning/training programs in the promotion of intelligence.

In the next sections of the chapter, we discuss the intellectual profiles of children, adolescents and adults; the changes and continuities in intellectual functioning over the life span; and the usefulness of IQ scores are as predictors of success and health. We will also consider the development of our creative selves over the life span. Let’s begin with the infant life span stage. As you saw in Chapters 5 and 6, the mind develops rapidly in infancy. But how can an infant’s intellectual growth be measured? Is it possible to identify infants who are more or less intelligent than their age-mates? And how well does high (or low)

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Learning objectives

LINKAGES Chapter 5 Cognitive development Chapter 6 Sensoryperception, attention and memory

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intelligence in infancy predict high (or low) intelligence in childhood and adulthood? Note that we do not discuss infants’ creativity because, to date, researchers have not developed a method for uncovering signs of creativity at this young age.

Developmental quotients

developmental quotient (DQ) A numerical measure of an infant’s performance on a developmental test relative to the performance of other infants the same age.

None of the standard intelligence tests we have discussed so far can be used with children much younger than 3 years of age, because the test items require verbal skills and attention spans that infants and toddlers do not have. Instead, some developmentalists have tried to measure infant intelligence by assessing the rate at which infants achieve important developmental milestones. Perhaps the most widely known and used infant test is the Bayley Scales of Infant Development (Bayley, 1993). Infants and toddlers have their strengths and weaknesses measured across five key domains: • Adaptive behaviour • Cognitive • Language • Motor • Social-emotional. These young children are then given a developmental quotient (DQ) rather than an IQ.The DQ summarises how well, or how poorly, the infant performs in comparison with a large norm group of infants and toddlers the same age.

Infant intelligence as a predictor of later intelligence As they age, infants progress through many developmental milestones of the kind assessed by the Bayley scales, so such scales are useful in charting infants’ developmental progress.They are also useful in diagnosing neurological problems and intellectual disability – even when these conditions are mild and difficult to detect through standard paediatric or neurological examinations (Honzik, 1983). But developmentalists have also been interested in the larger issue of continuity versus discontinuity in intellectual development: is it possible to predict which infants are likely to be gifted, average or intellectually disabled during the school years? Not from their DQ scores. Correlations between infant DQ and child IQ are low, sometimes close to zero (see Bjorklund, 2012). The infant who does well on the Bayley scales or other infant tests may or may not obtain a high IQ score later in life.True, the infant who scores low on an infant test often turns out to be intellectually disabled, but otherwise there seems to be a good deal of discontinuity between early and later scores – at least until a child is 4 or older. What might explain the poor connection between scores on infant development scales and children’s later IQs? Perhaps the main reason is that infant tests and IQ tests tap qualitatively different kinds of abilities (Colombo, 1993). Piaget would undoubtedly approve of this argument. Infant scales focus heavily on the sensory and motor skills that Piaget believed are so important in infancy, whereas IQ tests such as the Stanford-Binet and Wechsler scales emphasise more abstract abilities, such as verbal reasoning, concept formation and problem solving. Robert McCall (1981, 1983) offered a second explanation, arguing that the growth of intelligence during infancy is highly influenced by powerful and universal maturational processes. Maturational forces (such as the unfolding of the genetic blueprint for intelligence) pull infants back on course if environmental influences (such as growing up in an impoverished home and neighbourhood) cause them to stray. For this reason, higher or lower infant test scores are likely to be temporary deviations from a universal developmental path. As the child nears age 2, McCall argues, maturational forces become less strong, so individual differences become larger and more stable over time. Consistent differences related to both individual genetic makeup and

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environment then begin to emerge. Data from the Gudaga Study, a longitudinal birth cohort study of urban Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander infants, seems to support McCall’s view of the power of maturational forces in the early years – Jenny McDonald and colleagues found that the developmental quotients of two cohorts of Gudaga Study children (12-month-olds and 3-yearolds) were overall within the normal range, despite the children living in families with high levels of socioeconomic disadvantage, which are associated with less than optimal environments for intellectual development (McDonald, Comino, Knight, & Webster, 2012; McDonald, Webster, Knight, & Comino, 2014). Researchers have not, however, given up on trying to predict later IQ on the basis of development in infancy. Several researchers have found that certain measures of infant information-processing abilities, such as those we discussed in Chapter 6, predict later IQ better than infant intelligence tests do, indicating there is continuity in intelligence from infancy to childhood (Bornstein, Hahn, & Wolke, 2013; Rose, Feldman, Jankowski, & Van Rossem, 2012). For example, speed of habituation (how fast the infant loses interest in a repeatedly presented stimulus) and preference for novelty (the degree to which an infant prefers a novel stimulus to a familiar one), assessed in the first year of life, have an average correlation of about +0.45 with IQ in childhood, particularly with verbal IQ and memory skills (Bornstein et al., 2006, 2013; Fagan, 2011; Rose, Feldman, & Jankowski, 2003). Thus, the infant who quickly becomes bored and likes novelty over familiarity is likely to be brighter in childhood, and adolescence, than the infant who is slow to habituate and does not like novelty. In addition, fast reaction time or processing speed in infancy (time taken to look in the direction of a visual stimulus after it appears) predicts later IQ about as well as speed of habituation and novelty preferences scores (Rose et al., 2012). From this, we can characterise the ‘smart’ infant as the speedy information processor – the infant who quickly becomes bored by the same old thing, seeks novel experiences and soaks up information rapidly. There seems to be some continuity between infant intelligence and childhood intelligence after all (Fagan, 2011). Such Bayley scale accomplishments as throwing a ball are unlikely to carry over into vocabulary-learning or problem-solving skills in childhood. However, the extent to which the young infant processes information quickly can predict the extent to which they will learn quickly and solve problems efficiently later in childhood. Based on our discussion in this chapter so far, we hope that you have come to appreciate how important the early years are for cognitive development. Up to this point we have mostly focused on examining the factors in the home and family environment that can help or hinder intellectual development.The chapter Application box examines the role of early learning programs for cognitive development and academic success of children.

LINKAGES Chapter 6 Sensoryperception, attention and memory

habituation Learning not to respond to a repeated stimulus, or being bored by the familiar.

reaction time The interval between the presentation of a stimulus and a response to it.

Application NURTURING DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY LEARNING PROGRAMS Early learning programs seek to provide experiences that foster children’s development and better prepare them for school. They do so by reducing risk factors and increasing protective factors through the provision of educational programs, and supporting parents

to provide enriching home learning environments. Typically, early learning programs in Australia and New Zealand are provided in settings such as kindergartens, preschools, childcare and early learning or play centres. How effectively do these programs foster intellectual development and school

readiness of young children, including those who are disadvantaged? The efficacy of such programs may be influenced by policy statements. A recent New Zealand study highlighted concerns about certain policy developments and advocated a re-visioning for the purpose of early >>>

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>>>

and education; ensure adequate and safe physical spaces, resources and equipment; partner with parents and communities to provide information and tools to create better home and community learning environments; and employ qualified and competent staff who are sensitive, warm and responsive in their interactions with children and can target instruction to children’s needs and employ teaching strategies such as guided participation and scaffolding as described in Chapter 5 (Harrison, Goldfeld, Metcalfe, & Moore, 2012). In Australia and New Zealand, attention has also focused on understanding the features of effective early learning programs for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander and Maˉori children, who are at increased risk of disadvantage and are less likely to attend early learning programs than non–Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander and non-Maˉori peers (see the Statistics snapshot box). The evidence indicates that early learning programs for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander and Maˉori children are most successful when they are provided in ‘culturally safe’ environments that incorporate traditional language, cultural knowledge and ways of knowing into the curriculum; involve Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander or Maˉori childcare workers and partner with families and community leaders; train and support all staff in cultural matters; and address known barriers to participation such as costs and transport (Bowes et al., 2011; Grace & Trudgett, 2012). Participation in effective early learning programs, however, is not the entire answer to addressing developmental disadvantage for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander

LINKAGES Chapter 1 Understanding life span human development Chapter 5 Cognitive development

and Maˉori children. For example, using four large national Australian data sets, Nicholas Biddle and Jessamy Bath (2013) found that preschool participation of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children was associated with lower rates of developmental vulnerability, but that once preschool was statistically controlled for (held constant), large developmental gaps were evident between Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander and non– Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander students. Clearly, there is still much to learn about how to support the healthy development of our often most disadvantaged youngsters. Overall, what we can say at this stage is that children who attend early learning programs can benefit developmentally, but the quality of the program is critical for these benefits to be likely, and there can be potential developmental risks for children attending early learning programs if the quality is poor or if they attend for very long hours (Harrison et al., 2012). Source: Newspix/Renee Nowytarger

childhood education services to accommodate interconnected ethnic care of oneself and others (Haggerty & Alcock, 2016). Over recent decades, evidence from several large-scale research projects in the United States, the United Kingdom, Australia and New Zealand (including the Longitudinal Study of Australian Children [LSAC] and the Christchurch Health and Development Study – see Chapter 1) have revealed strong positive associations between quality early learning programs and child developmental outcomes, including intellectual and social development and school readiness. These effects have been found for all children, irrespective of disadvantage, although benefits accrue most for at-risk children (Dearing, McCartney, & Taylor, 2009; Fergusson, Horwood, & Lynsky, 1994; Harrison et al., 2009; NICHD Early Child Care Research Network, 2005, 2006; Sammons, 2010). Further, children who attend quality early learning programs on a regular basis from toddlerhood seem to do better cognitively and socially than children attending informal care settings or exclusive parental care. But those who attend long hours of care (30+ hours) or experience poor-quality programs are at risk for negative cognitive and social developmental outcomes (Fergusson et al., 1994; Harrison, 2008; Harrison et al., 2009; Sammons, 2010). The message is clear: the quality of early learning programs is paramount for children’s intellectual and social development. What are the characteristics of quality early learning programs? The evidence indicates that effective early learning programs are those that: integrate care

High-quality and culturally strong early intervention and education programs can help get Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander and Maˉori children off to a good start.

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Statistics snapshot PARTICIPATION IN EARLY CHILDHOOD EDUCATION In Australia … • In 2011, the average enrolment rate for 3–4 year-olds in early childhood education was 40 per cent, well below the OECD average of 75 per cent (see Figure 7.7). • In 2008–2009, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children had relatively lower rates of participation in early childhood education in the year before school (non-participation rate of 21–26 per cent) when compared to non–Aboriginal and Torres Strait

Islander children (non-participation rate of 6–10 per cent) (Table 7.6). Baxter and Hand (2013) found that this difference remained even after controlling for (holding constant) other characteristics of children and families, such as socioeconomic status. In New Zealand … • In 2011, the average enrolment rate for 3–4 year-olds in early childhood education was 90 per cent, well above the OECD average of 75 per cent (see again Figure 7.7).

• In 2013, Maˉori and Pasifika children had lower rates of participation in early childhood education in the year before school (participation rates of 89 per cent and 92 per cent respectively) than children of European descent (participation rate of 98 per cent); yet participation rates for children from all ethnic and cultural backgrounds have been steadily rising over the past decade (Figure 7.8).

OECD Country

FIGURE 7.7  Percentage of 3–4-year-olds enrolled in early childhood education by OECD country, 2011 France Spain Belgium Iceland Norway Italy Denmark Netherlands Sweden Germany United Kingdom New Zealand Israel Estonia Slovenia Ireland Japan Hungary Luxembourg Korea Portugal Austria OECD average Mexico Czech Republic Slovak Republic United States Chile Poland Finland Australia Greece Canada Switzerland Turkey 0

10

20

30

40

50 Per cent

60

70

80

90

100

Note, these OECD figures are related to centre-based participation only. Source: Adapted from New Zealand Ministry of Education (2014).

>>>

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TABLE 7.6  Percentage of non-participation of Australian non–Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander and Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children (3–4 years) in early childhood education in the year before schooling, 2008–2009 Data source

Non–Aboriginal and Torres Strait lslander non-participation

Longitudinal Study of Australian Children (see Growing Up In Australia, 2013)

6.1

Australian Early Development Index, 2009

10.3

Overall Australian non-participation

Aboriginal and Torres Strait lslander nonparticipation 26.2

10.8

21

10.8

Source: Adapted from Baxter & Hand (2013).

FIGURE 7.8  Percentage of participation of New Zealand children (3–4 years) in early childhood education in the year before schooling, by ethnicity, 2000–2013 100

Percentage of participation

95 90 85 80

European/Pākehā Māori

75

Pasifika

70

Asian

65

Total 60 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 Year

2012

2013

Source: Adapted from New Zealand Ministry of Education (2014).

IN REVIEW CHECKING UNDERSTANDING

CRITICAL THINKING

1 What does a developmental quotient (DQ) assess?

Imagine you are the Director of an early learning childcare centre. What kinds of activities and design features would you incorporate to help the children reach their full potential? Ensure you discuss features you would embrace to ensure meaningful inclusion of children with an Aboriginal or Torres Strait Island background.

2 What characteristics or behaviours of infants are associated with later intelligence? Express

Get the answers to the Checking understanding questions on CourseMate Express.

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CHAPTER 7: INTELLIGENCE AND CREATIVITY

7.4 THE CHILD ■■ ■■ ■■ ■■

Outline the stability of IQ scores throughout childhood. Summarise the process of emerging creativity through childhood. Describe the factors that may impact stability of IQ through childhood. Discuss the factors that separate more creative children from their peers.

Learning objectives

Over the childhood years, children generally become able to answer more questions, and more difficult questions, on IQ tests. That is, their mental ages increase. But what happens to the IQ scores of children – how stable are they at the group and individual levels?

The stability of IQ scores during childhood It was once assumed that a person’s IQ reflected his or her genetically determined intellectual capacity and would, therefore, remain stable over time. Thus a child with an IQ of 120 at age 5 was expected to obtain a similar IQ at age 10, 15 or 20. Is this idea supported by research? As you have seen, infant DQs do not predict later IQs well, although longitudinal studies using informationprocessing measures are now showing considerable continuity in intellectual development from infancy through childhood and adolescence (Bornstein et al., 2006, 2013; Rose et al., 2012). Starting around age 4 TABLE 7.7  Correlations of IQs measured at various ages there is a fairly strong relationship between early and later Correlation of Correlation of Age of child IQ, and the relationship grows even stronger by middle IQ scores when IQ scores when at initial IQ childhood. Table 7.7 summarises the results of a longitudinal retested at age 12 retested at age 9 test study of 220 children aged 4 to 12 (Weinert & Hany, 2003). 4 0.46 0.42 The shorter the interval between two testings, the higher 5 0.47 0.49 the correlation between children’s IQ scores on the two 7 0.81 0.69 occasions. As such, there is a mandated gap of at least 2 years 9 — 0.80 between cognitive testing periods. Even when several years Source: From Weinert & Hany (2003). © 2003 by the American Psychological have passed, however, IQ appears to be a stable attribute: Association. the scores that children obtain at age 7 are clearly related to those they obtain 5 years later at age 12. These correlations do not reveal everything, however.They are based on a large group of children, and do not necessarily mean the IQs of individual children will remain stable over time. Many children show sizeable ups and downs in their IQ scores over the course of childhood. Patterns of change differ considerably across children, as though each were on a private developmental trajectory (Gottfried et al., 1994). In one recent study, stability of scores was examined over a 2- to 3-year period (Watkins & Smith, 2013). For 3 in 4 of these children, scores were relatively stable from one time to the next, with variations of just a few points. Indeed, the average difference of scores for the entire group of children was less than one-quarter of a point, indicating remarkable stability for the group as a whole. However, for the remaining 1 in 4 children, the test-retest scores varied by 10 or more points. One child’s score changed by a whopping 28 points (Watkins & Smith, 2013). How do researchers reconcile the conclusion that IQ is relatively stable with this clear evidence of instability, at least for some children? They can still conclude that, within a group, children’s standings (high or low) in comparison with peers tend to stay stable from one point to another during the childhood years (Sternberg, Grigorenko, & Bundy, 2001). But many individual children experience drops or gains in IQ scores over the years. Remember, however, that this relates to performance on IQ tests rather than underlying intellectual competence. As we have learned, IQ

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scores are influenced not only by an individual’s intelligence but also by their motivation and by testing procedures and conditions such as fatigue, noisy testing environment and poor rapport with a test administrator. Thus, some wandering of IQ scores upward or downward over time appears to be random fluctuation associated with IQ testing; as a result, IQ scores may be more changeable over the years than intellectual ability itself.

The emergence of creativity We often hear young children’s play activities and artwork described as ‘creative’. When does creativity emerge, and what is the child who scores highly on tests of creativity like? To answer the first question, researchers have measured divergent thinking at different ages throughout childhood. As illustrated in Figure 7.9, creativity scores, as measured by ideational fluency (how many different ideas can be produced), increase until about Year 3, level off during Years 4 and 5, and then begin to decline rather significantly (Kim, 2011). Another measure of creativity, originality, shows a sharp drop-off starting in Year 6 (see Figure 7.9 again). Such declines may reflect pressures to conform to the group rather than to be a ‘free spirit’. Traditional classrooms tend also to emphasise and reinforce convergent thinking, with tests constructed to assess whether students know the answer to a problem. To address the second question, what the creative child is like, one early study compared children who had high creativity scores but normal-range IQ scores with children who scored high in IQ but not in creativity (Getzels & Jackson, 1962). Personality measures suggested that the creative children showed more freedom, originality, humour and playfulness than the high-IQ children. Perhaps as a result, the high-IQ children were more success oriented and received more approval from teachers.The unconventional responses of highly creative children are not always appreciated in the conventional classroom (Runco, 2007). Compared with their less creative peers, creative children FIGURE 7.9  Two measures of creativity On the left, we see fluency scores increase from kindergarten to Year 3, plateau between Years 3 and 5, then markedly decline from Year 5 on. On the right, we see originality scores peak in Year 5, drop dramatically between Years 5 and 9, then increase from high school to adulthood. What factors might explain these patterns of creativity?

Fluency

Originality

22.00

15.50 15.00

Originality score

Fluency score

21.00

20.00

14.50 14.00 13.50

19.00 13.00 12.50

18.00 K

1

2

3

4

5

Grade level

6

7 & 8 High Adult school

K

1

2

3

4

5

6

7 & 8 High Adult school

Grade level

Source: Adapted from Kim (2011), Figure 1.

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CHAPTER 7: INTELLIGENCE AND CREATIVITY

also engage in more fantasy or pretend play, often inventing new uses for familiar objects and new roles for themselves (Kogan, 1983).They have active imaginations, and their parents are often tolerant of their sometimes unconventional ideas (Runco, 2007). Finally, creative children are more likely to be open to new experiences and ideas, as are their parents.

IN REVIEW CHECKING UNDERSTANDING 1 Once children reach primary school, how stable are their IQ scores as a group? 2 What internal and external factors are associated with creativity in children?

CRITICAL THINKING Imagine you are the parent of a child, Mark, who has just started Year 7 at a new school. A cognitive test was administered 2 years ago at his previous school and showed him to be performing in the ‘extremely high’ or gifted range. Mark’s previous school was relatively small, and had a strong

Creative Arts program. The new school is much larger and has a stronger emphasis on sports, which has left Mark feeling less motivated. He also finds the sports program very exhausting and he seems particularly fatigued lately. A cognitive assessment has recently been administered by his guidance counsellor at the new school, as his grades have dropped considerably. This shows that he is now performing in the average range. How would you explain this discrepancy in cognitive test scores over just 2 years?

Express

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7.5 THE ADOLESCENT ■■ ■■ ■■ ■■

Outline the concept of change and continuity as it relates to intellectual development. Summarise the key points that impact intelligence in adolescence. Describe the relationship between IQ and school achievement. Discuss the factors that contribute to the development of creativity.

Learning objectives

What changes and continuities related to intellectual development occur during adolescence, and how well does IQ predict school performance?

Intellectual change and continuity Intellectual growth continues its rapid pace in early adolescence, then slows and levels off in later adolescence (Thorndike, 1997). As noted in Chapter 4, a spurt in brain development occurs around age 11 or 12, when children are believed to enter Piaget’s formal-operational stage. Brain development may give children the information-processing speed and working memory capacity they need to perform at adult-like levels on IQ tests (Blakemore, Burnett, & Dahl, 2010; Dorfberger, Adi-Japha, & Karni, 2007). Thus, basic changes in the brain in early adolescence may underlie a variety of cognitive advances: the achievement of formal operations (see Chapter 5); improved memory and information-processing skills, including executive control processes (see Chapter 6); and better performance on tests of intelligence. Although adolescence is a time of impressive mental growth, it is also a time of increased stability of individual differences in intellectual performance. During adolescence, IQ scores become even more stable than they were in childhood and strongly predict IQ in middle age (Deary, Whiteman, Starr, Whalley,  & Fox, 2004). Even while adolescents as a group are experiencing cognitive growth, each adolescent is establishing a characteristic level of intellectual performance that will most likely be carried into adult life unless the individual’s environment changes dramatically.

LINKAGES Chapter 4 Body, brain and health Chapter 5 Cognitive development Chapter 6 Sensoryperception, attention and memory

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IQ and school achievement

LINKAGES Chapter 8 Language, literacy and learning

The original purpose of IQ tests was to estimate how well children would do in school, and they do this fairly well. Correlations between children’s and adolescents’ IQ scores and their grades range from 0.50 to 0.86, making general intellectual ability one of the best predictors of school achievement available (Deary et al., 2007). Adolescents with high IQs are also less likely to drop out of high school and more likely to go on to higher education than their peers with lower IQs; the correlation between IQ and years of education averages 0.55 (Neisser et al., 1996). However, IQ scores do not predict university grades as well as they predict high school grades (Brody, 1997). Most university students probably have at least the average intellectual ability needed to succeed at university; success is therefore more influenced by personal qualities such as motivation. Overall, IQ is a good predictor of academic achievement, but it does not reveal everything about a student. Factors such as work habits, interests and motivation to succeed also affect academic achievement, which we will discuss further in Chapter 8.

Fostering creativity We noted earlier that there is some dip in creativity during primary school. What happens during adolescence? In general, creativity, as measured by traditional divergent tasks, or ideational fluency, remains rather depressed throughout adolescence (Kim, 2011; and see again Figure 7.9). One measure of creativity, however, does continue to increase across adolescence. The ability to elaborate on ideas, or provide details, tends to increase in middle school and does not begin to drop until adulthood (Kim, 2011). Elaborating on ideas is one form of creative thinking that may continue to be emphasised and rewarded in the classroom. Overall, the developmental course of creativity is not as predictable or steady as the increase in mental age seen on measures of IQ. Instead, creativity seems to wax and wane with age in response to developmental needs and task demands. In one study, researchers found that Year 6 students demonstrated greater creativity than university students on one type of task, but university students outperformed the Year 6 students on a different task of creativity (Wu, Cheng, Ip, & McBride-Change, 2005; see also Runco, 2006). In other research (Claxton, Pannells, & Rhoads, 2005), creative thinking remained fairly stable from Years 4 to 9, but creative feelings increased significantly throughout adolescence. Creative feelings include curiosity, imagination and willingness to take calculated risks. Teenagers may be feeling more creative than children even if they are not expressing creativity in their actions; they may be putting their creativity ‘on hold’, perhaps to focus on other pressing issues of this important developmental period, but their creativity is not lost. Is it possible to foster creativity? Training studies indicate that people can learn techniques to improve their creativeness (Ma, 2006; Scott, Leritz, & Mumford, 2004). But training may only be effective if the person’s environment supports and rewards creativity. Researchers have looked at individuals who demonstrate creativity in a particular field to try to identify the factors that contribute to their accomplishments. David Feldman (Feldman, 1982, 1986) studied child and adolescent prodigies in such areas as chess, music and mathematics. These individuals were generally similar to their peers in areas outside their fields of expertise. What contributed to their special achievements? On the nature side, they had talent as well as a powerful motivation to develop their special talents – a real passion for what they were doing. Olympic gymnast Olga Korbut put it well: ‘If gymnastics did not exist, I would have invented it’ (Feldman, 1986, p. 35). Other research confirms that internal motivation and a thirst for challenge are crucial elements of creative productivity (Sternberg, 2010b; Yeh & Wu, 2006). Individuals with a positive outlook also seem more likely to display creativity, perhaps because they are more open to challenges and derive more pleasure from challenges (see

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CHAPTER 7: INTELLIGENCE AND CREATIVITY

Yeh & Wu, 2006). Creative thinkers have other personal qualities as well – they display a willingness to take risks and are able to put up with some ambiguity without becoming frustrated (Proctor & Burnett, 2004; Sternberg, 2010b). On the nurture side, creative individuals seem to be blessed with environments that recognise, value and nurture their creative endeavours (Sternberg, 2010b). Their environments allow them a certain degree of independence to explore different fields and acquire knowledge of their chosen field. According to Feldman (1982), the child with creative potential in a specific field must become intimately familiar with the state of the field if he or she is to advance or transform it, as the groundbreaking artist or musician does.Therefore, building a knowledge base is a necessary, although not sufficient, component of creativity (Sternberg, 2006b). So parents can help foster creativity by giving their children freedom to explore and opportunities to experiment with ideas and activities. But talent and creativity can be squashed if parents and trainers are too pushy. Cellist Yo-Yo Ma, a prodigy himself, says this about nurturing young musicians: If you lead them toward music, teach them that it is beautiful, and help them

Search me! and Think Access the Psychology database and research the topic of fostering creativity.

MAKING CONNECTIONS Give examples of how your family attempted to foster your creativity when you were growing up.

learn – say, ‘Oh, you love music, well, let’s work on this piece together, and I’ll show you something …’ That’s a creative nurturing. But if you just push them to be stars, and tell them they’ll become rich and famous – or, worse, if you try to live through them – that is damaging. Page, The Washington Post, 1996, p. G10.

IN REVIEW CHECKING UNDERSTANDING

CRITICAL THINKING

1 What is more stable during adolescence, creativity or intelligence?

What would you include in a school program aimed at developing creativity in all students? How would you know if your program was successful?

2 What is one environmental factor that could help enhance creativity?

Express

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7.6 THE ADULT ■■ ■■ ■■ ■■

Outline the changes in IQ with age. Summarise the changes in crystallised versus fluid intelligence throughout adulthood. Describe the relationship between IQ, wealth and health. Discuss the role of wisdom and the development of creativity in adulthood.

Learning objectives

We turn our attention now to intelligence during adulthood. Does IQ decline in old age, as performance on Piagetian cognitive tasks and some memory tasks does? Do IQ scores predict achievement and success after people have left school? And what about wisdom – is it related to intelligence?

Changes in IQ with age Perhaps no question about adult development has been studied as thoroughly as that of how intellectual abilities change with age. Researchers have found that an individual’s IQ score remains

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LINKAGES Chapter 1 Understanding life span human development

relatively stable from pre-adolescence (age 11) until well into older adulthood. Alan Gow, Ian Deary, and their colleagues (2011), for example, have examined stability of intelligence over a lifetime by following up with individuals born in Scotland in either 1921 or 1936 who completed an intelligence test at age 11 (Deary et al., 2004, 2009; Gow et al., 2011).These individuals were retested at ages 70 or 79, and those tested at age 79 were tested a third time at age 87.This allowed researchers to examine stability of IQ over a lifetime (age 11 to age 70, 79 or 87) as well as changes in IQ during late adulthood (between ages 79 and 87). In general, the findings of this longitudinal study show a high level of stability over many decades of life. The strongest predictor of intelligence in old age was intelligence at age 11. Such factors as education and socioeconomic status contributed only slightly to changes in IQ scores. Thus, where a person’s IQ score falls within the spread of scores in a group is a good predictor of where this person’s score will fall if retested within the same group later in life: that is, high scorers tend to remain high scorers and low scorers tend to remain low scorers. As we learned earlier from the research on IQ scores in childhood, even when there is high group stability, there are still bound to be some changes in IQ at the individual level. This is true for adults as well. What might account for changes in IQ scores in adulthood? A comprehensive sequential study directed by K. Warner Schaie (2012) provides some evidence regarding the pattern of changes in IQ. Schaie’s study began in 1956 with a sample of members of a health maintenance organisation ranging in age from 22 to 70. They were given a test of primary mental abilities that yielded scores for five separate mental abilities: verbal meaning, spatial ability, reasoning, numerical ability and word fluency. Seven years later, as many of them as could be found were retested. In addition, a new sample of adults ranging from their 20s to their 70s was tested. This cross-sequential design (see Chapter 1) made it possible to determine how the performance of the same individuals changed over 7 years and to compare the performance of people who were 20 years old in 1956 with that of people who were 20 years old in 1963. This same strategy was repeated at regular intervals, giving the researchers a wealth of information about different cohorts, including longitudinal data on some people over a 45-year period. Several findings emerged from this important study. First, it seems that when a person was born has at least as much influence on intellectual functioning as age does. In other words, cohort or generational effects on performance exist. This evidence confirms the suspicion that cross-sectional comparisons of different age groups have usually yielded too grim a picture of declines in intellectual abilities during adulthood. Specifically, recently born cohorts (the youngest people in the study were born in 1973) tended to outperform earlier generations (the oldest born in 1889) on most tests. Yet on the test of numerical ability, people born between 1903 and 1924 performed better than both earlier and later generations. Inductive reasoning scores have increased with every cohort tested since 1889. Scores on verbal meanings increased until 1952 but dropped off in the three most recently born cohorts (Schaie & Zanjani, 2006). So different generations may have a special edge in different areas of intellectual performance. Overall, though, judging from Schaie’s findings, young and middle-aged adults today can look forward to better intellectual functioning in old age than their grandparents experienced. Another important message of Schaie’s study, and of other research, is that patterns of ageing differ for different abilities. Fluid intelligence (those abilities requiring active thinking and reasoning applied to novel problems, as measured by tests of reasoning and space in Schaie’s studies) usually declines earlier and more steeply than crystallised intelligence (those abilities involving the use of knowledge acquired through experience, as measured, for example, by the verbal meaning test used by Schaie) (Figure 7.10). Consistently, adults lose some of their ability to grapple with new problems starting in middle age, but their crystallised general knowledge and vocabulary stay steady

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CHAPTER 7: INTELLIGENCE AND CREATIVITY

FIGURE 7.10  What can you conclude about measures of fluid versus crystallised intelligence across the life span from this graph? Speed of processing

1.5

Digit symbol Letter comparison Pattern comparison

Fluid intelligence

1

Working memory

Z-scores

0.5

Letter rotation Line span Computation span Reading span

0

Working memory

–0.5

Benton Rey Cued recall Free recall

Crystallised intelligence –1

Working memory 20s

30s

40s

50s Age

60s

70s

80s

Shipley vocabulary Antonym vocabulary Synonym vocabulary

Source: Park & Bischof (2013)

throughout middle and older adulthood (Rabbitt, Chetwynd, & McInnes, 2003; Singer et al., 2003). Some research even shows that knowledge, such as vocabulary, is greater among older adults than among younger adults (Field & Gueldner, 2001;Verhaeghen, 2003). Why is this? Tests of performance and fluid IQ are often timed. Yet as noted in Chapter 6, performance on timed tests declines more in old age than performance on untimed tests does. This may be linked to the slowing of central nervous system functioning that most people experience as they age (Finkel et al., 2003). Indeed, we have seen that speed of information processing is related to intellectual functioning across the life span. Not only is rapid information processing in infancy associated with high IQ scores in childhood, but young adults with quick reaction times also outperform their more sluggish age-mates on IQ tests, and adults who lose information-processing speed in later life lose some of their ability to think through complex and novel problems (Hartley, 2006; Baudouin, Clarys,Vanneste, & Isingrini, 2009). It is not just that older adults cannot finish tests that have time limits; declines in performance intelligence occur in later life even on untimed tests (Bailey, Dunlosky, & Hertzog, 2009). The problem is that the slower information processor cannot keep in mind and process simultaneously all relevant aspects of a complex problem. You now have an overall picture of intellectual functioning in adulthood. Age-group differences in performance suggest that older adults today are at a disadvantage on many tests compared with younger adults, partly because of deficiencies in the amount and quality of education they received early in life. But actual declines in intellectual abilities associated with ageing are generally minor until people reach their late 60s or 70s. Even in old age, declines are more apparent in fluid intelligence, performance intelligence and timed test results, compared with crystallised intelligence, verbal intelligence and untimed text results. As you will soon see, declines in fluid intelligence can be reduced when adults remain cognitively stimulated through work or other activities (Weinert & Hany, 2003). One message is worth special emphasis: declines in intellectual abilities are not universal. Even among the 81-year-olds in Schaie’s study, only about 30–40 per cent had experienced a significant decline in intellectual ability in the previous 7 years (Schaie, 2012). Moreover, although few 81-yearolds maintained all five mental abilities, almost all retained at least one ability from testing to testing

LINKAGES Chapter 6 Sensoryperception, attention and memory

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and about half retained four out of five (Schaie & Zanjani, 2006). The range of differences in intellectual functioning in a given group of older adults is extremely large (Dixon, 2003). Anyone who stereotypes all elderly adults as intellectually limited is mistaken.

Factors impacting cognitive decline in older adults

terminal drop A rapid decline in intellectual abilities that people within a few years of dying often experience.

What is most likely to affect whether or not a person experiences declines in intellectual performance in old age? Poor health is one risk factor. People who have cardiovascular diseases or other chronic illnesses show steeper declines in intellectual abilities than their healthier peers (Schaie, 2012). Diseases (and most likely the drugs treating them) also contribute to a rapid decline in intellectual abilities within a few years of death (Singer et al., 2003). This phenomenon has been given the label terminal drop. Perhaps there is something to the saying ‘sound body, sound mind’. A second factor in decline is an unstimulating lifestyle. Schaie and his colleagues found that the biggest intellectual declines are shown by elderly widows who have low social status, engage in few activities and are dissatisfied with their lives (Schaie, 2012). These women live alone and seem disengaged from life. Individuals who maintain their performance or even show gains tend to have above-average socioeconomic status, advanced education, intact marriages, intellectually capable spouses and physically and mentally active lifestyles. Interestingly, married adults are affected by the intellectual environment they provide for each other. Their IQ test scores become more similar over the years, largely because the lower-scoring partner’s scores rise closer to those of the higher-scoring partner (Gruber-Baldini, Schaie, & Willis, 1995; Weinert & Hany, 2003).

Exploration COGNITIVE ENHANCEMENT FOR AGEING ADULTS Can you teach old dogs new tricks? And can you reteach old dogs who have suffered declines in mental abilities the old tricks they have lost? K. Warner Schaie and Sherry Willis (1986; Willis & Schaie, 1986) sought to find out by training elderly adults in spatial ability and reasoning, two of the fluid mental abilities most likely to decline in old age. Within a group of older people ranging in age from 64 to 95 who participated in Schaie’s longitudinal study of intelligence, the researchers first identified individuals whose scores on one of the two abilities had declined over a 14-year period and individuals whose abilities had remained stable over the same period. The goal with the decliners was to restore lost ability; the goal with those who had maintained their ability was to improve it. Participants took pre-tests measuring both abilities, received 5 hours of training in either

spatial ability or reasoning, and then were given post-tests on both abilities. The spatial training involved learning how to rotate objects in space, at first physically and then mentally. Training in reasoning involved learning how to detect a recurring pattern in a series of stimuli (for example, musical notes) and to identify what the next stimulus in the sequence should be. The training worked. Both those who had suffered ability declines and those who had maintained their abilities before the study improved, although decliners showed significantly more improvement in spatial ability than non-decliners did. Schaie and Willis estimated that 40 per cent of the decliners gained enough through training to bring them back to the level of performance they had achieved 14 years earlier, before decline set in. What is more, the benefits of the

cognitive training extended beyond improving their performance on laboratory-type tasks; their daily functioning improved as well, and the effects of the training among those who had experienced declines in performance were still evident 7 years later (Schaie, 1996; Willis et al., 2006). Other research shows similar evidence for neuroplasticity, or restructuring of the brain in response to training or experience, among older adults. Michelle Carlson and her colleagues (2009) conducted a pilot study with older women who either were trained and then served as volunteers in the Experience Corps program, or were on a waitlist for future participation and served as the control group. Experience Corps volunteers spent 15 hours per week for 6 months in classrooms assisting kindergarten through Year 3 students with their learning. Their activities drew >>>

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CHAPTER 7: INTELLIGENCE AND CREATIVITY

>>>

FIGURE 7.11  Results from Carlson and colleagues’ 2009 pilot study

% Signal change

Group differences 0.3 0.25 0.2 0.15 0.1 0.05 0 –0.05 –1.0 –0.15 –0.2

Activity in the dorsal (back) prefrontal cortex Control group Experience corps group

Task 1

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Activity in the ventral (front) prefrontal cortex

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% Signal change

upon memory, literacy and problemsolving skills. The researchers took a look inside their brains using functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI). The results, seen in Figure 7.11, are striking: women who volunteered in the classroom as part of the Experience Corps program showed significant gains in brain activity relative to the women who had not yet volunteered. Their activity changed the workings of their brains. Comparable findings are emerging from similar programs, such as Senior Odyssey, that get older adults actively thinking (StineMorrow et al., 2007). The larger message? You can teach old dogs new tricks – and reteach them old tricks – in a short amount of time. This research does not mean that cognitive abilities can be restored in elderly people who have Alzheimer’s disease or other brain disorders and who have experienced significant neural loss. Instead, it suggests that many intellectual skills decline in later life because they are not used – and that these skills can be revived with a little coaching and practice. This research,

Control group Experience corps group

0.3 0.2 0.1 0 –1.0

Task 1

Task 2

Task 3

Task 4

–0.2 Source: Carlson et al. (2009), Figure 3. © 2009. Reprinted by permission of Oxford University Press.

combined with research on children, provides convincing evidence of the neuroplasticity of cognitive abilities

over the entire life span (see Hertzog et al., 2009).

The moral is ‘use it or lose it’.This rule, applicable to muscular strength and sexual functioning as demonstrated in other chapters in this book, also pertains to intellectual functioning in later life.The plasticity of the nervous system throughout the life span enables elderly individuals to benefit from intellectual stimulation and training, to maintain the intellectual skills most relevant to their activities, and to compensate for the loss of less-exercised abilities (Dixon, 2003; Riediger, Li, & Lindenberger, 2006; see also the Exploration box). There is still much to learn about how health, lifestyle and other factors shape individual intellectual growth and decline. What is certain is that most people can look forward to many years of optimal intellectual functioning before some of them experience losses of some mental abilities in later life.

IQ, wealth and health To what extent does IQ matter in the lives of adults? As you will see in this section, it seems to matter a good deal when it comes to occupational success and health. We will consider why this might be the case.

IQ and occupational success What is the relationship between IQ and occupational status? Professional and technical workers (such as scientists and engineers) score higher on IQ tests than white-collar workers (such as bank

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Express For additional insight on the data presented in Figure 7.12 try out the Understanding the data exercise on CourseMate Express.

LINKAGES Chapter 1 Understanding life span human development

managers), who in turn score higher than blue-collar, or manual, workers (such as construction workers) (Nyborg & Jensen, 2001; Schmidt & Hunter, 2004). The connection among intelligence, income and occupational prestige is striking when we look at findings from a longitudinal study using a large North American sample (Judge, Klinger, & Simon, 2010). Figure 7.12 shows that over the nearly 30-year period of the study, general intelligence was significantly related to both income and occupational prestige. Further, the gap between those with higher intelligence and those with lower intelligence widened considerably over time. Those with higher intelligence started with a slight advantage for income and occupational prestige but quickly began rising at a faster rate than those with lower intelligence. Also, income did not plateau and occupational prestige did not drop among those with higher intelligence as they did for those with lower intelligence. Similarly, findings from the Christchurch Health and Development Study (see Chapter 1) revealed a strong association between early IQ and income, which was independent of other factors such as family background (Fergusson, Horwoord, & Ridder, 2005).

FIGURE 7.12  The two graphs show income (left) and occupational prestige (right) of participants over nearly 30 years in relation to their intelligence test performance. Those with high intelligence start with a slight advantage over their less intelligent peers but quickly leave them behind. Why don’t those with lower intelligence keep rising at the same rate over the years? $65 500

$62 301

High intelligence Low intelligence

85

70

$32 500

$0 1979

$23 482

$5191

$3616 1988

1997

2006

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Occupational prestige

Income

$48 750

$16 250

82.47

High intelligence Low intelligence

55 39.54 40

0 1979

31.87

32.68 1988

1997

2006

Year

Source: Judge, Klinger, & Simon (2010), Figure 2. © 2010 American Psychological Association

The reason for the relationship between IQ and occupational success is clear: it undoubtedly takes more intellectual ability to complete law school and become a lawyer, a high-status and higher-paying occupation, than it does to be a farmhand, a low-status and lower-paying occupation. However, the prestige or status of the occupation is not as important as the complexity of the work (Kuncel, Hezlett, & Ones, 2004). Greater intelligence is required to handle more complex or cognitively challenging work. Those with higher intelligence obtain more education and training and they use this to tackle more demanding jobs, which leads to a faster and steeper rise to the top of the occupational ladder (Judge et al., 2010). Still, IQs vary considerably in every occupational group, so many people in low-status jobs have high IQs. Now a second question: Are bright lawyers, electricians or farmhands more successful or productive than their less intelligent colleagues? The answer here is also yes.The correlation between scores on tests of intellectual ability and supervisor ratings averaged +0.30 to +0.50 (Neisser et al., 1996). General intellectual ability seems to predict job performance in a range of occupations

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CHAPTER 7: INTELLIGENCE AND CREATIVITY

better than any other indicator, and it predicts likelihood of success as accurately for members of racial and ethnic minority groups as for non-minority individuals (Gottfredson, 2002; Schmidt & Hunter, 2004). Adults who are more intellectually capable are better able to learn what they need to know about their occupations and to solve the problems that arise. This literally pays off, as shown in Figure 7.12: individuals with greater cognitive ability earn more money than those with lower cognitive ability (Judge et al., 2010).

IQ and health People who score higher on measures of intelligence also tend to be healthier and live longer than those who score lower on these tests (see, for example, Gottfredson, 2004; Leon, Lawlor, Clark, Batty, & Macintyre, 2009). This connection between intelligence and health and longevity has now been confirmed with research conducted in multiple countries. For instance, earlier we mentioned Alan Gow, Ian Deary, and their colleagues, who tracked Scottish individuals who had taken an intelligence test when they were 11 years old (in either 1921 or 1936). Following up on health and death records of participants decades later, researchers found that individuals who scored one standard deviation (15 points) below the average (see the earlier section on the psychometric approach) were less likely to be alive at age 76 and more likely to have experienced stomach or lung cancers and cardiovascular or coronary heart disease. Those children who scored in the top 25 per cent on the intelligence test at age 11 were 2–3 times more likely to be alive 65 years later than those scoring in the bottom 25 per cent (Deary, Whalley, & Starr, 2009). In another study conducted in Australia of over 2000 war veterans, each additional IQ point measured at the time of induction into the military predicted a 1 per cent decrease in risk of non-combat death at age 40 (O’Toole, 1990; O’Toole & Stankov, 1992). Similar results are emerging from a study in the United States that has tracked participants from adolescence to age 40 (Der, Batty, & Deary, 2009) – consistent with the findings of the Scottish and Australian research, higher intelligence in early adolescence was found to be associated with fewer health problems at age 40. A common explanation for this connection between IQ and health is socioeconomic status: as you have seen, smart people may have better jobs, in turn giving them the resources to obtain better healthcare. A study of nearly 10 000 adults examined the relationship between IQ scores at age 11 and blood markers associated with cardiovascular disease at age 45 (Calvin, Batty, Lowe, & Deary, 2011). Higher IQ scores at age 11 were associated with lower levels of these markers in adulthood, with the connection between the two partly explained by differences in parental socioeconomic status. But even when socioeconomic status and living conditions are statistically controlled for, there is still a connection between intelligence and health (Gottfredson & Deary, 2004). Similarly, providing equal access to healthcare reduces, but does not eliminate, the social-class differences in health (Steenland, Henley, & Thun, 2002). So what else could be going on? Linda Gottfredson (2004) argues that good health takes more than access to material resources. It requires some of the abilities measured by intelligence tests, such as efficient learning and problem solving. In other words, successful monitoring of health and proper application of treatment protocols require a certain amount of intelligence. Consider the chronic illness diabetes. Successful management requires acquiring knowledge of the disease symptoms and course, identifying signs of inappropriate blood sugar levels and making judgements about how to respond to blood sugar fluctuations. A patient’s IQ predicts how much knowledge of diabetes he or she acquires during the year following diagnosis (Taylor, Frier, Gold, & Deary, 2003). Other research shows that many people with diabetes who have limited literacy, which correlates with intelligence, do not know the signs of high or low blood sugar and do not know how to correct unhealthy levels (Williams, Baker, Parker, & Nurss, 1998).

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Research on relationships between IQ and health is relatively new and ongoing. But it suggests that IQ influences socioeconomic status, which in turn influences health, but that IQ also influences health directly – smarter people are able to apply their intellectual skills to better understanding and managing their health.

Potential for wisdom LINKAGES Chapter 2 Theories of human development Chapter 9 Self, personality, gender and sexuality

wisdom A combination of rich factual knowledge about life combined with procedural knowledge.

Many people believe – incorrectly, as you have seen – that intellectual decline is an inevitable part of ageing. Yet many people also believe that older people are wise. This belief has been expressed in many cultures throughout history. It is also featured in Erik Erikson’s influential theory of life span development, which argues that older adults often gain wisdom as they face the prospect of death and attempt to find meaning in their lives (see Chapters 2 and 9). Notice, too, that the word wise is rarely used to describe children, adolescents or even young adults (unless perhaps it is to call one of them a ‘wise guy’). Is the association between wisdom and old age just a stereotype, or is there some truth to it? People tend to believe that age brings wisdom. It can – but wisdom is rare even in later life. But first, what is wisdom, and how can researchers assess it? There is no consensus on these questions and, until recently, little research (Sternberg, 2003). Researchers do know that wisdom is not the same as high intelligence: there are many highly intelligent people who are not wise. Paul Baltes and his colleagues have defined wisdom as a constellation of rich factual knowledge about life combined with procedural knowledge such as strategies for giving advice and handling conflicts (Pasupathi, Staudinger, & Baltes, 2001). Similarly, Sternberg (2003) defines a wise person as someone who can combine successful intelligence with creativity to solve problems that require balancing multiple interests or perspectives. Does wisdom typically increase with age, or are life experiences more important than age in determining whether or not a person is wise? Ursula Staudinger, Jacqui Smith and Paul Baltes (1992) attempted to find out by interviewing young (ages 25–35) and elderly (ages 65–82) women who were clinical psychologists or similarly well-educated professionals in other fields. The goal was to assess the relative contributions of age and specialised experience to wisdom, based on the assumption that clinical psychologists gain special sensitivity to human problems from their professional training and practice. These women were interviewed about a person named Martha, who had chosen to have a family but no career and who met an old friend who had chosen to have a career but no family.The women were then asked to talk about how Martha might review and evaluate her life. Answers were scored for qualities judged to be indicators of wisdom. What was found? First, wisdom proved to be rare; it seems that only about 5 per cent of the answers given qualified as wise. Second, expertise proved to be more relevant than age to the development of wisdom. That is, clinical psychologists, whether young or old, displayed more signs of wisdom than other women did. Older women were generally no wiser – or less wise – than younger women. Age, then, does not predict wisdom. Yet the knowledge base that contributes to wisdom, like other crystallised intellectual abilities, holds up well later in life (Baltes, Staudinger, Maercker, & Smith, 1995). Older adults, like younger adults, are more likely to display wisdom if they have had certain life experiences (such as work as a clinical psychologist) that sharpen their insights into the human condition. The immediate social context also influences the degree to which wisdom is expressed; wiser solutions to problems are generated when adults have an opportunity to discuss problems with someone whose judgement they value and when they are encouraged to reflect after such discussions (Staudinger & Baltes, 1996). Thus, consulting with your fellow students and work colleagues and thinking about their advice may be the beginning of wisdom.

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Finally, wisdom seems to reflect a particular combination of intelligence, personality and cognitive style (Baltes & Staudinger, 2000). For example, individuals who have a cognitive style of comparing and evaluating relevant issues and who show tolerance of ambiguity are more likely to demonstrate wisdom than individuals without these characteristics. In addition, external factors influence the development of wisdom. Monika Ardelt (2000) found that a supportive social environment (loving family, good friends) during early adulthood was positively associated with wisdom 40 years later. At this stage in the study of wisdom, there is still much disagreement about what it is, how it develops and how it is related to other mental abilities. However, research on wisdom provides further evidence that different mental faculties develop differently over the adult years.

Creative endeavours

MAKING CONNECTIONS In what ways are you smarter or wiser than your parents and grandparents, and in what ways are these two older generations smarter or wiser than you?

ON THE INTERNET

Percentage of total works

Many studies of creativity during the adult years have focused on a small number of so-called eminent creators in such fields as art, music, science and philosophy. A major question of interest has TED talks about creativity been this: When in adulthood are such individuals most productive and most likely to create their http://www.ted. best works? Is it early in adulthood, when they can benefit from youthful enthusiasm and freshness com/topics/ creativity of approach? Or is it later in adulthood, when they have fully mastered their field and have the Watch talks about experience and knowledge necessary to make a breakthrough? And what becomes of the careers of creativity – what eminent creators in old age? it is, and ideas for developing it – by Early studies by Harvey Lehman (1953) and Wayne Dennis (1966) provided a fairly clear picture accessing this link. of how creative careers unfold (see also Runco, 2007; Sawyer, 2012; Sternberg, 1999a). In most TED is a ‘nonprofit organisation fields, creative production increases steeply from the 20s to the late 30s and early 40s, then gradually devoted to declines thereafter, although not to the same low levels that characterised early adulthood. Peak spreading ideas, times of creative achievement also vary from field to field (Csikszentmihalyi & Nakamura, 2006). usually in the form of short, powerful As Figure 7.13 shows, the productivity of scholars in the humanities (for example, historians and talks’. Visit this page philosophers) continues well into old age and peaks in the 60s, possibly because creative work to access over 100 short talks that in these fields often involves integrating knowledge that has crystallised over years. By contrast, address the topic productivity in the arts (for example, music or drama) peaks in the 30s and 40s and declines steeply of creativity. thereafter, perhaps because artistic creativity depends on a more fluid or innovative kind of thinking. Scientists seem to be intermediate, peaking in their 40s FIGURE 7.13  Percentage of total works produced in and declining only in their 70s. Even within the same each decade of the lives of eminent creators general field, differences in peak times have been noted. The ‘scholarship’ group includes historians and philosophers; For example, poets reach their peak before novelists the ‘sciences’ category includes natural and physical do, and mathematicians peak before other scientists do scientists, inventors and mathematicians; the ‘arts’ creators include architects, musicians, dramatists, poets and the like. (Dennis, 1966; Lehman, 1953). 30 Still, in many fields (including psychology), creative production rises to a peak in the late 30s or early 40s, 25 Scholarship and both the total number of works and the number 20 of high-quality works decline thereafter (Simonton, 15 1990). This same pattern can be detected across different Sciences cultures and historical periods. Even so, the percentage of 10 Arts a creator’s works that are significant changes little over the 5 years (Simonton, 1999). This means that many creators 0 are still producing outstanding works – sometimes their 20s 30s 40s 50s 60s 70s 80s Age period greatest works – in old age, not just rehashes of earlier Source: Data from Dennis (1966). © 2009. Reprinted by permission of Oxford triumphs. Michelangelo, for instance, was in his 70s and University Press. 80s when he worked on St Peter’s Basilica, and Frank Lloyd Wright was 91 when he finished the blueprint for

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the Guggenheim Museum in New York City. Indeed, the most eminent among the eminent seem to start early and finish late (Simonton, 1999). How can researchers account for changes in creative production over the adult years? One explanation, proposed long ago (Beard, 1874, in Simonton, 1984), is that creative achievement requires both enthusiasm and experience. In early adulthood, the enthusiasm is there, but the experience is not; in later adulthood, the experience is there, but the enthusiasm or vigour has fallen off. People in their 30s and 40s have it all. Dean Simonton (1999) has offered another theory: each creator may have a certain potential to create that is realised over the adult years; as the potential is realised, less is left to express. According to Simonton, creative activity involves two processes: ideation (generating creative ideas) and elaboration (executing ideas to produce poems, paintings or scientific publications). After a career is launched, some time elapses before any ideas are generated or any works are completed. This would explain the rise in creative achievement between the 20s and 30s. Also, some kinds of work take longer to formulate or complete, which helps explain why a poet (who can generate and carry out ideas quickly) might reach a creative peak earlier in life than, say, a historian (who may need to devote years to the research and writing necessary to complete a book once the idea for it is hatched). Why does creative production begin to taper off? Simonton (1999) suggests that older creators may simply have used up much of their stock of potential ideas. They never exhaust their creative potential, but they have less of it left to realise. Simonton argues that changes in creative production over the adult years have more to do with the nature of the creative process than with a loss of mental ability in later life. Creators who start their careers late are likely to experience the same rise and fall of creative output that others do, only later in life. And those lucky creators with immense creative potential to realise will not burn out; they will keep producing great works until they die. What about mere mortals? Here, researchers have fallen back on tests designed to measure creativity. In one study, scores on a test of divergent thinking abilities decreased at least modestly after about age 40 and decreased more steeply around 70 (McCrae, Arenberg, & Costa, 1987). It seems that elderly adults do not differ much from younger adults in the originality of their ideas; the main difference is that they generate fewer of them. Generally, creative behaviour becomes less frequent in later life, but it remains possible throughout the adult years.

IN REVIEW CHECKING UNDERSTANDING 1 What are two factors that contribute to a decline in IQ scores among older adults? 2 What do IQ scores predict during adulthood?

scoring lower or higher than other groups of people. Another finding regarding intelligence tests is that they are good predictors of academic success, job performance and even health. What conclusions can you draw from these two seemingly disparate findings?

3 How is wisdom different from intelligence?

CRITICAL THINKING In this chapter it has been noted that there may be cultural bias in testing, resulting in certain groups of people

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7.7 THE EXTREMES OF INTELLIGENCE ■■ ■■ ■■ ■■

Outline the key features of intellectual disability. Summarise the key life outcomes linked to intellectual disability. Describe the key differences that distinguish gifted from regular children. Discuss Renzulli’s three-ring model of giftedness

Although we have identified some of the factors that contribute to individual and group differences in intellectual performance, we cannot fully appreciate the magnitude of these differences without considering people at the extremes of the IQ continuum. Just how different are intellectually disabled and gifted individuals? And how different are their lives?

Intellectual disability According to the latest version of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM-5; and see Chapter 12), which spells out defining features and symptoms for the range of psychological disorders, intellectual disability is an intellectual impairment (usually indicated by an IQ score of about 70 or below) that results in deficits in adaptive functioning, or how well an individual copes with situations and tasks of everyday life (American Psychiatric Association, 2013). The three main areas of everyday functioning that are considered in making a diagnosis of intellectual disability are: the conceptual domain (reasoning, language and literacy skills), the social domain (empathy, social judgement and interpersonal communication skills), and the practical domain (self-management capacities in areas such as personal care, work, finances and recreation). A diagnosis of intellectual disability is made on the basis of intellectual impairments and adaptive symptoms that first occur prior to adulthood and on the severity of deficits in adaptive functioning in one or more of the domains. Professionals diagnosing intellectual disability must weigh a person’s IQ score against their ability to perform daily activities. Intellectual disability is not merely a deficiency within the person, but a product of the interaction between person and environment, and is strongly influenced by the type and level of supportive help the individual receives. A person with an IQ score of 65 in a supportive environment that is structured in ways that allow the individual to fit in and flourish may not be considered disabled in this environment. However, in an environment with different expectations and support, this same individual may be viewed as disabled. Individuals with intellectual disability differ greatly in their levels of functioning (Table 7.8). Individuals with mild intellectual disability can learn both academic and practical skills in school, and they can potentially work and live independently as adults. Many are integrated into regular classrooms, where they excel academically and socially relative to comparable individuals who are segregated into special classrooms (Freeman, 2000; and see Chapter 8). At the other end of the continuum, individuals with profound intellectual disability show major delays in all areas of development and require provision of basic care, sometimes in institutional settings. However, they, too, can benefit considerably from training to fully utilise their capabilities.

Learning objectives

LINKAGES Chapter 12 Developmental psychopathology

DSM-5 The Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (fifth edition), which spells out defining features and symptoms for the range of psychological disorders. intellectual disability A condition with onset prior to adulthood that includes both intellectual and adaptive functioning deficits in conceptual, social and practical domains. adaptive functioning How well an individual copes with the situations and tasks of everyday life.

LINKAGES Chapter 8 Language, literacy and learning

Causes of intellectual disability Intellectual disability has many causes. Some with intellectual disability are affected by ‘organic’ conditions, meaning that their disability is because of some identifiable biological cause associated with hereditary factors, diseases or injuries. Down syndrome, the condition associated with an extra twenty-first chromosome, and phenylketonuria (PKU) are familiar examples of conditions causing intellectual disability that are associated with genetic factors (see Chapter 3).

LINKAGES Chapter 3 Genes, environment and the beginnings of life

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TABLE 7.8  Levels and characteristics of intellectual disability Level

Search me! and Discover in this two-part article, the challenges and assessment and testing options for individuals with severe disabilities: Crepeau-Hobson, F., & Vujeva, H. (2012). Assessment of cognitive ability of students with severe and low-incidence disabilities: Part 1. Communique, 41(2), 12–13; Crepeau-Hobson, F., & Vujeva, H. (2012). Assessment of cognitive ability of students with severe and lowincidence disabilities: Part 2. Communique, 41(3), 4–7.

Mild

Moderate

Severe

Profound

Approx. % of those diagnosed with intellectual disability

85%

10%

3–4%

1–2%

Degree of independence and support

Usually independent; may need intermittent support, especially during times of transition or stress

May be semiindependent; need some support to manage some everyday tasks and situations

Limited independence; usually require daily support and close supervision

Dependent; need constant support and supervision to function and ensure health and safety

Educational focus

Can experience academic success; focus is on functional (practical) academics and career training

Focus is on daily living and social skills rather than academics; some career training

Focus is on selfcare (toileting, dressing, eating) and communication skills

Focus is on basic self-care and communication skills

Sources: American Psychiatric Association (2013); Burack, Hodapp, Iarocci, & Zigler (2011); Schalock et al. (2010).

LINKAGES Chapter 3 Genes, environment and the beginnings of life

Other forms of organic disability are associated with prenatal risk factors – an alcoholic mother, exposure to rubella and so on (Paulson, 2013; see also Chapter 3). These children come from all socioeconomic levels, and because many such children are seriously delayed or have physical defects, they can often be identified at birth or during infancy. However, most cases of intellectual disability have no identifiable organic cause; they may be characterised by milder symptoms and appear to result from some combination of genetic endowment and environmental factors (Batshaw, Gropman, & Lanpher, 2013). Not surprisingly, then, these children often come from poor areas, have neglectful or abusive families, and have a parent or sibling who is also disabled (Batshaw et al., 2013). About 3 per cent of school-age children are classified as intellectually disabled (Australian Institute of Health and Welfare, 2008). Often, these children have associated impairments, such as cerebral palsy, behavioural problems, physical impairments or sensory disorders. As for children not diagnosed at birth, those with milder disabilities are typically diagnosed as toddlers when they fail to meet developmental milestones at a typical age. Once children are diagnosed, their parents experience complex reactions to their child and the disability itself (Boström, Broberg, & Hwang, 2010). Parents – mothers more so than fathers – of intellectually disabled children report higher levels of stress than parents of non-disabled children, but this stress is reduced where there are higher levels of marital and parenting satisfaction (Gerstein, Crnic, Blacher, & Baker, 2009; Hill & Rose, 2009).

Prognosis for individuals with intellectual impairment What becomes of these children as they grow up? Generally, they proceed along the same paths and through the same sequences of developmental milestones as other children do, although often at a slower rate (Hodapp et al., 2011). Their IQs remain low because they do not achieve the same level of growth that others do.They, like non-disabled people, show signs of intellectual ageing in later life, especially on tests that require speed (Devenny et al., 1996). Individuals with Down syndrome may

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experience even greater intellectual deterioration later in life because they are at risk for premature Alzheimer’s disease (Roizen, 2013). As for their outcomes in life, consider a series of follow-up studies with a group of individuals with intellectual disabilities, known as the ‘Camberwell Cohort’ after the district in London, England from which they were originally recruited (Beadle-Brown, Murphy, & DiTerlizzi, 2009; BeadleBrown, Murphy, & Wing, 2005, 2006). In their 40s, about 50 per cent lived in community group homes, 25 per cent lived with their family, and 20 per cent lived in a larger residential facility. Social skills, important to daily interactions with others, remained largely unchanged over the 25-year period of study. But for those who as children started out more socially impaired than others in the sample, social impairments tended to worsen with age, possibly because social demands increased in adulthood or because support in social situations was diminished. The combination of intellectual disability and social impairment led to a poor or fair overall outcome for most of the individuals in the cohort. Not surprisingly, those who were not as intellectually disabled and did not have associated impairments had more favourable outcomes. Consider also the data reported by the Australian Institute of Health and Welfare (2008, p. 21) that compared individuals ranging in age from 15 to 64 who either had or did not have an intellectual disability. Individuals with a disability were: • less likely to complete Year 12 studies (19 per cent versus 49 per cent) or participate in tertiary education (6 per cent versus 12 per cent) • less likely to participate in the labour force (43 per cent versus 81 per cent) or to be employed full-time (19 per cent versus 54 per cent) • more likely to be unemployed (17 per cent versus 5 per cent) • more likely to rely on a government pension or allowance as their main source of income (57 per cent versus 14 per cent) and less likely to be wage or salary earners (23 per cent versus 63 per cent) • more likely to have never married (67 per cent versus 39 per cent). The results from the Camberwell Cohort and the Australian data suggest that overall quality of life is lower for adults diagnosed with intellectual disability early in life. However, outcomes do vary and are related to the severity of the disability. Further, that most individuals with an intellectual disability live in the community, either in small group homes or with their family, is a marked improvement from previous decades, when nearly everyone with any level of disability lived segregated from the mainstream of society in institutions.

Giftedness The gifted child used to be identified solely by IQ score – one that was at least 130. Programs for gifted children still focus mainly on those with very high IQs, but there is increased recognition that some children are gifted because they have special abilities (think again of Gardner’s eight intelligences discussed at the beginning of this chapter) rather than because they have high general intelligence. Even high-IQ children are usually not equally talented in all areas; contrary to myth, they cannot just become anything they choose (Winner, 1996). More often, high-IQ children have exceptional talent in an area or two and otherwise are good, but not exceptional, performers (Achter, Benbow, & Lubinski, 1997). So today’s definitions emphasise that giftedness involves having a high IQ or showing special abilities or talents in areas valued in society, such as mathematics, the performing and visual arts, or even leadership. Joseph Renzulli and colleagues (1998; Reis & Renzulli, 2011; Renzulli & Delcourt, 2013) have long argued that giftedness emerges from a combination of above average ability, creativity and task commitment (Figure 7.14). According to this view, someone might have a high IQ and even creative ability, but may not be considered truly gifted if they are not motivated to use this intelligence.

giftedness The possession of unusually high general intellectual potential or of special abilities or talents.

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How early can intellectually gifted children be identified? Giftedness is usually apparent by toddlerhood, according to a longitudinal study by Allen Gottfried and his colleagues (1994). They tracked a large sample of children from age 1 to age 8, determined which children had IQs of 130 or above at age 8, and then looked for differences between these gifted children and other children earlier in life. The gifted children turned out to be identifiable as early as 18 months, primarily by their advanced language skills. Other recent research confirms that early language ability is a good, although not perfect, clue to later intellectual giftedness (Colombo, Shaddy, Blaga, Anderson, & Kannass, 2009). Gifted children were also highly curious and motivated to learn; they even enjoyed the challenge of taking IQ tests more than most children. Linda Silverman and her colleagues at the Gifted Development Center have used the Characteristics of Giftedness Scale Source: Adapted from Renzulli (1998). to identify gifted children (see Gifted Development Center, 2014; Silverman, 2013). They have found that gifted children can be distinguished from average children in the following attributes: • rapid learning • extensive vocabulary • good memory • long attention span • perfectionism • preference for older companions • excellent sense of humour • early interest in reading • strong ability with puzzles and mazes • maturity • perseverance on tasks. The early emergence of giftedness is consistent with research showing a strong genetic component of high intellect (see Brant et al., 2009; Haworth et al., 2009). Still, prediction of giftedness is not perfect, although the prediction of non-giftedness is nearly so (Colombo et al., 2009).That is, experts are nearly always correct when they identify a child as not gifted; but among children identified early as gifted, some drift out of this category as they get older (Colombo et al., 2009). We get a richer understanding of the development of high-IQ children from a significant longitudinal study launched in 1921 by Lewis Terman, developer of the Stanford-Binet test (Holahan & Sears, 1995; Oden, 1968;Terman, 1954).The participants were more than 1500 Californian school children nominated by their teachers as gifted, who had IQs of 140 or higher. It soon became apparent that these high-IQ children (who came to be called Termites) were exceptional in many other ways. They had weighed more at birth and had learned to walk and talk sooner than most toddlers. They reached puberty somewhat earlier than average and had better than average health. Their teachers rated them as better adjusted and more morally mature than their less intelligent peers. Although they were no more popular than their classmates, they were quick to take on leadership responsibilities. Taken together, these findings destroy the stereotype that most gifted children are frail, sickly youngsters who are socially inadequate and emotionally immature. Another demonstration of the personal and social maturity of most gifted children comes from a study of high-IQ children who skipped high school and entered the University of Washington as part of a special program to accelerate their education (see University of Washington, 2013). Contrary to the common wisdom that gifted children will suffer socially and emotionally if they skip grades and are forced to fit in with much older students, these youngsters showed no signs FIGURE 7.14  Renzulli’s model of giftedness includes three factors: above average ability, creativity and task commitment.

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CHAPTER 7: INTELLIGENCE AND CREATIVITY

of maladjustment (see Noble & Childers, 2009). On several measures of psychological and social maturity and adjustment, they equalled their much older university classmates and similarly gifted students who attended high school. Many of them thrived in university, for the first time finding friends like themselves – friends who were like-minded rather than like-aged (Noble, Childers, & Vaughan, 2008). Other research similarly shows that acceleration through school is associated with higher academic achievement and more positive social-emotional outcomes for gifted children than lack of acceleration (Moon & Steenbergen-Hu, 2011).

Prognosis? What happens as gifted children enter adulthood? Most of Terman’s gifted children remained as remarkable in adulthood as they had been in childhood. Fewer than 5 per cent were rated as seriously maladjusted. Their rates of such problems as ill health, mental illness, alcoholism and delinquent behaviour were but a fraction of those observed in the general population (Terman, 1954), although they were no less likely to divorce (Holahan & Sears, 1995). The occupational achievements of men in the sample were impressive. In middle age, 88 per cent were employed in professional or high-level business jobs, compared with 20 per cent of men in the general population (Oden, 1968). As a group, the 1500 participants had taken out more than 200 patents and written 2000 scientific reports, 100 books, 375 plays or short stories, and over 300 essays, sketches, magazine articles and critiques. These findings of notable accomplishment are echoed in recent follow-ups of other adults identified as gifted by age 13 (see Park, Lubinski, & Benbow, 2007). What about the gifted women in Terman’s study? Because of the influence of gender-role expectations during the period covered by the study, gifted women achieved less than gifted men vocationally, often interrupting their careers or sacrificing their career goals to raise families. Still, they were more likely to have careers, and distinguished ones, than most women of their generation. Finally, the Termites aged well. In their 60s and 70s, most of the men and women in the Terman study were highly active, involved, healthy and happy people (Holahan & Sears, 1995).The men kept working longer than most men do and stayed involved in work even after they retired. The women too led exceptionally active lives. Contrary to the stereotype that gifted individuals burn out early, the Termites continued to burn brightly throughout their lives. Yet just as it is wrong to view intellectually gifted children as emotionally disturbed misfits, it is inaccurate to conclude that intellectually gifted children are models of good adjustment, perfect in every way. Some research suggests that children with IQs closer to 180 than 130 are often unhappy and socially isolated, perhaps because they are so out of step with their peers, and sometimes even have serious problems such as maladjustment and low resilience (Winner, 1996). Not all research on the ‘profoundly gifted’, as those with IQs of 180 and higher are often called, finds an unusual level of social maladjustment, however (Lubinski, Webb, Morelock, & Benbow, 2001). Even within this elite group, the quality of the individual’s home environment is important. The most well-adjusted and successful adults have highly educated parents who offered them both love and intellectual stimulation (Tomlinson-Keasey & Little, 1990).

Express Get the answers to the Checking understanding questions on CourseMate Express.

IN REVIEW CHECKING UNDERSTANDING

CRITICAL THINKING

1 How is intellectual disability defined?

Discuss how Terence Tao and his brothers, who featured in the chapter opening, exemplify the characteristics of gifted individuals.

2 What characterises the typical gifted person?

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7.8 INTEGRATING COGNITIVE PERSPECTIVES Learning objectives

LINKAGES Chapter 5 Cognitive development Chapter 6 Sensoryperception, attention and memory

■■ Outline the the different theoretical perspectives on intelligence. ■■ Describe the key points relating to traditional versus modern ideas about how to measure intelligence.

Our account of cognitive development over the life span is now complete. We hope you appreciate that each of the major approaches to intellectual and cognitive development that we have considered – the Piagetian cognitive developmental approach and Vygotsky’s sociocultural theory described in Chapter 5, the information-processing approach explained in Chapter 6, the psychometric (testing) approach, Gardner’s multiple intelligences theory, Sternberg’s triarchic model and understandings about creativity covered in this chapter  – offers something of value. Table 7.9 compares these approaches to cognition and intelligence. We can summarise the different approaches to cognitive development this way: Piaget has shown that comparing the thought of a preschooler with the thought of an adult is like comparing a caterpillar with a butterfly. Modes of thought change qualitatively with age. Vygotsky has highlighted the importance of culturally transmitted modes of thinking and interactions with others throughout the life span. The information-processing approach has helped researchers understand thinking processes and explain why the young child cannot remember as much information or solve problems as effectively as the adult can, or why older adults’ problem-solving performance may decline in some areas. The psychometric approach has told researchers that, if they look at the range of tasks to which the mind can be applied, they can recognise distinct mental abilities that each person consistently displays in greater or lesser amounts. Finally, Gardner and Sternberg

TABLE 7.9  Comparison of approaches to cognition and intelligence Piagetian cognitivedevelopmental theory

Vygotskian sociocultural theory

Informationprocessing approach

Psychometric approach

Gardner’s multiple intelligences theory

Sternberg’s triarchic model

What is intelligence?

Cognitive structures that help people adapt

Tools of culture

Memory, executive functioning and other mental processes

Mental abilities and scores on IQ tests

At least eight human intellectual abilities

Three components that allow people to succeed in their lives

What changes with age?

Stage of cognitive development

Ability to solve problems without assistance of others and with use of private speech

Hardware (speed) and software (strategies) of the mind

Mental age (difficulty of problems solved)

Each intelligence has its own distinctive developmental course

Ability to respond to novel problems and automate familiar ones, and adapt to current environmental demands and select appropriate ‘mental tools’ for solving problems

What is of most interest?

Universal changes in cognition

Culturally influenced cognitive changes and processes

Universal processes of cognition

Individual differences in intelligence

Individual strengths and weaknesses in intellectual abilities

Adaptation of behaviour to environmental challenges

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pushed us to look beyond traditional psychometric tests of intelligence emphasising analytic skills valued in the classroom. Gardner proposes at least eight human intellectual abilities, while Sternberg argues there are three intellectual processes: creative, practical and analytical. You need not choose one approach but your understanding of the mind is likely to be richer if you consider the merits of all approaches.

IN REVIEW CHECKING UNDERSTANDING How does the definition of intelligence vary across the approaches presented in Chapters 5, 6 and 7?

CRITICAL THINKING

70-year-old person? What are the greatest cognitive strengths of older adults, what are their greatest limitations and how much can an individual do to optimise their functioning? Express

Putting together material from Chapters 5, 6 and 7, how would you describe the cognitive functioning of a typical

Get the answers to the Checking understanding questions on CourseMate Express.

CHAPTER REVIEW SUMMARY 7.1 Defining and measuring intelligence and creativity ■■ The psychometric, or testing, approach to cognition defines intelligence as a set of measurable traits that allows some people to think and solve problems more effectively than others. It can be viewed as a hierarchy consisting of a general factor (g), broad abilities such as fluid and crystallised intelligence, and many specific abilities. The Stanford-Binet and Wechsler scales are the most common intelligence tests and compare an individual’s performance on a variety of cognitive tasks with the average performance of age-mates. ■■ Gardner’s theory of multiple intelligences offers an alternative to the psychometric view, with its focus on eight distinct forms of intelligence: verbal–linguistic, logical–mathematical, musical, visual–spatial, bodily–kinaesthetic, interpersonal, intrapersonal and naturalist. ■■ Sternberg’s triarchic theory of intelligence proposes three components to intelligence. The practical component predicts that intelligent behaviour will vary across different sociocultural contexts.

According to the creative component, intelligent responses will vary depending on whether problems are novel or routine (automated). Finally, the analytic aspect of intelligence includes the critical-thinking skills that a person brings to a problem-solving situation. This theory has been extended to the theory of successful intelligence, which identifies factors additional to the three components that one needs to be successful in life in a particular sociocultural context. ■■ Creativity is the ability to produce novel and socially valuable work. It is largely independent of intelligence and involves divergent rather than convergent thinking (the type of thinking measured by IQ tests). Creativity is often measured in terms of ideational fluency, the sheer number of different (including novel) ideas that a person can generate. Tests of creativity do not always do a good job of predicting creative accomplishment in a specific field. >>>

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>>>

7.2 Factors that influence intelligence and creativity ■■ The Flynn effect describes a global increase in intelligence test scores over the past century that is likely the result of better living conditions and education. ■■ Individual differences in IQ at a given age are linked to genetic factors, to enriched environments (rather than impoverished ones) and to intellectually stimulating qualities of the home environment, such as parental involvement and responsive stimulation.

■■ Racial and ethnic differences in IQ also exist, with minority children typically scoring, on average, lower than non-minority children from English-speaking European backgrounds. There is little evidence to suggest that these IQ differences are related to genetic factors. Rather, test bias, motivational differences and environment are more likely to explain racial and ethnic differences in IQ. ■■ Qualities of the environment seem to play more of a role than genetic influences on the development of creativity.

7.3 The infant ■■ The Bayley scales include motor, mental and behaviour ratings to assess infant development and assign a corresponding developmental quotient (DQ). Although traditionally used as a measure of infant intelligence, DQ scores do not correlate well with later IQ scores.

■■ Infant measures that capture speed of information processing and preference for novelty are better at predicting later intelligence in childhood and adolescence.

7.4 The child ■■ During childhood, IQ scores become more stable so that scores at one point in time are generally consistent with scores obtained at a second point. ■■ Despite group stability, many individuals show wide variations in their IQ scores over time.

■■ Creativity increases throughout early childhood but dips during primary school, possibly in response to societal expectations to conform. Creativity is associated with playfulness, openness to new experiences and originality.

7.5 The adolescent ■■ During adolescence, IQ scores are relatively stable and intellectual performance reaches near-adult level. ■■ IQ scores are useful in predicting academic achievement of adolescents. ■■ Levels of creativity rise somewhat in adolescence, although they vary considerably from one individual

to another. Some adolescents conform to societal norms and express little creativity, while others show a great deal of innovation. Adolescents with exceptional talents or creativity have both talent and motivation on the nature side and environments that foster their talents and value independence on the nurture side.

7.6 The adult ■■ Both cross-sectional studies and longitudinal studies tend to show age-related decreases in IQ among adults. Schaie’s sequential study suggests that (1) date of birth (cohort) influences test performance, (2) no major declines in mental abilities occur until the late 60s or 70s, (3) some abilities (especially fluid ones) decline more than others (crystallised ones), and (4) not all people’s abilities decline in old age. Decline in intellectual performance in old age is associated with poor health and an unstimulating lifestyle. ■■ IQ scores are correlated with occupational status as well as health in adulthood.

■■ A few adults display wisdom, or exceptional insight into complex life problems, which requires a rich knowledge base along with particular personality traits and cognitive styles and is influenced more by experience than age. ■■ Creative output increases sharply from early to middle adulthood, and although it then drops somewhat, it remains above the level where it started in young adulthood. Creativity varies from one field to another. Creative output may drop off in older adulthood because people have already generated and expressed their creative potential.

7.7 The extremes of intelligence ■■ The extremes of intelligence are represented by intellectual disability at one end of the continuum and giftedness at the other end.

■■ Intellectual disability is a condition with onset during the developmental period (typically prior to adulthood) that includes both intellectual and >>>

372

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adaptive functioning deficits in conceptual, social and practical domains. It can have biological, environmental or unidentified causes; levels of independence, support and educational achievement and focus vary by level of disability.

■■ Giftedness has most often been defined by high IQ scores, although more recent definitions recognise special talents not measured by traditional IQ tests. Life outcomes for gifted people are generally above average.

7.8 Integrating cognitive perspectives ■■ Six major approaches to cognitive development have been presented in Chapters 5, 6 and 7. These include Piaget’s focus on qualitatively different stages of thought and Vygotsky’s emphasis on culturally transmitted modes of thought. The information-processing approach reveals how memory and problem solving are influenced by characteristics of the person, such as age, and

task factors, such as complexity. The psychometric approach defines cognitive abilities in measurable ways, illustrating that people have more-or-less distinct mental abilities. Gardner proposed eight distinct intellectual abilities; and Sternberg’s triarchic theory adds creative and practical intelligence to the more traditional analytic intelligence.

END-OF-CHAPTER ACTIVITIES SELF-TEST Answer these questions to self-test your knowledge of the chapter content. The answers are at the end of the chapter.

1

Sternberg’s concept of successful intelligence is characterised by: a b c d

getting a high score on an intelligence test such as the Stanford-Binet or one of the Wechsler tests. gaining knowledge at a faster rate than other individuals the same age. demonstrating the abilities needed to succeed in one’s chosen field, within a particular sociocultural context. doing well in school.

2

Creativity involves (a) _____________, or the ability to come up with a variety of ideas or solutions to a problem. Creativity is often measured by (b) _____________, which is the total number of different ideas that one can generate in response to a problem. Intelligence, on the other hand, reflects (c) _____________, which involves coming up with the one ‘correct’ answer to a problem. (Select from divergent thinking, convergent thinking and ideational fluency)

3

The relationship between IQ measured during early/middle childhood and IQ measured during adolescence/young adulthood can be described as: a b c d

quite stable. fluctuating quite a bit. generally increasing with age. generally decreasing with age.

4 True or false? Research shows that IQ test scores and culture or race are completely unrelated. 5

Research indicates that (a) ________ is more relevant than (b) ________ to the development of wisdom. (Select from age and expertise)

6

True or false? Research shows no relationship between quality of home environment and achievement outcomes for individuals who are highly intelligent or ‘gifted’.

>>>

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>>>

7

Match each cognitive approach or theory below with its main contribution to understanding cognition and intelligence. a Piaget’s cognitive developmental theory

1 Culturally influenced changes and processes of cognition

b Vygotsky’s sociocultural theory

2 Individual differences in intelligence

c Information-processing approach

3 Individual strengths and weaknesses in a range of intellectual abilities

d Psychometric approach

4 Adaptation of behaviour to environmental challenges

e Gardner’s multiple intelligences theory

5 Universal changes in cognition

f Sternberg’s triarchic model

6 Universal processes of cognition

REVIEW QUESTIONS Develop your understanding of the chapter content by preparing short answer or essay responses to the following questions – or you might like to try developing a concept map or thinking map for these questions.

6

Discuss how schools and parents can foster creativity during adolescence.

7

Explain how intelligence might be expected to change over adulthood and why declines might be experienced.

8

Analyse the connection between intelligence and wisdom and determine who might be most likely to develop wisdom.

4 Explain the connection between infant developmental quotient (DQ) scores and later IQ scores.

9

Summarise the research on creative endeavours during adulthood.

5

10 Define intellectual disability and summarise the likely causes.

1

Summarise the three prominent views of intelligence and highlight the contributions each has made to the field.

2

Distinguish between creativity and intelligence and describe how they are related.

3

Conclude what the research tells us about genetic and environmental contributions to intelligence and creativity.

Summarise the research on stability of IQ scores over the course of childhood and adolescence.

FOR DISCUSSION Discuss and debate your point of view on the following developmental issues, dilemmas and controversies related to topics in this chapter.

1

374

Should students know their own IQ scores? Should teachers know their students’ IQ scores? What about employers? Who else should, or should not have, access to such information, and why?

2

Should schools play an active role in fostering creativity? Why or why not?

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SEARCH ME! PSYCHOLOGY Explore Search me! Psychology for articles relevant to this chapter. Fast and convenient, Search me! Psychology is updated daily and provides you with 24-hour access to full text articles from hundreds of scholarly and popular journals, eBooks and newspapers, including The Australian and The New York Times. Log in to the Search me! Psychology database via http://login.cengagebrain.com and try searching for the following keywords: Search tip: Search me! Psychology contains information from both local and international sources. To get the greatest number of search results, try using both Australian and American spellings in your searches, e.g. ‘globalisation’ and ‘globalization’; ‘organisation’ and ‘organization’.

→ intelligence → creativity → wisdom.

ANSWERS TO THE SELF-TEST 1: (c); 2: (a) divergent thinking, (b) ideational fluency, (c) convergent thinking; 3: (b); 4: False;

5: (a) expertise, (b) age; 6: False; 7: a-5, b-1, c-6, d-2, e-3, f-4

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8 CHAPTER

LANGUAGE, LITERACY AND LEARNING CHAPTER OUTLINE 8.1 The language system Describing language: Basic components Explaining language: Nature and nurture

8.2 The infant Developing language Mastery motivation Early learning

8.3 The child

8.5 The adult

Expanding language skills Learning to read Fostering academic success

8.4 The adolescent Academic achievement Integrating school and work Pathways to adulthood

A new kind of learning

Language: Continuity and change Adult literacy Adult education Theoretical contributions to learning and education

her visit to Australia. An American who was also

Alice Betteridge was born in 1901, the daughter of

deafblind, Helen Keller gained world renown for her

George and Emily Betteridge of Sawyer’s Gully in New

achievements, which included a university education.

South Wales, Australia. She became the first deafblind

Alice died in 1966 at the age of 65 (Disability Services

student at the Royal Institute for Deaf and Blind

Australia, 2008, para 26–33). Source: Photo of the meeting in Wahroonga in 1948 between Helen Keller and Alice Betteridge, © Royal Institute for Deaf and Blind Children (RIDBC) Australia.

Children, and also the first person with this kind of disability to be educated in Australia. At the age of 2, Alice became both deaf and blind as a result of the meningitis virus and until she attended school, touch was her only means of communication. It was Alice’s teacher at the Institute, Roberta Reid, who found a way to communicate with her through language. By placing Alice’s hand on her shoe, then repeatedly tapping out a pattern in her hand, Alice learnt the word for ‘shoe’ through sign language. After the discovery of language, Alice progressed rapidly in her education. She was taught Braille and began to read and, subsequently, to learn more about the world around her. In 1948 Alice fulfilled a dream to meet Helen Keller during

Alice Betteridge (front and centre), deaf and blind from a young age, used sign language to communicate and understand the world around her.  

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381

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LIFE SPAN HUMAN DEVELOPMENT

Perhaps the most important milestone in development is mastering some type of language. Consider how the world changed for deafblind Alice Betteridge when she finally realised that every object, every person, every concept could be represented with a symbol. From this point on, she was able to communicate with the people around her and participate in the world in ways that were not available without a tool such as sign or spoken language. As you learned in Chapter 5, psychologist Lev Vygotsky argued that language is the primary vehicle through which adults pass culturally valued modes of thinking and problem solving to their children. He also believed that language is our most important tool of thinking. In this chapter, we examine language skills, which become established largely through an informal education system consisting of parents, other grownups, peers, and even the media. We also consider the formal learning and education system, which uses basic language skills to cultivate literacy, thinking, and problem-solving skills that allow individuals to become fully functioning members of society. However, getting the most out of education requires more than acquiring language and literacy skills – as one researcher noted, ‘the educational equivalent to “location, location, location” is “motivation, motivation, motivation”’ (Kelly, 2011, p. 1). Thus, we also examine achievement motivation and its relationship with learning and educational outcomes.

LINKAGES Chapter 5 Cognitive development

8.1 THE LANGUAGE SYSTEM Learning objectives

language A symbolic system in which a limited number of symbols can be combined according to rules to produce an infinite number of messages.

■■ ■■ ■■ ■■

Outline the basic components and functions of the language system. Discuss the components of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander and Ma–ori languages. Describe the contribution of nature to the development of language. Discuss the role of nurture in language development.

Language is a communication system in which a limited number of symbols – sounds or letters (or

gestures, in the case of sign language) – can be combined according to agreed-upon rules to produce an infinite number of messages. Although language is one of the most intricate forms of knowledge we will ever acquire, all typically developing children master a language early in life. Indeed, many infants are talking before they can walk. To master spoken English, Aboriginal, Ma–ori, or any other language, a child must learn the basic sounds of that language, how the sounds are combined to form words, how words are combined to form meaningful statements, what words and sentences mean, and how to use language effectively in social interactions. How is this accomplished? To address this, we are guided, once again, by the nature–nurture framework. But first, we need to understand the basic components of language.

Describing language: Basic components

phonemes The basic units of sound used in a particular spoken language.

Every human language must have words (symbols) that represent the objects, people, ideas and so on that are relevant to the community. In addition, there must be a system of rules to organise how the words are used and combined to facilitate communication among members of the community. Perhaps the most fundamental system involves phonemes, which are the basic units of sound that can change the meaning of a word. Substituting the phoneme /p/ for /b/ in the word bit changes the meaning of the word. Although there are 26 letters in the English alphabet, there are more phonemes than this because letters can be pronounced in different ways. Trying to identify the precise number of phonemes in a language is difficult; there are numerous subtleties and interpretations. Languages also specify how phonemes can be combined. In English, we can combine /b/ and /r/ to say ‘brat’ but we cannot combine /b/ with /m/ to produce ‘bmat’.

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CHAPTER 8: LANGUAGE, LITERACY AND LEARNING

Languages also have a system for organising the morphemes, the basic units of meaning that exist in a word. Some words consist of just one morpheme, such as view. But we can add another morpheme, re, to the beginning and the meaning of the word changes (review). Add a different morpheme, pre, and the meaning changes again (preview). Morphemes are not the same as syllables: a word with multiple syllables, such as the three-syllable crocodile, can still consist of one morpheme if it cannot be further broken down into a smaller meaningful unit. To convey the meaning of what we intend when we say ‘crocodile’, we have to include all three syllables. An important step in language acquisition is mastering its syntax, the systematic rules for forming sentences. Consider these three sentences: (1) Fang Fred bit. (2) Fang bit Fred. (3) Fred bit Fang. The first violates the rules of English sentence structure or syntax, although this word order would be acceptable in German. The second and third are both grammatical English sentences, but their different word orders – determined by the rules of syntax – convey different meanings. Understanding the meanings of sentences also requires knowing the semantics of language. To understand the sentence ‘Sherry was green with jealousy’, we must move beyond the literal meaning of each word, which would suggest that Sherry was the colour green, to the meaning that is created when we combine these words into this particular sentence. Finally, we must understand something of the pragmatics of language – rules for specifying how language is used appropriately in different social contexts. That is, individuals must learn when to say what to whom. They must learn to communicate effectively by taking into account who the listener is, what the listener already knows, and what the listener needs or wants to hear. ‘Give me that biscuit!’ may be grammatical English, but the child is far more likely to win Grandma’s heart (and the biscuit) with a polite ‘May I please try one of your yummy biscuits, Grandma?’ In addition to these features of language, producing meaningful speech also involves prosody, or how the sounds are produced. Prosody has been called the ‘melody’ of speech because it includes pitch or intonation, the accentuation of certain syllables in a word or certain words in a sentence, and the duration or timing of speech. A child may say ‘dog’ with little change in pitch, perhaps to make a statement meaning ‘There is a dog.’ By raising his voice at the end of the word, the meaning is changed to a question, ‘Dog?’ A parent may produce a loud, short ‘No!’ to stop a child from running into the street, but a long ‘Nooo’ to perhaps sarcastically make a point with their teenager.

morphemes The basic units of meaning that exist in a word.

syntax Rules specifying how words can be combined to form meaningful sentences in a language. semantics The meaning of words, sentences and other language forms.

pragmatics Rules specifying how language is to be used in different social contexts.

prosody The sound of speech, including intonation, stress, rhythm and timing.

ON THE INTERNET Learn about phonemes, syntax and the other basic components of Māori and Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander languages at the links below.

Māori languages

http://www.maorilanguage.net/index.cfm A place to learn about the basic components of Māori language, including access to online videos to learn and practise the Māori alphabet, pronunciation and common phrases.

Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander languages of Australia

http://aboutworldlanguages.com/indigenous-languages-of-australia This website provides an overview of the dialects, structure and writing of Australian Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander languages, with a link to audiovisual examples.

Thus, mastering a language includes knowing the phonemes and morphemes and how these can be combined, the syntax for turning words into sentences, the semantics for understanding the meaning of words and sentences, the pragmatics for how to best use language to suit the context and our conversational partner, and the prosody or sound features of speech. To understand how we master the remarkable skill of language, we now revisit the nature–nurture debate covered in Chapter 1 to consider how biology, heredity, environment and learning contribute to language development.

383

LINKAGES Chapter 1 Understanding life span human development

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384

LIFE SPAN HUMAN DEVELOPMENT

Explaining language: Nature and nurture To understand how children manage to master the remarkable skills of language, we revisit the nature–nurture issue.

Nature: The contributions of biology and heredity Of interest on the nature side are our neurobiological and genetic capacities for developing language. As covered in Chapter 3, individual heredity factors determine our potential to acquire such skills. Until recently, our understanding of how the brain supported language function came from studying Chapter 3 Genes, environment and individuals who had sustained brain damage and an associated loss of some aspect of language (see the beginning of life Shafer & Garrido-Nag, 2009). From these studies, researchers concluded that language was largely a product of left-hemisphere activity, specifically within FIGURE 8.1  Brain regions associated with language a region called Broca’s area, associated with speech production, and another region called Wernicke’s area, Inferior Frontal Gyrus Arcuate PARIETAL LOBE associated with language comprehension (Figure 8.1). Broca’s Area Fasciculus We have also learned that Wernicke’s area and Broca’s Supramarginal FRONTAL area are connected by a band of fibres called the arcuate Gyrus LOBE fasciculus. Typically, incoming language is processed  – Angular Gyrus comprehended – in Wernicke’s area and then sent to Broca’s area via these fibres to be turned into speech. OCCIPITAL Damage to these fibres can cause a type of aphasia, or LOBE language disorder, called Broca’s aphasia, in which the person might hear and understand linguistic input but TEMPORAL LOBE be unable to vocally repeat it. Superior Temporal Gyrus Wernicke’s Area Thanks to improved methodologies such as functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) and evoked potentials (see Chapter 6), we are beginning to craft a more precise picture of how neural aphasia A language disorder that results activity relates to and supports language (Friederici, 2009; Kuhl & Rivera-Gaxiola, 2008). We have from brain injury and learned that human brains show remarkably consistent organisation for language across the life involves loss of the ability to communicate span, with the left hemisphere showing increased activity when listening to speech and the right or understand spoken hemisphere active when processing the melody or rhythm of speech (Gervain & Mehler, 2010). or written language. Adults attempting to learn new words show different patterns of brain activity depending on whether they are successful or not: those who are successful show more connectivity between the left and LINKAGES right supramarginal gyri (plural of gyrus), which are located in the parietal lobe, one of four main Chapter 6 Sensorybrain regions (Veroudea, Norrisa, Shumskayaa, Gullberg, & Indefrey, 2010). Finally, there is evidence perception, that neurons in Broca’s area are activated not only when producing speech but also when seeing or attention and memory hearing another person speak (Fogassi & Ferrari, 2007). This may facilitate language learning and Chapter 10 Social suggests the presence of a mirror neuron system, which we will discuss in more detail in Chapter 10. cognition and There is also evidence that the capacity for acquiring language has a genetic basis. Some of our moral development linguistic competencies, including the ability to combine symbols to form short sentences, are shared with chimpanzees and other primates, suggesting they arose during evolution and are part of our genetic endowment (Fitch & Zuberbühler, 2013). Many genes are implicated in language abilities, one of which, FOXP2, is associated with the motor skills necessary for speech (Graham & Fisher, 2013). Individuals whose FOXP2 gene is damaged are unable to speak. LINKAGES

UNIVERSAL GRAMMAR Based on the proposition that humans have a unique biological capacity to learn language, noted linguist Noam Chomsky (2000) argued that humans are equipped with knowledge of a

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CHAPTER 8: LANGUAGE, LITERACY AND LEARNING

universal grammar, a system of common rules and properties for learning language. Universal

grammar offers a limited number of possibilities for forming language – that is, as many as 75 per cent of the world’s languages have the basic word order of subject–verb–object (SVO; English, for example) or subject–object–verb (SOV; Japanese, for example). Another 15 per cent have a word order that begins with a verb, whereas word order that begins with an object is unusual (Goodluck, 2009). Thus, most of the world’s languages are based on a grammatical system that starts with a subject, followed by a verb and then an object, or by an object and then a verb. Universal grammar provides the framework for acquiring a language, but it is not language specific. Exposure to language activates the areas of the brain that collectively house what is known as the language acquisition device (LAD), a set of innate skills that allow the young child to sift through language, apply the universal rules and begin tailoring the system to the specifics of the language spoken in their environment (Figure 8.2). Infants listening to English determine that SVO is the typical grammatical sequence, whereas infants listening to Japanese detect that SOV is typical.

universal grammar A system of common rules and properties of language that may allow infants to learn any of the world’s languages.

language acquisition device (LAD) A set of innate linguistic processing skills that enable a child to infer the rules governing others’ speech and then use these rules to produce language.

FIGURE 8.2  The language acquisition device (LAD)

Linguistic input

feeds into

LAD (brain module) Linguistic processing skills Existing knowledge

Child's grammatical competence

A theory of language which generates

Phonology Semantics

which determines

Morphology

Comprehension of others’ speech Speech production

Syntax

Source: Chomsky (1965)

What evidence supports Chomsky’s ‘nativist’ perspective on language development? First, there is what Chomsky and others have called the ‘poverty of the stimulus’ (POTS): children could not possibly acquire such an incredibly complex communication system with the limited linguistic input they receive (Clark & Lappin, 2011).That is, the environmental stimulus of language input is just too impoverished to support the linguistic output that we see emerge. For example, 18-month-olds show an understanding of syntax that they could not have been acquired solely from information provided to them by others; they must have inferred rules of syntax on their own (Lidz, Waxman, & Freedman, 2003). Second, all children, including those who are deaf and use sign rather than spoken language, progress through the same sequences, and they even make the same kinds of errors, which suggests that language development is guided by a species-wide maturational plan (Goldin-Meadow, 2005). Other evidence from studies of second-language learning suggests the LAD is tuning into the specifics of language in the environment.That is, monolingual infants begin to lose some sensitivity to sounds produced in other languages, while bilingual and multilingual infants retain sensitivity to the wider range of sounds used in the languages they hear (Werker, Yeung, & Yoshida, 2012). This may help explain why infants and young children who are regularly exposed to multiple languages seem to acquire the multiple languages with just about as much ease as those learning a single language; and why adults learning a second language are generally less likely than children to ever attain native-like proficiency in the second language (Birdsong, 2005). Consider, too, that studies with deaf children and adults, some of whom (especially those with hearing parents) do not have an opportunity to learn any language, oral or signed, in their early years, show that the rule ‘the earlier, the better’ applies to both hearing and deaf children (Mayberry, 2010). But it seems unlikely that there is a hard-and-fast critical period for language acquisition. Janet Werker

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ON THE INTERNET Auslan signbank

http://www.auslan. org.au/ Learn aspects of sign language by using the audiovisual resources available from the Auslan Signbank website. The Auslan Signbank is a fabulous resource for learning about Australian Sign Language. On the website you will find a dictionary of Auslan signs, including special medical signs and number signs, all accompanied by videos showing how the sign is used. There is also guided practice for using finger spelling.

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and Richard Tees (2005) suggest that it is more accurate to say there is an ‘optimal period’ during which languages are most easily and flawlessly acquired. Studies of brain architecture confirm that it is more appropriate to conclude that there may be an optimal period for language acquisition (Fox, Levitt, & Nelson, 2010). Taken together, these findings indicate there is a sensitive period for language acquisition during which the language-processing areas of the brain are shaped for a lifetime by early experience.

Nurture: The contributions of the environment and learning LINKAGES Chapter 2 Theories of human development

LINKAGES Chapter 11 Emotions, attachment and social relationships Chapter 5 Cognitive development

How does nurture (the environment and learning) influence language development? ‘Nurture’ learning theorists have proposed that mechanisms of imitation and reinforcement (see Chapter 2) influence phonological and semantic learning. Imitation is evident when children learn the words (and accents) they hear spoken by others – even when the words are not spoken directly to them (Floor & Akhtar, 2006). For example, 18-month-olds can learn object labels and verbs by ‘eavesdropping’ on a conversation between two adults (so be careful about what you say when toddlers are nearby!). Young children are more likely to start using new words if they are reinforced for doing so than if they are not (see Schonberger, 2010). Children whose caregivers frequently encourage (reinforce) them to converse by asking questions, making requests and the like are more advanced in early language development than those with less conversational parents (Bohannon & Bonvillian, 2013). Could imitation of adults and reinforcement account for the acquisition of syntax?Young children frequently imitate other people’s speech, and this may help them get to the point of producing new sentence structures. A problem here is that young children also produce many sentences they are unlikely to have heard adults using (‘All gone biscuit’, ‘It swimmed’, and so on). These kinds of sentences are not imitations. Parents do however, provide corrective feedback for ungrammatical utterances such as these and reinforce grammatically correct forms (see Schoneberger, 2010). But how do children learn syntax when parents ignore grammatically primitive requests (‘Want milk’), or reward them with a conversational response or action (give the child milk)? Learning theorists have proposed that when reinforcement is in conflict with grammatical conventions, or even absent, learning of grammatical rules may occur through automatic reinforcement – reinforcement that occurs when children hear themselves speak similarly to salient models such as parents. Consider an example that relates to use of passive voice, a sentence structure that typically emerges around 6–8 years in which an object is put before the agent of the verb (for example, ‘Sally was hit by John’ is the passive-voice form of the active-voice structure ‘John hit Sally’) (Boloh & Champaud, 1993). Researchers have found that preschoolers do indeed start using passive voice after it is modelled to them despite being explicitly and only rewarded for using active voice (Østvik, Eikeseth, & Klintwall, 2012; Wright, 2006). A social interactionist perspective on language development emphasises that language is primarily a means of communicating – one that develops in the context of social exchanges as children and their companions strive to get their messages across (Tomasello, 2009). As highlighted in Chapter 11, social relationships are critical in human development, and the ‘social convoy’ we all carry provides aid and affirmation. The social interactionist perspective focuses – as Vygotsky did – on the ways in which social interactions with adults and more-competent others contribute to linguistic development. Long before infants use words, Jerome Bruner (1983) says, their caregivers show them how to take turns in conversations – even if the most these young infants can contribute when their turn comes is a laugh or a bit of babbling. As adults converse with young children, they create a supportive learning environment – a scaffold in Bruner’s terms, a zone of proximal development in Vygotsky’s (see Chapter 5) – that helps the children grasp the regularities of language. For example, parents may go through their children’s favourite picture books at bedtime and ask ‘What’s this?’ and ‘What’s that?’

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This gives their children repeated opportunities to learn that conversing involves taking turns, that things have names and that there are proper ways to pose questions and give answers. Soon the children are asking ‘What’s this?’ and ‘What’s that?’ Further, as children gain new language skills, adults adjust their styles of communication accordingly. Language researchers use the term child-directed speech to describe the speech adults (or older children) use with young children: short, simple sentences spoken slowly, in a high-pitched voice, often with repetition and exaggerated emphasis on key words (usually words for objects and activities) (Hills, 2013).The mother trying to get her son to eat his peas might say, ‘Eat your peas now. See those peas? Yes, eat the peas. Oh, such a good boy for eating your peas.’ Mothers also convey more exaggerated emotions (positive and negative) when speaking to their infants than when speaking to other adults (Kitamura & Burnham, 2003). From the earliest days of life, toddlers seem to pay more attention to the high-pitched sounds and varied intonational patterns of child-directed speech than to the speech adults use when communicating with one another (Ma, Golinkoff, Houston, & Hirsh-Pasek, 2011). Importantly, caregivers’ child-directed speech is dynamic – constantly changing in response to the child’s utterances (Gros-Louis, West, Golstein, & King, 2006). For instance, when toddlers use an unfamiliar word, mothers may respond by repeating the word or perhaps giving another example, as if they want to help the toddler fully understand it. In contrast, when toddlers use a familiar word or phrase (‘that plane’), mothers often respond with an expansion – a more grammatically complete expression of what the toddler stated (‘Yes, that’s a loud aeroplane’). However, adults use conversational techniques such as expansions mainly to improve communication, not to teach grammar (Olson & Masur, 2012; Penner, 1987). Would children learn language just as well if they were simply exposed to language? It seems that exposure to speech is not enough; children must be actively involved in using language (Hoff, 2006). Catherine Snow and her associates found that a group of Dutch-speaking children, although they watched a great deal of German television, did not acquire German words or grammar (Snow et al., 1976). True, there are cultural groups in which parents believe that babies are incapable of understanding speech and do not talk directly to them or use child-directed speech, but in these societies children still seem to acquire their native language without noticeable delays.Yet even these children overhear speech and observe and participate in social interactions in which language is used, and that is what seems to be required to master a human language (Hoff, 2006). Those parents who use child-directed speech further simplify the child’s task of figuring out the rules of language (Shneidman & Goldin-Meadow, 2012).

Nature and nurture working together Much remains to be learned about language development, but it is clear that biologically-based competencies and the language environment as discussed in the previous sections interact to shape the course of language development (Bohannon & Bonvillian, 2013). In other words, language development does seem to require the interaction of a biologically prepared child with at least one conversational partner, ideally one who tailors his or her own speech to the child’s level of understanding. Further, the acquisition of language skills does not happen in isolation and depends on and is related to the acquisition of many other capacities that are taking place concurrently: perceptual, cognitive, motor, social and emotional (see Chapters 4, 5, 6, 10 and 11). For example, young children first begin to use words as meaningful symbols when they begin to display nonlinguistic symbolic capacities, such as the abilities to use gestures (wave bye-bye) and engage in pretend play (treating a bowl as if it were a hat). This supports Piaget’s (1970) view that language development depends on the maturation of cognitive abilities such as the capacity for symbolic thought (see Chapter 5).

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child-directed speech Speech used with young children that involves short, simple sentences spoken slowly and in a highpitched voice, often with repetition and exaggerated emphasis on key words.

expansion A conversational response to young children’s utterances in which a more grammatically complete expression of the same thought is provided.

LINKAGES Chapter 4 Body, brain and health Chapter 5 Cognitive development Chapter 6 Sensoryperception, attention and memory Chapter 10 Social cognition and moral development Chapter 11 Emotions, attachment and social relationships

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Developing language competency may be our earliest and greatest learning challenge, but it is only the beginning.There is much more to be mastered during the school years and beyond.Language lays the foundation for acquiring reading, writing and countless other skills. But unlike language, which seems to develop effortlessly in the absence of formal education, these other skills typically require directed learning and education. In the following sections, we look at learning and education across the life span, examining changes in motivation for learning and changes in educational environments as learners get older.

IN REVIEW CHECKING UNDERSTANDING

CRITICAL THINKING

1 What are the basic components of language that children must master in order to communicate effectively?

Based on what we know about acquisition of language, what recommendations would you make to a childcare centre about how to structure their setting to support language development in not just one but two languages?

2 How is the brain organised to support learning? 3 What aspects of the environment contribute to language development?

Express

Get the answers to the Checking understanding questions on CourseMate Express.

8.2 THE INFANT Learning objectives

■■ ■■ ■■ ■■

Outline the processes of developing language in the infant years. Describe the role of mastery motivation in language development. Describe the contribution of early learning programs to language development. Discuss the different types of play in the infant years, and how they contribute to language development.

Infants have a great deal to learn in the informal learning system of their family and neighbourhoods before they enter the formal education system. In particular, they must master a language system, and most do so quickly and with little deliberate effort. Indeed, the speed with which most infants and children master language is astonishing.We trace the path to mastering language skills, and then turn our attention to how infants take on mastering their environments, and the role of early learning and education for children’s language and other development.

Developing language Before the first words LINKAGES Chapter 6 Sensoryperception, attention and memory

word segmentation The ability to understand that a stream of speech sounds is comprised of distinct words.

As you learned in Chapter 6, newborns seem to tune in to human speech immediately and show a preference for speech over non-speech sounds, and for their native language, which they listened to in the womb, over other languages (Gervain & Mehler, 2010; Moon, Lagercrantz, & Kuhl, 2013). Very young infants can distinguish between phonemes such as /b/ and /p/ or /d/ and /t/ (Saffran, Werker, & Werner, 2006). Before they ever speak a word, infants are also becoming sensitive to the fact that pauses in speech fall between clauses, phrases and words rather than in the middle of these important language units. By 7½ months, infants demonstrate word segmentation ability when they detect a target word in a stream of speech (Gervain & Mehler, 2010). Thus, when they hear the sentence ‘The cat scratched the dog’s nose’, they understand that this is not one long word but a string of six words. Word segmentation is a formidable task, but infants seem to be sensitive to a number of cues marking the boundaries between words, and this skill improves throughout the first

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2 years of life (Saffran et al., 2006). One thing that helps infants with this task is the repetition of many common words throughout the days, weeks and months during which language acquisition is taking place. By repeatedly hearing ‘cat’ embedded in many different sentences, infants come to understand that ‘cat’ must represent a unit that is separate from other spoken units. They are also sensitive to the stress placed on certain syllables (Hollich, 2010). In English, for example, the first syllable of nouns is typically stressed, and infants exposed to English language learn that when they hear a stressed syllable, it probably signals the start of a word.

PRODUCING SOUNDS What about producing sounds? From birth, infants produce sounds – cries, burps, grunts and sneezes. These sounds help exercise the vocal cords and give infants an opportunity to learn how airflow and different mouth and tongue positions affect sounds. The next milestone in vocalisation, around 6–8 weeks of age, is cooing, which involves vowel-like sounds such as ‘oooooh’ and ‘aaaaah’. Babies coo when they are content and often in response to being spoken to in a happy voice. Do infants this age understand the words spoken to them? Not likely – they primarily respond to the intonation or ‘melody’ of speech (Hirsh-Pasek, Golinkoff, & Hollich, 1999). Even young infants are sensitive to the prosody of speech and can distinguish between two languages based on their rhythms (Saffran et al., 2006). Around 3–4 months, infants expand their vocal range considerably as they begin to produce consonant sounds. They enter a period of babbling between about 4 and 6 months, repeating consonant-vowel combinations such as ‘baba’ or ‘dadadada’, in what Jean Piaget would call a primary circular reaction – the repeating of an interesting noise for the pleasure of making it. By 5 months, infants realise that their sounds have an effect on their caregivers’ behaviour; parents respond to as many as 50 per cent of prelinguistic sounds as if they were genuine efforts to communicate (Goldstein, Schwade, & Bornstein, 2009). For instance, in response to her infant’s hiccup sound, a mother might reply, ‘My goodness! What’s going on in there? Huh? Tell Mummy.’ The mother draws her infant into a sort of dialogue. Such prelinguistic sounds, and the feedback infants receive, eventually pave the way for meaningful speech sounds (Hoff, 2014). In the early months, infants all over the world sound pretty much alike, but the effects of auditory experience soon become apparent. Without auditory feedback, deaf infants fall behind hearing infants in their ability to produce well-formed syllables (Shehata-Dieler et al., 2013; von Hapsburg & Davis, 2006). Non-hearing-impaired babblers increasingly restrict their sounds to phonemes in the language they are hearing and pick up the intonation patterns of that language (Hoff, 2014). By the time infants are about 8 months old, they babble with something of an accent; adults can often tell which language infants have been listening to from the sound of their babbling (Poulin-Dubois & Goodz, 2001). Once these intonation patterns are added to an infant’s babbles, the utterances sound a great deal like real speech until you listen closely and realise they are truly just babbles (Hollich, 2010).

cooing An early form of vocalisation that involves vowellike sounds such as ‘oooooh’ and ‘aaaaah’.

babbling An early form of vocalisation that involves repeating consonant-vowel combinations such as ‘baba’ or ‘dadada’.

LANGUAGE COMPREHENSION As they attempt to master the semantics of language, infants come to understand many words before they can produce them. That is, comprehension (or reception) is ahead of production (or expression) in language development. Ten-month-olds can comprehend, on average, about 50 words but do not yet produce any of these (Golinkoff & Hirsh-Pasek, 2006). This gap between comprehension and production persists and may reflect the relative importance of understanding speech over producing speech (Bornstein & Hendricks, 2012). Research shows that early understanding of words is related to academic success in primary school: the 10-month-olds who

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joint attention The act of looking at the same object at the same time as someone else; a way in which infants share perceptual experiences with their caregivers.

LINKAGES Chapter 10 Social cognition and moral development

syntactic bootstrapping Using the syntax of a sentence to determine the meaning of a word.

LINKAGES Chapter 9 Self, personality, gender and sexuality

holophrase A singleword utterance used by an infant to represent an entire sentence’s worth of meaning.

understand more words are later the children who get better marks (Hohm, Jennen-Steinmetz, Schmidt, & Laucht, 2007). Shortly before speaking their first true words, as they approach 1 year, infants really seem to understand familiar words. How do they figure out what words mean? When Mum points to a small, four-legged furry animal and says, ‘There’s Furball’, how do infants learn that ‘Furball’ refers to this particular cat and not to its movement or to its tail or to a general category of furry animals? It turns out that infants and toddlers use a variety of cues in learning to connect words with their referents – the objects, people or ideas represented by those words. At first, 10-month-old infants rely on attentional cues such as how important an object seems to be from their perspective (Pruden, Hirsh-Pasek, Golinkoff, & Hennon, 2006). Thus, if their attention is captured by the ball in front of them, they may assume that Mum’s verbalisations refer to this ball. By 12 months of age, though, their reliance on personal relevance is decreasing and infants begin to use social and linguistic cues to learn words. One important social cue is joint attention, or social eye gaze – two people looking at the same thing (Carpenter, Nagell, & Tomasello, 1998; see also Chapter 10). Infants listen to parents repeatedly labelling and pointing at objects, directing their gaze and otherwise making clear the connection between words and their referents (Hollich, Hirsh-Pasek & Golinkoff, 2000). If Mum says ‘cat’ when both she and her child are looking at the furry animal, then this likely is the referent for the label. Importantly, early development of joint attention skills seems to pave the way for early vocabulary development (Beuker, Rommelse, Donders, & Buitelaar, 2013). Children also use the process of syntactic bootstrapping, in which they use the syntax of a sentence – that is, where a word is placed in a sentence – to determine the meaning of the word (Naigles & Swensen, 2007). In the earlier example, if Mum had said, ‘There’s a furball’ or ‘The cat is hacking up a furball’ instead of the original ‘There’s Furball’, the syntactic placement – how furball was used in the sentence – would have changed the meaning of the word. Infants, then, are quite skilled at figuring out the meaning of many words before they even speak their first words. But do infants in the prelinguistic stage understand that words are meaningful because they are shared by those in their own linguistic group? It was thought that an understanding of this essential fact about language did not emerge until the second year of life (Diesendruck, 2005; Koenig & Woodward, 2012). However, Henderson and colleagues (Henderson & Woodward, 2012; Scott & Henderson, 2013), in studies of New Zealand and North American infants, have found that by the end of their first year infants do seem to appreciate that object words are conventional and shared across individuals, while other uses of language, such as the expression of verbal preferences (‘Ooh, I like that’) are personal and not generalisable across individuals. They have also found that 13-month old infants appreciate that words are not shared by speakers of different languages. Before they speak their first words, then, infants have not only learned the meaning of many words, but have a nuanced understanding of the communal nature of language. Research has also shown that bilingual infants do not expect users of different languages to use similar words to their own language, and they demonstrate surprise when exposed to this (Henderson & Scott, 2015). This draws our attention to reflect on social learning theory, discussed in Chapter 9.

The first words An infant’s first meaningful word, spoken around 1 year, is a special event for parents. First words have been called holophrases – because a single word often conveys an entire sentence’s worth of meaning. These single-word ‘sentences’ can serve different communication functions depending on the way they are said and the context in which they are said (Tomasello, 2009). For example, 17-month-old Shelley used the word ghetti (spaghetti) in three different ways over a 5-minute period. First, she

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pointed to the pan on the stove and seemed to be asking, ‘Is TABLE 8.1  Examples of words used by children that spaghetti?’ Later, the function of her holophrase was to younger than 20 months name the spaghetti when shown the contents of the pan, as Category Words in ‘It’s spaghetti.’ Finally, there was little question that she was Sound effects baa baa, meow, moo, ouch, uh-oh, requesting spaghetti when she tugged at her companion’s woof, yum-yum sleeve as he was tasting the spaghetti and used the word in Food and drink apple, banana, biscuit, cheese, a whining tone. juice, milk, water Although there are limits to the meaning that can be Animals bear, bird, bunny, dog, cat, cow, packed into a single word and its accompanying intonation duck, fish, kitty, horse, pig, puppy pattern and gestures, 1-year-olds in the holophrastic stage Body parts and ear, eye, foot, hair, hand, hat, of language development seem to have mastered such basic clothing mouth, nose, toe, tooth, shoe language functions as naming, questioning, requesting and House and outdoors blanket, chair, cup, door, flower, demanding. When they begin to use words as symbols, keys, outside, spoon, tree, TV infants also begin to use non-verbal symbols – gestures People baby, Daddy, Gramma, Grampa, Mummy, [child’s own name] such as pointing, raising their arms to signal ‘up’, or panting heavily to say ‘dog’ (Goldin-Meadow, 2009). Toys and vehicles ball, balloon, bike, boat, book, bubbles, plane, truck, toy What do 1-year-olds talk about? They talk mainly about familiar objects and actions – those things that they Actions down, eat, go, sit, up encounter every day and are important to them (Table 8.1). Games and routines bath, bye, hi, night-night, no, peekaboo, please, shhh, thank Most research shows that the first 50 words typically you, yes consist of common nouns representing objects and people Adjectives and all gone, cold, dirty, hot (Waxman, Arunachalam, Leddon, Geraghty, & Song 2013). descriptors It may be easier for young children to decipher nouns and Source: Gleason (2005). Reprinted by permission of Pearson Education, Inc., New their referents in the language around them, and adults tend York. to use more nouns in their conversations with children (Uccelli & Pan, 2013). Another possibility, though, is that it is easy to create an image of the things represented by nouns, and images give us something tangible to remember (McDonough, Song, Hirsh-Pasek, Golinkoff, & Lannon, 2011). Verbs pose more of a challenge because it can be difficult to create an image for an action. Initial language acquisition proceeds literally one word at a time. Three or four months may pass before the child has a vocabulary of ten words. There is a great deal of variability in early language acquisition: While one child may be speaking their fiftieth word at their first birthday, another child may be reaching this milestone around their second birthday (Newman & Sachs, 2012). Then, in what is called the vocabulary spurt, around 18 months of age, when the child has vocabulary spurt A mastered about 30–50 words, the pace of word learning quickens dramatically. It is estimated that a phenomenon occurring around 18 months of new word is acquired every 2 hours during this time (Tomasello, 2003). At 20 months, children are age when the pace of producing an average of 150 words, and just 4 months later, this has doubled to 300 words. What word learning quickens dramatically. makes this possible? Something called fast mapping, which allows children to determine the object or other referent of a word after a single encounter and then remember this for future encounters fast mapping A mental process that allows with the word (Spiegel & Halberda, 2011). Of course, this is a simplification of a complex process. children to determine Contributing to fast mapping are the greater memory capabilities of the toddler and the growing the referent of a word after a single encounter ability to use a word’s context to decipher its meaning. During the vocabulary spurt, toddlers seem to and then remember this arrive at the critical realisation, as Alice Betteridge did in the chapter opening, that everything has a for future encounters name and that by learning the names of things they can share what they are thinking with someone with the word. else and vice versa (Bloom & Tinker, 2001). The vocabulary spurt also seems to follow the switch from reliance on attentional cues to the more effective use of social cues such as joint attention (Golinkoff & Hirsh-Pasek, 2006).

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overextension The young child’s tendency to use a word to refer to a wider set of objects, actions or events than adults do. underextension The young child’s tendency to use general words to refer to a smaller set of objects, actions or events than adults do.

LINKAGES Chapter 5 Cognitive development

With such a rapidly increasing vocabulary, children understandably sometimes make mistakes. Although they rarely get the meaning entirely wrong, they often use a word too broadly or narrowly (Pan & Uccelli, 2009). One error is overextension, or using a word to refer to too wide a range of objects or events, as when a 2-year-old calls all furry, four-legged animals ‘doggie’. The second, and opposite, error is underextension, as when a child initially uses the word doggie to refer only to labrador dogs like the family pet. Notice that both overextension and underextension are examples of Piaget’s concept of assimilation, using existing concepts to interpret new experiences (see Chapter 5). Getting semantics right seems to be mainly a matter of discriminating similarities and differences – for example, categorising animals on the basis of size, shape, sound, etc. By 2½–3 years of age, these sorts of semantic errors begin to disappear from children’s conversations. But might children know more about the world than their semantic errors suggest? Yes. Twoyear-olds who say ‘doggie’ when they see a cow will point to the cow rather than the dog when asked to find the cow (Naigles & Gelman, 1995). Children may overextend the meaning of certain words not because they misunderstand, but because they want to communicate and have only a small vocabulary with which to do so (Naigles & Gelman, 1995). One must be careful about applying these language acquisition generalisations to all children, because they mask individual differences in speaking style. As Figure 8.3 shows, one 24-month-old may have a vocabulary of 50 words, and another may produce more than 500 words (Fenson et al., 1994). Some children use a referential style – lots of nouns referring to objects, such as ‘ball’ and ‘truck’. Others seem to treat language as a social tool; they use an expressive style of speaking with more personal pronouns and memorised social routines, such as ‘bye-bye’ and ‘I want it’ (Nelson, 2007). Culture exerts some influence: infants learning English use many nouns and few verbs in their early speech, whereas infants learning Korean use more verbs (Gopnik & Choi, 1995). More importantly, differences in the daily language experiences of children contribute to differences in their speech. Both quantity and quality of speech affect young children’s vocabularies (Hoff, 2014). So individual differences in language acquisition are the norm rather than the exception. FIGURE 8.3  The range of individual differences in vocabulary size from 16 to 30 months 700

90th % 75th %

600 Number of words produced

Median

Express For additional insight on the data presented in Figure 8.3 try out the Understanding the data exercise on CourseMate Express.

500

25th % 10th %

400 300 200 100 0

16

18

20

22

24

26

28

30

Age (in months) Source: Fenson (1994). © 1994. Reprinted with permission of John Wiley & Sons, Inc.

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Telegraphic speech

TABLE 8.2  Two-word sentences serve similar functions in different

languages. The next step in language development, normally occurring at 18–24 months of age, is EXAMPLES FUNCTION OF combining two words into a simple sentence. English German SENTENCE Toddlers all over the world use two-word To locate or name There book Buch da (‘book there’) sentences to express the same basic ideas To demand More milk Mehr milch (‘more milk’) (Table 8.2). Early combinations of two, three or To negate No wet Nicht blasen (‘not blow’) more words are sometimes called telegraphic speech because, like telegrams, these sentences To indicate possession My shoe Mein ball (‘my ball’) contain critical content words and omit less To modify or qualify Pretty dress Armer wauwau (‘poor doggie’) meaningful words such as articles, prepositions, To question Where ball Wo ball (‘where ball’) pronouns and auxiliary verbs. Source: Adapted from Slobin (1979). It is ungrammatical in adult English to say ‘No want’ or ‘Where ball’. However, these twoword sentences are not just random word combinations or mistakes; they reflect children’s developing telegraphic speech understanding of syntax. Psycholinguists such as Lois Bloom (1998) believe it is appropriate to Early sentences that consist primarily of describe children’s early sentences in terms of a functional grammar – one that emphasises the content words and omit semantic relationships among words, the meanings being expressed and the functions served by the less meaningful parts of speech such as sentences (such as naming, questioning or commanding). For example, young children often use the articles, prepositions, same word order to convey different meanings. ‘Mummy nose’ might mean ‘That’s Mummy’s nose’ pronouns and auxiliary in one context, but for one 22-month-old girl one afternoon it meant ‘Mummy, I’ve just wiped my verbs. runny nose the length of the living room couch’.Word order, however, sometimes does matter: ‘Billy functional grammar Characteristic of hit’ and ‘Hit Billy’ may mean different things. Body language and tone of voice also communicate children’s earliest meanings, such as when a child points and whines to request ice cream, not merely to note its sentences in which emphasis is on the existence.

Mastering the rules of language Between ages 2 and 5, children experience a dramatic increase in the number and type of sentences they produce. Consider 3-year-old Kyle’s reply to his mother after she suggests that he release a bug:

semantic relationships among words, the meanings being expressed and the functions served by sentences.

After I hold him, then I’ll take the bug back to his friends. Mummy, where did

Snapshot

the bug go? Mummy, I didn’t know where the bug go. Find it. Maybe Winston’s

Source: © Bil Keane, Inc. Distributed by King Features Syndicate, Inc.

on it [the family dog]. Winston, get off the bug! [Kyle spots the bug and picks it up. His mother again asks him to “let the bug go back to his friends”.] He does not want to go to his friends. [Kyle drops the bug and squashes it, much to his mother’s horror.] I stepped on it and it will not go to his friends.

Compared with a child in the telegraphic stage, Kyle’s sentences are much longer and more grammatically complex, although not free of errors, and he is better able to participate in the giveand-take of conversation. Kyle has also begun to add the little function words such as articles and prepositions that are often missing in the earlier, telegraphic sentences (Hoff, 2014). How do people know when children are mastering new rules? Oddly enough, their progress sometimes reveals itself in new ‘mistakes’. A child who has been saying ‘feet’ and ‘went’ may suddenly start to say ‘foots’ and ‘goed’. Does this represent a step backward? Not at all. The child was probably using the correct irregular forms at first by imitating adult speech without understanding the meaning of plurality or verb tense. The use of ‘foots’ and ‘goed’ is a breakthrough: the child has inferred the morphological rules of adding -s to pluralise nouns and adding -ed to signal past tense.

The language ‘mistake’ of overregularisation is a positive sign that children are making steps toward learning grammatical patterns.

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overregularisation The overapplication of regular grammatical patterns to words that require irregular modification. transformational grammar Rules of syntax that allow a person to transform declarative statements into questions, negatives, imperatives and other kinds of sentences.

At first, the youngster engages in overregularisation, overapplying regular grammatical patterns to words that require irregular modifications. When the child masters exceptions to the rules, she will say ‘feet’ and ‘went’ once more. Children must also master rules for creating variations of the basic declarative sentence; that is, they must learn the rules for converting a basic idea such as ‘I am eating pizza’ into such forms as questions (‘Am I eating pizza?’), negative sentences (‘I am not eating pizza’) and imperatives (‘Eat the pizza!’). Noam Chomsky (1968, 1975) drew attention to the child’s learning of these rules by proposing that language be described in terms of a transformational grammar, or rules of syntax for transforming basic underlying thoughts into a variety of sentence forms. How do young children learn to phrase the questions that they so frequently ask to fuel their cognitive growth? The earliest questions often consist of nothing more than two- or three-word sentences with rising intonation (‘See kitty?’). Sometimes wh- words such as what or where appear (‘Where kitty?’). During the second stage of question asking, children begin to use auxiliary, or helping, verbs, but their questions are of this form:‘What Daddy is eating?’‘Where the kitty is going?’ Their understanding of transformation rules is still incomplete. Finally, they learn the transformation rule that calls for moving the auxiliary verb ahead of the subject (as in the adult-like sentence ‘What is Daddy eating?’) (Tager-Flusberg & Zukowski, 2013).

Mastery motivation LINKAGES Chapter 5 Cognitive development

mastery motivation An intrinsic motive to master and control the environment, evident early in infancy. 

As they are mastering language, infants are also mastering many other important tasks that prepare them for success in life. Much evidence supports the claim that infants are curious, active explorers constantly striving to understand and to exert control over the world around them. This, you should recall, was one of Piaget’s major themes (see Chapter 5). Mastery motivation, a striving for mastery or competence, appears to be inborn and universal and will display itself in the behaviour of all typical infants without prompting from parents. We can clearly see this desire when infants struggle to open kitchen cabinets, take their first steps or figure out how new toys work – and derive great pleasure from their efforts (Jennings & Dietz, 2003). Even so, some infants appear to be more mastery oriented than others. Given a new push toy, one baby may simply look at it, but another may mouth it, bang it and push it across the floor. Why might some infants have a stronger mastery motive than others? One possibility is that the goal itself may hold greater value to some infants: if that red ball looks highly appealing to Joanie, she may expend more time and energy to retrieve it than Naomi, who just doesn’t judge it as worthy of her attention (Kenward, Folke, Holmberg, Johansson, & Gredebäck, 2009). Mastery motivation also seems higher when parents frequently provide stimulating sensory experiences to their babies – tickling them, bouncing them, playing games of pat-a-cake, giving them stimulating toys and so on (Busch-Rossnagel, 1997). Mastery motivation flourishes when infants grow up in a responsive environment that provides plenty of opportunities for them to see for themselves that they can control their environments and experience successes (Masten & Reed, 2002). Consider the toddler who, faced with the challenge of retrieving a biscuit from the kitchen counter, struggles to manoeuvre a chair across the room and to climb up without tipping the chair or falling off. When Mum offers to help him, he shrieks, ‘Me do it!’ And when he does it, he feels a sense of accomplishment that increases the likelihood he will tackle future challenges. Parents who return smiles and coos or respond promptly to cries show infants they can affect people around them. By contrast, the children of parents who are depressed show less interest in and persistence on challenging tasks, perhaps because their parents are not responsive to them (Redding, Harmon, & Morgan, 1990). As well, children who are raised by parents who constantly stifle their initiatives (‘You will not move the chair across the room!’) may be less likely to take on new tasks. An infant’s

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level of mastery motivation affects their later achievement. Babies who actively attempt to master challenges at 6 and 12 months score higher on tests of mental development at 2 and 3 years than their less mastery-oriented peers (Jennings & Dietz, 2003). In short, infants are intrinsically motivated to master challenges, but parents may help strengthen this inborn motive by stimulating their infants appropriately and responding to their actions. What about educational and preschool programs for infants and toddlers – do these influence their motivation? And what are the impacts of such programs on language development?

Early learning As you have seen in previous chapters, babies learn a great deal in the first few years of life. But do infants and toddlers need specific educational experiences? Snapshot

Despite the popular appeal of products such as Baby Einstein and Baby Mozart, many experts dispute the idea that typically developing children need direct instruction during their first 3 years (see, for example, Carlsson-Paige, 2008). And some fear that the push for earlier education may be going too far and that young children are not given enough time simply to be children – to play and socialise as they choose (Elkind, 1987). There is even concern that children may lose their self-initiative and intrinsic motivation to learn when their lives are orchestrated by parents who pressure them to achieve at early ages. Is there any substance to these concerns? Some research seems to confirm these fears. Frederick Zimmerman and colleagues (2007; see also Christakis, 2008) studied infants who watched Baby Einstein or Brainy Baby videos. They found, rather alarmingly, that for each hour spent watching videos, babies understood 6–8 fewer words than babies who did not watch videos. The research did not follow infants into childhood to determine if the video-watching babies later caught up to the other babies, but the findings do raise a red flag, at least with respect to language abilities. Other research on the effects of these programs shows a similarly dismal outcome. Infants who spent 6 weeks watching Baby Wordsmith videos, which focus on vocabulary, demonstrated absolutely no differences in vocabulary knowledge or language development from infants who did not view this program (DeLoache et al., 2010; Richert, Robb, Fender, & Wartella, 2010). If educational videos are not valuable, and may even be detrimental, what about infant and preschool educational programs? In one study, 4-year-olds in preschools with strong academic thrusts gained an initial advantage in basic academic skills such as knowledge of letters and numbers, but lost it by the end of kindergarten (Hyson, Hirsh-Pasek, & Rescorla, 1989). What is more, they proved to be less creative, more anxious in testing situations and more negative toward school than children who attended preschool programs with a social rather than academic emphasis. Similarly, Deborah Stipek and her colleagues (1995) have found that highly academic preschool programs raise children’s academic achievement test scores but decrease their expectancies of success and pride in accomplishment. So it may be possible to undermine achievement motivation by overemphasising academics in the preschool years. An alternative type of program focuses on educating parents about the importance of the early environment and the types of experiences that can be beneficial to their children. It turns out that parent training pays off. In one such program, Born to Learn, children displayed higher levels of mastery motivation than non-participants by 36 months of age, or even earlier – 24 months – if they were from disadvantaged families (Drotar, Robinson, Jeavons, & Kirchner, 2008). See the Application box in Chapter 7 for a detailed examination of the potential contributions of quality early learning programs to the development and academic success of young children.

Source: Image Source Plus/ Alamy Stock Photo

Infant and preschool programs

Every day, infants and young children display their innate mastery motive.

LINKAGES Chapter 7 Intelligence and creativity

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Play

Search me! and Discover a review of benefits and concerns surrounding the use of technology in early education settings: Mohammad, M., & Mohammad, H. (2012). Computer integration into the early childhood curriculum. Education, 133, 97–116.

LINKAGES Chapter 4 Body, brain and health

Source: Shutterstock.com/ Olesia Bilkei

Snapshot

Play during the preschool years contributes to intellectual, social and emotional development.

As we have seen, today’s parents who program their children’s lives in hopes of moulding little Einsteins, and preschool teachers who emphasise learning one’s ABCs, may not be benefiting children’s development as they believe, and may also have lost sight of the importance of play (Bartlett, 2011; Hirsh-Pasek, Golinkoff, Berk, & Singer, 2009; Singer, Golinkoff, & Hirsh-Pasek, 2006). Children spend a lot of time playing and play in a variety of ways: through locomotor play (as in games of tag or ball), object play (stacking blocks, making crafts), social play (as in mutual imitation or playing board games), and pretend play (enacting roles). So important is play in the life of the child from age 2 to age 5 that these years are sometimes called the play years.The fact that playful activity occurs among the young of so many species strongly suggests that play is an evolved behaviour that helps the young adapt during childhood and prepare for adulthood (Coplan & Abreau, 2009; Pelligrini, 2009). Play is indeed associated with the development of motor, cognitive, language, social and emotional skills (Coplan & Abreau, 2009; Lillard et al., 2013). Physical or locomotor play, from the leg kicking of infants to the soccer playing of children, is associated with neural maturation, increased bone density and the development of motor skills (see Chapter 4). Engaging in lots of pretend play has been linked to better performance on tests of cognitive development, language skills, executive function and creativity. Social pretend play has been linked to children’s understanding of others’ perspectives, as well as to their social skills and popularity. Finally, play contributes to healthy emotional development by providing opportunities to express bothersome feelings, regulate emotions, resolve emotional conflicts and master challenges. If Katrina, for example, has recently been scolded by her mother for drawing on the dining room wall, she may gain control of the situation by scolding her ‘child’ baby doll for doing the same thing. Research shows that there are two major changes in play between infancy and age 5: it becomes more social, and more imaginative. Looking first at the social dimension, Mildred Parten (1932), divided children’s play into six categories of activity, arranged from least to most social: 1  Unoccupied play. Children stand idly, look around or engage in apparently aimless activities such as pacing. 2  Solitary play. Children play alone, typically with objects, and appear to be highly involved in what they are doing. 3  Onlooker play. Children watch others play, taking an active interest in and perhaps even talking to the players, but not directly participating. 4 Parallel play. Children play next to one another, doing much the same thing, but they interact little (for example, two girls might sit near each other, both drawing pictures, without talking to each other). 5 Associative play. Children interact by swapping materials, conversing or following each other’s lead, but they are not united by the same goal (for example, the two girls may swap crayons and comment on each other’s drawings as they draw). 6 Cooperative play. Children join forces to achieve a common goal; they act as a pair or group, dividing their labour and coordinating their activities in a meaningful way (for example, the two girls collaborate to draw a mural for their teacher). Parten’s study and others have found that play becomes increasingly social and socially skilled from age 2 to age 5. Further, unoccupied and onlooker activities are evident at all ages; solitary and parallel play become less frequent with age; and associative and cooperative play, the most social and complex of the types of play, become more frequent with age.The picture is, however, more complex than this early work suggests (Coplan & Abreau, 2009). Older children do continue to engage in solitary play, often to build skills. They also work their way into play groups by first being onlookers and then playing in parallel with the other children before trying to join the ongoing activity

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(Rubin, Bukowski, & Parker, 2006).Thus, although there is an age trend toward more associative and cooperative play, all of Parten’s forms of play can serve useful functions for children young and old depending on the occasion.

PRETEND PLAY As we noted, play also becomes more imaginative with age. The first pretend play – play in which one actor, object or action symbolises or stands for another – occurs around age 1, when an infant performs actions that symbolise familiar activities such as eating, sleeping and washing. By age 2, toddlers readily join in pretence; if you hand them a towel and suggest that they wipe up the imaginary tea you just spilled, they will (Harris & Kavanaugh, 1993). It means that toddlers are capable of using their new symbolic capacity to construct a mental representation of a pretend event and of acting according to this representation. Pretend play fully blossoms from age 2 to age 5, increasing in both frequency and sophistication (Rubin et al., 2006). As children age, they can depict heroes and heroines more different from themselves and can enact their dramas using fewer props. Most important, children combine their capacity for increasingly social play and their capacity for pretence to create social pretend play, play in which children cooperate with caregivers or playmates to enact dramas. Social pretend play can become quite sophisticated and require a good deal of social competence, including the theoryof-mind or people-reading skills discussed in Chapter 10 (Doherty, 2009). Consider the following example, in which a 5-year-old (M) wants her partner (E), playing the role of a mother, to leave her babies and come to M’s house. The two girls negotiate what will happen next, managing to stay in role and keep in mind the other’s role as they do so:

pretend play Symbolic play in which an actor, object or action symbolises or stands for another.

LINKAGES Chapter 10 Social cognition and moral development

M: You come here. The babies are sleeping now and … (interrupted). E: No, they’ll cry when I leave ’cause they’ll hear the car. M: Nooo. The car’s broken. I have the car. E: All right, but one baby will have to take care of these little babies. Garvey, 1990, p. 137

Although social pretend play is universal, the quality and content of preschoolers’ play are influenced by the culture in which they live (Haight, Wong, Fung, Williams, & Mintz, 1999). For example, children in Western societies like to play superheroes and act out themes of danger and fantasy, whereas Korean children take on family roles and enact everyday activities (Farver & LeeShin, 1997). Children in Western society also talk a lot about their own actions, reject other children’s ideas and boss others around, whereas Korean children are more focused on their partners’ activities and are more prone to make polite requests and agree with one another. Through their play, then, children in so-called individualistic cultures learn to assert their identities as individuals, whereas children in collectivist cultures learn how to keep their egos and emotions under control to achieve group harmony. Jean Piaget and Lev Vygotsky both highlighted the significance of pretend play, although Piaget saw it more as an expression of cognitive development, whereas Vygotsky viewed it as a uniquely important producer of cognitive growth (Lillard et al., 2013).Vygotsky (1978) believed that play was crucial in learning to separate thought from reality (for example, to act on a block as though it were a smartphone rather than a block). He thought play allows children to operate at the high end of their zone of proximal development and thus paves the way for new development. But a warning: Angeline Lillard and her colleagues (2013) conducted a careful review of research on pretend play – the type of play many experts view as the most developmentally valuable. They concluded that the scientific evidence is often not solid enough to say that pretend play truly causes positive developmental outcomes; most of the research is correlational or has other weaknesses, and

individualistic culture A culture in which individuals define themselves as individuals and put their own goals ahead of their group’s goals, and in which children are socialised to be independent and self-reliant. collectivist culture A culture in which people define themselves in terms of group memberships, give group goals higher priority than personal goals, and socialise children to seek group harmony.

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MAKING CONNECTIONS Think back to your preschool years. What sorts of characters, roles and scenarios featured in your pretend play? Was this play solitary or did you co-opt caregivers and playmates?

LINKAGES Chapter 5 Cognitive development

it could be that other factors – for example, how parents interact with and stimulate their children – account for the correlation between engaging in lots of pretend play and being developmentally advanced. Nonetheless, they agree with other experts that young children often learn best when they can do so in self-chosen, hands-on and playful ways (and see Hirsh-Pasek et al., 2009). After they enter school, children engage less frequently in pretend play. Now they spend more of their time playing organised games with rules – board and computer games, games of tag or hide-and-seek, organised sports and so on (Smith, 2005). They also develop individual hobbies, such as building model cars, collecting coins or making scrapbooks, which help them acquire skills and knowledge. According to Jean Piaget (1965; see Chapter 5), it is not until children enter the stage of concrete operations, around age 6 or 7, that they become capable of cooperating with other children to follow the rules of games. Older children, 11- and 12-year-olds who are entering the stage of formal operations, gain a more flexible concept of rules, recognising that rules are arbitrary agreements that can be changed as long as the players agree. Partly because of cognitive gains, then, the play of the school-age child is more organised and rule-governed – and less fanciful – than that of the preschool child. So, although children play because it is fun, not because it sharpens their skills, they contribute to their own development by doing so. Parents can also support their children’s development by becoming involved in the social give-and-take that play requires (Lindsey & Mize, 2000). And quality preschool programs that offer a healthy mix of play and academic activities in the form of guided play can be beneficial to young children (Weisberg, Hirsh-Pasek, & Golinkoff, 2013).

IN REVIEW CHECKING UNDERSTANDING

CRITICAL THINKING

1 What explanation has been put forward for overextension of vocabulary?

Alice Betteridge, who features in our chapter opening, became deaf and blind at the age of 2 and then learned sign language to communicate. How might her language development have been the same as or different from children without vision or hearing problems?

2 Provide an example of behaviour an infant high in mastery motivation might display. 3 What is the impact of cognitive development on play?

Express

Get the answers to the Checking understanding questions on CourseMate Express.

8.3 THE CHILD Learning objectives

literacy The ability to use the knowledge and skills from a subject area to communicate, problem-solve and function effectively in a particular context.

■■ Outline the key concepts regarding language expansion during the childhood years. ■■ Summarise key points relating to emerging literacy and skilled versus unskilled readers. ■■ Describe the contribution of achievement motivation to literacy, and the importance of a growth mindset. ■■ Discuss the characteristics of quality schools.

Children’s language skills continue to develop beyond infancy and become more sophisticated as they enter school. Through formal instruction, they also begin to acquire literacy – the reading, mathematics, scientific and other thinking and problem-solving skills they will use throughout their lives. Indeed, one of the most important early literacy milestones to be achieved in childhood is learning to read. As you will discover, early reading abilities are an important, but not the only, factor linked to future academic success.

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Expanding language skills School-age children improve their pronunciation skills, produce longer and more complex sentences and continue to expand their vocabularies. The average first-grader starts school with a vocabulary of about 10 000 words and adds somewhere between five and thirteen new words a day throughout the primary school years (Hoff, 2014). School-age children also begin to think about and manipulate language in ways previously impossible (Melzi & Schick, 2013). As we noted earlier in the chapter, the early school years are also when children typically use and interpret passive sentences (for example, ‘Goofy was liked by Donald’) and conditional sentences (for example, ‘If Goofy had come, Donald would have been delighted’) (Boloh & Champaud, 1993). Throughout childhood, advances in cognitive development are accompanied by advances in language and communication skills. For example, as children become less cognitively egocentric, they are more able to take the perspective of their listeners (Hoff, 2014). Middle childhood also brings increased metalinguistic awareness, or knowledge of language as a system (Melzi & Schick, 2013). Children with metalinguistic awareness understand the concept of words and can define words (semantics). Development of metalinguistic awareness also means that children can distinguish between grammatically correct and grammatically incorrect sentences (syntax) and can understand how language can be altered to fit the needs of the specific social context in which it is used (pragmatics).

metalinguistic awareness Knowledge of language as a system.

Learning to read Perhaps the most important educational achievement is acquiring the ability to read. Mastery of reading paves the way for mastering other academic skills. Skilled readers consume more printed material than unskilled readers or non-readers, giving them an advantage in other academic areas that increasingly rely on reading skills over the school years (Sparks, Patton, & Murdoch, 2014). Unlike language acquisition, a natural learning task that typically requires no formal education, reading acquisition usually requires direct instruction. Fortunately, the brain seems to be structured to support the acquisition of reading skills (Dehaene, 2009). How do children master this complex and important skill?

Emergent literacy Several factors influence emergent literacy – the developmental precursor of reading skills in young children. Emergent literacy includes knowledge, skills and attitudes that will facilitate the acquisition of reading ability. Before children can read, for example, they must understand the alphabetic principle – the idea that the letters in printed words represent the sounds in spoken words in a systematic way (O’Connor, 2011). According to Linnea Ehri (1999), this is a four-step process, as follows: 1 Prealphabetic phase: Children memorise selected visual cues to remember words. They can ‘read’ text that they have memorised during previous readings. A picture on a page in a favourite book, for instance, triggers a child to recall the words he or she has often heard parents read when they turned to this page. 2 Partial alphabetic phase: Children learn the shapes and sounds of letters. They begin to connect at least one letter in a word – usually the first – to its corresponding sound. For example, they recognise the curved shape of the letter C and begin to associate this with a particular sound. Not surprisingly, children typically recognise the initial letter of their first name before other letters (Treiman & Broderick, 1998). 3 Full alphabetic phase: Children make complete connections between written letters and their corresponding sounds. They use phonological awareness – the sensitivity to the sound system

emergent literacy The developmental precursor of reading skills in young children, which entails knowledge, skills and attributes that will facilitate the acquisition of reading competence. alphabetic principle The idea that the letters in printed words represent the sounds in spoken words. phonological awareness The understanding that spoken words can be decomposed into basic sound units, or phonemes.

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Search me! and Discover the results of an Australian study investigating two methods of shared book reading: Sim, S., & Berthelsen, D. (2014). Shared book reading by parents with young children: Evidence-based practice. Australasian Journal of Early Childhood, 39, 50–55.

LINKAGES Chapter 5 Cognitive development

Snapshot

of language that enables them to segment spoken words into sounds or phonemes (Carroll, Snowling, Hulme, & Stevenson, 2003). Children who have phonological awareness can recognise that cat and trouble both have the phoneme /t/ in them, can tell you how many distinct sounds there are in the word bark, and can tell you what will be left if you take the /f/ sound out of fat. Children can decode words never before seen by applying their knowledge of phonetics. 4 Consolidated alphabetic phase: Children are able to group letters that regularly occur together into a unit. For instance, the letter sequence ing, which frequently appears at the end of verbs, is perceived as a single unit rather than as three separate letters.This grouping speeds the processing of the multisyllabic words that older children are increasingly exposed to in their books. Thus, the basic components of literacy include mastering a language system, understanding connections between sounds and their printed symbols (the alphabetic principle) and discriminating phonemes that make up words (phonological awareness) – and early success with these skills is a fairly accurate predictor of later reading skills. Differences among children in phonological awareness are especially important (Melby-Lervåg, Lyster, & Hulme, 2012); and knowledge of letters (for example, knowing the alphabet), rhyming skills (for example, cat–sat) and word segmentation skills also predict later differences in reading ability (Carroll et al., 2003; Kendeou, van den Broek, White, & Lynch, 2009). In addition, semantic knowledge, as reflected in children’s ability to retrieve words, provide word definitions and assign meaning to the printed symbols that represent words, predicts later reading ability (Kendeou et al., 2009; Roth, Speece, & Cooper, 2002). Furthermore, children with greater working memory and attention control demonstrate a higher degree of reading readiness (Welsh, Nix, Blair, Bierman, & Nelson, 2010). So what can parents and educators do to foster emergent literacy? One way is through reading storybooks to preschoolers (Evans & Shaw, 2008). Repetitious storybook reading enhances children’s vocabulary and allows them to see the connection between printed and spoken words. Rhyming stories and games can also help foster phonological awareness. For this reason, listening to books with a rhyming structure (for example, Dr Seuss’ The Cat in the Hat) can benefit children. Importantly, parents and educators should read with rather than to children, meaning they should actively involve the child in the activity rather than having the child remain the passive recipient (Phillips, Norris, & Anderson, 2008). With each successive reading, parents who ask increasingly complex questions about the text can move their child from a superficial to a deeper understanding (van Kleeck, Gillam, Hamilton, & McGrath, 1997). Even older children benefit from reading the same book on multiple occasions (Faust & Glenzer, 2000). Parents, with their greater mastery of reading, can help their fledgling readers develop an understanding of printed words. If you think of this in terms of Vygotsky’s framework (see Chapter 5), it is an example of parent and child operating in the zone of proximal development.

Source: iStock/Getty Images Plus/ilkercelik

Skilled and unskilled readers

How does reading with an adult contribute to emergent literacy and later reading skill?

After children have received reading instruction, why are some children quick, advanced readers but others struggle to master the most basic reading material? For starters, skilled readers have a solid understanding of the alphabetic principle we referred to in the previous section – the notion that letters must be associated with phonemes – and they rely on phonology to identify words, something most unskilled readers have trouble with (Melby-Lervåg et al., 2012). But there is more to being a skilled reader than connecting letters with sounds. Analyses of eye movement patterns show that unskilled readers skip words or parts of words, whereas skilled readers’ eyes hit all the words (Perfetti, 1999). Skilled readers do not use context to help them identify words, although they may use context to help with comprehension.

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Some children have serious difficulties learning to read, even though they have normal intellectual ability and no sensory impairments or emotional difficulties that could account for their problems. These children may have dyslexia, or a reading disability. A minority have the kind of visual perception problem that used to be seen as the heart of dyslexia; they cannot distinguish between letters with similar appearances, or they read words backward (top might become pot). However, it is now clear that the difficulties of most dyslexic children involve auditory perception more than visual perception (Giraud & Ramus, 2013). Specifically, children who become dyslexic often show deficiencies in phonological awareness well before entering school (Guttorm et al., 2005). There is evidence that the brains of dyslexic children respond differently than those of other children to speech sounds soon after birth, and structural and functional imaging of the brain shows that distinctive patterns of neural activity persist in children with dyslexia (Caylak, 2009; Elnakib et al., 2014; Norton, Beach, & Gabrieli, 2015).This suggests that a perceptual deficit may develop during the prenatal period of brain development. Because dyslexic children have difficulty analysing the sounds in speech, they also have trouble detecting sound-letter correspondences, which in turn impairs their ability to recognise printed words automatically and effortlessly (Shaywitz & Shaywitz, 2013). They must exert so much effort decoding the words on the page that they have little attention to spare for interpreting and remembering what they have read. Dyslexic children continue to perform poorly on tests of phonological awareness and tests of word recognition as adolescents and adults, even if they have become decent readers (Shaywitz & Shaywitz, 2013). It is now clear that dyslexia is a lifelong disability, not just a developmental delay that is eventually overcome (Frith, 2013).

401

dyslexia Serious difficulties learning to read in children who have normal intellectual ability and no sensory impairments or emotional difficulties that could account for their learning problems.

How should reading be taught? What does all this suggest about teaching children to read? For years a debate has raged over the merits of two broad approaches to reading instruction: the phonics approach and the whole-language approach. The phonics (or code-oriented) approach teaches children to deconstruct words into their letter-sound components. By contrast, the whole-language (or look-say) approach emphasises reading for meaning and teaches children to recognise specific words by sight or by contextual cues (Donat, 2006). It assumes that the parts of printed words (the letters) are not as meaningful as the whole words and that by focusing on whole words children can learn to read as effortlessly and naturally as they learn to understand speech. Research strongly supports the phonics approach. TABLE 8.3  One boy’s misreading of the sentence ‘A boy said, To read well, children must somehow learn that “Run, little girl.”’ spoken  words are made up of sounds and that the Words in target Strategies employed by reader Words ‘read’ letters of the alphabet correspond to these sounds sentence (Hulme,  Bowyer-Crane, Carroll, Duff, & Snowling, A Sight word known to reader A 2012). Teaching phonological awareness skills can boy Unknown; uses beginning b to baby pay off in better reading accuracy skills (National guess ‘baby’ Reading Panel, 1999; Torgerson, Brooks, & Hall, said, ‘Run, Said unknown; jumps to the is running 2006). Table 8.3 shows what happened when a Year 3 next word (run), which he boy with poor phonological awareness tried to read by recognises, then uses the s in said and his knowledge of syntax the look–say method. He ended up with an incorrect to generate ‘is running’ interpretation and lost the intended meaning of the little Sight word known to reader little sentence. Better decoding skills (phonics) might have enabled him to read the sentence accurately. Despite girl.’ Unknown; uses beginning g to go guess ‘go’ the importance of phonological awareness, however, Source: Adapted from Ely (2001). children must also make meaning from what they are

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reading. Thus, reading programs should use both phonics and whole-language instruction, teaching letter–sound correspondences but also helping children find meaning and enjoyment in what they read. Student beliefs, mediated by ethnicity, are also an important consideration, as these impact motivation and teacher preparation/planning.

Fostering academic success As we have seen, reading success depends on a number of factors, including mastering the alphabetic principle, phonological awareness and specific instructional strategies. In the next section we explore some of the child-, family- and school-related factors that influence children’s academic success more broadly.

Achievement motivation

fixed mindset A selfperception that one’s personal abilities and talents are fixed and unresponsive to effort.

growth mindset A selfperception that one’s personal abilities and talents can change in response to effort. performance goal An achievement goal focused on proving ability rather than improving it. mastery goal An achievement goal focused on learning new things in order to improve ability.

All children occasionally experience failure in their efforts to master challenges. What are the differences between children who persist and triumph in the face of failure and those who give up? Carol Dweck and her colleagues (for example, Dweck, 2006; Dweck & Elliott, 1983; Blackwell, Trzesniewski, & Dweck, 2007) have spent over 30 years searching for the answers. From this, Dweck has concluded that it is not so much what you have – your ability, talent or intelligence – but how you think about what you have (Dweck, 2006). In particular, those who have a fixed mindset tend to believe that what they have is fixed or static. Thus, they either ‘have’ a talent or do not; they either ‘are’ intelligent or are not. With this sort of mindset, there is little reason to put great effort into a task because it cannot change a fixed trait. Students with a fixed mindset, even those who are highly talented, typically select tasks that they know will easily showcase their talents. They tend to avoid challenging tasks, as they do not believe they can be successful. In contrast, those who have a growth mindset believe that abilities and talent are not fixed but are malleable; they can be fostered through hard work and effort. With this sort of mindset, students are motivated to put forth effort, believing that this will lead to learning and advancement. Students’ beliefs about whether ability is primarily a fixed or changeable entity influence the type of goals they set. Those who believe in ability as fixed, and conclude they lack it, tend to adopt performance goals in school; they aim to prove their ability rather than to improve it and seek to be judged as smart rather than dumb (Bong, 2009; Dweck & Leggett, 1988). Those who believe that hard work can improve ability adopt mastery goals (also called learning goals) in achievement situations, aiming to learn new things so that they can improve their abilities (Brophy, 2010). Further, children with growth mindsets who continue to focus on mastery or learning goals tend to do better in school than those who switch to performance goals (Covington, 2000). Children focused on mastery goals do not become as disheartened by a low mark if they have nonetheless progressed in their understanding of the material. For these children, the process of learning is enjoyable; it helps quench their curiosity (Fisher, Marshall, & Nanayakkara, 2009). Their ability to enjoy the learning process may help explain why these children exhibit higher levels of achievement (von Stumm, Hell, & Chamorro-Premuzic, 2011). In contrast, children with a focus on performance goals are more discouraged because for them the outcome – the mark – is the goal, not the process of learning. These children are more likely to report anxiety and boredom, factors that are negatively associated with achievement (Daniels et al., 2009; Pekrun, Elliot, & Maier, 2009). The two groups of children – those with mastery or learning goals and those with performance goals – display different patterns of neurological activity in response to their performance outcomes, further evidence that these two groups are truly experiencing their successes and failures differently (Fisher et al., 2009). The two types of goals are not mutually exclusive; that is, it is possible to be motivated by both mastery goals and performance goals (Darnon, Dompnier, Gilliéorn, & Butera, 2010). What

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is important, though, is the predominant focus that students hold as they work to achieve their goals. Table 8.4 summarises the differences between mastery and performance goals. Before continuing, you might like to evaluate your own motivation style with the exercise in the Engagement box. TABLE 8.4  Comparison of mastery and performance Mastery goals

Performance goals

Ability as a changeable trait

Ability as a fixed trait

Focus on increasing competence or knowledge (‘I understand this material better than I did before’)

Focus on increasing status relative to others (‘I did better on this than the other students did’)

Self-regulated learning; ability to monitor understanding of material and adjust behaviour (for example, effort) accordingly

Other-regulated learning; ability to monitor performance relative to peers and increase effort (approach) to outperform them or decrease effort (avoidance) to save face (to be able to say that failures are because of a lack of effort, not incompetence)

Deep-level processing of material (for example, learning to understand)

Superficial-level processing of material (for example, memorising for a test)

Feelings of pride and satisfaction associated with success; failures interpreted as a need for more effort or different learning strategies

Feelings of anxiety and shame associated with failure; boastful feelings associated with success

Sources: Adapted from Covington (2000); Elliot & Church (1997).

SUCCESSFUL MINDSETS So how do some children end up with more successful mindsets? First, there is the child’s age or developmental level. Before age 7 or so, children tend to be unrealistic optimists who think they can succeed on almost any task, and a focus on mastery goals tends to dominate (Bong, 2009). Even after repeated poor performances, young children often continue to think they have high ability and will do well, whereas older children tend to give up (Miller, 1985). Young children may give up if their failures are clear-cut and they conclude they have been bad (Burhans & Dweck, 1995), but they are clearly more confident of their abilities than older children. Why is this so? With age, children’s perceptions of their academic abilities become more accurate (Wigfield, Eccles, Yoon, & Harold, 1997). These changes in the understanding of ability are probably caused both by cognitive development – especially an increased ability to analyse the causes of successes and failures and to infer enduring traits from behaviour – and by an accumulation of feedback from school and home.

Engagement WHAT’S YOUR MOTIVATION STYLE? Indicate whether you agree (A) or disagree (D) with each of the following statements, as they pertain to your typical approach when taking a learning course. Scoring instructions are at the end of the box. 1 I read the chapter because the material is interesting to me.

2 I read the chapter because the instructor says the material is assessable. 3 I often look up some additional information related to the course material so that I can better understand what is discussed in class or presented in the textbook.

4 I feel good when I am able to convey my understanding of the material in assessment tasks. 5 I need to earn a certain mark in this class to maintain my mark point average. 6 I want to get good marks in the course to show the instructor that I’m good.

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7 I want to get high assessment marks on the early assessment items because there will be less pressure to do as well on the final assessment task. 8 As long as I pass this class, I’ll be happy because I know I’ve learned something new from a really difficult course. 9 I like to see how others in the class score on the assignments so I can get an idea of how well I’m doing. 10 I don’t really care how other people in the class score because their performance is unrelated to my learning. 11 I get bored and frustrated when the instructor spends time on easy material and quizzes us on stuff that seems obvious. 12 I get frustrated when the instructor goes over difficult

LINKAGES Chapter 11 Emotions, attachment and social relationships

MAKING CONNECTIONS Think of your home environment when you were growing up, or perhaps the home environment of children you know today (perhaps your own children, or those of relatives or friends). Identify the features of that environment that encouraged positive achievement motivation.









material that is going to be hard to study to earn a good mark. 13 There is nothing I like more than a good challenging assignment that makes me think harder or differently. 14 I like getting an assignment that is easy and fairly mindless to complete. I know I can get it done and the instructor will be happy with my answers. 15 I usually find that I can master a task or material by working really hard on it. 16 If I cannot solve a task right away, I usually stop working on it because I’m not going to be able to solve it.

Scoring:  Count the number of ‘Agree’ answers to questions 1, 3, 4, 8, 10, 11, 13 and 15. Now count the number of

‘Agree’ answers to questions 2, 5, 6, 7, 9, 12, 14 and 16. If the number of ‘Agree’ answers to the first set (1, 3, 4, 8, 10, 11, 13, 15) is higher than the number of ‘Agree’ answers to the second set (2, 5, 6, 7, 9, 12, 14, 16), then you focus more on mastery or learning goals. You are more interested in mastering material for the sake of learning and not for the sake of marks. If, on the other hand, the number of your ‘Agree’ answers to the second set of questions is higher than the number of ‘Agree’ answers to the first set, then you focus more on performance goals. You are motivated to perform well and earn good marks. According to the text, which of these motivation styles – mastery or performance – ultimately leads to a deeper and richer understanding of material? What could you do to shift from one style to the other?

As indicated above, a growth mindset can also be fostered with feedback; in particular by praising students’ efforts, not just the end products of their work (Dweck, 2007). In contrast, praising students for their intelligence (‘you did well on that test because you are so smart’) may lead students to think that their performance is driven by intelligence alone and is not related to effort. What about the inevitable feedback about mistakes? Students with a fixed mindset interpret such feedback as an indication that they lack ability. Thus, upon receiving low grades or a paper filled with lots of comments from their teacher, the student with a fixed mindset is more likely to feel defeated by their sense of lack of ability than energised to work harder and improve. Students with a growth mindset are more likely to interpret feedback about mistakes as useful information that can be used to improve for the future (Moser, Schroder, Heeter, Moran, & Lee, 2011). As you saw earlier, parents can foster mastery motivation in infancy by providing their babies with appropriate sensory stimulation, being responsive and (as you will see in Chapter 11) building a secure attachment relationship. Parents can then strengthen their children’s achievement motivation by stressing and reinforcing the process of learning rather than emphasising the product (Moser et al., 2011). They can also emphasise the learning opportunities provided by making mistakes. Individuals who believe intelligence is influenced by effort – how hard they work – are more likely to show improvement following mistakes than individuals who believe that intelligence is a fixed trait (Moser et al., 2011). As children begin formal schooling, parents can help foster high levels of achievement motivation by getting involved with their child’s education, emphasising practices that stimulate curiosity and engagement in learning, and holding high expectations for children’s education (Gottfried, Marcoulides, Gottfried, & Oliver, 2009). Finally, parents can provide a cognitively stimulating home environment (Gottfried, Fleming, & Gottfried, 1998). Children who are encouraged and supported in a positive manner as above are likely to enjoy new challenges and feel confident about mastering them. They are also unlikely to make the kinds of counterproductive

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attributions (‘I’m dumb’) that can cause them to lose interest in schoolwork (Glasgow, Dornbusch, Troyer, Steinberg, Ritter, 1997). By contrast, parents can undermine a child’s school performance and intrinsic motivation to learn if they are uninvolved and offer little guidance or if they are highly controlling, nag continually about homework, offer bribes for good grades and criticise bad grades (Gottfried et al., 2009). The types of rewards and reinforcement children experience at school and at home in relation to their performance can affect their achievement motivation too. For example, over the 8-year interval from age 9 to age 17, children have been shown to maintain higher levels of motivation when their parents initially focus on intrinsic goals (learning for the sake of learning) rather than extrinsic goals (learning to earn high marks or money) (Gottfried et al., 2009).When schools are structured in ways that focus on the external rewards that students can earn (such as marks or stickers) for outdoing each other, they may encourage children, either deliberately or inadvertently, to set performance goals rather than mastery or learning goals, and thereby undermine achievement motivation (Brophy, 2010; Covington, 2000). Children might be better off if teachers nurtured their intrinsic motivation to master challenges (Murayama & Elliot, 2009). Then, slow learners could view their mistakes as a sign that they should change strategies to improve their competencies rather than as further proof that they lack ability. Research has shown that teachers’ explicit expectations impact student motivation and achievement, and that this is mediated by ethnicity (see Peterson, Rubie-Davies, Osborne & Sibley, 2016). To recap what you have learned so far, children approach achievement tasks with either a fixed or growth mindset, based on how they view their abilities: unchangeable or malleable. As they age, children are more likely to believe that ability is a stable trait and shift from focusing on mastery goals to focusing on performance goals. This change, brought about by both cognitive development and feedback in school, may make them more vulnerable to ‘failure syndrome’, a tendency to give up at the first obstacle they encounter (Brophy, 2010).Yet some children remain far more motivated to succeed in school than others, and parents and schools have a lot to do with that.

Effective schools Internationally, schools in industrialised countries are under increasing pressure to demonstrate their effectiveness. Results indicate some schools seem to do a better job than others. To understand why some schools are more effective than others, we must consider characteristics of the teachers, classroom and school setting, and interactions between students and the educational environment.

TEACHER QUALITY Andrew Wayne and Peter Youngs (2003) reviewed research on the relationship between teacher characteristics and student achievement. They found that student achievement scores rose with increases in the quality of their teachers’ undergraduate institutions and their teachers’ licensure examination scores. Other research similarly finds that higher cognitive skills of teachers in their content area translates into better student performance. Research has shown that students with the best teachers advance the equivalent of one and a half years in one school year, whereas students with the worst teachers advance the equivalent of only half a year (see Hanushek, Rivkin, & Kain, 2005). These effects are cumulative and long lasting: a student with the best teachers 2 years in a row progresses the equivalent of 3 years, whereas a student with the worst teachers 2 years in a row progresses just 1 year and will be 2 years behind the other student in achievement level. Ultimately, a person’s earnings over their lifetime may be impacted by whether they had teachers who were highly effective, average or below average (Figure 8.4).

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FIGURE 8.4  As this striking analysis by economist Eric Hanushek shows, having an effective teacher can make a big difference in later life, especially in larger classes. $1 000 000

Impact on student lifetime earnings

90t

$500 000

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ile te

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75th pe

teacher

60th percentile teacher

$0

40th percentile teacher

25th perc

entile teac

–$500 000

–$1 000 000

10th

5

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15

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Class size Source: Hanushek (2011)

Search me! and Think Access the Psychology database and research the topic of homework.

What might be going on in the classrooms of the most effective teachers? Basically, the effective classroom environment is a comfortable but business-like setting in which teachers are involved with students, students are motivated to learn and serious teaching takes place (Hattie, 2008, 2012). More specifically, in effective schools and classrooms, teachers: 1 Strongly emphasise academics. They demand a lot from their students, expect them to succeed, regularly assign homework and work hard to teach well and achieve their objectives in the classroom (Hoy, 2012). 2 Create a task-oriented but comfortable atmosphere. They waste little time starting activities or dealing with distracting discipline problems, provide clear instructions and feedback, encourage and reward good work and avoid labelling students. 3 Manage discipline problems effectively. They enforce rules on the spot rather than sending offenders to the principal’s office. 4 Foster an atmosphere of social cohesion. They make sure everyone – students, teachers and aides – feel as though they have a stake in the group and its success (Hoy, 2012).

CLASSROOM AND SCHOOL CHARACTERISTICS Grouping students by ability and segregating them in the classroom, sometimes referred to as ‘tracking’, is advantageous over mixed-ability grouping for only a few students, and may even be harmful for others (Hattie, 2008, 2012). For example, research shows that those children who are not gifted can benefit academically from being grouped with their gifted peers for a substantial part or all of the school day if it allows these students to move through the curriculum at a faster rate and/or deeper levels (Rogers, 2007). Special classes for gifted students have also been shown to have positive social and emotional effects on their self-concept, interest in school and relationships with teachers (Vogl & Preckel, 2014). In contrast, low-ability and disabled students are unlikely to benefit from being grouped with like-ability peers and may suffer if they are taught less material than other children and stigmatised as ‘dummies’. There is considerable evidence that, compared with similar

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students who attend segregated special education classes, youngsters with disabilities who access inclusive education in regular schools fare better in terms of academic performance; the findings about benefits of inclusive education for disabled students’ self-esteem and social adjustment are, however, mixed (Freeman & Alkin, 2000; Myklebust, 2006; Szumski & Karwowski, 2014). School climate can also influence student achievement. Academic success is greater when schools encourage family involvement and regular parent-teacher communication, and when they develop a system that makes family and community involvement possible (Hattie, 2008, 2012; Hill & Taylor, 2004). Parents with less education are typically less involved in their children’s education than highly educated parents are, yet they can have a greater effect on their children’s marks if they become involved (Downey, 2002; and see the chapter Exploration box).

inclusive education The educational practice of including all children, regardless of disability, difference or disadvantage, in regular classrooms and schools rather than placing them in segregated or special education classes or schools.

Exploration THE SUMMER LEARNING EFFECT The ‘summer learning effect’ (SLE) refers to the plateau or decline of achievement over the summer break from school that is associated with a lack of educationally enriching experiences and results in a cumulative achievement gap. The effect has been found to be especially apparent in students from low socioeconomic status (SES) backgrounds. Karl Alexander, Doris Entwisle, and Linda Olson (2007), for example, found that achievement gains for all students over the first 9 years of schooling mainly reflect learning during the school year, whereas the achievement gap between high- and low-SES students was predominantly due to the summer learning effect in the preschool years and the first 5 years of primary school. More specifically, they found that the summer shortfall over the first 5 years of school accounts for more than half the difference in achievement between Year 9 high- and low-SES students, and is a larger component than that built up over the preschool years. Alexander and his colleagues further found that accumulating deficits from the early school years were associated with less opportunities for successful participation in the advanced high school curriculum, poorer rates

of high school completion and lower enrolment in post-secondary education. A clear message emerges from these findings: early intervention is critical, as are year-round educational experiences, to prevent and close the achievement gap. This does not mean, however, that more formal schooling is the answer – research shows that the modest increases in time that some schools have implemented have only minimal effects on achievement (Glass, 2002). But what is to be done to combat the summer learning effect? Rebecca Jesson, Stuart McNaughton, and Tone Kolose (2014), in a study of New Zealand schools in low socioeconomic areas, found that gains in reading comprehension made during the school year were lost over the summer break, but not for all students. They interviewed parents, teachers and students about reading practices over the summer to find out why some students experienced the SLE, and others did not. What they found was that high- and low-SLE students differed in their access to reading resources over the summer, with low-SLE students having access to a wider range of texts in their home environments. Support and

encouragement for summer reading also varied. The parents and teachers of low-SLE students encouraged and supported children to read. Further, parents of low-SLE students received more specific support and guidance from teachers about supporting their child’s summer reading than did highSLE students. Different motivations for reading over the summer were also apparent; that is, low-SLE students and their parents and teachers held the view that summer reading was for enjoyment. Teachers from high-SLE classrooms framed summer reading in terms of skills development and homework, whereas teachers from low-SLE classrooms referred to summer reading as a way of developing interests and for thinking, learning and enquiring, rather than progressing reading skills. Jesson and colleagues (2014) concluded that overcoming SLE for reading comprehension requires providing students and their parents with guidance about how to access texts and engage in reading for recreation over the summer school break. Encouraging reading and learning purely for additional academic development over the summer may only serve as a disincentive for engaging in enriching educational experiences.

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GOODNESS OF FIT BETWEEN LEARNERS AND ENVIRONMENTS LINKAGES Chapter 9 Self, personality, gender and sexuality

MAKING CONNECTIONS To what extent do you think the ‘summer learning effect’ has impacted on your learning and achievement throughout your education?

Finally, characteristics of the student and characteristics of the school environment often interact to affect student outcome. This is an example of the concept of goodness of fit – an appropriate match between the person’s characteristics and his or her environment (see also Chapter 9). Much educational research has been based on the assumption that one teaching method, organisational system or philosophy of education will prove superior for all students, regardless of individual factors. This assumption is often wrong. Instead, many educational practices are highly effective with some kinds of students but ineffective with other students. The secret is to find an appropriate match between the learner and the teaching method (Hattie, 2008, 2012). This is the premise behind inclusion, where children with all levels of ability and disability are mixed together in the same classroom and the school puts accommodations in place to enhance the goodness of fit between all learners in their environment. Research has shown that inclusion, compared with segregated learning, enhances the language abilities of children with disabilities and has no detrimental effect on the language development of their more-able peers (Justice et al., 2014). In the chapter Application and Professional practice boxes we take a closer look at some strategies that can optimise academic achievement and social and emotional development in diverse classroom and school settings.

Application MAKING INCLUSION WORK Many more children with disabilities now attend regular schools as a result of shifts in educational philosophy and the results of research showing the potential academic and social benefits of inclusion. In Australia, for example, 89 per cent of disabled students aged 5–14 years attend regular schools; and in New Zealand, 94 per cent of disabled children attend regular mainstream classes all of the time (85 per cent) or at least some of the time (9 per cent) (HealthSearch, 2008). However, what educators and researchers alike have learned is that simply putting diverse students into the same schools and classrooms accomplishes little. Instead, strategies must be put in place to ensure that all students, regardless of disability, difference or disadvantage, interact in positive ways and learn what they are supposed to be learning. One promising classroom strategy uses collaborative or cooperative learning, in which diverse students are assigned to work in teams to achieve a collaborative task and are reinforced for performing well as a team, rather than as individuals (Ashman & Gillies, 2013).

Again, we revisit the theme of social interaction enhancing cognition, as discussed in Chapter 5. In cooperative learning classrooms, children of different ability levels interact in a context where, ideally, the efforts of even the least capable team members are important to the group’s success. In cooperative learning settings, learning is proposed to occur as a result of guided learning or scaffolding of the task by more competent peers (according to a Vygotskian perspective), and the growth in understanding that can occur when students are intellectually challenged by peers (a Piagetian perspective). Numerous studies and reviews of cooperative learning have reported academic gains for students with disabilities and their typically developing peers, as well as improvements in time-ontask, motivation and communication skills (see Ashman & Gillies, 2013). Cooperative learning experiences can also result in social benefits, such as peer acceptance, enhanced self-esteem and improved ability to work with others. Although the brightest children

LINKAGES Chapter 5 Cognitive development

may sometimes experience frustration if the ability range of the group is quite large, and there may be concerns about parity of work, careful structuring of group size and composition, appropriate tasks, and the provision of optimal levels of teacher support can help to ensure positive academic and social outcomes for all students engaged in cooperative learning (and see the Professional practice box). At a broader level, successfully including all students may require schools to make changes to school structures, practices and climate by developing inclusive school policies, providing adequate resources and facilities, and encouraging a shift in attitudes of teachers and students within the school community. The Index for Inclusion, developed by researchers Tony Booth and Mel Ainscow (2011) in collaboration with teachers, parents and disability advocates, is >>>

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a set of indicators that can be used by schools to guide them through a process of reflection, assessment and action toward developing an inclusive school culture (see Table 8.5). Note that among the list of indicators for ‘orchestrating learning’, the index identifies collaborative (cooperative) learning as a key feature of inclusive classrooms. Scanning the Index, you

will also see that many of the indicators align with the range of factors identified in this chapter as characteristic of effective schools, such as involving parents. It is clear, then, that research and theory offers much guidance to teachers and schools about what they can do to foster academic success and positive developmental gains in inclusive settings. Yet it is important to

remember that educational programs are likely to be most effective for students when they are individualised and tailored to suit each student’s developmental competencies and needs – in other words, when there is a goodness of fit between the learning environment and the individual student.

TABLE 8.5  Indicators from the Index for Inclusion that can be used to assess the inclusive culture and practices of schools Indicators for Dimension A: Creating inclusive cultures

Indicators for Dimension B: Producing inclusive policies

Indicators for Dimension C: Evolving inclusive practices

A.1 Building community A.1.1 Everyone is made to feel welcome. A.1.2 Students help each other. A.1.3 Staff collaborate with each other. A.1.4 Staff and students treat one another with respect. A.1.5 There is a partnership between staff and parents/carers. A.1.6 Staff and principals work well together. A.1.7 All local communities are involved in the school.

B.1 Developing the school for all B.1.1 Staff appointments and promotions are fair. B.1.2 All new staff are helped to settle into the school. B.1.3 The school seeks to admit all students from its locality. B.1.4 The school makes its buildings physically accessible to all people. B.1.5 All new students are helped to settle into the school. B.1.6 The school arranges teaching groups so that all students are valued.

C.1 Orchestrating learning C.1.1 Teaching is planned with the learning of all students in mind. C.1.2 Lessons encourage the participation of all students. C.1.3 Lessons develop an understanding of difference. C.1.4 Students are actively involved in their own learning. C.1.5 Students learn collaboratively. C.1.6 Assessment contributes to the achievements of all students. C.1.7 Classroom discipline is based on mutual respect. C.1.8 Teachers plan, teach and review in partnership. C.1.9 Teachers are concerned to support the learning and participation of all students. C.1.10 Teaching assistants support the learning and participation of all students. C.1.11 Homework contributes to the learning of all. C.1.12 All students take part in activities outside the classroom.

A.2 Establishing inclusive values A.2.1 There are high expectations for all students. A.2.2 Staff, principals, students and parents/carers share a philosophy of inclusion. A.2.3 Students are equally valued. A.2.4 Staff and students treat one another as human beings as well as occupants of a ‘role’. A.2.5 Staff seek to remove barriers to learning and participation in all aspects of the school. A.2.6 The school strives to minimise discriminatory practice.

B.2 Organising support for diversity B.2.1 All forms of support are coordinated, including support for those learning English as a second language and Indigenous students. B.2.2 Staff development activities help staff to respond to student diversity. B.2.3 ‘Special educational needs’ policies are inclusion policies. B.2.4 Pastoral and behaviour support policies are linked to curriculum development and learning support policies. B.2.5 Pressures for disciplinary exclusion are decreased. B.2.6 Barriers to attendance are reduced. B.2.7 Bullying is minimised.

C.2 Mobilising resources C.2.1 Student difference is used as a resource for teaching and learning. C.2.2 Staff expertise is fully utilised. C.2.3 Staff develop resources to support learning and participation. C.2.4 Community resources are known and drawn upon. C.2.5 School resources are distributed fairly so that they support inclusion.

Sources: Adapted from Booth & Ainscow (2011); Dempsey (2008).

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Professional practice

How do you use cooperative learning in your classes, and what are the advantages and challenges of using cooperative learning? Cooperative learning was first introduced to me through study, mentioned by like-minded colleagues and finally understood when I attended Kagan Australia’s professional development later in my career. Cooperative learning requires a fundamental shift in thinking, operation and management by teachers and students of the learning process. In a visual arts class, I paired students up based upon ability levels to be buddies using the structures outlined in the Kagan system. Essentially, a high achiever was paired with a medium-low achiever, and a low achiever was paired with a medium-high achiever across the cohort, taking into consideration the politics of the classroom. This was worked out behind the scenes and is still not known to the students. Students were required to assist each other with their visual arts assessment in street art and provide a support for each other through the design process. What mostly occurred was a blossoming of friendship and learning outcomes. The achievement gap between the two meant on one side

there was a high achiever thinking about the cognitive process of relaying their expertise to their buddy. The other side was the lower achiever who had the benefit of a peer explaining the project to them in depth in a language they understood, but also required that the ‘expert’ peer accept and listen to their opinions and concerns. Friendships were made, social skills practised and the students far exceeded any expectations I had of learning in a ‘traditional’ format. Students could no longer hide or underachieve, nor did they wish to. The traditional power relationship between student and teacher was de-emphasised, allowing peer groups to become more accepting of each other, as this is where the learning would occur in the classroom. The advantages of cooperative learning are many. However, it takes a while to set up your practice and learn the structures that work, rearrange your thinking on your role in the classroom and change the expectations of students. The challenge for me, the teacher, was to let go of being the centre of knowledge and expertise! That the attention was instead invested in their peer group and I became more a facilitator of their journey. I didn’t control the conversations the students were

Source: Dale Lisa Thain

COOPERATIVE LEARNING

Dale Lisa Thain BA Drama (Hon) QUT, Grad Dip Ed UC, Educator, Canberra, Australia

having, nor could I hear or participate in all of them all at once. Instead I focused on opening up research sources for the pairs, and provided troubleshooting and clarification where required. When working correctly, the feeling in the classroom was a bit like a ‘Google’ workplace; students independently working on their projects and bouncing off their buddies and peers across the table.

IN REVIEW CHECKING UNDERSTANDING

CRITICAL THINKING

1 What is one characteristic that differentiates a skilled reader from a less skilled reader?

At Johnny’s school there has been a change in staff, and at the end of the year his grades have improved by 1½ years. Explain all the factors that may have accounted for such a large improvement.

2 What is the difference between a mastery (or learning) goal and a performance goal? 3 What are three features of an effective learning environment?

Express

Get the answers to the Checking understanding questions on CourseMate Express.

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8.4 THE ADOLESCENT ■■ Outline the factors associated with the development of academic achievement and success, and the stability of IQ on the pathway to adulthood. ■■ Summarise key points relating to declining achievement motivation in adolescence. ■■ Describe the challenges associated with adolescents transitioning to high school. ■■ Discuss the impact of part-time employment on adolescent development and schooling.

Adolescents make critical decisions about such matters as how much time to devote to studying, whether to work part-time during school, whether to go on to some form of post-secondary education and what to be when they ‘grow up’. They become more capable of making these educational and vocational choices as their cognitive and social skills expand; in turn, the choices they make shape their development. But some of them lose interest in school and experience academic declines during the high school years – why?

Academic achievement

Learning objectives

Search me! and Discover a review of best practices for the development of adolescent literacy programs: Marchand-Martella, N. E., Martella, R. C., Modderman, S. L., Petersen, H. M., & Pan, S. (2013). Key areas of effective adolescent literacy programs. Education and Treatment of Children, 36, 161–184.

Grade point average measured repeatedly

As you saw in Chapter 7, children’s level of intelligence, not surprisingly, contributes to their success in academics (Spinath, Spinath, Harlaar, & Plomin, 2006). Yet longitudinal studies of children’s academic performance show evidence of declines for both high- and low-IQ adolescents as they make the transition from primary school to secondary school. Figure 8.5 shows the academic trajectories for four groups of students studied by Leslie Gutman and his LINKAGES colleagues: those with high or low IQ scores, who had either many or few risk factors (Gutman, Chapter 7 Sameroff, & Cole, 2003). Risk factors included minority-group status, low maternal education Intelligence and creativity and mental health, stressful life events, family size and father absence. Students with few risk factors showed a slight increase in achievement until around Year 6 or 7, at which time achievement began to drop slowly. But for students with more risk factors the decline was evident much earlier, with a steady decline in academic achievement throughout their schooling regardless of whether they had high or low IQ scores to begin with. Here again we can see that IQ is only a small piece of the puzzle and that educational performance must be viewed within the broader FIGURE 8.5  Grade point average from Year 1 to Year 12 context of family- and community-related risk factors. for students with high and low risk and IQ Another case in point – in Australia and New Zealand, 3.5 teens from lower socioeconomic backgrounds are 2½–3 years behind their socioeconomically advantaged peers 3 for reading, mathematics and science (Thomson, De 2.5 Bortoli, & Underwood, 2017; May, Cowles, & Lamy, 2013). Moreover, delays in progress of 1–2½ years 2 are evident for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander, 1.5 Maˉ ori and Pasifika teens, who are more likely to live Low risk, high IQ in disadvantaged communities. It is estimated that up Low risk, low IQ 1 to two-thirds of the test score gaps for Aboriginal and High risk, high IQ 0.5 Torres Strait Islander students are due to socioeconomic High risk, low IQ factors, such as low levels of income and parental 0 education and overcrowded living situations (Leigh 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 School year & Gong, 2008). Family factors and socioeconomic Source: Gutman, Sameroff, & Cole (2003). © 2003 by the American Psychological conditions, then, cannot be underestimated in terms of Association. their influence on students’ academic performance, but

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Express For additional insight on the data presented in Figure 8.5 try out the Understanding the data exercise on CourseMate Express.

LINKAGES Chapter 10 Social cognition and moral development Chapter 11 Emotions, attachment and social relationships

this is not the full picture. What are some of the other factors that might explain the trend of poor or declining performance for high school students?

Declining achievement motivation As we saw earlier in the chapter, older children become increasingly capable of analysing the causes of events, interpreting feedback from teachers and inferring enduring traits such as high or low ability from their behaviour.The result is that they view their strengths and weaknesses more realistically – and lose some of their academic self-esteem and expectations of success (Stipek & MacIver, 1989; Wigfield et al., 1997). However, those who manage to maintain an emphasis on mastery or learning goals over performance goals attain higher marks in high school than those who do not (Gutman, 2006; House, 2006). Adolescents’ achievement motivation can be affected by the increasing importance of the peer group, which at times can undermine parents’ and teachers’ efforts to encourage school achievement. Tim Urdan and Miranda Mestas (2006) interviewed high school seniors about their reasons for pursuing performance goals. Many of the responses indicated that teenagers were motivated by a desire to avoid looking dumb or to look competent and make their parents proud. But some of the students specifically noted that they wanted to be average and not appear to be too smart. As one student said, ‘I just want to be normal, not the best. I don’t want to be the worst but I just want to be normal’ (p. 361). Again this highlights the importance of social relationships in cognition and learning, as covered in Chapters 10 and 11. Parents can, however, help their children experience continued success in school through their involvement and support. Mothers who talk to their older primary school children about assuming responsibility and making decisions have teenagers who are more likely to complete high school and continue their education (Tenenbaum, Poe, Snow, Tabors & Ross, 2007). Adolescents who believe their parents are more involved in their schooling and hold high expectations are generally more academically motivated than adolescents who believe their parents are less involved (Dotterer, McHale, & Crouter, 2009; Hattie, 2009, 2011; Hattie & Yates, 2013; Spera, 2006). Parents, thus, can help by remaining supportive and involved in their child’s education throughout the high school years rather than pulling back (Hill & Tyson, 2009).

Transitioning to high school

LINKAGES Chapter 9 Self, personality, gender and sexuality

We must consider that some of the decline in the performance and motivation of adolescents may reflect the transition from primary school to high school. Jacquelynne Eccles and her colleagues (for example, Eccles et al., 1993) argue that the transition to high school is likely to be especially difficult because young adolescents are often experiencing major physical and psychological changes at the time they are switching schools (see also Hill & Tyson, 2009). Could it be that more adolescents would remain interested in school if they did not have to change schools at the same time as pubertal changes? Research conducted in Germany – where the transition to a new school happens after fourth grade and prior to pubertal changes for most students – helps answer this question (Arens, Yeung, Craven,Watermann, & Hasselhorn, 2013). German students, both boys and girls, experienced lowered self-perceptions, including perceptions of their academic competence, following their earlier school transition (see Chapter 9). This suggests that the school transition itself can be challenging, regardless of whether pubertal changes are occurring at the same time. Why? The transition to high school often involves going from a small school, with close studentteacher relationships and reasonable discipline, to a larger, more bureaucratised environment in which student-teacher relationships may be impersonal, good marks are emphasised more but harder to come by, opportunities for choice are limited and discipline is rigid – all when adolescents are seeking more rather than less autonomy and are becoming more rather than less intellectually capable (Hill & Tyson, 2009). Giving students a sense of ownership and some degree of control in their learning

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helps maintain their interest and motivation (Tsai, Kunter, Ludtke,Trautwein, & Ryan, 2008;Valiente, Lemery-Chalfant, Swanson, & Reiser, 2008). Other research has shown that training staff members to understand and respond appropriately to the developmental needs of this age group can help students maintain a positive outlook on learning and perform better in school (Martin, 2008). The message? Declines in academic motivation and performance are not inevitable during early adolescence. Students may indeed form more realistic expectancies of success as their growing cognitive abilities allow them to use the increasingly informative feedback they receive from teachers. Experiencing pubertal changes at the same time as other stressful changes and needing to downplay academics to gain popularity may also hurt school achievement. However, educators can help keep adolescents engaged in school by creating school environments that provide a better fit to the developmental needs and interests of adolescents. Such schools should provide warm, supportive relationships with teachers, intellectual challenges and opportunities for self-direction. International findings reported in the chapter Diversity box underscore the importance of quality teachers and instruction for high academic performance and motivation during the high school years.

Integrating school and work A sizeable number of teenagers in Australia (79 per cent) and New Zealand (73 per cent) combine their studies with part-time work (ABS, 2007; O’Neill, 2010). Similarly high levels of student employment occur in countries such as Canada, the United Kingdom and Denmark; but lower rates are the norm in other industrialised nations such as the United States and Germany, where only about 1 in 4 teens works during high school (Kuczera, 2011).Teens working in the summer holidays and national apprenticeship schemes likely explain the higher rates in countries like Australia and New Zealand (Kuczera, 2011). The proportion of young people in Australia and New Zealand who have part-time work increases with age – around 11 per cent of Australian youth aged 10–14 work, and by the time they are in their final year of high school this figure has jumped to around 67 per cent. In New Zealand, 46 per cent of 13-year-olds work, increasing to over 80 per cent for 17-year-old students (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2007; O’Neill, 2010). Why do so many teenagers work? Most teenagers generally work to have their own spending money rather than out of necessity or to supplement family income (Longitudinal Surveys of Australian Youth (LSAY), 2007; O’Neill, 2010). Teenagers also report enjoying work, gaining a sense of independence and improving skills, experience and employability beyond school. But how do these early work experiences affect adolescent development and, in particular, school achievement? Generally, teenagers do not believe part-time work negatively affects their school performance, but some report they find it hard to balance work and school and would spend more time studying if they were not working (LSAY, 2007). When actual measures of school performance and school completion are taken into account there is both good news and bad news. First the good news: data from the longitudinal Christchurch Health and Development Study in New Zealand and the Longitudinal Surveys of Australian Youth (LSAY) have generally shown no adverse association between moderate levels of part-time work and teenagers’ school achievement or dropout rates (Maloney, 2004; O’Neill, 2010). A few studies have even indicated a positive association between part-time work and student achievement (Meyer, McClure et al., 2009; Mortimer et al., 1996).Work during school also appears to increase the chances of securing full-time work or an apprenticeship after school for some young people (Vickers, Lamb, & Hinkley, 2003). Now the bad news: teenagers who work high numbers of hours may be at increased risk of dropout and poorer academic performance. Studies in Australia, New Zealand and the United States indicate that part-time work beyond 15–20 hours per week is likely to have adverse impacts on educational outcomes and is also associated with increased alcohol and drug use and psychological distress (Bachman, Safron, Sy, & Schulenberg, 2003; Creed & Patton, 2003; Meyer et al., 2009). So what work hours are typical Copyright 2019 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. WCN 02-200-202

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Diversity INTERNATIONAL DIFFERENCES IN ACHIEVEMENT TEST SCORES FIGURE 8.6 International comparisons of students’ reading, mathematics and scientific literacy performance on the PISA 2015 Mean scores of students' performance for mathematical literacy, by country

Significantly lower than Australia and New Zealand

Not significantly different from Australia and New Zealand

Significantly higher than Australia and New Zealand

Country

Mean score

Canada Singapore Japan Korea Netherlands Denmark Germany Ireland Norway New Zealand Australia United Kingdom OECD average United States Greece Thailand Mean scores of students' performance for scientific literacy, by country

Significantly higher than Australia and New Zealand

Country

Mean score

Singapore Japan Canada Korea

Not significantly different from Australia and New Zealand

New Zealand Australia Germany Netherlands United Kingdom

Significantly lower than Australia and New Zealand

Ireland Denmark Norway United States OECD average Greece Thailand Mean scores of students' performance for reading literacy, by country

Not significantly Significantly higher than Australia and different from New Zealand Australia and New Zealand

Country

Mean score

Singapore Canada Ireland Korea Japan Norway New Zealand Germany Australia Netherlands

Significantly lower than Australia and New Zealand

Every 3 years, Australian and New Zealand students participate in the Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA) survey, which measures the mathematical, scientific and reading abilities of approximately half a million 15-year-olds from around the globe. Figure 8.6 shows the average reading, mathematics and science PISA scores for 15-yearold children in a selection of the 72 participating countries. The figures show that students in Australia and New Zealand are similar to each other in their levels of performance in all three areas and are above the OECD average; but both score significantly lower than a number of nations, such as Shanghai–China, Singapore, Korea and Finland. Further, when compared to students across OECD countries, Australia and New Zealand have a similar proportion of advanced performers in the reading, mathematics and science areas, yet a smaller proportion than Singapore, the highestperforming nation. This difference is particularly striking in the mathematics area – 11 per cent of Australian and New Zealand students are top performers compared to 36 per cent of students in Singapore (Thomson, De Bortoli, & Underwood, 2017). What might account for these international differences in performance? Key findings from the PISA suggest that students perform better when schools provide quality physical infrastructure and a positive school climate; when school leaders show more active leadership; and when schools have adequate numbers of highly-qualified teachers who have low absenteeism rates, are well prepared for class, show interest in every student’s learning, and provide extra help to support students’ individual needs. This is consistent with a review of 25 of the world’s school systems, including 10 top PISA performers, which found that the three things that

Denmark United Kingdom United States OECD average Greece Thailand 200

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Mean performance Source: Adapted from Thomson, De Bortoli, & Underwood (2017). Retrieved from http://www.acer.edu.au/ozpisa/ reports/

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>>>

matter most are: (1) attracting the most capable people to the teaching profession, (2) developing teachers into effective instructors and (3) ensuring that the system is able to provide the

best possible instruction for every student (Barber & Mourshed, 2007). Characteristics that did not contribute a great deal to international performance differences were increasing spending

on educational systems, reducing class sizes and lengthening the amount of time children spend in school, findings consistent with earlier studies (Glass, 2002b; Hanushek, 1997, 1998).

Australian and New Zealand teens accruing? Around 68 per cent of New Zealand adolescents typically work up to 10 hours per week, 17 per cent work 10–15 hours, 9 per cent work 15–20 hours, and 6 per cent work more than 20 hours per week (O’Neill, 2010).The figures are similar in Australia – 69 per cent of school students work up to 10 hours per week, 22 per cent work 10–15 hours, and 9 per cent work 16 hours or more per week (Parliament of Australia, 2009).Thus, significant numbers of students in Australia and New Zealand are potentially at risk for adverse outcomes due to excessive hours of part-time work. It could be possible, however, that students who work excessive hours are the struggling students who have already decided school is not for them. Jerald Bachman and his colleagues (2003) found that notyet-employed students in the United States who want to work long hours tend to be disenchanted with school, have low marks and be more likely to use alcohol and cigarettes. Once they start working, the disenchantment and problem behaviours are exacerbated (Bachman et al., 2003). Similarly, longitudinal research on adolescents and work confirms that academically struggling students are the ones likely to work more hours (Warren, LePore, & Mare, 2000). Interestingly, recent studies have shown achievement emotions (how students feel about their assessment) to be a strong mediating factor in the relationship between outside work and academic tasks and outcomes (Peterson, 2015). More research is needed, however, to determine the complex nature and direction of causation in regard to perceptions and engagement with school, assessment tasks and outside work (Peterson, Brown & Jun, 2015).

MAKING CONNECTIONS Think of your experiences juggling part-time work and high school studies, or perhaps the experiences of teens you know today (perhaps your own children, or those of relatives or friends). Identify the benefits and challenges.

Pathways to adulthood LINKAGES Chapter 7 Intelligence and creativity

Snapshot

If a high school student does work during the school year, what guidelines would help ensure a healthy blend of work and academics?

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Source: Alamy Stock Photo/Jeff Greenberg

The educational paths and attainments of adolescents are partially set long before they enter adolescence. Because many individuals’ IQ test scores remain stable from childhood on, some children enter adolescence with more aptitude for schoolwork than others do (see Chapter 7). Moreover, some students have more achievement motivation than others. Clearly, a bright and achievementoriented student is more likely to obtain good marks and go on to post-secondary education and is less likely to drop out of school than a student with less ability and less desire to achieve. By early primary school, and sometimes even before they enter school, future dropouts are often identifiable by such warning signs as low IQ and achievement test scores, poor marks, aggressive behaviour, low socioeconomic status and troubled homes (Bierman et al., 2013). Among junior high school students, those who regularly smoke cigarettes, drink alcohol and engage in sexual activity are more likely to drop out of high school than their peers who do not engage in such problem behaviours (Hawkins, Jaccard, & Needle, 2013). Perhaps not surprisingly, students who are victims of bullying also have higher dropout rates (Cornell, Gregory, Huang, & Fan, 2013). But it is often not just a single factor that leads students to drop out of or fail school. Instead, there is often a combination of two or more factors that place students at risk for failure (Lucio, Hunt, & Bornovalova, 2012). The stakes are high. Students who achieve good marks are more likely to complete high school and post-secondary education. These youth, in turn, are likely to have higher career aspirations and to end up in higher-status occupations than their peers who do not attend university or do not even finish high school (McCaul, Donaldson, Coldarci, & Davis, 1992). If their marks are good, they are likely to perform well in those jobs and advance far in their careers (Roth, Bevier, Switzer, & Schippmann, 1996). In a real sense, then, individuals are steered along ‘high success’ or ‘low success’ routes starting in childhood. Depending on their own decisions and family, peer and

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school influences, adolescents are distinctly ‘sorted’ in ways that will affect their adult lifestyles, income levels and adjustment. Meanwhile, high school dropouts not only have less successful careers but also miss out on the beneficial effects that every year of schooling has on intellectual functioning (Ceci & Williams, 1997). In addition, they experience more psychological problems than those who stay in school (Kaplan, Damphousse, & Kaplan, 1994).

IN REVIEW CHECKING UNDERSTANDING

CRITICAL THINKING

1 How might peers contribute to declines in achievement during adolescence?

Develop a program to combat the trend for drops in achievement motivation and marks as students move through upper primary school and into high school, keeping in mind that students from different backgrounds may experience declining performance and motivation for different reasons.

2 What is one advantage and one disadvantage of working while in high school? 3 What are two post-school outcomes associated with higher school achievement?

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8.5 THE ADULT Learning objectives

■■ Outline the aspects of continuity and change in language skill development during adulthood. ■■ Summarise key points relating to adult literacy and its links to educational attainment and employment. ■■ Describe the main models of adult education. ■■ Discuss the theoretical contributions to learning and education in adulthood.

What becomes of achievement motivation during the adult years? What educational options are available to adults, and what are the benefits of lifelong education? Before addressing those questions, we turn our attention to language skills development during adulthood.

Language: Continuity and change Some aspects of language stay the same and some change, for better and for worse. Adults simply hold onto the knowledge of the phonology they gained as children, although elderly adults can have difficulty distinguishing between speech sounds (such as /b/ and /p/) if they have hearing impairments or deficits in the cognitive abilities required to make out what they hear (Thornton & Light, 2006). Adults also retain their knowledge of grammar and syntax. Older adults tend to use less complex sentences than younger adults, however.Also, those with memory difficulties may have trouble understanding sentences that are highly complex syntactically (for example, ‘The children warned about road hazards refused to fix the bicycle of the boy who crashed’); they may not be able to remember the beginning of the sentence by the time they get to the end (Kemtes & Kemper, 1997; Stine, Soederberg, & Morrow, 1996). Meanwhile, knowledge of the semantics of language, of word meanings, often expands during adulthood, at least until people are in their 70s or 80s (Obler, 2005). After all, adults gain experience with the world from year to year, so it is not surprising that their vocabularies continue to grow and that they enrich their understandings of the meanings of words. However, older adults more often have the ‘tip-ofthe-tongue’ experience of not being able to recall the name of an object (or especially a person’s name)

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when they need it (Thornton & Light, 2006). This problem is a matter of not being able to retrieve information stored in memory rather than of no longer knowing the words (see Chapter 6). In order to maintain fluency in the face of these retrieval problems, older adults speak a little more slowly and plan their choice of words further in advance than when they were younger (Spieler & Griffin, 2006). Adults also refine their pragmatic use of language – adjusting it to different social and professional contexts (Obler, 2005). Doctors, for example, must develop a communication style that is effective with their patients. Partners who have been together for years often develop a unique way of communicating with one another that is distinctly different from how they communicate with others. Overall, command of language holds up well in later life unless the individual experiences major declines in cognitive functioning (Stine et al., 1996).

LINKAGES Chapter 6 Sensoryperception, attention and memory

Adult literacy Few adults are completely illiterate, but a sizeable number of adults do not have functional literacy skills despite years of formal education. In Australia and New Zealand just over half of those aged 15–74 years have reading and numeracy skills sufficient to meet the demands of everyday life and work in today’s knowledge economy (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2008a; Satherley, Lawes, & Sok, 2008). More than half of Ma¯ori adults have low literacy skills (Satherley & Lawes, 2009). The literacy levels of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander adults are less clear due to limited data, but studies have shown that 40 per cent of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children have low literacy levels (Masters, 2007). Higher levels of literacy skills are linked with educational attainment and employment. Many adults with the lowest literacy scores live in poverty, whereas few adults with the highest literacy scores do (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2008a; Bowen, 1999). Improving the literacy skills of impoverished adults, however, does not automatically raise them out of poverty. For many low-income and functionally illiterate adults, other obstacles must be overcome, including discrimination and disabilities (Bowen, 1999). ON THE INTERNET Adult literacy tests

Visit these websites to learn more about testing different forms of literacy. https://www.acer.org/cspa/assessments At this website you will find information on Australian tests of literacy and numeracy, with short podcasts outlining the usefulness of such information. http://www.digital literacyassessment.org/index.php Test your basic digital literacy using the interactive tests on this website, including tests of basic computer and internet proficiency. http://www.kent.ac.uk/careers/tests/mathstest.htm Here you will find a numerical reasoning test which allows you to compare your result to previous test takers.

Literacy programs can help adults to improve their range of literacy skills, but several factors need to be considered in developing successful adult literacy programs and attracting adults to these programs. For one thing, of those who rate their literacy skills as excellent, 30 per cent are actually assessed as having limited literacy skills. Such overestimates of literacy ability may be a result of stigma related to illiteracy and may mean some adults are reluctant to seek assistance (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2008a). On the other hand, adult literacy programs may not always meet adult learning needs, especially those associated with the cultural and linguistic background of learners. Sudanese refugees, for example, tend to come from highly oral cultures, often speaking a minimum of two languages but having limited experience with written language. Ursula Burgoyne and Oksana Hull (2007), in a study of Sudanese refugee learners in Australia, found little evidence that literacy teachers were aware of the need to incorporate oral teaching strategies and reduce reliance on written strategies

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Snapshot

Programs to develop adults’ literacy skills can be successful if they are sensitive to the needs of adult learners and their cultural and linguistic background.

in classes with Sudanese adult learners. Further, many learners were overwhelmed at having to learn simultaneously the various reading, writing, speaking, listening and numeracy skills. On the basis of these findings, Burgoyne and Hull recommended a number of improvements to literacy programs to accommodate the needs of adult Sudanese learners, such as linking learning to practical situations such as settlement issues and employment opportunities. Further, research with Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander adult learners and literacy practitioners in Australia and New Zealand has highlighted that teachers need to consult with Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander and Ma¯ori communities and students to ensure literacy program methods and resources are culturally appropriate; are relevant to community and cultural roles, responsibilities and goals; and take into account individual learning needs (Eady, Herrington & Jones, 2010; Kral & Schwab, 2003; McGlusky & Thaker, 2006).

Adult education Increasingly, adults are seeking education beyond basic literacy skills. Adult learning is typically thought of as one of three types: 1 Formal learning: Learning is structured and taught by a formal educational system guided by a recognised curriculum; leads to a recognised qualification, for example, a trade certificate, diploma or university degree. 2 Non-formal learning: Learning is structured and supported by an experienced facilitator but not guided by a formal curriculum; does not result in a qualification yet may earn credits, for example, private lessons, continuing education courses and professional development. 3 Informal learning: Learning that is unstructured and non-institutionalised and arises from activities associated with work, family or leisure, for example, accessing reference material in a library or on the internet. The Statistics snapshot box provides an overview of the participation of Australians and New Zealanders in these different forms of learning.

Statistics snapshot PARTICIPATION IN ADULT EDUCATION In Australia … • In 2016, most (83 per cent) 15–19-year-old Australians were involved in study. This percentage varied across age groups. Participation declined with age, with 45 per cent of 20–24-yearolds studying, versus 16 per cent of 25–34-year-olds, 9.2 per cent of 35–44-year-olds, 5.7 per cent of 45–54-year-olds and just 2.7 per cent of 55–64-year-olds. • In 2016, 43 per cent of Australians participating in formal study were enrolled at a higher education institution, 28 per cent were at

school, 16 per cent were studying at a Technical and Further Education (TAFE) institution and 13 per cent were studying at other education institutions. • In 2016, adult women were marginally more likely than men (42 per cent and 41 per cent respectively) to be be studying a Bachelor degree, and considerably more likely than men to be studying at a Graduate Diploma (4.5 per cent compared to 2.8 per cent) or Advanced Diploma (17 per cent versus 12 per cent) level. Men were more likely than women (22 per cent

versus 16 per cent) to be studying a Certificate III or IV. In New Zealand … • In 2013, almost 15 per cent of New Zealand adults were studying, with 55.1 per cent of these being women and 44.9 per cent being men. • In 2013, participation in study declined with age – approximately two-thirds of students were aged 20–34, versus around 9 per cent aged 50–64 years. • In 2013, the number of adults in New Zealand with a Bachelor degree or higher had risen to 27.1 per cent from only 8.3 per cent in 1991.

Sources: Australian Bureau of Statistics (2016); New Zealand Ministry of Education (2013).

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Adult learners report a variety of reasons for taking part in learning. Work-related reasons (for example, to get a job or gain extra job skills) are the most common for both formal and nonformal learning participation for both younger and older adults, although personal interest and self-development play more of a role in non-formal and informal learning (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2008a). Participating in adult learning is not without its challenges. Mainly, it is often difficult for adults already busy with jobs and family to find the time to take classes. For example, in the Australian Adult Learners Survey, the most common difficulty in accessing adult learning opportunities reported by men was ‘too busy at work’ (44 per cent), and for women the most common difficulty was ‘too busy at home’ (29 per cent). Other difficulties are the costs and timing of courses, which may explain the high levels of part-time enrolment in post-school education in Australia (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2008a). The internal motivations of many adult students, however, often lead to deeper levels of processing information (Harper & Kember, 1986). In other words, returning students may put forth greater effort to truly understand material because they want to learn and want (or need) to use the material. And the benefits of lifelong education typically outweigh the drawbacks. For instance, continued education allows adults to remain knowledgeable and competitive in fields that change rapidly. Adults who return to study for Bachelor or Masters degrees can also advance their careers, particularly if their education and work are closely related (Senter & Senter, 1997). Finally, higher education is associated with maintaining or improving physical and mental health (Fischer, Blazey, & Lipman, 1992).

MAKING CONNECTIONS What are your motivations for participating in post-secondary education now or in the future? What are the challenges and benefits you have experienced or anticipate in continuing your education beyond the school years?

Theoretical contributions to learning and education In this and previous chapters, you have examined a great deal of material on thinking and learning across the life span. How can these principles of cognitive development be used to improve education for all ages? As discussed in Chapter 5, cognitive theorists Piaget and Vygotsky provide useful information on information processing and intelligence that contribute to learning and education. Before closing this chapter, we provide recommendations regarding what these theories suggest about optimal learning environments.

LINKAGES Chapter 5 Cognitive development

Piaget’s cognitive developmental theory Optimal learning environments should: • Provide opportunities for independent, hands-on interaction with the physical environment, especially for younger children. • With the individual’s current level of understanding in mind, create some disequilibrium by presenting new information slightly above their current level. Those who experience disequilibrium – cognitive discomfort with their understanding (or lack of understanding) – will work to resolve it, achieving a higher level of mastery of the material. • Encourage interaction with peers, which will expose individuals to other perspectives and give them an opportunity to re-evaluate and revise their own view.

Vygotsky’s sociocultural theory Optimal learning environments should: • Provide opportunities for individuals to interact with others who have greater mastery of the material – an older peer, an experienced colleague, a teacher or parent. These more advanced thinkers can help ‘pull’ individuals to a level of understanding they would be unable to achieve on their own.

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• Encourage students, especially young ones, to talk to themselves as they work on difficult tasks.

Such private speech can guide behaviour and facilitate thought. • Present challenging tasks, but without the expectation that students complete such tasks successfully without guidance. With support, students can accomplish more difficult tasks than those they would be able to achieve independently.

Research on information processing Optimal learning environments should: • Test all individuals early and regularly for sensory and perceptual problems that might limit their ability to benefit from instruction. • Take into account developmental differences in attention span. Clearly, a young child will not be able to pay attention to a task for as long as a teenager or an adult. • Minimise distractions in the learning environment. Younger students in particular have trouble ‘tuning out’ background noise and focusing on the task at hand. • Provide opportunities for rehearsal and other memory strategies to move information into longterm memory. Some individuals, especially children, do not spontaneously use memory strategies but often can use them when prompted. • Structure assignments so that retrieval cues are consistent with cues present at acquisition to facilitate retrieval of information from long-term memory. • Enable learners to develop a knowledge base and expertise in domains of study. Each new lesson should start by revisiting and building on what students already know. • Target those aspects of a task that pose difficulties for learners, based on assessment of the knowledge and strategies required to complete the task. • Take into account that well-learned and frequently repeated tasks become automatised over time, freeing information-processing capacity for other tasks.

Research on intelligence Optimal learning environments should: • Take into account that individual differences in intelligence have implications for learning. Students at both ends of the continuum may need special educational services or support to optimise their learning. • Recognise that although IQ scores do a reasonably good job of predicting achievement in the classroom, such tests have weaknesses that limit their usefulness, especially in assessing members of Indigenous or minority groups, and do not indicate how students learn.

IN REVIEW CHECKING UNDERSTANDING

CRITICAL THINKING

1 Provide an example of one adult language skill that stays the same, one that improves, and one that declines.

Based on what you have learned in this and previous chapters about memory, thinking, problem solving, language skills, literacy and motivation, how would you teach older adult learners versus high school students?

2 What are some of the features of successful adult literacy programs? 3 What are some of the challenges adults face in participating in post-school education?

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CHAPTER REVIEW SUMMARY 8.1 The language system ■■ To acquire language, children must master phonology (sound), semantics (meaning) and syntax (sentence structure). They must also learn how to use language appropriately (pragmatics) and how to understand prosody.

■■ The complex process of language acquisition appears to occur effortlessly through an interaction of inborn readiness and a conversational language environment.

8.2 The infant ■■ Infants are able to discriminate speech sounds and word segments and understand familiar words, and progress from crying, cooing and babbling to one-word holophrases (from 12 months) and then to telegraphic speech (at 18 months). ■■ From 2–5 years, language abilities improve dramatically, as illustrated by longer and more grammatically complex sentences, overregularisation and the acquisition of transformational grammar rules. ■■ Precursors of achievement motivation can be seen among infants who strive to master their environments. Mastery motivation is fostered by

a responsive environment that provides plenty of opportunities for infants to learn that they can control their environments and experience successes. ■■ Early education can help prepare children for formal schooling, but an overemphasis on academics at the expense of exploration and play may hinder young children’s development. ■■ Children engage in locomotor, object, social and pretend play which is associated with the development of motor, cognitive, language, social and emotional skills. From 2 to 5 years play becomes increasingly social and imaginative, and later becomes more rule governed and hobby based.

8.3 The child ■■ School-age children’s vocabulary expands at a rapid pace, and they refine their language skills to become less egocentric communicators and develop metalinguistic awareness. ■■ To read, children must master the alphabetic principle and develop phonological awareness so that they can grasp letter–sound correspondence rules. Emergent literacy activities, such as listening to storybooks, facilitate later reading. Compared with unskilled readers, skilled readers have better understanding of the alphabetic principle and greater phonological awareness.

■■ During childhood, some children develop higher levels of achievement motivation than others; they tend to have a growth mindset rather than a fixed mindset, and they set learning goals rather than performance goals in the classroom. ■■ Learning and achievement is influenced by the characteristics of learners (such as their achievement motivation style), parental support, teacher and instructional quality, school climate and the goodness of fit between children’s characteristics and the educational environment.

8.4 The adolescent ■■ Achievement tends to drop during adolescence for a variety of reasons, including cognitive growth, family and community characteristics, low achievement motivation, peer pressure and a poor fit between the student and the school. ■■ Working during high school can foster independence from parents, improve skills and employability beyond school and increase chances of full-time work or an apprenticeship after school. But students who work excessive hours during high school are often disengaged from school and do not perform as well academically as those who work just a few hours; and they are more likely to use drugs and alcohol and experience psychological distress.

■■ The achievement paths of adolescents are partially set in childhood as a result of factors such as IQ, achievement motivation, mark history and socioeconomic status. However, the quality of the school and the extent to which parents encourage school achievement and peers value school, as well as teenagers making the most of their abilities, makes a difference to adolescent achievement outcomes. Good marks in high school are associated with increased likelihood of attending post-secondary education, and in turn having a higher-status occupation. >>> CHAPTER REVIEW

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8.5 The adult ■■ Adults retain their knowledge of phonology, grammar and syntax, while knowledge of semantics and pragmatics develops further into old age. Due to memory difficulties, older adults may gradually become less fluent and less able to understand and use complex sentences. ■■ Some adults, despite years of education, do not have adequate levels of literacy. Successful

literacy programs ensure program methods and resources take account of the cultural and linguistic background and learning experiences of adults; and link learning to the practical needs of individual learners. ■■ Adults increasingly are seeking continued educational opportunities for both personal and work-related reasons.

END-OF-CHAPTER ACTIVITIES SELF-TEST Answer these questions to self-test your knowledge of the chapter content. The answers are at the end of the chapter.

1

2

Match each term for the basic components of language with its correct definition. a phonemes

1 Rules specifying how words can be combined to form meaningful sentences in a language

b morphemes

2 Rules specifying how language is to be used in different social contexts

c syntax

3 The aspect of language centring on meanings

d semantics

4 The basic units of meaning that exist in a word

e pragmatics

5 The sound of speech, including intonation, stress, rhythm and timing

f prosody

6 The basic units of sound used in a particular spoken language

a Scans show consistent activity in certain regions of the brain when processing various aspects of language. b Humans share some linguistic skills with primates. c There is a sensitive period for language acquisition. d Young children can learn object labels by overhearing them. 3

if started from a very young age to predict successful outcomes in adulthood.

Which of the following findings points to the role of nurture in language development?

True or false? Improving the literacy skills of impoverished adults generally results in an immediate positive impact of raising them out of poverty.

4 True or false? Extrinsic goals and rewards contribute to high levels of achievement motivation, especially

5

According to the research, which of the following approaches to early childhood education might undermine children’s later academic success and motivation? a A preschool program with a strong academic focus b A preschool program that is play based and incorporates some academic skills building c A program that focuses on educating parents about the types of early learning experiences that benefit children

6

Research suggests the best approach to reading instruction is based on ______________. (Select from phonics or whole-language instruction)

REVIEW QUESTIONS Develop your understanding of the chapter content by preparing short answer or essay responses to the following questions – or you might like to try developing a concept map or thinking map for these questions.

1

Describe the function of each component of the spoken language system.

2

Explain how biology, heredity, environment and learning contribute to the development of language. >>>

422

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>>>

3

7

Explain why levels of academic achievement decline in adolescence.

8

Describe the two motivational mindsets and give examples of the characteristics of individuals who have each of these mindsets.

Analyse the pros and cons of part-time employment during high school.

9

Outline the pros and cons of continuing education for adults.

Outline the ways in which schools can foster academic success for their students.

10 Outline the three primary modes of adult education, and provide examples.

Summarise Parten’s (1932) six categories of play.

4 Discuss the influence and significance of culture in pretend play. 5

6

FOR DISCUSSION Discuss and debate your point of view on the following developmental issues, dilemmas and controversies related to topics in this chapter.

1

In the chapter we discussed programs like Baby Einstein that attempt to accelerate infant development. What’s your view of this practice? Despite the evidence that these programs have little effect, and may even be detrimental to learning and development, these programs still continue to be used. Why do you think this is so?

2

Homework! Regularly assigning homework was cited in this chapter as one of the characteristics of effective

teachers. On the other hand, students’ perception of learning over the summer break being ‘homework’ and parents nagging about homework were identified as undermining motivation for learning. What is your view on homework – should there be more or less of it assigned to students? How can homework be used most effectively to support learning?

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SEARCH ME! PSYCHOLOGY Explore Search me! Psychology for articles relevant to this chapter. Fast and convenient, Search me! Psychology is updated daily and provides you with 24-hour access to full text articles from hundreds of scholarly and popular journals, eBooks and newspapers, including The Australian and The New York Times. Log in to the Search me! Psychology database via http://login.cengagebrain.com and try searching for the following keywords: Search tip: Search me! Psychology contains information from both local and international sources. To get the greatest number of search results, try using both Australian and American spellings in your searches, e.g. ‘globalisation’ and ‘globalization’; ‘organisation’ and ‘organization’.

→ aphasia → mastery motivation → metalinguistic awareness.

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ANSWERS TO THE SELF-TEST 1: (a) 6, (b) 4, (c) 1, (d) 3, (e) 2; (f) 5; 2: (d); 3: False; 4: False; 5: (a); 6: phonics

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9 CHAPTER

SELF, PERSONALITY, GENDER AND SEXUALITY CHAPTER OUTLINE

Basic concepts and theories of self and personality Sex, gender and sexuality

9.2 The infant The emerging self Temperament

9.3 The child

9.5 The adult

The evolving self and personality Acquiring gender roles Childhood sexuality

9.4 The adolescent Forging a sense of self and identity Adhering to gender roles Adolescent sexuality

Ageing and self-esteem Continuity and discontinuity in personality Eriksonian psychosocial personality growth Changes in gender roles and sexuality Vocational identity and development

My place

family interacted with each

Sally Morgan was born in Perth in 1951, the eldest of

other because other people

five children. As a child she struggled academically but

had always said you’re

enjoyed English and Art. Sally also found it difficult

different or what country

when other students asked questions about her dark

did you come from and

skin and family background. Her mother had told her

we just didn’t fit into the

she and her family were from India. However, when

community and I wanted

Sally was 15 she learned she and her sister were of

to know why we didn’t fit’

Aboriginal descent, from the Palku people of the Pilbara.

(Australian Broadcasting

Searching out her family origins and own identity

Corporation, 2004). Since

provoked her first book, My Place, published in 1987.

the publication of My Place,

The award-winning book tells the stories of three

Sally has established an

generations of her family and of Sally’s self-discovery

international reputation as

through reconnection with her Aboriginal culture and

an Aboriginal writer and

community. ‘I wanted to know the truth and I needed

artist and has pursued a

that information to understand myself and the way our

successful academic career.

Source: NEIL ELIOT/Newspix

9.1 Conceptualising the self and personality

Sally Morgan recounted her Aboriginal heritage and her search for identity in her award-winning book.

Express Throughout this chapter, the CourseMate Express logo indicates an opportunity for online self-study, linking you to activities, videos and other online resources.

429 Copyright 2019 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. WCN 02-200-202

430

LIFE SPAN HUMAN DEVELOPMENT

Sally Morgan searched for and wrote about her family origins as part of finding out about who she was. Who are you? What is your life story, and how is it shaped by your characteristics, experiences and culture? In what ways has your sense of self and personality changed and remained the same over the years, and what do you think you will be like 20 years from now? This chapter charts the ways in which perceptions of self and personality change, and remain the same, over the life span. We also focus on how sex, gender and sexuality are highly important aspects of our self-concept and behaviour throughout the life span.

9.1 CONCEPTUALISING THE SELF AND PERSONALITY Learning objectives

personality The organised combination of attributes, motives, values and behaviours unique to each individual. dispositional traits Relatively enduring dimensions or qualities of personality along which people differ. characteristic adaptations Situation-specific and changeable aspects of personality, including motives, goals, plans, schemata, selfconceptions, stagespecific concerns and coping mechanisms. narrative identities Unique and integrative ‘life stories’ that we construct about our pasts and futures to give ourselves an identity and our lives meaning. self-concept Selfperceptions of unique attributes or traits.

LINKAGES Chapter 1 Understanding life span human development

■■ ■■ ■■ ■■

Outline basic concepts and theories related to the self and personality. Summarise key points relating to sex, gender and sexuality. Describe the role of culture in the development of self-conceptions. Discuss personality traits and categorical dimensions.

We begin our inquiry by clarifying some terms used in describing the personality and the self. We then compare theoretical perspectives on the self and personality.

Basic concepts and theories of self and personality Personality is often defined as an organised combination of attributes, motives, values and

behaviours unique to each individual. Most people describe personalities in terms of enduring dispositional traits or attributes, such as extroversion or introversion, independence or

dependence, etc. However, as Dan McAdams and colleagues (McAdams & Olson, 2010; McAdams & Pals, 2006; McAdams & McLean, 2013) note, at least two other aspects of personality deserve attention. Personality also includes characteristic adaptations, which are the more situationspecific and changeable ways in which people adapt to their roles and environments. Adaptations include motives, goals, plans, schemata, self-conceptions, stage-specific concerns and coping mechanisms. We all have narrative identities, or ‘life stories’, that we construct about our pasts and futures to give ourselves identity and meaning. This is influenced by many factors, including race and culture, as well as how we perceive ourselves and judge others as perceiving us. In terms of establishing a sense of racial identity, research has shown that for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander youth, a strong sense of self is the most significant contributor. Furthermore, they perceive their racial identity to be impacted by others’ attitudes and beliefs about them (KickettTucker, 2009). Both biological factors, including the human nature we share with our fellow humans, and cultural and situational influences help shape personality (McAdams & Olson, 2010). This brings us back to reflecting on Sally Morgan’s story covered at the beginning of this chapter, as well as the discussion of nature versus nurture (see Chapter 1). As we shall see shortly, three dimensions of personality are reflected in the theories of personality development that have risen to prominence at various times over the past century. Two other concepts give us a broad vocabulary for talking about the self and the personality. When you describe yourself, you may not be describing your personality so much as revealing your self-concept – your perceptions, positive or negative, of your unique attributes as a person. A closely

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related aspect of self-perception is self-esteem – your overall evaluation of your worth as a person, based on all the positive and negative self-perceptions that make up your self-concept. Self-concept is about ‘what I am’, whereas self-esteem is concerned with ‘how good I am’ (Harter, 2012). We turn our attention now to considering three of the major theoretical views that have contributed to our understandings about how the self and personality develop: the trait, psychoanalytic and social learning perspectives.

Trait perspectives

self-esteem Overall self-evaluation of worth as based on an assessment of the qualities that make up the self-concept.

MAKING CONNECTIONS

As we identified earlier, most people tend to equate personality with dispositional traits. The trait theory approach has most strongly influenced efforts to study personality and is based on the psychometric approach that guided the development of intelligence tests (see Chapter 7). According to trait theorists, personality is a set of measurable dispositional trait dimensions, or continua (plural of continuum), along which people can differ (for example, sociable–unsociable, responsible– irresponsible). One of the ways researchers have identified distinct trait dimensions is by constructing personality scales of personality-descriptive adjectives and using the statistical technique of factor analysis to identify groupings of personality scale items that are correlated with each other but not with other groupings of items. Trait theorists assume that personality traits are relatively enduring over the years.

Conduct your own narrative self-study: Imagine your life as a book. Outline the major scenes, characters and turning points in your life story that have defined who you are, and lay out your fears and dreams for the future.

THE BIG FIVE

LINKAGES

How many personality trait dimensions are there? A consensus emerged during the late twentieth century that human personalities can best be described in terms of a five-factor model – with five major dimensions of personality that have come to be known as the Big Five (McCrae & Costa, 2008). These five personality dimensions are described in Table 9.1. If you take and score the personality scale test in the Engagement box, you will get a rough sense of where you fall on the Big Five trait dimensions.

Chapter 7 Intelligence and creativity

TABLE 9.1  The Big Five personality dimensions Dimension

Basic definition

Key characteristics

Openness to experience

Curiosity and interest in variety vs preference for sameness

Openness to fantasy, aesthetics, feelings, actions, ideas, values

Conscientiousness

Discipline and organisation vs lack of seriousness

Competence, order, dutifulness, drive for achievement, selfdiscipline, deliberation

Extroversion

Sociability and outgoingness vs introversion

Warmth, gregariousness, assertiveness, activity, drive for excitement, positive emotions

Agreeableness

Compliance and cooperativeness vs suspiciousness

Trust, straightforwardness, altruism, compliance, modesty, tender-mindedness

Neuroticism

Emotional instability vs stability

Anxiety, hostility, depression, self-consciousness, impulsiveness, vulnerability

431

Big Five A model of five major dimensions used to characterise people’s personalities: neuroticism, extroversion, openness to experience, agreeableness and conscientiousness.

Note: As a mnemonic device, notice that the first letters of the five dimensions spell OCEAN. Source: Adapted from Costa & McCrae (1992), with permission from University of Nebraska Press.

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Engagement A BRIEF PERSONALITY SCALE Here are several personality traits that may or may not apply to you. Write a number from 1 to 7 next to each statement below to indicate the extent to which you agree or disagree with that statement. You should rate the extent to which the pair of traits applies to you, even if one characteristic applies more strongly than the other. 1 = Disagree strongly 5 = Agree a little 2 = Disagree 6 = Agree moderately moderately 3 = Disagree a little 7 = Agree strongly 4 = Neither agree nor disagree Statements I see myself as:  1 extroverted, enthusiastic

 2 critical, quarrelsome  3 dependable, self-disciplined  4 anxious, easily upset  5 open to new experiences, complex  6 reserved, quiet  7 sympathetic, warm  8 disorganised, careless  9 calm, emotionally stable 10 conventional, uncreative Scoring To score yourself, first reverse the scoring of items marked with R (below) so that a score of 1 becomes 7, 2 becomes 6, 3 becomes 5, 4 stays 4, 5 becomes 3, 6 becomes 2, and 7 becomes 1. Then add the pairs of scores for each of the Big Five personality dimensions as follows:

Extroversion Item 1 + item 6R = Agreeableness Item 2R + item 7 = Conscientiousness Item 3 + item 8R = Low neuroticism Item 4R + item 9 = Openness to Item 5 + item 10R = experience Now divide each value by 2 to obtain your score for each of the Big Five personality dimensions. To help you see roughly where you stand, consider that the average scores for a sample of 1813 individuals tested by Samuel Gosling and colleagues (2003) were 4.44 for extroversion, 5.23 for agreeableness, 5.40 for conscientiousness, 4.83 for low neuroticism (high emotional stability) and 5.38 for openness to experience.

Source: Gosling, Rentfrow, & Swann (2003). Reprinted with permission of Elsevier.

THE HEXACO MODEL HEXACO model A model of six major dimensions used to characterise people’s personalities: honestyhumility, emotionality, extroversion, agreeableness, conscientiousness and openness to experience.

Other studies, however, consistently identify six dimensions of personality – honesty-humility (H), emotionality (E), extroversion (X), agreeableness (A), conscientiousness (C) and openness to experience (O) – otherwise referred to as the HEXACO model (Ashton & Lee, 2007; Ashton, Lee, & de Vries, 2014; see Figure 9.1). There is overlap between the five- and six-factor personality models, with the X, C and O factors of the HEXACO model essentially the same as their Big Five equivalents. Yet, as illustrated in the pattern of correlations in Table 9.2, the HEXACO  E factor (vulnerable, sensitive and anxious versus fearless, tough, independent and unemotional) and A factor (peaceful, gentle, patient and agreeable versus quick-tempered, irritable, stubborn and quarrelsome) are a mix of the Big Five neuroticism and agreeableness dimensions; while the H factor (honest,

TABLE 9.2  Correlations of HEXACO and Big Five personality dimensions HEXACO factors

BIG FIVE FACTORS Neuroticism

Extroversion

Agreeableness

Conscientiousness

Openness

−.08

−.14

.28

.09

−.13

Emotionality

.55

.01

.34

−.06

−.11

Extroversion

−.14

.74

.13

.10

.21

Agreeableness

−.37

−.16

.52

−.09

.03

.02

.03

.01

.70

.20

−.03

.07

.12

−.10

.76

Honesty-humility

Conscientiousness Openness to experience

Note: Absolute values that meet the minimum of greater than .30 are typed in bold. Source: Adapted from Ashton, Lee, & de Vries (2014), with permission from SAGE Publications, Inc. © 2014 by Society for Personality and Social Psychology, Inc.

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sincere, fair and modest versus greedy, conceited, deceitful and pretentious) is not reflected in the Big Five dimensions at all. Proponents of the HEXACO model of personality argue that six factors more fully account for personality variation than five factors, and that the honesty-humility dimension helps to better explain behaviours associated with altruism and the so-called ‘dark triad’ of personality traits: narcissism, psychopathy and Machiavellianism, or tendency toward deceit and manipulation (Gaughan, Miller, & Lynam, 2012; Hilbig, Zettler, Leist, & Heydasch, 2013; Thielmann, Hilbig, & Niedtfeld, 2014). It is important to note that personality dimensions may be conceptualised differently in some cultures, particularly non-Western ones. Research shows that the Big Five and the six HEXACO dimensions do seem to be universal and genetically influenced – they emerge fairly early in life and capture the ways in which people all over the world in diverse languages describe themselves and other people (Ashton et al., 2014; Heine & Buchtel, 2009; Krueger & Johnson, 2008). This is true even though levels of the traits differ from culture to culture (for example, Europeans appear to be more extroverted on average than Asians or Africans), and traits may be expressed differently in different cultures (as when a Chinese extrovert smiles to convey happiness after a successful performance, whereas an Australian or New Zealand extrovert may vocalise loudly and jump into the air).

Psychoanalytic perspectives

FIGURE 9.1  The HEXACO model of personality

H

Honesty-humility Tendencies to be fair and genuine in dealing with others, by cooperating with others even when one has the opportunity to exploit them without suffering consequences.

E

Emotionality Tendencies associated with 'kin altruism,' such as, empathetic concern and emotional attachment toward close others (who tend to be one's kin).

X

eXtraversion Tendencies to become engaged in social endeavours (such as socialising, leading or entertaining).

A

Agreeableness Tendencies to be forgiving, tolerant, and cooperative with others, even when one might suffer exploitation by them.

C

Conscientiousness Tendencies to become engaged in task-related endeavours (such as working, planning and organising).

O

Openness to Experience Tendencies to become engaged in idea-related endeavours {such as learning, imagining and thinking).

Although dispositional trait approaches tended to dominate Source: Used with permission from Culture Capital, http://www. culturecapitalgroup.com/ study of personality from the last part of the twentieth century, the earlier psychoanalytic approach has offered important insights into environmental influences on the development of personality. As you will recall from Chapter 2, Sigmund Freud believed that children LINKAGES progressed through universal stages of psychosexual development, ending with the genital stage of Chapter 2 adolescence. Freud did not see psychosexual growth continuing during adulthood – indeed, he Theories of human development believed that the personality was formed during the first 5 years of life and showed considerable continuity thereafter. Anxieties arising from harsh parenting, overindulgence or other unfavourable early experiences, he said, would leave a permanent mark on the personality and reveal themselves in adult personality traits. The psychosocial theory of personality development formulated by Erik Erikson, also introduced in Chapter 2, proposed that people undergo consistent personality changes at similar ages as a result of maturational forces and of confronting the challenges associated with eight universal psychosocial stages or conflicts (see Table 2.1). For development to proceed optimally, a healthy balance between the terms of each conflict must be struck; if this happens, the individual gains a particular ‘virtue’, or ego strength (hope, will, purpose, competence, fidelity, love, care or wisdom). According to Erikson, later stage conflicts may prove difficult to resolve if earlier stage conflicts were not resolved successfully. Unlike Freud, Erikson thought that stage-like changes in personality – and exciting possibilities for

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identity A selfdefinition or coherent sense of who one is, where one is going and how one fits into society.

personal growth – continue during adolescence and adulthood. Erikson’s work has been particularly influential in understanding the significance of the adolescent stage for exploring questions about identity – the overall sense of who one is, where they are heading and how they fit into society. Our sense of identity and how we come to develop this may be reflected in our unique life stories: the narrative identities we referred to earlier.The significant milestones of adolescent identity development and adult Eriksonian personality growth will be discussed in detail later in this chapter.

Social learning perspectives Theorists such as Albert Bandura (see Chapter 2) reject the psychoanalytic notion of universal stages of personality development and also question the existence of enduring personality traits over the life span. Instead, Bandura, and other theorists operating from social learning perspectives, emphasise characteristic adaptations and argue that people change if their environments change. An aggressive boy can become warm and caring if his caring rather than aggressive behaviour is reinforced. Similarly, he could learn to be non-aggressive in school even though he is aggressive at home. Walter Mischel and Yuichi Shoda (2008) argue that if there is consistency in personality it is often a matter of people behaving consistently in the same situation across occasions. Thus, if Rick the farmer continues to run the same farm in the same small town for a lifetime, he might stay the ‘same old Rick’. Most of us experience new social environments as we grow older. Just as we behave differently when we are in a library than when we are in a bar, we become ‘different people’ as we take on new roles, develop new relationships or move to new locations. An example: firstborns are often thought to be bossy, and they may well be when they tend younger siblings, but this trait does not necessarily carry over into situations in which they interact with peers who are similar in age and competence and cannot be pushed around as easily as younger brothers and sisters (Harris, 2000, 2006). Different situation, different personality. From the social learning perspective, personality boils down to a set of behavioural tendencies shaped by interactions with other people in specific social situations – we must, according to this view, look at people in context to understand personality (and see the chapter Diversity box). It is important to note that some researchers have suggested that for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples, historical inheritances and collaborative cultural norms can carry across contexts to contribute to spatially anchored behaviours (Evans & Sinclair, 2016).

Diversity CULTURE AND SELF-CONCEPTIONS Self-conceptions show the imprint not only of age and individual experiences but also of culture. Consider the findings about the differences in selfconceptions between individualistic cultures and collectivist cultures. In an individualistic culture, individuals define themselves primarily as individuals and put their own goals ahead of their social group’s goals, whereas in a collectivist culture, people define themselves in terms of group memberships and give group goals

higher priority than personal goals (van Hoorn, 2015). Australian, New Zealand, North American and Western European societies typically have an individualistic orientation, whereas many societies in Latin America, Africa and East Asia are primarily collectivist. Hazel Markus and her colleagues have carefully studied the meanings of self in the United States (an individualistic culture) and Japan (a collectivist culture) (Cross, 2000; Markus, 2004; and see Heine & Buchtel,

2009). They have found that being a person in the United States means being your own person – independent and different from other people – whereas being a person in Japan means being inter dependent with others, embedded in society. Thus, when asked to describe themselves, American adults talk about their unique personal qualities, but Japanese adults more often refer to their social roles and identities and mention other people (for example, ‘I try to make my parents >>>

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happy’). Interestingly, the Japanese language has no word to refer to ‘I’ apart from within a social context (Cross, 2000). In addition, Americans describe their generalisable personality traits – traits they believe they display over time in most situations and relationships. By contrast, Japanese adults describe their behaviour in specific contexts such as home, school or work and often describe themselves differently depending on the social situation or context they are talking about. In short, Americans think like trait theorists and feel they have an inner self that is consistent across situations and over time, whereas Japanese people seem to adopt a social cognitive theory perspective on personality and see situational influences on behaviour as powerful (Heine & Buchtel, 2009; Tafarodi, Lo, Yamaguchi, Lee, & Katsura, 2004). Finally, Americans seem obsessed with maintaining high self-esteem; most believe that they are above average in most respects. Japanese and other East Asian adults are more modest and self-critical. They readily note their inadequacies, seem reluctant to call attention to ways in which they are better than other members of their group and do not seem as concerned with protecting and bolstering their self-esteem (Heine & Buchtel, 2009; also see Table 9.3 for a summary of these differences). Interestingly, cultural differences in self-descriptions can be detected as

TABLE 9.3  Views of the self in individualistic and collectivist cultures Individualistic (e.g. Australia, New Zealand, United States)

Collectivist (e.g. Japan, Singapore, Indonesia)

Separate

Connected

Independent

Interdependent

Trait-like (personal qualities transcend specific situations and relationships)

Flexible (different in different social contexts)

Need for self-esteem results in seeing self as above average

Self-critical, aware of inadequacies

Emphasis on uniqueness

Emphasis on group memberships and similarities to others

Source: Adapted from Markus Mullally, P, & Kitayama (1997). Reprinted with permission from Cambridge University Press, 1997.

early as age 3 or 4 by asking children to talk about themselves and their experiences (Wang, 2004, 2006). American children talk about their roles, preferences, characteristics and feelings, whereas Chinese children describe themselves in terms of social roles and social routines such as family dinners. They are a good deal more modest, too, saying things like ‘I sometimes forget my manners.’ Parents probably contribute to these cultural differences through everyday conversations with their children; for example, American mothers tell stories in which their children are the stars, whereas Chinese mothers talk about the experiences of the family as a group (Wang, 2004). Perhaps as a result, as American children enter adolescence, they put less emphasis on their relationships with their parents in their self-definitions,

whereas Chinese students continue to keep their parents in a prominent role, as indicated by their responses to items like, ‘My relationships with my parents are an important part of who I am’ (Pomerantz, Qin, Wang, & Chen, 2009). Cross-cultural studies of individualistic and collectivist cultures challenge the Western assumption that a person cannot develop normally without individuating him- or herself from others and coming to know his or her identity as an individual. In much of the world, it’s about ‘self-in-relationto-others’, not about individuals with their own unique identities (Shweder et al., 2006). It is wise to bear in mind, then, that self-conceptions are in part culturally defined.

Throughout this chapter we will revisit key ideas about the self and personality that emerge from these theoretical perspectives and from the conceptualisation of personality as dispositional traits, characteristic adaptations and narrative identities. But first we turn our attention to introducing other critical dimensions of the self: sex, gender and sexuality.

Sex, gender and sexuality Are you male or female? A man or a woman? These questions may seem straightforward to many who have grown up taking conventional sex and gender roles for granted and living comfortably within biologically assigned gender categories.Yet concepts of sex and gender may be more complex than the simple male–female, man–woman dichotomies.

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biological sex An individual’s biological status, typically characterised as male, female or intersex; indicated by characteristics such as sex chromosomes, hormones, external genitalia and internal reproductive organs. intersex Describes individuals who are born with both male and female biological characteristics or who cannot be distinctly identified as male or female at birth. gender A social construct describing all the social and emotional qualities that a society usually associates with masculinity and femininity.

Sex and gender When we refer to sex we typically mean biological sex, which is an individual’s biological status as indicated by characteristics such as sex chromosomes, hormones, external genitalia and internal reproductive organs. In addition to the categories of male and female, a third category – intersex (the result of what is known as disorders of sex development) – acknowledges the 1–2 per cent of individuals who are born with both male and female biological characteristics, or who cannot be distinctly identified as male or female at birth. While sex is biological, gender is socially constructed and refers to all the social and emotional attributes associated with masculinity and femininity. In Western societies, gender has been typically classified into two distinct categories, man–woman, boy–girl; but in other societies gender is a continuum. There are three genders in Samoan culture: male, female and fa’afafine – biological males who display female-typical behaviour or ‘spirit’ (VanderLaan, Petterson, Mallard, & Vasey, 2014). In India, the term hijras is used to describe third-gender individuals, often with biologically male or ambiguous genitalia, who dress in ways that appear feminine but do not view themselves as either male or female (Bonvillain, 2012). In Sulawesi, Indonesia, five gender categories are recognised to capture the diversity of gender. As shown in the Statistics snapshot box, there are some individuals in Australia who choose not to identify as purely male or female. Interestingly, in New Zealand, Census questionnaires to date have not provided individuals with any option to select a gender other than singularly male or female.

Statistics snapshot GENDER IDENTIFICATION In Australia … • Prior to the 2016 Census, individuals were only given the option of selecting male or female as their gender. • In 2016, in the most recent Census, 23 401 892 surveyed Australians identified with a singular gender, of which approximately 49 per cent identified as male and 51 per cent as female. • In 2016, 1300 surveyed Australians (5 per 100 000) intentionally identified as a gender ‘other’ than male or female.

• In 2016, 2400 surveyed Australians (10 per 100 000) intentionally identified as both male and female. • In 2016, a Government pilot study of 29 900 Australians revealed individuals were 10 times more likely to identify with a gender ‘other’ than male or female if more meaningful descriptions were included in the text. In New Zealand …

gender identity options – male or female. • In 2013, in the most recent Census, approximately 49 per cent of surveyed individuals identified as male, and approximately 51 per cent identified as female. • In the 2018 Census there may be a review of the gender classification system to potentially also include ‘gender diverse’ as an option, with descriptive information provided.

• In 2013, in the most recent Census, surveyed individuals were given two Sources: Australian Bureau of Statistics (2016); Statistics New Zealand (2013)

gender-role norm The set of behaviours, activities and responsibilities expected of different genders in a particular society

Virtually all societies and cultures assign a set of behaviours, activities and responsibilities to different genders – this is referred to as gender-role norm. For example, in Western society, traditional gender roles typically involve women taking care of children and the household, whereas men provide resources to support the family. And in Samoa, women and fa’afafine may both take on the roles of women, performing household duties and child care, while the men tend to take primary decision-making responsibility (VanderLaan et al., 2014). Infancy and childhood are important periods in the understanding and acquisition of gender roles, as we will see later in the

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chapter, and are intertwined with gender identity – a personal sense of one’s own gender. Many individuals identify with a gender that matches their assigned birth gender (male–man, female– woman). Others experience an incongruence between their expressed and assigned gender, known as gender dysphoria. For example, a transgender child or adult may identify as a girl despite having male genitalia and being referred to by those around him as a boy (see Dvorak, 2012). What influences these different trajectories of gender identity? Studies of transgender individuals and the gender identities of people with intersex conditions highlight that there is a complex interplay of biological, psychological and social factors at work in gender identity development (de Vries, Kreukels, Steensma, & McGuire, 2014). Twin studies indicate there is a genetic basis for gender identity. In one study, around 40 per cent of identical twins were found to be concordant (alike) for gender dysphoria, whereas all of the nonidentical twins in the study were dissimilar (Heylens et al., 2012).That 60 per cent of identical twin pairs were not alike indicates a role for environmental factors in gender identity development. Hormone exposure seems to be a prenatal environmental factor in gender identity development. MRI and postmortem brain studies of transgender adults have found masculinised brain structures for female-tomale transsexuals and feminised brain structures for male-to-female transsexuals that are indicative of the effects of prenatal hormone exposure in biological males and females (Zubiaurre-Elorza et al., 2013). Studies of androgenised females – genetic females exposed prenatally to androgens (male hormones) and who develop male genitalia – have shown that those raised as girls display masculine behaviours and fewer feminine interests, have a weaker female identification and experience gender dysphoria more often than girls and women without the condition (Dessens, 2005; and see the Application box). Taken together, the findings suggest that gender identity is best understood from a biopsychosocial perspective (de Vries et al., 2014).

Sexuality There are many definitions of sexuality, but broadly it refers to the quality of being sexual and includes an individual’s capacities for sexual feelings, thoughts and behaviours. Part of our sexuality is our sexual orientation – that is, a person’s romantic and sexual preferences, behaviour and identity. Like gender, sexual orientation exists on a continuum, with many experts now recognising five types of sexual identity: heterosexual, mostly heterosexual, mostly homosexual, homosexual or bisexual (Vrangalova & Savin-Williams, 2012). A recent study in New Zealand investigating the prevalence of sexual orientation self-labels found six categories to be meaningful, including heterosexual, homosexual, bisexual, bicurious, pansexual/open and asexual (Greaves et al., 2016). It may be helpful to conceptualise sexuality as existing on a continuum.

gender identity A personal sense of one’s own gender. gender dysphoria The experience of incongruence between an individual’s self-expressed and assigned genders. transgender Describes individuals whose gender identity does not match their assigned birth gender.

Search me! and Discover transgender youth describing the challenges they experience and how they cope and remain resilient: Singh, A. A., Meng, S. E., & Hansen, A. W. (2014). ‘I am my own gender’: Resilience strategies of trans youth. Journal of Counseling & Development, 92, 208–18.

sexuality The quality of being sexual, including an individual’s capacities for sexual feelings, thoughts and behaviours. sexual orientation A person’s romantic and sexual preferences, behaviour and identity, often characterised as heterosexual, mostly heterosexual, mostly homosexual, homosexual or bisexual.

Application TREATING DISORDERS OF SEX DEVELOPMENT When biological sex and social labelling conflict, which wins out? Consider the tragic case of David Reimer, a twin born in 1965 and named Bruce at birth, whose penis was damaged beyond repair during a failed circumcision. On the advice of experts, the parents agreed to female sexual reassignment

surgery when Bruce was 21 months old (within what was then referred to as the sensitive period for establishing gender identity). From then on, Bruce, now named Brenda, was treated like a girl. By age 5, the intervention was reported as successful, noting that Brenda clearly knew she was a girl and had developed

strong feminine traits and preferences for female toys, activities and apparel (Colapinto, 2000). Follow-up with Brenda years later found that the story had a very different and ultimately disastrous ending (see Colapinto, 1997, 2000, 2004; Diamond & Sigmundson, 1997). Brenda stated >>>

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LIFE SPAN HUMAN DEVELOPMENT

she was never comfortable with doll play and other traditionally feminine pursuits; she preferred to dress up in men’s clothing and engage with toys and play styles that were more typically masculine. Somewhere around age 10, she had the distinct feeling that she was not a girl: ‘I began to see how different I felt and was … I thought I was a freak or something … but I didn’t want to admit it. I figured I didn’t want to wind up opening a can of worms’ (Colapinto, 2000, pp. 299–300). Finally, in her early teens and after years of ostracism, inner turmoil and suicidal thinking, Brenda’s parents told her what had happened. Brenda was relieved: ‘Suddenly it all made sense why I felt the way I did. I wasn’t some sort of weirdo’ (Colapinto, 1997, p. 92). At 14, Brenda decided to become a boy – she received male hormones, a double mastectomy and surgery to construct a penis and emerged as a young man who eventually married at age 25. However, David, as he was now called, and his family struggled for years with the aftermath of the attempt to change his sex. His twin brother died of a drug overdose at age 36, and two years later David committed suicide. Studies of individuals with intersex and other conditions who are surgically

assigned a gender early in life show they, too, are at risk of experiencing gender dysphoria. In one study of intersex adults, 25 per cent reported dissatisfaction with their surgical gender allocation as a child, and 9 per cent had undergone gender change or reallocation when older (Schweizer, Brunner, Handford, & Richter-Appelt, 2014). Other issues can also arise with sex assignment surgeries. Birgit Köhler and colleagues (2011) evaluated the adult outcomes of early surgical treatment for androgenised females and males and found that in addition to the almost half who expressed dissatisfaction with the surgical result, around 40 per cent also reported sexual anxieties and dissatisfaction with sexual arousal and sex life. Thus, assigning a gender to infants with disorders of sex development via surgery and later socialisation does not always lead to positive gender identity development and wellbeing for those individuals, or their families, as David’s case in particular illustrates. Many in the field today advise caution when it comes to infant sex assignment surgery and recommend a multidisciplinary team approach to diagnosis and treatment decisions and family support, with surgery often

Source: Reuters Images/Str Old

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David Reimer, shown here as an adult man after spending his childhood as a girl

only one of several treatment options (Hiort et al., 2014). Others, however, argue there is no evidentiary basis at all for continuing the practice of early sex assignment surgery and that it contravenes the rights of the child – they recommend delaying medically unnecessary genital surgeries until the individual is old enough to make the decision for themselves (Diamond & Garland, 2014).

SEXUAL ORIENTATION For the most part, sexual orientation is stable across the life span, at least for those individuals who identify themselves as 100 per cent heterosexual or homosexual (Mock & Eibach, 2012; SavinWilliams, Joyner, & Rieger, 2012). For individuals who identify as bisexual, there is less stability over time, with only 1 in 4 remaining in this category. Research shows that many gay men and lesbian women expressed strong cross-sex interests when they were young, despite being subjected to pressures to adopt a traditional gender role (Bailey, Dunne, & Martin, 2000; Golombok, Rust, Zervoulis, Golding, & Hines, 2012). For example, as Figure 9.2 shows, Richard Lippa (2008) found that homosexual adults – both male and female – were significantly more likely than heterosexual adults to recall childhood gender non-conformity, or not adhering to typical ‘expected’ gender-role norms. Although it might be tempting to infer sexual orientation from early childhood behaviours, all we really know is that some gay and lesbian adults knew from an early age that traditional genderrole expectations did not suit them, but others did not.

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CHAPTER 9: SELF, PERSONALITY, GENDER AND SEXUALITY

FAMILY AND GENETIC STUDIES

FIGURE 9.2  Childhood gender non-conformity as a function

Childhood gender non-conformity

of gender and sexual orientation What influences our sexual orientation? Numerous family, twin and adoption studies (see Chapter 3) have 5.00 established a genetic basis to sexual orientation. Family Sexual orientation studies have shown that homosexuality seems to run Heterosexual Homosexual in families, with homosexual men and women having 4.00 more homosexual siblings than heterosexual men and women (Dawood, Bailey, & Martin, 2009). Twin and adoptive family studies have attempted to clarify the 3.00 extent to which genetic and environmental factors influence sexual orientation. Table 9.4 summarises 2.00 results from two of the largest population-based twin studies of sexual orientation to date, which studied male and female twin pairs on the Australian 1.00 Twin Registry (Bailey et al., 2000) and the Swedish Twin Registry (Långström, Rahman, Carlström, 0 & Lichtenstein, 2010). Notice in Table  9.4 that Men Women although more identical than non-identical twins are Gender concordant (alike) for sexual orientation, the majority Bars represent 95% confidence intervals of identical twins are not concordant (dissimilar) for Source: Lippa (2008, p. 690). Reprinted with permission of Springer. © 2008. sexual orientation. Based on data from Australian and Swedish twin studies, it is estimated that 35–45 per cent of sexual orientation is related to genetics. LINKAGES This means that environment contributes at least as much as genes to the development of sexual Chapter 3 Genes, orientation. environment and What environmental factors help determine whether a genetic predisposition toward the beginnings of life homosexuality is actualised? Growing up with a domineering mother and permissive father, or homosexual parent, seems to have little effect on later sexual orientation (LeVay, 2010; Patterson, 2010). As with gender-identity development, it appears that hormonal influences during the prenatal period influence sexual orientation too. Androgenised females are more likely than other women to adopt a lesbian or bisexual orientation, suggesting that high prenatal doses of male hormones may predispose some females to homosexuality (Hines, 2011). According to one theory, later-born males Express with older brothers may be more prone to a homosexual orientation because their mother produces anti-male antibodies that accumulate over the course of each pregnancy with a male (see Blanchard For additional insight & Lippa, 2007), but this does not explain why some firstborn males or males without older brothers on the data presented in Table 9.4 try out develop a homosexual orientation (see Gooren, 2006). What we can say is that, as with gender- the Understanding identity development, factors in the prenatal or postnatal environment seem to contribute, along the data exercise on CourseMate Express. with genes, to sexual orientation. TABLE 9.4 Percentage of twins who are concordant (alike) for same-sex sexual orientation IDENTICAL TWIN PAIRS

FRATERNAL TWIN PAIRS

Australia

Sweden

Australia

Sweden

Both male twins are gay or bisexual if one is

20%

18%

 0%

11%

Both female twins are lesbian or bisexual if one is

24%

22%

10.5%

17%

Sources: Data from Bailey, Dunne, & Martin (2000); Långström, Rahman, Carlström, & Lichtenstein (2010).

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IN REVIEW CHECKING UNDERSTANDING 1 Why do social learning theorists think trait and psychoanalytic theorists are wrong about personality? 2 Explain the concepts of sex, gender and sexuality. 3 What factors are likely to contribute to one’s sexual orientation?

CRITICAL THINKING Think about two people you know well and brainstorm for each of them a list of dispositional traits that you

believe capture their personalities well. Now look at the Big Five dimensions in Table 9.1 and the HEXACO model dimensions – do the characteristics you identified seem to cluster together and match the Big Five or the six HEXACO trait dimensions and key characteristics? Based on this analysis, do you agree that the Big Five or HEXACO dimensions capture the main ways in which humans differ – or is something missing from one or both of these models? Express

Get the answers to the Checking understanding questions on CourseMate Express.

9.2 THE INFANT Learning objectives

■■ ■■ ■■ ■■

Outline key concepts and theories related to the emerging self and temperament in infancy. Summarise the emergence of the existential, categorical and sexual self in infancy. Describe the dimensions of temperament and their connections to personality. Discuss the role of culture in the development of self-recognition in infants.

When do infants display an awareness of themselves as distinct individuals, yet also members of social categories such as gender? Are infants sexual beings? We will explore these issues and then look at infants’ unique ‘personalities’ or ‘temperament’.

The emerging self Self-awareness and self-representation existential self The realisation of the self as differentiated from others and the world.

LINKAGES Chapter 8 Language, literacy and learning

Infants may be born without a sense of self, but through their perceptions of themselves and interactions with caregivers they quickly develop an implicit, if not conscious, sense of the existential self – the realisation of the self as differentiated from others and the world (Rochat, 2010;Thompson, 2006;Trevarthen, 2011).The capacity to differentiate the self from the world becomes more apparent by 2 or 3 months of age as infants display a sense they can cause things to happen in the world. Two-month-old infants whose arms are connected by strings to audiovisual equipment delight in producing the sight of a smiling infant’s face and the theme from Sesame Street by pulling the strings (Lewis, Alessandri, & Sullivan, 1990).When the strings are disconnected, no longer producing such effects, they pull harder and become frustrated. Over the first 6 months of life, then, infants discover properties of their physical selves, distinguish between the self and the rest of the world and appreciate that they can act upon other people and objects. In the second half of their first year, infants realise that they and their companions are separate beings with different perspectives that can be shared (Thompson, 2006). This is illustrated by the phenomenon of joint attention, in which infants about 9 months or older and their caregivers share perceptual experiences by looking at the same object at the same time (Mundy & Acra, 2006; see also Chapter 8). When an infant points at an object and looks toward his or her companions in an effort to focus their attention on the object, he or she shows awareness that self and others do not always share the same perceptions.

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BEYOND THE FIRST YEAR Around 18 months, infants recognise themselves visually as distinct individuals and begin to display self-representation. At this age, toddlers can tell themselves apart from toddlers of the opposite gender or from older individuals. Then, as they approach age 2, toddlers become able to distinguish between photos of themselves and of other infants of the same gender. Some, too, are already using the personal pronouns I, me, my and mine (or their names) when referring to the self and you when addressing a companion (Lewis & Ramsey, 2004). Michael Lewis and Jeanne Brooks-Gunn (1979) adopted a classic technique, which had first been used with chimpanzees, to study young infant self-recognition – the ability to recognise oneself in a mirror or photograph. A parent secretly smears a spot of lipstick on an infant’s nose and places the infant in front of a mirror. If the infant has some mental image of their own face and recognises the mirror image as him- or herself, they should notice the red spot and reach for or wipe their own nose, or turn to a companion and point to their own nose, rather than pointing at the mirror image or looking behind the mirror for the new playmate. When 9–24-month-old infants are given this mirror test, the youngest show no selfrecognition. Some 15-month-olds recognise themselves, but only among 18- to 24-month-olds do most infants show clear evidence of self-recognition (see Bard, Todd, Bernier, Love, & Leavens, 2006). Infants and toddlers also begin to form a categorical self; they classify themselves into social categories based on gender, age and other characteristics, figuring out what is ‘like me’ and ‘not like me’. By 18 months, most toddlers have an emerging understanding that they are like either males or females, even if they cannot verbalise it (Martin, Ruble, & Szkrybalo, 2002). Almost all children give verbal proof that they have acquired a basic sense of their gender identity by age 2½ to 3; for example, they may make statements like ‘Katie big girl’ (Halim & Ruble, 2010; Zosuls, Ruble, Bornstein, & Greulich, 2009). As they acquire their gender identities, boys and girls also begin to behave differently from each other. At an early age, boys often prefer trucks and cars whereas girls would rather play with dolls and soft toys (Berenbaum, Martin, Hanish, Briggs, & Fabes, 2008). As they approach age 2, infants are already beginning to behave in ways considered by society to be gender congruent.

self-recognition The ability to recognise oneself in a mirror or photograph, which occurs in most infants by 18 to 24 months of age.

categorical self A person’s classification of the self along socially significant dimensions such as gender and age.

CONTRIBUTING FACTORS What contributes to self-awareness and self-representation in infancy and toddlerhood? First, the ability to recognise and represent the self depends on cognitive development. MRI studies indicate that brain maturation in the temporoparietal region is related to the emergence of selfrepresentation in infancy (Lewis & Carmody, 2008). Further, intellectually delayed children are slow to recognise themselves in a mirror but can do so once they have attained a mental age of at least 18 months (Hill & Tomlin, 1981). But cognitive ability alone seems to be insufficient for developing self-awareness. Carmody and Lewis (2012) found that intellectually capable children with autism spectrum disorder (ASD) may still display deficits in self-representation; children with ASD who perform better are intellectually capable plus have better social skills. Other findings too indicate that self-awareness and self-representation depend on social interaction. A recent New Zealand study found that toddlers with more than two siblings showed greater self-awareness and social understanding, as the siblings provided a rich source through which to learn (Taumoepeau & Reese, 2014). Toddlers with secure attachments to their parents are better able to recognise themselves in a mirror and know more about their names and genders than do less securely attached toddlers (Pipp, Easterbrooks, & Harmon, 1992). Parent–child conversations, too, that focus on past experiences and associated emotions help young children pull together what they know of themselves into

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Source: Getty Images/Angela Georges

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Snapshot

Does this baby know that there is a red spot on his nose? Probably not if he or she is younger than 18 months, which is about when self-recognition is mastered by most toddlers.

a consistent self-concept (Bird & Reese, 2006). Through actions and words, parents and other companions also communicate social categories to infants, such as ‘girl’ or ‘boy’, from early in life. When the baby is still in the hospital delivery room or nursery, parents tend to use masculine terms when talking to or about their infant son (such as ‘big guy’ or ‘tiger’) and to comment on the strength of his cries, kicks and grasps. Girl infants are more likely to be labelled ‘sugar’ or ‘sweetie’ and to be described as soft, cuddly and adorable (see Eliot, 2009). Finally, the extent to which there is a cultural emphasis on individuality and autonomy may make a difference as to when the signs of selfawareness and self-representation become evident. For example, for some cultures, the process of recognising oneself as a distinct and separate individual may occur earlier. It is interesting to note that studies have shown differences in parenting and child-rearing practices during the first year of life among Aboriginal versus non-Indigenous Australians, with Aboriginal parents perceiving and encouraging an even greater sense of autonomy in their infants (Kruske, Belton,Wardaguga, & Narjic, 2012). The chapter Exploration box further addresses cultural variation in these milestones. To sum up, from early in life we forge new self-concepts as cognitive competence increases and from the information and feedback we receive from others (Harter, 2012). By 18–24 months, most infants have an awareness of who they are – as a physical self with a unique appearance, and a categorical self belonging to specific gender and age categories.

Exploration SELF-RECOGNITION AROUND THE WORLD Does mirror self-recognition develop universally at 18 months of age, or is there cultural variation in this milestone? Joscha Kärtner and colleagues (2012) expected that self-awareness might develop more rapidly in individualistic cultures than in collectivist cultures. Recall from earlier in the chapter that in an individualistic culture, individuals define themselves primarily as individuals and put their own goals ahead of their social group’s goals, whereas in a collectivist culture, people define themselves in terms of group memberships and give group goals higher priority than personal goals (van Hoorn, 2015). The researchers compared the development of mirror self-recognition in two individualistic, or autonomous, cultures (urban Germany and urban India) and two collectivist, or relational, cultures (rural India and the Nso culture in rural Cameroon, Africa). Sure enough, almost all toddlers in the individualistic/urban cultures recognised themselves in a mirror by 18 or 19 months (for example, touched the lipstick mark that had been placed

on their face) whereas only a minority of those in the collectivist/rural cultures did. How can we explain these cultural differences? In case you are wondering, it was not just that rural children had no experience with mirrors. Rural toddlers did have less access to mirrors than urban children, but their performance did not quickly improve over six weekly assessments as would be expected if they just had to get more familiar with mirrors to succeed. Although differences in cognitive development were not ruled out as a reason for the cultural differences, the researchers attributed the findings to the differences in mothers’ socialisation goals. Mothers in the individualistic cultures emphasised goals such as getting their children to express their preferences and develop their own interests; mothers in the collectivist cultures focused on goals such as sharing and obeying elders. In earlier work (Keller, Kärtner, Borke, Yovsi, & Kleis, 2005), these researchers had found that urban German mothers

engaged in more face-to-face interaction and were more responsive to their 3-month-old babies’ actions than rural Nso mothers. Moreover, this maternal responsiveness to the infant as an individual was correlated with later self-recognition. These findings reinforce the broader theme that babies get to know themselves through their social interactions. Kärtner et al. (2012) concluded that the mirror self-recognition task is culturally valid because, in all four cultural groups studied, accomplishing the task was associated with more use by toddlers of their own names and personal pronouns (‘Me do it! Mine!’). However, Tanya Broesch and her colleagues (2011), after testing children in several different cultures, are not so sure. In Kenya, for example, only 2 of 82 children ranging in age from 18 to 72 months touched the mark that had been put on their face during the mirror self-recognition task; instead, they froze and stared at the mirror. The researchers were convinced that they knew who they were but >>>

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>>>

simply did not know how to react in this situation or perhaps did not think they had permission to remove the mark. If so, this would render the test

invalid in this cultural context. So, can cultural differences in the results of this test of self-recognition be traced to differences in socialisation goals in

individualistic and collectivist cultures or to differences in the relative validity of this test between cultures? That is a question in need of further research.

The beginnings of a sexual self Sigmund Freud (see Chapter 2) made the seemingly outrageous claim that humans are sexual beings from birth onward. We are born, he said, with a reserve of sexual energy that is redirected toward different parts of the body as we develop. Freud may have been wrong about some things, but he was right that infants are sexual beings. Babies are biologically equipped at birth with male or female chromosomes, hormones and genitals. Both male babies and female babies have been observed to touch and manipulate their genital areas, and to experience physical arousal (Hyde & DeLamater, 2014). What should you make of these infant behaviours? Infants feel body sensations, but they are hardly aware that their behaviour is ‘sexual’ (Crooks & Baur, 2014). Infants are sexual beings primarily in the sense that their genitals are sensitive and their nervous systems allow sexual responses.They are as curious about their bodies as they are about the rest of the world. They enjoy touching all parts of their body, especially those that produce pleasurable sensations, and are likely to continue touching themselves unless reprimands from adults discourage this behaviour, at least in public (Thigpen, 2009). From these early experiences, children begin to learn what human sexuality is about and how members of society regard it.

LINKAGES Chapter 2 Theories of human development

Temperament Although it takes infants some time to become aware of themselves as individuals, they have distinctive personalities from the first weeks of life. The study of infant personality has centred on dimensions of temperament – early, genetically-based tendencies to respond in predictable ways to events, which serve as the building blocks of personality (see Rothbart, 2011; Shiner et al., 2012). Learning theorists, as noted in Chapter 2, have tended to view babies as ‘blank slates’ who can be shaped in any number of directions by their experiences. However, it is now clear that babies are not blank slates and differ from the start in basic response tendencies. Temperament has been defined and measured in several ways, each of which gives us insights into infant personality (Zentner & Shiner, 2012).

Easy, difficult and slow-to-warm-up temperaments One of the first attempts to characterise infant temperament was the influential work of Alexander Thomas, Stella Chess and their colleagues (Chess & Thomas, 1999; Thomas & Chess, 1986). These researchers gathered information about nine dimensions of infant behaviour, including mood, regularity or predictability of biological functions such as feeding and sleeping habits, tendency to approach or withdraw from new stimuli, intensity of emotional reactions, and adaptability to new experiences and changes in routine. Based on these temperamental qualities, most infants could be placed into one of these three categories. • Easy temperament. Easy infants are even tempered, typically content or happy, and open and adaptable to new experiences, such as the approach of a stranger or their first taste of solid foods. They have regular feeding and sleeping habits, and they tolerate frustrations and discomforts. • Difficult temperament. Difficult infants are active, irritable and irregular in their habits. They often react negatively (and vigorously) to routine changes and are slow to adapt to new people or situations. They cry frequently and loudly, and have tantrums when they are frustrated by being restrained or having a dirty nappy.

temperament An infant’s geneticallybased tendencies to respond in predictable ways to events, which serve as the building blocks of personality.

LINKAGES Chapter 2 Theories of human development

easy temperament Characteristic mode of response in which an infant is even-tempered, content and open and adaptable to new experiences. difficult temperament Characteristic mode of response in which an infant is irregular in habits and adapts slowly, often with vigorous protest, to changes in routine or new experiences.

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slow-to-warmup temperament Characteristic mode of response in which an infant is relatively inactive and moody and displays mild resistance to new routines and experiences but gradually adapts.

• Slow-to-warm-up temperament. Slow-to-warm-up infants are relatively inactive, moody and

only moderately regular in their daily schedules. Like difficult infants, they are slow to adapt to new people and situations, but typically respond mildly, rather than intensely. For example, they may resist cuddling by looking away rather than by kicking or screaming. They eventually adjust, showing a quiet interest in new foods, people or places. Of the infants in Thomas and Chess’ longitudinal study of temperament, 40 per cent were easy, 10 per cent were difficult, and 15 per cent were slow-to-warm-up. The remaining infants could not be clearly placed in one category because they shared qualities of two or more categories. Thomas and Chess went on to study the extent of continuity and discontinuity in temperament from infancy to early adulthood (Chess & Thomas, 1984;Thomas & Chess, 1986). Difficult infants who had fussed when they could not have more milk often became children who fell apart if they could not work mathematics problems correctly. By adulthood, however, an individual’s adjustment had little to do with their temperament during infancy, suggesting a good deal of discontinuity over this long time span (Guerin, Gottfried, Oliver, & Thomas, 2003).

Behavioural inhibition behavioural inhibition A temperamental characteristic reflecting a person’s tendency to withdraw from unfamiliar people and situations.

Jerome Kagan and his colleagues identified another aspect of early temperament that they believe is highly significant – behavioural inhibition, or the tendency to be extremely shy, restrained and distressed in response to unfamiliar people and situations (see Kagan, 2010). In the language of the Big Five personality dimensions, inhibited children could be considered low in extroversion with some neuroticism or anxiety thrown in (Muris et al., 2009). Kagan (1989) estimates that about 15 per cent of toddlers have this inhibited temperament, whereas 10 per cent are extremely uninhibited and exceptionally eager to jump into new situations. At 4 months, behaviourally inhibited infants wriggle and fuss and fret more than most infants in response to novel stimuli such as a moving mobile (Moehler et al., 2008). At 21 months, they take a long time to warm up to a strange examiner, retreat from unfamiliar objects such as a large robot, and fret and cling to their mothers; whereas uninhibited toddlers readily and enthusiastically engage with strangers, robots and all manner of new experiences (Kagan, 1994). As children, inhibited youngsters are shy in a group of strange peers and afraid to try a balance beam. And as adolescents, these individuals continue to be wary and cautious in new social situations (Kagan, 2010; Kagan, Snidman, Kahn, & Towslety, 2007). Kagan and his colleagues have concluded that behavioural inhibition is biologically rooted. Individuals with inhibited temperaments display strong brain responses and high heart rates in reaction to unfamiliar stimuli (Kagan et al., 2007), and twin studies suggest that this temperament is genetically influenced (DiLalla, Kagan, & Reznick, 1994). When it becomes ingrained, behavioural inhibition puts individuals at risk for later anxiety disorders (Fox, Henderson, Marshall, Nichols, & Ghera, 2005).

Surgency/extroversion, negative affect and effortful control surgency/extroversion Dimension of temperament that involves the tendency to actively and energetically approach new experiences in an emotionally positive way rather than to be inhibited and withdrawn.

Finally, Mary Rothbart and her colleagues (for example, Putnam, Gartstein, & Rothbart, 2006; Rothbart, 2007, 2011) have defined infant temperament not only in terms of reactivity, as Thomas and Chess and Kagan have done, but also in terms of self-regulation of emotional arousal. They have identified three dimensions of temperament, the first two evident from infancy, the last emerging more clearly in toddlerhood or early childhood and continuing to develop into adulthood: • surgency/extroversion – the tendency to actively and energetically approach new experiences in an emotionally positive way (rather than to be inhibited and withdrawn)

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CHAPTER 9: SELF, PERSONALITY, GENDER AND SEXUALITY

• negative affectivity – the tendency to be sad, fearful, easily frustrated and irritable (as opposed to

laidback and adaptable) • effortful control – the ability to focus and shift attention when desired, inhibit responses, plan a course of action and appreciate low-intensity activities such as sitting on a parent’s lap. Recently however, research has shown promise for a five-factor model of infant temperament, which includes positive affectivity/surgency, negative emotionality, orienting capacity, affiliation/ regulation and fear (Peterson, Mohal, et al., 2017; Peterson, Waldie, et al., 2017). Table 9.5 shows the ways in which Thomas and Chess, Kagan, and Rothbart characterise infant temperaments. There are some clear similarities. Today, Rothbart’s dimensions of temperament have become especially influential, probably because they share similarities with the Big Five dimensions used to describe adult personality (Rothbart, 2011). Surgency/extroversion clearly matches up with extroversion, negative affectivity with neuroticism, and effortful control with conscientiousness. In some of her work, Rothbart has also examined an affiliativeness dimension that matches up with agreeableness in the Big Five, and an orienting sensitivity dimension that has to do with curiosity and interest in stimuli and aligns well with openness to experience (Rothbart, 2011). Accumulating evidence suggests that Rothbart and her colleagues are on the right track and that there are some meaningful connections between temperament in infancy and early childhood and personality later in life (Saucier & Simonds, 2006; Shiner & Caspi, 2012). TABLE 9.5 Summary of infant temperament dimensions Researchers

Dimensions of temperament

Thomas and Chess

Easy temperament Difficult temperament Slow-to-warm-up temperament

Kagan

Behaviourally inhibited Uninhibited

Rothbart

Surgency/extroversion Negative affectivity Effortful control

Goodness of fit Differences in temperament appear to be rooted in genetically-based differences in levels of certain neurotransmitters and in the functioning of the brain (Saudino & Wang, 2012). However, prenatal factors such as maternal stress and substance use also help shape it (Huizink, 2012). The postnatal environment then helps determine how adaptive particular temperamental qualities are and whether they persist (Bates, Schermerhorn, & Petersen, 2012; Rothbart, 2011). Much may depend on what Thomas and Chess call the goodness of fit between child and environment – the extent to which the child’s temperament is compatible with the demands and expectations of the social world to which he or she must adapt. Consider findings from the Australian Temperament Project, a large-scale longitudinal study that has tracked the temperament and psychosocial development of over 2000 Australian infants since 1983, and is now studying the children of the original study children (see Vassallo & Sanson, 2013). The researchers have found that behaviourally inhibited infants are likely to remain shy if their parents use a harsh parenting style; on the other hand, these infants are more likely to overcome their inhibition if their parents create a ‘good fit’ with warm and nurturing parenting, and encourage, but not force, independence (Sanson & Oberklaid, 2013). Thus, infants’ temperaments and their parents’

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negative affectivity Dimension of temperament that involves the tendency to be sad, fearful, easily frustrated and irritable as opposed to laidback and adaptable. effortful control Dimension of temperament that involves being able to sustain attention, control one’s behaviour and regulate one’s emotions; as opposed to being unable to regulate one’s arousal and stay calm and focused.

ON THE INTERNET https://youtu.be/ CVJBzvaylH8 Visit this link to learn more about infant temperament. The link will take you to a video about Kagan’s experiements analysing infant temperament.

goodness of fit The extent to which a child’s temperament is compatible with the demands and expectations of the social world to which he or she must adapt.

ON THE INTERNET http://www.aifs. gov.au/atp/ Visit the Australian Temperament Project website to learn more about this longitudinal study and to access publications and resources.

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parenting behaviours reciprocally influence one another and interact over time to steer the direction of later personality development (Sanson, Hemphill, & Smart, 2004). Parents, then, by adapting their parenting style to their infant’s temperament, can positively influence their temperament traits, as well as their behaviour and adjustment. However, if the fit between infant temperament and parent demands and expectations is poor, there is increased risk of behavioural problems and lower social competence later in infancy (Leerkes, Blankson, & O’Brien, 2009).

IN REVIEW CHECKING UNDERSTANDING 1 What important development in the self happens at around 18 months of age, and what makes it possible? 2 In Rothbart’s terms, Jennifer is low in surgency/ extroversion, high in negative affectivity and low in effortful control. How would (1) Thomas and Chess and (2) Kagan likely describe Jennifer?

something she has never tried before. Using two different systems for analysing temperament, help her parents understand her temperament and, more importantly, what they can do to help her become as well adjusted as possible. Express

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CRITICAL THINKING Gracie the toddler throws tantrums when her routines are changed, a stranger comes to visit or she is asked to try

9.3 THE CHILD learning objectives

■■ ■■ ■■ ■■

Outline key concepts and theories related to the evolving self and personality. Summarise the multiple dimensions of and changes in self-esteem during childhood. Describe the key issues in the development of gender identity and acquisition of gender roles. Discuss the beginning of the sexual self in childhood, and how to recognise and respond when unhealthy sexual behaviour is displayed in childhood.

Children’s personalities continue to form, and children acquire much richer understandings of themselves as individuals, as they continue to experience cognitive growth and interact with other people during the preschool and school years. Childhood is also a time of many milestones in gender development and of extensive learning about sexuality and reproduction.

The evolving self and personality Children’s self-concepts Consider the self-descriptions of the 3-year-old, 9-year-old, and 11½-year-old in Table 9.6 – note, first, that the preschool child’s self-representation tends to be concrete and physical (Harter, 2012). Asked to describe themselves, preschoolers describe their physical characteristics, possessions, physical activities, accomplishments and preferences. Few young children mention their psychological traits or inner qualities. At most, young children use global terms such as nice or mean and good or bad to describe themselves and others.

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TABLE 9.6  Example self-descriptions of children and adolescents Age

Self-description

3 years

I’m 3 years old and I live in a big house with my mother and father and my brother, Jason, and my sister, Lisa. I have blue eyes and a kitty that is orange and a television in my own room. I know all of my ABC’s, listen: A, B, C, D, E, F, G, H, J, L, K, O, M, P, Q, X, Z. I can run real fast. I like pizza and I have a nice teacher at preschool. I can count up to 100, want to hear me? I love my dog Skipper.

9 years

My name is Bruce. I have brown eyes. I have brown hair … I have great! eye sight. I have lots! of friends. I live at … I have an uncle who is almost 7 feet tall. My teacher is Mrs V. I play hockey! I’m almost the smartest boy in the class. I love! food … I love! school.

11½ years

My name is Alison. I’m a human being … a girl … a truthful person. I’m not pretty. I do so-so in my studies. I’m a very good cellist. I’m a little tall for my age. I like several boys … I’m old fashioned. I am a very good swimmer … I try to be helpful … Mostly I’m good, but I lose my temper.

17 years

I am a human being … a girl … an individual … I am a Pisces. I am a moody person … an indecisive person … an ambitious person. I am a big curious person … I am lonely. I am an American (God help me). I am a Democrat. I am a liberal person. I am a radical. I am conservative. I am a pseudoliberal. I am an atheist. I am not a classifiable person (i.e. I don’t want to be).

Sources: Adapted from Harter (2012, p. 29), Guilford, © 2012; Montemayor & Eisen (1977, pp. 317 – 318), the American Psychological Assocation. © 1977.

As illustrated in the responses of the 9-year-old and 11½-year-old in Table 9.6, self-representation becomes more sophisticated from around age 8 and psychological and social qualities become prominent in self-descriptions, thanks in part to cognitive growth (Harter, 2012). First, children begin to describe their enduring qualities using personality trait terms such as funny and smart (Harter, 2012). Second, as children are forming social identities, they begin to define themselves as part of social units, for example, ‘I’m a Kimball, a second-grader at Brookside School, a Brownie Scout’ (Damon & Hart, 1988). Third, they become more capable of social comparison – of using information about how they compare with other individuals to characterise and evaluate themselves (Pomerantz, Ruble, Frey, & Grenlich, 1995). The preschooler who said he could hit a cricket ball becomes the primary school child who says he is a better batter than his teammates. Despite the tendency toward concrete and physical self-descriptions, younger children do have a basic understanding of their enduring psychological and social qualities (Rosen & Patterson, 2011). For example, on tasks that require less-skilled verbal language abilities in which children select from a pool of self-descriptive statements, young children can consistently identify behavioural patterns, inner qualities and preferences that they believe best describe them (Eder, 1989). Thus, young children’s self-descriptions may not always reveal the extent of their developing self-awareness.

social comparison The process of defining and evaluating the self through comparisons with other people.

Self-esteem in childhood As children amass a range of perceptions of themselves they begin to evaluate their worth. Using data from an internet survey of more than 300 000 people aged 9–90 years of age, Richard Robins and colleagues found that, on average, young children as a group have high self-esteem that then declines steadily through middle childhood (more so for girls than boys, although the gender difference in self-esteem scores is very small) (Robins,Trzesniewski,Tracy, Gosling, & Potter, 2002; see Figure 9.3). Why? Young children tend to think they are quite wonderful, even in the face of compelling evidence that they have been outclassed by other kids (Diehl, Youngblade, Hay, & Chui, 2011). Rather than reflect their true competencies, their self-esteem scores sometimes reflect their desires to be liked or to be good at various activities (Harter, 2012). But by the start of school, children are very interested

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in social comparisons and more aware of their implications. They glance at each Self-esteem dips from childhood and throughout adolescence, then rises during other’s tests, ask ‘How many did you miss?’ the adult years before declining again in very old age. Males tend to have higher and say things like ‘I got more right than scores than females (although the difference is small), except in childhood and late old age. you did’ (Pomerantz et al., 1995). 4.20 As they get older, children learn to be 4.10 Males more diplomatic about what they say when 4.00 Total they outdo others, but they increasingly 3.90 Females use social comparisons to evaluate their 3.80 strengths and weaknesses (Diehl et al., 3.70 2011). Around age 8, children’s self3.60 evaluations become more consistent with 3.50 objective indicators of social comparison 3.40 and feedback. At the same time, children 3.30 3.20 are forming an ever grander sense of what 3.10 they ‘should’ be like – an ideal self. With 3.00 age, the gap between the real self and the 2.90 ideal self increases; older children therefore 2.80 run a greater risk than younger children do 2.70 9–12 13–17 18–22 23–29 30–39 40–49 50–59 60–69 70–79 80–89 of thinking that they fall short of what they Age (in years) should be (Oosterwegel & Oppenheimer, Source: Robins et al. (2002, p. 428). Reprinted with permission of the American Psychological 1993). Unfavourable social comparisons, a Association. © 2002. widening gap between the real self and the ideal self, and a tendency for parents and teachers to ‘raise the bar’ and give older children more ideal self Idealised expectations of what critical feedback than they give younger children all contribute to a decrease in average self-esteem one’s attributes and from early to middle childhood (Harter, 2012). personality should be like. As well as changing in level, self-esteem also becomes more differentiated or multidimensional with age (Harter, 2012). Preschool children seem to distinguish only two broad aspects of selfesteem: their competence (both physical and cognitive) and their personal and social adequacy (for example, their social acceptance). By mid-primary school, children differentiate among five aspects of self-worth: scholastic competence (feeling smart or doing well in school), social acceptance (being popular or feeling liked), behavioural conduct (staying out of trouble), athletic competence (being good at sports) and physical appearance (feeling good-looking). Comparing children from Year 3 through to Year 9 has shown that even early primary school age children have well-defined positive or negative feelings about themselves in each of these areas. As children get older, they integrate their self-perceptions in these distinct domains to form an overall, abstract sense of self-worth (Harter, 2012; Marsh & Ayotte, 2003). Now self-esteem is not only multidimensional but hierarchical in nature (Figure 9.4). Self-esteem

FIGURE 9.3  Average self-esteem for ages 9–90

FIGURE 9.4  The hierarchical structure of self-esteem in childhood Overall self-worth

Scholastic competence

Social acceptance

Behavioural conduct

Athletic competence

Physical appearance

Source: Harter (1996). Reprinted with permission of John Wiley & Sons, Inc. 1996. Permission conveyed through Copyright Clearance Center, Inc.

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CHAPTER 9: SELF, PERSONALITY, GENDER AND SEXUALITY

Once an individual child’s level of self-esteem (high or low) has been established, it tends to remain surprisingly stable over the primary school years, and even into adulthood (Donnellan, Trzesniewski, & Robins, 2011). In a recent large-scale study of participants across 48 nations, researchers found that self-esteem increases from late adolescence to early adulthood, with males reporting higher selfesteem, but that this is mediated by cultural factors and especially gross domestic product (Bleidorn et al., 2016). Why do some children develop higher self-esteem than others or experience changing self-esteem? Part of the answer lies in genes; like most human characteristics, self-esteem is a heritable trait, with twin studies indicating that genetic factors account for some (around 40 per cent), but not all, of the variability in self-esteem (Kamakura, Ando, & Ono, 2007; Svedberg et al., 2014). Experiences, then, also influence self-esteem. Even when two children are equally competent and do equally well in social comparisons, specific feedback from parents, teachers and peers can make a big difference in each child’s self-perceptions and evaluation of self-worth. Most notably, children with high self-esteem tend to be securely attached to parents who are warm and democratic, and peer acceptance can protect self-esteem when relationships with parents are less close (Birkeland, Breivik, & Wold, 2014; Taylor, Wilson, Salter, & Mohr, 2012). High self-esteem is positively correlated with a variety of measures of good adjustment and psychological and physical health; low self-esteem is associated with vulnerability to depression (Robins, Trzesniewski, & Donnellan, 2012). It is encouraging, then, that there is accumulating evidence that interventions can boost the self-esteem of children – self-esteem is malleable (see Haney & Durlack, 1998; O’Mara, Marsh, Craven, & Debus, 2006). Findings are that interventions designed to boost global self-esteem can produce positive benefits, but those programs that target specific domains, such as academic self-worth, and are paired with the development of skills and competence in a domain, tend to be more effective at improving self-esteem and domain performance (O’Mara et al., 2006).The most effective programs also promote realistic and attainable goals, emphasise effort and improvements in performance, and link outcomes to effort (Robins et al., 2012). The message is clear – self-esteem and performance influence one another reciprocally. From this perspective, it will not work in the long run to tell children they are the greatest when they can see for themselves that they are not. Indeed, inflated praise decreases challenge seeking in children with low self-esteem (Brummelman, Thomaes, de Castro, Overbeek, & Bushman, 2014). However, helping children succeed at important tasks can boost their self-esteem, and higher self-esteem can then help fuel future achievements.

From temperament to personality The early response tendencies of infant temperament are elaborated into a predictable personality during childhood, which then predicts later personality and adjustment (Shiner & Caspi, 2012). Results from the longitudinal Australian Temperament Project that we referred to earlier in the chapter indicate that temperament is fairly stable from infancy to childhood, with few significant changes during that period (Sanson & Oberklaid, 2013). In the New Zealand Dunedin Study (the longitudinal study of 1000 children we first referred to in Chapter 1), Avshalom Caspi and colleagues have also found evidence for continuity in personality (Caspi, 2000; Caspi et al., 2003). Inhibited 3-year-olds who are shy and fearful, they found, tend to become teenagers who are cautious and unassertive and later become young adults who have little social support, tend to be depressed and are barely engaged in life. By contrast, 3-year-olds who are difficult to control, irritable and highly emotional tend to be difficult to manage later in childhood and end up as impulsive adolescents and adults who do not get along well with other people at home or on the job, are easily upset, get into scrapes with the law and abuse alcohol. Finally, well-adjusted (‘easy’) 3-year-olds tend to remain well adjusted. In Chapter 10, Bandura emphasises that moral cognition is linked to self-regulatory mechanisms that involve monitoring, evaluating and exerting self-control. This self-control in childhood, an

LINKAGES Chapter 1 Understanding life span human development Chapter 10 Social cognition and moral development

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LINKAGES Chapter 10 Social cognition and moral development

outgrowth of Rothbart’s effortful-control dimension of temperament, seems to be especially predictive of good developmental outcomes. Self-controlled children do well in school, are socially and morally mature and have fewer adjustment problems than their less self-controlled peers (Rueda, 2012). New Zealand Dunedin Study researchers have also found that self-controlled children go on to become healthier, more financially stable and less likely to get into trouble with substance use, disordered gambling and crime in their 30s (Moffitt et al., 2011; Slutske, Moffitt, Poulton, & Caspi, 2012; and see Mischel et al., 2011; and Chapter 10). Despite this evidence, we cannot accept Freud’s view that the personality is mostly formed by age  5. Correlations between early childhood traits and adult traits are usually quite small. Some dimensions of personality do not seem to ‘gel’ until the primary school years, when they begin to predict adolescent and adult personality and adjustment much better (Tackett, Krueger, Iacono, & McGue, 2008). Other aspects of personality do not seem to stabilise until adolescence or even adulthood (Caspi & Roberts, 2001; McCrae & Costa, 2003). Overall, then, the older the child, the more accurately personality traits predict later personality and adjustment.

Acquiring gender roles gender typing The process by which children become aware of their gender and acquire gender norms: the motives, values and behaviours considered appropriate for their gender.

Source: Alamy Stock Photo/ Angela Wayea

Snapshot

Boys and girls often display traditional gender roles in their pretend play.

gender segregation The formation of separate peer groups on the basis of gender.

LINKAGES Chapter 2 Theories of human development

Having already come to understand a basic gender identity in infancy, and through the process of gender typing, young children rapidly acquire knowledge of gender-role norms, or the motives, values and patterns of behaviour that their culture or society considers appropriate for their gender. This is evident in their tendencies to favour ‘gender-appropriate’ activities and behaviours over those typically associated with the other gender. Remarkably, young children begin to learn society’s gender-role norms around the time they become aware of their basic gender identities. Judith Blakemore (2003) showed pictures of toys to 3to 11-year-olds and asked them whether boys or girls would usually play with each toy. Toys included masculine-stereotyped ones (GI Joe dolls) and feminine-stereotyped ones (Barbie dolls). Even the youngest children (3 years) stated that girls, but not boys, play with Barbie dolls and vice versa for GI Joes. They also recognised that boys and girls differ in clothes and hairstyles. By age 5, boys hold more genderstereotypical toy preferences than girls (Cherney, Harper, & Winter, 2006). Over the next several years, children acquire considerably more ‘knowledge’ about the toys and activities considered appropriate for girls or boys (Blakemore, 2003). Children also rapidly come to behave in ‘gender-appropriate’ ways. As you have seen, preferences for gender-congruent toys are detectable in infancy and are still evident in childhood. Occasionally both boys and girls choose ‘boys’ toys; but it is rare for both boys and girls to choose ‘girls’ toys (Cherney, 2005; Martin & Dinella, 2012). Leisure activities also differ, with boys spending more time playing sports and computer games than girls (Cherney & London, 2006). Children also begin to favour same-sex playmates as early as 30–36 months of age (Martin & Fabes, 2001). During the primary school years, boys and girls develop even stronger preferences for peers of their own sex and show increased gender segregation, separating themselves into boys’ and girls’ peer groups and interacting far more often with their own sex than with the other sex (Halim & Ruble, 2010). How do children come to understand and behave in gender-congruent ways? There are several theories about gender typing and the adoption of gender-role norms; here we will focus on theories from the social learning and cognitive perspectives.

Social learning perspectives According to social learning perspectives, children learn masculine or feminine identities, preferences and behaviours through observational learning processes and differential reinforcement (see Chapter 2).

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First, through observational learning, children come to imitate and adopt the attitudes and behaviours of same-gender models in their environments. Indeed, around age 6 or 7, children begin to pay much closer attention to same-gender models than to other-gender models; for example, they will choose toys that members of their own sex prefer even if it means passing up more attractive toys (Frey & Ruble, 1992). Children, however, who see their mothers perform more male typical tasks and their fathers perform household and child care tasks tend to be less aware of gender stereotypes and are less gender typed than children exposed to traditional gender-role models at home (Sabattini & Leaper, 2004). Children learn gender roles not only by watching the children and adults with whom they interact directly, but also indirectly from the media – radio, television, movies, computer games – and even from their picture books and primary school texts. Sexism in children’s books has decreased over the past 50 years, yet several analyses of children’s books show continued gender-stereotypic representations of men and women in these books (for example, see Adams, Walker, & O’Connell, 2011; Crabb & Marciano, 2011; DeWitt, Cready, & Seward, 2013). Blatant gender stereotyping of television characters has also decreased, but not disappeared. On many children’s programs, prime-time programs and advertisements male characters still dominate, or assume more prominent, influential or professional roles (for example, see Smith, Pieper, Granados, & Choueiti, 2010; Oppliger, 2007). Interestingly, children who watch a large amount of television are more likely to choose gendercongruent toys and to hold stereotyped views of males and females than their classmates who watch little television (Oppliger, 2007). Perhaps the strongest traditional gender stereotypes are found in today’s computer and console games, where males play at a much higher rate than females, even in Asian cultures where the popularity of gaming among females is increasing (Gackenbach et al., 2016; Ogletree & Drake, 2007). University students, both male and female, report that female game characters are portrayed as helpless and sexually provocative, in contrast to male characters, who are portrayed as strong and aggressive (Ogletree & Drake, 2007). Men do not find these stereotypes as offensive as do women, perhaps because men already hold more traditional gender stereotypes than women (Brenick, Henning, Killen, O’Connor, & Collins, 2007). Yet in support of gender stereotyping in the gaming world, research has shown most game-playing females, compared with males, to strongly prefer non-combat to combat style games (Gackenbach et al., 2016). Alongside children learning and imitating gender-congruent roles through observational learning, children are also experiencing differential reinforcement, that is, they are being ‘rewarded’ for adopting gender-congruent behaviours and ‘punished’ for engaging in behaviours considered more appropriate for the other gender. For example, some parents have been found to encourage gender-congruent play by the second year of life, and discourage and even disapprove of cross-gender play (Blakemore, 2003). Fathers are more likely than mothers to use more explicit (directly stated) gender stereotypes about how boys and girls should act, and to reward children’s gender-congruent behaviour and discourage behaviour considered more appropriate for the other gender (Endendijk et al., 2013). Peers play a role too – research suggests that children who insist most strongly on clear boundaries between the genders and avoid consorting with the opposite gender tend to be popular, whereas children who violate gender segregation rules tend to have fewer peer interactions and run the risk of being rejected by their peers (Martin et al., 2012; Rieger & Savin-Williams, 2012). Boys face stronger pressures to adhere to gender-role expectations than girls do. This may be why they develop stronger gender-typed preferences at earlier ages (Cherney et al., 2006). Although there is much evidence that both differential reinforcement and observational learning contribute to gender-role development, there is also evidence that children are not the passive recipients of external influences, and that they contribute to their own gender socialisation. For example, youngsters do not receive gender-stereotyped birthday presents simply because

MAKING CONNECTIONS Boys and girls have sometimes been characterised as living in ‘two different worlds’. Thinking about your own childhood, how was your world similar or different from that of your same- and othergendered siblings or friends?

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their parents choose these toys for them. Instead, parents tend to select gender-neutral and often educational toys for their children, but boys tend to ask for trucks and girls request tea sets (Alexander, 2003).

Cognitive perspectives We return our attention to theories of cognitive development discussed in Chapter 5. Some theorists have emphasised the cognitive aspects of gender-role development, noting that as children acquire understanding of gender, they actively teach themselves to be girls or boys. First, we will consider Kohlberg’s (1966) cognitive developmental theory of gender typing based on Jean Piaget’s cognitive developmental theory; followed by the gender schema theory of Carol Martin and Charles Halverson, Jr (1981, 1987), who based their theory on an information-processing approach to cognitive development.

LINKAGES Chapter 5 Cognitive development

COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENTAL THEORY

gender constancy The understanding of oneself as boy–girl, man–woman.

Kohlberg (1966) proposed a cognitive theory of gender typing to explain why boys and girls adopt traditional gender roles even when their parents do not encourage them to do so. Among the major themes of this cognitive-developmental perspective are the following: • Gender-role development depends on stage-like changes in cognitive development; children must acquire certain understandings about gender before they will be influenced by their social experiences. • Children engage in self-socialisation; instead of being the passive targets of social influence, they actively socialise themselves. According to the social learning perspective discussed in the previous section, children are influenced to imitate and adopt male or female roles before they achieve a fully developed gender identity. Kohlberg, however, suggests that children first understand that they are girls or boys and then they actively seek same-gender models and a range of information about how to act like a girl or a boy. To Kohlberg, it is not ‘I’m treated like a boy; therefore, I must be a boy’. It is more like ‘I’m a boy, so now I’ll do everything I can to find out how to behave like one.’ Or, as May Ling Halim and Diane Ruble (2010, p. 495) explain, the theory ‘views children as internally, self-initiated “gender detectives” – agents who actively construct the meaning of gender categories, rather than as passive recipients of external gender socialization agents’. What understandings are necessary before children will teach themselves to behave like boys or girls? Kohlberg believed children everywhere build on the cognitive milestones of infancy to then progress through three stages as they acquire a complete understanding of their gender identity, referred to as gender constancy, or an understanding of what it means to be a boy or girl, man or woman. 1 Gender identity. Around 2–3 years children recognise and label themselves as males or females. 2 Gender stability. Around 4–5 years children come to understand that gender is stable over time: that boys invariably become men and girls grow up to be women. 3 Gender consistency. Around 6–7 years children realise that their gender is also stable across situations and cannot be altered by superficial changes such as clothing and hairstyles or engaging in crosssex activities. Research does show that gender constancy is demonstrated by very few 3- to 5-year-olds, about half of 6- to 7-year-olds and a majority of 8- to 9-year-olds (Trautner, Gervai, & Nemeth, 2003). Further, children 3–5 years of age often lack the concepts of gender stability and gender consistency; they may say that a boy could become a mummy if he really wanted to, or that a girl could become a boy if she cut her hair and wore a sports uniform (Warin, 2000). It is at this point that many girls

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CHAPTER 9: SELF, PERSONALITY, GENDER AND SEXUALITY

Mean number of flexible responses

succumb to ‘PFD syndrome’, the strong desire to wear pink, frilly FIGURE 9.5  Rigidity and flexibility of gender dresses (PFD) and embrace all that is pink (see Halim et al., 2014). stereotypes in childhood Doing so may help these young ‘gender detectives’ solidify their new 80 understanding of themselves as girls. Boys may also go through a similar stage where they adhere to all things boy-like, such as playing with action figures or wearing camouflage, and, just as importantly, avoid 70 all things girl-like, such as pink, frilly dresses (Halim & Ruble, 2014). As children enter Piaget’s concrete-operational stage of cognitive 60 development and come to grasp concepts such as conservation of liquids, they also realise that gender is conserved – remains constant – 50 despite changes in appearance (Ruble et al., 2007). Acquisition of gender constancy may explain changes in children’s rigidity in terms of their views about appropriate gender roles and 40 intolerance of those who violate traditional gender-role standards. Cross-sectional and longitudinal studies of children from across racial 30 and ethnic backgrounds show that rigidity about gender roles is especially high during the preschool years, around ages 4–7, but then 20 decreases over the primary school years, with a significant relaxation of beliefs between ages 7 and 10 (Halim et al., 2013, 2014; Ruble et al., 2007;Trautner et al., 2005; and see Figure 9.5).Younger children, then, 10 may be exaggerating gender roles for cognitive clarification; however, once their gender identities are more firmly established, usually by 0 5 6 7 8 9 10 age 7, they can afford to be more flexible in their thinking about Age what is ‘for boys’ and what is ‘for girls’. They still know the norms but Source: Trautner et al. (2005, p. 370). Reprinted with permission of no longer believe they are set and final (Martin, Ruble, & Szkrybalo, John Wiley & Sons, Inc. © 2005. 2002). But not all research supports this view of gender development. For example, studies show that children need not reach the concrete-operations stage to understand gender stability and consistency if they have sufficient knowledge of male and female anatomy to realise that people’s genitals make them male or female (Bem, 1989). And children who have younger siblings often understand gender constancy earlier than children with only older siblings or those without siblings (Karniol, 2009). The most controversial aspect of Kohlberg’s cognitive developmental theory, however, has been his claim that only when children fully grasp that their gender is unchangeable, around age 5 to age 7, do they actively seek same-sex models and attempt to acquire values, interests and behaviours consistent with their cognitive judgements about themselves. Although some evidence supports some aspects of Kohlberg’s theory, this chapter has shown that children learn many gender-role norms and develop clear preferences for same-sex activities and playmates long before they master the concepts of gender stability and gender consistency (Halim & Ruble, 2010). It seems that only a rudimentary understanding of gender is required before children learn gender stereotypes and preferences.

GENDER SCHEMA THEORY Carol Martin and Charles Halverson (1981, 1987) have proposed a somewhat different cognitive theory, an information-processing one that overcomes the key weakness of Kohlberg’s theory. Like Kohlberg, they believe that children are intrinsically motivated to acquire values, interests and behaviours consistent with their cognitive judgements about the self. However, Martin and Halverson argue that self-socialisation begins as soon as children acquire a basic gender identity, around 2–3 years.

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gender schemata Organised sets of beliefs and expectations about males and females that guide the kinds of information attended to and remembered.

According to their schematic-processing model, children acquire gender schemata, organised sets of beliefs and expectations about different genders that influence the kinds of information they will attend to and remember. First, children acquire a simple in-group–out-group schema that allows them to classify some objects, behaviours and roles as appropriate for males and others as appropriate for females (cars are for boys, girls can cry but boys should not, and so on). Then they seek more elaborate information about the role of their own gender, constructing an own-gender schema. Thus, as illustrated in Figure 9.6, a young girl who knows her basic gender identity might first learn that dolls are for girls and trucks are for boys.Then, because she is a girl and wants to act consistently with her own-gender concept, she gathers a great deal of information about dolls to add to her own-gender schema, largely ignoring any information that comes her way about trucks. Consistent with this schema-processing theory, children appear to be especially interested in learning about objects or activities that fit their own-gender schemata. For instance, in one study, primary school–aged children who perceived themselves as gender typical showed greater interest in gender-typical activities than in genderatypical ones (Patterson, 2012). FIGURE 9.6  Gender schema theory in action Not for me Truck

For whom?

For boys

Therefore

Avoid; forget

So

Gender identity (I’m a girl)

Doll

For whom?

So

Own-sex schema

For girls For me

Therefore

Approach; gather information; remember information

Source: Adapted from Martin & Halverson (1987), with permission of Elsevier.

Source: Getty Images/Rainer Elstermann

Snapshot

How might children view this woman’s non-traditional vocation?

Once gender schemata are in place, children will even distort new information in memory so that it is consistent with their schemata (Liben  & Signorella, 1993). For example, Martin and Halverson (1983) showed 5- and 6-year-olds pictures of children performing gender-consistent activities (for example, a boy playing with a truck) and pictures of children performing genderinconsistent activities (for example, a girl sawing wood). A week later, the children easily recalled the gender of the actor performing gender-consistent activities; but when an actor expressed genderinconsistent behaviour children often distorted the scene to reflect gender-consistent behaviour (for example, by saying that it was a boy, not a girl, who had sawed wood). This research gives some insight into why gender stereotypes persist. The child who believes that women cannot be doctors may be introduced to a female doctor, but may remember meeting a nurse instead and continue to state that women cannot be doctors. Even adults have trouble suppressing gender stereotypes and are influenced by their gender stereotypes when reading and interpreting text (Oakhill, Garnham, & Reynolds, 2005).

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CHAPTER 9: SELF, PERSONALITY, GENDER AND SEXUALITY

What can we say about how children come to learn gender roles? In short, it seems to depend on an interaction between biological factors that are involved in early gender-identity development, social influences and cognitive development.

Childhood sexuality Understanding sex and reproduction Children’s understandings of where babies come from seem to proceed through a sequence consistent with Piaget’s cognitive-developmental stages (see Chapter 5). According to Jane, age 3½, ‘You find [the baby] at a store that makes it … Well, they get it and then they put it in the tummy and then it goes quickly out’ (Bernstein & Cowan, 1975, p. 81). Another preschooler, interpreting what he could of an explanation about reproduction from his mum, created this scenario:

LINKAGES Chapter 5 Cognitive development

The woman has a seed in her tummy that is fertilised by something in the man’s penis. (Interviewer: How does this happen?) The fertiliser has to travel down through the man’s body into the ground. Then it goes underground to get to the woman’s body. It’s like in our garden. (Interviewer: Does the fertiliser come out of his penis?) Oh no. Only pee-pee comes out of the penis. It’s not big enough for fertiliser. Author’s files

As these examples illustrate, young children are attempting to construct their own understandings of reproduction. Consistent with Piaget’s theory of cognitive development, children construct their understanding of sex by assimilating and accommodating information into their existing cognitive structures. Some children as young as age 6 know that sexual intercourse plays a role in the making of babies, but their understanding of just how this works is limited (Caron & Ahlgrim, 2012). By age 12, most children have integrated information about sexual intercourse with information about the biological union of egg and sperm and can provide an accurate description of intercourse and its possible outcomes. Thus, as children mature cognitively and as they gain access to information, they are able to construct ever more accurate understandings of sexuality and reproduction.

Sexual behaviour According to Freudian theory, preschoolers in the phallic stage of psychosexual development are actively interested in their genitals and seek bodily pleasure, but school-age children enter a latency period during which they repress their sexuality and turn their attention instead to schoolwork and friendships with same-sex peers. It turns out that Freud was half right and half wrong. Freud was correct that preschoolers are highly curious about and explore their bodies, and engage in both same-sex and cross-sex sexual play (see Kellogg, 2009). Between ages 2 and 5, interest increases and at least half of all children engage in sexual play (playing doctor or house) and sexual exploration, such as looking at and touching genitals – their own, a peer’s or a younger sibling’s (Kellogg, 2009; Larsson & Svedin, 2002). Freud was wrong, though, to believe that such activities occur infrequently among school-age children. Primary school–age children in Freud’s latency period may be more discreet about their sexual experimentation than preschoolers, but they have by no means lost their sexual curiosity. Surveys show, for example, that about two-thirds of boys and half of girls aged 13 have masturbated (Larsson & Svedin, 2002) and/or are beginning to engage in ‘light’ sexual activities (holding hands, kissing) with other young teens (Williams, Connolly, & Cribbie, 2008). Gilbert Herdt and Martha McClintock (2000) have gathered evidence that age 10 is an important point in sexual development, a time when many boys and girls experience their first sexual attraction Copyright 2019 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. WCN 02-200-202

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LINKAGES Chapter 4 Body, brain and health

(often to a member of the other sex if they later become heterosexual, or to a member of their own sex if they later become gay or lesbian). Research has also suggested that for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples, sexual behaviours can be initiated at a very young age (Williams et al., 2015). This milestone in development appears to be influenced by the maturation of the adrenal glands, which produce androgens in both boys and girls (Del Giudice, 2009; and see Chapter 4). It comes well before the maturation of the sex organs during puberty and, therefore, challenges the view of Freud (and many of the rest of us) that puberty is the critical time in sexual development.

Sexual abuse WARNING SIGNS AND RISKS Exploratory sexual behaviour is a normal part of development for the child, involving curiosity and exploration of their own body as well as their peers’ (‘I’ll show you mine if you show me yours’). However, for some children certain outwardly sexual behaviours can be a sign of sexual abuse. Unfortunately, research in the United States has indicated that by the end of childhood, 27 per cent of females and 5 per cent of males have experienced sexual assault or sexual abuse (Finkelhor, Shattuck, Turner & Hamby, 2014). About one-third of sexual abuse survivors engage in developmentally inappropriate sexualised behaviour, acting out sexually by putting objects in their vagina, engaging in sexualised play with dolls, masturbating in public, requesting sexual stimulation from others, demonstrating age-inappropriate sexual knowledge, or behaving seductively or promiscuously (Larsson & Svedin, 2001). Other hypersexual behaviours include asking others to engage in sexual acts, touching other people’s or animals’ sexual parts, trying to undress others against their will, or imitating sexual acts (Allen, 2017). It can also manifest as sexual risk-taking behaviours in adolescence (Wekerle, Goldstein,Tanaka & Tonmyr, 2017). One theory explaining this sexualised behaviour is that it helps survivors master or control the traumatic events they experienced (Tharinger, 1990). Other theorists have similarly proposed that the child experiences posttraumatic stress with intrusive thoughts and hyperarousal that trigger sexual behaviours. Another explanation draws on social learning theory to propose that the child develops dysfunctional beliefs that sexual behaviours will be reinforced with attention or other rewards (Finkelhor & Browne, 1985).There is a risk of childhood sexual abuse cross-over, with the abused child displaying harmful sexual behaviour toward other children, although only a few youth will continue with such behaviours into adulthood (Allardyce & Yates, 2013). Research shows childhood sexual abuse is associated with multiple negative outcomes for the victim across the entire life span, including attachment and relationship problems, emotional regulation difficulties, educational and occupational difficulties, physical/health issues, substance abuse and mental illness (Fergusson, McLeod, & Harwood, 2013; Irish, Kobayashi, & Delahanty, 2010; Liu et al., 2013; Meyer et al., 2017; Perez-Fuentes et al., 2013).

REPORTING CHILDHOOD SEXUAL ABUSE In New Zealand, there are protocols for any agencies working with children to report suspected child abuse to either the police or a social worker. Any adult who is a part of a household or institution in which a child is living is required by law (enforceable with up to 10 years’ imprisonment) to report abuse (Community Law Wellington and Hutt Valley, 2017; Jackson, 2013). In Australia, there are strict mandatory reporting laws, which vary across the states and territories with regard to who must report, what kinds of abuse require reporting, and to whom the abuse must be reported. These laws also take into account the ‘state of mind’, such as concern, suspicion, or reasonable belief, that triggers the duty and destination of reporting (Child Family Community Australia, 2016).These laws have evolved over time, and so as part of one’s professional responsibilities, it is important to note and keep abreast of the regular changes to such legislation.

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IN REVIEW CHECKING UNDERSTANDING 1 Is it possible to predict adult personality from personality in childhood? 2 At what age are children most likely to be concerned about adhering to traditional gender-role behaviours? Why? 3 What are the key differences between developmentally appropriate childhood sexual behaviours, and signs that may lead one to suspect childhood sexual abuse has occurred?

no gender-stereotypic attitudes or behaviours. Nonetheless, when the twins are only 4, Jen wants frilly dresses and loves to play with her Barbie doll, and Ben wants a machine gun and loves to pretend he’s a football player and tackle people. Each seems headed for a traditional gender role. Which of the theories in this chapter do you think explains this best and which is least able to explain it? Express

Get the answers to the Checking understanding questions on CourseMate Express.

CRITICAL THINKING Jen and Ben are fraternal twins whose parents are determined that they should grow up having

9.4 THE ADOLESCENT ■■ Outline key concepts and theories related to the adolescent forging of self and identity. ■■ Summarise changes in self-concept and self-esteem in adolescence. ■■ Describe the search for identity and the roles of religion, race and ethnicity in establishing an identity status in adolescence. ■■ Discuss adherence to gender roles and developing sexuality during adolescence.

learning objectives

Perhaps no life span stage is more important to the development of the self than adolescence. Adolescence is a time for ‘finding oneself ’, as research on adolescent self-conceptions, self-esteem and identity formation illustrates.

Forging a sense of self and identity Self-concept and self-esteem Revisit Table 9.6 and review the 17-year-old teen’s self-description – note that compared to younger children, adolescent self-conceptions are: • less physical and more psychological – contrast ‘I have brown eyes’ with ‘I am lonely’ • less concrete and more abstract – contrast ‘I love! sports’ with ‘I am a truthful person’ or the even more abstract ‘I am a pseudoliberal’ • more differentiated – for example, as illustrated in description of the 17-year-old, adolescents appreciate that they are different ‘selves’ in different social contexts such as with family versus with friends • more integrated and coherent – adolescents recognise they are different in different situations and can explain and integrate these discrepant self-perceptions • more reflective and demonstrate greater self-awareness – indeed, they can become painfully selfconscious.

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As evident back in Figure 9.3, the trend for self-esteem to decrease with age, starting in childhood and continuing into adolescence, has been attributed to many reasons. Adolescents become more knowledgeable and realistic about their strengths and weaknesses, can become temporarily unsure of themselves as they transition from primary to high school, experience pubertal changes, and may become unhappy with their changing bodies (Paxton, Neumark-Sztainer, Hannan, & Eisenberg, 2006; Robins  et  al., 2002). In the end, though, adolescence is not as hazardous to self-esteem as many people believe. Some adolescents do experience self-esteem declines, but many maintain good self-esteem above the scale midpoint, as illustrated in Figure 9.3. Assuming that adolescents have opportunities to feel competent in areas important to them and to experience the approval and support of parents, peers and other important people in their lives, they are likely to feel good about themselves (Harter, 2012).

Identity development LINKAGES Chapter 2 Theories of human development

moratorium period A period of time in high school or post-school when young adults are relatively free of responsibilities and can experiment with different roles to find their identities.

As discussed in Chapter 2, Erik Erikson characterised adolescence as a critical period in the lifelong process of forming an identity as a person and proposed that adolescents experience the psychosocial conflict of identity versus role confusion.The concept of identity refers to a personal sense of who you are, where you are going and where you fit into society.To achieve a sense of identity, the adolescent must integrate the many separate perceptions that are part of the self-concept into a coherent sense of self. The search for identity involves grappling with many important questions: What kind of career do I want? What religious, moral and political values can I call my own? Who am I as a man or woman and as a sexual being? What do I want out of my life? Such questions, along with life events, form part of a coherent narrative identity for adolescents, which is impacted by the Big Five personality traits and culturally mediated (Reese et al., 2014). For Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander youth, there are particularly strong protective factors promoting successful identity development throughout adolescence, including high self-esteem, prosocial peer relationships and strong cultural connections (Hopkins, Zubrick & Taylor, 2014). Erikson (1968) believed that many young people experience a painful ‘identity crisis’, but that our society supports youths by allowing them a moratorium period. This is a time during high school (and now also into the early post-school years; see Arnett, 2006) when they are relatively free of responsibilities and can experiment with different roles to find themselves. But complex societies like ours also make establishing an identity hard by giving youths a huge number of options and encouraging them to believe they can be anything they want to be.

IDENTITY STATUS James Marcia (1966) expanded on Erikson’s theory and stimulated much research on identity formation by developing an interview procedure to assess where an adolescent is in the process of identity formation. Adolescents are classified into one of four identity statuses based on their progress toward an identity in each of several domains (for example, vocational, religious and political-ideological domains). The key questions, according to Marcia, are whether an individual has experienced a crisis, or grappled with identity, and whether they have achieved a commitment (resolving the questions raised). On the basis of crisis and commitment, the individual is classified into one of the four identity statuses described in Table 9.7. How long does it take to achieve a sense of identity? Philip Meilman’s (1979) classic study of 12- to 18-year-old university-bound boys, 21-year-old university males and 24-year-old young men provides an answer (see Figure 9.7). Most of the 12- and 15-year-olds fell into either the diffusion status category or the foreclosure status category. At these ages, many adolescents simply have not yet thought about who they are – either they have no idea or they know that any ideas they do have are

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TABLE 9.7 The four identity statuses as they apply to religious identity No commitment made

Commitment made

No crisis experienced

Diffusion status The individual has not yet thought about or resolved identity issues and has failed to chart directions in life. Example: ‘I haven’t really thought much about religion, and I guess I don’t know what I believe exactly.’

Foreclosure status The individual seems to know who he or she is but has latched onto an identity prematurely with little thought. Example: ‘My parents are Baptists, and I’m a Baptist; it’s just the way I grew up.’

Crisis experienced

Moratorium status The individual is experiencing an identity crisis, actively raising questions and seeking answers. Example: ‘I’m in the middle of evaluating my beliefs and hope that I’ll be able to figure out what’s right for me. I’ve become sceptical about some of what I have been taught and am looking into other faiths for answers.’

Identity achievement status The individual has resolved his/her identity crisis and made commitments to particular goals, beliefs and values. Example: ‘I really did some soulsearching about my religion and other religions, too, and finally know what I believe and what I don’t.’

likely to change (the diffusion status, with no crisis and no commitment). Other adolescents have made commitments, saying things like ‘I’m going to be a doctor like my dad’, and appear to have their act together. However, it becomes apparent that they have never thought through on their own what suits them best and have simply accepted identities suggested to them by their parents or other people (the foreclosure status, involving a commitment without a crisis).

diffusion status Identity status characterising individuals who have not questioned who they are and have not committed themselves to an identity.

THE ROLE OF AGE AND GENDER

foreclosure status An identity status characterising individuals who appear to have committed themselves to a life direction but have adopted an identity prematurely, without much thought.

As Figure 9.7 indicates, progress toward identity achievement becomes more evident starting at age 18. Notice that diffusion drops off steeply and more individuals begin to fall into the moratorium status. Now they are experiencing a crisis or actively exploring identity issues; they may be FIGURE 9.7 Percentage of subjects in each of James Marcia’s four identity statuses as a function of age

moratorium status Identity status characterising individuals who are experiencing an identity crisis, or are actively exploring identity issues but have not yet achieved an identity.

80 Identity achievement Percentage of subjects in each identity status

70

Identity diffusion Foreclosure

60

Moratorium

50 40

Express 30

For additional insight on the data presented in Figure 9.7 try out the Understanding the data exercise on CourseMate Express.

20 10 0

12

15

18 Age of subjects (in years)

21

24

Note that only 4 per cent of the 15-year-olds and 20 per cent of the 18-year-olds had achieved a stable identity. Source: Meilman (1979, pp. 230–231).

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identity achievement status An identity status characterising individuals who have carefully thought through identity issues and made commitments or resolved their identity issues.

MAKING CONNECTIONS Analyse your own identity statuses in domains such as vocational, ethnicracial, religious, political-ideological, sexual orientation and so forth.

questioning their religious upbringing, experimenting with drugs, changing university courses or relationships or posting outrageous comments or photos on social media, all in an effort to find themselves. Presumably, entering the moratorium status is a good sign; if the individual can raise questions and answer them, they will move to the identity achievement status. About 20 per cent of 18-year-olds, 40 per cent of university students, and over 50 per cent of 24-year-olds in Meilman’s study had achieved a firm identity based on a careful weighing of alternatives. Females progress toward achieving a clear sense of identity at about the same rate as males (Kroger, 2007). However, one reliable sex difference has been observed: Although university women are just as concerned as men about establishing a career identity, they think more about the aspects of identity centred on sexuality, interpersonal relations and family-career balance (Kroger, 2007). These concerns may reflect the influence of traditional gender roles in our society. Some researchers have looked at identity formation by studying adolescents’ narrative identities. A life story, much like an identity in Erikson’s sense, says ‘who I am, how I came to be, and where my life is going in the future’ (McAdams, 2005, p. 241). And indeed, constructing a meaningful life story during late adolescence or emerging adulthood and making progress through Marcia’s identity statuses toward identity achievement are correlated (McLean & Pratt, 2006). Life stories, then, become an important element of our adult personalities, revised and reflected upon over the years (Birren & Schroots, 2006). So identity formation takes a long time. Many young men and women do not achieve a sense of identity until their late teens or early 20s, during the period of emerging adulthood (Kroger, 2007). But this is not the end of the identity formation process. Some adults continue in a moratorium status for years; others reopen the question of who they are and recycle through the identity moratorium and achievement statuses after having thought they had all the answers earlier in life (Anthis & LaVoie, 2006; Kroger, 2007). Even in later adulthood, some adults are reworking and strengthening their sense of identity (Zucker, Ostrove, & Stewart, 2002). Identity formation not only takes a long time but occurs at different rates in different domains of identity. For example, Sally Archer (1982) assessed the identity statuses of children in Year 6 through to Year 12 in four domains: occupational choice, gender-role attitudes, religious beliefs and political ideologies. Only 5 per cent of the adolescents were in the same identity status in all four areas, and more than 90 per cent were in two or three statuses across the four areas. Finally, identity formation is messy; rather than proceeding along one standard path, it takes a variety of paths (Reis & Youniss, 2004).

Developing a positive ethnic and racial identity ethnic-racial identity A sense of the personal meaningfulness of one’s ethnic-racial group membership to who one is.

The process of identity development may include formation of an ethnic-racial identity – a sense of the personal meaningfulness of one’s ethnic-racial group membership to who one is as an individual. Everyone has an ethnic-racial background, but members of minority ethnic and racial groups, including Indigenous peoples, tend to put more emphasis than majority group members on exploring and committing to who they are ethnically or racially (Umaña-Taylor et al., 2014). In New Zealand, research found that Maˉori youth engaged in more ethnic exploration and had stronger ethnic identities than Paˉkehaˉ (European New Zealand) youth (Ward, 2006). For Aboriginal Australian youth, the importance they attach to culture and traditions, and their sense of belonging to an Aboriginal community, are particularly salient in the development of their racial identity (Kickett-Tucker, Christensen, Lawrence, & Zubrick, 2015).This is probably because ethnicity and race are more obvious and significant in the lives of many minority group members – they participate in the practices of and speak the language of their cultural or ethnic group; they may also be on the receiving end of discrimination and racism. The greater the saliency of ethnicity and race to an

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individual’s life and self-concept, the greater the likelihood that they will explore their ethnic racial identity (Kiang, Witkow, Baldelomar, & Fuligni, 2010; Yip, 2014).

ESTABLISHING THE FOUNDATIONS

CHANGES OVER TIME In forming a positive ethnic-racial identity, adolescents proceed through the same identity statuses as they do in forming identity in other areas such as vocational, religious and so forth (Umaña-Taylor et al., 2014). Studies show school-age children and young adolescents say either that they identify with an ethnic or racial group because their parents and others in their ethnic group influenced them (foreclosure status), or that they have not given it much thought (diffusion status). In their mid- to late teens, many ethnic and racial minority youths, including Indigenous youths, move into the moratorium and achievement statuses with respect to ethnic identity (Seaton, Scottham, & Sellers, 2006). Others, however, do not reflect on their ethnic identity until their 20s, especially if they grew up in a homogeneous environment with little interaction with other ethnic and racial groups (Phinney, 2006). Recall from the chapter opening that Sally Morgan only learned of her Aboriginal heritage in her teens and then continued to explore her ethnic-racial identity into adulthood.After the exploratory processes of adolescence, it appears that in emerging adulthood, individuals contemplate how their ethnic-racial identity interconnects with other aspects of identity  – vocational, sexual, gender, political-ideological, and so on – to develop an integrated overall identity (Umaña-Taylor et al., 2014).

ethnic-racial selfidentification The incorporation of ethnicity and race into one’s self-concept.

Snapshot Source: Alamy Stock Photo/Thomas Cockrem

The foundations for ethnic and racial identity begin in infancy and childhood with ethnic-racial selfidentification, where children incorporate ethnicity and race as an aspect of their self-concept. Steps toward ethnic-racial identification build on children’s developing cognitive capabilities and features of the social environment that enable them to categorise, and develop knowledge about, the ethnicity and race of themselves and others (Umaña-Taylor et al., 2014). From 3 months of age, Caucasian infants have been found to prefer looking at other Caucasian babies than at babies of other ethnic backgrounds (Kelly et al., 2005). African babies show a similar preference for African faces, though not if they grow up among Caucasians, suggesting preferences are based on the faces most often seen (Bar-Haim, Ziv, Lamy, & Hodes, 2006). During the preschool years, children learn more about different racial and ethnic categories and gradually become able to classify and self-label themselves as a member of one particular ethnic-racial group (Umaña-Taylor et al., 2014). Mexican-American preschool children learn behaviours associated with their culture, such as how to give a Chicano handshake, but often do not know until about age 8 what ethnic labels apply to them, what they mean, or that these may last a lifetime (Bernal & Knight, 1997). Building on the foundation of ethnic-racial identification acquired in childhood, minority adolescents may embark on the process of exploring and synthesising their own ethnic-racial identity.

Establishing a positive ethnic-racial identity is particularly salient for adolescents from ethnic or racial minorities, including those of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander, and Ma¯ori cultural backgrounds.

INFLUENCING FACTORS What influences minority adolescents to move toward more advanced levels of ethnic-racial identity development (the exploration and achieved statuses)? Family plays a crucial role. Youth are most likely to explore and internalise ethnic-racial identity when parents socialise children into the ethnic or racial group’s cultural traditions; prepare them to live in a culturally diverse society; and even prepare them to deal with prejudice, if it is done in a positive manner not breeding anger or mistrust (Hughes et al., 2006; Neblett, Rivas-Drake, & Umaña-Taylor, 2012; Neblett et al., 2008; UmañaTaylor, Bhanot, & Shin, 2006). Research with Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander youth has found

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that parents, teachers, peers and Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander role models and community members are all important factors in the development of positive ethnic self-identity (KickettTucker, 2009; Purdie, Tripcony, Boulton-Lewis, Fanshawe, & Gunstone, 2000). The inclusion of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander languages and cultural activities in school also helps to forge a positive cultural identity (Kickett-Tucker, 2009; Purdie et al., 2000). Similarly, speaking in their mother tongue has been shown to have a strong identity function for Sudanese youth immigrants in Australia (Hatoss & Sheely, 2009).

PROTECTIVE BENEFITS Exploring and forging a strong and positive ethnic-racial identity has many protective benefits for minority youth: it can help protect adolescents from the damaging effects of racial or ethnic discrimination (Neblett et al., 2008, 2012), contribute to high self-esteem (Umaña-Taylor, GonzalesBacken, & Guimond, 2009) and improve academic achievement (Rodriguez, Umaña-Taylor, Smith, & Johnson, 2009). In a study of New Zealand Maˉori teens (Stuart & Jose, 2014), it was found that ethnic identity and engagement predicted positive adjustment for Maˉori youth over time (see also Mandara, Gaylord-Harden, Richards, & Ragsdale, 2009). Interestingly, studies of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander youth found a strong academic self-concept is more strongly associated with school engagement and academic success than ethnic-racial identification or positive ethnic-racial identity (Bodkin-Andrews, O’Rourke, & Craven, 2010; Purdie, 2005; Purdie et al., 2000). These findings suggest that we must be careful not to focus solely on matters of ethnic-racial identity when seeking to improve developmental and educational outcomes for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander, Maˉori and other ethnic and racial minority teens. Furthermore, it is important to note that for some individuals, multiple ethnic affiliations can contribute to identity tension and a reduced sense of wellbeing. Research has shown that approximately 30 per cent of the Pasifika population in New Zealand identify as multi-ethnic Pasifika/non-Pasifika (European), particularly in youth, and that these individuals tend to report more negative self-evaluation and lower levels of perceived familial wellbeing (Manuela & Sibley, 2014).

Influences on identity formation Search me! and Think Access the Psychology database and research the topic of ethnic-racial identity.

LINKAGES Chapter 11 Developmental psychopathology

Taking everything into consideration, an adolescent’s progress toward achieving identity in various domains is a product of at least five factors: • Cognitive development. Adolescents who have achieved solid mastery of formal-operational thought, who think in complex and abstract ways and who are self-directed and actively seek relevant information when they face decisions are more likely to raise and resolve identity issues than less cognitively advanced adolescents (Berzonsky & Kuk, 2000). • Personality. Adolescents who explore and achieve identity are low in neuroticism and high in openness to experience and conscientiousness (Ozer & Benet-Martinez, 2006). They are emotionally stable, curious and responsible. • Quality of relationships with parents. Youths who get stuck in the diffusion status of identity formation are more likely than those in other categories to be neglected or rejected by parents and to be emotionally distant from them. Adolescents in the foreclosure status appear to be extremely close to parents who are loving but overly protective and controlling; these adolescents have few opportunities to make decisions and may never question their parents’ ideas. Adolescents in the moratorium and identity achievement statuses generally have warm and democratic parents (see Chapter 11), the same kind of parents who foster high self-esteem (Emmanuelle, 2009; Kroger, 2007).

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• Opportunities for exploration. Adolescents who attend higher education are exposed to diverse ideas and encouraged to think through issues. University provides the kind of moratorium period with freedom to explore that Erikson felt is essential to identity formation (Kroger, 2007). • Cultural context. The notion that adolescents should forge a personal identity after carefully exploring many options may well be most relevant in modern, industrialised Western societies. Teens in other societies or cultures may adopt the adult roles they are expected to adopt without much soul-searching or experimentation. For many adolescents in these societies, identity foreclosure may be the most adaptive path to adulthood (Kroger, 2007). In Western industrialised societies, the adolescent, and adult, who is able to raise serious questions about the self and answer them – that is, the individual who achieves a sense of identity – is likely to be better off for it. Identity achievement is associated with psychological wellbeing and high self-esteem, complex thinking about moral and other issues, a willingness to accept and cooperate with other people and a variety of other psychological strengths (Kroger, 2007). As illustrated in the chapter Professional practice box, those who are struggling with aspects of their identity may experience some psychological distress, but can be supported toward healthy identity development and wellbeing.

Adhering to gender roles As you have learned earlier in this chapter, young primary school children are rigid in their thinking about gender roles, whereas older children think more flexibly, recognising that gender norms are not absolute, inviolable laws. Does this trend toward flexibile thinking about gender roles continue into adolescence? No, according to the gender intensification hypothesis, in which gender-role differences become magnified by hormonal changes associated with puberty and increased social pressure to conform to gender roles. As a result of gender intensification processes, teen boys begin to see themselves as more masculine and teen girls emphasise their feminine side. After a period of less gender-role rigidity in middle childhood, adolescents become intolerant of certain gender-role violations and more stereotyped in their thinking about gender roles. What support is there for this hypothesis? Early cross-sectional studies showed support for the gender intensification hypothesis. For example, masculine qualities were found to increase in early adolescent boys, but feminine qualities in early adolescent girls did not change (Galambos, Almeida, Petersen, 1990). Adolescents were more likely than younger children to make negative judgements about peers who violated expectations by engaging in cross-gender behaviour or expressing cross-gender interests (Alfieri, Ruble, & Higgins, 1996). Yet in a longitudinal study a decade later, Heather Priess, Laura Lindberg, and Janet Hyde (2009) found no support for the gender intensification hypothesis, suggesting that changing societal norms now encouraged expressivity in adolescent boys and independence in adolescent girls. Susan McHale and her colleagues (2009), however, found that the more time teen girls and boys spent in gendered contexts (that is, the amount of time boys spent with male peers and fathers, for example, and girls with their female peers and mothers), and the higher the level of testosterone in their systems, the more likely it was that teens expressed gendered personality qualities and interests. Thus, it appears that an interaction between biology and environment may be required for gender intensification to occur; but it is unclear at this stage if gender intensification is typical of adolescent gender-role development.

gender intensification A magnification of differences between males and females during adolescence associated with pubertal changes and increased social pressure to conform to traditional gender roles.

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Professional practice

What are some of the aspects or issues associated with identity and identity development that present themselves in the clients you work with, and what do you find to be effective ways of assisting these clients? I think there are two main groups of clients that come to mind. One group that I have the privilege to work with are people who are struggling with their gender identity and I think this is a privilege, because, as you so rightly say in your text, sexuality is such an integral part of somebody’s personhood. The other group for whom there might be an issue with identity is those people, not necessarily young, who are considering what career to embark on; or people who are embarking on a course of study and then realising that it’s not what they want to do, or undertaking a course in order to keep somebody else, for example parents, happy, and then really struggling to identify what it is they want to do. Some of the psychopathology that can present in clients includes rumination,

depression or anxiety, for example. It’s only after talking about the context of these symptoms, and getting to know the client, that we might identify an identity issue. What particular ways of working are useful for these clients? Although not suitable for all clients I really love schema therapy, developed by Jeff Young. It’s an extension of cognitive behaviour therapy that incorporates more psychodynamic aspects. Schemata (or, as Jeff Young says, ‘life traps’) are patterns of behaviour, thoughts, feelings and emotions. One way of working with schemata is what Jeff Young calls a ‘modes’ approach and this approach is where we look at schemata that cluster together and talk about parts of the self. Now there’s a danger with saying this that people think we’re talking about multipersonalities, and we’re not! Our personality is very complex and one way to work with this complexity is to compartmentalise aspects of it. So in schema therapy we talk about

Source: Kumari Fernando Valentine

IDENTITY AND WELLBEING

Dr Kumari Fernando Valentine, MNZCCP, Clinical Psychologist, Dunedin, Aotearoa New Zealand

a vulnerable child mode, a punitive parent mode (this is not to say that your own parents were punitive but rather that there is an internalised self that is incredibly critical) and so on. So one thing that I find useful is to label these modes and work with the person to heal these painful modes and help develop a stronger, what we call a healthy, adult mode.

Adolescent sexuality Although infants and children are sexual beings, sexuality assumes far greater importance once sexual maturity is achieved in adolescence. Adolescents incorporate their sexual identity into concepts of themselves as part of their search for identity, raising questions about their sexual attractiveness, values and goals in close relationships. They must figure out how to express their sexuality in relationships. They also experiment with sexual behaviour – with good or bad outcomes. How sexually active are Australian and New Zealand teens? In New Zealand in 2012, around 25 per cent of teen boys and 24 per cent of teen girls reported having had sexual intercourse (Clark et al., 2013). In Australia in 2008, more teen girls reported having had sex (43 per cent) than males (34 per cent); and as Figure 9.8 shows, the percentage of Australian teens with sexual experience increased through adolescence. By the middle of high school, 27 per cent of Australian teens had had sexual intercourse, rising to 56 per cent by the end of high school (AIHW, 2011).

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SEXUAL IDENTITY

FIGURE 9.8 Percentage of Australian students in Year 10 and

12 who have ever had sexual intercourse, 2002 and 2008 As you have learned, sexuality isn’t just about having sex; it’s also about establishing one’s sexual identity, Per cent including sexual orientation. Most adolescents establish 70 Males a heterosexual orientation with passive exploration and Females 60 little soul-searching (Morgan, 2012). Experimentation Persons with homosexual activity is fairly common during 50 adolescence, but few adolescents become part of the 40 estimated 5–6 per cent of adults who establish an enduring homosexual or bisexual orientation (Savin30 Williams & Ream, 2007). For youths mostly or fully 20 attracted to members of their own sex, however, the process of accepting that they have a homosexual or 10 bisexual orientation and establishing a positive identity 0 in the face of negative societal attitudes can be a long Year 10 Year 12 Year 10 Year 12 and torturous one. Many have an initial awareness of 2002 2008 their sexual preference before reaching puberty but do Source: AIHW (2011). Published by Australian Institute of Health and Welfare, © 2011. not accept it, or gather the courage to ‘come out’, until their mid-20s (Savin-Williams, 2001). Among 17- to 25-year-olds with same-sex attractions, fewer than half have told both their parents and about onethird have not told either parent about their sexual orientation (Savin-Williams & Ream, 2003). Those who have disclosed to one or both parents did so around age 19. By this age, most are out of high school and have achieved some independence from their parents, which may give them the confidence to share this information. Whatever their sexual orientation, adolescents establish attitudes regarding what is and is not appropriate sexual behaviour. The sexual attitudes of adolescents changed dramatically during the twentieth century, especially during the 1960s and 1970s, yet at least some of the old values have endured. Three generalisations emerge from the research on adolescent sexual attitudes: • Many adolescents – approximately 3 in 4 – have come to believe that sex with affection, but not necessarily commitment, is acceptable. That is, they no longer buy the traditional view that premarital intercourse is always morally wrong (Caron & Moskey, 2002; Olmstead, Billen, Conrad, Pasley, & Fincham, 2013). • The double standard, or the view that sexual behaviour that is deemed appropriate for males is considered inappropriate for females, has declined, but not disappeared, over the years. That is, university students, males more than females, still tend to believe that a woman who has many sexual partners is more immoral than an equally promiscuous man (Crawford & Popp, 2003; Peterson & Hyde, 2010). • Adolescents are confused about sexual norms, which is not surprising given they continually receive mixed messages about sexuality. That is, they are encouraged to be popular and attractive to the other sex, and they watch countless television programs and movies that glamourise sexual behaviour; yet they are told by those close to them that they are too young to engage in sexual activity and to value virginity and to fear and avoid pregnancy, bad reputations, AIDS and other sexually transmitted infections (Ward, 2003; Peter & Valkenburg, 2008).

CHANGES IN SEXUAL BEHAVIOUR If attitudes about sexual behaviour have changed over the years, has sexual behaviour itself changed? Yes, it has. Today’s teenagers are involved in more intimate forms of sexual behaviour at earlier

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ages than adolescents of the past were. Several themes emerge from the research on teens’ sexual behaviour over recent decades (CDC, 2012a, 2012b; Peterson & Hyde, 2010): • Rates of teen sexual activity climbed in the 1960s and continued to climb through the 1980s before levelling off and then declining somewhat from the mid-1990s on. • The percentages of both adolescent males and females who have had intercourse increased steadily over the past century. • Perhaps reflecting the decline of the double standard, the sexual behaviour of adolescent females has changed more than that of males, and the difference in experience between the sexes has largely disappeared. These changes in sexual behaviours reflect the social and cultural contexts in which children develop. Prevailing cultural beliefs, whether conservative, permissive, or somewhere in the middle, influence how teens construct their individual sexual identities. Teens growing up in cultures that have more permissive attitudes about sexuality are likely to interpret their own behaviours differently than teens growing up in cultures with largely conservative beliefs. Thus, sexual behaviour is not driven simply by the surge in hormones that accompanies puberty; it is mediated by social context and by the personal beliefs that are constructed in response to physical changes and cultural beliefs.

IN REVIEW CHECKING UNDERSTANDING

CRITICAL THINKING

1 What changes in self-esteem occur from childhood to adolescence, and what factors influence levels of selfesteem during this time?

Refer back to the chapter opening vignette about Sally Morgan, the Aboriginal woman who began connecting with her Aboriginal identity as a teen. To what extent could we apply the four identity statuses to Sally’s story?

2 What factors are likely to foster identity achievement? 3 What is the typical path of gender-role development in adolescence? 4 How have adolescent sexual attitudes and behaviours changed over the years?

Express

Get the answers to the Checking understanding questions on CourseMate Express.

9.5 THE ADULT learning objectives

■■ Outline key concepts and theories related to ageing. ■■ Summarise the continuity and discontinuity in personality, as well as Erikson’s view on psychosocial personality growth, during adulthood. ■■ Describe changes in gender roles and sexuality in adulthood. ■■ Discuss vocational identity and development through the adult years.

We enter adulthood having gained a great deal of understanding of what we are like as individuals – but we are not done developing our sense of self. How do self-conceptions and personality change or remain the same during adulthood, and to what extent are they shaped by the environments and culture in which the person develops? And how do our sexual and vocational identities develop as we age?

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CHAPTER 9: SELF, PERSONALITY, GENDER AND SEXUALITY

Ageing and self-esteem In Western society, it is commonly believed that adults gain self-esteem as they cope successfully with the challenges of adult life but then lose it as ageing, disease and losses of roles and relationships take their toll in later life. Is there truth to this belief? The results of Richard Robins and colleagues’ large cross-sectional study (see again Figure 9.3) did indeed show that after the declining trend of self-esteem during childhood, self-esteem rises gradually through the adult years until the mid-60s, then drops in late old age; and the gender differences in self-esteem evident in childhood disappear in old age (Robins et al., 2002; and see Donnellan et al., 2011). The same pattern appears in metaanalytic studies (Twenge & Campbell, 2001; Trzesniewski, Donnellan, & Robins, 2003) and when self-esteem is assessed longitudinally (Orth, Trzesniewski, & Robins, 2010): self-esteem increases in early adulthood, peaks in our 50s and 60s, and declines in late old age. In parallel, people’s sense of clarity about who they are rises through middle age and declines in old age, especially if poor health forces them to leave work and family roles (Lodi-Smith & Roberts, 2010). However, during the transition between adolescence and young adulthood, multiple negative life events can have a significant and long-lasting impact on self-esteem. Conversely, high self-esteem can be a protective factor buffering the impact of such events (Tetzner, Becker, & Baumert, 2016). How do these trends apply cross-culturally? Interestingly, research has shown that Western ideas of what contributes to self-esteem, coping ability, and protective factors are not appropriate for the Australian Aboriginal community, so culture plays a a key role (Elliott-Farrelly, 2004). High self-esteem matters as much in adulthood as it does earlier in the life span – it contributes to relationship and job satisfaction, health and happiness (Orth, Robins, & Widaman, 2012; Sowislo & Orth, 2013). How, then, can older adults maintain positive self-images as long as possible, even as they experience the health problems, drops in income and other losses that may come with ageing? The research suggests four key factors that help maintain self-esteem during this time. 1 Reducing the gap between ideal and real self. Comparing the self discrepancies of young, middle-aged and elderly adults, Carol Ryff (1991) found that self-ratings of the present (real) self changed little across the adult years, but that older adults scaled down their visions of what they could ideally be. They also judged more positively what they had been. As a result, their ideal, past and present selves converged. Notice, then, that the gap between the ideal self and the real self that widens during childhood and adolescence, and that gives us a sense of falling short, apparently closes again in later life, helping us maintain self-esteem. 2 Adjusting goals and standards of self-evaluation. People’s goals and standards change with age so that what may seem like losses or failures to a younger person may not be perceived as such by the older adult (Helgeson & Mickelson, 2000). A 40-year-old may be devastated at being passed over for a promotion, whereas a 60-year-old nearing retirement may not be bothered at all. For the older adult with a disability, walking a mile may be as much a triumph as running a mile might have been earlier in life (Rothermund & Brandtstädter, 2003a, 2003b). As our goals and standards change over the life span, we apply different measuring sticks in evaluating ourselves and do not mind failing to achieve goals that are no longer important. 3 Comparing self to other older adults. Older adults are able to maintain self-esteem by making social comparisons primarily to other older adults who have the same kinds of chronic diseases and impairments they have rather than to younger adults (Helgeson & Mickelson, 2000). Indeed, if they want to feel good about themselves, they may even strategically select worse-off peers to judge themselves against, making what are called downward social comparisons (Bauer, Wrosch, & Jobin, 2008), as in, ‘I’m getting around much better than poor Bessie is.’ Disability emerging through older adulthood can have a considerable impact on such self-to-other comparisons.

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LINKAGES Chapter 1 Understanding life span human development

However, this may be culturally mediated. For example, ethnographic research with Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples who had a disability and attended an Indigenous respite centre revealed that a strong sense of Indigenous identity associated with a shared history of the struggles of colonisation moderated their experience of their own and others’ disablities in positive ways (King, Brough, & Knox, 2014). 4 Not internalising ageist stereotypes. Older adults are likely to maintain self-esteem if they can resist applying negative stereotypes of ageing people to themselves. Becca Levy and her colleagues (Levy, 2003; Levy, Zonderman, Slade, & Ferrucci, 2009) argue that stereotypes of older people learned in childhood often become self-stereotypes when people reach old age. Although we hold some positive stereotypes of older people (they are wise, agreeable and kindly), negative stereotypes of older adults (they are sick, fragile, forgetful, incompetent and so on) outnumber positive ones and show up in a variety of cultures (see Chan et al., 2012; Hummert, 2011; and see Chapter 1). These negative stereotypes are reinforced over the years and are available to be applied to the self once people begin to think of themselves as ‘old’. This may be why so many ageing adults go to great lengths to deny that they are old! If they can avoid identifying with their age group, they are likely to feel younger than they actually are, perceive more time ahead of them and enjoy higher self-esteem (Weiss & Freund, 2012; Weiss & Lang, 2012; Westerhof, Whitbourne, & Freeman, 2012). But eventually, when ageing adults can deny their years no longer, they apply the ‘old’ label to themselves and run the risk of negatively stereotyping themselves and losing self-esteem (Levy et al., 2009).

Impacts of self-esteem in adulthood Not only is negative self-stereotyping harmful to self-esteem, but health can also be affected. Middleaged adults who have positive perceptions of their own ageing (who disagree with statements such as ‘Things keep getting worse as I get older’) not only end up in better health in old age but also live more than 7 years longer than adults who have less positive self-perceptions of ageing – even when age, health, socioeconomic status and other variables related to longevity are controlled (Levy et al., 2009). Similarly, adults who hold negative stereotypes of ageing turn out to be at higher risk than those with more positive views of ageing for later cardiovascular events, such as heart attacks, even when other predictors of cardiovascular problems are controlled. Negative stereotyping and cultural incompetence in health settings is also a key consideration, with research showing that the experience of racism in health settings contributes to increased psychological distress for Australian minority groups, including Aboriginal Australians (Ferdinand, Paradies & Kelaher, 2015; Kelaher, Ferdinand & Paradies, 2014).

Continuity and discontinuity in personality How much continuity and how much change is there in personality over the adult years? Actually, we must ask two questions: • Do individual adults retain their rankings on trait dimensions compared with others in a group over the years? • Do average group scores on personality trait measures increase, decrease or remain the same as age increases?

Do people retain their rankings? Robert McCrae and Paul Costa (2003, 2008) have closely studied personality change and continuity by giving adults in their 20s through to their 90s personality tests and administering these tests repeatedly over the years. Focusing on the Big Five dimensions of personality listed in Table 9.1, they

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Correlation between traits measured repeatedly

have found a good deal of consistency in rankings within a group. FIGURE 9.9  Rank-order consistency of personality trait In other words, the person who tends to be extroverted as measures at different ages a young adult is likely to be extroverted as an elderly adult, Consistency, as indicated by strong correlations between and the introvert is likely to remain introverted over the scores obtained 6–7 years apart, increases with age. years. Similarly, the adult who shows high or low levels of 1.0 neuroticism, conscientiousness, agreeableness or openness 0.9 to new experiences is also likely to retain that ranking years later when compared with their peers. Correlations 0.8 .74 between personality trait scores on two occasions 20–30 0.7 years apart average about .60 across the five personality .64 dimensions, suggesting consistency in personality over time, 0.6 .54 but also room for change (McCrae & Costa, 2003; Morizot 0.5 & Le Blanc, 2003). Similarly, Petar Milojev and Chris Sibley 0.4 (2014), using a large sample of adult New Zealanders, .31 found considerable stability in personality trait scores over 0.3 a shorter 2-year period for the six-factor HEXACO model 0.2 of personality: stability estimates ranged from .73 to .92. The tendency for measures of personality to be 0.1 consistent increases with age. In a meta-analysis of 152 0 studies in which personality was assessed on two or more Children University Age 30 Age 50–70 adults students adults occasions, Brent Roberts and Wendy DelVecchio (2000) Source: Roberts & DelVecchio (2000, pp. 3–25). found that the average correlation between scores at two testings an average of 6–7 years apart increased quite steadily from infancy and early childhood to late adulthood, as shown in Figure 9.9. It appears, then, that personalities are unsettled in childhood and even in a person’s teens and 20s because they are still forming, but by around age 50 and beyond, they are quite consistent and stable (Lodi-Smith,Turiano, & Mroczek, 2011).

Do mean personality scores change? Do most people change systematically in common directions over the years? You may be consistently more extroverted than your best friend over the years, and yet both of you could become less extroverted at age 70 than you were at age 20. This second major type of continuity in personality, stability in the average level of a trait, is relevant when we ask whether there is truth to stereotypes of older adults as more rigid, grumpy, depressed or passive than younger adults. Taken across numerous cross-sectional and longitudinal studies about the Big Five personality dimensions, Richard Roberts, Brent Robins, Kali Trzesniewski, and Avshalom Caspi (2003) (see also Lodi-Smith et al., 2011; Roberts, Walton, & Viechtbauer, 2006; Roberts, Donnellan, & Hill, 2013) concluded the following: • extroversion increases through midlife (especially social dominance and excitement seeking) and decreases in old age (especially social vitality) • agreeableness increases across the life span • conscientiousness increases with age, especially in young adulthood, but the pattern is less clear in middle adulthood • neuroticism tends to decrease with age • openness to experience increases in adulthood and then plateaus or decreases. Petar Milojev and Chris Sibley (2014), in their New Zealand study of the six-factor HEXACO personality model, found similar patterns of change over the life span. Apart from agreeableness,

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FIGURE 9.10 The six HEXACO personality traits across ages 20–80 Apart from agreeableness, which decreases slightly with increasing age, the other five personality traits – extroversion, conscientiousness, neuroticism, openness to experience, and honesty-humility – show a curvilinear pattern, increasing from young adulthood, peaking in middle age (40s–50s) and then decreasing toward old age (80s).

1 0.9 0.8 0.7

which decreased slightly with increasing age, the dimensions of extroversion, conscientiousness, neuroticism, openness to experience and honestyhumility increased from young adulthood (the 20s), peaked in middle age (40s and 50s), then decreased toward old age (80s) (see Figure 9.10). Overall, most evidence points to: (1) a good deal of stability in our individual personalities as we get older, and (2) a good deal of change in personality across the various life span stages. In short, there is both continuity and discontinuity in personality during adulthood.

Why do people change or remain the same?

Having figured out that personality exhibits both continuity and change over the life span, 0.6 developmentalists naturally want to know why people Extroversion Neuroticism stay the same and why they change. What makes a Agreeableness Openness to experience 0.5 personality stable? First, genetic makeup contributes to Conscientiousness Honesty-humility continuity (Krueger & Johnson, 2008). Second, lasting 0.4 effects of childhood experiences may contribute; you have 20 25 30 35 40 45 50 55 60 65 70 75 80 seen, for example, that parents can either help a child Source: Adapted from Milojev & Sibley (2014, p. 35), with permission from Elsevier. © 2014. overcome a difficult temperament or contribute to it becoming an enduring pattern of response (Sanson et al., 2004; Sanson & Oberklaid, 2013). Third, traits may remain stable because people’s environments remain stable; playing consistent social roles like mother or engineer may be especially important in creating consistency in personality (Roberts,Wood, & Caspi, 2008). Fourth, gene-environment correlations may promote continuity. That is, genetic endowment may influence the kinds of experiences we have, and those experiences, in turn, may strengthen our genetically-based predispositions in a kind of snowball effect (Roberts & Caspi, 2003; also see Chapter 3). Thus, an extrovert’s early sociability LINKAGES will elicit friendly responses from others, cause them to seek out social activities and in the process Chapter 3 Genes, strengthen their initial tendency to be extroverted – while the introvert seeks and experiences an environment and the beginnings environment that reinforces introversion. of life What, then, might cause the significant changes in personality that some adults experience? Chapter 12 The final challenge: Biological factors such as disease can contribute. The nervous system deterioration associated with Death and dying Alzheimer’s disease (see Chapter 12), for example, can cause affected individuals to become moody, irritable and irresponsible (McCrae & Costa, 2003). Adults also change in response to changes in the environment, including major life events, changes in social and vocational roles and psychotherapy (Roberts et al., 2008; Lüdtke, Roberts, Trautwein, & Nagy, 2011; Sutin, Costa, Wethington, & Eaton, 2010). Finally, change is likely prompted by the person-environment fit. Good fit between a person and their environment has been associated with personality consistency, while poor fit seems to encourage personality growth in directions that will better align the person and environment (Roberts & Robins, 2004). All things considered, the forces for continuity are likely to be stronger than the forces for change, perhaps in part because we want to retain our identities as individuals and keep building the same niches for ourselves even when we move, change jobs or make other life changes (Roberts et al., 2008).

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CHAPTER 9: SELF, PERSONALITY, GENDER AND SEXUALITY

Personality has a tremendous impact on life span development. Personal strengths such as emotional stability and conscientiousness are correlated with both good physical health and good mental health (Kern & Friedman, 2010; Lucas & Diener, 2008). Moreover, personality affects how we react to and cope with life events. For example, highly agreeable people are able to adjust better than most people to becoming disabled (Boyce & Wood, 2011), and people high in emotional stability (low in neuroticism) handle the death of loved ones better (Robinson & Marwit, 2006).

Eriksonian psychosocial personality growth Researchers who conclude that adults change in only a few ways over the years typically study personality by administering standardised personality scales.These tests were designed to assess enduring dispositional traits and probably reveal the most stable aspects of personality. Researchers who interview people in depth about their lives often detect considerably more change and growth (McCrae & Costa, 2003). This is evident, too, in research on Erikson’s adult stages of his psychosocial personality theory.

MAKING CONNECTIONS Think back to your childhood. In what ways is your personality the same today? How is it different? What do you think has influenced this stability or change in your personality?

Early adult intimacy We again turn our attention back to Erikson’s stages of psychosocial development, as discussed in Chapter 2. As Erikson saw it, early adulthood is a time for dealing with the psychosocial conflict of intimacy versus isolation. He theorised that a person must achieve a sense of individual identity before becoming able to commit him- or herself to a shared identity with another person. The young adult who has no clear sense of self may be threatened by the idea of entering a committed, long-term relationship and being ‘tied down’, or he or she may become overdependent on a romantic partner (or possibly a close friend) as a source of identity. Indeed, young adults with well-formed identities are more capable of genuine and lasting intimacy compared to those with less-established identities (Beyers & Seiffge-Krenke, 2010; Montgomery, 2005). Erikson believed that women resolve identity questions when they choose a mate and fashion an identity around their roles as wife and mother-to-be. Is this rather sexist view correct? Only some women resolve intimacy issues before identity issues, especially if they are in a sociocultural context with traditional gender-role expectations: they marry, have children and, only after the children are older, ask who they are as individuals and pursue careers that suit their personalities (George, Helson, & John, 2011). Still other women, especially those with more masculine gender-role orientations, have followed the identity-before-intimacy route that characterises men, settling on a career first and thinking about a serious relationship later (George et al., 2011). Today, more and more women are following this identity-before-intimacy path (Beyers & Seiffge-Krenke, 2010). As Erikson himself would appreciate, then, development is influenced by its historical and cultural context.

LINKAGES Chapter 2 Theories of human development

Midlife generativity What does psychosocial growth look like in middle age? According to Erikson, adults in midlife grapple with the psychosocial conflict of generativity versus stagnation, which involves gaining the capacity to generate or produce something that outlives you and to care about the welfare of future generations through such activities as parenting, teaching, mentoring and leading (de St Aubin, McAdams, & Kim, 2004). Middle-aged men and women are more likely than young adults to have achieved a sense of generativity (Timmer, Bode, & Dittmann-Kohli, 2003). Moreover, those adults who have achieved a sense of identity and intimacy are more likely than other adults to achieve generativity as well, as Erikson predicted (Christiansen & Palkovitz, 1998). Adults who have good self-regulatory capacities (conscientiousness in Big Five language) seem to be more successful than those low in self-control at resolving this and earlier Eriksonian crises (Busch & Hofer, 2011). Extroversion and openness to experience also help (Cox, Wilt, Olson, & McAdams, 2010). Overall, research on generativity supports Erikson’s view that both women and men are capable of impressive psychosocial growth during middle adulthood. Copyright 2019 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. WCN 02-200-202

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Search me! and Discover an exploration of grandfather involvement and Erikson’s stage of generativity: Bates, J. S., & Taylor, A. C. (2013). Grandfather involvement: Contact frequency, participation in activities, and commitment. The Journal of Men’s Studies, 21, 305–322.

life review Process in which elderly adults reflect on unresolved conflicts of the past and evaluate their lives; may contribute to a sense of integrity and readiness for death.

parental imperative The notion that the demands of parenthood cause men and women to adopt distinct roles and psychological traits.

Source: iStock.com/northlightimages

Snapshot

Reminiscence and life review can help older adults achieve a sense of integrity.

But what of the midlife crisis that many people believe is a standard feature of personality development in middle age? Many researchers agree that middle age is often a time when people confront important issues like ageing, evaluate their lives and revise their goals. Some also experience midlife changes in personality in response to life events such as divorce, a job change or the death of a parent. However, there is little support for the claim that most adults experience a genuine crisis in their early 40s (Freund & Ritter, 2009). It seems sounder to refer to midlife questioning rather than a midlife crisis, to recognise that it can occur in response to life events at a variety of ages, and to appreciate that it is usually not a true psychological crisis.

Old-age integrity Elderly adults, according to Erikson, confront the psychosocial issue of integrity versus despair. Through a process of life review, they may reflect on unresolved conflicts of the past to come to terms with themselves, find new meaning and coherence in their lives and prepare for death (Haber, 2006). If they constructed a life story or narrative identity during their early adult years, they may work on accepting it in old age as the only life they could have led (McAdams, 2011). Elders who engage in life review display a stronger sense of integrity and better overall adjustment and wellbeing than those who do not reminisce much and get stuck on unresolved regrets (Bohlmeijer, Roemer, Cuijpers, & Smit, 2007;Wrosch, Bauer, & Scheier, 2005). Finding that the process of life review can be beneficial, gerontologists have turned it into a therapy approach in which elderly adults reconstruct and reflect on their life stories, sometimes with the help of photo albums and other memorabilia (Haight & Haight, 2007; Kunz & Soltys, 2007). On balance, Erikson’s view that humans experience personality growth throughout the life span is supported by research. Although few studies have directly tested Erikson’s childhood stages, his theorising about the adolescent stage of identity versus role confusion has been tested extensively and is well supported. In addition, achieving a sense of identity in adolescence paves the way for forming a truly intimate relationship in early adulthood, gaining a sense of generativity in middle adulthood and resolving the issue of integrity versus despair through life review in later adulthood.

Changes in gender roles and sexuality You might think that once children and adolescents have learned their gender roles, they simply play them out during adulthood. Instead, as people face the challenges of adult life and enter new social contexts, their gender roles and their concepts of themselves as men and women change. So, too, do their sexual behaviours and perceptions of their own sexuality.

Gender roles As they enter adulthood, male and female roles in our society tend to differ little because members of both sexes are often single and working or studying. However, when they partner, and especially when they have children, it has been proposed that adults may experience the parental imperative – the idea that mothers and fathers must adopt different gender-congruent roles and traits, and suppress others, to raise children successfully (Huyck & Gutmann, 2006). The birth of a child does tend to make even egalitarian couples divide their labour in more traditional ways than they did before the birth and migrate toward more traditional gender-role attitudes: mothers become primarily responsible for child care and household tasks and fathers tend to reinforce their role as breadwinner for the family (Katz-Wise, Priess, & Hyde, 2010). Cross-cultural research, too, shows some consistent sex differences in labour performed and also emotional expressiveness among married couples around the world; although there are cultural differences too, suggesting that there is both a universal drive to successfully raise children as well as social influences on gender-role development throughout the child-rearing years (Weisfeld

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et al., 2011).Yet there is research suggesting a gradual shift in norms, which may provide the leverage to facilitate more gender balance in the sharing of work and family roles and potentially allow couples to combine their identities in more enriching ways (Meeussen,Veldman and Van Laar, 2016). What happens after the children are grown? Some researchers suggest that the traditional gender roles relax and men and women are best characterised by androgyny, or a balancing of masculine and feminine traits and roles (Huyck & Gutmann, 2006). It is said to be a multidimensional construct, whereby men and women cross over and become more like each other with age (Lemaster, Delaney, & Strough, 2017). Freed from the demands of the parental imperative, men become less active and more passive, take less interest in community affairs, focus more on religious contemplation and family relationships, and become more sensitive and emotionally expressive. Women, meanwhile, are changing in the opposite direction. After being relatively nurturing in their younger years, they become more active, domineering and assertive in later life.

Adult sexuality What becomes of people’s sex lives as they age? We tend to stereotype older adults as sexless or asexual. But we are wrong: people continue to be sexual beings throughout the life span. For example, in a survey of more than 6000 adults ranging in age from 25 to 85, most adults reported being interested in sex and being sexually active (Lindau & Gavrilova, 2010). Gender differences were small among younger adults but became larger with age, leading to relatively large differences among the oldest adults: 75- to 85-year-old men were twice as likely to be sexually active and four times as likely to express interest in sex as women the same age. Other large-scale life span studies have found similar results (Beutel, StöbelRichter, & Brähler, 2007). Some research shows a decline in sexual desire with age, although, as Figure 9.11 illustrates, desire can remain moderate or high well into old age (DeLamater, 2012; DeLamater & Sill, 2005).

473

androgyny A genderrole orientation in which the person blends both positive masculine-stereotyped and positive femininestereotyped personality traits and behaviours.

MAKING CONNECTIONS Reflect on the roles and qualities that your parent/s displayed as they were raising you (or perhaps think about your own situation if you are a parent). To what extent were the roles and qualities aligned with traditional gender roles? If there were changes in roles or qualities over time, what influenced these changes?

FIGURE 9.11 Percentage of women and men, by age, reporting low, moderate and high levels of sexual desire Women

100 90

Low Medium High

90

70

70

60

60

50 40

40 30

20

20

10

10 45–49 50–54 55–59 60–64 65–69 70–74 75–79 80–84 85–89 Years

Low Medium High

50

30

0

Men

80

Percentage

Percentage

80

100

0

45–49 50–54 55–59 60–64 65–69 70–74 75–79 80–84 85–89 Years

Source: DeLamater & Sill (2005, pp. 138–149). © 2005.

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Adults’ sexual lifestyles are as varied as their personalities and intellects. Most marry, but some adults remain single – some of them actively seek a range of partners, others have one partner at a time, and still others lead celibate lives. Men have more sexual partners and report more sexual activity than women during their adult lives, but most members of both sexes have just one sexual partner at a time (Peterson & Hyde, 2010). Among married couples, there is a small decline in quality of sex over the course of marriage, as well as a drop in the quantity of sex (Liu, 2003).There are some gender differences, with married women reporting somewhat less satisfaction with their sex lives than married men (Liu, 2003).

IMPACTS OF SEXUAL ACTIVITY IN ADULTHOOD To what extent does a healthy sex life influence wellbeing in adulthood? Tim Wadsworth (2014) analysed survey results on frequency of sex and happiness levels of over 15 000 men and women. He found that as one went up, so did the other: Adults are happier when they are having more frequent sex.What’s more, adults who believe they are having sex more frequently than their peers are even happier. Other research has found that middle-aged women report more positive moods and lower stress levels on days following sexual behaviour with a partner (Burleson,Trevathan, & Todd, 2007).This benefit may be due to sexual activity alone or may be partly due to the affection that many women reported with the sexual activity. With longer and healthier life spans and greater recognition and acceptance of middle-aged and older adults’ sexual activity, there have been some unexpected consequences. Perhaps most alarming has been the doubling of sexually transmitted illnesses among those 45 and older (Bodley-Tickell et al., 2008). Among postmenopausal women, many assume that there is no need to practise ‘safe sex’ because the threat of an unintended pregnancy is no longer present.They may be uninformed about STIs and too embarrassed to ask for information. Even more disturbing, many older adults do not get tested for STIs, including human immunodeficiency virus (HIV), and may not get the treatment to save their life or improve the quality of their life (Jacobs & Kane, 2010). Clearly, we need to do much more to improve sex education across the entire life span.

CHANGES IN SEXUALITY ACROSS AGE AND GENDER

LINKAGES Chapter 4 Body, brain and health

For older adults who experience declines in sexual interest and activity, what might explain this change? Consider first the physiological changes in sexual capacity that occur with age, as revealed by the pioneering research of William Masters and Virginia Johnson (1966, 1970). Males are at their peak of sexual responsiveness in their late teens and early 20s and gradually become less responsive thereafter. A young man is easily and quickly aroused; his orgasm is intense; and he may have a refractory, or recovery, period of only minutes before he is capable of sexual activity again.The older man is likely to be slower – slower to arouse, slower to ejaculate after being aroused and slower to recover afterward. In addition, levels of male sex hormones decline gradually with age in many men.This may contribute to diminished sexual functioning among older men, although most researchers do not believe that hormonal factors fully explain the changes in sexual behaviour that most men experience (DeLamater, 2012). Physiological changes in women are less dramatic. Females reach their peak of sexual responsiveness later than men do, often not until their mid-30s.Women are capable of more orgasms in a given time span than men are because they have little or no refractory period after orgasm, and this capacity is retained into old age. As noted in Chapter 4, menopause does not seem to reduce sexual activity or interest for most women. However, like older men, older women typically are slower to become sexually excited. Moreover, some experience discomfort associated with decreased lubrication that occurs as oestrogen levels drop with menopause. Masters and Johnson concluded that both men and women are physiologically capable of sexual behaviour well into old age.Women retain this physiological capacity even longer than men, yet they are less sexually active in old age.

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CHAPTER 9: SELF, PERSONALITY, GENDER AND SEXUALITY

Snapshot

Source: Shutterstock.com/Rappholdt

The physiological changes, then, that men and women experience do not explain why many of them become less sexually active in middle and old age (DeLamater, 2012). Apparently, we must turn to factors other than biological ageing to explain changes in sexual behaviour. In summarising these factors, a well-known quote by gerontologist Alex Comfort (1974) applies: ‘In our experience, old folks stop having sex for the same reason they stop riding a bicycle – general infirmity, thinking it looks ridiculous, and no bicycle’ (p. 440; and see DeLamater, 2012). With regard to general infirmity, diseases and disabilities, as well as the drugs prescribed for them, can limit sexual functioning (DeLamater & Sill, 2005). Older adults in good or excellent health not only report engaging in more frequent sex than their peers in poor or fair health, they also report more interest and greater satisfaction with their sexual activity (Lindau & Gavrilova, 2010). Poor health may be especially problematic for men, who may become impotent if they have high blood pressure, coronary disease, diabetes or other health problems. Mental health problems are also important: many cases of impotence among middle-aged and elderly men are attributable to psychological causes such as stress at work and depression rather than to physiological causes (DeLamater, 2012). The second source of problems is social attitudes that view sexual activity in old age as ridiculous, or at least inappropriate. Old people are stereotyped as sexually unappealing and sexless (or as ‘dirty old men’) and are discouraged from expressing sexual interests. These negative attitudes may be internalised by elderly people, causing them to suppress their sexual desires (DeLamater, 2012). Older females may be even further inhibited by the double standard of ageing, which regards ageing in women more negatively than ageing in men. Third, there is Comfort’s ‘no bicycle’ analogy – the lack of a partner, or at least of a willing and desirable partner. Most older women are widowed, divorced or single and face the reality that there just are not enough older men to go around. Lack of a partner, then, is the major problem for elderly women, many of whom continue to be interested in sex, physiologically capable of sexual behaviour and desirous of love and affection (DeLamater, 2012; Karraker, DeLamater, & Schwartz, 2011). Perhaps we should add one more element to Comfort’s bicycle analogy: lack of cycling experience. Masters and Johnson (1966, 1970) proposed a ‘use it or lose it’ principle of sexual behaviour to reflect two findings. First, an individual’s level of sexual activity early in adulthood predicts his or her level of sexual activity in later life.The relationship is not necessarily causal, by the way; it could simply be that some people are more sexually motivated than others throughout adulthood. A second aspect of the ‘use it or lose it’ rule may be causal, however: middle-aged and elderly adults who experience a long period of sexual abstinence often have difficulty regaining their sexual capacity.

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Most adults continue to be interested in sex and engage in sexual behaviours on a regular basis.

Vocational identity and development In this section, we consider the important area of vocational identity, often an outgrowth and expression of an individual’s self-concept and personality. After much experimenting in early adulthood, people settle into chosen occupations in their 30s and strive for success. Ultimately, they prepare for the end of their careers, make the transition into retirement, and attempt to establish a satisfying lifestyle during their latter years.

Establishing a career Early adulthood is a time for exploring vocational possibilities, launching careers, making tentative commitments, revising them if necessary, seeking advancement and establishing yourself firmly in what you hope is a suitable occupation. But launching a career often takes time and involves false starts. For example, a longitudinal study of 21–36-year-old men’s career decisions showed that the proportion of decisions that were predominantly exploratory were 80 per cent at age 21, 50 per cent at age 25 and 37 per cent at age 36 (Phillips, 1982). The average man held seven full-time jobs or training positions between age 18 and age 36.The picture for women is similar (Fuller, 2008; Porfeli & Vondracek, 2009). Copyright 2019 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. WCN 02-200-202

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Search me! and Discover how employers’ informal personality evaluations and hiring decisions are influenced by Facebook users’ content:

Source: © Chris Madden

Goodmon, L. B., Smith, P. L., Ivancevich, D., & Lundberg, S. (2014). Actions speak louder than personality: Effects of Facebook content on personality perceptions. North American Journal of Psychology, 16, 105–119.

Personality is an important influence on how careers go. Job performance is consistently correlated with the Big Five dimensions of conscientiousness, extroversion and emotional stability (Ozer & Benet-Martinez, 2006). As we noted earlier, person–environment fit can be critical, too: people tend to perform poorly and become open to changing jobs when the fit between their personality and aptitudes and the demands of their job or workplace is poor (Nye, Su, Rounds, & Drasgow, 2012). Meanwhile, our vocational experiences affect our personalities (Wille, Beyers, & De Fruyt, 2012). Scollon and Diener (2006), in a longitudinal Australian study, found that work satisfaction was related to personality change, specifically decreases in neuroticism and increases in extroversion. Others have noted the transactional nature of personality and vocation, that is, personality can influence the environments an individual experiences, and in turn the environments they experience can shape their personality. Kimdy Le, M. Brent Donnellan, and Rand Conger (2014) found assertive and ambitious individuals tend to work in more secure and stable positions, which seems to then heighten and develop traits associated with ambition and assertiveness. Gender is another significant influence on vocational development. Traditional gender roles have prompted many women from past generations to subordinate career goals to family goals. Even today, women often interrupt their careers, drop down to part-time work, take less demanding jobs and decline promotions that would involve transferring to a new location so that they can bear and raise children (Biemann, Zacher, & Feldman, 2012; Kirchmeyer, 2006). Having a child results in a drop in women’s earnings for several years (Cooke, Boyle, Couch, & Feijten, 2009). The hours mothers spend on homemaking and child care when their children are young often reduces their productivity at work; meanwhile, young fathers may become more productive at work in order to provide for their new families (Wallace & Young, 2008). In the process, women end up with lower odds of rising to higher paid, more responsible positions. On average, women without children achieve more in their careers than women with children (Wilson, 2003). In addition to vocational and family choices, discrimination can limit women’s vocational development. Traditionally ‘female’ jobs pay less than traditionally ‘male’ jobs even when the intellectual demands of the work are similar. In sum, although we often make preliminary vocational choices early in adulthood, we remain open to making new choices and take some time to settle on careers that fit our personalities and gender roles.

The ageing worker

Traditional gender roles are changing.

Many people believe that adults become less able or less motivated to perform well on the job as they approach retirement. Judging from a meta-analysis of multiple studies (Ng & Feldman, 2008), age is largely unrelated to quality of task performance and creativity on the job. In many areas, job performance of workers in their 50s and 60s is largely similar overall to that of younger workers. Older workers actually outperform younger workers in areas such as good citizenship and safety and have fewer problems with counterproductive behaviour, aggression, substance use on the job,

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CHAPTER 9: SELF, PERSONALITY, GENDER AND SEXUALITY

tardiness and absenteeism. The one place where older workers do not perform as well is in training programs, possibly because many of them involve computer technology. Why is the vocational performance of older workers not hurt by some of the age-related physical and cognitive declines described in this book? First, these declines typically do not become significant until people are in their 70s and 80s, long after they have retired, and even then they do not affect everyone. The ‘older’ workers in most studies are mainly middle-aged adults in their 40s, 50s and 60s. Second, older workers have often accumulated a good deal of on-the-job expertise that helps them continue to perform well. Third and finally, the answer may lie in the strategies that ageing adults use to cope with ageing, such as selective optimisation with compensation (SOC), a strategy we first discussed in Chapter 6, which involves the use of strategies to maintain, strengthen and make up for declining skills (Lang, Rohr, & Williger, 2011). Using SOC, an overworked 60-year-old lawyer might, for example, avoid spreading herself too thin by focusing on her strongest specialty area and delegating other types of assignments to younger workers (selection); put a lot of time into staying up-to-date in her main area of specialisation (optimisation); and make up for her failing memory by taking more notes at meetings (compensation). Although we have some knowledge about the older worker, much remains to be done to understand their true strengths and limitations and to meet the needs of those who have the desire and ability to continue working well into old age.

LINKAGES Chapter 6 Sensoryperception, attention and memory

Retirement Just over a century ago in Australia and New Zealand, most working adults continued working as long as they were able to, as people in many non-industrialised societies still do today.The introduction of old-age pensions in New Zealand in 1898 and then Australia in 1909, affluence and superannuation schemes changed all that, making it possible for more men and women to retire and to do so earlier. The trend toward earlier retirement, however, may be beginning to reverse, with current workers anticipating they will stay in the workforce longer than the current average age of retirement. For example, in 2012 the average age of retirement in Australia was 53.8 years; yet of those Australians still in the workforce in 2012 and who were aged over 45 years, 17 per cent intended to retire at 70 years or older, 49 per cent intended to retire between 65 and 69 years, and 25 per cent intended to retire between 60 and 64 years, with the average intended retirement age being 63.4 years (Temple, 2014; AIHW, 2013). Further, pressures associated with reduced fertility rates and an ageing population have seen governments in industrialised nations such as Australia and New Zealand encourage older workers to remain in the workforce longer by raising or eliminating mandatory retirement ages, raising pension ages and legislating against age discrimination in the workplace. Retirement, whenever it occurs, is not a single event; it is a process that often plays out over a number of years. While some workers do retire by completely finishing work, many others retire gradually, cutting back their work hours, becoming self-employed, taking part-time ‘bridge’ jobs and sometimes cycling in and out of retirement multiple times before they settle into full retirement (Calvo, Haverstick, & Sass, 2009; Zissimopoulos & Karoly, 2009). ON THE INTERNET http://www.massey.ac.nz/massey/learning/departments/school-of-psychology/research/hart/newzealand-health-work-and-retirement-study/new-zealand-health-work-and-retirement-study_home.cfm Visit the New Zealand Health, Work and Retirement Study website to learn more about the study and to access publications and resources.

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When people do retire, there are two main challenges – adjusting to the loss of the work role and developing a satisfying and meaningful lifestyle in retirement (van Solinge & Henkens, 2008). Some research studies indicate that approximately one-third of retirees experience the transition to retirement or being retired as stressful (see, for example, Braithwaite, Gibson, & Bosly-Craft, 1986); other recent studies suggest that this overstates the situation. For example, almost half of retirees in one study adjusted easily and within a month of retirement, whereas only 1 in 5 found it took much longer and was challenging (van Solinge & Henkens, 2008). Overall, though, retirees usually adapt successfully to retirement and to the drop in income that it typically involves. Yet there are huge individual differences in adjustment. What makes for a favourable adjustment to retirement? According to the research (for example, Bender, 2012; Robinson, Demetre, & Corney, 2010; Wang, Henkens, & van Solinge, 2011;Wong & Earl, 2009), good long-term adjustment is most likely among adults who: • retire voluntarily, rather than involuntarily, and feel in control of their retirement decision • enjoy good physical and mental health • have positive personality traits such as agreeableness and emotional stability • have the financial resources to live comfortably • are married or otherwise have strong social support. Here again we see the importance of adopting an interactionist model of development that emphasises the goodness of fit between person and environment and their influence on one another in making the successful transition to retirement. Finally, are retirees worse off than they were before they retired? Negative images of the retired person abound in our society; the retiree supposedly ends up feeling useless, old, bored, sickly and dissatisfied with life. Most research shows that retirement has surprisingly few consistent effects on adults, apart from reduced finances. Retired people generally do not experience a decline in health simply because they retire; rather, poor health is often the cause of retirement. Nor are there negative effects on cognitive or mental functioning, social life or life satisfaction (Coe, von Gaudecker, Lindeboom, & Maurer, 2012). In New Zealand, though, data from the longitudinal Health, Work and Retirement Study has shown that mental health scores increased over time for workers but declined for retirees, suggesting that work may offer a protective benefit (Alpass, 2008). Yet additional longitudinal data in New Zealand has also shown that happiness in retirement is increased by volunteer work, irrespective of ethnicity, and that benefits of are greatest for those of lower economic status (Dulin, Gavala, Stephens, Kostick, & Donald, 2012).

IN REVIEW CHECKING UNDERSTANDING

CRITICAL THINKING

1 According to Erikson, when and how might an adult gain a sense of integrity?

‘People who retire usually show a decline in health, socialisation and cognitive ability as a consequence.’ Refute this statement, using evidence to support your points.

2 How do gender roles shift during adulthood? 3 What factors are associated with a decline in sexual behaviour in old age? 4 What factors are associated with positive adjustment to retirement?

Express

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CHAPTER REVIEW SUMMARY 9.1  Conceptualising the self and personality ■■ Personality is an organised combination of attributes, motives, values and behaviours unique to the individual. Aspects of personality include dispositional traits, more changeable characteristic adaptations and unique narrative identities. Selfconcept is an individual’s perceptions of their attributes; self-esteem and overall evaluation of selfworth; and identity is a coherent self-definition. ■■ Psychoanalytic theorists maintain that we all experience stage-like personality changes at similar ages. Trait theorists believe that a small number of core aspects of personality are enduring, and social cognitive theorists maintain that people can change

in any number of directions at any time if their social environments change. ■■ Gender identity and gender-role differences arise from an interaction of biological influences, socialisation and environmental factors. ■■ Sexuality refers to an individual’s capacities for sexual feelings, thoughts and behaviours; an aspect of this is sexual orientation, which is usually expressed on a continuum of heterosexual, mostly heterosexual, mostly homosexual, homosexual or bisexual. Differences in sexual orientation arise from an interplay of biological and environmental factors.

9.2  The infant ■■ Early in their first year, infants gain a sense of existential self, or the sense that they are separate from but can act on the world around them; by 18– 24 months, they display self-recognition and form a categorical sense of self based on social categories such as age and gender. The development of selfawareness and self-representation proceeds as a result of cognitive development, social interaction and cultural expectations. ■■ Infants are sexual beings with genitals and nervous systems that allow for sexual responses; infants

explore their bodies and experience arousal but are not aware this behaviour is sexual. ■■ Infants differ in temperament: in mood, habits, emotions and adaptability (easy, difficult and slowto-warm-up temperaments) (Thomas and Chess); in behavioural inhibition (Kagan); and in surgency/ extroversion, negative affectivity and effortful control (Rothbart). Temperament is influenced by genes and the environment, and infant temperament is only moderately related to later personality.

9.3  The child ■■ Whereas the self-concepts of preschool children are focused on physical characteristics and activities, older children describe their inner psychological traits and social ties and evaluate their competencies through social comparison. ■■ Self-esteem is influenced by genetic and environmental factors and is associated with wellbeing, health and achievement. Self-esteem levels show a declining trend throughout childhood, but levels remain relatively high. Children are most likely to develop high self-esteem when they are competent, fare well in social comparisons and have warm, democratic parents. ■■ Links between early temperament and the Big Five personality traits are evident, and some personality traits stabilise in childhood; but other traits do not stabilise until adolescence or adulthood. ■■ By the time they enter school, children have long been aware of their basic gender identities, have acquired many gender-role stereotypes and have

come to prefer gender-appropriate activities and same-gender playmates. Different theoretical perspectives attempt to explain how this occurs: the social learning perspective focuses on differential reinforcement and observational learning; and cognitive perspectives emphasise the development of cognitive understandings of gender and active self-socialisation. Each theory has some support, but none is completely correct. ■■ Children’s understandings of sex and reproduction proceed through a sequence consistent with Piaget’s cognitive-developmental stages. School-age children engage in sexual play and sexual selfexploration and appear to experience their first sexual attractions around age 10, associated with pre-pubertal hormonal changes. There are differences between developmentally appropriate sexual exploration/play and warning signs of potential sexual abuse. >>>

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9.4 The adolescent ■■ During adolescence, self-concepts become more psychological, abstract, differentiated and integrated, and show increased self-awareness. Selfesteem levels of adolescents as a group generally continue the declining trend that started in childhood, but mostly remain at a healthy level. Yet for some individuals self-rsteem increases over time. ■■ In resolving Erikson’s conflict of identity versus role confusion, many teens progress through four identity statuses, from diffusion or foreclosure to moratorium to identity achievement status; this occurs at different rates in different domains (for example, vocational, sexual, political-ideological, ethnicracial). Analysing life stories, or narrative identities, is another approach to studying identity. Cognitive development, personality, quality of relationship with parents, opportunities for exploration and cultural context influence identity development.

■■ According to the gender intensification hypothesis, pubertal changes and social pressures lead teens to be less tolerant of genderrole deviations and to display more genderstereotypical traits and behaviours. The evidence is mixed about whether gender intensification occurs during adolescence. ■■ In adolescence, forming a positive sexual identity is an important task, one that can be difficult for those with homosexual or bisexual orientations. During the past century, rates of sexual activity in teens have increased, especially in girls; we have also seen increased endorsement of the view that sex with affection (but not necessarily with commitment) is acceptable, a weakening of the double standard, and increased confusion about sexual norms.

9.5  The adult ■■ Older adults maintain self-esteem until late old age by converging their ideal and real selves, adjusting goals and standards of self-evaluation, comparing themselves with other ageing adults, and not internalising ageist stereotypes. ■■ Individuals’ rankings on the trait dimensions of personality become more stable with age; group rankings tend to show a curvilinear pattern, that is, traits gradually increase from young adulthood, peak in middle age, and then decrease toward old age. Stability of personality may be caused by genes, the lasting effects of early experiences, stable environments and gene-environment correlations; personality change may result from biological or environmental changes or person-environment fit. ■■ According to Erikson’s psychosocial theory of personality growth, the resolution of the childhood conflicts centering on trust, autonomy, initiative, industry and identity paves the way for achieving intimacy in early adulthood, generativity in middle age and integrity through life review in old age. ■■ Gender roles become more distinct when adults marry and have children, particularly during the

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child-rearing years. Once children are grown, however, older adults often display greater flexibility in their behaviour, incorporating both masculine-stereotypic and feminine-stereotypic traits and roles. ■■ Many older adults continue having sexual intercourse, and many of those who cease having it or have it less frequently continue to be sexually motivated. Elderly people can continue to enjoy an active sex life if they retain their physical and mental health, do not allow negative attitudes surrounding sexuality in later life to stand in their way, have a willing and able partner and continue to use their capacity for sex. ■■ Establishing a career takes time and involves settling on careers that fit our personalities and life roles. Older workers are generally as effective as younger workers, possibly because they use selective optimisation with compensation to cope with ageing. Most retiring workers adjust to the loss of the work role and experience a positive retirement with generally little change in health or psychological wellbeing.

CHAPTER 9: SELF, PERSONALITY, GENDER AND SEXUALITY Copyright 2019 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. WCN 02-200-202

END-OF-CHAPTER ACTIVITIES SELF-TEST Answer these questions to self-test your knowledge of the chapter content. The answers are at the end of the chapter.

1

Match the concepts of personality and self with the correct definition. a personality

1 A personal sense of one’s own gender

b dispositional traits

2 The organised combination of attributes, motives, values and behaviours unique to each individual

c characteristic adaptations

3 A person’s romantic and sexual preferences, behaviour and identity

d narrative identities

4 Relatively enduring dimensions or qualities of personality along which people differ (e.g. extroversion, aloofness)

e self-concept

5 An individual’s biological status as indicated by characteristics such as sex chromosomes, hormones, external genitalia and internal reproductive organs

f self-esteem

6 Unique and integrative ‘life stories’ that we construct about our pasts and futures to give ourselves an identity and our lives meaning

g identity

7 Overall self-evaluation of worth as based on an assessment of the qualities that make up the self-concept

h temperament

8 A self-definition or coherent sense of who one is, where one is going and how one fits into society

i sex

9 Situation-specific and changeable aspects of personality, including motives, goals, plans, schemata, self-conceptions, stage-specific concerns and coping mechanisms

j gender

10 A genetically-based pattern of tendencies to respond in predictable ways to events, which serve as the building blocks of personality

k gender identity

11 Self-perceptions of unique attributes or traits

l sexual orientation

12 All the social and emotional qualities that a particular society associates with masculinity and femininity

2

True or false? Self-concept and self-esteem are essentially the same thing.

3

During adulthood, an individual’s rankings on the trait dimensions of personality: a are relatively consistent over time. b are curvilinear and show a gradual increase from young adulthood, a peak in middle age, and then a decrease toward old age. c are strongly correlated to infant temperament. d cannot be reliably measured in adults.

4 Which of the following statements about gender roles tends to be supported by research?

a Gender intensification during adolescence is a reliably observed trend. b Couple gender roles become less traditional during the child-rearing years. c Compared to preschoolers, children in middle childhood are less tolerant of others’ deviations from stereotypic gender roles. d Observational learning processes are involved in the acquisition of gender roles. 5

True or false? Most retirees need a long period of time to adjust to the changes in their life and their reduced income.

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REVIEW QUESTIONS Develop your understanding of the chapter content by preparing short answer or essay responses to the following questions – or you might like to try developing a concept map or thinking map for these questions.

1

2

3

perspectives, cognitive developmental theory and gender schema theory.

Define and give examples of the following aspects of personality: dispositional traits, characteristic adaptations, narrative identities, self-concept and selfesteem. Explain the meaning of gender identity and summarise the evidence for both genetic and environmental contributions to its development. Explain the multidimensional and hierarchical nature of self-esteem and the factors that contribute to its being high or low.

4 Explain the influence of childhood temperament on the development of later personality and adjustment. 5

6

Describe the differences between healthy and unhealthy (i.e. red flags for suspected sexual abuse) expression of sexualised behaviour in children.

7

Discuss how self-concept typically changes between childhood and adolescence.

8

Summarise the statuses of identity development and how these unfold during adolescence.

9

Describe what we know about continuity and discontinuity in personality trait dimensions over the adult years.

10 Summarise the challenges associated with retirement, and the factors that would enable older workers to adjust well to retirement.

Summarise and evaluate the usefulness of the following gender-typing explanations: social learning

FOR DISCUSSION Discuss and debate your point of view on the following developmental issues, dilemmas and controversies related to topics in this chapter.

1

have on their children’s gender-role development? What about their psychological wellbeing and adjustment? Discuss this in terms of what the research and theory tells us about gender-role development.

You may have seen occasional media reports about parents raising their child as ‘gender neutral’ due to concerns they have about traditional gender roles and stereotypes. (You can locate some of these media reports using the search term ‘raising a gender-neutral child’, or similar.) These parents may, for example, give their child a gender-neutral name, dress the child in gender-neutral clothes and allow the child to play only with gender-neutral toys. Some parents go to greater extremes and do not have a television in the home, will not use gender-specific labels for their child such as ‘boy’ or ‘girl’, and may even hide the biological sex of their child from friends and family. What impacts do you think this gender-neutral approach to parenting might

2

In our society, we assume that giving youth a long moratorium period in which to explore possible identities is a good thing, so we encourage post-secondary education and accept the time that some adolescents take for experimenting before they must take on adult responsibilities. In other societies and cultures, though, youth are expected to assume the adult roles specified for them and are trained for these roles. What do you see as the pros and cons of these two approaches?

ONLINE STUDY TOOLS COURSEMATE EXPRESS Express

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SEARCH ME! PSYCHOLOGY Explore Search me! Psychology for articles relevant to this chapter. Fast and convenient, Search me! Psychology is updated daily and provides you with 24-hour access to full text articles from hundreds of scholarly and popular journals, eBooks and newspapers, including The Australian and The New York Times. Log in to the Search me! Psychology database via http://login.cengagebrain.com and try searching for the following key words: Search tip: Search me! Psychology contains information from both local and international sources. To get the greatest number of search results, try using both Australian and American spellings in your searches, e.g. ‘globalisation’ and ‘globalization’; ‘organisation’ and ‘organization’.

→ HEXACO → gender dysphoria → personality.

ANSWERS TO THE SELF-TEST 1: (a) 2, (b) 4, (c) 9, (d) 6, (e) 11, (f) 7, (g) 8, (h) 10, (i) 5, (j)12, (k) 1, (l) 3; 2: False; 3: (a); 4: (d); 5: False

REFERENCES Adams, M., Walker, C., & O’Connell, P. (2011). A content analysis of representations of parenting in young children’s picture books in the UK. Sex Roles, 65, 259–270.

Anthis, K., & LaVoie, J. C. (2006). Readiness to change: A longitudinal study of changes in adult identity. Journal of Research in Personality, 40, 209–219.

Alexander, G. M. (2003). An evolutionary perspective of sex–typed toy preferences: Pink, blue, and the brain. Archives of Sexual Behavior, 32, 7–14.

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10 CHAPTER

SOCIAL COGNITION AND MORAL DEVELOPMENT CHAPTER OUTLINE 10.1 Social cognition Developing a theory of mind Perspective taking Social cognition in adulthood

10.2 Perspectives on moral development Moral emotion: Psychoanalytic theory and beyond Moral reasoning: Cognitive developmental theory Moral behaviour: Social cognitive theory

The functions of morality: Evolutionary theory

10.3 The infant Empathy and prosocial behaviour Early antisocial behaviour Early moral training

10.4 The child Moral understandings Moral socialisation

10.5 The adolescent Moral identity Changes in moral reasoning Antisocial behaviour Bullying

10.6 The adult Changes in moral reasoning Religion and spirituality

Taking a stand

appearances on television, gave speeches at schools

After several serious bullying incidents in her school,

and communicated the anti-bullying message on

13-year-old New Zealand teenager Tori McAuley took

Facebook. Tori was concerned that strategies to tackle

her concerns to her school principal, but felt more

bullying in schools were not working and that adults

could be done to rid not only her school of bullying, but

were failing to adequately address the issue. ‘Nobody’s

all New Zealand schools. Tori took her anti-bullying

listening, nobody’s taking this seriously. Should it take a

campaign all the way to the top, meeting with the

13-year-old to stand up? No, but it’s proven that it has to

prime minister and politicians. She made several

be’ (One News, 2011, para. 14).

Express Throughout this chapter, the CourseMate Express logo indicates an opportunity for online self-study, linking you to activities, videos and other online resources.

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LINKAGES Chapter 9 Self, personality, gender and sexuality

Our chapter opening story addresses the topic of bullying and one inspiring teen’s efforts to address this problem. Many of you may recall episodes of when you or your peers teased or bullied, or failed to take the perspective of and empathise with a classmate. What might have stopped you or others from mistreating someone or prompted you to intervene? What influences individuals like Tori to take a public stand against social injustices? In this chapter, we build on our understanding of development of the self and personality (see Chapter 9) and continue by exploring how we come to understand people and think through a variety of social and moral issues.We begin with a look at the development of thinking about people and their behaviour, which includes learning to take the perspectives of other people. We then look closely at moral development and social behaviour. We ask how humans acquire moral standards; how they decide what is right and wrong; how they decide what to do when faced with moral dilemmas; how empathy, guilt and other emotions influence what they do; and why some individuals behave more morally than others.

10.1 SOCIAL COGNITION Learning objectives

social cognition Thinking about the thoughts, feelings, motives and behaviour of the self and other people

false-belief task A task used to assess the understanding that people can hold incorrect beliefs and be influenced by them. theory of mind The understanding that people have mental states such as feelings, desires, beliefs and intentions that underlie and help explain their behavior

LINKAGES Chapter 11 Emotions, attachment and social relationships

■■ Outline basic concepts and theories related to social cognition across the life span. ■■ Summarise key points relating to what theory of mind is, how it develops, and what factors influence its emergence. ■■ Describe the role of belief-desire psychology in social cognition. ■■ Discuss the importance of perspective-taking skills.

Social cognition is thinking about the perceptions, thoughts, emotions, motives and behaviours of

self, other people, groups and even whole social systems (Flavell, 1985). We have already touched on some important aspects of social cognitive development, for example, learning that older children think differently than younger children about what they are like as individuals and about how males and females differ (see Chapter 9). In this section we focus on developmental changes in the ability to understand human psychology, describe other people and adopt other people’s perspectives.

Developing a theory of mind Imagine that you are a young child, brought to a research laboratory and led through the scenario portrayed in Figure 10.1. A girl named Sally puts her marble in a basket and leaves the room. While she is gone, Anne moves the marble to a box. Sally returns to the room. Where will Sally look for her marble? This task, called a false-belief task, assesses the understanding that people can hold incorrect beliefs and that these beliefs, though incorrect, can influence their behaviour. The task was used in a pioneering study by Simon Baron-Cohen, Alan Leslie, and Uta Frith (1985) to determine whether children, including those with Down syndrome or autism, have a theory of mind, or an understanding that people have mental states such as desires, beliefs and intentions and that these mental states influence their behaviour. We all rely on a theory of mind, referring to mental states every day to predict and explain human behaviour. This is an important skill for developing social relationships, which we look at further in Chapter 11. Children who pass the false-belief task in Figure 10.1, and therefore show evidence of having a theory of mind, say that Sally will look for her marble in the basket (where she falsely believes it to  be) rather than in the box (where it was moved without her knowledge). Children who

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CHAPTER 10: SOCIAL COGNITION AND MORAL DEVELOPMENT

have a theory of mind believe that Sally’s behaviour will FIGURE 10.1  The false-belief task involving Sally be guided by her false belief about the marble’s location. and Anne They are able to set aside their own knowledge of where The child who has developed a theory of mind should say the marble ended up after Anne moved it. that Sally will look in the basket based on her false belief that the marble is there. The child who fails this false-belief task In the study by Baron-Cohen and his colleagues, about says that Sally will look in the box (where the child knows the 85 per cent of 4-year-olds of normal intelligence and of marble has been moved). older children with Down syndrome passed the false-belief task about Sally and her marble. Yet despite mental ages Sally places her greater than those of the children with Down syndrome, marble in a basket. 80 per cent of the children with autism failed. This study caused much excitement because it suggested that children with autism display severe social deficits because they lack a theory of mind and suffer ‘mind blindness’ (BaronSally leaves the room. Cohen, 1995; and see Chapter 12). Imagine trying to understand and interact with people if you were unable to appreciate such fundamentals of human psychology as that people look for objects where they believe the objects are The child being tested watches as Anne transfers located, choose things that they want and reject things that Sally’s marble to the box. they dislike, and sometimes attempt to plant false beliefs in others (lie). Sally returns. Temple Grandin, a professor of animal sciences who has autism, describes what it is like to lack a theory of mind: The child being tested is asked the critical question: she must create a memory bank of how people behave Where will Sally look for her and what emotions they express in various situations and marble? then ‘compute’ how people might be expected to behave Source: Baron-Cohen, Leslie, & Frith (1985). Reprinted with permission from Elsevier. in similar situations (Sacks, 1993). Although she can grasp simple emotions like happiness, she reports never quite getting what Romeo and Juliet was about. She feels awkward trying to carry on conversations LINKAGES with people, but relates well to animals. She uses this talent to encourage more humane ways of handling livestock. Just as we cannot understand falling objects without employing the concept Chapter 12 Developmental of gravity, we cannot hope to understand humans without invoking the concept of mental states psychopathology and our theory of mind. It is important to recognise that cross-cultural research has revealed conflicting evidence regarding the timing of the acquisition of theory of mind. Studies have shown up to 2 years’ variation in the age at which children pass false-belief tasks, with a collectivist cultural background in particular contributing to earlier mastery (Shahaeian, Peterson, Slaughter, & Wellman, 2011).

First steps in infancy Although children normally do not pass false-belief tasks until about age 4, a theory of mind begins developing in infancy. Infants have far more sophisticated social cognitive skills than previously suspected. Several abilities are considered important early steps in developing a theory of mind, and most of these skills are deficient in children with autism (see Doherty, 2009). 1 Imitation. Imitation of other people in the first year of life (see Chapter 6) reveals an ability to mentally represent their actions – and very likely the goals or intentions behind them. 2 Understanding intentions. In their first months of life, infants come to understand, partly from their own actions on the world, that other people have intentions, set goals and act to achieve them (Woodward, 2009). By 6 months of age, infants much prefer a ‘helper’ character who

LINKAGES Chapter 6 Sensoryperception, attention and memory

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LINKAGES Chapter 8 Language, literacy and learning Chapter 9 Self, personality, gender and sexuality Chapter 11 Emotions, attachment and social relationships

Source: Getty Images Plus/ fotostorm

desire psychology The earliest stage of theory-of-mind development, in which it is understood that desires guide behaviour.

Snapshot

Even 1-year-olds show awareness that other people can have mental states (perceptions) different from their own when they point at objects so that their companions and they can jointly attend to the same object.

assists another to achieve a goal (pushing them up to the top of a hill) to a ‘hinderer’ who blocks goal achievement (pushing them down the hill and preventing them from getting to the top), showing that they understand good and bad intentions (Hamlin & Wynn, 2011; Hamlin, Wynn, & Bloom, 2007; but see Scarf, Imuta, Colombo, & Hayne, 2012 for another explanation). 3 Joint attention. Starting at around 9 months, infants and their caregivers begin to engage in joint attention, where both look at the same object at the same time (see also Chapters 8 and 9). At this age, infants sometimes point to toys and then look toward their companions, encouraging others to look at what they are looking at. By doing so, infants show awareness that other people have different perceptual experiences – and that two people can share a perceptual experience. An infant’s ability to get involved in bouts of joint attention is a good predictor of later social competence (Van Hecke et al., 2007). 4 Pretend play. When infants engage in their first simple pretend play, between 1 and 2 years, they show at least a primitive understanding of the difference between make-believe (a kind of false belief) and reality (also see Chapter 9), for example, when they make exaggerated lipsmacking noises as they drink from a pretend cup at a pretend tea party. However, there are cultural variations in the way children engage in pretend play. A recent study of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander young children, using Pilbara-region animal toys and dark-coloured dolls, provided support for a standardised measure that recognises these differences – the Indigenous Child-Initiated Pretend Play Assessment (ChIPPA) (Dender & Stagnitti, 2011). 5 Emotional understanding. As we will see later when we look at infant empathy and helping, teasing a sibling or comforting a playmate who is crying in the second year of life reflects an understanding that other people have emotions and that these emotions can be influenced for good or bad (Flavell, 1999; see also Chapter 11). Some researchers claim that infants as young as 15 months understand that people can hold false beliefs. By simplifying the false-belief task, Kristine Onishi and Renée Baillargeon (2005) found that infants this age are surprised (as indicated by looking longer) when an actor does not look for a toy where she should believe it was hidden (and see Scott & Baillargeon, 2009). This intuitive surprise is probably not the same as the more explicit conscious understanding of how false beliefs can lead people astray that children normally achieve by age 4 (Doherty, 2009; Sodian, 2011). Yet it adds to our picture of an infant who is ready to understand and participate in the social world.

Desire and belief-desire psychologies We have even more solid evidence that children, starting at age 2, are developing theories of mind when they begin to refer to mental states in their speech (Doherty, 2009). For example, Ross (2 years, 7 months), when questioned why he kept asking ‘why’, replied, ‘I want to say “why”’, explaining his behaviour in terms of his desire; Adam (3 years, 3 months) commented about a bus, ‘I thought it was a taxi’, showing awareness that he held a false belief about the bus (Wellman & Bartsch, 1994, p. 345). Children as young as 2½ years of age (and older preschool children) will attempt to deceive other people; they will try to plant a false belief in an experimenter if they are shown how to erase telltale footprints leading toward the spot where a bag of gold coins and jewels is hidden and to lay new footprints heading in the wrong direction (Chandler, Fritz, & Hala, 1989). Based on studies like these, Henry Wellman (1990) theorised that children’s theories of mind unfold in two phases. Around age 2, children develop a desire psychology. Toddlers talk about what they want and explain their own behaviour and that of others in terms of wants or desires. This

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CHAPTER 10: SOCIAL COGNITION AND MORAL DEVELOPMENT

early desire psychology could be seen even among 18-month-olds in a study by Betty Repacholi and Alison Gopnik (1997). An experimenter tried two foods – crackers and broccoli florets – and expressed happiness in response to one but disgust in response to the other. Because the toddlers almost universally preferred the crackers to the broccoli, the acid test was a scenario in which toddlers saw the experimenter express her liking for broccoli but her disgust at the crackers (‘Eww! Crackers! I tasted crackers! Eww!’). When confronted with the two bowls of food and asked to give the experimenter some, would these toddlers give her broccoli or crackers? The 14-month-olds in the study either did not comply with the request or gave the experimenter crackers, despite her distaste for them. However, the 18-month-olds gave her broccoli, showing that they were able to infer and honour her desire based on her previous emotional reactions. By age 4, children normally progress to a belief-desire psychology. They appreciate that people do what they do because they desire certain things and because they believe that certain actions will help them fulfil their desires. They now pass false-belief tasks like the one about Sally, demonstrating an explicit understanding that desires and beliefs (true or false) guide people’s behaviour (Wellman, Cross, & Watson, 2001; Wellman & Liu, 2004). The 4-year-olds described by theory-of-mind researchers are more sophisticated in their understanding of human psychology than the egocentric preschoolers described by Jean Piaget (see Chapter 5). However, it is better to think of a theory of mind as a set of understandings that children begin to develop well before age 4, and continue to refine long afterward, than to view it as something children ‘have’ at 4 years (Miller, 2012;Wellman & Liu, 2004). Much older children can be challenged when they are asked to understand sarcasm, where the intended meaning of a statement is different from its literal meaning, as in the advanced theory-of-mind task in the chapter Engagement box. In late primary school, children are still mastering complex second-order belief statements such as, ‘Mary thinks that Jeff thinks that she hates him’, in which people have beliefs about other people’s beliefs (Miller, 2012). It is not until then that children grasp that different human minds construct different views of reality, which influence their interpretations of events (Flavell, 1999). Next, we consider what contributes to the development of theory of mind.

Nature and nurture How do nature and nurture contribute to the development of theory of mind? We seem to need both the brain and the right kinds of social experience.

NATURE AND THEORY OF MIND On the nature side of the nature–nurture issue, evolutionary theorists argue that having a theory of mind proved adaptive to our ancestors and became part of our biological endowment as a species through natural selection (Buss, 2012;Tomasello & Herrmann, 2010).You can appreciate that theoryof-mind skills would help humans function as members of a social group, gain resources and survive. Social behaviours such as bargaining, conflict resolution, cooperation and competition depend on understanding other people and predicting their behaviour. Some support for an evolutionary perspective on theory-of-mind skills comes from studies of other primates. Chimpanzees, gorillas and other great apes share with humans basic, although not advanced, theory-of-mind skills. They can deceive others to get what they want (Hare, Call, & Tomasello, 2006; Tomasello, Call, & Hare, 2003).Yet human children have more advanced skills and are more successful than chimps at participating in games where they must cooperate with others to achieve a goal (Tomasello & Herrmann, 2010).

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belief-desire psychology The theory of mind reflecting an understanding that people’s desires and beliefs guide their behaviour and that their beliefs are not always an accurate reflection of reality.

LINKAGES Chapter 5 Cognitive development

MAKING CONNECTIONS Next time you have a conversation with family or friends about other people, observe any statements in which they refer to people’s beliefs, desires, intentions and the like in attempting to account for someone’s behaviour.

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Engagement DO YOU HAVE A THEORY OF MIND? Try this example of a higher-level theory-of-mind problem suitable for primary school–aged children and used by Candida Peterson and colleagues (2012, pp. 474, 485) in a study of Australian children. Read the scenario below then answer the questions before checking the scoring guide below. The girl and boy [shown in a picture] are going on a picnic. It is the boy’s idea. He says it will be a lovely sunny day. But when they get the food out, big storm clouds come. It rains and the food gets all wet. The girl says: ‘It’s a lovely day for a picnic’. 1. Is it true, what the girl said? 2. Why did the girl say ‘it’s a lovely day for a picnic’? 3. Was the girl happy about the rain?

LINKAGES Chapter 1 Understanding life span human development

mirror neurons Neural cells in several brain areas that are activated both when we perform an action and when we observe someone else performing it.

Scoring guide This task assesses a child’s ability to recognise sarcasm, which requires a more advanced level of mind reading than the false-belief task in Figure 10.1. The critical test question is the second question, ‘Why did the girl say “it’s a lovely day for a picnic?”’ Passing answers Answers that pass this task reflect understanding that the girl’s intended meaning is different from the literal meaning of what she said, such as: She’s being sarcastic/sarcasm; she doesn’t mean it; because it’s an idiom; she tricked him; it’s her way of telling him she is upset; just to make up a little joke; she is saying politely that she is not happy; because she

is a smart aleck; because she is meaning ‘Why tell me it was nice?’

Failing answers Because it is sunny [raining]; it’s lovely outside; she likes rain [picnics]/ we need rain; she wants to play in the puddles; because she [the cake] got wet; because he lied to her; she thought it was sunny/did not see clouds; she’s cross; to tell him off; because it’s not sunny; so he doesn’t feel bad; because he said it first; because her dad likes the rain but she doesn’t.

In the Peterson et al. (2012) study, only 4 per cent of children ages 3–5 years passed the key question, compared to 41 per cent of children aged 7½–11½ years. Thus, even the older children tested found this theoryof-mind task challenging.

In further support of the influence of the nature side, developing a theory of mind requires a certain level of neurological and cognitive maturation. This may be why children everywhere develop a theory of mind and progress from a desire psychology to a belief-desire psychology in the same manner at a similar age (Tardif & Wellman, 2000). Abnormal brain development in children with autism is suspected to be behind their great difficulty passing theory-of-mind tasks. Neuropsychologists have identified areas in the prefrontal cortex and the temporoparietal junction of the brain that are uniquely involved in thinking about people’s beliefs (Sabbagh, 2006; Saxe & Powell, 2006). Using functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI; see Chapter 1) to determine which areas of the brain are active while a person completes a task (see Saxe & Kanwisher, 2003) shows that the areas of adults’ brains that respond strongly during false-belief tasks do not respond to similar tasks that do not involve thinking about mental states. Moreover, 4- to 6-year-old children who pass false-belief tasks rely on the same brain areas to think about others’ beliefs as adults do, whereas children who fail these tasks use different brain areas (Liu, Meltzoff, & Wellman, 2009; and see Saxe et al., 2009). Neurological maturation related to theory of mind continues until the teens, with a progressive increase in brain activation during theoryof-mind tasks up until adolescence, after which there is a progressive decline toward adulthood (Sebastian et al., 2012; Moor et al., 2012). As children develop, their brains increasingly behave like adult brains in responding to information about mental states (Gweon, Dodell-Feder, Bedney, & Saxe, 2012). Neuropsychologists believe social cognition involves mirror neurons in several areas of the brain – neurons that are activated both when we perform an action and when we observe someone else perform the same action (Iacoboni, 2009; Pineda, 2009; Rizzolatti & Sinigaglia, 2008). Thus, observing someone grasp a ball activates the same neurons that fire when we grasp a ball ourselves. Mirror neuron systems may therefore facilitate learning and imitation of what we see and hear,

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including language. These neurons, evident in multiple areas of the brain, may also be critical in allowing us to quickly infer another person’s mental state based on our own experiences of the same visible actions and facial expressions and corresponding internal states. For example, by watching a person reach for a Coke on a hot day, we readily infer that he or she is thirsty and wants a drink, and when they take a sip, we readily infer from facial expressions, which we are likely to unconsciously and subtly imitate, that he or she is happy. Through mirror neuron systems, we make sense of other people by drawing on what we know of ourselves. Mirror neuron systems appear to be involved in imitation, theory-of-mind understandings, language and empathy (Iacoboni & Dapretto, 2006), and mirror neuron deficits may help explain the difficulty individuals with autism have in these areas (Gallese, Rochat, & Berchio, 2013; Oberman & Ramachandran, 2007). For example, the mirror neurons of individuals with autism are not as active as those of typically developing individuals when they are asked to observe or imitate others’ actions (Dapretto et al., 2006; Williams et al., 2006). Furthermore, individuals with autism do not automatically and subtly mimic other people’s facial expressions of emotion the way the rest of us do – as when we cringe while watching someone else in pain (McIntosh, Reichmann-Decker, Winkielman & Wilbarger, 2006). Ultimately, social cognition depends on both automatic neural processes, such as mirror neuron firings, and more conscious reasoning supported by the higher centres of the brain. Our human brains seem to be magnificently designed for social cognition.

NURTURE AND THEORY OF MIND On the nurture side of nature–nurture is evidence that acquiring a theory of mind, similar to language, requires a normal human brain but also experience interacting with other humans – participating in a ‘community of minds’ (Nelson et al., 2003). Children do not construct their theories of mind on their own. They construct them jointly with others during conversations about mental states (Doherty, 2009; Thompson, 2006). The evidence? Social interaction involving language appears critical to the development of a theory of mind. Deaf children of deaf parents, who can communicate with their companions using sign language, develop theory-of-mind skills on schedule. But deaf children of hearing parents, who usually do not have an opportunity to converse in sign language from an early age, achieve milestones in social cognitive development slowly, sometimes struggling with false-belief tasks even at ages 8–10 (Peterson & Wellman, 2009; Peterson, Wellman, & Liu, 2005). Parents contribute to the development of theory-of-mind skills in several ways. They do so by forming secure attachments with their children and being sensitive to their needs and perspectives (Symons & Clark, 2000; Thompson, 2012). Even more important may be a parent’s ‘mind-mindedness’. Australian and New Zealand researchers have shown that mothers who talk in elaborated and appropriate ways about their children’s desires or mental states (‘You were probably sad because you thought Grandma would stay with us longer’) tend to have children who later have more advanced theory-of-mind skills, mental-state language, and performance on emotion-related tasks (Peterson & Slaughter, 2003; Taumoepeau & Ruffman, 2006). So do mothers who encourage their children to imagine what others may have thought or felt (Taumoepeau & Ruffman, 2008). Conversations with siblings may also contribute to theory-of-mind skills, as children with siblings seem to more quickly grasp the elements of theory of mind (McAlister & Peterson, 2006, 2007). Engaging in pretend play with siblings may be especially instructive because the players must have shared beliefs about their pretend world (Youngblade & Dunn, 1995). Sibling conflicts may also generate lots of talk about mental states (‘She thought you were done with your ice cream’, ‘He didn’t mean to step on your head’).

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CULTURE AND THEORY OF MIND Finally, cultural influences are evident: although most children worldwide master false-belief tasks around age 4 and develop theory-of-mind skills in much the same order, children are slower to develop theory-of-mind skills in cultures where there is not much talk about mental states (Wellman et al., 2001). This is the case in Samoa; others’ minds are considered largely unknowable so mental states are not discussed much. Perhaps as a result, it was not until age 8 that a majority of Samoan children tested in one study passed false-belief tasks (Mayer & Träuble, 2013). Conversely, research comparing Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander versus non-Indigenous Australian children has shown 2-year-old Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander toddlers to significantly outperform their peers and to maintain their high theory-of-mind performance throughout childhood, even when displaying significantly lower levels of English language skill (O’Reilly & Peterson, 2014). In sum, acquiring a theory of mind – the foundation for all later social cognitive development – begins in infancy and toddlerhood with first steps such as imitation, understanding of intentions, joint attention, pretend play and emotional understanding; and advances from a desire psychology to a belief-desire psychology and beyond (see Table 10.1). It is the product of both nature and nurture; that is, it is an evolved set of skills that relies on specialised areas of the brain and mirror neurons and that will not emerge without normal TABLE 10.1  Milestones in the development of theory of mind neurological and cognitive growth, but will also not develop without social Age Achievements experiences that involve talking about Birth to 2 years Joint attention, understanding of intentions, pretend mental states with parents, siblings and play, imitation, emotional understanding other companions. 2 years Desire psychology It is fundamentally important to 4 years Belief-desire psychology master theory-of-mind skills if we want 5 years and beyond Understanding of second-order beliefs, sarcasm, to participate in the social world. Beyond different views of reality that, children who have mastered these skills generally can think more maturely about moral and social problems, and tend to have more advanced social skills and adjustment (Doherty, 2009; Miller, 2012). However, theory-of-mind skills can be used to good or bad ends. Bullies and good liars often prove to be very adept at ‘mind reading’ too (Talwar & Lee, 2008), so there is no guarantee that those strong in theory of mind will be socially well adjusted or behave in moral ways.

Perspective taking perspective-taking skills The ability to assume other people’s perspectives and understand their thoughts, feelings and behaviours; also known as role-taking skills.

Another important aspect of social cognitive development involves outgrowing the egocentrism that characterises young children and developing perspective-taking skills, also called role-taking skills: the ability to adopt another person’s perspective and understand his or her thoughts and feelings. Perspective-taking skills are essential in thinking about moral issues from different points of view, predicting the consequences of a person’s actions for others and empathising with others (Gibbs, 2013). Robert Selman (1976, 1980;Yeates & Selman, 1989) contributed greatly to our understanding of perspective-taking abilities by asking children questions about interpersonal dilemmas such as this one: Holly is an 8-year-old girl who likes to climb trees. She is the best tree climber in the neighbourhood. One day while climbing down from a tall tree, she falls … but does not hurt herself. Her father sees her fall. He is upset and asks her to promise not to climb trees any more. Holly promises.

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Later that day, Holly and her friends meet Shawn. Shawn’s kitten is caught in a tree and can’t get down. Something has to be done right away or the kitten may fall. Holly is the only one who climbs trees well enough to reach the kitten and get it down but she remembers her promise to her father. Selman, 1976, p. 302

To assess how well a child understands the perspectives of Holly, her father and Shawn, Selman asks: ‘Does Holly know how Shawn feels about the kitten? How will Holly’s father feel if he finds out she climbed the tree? What does Holly think her father will do if he finds out she climbed the tree? What would you do in this situation?’ Children’s responses to these questions led Selman to conclude that perspective-taking abilities develop in a stage-like manner as children progress through Piaget’s stages of cognitive development (see Chapter 5). Here are the highlights of this progression: • Children 3–6 years tend to respond egocentrically to stories like this, assuming others share their point of view. If young children like kittens, they assume that Holly’s father does too, and therefore will be delighted if Holly saves the kitten. Just as they have trouble considering both the height and width of glasses in conservation-of-liquid problems, they have trouble coordinating the perspectives of both Holly and her father. • By age 8–10, children appreciate that two people can have different points of view even if they have access to the same information. Children are able to think about their own thoughts and about the thoughts of another person, and realise that their companions can do the same. Thus, they can appreciate that Holly may think about her father’s concern for her safety but conclude he will understand her reasons for climbing the tree. • Adolescents, at roughly age 12, become capable of mentally juggling multiple perspectives, including the perspective of the ‘generalised other’, or the broader social group. The adolescent might consider how fathers in general react when children disobey them and consider whether Holly’s father is similar or different to the typical father. Adolescents therefore become even better mental jugglers, keeping in the air their own perspective, that of another person and that of an abstract ‘generalised other’ representing a larger social group. These advances in social cognition are more likely if parents are good models of perspective taking, consider their children’s feelings and thoughts, and rely on explanation rather than punishment in disciplining their children. Perspective-taking skills are also sharpened through peer interactions. In turn, children with advanced perspective-taking skills are likely to be sociable and popular and enjoy good relationships with peers (LeMare & Rubin, 1987). This may be because their social behaviour is more positive than negative (Fitzgerald & White, 2003). Meanwhile, coaching in perspective taking can help improve the social behaviour of disruptive children (Grizenko et al., 2000). This is discussed in more detail in Chapter 11.

Search me! and Discover the possible association of theory-ofmind deficits with other non-autistic conditions of child and adolescent onset, such as conduct, mood and personality disorders: Poletti, M., & Adenzato, M. (2013). Theory of Mind in non-autistic psychiatric disorders of childhood and adolescence. Clinical Neuropsychiatry, 10, 188–195.

LINKAGES Chapter 5 Cognitive development

LINKAGES Chapter 11 Emotions, attachment and social relationships

Social cognition in adulthood As you saw in earlier chapters, non-social cognitive abilities, such as those used in remembering what you have read and solving scientific problems, tend to improve during early and middle adulthood and decline in later life. Do important social cognitive skills, such as the ability to think through advanced theoryof-mind problems or adopt others’ perspectives, also increase to a peak in middle age and decline later? Social cognitive development during adulthood appears to involve more gains than losses (Blanchard-Fields & Kalinauskas, 2009). For example, Fredda Blanchard-Fields (1986) presented adolescents, young adults and middle-aged adults with dilemmas that required them to engage in role taking and to integrate discrepant perspectives – for example, between a teenage boy and his parents regarding whether he must visit his grandparents with the family. Adults, especially Copyright 2019 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. WCN 02-200-202

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Source: Newspix/Mark Frecker

Snapshot

Social cognitive skills hold up well when older adults remain socially active.

middle-aged ones, were better able than adolescents to see both sides of the issues and to integrate the perspectives of both parties into a workable solution. Here, then, is evidence that the social cognitive skills of adults may continue to improve after adolescence. Do elderly people continue to display the sophisticated social cognitive skills that middle-aged adults display? The evidence is mixed but, overall, social cognitive skills hold up quite well late in life. Igor Grossmann and his colleagues (2010) asked young, middle-aged and elderly American adults from diverse socioeconomic backgrounds to reason about both interpersonal and intergroup conflicts – between individuals that appeared in letters to advice columns, and between ethnic or national groups as described in newspapers. In one of the interpersonal conflicts, the single friend of both members of a married couple was being pressured by her female friend to take the friend’s side when she and her husband quarreled. Social cognitive performance improved across the three age groups, as indicated by such criteria as taking multiple perspectives, seeing possibilities for compromise and recognising the limits of one’s knowledge. This improvement in social cognition with age occurred despite a decline in fluid intelligence. Interestingly, these age differences were not as evident in a sample of Japanese adults (Grossmann et al., 2012). Japanese young and middle-aged adults outperformed their American counterparts and achieved about the same level of performance as both Japanese and American elders. In Japan’s collectivist society, perhaps people learn sophisticated ways to resolve social conflicts earlier in adulthood. When elderly adults do perform more poorly than middle-aged or young adults on social cognitive tasks, it may be because their basic mental capacities are overloaded (see Chapters 6 and 7). In one study of 50- to 90-year-olds given adult versions of theory-of-mind tasks, a decrease with age in theory-of-mind performance could be explained by declines with age in fluid intelligence, executive control processes and information-processing speed (Charlton, Barrick, Markus & Morris, 2009). In other studies, memory limitations have been found to hurt the performance of older adults on some social cognition tasks (Keightley, Winocur, Burianova, Hongwanishkul, & Grady, 2006). So, declines in basic cognitive functions such as memory capacity and processing speed sometimes take a toll on social cognitive performance. Yet some researchers, using longitudinal studies, have detected deficiencies in social cognitive skills of older adults (Pratt, Diessner, Pratt, Hunsberger, & Pancer, 1996). Overall, social cognitive skills hold up well – better than non-social cognitive abilities – in later life (Hess, Osowski, & Leclerc, 2005). Why? One possible explanation is that the areas of the cortex that support social cognition and emotional understanding age more slowly than the areas that support non-social cognition (MacPherson, Phillips, & Della Sala, 2002). Another is that people use social cognitive abilities every day and accumulate expertise about the world of people (Charlton et al., 2009). Their experience and expertise may allow them to develop conclusions without needing to use mentally taxing cognitive processes (Blanchard-Fields & Kalinauskas, 2009). Social skills vary, though. Those seniors who have the sharpest social cognitive skills tend to be socially active and involved in meaningful social roles, such as spouse, grandparent, church member and worker (Hess et al., 2005). It is mainly when elderly people become socially isolated or inactive that their social cognitive skills become rusty. Furthermore, research has shown that positive lifestyle factors such as a healthy diet are associated with improved brain health and consequently enhanced social understanding and functioning in old age (Ruffman, Zhang, Taumoepeau, & Skeaff, 2016). In sum, social cognition takes shape in infancy through precursors of a theory of mind such as joint attention and pretend play; a desire psychology at around age 2; then a belief-desire psychology at around age 4, thanks to both nature and nurture. Children’s perspective-taking skills also improve with age. Social cognitive skills often improve during early and middle adulthood and hold up well in old age if adults remain socially active.

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Having examined some important and dramatic changes in social cognition over the life span, we are well positioned to focus on an important area of development in which social cognitive skills play a crucial role: moral development. Along the way, we will see how theory-of-mind and perspectivetaking skills help shape thinking about right and wrong.

IN REVIEW CHECKING UNDERSTANDING

CRITICAL THINKING

1 Sharon wonders if baby Ben, age 18 months, is on his way to developing a theory of mind. What four developments in infancy can you point to as early precursors of a theory of mind?

Picture two adults with advanced social cognitive skills: one who wants to do good, one who wants to do evil. How would each use his skills?

2 If you were trying to make sure a deaf child, Lewis, developed a theory of mind, what kinds of experiences would you try to provide him?

Express

Get the answers to the Checking understanding questions on CourseMate Express.

3 What role do perspective-taking skills take in the development of morality?

10.2 PERSPECTIVES ON MORAL DEVELOPMENT ■■ Outline basic concepts and theories related to moral development and its basic components. ■■ Summarise how morality and other factors influence the development of prosocial and antisocial behaviour. ■■ Describe the role of the nature–nurture debate and its influence on morality development across the life span. ■■ Discuss the importance of religiousness and spirituality, and summarise the implications of both for development.

Learning objectives

Although we could debate what defines morality (see Gibbs, 2013), most of us might agree it involves the ability to distinguish right from wrong, to act on this distinction, and to experience pride when doing the right thing and guilt when not. Accordingly, three basic components of morality have been of interest to developmental scientists: 1 The cognitive component centres on how we think about right and wrong and make decisions about how to behave, drawing on social cognitive skills such as theory of mind and perspective taking. 2 The behavioural component reflects how we behave when, for example, we experience the temptation to cheat or are called upon to help a needy person. 3 The emotional component consists of the feelings (guilt, concern for others’ feelings and so on) that surround right or wrong actions and that motivate moral thoughts and actions. Major theoretical perspectives on moral development focus on different aspects of morality. In this section we look at what psychoanalytic theory and later perspectives emphasising emotions say about moral emotions, what cognitive developmental theory says about moral cognition or reasoning, and what social learning theory reveals about moral behaviour.Then we examine morality from an evolutionary perspective.

morality The ability to think about right from wrong (cognitive component), to act on this distinction (behavioural component) and to experience emotions that surround moral thoughts and actions (emotional component).

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Moral emotion: Psychoanalytic theory and beyond

empathy The vicarious experiencing of another person’s feelings. prosocial behaviour Positive actions toward other people, such as helping and cooperating. antisocial behaviour Behaviour that violates social norms, rules or laws and often involves harming other people or society.

LINKAGES Chapter 2 Theories of human development

What kind of moral emotions do you experience if you contemplate cheating or lying? Chances are you experience such negative feelings as shame, guilt, anxiety and fear of being detected – feelings that may keep you from doing what you know is wrong. You may also experience disgust or righteous anger when witnessing harmful acts and injustices (Tangney, Stuewig, & Mashek, 2007). Positive emotions, such as pride and self-satisfaction when you have done the right thing and admiration or gratitude when you witness moral acts, are also an important part of morality (Turiel, 2006). Moral emotions, both positive and negative, require being able to evaluate whether you or others have met, exceeded or fallen short of standards of behaviour (Tangney, Stuewig, & Mashek, 2007).We are generally motivated to avoid negative moral emotions and to experience positive ones by acting in moral ways. Empathy is the vicarious experiencing of another person’s feelings (for example, smiling at another person’s good fortune or experiencing another person’s distress). Although it is not a specific emotion, it is an emotional process believed to be especially important in moral development by theorists such as Martin Hoffman, whom we will encounter later (Hoffman, 2000, 2008; Tangney, Stuewig, & Mashek, 2007). Empathising with individuals who are suffering – not only taking their perspective but also feeling their pain – can motivate prosocial behaviour, which involves positive social action reflecting concern for the welfare of others, such as helping or sharing with others, or making a stand against bullying. Empathy can keep us from engaging in antisocial behaviour, which violates social norms, rules or laws and often involves harming other people or society (for example, lying, stealing, aggression). Australian research has shown that cultivating empathy in students can reduce their racist attitudes and increase their confidence to commit to social justice activism regarding Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people (Gair, 2017). When do children begin to experience moral emotions? Sigmund Freud’s (1960) psychoanalytic theory offered an answer (see Chapter 2). As you will recall, Freud believed that the superego, or conscience, has the important task of ensuring that any plans formed by the rational ego to gratify the id’s selfish urges are morally acceptable. The superego is formed during the phallic stage (ages 3–6), when children are presumed to experience an emotional conflict over their love for the other-sex parent and resolve it by identifying with the same-sex parent and taking on the parent’s moral standards as his or her own. Having a superego, then, is like having a parent inside your head – there, even when your parent is not, to tell you what is right or wrong and to arouse emotions such as shame and guilt if you so much as think about doing wrong. Although the particulars of Freud’s theory of moral development lack support (Hoffman, 2000; Silverman, 2003), his main themes are taken seriously today – research has shown that: (1) moral emotions are an important part of morality and motivate moral behaviour, (2) early relationships with parents contribute in important ways to moral development, and (3) children must somehow internalise moral standards if they are to behave morally even when no authority figure is present to detect and punish their misbehaviour (Kochanska & Aksan, 2006; Turiel, 2006). As we will see later, researchers Martin Hoffman and Grazyna Kochanska and colleagues place a great deal of emphasis on the emotional side of morality and the motivating role of moral emotions such as empathy and guilt, starting early in childhood.

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Moral reasoning: Cognitive developmental theory Cognitive developmental theorists study morality by looking at the development of moral reasoning – the thinking process involved in deciding whether an act is right or wrong. These theorists assume moral development depends on social cognitive development, particularly perspective-taking skills allowing us to picture how our victims might react to our misdeeds or how people in distress must feel. Moral reasoning is said to progress through universal stages, each of which represents a consistent way of thinking about moral issues that is different from the stage preceding or following it.To cognitive developmental theorists, what is of interest is how we decide what to do, not what we decide or what we actually do. A young child and an adult may both decide not to steal a pen, but the reasons they give for their decision may be different. As you will recall from Chapter 5, Jean Piaget was a cognitive developmental theorist who used a question-and-answer technique to understand how children’s thinking developed. As covered in the next sections, he also paved the way for the influential stage theory of moral development put forth by another cognitive developmental theorist, Lawrence Kohlberg.

moral reasoning The thinking process involved in deciding whether acts are right or wrong.

LINKAGES Chapter 5 Cognitive development

Piaget’s stages of moral development Piaget (1965) studied children’s concepts of rules by asking Swiss children about their games of marbles, and explored children’s concepts of justice by presenting them with moral dilemmas to ponder. For example, he told children about two boys: John, who accidentally knocked over a tray of 15 cups when coming to dinner, and Henry, who broke only 1 cup when sneaking jam from the cupboard. The key question Piaget posed was which child was naughtier, and why. Based on children’s responses to such questions, Piaget formulated a theory of moral development that included a premoral period and two moral stages: • Premoral period. During the preschool years, children show little awareness or understanding of moral rules and cannot be considered moral beings. • Heteronomous morality. Children 6–10 years old take rules seriously, believing they are handed down by parents and other authority figures and are sacred and unalterable (the term heteronomous means ‘under the rule of another’). They also judge rule violations as wrong based on the extent of damage done, not paying much attention to whether the violator had good or bad intentions; thus, they see John, the well-intentioned boy who broke 15 cups, as naughtier than Henry, the misbehaving boy who broke 1 cup. • Autonomous morality. At age 10 or 11, Piaget said, most children enter a final stage of moral development in which they begin to appreciate that rules are agreements between individuals – agreements that can be changed through a consensus of those individuals. In judging actions, they pay more attention to whether the person’s intentions were good or bad than to the consequences of his or her act; thus, older children see Henry, the misbehaving boy who broke 1 cup, as naughtier than John, the well-intentioned boy who broke 15.

Kohlberg’s stages of moral reasoning Inspired by Piaget’s pioneering work, Lawrence Kohlberg (1963, 1981, 1984; Colby & Kohlberg, 1987) formulated a highly influential cognitive developmental theory of moral development. Kohlberg began his work by asking 10-, 13-, and 16-year-old boys questions about various moral dilemmas to assess how they thought about these issues. Careful analysis of the responses led Kohlberg to conclude that moral growth progresses through a universal and invariant sequence of three broad moral levels, each of which is composed of two distinct stages. Each stage grows out of the preceding stage and represents a more complex way of thinking about moral issues.

premoral period According to Piaget, a period during the preschool years when children show little awareness or understanding of moral rules and cannot be considered to be moral beings. heteronomous morality An early period of Piagetian morality, in which children believe that rules are handed down by authority figures and are sacred and unalterable, and that wrongness should be judged on the basis of consequences rather than intentions. autonomous morality A mature period of Piagetian morality, in which children view rules as agreements that can be changed through a consensus among individuals, and in which intentions rather than consequences are the focus in judging actions.

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Source: Getty Images/ JORGE DIRKX/AFP

Snapshot

Think about how you would respond to the following moral dilemma posed by Kohlberg and his colleagues: There was a woman who had very bad cancer, and there was no treatment known or medicine that would save her. Her doctor, Dr Jefferson, knew that she had only about 6 months to live. She was in terrible pain, but she was so weak that a good dose of a pain killer like ether or morphine would make her

Moral dilemma: Do you think a doctor should give a painridden terminal patient a drug that would hasten death if he or she asks for it? Amelie Van Esbeen, pictured in her bed in a home for the elderly in Belgium, thought so. The 93-year-old went on a hunger strike when her request for mercy killing was denied. She had already tried to commit suicide.

die sooner. She was delirious and almost crazy with pain, and in her calm periods she would ask Dr Jefferson to give her enough ether to kill her. She said she couldn’t stand the pain and she was going to die in a few months anyway. Although he knows that mercy killing is against the law, the doctor thinks about granting her request. Colby, Kohlberg, Gibbs & Lieberman, 1983, p. 79

Should Dr Jefferson give her the drug that would make her die? Why or why not? Should the woman have the right to make the final decision? Why or why not? These are among the questions that people are asked after hearing the dilemma.You may want to answer these questions for yourself and analyse your own moral thinking as you read further. Remember, Kohlberg’s goal is to understand the complexity of a person’s reasoning, not whether he or she is for or against providing the woman with the drug. Individuals at each stage of moral reasoning might endorse either of the alternative courses of action, but for different reasons. Following are Kohlberg’s three levels of moral reasoning, and the two stages within each level.

LEVEL 1: PRECONVENTIONAL MORALITY

preconventional morality Kohlberg’s term for the first two stages of moral reasoning, in which society’s rules are not yet internalised by an individual and judgements are based on the punishing or rewarding consequences of an act. conventional morality Kohlberg’s term for the third and fourth stages of moral reasoning, in which societal values are internalised by an individual and judgements are based on a desire to gain approval or uphold law and social order.

At the level of preconventional morality, rules are external to the self rather than internalised. The individual conforms to rules imposed by authority figures to avoid punishment or to obtain personal rewards. The perspective of the self dominates: what is right is what one can get away with or what is personally satisfying. • Stage 1: Punishment-and-obedience orientation. The goodness or badness of an act depends on its consequences.The individual will obey authorities to avoid punishment but may not consider an act wrong if it will not be punished. • Stage 2: Instrumental hedonism. A person at the second stage of moral development conforms to rules to gain rewards or satisfy personal needs. There is some concern for the perspectives of others, but it is motivated by the hope of benefit in return – ‘you scratch my back and I’ll scratch yours’ and ‘an eye for an eye’ are the guiding philosophies.

LEVEL 2: CONVENTIONAL MORALITY At the level of conventional morality, the individual has internalised many moral values. They strive to obey the rules set by others (parents, peers, the government), at first to win their approval, later to maintain social order. The perspectives of other people are clearly recognised and given serious consideration. • Stage 3: ‘Good boy/man’ or ‘good girl/woman’ morality. What is right is now what pleases, helps or is approved by others. People are often judged by their intentions; ‘meaning well’ is valued and being ‘nice’ is important. Other people’s feelings, not just one’s own, should be considered. At its best, stage 3 thinking involves reciprocity – a simple ‘golden rule’ morality of doing unto someone else what you would want done unto you. • Stage 4: Authority and social order – maintaining morality. Now what is right is what conforms to the rules of legitimate authorities and is good for society as a whole. The principle of reciprocity becomes more abstract and is applied on a broader societal level. The reason for conforming is

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not so much a fear of punishment as a belief that rules and laws maintain a social order worth preserving. Doing one’s duty and respecting law and order are valued.

LEVEL 3: POSTCONVENTIONAL MORALITY At the final level of moral reasoning, postconventional morality, the individual defines what is right in terms of broad principles of justice that have validity apart from the views of particular authority figures. The individual may distinguish between what is morally right and what is legal, recognising that some laws violate basic moral principles. For example, Mahatma Gandhi campaigned against the discriminatory laws and practices directed toward the lowest social class in India, the so called ‘untouchables’. Thus, the postconventionally moral person transcends the perspectives of particular social groups or authorities and begins to take the perspective of all individuals. • Stage 5: Morality of contract, individual rights and democratically accepted law. At this ‘social contract’ stage, there is an understanding of the underlying purposes served by laws and a concern that rules should be arrived at through a democratic consensus so that they express the will of the majority and maximise social welfare. Whereas the person at stage 4 is unlikely to challenge an established law, the moral reasoner at stage 5 might call for democratic change in a law that compromises basic rights. • Stage 6: Morality of individual principles of conscience. At this highest stage of moral reasoning, the individual defines right and wrong on the basis of self-generated principles that are broad and universal in application. The stage 6 thinker discovers, through reflection, abstract principles of respect for all individuals and for their rights that all religions or moral authorities may view as moral. Kohlberg (1981) described stage 6 thinking as a kind of ‘moral musical chairs’ in which the person facing a moral dilemma is able to take the ‘chair’, or perspective, of each person and group and social system that could potentially be affected by a decision and to arrive at a solution that would be regarded as just from every chair. Stage 6 is Kohlberg’s vision of ideal moral reasoning, but it is so rarely observed that Kohlberg stopped attempting to measure its existence. In Table 10.2, we present examples of how people at the preconventional, conventional and postconventional levels might reason about the mercy-killing dilemma. In Chapter 13, we consider more broadly the issues surrounding mercy killings and euthanasia.

Influences on moral thinking Whereas Freud emphasised the role of parents in moral development, Kohlberg, like Piaget before him, believed that the two main influences on moral development are cognitive growth and social interactions with equals. Regarding cognitive growth, progress through stages of moral reasoning depends partly on the development of the ability to take other people’s perspectives. Specifically, as individuals become better able to consider perspectives other than their own, moral reasoning progresses from an egocentric focus on personal welfare at the preconventional level, to a concern with the perspectives of other people (parents, friends and other members of society) at the conventional level, to an ability to coordinate multiple perspectives and determine what is right from the perspective of all people at the postconventional level (Carpendale, 2000). Gaining the capacity for postconventional or ‘principled’ moral reasoning, however, requires more than perspective-taking skills and also requires a solid command of formal-operational thinking (Turiel, 2006; and see Chapter 5). The social interactions that count involve opportunities to take the perspectives of others and experiencing growth-promoting cognitive disequilibrium when one’s own ideas conflict with those of other people. Piaget and Kohlberg both maintained that interactions with peers or equals, in

postconventional morality Kohlberg’s term for the fifth and sixth stages of moral reasoning, in which moral judgements are based on a more abstract understanding of democratic social contracts or on universal principles of justice that have validity apart from the views of particular authority figures.

MAKING CONNECTIONS Having now read about Kohlberg’s theory, at what level and stage of moral reasoning would you place yourself?

LINKAGES Chapter 13 The final challenge: Death and dying

LINKAGES Chapter 5 Cognitive development

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TABLE 10.2  Sample responses to the mercy-killing dilemma at Kohlberg’s three levels of moral reasoning GIVE THE DRUG

DO NOT GIVE THE DRUG

Preconventional morality Stage 1: The doctor should give the terminally ill woman a drug that will kill her because there is little chance that he will be found out and punished.

Stage 1: The doctor runs a big risk of losing his licence and being thrown in prison if he gives her the drug.

Stage 2: The doctor should give her the drug; he might benefit from the gratitude of her family if he does what she wants. He should think of it as the right thing to do if it serves his purposes to be in favour of mercy killing.

Stage 2: The doctor has little to gain by taking such a big chance. If the woman wants to kill herself, that is her business, but why should he help her if he stands to gain little in return?

Conventional morality Stage 3: Most people would understand that the doctor was motivated by concern for the woman’s welfare rather than by self-interest. They would be able to forgive him for what was essentially an act of kindness.

Stage 3: Most people are likely to disapprove of mercy killing. The doctor would clearly lose the respect of his colleagues if he administered the drug. A good person simply would not do this.

Stage 4: The doctor should give the woman the drug because of the Hippocratic oath, which spells out a doctor’s duty to relieve suffering. This oath is binding and should be taken seriously by all doctors.

Stage 4: Mercy killing is against the laws that doctors are obligated to uphold. The Bible is another compelling authority, and it says, ‘Thou shalt not kill.’ The doctor simply cannot take the law into his own hands; rather, he has a duty to uphold the law.

Postconventional morality Stage 5: Although most of our laws have a sound basis in moral principle, laws against mercy killing do not. The doctor’s act is morally justified because it relieves the suffering of an agonised human without harming other people. Yet if he breaks the law in the service of a greater good, he should still be willing to be held legally accountable because society would be damaged if everyone simply ignored laws they do not agree with.

Stage 5: The laws against mercy killing protect citizens from harm at the hands of unscrupulous doctors and selfish relatives and should be upheld because they serve a positive function for society. If the laws were to be changed through the democratic process, that might be another thing. But right now the doctor can do the most good for society by adhering to them.

Stage 6: We must consider the effects of this act on everyone concerned – the doctor, the dying woman, other terminally ill people and all people everywhere. Basic moral principle dictates that all people have a right to dignity and self-determination as long as others are not harmed by their decisions. Assuming that no one else will be hurt, then, the dying woman has a right to live and die as she chooses. The doctor may be doing right if he respects her integrity as a person and saves her, her family and all of society from needless suffering.

Stage 6: If we truly adhere to the principle that human life should be valued above all else and all lives should be valued equally, it is morally wrong to ‘play God’ and decide that some lives are worth living and others are not. Before long, we would have a world in which no life has value.

which we must work out differences between our own and others’ perspectives through negotiation, contribute more to moral growth than one-sided interactions with adult authority figures in which children are expected to bow to the adult’s power. Discussions of moral issues with peers do contribute to moral growth, especially when peers challenge our ideas, but Piaget and Kohlberg probably underestimated the importance of parents in moral development (Walker, Hennig, & Krettenauer, 2000). Growth-promoting social interaction also comes through advanced schooling. Going to university contributes to cognitive growth but also exposes students to diverse perspectives

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(Turiel, 2006). Finally, participating in a complex, diverse and democratic society can stimulate moral development by encouraging people to weigh the opinions of many groups and appreciate that laws reflect a societal consensus. So, Kohlberg maintained that progress from preconventional to conventional to postconventional moral reasoning is most likely to occur if the individual has acquired the necessary cognitive skills (particularly perspective-taking skills and, later, formal-operational thinking) and has appropriate social interactions, especially discussions with peers, involvement in education and participation in democratic governance.

Moral behaviour: Social cognitive theory Social cognitive theorists, such as Albert Bandura (1991, 2002; Bandura, Caprara, Barbaranelli, Pastorelli, & Regalia, 2001), who was first introduced in Chapter 2, have been primarily interested in the behavioural component of morality – what we actually do when faced with temptation and whether we act immorally or prosocially. These theorists say that moral behaviour is learned in the same way that other social behaviours are learned: through observational learning, and reinforcement and punishment principles. They also consider moral behaviour to be strongly influenced by situational factors – for example, by how closely a teacher watches exam takers, or by whether jewellery items are on the counter or behind glass in a department store. Due to situational influences, what we do (moral performance) is not always reflective of our internalised values and standards (moral competence). Applying his social cognitive perspective, Bandura emphasised that moral cognition is linked to moral action through self-regulatory mechanisms that involve monitoring and evaluating our own actions (or anticipated actions), disapproving of ourselves when we contemplate doing wrong and approving of ourselves when we behave responsibly or humanely. By applying consequences to ourselves in this way, we become able to exert self-control, inhibit urges to misbehave and keep our behaviour in line with internalised standards of moral behaviour. Sometimes this system of moral self-regulation can triumph over strong situational influences pushing us to do wrong. But, according to Bandura, we have also devised mechanisms of moral disengagement that allow us to avoid condemning ourselves when we engage in immoral behaviour, even though we know the difference between right and wrong. For example, a salesperson who feels underpaid and mistreated by his employer may convince himself that he is justified in stealing items from the store, or people may disengage morally from the use of military force by their country by dehumanising their foes (McAlister, Bandura, & Owen, 2006). Those who bully others may justify it by blaming innocent victims for being different. Then there’s cheating – in a study of Australian university students, 41 per cent admitted to cheating and 81 per cent reported plagiarising (Marsden, Carroll, & Neill, 2005). High levels of cheating at university have also been reported in studies from other countries (McCabe, Butterfield, & Trevino, 2006). Why do you think so many cheat and how might individuals justify this action? Consistent with Bandura’s social cognitive theory, personal factors (laziness, academic difficulties) and environmental factors (peer pressure, monetary rewards) may lead some to cheat (Devlin & Gray, 2007). More controversially, Kevin Williams, Craig Nathanson, and Delroy Paulhus (2010) set about attempting to ‘profile’ cheaters and found that scoring higher on psychopathy (characterised by manipulative, callous and antisocial tendencies) predicted both self-reported and detected cheating. Further, those higher on psychopathy who cheated tended to be unconcerned with fairness in reaching their achievement goals and less likely to experience cheating as compromising their moral identity.

LINKAGES Chapter 2 Theories of human development

moral disengagement The avoidance of selfcondemnation when engaged in immoral behaviour by justifying, minimising or blaming others for one’s actions.

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Many of us learn the right moral standards, but some people hold themselves strictly to those standards while others find ways to disengage morally and avoid self-condemnation.Those individuals who have perfected techniques of moral disengagement tend to be the ones who engage in the most antisocial and unethical behaviour (Detert, Treviño, & Sweitzer, 2008; Paciello, Fida, Tramontano, Lupinetti, & Caprara, 2008).

The functions of morality: Evolutionary theory Finally, evolutionary theorists such as Dennis Krebs, Michael Tomasello and others have given us still other insights into moral development and prosocial and antisocial behaviour (Buss, 2012; Krebs, 2008, 2011; Tomasello & Vaish, 2013). Their focus is on morality and human nature – on how all three aspects of morality (emotions, thought and behaviour) may have helped humans adapt to their environments over the course of evolution. Just as having a theory of mind helps humans get along with others and adapt to living in groups, Krebs argues prosocial behaviours, such as cooperation and altruism, may have evolved because our ancestors were better able to obtain food and protect themselves from harm if they worked together than if they went it alone and pursued their selfish interests. Similarly, mechanisms for controlling and inhibiting harm-doing may have evolved because they enhanced survival. To evolutionary theorists, then, humans are not blank slates. Morality and prosocial behaviour are rooted in human nature. Unfortunately, so are immorality and antisocial behaviour (Krebs, 2011). How can humans have evolved to have altruistic tendencies when altruists who sacrifice their lives for others die rather than pass on their genes? Evolutionary theorists have argued that it can be in our genetic self-interest to act altruistically toward kin because they will pass on the family’s genes if we help them survive (Verbeek, 2006). Even helping non-relatives may be adaptive if we have reason to believe that the help will be reciprocated. Cooperating with other people to obtain resources the individual could not obtain alone also makes good genetic sense, as does abiding by society’s rules (Krebs, 2008).Where Freud emphasised the selfish side of human nature, Krebs (2008) and other evolutionary theorists argue that humans have an evolved genetic makeup that predisposes them not only to behave antisocially but also to empathise with others and to behave prosocially and morally. Humans may be a uniquely prosocial species. Michael Tomasello has concluded that what makes humans different from primates and provides a basis for morality is our readiness to participate in groups and to collaborate with others (Tomasello & Herrmann, 2010; Tomasello & Vaish, 2013). Primates are capable of some impressive social cognitive feats, such as figuring out others’ goals and intentions, but their skills likely evolved in competitive situations where they could obtain or protect food, mates and other resources if they could outwit rivals. Compared to chimps and orangutans, toddlers and young children excel at theory-of-mind tasks, social learning, imitation and communication. The ability not only to understand others’ intentions, but to be able to share intentions with others to pursue common goals, Tomasello believes, is what distinguishes the human species. You will learn more about Tomasello’s fascinating research later. To highlight differences among the four theoretical perspectives on moral development we have discussed, Table 10.3 compares them and considers what aspects different theorists might focus on to try to predict whether a university student (call him Bart) will cheat on his upcoming maths test. We are now ready to trace the development of morality, and aspects of prosocial and antisocial behaviour, from infancy to old age, considering moral emotion, cognition and behaviour as we go.

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TABLE 10.3  Comparison of theoretical perspectives on moral development Perspective/theorist

Focus

Message

Key questions for predicting behaviour (Will bart cheat on his maths test?)

Psychoanalytic theory (Freud)

Moral emotion

Early parenting and emotional conflicts forge the superego and guilt.

Did Bart develop a strong superego (conscience) and sense of guilt in his preschool years?

Cognitive developmental theory (Piaget, Kohlberg)

Moral reasoning

Cognitive maturation and interaction with peers bring stage-like changes in thinking about moral issues.

At what stage is Bart’s reasoning about moral dilemmas?

Social learning theory (Bandura)

Moral behaviour

Observational learning, reinforcement, selfregulation processes, and situational influences affect what we do.

Did Bart’s parents model and reinforce moral behaviour and punish misbehaviour? Do well-developed self-regulatory mechanisms cause Bart to take responsibility for his actions rather than disengage morally? Do situational forces in the classroom discourage or encourage cheating?

Evolutionary theory (Krebs, Tomasello)

Moral emotion, reasoning, and behaviour

Humans have evolved not only to be aggressive on occasion but to have moral and prosocial tendencies that equip them to live cooperatively in groups.

Does cheating, or refraining from cheating, serve adaptive functions for Bart and his social group? Does the classroom environment encourage or discourage cheating?

IN REVIEW CHECKING UNDERSTANDING

CRITICAL THINKING

1 What are the three components of morality, and what is a theory of moral development that emphasises each?

Phil decides to become a kidney donor and live the rest of his life with only one kidney so that a complete stranger with end-stage kidney disease can live. How do you think Freud, Kohlberg, Bandura and evolutionary theorists would explain his altruistic action?

2 What is the main difference between conventional and preconventional moral reasoning about why stealing is wrong? 3 Explain the key differences between the theoretical perspectives on moral development.

10.3 THE INFANT ■■ Outline basic concepts and theories related to morality and antisocial/prosocial behaviour in the infant stage. ■■ Summarise typical prosocial behaviours/acts displayed in the infant years. ■■ Describe the role of empathy in moral development in the early years. ■■ Discuss the importance of early moral training.

Do infants have a sense of right or wrong? If a baby takes a teddy bear that belongs to another child, would you label it stealing? If an infant hits another child with a bottle, would you insist that the infant be put on trial for assault? Of course not. We tend to view infants as amoral – that is, lacking any sense of morality. We do not believe that infants are capable of evaluating their behaviour in relation to moral standards, and so we do not hold them responsible for wrongs they commit (although we attempt to prevent them from harming others). Nor do we expect them to be

Learning objectives

amoral Lacking any sense of morality; without standards of right and wrong.

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‘good’ when we are not around to watch them.Yet we learn a lot about human nature from infant behaviour. It is now clear that infants are predisposed to be empathic, prosocial beings, just as they are predisposed to engage in aggression. They also learn many important moral lessons during their first 2 years of life and develop a conscience.

Empathy and prosocial behaviour

LINKAGES Chapter 1 Understanding life span human development

Source: Getty Images/ altrendo images

Snapshot

Before the age of 2, toddlers show evidence of early moral sensibilities when they show awareness of others’ distress and attempt to comfort them.

Infants are not as selfish and egocentric as Freud, Piaget, Kohlberg and other theorists have assumed. Rather, some of their behaviour supports the view of evolutionary theorists that empathy and prosocial behaviour are part of our evolutionary heritage (Tomasello, 2009). As Dale Hay (2009, p. 476) puts it, ‘Infants don’t have to learn to care about other people, but they learn how to care for them’. This builds on our earlier discussion of nature versus nurture, as covered in Chapter 1. Start at birth: even newborns display a primitive form of empathy, becoming distressed by the cries of other newborns (Hastings, Zahn-Waxler, & McShane, 2006). But it is unlikely that young infants distinguish between another infant’s distress and their own. From age 1 to age 2, according to Martin Hoffman (2008), infants become capable of a truer form of empathy that motivates helping and other forms of moral behaviour. Toddlers begin to understand that someone else’s distress is different from their own, and they try to comfort the person in distress. Consider some examples described by Hoffman (2000). One 10-month-old, watching a peer cry, looked sad and buried her head in her mother’s lap, as she often did when she was distressed. A 2-year-old brought his own teddy bear to comfort a distressed friend; when that failed, he offered the friend’s teddy instead, beginning to show an ability to take the perspective of the friend. As children get older, according to Hoffman, empathy becomes less egocentric and more sophisticated as cognitive processes, including the child’s developing perspective-taking skills, shape a variety of moral emotions such as guilt, sympathy and eventually a sense of injustice (see also Eisenberg, Spinrad, & Sadovsky, 2006; Gibbs, 2013). Genetic and environmental influences make some children more empathic than others (Knafo, Zahn-Waxler, Van Hulle, Robinson, & Rhee, 2008). How prosocial are infants? Some years ago, Carolyn Zahn-Waxler and her colleagues (1992) reported that more than half of the 13- to 15-month-old infants they observed engaged in at least one act of prosocial behaviour – helping, sharing, expressing concern, comforting and so on. These behaviours became increasingly common from age 1 to age 2, when all but one child in the study acted prosocially. More recently, Michael Tomasello (the evolutionary theorist you met earlier) and other researchers have been documenting impressive prosocial acts by toddlers in their laboratories: 1 Helping. As early as 14 months, infants will spontaneously – without being asked – help an adult who drops a clothes peg while trying to hang items on a line, who is carrying an armful of papers and cannot open a door, or who otherwise needs help achieving a goal (Warneken & Tomasello, 2007). This spontaneous helping by 1-year-olds has been observed to be common across diverse cultures (Callaghan et al., 2011). 2 Cooperation. As early as 14 months, infants can also participate in simple cooperative games and will even try to re-engage their adult partner if she or he stops playing (Warneken & Tomasello, 2007). 3 Altruism. Before they are 2, children show greater happiness when they give treats to an appreciative puppet than when they receive them, especially when they altruistically give up their own treats (Aknin, Hamlin, & Dunn, 2012). Are toddlers engaging in these acts because they understand cooperation and other prosocial acts, are they imitating others, or do they perhaps merely have a desire for personal reward or credit

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for being a good helper? By age 2, toddlers’ patterns of arousal suggest they react the same way physiologically when someone else helps a person in need as when they help the person themselves, suggesting genuine concern for the individual in need rather than selfish reasons (Hepach, Vaish, & Tomasello, 2012). New Zealand researchers Annette Henderson and Amanda Woodward and colleagues (2011, 2013), using a visual habituation technique (see Chapter 6) in which infants view cooperation of others rather than being involved in prosocial acts themselves, found that 10- and 14-month-old infants can identify the actions of two collaborators as complementary and critical to attaining a common goal, although the younger infants first require a small amount of active experience with a collaborative activity. Such studies indicate humans have evolved to engage in prosocial behaviour and find it intrinsically rewarding.

LINKAGES Chapter 6 Sensoryperception, attention and memory

Early antisocial behaviour If prosocial tendencies are so evident by a year or so of age, when do antisocial tendencies first show themselves? According to Richard Tremblay (2011), humans do not need to learn to be aggressive; they mainly need to learn how not to be aggressive. Physical aggression, behaviour that harms another person physically, comes naturally to humans, starting as soon as babies are able to hit, bite or push others. Verbal aggression begins almost as soon as infants utter their first words. Antisocial behaviour therefore seems to be as much a part of human nature as empathy and prosocial behaviour are. Infants are less likely than older children to intend to cause harm, however. Often their goal is to get a toy they want or to defend a toy they had played with and put down (Hay, Hurst, Waters, & Chadwick, 2011; Tremblay, 2011). As they develop better self-control, they will become better able to delay gratification and wait for the toy. As early as 1½ years of age, some toddlers engage in more physical aggression than others (Tremblay, 2011). Their high rates of aggressive behaviour can be traced to both genetic and environmental factors (as covered in the nature–nurture debate discussed in Chapter 1), such as harsh, coercive parenting or a depressed, emotionally unavailable parent (Hay, Mundy et al., 2011; Tremblay, 2011). Their peers, meanwhile, are learning to control their aggressive urges better. The frequency of aggression normally rises from infancy to a peak around age 4 or 5 and then decreases (Tremblay, 2011). Antisocial behaviour is addressed in greater depth in Chapter 12, as topics in developmental psychopathology are discussed.

LINKAGES Chapter 1 Understanding life span human development Chapter 12 Developmental psychopathology

Early moral training Part of the reason for increased prosocial and decreased antisocial tendencies as infants become children may be moral socialisation. Roger Burton (1984) relates how his daughter Ursula, age 1, was so taken by the sweets that she and her sisters had gathered on Halloween that she snatched some from her sisters’ bags. The sisters immediately said, ‘No, that’s mine’, and conveyed their outrage in the strongest terms. A week later, the sisters again found some of their sweets in Ursula’s bag and raised a fuss, and it was their mother’s turn to explain the rules to Ursula. The problem continued until finally Burton came upon Ursula looking at some of the forbidden sweets. Ursula looked up and said, ‘No, this is Maria’s, not Ursula’s’ (p. 199). It is through such social learning experiences, accumulated over years, that children come to understand and internalise moral rules and standards. Infants begin to learn that their actions have consequences, some good, some bad; they learn much by watching their companions’ reactions to their missteps (Thompson, Meyer, & McGinley, 2006). Thus, parents can foster early moral development by discussing their toddlers’ behaviour and its good or bad effects on others (Laible & Thompson, 2000; Thompson, 2012).

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self-control The ability to control or regulate one’s desires, impulses and behaviour.

ON THE INTERNET https://youtu.be/ vNAQfqMTgBc https://youtu. be/37UyBSrvgek https://youtu.be/ WlqkcXuEKgU Visit the above links to learn more about the Longitudinal Study of Australian Children (LSAC).

mutually responsive orientation A close, affectively positive and cooperative relationship in which child and parent are attached to each other and are sensitive to each other’s needs.

LINKAGES Chapter 11 Emotions, attachment and social relationships

Grazyna Kochanska studied the development of a conscience in toddlerhood and believed it involves mastering two components of conscience: (1) moral emotions – learning to associate negative emotions such as guilt with violating rules and learning to empathise with people who are in distress, and (2) self-control – being able to inhibit one’s impulses when tempted to violate internalised rules (Kochanska & Aksan, 2006). By 18–24 months, children are already beginning to show visible signs of distress as they anticipate disapproval when they break things, spill their drinks or otherwise violate standards of behaviour (Cole, Barrett, & Zahn-Waxler, 1992). When made to think that they have caused a doll’s head to fall off, some toddlers show signs of guilt, as opposed to distress, as evidenced by frantic attempts to make amends (Kochanska, Casey, & Fukumoto, 1995). Self-control also becomes evident in infancy – for example, when toddlers are able to comply with a parent’s rule not to play with certain toys even after the parent leaves the room (Aksan & Kochanska, 2005). It then improves into early adulthood (Berkman, Graham, & Fisher, 2012). In the chapter Exploration box, we see just how important self-control – the ability to control or regulate one’s desires, impulses and behaviour – is in many aspects of development.

THE ROLE OF PARENTS How can parents help children develop moral emotions, self-control and thus a strong conscience? Grazyna Kochanska and her colleagues have found that forming a secure parent–infant attachment is the best way to get moral socialisation off to a good start (Kochanska, Barry, Stellern, & O’Bleness, 2009). Then it is important for the caregiver and the child to establish a mutually responsive orientation – a close, emotionally positive and cooperative relationship in which child and caregiver care about each other and are sensitive to each other’s needs (Kochanska & Aksan, 2006). Parents who are responsive to their infants are likely to raise children who are responsive to them. A mutually responsive orientation between parent and child makes children trust their caregivers and want to comply with their rules and adopt their values and standards. These children then learn moral emotions such as guilt and empathy, develop the capacity for advanced moral reasoning and become able to resist temptation even when no one is around to catch them. By establishing a secure attachment and a mutually responsive orientation, working toward mutual understandings of what is and is not acceptable, and discussing the emotional consequences of the child’s behaviour, parents help infants and toddlers develop a conscience (Thompson et al., 2006). The significance of attachment, particularly with regard to relationship formation, is discussed further in Chapter 11.

Exploration MARSHMALLOWS AND THE LIFE SPAN SIGNIFICANCE OF SELF-CONTROL Whether you refer to it as the aspect of temperament called effortful control, the dimension of personality called conscientiousness, selfcontrol, executive control, or even willpower, it is a good thing to have. Nowhere is this better illustrated than in the famous marshmallow study conducted by social learning theorist Walter Mischel (Mischel, Shoda, & Peake, 1988). The experimenter gave 4- to 5-year-olds a choice: eat

the marshmallow I am giving you now, or get a second marshmallow if you wait until I return (in 15–20 minutes). Apparently marshmallows are irresistible to 4-year-olds: about 30 per cent of the children passed this delay of gratification task and were able to wait for the more desirable two-marshmallow reward later. Most children gave in to their desire to eat the marshmallow in less than 3 minutes. Note that a similar task

LINKAGES Chapter 1 Understanding life span human development

has also been incorporated more recently into the Longitudinal Study of Australian Children (LSAC), which we first mentioned in Chapter 1. Mischel was primarily interested in the strategies children used to exert >>>

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>>>

self-control and delay gratification in this situation – strategies like distracting themselves by singing songs or covering their eyes. The most fascinating finding of the research was revealed when the children were followed up as adolescents and then as adults. As adolescents, the children who delayed gratification were judged by their parents to be more academically and socially competent and more responsible and able to cope with stress; they even scored significantly higher on university entrance exams than peers who had given in to temptation (Mischel et al., 1988; Shoda, Mischel, & Peake, 1990).

As adults, the more self-controlled individuals had fewer drug problems and lower body mass indexes (Casey et al., 2011; Mischel et al., 2011). In a similar longitudinal study, Terri Moffitt and her colleagues (2011), using data from the Longitudinal Dunedin Study (see Chapter 1), controlled for factors such as intelligence and socioeconomic status that are correlated with self-control in examining relationships between self-control in childhood and adult outcomes. Children’s self-control was measured this time not with marshmallows but through behavioural observations and parent, teacher, and child reports of behaviour. Childhood

LINKAGES Chapter 1 Understanding life span human development

self-control predicted staying in school and avoiding delinquent behaviour in adolescence; and good physical health, financial stability, and lower levels of substance dependence and criminal activity at age 30. Whether self-control shows itself in being able to wait for that second marshmallow, keeping at your studies while your friends party, or resisting the temptation to do wrong, it is a very useful skill to develop.

IN REVIEW CHECKING UNDERSTANDING

CRITICAL THINKING

1 According to Martin Hoffman, when is empathy first evident in infancy and how does it change thereafter?

Suppose you want to study how toddlers in a childcare centre display prosocial versus antisocial behaviour toward their peers. What are all the contributing factors you may want to measure for each toddler?

2 When one infant aggresses against another, what is usually the motive? 3 What is Grazyna Kochanska’s main message to parents who want their infants to become moral beings?

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10.4 THE CHILD ■■ Outline basic concepts and theories related to moral understandings throughout childhood. ■■ Summarise children’s capacity for understanding and weighing moral intentions, and how this evolves once they have theory of mind. ■■ Describe the key points distinguishing moral rules from social-convention rules. ■■ Discuss the important role parents play in moral socialisation of children.

Learning objectives

Research on moral development during childhood has explored how children of different ages think about moral issues and how parents can raise moral children. This research shows that children’s moral thinking is more sophisticated than once believed and that parents can have a big impact on their children’s moral development.

Moral understandings The youngest individuals Kohlberg studied were age 10, and Kohlberg did not have much to say about children except that they are mostly preconventional moral reasoners.They take an egocentric perspective on morality and define as right those acts that are rewarded and as wrong those acts

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that are punished (Colby et al., 1983). At best, older school-age children are beginning to make the transition to conventional moral reasoning by internalising authorities’ rules and displaying a stage 3 concern with being a ‘good boy’ or a ‘good girl’ who takes others’ perspectives and is concerned with others’ approval. However, Kohlberg, and Piaget before him, seriously underestimated children. Having already seen that infants are well on their way to being moral beings, you will not be surprised to learn that even preschool-age children engage in some very sophisticated thinking about right and wrong.

Weighing intentions Both Piaget and Kohlberg believed that young children (under age 10) were primarily focused on the consequences of acts rather than intentions behind them. But it turns out that 3-year-olds can take both intentions and consequences into account if presented with simple stories portrayed in drawings (Nelson, 1980). They judge a ball thrower less favourably when he hits his playmate than when the playmate catches the ball, but they also judge a well-intentioned boy who had wanted to play ball more favourably than a boy who intended to hurt his friend, even when the friend caught the ball and was not harmed. Thus even young children can base their moral judgements on both a person’s intentions and the consequences of the act. Sensitivity to the intentions behind actions does increase as children get older, however (Lapsley, 2006).

Applying theory of mind

moral rules Standards of conduct that focus on the welfare and basic rights of individuals. social-conventional rules Standards of conduct determined by social consensus that indicate what is appropriate within a particular social setting.

Intentions are mental states, of course, and are therefore part of what children come to understand better as they develop a theory of mind. Children’s moral thinking becomes more sophisticated once they have the basics of a theory of mind down at about age 4 (Killen, Mulvey, Richardson, & Jampol, 2011; Lane, Wellman, Olson, LaBounty, & Kerr, 2010). Showing that they understand that intentions matter, 4-year-old children who have a theory of mind and pass false-belief tasks may cry, ‘I didn’t mean it!’ when they stand to be punished. Moreover, their understandings of a wrongdoer’s beliefs at the time he or she committed a harmful act (‘Spencer didn’t know Lauren was in the box when he pushed it down the stairs!’) influence their judgements about whether the act was intentional and therefore how bad it was. Children who pass theory-of-mind tasks are more forgiving when a wrong is committed accidentally than when it is intentional (Killen et al., 2011). They are better able than children who fail theory-of-mind tasks to distinguish between lying (deliberately promoting false beliefs) and simply having one’s facts wrong (Peterson & Siegal, 2002). Children who have mastered theory-ofmind skills are also more attuned to other people’s feelings and welfare when they think about the morality of snatching a friend’s toy or calling a friend a bad name (Dunn, Cutting, & Demetriou, 2000). In short, mastering the basics of a theory of mind at age 4 and refining those skills later put children in a better position to interpret the motives behind, and the consequences of, people’s actions when judging right and wrong.

Distinguishing among rules Piaget claimed that 6- to 10-year-old children view rules as sacred prescriptions laid down by respected authority figures that cannot be contested or challenged. However, Elliot Turiel (2006) has argued and observed that even young children distinguish sharply between different kinds of rules. Most importantly, they distinguish between moral rules, or standards that focus on the welfare and basic rights of individuals, and social-conventional rules, standards determined by social consensus that tell us what is appropriate in particular social settings. Moral rules include rules against hitting, stealing, lying and otherwise harming others or violating their rights. Social-conventional rules are

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CHAPTER 10: SOCIAL COGNITION AND MORAL DEVELOPMENT

more like rules of social etiquette; they include the rules of games, school rules that forbid eating snacks in class or leaving the classroom without permission, and parent rules that require saying ‘please’ and ‘thank you’. From their preschool years, children understand that moral rules are more compelling and unalterable than social-conventional rules (Turiel, 2006). Judith Smetana and colleagues (Smetana, 2006; Smetana et al., 2012) discovered that children as young as age 3 regard moral transgressions such as hitting, stealing or refusing to share as more serious and deserving of punishment than social-conventional violations. Similarly, young children appreciate that hitting is wrong even if the teacher did not see it, even if the rules say hitting is okay, and regardless of whether it is done at home, at school or in a faraway land with different laws. They also give the right reasons for their views, emphasising the harm done by hitting (Killen & Smetana, 2008).Three-year-olds also seem to have a genuine respect for rules; they follow them not just to avoid punishment but because they are becoming members of a social group and view it as important to respect the group’s rules (Schmidt & Tomasello, 2012). Thus, if a puppet plays a new game incorrectly, a 3-year-old is likely to enforce the rules, saying, ‘No, you have to do it like this.’ Piaget also claimed that 6- to 10-year-old children view any law laid down by adults as sacred. Instead, children appear to be quite capable of questioning adult authority. School-age children say, for example, that it is inappropriate and unjustifiable for parents to arbitrarily restrict their children’s friendship choices, which children view as a matter of personal choice. And they maintain that not even God can proclaim that stealing is morally right and make it so (Nucci & Turiel, 1993; Tisak & Tisak, 1990). In other words, school-age children will not blindly accept any dictate offered by an authority figure as legitimate. Overall, then, both Piaget and Kohlberg seriously underestimated how sensitive even toddlers are to moral issues and how much moral growth takes place during infancy and early childhood. We now know that even young children judge acts as right or wrong according to whether the actor’s intentions were good or bad; use their theories of mind to analyse the motives behind and the emotional consequences of actions; distinguish between moral rules and social-conventional rules and view only moral rules as absolute, sacred and unchangeable; and challenge adult authority when they believe it is illegitimate.

Moral socialisation How can parents best raise a child who can be counted on to behave morally in most situations? You have already seen that a secure attachment and a mutually responsive orientation between parent and child starting in infancy help. Social cognitive theorists such as Bandura would also advise parents to reinforce moral behaviour, punish immoral behaviour (but mildly and with caution, as discussed in Chapter 2) and serve as models of moral behaviour.

LINKAGES Chapter 2 Theories of human development

CHILD-REARING APPROACHES TO DISCIPLINE The important work of Martin Hoffman (2000, 2008) has provided additional insights into how to foster not only moral behaviour but also moral thought and affect. As you saw earlier, Hoffman believes that empathy is a key motivator of moral behaviour and that the key task in moral socialisation, therefore, is to foster empathy. Hoffman (1970) reviewed the child-rearing literature to determine which approaches to discipline were associated with high levels of moral development. Three major approaches were compared: 1 Love withdrawal. Withholding attention, affection or approval after a child misbehaves – in other words, creating anxiety by threatening a loss of reinforcement from parents.

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Source: Shutterstock.com/Pavel L Photo and Video

Snapshot

Martin Hoffman’s formula for raising a moral child involves lots of induction and affection and only occasional power assertion.

2 Power assertion. Using power to threaten, chastise, administer spankings, take away privileges and so on – in other words, using punishment. 3 Induction. Explaining to a child why the behaviour is wrong and should be changed by emphasising how it affects other people. Suppose that little Angel has just put the beloved family cat in a bucket of water. Using love withdrawal, a parent might say, ‘How could you do something like that? I can’t stand to look at you!’ Using power assertion, a parent might say, ‘Get to your room this minute; you’re going to get it!’ Using induction, a parent might say, ‘Angel, look how scared Fluffball is. You could have drowned her, and you know how sad we’d be if she died.’ Induction, then, is a matter of providing rationales or explanations that focus attention on the consequences of wrongdoing for other people (or cats). Which approach best fosters moral development? Induction is more often positively associated with children’s moral maturity than either love withdrawal or power assertion, and power assertion is the least effective approach (Patrick & Gibbs, 2012). In Hoffman’s (2000, 2008) view, induction works well because it breeds empathy. Anticipating empathic distress if we contemplate harming someone keeps us from doing harm; empathising with individuals in distress motivates us to help them. Although expressing disappointment in a child’s behaviour can be effective on occasion, making a child worry that their parents’ love can be withdrawn at any time is usually not effective (Patrick & Gibbs, 2007). Frequent use of power assertion is more often associated with moral immaturity than with moral maturity. At the extreme, children whose parents are physically abusive feel less guilt and engage in more immoral behaviours, such as stealing, than other children (Koenig, Cicchetti, & Rogosch, 2004). But even frequent use of milder power tactics such as physical restraint and commands to keep young children from engaging in prohibited acts is generally ineffective (Kochanska, Aksan, & Nichols, 2003). Power assertion does not foster empathy, the internalisation of moral rules or the development of self-control, and physical punishment in particular can produce unwanted consequences such as anxiety and aggression. Despite this evidence, Hoffman (2000, 2008) concludes that mild power assertion tactics such as a forceful ‘no’, a reprimand or the taking away of privileges can be useful occasionally if they arouse some but not too much fear and motivate a child to pay close attention to the inductions that follow. Such careful uses of power assertion work best in the context of a loving and mutually responsive parent–child relationship. All in all, Hoffman’s work provides a fairly clear picture of how parents can best contribute to the moral growth of their children. As he puts it, the winning formula is ‘a blend of frequent inductions, occasional power assertions and a lot of affection’ (Hoffman, 2000, p. 23).

PROACTIVE PARENTING proactive parenting strategies Parenting techniques that are designed to prevent misbehaviour and reduce the need for correction or discipline.

Let’s add that effective parents also use proactive parenting strategies, tactics designed to prevent misbehaviour and therefore reduce the need for any of Hoffman’s types of discipline – techniques such as distracting young children from temptations and explicitly teaching older children values (Thompson et al., 2006). Yet parents do not settle on one approach and use it all the time. Both the moral socialisation technique chosen and its effectiveness depend on a host of factors such as the particular misdeed, child, parent, situation and cultural context (Critchley & Sanson, 2006; Grusec, 2006). Consider, for example, the child’s temperament. It turns out to be an important influence on how morally trainable they are and what motivates them to comply with parents’ rules and requests (Thompson et al., 2006). Grazyna Kochanska and her colleagues have found that children are likely to be easiest to

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socialise if (1) they are by temperament fearful or inhibited (see Chapter 9), and therefore are likely to experience guilt when they transgress, become appropriately distressed when they are disciplined and want to avoid such distress in the future; and (2) they are capable of effortful control and therefore are able to inhibit their urges to engage in wrongdoing (Kochanska, Barry, Jimenez, Hollatz, & Woodard, 2009; and see Eisenberg, Smith, & Spinrad, 2011).

LINKAGES Chapter 9 Self, personality, gender and sexuality

ON THE INTERNET http://www.triplep.net/ You might like to visit the Triple P (Positive Parenting Program) website to learn more about an effective evidence-based program that incorporates proactive parenting and discipline strategies. Originally developed in Australia, Triple P is an evidence-based parenting program now implemented in many countries around the world, including New Zealand, the United States and a number of Asian and European countries. When visiting the website, first select the country of interest, then you will be able to access Triple P information and resources for parents and practitioners relevant to that region.

A DIFFERENT APPROACH CONSIDERING TEMPERAMENT, CARE ARRANGEMENTS AND CULTURE Children with different temperaments may require different socialisation approaches. Fearful, inhibited children can be socialised through a gentle approach that capitalises on their anxiety but does not terrorise them (Kochanska,Aksan, & Joy, 2007). Children who are fearless or uninhibited do not respond to this gentle approach but they also do not respond to being treated harshly. Fearless children are most likely to learn to comply with rules and requests when the parent–child relationship is characterised by a mutually responsive orientation and the child is motivated to please the parent and maintain a good relationship. Here, then, is another example of the importance of the goodness of fit between a child’s temperament and their social environment. Socialised in a way that suits their temperament, most children will internalise rules of conduct, experience appropriate moral emotions and learn to regulate their behaviour and behave more prosocially than antisocially. Similarly, different socialisation approaches may be required for children who live in out-of-home arrangements, particularly when their cultural background is different to that of their carers. In Australia, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children in kinship care are supported to have strong connections to family, community and culture, which is hoped to improve the goodness of fit and ensure moral socialisation occurs in a culturally meaningful way (see Kiraly, James, & Humphreys, 2014).

MAKING CONNECTIONS What approaches to moral socialisation did your parents use with you? If you have siblings, can you see any signs that your parents adopted different approaches with different children?

IN REVIEW CHECKING UNDERSTANDING

CRITICAL THINKING

1 How is a moral rule different from a social-conventional rule and at what age can children tell the difference?

Ben is a 15-year-old boy who has been bullying other students at his school. Explain an approach that his parents could adopt to intervene and effectively manage his antisocial behaviours.

2 What capacities shown by preschool children contradict Piaget’s view that they are limited moral thinkers? 3 Create an example of induction and explain why Martin Hoffman concludes it is the best approach to discipline.

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10.5 THE ADOLESCENT Learning objectives

■■ Outline basic concepts and theories related to the development of a moral identity in adolescence. ■■ Summarise the nature and prevalence of antisocial behaviours in adolescence, and contributing factors. ■■ Describe the way in which moral reasoning shifts from the preconventional to conventional stage during adolescence, according to Kohlberg’s six stages of moral reasoning. ■■ Discuss effective approaches for prevention of and intervention for antisocial behaviours, in particular bullying.

As adolescents gain the capacity to think about abstract and hypothetical ideas, and begin to chart their future identities, many of them reflect on their values and moral standards and some make morality a central part of their identities. At the other extreme are the adolescents who end up engaging in serious antisocial behaviour.

Moral identity moral identity The integration of morality as part of one’s personal identity.

Some teens view being a moral person who is caring, fair and honest as an important part of their identity – contributing to a strong moral identity. Those adolescents who develop a sense of moral identity tend to be more capable of advanced moral reasoning (Hart, 2005). If something in the situation reminds them of their moral values, they are more likely to act morally (Aquino, Freeman, Reed, Felps, & Kim, 2009). Thus, developing a moral identity may be critical when it comes to translating one’s moral values into moral action (Hardy & Carlo, 2011). If you have a strong moral identity, you cannot live with yourself if you do wrong. A moral identity may start to take shape during childhood. In her work on the development of conscience, Grazyna Kochanska and her colleagues (2010) found that conscience in toddlerhood (following parents’ rules even when they are out of the room and showing empathy for a parent’s distress) predicts the development at age 5 or 6 of a ‘moral self ’, a sense of being a good boy or girl who tries to follow rules, avoids misbehaving and cares about other people. Children with a strong moral self agreed with statements like ‘When I break something, I tell someone about it right away’, not statements like ‘When I break something, I try to hide it so no one finds out.’ A strong moral self at age 5 was related to parent and teacher perceptions at age 6 to 7 that the child was prosocial and well adjusted rather than antisocial. A moral self in childhood appears to lay a good foundation for both later moral behaviour and possibly a full-fledged sense of moral identity in adolescence. Development of a moral identity in adolescence can be fostered by parents who use induction and on occasion express disappointment in their teen’s behaviour rather than relying on power assertion and love withdrawal (Patrick & Gibbs, 2012). It can also be fostered through involvement in community service and other prosocial activities (Hardy & Carlo, 2011; Pratt, Hunsberger, Pancer, & Alisat, 2003).

Changes in moral reasoning Adolescence is a period of significant moral growth. Consider the results of Lawrence Kohlberg’s 20-year longitudinal study that involved repeatedly asking the 10-, 13-, and 16-year-old boys he originally studied to respond to moral dilemmas (Colby et al., 1983). Figure 10.2 shows the percentage of judgements offered at each age that reflected each of Kohlberg’s six stages. Several interesting developmental trends can be seen here. Notice that the preconventional reasoning (stage 1 and stage 2) that dominates among 10-year-olds decreases considerably during

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CHAPTER 10: SOCIAL COGNITION AND MORAL DEVELOPMENT

FIGURE 10.2  Average percentage of males demonstrating different stages of moral reasoning from age 10 to age 36 80 70

Stage 1

Stage 3

Stage 2

Stage 4

Stage 5

Percentage of reasoning

60

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50 40 30 20 10 0

10

12

14

16

18

20 22 24 26 28 30 32 34 36 Age (in years)

Source: Colby, Kohlberg, Gibbs, & Lieberman (1983). © 1983 Blackwell Publishing. Reprinted with permission.

the teenage years. During adolescence, conventional reasoning (stage 3 and stage 4) becomes the dominant mode of moral thinking. So, among 13- to 14-year-olds, most moral judgements reflect either a stage 2 (instrumental hedonism) approach – ‘You scratch my back and I’ll scratch yours’ – or a stage 3 (good boy or good girl) concern with being nice and earning approval. More than half the judgements offered by 16- to 18-year-olds embody stage 3 reasoning, and about a fifth were scored as stage 4 (authority and social order–maintaining morality) arguments.These older adolescents were beginning to take a broad societal perspective on justice and were concerned about acting in ways that would help maintain the social system. The main developmental trend in moral reasoning during adolescence is a shift from preconventional to conventional reasoning. During this period, most individuals begin to express a genuine concern with living up to the moral standards that parents and other authorities have taught them and ensuring that laws designed for justice and equity are taken seriously and maintained. Postconventional reasoning does not emerge until adulthood – if at all.

Antisocial behaviour Although most adolescents internalise society’s moral standards, a few are involved in serious antisocial conduct – physical assault, rape, robbery, theft and fraud-related crimes. Most severely antisocial adults start their antisocial careers in childhood or adolescence. The consequences of their early misbehaviour accumulate, and they engage in juvenile delinquency, law-breaking by a minor. They find themselves leaving school early, participating in troubled and sometimes abusive relationships, having difficulty keeping jobs and law-breaking as adults (Huesmann, Dubow, & Boxer, 2009; McGee, Hayatbakhsh et al., 2011a). Some of these youth qualify for diagnoses such as conduct disorder – a persistent pattern of violating the rights of others or age-appropriate societal norms through such behaviours as fighting, bullying and cruelty (American Psychiatric Association, 2013). The latest version of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM-5; and see Chapter 12), which spells out defining features and symptoms for a range of

juvenile delinquency Law-breaking by a minor. conduct disorder A persistent pattern of behaviour in which a child or adolescent violates the rights of others or ageappropriate societal norms.

LINKAGES Chapter 12 Developmental psychopathology

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LINKAGES Chapter 1 Understanding life span human development Chapter 4 Body, brain and health

psychological disorders, notes that some youth with conduct disorder may also display a pattern of limited prosocial behaviour in which they have little empathy for the feelings and wellbeing of others. Most adolescents who engage in aggressive behaviour and other antisocial acts do not grow up to be antisocial adults. Using data from the New Zealand Longitudinal Dunedin Study, researchers have identified two main subgroups of antisocial youths (Moffitt, 2006; Odgers et al., 2008): • a small, early-onset, seriously disturbed group that is recognisable in childhood through acts such as hurting animals and other children and is persistently antisocial across the life span, and • a larger, late-onset group that behaves antisocially mainly during adolescence, partly in response to peer pressures, and outgrows this behaviour in adulthood. The larger, late-onset group that outgrows their delinquent behaviours likely explains the pattern of the Australian and New Zealand data presented in the Statistics snapshot box that shows crime rates rise to a peak during adolescence and then fall, a pattern evident in most societies (Agnew, 2003; Tremblay, 2011).Yet even those for whom antisocial behaviour is limited to childhood and adolescence are at risk for problems in adulthood. International findings, including those from the longitudinal Dunedin Study and the Australian Mater University Study of Pregnancy (MUSP), have shown that those with childhood-limited antisocial behaviour experience relationship problems and have difficulty gaining employment as adults, although to a lesser degree than those with life-course persistent antisocial behaviours (McGee, Wickes et al., 2011; Moffitt, 2006). It is interesting to note that variation occurs within youth offenders in New Zealand based on their ethnic identity. New Zealand youth offenders from a Pasifika background, compared to a European or Ma¯ori background, are more likely to have grown up in areas of greater socioeconomic disadvantage – and as we noted in Chapter 1, socioeconomic status (SES) may be, but is not always, associated with more troubled developmental pathways. Pasifika New Zealand youth are also more likely to start offending at a later age, usually 17 years old, which is not captured by the data in Table 10.4 (Ioane, Lambie, & Percival, 2016). What causes some youths to become menaces to society? Research on New Zealand youth has shown language may play a key role, demonstrating that adolescent offenders were significantly more likely than their non-offending peers to have greater oral language difficulties (Lount, Purdy, & Hand, 2017). A number of other factors are also relevant. The decline of antisocial behaviour after adolescence may reflect increased autonomy and increased ability to resist peer pressures, or it may result from entry into adult roles. It may also reflect brain development – the maturation of the prefrontal cortex of the brain that continues into the mid-20s and results in better control of impulses and consideration of long-term consequences (Giedd et al., 2013; and see Chapter 4). There are indications that theory-of-mind deficits linked to the maturation of the prefrontal cortex may also be evident in conduct-disordered youth (Poletti & Adzenato, 2013). Might adolescents who engage repeatedly in aggressive, antisocial acts be cases of arrested moral development who have not internalised conventional moral values? Juvenile delinquents are indeed more likely than non-delinquents to rely on preconventional moral reasoning (Raaijmakers, Engels, & Van Hoof, 2005; Stams et al., 2006). Yet many delinquents are capable of conventional moral reasoning but commit illegal acts anyway. So to understand the origins of antisocial conduct, we must consider more than stage of moral reasoning (Gibbs, 2013; Quinsey, Skilling, Lalumiere, & Craig, 2004). What about the moral emotions of antisocial youth? Adolescents who are aggressive or who are diagnosed with conduct disorders are less likely than other adolescents to show empathy and

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Statistics snapshot JUVENILE CRIME RATES In Australia …

• In 2016, most offences for 14- to 16-year-old youth were related to unlawful entry to property and theft, followed by acts causing injury to others (see Table 10.4).

• In 2015–2016, the offending rate for 20- to 24-year-olds was higher than for any other age group (see Figure 10.3).

consistently the most frequent offence, at almost three times the rate of other offences by age 16 (see Figure 10.4). In New Zealand …

• In 2015–2016, offender rates increased with each year of adolescence and theft was

• In 2016, the number of children and youth in courts had decreased by 45 per cent since 2011 (see Figure 10.5).

FIGURE 10.3 Australian offenders per 100 000 population by age, 2015–2016 Offending rate, by age group, per 100 000 in Australia 50 000 40 504

40 000

43 304 34 108 30 286

30 000

27 399 23 338

20 000

10 000

0

17 672 11 502

9686

6845

4219

1603

10–14 15–19 20–24 25–29 30–34 35–39 40–44 45–49 50–54 55–59 60–64 65 and over Years

Source: Australian Bureau of Statistics (2017).

FIGURE 10.4 Australian youth offender rates by principal offence, 2015–2016

1800

Youth offenders, offender rate (a) by age and selected principal offences, 2015–16

1500 Rate

1200 900 600 300 0

10

11

12

13 14 Age (in years)

15

16

02 Acts intended to cause injury

08 Theft

03 Sexual assault and related offences

10 Illicit drug offences

07 Unlawful entry with intent

13 Public order offences

17

Source: Australian Bureau of Statistics (2017).

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FIGURE 10.5 New Zealand youth in courts Most youth in New Zealand courts during 2016 were aged 15–16 years 140 120

5000

100

4000

80

3000

60

2000

40

1000

20

0

0

19 9 19 2 93 19 94 19 9 19 5 96 19 9 19 7 98 19 9 20 9 00 20 0 20 1 0 20 2 0 20 3 0 20 4 0 20 5 0 20 6 0 20 7 0 20 8 0 20 9 10 20 1 20 1 1 20 2 1 20 3 14 20 1 20 5 16

15 years old 31%

6000

Number in court (thousands)

16 years 43%

14 years old 24%

In New Zealand, the rate of youth aged 10–16 charged in court decreased by 45% between 2011 and 2016

Per capita rate

10–13 years old 1%

Year ended

Number of young people charged

Rate per 10 000 young people in NZ

Source: Data © Crown Copyright. Licensed from the Ministry of Justice New Zeland for use under the Creative Commons Attribution licence (BY) 4.0.

TABLE 10.4  New Zealand offences per 10 000 young people by age and offence category, 2015–2016 Offence category

Age in years 12–13

All ages

14

15

16

0

0.52

0.51

0.51

0.15

Acts intended to cause injury

0.26

22.96

40.01

55.63

16.5

Sexual assault

0.26

6.26

5.64

6.07

2.45

0

6.26

7.69

12.14

3.79

Robbery/extortion

0.51

10.96

16.93

16.18

6.47

Unlawful entry with intent

0.51

49.58

64.11

65.75

23.41

Theft

0.26

51.15

76.42

76.37

25.87

Property or environment damage

0.51

28.18

44.11

42.99

15.53

Overall offences

2.31

109.10

169.30

223.00

61.69

Homicide

Abduction/harassment and offences against person

Source: Data © Crown Copyright. Licensed from Stats New Zeland for use under the Creative Commons Attribution licence (BY) 4.0.

concern for others in distress, and often feel little guilt or remorse about their acts (Gibbs, 2013; Lovett & Sheffield, 2007). Apparently their moral emotions have not been socialised in ways that would promote moral behaviour. Children who show such ‘callous-unemotional traits’ over the years are of special concern; they are especially likely to engage in severe forms of antisocial behaviour in adolescence and beyond (Fontaine, McCrory, Boivin, Moffitt, & Viding, 2011; Marsee & Frick, 2010). So lack of appropriate moral emotions is important, but as will now become clear, antisocial adolescents also process social information differently to other adolescents.

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CHAPTER 10: SOCIAL COGNITION AND MORAL DEVELOPMENT

Dodge’s social information-processing model Kenneth Dodge and his colleagues have advanced our understanding of antisocial youth by offering a social information-processing model of aggressive behaviour (Crick & Dodge, 1994; Dodge, 1986, 2006). Imagine that you are walking down the aisle in a classroom, trip over a classmate’s leg and end up in a heap on the floor. As you fall, you are not sure what happened. Dodge and other social information-processing theorists believe that the individual’s reactions to frustration, anger or provocation depend on the ways in which we process and interpret cues in situations like this. According to Dodge, an individual who is provoked (as by being tripped) progresses through six steps in information processing, as shown in Table 10.5. TABLE 10.5  The six steps in Dodge’s social information-processing model and sample responses of aggressive youth after being tripped Step

Behaviour

Likely response of aggressive youth

1 Encoding of cues

Search for, attend to and register cues in the situation

Focus on cues suggesting hostile intent; ignore other relevant information

2 Interpretation of cues

Interpret situation; infer other’s motive

Show hostile attribution bias, assuming other person meant to cause harm

3 Clarification of goals

Formulate goal in situation

Make goal to retaliate rather than smooth relations

4 Response search

Generate possible responses

Generate few options, most of them aggressive

5 Response decision

Assess likely consequences of responses generated; choose the best

See advantages in responding aggressively rather than non-aggressively (or fail to evaluate consequences)

6 Behavioural enactment

Carry out chosen response

Behave aggressively

Sources: Adapted from Dodge (1993); Crick & Dodge (1994).

People do not necessarily go through these steps in precise order; we can cycle among them or work on two or more simultaneously (Crick & Dodge, 1994). And at any step, we may draw not only on information available in the immediate situation but also on a stored database that includes memories of previous social experiences. The skills involved in carrying out the six steps in social information processing improve with age (Dodge & Price, 1994; Mayeux & Cillessen, 2003). Why, then, are some children more aggressive than other children the same age? Highly aggressive youth, including adolescents incarcerated for violent crimes, show deficient or biased information processing at every step (Dodge, 1993), as illustrated in Table 10.5. Many aggressive youths act impulsively, ‘without thinking’; they respond automatically based on their database of past experiences. These youth often develop a hostile attribution bias; they tend to see the world as a hostile place and assume that any harm to them is deliberate rather than accidental (Crick & Dodge, 1994; Orobio de Castro, Veerman, Koops, Bosch, & Monshouwer, 2002). Severely violent youths have often experienced abandonment, neglect, abuse, bullying and other insults that may have given them cause to view the world as a hostile place and to feel little concern for others (Lansford et al., 2007). They can even feel morally justified in taking antisocial action because they believe they are only retaliating against individuals who are ‘out to get them’ (Gibbs, 2013). Dodge’s social information-processing model is helpful in understanding why children and adolescents might behave aggressively in particular situations. However, it leaves somewhat unclear the extent to which the underlying problem is how one thinks (how skilled the person is at processing social information), what one thinks (for example, whether the individual believes that other people are hostile) or whether one thinks (how impulsively the person acts). Moreover, we have to look further

hostile attribution bias A tendency to perceive others’ intent as hostile rather than non-threatening.

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to understand why only some children develop the social information-processing styles associated with aggressive behaviour.

Patterson’s coercive family environments coercive family environment A home environment in which family members are locked in power struggles, each trying to control the others through aggressive tactics.

Gerald Patterson and his colleagues have found that highly antisocial children and adolescents often grow up in coercive family environments, in which family members are locked in power struggles, each trying to control the others through negative, coercive tactics (Patterson, 2005, 2008). Parents learn (through negative reinforcement) that they can stop their children’s misbehaviour, temporarily at least, by threatening, yelling and hitting. Meanwhile, children learn (also through negative reinforcement) that they can get their parents to lay off them by ignoring requests, whining, throwing full-blown temper tantrums and otherwise being difficult. As both parents and children learn to rely on coercive tactics, parents increasingly lose control over their children’s behaviour until even the loudest lectures and hardest spankings have little effect and the child’s conduct problems spiral out of control. It is easy to see how a child who has grown up in a coercive family environment might attribute hostile intent to other people and rely on aggressive tactics to resolve disputes. Growing up in a coercive family environment sets in motion the next steps in the making of an antisocial adolescent, according to Patterson and colleagues (see Figure 10.6): the child, already aggressive and unpleasant to be around, ends up performing poorly in school and being rejected by other children. Having no better options, he or she becomes involved in a peer group made up of other low-achieving, antisocial and unpopular youths, who positively reinforce one another’s delinquency. Overall, there is much support for Patterson’s view that ineffective parenting in childhood contributes to behaviour problems, peer rejection, involvement with antisocial peers, and, in turn, antisocial behaviour in adolescence (Dodge, Greenberg, Malone, & Conduct Problems Prevention Research Group, 2008). FIGURE 10.6  According to Gerald Patterson’s model, the development of antisocial behaviour starts with poor discipline. Early childhood

Poor parental discipline and monitoring

Middle childhood

Child conduct problems

Rejection by normal peers

Academic failure

Late childhood and adolescence Commitment to deviant peer group

Delinquency

Source: Adapted from Patterson, DeBaryshe, & Ramsey (1989). © 1989 American Psychological Association.

Nature and nurture In the final analysis, severe antisocial behaviour is the product of a complex interplay between genetic predisposition and environmental influences. We can start by putting aggression in an evolutionary context. For example, males are more aggressive overall than females, as illustrated in Australian and New Zealand crime statistics that show males offend three or four times as often as females (Australian Institute of Criminology, 2013; New Zealand Ministry of Justice, 2014). The male edge in aggression is evident in many cultures and in many species (Lansford et al., 2012), and shows up as early as infancy (Baillargeon et al., 2007). It has been argued that aggression may have evolved

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CHAPTER 10: SOCIAL COGNITION AND MORAL DEVELOPMENT

in males because becoming dominant in a male peer group enables adolescent males to compete successfully for mates and pass their genes to future generations (Buss, 2012). In addition, some individuals, male or female, are more genetically predisposed than others to have difficult, irritable temperaments, impulsive tendencies and other response tendencies and personality traits that contribute to aggressive, delinquent and criminal behaviour (Niv & Baker, 2013; van Goozen, Fairchild, Snoek, & Harold, 2007). Genetic differences among us are estimated to account for about 40 per cent of individual differences in antisocial behaviour, with environmental influences estimated to account for the remaining 60 per cent of the variation (Rhee & Waldman, 2002). A number of specific genes that affect neurotransmitters and hormones have been identified as contributors to antisocial behaviour; researchers are also now exploring epigenetic effects of harsh and stressful early experiences on the expression of certain genes that play a role in aggressive behaviour (Niv & Baker, 2013; Tremblay, 2011).

GENE-ENVIRONMENT INTERACTION Through the mechanism of gene-environment interaction (see Chapter 3), children with certain genetic predispositions may become antisocial if they also grow up in a dysfunctional family and receive poor parenting or are physically abused (Kuny-Slock & Hudziak, 2013). Kenneth Dodge (2009) summarised research on the monoamine oxidase A (MAO-A) gene, a gene on the X chromosome that normally contributes to an ability to control our temper when we are threatened or provoked. If children have a variant of this gene that results in low MAO-A activity and are also abused or mistreated, they readily attribute hostile intentions to others if provoked, cannot control their anger, and lash out impulsively. They show higher levels of antisocial behaviour as adults than youth who were not mistreated, and youth who were mistreated but have high levels of MAO-A activity and can therefore better control their rage (Caspi et al., 2002; Kim-Cohen et al., 2006). Meanwhile, positive environmental influences such as living in a two-parent home or having non-delinquent friends can mute the effects of risky variants of genes like MAO-A (Guo, 2011). Through the mechanism of gene-environment correlation (see Chapter 3), children who inherit a genetic predisposition to become aggressive may actually evoke the coercive parenting that Patterson and his colleagues find breeds aggression. This evocative gene-environment correlation effect is evident even when aggression-prone children grow up with adoptive parents rather than with their biological parents: they bring out negativity even in their adoptive parents. In the end, child antisocial behaviour and negative parenting influence one another reciprocally over time: aggressive children evoke negative and coercive parenting; and negative, coercive parenting further strengthens their aggressive tendencies (Larsson,Viding, Rijsdik, & Plomin, 2008). Many other environmental risk and protective factors can help determine whether a child develops a pattern of antisocial behaviour. The prenatal environment – for example, exposure to alcohol, opiate drugs and lead poisoning – has been linked to conduct problems (Dodge & Pettit, 2003). Complications during delivery may also contribute, especially if the child later grows up in a deprived home (Arseneault, Tremblay, Boulerice, & Saucier, 2002).

LINKAGES Chapter 3 Genes, environment and the beginnings of life

CULTURAL AND SOCIOCULTURAL VARIATIONS Some cultural and sociocultural contexts are more likely to breed aggression than others. In Japan, a collectivist culture in which children are taught early to value social harmony, children are less angered by interpersonal conflicts and less likely to react to them aggressively than Western children are (Zahn-Waxler, Friedman, Cole, Mizuta, & Himura, 1996). Subcultural and neighbourhood factors can also contribute to youth violence (Guerra & Williams, 2006). Rates of aggression and violent crime are two to three times higher in lower socioeconomic neighbourhoods and communities,

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especially transient ones, than in middle-class ones (Maughan, 2001). Research in Australia has also shown that neighbourhood disadvantage is associated with severity and frequency of antisocial behaviour, but that individual and family factors are more important predictors (McGee, Wickes et al., 2011). Finally, certain schools have higher rates of delinquency and aggression than others, even when socioeconomic factors are controlled for (Maughan, 2001). In sum, we must recognise that aggression results from the integration of biological predisposition, individual psychological factors such as information-processing styles and personality traits, and sociocultural and contextual factors (Dodge, 2009; Guo, 2011; Kuny-Slock & Hudziak, 2013; Tremblay, 2011). A number of influences, such as harsh parenting and association with antisocial peers, playing out over childhood and adolescence (see again Figure 10.6), can result in chronic and serious violence in adolescence and beyond. The more risk factors are at work and interacting with each other over the years, the greater the odds of an aggressive adult. Then, unfortunately, this antisocial adult stands a good chance of contributing to the intergenerational transmission of aggression – of becoming the kind of harsh, coercive parent who helps raise another generation of aggressive children, who then use the same coercive style with their own children (Dogan, Conger, Kim, & Masyn, 2007).

Prevention and intervention

Search me! and Think Access the Psychology database and research the topic of moral education.

Prevention of antisocial behaviour should clearly be a priority, but how do we go about it? Many approaches have been tried. Prevention researchers, drawing on Kohlberg’s theory of moral development, have involved youth, including juvenile offenders, in so-called moral or character education that includes discussion of moral dilemmas and democratic decision making in schools in order to improve their moral reasoning (Gibbs, 2013; Nucci, 2006; Power & Higgins-D’Alessandro, 2008; Snarey & Samuelson, 2008). Dodge’s model has been applied to improve the social informationprocessing skills of juvenile delinquents (Guerra & Slaby, 1990). And Patterson’s coercive cycles model has been used to train parents in positive behaviour management techniques (Patterson, 2005). All these approaches have had some positive effects, but none have been able to completely turn around the lives of serious juvenile offenders. A more comprehensive strategy that starts earlier in life and aims at prevention seems to be needed. Experts believe that prevention needs to start in infancy or toddlerhood with a strong emphasis on positive parenting, followed by comprehensive strategies throughout childhood and adolescence across social environments, such as home, community and schools (Dodge, Coie, & Lynam, 2006; Tremblay, 2011; Williams, Toumbourou, Williamson, Hemphill, & Patton, 2009). Since risk factors such as harsh parenting and disruptive child behaviour reciprocally influence each other, it makes sense to try to change both the child and the environment (Jaffee, Strait, & Odgers, 2012). In a recent review of 18 studies across Australia, New Zealand, Canada and the United States, the evidence base supported family-centred interventions for Indigenous children from conception to 5 years. The interventions focused on building strengths not only in parenting but also in a range of health and cultural areas (McCalman et al., 2017). Other research has similarly shown that a strengthsbased approach works especially well at helping Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children to not only succeed but thrive (Craven et al., 2016). Starting at school entry, the 10-year Fast Track Project designed by Kenneth Dodge (2007) and other members of the Conduct Problems Prevention Research Group (2007) used a multipronged approach involving the teaching of social information processing and social skills, efforts to improve academic skills, and behaviour management training for parents. It proved effective in reducing antisocial behaviour and preventing diagnoses of conduct disorder and related psychiatric disorders. The program worked with only those children who were

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CHAPTER 10: SOCIAL COGNITION AND MORAL DEVELOPMENT

at highest risk initially and was very costly; however, its results suggest the need to aim prevention programs more squarely at the children most in need of them. Still other researchers have decided that there has been too much emphasis on reducing adolescent problem behaviour and too little on helping youth develop in positive directions. Positive Youth Development (PYD) is an approach that emphasises developing the strengths of youth. In one formulation (Lerner, Phelps, Forman, & Bowers, 2009), ‘five Cs’ serve as the goals: • Competence (academic, vocational and so on) • Confidence (self-esteem and self-efficacy) • Character (moral development, respect for rules) • Connection (bonds to family, friends and institutions such as schools and churches) • Caring (empathy, prosocial behaviour). PYD programs can help youth develop more positive identities, build ‘five C’ strengths, increase their positive contributions to their communities, and reduce their problem behaviours (Eichas et al., 2010; Jelicic, Bobek, Phelps, Lerner, & Lerner, 2007; Lerner et al., 2011). For cultural minority youth, who too often have been viewed more in terms of their vulnerabilities to problems than in terms of their strengths, this ‘emphasise the positive’ approach may be especially welcomed. The strengths of different cultural groups – cultural pride, family values, spirituality – can be incorporated in PYD programs (Kenyon & Hanson, 2012; Knight & Carlo, 2012). In short, we would do well to recognise and nurture the positive potentials of youth. Tackling antisocial behaviour is best served by a combination of preventative approaches that seek to reduce aggressive and violent behaviour and also increase positive and prosocial behaviours and identities; and effective intervention strategies for addressing antisocial behaviour when it does occur.

Search me! and Discover a metaanalytic study about whether counselling is an effective treatment for antisocial youth: Erford, B. T., Paul, L. E., Oncken, C., Kress, V. E., & Erford, M. R. (2014). Counseling outcomes for youth with oppositional behavior: A meta-analysis. Journal of Counseling & Development, 92, 13–24.

Bullying In the chapter Application and Professional practice boxes we explore preventative and intervention approaches to bullying (which featured in our chapter opening vignette) – a type of aggressive behaviour that involves repeatedly inflicting harm through words or actions on weaker peers who cannot or do not defend themselves. More specifically, bullying behaviour can be categorised as (Smith, 2001): 1 Physical bullying (shoving, hitting, kicking, punching, damaging belongings) 2 Verbal bullying (teasing, taunting, threatening) 3 Social exclusion (rejection from social groups or activities) 4 Indirect bullying (spreading rumours and lies, turning others against an individual) 5 Cyberbullying (spreading rumours, insults, embarrassing photographs and threats quickly and widely via email, text messaging, websites or social media such as Facebook). Although we focus on childhood bullying in the chapter Application and Professional practice boxes, we acknowledge that bullying is a life span phenomenon, with workplace bullying representing a significant concern too (Samnani & Singh, 2012).

Cyberbullying Theorists have differed in their definition of cyberbullying, and recognised it as difficult to define, but appear to agree on key features that include aggressive intent to cause harm, repeated occurrence (which can be in the form of one perpetrator’s act being repeatedly shared and added to by others), power imbalance, involvement of technology/social media, and often the presence of an audience (Deschamps & McNutt, 2016). Cyberbullying is recognised as a unique phenomenon, rather than an extension of traditional school-based bullying. It involves not only students who typically engage in bullying behaviour, but also students who would ordinarily not engage in such

bullying A type of aggressive behaviour that involves repeatedly inflicting harm through words or actions on weaker peers who cannot or do not defend themselves.

MAKING CONNECTIONS Recall your school days. How much of a problem was bullying? What forms of bullying were most and least common?

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behaviour within physical settings (Antoniadou & Kokkinos, 2015). Furthermore, research has shown cyberbullying to occur at the same rates for youth attending school as for those being homeschooled (McLoughlin, Meyricke & Burgess, 2009). Cyberbullying is said to be a prevalent form of bullying, due to the sense of power, entitlement and anonymity, as well as disinhibition, allowing perpetrators to perceive an enhanced sense of power but with moral disengagement (Beran & Li, 2005; Hemphill et al, 2012; Udris, 2014; Wachs, 2012). Cyberbullying can have far more widereaching effects than traditional bullying, and is associated with higher rates of suicidal ideation, drug and alcohol abuse, conduct problems, anxiety and depression (Hemphill et al, 2012; Kowalski, Giumetti, Schroeder, & Lattanner, 2014). ON THE INTERNET LINKAGES Chapter 2 Theories of human development

http://www.bullyingnoway.com.au https://www.netsafe.org.nz/ Visit the Australian Bullying. No way! and New Zealand Cyberbullying websites for a range of anti-bullying resources and supports. Both websites feature a large range of information and resources about bullying, with special sections for students, parents and teachers; and links to supports for those experiencing bullying.

Application STOPPING THE BULLIES Although bullying was once written off as a normal part of growing up, it is now recognised as a major concern affecting many children internationally (Hwang, Kim, & Leventhal, 2013; Salmivalli & Peets, 2009). A survey in 40 Western countries, for example, revealed that overall, 26 per cent of 11–15-year-olds reported repeatedly bullying and/or being bullied by peers at least two to three times a month, but that rate varied considerably from under 10 per cent in Scandinavian countries like Sweden, to around 20 per cent in North America, and 40 per cent in Baltic countries such as Lithuania (Craig et al., 2009). In New Zealand, a recent study revealed that 94 per cent of primary and secondary students reported bullying had occurred in their school, 70 per cent rated social and relational problems as prevalent, 67 per cent rated verbal bullying as problematic, 39 per cent rated cyberbullying as the most difficult, while 35 per cent described physical bullying as the most troublesome (Balanovic, Stuart, & Jeffrey, 2016). In a large Australian study of over 7000 students aged 8–14 years, Donna Cross and colleagues (2009) found that about 1 in 4 were bullied every few weeks, or more often, during

the school term, with teasing being the most prevalent form of bullying (60 per cent), followed by indirect bullying (40 per cent), physical bullying (24 per cent) and cyberbullying (14 per cent). Bullying is done for many reasons, not just to hurt others. Bullies may be seeking enjoyment, peer acceptance and status, resources like money, or a sense of control or power, for example (Guerra, 2012). For some children and adolescents, being hounded by bullies can lead to becoming a bully and is associated with delinquency, anxiety, depression, stress-related headaches and pain, low self-esteem, and self-harm, including suicide (Balanovic, Stuart, & Jeffrey, 2016; Barker, Arseneault, Brendgen, Fontaine, & Maughan, 2008; Burton, Marshal, Chisolm, Sucato, & Friedman, 2013; Hwang et al., 2013; Salmivalli & Peets, 2009; Ttofi, Farrington, & Lösel, 2012). Academic performance suffers too; schools where bullying is rampant have higher dropout rates than schools with less bullying, even after controlling for factors like school size and socioeconomic status (Cornell, Gregory, Huang & Fan, 2012; and see Strøm, Thorensen, Wentzel-Larson, & Dyb, 2013). The

effects can be far-reaching across the life span. A recent study in New Zealand revealed adolescent bullying victimisation to be a significant risk factor for the development of psychotic symptomology in adulthood (Boden, Stockum, Horwood, & Fergusson, 2016). So what is being done about it? Schools now take active steps to combat bullying and to encourage students to report or intervene in bullying incidents (Beane, 2009). Yet findings from the Longitudinal Study of Australian Children (LSAC) indicate that teachers and parents may have difficulty identifying bullying, and that children who are not strongly attached to their parents and teachers may be less willing to report bullying (Lodge & Baxter, 2013). Further, if we analyse bullying using Bronfenbrenner’s bioecological model (see Chapter 2; and see Hong & Espelage, 2012), we quickly appreciate that reporting alone will achieve limited success in tackling the problem, and that a host of problems within the person, family, school, community and broader culture must be addressed to stop the bullies once and for all (Rigby, 2012). One of the most widely used interventions, which addresses a comprehensive range of >>>

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>>>

factors, is the Olweus Bullying Prevention Program (Olweus & Limber, 2010). It focuses on the school as a whole (for example, through a school committee with staff and student representatives and teacher training), the class (for example, through posting of rules against bullying and regular class discussions of bullying), the individual (through talks with bullies, victims and their parents; and development of individual action plans for those involved in bullying), and the broader community (through schoolcommunity partnerships). So just how effective are anti-bullying programs? Reviews and meta-analyses of large numbers of studies of anti-bullying

programs generally show very small effects of anti-bullying programs on the incidence of bullying and victimisation (see, for example, Ttofi & Farrington, 2011; Ferguson, Miguel, Kilburn, & Sanchez, 2007; Merrell, Guelder, Ross, & Isava, 2008). Those programs, however, that are of greater intensity and duration, include improved playground supervision practices and firmer responses to bullying, and incorporate parent training elements, are those associated with decreases in bullying (Ttofi & Farrington, 2011). Further, programs must target the unique characteristics of specific schools and communities if they are to successfully tackle bullying (Cross &

Barnes, 2014). For example, multicultural education and policy challenging racism has been found effective in schools (see Forrest, Lean, & Dunn, 2016). There are also modest effects of anti-bullying programs for enhancing students’ social competence, self-esteem and peer acceptance; and improving teachers’ knowledge, skills and confidence in responding to bullying. Therefore, the strength of anti-bullying programs may lie not so much in decreasing bullying behaviour, but rather building the resilience of students to cope with bullying and the capacity of teachers and schools to respond effectively to bullying (Merrell et al., 2008).

Professional practice

What approaches do you find are effective for preventing and intervening in school bullying situations? Bullying, and particularly cyberbullying, is an issue of enormous concern that can have extremely damaging effects for victims, witnesses, as well as perpetrators. A preferred holistic and systemic approach encourages all stakeholders to be collaboratively involved in a meaningful way and take ownership for their part in the solution. Creating a sense of ‘community’ and belonging, with good role modelling and strong support, is essential. It is important to get the family, the school and any relevant community, cultural and religious groups on board. I believe bullying prevention is vital. My approach is to facilitate the delivery of individualised, group and whole-school (where possible) prevention programs that focus on building resilience, prosocial skills, communication and problem-solving skills, broad social cognition skills and emotional selfregulation skills. There also needs to be

an emphasis on scaffolding the moral development of children, based on where they are functioning within Kohlberg’s stages of moral development. When working to help families with a child who has been involved in bullying, either as a victim or perpetrator, my intervention approach again addresses skill-building aspects and connections to relevant community, cultural and religious groups to create a stronger sense of belonging and support – yet this would be tailored to the unique situation of the child and their family. A full assessment would need to be conducted in order to bring to light any underlying issues contributing to the problem. Potential underlying emotional and/or behavioural issues contributing to the problem would need to be addressed with focused therapy. Enrolment in a social skills program with like peers may be helpful, particularly where there is an emphasis on perspective-taking skills. Potential underlying family issues may be addressed with family therapy, attachment therapy, a parenting course, and connections to community support groups. Underlying cognitive and/

Source: Kimberley Cunial

RESPONDING TO BULLYING

Kimberley Cunial BA(Hons), PGDipEd, MEdPsych, MAPS, CEDP Educational and Developmental Psychologist, Queensland, Australia

or learning difficulties contributing to the problem would require psychoeducation for the family and school, learning supports to be put in place, as well as a thorough plan for building the child’s strengths and supporting their weaknesses.

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IN REVIEW CHECKING UNDERSTANDING

CRITICAL THINKING

1 What is the main change in moral reasoning during adolescence?

To demonstrate that Dodge’s social informationprocessing model can be applied not only to antisocial behaviour but to prosocial behaviour, picture a situation in which you are a witness to a bullying incident. Show how considerations at each of the six steps of Dodge’s model (see Table 10.5) might contribute to your intervening to help the bullying victim – and then how they might keep you from helping.

2 What are the main contributions of (1) Kenneth Dodge and (2) Gerald Patterson to understanding why some children are highly aggressive? 3 What is an example of a gene-environment interaction that contributes to the development of aggression?

Express

Get the answers to the Checking understanding questions on CourseMate Express.

10.6 THE ADULT Learning objectives

■■ Outline basic concepts and theories related to the development of moral emotion and moral behaviour in adulthood. ■■ Summarise the relationship between morality, culture and gender in the adult years. ■■ Describe Kohlberg’s stage-theory view of advanced moral reasoning and action in adulthood, and the limitations in terms of neglecting other relevant factors. ■■ Discuss the important role of religion and spirituality in terms of wellbeing and health in adulthood, particularly late adulthood.

How does moral thinking change during adulthood and what becomes of moral emotion and moral behaviour? And does moral development intersect with religiousness and spirituality in people’s lives?

Changes in moral reasoning Much research on moral development in adulthood has been guided by Kohlberg’s theory. As you have discovered (see Figure 10.2), Kohlberg’s postconventional moral reasoning appears to emerge only during the adult years (if at all). In Kohlberg’s 20-year longitudinal study (Colby et al., 1983), most adults in their 30s still reasoned at the conventional level, although many of them had shifted from stage 3 to stage 4. A minority of individuals – 1 in 6 at most – had begun to use stage 5 postconventional reasoning, showing a deeper understanding of the basis for laws and distinguishing between just and unjust laws. Clearly there is opportunity for moral growth in early adulthood. Do these growth trends continue into later adulthood? Most studies find no major age differences in complexity of moral reasoning, at least when relatively educated adults are studied and when the age groups compared have similar levels of education (Pratt & Norris, 1999; Pratt et al., 1996). Older adults are also more likely than younger adults to feel that they have learned important lessons from moral dilemmas they have faced during their lives (Pratt & Norris, 1999). This, then, is further evidence that social cognitive skills hold up well across the life span.

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Overall, research based on Kohlberg’s influential theory of moral development shows that children think about hypothetical moral dilemmas primarily in a preconventional manner, that adolescents adopt a conventional mode of moral reasoning and that a minority of adults shift to a postconventional perspective. Kohlberg claimed that his stages form an invariant and universal sequence of moral growth, and longitudinal studies of moral growth in several countries support his view that at least the first three or four stages form an invariant sequence (Colby & Kohlberg, 1987; Gibbs, 2013; Rest, Narvaez, BeBeau, & Thoma, 1999). However, despite Kohlberg’s major contributions to the study of moral development, his theory has its limitations. You have already seen that young children are more sophisticated moral thinkers than either Piaget or Kohlberg appreciated. Moreover, while the idea that everyone progresses from preconventional to conventional reasoning is well supported, the idea that people continue to progress from conventional to postconventional reasoning is not (Gibbs, 2013). Concerns about cultural and gender biases have also been raised, as discussed in the Diversity box; and as we will see next, Kohlberg also ignored intuitive or emotional ways of responding to moral issues, and said little about their influences on how people actually behave (as well as think) when they face moral dilemmas.

Moral intuition and emotion Developmentalists today are trying to correct for Kohlberg’s overemphasis on moral reasoning by exploring the emotional component of morality more fully. As you have seen already, Martin Hoffman, Grazyna Kochanska and others have long highlighted the critical role of emotions such as empathy and guilt in motivating moral action. Now a number of scholars are converging on the idea that gut emotional reactions and intuitions play an important role in morality (Gibbs, 2013; Greene, 2008; Haidt, 2008). Think about whether you would eat your fellow passengers after a plane crash in the mountains if there were nothing else to eat and you were starving. Most of us find this idea morally repugnant and immediately know in our gut, without the need for contemplation, that cannibalism is wrong. Jonathan Haidt (2001, 2008) argues that we have evolved as a species to have such quick moral intuitions, which are often based in emotions like disgust. He believes that these intuitions are more important than deliberative reasoning in shaping moral decisions. If deliberate thought of the sort emphasised by Kohlberg plays a role at all, Haidt suggests, it is mainly to rationalise after the fact what we have already decided intuitively. Often we cannot even come up with reasons for our gut reactions.

Diversity MORALITY, CULTURE AND GENDER Questions have been raised about whether Kohlberg’s theory is culturally and gender biased. First, let’s consider the accusations of cultural bias. Although support for the theory has been obtained in more than 20 countries (Gibbs, Basinger, Grime, & Snarey, 2007), critics charge that Kohlberg’s highest stages reflect

a Western ideal of justice centred on individual rights and rule of law and does not recognise that people in non-Western societies often think differently about moral issues (Sachdeva, Singh, & Medin, 2011; Turiel, 2006). In fact, cross-cultural studies suggest that postconventional moral reasoning emerges primarily in

Western democracies (Snarey, 1985). People in collectivist cultures, which emphasise social harmony and place the good of the group ahead of the good of the individual, often look like stage 3 conventional moral thinkers in Kohlberg’s system, yet may have sophisticated concepts of justice that focus on the individual’s duty to the

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group and responsibility for others’ welfare (Snarey, 1985; Tietjen, & Walker, 1985). Cross-cultural findings like this challenge the cognitive developmental position that important aspects of moral development are universal. Instead, they support a social learning or contextual perspective on moral development, suggesting that our moral judgements are shaped by the social context in which we develop. Possibly the resolution is this: individuals all over the world think in more complex ways about moral issues as they get older, as Kohlberg claimed, but they also adopt different notions about what is right and what is wrong depending on what they are taught (Miller, 2006). What about the concerns of gender bias? Psychologist and feminist Carol Gilligan (1977, 1982, 1993) was disturbed that Kohlberg’s stages were

developed based on interviews with males only and that, in some studies, women seemed to reason at stage 3 when men usually reasoned at stage 4. Gilligan argued that boys, who traditionally have been raised to be independent, come to view moral dilemmas as conflicts between the rights of two or more parties and to view laws as necessary for resolving these inevitable conflicts (a perspective reflected in Kohlberg’s stage 4 reasoning). Girls, Gilligan argued, are brought up to define their sense of ‘goodness’ in terms of their concern for other people (a perspective that approximates stage 3 in Kohlberg’s scheme). What this difference boiled down to is two moralities, according to Gilligan: a ‘masculine’ morality of justice (focused on laws and rules, individual rights and fairness) and a ‘feminine’ morality of care (focused

TABLE 10.6  Dual-process models of morality Moral cognition/reasoning (emphasised by Kohlberg)

Moral emotion/intuition (emphasised by Haidt/Greene)

Rational thought

Intuition

Cold logic

Hot emotion

Controlled processes

Automatic processes

Impartiality

Empathy

Careful deliberation

Quick gut reaction

dual-process model of morality The view that both deliberate thought and more automatic emotionbased intuitions can inform decisions about moral issues and motivate behavior.

on an obligation to be selfless and look after the welfare of other people), neither more ‘mature’ than the other. Despite the appeal of Gilligan’s ideas, there is little support for her claim that Kohlberg’s theory is systematically biased against females. In most studies, women reason just as complexly about moral issues as men do (Jaffee & Hyde, 2000; Walker, 2006). Moreover, most studies have found that males and females do not differ significantly in their approaches to thinking about morality. Instead, both men and women use care-based reasoning when they ponder dilemmas involving relationships, and justice-based reasoning when issues of rights arise. Gilligan’s work, however, increased our awareness that ways of reasoning about moral issues are not limited to the legalistic and abstract, as was emphasised by Kohlberg.

Like Haidt, Joshua Greene has proposed a dual-process model of morality in which both deliberate thought and emotion/ intuition play distinct roles (see Table 10.6; and see Gibbs, 2013). Using moral dilemmas like the two below, Greene has tried to explain why we sometimes make judgements primarily based on quick emotion-based intuitions and at other times make judgements using more deliberative cognitive processes:

Switch dilemma. A runaway trolley [railway carriage] is headed for five people who will be killed if it proceeds on its present course. The only way to save them is to hit a switch that will turn the trolley onto an alternate set of tracks where it will kill one person instead of five. Ought you to turn the trolley in order to save five people at the expense of one? Footbridge dilemma. As before, a trolley threatens to kill five people. You are standing next to a large stranger on a footbridge that spans the tracks, in between the oncoming trolley and the five people ... The only way to save the five people is to push this stranger off the bridge, onto the tracks below. He will die if you do this, but his body will stop the trolley from reaching the others. Ought you to save the five others by pushing this stranger to his death? Greene, Sommerville, Nystrom, Darley, & Cohen (2001, p. 2105)

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CHAPTER 10: SOCIAL COGNITION AND MORAL DEVELOPMENT

Despite the similarities between these two scenarios, most people would hit the switch in the first scenario but would not push the stranger off the bridge in the second. Why do you think this is? Joshua Greene and his colleagues (2001) have proposed that it is because the second footbridge dilemma evokes a strong emotional response that the first scenario does not: we are appalled at the idea of directly killing a person with our own hands, probably because we have evolved to feel such revulsion. Using fMRI techniques, Greene and his colleagues demonstrated that areas of the brain associated with emotion are more active when people think about killing the large man in the footbridge scenario, whereas areas of the brain associated with rational cognition are more active when people consider sacrificing the one for the many in the switch problem. Thus, the findings were consistent with Greene’s (2008) concept of a dual-process model of morality involving (1) an emotion-based intuitive process that prompts us, quickly and without awareness, to focus on (and abhor) the harm that would be done if violating a moral principle like respect for human life (as in pushing a stranger to his death); and (2) a more deliberative, cognitive approach in which we weigh the costs and benefits of an action in a calculating manner (and conclude that it is more rational to sacrifice one life than to lose five). Other evidence supports this dual-process model, suggesting that we use different parts of the brain to make intuitive and deliberative moral decisions (Greene, 2009; Greene, Morelli, Lowenberg, Nystrom, & Cohen, 2008; Moore, Lee, Clark, & Conway, 2011). Much remains to be learned, though. When do we go with our gut reactions and when do we rely on conscious deliberation? What happens when the two processes in the dual-process model of morality pull in different directions? And why is it that some people rely more on their ‘heart,’ while others rely more on their ‘head’ in making moral judgements (Paxton & Greene, 2010; Paxton, Ungar, & Greene, 2012)? Both Haidt and Greene raise new and interesting questions about the distinct roles of quick, emotion-based intuition and deliberate reasoning in morality.

MAKING CONNECTIONS Identify examples of when you have made moral decisions using intuition or ‘gut feeling’ and other moral decisions that were more carefully thought out. Can you identify a pattern as to when you make ‘heart’ or ‘head’ moral judgements?

Predicting moral action Kohlberg looked primarily at moral reasoning, but does how one reasons have anything to do with how one behaves? Although a person may decide to uphold or to break a law at any of Kohlberg’s stages of moral reasoning, Kohlberg argued that more-advanced moral reasoners are more likely to behave morally than less-advanced moral reasoners. For example, where the preconventional thinker might readily decide to cheat if the chances of being detected were small and the potential rewards were large, the postconventional thinker would be more likely to appreciate that cheating is wrong in principle, regardless of the chances of punishment or reward, because it infringes on the rights of others and undermines social order. What does research tell us? Individuals determined to be at higher stages of moral reasoning are more likely than individuals at lower stages to behave prosocially (Gibbs, 2013). For example, they are more likely to do good through involvement in social organisations (Matsuba & Walker, 2004) and to be helpful in everyday life (Midlarsky, Kahana, Corley, Nemeroff, & Schonbar, 1999). They are also less likely to behave immorally – to cheat or to engage in delinquent and criminal activity (Judy & Nelson, 2000; Rest et al., 1999). Yet relationships between stage of moral reasoning and moral behaviour are usually weak. We now appreciate that a variety of other factors are important in motivating and explaining moral and immoral behaviour – the situational factors social learning theorists such as Bandura emphasise, the gut emotional reactions Haidt and Greene call attention to, the moral rules that operate in certain cultures and so on. In sum, Kohlberg’s stage theory has a good deal of support, but it: 1 underestimates children’s moral sophistication 2 fails to recognise cultural differences in thinking about morality

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3 neglects intuition/emotion, as pointed out by dual-process theorists such as Haidt and Greene 4 says too little about the many influences besides moral reasoning on moral behaviour. In the end, we do best to recognise that the moral reasoning of interest to Piaget and Kohlberg, the moral emotions and intuitions of interest to Freud and Hoffman and more recently Haidt and Greene, and the self-regulatory and moral disengagement processes highlighted by Albert Bandura – together with many other personal and situational factors – all help predict whether a person will behave morally or immorally when faced with an important moral choice. The biggest limitation of Kohlberg’s perspective may be that it looks primarily at moral thinking and devotes little attention to moral emotions and moral behaviour (Gibbs, 2013; Turiel, 2006).

Religiousness and spirituality religiousness Sharing the beliefs and participating in the practices of an organised religion. spirituality A search for ultimate meaning in life that may or may not be carried out in the context of religion.

Religiousness has generally been defined as sharing the beliefs and participating in the practices of an

organised religion. Spirituality is harder to define but involves a quest for ultimate meaning and for a connection with something greater than oneself, whether God, love, nature or some other cosmic force (see Nelson, 2009). Spiritual seeking may be carried out within the context of a religion (some people are both religious and spiritual) or outside it (some people say they are spiritual but not religious). Lawrence Kohlberg viewed moral development and religious development as distinct. But they are clearly interrelated for the many people whose religious values and beliefs guide their moral thinking and behaviour. James Fowler (1981; Fowler & Dell, 2006) proposed stages in the development of religious faith from infancy to adulthood that parallel quite closely Kohlberg’s stages of moral development. Fowler’s stages lead from concrete images of God in childhood, to internalisation of conventional faith in adolescence, to soul searching in early adulthood and, for a few, to a more universal perspective on faith in middle age and beyond. This concept of universal stages of religious development, like Kohlberg’s theory of moral development, has come into question. However, researchers are more interested than ever in the roles religion and spirituality play in development across the life span (Ai, Wink, & Ardelt, 2010; Nelson, 2009; Pargament, Exline, & Jones, 2013; Sibley & Bulbulia, 2012). Children often adopt the beliefs of their parents, especially if their parents are religious, warm and supportive (Power & McKinney, 2013). Children also think on their own about religious and spiritual matters though, and do so in increasingly complex ways as they age (Boyatzis, 2013). Adolescence or emerging adulthood can become an important time for raising religious and spiritual questions as part of identity formation (Alisat & Pratt, 2012; Good & Willoughby, 2008; Nelson, 2009). For most, the result is staying in the religious tradition in which one was raised but sometimes with a deeper and more personalised understanding. For others, questioning results in rejecting the religious beliefs one was taught as a child, undergoing a spiritual conversion or developing one’s own belief system. Religious commitment, if it translates into a strong moral identity, encourages empathy for others and works against antisocial tendencies (Hardy, Walker, Rackham, & Olsen, 2012). Adolescents who are highly religious may also gain a sense of social connection and shared vision that fosters moral behaviour and positive development (Ebstyne King & Furrow, 2004). What happens during adulthood? Is old age a special time for religious and spiritual growth? Most studies suggest that while formal participation in religious activities may decline in late adulthood owing to poor health and disability, the importance attached to religion and involvement in more personal forms of participation like prayer remain steady or even increase (Ai et al., 2010). The Australian Survey of Social Attitudes in 2009 found that around 44 per cent of Australians reported a religious or spiritual conviction (NCLS, 2010) and that this conviction was more evident in older

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CHAPTER 10: SOCIAL COGNITION AND MORAL DEVELOPMENT

age groups – 38 per cent of young people aged 15–29 held a religious or spiritual conviction, compared to 48 per cent aged 30–49, 46 per cent aged 50–69 and 45 per cent aged 70 years and older. Similarly, in the 2006 New Zealand census around 65 per cent of people indicated a religious affiliation, with just over half of those in early adulthood indicating a religious affiliation compared with 88 per cent of people aged 65 years and older (Statistics New Zealand, 2009).

LONGITUDINAL STUDIES As we know from Chapter 1, cross-sectional surveys can only provide us with a snapshot in time and may confound age effects with cohort effects. Therefore, we need to look to the results of longitudinal studies to try to understand changes in religiousness and spirituality as we age. Using interview data from a long-term longitudinal study of Californian adults born in the 1920s, Michelle Dillon and Paul Wink have been able to look at the pattern of changes in religiousness and spirituality over the years, as well as the relationships of both to psychosocial functioning in old age (Dillon & Wink, 2007; Wink & Dillon, 2002, 2003). One finding was that individuals are highly consistent over the years in their degrees of religiousness and spirituality (Wink & Dillon, 2003). That is, some are consistently high and others consistently low in religiousness and spirituality over the years, with correlations of around +.70 between earlier and later assessments. As shown in Figure 10.7, Panel A, average levels of religiousness proved to be strong in adolescence; decreased somewhat in middle age, possibly because people had many responsibilities and little time; and rose again closer to its earlier levels in people’s late 60s and 70s. By comparison, spirituality (see Figure 10.7, Panel B) was judged to be at lower levels than religiousness throughout adulthood and changed more dramatically with age, increasing significantly from middle age to later adulthood, especially among women, who are both more religious and more spiritual than men on average (see also Brown, Chen, Gehlert, & Piedmont, 2012). Figure 10.7 similarly shows that leading up to emerging adulthood, individuals show increasing spirituality alongside decreasing religiousness. Thus, the search for life’s meaning appears to be a recurrently emerging theme across the life span, which intensifies over time. These findings and others confirm Erik Erikson’s view that as we age we reflect more on larger questions and finding meaning in life (Atchley, 2009; Nelson, 2009; but see Brown et al., 2012).

LINKAGES Chapter 1 Understanding life span human development

Express For additional insight on the data presented in Figure 10.7 try out the Understanding the data exercise on CourseMate Express.

FIGURE 10.7  Changes over time in religiousness and spirituality among adults born in the 1920s Levels of rated spirituality are lower than levels of religiousness but increase more dramatically in old age, especially among women.

A. Religiousness

4.0

Women Total Men

3.0 2.5 2.0 1.5 1.0

Women Total Men

3.5 Spiritual seeking

Religiousness

3.5

B. Spirituality

4.0

3.0 2.5 2.0 1.5

Early Adolescence (1930s/’40s) adulthood (1958)

Middle adulthood (1970)

Late middle Late adulthood adulthood (1982) (1997–2000)

1.0

Early adulthood (1958)

Middle adulthood (1970)

Late middle adulthood (1982)

Source: Dillon & Wink (2007), Figures 1 and 4. Reprinted by permission of the University of California Press.

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Late adulthood (1997–2000)

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LINKAGES Chapter 9 Self, personality, gender and sexuality

Wink and Dillon (2003) have also found that individuals are highly consistent over the years in their degrees of religiousness and spirituality, probably because of their personalities. In terms of the Big Five personality dimensions (see Chapter 9), highly religious people tend to be conscientious and (if they are women) agreeable, whereas highly spiritual people tend to be highly open to new experiences (Wink, Ciciolla, Dillon, & Tracy, 2007). Does it benefit adults to be highly religious or spiritual? Correlation is not necessarily causation, but both religiousness and spirituality are positively associated with features of positive relationships and health and wellbeing (Ai et al., 2010; Greenfield,Vaillant, & Marks, 2009; Wink & Dillon, 2008). For example, highly religious adults not only socialise their adolescents into their religious beliefs but are more likely than less religious adults to model a happy marital relationship and to use positive parenting techniques, with the result that their adolescents later become not only more religious but better spouses and parents (Spilman, Neppl, Donnellan, Schofield, & Conger, 2013). Thus, religious commitment may help people develop and maintain good family relationships. What about impacts on health and wellbeing?

THE BENEFITS OF RELIGIOUSNESS AND SPIRITUALITY THROUGH ADULTHOOD Peter Kaldor and colleagues (2004), in an analysis of data from the 2002–2003 Wellbeing and Security Study of 1514 Australian adults, found that those with religious and spiritual orientations to life tended to have higher levels of self-esteem, optimism and personal growth when compared to those with a secular (non-spiritual) orientation. Those with a religious and spiritual orientation also had a greater sense of purpose and satisfaction in life, and were more likely to help others; but the correlations with physical and mental health were weak. Religiousness and spirituality may be especially beneficial, however, for health and wellbeing in late adulthood – Wink and Dillon (2003) found both to be correlated with a sense of wellbeing. Highly religious adults, they observed, are often involved in their religious communities and act on their religious beliefs by serving others, and highly spiritual adults seem to gain wellbeing from their active quest for meaning. Religiousness and spirituality are linked to having a sense of meaning and purpose in life as well as to being part of a caring community; perhaps for both reasons, they are also correlated with good physical and mental health and prosocial behaviour in later life (Ai et al., 2010; Krause, 2013; Nelson, 2009). Moreover, religiousness and spirituality may help people cope with crises in their lives (Chan, Rhodes, & Pérez, 2012). Chris Sibley and Joseph Bulbulia (2012), for example, found that religious faith increased among those affected by the devastating 2011 earthquake in Christchurch, New Zealand, but that there was no positive buffering effect of this religious conversion on health and wellbeing. There was, however, a decline in health and wellbeing for those who reported a loss of faith. Thus, religious conversion during times of stress may have little impact on wellbeing, whereas maintaining faith may have important health and recovery value (Sibley & Bulbulia, 2012). In sum, religiousness and spirituality are distinct, and spirituality especially may increase in later life, especially among women. Moreover, both can contribute positively to healthy family relationships, participation in community service and a sense of meaning and purpose and, in turn, to a range of positive developmental outcomes such as good physical and mental health and a sense of wellbeing. Further, a sense of belonging in terms of racial-ethnic-cultural identity has also been shown to be a significant positive influence for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples (Neville, Oyama, Huggins, & Odunewu, 2014).

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CHAPTER 10: SOCIAL COGNITION AND MORAL DEVELOPMENT

IN REVIEW CHECKING UNDERSTANDING

CRITICAL THINKING

1 How does moral reasoning typically change over the adult years?

Drawing on material in this chapter, what factors would you identify to explain the prosocial actions of teen Tori in our chapter opening?

2 What are the two processes in dual-process models of morality? 3 What is the main difference between a highly religious (but not spiritual) person and a highly spiritual (but not religious) person?

Express

Get the answers to the Checking understanding questions on CourseMate Express.

CHAPTER REVIEW SUMMARY 10.1 Social cognition ■■ Social cognition (thinking about self and others) is involved in all social behaviour, including moral behaviour. Starting in infancy with milestones such as joint attention, understanding of intentions and pretend play, children develop a theory of mind – a desire psychology at age 2 and a belief-desire psychology by age 4 – as evidenced by passing false-belief tasks. Developing a theory of mind

requires a normal brain (including mirror neuron systems) and appropriate social and communication experience. ■■ With age, children also become more adept at perspective taking. Social cognitive skills often improve during adulthood and hold up well but may decline late in life if a person is socially isolated.

10.2 Perspectives on moral development ■■ Morality has emotional, cognitive and behavioural components. ■■ Sigmund Freud’s psychoanalytic theory emphasised moral emotions and the superego’s role in moral behaviour; Martin Hoffman has emphasised empathy as a motivator of moral behaviour. ■■ Cognitive developmental theorist Jean Piaget distinguished premoral, heteronomous and autonomous stages of moral thinking; building on this, Lawrence Kohlberg proposed three levels of moral reasoning – preconventional, conventional and postconventional – each with two stages.

■■ Social cognitive theorist Albert Bandura focused on how moral behaviour is influenced by learning, situational forces, self-regulatory processes and moral disengagement. ■■ Evolutionary theorists consider emotion, cognition and behaviour and maintain that humans have evolved to be moral beings because morality and prosocial behaviour have proven adaptive for the human species.

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10.3 The infant ■■ Although infants are amoral in some respects, they begin learning about right and wrong through their early disciplinary encounters, internalise rules and display empathy and prosocial behaviour early in life.

■■ Infant moral growth is facilitated by a secure attachment and what Grazyna Kochanska calls a mutually responsive orientation between parent and child.

10.4 The child ■■ Kohlberg and Piaget underestimated the moral sophistication of young children (for example, their ability to consider intentions, to distinguish between moral and social-conventional rules and to question adult authority); still, most children display preconventional moral reasoning.

■■ Reinforcement, modelling, the disciplinary approach of induction and proactive parenting can foster moral growth, and a child’s temperament interacts with the approach to moral training parents adopt to influence outcomes.

10.5 The adolescent ■■ During adolescence, a shift from preconventional to conventional moral reasoning is evident, and many adolescents incorporate moral values into their sense of identity. ■■ Antisocial behaviour can be understood in terms of Kenneth Dodge’s social information-processing model, Gerald Patterson’s coercive family environments and the negative peer influences they set in motion, and, more generally, a biopsychosocial model involving the interaction of genetic predisposition with psychological and social-environmental influences. ■■ Bullying is aggressive behaviour that involves repeatedly inflicting harm through words or actions

on weaker peers who cannot or do not defend themselves, and can include physical bullying, verbal bullying, social exclusion, indirect bullying and cyberbullying. Being bullied can lead to mental and physical health problems, poor academic performance and antisocial behaviour. ■■ Attempts to reduce antisocial behaviour, including bullying, have taken a variety of directions; but the most promising approaches today take a comprehensive approach in which individual thinking, emotion and behaviour is addressed along with family, peer, school and community factors.

10.6 The adult ■■ A minority of adults progress from the conventional to the postconventional level of moral reasoning; elderly adults typically reason as complexly as younger adults. ■■ Kohlberg’s early stages of moral reasoning form an invariant sequence, but he underestimated children, overlooked cultural differences, and slighted moral emotion and the many other influences on moral

behaviour. Researchers such as Haidt and Greene have proposed dual-process models of morality that include both deliberative reasoning and emotionbased intuitions. ■■ Religiousness and especially spirituality become stronger in later life and are associated with positive outcomes socially and for physical and mental health and wellbeing.

END-OF-CHAPTER ACTIVITIES SELF-TEST Answer these questions to self-test your knowledge of the chapter content. The answers are at the end of the chapter.

1

The beginnings of a theory of mind can be seen in infants as young as 9 months when infants and their caregivers look at the same object together, showing (a)______________. Following this, 2-year-olds develop

a (b)______________ psychology based on what they want, which by age 4 normally progresses to a (c)______________ psychology, which incorporates an understanding of beliefs.

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2

a reach a peak as adolescents finish their formal schooling, then slowly decline. b remain high in socially active older adults. c relate specifically to a person’s educational level. d decline from young to older adulthood for most adults. 3

c they overestimate children’s moral reasoning capabilities. d they underestimate children’s moral reasoning capabilities.

Social cognitive skills:

Morality includes a/n (a)______________ or feeling component, a/n (b)______________ component that focuses on how a person reasons and makes decisions about moral dilemmas, and a/n (c) ______________ component that reflects how we act in certain situations.

5

True or false? ‘Withdrawal of love’ is the least effective parenting strategy, compared with ‘power assertion’ and ‘induction’.

6

According to Dodge’s social information-processing model, aggressive behaviour results from: a the way that information about a situation is processed and interpreted. b growing up in an unresponsive home environment. c a person’s reward and punishment history. d genes and maturation that are largely beyond the individual’s control.

4 Based on the findings of more recent studies, Kohlberg’s and Piaget’s theories of moral reasoning have been criticised on the basis that: a there is no relationship between level of cognitive development and moral reasoning. b they focus too much attention on children’s actions in a moral situation.

7

True or false? Religious conversion during times of stress has a significant impact on wellbeing.

REVIEW QUESTIONS Develop your understanding of the chapter content by preparing short answer or essay responses to the following questions – or you might like to try developing a concept map or thinking map for these questions.

1

Define social cognition and explain the meaning and significance of having a theory of mind.

2

Explain the role of nature and nurture in the development of theory of mind.

3

Distinguish between Kohlberg’s preconventional, conventional and postconventional levels of moral reasoning.

4 Describe some of the prosocial acts typically displayed by toddlers. 5

Summarise an optimal approach to socialising morality in childhood.

6

Describe how moral reasoning changes during adolescence and the significance of developing a moral identity.

7

Explain the roles of nature and nurture in aggression and the approaches that have been used to prevent it.

8

Summarise changes in moral reasoning over the adult years.

9

Analyse the limitations of Kohlberg’s theory of moral development with reference to cultural differences in moral thinking and dual-process models of moral decision making.

10 Distinguish between religiousness and spirituality and discuss their relationships to adjustment and wellbeing.

FOR DISCUSSION Discuss and debate your point of view on the following developmental issues, dilemmas and controversies related to topics in this chapter.

1

Some argue that the law should treat adolescents and adults similarly for serious crimes. Others argue that adolescents are not developmentally comparable to

adults and thus different legal standards should apply. What do you think? What in this chapter supports and refutes your position? >>> CHAPTER REVIEW

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2

In his book, The Lucifer Effect: Understanding How Good People Turn Evil, eminent researcher and psychologist Philip Zimbardo raises the question: How is it possible for ordinary, average, even good people, to become perpetrators of evil? (Zimbardo is most well known for his 1970s Stanford Prison Experiment, which had to be ended prematurely due to the cruel behaviour of the ‘guards’ and harmful effects on the ‘prisoners’ in the experiment, see

http://www.lucifereffect.com/index.html). Zimbardo notes there is a tendency to explain ‘evil’ by focusing on genes and personality, but that the situation and the system that creates the situation can also be powerful determinants of behaviour, including aberrant and heroic behaviour. What do you think – what explains evil or heroic acts? You might like to discuss this with reference to personal examples or recent media stories and information from this chapter.

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SEARCH ME! PSYCHOLOGY Explore Search me! Psychology for articles relevant to this chapter. Fast and convenient, Search me! Psychology is updated daily and provides you with 24-hour access to full text articles from hundreds of scholarly and popular journals, eBooks and newspapers, including The Australian and The New York Times. Log in to the Search me! Psychology database via http://login.cengagebrain.com and try searching for the following keywords: Search tip: Search me! Psychology contains information from both local and international sources. To get the greatest number of search results, try using both Australian and American spellings in your searches, e.g. ‘globalisation’ and ‘globalization’; ‘organisation’ and ‘organization’.

→ proactive parenting → moral identity → cyber-bullying.

ANSWERS TO THE SELF-TEST 1: (a) joint attention, (b) desire, (c) belief-desire; 2: (b); 3: (a) emotional, (b) cognitive, (c) behavioural; 4: (d); 5: False; 6: (a) 7: False

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REFERENCES Ai, A. L., Wink, P., & Ardelt, M. (2010). Spirituality and aging: A journey. In J. C. Cavanaugh, & C. K. Cavanaugh (Eds.), Aging in America: Vol. 3. Societal issues. Santa Barbara, CA: Praeger/ ABC-CLIO.

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Udris, R. (2014). Cyberbullying among high school students in Japan: Development and validation of the Online Disinhibition Scale. Computers in Human Behaviour, 41, 253–261. van Goozen, S. H. M., Fairchild, G., Snoek, H., & Harold, G. T. (2007). The evidence for a neurobiological model of childhood antisocial behavior. Psychological Bulletin, 133, 149–182. Van Hecke, A. V., Mundy, P. C., Acra, C. F., Block, J. J., Delgado, C. E. F., Parlade, M. V., Meyer, J. A., Neal, A. R., & Pomares, Y. B. (2007). Infant joint attention, temperament, and social competence in preschool children. Child Development, 78, 53–69. Verbeek, P. (2006). Everyone’s monkey: Primate moral roots. In M. Killen & J. G. Smetana (Eds.), Handbook of moral development. Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum. Wachs, S. (2012). Moral disengagement and emotional and social difficulties in bullying and cyberbullying: Differences by particular role. Emotional and Behavioural Difficulties, 17, 347–360. Walker, L. J. (2006). Gender and morality. In M. Killen & J. G. Smetana (Eds.), Handbook of moral development. Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum. Walker, L. J., Hennig, K. H., & Krettenauer, T. (2000). Parent and peer contexts for children’s moral reasoning development. Child Development, 71, 1033–1048.

Wellman, H. M., & Bartsch, K. (1994). Before belief: Children’s early psychological theory. In C. Lewis & P. Mitchell (Eds.), Children’s early understanding of mind: Origins and development. Hove, UK: Erlbaum. Wellman, H. M., Cross, D., & Watson, J. (2001). Meta-analysis of theory-of-mind development: The truth about false-belief. Child Development, 72, 655–684. Wellman, H. M., & Liu, D. (2004). Scaling of theoryof-mind-tasks. Child Development, 75, 523–541. Williams, K. M., Nathanson, C., & Paulhus, D. L. (2010). Identifying and profiling scholastic cheaters: Their personality, cognitive ability, and motivation. Journal of Experimental Psychology: Applied, 16, 293–307. Williams, J., Toumbourou, J., Williamson, E., Hemphill, S., & Patton, G. (2009). Violent and antisocial behaviours among young adolescents in Australian communities: An analysis of risk and protective factors. West Perth, WA: ARACY. Retrieved from http://www.aracy.org. au/cmsdocuments/violent_and_antisocial_ behaviours.pdf Williams, J. H., Waiter, G. D., Gilchrist, A., Perrett, D. I., Murray, A. D., & Whiten, A. (2006). Neural mechanisms of imitation and ‘mirror neuron’ functioning in autistic spectrum disorder. Neuropsychologia, 44, 610–621.

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Wink, P., & Dillon, M. (2002). Spiritual development across the adult life course: Findings from

a longitudinal study. Journal of Adult Development, 9, 79–94. Wink, P., & Dillon, M. (2003). Religiousness, spirituality, and psychosocial functioning in late adulthood: Findings from a longitudinal study. Psychology and Aging, 18, 916–924. Wink, P., & Dillon, M. (2008). Religiousness, spirituality, and psychosocial functioning in late adulthood: Findings from a longitudinal study. Psychology of Religion and Spirituality, S(1), 102–115. Woodward, A. L. (2009). Infants’ grasp of others’ intentions. Current Directions in Psychological Science, 18, 53–57. Yeates, K. O., & Selman, R. L. (1989). Social competence in the schools: Toward an integrative developmental model for intervention. Developmental Review, 9, 64–100. Youngblade, L. M., & Dunn, J. (1995). Individual differences in young children’s pretend play with mother and sibling: Links to relationships and understanding of other people’s feelings and beliefs. Child Development, 66, 1472–1492. Zahn-Waxler, C., Friedman, R. J., Cole, P. M., Mizuta, I., & Himura, N. (1996). Japanese and United States preschool children’s responses to conflict and distress. Child Development, 67, 2462–2477. Zahn-Waxler, C., Radke-Yarrow, M., Wagner, E., & Chapman, M. (1992). Development of concern for others. Developmental Psychology, 28, 126–136.

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11 CHAPTER

EMOTIONS, ATTACHMENT AND SOCIAL RELATIONSHIPS CHAPTER OUTLINE 11.1 Emotional development First emotions and emotional regulation Emotional learning in childhood Adolescent moods Emotions and ageing

11.2 Perspectives on relationships Changing social systems across the life span Attachment theory

11.3 The infant

11.6 The adult

An attachment forms Quality of attachment Implications of early attachment First peer relations

11.4 The child The caregiver­­–child relationship A new baby arrives Peer networks

11.5 The adolescent

Evolving social relationships Family relationships Adult attachment styles

11.7 Family violence and child abuse Why does child abuse occur? What problems do abused children display? How do we stop the violence?

Balancing autonomy and attachment to parents Changing peer relationships

The Stolen Generations

But many were just cruel nasty types. We were flogged

Alec Kruger was born in 1924 in the Northern Territory

often. We learnt to shut up and keep our eyes to the

of Australia to an Aboriginal mother and a father

ground, for fear of being singled out and punished. We

from an English-speaking European background. He

lived in dread of being sent away again where we could

was forcefully removed from his family by Australian

be even worse off. Many of us grew up hard and tough.

authorities when he was about 3 years old and from

Others were explosive and angry. A lot grew up just

there lived in a succession of institutions, along with

struggling to cope at all. They found their peace in other

other children of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander

institutions or alcohol. Most of us learnt how to occupy a

and mixed descent who have become known as the

small space and avoid anything that looked like trouble.

Stolen Generations. ‘As a child I had no mother’s arms to

We had few ideas about relationships. No one showed

hold me. No father to lead me into the world. Us taken-

us how to be lovers or parents. How to feel safe loving

away kids only had each other. All of us damaged and too

someone when that risked them being taken away and

young to know what to do. We had strangers standing

leaving us alone again. Everyone and everything we loved

over us. Some were nice and did the best they could.

was taken away from us kids’ (cited in HREOC, 2007, p. 5).

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CHAPTER 11: EMOTIONS, ATTACHMENT AND SOCIAL RELATIONSHIPS

Snapshot Source: Newspix/Kym Smith

Close interpersonal relationships play a critical role in our lives and in development. The poet John Donne wrote, ‘No man is an island, entire of itself ’; indeed, it seems that no human can be entire without the help of other humans. Alec Kruger’s story of early removal from his family and community also speaks to the importance of our closest social relationships across the life span and the consequences for development when these relationships are interrupted or characterised by violence and abuse. In this chapter, we ask what social relationships, and characteristics of these relationships, are especially important during different phases of the life span. We explore how we develop the emotional security and social competence it takes to interact positively with other people and to enter into intimate relationships, and we examine the developmental implications of being deprived of close relationships or experiencing relationships characterised by violence and abuse. We begin by examining the emotions that are so much a part of our close relationships.

As a member of the Stolen Generations, Alec Kruger was taken away from his family at a young age and grew up in institutions.

11.1 EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT ■■ ■■ ■■ ■■

Outline the key concepts related to first emotions and emotional regulation. Summarise key points relating to emotional learning in childhood. Discuss adolescent mood swings. Describe changes in emotions with aging.

What is an emotion? Emotions are complex phenomena that involve a subjective feeling (fury), physiological changes (a pounding heart), behaviour (an enraged face, a door slammed), and often cognitive appraisal as well (‘No wonder I’m mad – he embarrassed me in front of everyone’) (see Thompson, Winer, & Goodvin, 2011). Emotions are detectable in the first days of life, but their character changes as we develop cognitively and as we learn to express and regulate them. Parentchild relationships involve strong emotions, and caregivers are critical in shaping the course of emotional development.

Learning objectives

emotions Complex phenomena that involve a subjective feeling accompanied by physiological and behavioural changes and cognitive appraisal.

First emotions and emotional regulation How do basic emotions first emerge and evolve over time? How do emotional regulation skills develop? What is the role of nature and nurture in this process?

Types of emotions A number of primary emotions, distinct basic emotions, emerge within the first 6 months of life and play critical roles in motivating and organising behaviour (Lewis, 2008; and see Figure 11.1). At birth, babies show contentment (by smiling), interest (by staring intently at objects) and distress (grimaces in response to pain or discomfort). Within the first 6 months, more specific emotions evolve from these three. By roughly 3 months of age, contentment becomes joy – pleasure at the sight of something familiar, such as a big smile in response to Mum’s face. Interest becomes surprise, as when expectations are violated in games of peekaboo. Distress soon evolves into four familiar negative emotions, starting with disgust (in response to foul-tasting foods) and sadness. Angry expressions appear as early as 4 months – about the time infants acquire enough control of their limbs to push unpleasant stimuli away. Finally, fear appears at around 5 months. Next, as Figure 11.1 also shows, come the self-conscious emotions (also referred to as secondary emotions). These emotions require self-awareness and begin to emerge after 18 months of age, just when infants become able to recognise themselves in a mirror and use words like ‘I’ and ‘me’ (see

primary emotions Distinct basic emotions that emerge within the first 6 months of life.

self-conscious emotions Emotions that require selfawareness, such as embarrassment or pride, which emerge at about 18 months of age; also known as secondary emotions.

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LIFE SPAN HUMAN DEVELOPMENT

FIGURE 11.1  The emergence of different emotions Primary emotions (joy, surprise, fear, anger, sadness and disgust) emerge in the first 6 months of life and evolve from there. Once self-awareness or mirror self-recognition is achieved, the first secondary or self-conscious emotions emerge starting from about 18 months to 2 years. Later in the second year, self-conscious emotions that require evaluating the self against standards (pride, for example) emerge.

Primary emotions Contentment Interest

Distress

Secondary or self-conscious emotions

Joy Surprise

Self-awareness

Sadness, disgust Anger, fear

Birth

Embarrassment

Pride

Envy

Shame

Empathy

Guilt

Acquisition and retention of standards and rules

6 months

1 year

1.5 years

2 years

2.5 years

3 years

Source: Lewis (2008). © 2008. Reprinted with permission of Guilford Publications, Inc.

Chapter 9). By this age, infants may show embarrassment, for example, when they are asked to sing

LINKAGES Chapter 9 Self, personality, gender and sexuality

Snapshot

and dance for guests (Lewis, 2008). Later in the second year, when toddlers become able to judge their behaviour against standards of performance, they may display the self-conscious emotions that involve evaluating the self: pride, shame and guilt (Lewis, 2008). They can feel proud if they catch a ball because they know that’s what you’re supposed to do when a ball is tossed your way – or guilty if they spill their milk because they know you are not supposed to make messes. By age 2 or 3, toddlers appreciate that other people’s emotions can be manipulated and are ready to tease a sibling (Thompson et al., 2011).

Source: Carroll Izard, University of Delaware. Used by permission.

Nature, nurture and emotions

(a)

(b)

(c)

(d)

(e)

(f)

Can you find anger, disgust, fear, interest, joy, and sadness in these faces? a. interest; b. fear; c. disgust; d. anger; e. sadness; f. joy

Primary emotions such as interest and fear seem to be biologically programmed. They normally emerge in infants at roughly the same ages and are displayed and interpreted similarly in all cultures (Elfenbein & Ambady, 2002; Sauter, Eisner, Ekman, & Scott, 2010). The timing of their emergence is tied to cognitive maturation (Lewis, 2008). Basic emotions probably evolved in humans because they helped our ancestors appraise and respond appropriately to new stimuli and situations. Infants’ emotional signals – whether expressions of joy or distress – also prompt their caregivers to respond to them (Kopp & Neufield, 2009). Whether an infant tends to be predominantly happy and eager to approach new stimuli or irritable and easily distressed depends in part on their genetic makeup (Goldsmith, 2009; Rothbart, 2011). However, caregivers also help shape infants’ predominant patterns of emotional expression (Fitness, 2013; Thompson et al., 2011). Observational studies of face-to-face interactions between parents and infants show mothers mainly display interest, surprise and joy, thus serving as models of positive emotions and eliciting positive emotions from their babies. Mothers also respond selectively to their babies’ expressions; over the early months, they become increasingly responsive to their babies’ expressions of happiness, interest and surprise and less responsive to their negative emotions. Through basic learning processes, over time, infants learn and show happy faces more often than grumpy ones. At around 9 months of age, infants also begin to monitor their companions’ emotional reactions in ambiguous situations and use this information to decide how they should feel and behave – a

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CHAPTER 11: EMOTIONS, ATTACHMENT AND SOCIAL RELATIONSHIPS

phenomenon called social referencing. If their mothers are wary when a stranger approaches, so are they; if their mothers smile at the stranger, so may they. It is not just that 1-year-olds are imitating their parents’ emotions; they are using their parents’ emotional reactions to decide how to behave in a situation. Infants are more attentive to and affected by adults’ reactions in situations where it is unclear how to react (Kim & Kwak, 2011). Infants are especially attentive to stimuli that provoke negative emotional reactions such as fear or anger in their parents, as if they know these emotions are warning signals (Carver & Vaccaro, 2007). Unfortunately, this means that social referencing may be one way in which parents who are socially anxious train their babies to also be socially anxious (Murray et al., 2008). Parents also socialise their infants’ and young children’s emotions by talking about emotions in daily life (Fitness, 2013; Thompson & Meyer, 2007). Parents educate their infants about emotions by saying things like, ‘What a happy baby you are now!’ and ‘You’re mad that you can’t have more, aren’t you?’ Sensitive parents help children express their feelings so they may respond to their emotional needs. Gradually, in the context of a secure parent–child relationship in which there is plenty of emotional communication, infants and young children learn to understand emotions and express them appropriately (Thompson et al., 2011).

social referencing Infants’ monitoring of companions’ emotional reactions in ambiguous situations and use of this information to decide how they should feel and behave.

Emotional regulation To conform to their culture’s and their caregiver’s rules about when and how different emotions should be expressed and, perhaps most importantly, to keep themselves from being overwhelmed by their emotions, infants must develop strategies for emotional regulation – the processes involved in initiating, maintaining and altering emotional responses (Calkins & Mackler, 2011; Gross, 2013). Emotional regulation can be accomplished through such tactics as not putting oneself in, or thinking about, situations likely to arouse unwanted emotions (avoiding monster movies and thoughts of monsters), reappraising or reinterpreting events or one’s reactions to them (saying ‘it wasn’t really a monster’ or ‘I wasn’t really afraid – I was just surprised’), or altering one’s emotional responses to events (putting on a brave face to replace a scared face). Emotional regulation often involves monitoring and modifying the intensity of emotional experiences.You can think of it as an aspect of self-control (refer to Chapter 10). Infants are active from the start in regulating their emotions – at first they have only a few simple emotional regulation strategies, but these increase in number and complexity as their capabilities in other domains develop (Kopp & Neufield, 2009). Very young infants can reduce their negative arousal by turning from unpleasant stimuli, or by sucking vigorously on a pacifier or thumb. By the end of the first year, infants can regulate their emotions by rocking themselves or moving away from upsetting events. They also actively seek their attachment figures when they are upset because these individuals have a calming effect. By 18–24 months, toddlers will try to control the actions of people and objects, such as mechanical toys, that upset them – for example, by pushing a bothersome peer or noisy toy away. They may be able to cope with the frustration of waiting for snacks and gifts by playing with toys and otherwise distracting themselves and they may knit their brows or compress their lips in an attempt to suppress their anger or sadness. Finally, as children gain the capacity for symbolic thought and language, they become able to regulate their distress symbolically – for example, by repeating, ‘Mummy coming soon, Mummy coming soon’ after Mum goes out the door. The development of emotional regulation skills is influenced by an infant’s temperament as well as their caregiver’s behaviour and beliefs about emotion (Grolnick, McMenamy, & Kurowski, 2006; Meyer, Raikes,Virmani,Waters, & Thompson, 2014). Recall from Chapter 9 that babies differ temperamentally in both how emotionally reactive they are to events and how able they are to exert effortful control over their reactions (Rothbart, 2011). These aspects of infant temperament

551

emotional regulation The processes involved in initiating, maintaining and altering emotional responses.

LINKAGES Chapter 10 Social cognition and moral development

LINKAGES Chapter 9 Self, personality, gender and sexuality

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LIFE SPAN HUMAN DEVELOPMENT

matter, but so does parenting. Very young infants who have few emotional regulation strategies of their own rely heavily on parents for help – for example, stroking them gently or rocking them when they are distressed, or calming them down after a joyful bout of play (Calkins & Hill, 2007). As infants age, they gain control of emotional regulation strategies first learned in the context of the parent–child relationship and can self-regulate their emotional (for example, by rocking themselves rather than looking to be rocked). Children who are not able to get a grip on their negative emotions, either because of their temperamental characteristics or because their caregivers do not attend to their emotional reactions or help them master emotional regulation skills, tend to experience stormy relationships with both parents and peers and are at risk of later developing behaviour problems (Meyer et al., 2014; Rothbart, 2011; Saarni, Campos, Camras, & Withington, 2006). By being sensitive, responsive caregivers, parents can help keep fear, anger and other negative emotions to a minimum (Pauli-Pott, Mertesacker, & Beckmann, 2004).

Emotional learning in childhood emotional competence Development of characteristic patterns of emotional expression, greater understanding of emotion and better emotional regulation skills.

As children get older, they gain still more emotional competence, developing characteristic patterns of emotional expression, greater understanding of emotion and better emotional regulation skills (Denham, Bassett, & Wyatt, 2007). Children who express emotions appropriate to the situation and have a good balance of positive to negative emotions, who understand their own and others’ feelings and the situations that trigger them, and who manage their emotions well make sensitive and enjoyable companions. As a result, early emotional competence is a good predictor of social competence – for example, peer acceptance and teachers’ ratings of social adjustment (Denham et al., 2003). ON THE INTERNET Emotional abilities test

http://globalleadershipfoundation.com/geit/eitest.html What’s your emotional competence? You might like to explore your emotional abilities at this website. This link will take you to a brief test of your emotional intelligence. Note that the test cannot diagnose issues with your emotional intelligence, but will give you some basic feedback about aspects of your emotional competence.

Parents differ in their beliefs about emotions, and these emotional philosophies guide how they express and regulate their own emotions, react to their children’s emotions, and teach their children about emotions (Bariola, Gullone, & Hughes, 2011; Katz, Maliken, & Stettler, 2012). John Gottman and his colleagues (Gottman, Katz, & Hooven, 1996) identified two quite different approaches parents take to emotions: emotion coaching and emotion dismissing. Emotion coaching involves: • being aware of even low-intensity emotions • viewing children’s expressions of emotion as opportunities for closeness and teaching • accepting and empathising with children’s emotional experiences • helping children understand and express their feelings • helping children deal with whatever triggered their emotions. Emotion dismissing, by contrast, involves ignoring, denying, or even criticising or punishing negative emotions or trying to convert them as quickly as possible into positive emotions. If a child is not allowed to express frustration and anger, even by a well-meaning parent who tries to cheer him or her out of a bad mood, they miss opportunities to learn about anger and how to deal with it, and do not get the sense that someone understands and empathises with them and will help them cope with whatever prompted their emotional reaction.

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CHAPTER 11: EMOTIONS, ATTACHMENT AND SOCIAL RELATIONSHIPS

In studies comparing emotion coaching and emotion dismissing, the emotion coaching approach wins hands down – it is associated with healthy emotional development and fewer emotional and behavioural problems (Katz et al., 2012). And interventions that teach emotion coaching skills to parents appear to be effective in developing parents’ emotion coaching skills, and also increasing children’s emotional knowledge and reducing their behaviour problems (Havighurst et al., 2013; Lauw, Havighurst, Wilson, Harley, & Northam, 2014; Wilson, Havighurst, & Harley, 2012, 2014). Research on emotion coaching provides still more evidence of the power of parents to foster healthy emotional development. As children get older, they learn about display rules for emotion – cultural rules specifying what emotions should and should not be expressed under what circumstances (Thompson et al., 2011). Rules such as ‘Don’t laugh when someone falls down’, ‘Look sad at a funeral’, and ‘Act pleased when you receive a lousy gift’ are examples. As children learn display rules, the gap between what they are experiencing inside and what they express to the world widens (they become more skilled in the art of deceit), and they become more aware of this gap between inner and expressed emotions. Display rules and how parents react to and socialise their children’s emotions differ across cultures (see Friedlmeier, Corapci, & Cole, 2011). Parents in individualistic cultures like Australia and New Zealand are more likely than parents in collectivist cultures like China to encourage open expression of emotion; they want their children to assert themselves and feel proud when they do well and even express negative emotions like anger when appropriate. Chinese and other East Asian parents are likely to view such self-centred emotional displays as disruptive to smooth social relationships and to want their children to suppress self-focused emotions like anger. They do more to encourage the expression of otherfocused emotions – for example, empathy for someone in distress or shame after letting people down.

Adolescent moods Ever since the founder of developmental psychology, G. Stanley Hall, characterised adolescence as a time of storm and stress (see Chapter 1), adolescents have been viewed as moody and emotionally volatile. When children and adolescents are asked to report their emotional experiences randomly throughout the day, adolescents do not appear to be more subject than children to extreme mood swings, so the storm-and-stress view of adolescents does not have much support (Larson, Moneta, Richards, & Wilson, 2002; Larsen & Sheeber, 2012). However, adolescents, especially those in early adolescence, do appear to experience mildly negative moods more often than children.Why might this be? Adolescents experience more negative life events than children do and so may simply have more to be distressed or moody about (Schulz & Lazarus, 2011). Another possibility is suggested by an interesting study by Michaela Riediger and her colleagues comparing the emotional experiences of adolescents to those of adults (Riediger, Schmiedek, Wagner, & Lindenberger, 2009). They called participants ranging in age from 14 to 86 at random times on mobile phones and had them report their emotional experience – whether they were currently experiencing joyful, contented, interested, angry, nervous or downhearted feelings. Participants were also asked about their emotional regulation goals – whether they were trying to enhance, maintain or dampen their positive or negative emotions. As Figure 11.2 shows, the teens showed more ‘contrahedonic’ behaviour than adults. Rather than wanting to optimise good moods, they often wanted to maintain or enhance bad moods or dampen good ones. At the other extreme, elderly adults were the most ‘prohedonic’ of all age groups, reporting they were trying to maintain positive affect and dampen negative affect. As a result, the adolescents had the most mixed emotional lives, and their everyday emotional wellbeing – the difference between positive and negative affect – increased with age from adolescence to old age. Why did the teens seem to want to be miserable? A closer look revealed they often reported positive and negative emotions simultaneously and seemed to crave being able to combine the two, as in being afraid at a horror movie while enjoying the scary

display rules for emotion Cultural rules specifying what emotions should and should not be expressed under what circumstances.

MAKING CONNECTIONS How did your caregivers react to your emotions during childhood? How did they teach you about emotional expression and regulation?

LINKAGES Chapter 1 Understanding life span human development

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LIFE SPAN HUMAN DEVELOPMENT

FIGURE 11.2  Age differences in use of emotional regulation strategies Prohedonic motivation (aimed at optimising positive emotions and minimising negative ones) versus contrahedonic motivation (optimising negative emotions and minimising positive ones), and the resultant everyday emotional wellbeing (balance of positive to negative emotions). Adolescents seem to seek – and experience – lots of negative and mixed emotions, whereas elderly adults have the strongest prohedonic motivation and indeed experience greater emotional wellbeing than any other age group.

1.0

Prohedonic motivation

0.8

Contrahedonic motivation Emotional wellbeing

0.6 Standard score

554

0.4 0.2 0.0 –0.2 –0.4 –0.6

14–18

18–30

30–40

40–50 50–60 Age (in years)

60–70

70+

Source: Riediger, Schmiedek, Wagner, & Lindenberger (2009), Figure 1. © 2009 SAGE Publications, Inc.

experience, or being mad at a classmate but enjoying plotting revenge. Research also tells us that adolescents may not be as able as adults to regulate negative emotions once they arise (Lougheed & Hollenstein, 2012; Silvers et al., 2012). Thus teens may have more negative emotional lives than children or adults, because they lead stressful lives, because they have difficulty regulating their emotions at times, or because they actively choose to savour negative or mixed emotions at times (Riediger et al., 2009).

Emotions and ageing What happens to our emotional lives as we age? Many think there is a blunting of both emotional expression and inner emotional experience in old age – that elderly adults do not react to events with as much emotional intensity as younger and middle-aged adults do, or do not show as much emotion. Others believe that older adults, because of the losses and health problems that often come with ageing, experience more negative emotions than younger adults. It is now clear that both these views are wrong. As it turns out, the emotional experiences of younger and older adults are far more similar than different – but when they differ, older adults seem to live more positive emotional lives, as Riediger and colleagues’ (2009) study results in Figure 11.2 illustrate. Older adults appear to be quite skilled at emotional regulation – especially at maximising their positive emotions and minimising their negative ones (Carstensen et al., 2011; Labouvie-Vief, Diehl, Jain, & Zhang, 2007; Magai, Consedine, Krivoshekova, Kudadjie-Gyamfi, & McPherson, 2006). The main exception is this: on occasion, older adults may be overwhelmed by multifaceted negative life events that overtax their resources (Wrzus, Muller, Wagner, Lindenberger, & Riediger, 2013). In an especially ambitious and revealing study, Laura Carstensen and her colleagues (2000, 2011) sampled the emotional experiences of African-American and European-American adults between age 18 and age 94 by paging them at random times over a 1-week period as they went about their

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CHAPTER 11: EMOTIONS, ATTACHMENT AND SOCIAL RELATIONSHIPS

lives and asking them to report their emotional state. They reassessed these people’s daily emotional experiences 5 and 10 years later. In this study, younger and older adults differed little in the frequency with which they experienced positive emotions but negative emotions became less frequent with age. As a result, overall emotional wellbeing – the balance of positive to negative emotions – was found to increase with age, before levelling off in very old age. Older adults also experienced longer-lasting positive emotions, more fleeting negative moods and fewer emotional ups and downs in a day, suggesting that they are better able than younger adults to savour happy emotions while cutting short the sad and angry ones (see also Kliegel, Jager, & Phillips, 2007). As Carstensen and her colleagues (2011, p. 29) concluded, ‘Contrary to the popular view that youth is the “best time in life”, … the peak of emotional life may not occur until well into the 7th decade’. Finally, this study revealed that everyday emotional experience may matter for longevity: a positive ratio of positive to negative emotional experiences was related to survival over a 13-year period. Based on these kinds of findings, Carstensen and colleagues (1992, 2002, 2010) put forth socioemotional selectivity theory to help explain both the positive emotional lives as well as the changing social relationships of ageing adults. According to this view, the perception that one has little time left to live prompts ageing adults to put less emphasis on the goal of acquiring information for future use and more emphasis on the goal of fulfilling current emotional needs. As a result, older adults narrow their range of social partners to those who bring them emotional pleasure, usually family members and close friends, and let other social relationships fall by the wayside; they put their emotional wellbeing first. Whereas younger adults, seeing all kinds of time ahead of them, want the social stimulation and new information that contact with strangers and acquaintances provides – and are even willing to sacrifice some emotional wellbeing to have many social contacts. Carstensen has discovered that older adults achieve their goal of emotional fulfilment in part through what she calls a positivity effect: a tendency for older adults to pay more attention to, better remember, and place more priority on positive information than on negative information (Reed & Carstensen, 2012; Reed, Chan, & Mikels, 2014). The positivity effect could spell trouble if it means ignoring or avoiding important negative information, but older adults seem able to attend to negative information when required (Reed & Carstensen, 2012). Meanwhile, the positivity effect and socioemotional selectivity allows older adults to optimise positive emotions and maintain wellbeing despite some of the challenges associated with ageing. Next in the chapter we consider the social relationships that have so much to do with our emotional lives.

socioemotional selectivity theory The notion that our needs change as we grow older and that we actively choose to narrow our range of social partners to those who can best meet our emotional needs.

positivity effect The tendency of older adults to pay more attention to, better remember and put more priority on positive information than on negative information.

IN REVIEW CHECKING UNDERSTANDING

CRITICAL THINKING

1 What milestone in development must be achieved before an infant will show an emotion such as embarrassment?

Much research suggests that good emotional regulation in childhood is associated with good developmental outcomes. Argue that there could be such a thing as too much emotional regulation and illustrate the negative effects it could have.

2 What is an example of an emotional display rule? 3 According to socioemotional selectivity theory, why do older adults typically have good emotional wellbeing?

Express

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11.2 PERSPECTIVES ON RELATIONSHIPS Learning objectives

■■ Outline changing social systems across the life span. ■■ Summarise key points relating to peer influences and relationships. ■■ Describe the role of the family and particularly sibling relationships and rivalry in life span development. ■■ Discuss attachment theory.

Developmental theorists agree that social relationships are critical in human development, but they have disagreed about which relationships are most critical. Many noted theorists, such as Sigmund Freud and Erik Erikson, have argued that no social relationship is more important than the first: the bond between parent or caregiver and infant. These theorists, in turn, influenced the architects of today’s most influential theory of close human relationships, attachment theory, to emphasise the lasting significance of the caregiver-infant relationship. We shall explore caregiver-infant attachment theory in detail shortly. But first, as you will see, other theorists highlight that our social relationships are dynamic systems that change over the life span, and that siblings and peers are at least as significant as parents in the lifelong developmental process.

Changing social systems across the life span social convoy The changing system of significant people who serve as sources of social support to the individual during the life span.

family systems theory The conceptualisation of the family as a whole consisting of interrelated parts, each of which affects and is affected by every other part, and each of which contributes to the functioning of the whole.

Each of us has a social convoy, a social support system that accompanies us during our life’s journey, changing as we go (Antonucci, Birditt, & Akiyama, 2009). The social convoy provides social support in the form of aid, affection and affirmation (validation of our values and goals). An infant’s social convoy may consist only of parents. The convoy enlarges over the years as others (relatives, friends, supportive teachers, romantic partners, colleagues and so on) join it, then typically shrinks in later life (Carstensen, Mikels, & Mather, 2006; Wrzus, Hänel, Wagner, & Neyer, 2013). As new members are added, some members drift away. Others remain in the convoy, but our relationships with them change, as when the infant son, thoroughly dependent on his mother, becomes the adolescent son clamouring for his independence – and later the middle-aged son on whom his ageing mother depends for help when she needs it. Shrinking social networks in later life may be forced in part by chronic illness and disability. Life events and changes in roles also affect network size, for example, going to school, getting married or starting a new job increases social network size, whereas changing schools, relocating or the death of a spouse decreases it (Wrzus, Hänel et al., 2013). As you saw in Section 11.1, Laura Carstensen’s socioemotional selectivity theory suggests that older adults actively choose to shrink their social networks to better meet their emotional needs as they realise that little time is left to them. Consistent with socioemotional selectivity theory, older adults do narrow their social networks to close family and friends and feel very emotionally close to these companions (Charles & Carstensen, 2010). Socioemotional selectivity, changes in or loss of roles, and failing health may all lead to shrinking social networks with age. Let us examine more closely now some of the important social relationships that may form our social convoys: family systems, including siblings, and also peers.

The family system It may not be possible to define family in a way that applies across all cultures and eras; many forms of family life have worked and continue to work for humans (Coontz, 2000; Leeder, 2004). However we define it, proponents of family systems theory conceptualise a family as a system. This means that the family, like the human body, is truly a whole consisting of interrelated parts, each of which affects and is affected by every other part, and each of which contributes to the functioning of the whole

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(Bornstein & Sawyer, 2006). Moreover, the family is a dynamic system – a self-organising system that linked lives The concept adapts itself to changes in its members and to changes in its environment (Maccoby, 2007). Family systems that the development of the individual is researchers have thus embraced the proposition developed by Glen Elder and his colleagues (Elder & intertwined with the Johnson, 2003; Elder & Shanahan, 2006) that we lead linked lives – that our development as individuals is development of other family members. intertwined with that of other family members. family life cycle The It would be difficult enough to study the family as a system if it kept the same members and sequence of changes continued to perform the same activities for as long as it existed. However, family membership changes in family composition, as new children are born and as grown children leave the nest, as parents separate or die, and so on.The roles and relationships that occurs over time. concept of the family life cycle attempts to capture this sequence of changes in family composition, roles and relationships. These changes within the family affect the dynamics of the whole system. Each family member is a TABLE 11.1  Stages of a ‘traditional’ family life cycle developing individual, and the relationships between roles such Stage Available roles as husband and wife, parent and child, and siblings change in 1 Married couple Wife systematic ways over the years. Table 11.1 summarises the stages without children Husband of a traditional family life cycle from the time people marry 2 Childbearing family Wife–mother until they die. (oldest child from Husband–father However, the traditional family life cycle does not capture birth to 30 months) Infant daughter or son the tremendous diversity of family experiences today. Many 3 Family with Wife–mother adults do not progress in an orderly way through the phases preschool children Husband–father of a traditional family life cycle (Patterson & Hastings, 2007; (oldest child from 30 Daughter–sister months to 6 years) Strong & Cohen, 2013). Some never marry, and some live Son–brother alone, whereas others cohabit with a romantic partner, 4 Family with schoolWife–mother heterosexual or homosexual, sometimes raising children age children (oldest Husband–father child up to 12 years) together. Some, married or not, never have children. Some Daughter–sister continue working when their children are young, others stop Son–brother or cut back. An increasing number of adults change their 5 Family with Wife–mother family circumstances with some frequency  – for example, teenagers (oldest Husband–father child from 13 to marrying, divorcing, cohabiting or remarrying. Other Daughter–sister 20 years) researchers, too, have expanded on the traditional family Son–brother life cycle concept to acknowledge other family structures 6 Family launching Wife–mother–grandmother such as the extended family household, in which parents and young adults (first Husband–father–grandfather child gone to last children live with other kin such as grandparents, siblings, Daughter–sister–aunt child gone) aunts, uncles, nieces and nephews (see, for example, Carter, Son–brother–uncle McGoldrick, Garcia-Preto, 2012). The Statistics snapshot box 7 Family without Wife–mother–grandmother children (empty will give you some insights into the types of households and Husband–father–grandfather nest to retirement) families in Australia and New Zealand today.

Sibling relationships

8 Ageing family (retirement to death)

Wife–mother–grandmother Husband–father–grandfather Widow or widower

Most family systems include more than one child; for example, Source: Adapted from Duvall (1977). around 85 per cent of Australian and New Zealand women are in a family with more than one child (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2011; Statistics New Zealand, 2012) – hence, the majority of, but not all, individuals have siblings. For those of us with brothers and sisters, the sibling relationship is typically our longestlasting relationship (Connidis, 2010). Of course, sibling relationships involve not only biological siblings but often half siblings, step-siblings and adoptive siblings.

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Statistics snapshot HOUSEHOLDS AND FAMILIES In Australia in 2011 … • Three-quarters of households were family households (72 per cent); one-quarter were one-person households (24 per cent), and only 4 per cent were group households (unrelated).

with children had decreased. A minority of families with children were step-families (6 per cent) and blended families (5 per cent); the majority were families with natural or adopted children (89 per cent), and this changed little between 1996 and 2011.

• There were 5.68 million families, of which 38 per cent were couple-only families (no children together); 37 per cent were couple families with children; 11 per cent were one-parent families with dependent children; 8 per cent were couple families with non-dependent children; and 7 per cent were ‘other families’, including one-parent families without dependent children or related individuals (such as siblings).

• There were 33 700 same-sex couple households in Australia, accounting for 0.7 per cent of all couple households (versus 0.3 per cent in 1996). Ninety-five per cent of male couples and 75 per cent of female couples lived in couple-only families. Twenty-two per cent of female couples lived with children versus 3 per cent of male couples. In New Zealand …

• Couple-only families had increased since 1996, while couple families

• In 2013, three-quarters of households were family households

(68 per cent); one-quarter were oneperson households (24 per cent), and only 5 per cent were group households (unrelated); the average household size was 2.7 people. • In 2013, there were 1.14 million families, of which 41 per cent were couple-only families (no children together), 41 per cent were couple families with children, and 18 per cent were one-parent families with dependent children. • In 2006, there were 11 800 same-sex couple households in New Zealand, accounting for less than 1 per cent of all couple households. Around 80 per cent of people in a same-sex partnership had no dependent or adult children; more female couples (26 per cent) than male couples (8 per cent) lived with children.

Sources: Australian Bureau of Statistics (2012); Qu & Weston (2013); Statistics New Zealand; 2010b, 2014.

MAKING CONNECTIONS In what ways are your experiences of ‘family’ traditional and in what ways are they not?

sibling rivalry A spirit of competition, jealousy or resentment that may arise between two or more brothers or sisters.

LINKAGES Chapter 10 Social cognition and moral development

The sibling relationship is generally close, interactions with siblings are mostly positive, and siblings mostly play positive roles in one another’s development throughout their lives (McHale, Updegraff, & Whiteman, 2012).Yet even in the best of sibling relationships, sibling rivalry – the spirit of competition, jealousy and resentment between brothers and sisters – is normal and can continue into adulthood. It may be rooted in an evolutionary fact: although siblings share half their genes on average and are therefore more motivated to help one another than to help genetically unrelated individuals, siblings also compete with one another for their parents’ time and resources to ensure their own survival and welfare (Bjorklund & Pellegrini, 2002). Siblings may also be at odds because they feel they are treated differently by their parents (Holden, 2010). Despite sibling rivalry, and from early in the sibling relationship, five important developmental functions of siblings stand out: 1 Emotional support. Brothers and sisters confide in one another, often more than they confide in their parents (Howe, Aquan-Assee, Bukowski, Rinaldi, & Lehoux, 2000). They may also be there to protect, comfort or support one another throughout life’s challenges (Dunn, 2014). 2 Social experience. Having at least one sibling to interact with has positive effects on a child’s social cognitive development and social skills (Dunn, 2007; McHale, Kim, & Whiteman, 2006; and see Chapter 10). In their interactions with siblings, especially all those skirmishes, children learn how to take others’ perspectives, read others’ minds, express their feelings, negotiate, and resolve conflicts. This in turn may influence how they function in later adult relationships (Young, 2007; but see Robertson, Shepherd, & Goedeko, 2014). 3 Caregiving. Siblings babysit and tend young children. In many societies, children as young as 5 years of age are involved in meaningful ways in the care of infants and toddlers (Rogoff, 2003).

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Search me! and Discover the types and frequency of sibling aggression in adolescence and the association between sibling aggression and sibling warmth and rivalry: Tucker, C. J., Cox, G., Sharp, E. H., Van Gundy, K. T., Rebellon, C., & Stracuzzi, N. F. (2013). Sibling proactive and reactive aggression in adolescence. Journal of Family Violence, 28, 299–310.

Snapshot Source: Getty Images/Penny Tweedle

As adults, siblings may also take on caregiving roles for siblings who are physically or mentally unwell, or who have a disability (Burke, Taylor, Urbano, & Hodapp, 2012; Leith & Stein, 2012). 4 Teaching. During play or caregiving, older brothers and sisters are often involved in teaching their younger siblings, especially about procedures; and younger siblings may seek older siblings’ guidance on any number of things, but especially conceptual knowledge (Howe, Della Porta, Recchia, Funamoto, & Ross, 2013; Maynard, 2002). Children’s sibling-teaching skills increase over the course of middle childhood and they can become highly skilled in using demonstrations, verbal explanations and feedback. 5 Indirect effects. Interestingly, siblings can affect each other not only directly but also through the indirect effects they have on their parents (Dunn, 2014). In an excellent illustration of the family as a system, Gene Brody (2003, 2004) discovered that if an older sibling is competent, this contributes positively to his mother’s psychological functioning (possibly because she feels good about herself as a parent), which makes her more likely to provide supportive parenting to a younger sibling, which in turn increases the odds that the younger sibling will also be competent. By contrast, an incompetent older sibling can set in motion a negative chain of events involving less supportive parenting and less positive outcomes for the younger sibling.

Peer relationships Although family relationships are undoubtedly important in development, some theorists argue that significant relationships also include those with peers – social equals who function at a similar level of behavioural complexity and who are often of similar age. From an evolutionary perspective, it makes sense to think that humans evolved to live as members of groups, just as they evolved to form close one-on-one attachments to parents and siblings. As you saw in Chapters 5 and 10, Jean Piaget believed that because peers are equals rather than authority figures, they help children learn that relationships are reciprocal, force them to hone their social perspective-taking skills, and contribute to their social cognitive and moral development in ways that family members cannot. The parent–child relationship is central up to about age 6 in providing tender care and nurturance, but then peers become increasingly important. At first children need playmates; then they need acceptance by the peer group; and then around age 9 to 12 they begin to need intimacy in the form of a close friendship (Buhrmester & Furman, 1986). Having a close friend not only teaches children to take others’ perspectives but validates and supports them and can protect them from the otherwise harmful effects of a poor parent–child relationship or rejection by the larger peer group. Close friendships also teach children how to participate in emotionally intimate relationships and pave the way for romantic relationships during adolescence (Bukowski, Motzoi, & Mayer, 2009). Throughout the chapter we will examine more closely the contributions of peers and siblings in our changing social worlds; but now we turn to examining attachment theory and the significance of what is often our first social relationship–to parents or caregivers.

Attachment theory Attachment theory was formulated by psychiatrist John Bowlby (1969, 1973, 1980, 1988) and elaborated on by his colleague Mary Ainsworth, a developmental psychologist (1973, 1979, 1989; Ainsworth et al., 1978). The theory was based primarily on ethology, the study of the evolved behaviour of various species in their natural environments (see Chapter 2). Attachment theory therefore asked how attachment might have helped our ancestors adapt to their environment. Bowlby also drew on concepts from psychoanalytic theory (he was a therapist trained in psychoanalytic thinking about the contribution of mother–child relationships to psychopathology, and studied war orphans separated from their mothers) and cognitive theory (Bowlby called attention to cognitions about self and others, as you will see).

In some families and societies, older siblings are major caregivers for young children.

LINKAGES Chapter 2 Theories of human development Chapter 5 Cognitive development Chapter 10 Social cognition and moral development

peer A social equal, often of similar age, who functions at a similar level of behavioural complexity to oneself. attachment theory A perspective that argues that emotional bonds such as parent– child attachments are biologically based and contribute to species survival.

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attachment A strong affectional tie that binds a person to an intimate companion and is characterised by affection and a desire to maintain proximity.

Source: © photo by Erik Hesse

Snapshot

John Bowlby and Mary Ainsworth – the pioneers of attachment theory

According to Bowlby (1969), an attachment is a strong affectional tie that binds a person to an intimate companion. It is also a behavioural system through which humans regulate their emotional distress when under threat and achieve security by seeking proximity to another person. For most of us, the first attachment we form, around 6 or 7 months of age, is to a parent or caregiver. How do we know when baby Ethan becomes attached to his mother? He will try to maintain proximity to her – crying, clinging, approaching, following, doing whatever it takes to maintain closeness to her and expressing his displeasure when he cannot. He will prefer her to other people, reserving his biggest smiles for her and seeking her when upset, discomfited or afraid; she is irreplaceable in his eyes. He will also be confident about exploring his environment as long as he knows his mother is there to provide the security he needs. Notice that an infant attached to a parent is rather like an adult ‘in love’.True, close emotional ties are expressed in different ways, and serve different functions, at different points in the life span. Adults do not usually feel compelled to follow their mates around the house, and they look to their loved ones for more than comforting hugs and smiles. Nonetheless, there are basic similarities among the infant attached to a parent, the child attached to a best friend and the adolescent or adult attached to a romantic partner. Throughout the life span, the objects of our attachments are special, irreplaceable people to whom we want to be close and from whom we derive a sense of security (Ainsworth, 1989).

Nature, nurture and attachment LINKAGES Chapter 2 Theories of human development

imprinting An innate form of learning in which the young of certain species will follow and become attached to moving objects (usually their mothers) during a critical period early in life.

oxytocin A hormone that plays important roles in facilitating parent–infant attachment as well as reducing anxiety and encouraging affiliation in other social relationships.

Drawing on ethological theory and research, Bowlby argued that both infants and parents are biologically predisposed to form attachments.As you saw in Chapter 2, ethologists and evolutionary theorists assume that all species, including humans, are born with behavioural tendencies built into their species over the course of evolution because they have contributed to survival. It makes sense to think, for example, that young birds tended to survive if they stayed close to their mothers so that they could be fed and protected from predators – but that they starved or were eaten, and therefore failed to pass their genes to future generations, if they strayed. Thus, chicks, ducks and goslings may have evolved so that they engage in imprinting, an innate form of learning in which the young will follow and become attached to a moving object (usually the mother) during a critical period early in life. Noted ethologist Konrad Lorenz (1937) observed imprinting in young goslings and found it is automatic, it occurs within a critical period shortly after hatching, and it is irreversible – once the gosling begins to follow a particular object, whether its mother or Lorenz, it will remain attached to that object. The imprinting response is considered a prime example of a speciesspecific and largely innate behaviour that has evolved because it has survival value. However, subsequent research has shown it is not quite as different from other learning as claimed, that the ‘critical’ period is more like a ‘sensitive’ period, that imprinting can be reversed, and that imprinting does not happen without the right interplay of biological and environmental factors (Spencer et al., 2009). What about human infants? Babies may not become imprinted to their mothers, but they certainly form attachments in infancy and follow their love objects around. Bowlby argued that they come equipped with several other behaviours besides following, or proximity seeking, which help ensure adults will love them, stay with them and meet their needs. Among these behaviours are sucking and clinging, smiling, vocalising and expressing emotion. Moreover, Bowlby argued, just as infants are programmed to respond to their parents, adults are biologically programmed to respond to an infant’s signals. Just see if you can ignore a baby’s cry or fail to smile when a baby grins at you. Adults are even hormonally prepared for caregiving. Oxytocin is a hormone produced primarily in the hypothalamus of the brain that facilitates parent– infant attachment, romance and other trusting social relationships (Hart, 2008; Schneiderman,

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Attachment and later development Bowlby maintained that the quality of the early parent–infant attachment has lasting impacts on development, especially on later relationships. He proposed that, based on their interactions with caregivers, infants construct expectations about relationships called internal working models – cognitive representations of themselves and other people that guide their processing of social information and behaviour in relationships (Bowlby, 1973; see also Bretherton & Munholland, 2008). Securely attached infants who have received responsive care will form internal working models suggesting that they are lovable and that other people can be trusted to care for them. By contrast, insecurely attached infants subjected to insensitive, neglectful or abusive care may conclude that they are difficult to love, that other people are unreliable, or both. These insecure infants would be expected to have difficulty participating in close relationships later in life. They may be wary of getting too close to anyone or become jealous and overly dependent partners. In summary, attachment theory, as developed by Bowlby and elaborated by Ainsworth, claims that: • the capacity to form attachments is part of our evolutionary heritage • attachments unfold through an interaction of biological and environmental forces during a sensitive period early in life • the first attachment relationship, between infant and caregiver, shapes later development and the quality of later relationships • internal working models of self and other are the mechanism through which early experience affects later development.

Snapshot Source: Getty Images/The LIFE Picture Collection/Nina Leen

Zagoory-Sharon, Leckman, & Feldman, 2012; Taylor, Saphire-Bernstein, & Seeman, 2010). It mediates muscle contractions during labour and the release of milk during breastfeeding. Mothers with high levels of oxytocin before birth engage in higher levels of positive attachment behaviour after the birth, think more about their relationships with their infants, and check more often on their infants than mothers with lower levels of the hormone (Feldman, 2007). Oxytocin seems to prime parents to form attachments to their babies. Just as the imprinting of goslings occurs during a sensitive period, human attachments form during the first 3 years of  life, according to Bowlby. But human attachments do not form automatically. Bowlby noted that a responsive social environment is critical: an infant’s preprogrammed signals to other people may eventually wane if caregivers are unresponsive to them. Ultimately, the security of an attachment relationship depends on both nature and nurture – the interaction over time between a biologically prepared infant and caregiver and on the sensitivity of each partner to the other’s signals.

Ethologist Konrad Lorenz demonstrated that goslings would become imprinted to him rather than to their mother if he was the first moving object they encountered during their critical period for imprinting. Human attachment is more complex.

internal working models Cognitive representations of the self and others that children construct from their interactions with caregivers and that shape their expectations about relationships.

IN REVIEW CHECKING UNDERSTANDING

CRITICAL THINKING

1 What are the important developmental functions of siblings?

What does it really mean to be a family? Bearing in mind the diversity of families today, offer a definition of ‘family’ and justify it.

2 How does the hormone oxytocin contribute to attachment? 3 According to attachment theory, what is the mechanism through which early experience affects later social development, and what is the nature of this mechanism?

Express

Get the answers to the Checking understanding questions on CourseMate Express.

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11.3 THE INFANT Learning objectives

■■ ■■ ■■ ■■

Outline the processes by which attachment forms. Discuss quality of attachment and the contributions of the infant and of the caregiver. Summarise the implications of early attachment. Describe first peer relations.

Human infants are social beings from the start, but their social relationships change dramatically once they form close attachments to caregivers and develop the social skills to coordinate their own activities with those of others.

An attachment forms

bonding A biologicallybased process in which parent and infant form a connection through contact in the first hours after birth when both are highly alert.

synchronised routines Harmonious interaction between infant and caregiver in which each adjusts their behaviour in response to that of the other.

Like any relationship, the parent–infant attachment is reciprocal. Parents become attached to their infants, and infants become attached to their parents. Parents often begin to form emotional attachments to their babies even before they are born. Parents who have an opportunity for skin-to-skin contact with their babies during the first few hours after birth often feel a special bond forming, although such bonding is neither crucial nor sufficient for the development of strong parent–infant attachments (Bush, 2001). Not only are newborns cute, but their early reflexive behaviours, such as sucking, rooting and grasping, help endear them to their parents. Smiling is an especially important social signal. Although it is initially a reflexive response to almost any stimulus, it is triggered by voices at 3 weeks of age and by faces at 5 or 6 weeks (Messinger & Fogel, 2007). Babies are also endearing because they are responsive. Over the weeks and months following birth, caregivers and infants develop synchronised routines much like dances, in which the partners take turns responding to each other’s leads. Note the synchrony as this mother plays peekaboo with her infant. The infant abruptly turns away from his mother as the game reaches its ‘peak’ of intensity and begins to suck on his thumb and stare into space with a dull facial expression. The mother stops playing and sits back watching … After a few seconds the infant turns back to her with an inviting expression. The mother moves closer, smiles, and says in a high-pitched, exaggerated voice, ‘Oh, now you’re back!’ He smiles in response and vocalises. As they finish crowing together, the infant reinserts his thumb and looks away. The mother again waits. [Soon] the infant turns … to her and they greet each other with big smiles. Tronick, 1989, p. 112

Synchronised routines are likely to develop when caregivers are sensitive, providing social stimulation when a baby is alert and receptive but not pushing their luck when the infant’s message is ‘Cool it – I need a break from all this stimulation’.When parent–infant synchrony can be achieved, it contributes to a secure attachment relationship (Jaffe, Beebe, Feldstein, Crown, & Jasnow, 2001) as well as to later self-regulation and empathy (Feldman, 2007).

Attachment phases Over the first years of life, infants progress through the following phases in forming attachments: 1 Undiscriminating social responsiveness (birth to 2–3 months). Very young infants are responsive to voices, faces and other social stimuli, but any human interests them.They do not yet show a clear preference for one person over another.

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2 Discriminating social responsiveness (2–3 months to 6–7 months). Infants begin to express preferences for familiar companions. They direct their biggest grins and most enthusiastic babbles toward those companions, although they are still friendly toward strangers. 3 Active proximity seeking or true attachment (6–7 months to about 3 years). Around 6 or 7 months, infants form their first clear attachments, most often to their primary carer. Now able to crawl, an infant will follow that person to stay close, protest when they leave and greet them warmly when they return. Soon after, most infants become attached to other people as well – the other parent, siblings, grandparents and regular babysitters. 4 Goal-corrected partnership (3 years and older). By about age 3, partly because they have more advanced social cognitive abilities, children can participate in a goal-corrected partnership, taking a parent’s goals and plans into consideration and adjusting their behaviour to achieve the goal of maintaining optimal closeness to the attachment figure, or simply knowing the parent is available when needed. Thus, a 1-year-old cries and tries to follow when Dad leaves the house to talk to a neighbour, whereas a 4-year-old probably understands where Dad is going and can control the need for his attention until Dad returns. This final, goal-corrected partnership phase lasts a lifetime.

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goal-corrected partnership The most mature phase of attachment, in which parent and child accommodate to each other’s needs and the child becomes more independent.

ATTACHMENT AND ANXIETY Infants no sooner experience the pleasures of love than they discover the agonies of fear. One form of fear is separation anxiety: once attached to a parent, a baby often becomes wary or fretful when separated from that parent. Separation anxiety normally appears when infants are forming their first genuine attachments, peaks between 14 and 18 months, and gradually becomes less frequent and less intense. Still, children and adolescents may become homesick and distressed when separated from parents for a long time. A second fearful response that often emerges shortly after an infant becomes attached to someone is stranger anxiety – a wary or fretful reaction to the approach of an unfamiliar person. Anxious reactions to strangers, often mixed with signs of interest, become common late in the first year and then decline. The formation of a strong attachment to a caregiver has another important consequence: it facilitates exploratory behaviour. Mary Ainsworth and her colleagues (1978) emphasised that an attachment figure serves as a secure base for exploration – a point of safety from which an infant can feel free to venture, as well as a safe haven to which the infant can return if frightened. Thus Isabelle, a securely attached infant visiting a neighbour’s home with Mum, may be comfortable cruising the living room as long as she can occasionally check that Mum is still on the couch, but may freeze, fret and stop exploring if Mum disappears into the bathroom. Isabelle may also make a quick retreat to the safe haven Mum provides if stressed by a knock at the door or some other unexpected event.

separation anxiety A wary or fretful reaction that infants display when separated from their attachment figure.

stranger anxiety A wary or fretful reaction that infants often display when approached by an unfamiliar person. secure base The infant attachment figure as a point of safety that permits exploration of the environment.

Quality of attachment Ainsworth’s most important contribution to attachment theory was to devise a way to assess differences in the quality of parent–infant attachments. She and her associates created the Strange Situation, a now-famous procedure for measuring the quality of an attachment (Ainsworth et al., 1978). It consists of eight episodes that gradually escalate the amount of stress infants experience as they react to the approach of an adult stranger and the departure and return of their caregiver (Table 11.2). On the basis of an infant’s pattern of behaviour across the episodes, the quality of his or her attachment to a parent can be characterised as one of four types: secure, resistant, avoidant or disorganised/disoriented.

Strange Situation A method of determining the quality of attachments, in which infants are exposed to a series of mildly stressful experiences involving the departure of the parent and arrival of a stranger.

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1 Secure attachment. Research has consistently supported global norms that the majority of infants (55–65 per cent) Episode Events Attachment behaviour in Western and many other societies are observed securely attached to their mothers or 1 Experimenter leaves parent and primary caregivers (Archer et al., 2015; baby to play Howe, 2011). The securely attached 2 Parent sits while baby plays Use of parent as secure infant actively explores the room when base alone with his or her parent because 3 Stranger enters, talks to parent Stranger anxiety they serve as a secure base. The infant 4 Parent leaves; stranger lets baby Separation anxiety may be upset by separation but greets play, offers comfort if needed the parent warmly and is comforted by 5 Parent returns, greets baby, Reactions to reunion their presence when they return. The offers comfort if needed; stranger leaves securely attached child is outgoing with 6 Parent leaves Separation anxiety a stranger when the parent is present. In the Bowlby–Ainsworth view, the 7 Stranger enters, offers comfort Stranger anxiety; ability to be soothed by stranger securely attached infant ‘stays close and continuously monitors [the caregiver’s] 8 Parent returns, greets baby, Reactions to reunion offers comfort, lets baby return whereabouts (proximity maintenance), to play retreats to them for comfort if needed (safe haven), resists and is distressed by separations from them (separation distress) and explores happily as long as the parent is present and secure attachment An infant–caregiver attentive (secure base)’ (Hazan, Campa, & Gur-Yaish, 2006, p. 190). bond or intimate 2 Resistant attachment. About 10 per cent of 1-year-olds show a resistant attachment (also called relationship in which the infant welcomes anxious/ambivalent attachment), an insecure attachment characterised by anxious, ambivalent close contact, uses the reactions. The resistant infant does not dare venture off to play even when their parent is attachment figure as present; the parent does not seem to serve as a secure base for exploration. Yet this infant a source of comfort, and dislikes but can becomes distressed when the parent departs, often showing stronger separation anxiety than manage separations. the securely attached infant. When the parent returns, the infant is ambivalent: he or she may resistant attachment try to remain near but does not calm down and seems to resent the parent for having left, An insecure infant– may resist attempts to make physical contact and may even hit and kick the parent in anger. caregiver bond or other intimate relationship Resistant infants are also wary of strangers, even when their parent is present. It seems, then, characterised by strong that resistant or ambivalent infants do all they can to get affection and comfort but never separation anxiety and a tendency to show quite succeed. ambivalent reactions to 3 Avoidant attachment. Infants with avoidant attachments (up to 13 per cent of 1-year-olds) may the attachment figure play alone but are not very adventuresome, show little apparent distress when separated from upon reunion, seeking and yet resisting their parent and avoid contact or seem indifferent when their parents return. These insecurely contact. attached infants are not particularly wary of strangers but sometimes avoid or ignore them, much avoidant attachment as these babies avoid or ignore their parents. Avoidant infants seem to have distanced themselves An insecure infant– from their parents, almost as if they were denying their need for affection or had learned not to caregiver bond or other intimate relationship express their emotional needs (see Archer et al., 2015). characterised by little 4 Disorganised/disoriented attachment. Ainsworth’s work initially focused on secure, resistant and separation anxiety and a tendency to avoid or avoidant attachment styles, but some infants do not develop any of these consistent ways of ignore the attachment coping with their need for proximity to their caregiver when they are stressed. Up to 15 per cent figure upon reunion. of infants – more in high-risk families – display what has been recognised as a fourth attachment classification, one that seems to be associated with later emotional problems (Shemmings & TABLE 11.2  The episodes of the Strange Situation procedure for measuring attachment quality

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CHAPTER 11: EMOTIONS, ATTACHMENT AND SOCIAL RELATIONSHIPS

Shemmings, 2014). Reunited with their parent after a separation, these infants may act dazed and freeze or lie on the floor immobilised – or they may seek contact but then abruptly move away as their parent approaches them, only to seek contact again. Infants with a disorganised/ disoriented attachment have not been able to devise a consistent strategy for regulating negative emotions such as separation anxiety; they seem frightened of their parent and stuck between approaching and avoiding this frightening figure. More recently, two types of disorganised/ disoriented attachment have been proposed: one characteristised by fright, likely resulting from interaction with a frightening or frightened caregiver; and a non-fright type, likely due to deficient emotional regulation capabilities (Padrón, Carlson, & Sroufe, 2014). Table 11.3 summarises the features of these four patterns of attachment, which have been the subject of considerable research. What determines which of these attachment patterns will characterise a parent–infant relationship? The caregiver, the infant and the context all contribute.

disorganised/ disoriented attachment An insecure infant– caregiver bond, common among abused children, that combines features of the resistant and avoidant attachment styles and is characterised by a dazed response to reunion and confusion about whether to approach or avoid the caregiver.

TABLE 11.3  Child behaviours in the Strange Situation and associations with attachment types and related parenting styles BEHAVIOUR

TYPE OF ATTACHMENT Secure

Resistant

Avoidant

Disorganised/disoriented

Child explores when caregiver is present to provide a secure base for exploration

Yes, actively

No, clings

Yes, but play is not as constructive as that of secure infant

No

Child responds positively to stranger

Yes, comfortable if caregiver is present

No, fearful even when caregiver is present

No, often indifferent, as with caregiver

No, confused responses

Child protests when separated from caregiver

Yes, at least mildly distressed

Yes, extremely upset

No, seemingly unfazed

Sometimes; unpredictable

Child responds positively to caregiver at reunion

Yes, happy to be reunited

Yes and no, seeks contact, but resents being left; ambivalent, sometimes angry

No, ignores or avoids caregiver

Confused; may approach or avoid caregiver or do both

Parenting style

Sensitive, responsive

Inconsistent, often unresponsive (e.g. depressed)

Rejecting/unresponsive or intrusive/overly stimulating

Frightening and overwhelming (e.g. abusive)

Caregiver’s contributions to attachment quality According to Freud, infants in the oral stage of psychosexual development become attached to the individual who provides them with oral pleasure, usually the mother, and the attachment bond will be most secure if a mother is relaxed and generous in her feeding practices. Early learning theorists put it differently but also believed that infants learn positive emotional responses to their mother by associating her with food. In a classic study conducted by Harry Harlow and Robert Zimmerman (1959), the psychoanalytic and learning theory views dominant at the time were put to the test – and failed. Monkeys were reared with two surrogate mothers: a wire ‘mother’, and a cloth ‘mother’ wrapped in foam rubber and covered with terrycloth (see photo). Half the infants were fed by the cloth mother, and the remaining infants were fed by the wire mother.To which mother did these infants become attached? There was no contest: infants strongly preferred the cuddly cloth mother, regardless of which mother had fed them. Even if their food came from the wire mother, they spent more time clinging to the cloth mother, ran to her when they were upset or afraid and showed every sign of being attached to her.

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ON THE INTERNET The Strange Situation test

https://youtu. be/m_6rQk7jlrc Visit this YouTube link, which shows the original ‘Strange Situation’ in action, and outlines the four stages of attachment.

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contact comfort The comforting tactile sensations provided by a caregiver that contribute to the development of attachment.

Source: Science Source/Photo Researchers

Snapshot

The wire and cloth surrogate ‘mothers’ used in Harlow’s classic research. This infant monkey has formed an attachment to the cloth mother that provides ‘contact comfort’, even though it must stretch to the wire mother in order to feed.

Harlow’s research demonstrates that contact comfort, the pleasurable tactile sensations provided by a soft and cuddly ‘parent’, is a more powerful contributor to attachment in monkeys than feeding or the reduction of hunger. Contact comfort also promotes human attachments (Bush, 2001). Moreover, many infants become attached to someone other than the adult who feeds them, and variations in feeding schedules and the age at which infants are weaned have little effect on the quality of infants’ attachments. Styles of parenting strongly influence the infant attachment styles described in Table 11.3. Infants who enjoy secure attachments to their parents have parents who are sensitive and responsive to their needs and emotional signals, as Bowlby and Ainsworth proposed (van der Voort, Juffer, & Bakermans-Kranenburg, 2014). The importance of sensitive, responsive parenting in creating a secure attachment is one of the best-established findings in developmental science. Babies who show a resistant pattern of attachment often have parents who are inconsistent in their caregiving; they react enthusiastically or indifferently, depending on their moods, and are frequently unresponsive. The parents of infants with an avoidant attachment tend to provide either too little or too much stimulation. Some are rejecting; they are impatient, unresponsive and resentful when the infant interferes with their plans. Others have been called ‘intrusive’; they are overzealous and provide high levels of stimulation even when their babies become uncomfortably aroused and need a break to regain control of their emotions. Finally, a disorganised/disoriented style of attachment is evident in as many as 80 per cent of infants who have been physically abused or maltreated (Baer & Martinez, 2006; Valentino, Comas, & Nutall, 2014). It is also common among infants whose mothers are severely depressed or abuse alcohol and drugs (Beckwith, Rozga, & Sigman, 2002). Each of the four types of attachment, then, reflects a reasonable way of coping with a particular brand of parenting. Finally, gender stereotypes would suggest that fathers are not cut out to care for infants and young children, which may in turn affect attachment quality; however, the evidence says otherwise (Lamb, 2013). Researchers find that fathers prove to be no less able than mothers to feed and look after their babies effectively, and, like mothers, provide sensitive parenting, become objects of attachment and serve as points of security for their infants’ explorations (Schoppe-Sullivan et al., 2006). In the end, fathers contribute best to development when they, like mothers, are sensitive and responsive caregivers and form secure attachments with their infants. Children do fare better cognitively, socially and emotionally if they have a supportive father in their lives than if they do not (Holden, 2010; Lamb, 2013). However, much the same can be said for any second parent figure, male or female (Biblarz & Stacey, 2010). So fathers are important, but their contribution may not be as unique as once thought (Lamb, 2013).

The infant’s contributions to attachment quality An infant’s temperament can also influence attachment quality. Attachments tend to be insecure when infants are by temperament fearful, irritable or unresponsive (Beckwith et al., 2002). The caregiver’s style of parenting and the infant’s temperament can also interact to determine the outcome. To illustrate, Figure 11.3 shows the percentages of 12-month-olds who tested as securely attached as a function of whether they were difficult-to-read infants born prematurely and whether their mothers were depressed (Poehlmann & Fiese, 2001). Only when a depressed mother was paired with a difficult-to-read premature infant did the odds of a secure attachment become low (and see Stifter, 2003). This means that a sensitive parent can do a lot to convert a difficult, distressed baby into a baby who has learned to regulate his or her emotions and is socially competent (Leerkes, Blankson, & O’Brien, 2009).

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Percentage of infants securely attached

So who affects the quality of parent–infant attachment more, the FIGURE 11.3  The combination of a depressed parent or the infant? The parent is clearly more influential. We know mother and a difficult-to-read premature infant the infant’s temperament is not the main influence on security of means the odds that a secure attachment will form are low. attachment because: •  Relationships between infant temperament and quality of 100 Non-depressed mother attachment are often quite weak (Roisman & Groh, 2011). 90 Depressed mother Difficult infants can become securely attached and easy babies 80 can become insecurely attached. 70 •  Many infants are securely attached to one parent but insecurely attached to the other (Kochanska & Kim, 2013). 60 •  An infant’s genes, although they influence the infant’s temperament, 50 have little influence on quality of attachment. Instead quality of 40 attachment is influenced most by whether a parent is responsive 30 or unresponsive (Fearon et al., 2006; Raby et al., 2012; Roisman 20 & Fraley, 2008). • Caregivers who are responsive and adjust to their baby’s 10 temperamental quirks are able to establish secure relationships 0 Full-term Premature even with temperamentally difficult babies (Sanson & infant infant Oberklaid, 2013). Source: Poehlmann & Fiese (2001). © 2001 Guilford. Reprinted by • Infant temperament seems to be more related to the amount permission from Cambridge University Press. of emotional distress infants display during stress tests like the Strange Situation than with whether or not their attachment is secure and reunion with the caregiver is comforting (Raby et al., 2012).

Contextual contributors to attachment quality Finally, the broader social context surrounding caregiver and infant can affect how they react to each other. For example, the stresses associated with living in poverty and marital conflict may make it difficult for parents to provide sensitive care and may contribute to insecure attachments (Raikes & Thompson, 2005; Lamb 2012). The chapter Diversity box illustrates how the cultural context in which caregiver and baby interact also affects their relationship (and see Erdman & Ng, 2010). Nonetheless, the main predictions of attachment theory – especially the critical importance of parental sensitivity and responsiveness in fostering secure attachment – are well supported across cultures (see van IJzendoorn & Sagi-Schwartz, 2008). Overall, then, sensitivity and responsiveness of the caregiver (or in many cultures, caregivers, plural) is the primary influence, but characteristics of the baby and the surrounding social environment also affect the quality of the emerging attachment.

Diversity ATTACHMENT AND CULTURE Parenting practices in different cultures seem to influence ratings of attachment quality. For instance, German parents strongly encourage independence and discourage clingy behaviour, fearing that if they are too responsive to cries

they will spoil their infants. This may explain why many German infants make few emotional demands on their parents and are often classified as avoidantly attached in the Strange Situation (Grossmann, Grossmann, &

Keppler, 2005). By contrast, Japanese babies, who are rarely separated from their mothers early in life and are encouraged to be dependent on their mothers, become highly distressed by separations such as those they must >>>

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endure in the Strange Situation. As a result, they are more likely than babies from Western cultures to be classified as resistantly attached (van IJzendoorn & Sagi-Schwartz, 2008). Could findings like this mean that research on infant attachment is culturally biased? Fred Rothbaum and his colleagues (Rothbaum, Weisz, Pott, Miyake, & Morelli, 2000; Rothbaum & Morelli, 2005) think so. They observe that in Western individualistic cultures, such as Germany, optimal development means becoming an autonomous being, whereas in Eastern collectivist cultures, such as Japan, the goal is to become integrated into the group. Thus, what represents an adaptive attachment relationship in one culture may not be viewed as such in another. As another case in point, consider the following examples of

how behaviours of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander infants and their caregivers, operating from collectivist models of nurturance and attachment to kin, community and the land, may be incorrectly interpreted using Western models of attachment (Ryan, 2011): • An Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander infant or young child not displaying exploratory behaviour may be construed as insecurely attached, but Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children tend to be carried before 2 years of age, rather than crawl or walk, thus explaining the decreased exploratory behaviour. • A lack of response to infant distress from Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander caregivers may be construed as a lack of sensitivity or attachment to the child. However, in Aboriginal

and Torres Strait Islander culture the norm for sensitivity is to anticipate the needs of the young child and minimise distress rather than respond to it. • An Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander infant or young child seeking out multiple caregivers for care and even breastfeeding, or seeking out peers or siblings for care, may be construed as indiscriminately attached. However, multiple caregivers (female adults, peers and siblings) is the norm for child-rearing practice in traditional Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander communities. The clear message is this: behavioural indicators of attachment must take account of the cultural context surrounding infants and their caregivers, otherwise the risk of cultural bias is high.

Implications of early attachment From Freud on, almost everyone has assumed that the quality of the parent–child relationship is critical in human development. Just how important is it? Several lines of research offer some answers: studies of socially deprived infants; studies of infants separated from their caregivers, including those who attend day care; and studies of the later development of securely and insecurely attached infants.

Social deprivation and attachment

reactive attachment disorder A psychiatric condition affecting some socially deprived and maltreated children that involves either emotionally withdrawn behaviour or a disinhibited attachment characterised by indiscriminate interest in people with lack of appropriate wariness of strangers.

What happens to infants who never have an opportunity to form an attachment? It is better to have loved and lost than never to have loved at all, say studies of infants who grow up in deprived institutional settings and are never able to form attachments. In the 1990s, for example, children from deprived institutions in Romania were adopted into homes in the United States, the United Kingdom and Canada after the fall of the Romanian government (see Nelson, Fox, & Zeanah, 2014).These adoptees reportedly spent their infancies in orphanages with 20–30 children in a room and only one caregiver for every 10–20 children; they spent most of their time rocking in their cribs with little human contact, much less hugs, bouts of play and synchronous routines. How have they turned out? Infants who spent their first 6 months or more in deprived orphanages displayed a host of negative effects – poor growth, medical problems, brain abnormalities and delays in physical, cognitive and social-emotional development (Sonuga-Barke & the Leiden Conference, 2012; Nelson et al., 2014). They recovered rapidly once they were adopted, and some children overcame their developmental problems entirely, especially if they had sensitive adoptive parents, but others had long-term problems. What of their attachments? Higher proportions of children in deprived institutions showed disorganised attachments to their favourite caregivers and then abnormal patterns of attachment to their adoptive parents after they left (Bakermans-Kranenburg et al., 2011). Some were diagnosed with reactive attachment disorder, a psychiatric diagnosis applied to socially deprived

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CHAPTER 11: EMOTIONS, ATTACHMENT AND SOCIAL RELATIONSHIPS

and maltreated children who display either emotionally withdrawn behaviour or a disinhibited attachment pattern involving indiscriminate friendliness, lack of normal wariness of strangers, and

disinhibited attachment A disturbed attachment pattern observed in socially deprived children that involves indiscriminate friendliness toward both parents and strangers, lack of appropriate wariness of strangers and difficulty regulating emotions well enough to participate in real, reciprocal social interactions.

Percentage

an inability to sustain give-and-take social interactions (Zeanah, Berlin, & Boris, 2011). A meta-analysis of many studies of institutionalised and otherwise maltreated and neglected children concluded that those who are adopted before 1 year of age are likely to become as securely attached to their caregivers as other children, but that high rates of insecure and disturbed attachment are observed in children adopted after their first birthday (van den Dries, Juffer, van IJzendoorn, & Bakermans-Kranenburg, 2009; and see O’Connor, Marvin, Rutter, Olrick, & Britner, 2003; (Figure 11.4). Even institutionalised children who are provided with good physical care and sensory and intellectual stimulation but lack a stable team of caregivers are likely to be developmentally delayed and have long-lasting social and emotional difficulties (BakermansKranenburg et al., 2011). The problem is not a lack of a single ‘parent figure’. In adequately staffed FIGURE 11.4  Percentages of secure, avoidant, resistant, disorganised and ‘disinhibited or other’ attachments among institutions and communes, infants cared for by a adopted children small number of responsive caregivers turn out fine This figure compares non-deprived British children adopted before (Groark, Muhamedrahimov, Palmov, Nikiforova, 6 months of age, deprived Romanian children adopted in the United Kingdom before 6 months, and deprived Romanian children adopted & McCall, 2005). Thus, organising children in between 6 and 24 months. Notice the high percentage of disinhibited an institution (that provides good medical and attachment among Romanian infants who spent a long time in a deprived institution. physical care) into small groups with few, consistent 60 caregivers who interact with the children caringly can prevent most of the negative effects of living in 50 a large residential institution (St.  Petersburg–USA Orphanage Research Team, 2008). 40 Apparently, then, normal development requires sustained interactions with responsive caregivers – 30 whether one or a few. Apparently too, children are 20 resilient, provided that they are given reasonable opportunities to socialise and to find someone 10 to love. However, as Bowlby claimed, early social experiences can sometimes leave lasting marks on 0 0–>

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studied 187 young adults, their mothers and grandmothers, and their preschool-age children. They found correlations between the harshness of the grandmothers’ parenting styles with that of the mothers years earlier (for example, their hostility and coerciveness) and that of the young adults with their preschoolers. Harsh parenting, their analysis revealed, contributes to the development of conduct problems such as aggressiveness in children, and these conduct problems then contribute to a harsh parenting style when these children become parents. We could draw on social learning theory and the concept of observational learning to suggest that children learn harsh parenting tactics by watching their abusive parents.

Finally, we now suspect that epigenetic transmission of parenting across generations is possible. That is, nurture – being treated harshly or well early in life – could, through epigenetic effects, alter the expression of genes that affect parenting later in life. As discussed in Chapter 3, research with rats reveals that early experience with a neglectful mother affects gene expression in ways that make offspring unable to cope effectively with stress and be neglectful of their own offspring. Epigenetic effects on gene expression also help explain the transmission from mother to daughter of abusive parenting among monkeys (Maestripieri, Lindell, & Higley, 2007). And analysis of the brain tissue of suicide victims who were abused as children also reveals

patterns of gene expression similar to those observed in neglected and abused animals but not evident in suicide victims who were not abused as children (McGowan et al., 2009). So genetic makeup and its interplay with environmental factors, socialisation of traits like aggressiveness that are associated with abusive behaviour, observational learning of harsh parenting, and epigenetic effects of early experiences of abuse or neglect on gene expression could all help explain why harsh, abusive parenting runs in families. Abusive and neglectful parents who seek help now in improving their parenting skills could well benefit not only their children but their grandchildren and perhaps even their great-grandchildren.

The abused No one is suggesting that children are to blame for being abused, but some children appear to be more at risk than others. For example, children who have medical problems or who have difficult temperaments are more likely to be abused than quiet, healthy and responsive infants who are easier to care for (Bugental & Beaulieu, 2003). Yet many difficult children are not mistreated, and many seemingly cheerful and easygoing children are mistreated.

An interactional model Just as characteristics of the caregiver cannot fully explain why abuse occurs, neither can characteristics of children.There is now evidence supporting the interactional model of family influence we referred to earlier in the chapter and indicating that it is the combination of a high-risk parent and a challenging child that spells trouble. For example, a mother who feels powerless to deal with children and who must raise a child who has a disability or illness or is otherwise difficult is prone to overreact emotionally when the child cannot be controlled and to use harsh discipline (Bugental, 2009). Such powerless parents experience higher levels of stress than most parents, as indicated by high cortisol levels and fast heart rates, when interacting with children who are unresponsive. Through a more transactional process, their uneasiness makes such children even less responsive, provoking even more use of power tactics by the parent (Bugental, 2009; Martorell & Bugental, 2006). However, even the match between child and caregiver may not be enough to explain abuse.We must, as always, consider the ecological context surrounding the family system (Cicchetti & Valentino, 2006).

The context Consistently, abuse is most likely to occur when a parent is under great stress and has little social support (Cano & Vivian, 2003). Life changes, such as the loss of a job or a move, can disrupt family functioning and contribute to abuse or neglect (Berger et al., 2011). Abuse rates are also highest in deteriorating neighbourhoods where families are poor, transient, socially isolated and lacking in community services and informal social support – neighbourhoods in which parents do not look after each other’s children and the motto ‘It takes a village to raise a child’ has little meaning (Korbin, 2001). Copyright 2019 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. WCN 02-200-202

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Finally, the larger macro-environment is important. Ours is a violent society in which the use of physical punishment is not uncommon and the line between physical punishment and child abuse can be difficult to draw (Lansford & Dodge, 2008). Parents who believe strongly in the value of physical punishment are more at risk than those who do not to become abusive if they are under stress (Crouch & Behl, 2001). Child abuse is less common in societies that discourage physical punishment and advocate non-violent ways of resolving interpersonal conflicts (Holden,Vittrub, & Rosen, 2011). As you can see, child abuse is a complex phenomenon with many causes and contributing factors. It is not easy to predict who will become a child abuser or child abuse victim and who will not, but abuse seems most likely when a vulnerable individual faces overwhelming stress with insufficient social support. Much the same is true of spousal abuse, elder abuse and other forms of family violence.

What problems do abused children display? Physically abused and otherwise maltreated children tend to have many problems, ranging from physical injuries, impaired brain development and cognitive deficits to social, emotional and behavioural problems and psychological disorders (Cicchetti & Valentino, 2006; Del Vecchio et al., 2013; Holden, 2010). Intellectual deficits and academic difficulties are common among mistreated children (Shonk & Cicchetti, 2001). A particularly revealing study by New Zealand Dunedin Study researchers focused on 5-year-old identical and fraternal twins to rule out possible genetic influences on the association between exposure to domestic violence and intellectual development (Koenen, Moffitt, Caspi, Taylor, & Purcell, 2003). Children exposed to high levels of domestic violence had IQ scores 8 points lower, on average, than children who were not exposed to domestic violence, after taking genetic influences on IQ into account. Social, emotional and behavioural problems are also common among physically abused and other maltreated children (Flores, Cicchetti, & Rogosch, 2005). Some tend to be explosively aggressive youngsters, rejected by their peers for that reason (Keil & Price, 2009). Even as adults, individuals who were abused as children also tend to have higher-than-average rates of depression, anxiety and other psychological problems (Draper et al., 2008). Children who witness parental violence are prone to psychological problems too (Maikovich, Jaffee, Odgers & Gallup, 2008). Being abused is also associated with delayed social perspective-taking skills and lack of empathy in response to the distress of others (Burack et al., 2006). Remarkable as it may seem, though, many maltreated children are resilient and turn out fine.What distinguishes these children from the ones who have long-term problems? First, there is evidence that they have genes that protect them from the negative psychological effects of abuse and possibly other negative life events. For example, Avshalom Caspi and his colleagues, using data from the longitudinal Dunedin Study in New  Zealand (2002), found that maltreatment during childhood increases the likelihood of clinical depression among individuals with a genetic makeup that predisposes people to depression, but not among individuals with a genetic makeup known to protect against depression. Some children’s genes may make them stress resistant or equip them with personal resources – for example, intelligence, social skills or emotional stability – that allow them to demonstrate resilience in the face of adversity (Kim-Cohen & Gold, 2009). Second, environmental factors, especially an attachment to at least one non-abusive adult, also contribute to resilience (Afifi & MacMillan, 2011).

How do we stop the violence? Knowing what we know about the causes and effects of abuse, what can be done to prevent it, stop it and undo the damage? What would you propose? Despite the complexity of the problem, progress is being made (see Dodge & Coleman, 2009). Consider the task of preventing violence before it starts. One effective approach is to teach positive parenting skills to parents who use harsh parenting techniques that can easily cross the line into abuse

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(Dodge & Coleman, 2009; Knerr, Gardner, & Cluver, 2013; Patterson, Forgatch, & DeGarmo, 2010).This kind of training can have positive effects on both children and parents, as you will see in the Application box. What can be done for families in which abuse has already occurred? Here the challenge is more difficult. In cases of serious abuse, it may be necessary to prosecute the abuser and protect the children from injury and death by removing them from the home, although courts are reluctant to take this step. Victims of abuse may need childcare programs, developmental training and psychotherapy to help them overcome cognitive, social and emotional deficits caused by abuse (Leenarts, Diehle, Doreleijers, Jansma, & Lindauer, 2013). Abusive parents also need therapeutic, social and emotional support to prevent reoccurrence of abuse. ON THE INTERNET Family violence and child abuse information portals

http://www.nzfvc.org.nz https://www3.aifs.gov.au/cfca/topics These links are for Australian and New Zealand clearinghouse websites that collate information and resources about family violence, child abuse and child protection. There are fact sheets, reports and statistics as well as links to other relevant websites. Visit these links for further information and resources related to these topics. There are also many topic links on this website relevant to other topics discussed in this chapter, including parents, fathers, mothers, grandparents, marriage and couples, and same-sex parented families.

Application PREVENTING CHILD ABUSE That family violence and child abuse has many causes is discouraging. Where do we begin to intervene and just how many problems must we correct before we can prevent the violence?

Consider the approach of Australian researchers Matt Sanders and colleagues, who developed an extended version of their Triple P Positive Parenting Program: Pathways

Triple P (PTP) (Sanders & Pidgeon, 2005; Wiggins, Sofronoff, & Sanders, 2009). As shown in Table 11.5, PTP addresses several risk factors for child maltreatment (see Bugental, 2009),

TABLE 11.5  Pathways Triple P Program (PTP) Week

Strategies

1

Principles of positive parenting, identifying causes of child behaviour, monitoring children’s and own behaviour and setting goals for change

2

Strategies for promoting parent–child relationships, encouraging desirable child behaviour and teaching new skills and behaviours

3

Strategies for managing misbehaviour

4

Planning ahead for high-risk situations to prevent child behaviour problems

5

Identifying and understanding parent traps stemming from dysfunctional attributions of child behaviour, understanding the impact of parent behaviour on children

6

Identifying possible reasons for becoming caught in parent traps and learning strategies for getting out of these traps (e.g. thought switching)

7

Understanding and recognising emotions, relaxation techniques and planning of pleasurable activities

8

Strategies for coping with unpleasant emotions (e.g. catching and challenging unhelpful thoughts, developing personal coping statements, developing coping plans for high-risk situations)

9

Closure session addressing tips for maintaining family wellbeing, phasing out of the program, strategies for maintaining change, problem solving for potential high-risk situations in future and setting goals

Source: Sanders & Pidgeon (2005, p. 9). © 2005 by The University of Queensland. Used by permission; Wiggins, Sofronoff, & Sanders, (2009).

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including poor parenting skills, low confidence for managing children’s behaviour, faulty parental attributions for children’s misbehaviour and parental difficulties with emotional regulation. PTP also aims to improve troubled parent–child relationships. In a study evaluating PTP, Meg Wiggins and her colleagues (2009) targeted at-risk parents of children aged 4–10 years who reported high levels of parent–child relationship disturbance and child emotional and behavioural difficulties. Parents were randomly assigned to PTP or a no-treatment wait-list condition. After nine weekly 2-hour sessions, the 27 PTP parents had more confidence, improved quality of parent–child attachment and less faulty attributions and use of dysfunctional parenting practices than wait-list parents. Moreover, there was a reduction in their children’s problem behaviour, and program gains were maintained at a 3-month follow up. In a large control-group trial of the entire Triple P system of programs in the United States, reductions in substantiated child maltreatment, child out-of-home placements and child maltreatment injuries were evident in communities 2 years after programs had been introduced (Prinz, Sanders, Shapiro, Whitaker, & Lutzker, 2009). Regardless

of the choice of parenting program, it is advisable to include culturally relevant activities and materials in the delivery method for Indigenous families (see Macvean, Shlonsky, Mildon, & Devine, 2017). Another promising approach for preventing child abuse is intensive home visiting programs for families with multiple challenges (Howard & Brooks-Gunn, 2009). For example, the New Zealand Early Start program for at-risk families provides a home visitation service from early in a child’s life and throughout the preschool years. Visits from a family support worker focus on providing collaborative support and advice that assists family problem solving (Fergusson, Grant, Horwood, & Ridder, 2005, 2006). In a 9-year follow up of over 150 Early Start families and a no-visitation control group, David Fergusson and colleagues found moderate benefits of program participation for parentchild relationship factors associated with child abuse – specifically, there was less harsh or physical punishment, higher parenting competence and more positive child behaviour (Fergusson, Boden, & Horwood, 2013). There were, however, no effects of the program on family-related risk factors such as maternal depression, parental substance use, intimate partner violence, strained

economic circumstances and family stress. There is more to be done, then, to address the broader range of risk factors associated with family violence and abuse. As we know from Urie Bronfenbrenner’s bioecological model, introduced in Chapter 1, social relationships are embedded in and interact with larger social systems such as neighbourhood, community, subculture and broader culture (Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 2006). Thus, in most cases, a comprehensive, ecological approach designed to convert a challenged family system into a healthy one is likely to be most effective. That is, in addition to training to develop parenting, problem-solving and coping skills, parents and families also need culturally appropriate social, emotional and health support targeted to their specific needs and challenges (Fergusson et al., 2013). Change is needed in families’ neighbourhoods and communities as well to ensure that families have the range of services they need (Dodge, Murphy, O’Donnell, & Christopoulos, 2009).

LINKAGES Chapter 1 Understanding life span human development

IN REVIEW CHECKING UNDERSTANDING 1 Identify one characteristic of the parent, one characteristic of the child and one contextual factor that could contribute to child abuse. 2 What preventative approach can help to address the problem of child abuse?

CRITICAL THINKING Revisit Alec Kruger’s story in the chapter opening. Based on what you have learned about attachment theory and

the impacts of family violence and child abuse, what developmental outcomes would you predict for Alec as a child and adult? Once you answer, look for evidence in his story that matches or does not match your predictions.

Express

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CHAPTER REVIEW SUMMARY 11.1 Emotional development ■■ Biologically-based primary emotions such as anger and fear appear in the first year of life; secondary or self-conscious emotions appear in the second year after self-awareness is achieved. Attachment figures socialise emotions and help infants regulate their emotions until they can develop better emotional regulation strategies of their own. ■■ Children gain emotional competence (emotional expression, understanding and regulation) with age; they come to understand that it is possible to have

mixed emotions and they learn to follow display rules for emotion. ■■ Adolescents have more negative moods than children or adults, sometimes because they seek them. ■■ Carstensen’s socioemotional selectivity theory and the positivity effect suggest that older adults achieve high emotional wellbeing by emphasising emotional fulfilment rather than other life goals, and positive rather than negative information as time runs short.

11.2 Perspectives on relationships ■■ Our social system of family, friends and acquaintances, or social convoy, changes in size and composition throughout the life span. Individual development is often linked with the development of those in our family system, such as caregivers and siblings, and the particular stages of the family life cycle. The traditional family life cycle concept does not adequately describe, for example, single adults (some of whom cohabit with partners), childless married couples, dualcareer families and gay and lesbian families. ■■ Sibling relationships are characterised by ambivalence (both affection and rivalry), and siblings play important roles as providers of

emotional support, caregiving, teaching and social experience. Peer relationships and friendships have also been identified as important social relationships. ■■ The developmental significance of early caregiver– child relationships is emphasised in the Bowlby– Ainsworth attachment theory, which argues that attachments are built into the human species, develop through an interaction of nature and nurture during a sensitive period, and affect later development by shaping internal working models of self and others.

11.3 The infant ■■ Parents typically become attached to infants before or shortly after birth, and parent and child quickly establish synchronised routines. Infants progress through phases of undiscriminating social responsiveness, discriminating social responsiveness, active proximity seeking and goal-corrected partnership. The formation of a first attachment around 6 or 7 months is accompanied by separation anxiety and stranger anxiety, as well as by exploration from the secure base and retreat to the safe haven the caregiver provides. ■■ Research using Mary Ainsworth’s Strange Situation classifies the quality of caregiver–infant attachment as secure, resistant, avoidant or disorganised/ disoriented. Harry Harlow demonstrated that contact comfort is more important than feeding in attachment development; secure attachments are associated

with sensitive, responsive caregiving, but infant characteristics such as temperament also contribute. ■■ Repeated long-term separations and social deprivation can make it difficult for an infant to form normal attachments, though recovery is possible. Attending child care normally does not disrupt caregiver–child attachments, although quality of care matters. Secure attachments contribute to later cognitive, emotional and social competence, but attachment quality often changes over time, and insecurely attached infants are not doomed to a lifetime of poor relationships. ■■ Infants are interested in peers and become increasingly able to coordinate their own activity with that of their small companions; by 18 months, they participate in reciprocal exchanges and form friendships. >>>

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11.4 The child ■■ Children and caregivers form goal-corrected partnerships in which both accommodate each other’s needs; children also become more sensitive and independent and caregivers continue to socialise their children. ■■ Parenting styles can be described in terms of the dimensions of acceptance–responsiveness and demandingness–control; children are generally more competent when their parents adopt an authoritative style that is high on both of these dimensions. Research on the parent-effects, child-effects, interactional and transactional models of family influence tells us that children’s problem behaviours are not always caused solely by ineffective parenting.

■■ When a second child enters the family system, firstborns may find the experience stressful; but caregivers can help smooth the transition and minimise adjustment problems. ■■ Children spend increasing amounts of time with peers, especially same-sex ones. Physical attractiveness, cognitive ability, social competence and emotional regulation skills contribute to popular – rather than rejected, neglected or controversial – sociometric status. Children who are rejected by their peers or who have no friends are especially at risk for future problems.

11.5 The adolescent ■■ Caregiver–child relationships typically remain close in adolescence but involve increased conflict around puberty. Caregiver–child relationships are renegotiated to become more equal as adolescents strive for autonomy; the goal of autonomy and healthy adjustment is best supported by authoritative parenting and the maintenance of positive and supportive relationships with caregivers as adolescent children leave home. ■■ During adolescence, same-sex and cross-sex friendships increasingly involve emotional intimacy and self-disclosure, and a transition is made from

same-sex cliques, to mixed-sex cliques and larger crowds, and finally to dating relationships, which at first meet self-esteem and status needs and later become more truly affectionate. Although susceptibility to negative peer pressure peaks around age 14 or 15, peers are more often a positive than a negative force in development, unless poor relationships with caregivers lead to association with an antisocial crowd. Sexual minority teens may face obstacles to finding romantic partners among predominantly heterosexual peers.

11.6 The adult ■■ Adult social systems shrink with age, possibly because of increased socioemotional selectivity around friendships. Although adults are highly involved with their spouses or romantic partners, they continue to value friendships, especially longlasting and equitable ones. Having at least one confidant has beneficial effects on life satisfaction, as well as on physical health and cognitive functioning. ■■ Marital satisfaction declines somewhat as newlyweds adjust to each other and become parents, whereas the empty nest transition and a companionate style of grandparenthood are generally positive experiences. In adulthood, siblings have less

contact but continue to feel emotionally close and may experience sibling rivalries. Young adults often establish more mutual relationships with their parents, and most middle-aged adults continue to experience mutually supportive relationships with their elderly parents until some experience sandwich generation squeeze, caregiver burden, and possibly a short period of role reversal. ■■ Adults have secure, preoccupied, dismissing or fearful internal working models that appear to be rooted in their early attachment experiences and that affect their romantic relationships, approaches to work, caregiving skills and adjustment in old age.

11.7 Family violence and child abuse ■■ Parent characteristics such as having been abused, child characteristics such as a difficult temperament and contextual factors such as lack of social support

and disadvantaged communities all contribute to child abuse and must be considered in formulating prevention and treatment programs.

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END-OF-CHAPTER ACTIVITIES SELF-TEST Answer these questions to self-test your knowledge of the chapter content. The answers are at the end of the chapter.

1

Self-conscious emotions, such as embarrassment: a b c d

2

3

are present soon after birth. develop when children enter formal schooling and interact with others. are determined by a genetic blueprint that dictates the emergence of various emotions. emerge when infants are capable of recognising themselves.

Match the infant attachment style with the correct description. a secure

1 An attachment pattern characterised by strong infant separation anxiety and a tendency to show ambivalent reactions to the attachment object upon reunion, seeking and yet resisting contact

b resistant

2 An attachment pattern characterised by little infant separation anxiety and a tendency to avoid or ignore the attachment object upon reunion

c avoidant

3 An attachment pattern characterised by the infant’s dazed response to reunion and confusion about whether to approach or avoid the caregiver

d disorganised/ disoriented

4 An attachment pattern in which the infant welcomes close contact; uses the attachment object as a source of comfort; and dislikes, but can manage, separations.

The relationship between adult siblings, on average:

5

a disintegrates totally once the siblings leave school. b is no longer affected by childhood sibling rivalries or perceived parental favouritism. c remains close, although less intense than it was during childhood. d continues to be as intense as during childhood. 4 True or false? Students who score low on sociometric polls usually have poor social skills.

Child abuse is less likely in families where: a the parents have been abused themselves and so know the negative impact that abuse can have. b there are multiple sources of stress. c there is a strong support network available. d parents have difficulty ‘reading’ their child’s signals and behaviour.

6

True or false? Under-reporting of child abuse is more common within Indigenous communities.

REVIEW QUESTIONS Develop your understanding of the chapter content by preparing short answer or essay responses to the following questions – or you might like to try developing a concept map or thinking map for these questions.

1

Distinguish between primary and secondary or selfconscious emotions, giving examples and indicating when they emerge.

2

Describe two different approaches parents may take in trying to facilitate emotional learning and competence in their children.

3

Summarise the important developmental functions of siblings, and the significance of sibling rivalry.

4 Outline the four attachment styles based on Ainsworth’s research using the ‘Strange Situation’, and the kinds of parenting behaviours that may contribute to each style of attachment. 5

Compare and contrast the authoritarian, authoritative, permissive and neglectful parenting styles in terms of where they fall on the acceptance–responsiveness and demandingness–control dimensions of parenting and how they are likely to affect development. >>>

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6

Describe what we learn from sociometric studies of peer acceptance about children who are popular, rejected or neglected.

7

Discuss how caregivers can best foster autonomy and healthy adjustment of their adolescent children.

8

Distinguish between cliques and crowds and describe their evolution and functions during adolescence.

9

Summarise how sibling relationships are likely to change from youth to adulthood.

10 Describe the positive effects on adult development of a secure adult attachment style and of having at least one close friend or confidant.

FOR DISCUSSION Discuss and debate your point of view on the following developmental issues, dilemmas and controversies related to topics in this chapter.

1

How have changes in society contributed to family diversity and changes in the traditional family life cycle? What further changes might we see in family diversity and the family life cycle in the future? What are the implications for individuals, families and society?

2

Throughout this chapter and the book you have learned about the critical influence of parenting on

development. This has led some social commentators to pose the question, ‘Should parenting require a licence?’, much like a driver’s licence, to ensure that they have appropriate knowledge and skills. Licensing could involve pledging to support the child financially and to refrain from maltreating him or her; it could even involve passing a parenting skills course (see Holden, 2010). What are the pros and cons of such an idea? What are the alternatives?

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SEARCH ME! PSYCHOLOGY Explore Search me! Psychology for articles relevant to this chapter. Fast and convenient, Search me! Psychology is updated daily and provides you with 24-hour access to full text articles from hundreds of scholarly and popular journals, eBooks and newspapers, including The Australian and The New York Times. Log in to the Search me! Psychology database via http://login.cengagebrain.com and try searching for the following keywords: Search tip: Search me! Psychology contains information from both local and international sources. To get the greatest number of search results, try using both Australian and American spellings in your searches, e.g. ‘globalisation’ and ‘globalization’; ‘organisation’ and ‘organization’.

→ attachment → reactive attachment disorder → sociometric.

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ANSWERS TO THE SELF-TEST 1: (d); 2: (a) 4, (b) 1, (c) 2, (d) 3; 3: (c); 4: False; 5: (c); 6: True

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12 CHAPTER

DEVELOPMENTAL PSYCHOPATHOLOGY CHAPTER OUTLINE 12.1 What makes development abnormal? Diagnostic guidelines and criteria Developmental psychopathology

12.2 The infant Autism spectrum disorder (ASD) Depression in infancy?

12.3 The child

12.5 The adult

Externalising and internalising problems Attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) Childhood depression

Depression in adulthood Ageing and dementia

12.4 The adolescent Storm and stress? Eating disorders Substance use disorders Depression and suicidality

The slide into depression

day before this evaluation she had taken a razor to

Peggy, a 17-year-old female, was referred to a child

school to try to cut her wrists, but it was taken away by

psychiatry clinic for evaluation of an eating disorder.

a friend. She admitted to being depressed and wanting

She had lost 5 kilograms in two months. At the clinic

to commit suicide, and finally told of discovering that

she stated that she was not trying to lose weight, that

she was pregnant 4 months earlier. Her boyfriend

she had begun to sleep poorly about 2 months ago

wanted her to abort, she was ambivalent, and then

unless she had several beers, and that she and her

she miscarried spontaneously about 2 months after

friends got drunk on weekends. Her relationship with

her discovery. After that, ‘It didn’t really matter how I

her parents was poor; she had attempted suicide a year

felt about anything’ (Committee on Adolescence, 1996,

previously with aspirin and was briefly hospitalised. The

pp. 71–72).

Express Throughout this chapter, the CourseMate Express logo indicates an opportunity for online self-study, linking you to activities, videos and other online resources.

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Does Peggy have any diagnosable psychological disorders? It would seem from this description that she may have diagnosable problems with substance abuse and depression, and possibly even an eating disorder. However, her pregnancy and miscarriage may have provoked her symptoms. How do we differentiate between psychological disorders and normal responses to negative life events? How did Peggy’s problems unfold and where might they lead? We do not all have as many problems as Peggy, but it is a rare person who makes it through the life span without having at least some difficulty adapting to the challenges of living. Each phase of life poses unique challenges, and some of us inevitably run into trouble mastering them. This chapter is about psychological disorder – about some of the ways in which human development can go awry. It is about how development influences psychopathology and how psychopathology influences development. By applying knowledge of life span human development to the study of psychological disorders, we understand them better. And by learning more about abnormal patterns of development, we gain new perspectives on the forces that guide and channel  – or block and distort – human development more generally.

12.1 WHAT MAKES DEVELOPMENT ABNORMAL? Learning objectives

■■ Outline the guidelines and diagnostic criteria that distinguish between normal and abnormal development. ■■ Summarise key points relating to psychopathology as an outcome of development rather than disease. ■■ Describe the diathesis-stress model. ■■ Discuss the role of age norms and social norms in developmental psychopathology.

Diagnostic guidelines and criteria Clinical psychologists, psychiatrists and other mental health professionals often struggle to define the line between normal and abnormal behaviour and to diagnose psychological disorders, often thinking about three criteria: 1 Statistical deviance. Does the person’s behaviour fall outside the normal range of behaviour? By this criterion, a mild case of the ‘blues’ would not be diagnosed as clinical depression because it is so statistically common, but a more enduring and severe case might be. 2 Maladaptiveness. Does the person’s behaviour interfere with adaptation or pose a danger to self or others? Psychological disorders disrupt functioning and create problems for the individual, others or both. 3 Personal distress. Does the behaviour cause personal anguish or discomfort? Many psychological disorders involve personal suffering and are concerning for that reason. Although these general guidelines provide a starting point for defining abnormal behaviour, and we can see how each applies to Peggy at the start of the chapter, they are vague. We must identify specific forms of statistical deviation, maladaptiveness and personal distress. Professionals who diagnose and treat psychological disorders use specific criteria in diagnostic systems such as the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM). The newest version, DSM-5, was published in 2013 (American Psychiatric Association, 2013). It spells out defining features and symptoms for numerous psychological disorders. Many hope that advances in genetics, brain imaging, blood testing and other diagnostic approaches will allow better identification of the biological state or disease behind a disorder’s symptoms, much as doctors can test for diseases – but that hope is not

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CHAPTER 12: DEVELOPMENTAL PSYCHOPATHOLOGY

yet realised and may not be for some time, if at all (Addington & Rapoport, 2012). Rather than having one clear cause, most psychological disorders have many variations and many contributors. The 2013 publication of DSM-5 ushered in several important changes in diagnostic practice, of which some have stirred controversy, and others have been heralded as long overdue: • Removal of the section ‘disorders usually first diagnosed in infancy, childhood, or adolescence’, with most disorders moved into other categories. • Addition of the category ‘neurodevelopmental disorders’, which includes autism spectrum disorder (ASD), intellectual disability (previously ‘mental retardation’), communication disorders, motor disorders, attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD), specific learning disorder and other disorders that often have a childhood onset. • Use of a single category,  ‘autism spectrum disorder’, for not only autism but related conditions like Asperger’s syndrome, to represent a continuum rather than distinct categories. • Addition of a new diagnosis in the category of depression disorders – ‘disruptive mood dysregulation disorder’ – for abnormally intense and frequent temper tantrums in children and adolescents. • Greater latitude to diagnose depression in individuals who are grieving. • Reorganisation of dementia diagnoses to create mild and severe versions of what are now called ‘neurocognitive disorders’ (for example, Alzheimer’s disease). • Increased attention to how age, gender and race or ethnicity may affect diagnoses. Because depression is relatively common across the life span, we highlight it in this chapter and use it here as an example of how the DSM-5 defines disorders. Depression is a family of several affective or mood disorders, some relatively mild and some severe. One of the most important is major depressive disorder, defined in DSM-5 as at least one episode of feeling profoundly depressed, sad and hopeless and/or losing interest in and the ability to derive pleasure from almost all activities, for at least 2 weeks (American Psychiatric Association, 2013).To qualify as having a major depressive episode, the individual must experience at least five of the following types of symptoms (described more fully in the manual), including one of the first two, persistently during a 2-week period: 1 Depressed mood (or irritable mood in children and adolescents) nearly every day 2 Greatly decreased interest or pleasure in activities most of the day 3 Significant weight loss or gain (or for children, failure to achieve expected weight gains) 4 Insomnia or sleeping too much 5 Agitation or restlessness, or sluggishness 6 Fatigue and loss of energy 7 Feelings of worthlessness or extreme guilt 8 Decreased ability to concentrate, or indecisiveness 9 Recurring thoughts of death, recurring suicidal ideation or a plan or attempt to suicide. In addition, the manual calls for distinguishing major depressive disorder from certain other disorders and requires that the symptoms cause significant distress or impaired functioning and are not due to the direct effects of a substance or medical condition. Where DSM-IV allowed major depression to be diagnosed in bereaved individuals if symptoms were present more than 2 months after the death, DSM-5 allows the diagnosis to be made even sooner after a death or other painful loss (such as the miscarriage Peggy experienced at the start of the chapter). Now the issue in diagnosis is the nature, frequency and severity of the person’s symptoms, even if normal life events like a loved one’s death precipitated them. By DSM-5 criteria, a man experiencing major depression might, for example, feel extremely discouraged, no longer care about his job, have difficulty getting work done, lose interest in sexual relations with his wife, lose weight, have difficulty sleeping, speak and move slowly, lack the energy to perform even simple actions, dwell on how guilty he feels about his failings and even begin to think

617

major depressive disorder An affective or mood disorder characterised by feeling profoundly sad and hopeless, losing interest in almost all activities, or both, for at least 2 weeks.

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somatic symptoms Physical or bodily signs of emotional distress, such as tiredness and aches.

he would be better off dead. Major depressive disorder would not be diagnosed if the individual is merely a little ‘down’; many more people experience depressive symptoms than qualify as having a clinically defined depressive disorder. DSM-5 recognises that both cultural and developmental considerations should be taken into account in diagnosing major depressive disorder. For example, some studies find that Asian people who are depressed are likely to complain of somatic symptoms (body symptoms such as tiredness and aches) more than psychological symptoms, and may be underdiagnosed if this cultural difference is not taken into account (Sue, Cheng, Saad, & Chu, 2012). Although DSM-5 takes the position that depression in a child is fundamentally similar to depression in an adult, it points out that some depressed children express their depression by being irritable rather than sad. An interesting question we’ll examine in this chapter is how the presentation of depression varies over the life span.

Developmental psychopathology

developmental psychopathology A field of study concerned with the developmental origins and course of maladaptive or psychopathological behaviour.

Psychologists and psychiatrists have long brought major theories of human development to bear in attempting to understand and treat psychological disorders. Freudian psychoanalytic theory once guided most thinking about psychopathology and clinical practice; behavioural theorists have applied learning principles to the understanding and treatment of behavioural problems; and cognitive psychologists have called attention to how individuals interpret their experiences and perceive themselves. More recently, evolutionary psychologists have begun asking questions about whether psychological disorders may have served adaptive functions for our ancestors and led to increased chances of reproductive success (Del Giudice & Ellis, 2014; Keller, 2008). For example, depression may be an adaptive response to loss, helping people conserve energy and avoid further risk and stress (Del Giudice & Ellis, 2014; Mealey, 2005). ADHD may be associated with a sometimes adaptive tendency to be alert to dangers that others would tune out as distracting, and to act quickly in response (Pearson, 2011). Some scholars even suggest that the foetuses of stressed mothers are programmed to develop characteristics associated with ADHD to prepare them to live in a stressful and unpredictable environment (Glover, 2011). There is an entire field devoted to the study of abnormal behaviour from a developmental perspective – developmental psychopathology, the study of the origins and course of maladaptive behaviour (Cicchetti &Toth, 2009; Hinshaw, 2013; Sroufe, 2009; Sroufe & Rutter, 1984). Developmental psychopathologists evaluate abnormal development in relation to normal development and study the two in tandem. They want to know how disorders arise; how their expression changes over time; and the causal pathways and mechanisms involving genes, the nervous system, the person and the social environment that lead to normal or abnormal adjustment. In doing so, they bring life span, interdisciplinary and systems perspectives to the study of abnormal behaviour, looking at the interplay among biological, psychological and social factors over the course of development.

Psychopathology as developmental outcome, not disease Some developmental psychopathologists fault the DSM-5 and similar diagnostic systems for being rooted in a medical model of psychopathology that views psychological problems as disease-like entities that people do or don’t have. Alan Sroufe puts it this way: Psychopathology is not a condition that some individuals simply have or are born to have; rather, it is the outcome of a developmental process. It derives from the successive adaptations of individuals in their environment across time, each adaptation providing a foundation for the next. Sroufe, 2009, p. 181

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CHAPTER 12: DEVELOPMENTAL PSYCHOPATHOLOGY

Figure 12.1 illustrates the concept of psychopathology as an outcome of development. It portrays progressive branchings that lead development on either an optimal or a less-than-optimal course. Start with the assumption that typical human genes and typical human environments normally work to push development along a normal course and pull it back on course if it strays (Grossman et al., 2003). Some individuals – even some whose genes or experiences put them at risk to develop a disorder – manage to stay on a route to competence and good adjustment. Some start out poorly but get back on a more adaptive course later; others start off well but deviate later. Still others start on a maladaptive course due to genes and early experience and deviate further from developmental norms as they age because their early problems make it harder for them to master later developmental tasks and challenges (Kendler, Gardner, & Prescott, 2002). Now picture Figure 12.1 with many more roadways. In the developmental pathways model, change is possible at many points, and the lines between normal and abnormal development are blurred. A number of different pathways can lead to the same disorder, and the same risk factors can lead to a variety of different outcomes (Cicchetti & Toth, 2009). A model of this sort may seem complex, but it fits the facts of development. FIGURE 12.1  Developmental pathways leading to normal and abnormal outcomes Some individuals start on a maladaptive course and deviate further from developmental norms as they age (route A); some start poorly but return to a more adaptive course later (route B); others stay on a route to competence and good adjustment all along (route C); and still others start off well but deviate later in life (route D).

Course of life

Good adjustment finish line

Crash

tive

dap

la Ma

Adaptive course of life

Crash

rse

cou of life

Developmental starting line

(a)

(b)

(c)

(d)

Source: Adapted from Sroufe (1997). © Cambridge University Press.

More is being learned every day about the relationships among genes, the brain, and behaviour in psychological disorders. As a result, many experts believe that psychological disorders should be viewed as life span neurodevelopmental disorders (Davis, 2012; March, 2009). This neurodevelopmental perspective requires looking at normal and abnormal pathways of brain development and their implications for functioning. It involves using genetic and brain imaging techniques in diagnosing

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MAKING CONNECTIONS Draw a line that represents your developmental pathway to date. Note on the line what factors might have been involved in periods of optimal and less-than-optimal development.

LINKAGES Chapter 2 Theories of human development

disorders in hopes of intervening early with individuals who are at risk for various disorders in order to put them on healthier developmental trajectories. As they attempt to understand developmental pathways to adaptive or maladaptive functioning, developmental psychopathologists grapple with developmental issues covered throughout this book – particularly nature–nurture (Rutter, Moffitt, & Caspi, 2006) as well as continuity and discontinuity in development (Rutter, Kim-Cohen, & Maughan, 2006; and see Chapter 2). Addressing the nature–nurture issue involves asking: • How do biological, psychological and social factors interact over time to give rise to psychological disorders? • What are the biological and environmental risk factors for psychological disorders – and what are the protective factors that keep some at-risk individuals from developing disorders? Addressing the continuity–discontinuity issue means asking: • Are most childhood problems passing phases that have no bearing on adjustment in adulthood, or does poor functioning in childhood predict poor functioning later in life? • How do expressions of psychopathology change as one’s developmental status changes?

Social norms and age norms Developmental psychopathologists appreciate that behaviours are abnormal or normal only within particular social and developmental contexts (Lopez & Guarnaccia, 2000; Del Giudice & Ellis, 2014). Social norms are expectations about how to behave in a particular social context – whether a culture, a subculture or an everyday setting. For example, consideration of social/cultural norms of behaviours, such as normal eye contact (or lack thereof), is used in diagnosing ASD. But what is normal eye contact? In China, and some other East Asian and Indigenous cultures, it is viewed as rude to look directly into someone’s eyes; looking at the nose area is more culturally appropriate (Norbury & Sparks, 2013). If an evaluator is not attentive to such cultural differences, an incorrect diagnosis could be made. As such examples hint, the definitions, meanings, symptoms, rates and developmental courses and correlates of abnormal behaviour are likely to vary across cultures and subcultures, and across historical periods (Norbury & Sparks, 2013; Serafica  & Vargas, 2006). Although there are universal aspects of psychopathology too, it is shaped by social context. In addition, developmental psychopathologists recognise that abnormal behaviour must be defined in relation to age norms – societal expectations about what behaviour is normal at various ages.The 4-year-old boy who frequently cries, acts impulsively, wets his bed, is afraid of the dark and talks to his imaginary friend may be perceived as normal.The 40-year-old who does the same things needs help.You cannot define abnormal behaviour and development without having a solid grasp of normal behaviour and development.

The diathesis-stress model diathesis-stress model The view that psychopathology results from the interaction of a person’s predisposition to psychological problems and the experience of stressful events.

In their efforts to understand how nature and nurture contribute to psychopathology, developmental psychopathologists have found a diathesis-stress model of psychopathology useful (Ingram & Price, 2010). This model proposes that psychopathology results from the interaction over time of a predisposition or vulnerability to psychological disorder (a diathesis, which can involve a particular genetic makeup, physiology, set of cognitions, personality, or a combination of these) and the experience of stressful events. Consider depression. Certain people are genetically predisposed to become depressed (Rice & Thapar, 2009). Genetic factors account for about 40–60 per cent of the variation in people displaying symptoms of major depressive disorder; environmental factors unique to the individual account for the rest (Garber, 2010; Glowinski, Madden, Bucholz, Lynskey, & Heath, 2003). A genetic vulnerability

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Stress level

to depression manifests itself as imbalances in serotonin and other key neurotransmitters that affect mood and in such characteristics as high emotional reactivity to stress, including high production of the stress hormone cortisol and self-defeating patterns of thinking in response to negative events (Garber, 2010; Gotlib, Joorman, Minor, & Cooney, 2006). According to the diathesis-stress model, FIGURE 12.2  The diathesis-stress model however, individuals predisposed to become For a vulnerable individual, even mild stress can result in disorder. For an depressed are not likely to do so unless they individual who is resilient and does not have a vulnerability or diathesis experience significant stressful events, as to disorder, it would take extremely high levels of stress to cause disorder; even then, the disorder might be only mild and temporary. illustrated in Figure 12.2. One stressful life event (such as the death of a loved one or a Extreme Severe Mild divorce) is usually not enough to trigger major disorder disorder depression, but when negative events pile up or become chronic, a vulnerable person may r rde succumb. Meanwhile, individuals who do not iso d or ld f have a diathesis – a vulnerability to depression – ho s e r Th may be able to withstand high levels of stress without becoming  depressed. A recent study of Mild over 1000 New Zealand adults found that higher disorder levels of negative life outcomes were correlated Low with higher numbers of self-reported adverse Vulnerable individual Resilient individual childhood events (abuse, neglect, parental loss, Vulnerability continuum etc.) (Reuben et al., 2016). Source: Adapted from Ingram & Price (2010, p. 13).

DIATHESIS-STRESS INTERACTIONS Researchers can now pinpoint some of these diathesis-stress interactions. For example, findings from the longitudinal Dunedin Study in New Zealand indicate that inheriting a particular variant of a gene involved in controlling levels of the neurotransmitter serotonin and experiencing multiple stressful events in early adulthood results in an especially high probability of major depression (Caspi et al., 2003; see also Caspi, Hariri, Holmes, Uher, & Moffitt, 2010; Petersen et al., 2012). Among people with one or two of the high-risk genes, about 10 per cent became depressed if they experienced no negative life events between ages 21 and 26, but 33 per cent became depressed if they experienced four or more such events. By comparison, even when exposed to many stressful events, only 17 per cent of individuals with two low-risk variants of the gene became depressed (see Chapter 3 on gene-environment interaction for more on this study; and Jokela et al., 2007). Building on the Dunedin Study, researchers have pointed to a particular psychological phenotype where the absence of a predisposition (i.e. family history) to mental illness may actually facilitate the acquisition of personality traits over the life span that lead to more positive outcomes in terms of educational and occupational achievements, relationship quality and life satisfaction (Schaefer et al., 2017). Depressive disorders (and many other psychological disorders) often evolve from an interaction of diathesis and stress – an interaction between genes and environment. It is not as clear cut as Figure 12.2 suggests, though. For example, genes not only predispose some people to depression but also influence the way they experience stressful life events (Rice, Harold, & Thapar, 2003). Moreover, the relationship between stress and disorder is reciprocal: life stress aggravates disorder, but disorder also makes life more stressful (Garber, 2010; Grant, Compas, Thurm, McMahon, & Gipson, 2004). Finally, in a person genetically predisposed to depression, a depressive episode early in life in response to intense stress may bring about changes in gene activity and in the neurobiology of the stress response system (the hypothalamic–pituitary–adrenal ‘axis’). These changes may lower the threshold

LINKAGES Chapter 3 Genes, environment and the beginnings of life

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for a future depressive episode (the diagonal line in Figure 12.2) so that later in life depression may reoccur even without major stressful events precipitating it (Grossman et al., 2003; Monroe & Reid, 2009). For some disorders we examine in this chapter, the diathesis for disorder is strong, probably more important than environmental influences in causing disorder. Environment may still play an important role, however, by shaping the course of the disorder and its effects on functioning and later development (Steinberg & FIGURE 12.3  The hypothesis of differential Avenevoli, 2000). A depressed adolescent like Peggy growing up susceptibility in a hostile, disturbed family context, for example, is likely to fare This hypothesis suggests highly susceptible individuals are disproportionately affected by both worse than a depressed adolescent who receives parental support positive and negative environments, as opposed to and appropriate professional treatment. Other findings, however, those individuals with low susceptibility, who tend to function adequately in either positive or negative indicate that individuals may be differentially susceptible to the effects environments. of environments, that is, some individuals are more sensitive to the Outcome influence of both highly stressful and highly supportive environments, High susceptibility whereas others have a low sensitivity to environmental influence (Boyce & Ellis, 2005; Del Giudice & Ellis, 2014; Pluess & Belsky, 2009, 2012). For example, an adolescent may be highly susceptible to depression in adverse circumstances, but may also be highly Low susceptibility responsive to nurturing environments, more so than a teen with low sensitivity who will tend to function adequately in either positive or negative environments (see Figure 12.3). This is the basis of the differential-susceptibility hypothesis: that the same neurobiological and behavioural sensitivities can be either a risk or a protective factor Negative Positive Environmental conditions depending on the context; and those individuals who are more Source: Adapted from Del Giudice & Ellis (2014). John Wiley & Sons, Inc. responsive to their environments may also be in the best position © 2014. Permission conveyed through Copyright Clearance Center, Inc. to benefit from positive environments and intervention efforts (Del Giudice & Ellis, 2014). This chapter will now illustrate the concepts of developmental psychopathology in action by examining a few of the psychological and neurodevelopmental problems typically associated with different phases of the life span – for example, ASD to illustrate a neurodevelopmental disorder usually present from infancy; ADHD to illustrate a neurodevelopmental disorder that typically manifests in the childhood years; anorexia nervosa and substance use to illustrate disorders in adolescence; and Alzheimer’s disease to illustrate a disorder typically emerging in old age. In addition, we look at depression in every developmental period to see how its symptoms and significance change over the life span.

IN REVIEW CHECKING UNDERSTANDING

CRITICAL THINKING

1 Explain the role of developmental psychopathologists.

Revisit the case of Peggy at the start of the chapter and hypothesise about how the diathesis-stress model might apply to her.

2 Paul says psychological disorders are diseases that some people have and other people don’t. What might a developmental psychopathologist tell Paul? 3 What is a diathesis?

Express

Get the answers to the Checking understanding questions on CourseMate Express.

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12.2 THE INFANT ■■ ■■ ■■ ■■

Outline the characteristics and causes of autism spectrum disorder (ASD). Summarise key points relating to interventions for ASD, and the prognosis. Describe the characteristics of an infant with an anxious temperament. Discuss how depression may present in infancy, despite the DSM-5 only recognising onset in childhood or later.

Learning objectives

Because infant development is strongly channelled by biological maturation, few infants develop severe psychological problems. Yet psychological disorder exists in infancy, and its effects can be profound.

Autism spectrum disorder (ASD) Jeremy, 3½ years old, has big brown eyes and a sturdy body. His mother carries him down the corridor toward the examiner, who greets them. Jeremy glances at the examiner’s face but does not smile or say hello. They walk together into a playroom. Jeremy’s mother puts him down, and he sits on the carpet in front of some toys. He picks up two blocks, bangs them together, and begins to stack the blocks, one on top of the other, not stopping until he has used the entire set. Jeremy does not look at the examiner or his mother while he works, nor when he finishes. And he does not make a sound. The examiner asks him to give her a red block. He does not respond. On their way out, Jeremy and his mother stop to look at a poster of a waterfall surrounded by redwood trees … [He reads out the name beneath the picture.] His voice sounds automated, almost robotic. Sigman & Capps, 1997, p. 1

Jeremy has autism, a condition first identified and described by Leo Kanner in 1943. Now referred to as autism spectrum disorder (ASD) in DSM-5, it usually begins in infancy and is characterised by abnormal social and communication development, and restricted interests and repetitive behaviour. Picture the typical infant that we have described in this book: a social being who responds to others and forms close attachments starting at 6 or 7 months of age, a linguistic being who babbles and later uses one- and two-word sentences to converse with companions, and a curious explorer who is fascinated by new objects and experiences. Now consider the two defining features of ASD highlighted in DSM-5 (American Psychiatric Association, 2013; see also Waterhouse, 2013): 1 Social and communication deficits. ASD children have difficulty forming normal social relationships, responding appropriately to social cues, sharing experiences with other people and participating in normal social interactions. Some autistic children are mute and quite asocial; others acquire language skills with varying degrees of success but are socially awkward and have difficulty carrying on true, back-and-forth conversations. 2 Restricted and repetitive interests and behaviour. ASD children seek sameness and repetition. They may become obsessed with particular objects and interests – bug collecting, for example – and may repeat phrases over and over. They may engage in stereotyped behaviours such as rocking, flapping their hands in front of their faces, or spinning toys. If they are more intellectually able, they may carry out elaborate rituals and routines such as a particular sequence of getting dressed. They resist change and can become highly distressed when their physical environment is even slightly altered (as when a chair in the living room is moved a few feet).

autism spectrum disorder (ASD) A family of neurodevelopmental disorders that usually begin in infancy and are characterised by abnormal social and communication development, and restricted interests and repetitive behaviour.

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Source: iStock/Getty Images Plus/UrsaHoogle

Snapshot

Individuals with ASD are characterised by abnormal social and communication development, and restricted interests and repetitive behaviour. Severity of ASD ranges from mild to severe.

The social impairments associated with ASD are often most striking. Like Jeremy at the start of this section, some children with ASD seem to live in a world of their own, as though they find social contact aversive. They are far less likely than other infants to make eye contact, jointly attend to something with a social partner, seek other people for comfort, snuggle when held and make friends. They also have great difficulty understanding other people’s perspectives and emotions, responding with empathy when others are distressed and demonstrating self-awareness and selfconscious emotions such as embarrassment and guilt. Although over half of autistic children form secure attachments to their parents, a higher than average number display what Chapter 11 described as disorganised/disoriented attachments, even when parental sensitivity is high (Rutgers, Bakermans-Kranenburg, van IJzendoorn, & van Berckelaer-Onnes, 2004; van IJzendoorn et  al., 2007). It is critical to recognise that individuals with ASD vary greatly in the degree and nature, as well as the causes, of their deficits. As a result, some experts talk of ‘autisms’ rather than autism, believing that ASD actually represents a number of different underlying conditions (Hu, 2013; Jones & Klin, 2009). Others conclude that even the ‘autisms’ perspective is flawed because the symptoms, brain deficits and causes of ASD are so unique to the individual (Waterhouse, 2013).

LINKAGES

DSM-5 CRITERIA

Chapter 11 Emotions, attachment and social relationships

In spite of the above, in DSM-5, previously distinct disorders are all diagnosed as one ASD syndrome that can vary from mild to severe. As a result, ASD is now the diagnosis given to individuals who show classic autism,‘pervasive developmental disorders – not otherwise specified’, child disintegrative disorder, and the now familiar Asperger’s syndrome. In Asperger’s syndrome, a high-functioning form of ASD, the child has normal or above-average intelligence, good verbal skills and a clear desire to establish social relationships, but has deficient social cognitive and social communication skills. Affected children are sometimes called ‘little professors’ because they talk rather stiffly and formally, sometimes at mind-numbing length, about the particular subjects that obsess them. Many remain undiagnosed and are simply viewed as odd and socially awkward. Some experts are concerned these individuals will fall outside the revised diagnostic criteria in DSM-5, and their eligibility for services and support may change (Halfon & Kuo, 2013).

Is there an ASD epidemic? Rates of autism appear to be rising. DSM-III-R, published in 1987, indicated that ASD affected about 4 or 5 of every 10 000 children (American Psychiatric Association, 1987). In 2006, ASD in the broader sense of a spectrum of disorders was estimated to affect 1 in 110, or almost 1 per cent, of children aged 8 (Autism and Developmental Disabilities Monitoring Network, 2009). Only 2 years later, the estimate jumped to 1 per 88 children, over 1 per cent (Autism and Developmental Disabilities Monitoring Network, 2012). Similar rising trends have been evident in research studies around the world. Current reviews of epidemiological studies report the incidence of ASD as 1 in 70–90 children, with four or five affected boys for every one girl (French, Betrone, Hyde, & Fombonne, 2013; and see MacDermott, Williams, Ridley, Glasson, & Wray, 2007). Why have rates of ASD been increasing over the past decades? This has been the subject of much debate. You may have heard that either the measles virus or a mercury-based preservative in the vaccine infants receive for measles, mumps and rubella (MMR) is responsible. The evidence is clear: there is no support for this charge. The main study that reported the vaccine-autism connection, authored by Andrew Wakefield and others, was later retracted by the medical journal that published it after the General Medical Council of Great Britain found it to be fraudulent and incorrect (Editors of The Lancet, 2010; Waterhouse, 2013). Further, many epidemiological and large-scale reviews have

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since found no link between vaccines and ASD (for example, Demicheli, Rivetti, Debalini, & Di Pietrantonj, 2012). Still, because some well-known celebrities have spread this myth, and perhaps because the vaccination is normally given to infants at about 15 months of age, when children with ASD often begin to display their autistic symptoms, the vaccine myth has persisted.The repercussions of such a myth are far reaching, with some parents fearing immunisation, resulting in reduced rates of immunisation and bumped up rates of childhood diseases (Flaherty, 2011; Waterhouse, 2013). But why are rates of ASD increasing, then? Most researchers believe that increased rates are mainly a result of increased awareness of ASD, broader definitions to include the entire autistic spectrum (including more mild cases such as Asperger’s) and increased diagnosis of children who might previously have been diagnosed with language impairments or learning disabilities or simply considered to be ‘odd’ (French et al., 2013; Gillberg, Cederlund, Lamberg, & Zeijlon, 2006;Waterhouse, 2013). In sum, the recent rise in the prevalence of ASD seems to be more about detection of cases that were there all along than about new cases and causes.Variations in diagnostic practices probably also contribute to large differences in rates of ASD across cultures – from as low as 1 or 2 per 10 000 in Oman to as high as 260 in 10 000 in South Korea (Norbury & Sparks, 2013). Still, it is not quite time to rule out the possibility that there has been a true increase in the prevalence of ASD associated with some as yet unknown cause (Autism and Developmental Disabilities Monitoring Network, 2012; Waterhouse, 2013).

Characteristics of ASD Most children with ASD are probably autistic from birth. However, because at first they often seem to be normal and exceptionally good babies, or because physicians are slow to make the diagnosis even when parents express concerns, many autistic children have traditionally not been diagnosed until they are 5 or older and even now are usually not diagnosed until they are 2 or 3 (Benaron, 2009; Klin, Chawarska, Rubin, & Volkmar, 2004). Researchers are working feverishly to improve early screening and detection because early intervention provides the best outcomes. Autistic infants may be given away by their lack of normal interest in and responsiveness to social stimuli – such as failure to display normal infant behaviours such as orienting to someone calling their name, preference for human over non-human stimuli, eye contact, visual focus on faces in a scene (autistic babies tend to focus on objects in the background), joint attention (a key precursor of theory-of-mind skills – see Chapter  10), imitation, and turn taking, as in mutual smiling and peekaboo games (Ingersoll, 2011; Zwaigenbaum, Bryson,  & Garon, 2013). Some researchers are using checklists of such abilities to screen 1-year-olds for ASD (Pierce et al., 2011). Others believe that they can identify infants with ASD from their tendency to take longer than most infants to disengage from one visual stimulus and orient toward a new stimulus (Elison et al., 2013; Elsabbagh et al., 2013). Others are using brain imaging techniques to try to identity these babies (Wolff et al., 2012) or are looking for diagnostically useful biomarkers in the blood (Glatt et al., 2012; Anderson, 2014). Complicating efforts to understand ASD is the fact that it is often comorbid with – that is, cooccurs with – a number of other disorders, such as intellectual disability, language disorders, ADHD, epilepsy, anxiety disorders and more (Waterhouse, 2013). Consider intellectual functioning. Some children with ASD have average or above-average IQs, but many – half or more – have intellectual disabilities and IQ scores of 70 or lower (Autism and Developmental Disabilities Monitoring Network, 2009; Ingersoll, 2011). Meanwhile, some autistic individuals, whether their IQs are high or low, show savant abilities – special talents such as the ability to quickly calculate dates or to memorise incredible amounts of information about train schedules (see Heaton & Wallace, 2004; and see Chapter 7).

LINKAGES Chapter 10 Social cognition and moral development

comorbid Describes two or more psychiatric or medical conditions co-occurring in the same individual.

LINKAGES Chapter 7 Intelligence and creativity

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ASD used to be viewed as a prime example of development that is qualitatively different from normal development. Because we know more about the milder end of the autism spectrum, the social impairment that defines ASD is now viewed as the extreme end of a continuum of social responsiveness, quantitatively rather than qualitatively different from typical social behaviour (BaronCohen, 2010; Robinson et al., 2011). Many of us have some of the traits associated with ASD to some degree; the dividing line between normality and abnormality is arbitrary.

Brain functioning and ASD Many autistic children display neurological abnormalities (Waterhouse, 2013). However, the neurological abnormalities are varied, and it is not yet clear which are most central in explaining the characteristics of individuals with ASD. We will highlight a few focuses of the neuroscience research in this area: abnormal brain growth and connectivity, mirror neuron deficits, executive function impairments and an extreme male brain.

ABNORMAL BRAIN GROWTH AND CONNECTIVITY One hypothesis is that in children who later develop ASD, neurons in the frontal cortex and certain other areas of the brain proliferate wildly during the early sensitive period for brain development in infancy but do not become interconnected with other areas of the brain and pruned in the normal way (Benaron, 2009; Courchesne, Carper, & Akshoomoff, 2003; Schumann, Barnes, Lord, & Courchesne, 2009). Poor connectivity among brain areas would explain social impairments, as many brain areas are called into action when we socially interact. It may also explain why individuals with ASD often excel on detail-oriented tasks that require only one particular brain area. Like most hypotheses, though, this abnormal brain growth and connectivity hypothesis seems to fit only some children with ASD (Waterhouse, 2013).

MIRROR NEURON DEFICITS

LINKAGES Chapter 10 Genes, environment and the beginnings of life

Deficits in mirror neuron systems located in a number of brain areas might account for the difficulties many individuals with ASD have with theory-of-mind tasks, in which they must understand people’s behaviour by reading their mental states, as well as their difficulties with imitation, empathy and language tasks (Gallese, Rochat, & Berchio, 2013; Oberman & Ramachandran, 2007). As we saw in Chapter 10, mirror neuron systems allow us to make sense of other people’s feelings and thoughts. In one study (McIntosh, Reichmann-Decker, Winkielman, & Wilbarger, 2006), autistic and nonautistic adults watched pictures of happy and angry facial expressions so researchers could see if their faces automatically and subtly mimicked the expressions they saw – a sign of mirror neurons at work allowing us to relate other people’s emotions to our own. Although people with autistic disorders could mimic the faces they saw if asked to do so, they did not do so spontaneously – one example of accumulating evidence suggesting that their mirror neuron systems do not function normally (Gallese et al., 2013; Oberman & Ramachandran, 2007).

EXECUTIVE FUNCTION IMPAIRMENTS Autistic individuals have difficulty with certain executive control processes, higher-level control functions based in the prefrontal cortex of the brain that allow us to plan, organise, think flexibly, make considered decisions and judgments, inhibit impulses, focus and attend, as well as resist distraction. Impairments in executive control processes may explain the repetitive behaviour of individuals with ASD; they may become fixated on doing an activity again and again and be unable to switch to another activity. Individuals with ASD also tend to focus well on details (finding a specific element in a complex scene) but sometimes have difficulty integrating pieces of information to get the ‘big picture’ or overall meaning (see Pellicano, 2010).

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CHAPTER 12: DEVELOPMENTAL PSYCHOPATHOLOGY

EXTREME MALE BRAIN Making the mystery of ASD even more intriguing, Simon Baron-Cohen (2003, 2010) has put forth an extreme-male-brain hypothesis regarding autistic spectrum disorders. In this view, exposure to high levels of the male hormone testosterone prenatally results in a brain extremely strong in the masculine-stereotyped ability to systemise (analyse things to figure out how they work, extract rules that determine what leads to what) and extremely weak in the feminine-stereotyped ability to empathise (understand people’s thoughts and emotions and respond appropriately). This hypothesis helps us understand why Asperger’s syndrome is common among ‘male-brained’ scientists and engineers and highlights that people with ASD have cognitive strengths, not just deficits (BaronCohen, 2003). It may also help explain why ASD is more common among males. However, the evidence is not consistent and probably applies to only some cases (Hu, 2013; Waterhouse, 2013). It is hard to say whether abnormal brain growth and connectedness, lack of normally functioning mirror neuron systems, poor executive functions, an extreme male brain and/or other neural impairments that are being investigated will prove to be at the heart of the problems children with ASD display. No single core deficit behind ASD has yet been identified. Given the diversity of ASD, one may never be identified (Waterhouse, 2013). Perhaps it is not surprising that a number of cognitive and social deficits have been identified and a number of aspects of brain functioning are believed to be impaired. ASD is, after all, a pervasive neurodevelopmental disorder that disrupts brain development in a global way and affects multiple areas of functioning.

Genetic and environmental influence on ASD Interest in solving the mysteries of ASD is intense, and some fascinating hypotheses have been presented to explain why individuals with ASD show their characteristics. Early theorists suggested that rigid and cold parenting by mothers caused ASD, but this harmful myth has long been dismissed. It is now understood that interacting with an autistic child can easily cause parents to be tense and frustrated and that the parents of autistic children, the source of genes that contribute to ASD, sometimes have mild autistic spectrum traits themselves. Poor parenting is not responsible for ASD.

GENETIC INFLUENCES Genes do contribute strongly to ASD (Curran & Bolton, 2009;Veenstra-Vanderweele & Cook, 2003). Almost 19 per cent of 3-year-olds who have an older sibling with ASD have it too; 32 per cent have it if more than one older sibling has it (Ozonoff et al., 2011). A twin study indicated that if one identical twin was autistic, the other was autistic in 60 per cent of pairs studied; by comparison, the concordance rate for fraternal twin pairs was 0 per cent (Bailey et al., 1995).When the broader autistic spectrum was considered, 92 per cent of the identical twins but only 10 per cent of the fraternal twins were alike (see also Ronald & Hoekstra, 2011). A more recent twin study (Hallmayer et al., 2011) suggests that the genetic contribution, while still evident, may be smaller than this and that shared environmental influences – prenatal or postnatal experiences that make even fraternal twins similar – may be more important than previously believed. Since one identical twin can have ASD when the other does not, non-shared environmental factors must also be relevant (Ronald & Hoekstra, 2011). In terms of genetic influence, hundreds of genes on several chromosomes, each with small effects, have been implicated (Waterhouse, 2013). Most likely, individuals with ASD inherit from their parents, or acquire through new mutations, several gene variants or abnormalities that put them at risk (Murdoch & State, 2013). In some cases, segments of DNA that affect neural communication appear to have been copied too many times or, more often, too few times during cell division. These copy number variations can be present in the parent and then inherited by the child or can arise as new errors (Rosti, Sadek, Vaux, & Gleeson, 2014; Waterhouse, 2013). ASD occurs more

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often when parents, especially fathers, are older, because as we age mutations and copy number variations become more common, especially in the formation of sperm (Hultman, Sandin, Levine, Lichtenstein,  & Reichenberg, 2011; O’Roak et al., 2012). When these genetic errors occur, the normal process through which genes and experience guide the development of the brain and its neural connections can be disrupted.

ENVIRONMENTAL INFLUENCES Early environmental influences also contribute (Hu, 2013; Waterhouse, 2013). An environmental trigger such as a virus or chemicals in the environment could interact with a genetic predisposition to cause ASD. Prenatal exposure to teratogens such as rubella, alcohol and thalidomide are known to contribute to ASD. Epigenetic effects in which early experience turns off genes that guide normal brain development are also being investigated (see Hall & Kelley, 2013). Researchers are also noticing links between obesity and diabetes in mothers and ASD and other neurodevelopmental problems in children (Krakowiak et al., 2012), raising the interesting question of whether the ASD epidemic could be related in some way to the obesity epidemic. ASD also occurs more frequently when there is maternal bleeding or other complications during pregnancy (Gardener, Spiegelman,  & Buka, 2009). In short, there are almost as many possible environmental contributors to ASD as genetic ones. Researchers recognise the need to work in a multidisciplinary fashion toward understanding ASD. For example, in New Zealand, Minds for Minds is a recently established network of researchers in fields as diverse as genetics, neurology, molecular and functional biology, microbiology and neuropsychology, who are working together to explore the genetic, biological, cognitive and neurological causes of ASD (M4M, 2013). While research from this group is still in early stages, findings will be likely to reveal some interesting aspects around the causes of ASD.

Developmental outcomes and treatment for ASD

applied behaviour analysis (ABA) The application of reinforcement principles to teach skills and change behaviour.

What becomes of children with ASD as they get older? A small minority seem to outgrow their symptoms and function like typically developing children (Fein et al., 2013). However, although most individuals with ASD improve in functioning, they are almost always autistic for life. Fewer than half are totally independent as adults in the sense of living away from their parents and having a job; few marry and many have physical and mental health problems. Positive outcomes are most likely among those who have IQ scores above 70 and reasonably good communication skills by age 5. We know almost nothing about what happens to adults with ASD in old age (Howlin & Moss, 2012). Can treatment help autistic children overcome their problems? Some autistic children are given drugs to control behavioural problems such as hyperactivity or obsessive-compulsive behaviour, or drugs such as antipsychotics and antidepressants that help them benefit from educational programs, but none cure ASD (Benaron, 2009;Volkmar, 2001). Researchers continue to search for drugs that will correct the suspected brain dysfunctions of these individuals, but there is probably no one ‘magic pill’. The most effective approach to treating ASD is intensive and highly structured behavioural and educational programming, beginning as early as possible, continuing throughout childhood and involving the family (Simpson & Otten, 2005; Prior, Roberts, Rodger, Williams, & Sutherland, 2011). The goal is to make the most of the plasticity of the young brain during its sensitive period for development. Lovaas and his colleagues pioneered the use of applied behaviour analysis (ABA), the application of reinforcement principles to teach skills and change behaviour to shape social and language skills in children with ASD (Lovaas & Smith, 2003). In an early study, Lovaas (1987) compared a group that received intensive treatment – more than 40 hours a week of one-on-one training during 2 or more of their preschool years – with a control group of similar children who,

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because of staff shortages or transportation problems, received treatment for only 10 or fewer hours per week. Trained student therapists worked with the children using reinforcement principles (see Chapter 2) to reduce their aggressive and self-stimulatory behaviour and to teach them developmentally appropriate skills such as how to imitate others, play with toys and with peers, and use language. Parents were taught to use the same behavioural techniques at home. Lovaas reported astounding results: IQ scores were about 30 points higher in the treatment group than in the control group. Other researchers have criticised this study’s design, however, because the participants were not randomly assigned to treatment and control groups (Reichow & Wolery, 2009). Subsequent research indicates that early behavioural interventions usually do not convert children with ASD into typically functioning children. Nonetheless, many children with ASD, especially those who are young and do not have severe intellectual disabilities, make significant gains if they receive intensive cognitive and behavioural training and comprehensive family services starting early in life (Dawson et al., 2012; Klinger & Williams, 2009; Reichow & Wolery, 2009). In an especially well-conducted study with random assignment to treatment and control groups, an intensive ABA program that focused on social interaction not only increased IQ, language and social skills but also changed brain functioning (Dawson et al., 2012). Specifically, after the treatment ASD children’s neural responses to faces were like those of typically developing children. We know that the young brain is very plastic so there is a good chance that such early intervention programs, by increasing social interaction, change the course of brain development. The impacts may not be as great later in life, but training programs for the growing number of adults with ASD and support services for their families are also advised.

LINKAGES Chapter 2 Theories of human development

ON THE INTERNET ASD evidence-based interventions and services in Australia and New Zealand Visit these links to learn about a range of evidence-based interventions for ASD (including applied behavioural analysis) and ASD intervention service providers in Australia and New Zealand. http://www.dss.gov.au/our-responsibilities/disability-and-carers/program-services/for-people-with-disability/ helping-children-with-autism/early-intervention-service-providers Here you will find a link to an up-to-date list of Australian government-approved ASD early intervention service providers who use evidence-based treatment approaches. See the link to a list of ASD evidence-based intervention approaches, which includes applied behaviour analysis and many others. http://www.health.govt.nz/your-health/conditions-and-treatments/disabilities/autism-spectrum-disorder Here you will find a link to the New Zealand Autism Spectrum Disorder Guideline, a document that provides recommendations for treatment and management of ASD, as well as diagnosis, support and education. There are also links to current programs and service providers in New Zealand.

Depression in infancy? Does it seem possible to you that an infant could experience major depressive disorder as defined in DSM-5? Infants are not capable of many of the negative cognitions common among depressed adults – low self-esteem, guilt, worthlessness, hopelessness and so on. After all, they have not yet acquired the capacity for symbolic thought or self-awareness that would allow them to reflect on their experience. Yet infants can exhibit some of the behavioural symptoms (such as loss of interest in activities or psychomotor slowing) and somatic or physical, symptoms (such as weight loss) of depression (Garber, 2010; Luby & Belden, 2012). At present, DSM-5 allows diagnosis of major depressive disorder in childhood but is silent about infancy. While psychologists and psychiatrists debate whether true depression can occur in infancy, a small number of babies are clearly experiencing serious depressive states and symptoms (Garber, 2010; Luby, 2009). Moreover, young children who receive diagnoses of major depressive disorder are often said by their parents to have shown symptoms such as tearfulness, irritability and lack

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LINKAGES Chapter 11 Emotions, attachment and social relationships

of joy even as infants (Luby & Belden, 2012). Indeed, babies can experience a whole range of mental health problems – problems involving feeding, sleeping, anxiety, attachment and more (Keren, Dollberg, Koster, Danino, & Feldman, 2010; Zeanah, 2009). A special adaptation of the DSM has been developed by the Zero to Three Project to help infant mental health specialists better identify depression and other psychological disorders in infants so that they can be treated (Zero to Three, 2005). The developers of this system believe that major depressive disorder does occur in infancy. Why would a baby become depressed? Depressive symptoms are most likely to be observed in infants who are abused or neglected or otherwise lack a secure attachment relationship, who have an attachment severed, or who have a depressed caregiver (Lyons-Ruth, Zeanah, Benoit, Madigan, & Mills-Koonce, 2014). Infants who display a disorganised pattern of attachment, in which they do not seem to know whether to approach or avoid their caregiver (see Chapter 11) – an attachment style common among abused children – are especially likely to show symptoms of depression (Egeland & Carlson, 2004; Lyons-Ruth et al., 2014). Infants whose mothers or fathers are depressed are also at risk (Gotlib et al., 2006). These babies adopt an interaction style that resembles that of their depressed caregivers; they vocalise little and look sad, even when interacting with adults other than their parent, and they show developmental delays (Field, 1995). They are at increased risk of becoming clinically depressed themselves later in life and of developing other psychological disorders. This may be because of a combination of genes and stressful experiences with their unpredictable parent (that is, because of diathesis and stress). Stress early in life, it turns out, can produce children with an overactive stress-response system who are easily distressed, cannot regulate their negative emotions, are more reactive to stress later in life and are more likely to develop psychological disorders (Bruce, Gunnar, Pears, & Fisher, 2013; Gotlib et al., 2006; Gunnar & Quevedo, 2007; Wismer Fries, Shirtcliff, & Pollak, 2008). Mental health problems in infants can often be traced to a dysfunctional family environment in which parent–infant attachment and interaction are unhealthy (Keren et al., 2010). Intervening to change family systems to treat stressed, depressed or abusive parents and help them parent more effectively  is therefore critical. For example, as we saw in Chapter 11, depressed parents can be trained to interact more sensitively with their babies.

IN REVIEW CHECKING UNDERSTANDING

CRITICAL THINKING

1 What two major groups of symptoms would you expect to see in a child with autism spectrum disorder?

Imagine you are a child psychologist. A mother has brought her 5-year old son Harry to you because both she and her husband, as well as his kindergarten teacher, are concerned about him. He has emotional meltdowns when there is any change to his routine. He avoids playing with other children, and does not seem to understand them or show empathy when they are upset by his actions. He chooses to play alone with his cars, and will spend hours spinning their wheels. He is obsessed with everything about cars and has memorised an enormous amount of information regarding makes, models, design features and so forth. How would you explain this behaviour to Harry’s mother in terms of the most likely diagnosis and causes, and recommendations moving forward?

2 If you were told that your child had an ‘extreme male brain’, what would that suggest? 3 What are two early experiences that could contribute to depressive symptoms in an infant? Express

Get the answers to the Checking understanding questions on CourseMate Express.

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12.3 THE CHILD ■■ Outline the nature of externalising and internalising problems that may arise in childhood. ■■ Summarise attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) in terms of its characteristics, contributors, implications, and treatment options. ■■ Discuss childhood depression and links to suicide, as well as the role of psychotherapy, particularly cognitive behavioural therapy (CBT), in its treatment.

Learning objectives

Many children experience developmental problems – fears, temper tantrums and so on. A much smaller proportion qualify as having a psychological disorder and a smaller portion still are diagnosed and receive treatment. It is estimated that about 10–20 per cent of children have a diagnosable psychological disorder at a given time (Kessler et al., 2007).

Externalising and internalising problems Many developmental problems of childhood can be placed in one of two broad categories that reflect whether the child’s behaviour is out of control or overly controlled. When children have externalising problems they lack self-control and act out in ways that upset others and violate social expectations. They may be aggressive, oppositional or disruptive (and see Chapter 10). In internalising problems, negative emotions are internalised, or bottled up, rather than externalised, or expressed. Internalising problems include anxiety disorders, phobias, severe shyness and withdrawal, and depression. Externalising behaviours decrease from age 4 through to 18, whereas internalising difficulties increase (Bongers, Koot, van der Ende, & Verhulst, 2003). Externalising problems are typically more common among boys, whereas internalising problems are more prevalent among girls, and this generalisation is true across cultures (see Martel, 2013). Children from families with low socioeconomic status show more externalising and internalising problems than children with higher socioeconomic status do, partly because their environments are more stressful (Amone-P’Olak et al., 2009). How do externalising and internalising problems arise, and to what extent do they cause trouble later in life? These questions concern the matters of nature–nurture and continuity– discontinuity in developmental psychopathology.

Nature and nurture Many have a strong belief in the power of the social environment, particularly the family, to shape child development.This belief in a parent-effects model of family influence (see Chapter 11) often leads us to blame parents – especially mothers – if their children are sad and withdrawn, uncontrollable and ‘bratty’, or otherwise different from most children. Parents whose children develop problems often draw the same conclusion, feeling guilty because they assume they are at fault. If instead we view developmental disorders from a family systems perspective and apply a transactional model of family influence (also see Chapter 11), we appreciate how emerging problems both affect and are affected by family interactions. We understand that parents are important but they both influence and are influenced by their children (Cowan & Cowan, 2006). Youngsters with depression, conduct disorder and other psychological disorders tend to come from problem-affected families in which there is often a history of psychological disorder (Connell & Goodman, 2002). However, a child in such a family may have a genetically-based predisposition to disorder that would be expressed even if the child were adopted into another home early in life (Plomin, DeFries, Knopik, & Neiderhiser, 2013). In addition, ‘poor parenting’ can be partly the effect

LINKAGES Chapter 10 Social cognition and moral development

externalising problem Developmental problem that involves ‘undercontrolled’ behaviour such as aggression or acting out in ways that disturb other people or violate social expectations. internalising problem Developmental problem that involves an ‘overcontrolled’ pattern of coping with difficulties and is expressed in anxiety, depression and other forms of inner distress.

LINKAGES Chapter 11 Emotions, attachment and social relationships

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of a child’s disorder rather than its cause. Children’s problem behaviours can negatively affect their parents’ moods, marital relationships and parenting behaviours (Cowan & Cowan, 2006). Stress on a family, and the ineffective parenting that sometimes results from it, contribute to and aggravate many childhood problems. Early abuse and neglect have even worse consequences – contributing, for example, to chronic depression extending into adulthood (Uher, 2011).Additionally, children who are at risk because their parents have psychological disorders or their temperaments predispose them to problems may or may not develop disorders themselves depending on whether they are parented effectively (Sentse, Veenstra, Lindenberg, Verhulst, & Ormel, 2009). We must also appreciate that sociocultural and historical factors contribute to and aggravate many childhood problems. To illustrate, the chapter Application box looks at how the stressful experiences associated with natural disasters can give rise to high rates of externalising and internalising problems in affected children, adolescents and their families, and also what can be done to support those who experience natural disasters. As the diathesis-stress model suggests, then, disorders often arise from the toxic interaction of a genetically-based vulnerability and stressful experiences, both early in life and leading up to the emergence of a disorder (Uher, 2011). Abnormal development, like normal development, is the product of both nature and nurture and a history of complex transactions between person and environment where each influences the other (Rutter et al., 2006).

Application REDUCING RISKS TO MENTAL HEALTH WHEN NATURAL DISASTERS STRIKE Most of us would be able to easily recall a number of major natural disasters affecting Australia, New Zealand and other parts of the world over the past decade, including earthquakes, tsunamis and widespread flooding. Research about the impacts of traumatic natural disasters such as these has highlighted the negative effects of such events on mental health and wellbeing. For example, American research about the effects of Hurricane Katrina in 2005 has shown that natural disasters can give rise to high rates of externalising and internalising problems in affected children, adolescents and adults. In one study, adults who had experienced Katrina were compared to adults in the same area who had participated in a national study to detect psychological disorders 2–4 years before Katrina. Diagnosable disorders were detected in more than 30 per cent of the adults interviewed after Katrina, almost double the 16 per cent rate found in the adults interviewed before Katrina (Kessler, Galea, Jones, & Parker, 2006). Several studies of children have also been

conducted. In one (Roberts, Mitchell, Witman, & Taffaro, 2010), children aged 11–18 were surveyed about their symptoms of depression and anxiety 2 years after Katrina, and were asked to recall their symptoms before Katrina and 1 year after it. Although this retrospective reporting approach has limitations, the prevalence of reported symptoms jumped from 44 per cent before Katrina to 104 per cent 2 years after Katrina, and respondents claimed most of their symptoms began after Katrina. But not all individuals exposed to natural disasters will develop disorders. For example, when Canterbury, New Zealand suffered a 7.1 magnitude earthquake in 2010, followed by over 14 000 aftershocks and another 6.3 earthquake in 2011, there were widescale devastating effects. However, a pre- and post-event population study of young children in Canterbury found negligible changes to their levels of adjustment or emotional or behavioural problems (Thomson, Seers, Frampton, Hider, & Moor, 2016). So resilience is a key factor.

What factors are associated with those at greater risk? Those who show significant symptoms tend to be those who are more directly affected by an event, for example, they experience property loss, separation from a caregiver or other significant personal losses (Osofsky, Osofsky, Kronenberg, Brennan, & Hansel, 2009). A number of intrinsic factors are also associated with risk of developing a psychological disorder following a natural disaster. For example, females tend to be at a higher risk than males. Those with higher anxiety, poor emotional control and avoidant coping strategies and those who have experienced previous traumas in their lives have also been found to be at higher risk following a natural disaster (Osofsky et al., 2009; Mohay & Forbes, 2009). The stress on families during and after the experience of a natural disaster can lead to marital stress and less-effective parenting, which can in turn negatively affect the ability of children and adolescents to cope following natural disasters (Mohay & Forbes, 2009). Finally, social >>>

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connection, and specifically social support and friendship, influence how well individuals cope with natural disasters, with schools being especially important factors for child and adolescent coping (Mohay & Forbes, 2009). These research findings illustrate the importance of adopting an ecological or contextual perspective on development and seeing mental health as influenced by the interaction of personal factors and the sociocultural environment. It sensitises us to the need to look at a variety of factors to determine why some children are more vulnerable than others – factors such as the extent of exposure to traumatic

events, pre-existing characteristics of the child, the child’s coping resources and the child’s family and community environment after the disaster (Silverman, Allen, & Ortiz, 2010). Fortunately, a variety of preventative interventions can reduce the psychological harm done by natural disasters and other traumatic events (Silverman, Allen, & Ortiz, 2010; Wethington et al., 2008). According to Australian researchers Heather Mohay and Nicole Forbes (2009), effectively supporting individuals through natural disasters to reduce the risk of psychological disorders includes: (a) reducing, where possible,

direct exposure to the disaster and providing prompt disaster relief to those who have been exposed, (b) providing ‘psychological first aid’ (onsite psychosocial support in the immediate aftermath of an event) to help individuals transition back to normality following a natural disaster, (c) early identification of psychopathology and referral to appropriate treatment services, (d) promoting connectedness and social support, and (e) implementing preventative resiliencebuilding programs that develop positive coping strategies before natural disasters occur.

Continuity and discontinuity The parents of children who develop psychological problems understandably often want to know: will my child outgrow these problems, or will they persist? These parents are concerned with the issue of continuity versus discontinuity in development. You have already seen that ASD persists beyond childhood in most individuals, but what about the broader spectrum of childhood problems? A number of studies point to some continuity in susceptibility to problems over the years and suggest that early problems tend to have significance for later development (Jokela, Ferrie, & Kivimäki, 2009; Mesman, Bongers, & Koot, 2001). For example, longitudinal tracking of New Zealand Dunedin Study participants found that children who had externalising problems (such as aggression) as young children were more likely than either overcontrolled or well-adjusted children to be diagnosed as having antisocial personality disorder and to have records of criminal behaviour as young adults. Meanwhile, internalisers – inhibited children – were more likely than other children to be diagnosed with depression, although not with an anxiety disorder, as young adults (Caspi, Moffitt, Newman, & Silva, 1996; Moffitt et al., 2011; Slutske, Moffitt, Poulton, & Caspi, 2012). Relationships between early behavioural problems and later psychopathology tend to be weak, so there is also discontinuity in development. Results from the Dunedin Study showed most atrisk individuals did not have diagnosable problems as adults. Similarly, in another 14-year followup of children and adolescents with behavioural and emotional problems, about 40 per cent still had significant problems in adulthood, but most did not (Hofstra, Van der Ende, & Verhulst, 2000). In short, having psychological problems as a child does not doom most individuals to a life of maladjustment. Why might we see continuity of problem behaviour in some children but discontinuity in others? If children have mild rather than severe psychological problems and receive help, their difficulties are likely to disappear (Essex et al., 2009). Some children also show remarkable resilience, functioning well despite exposure to risk factors for disorder or overcoming even severe early problems to become well adjusted (Compas & Andreotti, 2013; Masten & Tellegen, 2012). Resilient children appear to benefit from protective factors such as their own competencies (especially intellectual ability and social skills) and strong social support (especially a stable family situation with at least one caring parent figure).With nature–nurture and continuity–discontinuity in mind, let us focus on two

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MAKING CONNECTIONS Identify your own protective factors, including your personal competences and environmental elements.

illustrative childhood problems: ADHD, an externalising disorder, and depression, an internalising disorder.

Attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) I was completely lost. I couldn’t focus on work, I couldn’t pay attention in class, and I couldn’t concentrate on homework, rarely completing it as a result. Emotionally, I didn’t really know how to handle it. I was completely frustrated because I didn’t understand why I was having such trouble … My teachers knew I had the potential to do well, but they just figured I was lazy and not motivated. My parents were angry with me because my teachers told them I never did my homework. Nobody understood that it wasn’t because I was lazy or not motivated; I really did care about my grades. I would try to sit down and write a paper, but there were too many thoughts in my head and too many things going on around me to even get a paragraph down. I would sit in the front row of my maths class, with my notebook open and ready to take notes, but then something would catch my eye out the window and I’d miss the whole lesson. Stone, 2009

attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) A disorder characterised by attentional difficulties; impulsive, overactive or fidgety behaviour; or a combination of the two.

Source: Shutterstock.com/ wavebreakmedia

Snapshot

Children with ADHD may show inattention, hyperactivity and impulsivity, or both.

In this story, Rachel Stone describes her struggles with sustaining and focusing her attention, illustrating a key feature of attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD). ADHD is diagnosed if either one of the following two sets of symptoms, or a combination of the two, is present (American Psychiatric Association, 2013; see also Selikowitz, 2009; Weyandt, 2007): 1 Inattention. The individual does not seem to listen, is easily distracted, has trouble following instructions, does not stick to activities or finish tasks, and tends to be forgetful and disorganised. 2 Hyperactivity and impulsivity. The individual is restless, perpetually fidgeting, finger tapping or chattering, and has trouble remaining seated; he or she acts impulsively before thinking, cannot wait to have a turn in an activity, and may talk too much, blurt things out and interrupt others. Globally, 5–9 per cent of children are estimated to meet the diagnostic criteria for ADHD (American Psychiatric Association, 2013; Polanczyk et al., 2007; Visser, Bitsko, Danielson, Perou, & Blumberg, 2010). In Australia, ADHD is the most common disorder seen by paediatricians, in around 18 per cent of consultations (Efron, Davies, & Sciberras, 2013; Hiscock et al., 2011). At least two boys for every one girl are diagnosed, although girls may be underdiagnosed because they often show inattention rather than the more easily observable hyperactive behaviour that boys with ADHD are more likely to show (Weyandt, 2007). The primarily inattentive form of ADHD is roughly twice as common as the primarily hyperactive-impulsive form (Froehlich et al., 2007).

Developmental course of ADHD ADHD expresses itself differently at different ages. Infants and preschool children with ADHD may have difficult temperaments, hyperactivity, inattention and irregular sleeping patterns (Auerbach et al., 2008; Arnett, MacDonald, & Pennington, 2013). By the primary school years, children with ADHD may be fidgety, restless and inattentive to schoolwork (American Psychiatric Association, 2013). Because most young children are energetic and have short attention spans, behaviour must be evaluated in relation to developmental norms; otherwise, we might mistake most average youngsters as children with ADHD (Mahone & Schneider, 2012). What becomes of hyperactive children later in life? It used to be thought that they outgrew their problems. Most children with ADHD outgrow their overactive behaviour (DuPaul & Stoner, 2003).

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However, as illustrated by Rachel’s story, adolescents with ADHD continue to be restless, to have difficulty concentrating on their academic work and to behave impulsively; on average they perform poorly in school and are prone to reckless delinquent acts without thinking about the consequences (Brassett-Harknett & Butler, 2007).Those able to go on to post-school studies can often benefit from services to help them make the transition successfully (Weyandt & DuPaul, 2013).

POTENTIAL NEGATIVE TRAJECTORIES Young people with ADHD may, without intervention, be vulnerable to a negative trajectory of poor academic attendance and achievement, neuropsychological impairments, mood disorders, substance abuse, obsessive compulsions, family and social conflicts, dysfunctional intimate relationships, car accidents, physical injuries and behavioural and antisocial difficulties, as well as a high rate of contact with the criminal justice system (CJS) (DeLisi, Neppl, Lohman,Vaughn, & Shook, 2013; Einarsson, Sigurdsson, Gudjonsson, Newton, & Bragason, 2009; Gudjonsson, Sigurdsson, Sigfusdottir, & Young, 2011; Young & Gudjonsson, 2005, 2007; Young, Wells, & Gudjonsson, 2011). Research in Australia has shown that detectives report that adolescents with ADHD symptoms present frequently for interviewing as suspects and witnesses, with ongoing CJS contact, and that they are very difficult to interview effectively in terms of time efficiency and quality of information gathered (Cunial & Kebbell, 2017). The picture is somewhat more positive by early adulthood; yet many individuals with ADHD get in trouble because they have lapses of concentration, make impulsive decisions and procrastinate (Brassett-Harknett & Butler, 2007; Schmidt & Petermann, 2009). In one study following hyperactive and control children from about age 7 to 21, the hyperactive adults had lower educational attainment and achievement, had been fired more and received lower performance ratings from their employers, had fewer close friends and more problems in social relations, and had become involved in sexual activity and parenthood earlier (Barkley, Fischer, Smallish, & Fletcher, 2006; and see Schmidt & Petermann, 2009; Selikowitz, 2009). In another study, almost half of children diagnosed with ADHD continued to meet the diagnostic criteria for ADHD as adults, with inattention problems persisting more than hyperactivity/impulsivity problems (Kessler et al., 2010). ADHD is evident even in old age (Brod, Schmitt, Goodwin, Hodgkins, & Niebler, 2012); it is clearly not only a childhood concern,

Suspected causes of ADHD What causes ADHD? No consistent evidence of brain damage or of structural defects in the brain is found in most individuals with ADHD. It is widely agreed, though, that their brains work differently than the brains of other individuals and that the cause is most likely differences in brain chemistry rather than physical brain damage. Russell Barkley (2000) has put forth the view that the frontal lobes of individuals with ADHD do not function as they do in typically developing individuals; this results in deficiencies in executive control functions – most importantly, difficulty inhibiting, organising and regulating one’s behaviour. Low levels of the neurotransmitters dopamine and norepinephrine, which are involved in communication among neurons in the frontal lobes, may be at the root of executive function impairments and other differences in cognitive functioning of individuals with ADHD (Selikowitz, 2009; Weyandt, 2007).

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ON THE INTERNET Adult ADHD screening test

http://psychcentral. com/quizzes/ adultaddquiz.htm You might like to complete an online test to see whether you display some of the behaviours characteristic of those who have adult ADHD. This link will take you to a quick adult ADHD screening test (there is both a short and slightly longer version). Note that the test does not diagnose ADHD (only a specialist can do that) but will indicate whether you have behaviours that are characteristic of adults who have ADHD.

Search me! and Discover The Children’s Attention Project, the first Australian longitudinal study of children with ADHD: Sciberras, E., Efron, D., Schilpzand, E. J., Anderson, V., Jongeling, B., Hazell, P., ... & Nicholson, J. M. (2013). The Children’s Attention Project: A community-based longitudinal study of children with ADHD and non-ADHD controls. BMC Psychiatry, 13, 1–11. doi: 10.1186/1471-244X13–18.

GENETIC CONTRIBUTIONS TO ADHD Genes predispose some individuals to develop ADHD and probably underlie the associated differences in brain functioning. Family studies show that first-degree relatives of someone with ADHD have four to five times the usual risk (Thapar, 2003). Large-scale twin studies show that

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genes account for 70–80 per cent of the variation among individuals in terms of ADHD and attentional problems (Chang, Lichtenstein, Asherson, & Larsson, 2013; Kan et al., 2013; Kan, van Beijsterveldt, Bartels, & Boomsma, 2014).These twin studies also found different sets of genetic risk factors during childhood, adolescence and adulthood, suggesting considerable genetic complexity in the development of ADHD over the life span. Indeed, researchers have now identified around 200 gene variants common in individuals with ADHD that influence levels of dopamine, serotonin and other relevant neurotransmitters in their brains (Smith, Mick, & Faraone, 2009; Waldman & Gizer, 2006).

ENVIRONMENTAL INFLUENCES Environmental influences are also important, not so much as the main cause of ADHD but as forces that help determine whether a genetic potential turns into a reality, and whether the individual adapts well or poorly as he or she develops (Brassett-Harknett & Butler, 2007). For example, twin studies have shown that stability of attentional problems from childhood to adulthood is due to both genetic and environmental continuity, while change in attentional problems over the life span is related more to environmental change (Kan et al., 2013). The misconception that ADHD is due to consuming sugar has long since been put to rest (Weyandt, 2007). There is still some uncertainty about whether food colourings or dyes contribute. It seems clear that food dyes are not a major cause of ADHD, but they may have small negative effects on some children, ADHD or not, and more research may be in order (Arnold, Lofthouse, & Hurt, 2012; Kleinman, Brown, Cutter, DuPaul, & Clydesdale, 2011). Low birth weight and maternal smoking and alcohol use during pregnancy, both associated with a shortage of oxygen prenatally, appear to contribute to some cases of ADHD (Banerjee, Middleton, & Faraone, 2007; Lehn et al., 2007). And genes and environment interact: individuals who inherit genes that adversely affect dopamine levels and who also experience family adversity show more ADHD symptoms than children who do not have both genes and environment working against them (Laucht et al., 2007).

Treatment of ADHD Many children with ADHD are given stimulant drugs such as methylphenidate (Ritalin), and most are helped by these drugs. Although it may seem odd to give overactive children stimulants, the brains of individuals with ADHD are actually under-aroused. These drugs increase levels of dopamine and other neurotransmitters in the frontal lobes of the brain to normal levels and, by doing so, allow these children to concentrate (Selikowitz, 2009). Listen again to Rachel Stone, who described her struggles with attention at the beginning of this section, on her transformation with stimulant medication: After hitting rock bottom … I was finally retested for ADD. I was put on the medication Adderall … I was able to pull up all my grades … making the honour roll for the first time in my high school career. Things only got better … I feel that my best achievement was in maths … With the Adderall, I was able to focus in class and remember how much I liked maths! I ended up with the highest average in the pre-calculus classes, a 100 per cent homework average for the year; I also received the 11th grade maths award for achievement and effort. Stone, 2009

Why, then, does controversy surround the use of stimulants with ADHD children? Some critics feel that these drugs are prescribed to too many children, including some who do not have ADHD (Mayes, Bagwell, & Erkulwater, 2009). Although it is probably true that Ritalin and other stimulants

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are overprescribed in some settings, it is also true that many children with ADHD who could benefit from drug treatment go untreated. Others are concerned that stimulant drugs have undesirable side effects, such as loss of appetite and headaches (see Mayes et al., 2009). Moreover, they do not cure ADHD; they improve functioning only until their effects wear off. And so far, there is not much evidence that individuals with ADHD who took stimulants as children function better as adolescents or adults than those who did not, although some studies are beginning to show beneficial longerterm effects on attention and behaviour (Mayes et al., 2009). Many experts have concluded that while stimulant drugs cannot resolve all the difficulties faced by individuals with ADHD and their families, they are part of the answer, not only in childhood but continuing into adulthood. Behavioural treatment is also used to treat ADHD – does this work better than drug treatment? The Multimodal Treatment of Attention Deficit Hyperactivity Disorder Study (MTA), a carefully conducted US study of 579 children with ADHD, aged 7 to 9 years, examined medication and behavioural treatment (Jensen et al., 2001, 2007; Molina et al., 2009).The study compared medication alone, state-of-the-art behavioural treatment (combination of parent training, child training through a summer program and school intervention), a combination of the two approaches, or routine care in the community, over 14 months. The findings showed medication alone was more effective than behavioural treatment alone or routine care in reducing ADHD symptoms (see also Scheffler et al., 2009). However, a combination of medication and behavioural treatment was superior to medication alone when the goal was defined as not only reducing ADHD symptoms but also improving academic performance, social adjustment and parent–child relations. A multipronged approach to treating ADHD is generally recommended now that includes: • medication • behavioural programs designed to teach children with ADHD to stay focused on tasks, control their impulsiveness and interact socially • parent training designed to help parents understand and manage challenging behaviours • interventions at school to structure the learning environment (Chronis, Jones, & Raggi, 2006; Weyandt, 2007). A caveat, though: an 8-year follow-up of children in the Multimodal Treatment Study revealed that differences among the treatment groups had faded by the time these children were adolescents and that, regardless of which treatment they received, the participants with ADHD had more academic and social problems than their peers who did not have ADHD (Molina et al., 2009). Most children who had received medication during the study had since stopped, but were doing as well as those who continued their medication. Outcomes were best for children who responded well initially to treatment. Overall, the study suggests that, while medication or medication combined with behaviour treatment can significantly improve functioning in the short term, achieving longterm improvement is more challenging. It is also important to take note of cultural considerations. Parents of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children have indicated some hesitation regarding Western approaches, particularly the use of medication, and have described experiencing what they perceived as culturally inappropriate processes (see Loh, Hayden,Vicary, Mancini, Martin, & Piek, 2016). A holistic approach that considers culture, beliefs, social factors, vulnerabilities, and personal experiences is recommended in order to provide targeted, optimal care (Ghosh, Holman, & Preen, 2015).

Childhood depression As discussed earlier, the depression-like symptoms displayed by some infants may or may not qualify as major depressive disorder. When can children experience true clinical depression? For years many psychologists and psychiatrists, especially those influenced by psychoanalytic theory, argued that

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young children simply could not be depressed. Feelings of worthlessness, hopelessness and self-blame were not believed to be possible until the child was older. Besides, childhood is supposedly a happy, carefree time, right?

Diagnostic criteria It is now clear that even young children can meet the same DSM criteria for major depressive disorder used in diagnosing adults (Garber, 2010). Depression in children is rarer than depression in adolescents and adults, but an estimated 2–3 per cent of preschool and school-age children have diagnosable depressive disorders, and up to 6 per cent may have some symptoms of depression (Costello, Erkanli, & Angold, 2006; Fuhrmann, Equit, Schmidt, & von Gontard, 2014; Wichstrøm et al., 2012). It was once thought that depression in children was expressed in a ‘masked’ manner, manifesting indirectly as other problems. Instead, it is often comorbid with other disorders. Depressed children are especially prone to anxiety (Garber, 2010; Moffitt et al., 2007). Many depressed children also have a conduct disorder or ADHD. Comorbidity of two or more psychiatric conditions in the same individual is very common, especially in childhood but throughout the life span. Disorders comorbid with depression in childhood are distinct diagnoses, though, not masked symptoms of depression. Depression expresses itself somewhat differently in a young child than in an adult (Garber, 2010). Like depressed infants, depressed preschool children are more likely to display the behavioural and somatic symptoms of depression (losing interest in activities, eating poorly and so on) than to display cognitive symptoms such as hopelessness or to talk about being depressed (Luby, 2009).Yet as early as age 3, depressed children sometimes express excessive shame or guilt – claiming, for example, that they are bad (Luby et al., 2009). Some act out themes of death and suicide in their play (Luby, 2004). All things considered, the main characteristics to look for are either sadness or irritability (children may express their depression either way) along with lack of interest in usually enjoyable activities (Garber, 2010; Luby et al., 2006).

Suicide What may not have occurred to you is that children as young as age 2 or 3 are also capable of attempting suicide, as illustrated in the following (Burke, Buchanan, Amira,Yershova, & Posner, 2014; Shaffer & Pfeffer, 2001): • At age 3, Jeffrey repeatedly hurled himself down a flight of stairs and banged his head on the floor; upset by the arrival of a new brother, he was heard to say, ‘Jeff is bad, and bad boys have to die’ (Cytryn & McKnew, 1996, p. 72). • An 8-year-old, after writing her will, approached her father with a large rock and asked in all seriousness, ‘Daddy, would you crush my head, please?’ (Cytryn & McKnew, 1996, pp. 69–70). • Other children have jumped from high places, run into traffic and stabbed themselves, often in response to abuse, rejection or neglect. Moreover, children who attempt suicide once often try again (Shaffer & Pfeffer, 2001). Parents, teachers and human services professionals need to appreciate that childhood is not always a happy, carefree time and that children can develop serious depressive disorders and suicidal tendencies. Children’s claims that they want to die should be taken seriously. Do depressed children tend to have recurring bouts of depression, becoming depressed adolescents and adults? Most children make it through mild episodes of sadness, and carryover of depression problems from childhood to adulthood is not as strong as carryover from adolescence

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to adulthood (Rutter, Kim-Cohen, & Maughan, 2006). However, 5- and 6-year-olds who report many symptoms of depression are more likely than their peers to be depressed as adolescents, to think suicidal thoughts, to struggle academically and to be perceived as in need of mental health services (Ialongo, Edelsohn, & Kellam, 2001). It is estimated that half of children and adolescents diagnosed as having major depressive disorder have recurrences in adulthood (Kessler, Avenevoli, & Merikangas, 2001).

The value of psychotherapy

cognitive behavioural therapy (CBT) Well-established psychotherapy approach that involves identifying and changing distorted thinking and maladaptive emotions and behaviour associated with it.

Snapshot

Source: AP Photo/Donna McWilliam

Fortunately, most depressed children – and children with other psychological disorders too – respond well to psychotherapy (Carr, 2009). Because children are not adults, though, treating children with depression and other psychological disorders poses special challenges. The first challenge in treating children with psychological problems is getting them to treatment. Sometimes the child does not think they have a problem and resists; sometimes parents do not recognise the problem or struggle to accept it. Other times, parents are dismissed by doctors or other professionals who say they are worrying too much or their child is only going through ‘a phase’ (Carter, Briggs-Gowan, & Davis, 2004). Cost factors can also enter in, especially for families in financial difficulty. Assuming children do enter treatment, the next challenge is to recognise that they are not adults and cannot be treated as such (Holmbeck, Devine, & Bruno, 2010; Koocher & Daniel, 2012). Because children are minors and usually referred for treatment by parents, therapists must view the child and their parents as the client. Children’s therapeutic outcomes often depend greatly on the cooperation and involvement of their parents, but not all parents cooperate (Heru, 2006). Finally, children function at different levels of cognitive and emotional development than adults, and this must be taken into consideration in both diagnosing and treating their problems. Children can benefit from an approach that has proven highly effective in treating adult psychological problems, cognitive behavioural therapy (CBT), a well-established psychotherapy approach that identifies and changes distorted thinking and the related maladaptive emotions and behaviours (Brent & Maalouf, 2009; Hofmann, Asnaani, Vonk, Sawyer, & Fang, 2012; Weisz, McCarty, & Valeri, 2006). It has been shown to be an effective therapeutic approach with a wide range of groups, particularly when culturally adapted where appropriate, as with Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples (see Bennett & Babbage, 2013). However, young children cannot easily participate in therapies that require them to verbalise their problems and gain insight into causes of their behaviour. A more developmentally appropriate approach for young children is play therapy, where they are encouraged to act out concerns not easily expressed in words (see Schaefer, 2010; Wethington et al., 2008). Behavioural approaches that do not require insight and verbal skills are also effective with young children. Still other approaches especially designed for young children and their parents have been developed. One intervention for depressed preschool children works with both the children and their parents to build a more nurturing parent–child relationship in which the parent helps the child learn to better recognise and regulate their emotions (Luby, Lenze, & Tillman, 2012). Because depressed children often have depressed parents, adopting a family systems approach and treating the depressed parent as well is likely to improve outcomes for depressed children even more (Brent & Maalouf, 2009). Depressed children have sometimes been treated with antidepressant drugs called selective serotonin reuptake inhibitors (SSRIs), such as Prozac (fluoxetine), which correct for low levels of the neurotransmitter serotonin in the brains of depressed individuals. However, these drugs do not appear to be as effective with children as with adults, and some research has suggested they may increase the risk of suicidal thoughts and behaviour among children and adolescents.

Play therapy can help young children who lack verbal skills to express their feelings. Here play therapy is being used to help a 4-year-old deal with his anxieties about his upcoming surgery.

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MAKING CONNECTIONS If your child or adolescent were depressed, would you allow him or her to be treated with antidepressant medication? Why or why not?

A warning regarding the possibility of increased suicidality in these patients was issued by the US Food and Drug Administration (FDA) in 2004, followed by the Australian and New Zealand drug safety authorities (Royal Australian College of General Practitioners, 2005; Vedantam, 2006; Vitiello, Zuvekas, & Norquist, 2006). Antidepressants are still prescribed in some cases for seriously depressed youth who are likely to be at even greater risk of suicide if they are not treated with medication. However, they are now prescribed less often and with more careful monitoring of reactions (Nemeroff et al., 2007; Royal Australian College of General Practitioners, 2005). A combination of antidepressant medications and CBT appears to be the best treatment currently available for seriously depressed children and adolescents (Brent & Maalouf, 2009).

IN REVIEW CHECKING UNDERSTANDING

CRITICAL THINKING

1 What is another term for overcontrolled problems in childhood, and what are two examples of such problems?

Focusing on depression in childhood and citing evidence, what do you conclude about nature–nurture and continuity–discontinuity as they pertain to depression?

2 What are the possible causes of and contributing factors to ADHD?

Express

3 How does depression in childhood differ from depression in adulthood?

Get the answers to the Checking understanding questions on CourseMate Express.

12.4 THE ADOLESCENT Learning objectives

LINKAGES Chapter 1 Understanding life span human development

■■ Outline the ‘storm and stress’ debate. ■■ Summarise eating disorders in terms of their characteristics, contributors and treatment options. ■■ Describe substance use disorders and the contributing factors. ■■ Discuss adolescent depression and suicidality.

If any age group has a reputation for having problems, it is adolescents. This is supposedly the time when angelic children are transformed into emotionally unstable, unruly delinquents. The view that adolescence is a time of emotional storm and stress was set forth by the founder of developmental psychology, G. Stanley Hall, in 1904 (see Chapter 1), and it has been used ever since.

Storm and stress? Are adolescents really more likely than children or adults to experience psychological problems? On one hand, adolescents have a worse reputation than they deserve. Most adolescents are not emotionally disturbed and do not develop serious problem behaviours such as drug abuse and chronic delinquency. Instead, significant mental health problems – real signs of storm and stress – characterise about 20 to 25 per cent of adolescents, including Peggy, described at the beginning of the chapter (Merikangas et al., 2010; Ormel et al., 2014). Many of these adolescents are maladjusted before they reach puberty and continue to be maladjusted during adulthood (Copeland, Shanahan, Costello, & Angold, 2010). The previously-cited 20 per cent–plus rate of diagnosable psychological disorders among adolescents at a given time is higher than the estimated rate of about 10 per cent among children (Ford, Goodman, & Meltzer, 2003), but no higher than the rate for adults (Kessler et al., 2005).

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Eating disorders Perhaps no psychological disorders are more associated with adolescence than the eating disorders that disproportionately strike adolescent females, especially during the transition from childhood to adolescence at around age 14 and again during the transition from adolescence to emerging adulthood at around 18 (Bryant-Waugh, 2007; Eddy, Keel, & Leon, 2010). Eating disorders  – anorexia nervosa, bulimia nervosa and binge eating disorder (a new distinct disorder introduced in DSM-5)  – have become more common in industrialised countries (Eddy et al., 2010). They are serious, potentially fatal, and difficult to treat. Anorexia nervosa, which literally means ‘nervous loss of appetite’, is characterised by: •  body weight that is less than minimally normal for the person’s gender, height and age •  a strong fear of becoming overweight or behaviour that interferes with gaining weight •  a tendency to feel fat despite being emaciated, to be overly influenced by weight or shape in evaluating the self, and to fail to appreciate the seriousness of one’s low body weight (American Psychiatric Association, 2013). Bulimia nervosa, the so-called binge-purge syndrome, involves recurrent episodes of consuming huge quantities of food followed by purging activities such as self-induced vomiting, use of laxatives,

MAKING CONNECTIONS Reflect on your psychological health during your teenage years. Would you describe this as a period of storm and stress?

LINKAGES Chapter 4 Body, brain and health Chapter 10 Social cognition and moral development

anorexia nervosa An eating disorder characterised by failure to maintain a normal weight, a strong fear of weight gain and a distorted body image; literally, ‘nervous lack of appetite’. bulimia nervosa An eating disorder characterised by recurrent eating binges followed by purging activities such as vomiting.

Snapshot

Source: Alamy Stock Photo/Angela Hampton Picture Library

Yet there is some truth in the storm-and-stress view. Adolescence is a period of increased risk taking, of problem behaviours such as substance abuse and delinquency, and of heightened vulnerability to some forms of psychological disorder (Cicchetti & Rogosch, 2002; Steinberg, 2011). Teenagers face greater stress than children; they must cope with physical maturation, changing brains and cognitive abilities, tribulations of dating, changes in family dynamics, moves to new and more complex school settings, and increased societal responsibilities (Cicchetti & Rogosch, 2002). Most adolescents cope with these challenges remarkably well, maintain the level of adjustment they had when entering adolescence and undergo impressive psychological growth. Many may feel depressed, anxious and irritable occasionally. But for a minority, a buildup of stressors during adolescence can precipitate psychopathology. Their problems should not be dismissed as adolescent moodiness and irritability. Adolescents can get themselves into trouble by overusing alcohol and drugs, having risky sex, engaging in delinquent behaviour and displaying other so-called adolescent problem behaviours. These behaviours, although common and often correlated with each other, usually do not reach the level of seriousness to qualify as psychological disorders (Boles, Biglan, & Smolkowski, 2006). Such problem behaviours may peak in adolescence in part because the normal timetable for brain development endows adolescents with strong sensation- and reward-seeking tendencies in the face of immature self-regulatory capabilities (Albert, Chein, & Steinberg, 2013; Spear, 2010; and see Chapter 4’s discussion on risk taking and brain development). The result is sometimes impulsive pursuit of excitement and enjoyment without much self-control or thought of the consequences. This risky behaviour is most likely when adolescents are with friends and their emotions are aroused. Next we focus on diagnosable disorders that clearly become more prevalent in adolescence. Having discussed adolescent externalising problems like aggression, delinquency and conduct disorder in Chapter 10, we look here at eating disorders such as anorexia nervosa; alcohol and drug experimentation that can turn into substance abuse; and depression, rates of which increase dramatically from childhood to adolescence. These problems interfere with normal adolescent development, yet become far more understandable when viewed in the context of this developmental period.

Anorexia nervosa literally means ‘nervous lack of appetite’ and can be life threatening.

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binge eating disorder An eating disorder characterised by recurrent eating binges without purging activities.

rigid dieting and fasting, or obsessive exercising (American Psychiatric Association, 2013; Pinhas et al., 2007). Binge eating disorder involves binge eating without the purging. A recent study of adolescent females involving annual diagnostic interviews administered from age 13 to age 21 revealed that by age 20 over 5 per cent of these young women had experienced at least one of the three aforementioned disorders (less than 1 per cent anorexia, 2.6 per cent bulimia and 3 per cent binge eating disorder) (Stice, Marti, & Rohde, 2013). A  total of 13 per cent had experienced either one of these disorders or a milder ‘subthreshold’ form of eating disorder. Here we will focus on anorexia, the least common but most life threatening of the three disorders. The largest community study of anorexia nervosa to date in Australia and New Zealand recently revealed that fasting and exercise are the most common methods of weight control, and, most concerning, that only 56 per cent of those with a lifetime course of the disease with a body mass index of under 18.5 – the lower limit of what the World Health Organization considers healthy (Papier et al., 2017) – were under the care of a medical practitioner (Kirk et al., 2017).This highlights the importance of recognising the illness and seeking appropriate treatment, particularly given the concerning prevalence in young females. There are about 11 females affected by anorexia for every 1 affected male, a huge gender difference that has aroused the curiosity of researchers (van Hoeken, Seidell, & Hoek, 2005; see also Sabel, Rosen, & Mehler, 2014). You may think the reason for the difference is that females are under more social pressure to be thin, but as you will see in the Exploration box, biological factors may also be involved. Individuals with anorexia are getting younger compared to previous generations, with age of onset now commonly around 12–13 years (Favaro, Caregaro, Tenconi, Bosello, & Santonastaso, 2009; Swanson, Crow, Le Grange, Swendsen, & Merikangas, 2011). It is a myth that anorexia nervosa is restricted to adolescent Caucasian females from upper-middle-class backgrounds. It can start in childhood, and can be evident in both genders, across all socioeconomic and racial and ethnic groups (Franko & Goerge, 2009).

Exploration EXPLAINING THE GENDER DIFFERENCE IN EATING DISORDERS Why are eating disorders so much more prevalent among females than males, and why do they become more common at puberty? Some interesting answers have come from research by Kelly Klump and her colleagues. In an early study, these researchers used an eating behaviour survey to identify individuals at risk for eating disorders among female twins who were age 11 and prepubertal, age 11 and pubertal, and age 17 and pubertal (Klump, McGue, & Iacono, 2003). The survey covered areas such as body dissatisfaction, weight preoccupation, and binge eating and purging behaviours. The researchers then compared how similarly identical and fraternal twin pairs responded. In prepubertal girls, genes did not

matter. Heritability was 0 per cent because identical twins were no more similar in their eating attitudes and behaviours than fraternal twins. Shared environmental factors made both types of twins similar to each other. Among girls who had reached puberty, however, identical twins were far more similar than fraternal twins, and genes explained 54 per cent of the variation in survey responses. This study hinted that genes involved in triggering eating disorders in adolescence may be activated by biochemical changes associated with puberty and may not be expressed until adolescence. Does this same increase in the heritability of disordered eating behaviours from pre- to post-puberty

apply to boys? Apparently not. In another study which included both male and female twins, genes accounted for 51 per cent of the variation in boys’ responses to an eating behaviour survey, regardless of whether the survey was taken before puberty, during puberty, or in early adulthood (Klump et al., 2012). In girls, the earlier finding held true: heritability was 0 per cent before puberty but rose to 51 per cent during and after puberty. What accounts for this increase in the heritability of eating-disordered behaviour among girls starting at puberty, then? Klump and her colleagues suspect that increases in female hormones during puberty activate a genetically-based risk for >>>

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>>>

eating disorders in certain girls. One sign is that their basic finding applies not only to humans but to rats. They have shown that differences in eating behaviour between female rats that are or are not genetically predisposed to binge eating do not show up until puberty (Klump, Suisman, Culbert, Kashy, & Sisk, 2011). They point to evidence that female hormones not only orchestrate pubertal development

but also influence neurotransmitters such as serotonin that are implicated in eating disorders (Klump et al., 2012). Finally, they have found that the heritability of eating disorders is high in adolescent twin girls who have high levels of the female hormone oestradiol but low in twins with low levels of this female hormone (Klump, Keel, Sisk, & Burt, 2010). Often we think first of social

and cultural influences when we try to explain eating disorders among adolescent females – factors such as social pressure to conform to the thin ideal. Klump’s research suggests the need to consider biology too – genetic makeup and hormonal influences at puberty – in explaining why some girls in particular are so susceptible to eating disorders when they reach adolescence.

Suspected causes of eating disorders Both nature and nurture contribute to eating disorders. On the nurture side, cultural factors are significant and rates of eating disorders vary widely around the world, being highest in Western or Westernised countries and in urban areas within countries (Anderson-Fye, 2009).We live in a society obsessed with thinness as the standard of physical attractiveness – a society that makes it hard for young people to feel good about themselves (Eddy et al., 2010; Keel & Klump, 2003). As the Western ideal of thinness has spread to other countries, rates of eating disorders in those countries have risen. Interestingly, exposure to television on the island of Fiji converted girls raised to view plump bodies as a status symbol associated with the generous sharing of food into girls who feel too fat and try to lose weight (Becker, Burwell, Herzog, Hamburg, & Gilman, 2002). Well before puberty, starting as early as preschool, girls in our society begin to associate being thin with being attractive, fear becoming fat and wish they were thinner (Hill, 2007). Their desire to be thin and their feelings about themselves and their bodies are influenced by how much emphasis they think their peers place on thinness and how much television they watch focused on appearance (Dohnt & Tiggemann, 2006). Ultrathin Barbie dolls with unattainable body proportions also contribute to young girls’ dissatisfaction with their bodies (Dittmar, Halliwell, & Ive, 2006). Perhaps all these cultural messages explain why about one-quarter of Grade 2 girls in one study dieted (Hill, 2007). As girls experience normal pubertal changes, they naturally gain fat, which gives an indication of why adolescence might be a prime time for the emergence of eating disorders. But why do relatively few adolescent females in our society develop anorexia, even though almost all of them experience social pressure to be thin? Genes, though we are not sure which ones, serve as a diathesis, predisposing certain individuals to develop eating disorders (Eddy et al., 2010; Keel & Klump, 2003; and see again the Exploration box). Twin studies and adoption studies suggest that more than half of the variation in risk for eating disorders is attributable to genes, with the remainder attributable to unique or non-shared environmental factors (Bulik et al., 2006; Klump, Suisman, Burt, McGue, & Iacono, 2009). In a longitudinal study aimed at identifying early risk factors for the development of anorexia by age 30, feeding problems in infancy and a history of undereating were among the predictive factors, suggesting a biologically-based and early-developing problem (Nicholls & Viner, 2009). A number of biochemical abnormalities have been found in individuals with anorexia that may underlie their symptoms (Klump & Culbert, 2007; Wilson, Becker, & Heffernan, 2003). Genes may contribute to low levels of the neurotransmitter serotonin, which is involved in both appetite and mood and has been linked to both eating disorders and mood disorders (Eddy et al., 2010; Klump & Culbert, 2007). The neurotransmitter dopamine has also been implicated because it is involved in the brain’s reward system, and some evidence suggests that eating disorders, like alcohol and drug

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addiction, involve compulsive behaviour that becomes reinforcing (Halmi, 2009; Klump & Culbert, 2007). Genes may also contribute to a personality profile that puts certain individuals at risk; females with anorexia tend to be highly anxious and obsessive perfectionists who are driven to control their eating (Halmi, 2009; Lilenfeld et al., 2006). Yet anorexia may still not emerge unless a genetically predisposed girl living in a weightconscious culture also experiences a buildup of stressful events and a family environment that fosters eating problems (Eddy et al., 2010). Girls who are overly concerned about their weight tend to come from families preoccupied with weight, where mothers may model and reinforce disordered eating (Eddy et al., 2010; Sim et al., 2009; Smolak, 2009). Some are insecurely attached to their parents and show extreme anxiety about separation from loved ones (O’Shaughnessy & Dallos, 2009). So, family dynamics may contribute to anorexia (and to other eating disorders as well), although it is not always clear whether disturbed family dynamics are contributors to or effects of the condition (Sim et al., 2009). Ultimately, it often takes stressors or traumatic events to push a vulnerable young woman over the edge (Reyes-Rodríguez et al., 2011). In anorexia nervosa, we have another clear example of the diathesis-stress model at work. A young woman who is at risk for it partly because of her genetic makeup may not develop anorexia unless she also grows up in a culture that overvalues thinness and in a family that makes it hard to forge a positive identity – and also suffers overwhelming stress.

Prevention and treatment of eating disorders Can eating disorders be prevented before they start? Eric Stice and his colleagues have been testing the effectiveness of a dissonance-producing intervention that can be administered either on the internet or in groups (Stice & Presnell, 2007; Stice, Rohde, Gau, & Shaw, 2009). It attempts to get adolescent girls and young adult women who have body image concerns to stop viewing a thin body as ideal by having them critique the thin ideal in essays, and using role plays. The cognitive dissonance created by coming out against the thin ideal is expected to motivate these young women to stop pursuing thinness as their goal. In an intervention study with 306 adolescent girls who had body image concerns, researchers compared a school-based cognitive dissonance program with an educational brochure on eating disorders. The program proved effective in reducing internalisation of the thin body ideal and in turn reducing body dissatisfaction, dieting efforts and eating disorder symptoms. An internet-based version of the program and group sessions led by peer leaders have also proven effective with both high school and higher education students (Stice, Marti et al., 2013; Stice, Rohde, Shaw, & Marti, 2013). Here, then, an ounce of prevention may be worth at least a pound of cure, although we cannot yet be sure that prevention programs like this truly prevent the disorder. Effective therapies for individuals with anorexia start with behaviour modification programs designed to help them bring their eating behaviour under control, gain weight and deal with any medical problems, in a hospital or treatment facility if necessary (Patel, Pratt, & Greydanus, 2003). In fact, recent research in New Zealand found that the initial treatment line focusing on normalising eating activities, gaining weight, and psycho-education about the illness was significantly more effective than other leading treatment approaches such as CBT and interpersonal therapy (IPT) (McIntosh et al., 2016). After such an approach is adopted, it is possible to move on to individual psychotherapy designed to help the person understand and gain control of their problem and family therapy designed to change parent–child relationships and dynamics, along with medication for depression and related psychological problems (see Grilo & Mitchell, 2010). Research suggests that family therapy approaches may have more lasting effects than individual treatment (Couturier, Kimber, & Szatmari, 2013). The Maudsley approach to family therapy appears

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to be an especially effective approach to treating eating disorders (Hurst, Read, & Wallis, 2012; Loeb et al., 2007; Sperry, Roehrig, & Thompson, 2009). Among its elements are: • focusing on weight gain initially • viewing the family as part of the treatment team rather than the cause of the patient’s problems • temporarily putting parents in charge of getting their child to eat, until she or he is ready to take over that responsibility • gaining the cooperation of all family members and helping them to see the problem as serious but to stop blaming themselves • assessing family interactions surrounding eating and the patient’s symptoms, and helping the family respond more constructively to the patient’s eating behaviour in order to facilitate weight gain • once sufficient weight is gained and control of eating is returned to the adolescent, focusing on any broader family issues such as the adolescent’s need for more autonomy. Individuals with anorexia are difficult to treat because they strongly resist admitting that they have a problem. More success can be achieved if the problem is diagnosed and treated before age 18 than if it becomes chronic (Halmi, 2009). However, many women who receive treatment overcome their eating disorders, or at least significantly improve (Steinhausen, 2007; Wentz, Gillberg, Anckarsäter, Gillberg, & Råstam, 2009).

Search me! and Discover the efficacy of internet-based interventions for the treatment of eating disorders: Dölemeyer, R., Tietjen, A., Kersting, A., & Wagner, B. (2013). Internet-based interventions for eating disorders in adults: A systematic review. BMC Psychiatry, 13, 1–16. doi: 10.1186/1471-244X-13-207

Substance use disorders She lost count of the vodka shots. It was New Year’s Eve … it was time to party. She figured she’d be able to sleep it off – she’d done it before. But by the time she got home the next day, her head was still pounding, her mouth was dry and she couldn’t focus. This time, the symptoms were obvious even to her parents. After that night, she realised, the weekend buzzes had gone from being a maybe to a must. Aratani, 2008, p. C1

One of the ways in which some adolescents explore their identities, strive for peer group acceptance and reach toward adulthood is by experimenting with smoking, drinking and drug use. For some, like the high school student quoted above (and Peggy at the start of the chapter), substance use moves beyond experimentation to abuse. In DSM-5 language, substance use disorders occur when a person continues to use a substance, whether alcohol, marijuana or something else, despite adverse consequences such as putting the individual in physically dangerous situations, interfering with performance in school or at work or contributing to interpersonal problems. People with substance use disorders may crave a substance or substances, be unable to control their use of substances or quit, develop an increased tolerance for a substance, and experience withdrawal symptoms if use is terminated. Substance use disorders increase over the adolescent years, especially starting at around age 15, and then decrease in early adulthood (Chassin, Beltran, Lee, Haller, & Villalta, 2010).

substance use disorders A pattern of continuing use of drugs despite adverse consequences.

Subtance use rates and effects What do we know about substance use by adolescents in Australia and New Zealand? In New Zealand, a recent study showed that substance abuse is predicted by poor social context, drug availability and personal characteristics (Degenhardt, Stockings, Patton, Hall, & Lynskey, 2016). In Australia, the Australian Secondary School Students Alcohol and Drug survey (ASSAD) has tracked licit (legal) and illicit (illegal) drug use for over 25 years. The percentages of Australian adolescents at various ages who reported in 2011 that they had used various drugs is shown in Figure 12.4 (White & Bariola, 2012).The data suggest that use of licit drugs such as alcohol (for those over the age of 18)

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FIGURE 12.4  Percentages of Australian secondary school students who report ever using licit or illicit drugs 100

12–13 years old

90

14–15 years old

80

16–17 years old

Per cent

70 60 50 40 30 20 10

s er oid St

ine ca Co

s te pia O

H

all

uc

ino

ge

ns

Ec sta sy

s ine am et ph

Am

Se da tiv es

ts lan ha In

Ca

nn

ab

is

o cc ba To

co h Al

An

alg

es ics

ol

0

Source: Adapted from White & Bariola (2012), with permission of Centre for Behavioural Research in Cancer, Cancer Council Victoria.

Express For additional insight on the data presented in Figure 12.4 try out the Understanding the data exercise on CourseMate Express.

is common among adolescents and that, apart from cannabis, other illicit drugs are tried by few. Data from the 2012 Youth 2000 survey indicates a similar trend for New Zealand teens aged 13–17 years: 57 per cent have tried alcohol, 23 per cent cannabis, and 3 per cent or less ecstasy, heroin or methamphetamines (Clark et al., 2013). For most substances, use increases with age. The exception is inhalants (glue, nail polish remover, solvents and so on), which are used more by young teenagers than by older teenagers, probably because they are cheap and readily obtainable around the house and at stores. Alcohol has long been the most widely used substance (after analgesics) by adolescents. For New Zealand teens, 57 per cent have tried alcohol, 18 per cent drink frequently and 23 per cent binge drink (in New Zealand, this is defined as drinking more than five drinks in one session) (Clark et al., 2013). For Australian teens aged 12–17, 74 per cent have tried alcohol, 17 per cent currently drink, and 6 per cent binge drink (in Australia, this is defined as drinking more than four drinks in one session) – although binge drinking rises to 16 per cent for 16- to 17-year-olds (White & Bariola, 2012). The prevalence of binge drinking for Australian and New Zealand teens is concerning, as the potential for brain damage during a time of important brain development – neural pruning, and even death – from this kind of ‘drinking to get drunk’ is real. One emergency room doctor stated: ‘We’re seeing kids coming in with blood alcohol levels in the mid-.3s, even .4, which is four to five times the legal limit for driving. That’s the level at which 50 per cent of people die’ (Listfield, 2011, p. 7). Also concerning is that early alcohol use in adolescence has been shown to be related to later drug dependence in New Zealand youth (Newton-Howes & Boden, 2015). Teens under the influence of alcohol are likely to make additional risky choices that can have negative consequences for themselves or others. For example, 62 per cent of Australian teens have experienced at least one negative outcome of drinking alcohol, including having an argument (27 per cent) and using other drugs after drinking (18 per cent) (White & Bariola, 2012). For New Zealand teens, 15 per cent have been injured as a result of alcohol use and 12 per cent have had unsafe sex (Clark et al., 2013).Teens who continue to drink after experiencing adverse consequences are at risk of developing substance dependence in adulthood: longitudinal findings from the New Zealand Dunedin Study found alcohol dependence in the 30s was predicted by daily teen drinking

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FIGURE 12.5  Percentages of New Zealand secondary school students who report binge drinking, 2001, 2007 and 2012 Note: In New Zealand, binge drinking is defined as five or more alcoholic drinks in one session (within a 4-hour period).

100

Male Female

80 Per cent

and continued use of alcohol despite experiencing drinkingrelated problems (Meier et al., 2013; and see Dodge et al., 2009). Then there are the negative impacts on academic achievement, occupational success and interpersonal relationships (Colder, Chassin, Lee, & Villatta, 2010). Some good news is that use of most licit and illicit drugs has been decreasing over the last decade, including binge drinking – from 10 per cent in 2005 to 6  per  cent in 2011 for Australian teens, and from 40 per cent in 2001 down to 23 per cent in 2012 for New Zealand teens (see Figure 12.5). Males have traditionally had higher rates of substance use than females, but the gap has narrowed and there are now few gender differences in drug use (Clark et al., 2013; White &  Smith, 2010; White & Bariola, 2012). Ethnic differences in substance use are evident – tobacco, alcohol and illicit drug use is more common among Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander students than non–Indigenous (White & Smith, 2010), and Maˉori teens have a higher prevalence of having tried alcohol and binge drinking than any other ethnic group in New Zealand (Ameratunga et al., 2011).

60 40 20 0

2001

2007 Year

2012

Source: Adapted from Clark, Fleming, Bullen, Denny, Crengle, Dyson, & Utter (2013), with permission of The University of Auckland. © 2013.

A cascade model of contributors to substance use It is now evident that the developmental pathway to adolescent substance use and abuse begins in childhood. A major study by Kenneth Dodge and others (2009) attempted to integrate what is known about contributors to the use of illicit drugs in adolescence in a cascade model of substance use, as shown in Figure 12.6. Similar cascade models have been formulated to help account for the development of a variety of problems (Dodge et al., 2008; Masten et al., 2005; and see Chapter 10). A cascade model is a transactional, multifactorial model that envisions development as a flow of water over a series of waterfalls, gaining momentum as it goes; each influence along the way helps realise the previous factors and contributes to the next influence in the chain. Dodge’s cascade of substance abuse: 1 begins with a child who is at risk due to a difficult temperament, who is born into 2 an adverse family environment characterised by such problems as poverty, stress and substance use, and is 3 exposed to harsh parenting and family conflict, and therefore develops 4 behaviour problems, especially aggression and conduct problems, and therefore is 5 rejected by peers and gets into more trouble at school, so that 6 parents, perhaps in frustration, give up trying to monitor and supervise their now difficult-tocontrol adolescent child, which contributes to 7 involvement in a deviant peer group, where the adolescent is exposed to and reinforced for drug taking and other deviant behaviour. The cascade model was tested in a longitudinal study in the US, which entailed annual assessments of 585 children from pre-kindergarten through to their final year of high school (Spoth, Trudeau, Guyll, Shin, & Redmond, 2009). Substance use was measured in grades 7–12, defined as any use of marijuana, inhalants, cocaine, heroin or other illicit drugs. Use clearly increased with age, from 5 per cent in Year 7 to 22 per cent in Year 10 to 51 per cent in Year 12. The seven groups of factors in the cascade model were correlated with one another and for the most part each predicted both the next step in the cascade and involvement in substance use. All in all, the model captures well the developmental concept that adolescent problem behaviours and psychological disorders do

LINKAGES Chapter 10 Social cognition and moral development

cascade model of substance use Transactional, multifactorial model of substance use that envisions a chain of influences starting with a child with a difficult temperament born into a troubled family and ending with involvement in a deviant adolescent peer group.

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FIGURE 12.6  A cascade model of substance use Difficult child factors Early parenting problems Adverse sociocultural context

Early behaviour problems Early peer problems Adolescent parenting problems Adolescent peer problems

Initiation of illicit substance use

Source: Dodge et al. (2009), Figure 1. John Wiley & Sons. © 2009. Permission conveyed through Copyright Clearance Center, Inc.

MAKING CONNECTIONS Based on observations of yourself as a teen or others you know, to what extent do you think the cascade model captures all the factors that might influence substance use?

not spring out of nowhere; rather, they grow out of the cumulative effects of transactions among an individual and parents, peers and other aspects of the social environment over many years. The model points to the possible value of substance abuse prevention programs targeting at-risk children long before adolescence. However, although it becomes harder to stop the cascade toward substance use as the years go by, there are new opportunities to intervene at each step, and we know that preventative interventions to delay drinking and drug use in adolescence can head off problematic substance use in adulthood (Spoth, Trudeau, Guyll, Shin, & Redmond, 2009; and see Sloboda, 2009).

GENETIC CONTRIBUTIONS What is missing from the cascade model? Other explanations of substance use and abuse put more emphasis on genetic contributors. Because of their genes, some individuals, such as those with conduct disorders, are more vulnerable to substance abuse and/or to the effects of the sorts of environmental influences described in the cascade model (Armstrong & Costello, 2002; Dick, Prescott, & McGue, 2009; Sartor et al., 2010). Consider, however, that Candice Odgers, Avshalom Caspi and other New Zealand researchers (2008) found that Dunedin Study adolescents without prior conduct problems were just as likely as those with conduct disorders to develop substance dependence and experience negative outcomes associated with alcohol use. Moreover, the socialisation effects of peer drinking (effects of peers’ substance use on an adolescent’s use) in the cascade model could instead be selection effects (effects of genes on whether an adolescent hangs out with drinking or non-drinking friends). Jennifer Hill and colleagues (2008) found that adolescents’ predispositions to drink alcohol, which were influenced by both their genetic makeup and shared family environmental influences, led them over time to associate with friends whose predispositions to drink matched their own.Thus, the study supported the selection hypothesis over the socialisation hypothesis: friends’ drinking did not influence

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adolescent behaviour so much as reflect it (Hill, Emery, Harden, Mendle, & Turkheimer, 2008). Other studies, however, suggest that both socialisation and selection shape adolescent substance use. Jennifer Cruz and her colleagues (2012), for example, established that the level of alcohol use in an adolescent’s peer network predicted changes over time in the adolescent’s drinking, even with genetic factors controlled. In fact, when identical twins differed in their drinking habits, the twin whose peer group drank a lot drank more than the twin whose peer group drank less – solid evidence of a true peer socialisation effect. At the same time, there was evidence that certain teens, due to a genetic predisposition to drink, chose drinking friends – support for the selection hypothesis. Similarly, a study of almost 2000 adolescents in New Zealand found that negative peer influence was predictive of increased use of all substances, including cigarettes, alcohol, marijuana and other illicit drugs (McDonough, Jose, & Stuart, 2016). It appears that adolescent substance use can indeed be influenced by peer use of substances – but it is also partly the product of genetic makeup and its influence on which crowds adolescents choose to associate with. In the end, alcohol and drug abuse are the developmental outcomes of interactions among genes and a cascade of many environmental factors.

Depression and suicidality Before puberty, boys and girls have similarly low rates of depression; after puberty, rates climb, and we end up with twice the rate of depression for females as for males in adolescence and adulthood, in our society and in others (Garber, 2010). In one study of female adolescents, the rate of major depressive disorder at some time in the individual’s life was 1 per cent among girls younger than age 12 but 17 per cent among young women age 19 and older – about 1 in 6 (Glowinski et al., 2003). Adolescent depression looks much like adult depression. However, depressed adolescents sometimes act out and look more like delinquents than like someone with depression. They also may show more ‘vegetative’ symptoms, such as lacking energy and sleeping all the time (Garber, 2010).

Factors in depression Why is adolescence a depressing period for some? For one thing, genetic influences on symptoms of depression seem to become stronger in adolescence than they were in childhood (Rutter, Moffitt, & Caspi, 2006; Scourfield et al., 2003). Pubertal changes may be responsible (Conley & Rudolph, 2009). In addition, teenagers, especially females, who have experienced family disruption and loss in childhood may be especially vulnerable to interpersonal stress after they reach puberty (Flook, 2011; Rudolph & Flynn, 2007). Females are also more likely than males to experience an accumulation of stressful events in early adolescence (Mezulis, Hyde, Simonson, & Charbonneau, 2011). Experiencing such events – especially interpersonal ones such as relationship breakups – predicts increases in depressive symptoms (Ge, Natsuaki, & Conger, 2006). Girls are also more likely than boys to rely on ruminative coping, dwelling unproductively on their problems (Nolen-Hoeksema, Wisco, & Lyubomirsky, 2008). Compared to coping tactics favoured by boys, such as distraction and active problem solving, ruminative coping may make problems worse. Indeed, heavy reliance on ruminative coping is now viewed as a risk factor not only for depression but for anxiety, substance use and eating disorders (Nolen-Hoeksema & Watkins, 2011; Nolen-Hoeksema, Stice, Wade, & Bohon, 2007). In the chapter Professional practice box, Dr Kumari Fernando Valentine, a clinical psychologist, overviews how she helps her clients to identify and address ruminative coping.

ruminative coping Way of managing stress that involves dwelling on problems and attempting to analyse them.

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Professional practice

Rumination, or ruminative coping, is considered to be a risk factor for a number of psychological disorders. How do you help your clients to identify and address ruminative coping? I love working with rumination and reading anything about rumination. I would strongly encourage people to read the Susan Nolen-Hoeksema book, Women Who Think Too Much: How to Break Free of Overthinking and Reclaim Your Life, because it is a fantastic work that is based on her extensive research on rumination. Now the issue is that although rumination is more present in women and in some samples accounts for the gender difference in depression, men ruminate as well. So the steps that I’ve developed use the mnemonic KICK – you want to KICK rumination, and this is what it involves: 1 Know you’re ruminating, and it can be difficult for people to know they’re ruminating; however, once we discuss a definition of rumination, which is about overthinking, going over and over

in cycles, most people readily recognise and agree that this is something they’re doing. The literature and my clinical experience are consistent with the fact that when people ruminate they feel worse, they feel more anxious, their mood goes down. This negative cycle is in contrast to what happens when people reflect. When we reflect on something we feel lighter, we ask ourselves ‘how can I do this differently?’ When we ruminate, on the other hand, we ask ourselves ‘why did I do this?’, ‘why am I always like this?’ Research indicates there are two components to rumination, there’s a brooding component, which is the pathological aspect, and there’s a reflective component, which is innocuous. 2 Interrupt the rumination cycle. Some ways that we can interrupt this that are evidence based include distraction and the use of mindfulness. I also find interrupting rumination is useful when clients do problem solving – research indicates

Source: Kumari Fernando Valentine

KICK-ING THE RUMINATION HABIT

Dr Kumari Fernando Valentine, MNZCCP, Clinical Psychologist, Dunedin, Aotearoa New Zealand

that we use rumination because we think we’re moving closer to a solution, but actually the solutions we generate are poorer quality as objectively assessed. 3 Choose an alternative course of action (for example, mindfulness) 4 Keep at it. Rumination is a behaviour that is developed over time, it is very easy for us to go back to rumination especially when we’re not feeling so good, so we have to keep at it.

Suicidality As depression becomes more common from childhood to adolescence, so do suicidal thoughts, suicide attempts and actual suicides. Individuals with major depression are more likely to make suicide attempts during adolescence than before or after (Rohde, Lewinsohn, Klein, Seeley, & Gau, 2013). For every adolescent suicide, there are many unsuccessful attempts; suicidal thoughts are even more common (Shaffer & Pfeffer, 2001). But before you conclude that adolescence is the peak time for suicidal behaviour, consider the suicide rates presented in the Statistics snapshot box. In Australia and New Zealand, it is clear that adults are more likely to commit suicide than adolescents, a trend also evident in other countries, such as the United States (National Center for Health Statistics, 2010). Rates of suicide also seem to vary among Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander and non-Indigenous people, although the data on Indigenous suicide rates is limited and should be interpreted with caution. Overall, too, males are more likely to commit suicide than females, by a ratio of around 3 to 1 – a difference that holds up across most cultures studied (Shaffer & Pfeffer, 2001). When we look at suicide attempts, this ratio is reversed, with females leading males by a ratio of about 3 to 1. Apparently, then, females attempt suicide more often than males do, but males more often commit suicide when they try. This is probably because they use more lethal techniques, such as firearms.

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Statistics snapshot SUICIDE RATES In Australia … • In 2015, suicide was ranked as the thirteenth leading cause of death across all ages; the second leading cause of death in adults aged 45–54; and the number-one cause of death in those aged 15–44. • The suicide rate across all age groups in 2015 was 12.6 deaths per 100 000 population – the highest rate recorded in the past 10 years. • In 2015, there were 19.3 male deaths per 100 000 male population, and 6.1 female deaths per 100 000 female population – a ratio of male to female suicide of just over 3 to 1. • As shown in Figure 12.7, in 2015, the peak age for suicide was 45–49 years (10.8 per cent of all suicides); the lowest suicide rate was for those aged 80–84 years (2.3 per cent of all suicides). • In 2015, suicide accounted for 5.2 per cent of all Aboriginal and

Torres Strait Islander Australian deaths, compared with just 1.8 per cent of non-Indigenous Australian deaths. • In 2015, suicide was the leading cause of death for young Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Australians, with those aged 5–17 years accounting for almost 27 per cent of total suicides. • For the period 2011–2015, the rate of suicide for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander young Australians (5–17 years) was 9.3 per 100 000. • Between 2011 and 2015, across all ages, suicide rates were considerably higher for Indigenous versus non-Indigenous Australians – and 2 to 4 times higher in those aged 15–44 years. In New Zealand … • The suicide rate across all age groups in 2013 was 11 deaths per 100 000 population.

• In 2013, there were 16 male deaths per 100 000 male population, and 6.3 female deaths per 100 000 female population – a ratio of male to female suicide of almost 3 to 1. • In 2013, the peak age for suicide was 45–49 years (19.2 deaths per 100 000); the lowest suicide rate was for the 10–14 age group (0.7 deaths per 100 000) followed by adults 65–69 (4.9 deaths per 100 000). As shown in Figure 12.8, in 2013 the peak age for female suicides was 15–19 years; the peak age for male suicides was 85 years and over. • In 2011 the suicide rate was 1.8 times higher for Maˉori than for nonMaˉori New Zealanders. The suicide rate for young people 15–24 years of age was 2.4 times higher for Maˉori than non-Maˉori New Zealanders.

FIGURE 12.7  Age-specific suicide rates in Australia in 2015 per 100 000 people, by age and sex 12 Male

Female

Persons

10

% of suicide death

8

6

4

2

0 15–19 20–24 25–29 30–34 35–39 40–44 45–49 50–54 55–59 60–64 65–69 70–74 75–79 80–84 85 and over Age Source: Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2015.

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FIGURE 12.8  Age-specific suicides rates in New Zealand in 2013 per 100 000 people, by age and sex 10 to 14 Male

15 to 19

Female

Total

20 to 24 25 to 29 30 to 34 35 to 39 40 to 44 Age group (years)

652

45 to 49 50 to 54 55 to 59 60 to 64 65 to 69 70 to 74 75 to 79 80 to 84 851 Total 0

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

40

45

Deaths per 100 000 population Source: Data © Crown Copyright. Licensed from Stats New Zeland for use under the Creative Commons Attribution licence (BY) 4.0.

Sources: Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2015; New Zealand Ministry of Health, 2014b

If suicide rates are higher in adulthood than in adolescence, why do we hear so much about teenage suicide? Probably because adolescents attempt suicide more frequently than do adults. The typical adolescent suicide attempt has been characterised as a ‘cry for help’ – a desperate effort to get others to notice and help resolve problems that have become unbearable. The adolescent who attempts suicide often wants a better life rather than death.This by no means suggests that adolescent suicide attempts should be taken lightly. Indeed, even suicidal thoughts during adolescence should be taken seriously; adolescents who have such thoughts are more likely than those who do not to have attempted suicide, to have psychological disorders and to display difficulties in functioning at age 30 (Reinherz, Tanner, Berger, Beardslee, & Fitzmaurice, 2006). And  even though the suicide rate for teenagers may be lower than for other age groups, suicide is the leading cause of death for Australian and New Zealand youth aged 15–24 years (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2015; New Zealand Ministry of Health, 2014). Hence, adolescent suicide continues to be an important public health issue.

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RESPONDING TO SUICIDE – PREVENTION, INTERVENTION AND POSTVENTION With the increasing rates of suicide in adolescents in particular, there has been a strong emphasis on school-based prevention programs. These programs focus on: • educating students and school staff to be aware of warning signs • providing gatekeeper training for staff to know how to respond effectively • delivering leadership training for students to know how to refer their peers of concern to a safe adult • building resilience in all students through problem-solving, decision-making and coping skills training • screening/assessment for risk, particularly in vulnerable groups (Surgenor, Quinn, & Hughs, 2016). Such prevention programs are particularly important for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander youth, who have a suicide rate four times that of non-Indigenous Australians (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2012a), and especially in remote areas such as the Kimberley region (Campbell, Chapman, McHugh, Sng, & Balaratnasingam, 2016). However, cultural adaptations are required, and surprisingly there are relatively few prevention programs tailored specifically to Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander youth (see McCalman et al., 2016; Nasir et al., 2017). Interventions typically involve linking families with community support services, where they may receive family-based interventions and CBT as well as possible hospitalisation and/or antidepressant medication (see Asarnow, Hughes, Babeva, & Sugar, 2017; Yaseen, Galynker, Cohen, & Briggs, 2017). Postvention is also important when a suicide has occurred because it can result in severe grief reactions and increased risk for developing mental and physical health problems in people close to the deceased, particularly those who do not receive support (Schneider, Grebner, Shnabel & Georgi, 2011; De Groot & Kollen, 2013). Support can be informal, from friends and family, as well as formal, from recognised agencies and trained health professionals. In a recent study of helpful versus unhelpful responses, bereaved individuals (see Chapter 13) revealed that they found the most benefit in feeling understood by others; having support services initiate immediate contact with them rather than vice versa; experiencing sensitive and respectful encounters with emergency, community and social services; and experiencing (especially random) acts of kindness and compassion from others (Peters, Cunningham, Murphy, & Jackson, 2016).

LINKAGES Chapter 13 The final challenge: Death and dying

SUICIDAL IDEATION, NON-SUICIDAL SELF INJURY, AND THE DIATHESIS-STRESS MODEL The diathesis-stress model is key, and applies to both suicidality and non-suicidal self-injury, with the latter sometimes misunderstood to be suicide attempts.The two are distinctly different presentations, although they are related, with non-suicidal self-injury predicting later suicide attempts. A recent study in New Zealand found that non-suicidal self-injury was predicted by a combination of an anxiety disorder, substance abuse, suicidal ideation, and a history of child abuse, giving weight to the stress-diathesis model (Coppersmith, Nada-Raja, & Beautrais, 2017). Similarly, suicidal behaviour in adolescence is the product of diathesis and stress, with four key risk factors identified (Gould, Greenberg,Velting, & Shaffer, 2003; and see Beautrais, 2003): • Psychological disorder. More than 90 per cent of adolescent suicide victims, partly because of genetic predisposition, have been found to have depression, a substance-related disorder, an anxiety disorder or another diagnosable psychological problem at the time of their death (Shaffer & Pfeffer, 2001). The more problem behaviours an adolescent displays (binge drinking, risky sexual behaviour, eating disorders, aggression and so on), the more likely he or she is to go from thinking suicidally to taking action (Miller & Taylor, 2005).

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• Family pathology. Many suicide attempters also have histories of troubled family relationships, and

Search me! and Think Access the Psychology database and research the topic of depression and suicidality.

often psychopathology or even suicide may run in the family. • Stressful life events. In the period leading up to a suicide attempt, the adolescent has often experienced a buildup of stressful life events that breeds a sense of helplessness – deteriorating relationships with parents and peers, academic and social failures and run-ins with the law (Woo & Keatinge, 2008). • Access to a means to commit suicide. The availability of a means to commit suicide, such as firearms or medications, makes it easy to act on suicidal impulses. The adolescent who attempts suicide once may try again if he or she receives little help and continues to feel incapable of coping with problems; as a result, professional help is called for after an unsuccessful suicide attempt (Rotheram-Borus, Piacentini, Cantwell, Belin & Song, 2000). Although, as we have seen, adolescence is not a time of ‘storm and stress’ for most, it is a period in which biological, psychological and social influences can conspire to make several mental health problems more likely. The chapter Engagement box shows some of the behavioural warning signs that can help you recognise that someone you know may be planning suicide and need help.

Engagement IS SOMEONE YOU KNOW SUICIDAL? Do you have any friends, relatives or acquaintances who you think might be suicidal? Consider whether you have observed any of the warning signs of suicide – these can be ‘words’, ‘actions’ or ‘feelings’.

Words • Talks, writes or otherwise expresses a preoccupation with suicide or death in general • Complains of being a bad person or being ‘rotten inside’ • Gives verbal hints, such as ‘I’d be better off dead’, ‘I won’t be a problem for you much longer’, ‘Nothing matters’, ‘It’s no use’ and ‘I won’t see you again’.

Actions • Withdraws from friends or family • Significantly changes eating, sleeping or appearance habits • Experiences a sudden drop in academic performance • Puts his or her affairs in order; for example, gives away favourite items, cleans room or throws away important belongings

• Acts in rash, hostile or irrational ways; often expresses rage.

Feelings • Feels overwhelmingly hopeless, guilty or ashamed • Shows little interest in favourite activities or the future • Becomes suddenly cheerful after a period of depression (perhaps feeling that a ‘solution’ to his or her problems has been found).

What you can do • If you have any concerns that a friend or relative might be contemplating suicide, check it out by discussing it with the person. In a caring manner and at a time when you are both relaxed you might try saying something like, ‘I’m worried about you. Are you thinking of ending your life?’ Asking about suicide will not encourage the person to do it, but will communicate care and concern and may help the person to talk about it and get help. • Offer support and encourage

the person to seek help from a professional, such as a doctor or psychologist, or from helplines, such as Lifeline in Australia (131 114) and New Zealand (0800 543 354). • If the person is in immediate danger or has hurt themselves, don’t leave them alone, and get help immediately by calling for an ambulance using the local emergency services number (000 in Australia and 111 in New Zealand). • Remember to also look after yourself. Sharing your concerns and feelings with someone you trust, such as a family member, friend, professional or helpline is important for your own wellbeing.

More information and support Check out the portal websites below that connect to comprehensive information about suicide, mental health problems and (often free) online support and treatment programs, with much information on both websites relevant in both the Australian and New Zealand contexts:

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• Head to Health (Australia): https:// headtohealth.gov.au/ • Mental Health Services (New Zealand): http://www.health.govt.nz/ your-health/services-and-support/ health-care-services/mental-healthservices.

Crisis helplines In Australia ... Lifeline: 13 11 14 Suicide Call Back Service: 1300 659 467 Kids Helpline (for young people aged 5–25 years): 1800 55 1800

In New Zealand … Lifeline: 0800 543 354, or (09) 5222 999 within Auckland Suicide Crisis Helpline: 0508 828 865 (0508 TAUTOKO) Healthline: 0800 611 116 Samaritans: 0800 726 666

Sources: Adapted from US Department of Health and Human Services, Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration, 2007; and ReachOut, 2010.

IN REVIEW CHECKING UNDERSTANDING

CRITICAL THINKING

1 What are three main factors that contribute to anorexia nervosa?

Peggy, the young woman described at the beginning of the chapter, attempted suicide. Using the material in this section of the chapter, suggest why she might have done so, showing how both diathesis and stress may have contributed.

2 Judging from the cascade model of substance use, what are the factors you might look for if you wanted to identify children who are at risk for illicit drug use when they become adolescents? 3 How do males and females differ with respect to (a) suicide attempts and (b) completed suicides?

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12.5 THE ADULT ■■ ■■ ■■ ■■

Outline age, gender and ethnic differences in adult distress and depression. Discuss the treatment of depression in adulthood. Summarise features of ageing, delirium and dementia. Describe Alzheimer’s in terms of its characteristics, warning signs, and contributing factors.

Learning objectives

It may surprise you to hear this, but by the time we reach adulthood, it appears that most of us have already had at least one diagnosable psychological disorder, whether it was recognised and treated or not. This surprising finding comes from studies that administer diagnostic interviews repeatedly over the years rather than asking retrospectively about previous disorders. One such study involved interviews conducted nine times between age 9 and age 21 with a sample of children and their parents (Copeland et al., 2011). Over 60 per cent of participants had met the criteria for a psychological disorder at some point in their lives – and another 20 per cent had what DSM calls a ‘subthreshold’ or less clear-cut case of disorder at some point.While community surveys like this may overestimate rates of disorder, they make the point that many of us move back and forth between ‘normal’ and ‘abnormal’ developmental pathways over our lives. We need to keep in mind, too, that some adults are more at risk for psychological distress and disorder – the chapter Diversity box examines ethnicity as one such risk factor. Most adult psychological disorders originate in childhood or adolescence. And, as is true of psychological problems in childhood and adolescence, psychological problems in adulthood usually emerge when a vulnerable individual faces overwhelming stress. As it turns out, adults typically experience the greatest number of life strains in early adulthood (Almeida, Piazza, Stawski, &

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Klein, 2011). Life strains decrease from early to middle adulthood, perhaps as adults settle into more stable lifestyles and stop changing residences, jobs and relationships so much. And older adults? Despite increased health problems, elderly adults report fewer hassles and strains overall than middle-aged adults do (Almeida & Horn, 2004; Almeida et al., 2011). This may be because they have fewer roles and responsibilities to juggle or because they have learned to take more problems in stride. Age differences in stressful experiences may help explain the finding that rates of psychological disorders, such as affective disorders (major depression and related mood disorders), anxiety disorders, alcohol abuse and dependence, and schizophrenia decrease from early adulthood to late adulthood (see, for example, Kessler et al., 2010). The only category of disorder that increases with age is cognitive impairment, undoubtedly because some older adults develop Alzheimer’s disease and other forms of dementia. In this section, then, we focus on an examination of Alzheimer’s disease and related cognitive impairments in later life. But first, we look more closely at depression, the disorder we have been tracking throughout this chapter.

Diversity ETHNIC DIFFERENCES IN RATES OF PSYCHOLOGICAL DISTRESS Although there are limited data, what is available does indicate that Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander adults and those from culturally and linguistically diverse backgrounds have higher rates of psychological distress and disorder than other groups in society. For example, in 2012–2013, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Australian adults were 2.7 times as likely as non-Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people to feel high or very high levels of psychological distress (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2012b). In 2011–2012, the rate of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander

hospitalisation for mental disorders was 2.1 times the rate for nonAboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people (Australian Institute of Health and Welfare, 2013c). In New Zealand in 2012–2013, Maˉori adults were 1.7 times as likely and Pasifika adults were 1.4 times as likely to have experienced psychological distress as nonMaˉori and non-Pasifika adults (New Zealand Ministry of Health, 2013a). The factors contributing to these differences between Indigenous and non-Indigenous people are complex, but among the causes are stresses associated with socioeconomic

disadvantage, comorbid conditions such as alcohol and other substance use disorders, and Indigenous people’s experience of intergenerational distress and trauma associated with a history of colonisation (Burns et al., 2014; Oakley Browne et al., 2006). People from culturally and linguistically diverse backgrounds also face a number of stresses that may put them at increased risk of depression, such as the challenges associated with immigration, acculturation and developing proficiency in a new language (Kuo, Chong, & Joseph, 2008).

Depression in adulthood Major depression and other affective disorders are among the most common psychological problems experienced by adults. Who gets depressed, and what does this reveal?

Age, gender and ethnic differences About 1 in 7 Australians (14 per cent) and 1 in 5 New Zealanders (20 per cent) can expect to experience depression at some point in their lives (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2008b; Oakley Browne et al., 2006). The average age of onset of major depression is in the early 20s (Woo & Keatinge, 2008). Contrary to stereotypes of elderly people, older adults tend to be less vulnerable to major depression and other severe affective disorders than young or middle-aged adults are (Hybels, Blazer, & Hays, 2009; Kessler et al., 2010). Still, there are good reasons to be concerned about depression in old age.

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First, we know that depressed elderly adults are more likely than depressed adolescents to take their own lives (see again the Statistics snapshot box). Second, reports of depression symptoms, if not diagnosable disorders, increase when people reach their 70s and beyond (Nguyen & Zonderman, 2006; Teachman, 2006). Although only about 1–2 per cent of elderly adults have major depressive disorder at a given time, somewhere between 15–25 per cent experience symptoms of depression (Hybels et al., 2009; Knight, Kaskie, Shurgot, & Dave, 2006). These individuals are most likely to be very old women who are physically ill, poor and socially isolated (Falcon & Tucker, 2000). Might some of these mildly depressed and demoralised elders have a more serious but undiagnosed depressive disorder? It’s possible. Depression can be difficult to diagnose in later adulthood (Charney et al., 2003). Think about it: symptoms of depression include fatigue and lack of energy, sleeping difficulties, cognitive deficits and somatic (body) complaints.What if an elderly individual and/or his or her doctor note these symptoms but interpret them as nothing more than ageing, as the result of the chronic illnesses so common in old age or medications for them, or as signs of dementia? A case of depression could be missed.To complicate matters, elderly adults sometimes deny that they are sad and report mainly their somatic symptoms, which could be interpreted as signs of physical disease (Edelstein & Segal, 2011; Nguyen & Zonderman, 2006).Thus, clinicians working with elderly adults need to be sensitive to the differences between normal ageing, disease, and psychopathology. For the most part, they are, and depression is diagnosed appropriately (Whitbourne & Meeks, 2011). As noted already in the chapter, women are twice as likely as men to be diagnosed as depressed. This gender difference probably results from a variety of factors (Hilt & Nolen-Hoeksema, 2014; Kuehner, 2003): hormones and biological reactions to stress; levels of stress (including more exposure to interpersonal stressors among women); ways of expressing distress (women being more likely to express classic depression symptoms, men being more likely to become angry or overindulge in alcohol and drugs); and styles of coping with distress (especially the tendency for women to engage in the counterproductive ruminative coping we referred to earlier). Interestingly, male and female rates of depression become more similar in old age (Wasserman, 2006). Racial-ethnic differences in depression are also evident in adulthood (Kuo, Chong, & Joseph, 2008).

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Snapshot

Although few elderly adults are diagnosed with depression, a sizeable minority experiences at least some symptoms of depression.

Treating adult depression One of the biggest challenges in treating adults with major depression and other psychological disorders is getting them to seek treatment; many eventually do, but often after going years without help (Wang et al., 2005). Elderly adults are especially likely to go undiagnosed and untreated, particularly those from minority groups (Karel, Gatz, & Smyer, 2012; Neighbors et al., 2007). Older adults and members of their families may believe, wrongly, that problems such as depression and anxiety are a normal part of getting older or becoming ill or that it is somehow shameful to have psychological problems or need help. Mental health professionals, meanwhile, may underdiagnose or misdiagnose the problems of elderly individuals or may view elderly adults as less treatable than younger adults (Graham et al., 2003; Meeks et al., 2009). Few psychologists and psychiatrists are specially trained to treat a growing global population of older adults (Karel et al., 2012). Despite these barriers, depressed adults, including the elderly, who seek psychotherapy benefit from it (Scogin,Walsh, Hanson, Stump, & Coates, 2005). Moreover, those treated with antidepressant drugs not only overcome their depression in most cases but also show improved cognitive functioning (Blazer, 2003; Butters et al., 2000). As with many psychological problems, the most effective approach for treating adults of all ages is often a combination of drug treatment to correct imbalances in brain chemistry, as well as as psychotherapy, especially CBT, aimed at addressing carefully identified problems (Hollon, Thase, & Markowitz, 2002).

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Source: Shutterstock.com/De Visu

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dementia A progressive deterioration of neural functioning associated with cognitive decline in aspects such as memory and judgement.

Ageing and dementia

Percentage with dementia

Perhaps nothing scares us more about ageing than the thought that we will become ‘senile’, or in other words, develop dementia. Dementia is a progressive deterioration of neural functioning associated with cognitive decline – for example, memory impairment, declines in tested intellectual ability, poor judgement, difficulty thinking abstractly and often personality changes as well (Lyketsos, 2009). The term dementia has been dropped from DSM-5 in favour of the less stigmatising term FIGURE 12.9  Percentage of older adults with dementia by ‘neurocognitive disorder’ but we will continue to use age group both terms interchangeably here. Different causes of 40 neurocognitive disorder, such as Alzheimer’s disease, 37.4 are distinguished as subtypes, and each has ‘major’ and 35 32.7 ‘minor’, or more and less severe, forms (American 30 Psychiatric Association, 2013; Bajenaru, Tiu, Antochi, & Roceanu, 2012). 25 Developing dementia is not part of normal ageing. 20 Yet rates of dementia increase steadily with age. Overall, 18.6 15 dementia affects up to 10 per cent of adults age 65 and older (Karel et al., 2012). Rates climb steeply with age, 10 7.6 as shown in Figure 12.9 – from less than 2 per cent at 5 age 65–69 to over 35 per cent at age 90 and older. 1.4 2.9 Dementia is not a single disorder. Many different 0 65–69 70–74 75–79 80–84 85–89 90+ conditions can produce symptoms we associate with Age group dementia, and some of them are curable or reversible. Source: Karel, Gatz, & Smyer (2012), Table 1. The American Psychological Association. Let us look at Alzheimer’s disease first, and then at © 2012. related conditions.

Alzheimer’s disease With Alzheimer’s disease, you just know you’re going to forget things, and it’s impossible to put things where you can’t forget them because people like me can always find a place to lose things and we have to flurry all over the house to figure where in the heck I left whatever it was … . It’s usually my glasses … You’ve got to have a sense of humor in this kind of business, and I think it’s interesting how many places I can find to lose things … [People with Alzheimer’s] want things like they used to be. And we just hate the fact that we cannot be what we used to be. It hurts like hell. Cary Henderson, age 64, former history professor diagnosed with Alzheimer’s disease at age 55( Rovner, 1994, pp. 12–13)

Alzheimer’s disease A pathological condition of the nervous system that results in an irreversible loss of cognitive capacities; the leading cause of dementia in later life.

Alzheimer’s disease is the most common cause of dementia, or major neurocognitive disorder,

accounting for 50–70 per cent of all cases (Geldmacher, 2009; Qui & Fratiglioni, 2009). The disease can strike in middle age but becomes increasingly likely with advancing age. Because more people are living into advanced old age, more will end up with Alzheimer’s disease unless ways of preventing it or slowing its progression are found. Alzheimer’s disease leaves two telltale signs in the brain: senile plaques (masses of dying neural material with a toxic protein called beta-amyloid at their core) and neurofibrillary tangles (twisted strands of neural fibres and the protein tau within the bodies of neural cells). The effects of these physical changes – loss of connections between neurons, deterioration and death of neurons, increasingly impaired mental functioning and personality changes – are progressive, irreversible and incurable.

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The disease begins to affect the brain in early and middle adulthood, maybe even earlier, long before cognitive functioning is affected and even longer before the disease is diagnosed.The first noticeable sign of the disease, detectable 2–3 years before dementia can be diagnosed, is usually difficulty remembering recently encountered material such as names and phone numbers (Geldmacher, 2009). The individual on a path to Alzheimer’s may be recognised as having mild cognitive impairment (MCI). MCI is often – though not always – an early warning that dementia will follow (Lyketsos, 2009; Tabert et al., 2006). Similar to what is now called minor neurocognitive disorder in DSM-5, it is more serious than the slower cognitive functioning and minor memory problems common among ageing adults. If all it took to warrant a diagnosis of MCI or dementia were occasional episodes of misplacing keys or being unable to remember someone’s name, many adults would qualify! In the early stages of Alzheimer’s disease, warning signs include getting lost, having trouble managing money and paying bills, telling and retelling the same stories to the same people or repeatedly asking the same questions, and losing items but not being able to retrace one’s steps to find them. As the disorder progresses, people with Alzheimer’s may have trouble remembering not only recently acquired but also old information, have more trouble coming up with the words they want during conversations and forget what to do next midway through making a sandwich or getting ready for bed. If tested, they may be unable to answer simple questions about where they are, what the date is and who the current prime minister is. Eventually they become incapable of caring for themselves, no longer recognise loved ones, lose all verbal abilities, and die; some earlier and some later, but on average about 8–10 years after onset (National Institute on Aging, 2012). Not only do patients with Alzheimer’s disease become increasingly unable to function, but they also often test the patience of caregivers by forgetting they have left something cooking on the stove, wandering away and getting lost, accusing people of stealing the items they have misplaced or taking off their clothes in public. Many become highly agitated and uncontrollable; large numbers suffer from depression and become apathetic; and some experience psychotic symptoms such as hallucinations (Geldmacher, 2009).

Snapshot

Positron emission tomography (PET scanning) shows metabolic activity in the brain and reveals areas of high brain activity (in red and yellow) and low brain activity (in blue or black). Here we see more activity in a normally functioning brain (left) than in the brain of a person with Alzheimer’s disease (right).

mild cognitive impairment (MCI) A level of memory loss between normal loss with age and pathological loss from disease.

CAUSES AND CONTRIBUTORS What causes Alzheimer’s disease? It has a genetic basis, but there is no single ‘Alzheimer’s gene’ (Gatz, 2007). Alzheimer’s disease strikes repeatedly and early in some families. By analysing blood samples from families with many Alzheimer’s victims, genetic researchers can identify genetic mutations on three chromosomes that cause early-onset (before age 60) Alzheimer’s disease. Anyone who inherits just one of these dominant genes will develop the disease. However, these genes account for less than 5 per cent of all cases of Alzheimer’s disease (Gatz, 2007). Genetic contributors to late-onset Alzheimer’s disease, by far more common than the early-onset variety, are not as clear-cut or strong. Rather than making Alzheimer’s disease inevitable, a number of genes increase a person’s risk only slightly (Gatz, 2007; National Institute on Aging, 2012). APOE is the most famous; having two of the risk-inducing APOE4 variants of the APOE gene means having up to 15 times the normal risk of Alzheimer’s disease (Lyketsos, 2009). It is believed that the APOE4 gene variant may increase the buildup of beta-amyloid – the damaging substance in senile plaques – and speed up the progression of Alzheimer’s disease (National Institute on Aging, 2012).Yet not everyone with the APOE4 gene variant, or even a pair of them, develops Alzheimer’s disease, and many people with Alzheimer’s disease lack the gene. Overall, genes account for about 60 per cent of the variation in Alzheimer’s, with environmental factors accounting for the rest (Qui & Fratiglioni, 2009). It has not been easy to pinpoint gene-environment interactions, however (Gatz, 2007). Epigenetic effects – influences of the environment on gene expression – are being investigated, for example by

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Source: Science Photo Library/Dr Robert Friedland

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cognitive reserve The extra brain power or cognitive capacity that some people can fall back on as ageing and diseases such as Alzheimer’s begin to take a toll on brain functioning.

comparing twin pairs in which one twin has Alzheimer’s disease but the other does not (Chouliaras et al., 2010; Zawia, Lahiri, & Cardozo-Pelaez, 2009). Head injuries, such as those incurred by some boxers and football players, increase the risk of Alzheimer’s disease (DeKosky, Ikonomovic, & Gandy, 2010). Obesity and a diet that increases the odds of high blood pressure, high cholesterol and cardiovascular disease also contribute (Savva & Brayne, 2009). Researchers are also becoming more aware of the importance of cognitive reserve – extra brain power or cognitive capacity that some people can fall back on as ageing and disease begin to take a toll on brain functioning. People who have advanced education and high intelligence and have been mentally, physically and socially active over the years have more cognitive reserve than less active people. As a result, if they do develop Alzheimer’s disease, their more elaborate neural connections may allow them to continue functioning well even as the disease begins to damage their brains (Andel et al., 2008; Savva & Brayne, 2009; Sharp & Gatz, 2011). ON THE INTERNET Screening test for cognitive impairments

https://wexnermedical.osu.edu/brain-spine-neuro/memory-disorders/sage Visit this website to see an example of a cognitive difficulties screening test. At this website you can view and download a copy of the Self-Administered Gerocognitive Exam (SAGE), an early screening test for cognitive impairments that are characteristic of mild cognitive impairment (MCI) and early dementia. Instructions for taking, scoring and interpreting the test are also available. Remember that screening tests such as the SAGE cannot diagnose specific conditions, as there are many reasons for a particular test result. It is important to consult a doctor or specialist with any concerns.

PREVENTION AND TREATMENT

LINKAGES Chapter 7 Intelligence and creativity

What is being done to treat, or possibly even prevent, Alzheimer’s disease? Drugs aimed at increasing levels of neurotransmitters involved in memory are regularly prescribed (for example, donepezil and memantine). They modestly improve cognitive functioning, reduce behavioural problems, and slow the progression of the disease in some patients (Farlow & Boustani, 2009). However, they are not very effective and are certainly not a cure. So the search is on for drugs to reduce levels of betaamyloid and tau in the brain (Gandy & DeKosky, 2013; National Institute on Aging, 2012). Some also believe in the value of combating oxidation with antioxidants such as vitamins E and C and statin drugs prescribed to treat high cholesterol. This is based on evidence that beta-amyloid contributes to the production of damaging free radicals in the brain (National Institute on Aging, 2012; Wilkinson, 2009). And since the same lifestyle factors that contribute to cardiovascular disease and to metabolic disorders such as diabetes and obesity contribute to dementia as well, the same healthy eating recommendations are appropriate. Finally, both physical and mental exercise, including cognitive training programs, have been shown to delay cognitive decline in later life and may slow the progression of dementia as well (Hertzog, Kramer, Wilson, & Lindenberger, 2009; Larson et al., 2006; and see Chapter 7). Today researchers are looking hard for ways to diagnose Alzheimer’s disease earlier, through brain imaging and biomarkers in the blood, in hopes of intervening to slow or even halt the disease’s progression before much damage is done (National Institute on Aging, 2012;Weiner, Garrett, & Bret, 2009). However, even though deterioration leading to death must be expected in today’s Alzheimer’s patients, a great deal can be done to make the disease more bearable. Memory training and memory aids (for example, reminder notes around the house), the use of behavioural management techniques and medications to deal with behavioural problems, and educational programs and psychological interventions for both patients and their caregivers to help them understand and cope with dementia and function better, can all contribute (Grossberg & Desai, 2003).

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CHAPTER 12: DEVELOPMENTAL PSYCHOPATHOLOGY

Other causes of cognitive impairment Many other conditions can result in cognitive impairment in ageing adults. The second-most common type of dementia, often occurring in combination with Alzheimer’s disease, is vascular dementia (Szoeke, Campbell, Chiu, & Ames, 2009). Also called multi-infarct dementia, most cases are caused by a series of minor strokes that cut off the blood supply to areas of the brain. Whereas Alzheimer’s disease usually progresses slowly and steadily, vascular dementia often progresses in a step-like manner, with further deterioration after each small stroke. Alzheimer’s disease impairs memory most, but vascular dementia may do its greatest damage to executive functions (Szoeke et al., 2009). And whereas Alzheimer’s disease is more strongly influenced by genes, vascular dementia is more closely associated with environmental risk factors for cerebrovascular diseases that affect blood flow in the brain – smoking, eating a fatty diet and so on (Thompson, 2006). Some other causes of neurocognitive disorder are described in Table 12.1.

vascular dementia The deterioration of functioning and cognitive capacities caused by a series of minor strokes that cut off the blood supply to areas of the brain; also called multi-infarct dementia.

TABLE 12.1  Some common forms and causes of dementia, or neurocognitive disorder, besides Alzheimer’s disease Name

Description

Vascular dementia

Also called multi-infarct dementia. Caused by minor strokes that cut off blood supply to areas of the brain. Results in steplike deterioration after each stroke.

Lewy body dementia

May be as common as vascular dementia. Caused by protein deposits called Lewy bodies in neurons. Results in motor problems, as in Parkinson’s disease, plus visual hallucinations, attention and alertness problems, and unpredictable cognitive functioning.

Frontotemporal dementia

Early-onset dementia associated with shrinking of the frontal and temporal lobes. Executive function problems (e.g. impulsive behaviour) are more common than memory problems. The bestknown type is Pick’s disease.

Parkinson’s disease

Lewy bodies in subcortical areas of the brain contribute to motor problems (tremors, slowing/freezing while walking). Treatment with the drug L-dopa to make up for dopamine deficiency is effective, but some patients develop dementia in the later stages.

Huntington’s disease

Caused by single dominant gene. Subcortical brain damage results in involuntary flicking movement of the arms and legs along with hallucinations, paranoia, depression and personality changes.

Alcohol-related dementia

Caused by alcohol abuse. Memory problems are the primary symptom in what is called Wernicke–Korsakoff syndrome.

AIDS dementia complex (ADC)

Caused by HIV virus infection. Characterised by encephalitis, behavioural changes, decline in cognitive function and progressive slowing of motor functions.

Note: The first four conditions in the table are the most common causes of dementia besides Alzheimer’s disease; the rest are rarer. Sources: La Rue (2015); http://www.alz.org/dementia/types-of-dementia.asp; http://www.dementiacarecentral.com/node/576; http://www. ninds.nih.gov/disorders/dementias/detail_dementia.htm#2300219213.

Careful diagnosis is critical because certain conditions can be mistaken for irreversible dementia. First, some individuals – perhaps 10 per cent – have reversible dementias, cases of significant cognitive decline that can be treated and cured (Lipton & Weiner, 2003). Reversible dementias can be caused by alcoholism, toxic reactions to medication, infections, metabolic disorders, vitamin deficiencies and malnutrition. If these problems are corrected – for example, if the individual is taken off a recently prescribed medicine or is placed on a nutritious diet – a once ‘senile’ person

reversible dementias Cases of significant cognitive decline that can be cured by treating factors such as substance use, infections, metabolic disorders and nutritional deficiencies.

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delirium A clouding of consciousness characterised by alternating periods of disorientation and coherence.

Search me! and Discover the challenges associated with culturally fair assessment of cognitive functioning of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples: Dingwall, K. M., Pinkerton, J., & Lindeman, M. A. (2013). ‘People like numbers’: A descriptive study of cognitive assessment methods in clinical practice for Aboriginal Australians in the Northern Territory. BMC Psychiatry, 13, 1–13. doi:10.1186/1471244X-13-42.

can be restored to normal mental functioning. By contrast, if that same person is written off as a case of Alzheimer’s disease, a potentially curable condition may become a progressively worse and irreversible one. Second, some elderly adults are mistakenly diagnosed as suffering from dementia when they are actually experiencing delirium.This treatable neurocognitive condition, which emerges more rapidly than dementia and comes and goes over the course of the day, is a disturbance of consciousness characterised by periods of disorientation, wandering attention, confusion and hallucinations (American Psychiatric Association, 2013; Weiner et al., 2009). One 66-year-old woman with a history of seizures, for example, called emergency services repeatedly because she believed burglars were in her home; in her agitated state, she even threatened her housemate with a knife (Weiner et al., 2009). After she was taken to the hospital, she continued to be highly agitated, moving and talking constantly, not trusting the staff. Her episode of delirium appeared to be the result of a urinary tract infection combined with early Alzheimer’s disease, and she was able to return home after 5 days of hospital treatment. Delirium can be a reaction to any number of stressors – illness, surgery, drug overdoses, interactions of different drugs or malnutrition. It is essential to watch for signs of delirium, identify possible causes, such as an incorrect drug prescription, and intervene to change them quickly (Flaherty & Morley, 2004). Unfortunately, the condition often goes undetected or misdiagnosed. When elderly patients experience delirium but are not identified and are sent home from the hospital without correct treatment for the cause, they are at a high risk of death (Moraga & Rodriguez-Pascual, 2007). Third, elderly adults who are depressed are sometimes misdiagnosed as suffering from dementia. After all, depression’s symptoms include cognitive impairments such as being forgetful and mentally slow (Butters et al., 2004). Treatment of depression with antidepressant drugs and psychotherapy can significantly improve the functioning of such individuals. However, if their depression goes undetected they may deteriorate further. Fourth, relatives who do not understand dementia may mistake the cognitive declines that are often associated with normal ageing as incurable dementia. It is critical, therefore, to distinguish among irreversible dementias (most notably, Alzheimer’s and vascular dementia), reversible dementias, delirium, depression and other conditions that may be mistaken for irreversible dementias – including ageing itself. This requires a thorough assessment, including a medical history, physical and neurological examinations and assessments of cognitive functioning (Thompson, 2006). Note, however, that assessments for cognitive impairments may be culturally biased and limit accurate assessment of individuals from diverse cultural and ethnic groups. Only after all other causes, especially potentially treatable ones, have been ruled out should a diagnosis of Alzheimer’s disease be made. So ends our tour of psychopathology across the life span. It can be discouraging to read about the countless ways in which genes and environment can conspire to make human development go awry and about the odds that we will experience a psychological disorder sometime during our lives.Yet research provides an increasingly solid basis for attempting to prevent developmental psychopathology through a two-pronged strategy of eliminating risk factors (such as abusive parenting and stress) and strengthening protective factors (such as effective parenting and social support). If prevention proves impossible, most psychological disorders and developmental problems can be treated successfully, enabling the individual to move on to a healthier developmental pathway.

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IN REVIEW CHECKING UNDERSTANDING

CRITICAL THINKING

1 In which adult age group and in which gender would you expect the highest rates of major depressive disorder?

Grandpa John has recently had a stroke, which resulted in a fall requiring surgery on his hip. Since returning home, he has been prescribed blood thinning medication, as well as pain relief medication, and has limited mobility. He also has a history of depression, for which he receives medication. Lately his mood has been especially low. Furthermore, he has displayed difficulties with concentration and memory – often forgetting the names of his family members or where he has left items, and sometimes being disoriented about where he is or what day it is. As John’s doctor, explain your most likely diagnosis and the reasons for your judgement.

2 What are two approaches used to treat Alzheimer’s disease? 3 What are two key differences between delirium and dementia? Express

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CHAPTER REVIEW SUMMARY 12.1 What makes development abnormal? ■■ To identify psychological disorders, clinicians consider broad criteria such as statistical deviance, maladaptiveness and personal distress; they may also apply DSM-5 criteria for diagnosing specific disorders. ■■ Developmental psychopathology is concerned with the origins and course of maladaptive behaviour; abnormal behaviour is studied in tandem with normal development and while there are universal aspects of psychopathology, what is considered

abnormal must take account of cultural, social and developmental norms. ■■ Developmental psychopathologists are concerned with the interplay of risk and protective factors over the life course and how these give rise to disordered or healthy psychological development. The diathesisstress and differential susceptibility models have proved useful in understanding how nature and nurture factors can give rise to psychological disorders or protect an individual from developing a disorder.

12.2 The infant ■■ Autism spectrum disorder (ASD), which usually begins in infancy, is characterised by social and communication impairments and by restricted and repetitive interests and behaviour. It is genetically and environmentally influenced; involves abnormalities in brain growth and connectivity,

mirror neuron functioning and executive functions; and responds to early and intensive behavioural training. ■■ Infants who have been maltreated, separated from their attachment figures or raised by a depressed caregiver may display symptoms of depression.

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12.3 The child ■■ Many childhood disorders can be categorised as externalising problems (undercontrolled, acting out) or internalising problems (overcontrolled, bottling up); they are often a product of diathesis-stress or gene-environment interactions and they often persist later in life, though mild problems tend to be more transient. ■■ Attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) involves inattention and/or hyperactivity/impulsivity, often continues into adulthood and can be treated most effectively through a combination

of stimulant drugs and behavioural treatment. It is highly heritable, with many genes involved, but environmental influences are also important in determining whether a genetic potential for ADHD is expressed and how the individual adapts to the condition. ■■ Major depressive disorder and suicidal behaviour can occur during early childhood; depression manifests itself somewhat differently in childhood compared to adulthood, tends to recur and can be treated.

12.4 The adolescent ■■ Adolescents are more vulnerable than children but no more vulnerable than adults to psychological disorders; 20 per cent at any given time experience the ‘storm and stress’ of a psychological disorder. ■■ Anorexia nervosa arises when a genetically predisposed individual who lives in a society that strongly encourages thinness experiences stressful events. ■■ Substance use disorders can grow out of normal and widespread adolescent experimentation with substances; according to the cascade model, the

developmental pathway toward illicit drug use begins in childhood; and we must also take into account the interplay of genetic, peer socialisation and peer selection factors to fully understand substance use and dependence. ■■ Risk of depression rises during adolescence, especially among females. Adolescents are more likely to attempt, but less likely to commit, suicide than adults, although this can vary across countries, cultures and subcultures.

12.5 The adult ■■ Dementia, now called neurocognitive disorder, is a progressive deterioration in neural functioning associated with significant cognitive decline that increases with age. Alzheimer’s disease, the most common cause of dementia, and vascular dementia, another irreversible dementia, must be carefully distinguished from correctible conditions such as reversible dementia, delirium and depression.

■■ Young adults experience more life strains and more psychological disorders, including depression, than older adults. ■■ Older adults have low rates of diagnosable depression but 15–25 per cent show some symptoms of depression. Diagnosing depression among older adults can be tricky, as their symptoms may be incorrectly attributed to ageing, chronic disease or dementia.

END-OF-CHAPTER ACTIVITIES SELF-TEST Answer these questions to self-test your knowledge of the chapter content. The answers are at the end of the chapter.

1

There are three broad criteria to be considered in defining abnormal behaviour. The first criterion is (a) ______________, or whether behaviour falls outside the normal range of behaviour. The second criterion is (b) ______________, the extent to which a behaviour interferes with personal or social adaptation. The third criterion is whether or not behaviour causes discomfort or (c) ______________ for the individual.

2

Depression: a is displayed in similar ways across the life span. b is not present until children are old enough to verbally express their feelings. c is an undercontrolled disorder. d can be present throughout the life span but is expressed in different behaviours.

>>>

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>>>

3

4 True or false? ADHD is defined by highly hyperactive behaviour alone. 5

b are easily controlled with a properly managed diet. c develop, in part, as a result of a genetic predisposition interacting with stress and social pressure. d are present during adolescence and then disappear.

According to the ______________ hypothesis, individuals with autism spectrum disorder have a malfunction in the brain system that allows humans to internally simulate what others are thinking and feeling.

Eating disorders such as anorexia, bulimia and binging: a are caused by the body’s inability to properly metabolise food.

6

True or false? Substance use in childhood or adolescence does not predict later adjustment.

7

True or false? Dementia is a process that occurs naturally for most older adults.

REVIEW QUESTIONS Develop your understanding of the chapter content by preparing short answer or essay responses to the following questions – or you might like to try developing a concept map or thinking map for these questions.

Describe three broad criteria of abnormal behaviour and the approach taken by DSM-5 in diagnosing disorders such as major depressive disorder.

6

Evaluate the ‘storm and stress’ view of adolescence.

7

Summarise the prevention and treatment of eating disorders.

2

Explain the diathesis-stress model of psychopathology and provide an example scenario to illustrate.

8

Explain why depression rates climb in adolescence, especially among females.

3

Explain the key features of autism spectrum disorder.

9

Outline some of the barriers to help-seeking in adult depression.

1

4 Characterise attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) in terms of its symptoms, developmental course, suspected causes and treatment. 5

10 Summarise Alzheimer’s disease in terms of what we know about its biology, causes and contributors.

Explain the treatment approach for depression.

FOR DISCUSSION Discuss and debate your point of view on the following developmental issues, dilemmas and controversies related to topics in this chapter.

1

Many myths and misconceptions about psychological disorders and mental illness still exist today, despite public awareness campaigns and increased visibility of support and treatment options. Were there any facts that surprised you as you read this chapter? Did reading this chapter unearth any misconceptions you held about mental illness or the specific psychological disorders featured in the chapter?

2

Some experts believe that ADHD is overdiagnosed and overtreated with medications. Others, however, believe that not enough cases of ADHD are being identified and treated. What is your position on diagnosis and treatment of ADHD? Can you support your position with facts?

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SEARCH ME! PSYCHOLOGY Explore Search me! Psychology for articles relevant to this chapter. Fast and convenient, Search me! Psychology is updated daily and provides you with 24-hour access to full text articles from hundreds of scholarly and popular journals, eBooks and newspapers, including The Australian and The New York Times. Log in to the Search me! Psychology database via http://login.cengagebrain.com and try searching for the following keywords: Search tip: Search me! Psychology contains information from both local and international sources. To get the greatest number of search results, try using both Australian and American spellings in your searches, e.g. ‘globalisation’ and ‘globalization’; ‘organisation’ and ‘organization’.

→ diathesis-stress model → autistic spectrum disorder → attention deficit hyperactivity disorder.

ANSWERS TO THE SELF-TEST 1: (a) statistical deviance (b) maladaptiveness, (c) personal distress; 2: (d); 3: mirror neuron; 4: False; 5: (c); 6: False; 7: False

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13 CHAPTER

THE FINAL CHALLENGE: DEATH AND DYING CHAPTER OUTLINE 13.1 Matters of life and death What is death? What kills us and when? Theories of ageing: Why do we age and die?

13.2 The experience of death Perspectives on dying Perspectives on bereavement

13.3 The infant

13.4 The child

13.7 Coping with death

Grasping the concept of death Experiences with death and dying

13.5 The adolescent Advanced understandings of death Experiences with death and dying

Challenges to the grief work perspective Who copes and who succumbs? Bereavement and positive growth Supporting the dying and bereaved Taking our leave

13.6 The adult Death in the family context

One moment

incredibly special she is. Was. How special she was.

The sun has come up now. My Mum died just after

Past tense. She is dead. I need to remember that now.

3 a.m. and now it is 7 a.m. It’s light and the day is

What would I say to her now if I could have just one

starting. My Mum’s life ended but now the day is

more minute with her? I would want to tell her how

starting. I don’t think that is fair. I don’t want today

empty I felt the moment that she died. How incredibly

to start. I would prefer to relive every other day of my

empty and alone I was without her. But I wouldn’t. I

life, every other day when I still had my Mum. I want

wouldn’t want her to worry about me. And so I would

every single moment back. But there will be no more

tell her that I was OK. That I was going to be OK. I would

moments with her. Because of one moment, there

tell her that she had nothing to worry about because

will be no more moments. I thought that we had said

I was going to be OK. Shhh, it’s OK Mum, everything

everything we had to say, but now my mind is racing

will be OK. I feel that I won’t be, OK that is, but know

with so many questions for her. Questions from my

that I will be. Grief is like that though. It confuses you.

childhood, my life, questions about me, about her. I

Blindfolds you, spins you around and then leaves you

want to be able to tell her, just one more time, how

alone. All alone. I am alone. (Miller, 2011, p. 33)

Express Throughout this chapter, the CourseMate Express logo indicates an opportunity for online self-study, linking you to activities, videos and other online resources.

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In our chapter opening, Danielle Miller, an entrant in the Cancer Council Victoria Arts Awards, writes of the pain and confusion when a loved one dies. Whether we are 4, 34 or 84, when death strikes a loved one, it hurts. By adulthood, most of us have experienced a significant loss, even if it was ‘only’ the death of a beloved pet. Even when death is not striking so closely, it is there, lurking somewhere in the background as we go about the tasks of living – in the newspaper, on television, fleeting through our minds. Some psychologists argue that much of human behaviour and culture is an effort to defend against the terror of death (Park & Pyszczynski, 2016).Yet sooner or later we all face the ultimate developmental task: the task of dying. This chapter explores death and its place in life span human development, starting with a discussion of the meanings and causes of death. Death is a universal part of the human experience throughout the life span, but as you will see each person’s experience of it depends on his or her level of development, personality, life circumstances and sociocultural context.

13.1 MATTERS OF LIFE AND DEATH ■■ Discuss the biological and social definitions of death and the issues involved in determining when life ends. ■■ Distinguish between active euthanasia, passive euthanasia, and physician-assisted suicide, and attitudes toward them. ■■ Analyse trends in the likelihood of death and causes of death across the life span. ■■ Compare the major theories of ageing and evaluate their contributions to our understanding of why we age and die.

Learning objectives

What is death? When are we most vulnerable to it and what kills us? And why is it that all of us eventually die of ‘old age’ if we do not die earlier?

What is death? There is a good deal of confusion and controversy in our society today about when life begins and ends. Proponents and opponents of legalised abortion argue vehemently about when life really begins. And we hear similarly heated debates about whether a person in an irreversible coma is truly alive and whether a terminally ill patient who is in agonising pain should be able to choose to die. Definitions of death as a biological phenomenon change; so do the social meanings attached to death, as we shall see.

Biological definitions of death Biological death is hard to define because it is not a single event but a complex process. Different systems of the body die at different rates, and some individuals who have stopped breathing or who lack a heartbeat or pulse, and who would have been declared dead in earlier times, can now be revived before their brains cease to function. Moreover, basic body processes such as respiration and blood circulation can be maintained by life support machines in patients who have fallen into a coma and whose brains have ceased to function. In 1968 a special committee of the Harvard Medical School offered a definition of biological death that has continued to influence modern medical and legal definitions of death (Lizza, 2011). The Harvard group defined biological death in terms of brain functioning, stating that death cannot have been said to have occurred until there is total brain death: an irreversible loss of functioning in the entire brain, both the higher centres of the cerebral cortex that are involved in thought, and the lower centres of the brain that control basic life processes such as breathing.

total brain death An irreversible loss of functioning in the entire brain, both the higher centres of the cerebral cortex that are involved in thought, and the lower centres of the brain that control basic life processes such as breathing.

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Determining brain death requires extensive testing following specific guidelines (Wijdicks, Varelas, Gronseth, & Greer, 2010; but see Greer et al., 2016, on wide variations in application of the guidelines). A person must be observed to be totally unresponsive to stimuli, show no movement in response to noxious stimuli, and have no reflexes such as constriction of the eye’s pupils in response to light. An electroencephalogram (EEG) or other measures should indicate an absence of electrical activity in the cortex of the brain. In the case of a coma, which is sometimes reversible, if the cause is a drug overdose or an abnormally low body temperature, these and certain other conditions must be ruled out before a person in a coma is pronounced dead. This definition means that a coma patient whose heart and lungs are kept going only through artificial means such as a mechanical ventilator but who has no sign of functioning in the brain stem is dead. Since the definition of brain death was settled on, there has been continued debate about people in comas and which parts of the brain must cease to function for a person to be dead (see Bernat, 2014; Brugger, 2013). In the mid-2000s, one young woman in a coma in the United States, Terri Schiavo, drew international attention to these questions (Foley, 2011). In 1990, Ms Schiavo had suffered a cardiac arrest as a result of an eating disorder, which caused irreversible and massive brain damage. She was unconscious but her brain stem allowed her to breathe, swallow and undergo sleep– wake cycles. After losing hope of a recovery as the years passed, her husband wanted to remove her feeding tube as he believed she would have wanted. However, her parents believed that she retained some awareness of her environment and fought a court decision to remove the tube. After the issue was debated at length in legislative bodies, courts and the media, the tube was removed when appeals of the court’s decision failed. Ms Schiavo died at the age of 41 in 2005. Famous right-to-die cases like that of Terri Schiavo highlight the different positions people can take on the issue of when a person is dead. The definition of total brain death is quite conservative. By this definition, Ms Schiavo was not dead, even though she was in an irreversible coma, because her brain stem was still functioning enough to support breathing and other basic body functions. Shouldn’t we keep such seemingly hopeless patients alive in case we discover ways to revive them? A more liberal position is that a person should be declared dead when the cerebral cortex is irreversibly dead, even if some body functions are still maintained by the more primitive portions of the brain. After all, is a person really a person if he or she lacks any awareness and if there is no hope that conscious mental activity will be restored (Lee & Grisez, 2012; and see Bernat, 2014, LiPuma, & DeMarco, 2014; Sadovnikoff & Wikler, 2014)? As the Exploration box shows, defining the line between life and death has become even more complicated now that it has been demonstrated that some people in unresponsive wakefulness or minimally conscious states, like Terry Schiavo, have more cognitive function than suspected.

Exploration COMMUNICATING WITH PATIENTS WITH UNRESPONSIVE WAKEFULNESS SYNDROME Defining the line between life and death has become more complicated since Adrian Owen and his colleagues (2006) demonstrated that at least some people who have unresponsive wakefulness syndrome and who are believed to lack consciousness and cognitive functions may have more awareness than suspected. (Note that

unresponsive wakefulness syndrome was previously known as ‘vegetative states’, a dehumanising term if there ever was one – see Laureys et al., 2010). Unlike coma patients, who lack both awareness and wakefulness, people with unresponsive wakefulness syndrome lack awareness but experience sleep–wake cycles, may

open their eyes, and move now and then. Determining that a patient has unresponsive wakefulness syndrome has depended in part on observing that they do not respond behaviourally to commands. Owen and his colleagues have broken new ground by assessing their brains’ responses to commands. >>>

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>>>

In their first demonstration, these researchers asked a young woman who had been in an unresponsive wakefulness state for 5 months as a result of a car accident to imagine playing tennis or visiting the rooms of her house. Brain imaging with functional MRI techniques (see Chapter 1) showed that her brain responded exactly as healthy adults’ brains respond to these tasks, suggesting that she could understand and respond intentionally to instructions and implying that she had some degree of consciousness. A subsequent study found brain responses of this sort in 5 of 54 patients who were classified as being in either an unresponsive wakefulness or a ‘minimally conscious’ state; one was even able to answer yes–no questions by wilfully controlling his brain (Monti et al., 2010). Owen’s team showed, too, that a less expensive and more portable brain assessment procedure using EEG rather than fMRI can also identify patients who are not truly lacking consciousness (Cruse et al., 2011). The procedure involves a series of trials in which the patient is asked, upon hearing a beep, to imagine squeezing his or her right hand into a fist or, on

other trials, to imagine wiggling his or her toes. No fingers or toes actually moved but 3 of 16 patients showed EEG responses similar to those of normal control participants imagining these two acts. As the authors note, showing these brain responses consistently implies that patients were able to attend, understand the instructions, remember which action to imagine over multiple trials, and select which response to make – all cognitive functions we associate with normal consciousness and a functioning cerebral cortex. What does it all mean? Although most of the patients studied did not respond and therefore did indeed seem to lack consciousness, and although questions have been raised about the analysis of the data (Goldfine et al., 2013; but see Cruse et al., 2013), this research appears to open up a new methodology for communicating with those individuals with unresponsive wakefulness syndrome and those who do show some level of consciousness. For example, they could be told to imagine a tight fist to say ‘Yes’ or to imagine wiggling their toes to say ‘No’ and then be asked to respond to questions (‘Are you hungry? Are you in

pain?’). Other researchers have found another neuroimaging technique, PET (positron emission tomography), to be a useful complement to clinical examinations that could assist in predicting the long-term recovery of patients with unresponsive wakefulness syndrome (Stender et al., 2014). Yet this research also has troubling implications: Just how many patients with unresponsive wakefulness syndrome are treated as though they are dead when in fact they are mentally alive and waiting for someone to recognise it? People in unresponsive wakefulness states, like people in comas, are alive according to the total brain death definition of death because their lower brain centres still function. However, determining that a person in an unresponsive wakefulness state has higher cognitive capacities might argue against a decision to stop providing food and other life support. Terri Schiavo’s mother was convinced that her daughter showed some awareness of her surroundings, and her brother, upon learning of the Cruse et al. (2011) study, said he regretted that Terri did not have a chance to have her brain’s responsiveness tested before the court decided to remove her feeding tube (Stein, 2011).

Life and death choices Cases such as Ms Schiavo’s also raise issues concerning euthanasia – a term literally meaning ‘happy’ or ‘good’ death, which in practice usually refers to hastening the death of someone suffering from an incurable illness or injury. Active euthanasia, or ‘mercy killing’, is deliberately and directly causing the death of a person who is greatly suffering. In the book To Die Like a Dog, New Zealander Lesley Martin (2002) wrote of her attempt to end the life of her terminally ill mother by smothering her and later administering a lethal overdose of morphine (as a result of these admissions in her book Lesley was charged and convicted for attempted murder and served a 15-month gaol term). Passive euthanasia, by contrast, means allowing a terminally ill person to die of natural causes or omitting treatment that might otherwise sustain life – as happened when Terri Schiavo’s feeding tube was removed. In 2009, Christian Rossiter, a 49-year-old Australian man, won a legal case that ruled it would be unlawful to continue tube feeding and hydrating him against his wishes. Christian had been a quadriplegic since 2004 after being hit by a car. But unlike Terry Schiavo, Christian’s brain was intact and he was able to clearly communicate his wishes, arguing in court that there was

euthanasia; Hastening, either actively or passively, the death of someone suffering from an incurable illness or injury; literally, ‘good death’.

LINKAGES Chapter 1 Understanding life span human development

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Source: Newspix/Stewart Allen

Snapshot

Christian Rossiter, who had an incurable injury and expressed a wish to die, won a court case allowing him to refuse nourishment and medical treatments that would sustain his life.

assisted dying Making available to individuals who wish to die the means by which they may do so, such as when a doctor provides a terminally ill patient who wants to die with enough medication to overdose.

living will A document in which people state what healthcare steps should be taken or not in certain circumstances if a person is incapacitated and cannot make the decisions themselves; also known as an advance care directive.

no chance of rehabilitation or treatment for his condition and that his life was a ‘living hell’. Rossiter died 5 weeks after the landmark court decision as a result of refusing treatment for a chest infection. Between active euthanasia and passive euthanasia is assisted dying – not killing someone, as in active euthanasia, but making available to a person who wishes to die the means by which he or she may do so. This includes physician-assisted suicide – for example, a doctor writing a prescription for sleeping pills at the request of a terminally ill patient who has made known his desire to die, in full knowledge that the patient will probably take an overdose (Foley, 2011). Active euthanasia is still viewed as murder in Australia, New Zealand and most countries, and a doctor is legally culpable when treatments are provided to hasten death rather than alleviate suffering  – although prosecutions are rare. Physician-assisted dying has, however, been legal in Switzerland (and available to nationals and non-nationals) since the 1940s; and since 2002, euthanasia has been legalised in a small number of European countries, including the Netherlands and Luxembourg, and in some states of America. Individuals and right-to-die advocacy groups continue to lobby for the legalisation of euthanasia in Australia and New Zealand and around the world. For 2 years (1995–1997), physician-assisted dying was legalised in the Northern Territory of Australia, but the law was later voided by the Federal Government. In November 2016, the South Australian Government narrowly rejected a bill to legalise voluntary euthanasia in the situation of a person experiencing unbearable pain and suffering from a terminal illness. One year later, in November 2017,Victoria legalised assisted dying for terminally ill people from mid-2019. Under the legislation, a person with a terminal illness can gain access to a lethal injection within two weeks of the request with the support of two independent medical assessments.They must be over the age of 18, of sound mind, have lived in Victoria for at least 12 months and be suffering intolerably. In many of the countries where physician-assisted dying is not legal, doctors are often permitted to withhold extraordinary life-extending treatments from terminally ill patients or to turn off life support equipment when that is the wish of the dying person or when the immediate family can show that the individual expressed, when he or she was able to do so, a desire to reject life support measures (Cantor, 2001). A living will, also known as an advance care directive, allows people to state that they do not want extraordinary medical procedures applied to them if they become hopelessly ill. Advance care directives may also specify who should make decisions on behalf of the dying person should they become unable to make them and what other instructions should be carried out after the person’s death. How do we as a society view these options? There is considerable public support for physicianassisted dying: 75 per cent of Australians and 78 per cent of New Zealanders agree with the view that if the patient requests it, a doctor should have the right to end the life of a patient with a terminal illness (The Australia Institute, 2011; Rae, Johnson, & Malpas, 2015).This drops to around 45 per cent support for physician-assisted dying when there is no pain associated with an incurable disease, or when the reason for ending the person’s life relates to permanent dependency on others but without illness or pain. Around 46 per cent believe that mental illness of a patient excludes them from access to physician-assisted dying (Rae et al., 2015). So it seems that the presence of pain is an important criterion for many of us when we consider the appropriateness or otherwise of medical practices that hasten death.Yet consider the findings of Phillipa Malpas and colleagues (2012, 2014), who explored the acceptability of physician-assisted suicide with healthy older adults in New Zealand. The older adults who supported physician-assisted suicide did so on the basis of concerns about incapacity and being a burden on others, rather than the experience of pain. It’s not clear, but this finding possibly reflects a more general concern of older adults who may be experiencing, or who may fear, age-related changes in their physical functioning and capacities (see Chapter 4). This also highlights

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that what constitutes quality of life when one is terminally ill, or otherwise, varies. What about the older adults in the study who did not support physician-assisted suicide? These people reported an influence of religious beliefs and also previous experiences with dying family and friends. Those who had witnessed a positive experience of death and dying felt that physician-assisted dying was unnecessary, while those who had less positive experiences were concerned about the abuse of assisted suicide practices. What about the views of medical practitioners? The majority of doctors support the practice of passive euthanasia – among New Zealand doctors, 63 per cent reported having made medical decisions that hasten death; and among Australian doctors, 77 per cent reported having withheld or withdrawn treatment, and 83 per cent reported having provided pain management medication that would likely hasten death (Löfmark et al., 2008; Mitchell & Owens, 2003). There is less support for physician-assisted suicide: 28 per cent of Australian doctors reported they would consider patient requests for physician-assisted suicide under certain conditions, while 66 per cent reported they would never consider it (Löfmark et al., 2008). That doctors in Australia are less supportive of physician-assisted suicide than the public is probably not surprising given they would be held legally accountable.Yet, despite the risks, 6–7 per cent of Australian and New Zealand doctors have reported complying with a patient request for physician-assisted suicide (Löfmark et al., 2008; Mitchell & Owens, 2003; Trankle, 2014). You can explore your own views about these issues in the chapter Engagement box. It makes sense to think through these issues now in case you must someday decide whether you or a loved one should live or die (see Shannon, 2006). Also see Chapter 10 for additional perspectives surrounding euthanasia.

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LINKAGES Chapter 4 Body, brain and health

LINKAGES Chapter 10 Social cognition and moral development

Engagement LIFE AND DEATH: WHAT ARE YOUR VIEWS? Imagine that you have terminal cancer and are told that there is no more that can be done for you and no hope of recovery. What would be your answers to the following questions? There are no right or wrong answers.

3 Would you want the doctors to do everything possible to keep you alive as long as possible in case a new treatment is discovered?

1 Who would you want with you and what would you want to do with your last days or weeks?

4 Would you choose to take large doses of pain medicine even though it might limit your ability to think clearly and interact with people?

2 Would you want to spend your last days or weeks in a hospital, in a hospice facility for terminally ill people or at home?

5 Would you want the following applied to you to keep you alive: (a) resuscitation if your heart stops, (b) a respirator to keep you breathing if

you stop breathing on your own, (c) a feeding tube inserted in your nose or abdomen to provide nourishment if you can no longer take food through your mouth? 6 Would you want to be able to ask for and receive a drug with which you could end your own life if you desired? 7 Would you want to be able to ask your doctor to give you a drug to end your life?

Social meanings of death Death is not only a biological process but also a psychological and social one. The social meanings attached to death vary widely from historical era to historical era and from culture to culture (Rosenblatt, 2008, 2013). Indeed, you have just discovered that society defines who is dead and who is alive; and different societies take different stands on whether to support or speed the deaths of the dying. Anthony Glascock (2009), for example, found that in 21 of 41 cultures he examined, practices

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MAKING CONNECTIONS In what ways have digital technologies, the internet and social media influenced your experiences surrounding death?

that hastened the death of frail elderly people existed, whereas only 12 of the societies were entirely supportive of frail elders and had no death-hastening practices, such as depriving frail elders of food or driving them from their homes. The social meanings of death have changed over the course of history too. In Europe during the Middle Ages, people were expected to recognise that their deaths were approaching so that they could bid their farewells and die with dignity surrounded by loved ones (Ariès, 1981). Since the late nineteenth century, Western societies have engaged in a ‘denial of death’. We have taken death out of the home and put it in the hospital and funeral home to be managed by doctors and funeral directors; as a result, we have less direct experience with it than our ancestors did (Röcke & Cherry, 2002; Taylor, 2003). Right-to-die and death-with-dignity advocates have been arguing that we should return to the old ways, bringing death into the open, allowing it to occur more naturally, and making it again a normal life experience to be shared with family, rather than a medical failure. As you will see later in the chapter, this is just what the hospice movement has aimed to achieve. Today, thanatology researchers (those who scientifically study death) now also seek to understand the implications for individuals and societies of thanatechnology – the ways in which digital technologies, the internet and social media are used, for example, to seek information and communicate about death, to mourn and memorialise the deceased, and to access grief and bereavement support (see Sofka, Gilbert, & Noppe Cupit, 2012; and On the internet:The digital beyond). ON THE INTERNET The digital beyond

http://www.thedigitalbeyond.com/ A thought-provoking website that explores how the digital revolution has affected death and dying and what happens to your digital existence after death. You might like to browse the online services to learn about the expanding range of online tools and applications associated with planning for one’s digital death or memorialising loved ones. The video section of the website links to short clips, talks and interviews related to death in the digital age.

What kills us and when? How long are we likely to live, and what is likely to kill us? We answer these questions in the next sections, where we explore life expectancy and causes of death across the life span.

Life expectancy life expectancy The average number of years a newborn baby can be expected to live.

Search me! and Think Access the Psychology database and research the topic of thanatechnology.

LINKAGES Chapter 4 Body, brain and health

As is clear in the Statistics snapshot box, the average life expectancy, or average number of years a newborn baby can be expected to live, in Australia and New Zealand has increased considerably over the past 200 years, largely due to medical advances, improved access to health services, and safer working environments (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2016). Also evident in the Statistics snapshot box is that women live longer than men on average in Australia and New Zealand, and, indeed, in most countries. Why? It seems female hormones protect women from high blood pressure and heart problems, and women are less vulnerable than men to violent deaths and accidents and to the effects of smoking, drinking and similar health hazards (Kajantie, 2008). Another trend evident in the Statistics snapshot box is that life expectancies for Indigenous peoples in Australia and New Zealand are lower than for those of European descent. Some good news is that the gap between Indigenous and non-Indigenous life expectancies has been closing over recent decades, although this has started to plateau more recently in Australia (see Hoy, Mott, & McLeod, 2017 for an interesting study about trends in ages and causes of death in a remote-living Australian Aboriginal group over a recent 50-year period). The trend toward increasingly longer life expectancies for Indigenous peoples is associated with social and health risk factors, and will require commitment and ongoing work to maintain (see Chapter 4).

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Statistics snapshot LIFE EXPECTANCY In Australia … • Life expectancy during the late 1800s was 47 years for males and 50 years for females. • The life expectancy for infants born in 2013–2015 in Australia is 80.4 years for males and 84.4 years for females, a gap of 4.1 years. Around 50 years ago (1965–1967), life expectancy at birth in Australia was 67.6 years for males and 74.2 years for females, a gap of 6.6 years. While life expectancy estimates continue to improve for both males and females, the improvement in male life expectancy has outpaced that of female life expectancy in recent years. • For Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander males born in 2010–2012,

life expectancy is 69.1 years (compared with 79.7 years for nonIndigenous males, a gap of 10.6 years) and for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander females it is 73.7 years (compared with 83.1 years for their non-Indigenous counterparts, a gap of 9.4 years). Between 2005– 2007 and 2010–2012, these gaps decreased slightly: by 0.8 years for males and 0.1 years for females. In New Zealand … • Life expectancy during the mid to late 1800s was 51 years for males and 54 years for females. • Infants born in 2012–2014 have a life expectancy of 79.5 years for males and 83.2 years for females; this represents an increase of 1.5 years for males and 1.0 year for females since 2005–2007. Note too

that life expectancy for females is 3.7 years higher than life expectancy for males, down from the largest difference of 6.4 years in 1975–1977. • For Pasifika females, life expectancy is 78.7 years and for Pasifika males it is 74.5 years. For Maˉori males born in 2012–2014, life expectancy is 73.0 years and for Maˉori females it is 77.1 years, compared with 80.3 years for non-Maˉori New Zealand males and 83.9 years for non-Maˉori New Zealand females. • The gap between Maˉori and nonMaˉori New Zealand life expectancy at birth has been closing and narrowed to 7.1 years in 2012–2014. This compares with previous gaps of 8.2 years in 2005–2007, 8.5 years in 2000–2002, and 9.1 years in 1995–1997.

Sources: Australian Bureau of Statistics (2011, 2013, 2016); Statistics New Zealand (2006, 2015)

Despite increased life expectancies over the past century in all regions of the world, some countries do lag behind others, as shown in Figure 13.1. In less-developed countries plagued by malaria, famine, AIDS and other such killers, many of them in Africa, the life expectancy is under FIGURE 13.1  Life expectancy at birth for the world and the major regions, 1975–2015 and projections 2015–2050

Life expectancy at birth (years)

80

70

60 50 Estimates

Projections

19 75 –1 19 980 80 –1 19 985 85 –1 19 990 90 – 19 199 95 5 – 20 200 00 0 –2 0 20 0 05 5 –2 20 010 10 – 20 201 5 15 –2 20 02 20 0 – 20 202 5 25 –2 0 20 30 30 – 20 203 35 5 – 20 204 0 40 – 20 204 45 5 –2 05 0

40

World Asia Latin America and the Caribbean Oceania

Africa Europe Northern America

Source: United Nations (2017, p. 8). Reprinted with the permission of the United Nations.

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60 years, compared to the life expectancy of around 80 years in affluent countries such as Australia and New Zealand (United Nations, 2017). Life expectancy has, however, increased significantly in the least-developed countries in the last decade, with gains in life expectancy twice as great as those achieved by the rest of the world. Nonetheless, the least-developed countries still lag behind developing countries, and more efforts are needed worldwide to tackle diseases, famine and other factors that decrease life expectancy.

Death across the life span Death rates change across the life span. As you can see from Figure 13.2, infants are a vulnerable childhood group.Yet, overall, we have a relatively small chance of dying during infancy, childhood or adolescence – the majority of deaths (2 in 3) occur in older adults (Australian Institute of Health and Welfare, 2017). Keep in mind, too, that infant mortality rates in Australia and New Zealand have dropped considerably over the past 100 years. In Australia, for example, there were 82 infant deaths per 1000 live births during 1901–1910, whereas in 2010–2012 there were only 3.2 infant deaths per 1000 live births; but note that this infant mortality rate approximately doubles for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander babies (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2016). In New Zealand in 2013, the infant mortality rate was 5.0 deaths per 1000 live births, but higher for Ma¯ori infants at 5.3 deaths per 1000 births and Pasifika infants at 7.6 per 1000 births (New Zealand Ministry of Health, 2017). FIGURE 13.2  Deaths in Australia by sex and age group, 2015 Age group (years)

Females

Males

1001 95–99 90–94 85–89 80–84 75–79 70–74 65–69 60–64 55–59 50–54 45–49 40–44 35–39 30–34 25–29 20–24 15–19 10–14 5–9 0–4 16 000

12 000

8 000

4 000

0

4 000

8 000

12 000

16 000

Number of deaths Sources: Adapted from Australian Bureau of Statistics (2016); Australian Institute of Health and Welfare (2017).

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CHAPTER 13: THE FINAL CHALLENGE: DEATH AND DYING

What kills us? In 2010, cancer (especially lung cancer), coronary heart disease and cerebrovascular diseases (for example, stroke) were the top three killers of New Zealanders (New Zealand Ministry of Health, 2015; see Table 13.1). The top three causes of death in Australia in 2009–2011 were coronary heart disease, dementia-related diseases and cerebrovascular diseases (Australian Institute of Health & Welfare, 2017; see Figure 13.3). FIGURE 13.3  Causes of death in Australia by sex and age group, 2012–2014 Leading causes 1st

2nd

3rd

4th

5th

Persons

Cardiovascular Coronary heart disease

Mental/neurological Dementia & Alzheimer’s disease

Cardiovascular Cerebrovascular disease

Cancer Lung cancer

Respiratory Chronic lung disease

Males

Cardiovascular Coronary heart disease

Cancer Lung cancer

Cardiovascular Cerebrovascular disease

Mental/neurological Dementia & Alzheimer’s disease

Respiratory Chronic obstructive pulmonary disease

Females

Cardiovascular Coronary heart disease

Mental/neurological Dementia & Alzheimer’s disease

Cardiovascular Cerebrovascular disease

Cancer Lung cancer

Respiratory Chronic obstructive pulmonary disease

Age < 1

Infant/congenital Perinatal & congenital

Other Ill-defined

Infant/congenital SIDS

Injury Accidental threats to breathing

Other Selected metabolic disorders

Injury Land transport accidents

Infant/congenital Perinatal & congenital

Cancer Brain cancer

Injury Accidental drowning & submersion

Other Cerebral palsy & related

Injury Suicide

Injury Land transport accidents

Injury Accidental poisoning

Injury Assault

Injury Event of undetermined intent

Injury Suicide

Injury Accidental poisoning

Injury Land transport accidents

Cardiovascular Coronary heart disease

Other Liver disease

Cardiovascular Coronary heart disease

Cancer Lung cancer

Cancer Breast cancer

Injury Suicide

Cancer Colorectal cancer

Cancer Lung cancer

Cardiovascular Coronary heart disease

Respiratory Chronic obstructive pulmonary disease

Cardiovascular Cerebrovascular disease

Cancer Colorectal cancer

Age 75–84

Cardiovascular Coronary heart disease

Cardiovascular Cerebrovascular disease

Mental/neurological Dementia & Alzheimer disease

Cancer Lung cancer

Respiratory Chronic obstructive pulmonary disease

Age 85–94

Cardiovascular Coronary heart disease

Mental/neurological Dementia & Alzheimer disease

Cardiovascular Cerebrovascular disease

Respiratory Chronic obstructive pulmonary disease

Cardiovascular Heart failure

Age 95+

Circulatory Coronary heart disease

Mental/neurological Dementia & Alzheimer disease

Cardiovascular Cerebrovascular disease

Cardiovascular Heart failure

Respiratory Influenza & pneumonia

Age 1–14 Age 15–24 Age 25–44 Age 45–64 Age 65–74

Source: Adapted from Australian Institute of Health and Welfare (2017).

Evident in Figure 13.3 too is that the leading causes of death change with age. Infant deaths are mainly associated with complications in the period surrounding birth and congenital abnormalities (see Chapter 3).The leading causes of death among children and adolescents tend to be unintentional injuries or accidents (see Chapter 4 about adolescent risk-taking), but the top five also includes cancer for this age group. Mostly non-disease related causes, such as accidents and suicide (see

LINKAGES Chapter 3 Genes, environment and the beginnings of life Chapter 4 Body, brain and health

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TABLE 13.1  Selected causes of death in New Zealand by sex and ethnicity, 2012 CONDITION

TOTAL NUMBER OF DEATHS

% OF DEATHS BY SEX

MA¯ORI DEATHS PER 100 000 POPULATION

Male

Female

Male

Female

NON-MA¯ORI DEATHS PER 100 000 POPULATION Male

Female

TOTAL DEATHS PER 100 000 POPULATION Male

Female

All cancer

8905

52.5

47.5

205.1

191.4

137.7

103.8

143.9

110.6

Ischaemic heart disease

5399

55.3

44.7

104.3

77.2

78.5

40.0

85.2

43.8

Cerebrovascular disease

2612

37.1

62.9

30.3

31.7

25.7

28.4

27.1

29.6

Lung cancer

1628

54.7

45.3

64.5

66.4

23.9

15.7

27.1

19.7

Diabetes

807

53.3

46.7

48.3

33.8

9.9

6.9

12.8

9.6

Intentional self-harm

550

73.5

26.5

25.3

10.5

16.3

5.2

18.2

6.4

Motor vehicle accidents

347

73.5

26.5

22.4

6.3

9.3

3.2

11.3

3.7

Source: © Crown Copyright. Licensed from the Ministry of Health New Zeland for use under the Creative Commons Attribution licence (BY) 4.0.

LINKAGES Chapter 4 Body, brain and health Chapter 12 Developmental psychopathology

programmed theories of ageing Theories of ageing that emphasise the systematic genetic control of ageing processes. damage/error theories of ageing Theories of ageing that emphasise several haphazard processes that cause cells and organ systems to deteriorate.

LINKAGES Chapter 1 Understanding life span human development Chapter 2 Theories of human development

maximum life span A ceiling on the number of years that any member of a species lives.

Chapter 12), kill young to middle-aged adults, but chronic diseases such as cardiovascular disease begin to take their toll from this age, probably because certain individuals’ genetic endowments, unhealthy lifestyles, or both, put them at risk to develop these and other diseases prematurely (Horiuchi, Finch, Mesle, & Vallin, 2003; and see Chapter 4). The incidence of chronic diseases then climbs steadily beginning in the 40s and continuing through to the 80s, and mental and neurological diseases such as Alzheimer’s disease become a top cause of death as we age (see Chapter 12). In sum, life expectancies are higher than ever. After we make it through the vulnerable period of infancy, we are at low risk of death through adolescence and are most likely to die suddenly in an accident if we do die. As we age, we become more vulnerable to chronic diseases – and the often slower and more expected deaths associated with them. But why is it that the odds of death increase as we age; or more fundamentally: why is it that all of us die? Why does no one live to be 200 or 600?

Theories of ageing: Why do we age and die? No matter what we do to stay fit and healthy and avoid the diseases associated with ageing, we all eventually die. There is no simple answer to the question of why we age and die. However, several theories have been proposed, and each of them says something important about the ageing process. These theories can be divided into two main categories: programmed theories of ageing propose that ageing follows a predictable genetic timetable, and damage or error theories of ageing call attention to more haphazard processes that cause errors in cells to accumulate and organ systems to deteriorate (Arking, 2006). The question, really, is to what extent ageing and death are the result of a biological master plan, versus an accumulation of random insults to the body while we live. In other words, we are revisiting the question we have asked on many occasions throughout this text – what role do nature and nurture play in ageing and death (see Chapter 1 and Chapter 2)?

Programmed theories of ageing Programmed theories assume that ageing will unfold according to a species-specific genetic program. There is no doubt that maximum life span – a ceiling on the number of years that anyone lives – varies by species.The fruit fly is lucky to live for 2–3 months, whereas the mighty Galapagos tortoise can reach an astonishing 190 years. Among mammals, humans have the longest maximum life span, estimated at around 125 years (Weon & Je, 2009).The longest documented and verified life so far is that of Jeanne Louise Calment, a French woman who died in 1997 at age 122 (Cruikshank, 2013;

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CHAPTER 13: THE FINAL CHALLENGE: DEATH AND DYING

Willcox, Willcox, Rosenbaum, Sokolovsky, & Suzuki, 2009). She lived on her own until age 110, when she could no longer see well enough to safely cook or light her daily cigarette. Nearly blind and deaf and confined to a wheelchair, she maintained her sense of humour to the end, attributing her longevity to everything from her diet rich in olive oil, wine and chocolate to being forgotten by God. Calment, and others who live almost as long, are the basis for setting the maximum human life span around 125 years. Despite the fact that the average life expectancy increased 30-plus years during the twentieth century and that more and more people today are living to be 100, the estimation of our maximum life span has changed very little (Kinsella, 2005). Beyond the species-specific maximum life span, an individual’s genetic makeup, combined with environmental factors, influences how rapid the ageing process is and how long one lives compared with other humans. For example, genetic differences among us account for more than 50 per cent of differences in the ability to stay free of major chronic diseases at age 70 or older (Reed & Dick, 2003) and for up to about one-third of the variation in longevity (Melzer, Hurst, & Frayling, 2007). Perhaps, then, it is not surprising that a fairly good way to estimate how long you will live is to average the longevity of your parents and grandparents. It is not clear yet, though, exactly how genes influence ageing and longevity.The most promising programmed theory of ageing is based on the work of Leonard Hayflick, who discovered that cells from human embryos could divide only a certain number of times – 50 times, plus or minus 10 – an estimate referred to as the Hayflick limit (Hayflick, 1976, 1994, 2004). Hayflick also demonstrated that cells taken from human adults divide even fewer times, presumably because they have already used up some of their capacity for reproducing themselves. Moreover, the maximum life span of a species is related to the Hayflick limit for that species: The long-lived Galapagos tortoise’s cells can divide 90–125 times whereas the cells of the short-lived fruit fly can divide far fewer than this. The mechanism behind the cellular ageing clock suggested by Hayflick’s limit on cell division has turned out to be telomeres – stretches of DNA that form the tips of chromosomes and that shorten with every cell division (see Figure 13.4). This progressive shortening of telomeres eventually makes cells unable to replicate and causes them to malfunction and die. Therefore, telomere length is a

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Hayflick limit The limit to the number of times each cell of a certain species can divide before cell death occurs. telomere A stretch of DNA that forms the tip of a chromosome and that shortens after each cell division, possibly timing the death of cells.

FIGURE 13.4  As cells divide over time, telomeres shorten until, eventually, cells can no longer divide.

Cell

Cell Chromosome Cell

Telomeres, end caps that protect the chromosome

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yardstick of biological ageing (Mather, Jorm, Parslow, & Christensen, 2011; Zhu, Belcher, & van der Harst, 2011). But what determines how fast telomeres shorten? Fascinating research is revealing that chronic stress, such as that involved in caring for an ill child or a parent with dementia, is linked to shorter than normal white blood cell telomeres, which in turn are associated with heightened risk for cardiovascular disease and death (Epel, 2009; Epel et al., 2004, 2006). Other research has found shortened telomeres among war veterans suffering from post-traumatic stress disorder (Jergovic´ et al., 2014). Many of us believe that stress ages people; now there is concrete evidence that stress speeds cellular ageing. Moreover, lack of exercise, smoking, obesity and low socioeconomic status – all risk factors for age-related diseases – are also associated with short telomeres (Cherkas et al., 2006, 2008). According to programmed theories of ageing, what might we do to extend life? It is possible that researchers might devise ways of manipulating genes to increase longevity or even the maximum life span (Arking, 2006). Life spans of 200–600 years are probably not possible, but some think researchers could raise the average age of death to around 112 years and enable 112-year-olds to function more like 78-year-olds (Miller, 2004). For example, researchers have established that the enzyme telomerase (co-discovered by Carol Greider, Jack Szostak, and Australian-born Elizabeth Blackburn, who were honoured with a Nobel Prize in 2010) can be used to prevent telomeres from shortening and thus keep cells replicating and working longer.Telomerase treatments could backfire, however, if they also make cancerous cells multiply more rapidly (Wang, 2010;Wright & Shay, 2005).

Damage or error theories of ageing

free radicals Chemically unstable byproducts of metabolism that have an extra electron and react with other molecules to produce toxic substances that damage cells and contribute to ageing.

antioxidants Vitamins C and E and similar substances that may increase longevity to a degree by inhibiting the free radical activity associated with oxidation and in turn preventing age-related diseases.

In contrast to programmed theories of ageing, damage or error theories generally propose that wear and tear – an accumulation of haphazard or random damage to cells and organs over the years – ultimately causes death (Hayflick, 2004). Like cars, we may have a limited warranty and simply stop functioning after a certain number of years of use and abuse (Olshansky & Carnes, 2004). Early in life, DNA strands and cells replicate themselves faithfully; later in life this fidelity is lost and cells become increasingly damaged. Damage or error theorists believe that biological ageing is about random damage rather than genetically programmed change. According to one leading error theory, damage to cells that compromises their functioning is done by free radicals, which are toxic and chemically unstable byproducts of metabolism, or the everyday chemical reactions in cells such as those involved in the breakdown of food (Maynard et al., 2015; Shringarpure & Davies, 2009). Free radicals are produced when oxygen reacts with certain molecules in the cells. They have an unpaired, or ‘free’, electron and are highly reactive with and damaging to other molecules in the body, including DNA. Over time the genetic code contained in the DNA of more and more cells becomes scrambled, and the body’s mechanisms for repairing such genetic damage simply cannot keep up with the chaos. More cells then function improperly or cease to function, and the organism eventually dies. ‘Age spots’ on the skin of older people are a visible sign of the damage free radicals can cause. Free radicals have also been implicated in some of the major diseases that become more common with age – most notably, cardiovascular diseases, cancer and Alzheimer’s disease (Maynard et al., 2015). Moreover, they are implicated in the ageing of the brain (Wu et al., 2014). However, the damage of most concern is damage to DNA because the result is replication of defective cells. Unfortunately, we cannot live and breathe without manufacturing free radicals. Many researchers adopting an error perspective have focused on preventing the damage caused by free radicals. Antioxidants such as vitamins E and C (or foods high in them such as raisins, spinach and blueberries) can donate one of their electrons to unstable free radicals, thereby neutralising their damage to your body (Figure 13.5). At least when they are produced by the body or consumed in

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foods rather than taken in pill form, antioxidants may FIGURE 13.5  Mechanism for antioxidant effects of free increase longevity by inhibiting free radical activity radicals and in turn helping prevent age-related diseases. One Free radicals have an unpaired electron, which can cause damage potential antioxidant receiving a great deal of interest as these free radicals indiscriminately absorb or steal electrons from other cells throughout the body. Antioxidants are molecules in recent years is resveratrol, a natural substance in that can safely donate an electron to free radicals, thereby grapes, red wine and peanuts (Ferro & De Souza, neutralising their potential for damage. 2011; Ungvari et al., 2011). More research is needed Unpaired electron Antioxidant to fully understand how resveratrol works and the conditions under which it might be effective in ameliorating age-related damage. Electron One theory is that resveratrol’s effects are similar donation to those that result from caloric restriction – a highly nutritious but severely restricted diet of 60–70 per cent or less of normal total caloric intake (Anderson & Weindruch, 2012; Omodei & Fontana, 2011). Free radical Laboratory studies involving rats and primates suggest that caloric restriction extends both the average longevity and the maximum life span of a species and that it delays or slows the progression of many caloric restriction age-related diseases (Colman et al., 2014). By one estimate, a 40 per cent reduction in daily caloric A highly nutritious but severely calorieintake results in a 40 per cent decrease in body weight, a 40 per cent increase in average longevity restricted diet of 60–70 per cent or less of and a 49 per cent increase in the maximum life span of rats (Harman, 2001). normal total caloric How does caloric restriction achieve these results? It clearly reduces the number of free radicals intake; may increase and other toxic byproducts of metabolism. A restricted diet appears to alter gene activity and trigger longevity. the release of hormones that slow metabolism and protect cells against oxidative damage (Antebi, 2007; Arking, 2006).These changes help the half-starved organism hang on to life as long as possible. ON THE INTERNET However, we do not yet know whether caloric restriction works as well for humans as it apparently has for rats, what calorie counts and combinations of nutrients are optimal, or whether humans who have a choice would put up with being half-starved for most of their lives. We do know that exceptionally long-lived people, the centenarians – people who live to be 100 or older – are rarely obese (Willcox et al., 2009). So might the key to longevity simply be a healthy lifestyle? In Okinawa, Japan, which has one of the world’s highest centenarian rates, the traditional lifestyle includes consuming small amounts of nutritious foods, regular exercise, moderate alcohol use, and a stress-minimising positive outlook (Willcox, Willcox, Todoriki, Curb, & Suzuki, 2006). Consider, too, the finding that when Japanese people move to countries in which meat, sugar and other unhealthy food choices are popular, their life expectancies drop and they develop the diseases of their new country (Willcox et al., 2009). Such evidence suggests that the secret to long life lies, in part, in nurture. However, given the evidence that genes account for about one-third of the variation in longevity, as usual we must see both nature and nurture as important.

Nature, nurture and ageing The theories just described are some of the most promising explanations of why we age and die. Programmed theories of ageing generally say that ageing and dying are as much a part of nature’s plan as sprouting teeth or uttering first words and may be the byproducts of genes that contributed to early growth, development and reproduction. Evidence for the genetic control of ageing and dying includes the maximum life span, the influence of individual genetic makeup on longevity, the Hayflick limit on cell replication as determined by telomeres, changes in the activity of certain genes

Life expectancy calculator

http://media.nmfn. com/tnetwork/ lifespan/#13 Calculate approximately how long you can expect to live based on your answers to questions about your background, lifestyle, and health status by completing the questionnaire available at this website. As you answer the questions you will be able to see the effect each factor has on your expected life span.

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LINKAGES Chapter 10 Social cognition and moral development

as we age, and systematic changes in several bodily systems. By contrast, error theories of ageing hold that we eventually succumb to haphazard destructive processes, such as those caused by free radicals – processes that result in increasingly faulty DNA, abnormal cell functioning and ultimately a breakdown in bodily functioning. Neither of these broad theories of ageing has proved to be the one explanation; instead, many interacting mechanisms involving both ageing processes and disease processes are at work (Arking, 2006). For example, genes influence the capacity of cells to repair environmentally-caused damage, and the random damage caused by free radicals alters genetic material. Nature and nurture, then, interact to bring about ageing and dying – just as they interact to produce development. Integrating several models of longevity, Peter Martin and colleagues (Martin, Hagberg, & Poon, 2012) suggest that psychosocial factors may get you to age 80, but good biology may be needed to take you from age 80 to 100. For now, the research suggests it is best to concentrate on reducing our chances of dying young by not smoking, avoiding becoming overweight by eating nutritious food and exercising regularly, and minimising stress.You might like to try the On the internet: Life expectancy calculator to estimate your own longevity.

IN REVIEW CHECKING UNDERSTANDING 1 Why was Terry Schiavo not dead according to the total brain death definition of death? 2 What would be most likely to cause the death of a 10-year-old? A 70-year-old? 3 What is the major difference between a programmed theory of ageing and a damage or error theory of ageing?

down to die together (Gibbs, 2009). The husband had weak vision and hearing but no major health problems; he mainly did not want to go on living without his beloved wife. Do you believe that (1) the wife and (2) the husband should be able to choose death in circumstances like this? Why or why not? How would you characterise your reasoning in terms of Kohlberg’s preconventional, conventional and postconventional levels of moral development, as described in Chapter 10?

CRITICAL THINKING An 85-year-old British man and his 74-year-old wife, who was dying of terminal liver and pancreatic cancer, paid an organisation in Switzerland to help them achieve an assisted suicide in which they both drank poison and lay

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13.2 THE EXPERIENCE OF DEATH Learning objectives

■■ Assess Elisabeth Kübler-Ross’ stages of dying and the limitations of her view of the dying person’s experience. ■■ Illustrate how reactions to death differ in different cultures and racial/ethnic groups. ■■ Assess the Parkes–Bowlby attachment model of bereavement and compare how it is similar to and different from Kübler-Ross’ model. ■■ Compare the dual-process model of bereavement to the Parkes–Bowlby model.

People who develop life-threatening illnesses face the challenge of coping with the knowledge that they are seriously ill and are likely to die. What is it like to be dying, and how does the experience compare to the experience of losing a loved one to death?

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Perspectives on dying

LINKAGES Chapter 2 Theories of human development

Snapshot

Source: Getty Images/Denver Post

Perhaps no one has done more to focus attention on the emotional needs and reactions of dying patients than psychiatrist Elisabeth Kübler-Ross, whose stages of dying are widely known and whose 1969 book On Death and Dying revolutionised the care of dying people. In interviews with terminally ill patients, Kübler-Ross (1969, 1974) detected a common set of emotional responses to the knowledge that one has a serious, and probably fatal, illness. She believed that similar reactions might occur in response to any major loss, so bear in mind that the family and friends of the dying person may experience similar emotional reactions during the loved one’s illness and after the death. Kübler-Ross’ five ‘stages of dying’ are as follows: 1 Denial and isolation. A common first response to dreadful news is to say, ‘No! It can’t be!’ Denial is a defence mechanism (see Chapter 2) in which anxiety-provoking thoughts are kept out of, or ‘isolated’ from, conscious awareness. A woman who has just been diagnosed with lung cancer may insist that the diagnosis is wrong – or accept that she is ill but be convinced that she will beat the odds and recover. Denial can be a marvellous coping device; it can get us through a time of acute crisis until we are ready to cope more constructively.Yet even after dying patients face the facts and become ready to talk about dying, care providers and family members often engage in their own denial. 2 Anger. As the bad news begins to register, the dying person asks, ‘Why me?’ Feelings of rage or resentment may be directed at anyone who is handy – doctors, nurses or family members. Kübler-Ross advises those close to the dying person to be sensitive to this reaction so that they will not try to avoid this irritable person or become angry in return. 3 Bargaining.When the dying person bargains, they say, ‘Okay, me, but please …’The bargainer begs for some concession from God, the medical staff or family members – if not for a cure, perhaps for a little more time, a little less pain or provision for their children. 4 Depression. As the dying person becomes even more aware of the reality of the situation, depression, despair and a sense of hopelessness become the predominant emotional responses. Grief focuses on the losses that have already occurred (for example, the loss of functional abilities) and the losses to come (separation from loved ones, inability to achieve dreams and so on). 5 Acceptance. If the dying person is able to work through the emotional reactions of the preceding stages, they may accept the inevitability of death in a calm and peaceful manner. Kübler-Ross (1969, p. 100) describes the acceptance stage this way: ‘It is almost void of feelings. It is as if the pain had gone, the struggle is over, and there comes a time for “the final rest before the long journey”, as one patient phrased it.’ In addition to these five stages of dying, Kübler-Ross emphasised a sixth response that runs throughout the stages: hope. She believed that it is essential for terminally ill patients to retain some sense of hope, even if it is only the hope that they can die with dignity. Sadly, Kübler-Ross spent her own dying days alone and not too well tended, a prisoner in her armchair with the television for company (O’Rourke, 2010).

Psychiatrist Elisabeth Kübler-Ross called on medical professionals to emphasise caring rather than curing.

Problems with Kübler-Ross’ stages Kübler-Ross deserves immense credit for sensitising our society to the emotional needs of dying people. She convinced medical professionals to emphasise caring rather than curing in working with terminally ill people. At the same time, there are flaws in her account of the dying person’s experience (Kastenbaum, 2012; Walter & McCoyd, 2009). The first and most important problem with Kübler-Ross’ stages is that emotional responses to the dying process are simply not stage-like. Although dying patients often display symptoms of depression as

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bereavement A state of loss that provides the occasion for grief and mourning. grief The emotional response to loss. mourning Culturally prescribed ways of displaying reactions to a loss.

death nears, the other emotional reactions Kübler-Ross describes seem to affect only minorities of dying people. Moreover, when these responses occur, they do not unfold in a standard order. Instead, dying patients experience a complex, ever-changing and unpredictable interplay of emotions, alternating between denial and acceptance of death. One day a patient may seem to understand that death is near; the next day he or she may talk of getting better and going home. Along the way many reactions – disbelief, hope, terror, bewilderment, rage, apathy, calm, anxiety and others – come and go and are even experienced simultaneously (Chochinov & Schwartz, 2002). It might have been better, then, if Kübler-Ross had, from the start, described her stages simply as emotional reactions to dying. Unfortunately, some overzealous medical professionals have tried to push dying patients through the ‘stages’ in order, believing incorrectly that their patients would never accept death unless they experienced the ‘right’ emotions at the ‘right’ times (Kastenbaum, 2012). Second, Kübler-Ross’ theory does not take into account that the disease a person has and its course or trajectory affects emotional reactions to dying (Kastenbaum, 2012). When a patient is slowly and gradually worsening over time, the patient, family members and staff can all become accustomed to the death that lies ahead. When the path toward death is more erratic, however, perhaps involving remissions and relapses and surgeries along the way, emotional ups or downs are likely each time the patient’s condition takes a turn for better or worse. Third, Kübler-Ross’ approach overlooks that individuals differ widely in their responses to dying. People cope with dying much as they have coped with life. Depending on their predominant personality traits, coping styles and social competencies, some dying people may deny until the bitter end, some may ‘rage against the dying of the light’, some may quickly be crushed by despair and still others may display incredible strength (Neimeyer, Currier, Coleman, Tomer, & Samuel, 2011). Most will display combinations of these responses, each in his or her own unique way. Fourth and finally, Kübler-Ross focused on emotional responses to the news that one is dying but gave little attention to how dying people focus on living, not just dying. An interesting study by Rinat Nissim and colleagues (2012) identified themes in interviews with Canadian patients who had advanced cancer and less than 2 years to live. An important discovery was that these patients continued to set and work toward goals. Their goals centred on: • controlling dying (primarily by focusing on their chemotherapy and other treatments but also, for some, by holding in the back of their mind the possibility of suicide if necessary) • valuing life in the present (getting the most out of their remaining time, even if they could no longer make long-term plans) • creating a living legacy (getting their affairs in order, creating good memories with their children, touching others’ lives). In short, these patients were not just coping with difficult emotions and they were certainly not just lying back waiting to die. As the researchers put it, they were ‘striving to grow in the land of the living/dying’ (Nissim et al., 2012, p. 368; and see McTiernan & O’Connell, 2014). In sum, KüblerRoss highlighted five relevant emotional responses to dying but we should not think of them as stages, as applicable to all diseases or all personalities, or as all that is going on in the lives of people who are not only coping with dying but trying to live.

Perspectives on bereavement Most of us are more familiar with the process of grieving a death than with the process of dying. To describe responses to the death of a loved one, we must distinguish among three terms: bereavement – a state of loss, grief – an emotional response to loss, and mourning – a culturally prescribed way of displaying reactions to death (and see the Diversity box later in the chapter). All societies have evolved some manner of reacting to this universal experience of death – of interpreting its meaning,

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disposing of corpses and expressing grief. Beyond these universals, however, the similarities end. The experience of death differs from culture to culture. For example, a bereaved person who has lost their loved one to illness may grieve by experiencing such emotions as sadness, anger and guilt and mourn by attending the funeral and laying flowers on the grave each year. For Northern Australian Fitzroy Valley Aboriginal people who are bereaved after the death of a loved one and experiencing emotional distress and sorrow (grief), mourning is associated with Jaminyjarti – rituals that aim to provide comfort and support and alleviate grief (Toussaint, 2014). As the eating of red meat is restricted by bereaved relatives in mourning both during and after the funeral activity (often referred to as ‘sorry business’), one of the most significant ways of looking after the them is to cook them a meal of freshly caught fish. The chapter Diversity box provides some further insights about the cultural diversity that abounds in grieving and mourning practices during bereavement.

Diversity GRIEF, MOURNING AND CULTURE If we look at how people in various cultures grieve and mourn a death, we quickly realise there is considerable diversity and no single, mandated grieving and mourning process (Klass, 2001; Park & Pyszczynski, 2016; Rosenblatt, 2008, 2013, 2015b). For example, Mexican mourners do more viewing, touching and kissing of the deceased than Europeans (Bonanno, 2009); and in the Philippines, overt demonstrations of grief and loud crying signify respect and love for the deceased (Lobar, Youngblut, & Brooten, 2006). By contrast, those from Japan are socialised to restrain their grief – to smile so as not to burden others with their pain and to avoid the shame associated with losing self-control (Lobar et al., 2006). There may also be gender differences – it is customary among Puerto Rican women to display intense emotions after a death, whereas men tend to ‘be strong’ and show less overt emotion (Clements et al., 2003). The specific duration, frequency and intensity of grieving and death rituals are often influenced by cultural, religious or spiritual beliefs (Clements et al., 2003). When a Hindu dies, for example, the body is washed and dressed, then usually cremated before the next sunrise to facilitate the soul’s

transition from this world to the next. In the first 10 days following death, rituals are conducted, including food offerings as symbols of care of the deceased. Excessive displays of grief are not permitted to ensure the deceased is not subjected to negative energy. The soul is then released from its former life on the eleventh day. Memorial services take place at the 1-month and 1-year anniversaries and involve purification of the surroundings where the deceased is remembered, and again symbolically caring for them with food offerings (Lobar et al., 2006; Bhuvaneswar, & Stern, 2013). Depending on the society, death rituals range from solitary and private occasions to a gathering of family and friends, or even a public occasion; they may be times for celebration of life, or events characterised by weeping and sadness. The Irish, for example, have traditionally believed that the dead deserve a good send-off, a wake with food, drink and jokes – the kind of party the deceased might have enjoyed (McGoldrick et al., 1991). Traditional Maˉori mourning ceremonies, known as tangihanga, are solemn occasions that take place over a number of hours or days and are accompanied by rituals of lamentation and oration and exhibitions of artifacts

and portraits of ancestors. The coffin is left open so mourners may view the body and during this time the body is never left alone, with family members remaining close. A feast follows the burial, as does a ritual cleansing of the place where the body rested (Nikora, Masters-Awatere, & Awekotuku, 2012). For Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples, traditional mourning and burial rituals help the spirit return to the Dreaming. The rituals during this time vary widely among language groups, but generally the deceased’s name becomes taboo after death and may not be spoken out of respect for the deceased and the bereaved (Edwards, 2013; Fryer-Smith, 2008). Note that fulfilling long-held death and mourning rituals and traditions can be challenging in the context of modern medical practices and the geographic dispersal of kin, which may add to the strains experienced by the bereaved (see Nikora, Masters-Awatere, & Awekotuku, 2012 for an example of the pressures experienced by a Maˉori woman, and her family, when mourning and burying her mother). At times rituals may undergo changes and adaptations, albeit gradual ones, in response (see Edwards, 2013 for an account of changes to mourning and burial practices of the Pitjantjatjara people >>>

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of South Australia). It is important to acknowledge, too, that individuals and families within societies are diverse in the extent to which they adopt the various traditions and cultural practices of grief and mourning. Although there is cross-cultural, individual and family diversity in grieving and mourning practices, there is commonality, too; namely that grieving and mourning practices tend to demonstrate respect for the deceased and seek to protect their ‘soul’, and also offer family, friends,

anticipatory grief Grieving before death for what is happening and for what lies ahead.

and perhaps the whole community the opportunity to reminisce and remember the deceased (Lobar et al., 2006). In short, the experiences of dying individuals and of their survivors are shaped by the historical and cultural contexts in which death occurs. Death may be universal, and the tendency to react negatively to loss may be too (Parkes, 2000). Otherwise, death is truly what we humans make of it; there is no one ‘right’ way to die or to grieve a death.

Source: Getty Images/ Peter Drury-Pool

>>>

Traditional Maˉori mourning ceremonies, known as tangihanga (tangi), take place over a number of days during which time the body is never left alone.

Unless a death is sudden, relatives and friends, like the dying person, will experience many painful emotions before the death, from the initial diagnosis through to the last breath (Grbich, Parker, & Maddocks, 2001). They, too, may experience an emotional roller coaster and alternate between acceptance and denial (Klemm & Wheeler, 2005).They may also experience what has been termed anticipatory grief – grieving before death occurs for what is happening and for what lies ahead. Anticipatory grief can lessen later distress and improve outcomes of bereavement if it involves accepting the coming loss (Metzger & Gray, 2008). Yet no amount of preparation and anticipatory grief can entirely eliminate the need to grieve after the death occurs. How, then, do we grieve? In the next sections we will explore two models conceptualising how we grieve.

The Parkes–Bowlby attachment model LINKAGES Chapter 11 Emotions, attachment and social relationships

Parkes–Bowlby attachment model of bereavement Model of grieving describing four predominant reactions to loss of an attachment figure: numbness, yearning, disorganisation and despair, and reorganisation.

Pioneering research on the grieving process was conducted by Colin Murray Parkes and his colleagues in Great Britain (Parkes, 1991, 2006; Parkes & Prigerson, 2010; Parkes & Weiss, 1983). John Bowlby (1980), whose influential theory of attachment was outlined in Chapter 11, and Parkes have conceptualised grieving in the context of attachment theory as a reaction to separation from a loved one. As Parkes (2006, p. 1) notes, ‘love and loss are two sides of the same coin. We cannot have one without risking the other’. The grieving adult is very much like the infant who experiences separation anxiety when their mother disappears from view and he or she then tries to retrieve her. As humans, we have evolved not only to form attachments but also to protest their loss. The Parkes–Bowlby attachment model of bereavement describes four predominant reactions. They overlap considerably and therefore should be viewed as phases, not as sequential stages. These reactions are numbness, yearning, disorganisation and despair, and reorganisation. Table 13.2 shows this phase model of bereavement side by side with Kübler-Ross’ stages of dying to illustrate their similarities and differences. 1 Numbness. In the first few hours or days after the death, the bereaved person is often in a daze – gripped by a sense of unreality and disbelief and almost empty of feelings. Underneath this state of numbness and shock is a sense of being on the verge of bursting, and occasionally painful emotions break through. The bereaved person is struggling to defend him- or herself against the full weight of the loss; the bad news has not fully registered. 2  Yearning. As the numbing sense of shock and disbelief diminishes, the bereaved person experiences more agony. This is the time of acute separation anxiety and efforts to reunite with the lost loved one. Grief comes in pangs or waves that typically are most severe from 5–14 days after the death.

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Intensity of distress

The grieving person has feelings of panic, bouts of TABLE 13.2  Models of dying and bereavement uncontrollable weeping and physical aches and pains. He or she is likely to be extremely restless, unable Kübler-Ross’ Stages of Dying The Parkes–Bowlby Attachment Model of Bereavement to concentrate or to sleep and preoccupied with 1  Denial and isolation 1 Numbness thoughts of the loved one and of the events leading to the death. Most importantly, the bereaved person 2 Anger 2 Yearning (including anger, blame, guilt) pines, yearns and searches for the loved one, longing 3 Bargaining 2 Yearning (including anger, to be reunited. blame, guilt) According to Parkes and Bowlby, it is these 4 Depression 3  Disorganisation and despair signs of separation anxiety – the distress of being parted from the object of attachment – that most 5 Acceptance 4 Reorganisation clearly make grieving different from other kinds of emotional distress. A widow may think she heard her husband’s voice or saw him in a crowd; she may may sense his presence in the house and draw comfort from it; she may be drawn to his favourite chair, or try to recover him by smelling his clothing. Ultimately the quest to be reunited, driven by separation anxiety, fails. Both anger and guilt are also common reactions during these early weeks and months of bereavement. Frustrated in their quest for reunion, bereaved people often feel irritable and sometimes experience intense rage – at the loved one for dying, at the doctors for not doing a Express better job, at almost anyone. They seem to need to rest blame somewhere. Unfortunately, they For additional often find reason to blame themselves – to feel guilty. A father may berate himself that he should insight on the have spent time teaching his child to swim; the friend of a young man who dies of AIDS may feel data presented in Figure 13.6 try out that he was not a good enough friend. One of the London widows studied by Parkes felt guilty the Understanding because she never made her husband bread pudding. the data exercise 3 Disorganisation and despair. As time passes, pangs of intense grief and yearning become less on CourseMate Express. frequent, although they still occur. As the realisation sets in that a reunion with the loved one is impossible, depression, despair and apathy FIGURE 13.6  The overlapping phases of grief in the Parkes– increasingly predominate. During most of the Bowlby attachment model of bereavement first year after the death, and longer in many Numbness and disbelief quickly give way to yearning and pining (signs cases, bereaved individuals often feel apathetic of separation anxiety) and then to despair or depression (and, although and may have difficulty managing and taking not shown here, growing acceptance and reorganisation). interest in their lives. High 4 Reorganisation. Eventually, pangs of grief and periods of apathy become less frequent. The bereaved invest less emotional energy in their attachment to the deceased and more in their attachments to the living. If they have lost a spouse, they begin to make the transition from being a wife or husband to being a widow or widower, revising their identities. They begin to feel ready for new activities and possibly for Low (loss) 1 2 3 4 5 6 new relationships or attachments. Figure 13.6 shows the changing mix of Time in months overlapping reactions predicted by this attachment Numbness and disbelief Separation anxiety model of grief. To test the Parkes–Bowlby phase Despair and depression model of grief, Paul Maciejewski and his colleagues Source: Jacobs et al. (1987–1988), Figure 1. Reprinted with permission of Baywood Publishing Co., Inc. (2007) assessed disbelief, yearning, anger, depression

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and acceptance in 233 bereaved individuals from 1 to 24 months after their loss of a loved one to death from natural causes. The different emotional reactions peaked in the predicted order as shown in Figure  13.6 (disbelief, yearning, anger and despair/depression), while acceptance steadily gained strength over time. Acceptance proved to be the strongest response, even in the early months, and yearning was the second-strongest response; the remaining responses were relatively weak. Although the worst of the grieving process is during the first 6 months after the loss, the process normally takes a year or more for widows and widowers, and can take much longer (Parkes & Prigerson, 2010).

The dual-process model of bereavement

dual-process model of bereavement A theory of coping with bereavement in which the bereaved oscillate between loss-oriented coping, in which they deal with their emotions and reconcile the loss; restorationoriented coping, in which they manage practical tasks and reorganise their lives; and periods of respite from coping.

Like responses to dying, responses to bereavement have proven to be messy – messier than the Parkes–Bowlby phase model suggests. Recognising this, Margaret Stroebe and Henk Schut have put forth a dual-process model of bereavement in which the bereaved oscillate between coping with the emotional blow of the loss and coping with the practical challenges of living, as illustrated in Figure 13.7 (Stroebe & Schut, 1999; and see Hansson & Stroebe, 2007; and Stroebe, Schut, & Boerner, 2010). Loss-oriented coping involves dealing with one’s emotions and reconciling oneself to the loss, whereas restoration-oriented coping is focused on managing daily living, rethinking one’s life and mastering new roles and challenges. The bereaved need to grieve, but they also need to figure out their finances, take over household tasks that the loved one used to do, get reinvolved in life, revise their identities and manage other challenges. FIGURE 13.7  The dual-process model of coping with bereavement The bereaved oscillate between loss-oriented and restoration-oriented coping, both of which involve positive and negative emotions. There are also periods of respite from coping.

Everyday life experience Lossoriented grief work intrusion of grief breaking bonds/ ties/relocation denial/avoidance of restoration changes

Restorationoriented attending to life changes doing new things distraction from grief denial/avoidance of grief new roles/ identities/ relationships

Source: Stroebe & Schut (1999), Figure 1. Reprinted with permission of Taylor & Francis Group.

Both loss- and restoration-oriented issues need to be confronted, but they also need to be avoided at times or they would exhaust us. We therefore have to strike a balance between confrontation and avoidance of coping challenges and between loss-oriented and restoration-oriented coping. So, for example, working on practical tasks like preparing a tax return – or just watching a movie – may give a widow relief from dealing with painful emotions so that she can re-energise for a while before shifting back to a focus on her loss. Both processes in the dual-process model can involve both positive and negative thoughts and emotions (happy memories of good times with the loved one, painful memories of days in the hospital). Bereaved people ideally oscillate between the two types of coping rather than focusing on only one; otherwise, they would either fail to deal with their loss or fail to take steps toward recovery. Over time, though, emphasis shifts from loss-oriented to restoration-oriented coping and from negative to positive thoughts and emotions. Copyright 2019 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. WCN 02-200-202

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More recently, Stroebe and Schut (2015) have extended their model to consider how the family as a whole deals with its loss. Family dynamics affect how individual family members cope, and individual family members affect overall family coping as well. For example, after a child’s death, a father may try to avoid talking about the loss or expressing grief to protect his wife from pain. As it turns out, this strategy may backfire, leading both him and his wife to experience more intense grief later on (Stroebe et al., 2013). At the family level, too, there is oscillation between loss-oriented coping (for example, shared mourning activities) and restoration-oriented coping (for example, reconfiguring family roles). In the end, some families prove to be more resilient than others (Bonanno, Romero, & Klein, 2015). Most researchers agree that bereavement is a complex and multidimensional process that involves many ever-shifting emotions (like the emotional responses of dying people), varies greatly from person to person and often takes a long time. Meanwhile, the rest of us are sympathetic toward the bereaved immediately after a death – eager to help in any way we can – but we may quickly grow weary of someone who is depressed, irritable or preoccupied. We begin to think, sometimes after only a few days or weeks, that it is time for the bereaved person to cheer up and get on with life. We are wrong. To be of help to bereaved people, we must understand that their reactions of numbness and disbelief, yearning and despair, and their needs to engage in both loss-oriented and restorationoriented coping, may linger a long time. We have now presented some of the major perspectives on how people experience dying and bereavement. However, these perspectives have been based primarily on the responses of adults. How do infants, children and adolescents respond to death? What does death even mean to infants and young children? A life span perspective on death and dying is needed.

IN REVIEW CHECKING UNDERSTANDING

CRITICAL THINKING

1 What are the main criticisms of Kübler-Ross’ stage theory of dying?

If you worked with the bereaved, how might you use the (a) five stages of dying that Elisabeth Kübler-Ross believes terminally ill patients experience, (b) four phases of adjustment that Colin Murray Parkes and John Bowlby believe bereaved people experience, and (c) dual-process model of bereavement to support them? And how might you avoid misusing these models?

2 How does attachment theory inform the Parkes– Bowlby model of bereavement? 3 What oscillates in the dual-process model of bereavement?

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13.3 THE INFANT ■■ Explain how infants might first come to understand death. ■■ Describe how John Bowlby characterised infants’ responses to separation from an attachment figure and how these responses resemble grief.

Learning objectives

Looking at bereavement from an attachment theory perspective makes us wonder how infants understand and cope with the death of an attachment figure. Infants surely do not comprehend death as the cessation of life, but they do gain an understanding of concepts that pave the way for an understanding of death (Corr, 2010). Infants may, for example, grasp the concepts of being and non-being, here and ‘all gone’, from such experiences as watching objects and people appear and

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LINKAGES Chapter 11 Emotions, attachment and social relationships

LINKAGES Chapter 12 Developmental psychopathology

disappear, playing peekaboo and even going to sleep and ‘coming alive’ again in the morning. Possibly, infants first form a global category of things that are ‘all gone’ and later divide it into subcategories, one of which is ‘dead’ (Kastenbaum, 2000). Infants lack the concept of death as permanent separation or loss, however, and the cognitive capacity to interpret what has happened. And, although they may notice changes in the emotional climate in their home when their companions are grieving or may miss a no longer present caregiver (Corr, 2010), they lack the cognitive capacity to interpret what has happened when someone in the family dies. The experience most directly relevant to an emerging concept of death is the disappearance of a loved one, and it is here that Bowlby’s theory of attachment is helpful (Chapter 11). After infants form their first attachments around 6 or 7 months, they begin to display signs of separation anxiety when their beloved caregivers leave them. According to Bowlby, they are biologically programmed to protest separations by crying, searching for their loved one and attempting to follow, thereby increasing the chances that they will be reunited with the caregiver and protected from harm. Bowlby (1980) observed that infants separated from their attachment figures display many of the same reactions that bereaved adults do. Infants first engage in vigorous protest – yearning and searching for the loved one and expressing outrage when they fail. One 17-month-old girl said only, ‘Mum, Mum, Mum’ for three days after her mother died. She was willing to sit on a nurse’s lap but would turn her back, as if she did not want to see that the nurse was not ‘Mum’ (Freud & Burlingham, cited in Bowlby, 1980). If, after some hours or days of protest, an infant has not succeeded in finding the loved one, he or she begins to despair, displaying depression-like symptoms. The baby loses hope, ends the search and becomes apathetic and sad. Grief may be reflected in a poor appetite, a change in sleeping patterns, excessive clinginess, or regression to less-mature behaviour (Walter & McCoyd, 2009; and see Chapter 12). After some days – longer in some cases – the bereaved infant enters a detachment phase, in which he or she takes renewed interest in toys and companions and may begin to seek new relationships. Infants will recover from the loss of an attachment figure most completely if they can rely on an existing attachment figure (for example, the surviving parent) or have the opportunity to attach themselves to someone new who will be sensitive and responsive to them (Walter & McCoyd, 2009). Notice the similarities between these reactions and the yearning, disorganisation and despair, and reorganisation phases of the Parkes–Bowlby attachment model of bereavement.

IN REVIEW CHECKING UNDERSTANDING

CRITICAL THINKING

1 What kinds of experiences in infancy may pave the way for an understanding of the concept of death?

Baby Seth was 1-year-old when his mother died in a car accident. How would you expect him to react, and how would his reactions compare to those of a bereaved adult, as described by the Parkes–Bowlby attachment model of bereavement?

2 When in infancy would you expect infants to show grief reactions if a parent were to die?

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CHAPTER 13: THE FINAL CHALLENGE: DEATH AND DYING

13.4 THE CHILD ■■ Summarise the four key components of an understanding of biological death, and when they develop in childhood. ■■ Characterise the reactions of terminally ill children to their situation. ■■ Describe children’s common reactions to bereavement and what is most critical in helping them to adjust.

Learning objectives

Much as parents would like to shelter their children from unpleasant life experiences, children encounter death in their early years, if only of bugs and birds, or in the books, games and media that are part of their world. Children may also experience the deaths of pets, family, friends, teachers and other important people in their lives; and terminally ill children are faced with their own deaths. How do children come to understand and cope with their experiences of death?

Grasping the concept of death Contrary to what many adults would like to believe, young children are highly curious about death, think about it with some frequency and can talk about it (Kastenbaum, 2012). Yet their understandings about death often differ considerably from those of adults. In Western societies, a ‘mature’ understanding of the biological process of death has several components: 1 Finality (irreversibility). The understanding that death is a permanent condition and cannot be ‘fixed’ or undone. 2 Non-functionality. The understanding that death involves the cessation of all biological and psychological life processes, such as breathing, movement, sensation and thought. 3 Universality. The understanding that death is inevitable and happens to all living things. 4 Causality.The understanding that death can be brought about by internal and external causes that are not unique to individuals but apply to all living things. Researchers have studied children’s conceptions of death by asking questions such as those in Table  13.3, finding that from age 3½ children develop their understanding of these components of death and that by 6–7 years of age most children have an accurate understanding of most components. For example, in their study of 4-, 5- and 6-year-olds, Karl Rosengren and colleagues found that children as young as 4 had a considerable understanding of death and that by 6 years of age most children had an accurate understanding of death in relation to plants, animals and humans (Rosengren, Gutiérrez, & Schein, 2014; see Figure 13.8). The exception is the causality concept, which appears to be the most difficult concept for children to master and TABLE 13.3  Biological concepts of death and questions pertaining to these concepts Concept

Questions

Finality/irreversibility

Will the dead person (or plant or animal) come back to life? Will they be dead forever and ever? Is there anything that could make them come back to life?

Non-functionality

Can a dead person, plant or animal grow? Eat? Breathe? Think? Dream? Do dead people know that they are dead?

Universality

Do all people, animals, and plants die at some time? Can some live forever? Will your parents and friends die? Will you die?

Causality

What makes a person, animal or plant die? Do they have to be very old to die? Are there other things that cause death?

Sources: Adapted from Hoffman & Strauss (1985); Rosengren, Gutiérrez, & Schein (2014).

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FIGURE 13.8  Children’s understanding of finality, universality, non-functionality and causality by age for humans, animals and plants a. 4-year-olds

Average Score

2.00 1.50 1.00 0.50 0.00

Finality

Universality

Non-functionality

Causality

Finality

Universality

Non-functionality

Causality

Finality

Universality

Non-functionality

Causality

b. 5-year-olds

Average Score

2.00 1.50 1.00 0.50 0.00 c. 6-year-olds

Average Score

2.00 1.50 1.00 0.50 0.00

Death concepts Human

Animal

Plant

Source: Rosengren, Gutiérrez, & Schein (2014), Figure 3. John Wiley & Sons, Inc. Permission conveyed through Copyright Clearance Center, Inc.

LINKAGES Chapter 5 Cognitive development Chapter 7 Intelligence and creativity

may not be acquired until around age 10 (Bonoti, Leondari, & Mastora, 2013; Kenyon, 2001; Rosengren et al., 2014). Children’s understanding of death appears to be influenced by their level of cognitive development, the sociocultural context and their personal experience with death. In relation to cognitive development, major breakthroughs in the understanding of death occur in the age range of 5–7 years – when, according to Piaget’s theory, children progress from the preoperational stage of cognitive development to the concrete-operational stage (see Chapter 5). A mature understanding of death is also correlated with IQ (Kenyon, 2001; and see Chapter 7). In addition, children’s concepts of death are influenced by the sociocultural context in which they live and the specific cultural beliefs to which they are exposed. Understandably, then, a child who is raised to believe that dead people experience an afterlife or are reincarnated may not view death as an irreversible cessation of life processes (Bering, Blasi, & Bjorklund, 2005; Harris, 2011). In the past, children’s responses that indicate a continuity of mind or body after death have been

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CHAPTER 13: THE FINAL CHALLENGE: DEATH AND DYING

identified as misconceptions reflecting poor understanding of finality and non-functionality; yet other researchers argue these as simply ‘alternative conceptions’ and note that many children can explain death using both biological and religious or spiritual models (Legare, Evans, Rosengren, & Harris, 2012; Nguyen & Rosengren, 2004). Within any society, children’s unique life experiences will also affect their understanding of death. Children who have life-threatening illnesses or who have encountered violence and death in their environments or in their own lives sometimes grasp death sooner than other children (Bonoti et al., 2013; Hunter & Smith, 2008; O’Halloran & Altmaier, 1996). How parents and others communicate with children about these deaths, too, can make a difference. Consider the intriguing finding of Rosengren and colleagues (2014) that 4- to 6-year-old children’s experiences of death and mourning of pets, friends and relatives was related to their understanding of life, but not their understanding of death. Analysis of parents’ responses to their children’s questions about death indicated some parents used death experiences to teach about life rather than death, for example, discussing how the body works. Rosengren and colleagues also found a range of parental responses to questions from their children about death, from open and honest responses about death to providing only minimal factual information, avoidance, evasion, euphemisms and half-truths. The communications a child has with parents and others around death experiences undoubtedly influence their developing understandings of death (Harris, 2012). Many experts on death insist that adults only make death more confusing and frightening to young children when they avoid or evade questions about death, or use euphemisms such as ‘asleep’ or ‘gone away’ when discussing relatives who have died, and research backs this up. First, they point out that children often understand more than we think, as illustrated by the 3-year-old who, after her father explained that her long-ill and just deceased grandfather had ‘gone to live on a star in the sky’, looked at him quizzically and said, ‘You mean he is dead?’ (Silverman, 2000, pp. 2–3). Erin Gaab and her colleagues (2013a), in a study of New Zealand school children aged 5–7 years, also found that children were more correct in their understandings of the concepts of causality, non-functionality and finality than their caregivers expected. Another reason researchers point to in arguing for open discussions with children about death and dying is that children’s mastery of the biological facts of death is associated with less fear of death, as found by Virginia Slaughter and Maya Griffiths (2007) in a study of Australian children. Experts recommend, then, that parents give children simple but honest answers to the many questions they naturally ask about death and capitalise on events such as the death of a pet to teach children about death and help them understand and express their emotions (Kastenbaum, 2012; Goldman, 2013). Developmentally and contextually appropriate educational programs that familiarise children with the concepts of life and death, and which help parents to navigate their children’s questions, can help (Bugge, Darbyshire, Røkholt, Haugstvedt, & Helseth, 2014; Cohen, Betancourt, & Kotler; 2014; Slaughter & Lyons, 2003).

MAKING CONNECTIONS Think back to your childhood. How did your parents and the adults around you respond to your questions and communicate with you about death? What factors do you think influenced how death was discussed in your household?

Experiences with death and dying In these next sections, we explore the coping of children who are dying or who have experienced the loss of a loved one, and how those closest to them can support them at these times.

The dying child Parents and doctors may assume that terminally ill children, especially very young children, are unaware that they will die and are better off remaining so (Vince & Petros, 2006).Yet research shows that dying children are far more aware of what is happening to them than adults realise (Essa &

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Murray, 1994; Stevens, Rytmeister, Proctor, & Bolster, 2010). How do terminally ill children cope with the knowledge that they are dying? They are not all the models of bravery that some people suppose them to be. Instead, they experience many of the emotions that dying adults experience, albeit expressing these in different ways (McSherry, Kehoe, Carroll, Kang, & Rourke, 2007). Preschool children, for example, may not talk about dying, but they may reveal their fears by having temper tantrums or portraying violent acts in their pretend play. School-age children understand more about their situation and can talk about their feelings if given an opportunity to do so. But not all children want to talk about it (Dunlop, 2008). They do usually want to participate in normal school and sports activities so that they will not feel inadequate compared with their peers, and they want to maintain a sense of control or mastery, even if the best they can do is take charge of deciding which finger should be pricked for a blood sample. Erin Gaab and her colleagues (2013c), in a study of New Zealand children receiving care for life-threatening illnesses, found that children with terminal illnesses need the love, support and understanding of parents, siblings and other significant individuals in their lives. In particular, they benefit from a strong sense that their parents and families are there to care for them. The children in Gaab’s study often appreciated the assistance they received from friends and family, yet at times felt that assistance was unneeded and encroached on their independence. For example, one boy stated: ‘The thing you should know about young people with [disease] is … we don’t like people … chipping in stuff … they can do anything themselves but when they need help they’ll say, “I need help”’ (Gaab et al., 2013c, p. 189). Should parents talk with their dying children about their impending deaths? In one study of Swedish families (Kreicbergs, Valdimarsdottir, Onelov, Henter, & Steineck, 2004), about one-third of parents of terminally ill children talked to their children about dying, and none regretted it. By comparison, 27 per cent of the parents who did not talk with their children about death regretted not having done so, especially if they sensed their child was aware of dying (as over half the parents did). Why don’t parents talk with their child about their impending death? Returning again to the research of Erin Gaab and her colleagues (2013b), they found that New Zealand parents did not discuss death with their child primarily to protect the child and other family members from: strained relationships (when they sensed their child or other family members did not want to talk about it); distressing emotions (to avoid the child or family members becoming upset or losing hope); and unnecessary lifestyle changes that might result from perceptions and stigma related to dying. Those families who did speak with their children about their impending death primarily did this to help prepare the child for death by acknowledging their child’s awareness they were dying and teaching their child about their diseases and mortality and how to manage and cope. Parents, then, may be torn between wanting to prepare and protect their children and families, and may also struggle with knowing when and how to discuss the topic and respond to their children’s and family members’ questions. Perhaps the best advice to parents is to be ‘cautiously honest’ and follow the child’s lead, enabling children to talk about their feelings if they wish, but also to seek the support and advice of specialist support personnel if needed (Gaab et al., 2013b).

The bereaved child Children’s coping capacities are also tested when a parent, sibling, pet or other loved one dies. Four major messages have emerged from studies of bereaved children: children grieve, they express their grief differently than adults do, they lack some of the coping resources that adults command and they are vulnerable to long-term negative effects of bereavement (Lieberman, Compton,Van Horn, & Ippen, 2003).

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Consider some of the reactions that have been observed in children whose parents have died. These children often misbehave or strike out in rage at their surviving parent; they can become unglued when favourite routines are not honoured (Lieberman et al., 2003). They ask endless questions (Christ, 2000):Where is Daddy? When is he coming back? Will I get a new Daddy? Anxiety about attachment and separation are common, such as being scared that other family members might die (Dowdney, 2000).Yet at other times bereaved children go about their activities as if nothing has happened, denying the loss or distracting themselves from it by immersing themselves in play. You can see how caregivers might be disturbed by some of these behaviours (although, as you may have noticed, they are not unlike the emotional swings that bereaved adults experience). Because they lack the cognitive abilities and coping skills that older individuals command, it is natural that young children might have trouble grasping what has happened and attempt to deny and avoid emotions too overwhelming to face. Young children also have mainly behavioural or action coping strategies at their disposal (Skinner & Zimmer-Gembeck, 2007). So, for example, 2-year-old Reed found comfort by taking out a picture of his mother and putting it on his pillow at night, then returning it carefully to the photo album in the morning (Lieberman et al., 2003). Older children are able to use cognitive coping strategies such as conjuring up mental representations of their lost parents (Skinner & Zimmer-Gembeck, 2007). Grief reactions differ greatly from child to child, but preschoolers’ grief is likely to manifest itself in problems with sleeping, eating, toileting and other daily routines (Oltjenbruns, 2001). Negative moods, dependency and temper tantrums are also common. Older children express their sadness, anger and fear more directly, although somatic symptoms such as headaches and other physical ailments are also common. Well beyond the first year after the death, some bereaved children continue to display problems such as unhappiness, low self-esteem, social withdrawal, difficulty in school and problem behaviour (Haine, Ayers, Sandler, & Wolchik, 2008). In a longitudinal study of school-age children, 1 in 5 children who had lost a parent had serious adjustment problems 2 years after the death (Dowdney, 2000). Some children, though by no means all, even develop psychological problems that carry into adulthood – for example, overreactivity to stress and stress-related health problems, depression and other psychological disorders, or insecurity in later attachment relationships (Luecken, 2008; Miralt, Bearor, & Thomas, 2001–2002; Wilcox et al., 2010; but see Stikkelbroek, Prinzie, de Graaf, ten Have, & Cuijpers, 2012; and see Chapter 12). However, most bereaved children – especially those who have effective coping skills and solid social support – are resilient and adapt quite well. They are especially likely to fare well if their caregiver maintains their own mental health, has a secure relationship with the child and provides good parenting (Little, Sandler, Schoenfelder, & Wolchik, 2011). Bereavement with the help of a caring and supportive caregiver is associated with adaptive responses to stress in adulthood, whereas a perceived lack of caring support after a death can translate into difficulty handling stress later in life (Luecken, Kraft, Appelhans, & Enders, 2009). Some children, too, report positive outcomes of bereavement such as developing an appreciation of life, a positive outlook and altruism; and realising personal strengths (Brewer & Sparkes, 2011a; Wolchik, Coxe, Tein, Sandler, & Ayers, 2008). Peers can also make a difference in adjustment (Dopp & Cain, 2012). Supportive friends can help a child who has lost a parent adjust, especially if the child’s remaining parent has difficulty being supportive.Yet relationships with peers can become strained if the child develops behaviour problems or withdraws socially. Peers can also do damage through insensitive remarks. Some bereaved children are told by other kids that they are making up the death (Dopp & Cain, 2012). One 7-year-old girl was distraught when told, ‘You can’t go to the father–daughter dance because your daddy is dead’, and was calmed only when her mother assured her that her uncles very much wanted to take her (Christ, 2010, p. 172).

LINKAGES Chapter 12 Developmental psychopathology

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IN REVIEW CHECKING UNDERSTANDING

CRITICAL THINKING

1 What are two factors that might lead Jared to develop a fuller understanding of death concepts than Jeremy at age 5?

How might parents better facilitate children’s understanding of death?

2 What three concepts of death are children likely to master by ages 5–7 and what concept might still be incompletely understood? 3 What reactions might parents observe in the bereaved child?

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13.5 THE ADOLESCENT Learning objectives

■■ Explain how understandings of death change in adolescence. ■■ Analyse how features of the adolescent period are reflected in the dying and bereavement experiences of adolescents.

Adolescents expand their understandings of death and show some of the characteristics we associate with the adolescent period when they encounter death.

Advanced understandings of death LINKAGES Chapter 5 Cognitive development

Adolescents typically understand death as the irreversible cessation of biological processes and are able to think in more abstract ways about it as they progress from Piaget’s concrete-operational stage to his formal-operational stage (Chapter 5).They use their new cognitive capacities to ponder the meaning of deaths they encounter and such hypotheticals as an afterlife (McCarthy, 2009). Yet, although they clearly know that biological processes cease at death, many adolescents (and adults too) share with young children a belief that psychological functions such as knowing, believing and feeling continue even after bodily functions have ceased (Bering & Bjorklund, 2004; Bonoti et al., 2013). Why is this? Adolescents often acquire a belief in an afterlife – a belief common across cultures (Bering & Bjorklund, 2004). Many people end up, then, with both a biological view of death and a supernatural or religious view of it. Developing a belief that the soul or spirit lives on after death does not mean giving up a biological understanding of death as a cessation of bodily functions – nor does learning about biology replace beliefs about the supernatural based on cultural and religious teachings. Rather, the two views live side by side in adolescents’ thinking and can be called upon as needed, depending on the situation and what they are trying to explain (Legare et al., 2012).

Experiences with death and dying Themes of the adolescent period are reflected in how adolescents deal with having a terminal illness, losing a parent, or losing a friend.

Dying Adolescents’ reactions to becoming terminally ill reflect their developmental capacities and needs (Knapp et al., 2010). Concerned about their body images as they experience physical and sexual maturation, adolescents may be acutely disturbed if their illness brings hair loss, weight gain, amputation,

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CHAPTER 13: THE FINAL CHALLENGE: DEATH AND DYING

loss of sexual attractiveness and responsiveness or other such physical changes (Chapter 4). Wanting to be accepted by peers, they may feel like ‘freaks’ or become upset when friends who do not know what to say or do abandon them. Eager to become more autonomous, they may be distressed by having to depend on parents and medical personnel and may struggle to assert their will and maintain a sense of control. Wanting to establish their own identities and chart future goals, adolescents may be angry and bitter at having their dreams snatched from them (Chapter 9).

LINKAGES Chapter 4 Body, brain and health Chapter 9 Self, personality, gender and sexuality

Losing a parent ‘When my mother died I thought my heart would break,’ recalled Geoffrey, age 14. ‘Yet I couldn’t cry. It was locked inside. It was private and tender and sensitive like the way I loved her. They said to me, ‘You’re cool man, real cool, the way you’ve taken it,’ but I wasn’t cool at all. I was hot – hot and raging. All my anger, all my sadness was building up inside me. But I just didn’t know any way to let it out.’ Raphael, 1983, p. 176

As in Geoffrey’s case, adolescents are sometimes reluctant to express their grief for fear of seeming abnormal, losing control or seeming overdependent; and some may instead express their anguish through delinquent behaviour and somatic ailments (Walter & McCoyd, 2009). Still being dependent on their parents for emotional support and guidance, adolescents who lose a parent to death may carry on an internal dialogue with the dead parent for years (Brewer & Sparkes, 2011b).They may also weave the death of the parent into their emerging identity and life story (Christ, 2010; and see Chapter 9). As is true of some children, some adolescents may experience mental health problems (see Chapter 12) and have difficulty functioning after a loss. Adolescent responses to the sudden loss of a parent through causes such as suicide, accident or sudden natural causes such as heart attacks have been studied in depth by David Brent and his colleagues (Brent et al., 2009, 2012; Dietz et al., 2013; Melhem, Porta, Shamseddeen, Payne, & Brent, 2011). Participants in these studies ranged from age 7 to 18 at the time of the death and were assessed periodically until 5 years after the death. Among the important findings were: • About 30 per cent experienced significant grief reactions in the first year, which gradually diminished, while another 10 per cent continued to experience significant grief reactions even 3 years later and were at higher risk of developing diagnosable depression (Melhem et al., 2011). The remainder (almost 60 per cent) had milder grief reactions. • Bereaved youth were more likely than non-bereaved comparison youth to suffer from major depression and alcohol and substance use. Posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) was also more common among bereaved youth, but only in the first year after the death (Brent et al., 2009). • Cortisol (stress hormone) measurements suggested that the stress response systems of bereaved youth were affected; their cortisol levels were higher than those of non-bereaved youth and did not increase normally in response to a social stress task (Dietz et al., 2013). • Bereavement also disrupted the completion of key developmental tasks of adolescence. Compared to non-bereaved youths, bereaved youth had less-close attachments to peers, more difficulties at work, lower educational aspirations and less-well-developed career plans (Brent et al., 2012). • Overall, outcomes were poorest for those who lost their mothers, blamed others for the death, had low self-esteem, used negative coping strategies, had earlier bouts of depression and had a surviving parent or caregiver who was suffering from severe grief reactions or depression (Brent et al., 2009; Melhem et al., 2011).

LINKAGES Chapter 12 Developmental psychopathology

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Losing a friend

LINKAGES Chapter 12 Developmental psychopathology

Given the importance of peers in adolescence, it is not surprising that adolescents are often devastated when a close friend dies (Servaty-Seib, 2009). As revealed in Figure 13.3 earlier in the chapter, the leading causes of death in adolescence are accidents, assaults and suicides, so an adolescent friend’s death is often sudden, violent and potentially traumatic. A national survey of adolescents revealed that 1 in 5 adolescents aged 12–17 had experienced the death of a close friend in the past year; they were especially likely to have lost a friend if they were from a minority group or lower-income family (Rheingold et al., 2004). Moreover, experiencing such a death was associated with higher rates of substance use (although it could be that substance-using teens are more likely to have friends who are at a greater risk of death; see Chapter 12). In another study, 32 per cent of teenagers who lost a friend to suicide experienced clinical levels of depression after the suicide (Bridge et al., 2003). So, the death of a friend can have serious implications for the mental health of some teens. Yet grief over the loss of a friend is often not taken as seriously as grief over the loss of a family member. Parents, teachers and friends may not appreciate how much the bereaved adolescent is hurting and may fail to provide needed support (Balk, 2014).

IN REVIEW CHECKING UNDERSTANDING

CRITICAL THINKING

1 Why might we say that adolescents seem to ‘regress’ to a less mature concept of death, and why would this be incorrect?

Miki (age 3), Rosario (age 9) and Jasmine (age 16) have all been diagnosed with cancer. They have been given chemotherapy and radiation treatments for several months but seem to be getting worse rather than better. Write a short monologue for each child conveying how she understands death. Now think about Miki (3), Rosario (9) and Jasmine (16) again, but this time write about each girl’s major concerns and wishes based on what you have learned about typical development at each age.

2 In studies of bereavement after a parent’s death, what three differences are evident between bereaved and non-bereaved youth? 3 Why might some bereaved adolescents be unable to express their grief?

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13.6 THE ADULT Learning objectives

■■ Summarise what research tells us about the effects of widowhood on adults, including the different trajectories of grief. ■■ Compare the impacts of the death of a child and the death of a parent.

For adults, dealing with the loss of a spouse or partner and accepting their own mortality can be considered normal developmental tasks (Röcke & Cherry, 2002).We have already introduced models describing adults’ experiences of dying and bereavement. Here we will elaborate by examining bereavement from a family systems perspective, then try to define the line between normal and abnormal grief reactions and identify factors that make coping easier or harder.

Death in the family context To better understand adult bereavement, it is useful to adopt a family systems perspective and examine how a death alters relationships, roles, and patterns of interaction within the family, as Copyright 2019 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. WCN 02-200-202

CHAPTER 13: THE FINAL CHALLENGE: DEATH AND DYING

well as interactions between the family and its environment (Kissane, Zaider, Li, & Del Gaudio, 2013; Walsh & McGoldrick, 2013). Recall the concept of ‘linked lives’ from Chapter 11 and you can appreciate how the death of a family member affects other family members and alters the relationships among them. The death of a child, for example, changes parents, siblings, grandparents and other relatives, and their interactions with one another and the rest of the world. Adjustment can depend on where the family is in the family life cycle (Is it a young couple or an elderly couple?) and on the sociocultural context, so we need to blend developmental, family systems, and contextual perspectives to fully appreciate the ripple effects of a death (Walsh & McGoldrick, 2013). Consider the challenges associated with three kinds of death in the family: the loss of a spouse or partner, the loss of a child and the loss of a parent.

LINKAGES Chapter 11 Emotions, attachment and social relationsips

Loss of a spouse or partner How odd to smile during Richard’s funeral. He was dead and I was smiling to myself. Grief does that. Laughter lies close in with despair, numbness nearby acuity, and memory with forgetfulness. I would have to get used to it, but I didn’t know this at the time. All I knew, as I sat in Thomas Jefferson’s church next to Richard’s coffin, was that memory had given pleasure first, and then cracking pain. Jamison, 2009, p. 126–127

Experiencing the death of a spouse or partner becomes increasingly likely as we age; in heterosexual relationships, it is something most women can expect to endure because women tend both to live longer than men and to marry men who are older than they are. The marital relationship is a central one for most adults, and the loss of a marriage partner or other romantic attachment figure can mean the loss of a great deal. Moreover, the death of a partner often precipitates other changes – the need to move, enter the labour force or change jobs, assume responsibilities that the partner formerly performed, parent single-handedly and so on. Bereaved partners must redefine their roles, identities and basic assumptions about life in fundamental ways (Parkes & Prigerson, 2010). Consider Rachel after her husband died of a heart attack: ‘I was Frank’s wife, that was it mostly. He’s gone. And I am basically, I am, now – I am nobody’ (Bonanno, 2009, p. 97). Colin Murray Parkes, co-developer of the Parkes–Bowlby attachment model of bereavement, concluded based on his extensive studies of widows and widowers younger than age 45 that bereaved adults progress through overlapping phases of numbness, yearning, disorganisation and despair, and reorganisation. What tolls does this grieving process take on physical, emotional and cognitive functioning? Parkes (2006) found that widows and widowers are at risk for illness and physical symptoms such as loss of appetite and sleep disruption, and they tend to overindulge in alcohol, tranquillisers and cigarettes. Cognitive functions such as memory and decision making are often impaired, and emotional problems such as loneliness and anxiety are common. Most bereaved partners do not become clinically depressed, but many display increased symptoms of depression in the year after the death (Fried et al., 2015; Wilcox et al., 2003). Widows and widowers as a group have a higher than average risk of death as well, especially when their loss is unexpected rather than the result of chronic disease (Shah et al., 2013). For those who served as caregivers for their loved ones, a deterioration in health appears to begin before the death (Vable et al., 2015). Modest disruptions in cognitive, emotional, physical and interpersonal functioning are common, usually lasting for a year; less-severe, recurring grief reactions may then continue for several years (Bonanno & Kaltman, 2000). Although not captured in the Parkes–Bowlby attachment model,

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positive thoughts about the deceased, expressions of love and feelings of gaining from the loss are also part of the typical picture, as in the quote at the beginning of this section. In parentheses are the percentages of the sample showing each pattern. Notice that resilience – a low level of depression Importantly, though, George Bonanno and his all along – is the most common response, contrary to our colleagues have found much diversity in patterns of belief that all bereaved people must go through a period of significant distress. response to loss by looking for subgroups of bereaved adults rather than just describing the average response 18 (Boerner, Mancini, & Bonanno, 2013; Bonanno, Boerner, 17 & Wortman, 2008). Bonanno studied adults who lost a 16 partner from an average of 3 years before the death to 6–18 15 months afterward (Boerner, Wortman, & Bonanno, 2005; 14 Bonanno, Wortman, & Nesse, 2004; Bonanno et al., 2002; and see Galatzer-Levy & Bonanno, 2012).The sample 13 was assessed again 4 years after their losses to examine the 12 long-term implications of different patterns of grieving. 11 Figure 13.9 shows the average depression symptom scores 10 over time associated with the five most prevalent patterns preloss 6 months 18 months postloss postloss of adjustment shown by widows and widowers: Time •  a resilient pattern, in which distress is at low levels all Chronic depression Depressed–improved along (7.8% of sample) (10.2%) •  common grief, with heightened and then diminishing Common grief Resilience Chronic (10.7%) (45.9%) grief (15.6%) distress after the loss •  chronic grief, in which loss brings distress and the Source: Bonanno, Wortman, & Neese (2004). Copyright © 2004 American Psychological Association. Reprinted with permission. distress lingers •  chronic depression, in which individuals who were depressed before the loss remain so after it • a depressed-improved pattern, in which individuals who were depressed before the loss become less depressed after the death. The findings of Bonanno and his colleagues have offered important insights into these bereavement experiences of widows and widowers, as we will see. Depression symptom score

FIGURE 13.9  Depression symptom scores of subgroups of elderly widows before and after the death of their spouse

RESILIENCE The biggest surprise in this study was that the resilient pattern of adjustment involving low levels of distress all along turned out to be the most common pattern of response, characterising almost half the sample. The resilient grievers were not just cold, unfeeling people who did not really love their partners. Rather, as indicated by the data collected before their partners died, they seemed to be well adjusted and happily married people with good coping resources (Bonanno et al., 2002). Nor was there any sign that they were defensively denying or avoiding painful feelings initially and would pay for it by having delayed grief reactions later (Boerner et al., 2005). Rather, although they experienced emotional pangs in the first months after the death, they were more comforted than most by positive thoughts of their partners and coped effectively with their loss. Other studies suggest that a surprisingly high proportion of bereaved people, around half, can be described as resilient (Bonanno, 2009).

PATTERNS OF DEPRESSION This study also helps us understand that some bereaved people who display symptoms of depression after a loss were depressed even before the death, whereas others become depressed in response to

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CHAPTER 13: THE FINAL CHALLENGE: DEATH AND DYING

their loss.Those who are depressed before the loss tend to remain depressed even 4 years later.Those who become depressed in response to the loss often recover from their depression within a year or two; they show the ‘common’ grief recovery pattern that most of us believe is typical (Boerner et al., 2005; Bonanno et al., 2004).Yet this group was small in Bonanno’s study (see also Maccallum, Galatzer-Levy, & Bonanno, 2015). Another 15 per cent, the chronic grief group, become depressed after the loss and stay depressed for a long time. Some of the participants in Bonanno’s study who were depressed before the loss were chronically depressed and remained so even 4 years later (Galatzer-Levy & Bonanno, 2012). The ‘depressedimproved’ individuals, who were depressed before the death but recovered quickly afterward, are intriguing. Most likely they were experiencing caregiver burden before the death (see Chapter11) and were relieved of stress after it. Richard Schulz and his colleagues (2003) have found that it is common among those who carry the burden of caring for family members with dementia to experience more depression before their loved one’s death than after; indeed, more than 70 per cent admit that the death came as a relief to both themselves and their loved one.

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LINKAGES Chapter 11 Emotions, attachment and social relationships

GAY AND LESBIAN PARTNERS AND RESILIENCE Bonanno and his colleagues (2005) wondered whether resilience would also be common among the partners of gay men who had died of AIDS. Many of these men had not only experienced the burden of caring for their dying partners but were HIV infected themselves and therefore stressed by their own illness and likely death, as well as by the stigma surrounding both AIDS and homosexuality. About half of the partners of gay men who died of AIDS showed resilience – the same proportion as among heterosexual widows and widowers. A lower percentage, 27 per cent, showed resilience when the criterion was a low level of depression symptoms all along, from before to after their partner’s death. Many others became depressed but returned to their low levels of depression after a year or two. The finding of considerable resilience in this group is surprising because gay and lesbian partners sometimes experience what Kenneth Doka (2008, 2016) calls disenfranchised grief, grief that is not fully recognised or appreciated by other people and therefore may not receive much sympathy and support. Losses of ex-spouses, extramarital lovers, foster children, pets and foetuses can also occasion disenfranchised grief, which is generally likely to be harder to cope with than socially supported grief. Gay widowers report that they are indeed disenfranchised before and after their losses (Piatczanyn, Bennett, & Soulsby, 2016).

disenfranchised grief Grief that is not fully recognised or appreciated by other people and therefore may not receive much sympathy and support.

WHAT IS RESILIENCE? Could Bonanno’s study have overestimated the percentage of widows and widowers who are resilient? Bonanno focused only on depression symptoms in defining resilience. What if other indicators were examined? Frank Infurna and Suniya Luthar (2016) studied 421 Australian adults who had lost a spouse. The participants completed a questionnaire assessing five measures of adjustment from as many as 5 years before to as many as 5 years after their loss: life satisfaction, negative affect, positive affect, self-perceived health, and physical functioning (ability to carry out activities of daily living). Only 8 per cent of the participants were resilient in the sense of showing good adjustment over the years on all five measures of adjustment. The percentage of people judged to be resilient varied considerably depending on which indicator was used, as shown in Figure 13.10. For example, 66 per cent were judged to be resilient in the sense of maintaining high life satisfaction before, during and after their loss, but only 19 per cent consistently registered low scores on a measure of negative emotions. Many adults in the study showed a recovery pattern in which their adjustment suffered after their loss but rebounded; another 20 per cent showed consistently poor adjustment across the five measures. Copyright 2019 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. WCN 02-200-202

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FIGURE 13.10  Percentages of Australian widows and widowers judged to be ‘resilient’ on five measures Resilient adults were able to maintain their pre-loss level of adjustment for up to 5 years after their spouse’s death. The proportion of adults judged to be resilient varied widely across measures.

Life satisfaction

66%

Self-perceived health

37%

Physical functioning

29%

Positive affect

26%

Negative affect

19% 0

10

20

30 40 50 Percentage Resilient

60

70

80

Source: Data from Infurna & Luthar (2016).

Overall, then, it is difficult to pin down what percentage of bereaved adults show resilience: it depends on what measures of adjustment and methods of analysis the researchers use. On this much bereavement researchers can agree, though: there is no one standard response to bereavement; different people follow different grief trajectories. Some adults who lose spouses or partners are resilient, showing low levels of distress and disruption all along; others experience a decline in wellbeing and functioning for somewhere between about 6 months and 2 years and then recover, and others show still other trajectories.

COMPLICATED GRIEF

complicated grief An emotional response to a death that is unusually prolonged or intense and that impairs functioning.

LINKAGES Chapter 12 Developmental psychopathology

For a minority, up to about 15 per cent, significant grieving and psychological distress continue for many months or even years (Bonanno, 2009; Neimeyer & Holland, 2015). In such cases psychologists speak of complicated grief, grief that is unusually prolonged or intense and that impairs functioning (Parkes, 2006). People who have difficulty coping with loss are often diagnosed as having a depressive disorder or, if the death was traumatic, posttraumatic stress disorder. However, some experts have concluded that complicated or prolonged grief, because it has unique symptoms such as intense yearning for the deceased, is distinct from these other conditions and should be considered a distinct psychological disorder (Boelen & Prigerson, 2013; Prigerson, Vanderwerker, & Maciejewski, 2008). Complicated grief persists for 6 months or longer and involves intense distress over separation from the deceased, as well as a sense of meaninglessness, bitterness over the loss, difficulty getting past the loss, and difficulty functioning. In the latest version of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM-5; and see Chapter 12), which spells out defining features and symptoms for the range of psychological disorders, a condition called ‘persistent complex bereavement-related disorder’ has been noted as worthy of further study as a distinct disorder (American Psychiatric Association, 2013). Others think that absent, inhibited and delayed grief reactions should also be viewed as psychological disorders (Rando et al., 2012). Meanwhile, critics warn that what is viewed as complicated grief will vary from society to society (Rosenblatt, 2013) or question the whole idea of treating certain responses to the normal human experience of bereavement as psychological disorders (Wakefield, 2013). In sum, the loss of a spouse or partner is a painful and sometimes damaging experience that carries risks of developing physical or mental health problems or even dying. Some widows and widowers

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experience emotional after-effects for years. Yet around half of those who lose spouses or romantic partners show resilience and manage to cope without becoming highly distressed or incapacitated.

My child has died! My heart is torn to shreds. My body is screaming. My mind is crazed. The question is always present on my mind. Why? How could this possibly have happened? The anger is ever so deep, so strong, so frightening. A mother’s reflections on how she reacted to her 16-year-old daughter’s death in a car accident after the initial numbness wore off (Bertman, 1991, p. 323)

No loss seems more difficult for an adult than the death of a child (Murphy, 2008; Parkes, 2006). Even when there is forewarning, the loss of a child seems unexpected, untimely and unfair and can make parents feel guilty even when they bear no blame – reactions that can complicate their recovery (Duncan & Cacciatore, 2015). In one study, only 12 per cent of parents whose adolescent or young adult child died of an accident, suicide or homicide had found meaning in the death one year later, and only 57 per cent had found it 5 years later (Murphy, Johnson, & Lohan, 2003a, 2003b). Even 10 years after their loss, bereaved parents tend to be less happy than adults who have not lost a child (Moor & Graaf, 2016).Yet researchers find the same diversity of grief trajectories among parents who have lost children as among adults who have lost spouses – for example, many show resilience, and a minority show prolonged or complicated grief (Maccallum et al., 2015). The age of the child who dies has little effect on the severity of the grief. True, in some societies with high infant mortality parents may not mourn the loss of foetuses or very young infants (Papadatou, 2015). Yet in many societies, including our own, parents, especially mothers, can experience severe grief reactions after a miscarriage, the loss of a premature baby, or the loss of a young infant to sudden infant death syndrome (Buchi et al., 2007; Kulathilaka, Hanwella, & de Silva, 2016). And parents grieve for an adult child as much as for a younger child or adolescent (Walter & McCoyd, 2009). The death of a child rattles the whole family system, affecting the marital relationship, parenting, and the wellbeing of surviving siblings, grandparents and other relatives (Wiener & Gerhardt, 2014). The marital relationship may be strained because each partner grieves in a unique way and is not always able to provide emotional support for the other. Listen to this father: ‘When my wife talks about the day our daughter died, I know she is only trying to make sense out of it. But it literally makes me nauseated and I have to leave the room’ (Barlé, Wortman, & Latack, 2015, p. 129). This powerful life event pushes some couples on a path toward marital distress and even divorce but strengthens the relationship of other couples (Albuquerque, Pereira, & Narciso, 2016). Outcomes are likely to be poor if the marriage was shaky before the death, better if the relationship was close. Typically, mothers focus more on loss-oriented coping and grieve more openly while throwing themselves into caring for the surviving children, whereas fathers take a more restoration-oriented approach, focusing on work and rebuilding the family’s life (Alam, Barrera, D’Agostino, Nicholas, & Schneiderman, 2012). One study guided by the dual-process model of bereavement found that parents who lost a child fared better if they focused more on restoration-oriented coping and less on loss-oriented coping (Wijngaards-de Meij et al., 2008). Men whose wives were restoration-oriented were better adjusted than those whose wives focused mainly on the loss. Meanwhile, the brothers and sisters of a child who dies have their own challenges. While their sibling is dying, they often feel shut out; they want information about what is going on and what to expect and they want a meaningful role in their sibling’s care but they don’t always get either (Lövgren et al., 2016). After the death, some feel guilty about some of the unsavoury feelings of rivalry they have had or feel pressure to be perfect or to replace the lost child in their parents’ eyes (Koehler, 2010). In the year or so after the death, they are often deeply affected and may develop

Search me! and Discover recommendations for identifying and responding to complicated grief: Crunk, A. E., Burke, L. A., & Robinson, E. H. (2017). Complicated grief: An evolving theoretical landscape. Journal of Counseling & Development, 95, 226–233.

Snapshot Source: Getty Images/Erhan Elaldi/ Anadolu Agency

Loss of a child

The death of a child can be devastating for parents, siblings and grandparents.

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mental health problems (Rosenberg et al., 2015). However, their grief is often not fully appreciated, and their distraught parents are not always able to support them effectively (Koehler, 2010; Lohan & Murphy, 2001–2002). One 12-year-old boy whose brother died described his experience this way: ‘My dad can’t talk about it, and my … [mum] cries a lot. It’s really hard on them. I pretend I’m OK. I usually just stay in my room’ (Wass, 1991, p. 29). How well brothers and sisters adjust to a sibling’s death often hinges on whether their parents can maintain their mental health and continue to be supportive parents (Morris et al., 2016). Finally, grandparents also grieve after the death of a child, both for their grandchild and for their child, the bereaved parent. As one grandparent said, ‘It’s like a double whammy!’ (DeFrain, Jakub, & Mendoza, 1991–1992, p. 178). Grandparents are likely to feel guilty about surviving their grandchildren and helpless to protect their adult children from pain (Moules, Laing, McCaffrey,Tapp, & Strother, 2012). They may also experience disenfranchised grief, ignored while all the supportive attention focuses on the parents, or keep silent so as not to further burden their child (Hayslip & White, 2008; Moules et al. 2012). Clearly, then, those who wish to help bereaved families should include the whole family in their efforts.

Loss of a parent Even if we escape the death of a child or spouse, the death of a parent is a normative life transition that most of us will experience. As noted already, some children experience long-lasting problems after the death of a parent. Fortunately, most of us do not have to face this event until we are in middle age. We are typically less dependent on our parents by then. Moreover, we expect that our parents will die some day and we have prepared ourselves, at least to some degree. Perhaps for all these reasons, adjusting to the death of a parent is usually not as difficult as adjusting to the death of a romantic partner or child (Parkes, 2006).Yet it can be a turning point in an adult’s life, with effects on his or her identity and relationships with partners, children (who are grieving the loss of their grandparent), siblings and the surviving parent (Abrams, 2013; Umberson, 2003). Adult children may feel vulnerable and alone in the world when their parents no longer stand between them and death (Walter & McCoyd, 2009). Guilt about not doing enough for the parent who died is also common (Abrams, 2013). Daughters who lose their mothers tend to show the largest decreases in life satisfaction, especially if the death is off-time and they are young adults when it happens (Leopold & Lechner, 2015; Hayslip, Pruett, & Caballero, 2015).

IN REVIEW CHECKING UNDERSTANDING 1 What is the single most common pattern of adjustment observed in studies of widows and widowers? 2 How does the death of a child impact the family system?

programs to help people deal with death, what would you propose for adults like Danielle who lose their parents, and why? You might like to revise your ideas after you read the next section of the chapter, in which we discuss the factors that influence how well people cope with death and what options there are for support.

CRITICAL THINKING Discuss the kind of responses that Danielle, from our chapter opening, may experience as she grieves for her deceased mother. If you were in charge of developing

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Get the answers to the Checking understanding questions on CourseMate Express.

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CHAPTER 13: THE FINAL CHALLENGE: DEATH AND DYING

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13.7 COPING WITH DEATH ■■ Outline and critique the grief work perspective on bereavement, citing relevant evidence. ■■ Analyse key factors that can contribute to complicated or prolonged grief after a death – or to posttraumatic growth. ■■ Assess how the hospice/palliative care approach differs from the standard medical approach to dying patients and how it affects patients and their families. ■■ Illustrate how individual therapy, family interventions, and mutual support groups can benefit bereaved individuals.

Learning objectives

We now turn our attention to trying to define differences between normal and abnormal grief reactions and identify the factors that influence how well, or otherwise, people cope with death and dying.

Challenges to the grief work perspective The view that has guided much research on bereavement has come to be called the grief work perspective – the view that to cope adaptively with death, bereaved people must: • confront their loss • experience painful emotions and work through those emotions • move toward a detachment from the deceased. This view, which grew out of Freudian psychoanalytic theory (see Chapter 1), is widely held in our society, not only among therapists but among people in general, and it influences what we view as an abnormal reaction to death (Wortman & Boerner, 2007). From the grief work perspective, complicated and/or prolonged grief that lasts longer and is more intense than usual; or an absence, inhibition, or delay of grief, in which the bereaved never seems to confront and express painful feelings, is viewed as pathological.This grief work perspective has now come under attack. Questions have been raised about its assumptions that there is a right way to grieve, that bereaved people must experience and work through intense grief to recover, and that they must sever their bonds with the deceased to move on with their lives (Bonanno, 2004; Wortman & Boerner, 2007). Let us look at some of the misconceptions built into the grief work perspective.

grief work perspective The view commonly held, but now challenged, that to cope adaptively with death bereaved people must confront their loss, experience painful emotions, work through these emotions and move toward a detachment from the deceased.

LINKAGES Chapter 1 Understanding life span human development

One right way? Cross-cultural studies reveal that there are many ways to grieve, as we saw earlier in the chapter Diversity box, and suggest that the grief work model of bereavement may be culturally biased (Rosenblatt, 2008, 2013). An Egyptian mother may be conforming to her culture’s norms of mourning if she sits alone, withdrawn and mute, for months or even years after a child’s death. Likewise, a Balinese mother is following the rules of her culture if she is calm, composed and even seemingly cheerful soon after a child’s death (Wikan, 1988, 1991). We would be wrong to conclude, based on our own society’s norms, that the Egyptian mother is suffering from chronic grief or the Balinese mother from absent or inhibited grief. As you have also seen, different individuals in our society or any other society experience different trajectories of grief.

Working through grief? There is surprisingly little support for the grief work perspective’s assumption that bereaved individuals must confront their loss and experience painful emotions to cope successfully (Boerner et al., 2013; Wortman & Boerner, 2007). As you saw earlier, bereaved individuals who fail to show

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LINKAGES Chapter 12 Developmental psychopathology

continuing bonds Maintenance of attachment to a loved one after their death through reminiscence, use of their possessions, consultation with them and the like.

Source: Alamy Stock Photo/robertharding

Snapshot

This Vietnamese woman maintains a continuing bond with her deceased relatives through ancestor worship. Such practices are common in East Asian countries.

much emotional distress during the early months after the loss do not seem to pay for their lack of grief with a delayed grief reaction later, as the grief work model says they should. Delayed grief is extremely rare, and the individuals who adjust best to death are those very resilient ones who display relatively little distress at any point in their bereavement, experience many positive emotions and thoughts, and manage to carry on with life despite their loss (Boerner et al., 2013). In fact, there is growing evidence that too much ‘grief work’, such as ruminative coping that involves overanalysing one’s problems (see Chapter 12), may backfire and prolong psychological distress rather than relieve it (Bonanno et al., 2005).

Breaking bonds? Finally, the grief work view that we must break our bonds to the deceased to overcome our grief is flawed. Freud believed that bereaved people have to let go in order to invest their psychic energy elsewhere. However, John Bowlby (1980) noticed that many bereaved individuals revise their internal working models of self and others and continue their relationships with their deceased loved ones on new terms (Wortman & Boerner, 2007; Neimeyer & Holland, 2015). Indeed, research suggests that many bereaved individuals maintain their attachments to the deceased indefinitely through continuing bonds. They reminisce and share memories of the deceased, derive comfort from the deceased’s possessions, consult with the deceased and feel his or her presence, seek to make the deceased proud of them and so on. Bereavement rituals in some cultures (in Japan, China, and other East Asian societies, for instance) are actually designed to ensure a continued bond between the living and the dead (Klass, 2001). Individuals who continue their bonds rather than severing them do not necessarily show poorer adjustment than those who do not. In fact, many benefit from the continuing, but redefined, attachment (Hayes & Leudar, 2016; Neimeyer & Holland, 2015; Stroebe, Schut, & Boerner, 2010). When are continuing bonds healthy and when are they not? Field and Filanosky (2010) found that continuing bonds were helpful when they took the form of internal memories of the deceased that provided a ‘secure base’ for becoming more independent but not when they involved hallucinations and illusions that reflected a continuing effort to reunite with the deceased. Researchers have also concluded that internal approaches to continuing the bond, such as carrying a mental image of the loved one that provides comfort, tend to aid adjustment, but that externalised approaches, such as seeking comfort from the loved one’s possessions or visiting the grave every day, may reflect continued efforts to reunite and difficulty coping (Field, 2008; Field & Filanosky, 2010; Scholtes & Browne, 2015). Apparently, then, maintaining continuing bonds is adaptive for some people but a sign of continued yearning and prolonged or complicated grief for others (Field, 2008). Cultural context can make a big difference. In one study, for example, maintaining continuing bonds was related to better adjustment in China but poorer adjustment in the United States, possibly because continuing a relationship with the deceased is perceived as more culturally appropriate in China (Lalande & Bonanno, 2006). Overall, then, research does not support the traditional grief work model that many people assume is correct: • Ways of expressing grief vary widely across cultures and across individuals, so there is no one ‘right’ way to grieve. • There is little evidence that bereaved people must do intense ‘grief work’ to adapt or that those who do not do it will pay later with a delayed grief reaction. • People do not need to sever their attachment to the deceased to adjust to a loss; indeed, they can benefit from internal continuing bonds.

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Who copes and who succumbs? Even if it is difficult to find the line between normal grief and complicated grief, we can still ask what risk and protective factors distinguish people who cope well with loss from people who cope poorly. Coping with bereavement is influenced by the individual’s personal resources, the nature of the loss and the surrounding context of support and stressors (Burke & Neimeyer, 2013; Dyregrov & Dyregrov, 2013; Piper, Ogrodniczuk, Joyce, & Weideman, 2011).

Personal resources Just as some individuals are better able to cope with their own dying than others are, some are better equipped to handle the stresses of bereavement due to their personal resources. Let’s start by considering attachment style as a personal resource (or liability).

ATTACHMENT STYLE Bowlby’s attachment theory emphasises that early experiences in attachment relationships, along with later experiences, shape the internal working models we have of self and others. If infants and young children receive loving and responsive care and others that tell them that they are lovable and that other people can be trusted, they form positive internal working models of self and they develop a secure attachment style. Otherwise, they may develop one of the insecure attachment styles (see Chapter 11). Attachment styles are systematically related to reactions to death (Beverung & Jacobvitz, 2016; Fraley et al., 2006; Kho et al., 2015; Mikulincer & Shaver, 2013; Parkes, 2006): • A secure attachment style is associated with coping relatively well with the death of a loved one. • A resistant (or preoccupied) style of attachment, which involves being anxious about being abandoned, is linked to being overly dependent and displaying extreme and prolonged grief and anxiety after a loss, ruminating about the death and clinging to the lost loved one. • An avoidant (or dismissing) attachment style is associated with difficulty expressing emotions or seeking comfort; such individuals may do little grieving, may minimise how much they miss their loved one, and seem to disengage from or even devalue the person. • A disorganised (or fearful) attachment style, which is rooted in unpredictable and anxiety-arousing parenting, is associated with being especially unequipped to cope with loss; these individuals may turn inward, harm themselves or abuse alcohol or drugs. In the language of the dual-process model of bereavement discussed earlier in the chapter, anxious or resistant/preoccupied individuals focus on their loss and dwell on their negative thoughts and emotions, whereas avoidant/dismissing individuals focus on restoration and avoid dealing with their emotions (Delespaux et al., 2013; Stroebe et al., 2010). By contrast, securely attached individuals are able to oscillate flexibly between loss-oriented and restoration-oriented coping and tend to emphasise positive memories of the deceased.

LINKAGES Chapter 11 Emotions, attachment and social relationships

PERSONALITY AND COPING STYLE Personality and coping style also influence how successfully people cope with death. For example, individuals who have difficulty coping tend to score high on measures of the Big Five personality dimension of neuroticism (Robinson & Marwit, 2006; Wijngaards-de-Meij et al., 2007; see Chapter 9). They may have had chronic psychological problems such as depression before they were bereaved (Bonanno et al., 2004; Piper et al., 2011). Many also rely on ineffective coping strategies such as denial or avoidance, escaping through alcohol and drugs or unproductive rumination about their loss rather than using active coping strategies (Morina, 2011; Murphy, Johnson, & Lohan, 2003a). By contrast, people who are optimistic, look for and find positive ways of interpreting their

LINKAGES Chapter 9 Self, personality, gender and sexuality

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loss and use active coping strategies experience less-intense grief reactions and are more likely to report personal growth after their losses than other bereaved adults (Riley et al., 2007).

Nature of the loss Bereavement outcomes are influenced by the nature of the loss. The closeness of the person’s relationship to the deceased is a key factor. For example, we grieve more for members of our immediate family than for distant relatives (Armstrong & Shakespeare-Finch, 2011), and spouses grieve especially hard if their relationship to the deceased was very close and if they were highly dependent on their partners (Mancini, Sinan, & Bonanno, 2015; Piper et al., 2011). The cause of death can also influence bereavement outcomes. Surprisingly, sudden deaths are not necessarily harder to cope with in the long run than expected deaths from illnesses, although the initial grief reaction may be more intense (Piper et al., 2011). The advantages of being forewarned of death may be offset by the strains of caregiver burden during a long illness (Schulz, Boerner, & Herbert, 2008). Sudden deaths that are violent or traumatic, such as suicides and homicides, can be especially difficult to bear (Barlé et al., 2015; Boelen, Reijntjes, Djelantik, & Smid, 2016; Piper et al., 2011). In a study of parents whose children had been murdered, for example, around 40 per cent showed signs of complicated grief – and many of them showed symptoms of PTSD and depression as well – even more than 2 years after the murder (McDevitt-Murphy, Neimeyer, Burke,Williams, & Lawson, 2012).Traumatic deaths may be especially difficult to bear because they require coping with both bereavement and trauma (Barlé et al., 2015).

Supports and stressors

MAKING CONNECTIONS If you have experienced a significant loss, analyse the factors that may have influenced how you coped; if you have not experienced a significant loss, predict how you will respond to your first significant loss and why.

Finally, grief reactions are influenced positively by the presence of a strong social support system and negatively by additional life stressors (Hansson & Stroebe, 2007; Parkes, 2006). Social support is crucial at all ages. It is especially important for the child or adolescent whose parent dies to have good parenting (Haine, Wolchik, Sandler, & Milsap, 2006). Brothers and sisters can help each other cope (Hurd, 2002). Adult children can ease the adjustment of their widowed parents (Ha, 2010). Indeed, family members of all ages recover best when the family is cohesive and family members can share their feelings and support one another (Walsh & McGoldrick, 2013). Many of us are clueless about what to say or do that will be helpful. This can make us avoid the bereaved or say unhelpful things – for example, trying to talk people out of their grief with cheery messages, claiming to know how they feel, or offering advice on how to grieve.Yet there are also simple things we can do to be supportive. Bereaved individuals report that they are helped most by family and friends who say they are sorry to hear of the loss, make themselves available to serve as confidants, ask how things are going, and allow bereaved individuals to express painful feelings freely if and when they choose rather than trying to cheer them up and talk them out of their grief (Dyregrov, 2003–2004). Just as social support helps the bereaved, additional stressors hurt. For example, outcomes tend to be poor for widows and widowers who must cope with financial problems after bereavement, manage household tasks they are not used to managing, single-handedly raise young children, find new jobs, or move (Galatzer-Levy & Bonanno, 2012; Parkes, 1996). These kinds of stressors all demand what the dual-process model of bereavement calls restoration-oriented coping; they take energy and resources that elderly widows and widowers in poor health, especially those living in poverty with little social support, may not have (Hansson & Stroebe, 2007). By taking into account the person who has experienced a death, the nature of the death and the context of stressors and supports surrounding it, we can put together a profile of the individuals who are most likely to have long-term problems after bereavement.These individuals have an unfortunate history of interpersonal relationships, perhaps having suffered the death of a parent when they were

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CHAPTER 13: THE FINAL CHALLENGE: DEATH AND DYING

young or experienced insecurity in their early attachments. They have had previous psychological problems and generally have difficulty coping effectively with adversity. The person who died is someone whom they loved deeply and on whom they depended greatly, and the death was untimely and traumatic. Finally, these high-risk individuals lack the kinds of social support that can aid them in overcoming their loss, and they are burdened by multiple stressors.

Bereavement and positive growth The grief work perspective on bereavement puts the focus on the negative side of bereavement, but psychologists have come to appreciate that bereavement and other life crises also have positive consequences and sometimes foster personal growth (Joseph, 2012; Tedeschi & Calhoun, 2004). Granted, it can be a painful way to grow, and we could hardly recommend it as a plan for optimising human development. Still, the literature on death and dying is filled with testimonials about the lessons that can be learned, and there is evidence that finding benefit in losses has positive effects on not only mental but physical health (Bower, Moskowitz, & Epel, 2009). Posttraumatic growth refers to positive psychological change resulting from highly challenging experiences such as being diagnosed with a life-threatening illness or losing a loved one (Tedeschi & Calhoun, 2004). Research on posttraumatic growth has emerged from what has come to be known as positive psychology (see Chapter 2) and has indicated that posttraumatic stress and posttraumatic growth seem to go hand in hand. Growth is unlikely where there is little psychological distress and where the distress is overwhelming. Instead, growth seems most likely when distress is significant but not crushing (Armstrong & Shakespeare-Finch, 2011; Currier, Holland, & Neimeyer, 2012; Joseph, 2012). Many bereaved individuals, young and old, believe that they have become stronger, wiser, more loving, or more spiritual people with a greater appreciation of life (Kilmer et al., 2014; Tedeschi & Calhoun, 2004). Many widows and widowers master new skills, become more independent and emerge with new identities and higher self-esteem, especially those who depended heavily on their spouses and then discover that they can manage life on their own (Carr, 2004). A mother whose infant died said it all: ‘Now I can survive anything’ (DeFrain,Taylor, & Ernst, 1982, p. 57). So perhaps it is by encountering tragedy that we learn to cope with tragedy, and perhaps it is by struggling to find meaning in death that we come to find meaning in life.

Supporting the dying and bereaved What can be done to help children and adults who are dying or who are bereaved grapple with death and their feelings about it? Here is a sampling of strategies.

For the dying Dramatic changes in the care of dying people have occurred thanks partly to the efforts of Elisabeth Kübler-Ross and others. The hospice movement is a prime example. A hospice is a program that supports dying people and their families through a philosophy of ‘caring’ rather than ‘curing’ (Knee, 2010; Saunders, 2002). One of the founders of the hospice movement and of St Christopher’s Hospice in London, Dr Cicely Saunders (2002, p.  289), put it this way: ‘I remain committed to helping people find meaning in the end of life and not to helping them to a hastened death.’ Participants typically must be judged to be within 6 months of death. In many hospice programs today, dying patients stay at home and are visited by hospice workers. Hospice care is now part of a larger movement to provide palliative care, care aimed not at curing disease or prolonging life but at meeting the physical, psychological and spiritual needs of patients with serious illnesses (Shannon, 2006). What makes hospice care different from hospital care? Whether hospice care is provided in a facility or at home, it entails these key features (Connor, 2000):

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posttraumatic growth Positive psychological change resulting from highly challenging experiences such as being diagnosed with a life-threatening illness or losing a loved one.

LINKAGES Chapter 2 Theories of human development

MAKING CONNECTIONS Reflect on your greatest loss, crisis or trauma, whether a death or another difficult experience. In what ways did you change and grow in a positive direction as a result of this experience?

Search me! and Discover an instrument that measures posttraumatic growth: Rodríguez-Rey, R., AlonsoTapia, J., Kassam-Adams, N., & Garrido-Hernansaiz, H. (2016). The factor structure of the Posttraumatic Growth Inventory in parents of critically ill children. Psicothema, 28(4), 495–503.

hospice A program that supports dying people and their families through a philosophy of caring rather than curing, either in a facility or at home. palliative care Care aimed not at curing disease but at meeting the physical, psychological and spiritual needs of dying patients.

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• The dying person and his or her family – not the ‘experts’ – decide what support they need and want. • Attempts to cure the patient or prolong his or her life are de-emphasised (but death is not

Search me! and Discover how the HOME hospice model of care has been adapted for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples of all ages to support the dying person to ‘finish up’ in their community: Poroch, N. C. (2012). Kurunpa: Keeping spirit on country. Health Sociology Review, 21, 383–395.

hastened either). • Pain control is emphasised. • The setting for care is as normal as possible (preferably the patient’s own home or a home-like facility that does not have the sterile atmosphere of many hospital wards). • Bereavement counselling is provided to the family before and after the death. Do dying patients and their families fare better when they spend their last days together receiving hospice care? Jennifer Temel and her colleagues (2010) randomly assigned patients with lung cancer who had less than a year to live to receive either palliative care while they were receiving chemotherapy and other medical treatment, or just the standard medical treatments. Palliative care here involved visits from a clinician who assessed the patients’ physical and psychological issues, established goals of care with them, helped them make decisions about their treatment and helped ensure that their individual needs were met. The results were quite remarkable. Patients in palliative care reported a better quality of life and were half as likely as those receiving standard care to have clinically significant depression symptoms. More surprisingly, they survived almost 3 months longer, despite having received less aggressive and costly medical treatment. Hospice patients have been found to have less interest in physician-assisted suicide because their pain is better controlled, they feel more emotionally supported, and they spend more of their last days without pain, undergoing fewer medical interventions and operations (Foley & Hendin, 2002; Teno et al., 2004). Meanwhile, the relatives of dying people rate the quality of the death experience more positively (Hales et al., 2014), display fewer symptoms of grief and have a greater sense of wellbeing 1 to 2 years after the death than similar family members who did not receive hospice care (Ragow-O’Brien, Hayslip, & Guarnaccia, 2000). The hospice approach may not work for all, but for some it means an opportunity to die with dignity, free of pain and surrounded by loved ones.The next challenge may be to extend the hospice philosophy of caring rather than curing to more children (Davies et al., 2007; Orloff & Huff, 2010). Many children who die of cancer and other terminal illnesses die in hospitals, rather than at home with palliative care. Parents of dying children who do participate in palliative care are highly satisfied with it (Sheetz & Bowman, 2013). Another challenge, particularly in Australia, is reduced access to palliative care services for those living in regional and rural areas. In these cases, access to palliative care may require more rather than less hardship due to associated costs and leaving home and family (Jansson, Dixon, & Hatcher, 2017). In some cultures, uneasiness in talking about death – even with adult patients – may be a barrier to the development of hospice and palliative care. In China, for example, it has been taboo for health professionals to talk to dying patients about cancer, because cancer is viewed as a death sentence, and it is believed that open talk about death may undermine hope and bring bad luck or an earlier death (Dong et al., 2016). Family members, wanting to protect their loved one, also avoid talk of death. In this cultural context, it has taken a while for the hospice concept to take root. Meanwhile, in Australia and New Zealand, Indigenous peoples may also be reluctant to embrace hospice services that do not support cultural practices surrounding death and dying, such as ‘preparing the spirit’ for the journey in the context of country (Duggleby et al., 2015; LoPresti, Dement, & Gold, 2016). Culturally sensitive hospice models are being developed that adapt hospice care to maintain strong connections to culture and country (see Poroch, 2012). Before you continue, we invite you to visit the Professional practice box, in which occupational therapist Nancy Wright reflects on her experience of working with people with limited life expectancy early in her career.

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Professional practice

One of the things I talk with occupational therapy students a lot about is their sense of what it is to be an occupational therapist and how they can make that persona, the role, congruent with themselves. And I remember that journey myself, I mean particularly around things like, when I was working in Leicestershire as a community occupational therapist early in my career, I went through a phase where on my case load I had probably five people with motor neurone disease (MND), which is quite a high proportion. And so there was a lot of sadness for me. I experienced quite a lot of sadness

working with those people as my work involved me in the journey that they were making towards an inevitable early death. I struggled hugely to work out what actually was an appropriate professional response to their situation and eventually came to the realisation that it was fine for me to be sad, I could be sad, but that I needed to harness that to be empathic and supportive and helpful. And if I was sad and I wanted to cry, I took that away and didn’t burden the client with that. But that was a real struggle for me – wondering am I being a professional person if I actually feel for these people, for these clients.

Source: Nancy Wright

BEING A PERSON AND A PROFESSIONAL

Nancy Wright DipCOT, MA, NZROT, Occupational Therapist (Kaiwhakaora Ngangahau), Auckland, Aotearoa New Zealand

For the bereaved Most bereaved individuals deal with this normal life transition on their own and with support from family and friends (Mancini, Griffin, & Bonanno, 2012). What is available for bereaved children, adolescents, and adults who are experiencing or are likely to experience complicated grief? Bereaved individuals at risk for complicated grief can benefit from psychotherapy aimed at preventing or treating debilitating grief (Boelen, van den Hout, & van den Bout, 2013; Neimeyer & Currier, 2009; Rosner, Kruse, & Hagl, 2010). Because death takes place in a family context, family therapy often makes good sense (Kissane et al., 2013). Interventions designed for the whole family can help bereaved parents and children communicate more openly and support one another. Family interventions can also help parents deal with their own emotional issues so that they can provide the warm and supportive parenting that can be so critical to their children’s adjustment – this is well illustrated in the chapter Application box that describes research on the Family Bereavement Program. Mutual support or self-help groups are another option (Murphy et al., 2003a). These days, of course, bereavement self-help groups are available online (Hartig & Viola, 2016; Wagner, 2013). An example of a well-established self-help organisation is The Compassionate Friends, which operates local chapters in Australia, New Zealand and other countries around the world serving parents whose children have died. A number of groups bring bereaved partners together to offer everything from practical advice on such matters as settling finances to emotional support and friendship. There are also companion-animal loss support groups, highlighting that grieving the loss of an animal with which an individual has had a close bond is no less important than other kinds of loss and grief. Sometimes other bereaved people are in the best position to understand what a bereaved person is going through and to offer effective social support. One widow summed it up this way: ‘What’s helpful? Why, people who are in the “same boat”’ (Bankoff, 1983, p. 230).

ON THE INTERNET Seasons for Growth

https://www. goodgrief.org.au/ seasons-for-growth Seasons for Growth is a grief, loss and resiliencebuilding education program series for children, young people, adults and parents who have experienced significant change or loss. The program has been delivered in many countries, including Australia and New Zealand, the UK, Ireland and Peru. Visit the website to find out more about the programs.

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Application SUPPORTING THE BEREAVED FAMILY The Family Bereavement Program is a successful intervention for families in which a parent has died (Ayers et al., 2014; Sandler et al., 2003; Sandler, Ayers et al., 2010; Sandler, Ma et al., 2010; Schoenfelder et al., 2015). The aims of the program for children and adolescents include helping them interpret stressful events, use positive coping strategies and find adaptive ways to express their grief. The aims for the surviving parent are to help them with their mental health and maintain close parent–child relationships and effective discipline at home. A behavioural approach is used, involving modelling and role playing of target skills, and homework assignments to apply skills. In a study investigating the program, children and adolescents aged 8–16

who had lost a parent and their surviving parents were randomly assigned to either the program or a control condition that involved self-study of books about grief. Program participants met for 14 sessions (2 individual and 12 group sessions for parents, children or adolescents). A follow-up of participants indicated that they showed a greater reduction in problematic grief symptoms 6 years later than control youth did (Sandler, Ma et al., 2010). The program also decreased children’s internalising problems (depression, anxiety) and externalising problems (acting out, aggression) and improved their selfesteem (Sandler, Ayers et al., 2010). The program even had positive effects on children’s stress response systems, as

measured by their cortisol levels, 6 years later (Luecken et al., 2010, 2014). The Family Bereavement Program was effective in part because it focused on the whole family. It reduced surviving parents’ depression symptoms (Sandler, Ayers et al., 2010). Moreover, it increased their warmth toward their children and use of effective discipline, effects on parenting that were still evident at the 6-year mark (Hagan et al., 2012). Overall, then, the program enabled surviving parents to do a better job of helping their children cope with their loss while strengthening the ability of children and adolescents to help themselves. Also review the On the Internet: Seasons for growth link to learn about another program to support children, adolescents and adults dealing with loss.

Taking our leave

LINKAGES Chapter 1 Understanding life span human development

We have reached the end, not only of the life span, but of this book, and we want to leave you with a few parting words. As we highlighted at the beginning of this text, the book’s inside back cover provides a chart that overviews key developments in different periods of the life span; it will help you put the ‘whole person’ back together again and see at a glance relationships among the domains of physical, cognitive and psychosocial development. Finally, we leave you with a reminder of some of the themes echoed throughout this book, many of them part of the life span perspective on development formulated by Paul Baltes, discussed in Chapter 1 (Baltes, 1987; Baltes, Lindenberger, & Staudinger, 2006). We hope you can now think of many illustrations of each. 1 Nature and nurture truly interact in development. It’s clear that both biology and environment, reciprocally influencing each other all the way, steer development. 2 We are whole people throughout the life span. Advances in one area of development (motor development, for example) have implications for other areas of development (cognitive development through exploration); we must understand interrelationships among domains of development to understand whole human beings. 3 Development proceeds in multiple directions. We experience gains and losses, along with changes that simply make us different than we were, at every age. We must reject the view that childhood is only gain and old age only loss. 4 There is both continuity and discontinuity in development. Each of us is at once ‘the same old person’ and a new person, qualitatively different from the person who came before; development is both gradual and stage-like. 5 There is much plasticity in development. We can change in response to experience at any age, getting off one developmental pathway and onto another. True, plasticity, both neural and behavioural, is greatest among infants and young children, but it continues through life.

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6 We are individuals, becoming even more diverse with age. Developing humans are diverse from the start – and become even more diverse with age. 7 We develop in a cultural and historical context. Human development takes different forms in different times and cultures, in different socioeconomic and ethnic-racial groups, and in different social niches. 8 We are active in our own development. We help create our environments and influence those around us, and, by doing so, contribute to our own development. 9 Development is a lifelong process. We never stop developing, and behaviour during any one phase of life is best understood in relation to what came before and what is to come. 10 Development is best viewed from multiple perspectives. Many disciplines have something to contribute to a comprehensive understanding of human development – we need them all. We hope that you are intrigued enough by the study of life span human development to observe more closely your own development and that of those around you – or even to seek further studies and practical experience in the field. And we sincerely hope that you will use what you learn to steer your own and others’ development in positive and optimal directions, wherever your own future and career paths lead you.

MAKING CONNECTIONS Provide examples from your own life, or the lives of those around you, which illustrate each of the 10 overarching themes of this book.

IN REVIEW CHECKING UNDERSTANDING

CRITICAL THINKING

1 What are three elements of the grief work perspective that are not well supported by evidence?

Which of the life span development themes illustrated throughout this book can you detect in this chapter on death and dying? Explain.

2 What are two approaches used to help bereaved individuals cope? 3 What are three key features of hospice care?

Express

Get the answers to the Checking understanding questions on CourseMate Express.

CHAPTER REVIEW SUMMARY 13.1 Matters of life and death ■■ In defining death as a biological process, the definition of total brain death has been influential. Many controversies surround issues of active and passive euthanasia and assisted suicide, complicated by findings of higher brain functioning in some people who are supposedly in unresponsive wakefulness states; meanwhile, the social meanings of death vary widely.

■■ Life expectancies have increased steadily over the last century to around 80 years in modern and affluent societies, although life expectancies are lower for individuals living in less-developed countries and who experience poverty and socioeconomic disadvantage. Death rates decline after infancy but rise in adulthood as accidents give way to chronic diseases as the primary causes of death. >>>

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>>>

■■ Theories of ageing and death include those that emphasise the genetic control of ageing – programmed theories – and those that emphasise accumulation of random damage – damage or

error theories. Research indicates that ageing, death and longevity are influenced by both genetic endowment and lifestyle factors that cause damage to cells.

13.2 The experience of death ■■ Elisabeth Kübler-Ross stimulated much concern for dying patients by describing five stages of dying; yet her work did not acknowledge that dying people experience ever-changing emotions and their reactions also depend on the course of their disease and on their personality; dying people, too, set goals for living rather than just coping with dying. ■■ Bereavement precipitates grief and mourning, which are expressed, according to the Parkes–

Bowlby attachment model, in overlapping phases of numbness, yearning, disorganisation and despair, and reorganisation. ■■ The dual-process model describes oscillation between loss-oriented coping and restorationoriented coping, both of which involve a mix of positive and negative thoughts and emotions as well as periods of respite from coping, so as to reenergise.

13.3 The infant ■■ Infants may not comprehend death except as a form of ‘all gone’, but, as attachment theorist John Bowlby noticed, they clearly grieve – protesting,

despairing and then detaching after separations from attachment figures.

13.4 The child ■■ Children are curious about death and usually understand by age 5–7 that death is a final cessation of life functions that is irreversible and universal, and later more fully understand the causality of death. Children’s understanding of death is influenced by cognitive maturity, the sociocultural context and personal experience with death.

■■ Terminally ill children often become very aware of their plight and benefit from a strong sense that their parents are there to care for them, along with the support of siblings and other significant individuals. Bereaved children often experience bodily symptoms, academic difficulties and behavioural problems; but in the longer term most are resilient and adapt well, especially those who have effective coping skills and solid social support.

13.5 The adolescent ■■ Adolescents understand death more abstractly than children do and typically develop a supernatural view of death that includes an afterlife, but they do not abandon their understanding of death’s biological finality.

■■ Adolescents cope with dying and bereavement in ways that reflect the typical developmental themes of adolescence, and some develop psychological disorders after a significant loss.

13.6 The adult ■■ Although research suggests that around half of widows and widowers show resilience and the rest show different trajectories of grief reactions, on average widows and widowers experience physical, emotional and cognitive symptoms for a year or more and are at increased risk of dying.

■■ The death of a child is often even more difficult for an adult to bear, whereas the death of a parent is often easier because it is more expected.

13.7 Coping with death ■■ Proponents of the grief work perspective argue that to cope adaptively with death bereaved people must confront their loss, experience painful emotions, work through these emotions and move toward a detachment from the deceased. This perspective has been challenged on the following grounds: what is normal depends on the cultural context; not everyone suffers after a loss; many people display resilience never having done ‘grief

work’; and many people benefit from continuing rather than severing their attachment bonds. ■■ Complicated grief is especially likely among individuals who have insecure attachment styles, who have neurotic personalities and limited coping skills, who had close and dependent relationships with the deceased, whose loved one died violently and senselessly, and who lack social support or face additional stressors. >>>

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>>>

■■ When grief is significant but not crushing, bereaved individuals often report growth. ■■ Successful efforts to help people cope with death have included hospices and other forms of palliative care for dying patients and their families;

and individual therapy, family therapy and mutual support groups for the bereaved. ■■ Themes of this book include many themes that are part of the life span perspective on development formulated by Paul Baltes, introduced in Chapter 1.

END-OF-CHAPTER ACTIVITIES SELF-TEST Answer these questions to self-test your knowledge of the chapter content. The answers are at the end of the chapter.

1

True or false? Biological death is characterised by a single, easy-to-define event.

2

During which period of the life span are we most likely to die? a b c d

3

infancy childhood and adolescence early to middle adulthood late adulthood

Theories that focus on the genetic control of ageing are called ______________ theories and those that focus on the accumulation of haphazard damage to cells are called ______________ theories. a b c d

4 According to ______________, bereaved individuals shift between coping with their emotions, coping with everyday tasks, and taking breaks from coping. a the Parkes–Bowlby attachment model b Kübler Ross’ stages of dying c the dual-process model 5

True or false? The age at which a child dies is generally not related to the intensity of the parents’ grief.

6

Which of the following attachment styles is associated with prolonged grief and anxiety after a loss? a b c d

genetic; environmental programmed; random error random error; programmed biological; psychological

secure avoidant resistant disorganised

REVIEW QUESTIONS Develop your understanding of the chapter content by preparing short answer or essay responses to the following questions – or you might like to try developing a concept map or thinking map for these questions.

1

Outline the definition of total brain death and provide an example that illustrates the complications that can arise when using this to define death.

2

Describe three observable trends in life expectancy data for Australia and New Zealand over the past 100 years.

3

Explain how the major theories of ageing support the view that development is influenced by both nature and nurture.

4 Outline the similarities and differences between the Parkes–Bowlby attachment model of bereavement and Kübler-Ross’ model of dying.

5

Discuss the factors that influence children’s understanding of the concept of death.

6

Explain why the death of a friend may be particularly difficult for adolescents.

7

Explain why it is useful to adopt a family systems perspective to understand adult bereavement.

8

Overview what complicated grief is and why we must be cautious in deciding whether it is a psychological disorder.

9

Explain how bereavement can lead to positive growth.

10 Identify cultural considerations when providing hospice/palliative care models to dying patients. >>> CHAPTER REVIEW

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>>>

FOR DISCUSSION Discuss and debate your point of view on the following developmental issues, dilemmas and controversies related to topics in this chapter.

1

What would you have decided about whether Terri Schiavo should have been taken off her feeding tube and why? What about Christopher Rossiter’s case: would you have granted him the right to refuse food, water and treatment? What do your responses imply about how you think life and death are defined?

2

Jonathan Swift (the author of Gulliver’s Travels) once commented that we all want to live long lives but none of us wants to become old. What is your response to this? How old do you want to become, and what factors or conditions are important to you when considering your own longevity? What is the optimal trade-off concerning the quantity of life (longevity) and the quality of life (mental and physical heath)?

ONLINE STUDY TOOLS COURSEMATE EXPRESS Express

The CourseMate Express website contains a range of resources and study tools for this chapter, including:

→ Revision quizzes

→ Glossary

→ Solutions to the Checking understanding questions

→ and more!

SEARCH ME! PSYCHOLOGY Explore Search me! Psychology for articles relevant to this chapter. Fast and convenient, Search me! Psychology is updated daily and provides you with 24-hour access to full text articles from hundreds of scholarly and popular journals, eBooks and newspapers, including The Australian and The New York Times. Log in to the Search me! Psychology database via http://login.cengagebrain.com and try searching for the following keywords: Search tip: Search me! Psychology contains information from both local and international sources. To get the greatest number of search results, try using both Australian and American spellings in your searches, e.g. ‘globalisation’ and ‘globalization’; ‘organisation’ and ‘organization’.

→ euthanasia → bereavement → posttraumatic growth.

ANSWERS TO THE SELF-TEST 1: False; 2: (d); 3: (b); 4: (c); 5: True; 6: (c)

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731

NAME INDEX A Aamodt, W. 19 Aanerud, J. 199 Aarnoudse-Moens, C. 174 Aas, E. 138 Abar, B. 232 Abbott, B. D. 170, 189 Abelson, W. D. 344 Aber, L. 9 Abikoff, H. B. 637 Abrahams,Y. 281 Abrams, R. 712 Abreau, K. A. 396 Acebo, C. 194 Achenbach, J. 109 Achter, J. A. 367 Achy-Brou, A. 125 Acquah, E. O. 578 Acra, C. F. 440, 494 Adam, E. K. 593 Adams, C. 257 Adams, M. 125, 451 Adams, R. 185 Adamsons, K. 136 Addington, A. M. 617 Addis D. R. 272 Addy, C. L. 184 Adenzato, M. 499, 520 Adey, P. S. 233 Adeyemi, E. 520 Adi-Japha, E. 160, 353 Adler, N. E. 688 Admane, S. 718 Adolph, K. E. 171–3, 176, 279 Afifi, T. O. 599 Agbenyega, J. 179 Aglan, M. S. 189 Agnew, R. 520 Agostino, J. 179 Agrawal, A. 648 Aguiar, A. 238–9 Ah Kit, J. 134 Ahlgren, M. 281 Ahlgrim, C. J. 455 Ahluwalia, I. B. 143 Ahrons, C. R. 590 Ai, A. L. 534, 536 Ainscow, M. 408–9 Ainsworth, M. D. S. 559–60, 563–4, 566, 572 Ajani, U. A. 195 Ajilore, O. 87–8 Akers, K. G. 296 Akhtar, N. 386 Akiyama, H. 556, 585 Aknin, L. B. 510 Aksan, N. 502, 512, 516–17 Aksglaede, L. 132, 187, 189 Akshoomoff, N. 626 Alam, R. 711 Alarcón-Rubio, D. 231–2 Alati, R. 519–20, 526 Albert, D. 641 Albrecht, R. E. 527 Albuquerque, S. 711 Alcalá-Herrera,V. 190 Alcock, S. 348 Alderson, J. A. 177 Alessandri, S. M. 440 Alexander, G. M. 452 Alexander, K. L. 407 Alexander, P. A. 231, 301 Alexander-Block, A. 520 Alexopoulos, G. S. 657 Alfieri, T. 463 Al-Fozan, H. M. 121

Alink, L. R. A. 31, 574 Alio, A. P. 115, 136 Alisat, S. 518, 534 Alisic, E. 717 Alkin, M. C. 407 Allardyce, S. 456 Allen, A. 633 Allen, B. 189, 456 Allen, J. P. 88, 579–81 Allen, N. B. 190 Allen, R. 125 Allender, S. 181 Allensworth, E. 301 Alley, D. 315 Allison, C. M. 190 Alloway, T. P. 270, 300 Almeida, D. M. 463, 655–6 Almeida, O. P. 599 Almeida, R. 693 Alnadi, N. A. 109 Alpass, F. 478 Alsaker, F. 191 Al-Tamimi,Y. 138 Altgassen, M. 310 Altmaier, E. M. 688, 701 Alvarez, A. 246 Alwin, D. F. 36 Al-Yaman, F. 181 Amani, R. 200 Amato, P. R. 586 Ambady, N. 550 Amed, S. 181 Ameratunga, S. 647 Ames, D. 661 Amira, L. 638 Amone-P’Olak, K. 631 Amsel, E. 253 Amshoff, M. 707 Anastasi, A. 115 Anckarsäter, H. 645 Andel, R. 660 Andersen, H. R. 132, 134 Anderson, C. J. 368 Anderson, G. M. 625 Anderson, I. 181 Anderson, J. 400 Anderson, L. 595 Anderson, M. 19–20 Anderson, P. 175 Anderson, R. M. 689 Anderson,V. 288, 635 Anderson-Fye, E. 643 Anderson-Hanley, C. 199 Andersson, G. 64 Ando, J. 449 Andrade, J. Q. 131 Andreas. F. 189 Andreotti, C. 633 Andrews, G. 7 Angelillo, C. 66 Angell, K. E. 312 Angermeyer, M. 631 Angold, A. 143, 638, 640, 655 Annerén, G. 129 Annese, J. 272 Annett, R. D. 7 Anstey, K. J. 11 Antebi, A. 689 Antebyc, E. 134 Anthis, K. 460 Anthony, J. C. 631 Antochi, F. 658 Antoniadou, N. 528 Antonishak, J. 579 Antonsen, I. 301 Antonucci, T. C. 556, 585–6 Apfel, N. H. 88 Appelhans, B. M. 703

Appugliese, D. 188 Aquan-Assee, J. 558 Aquino, K. 518 Aragaki, A. 707 Arain, M. 160 Aratani, L. 645 Arauz, R. M. 66 Araya, R. 188 Arbeit, M. R. 88 Arbelle, S. 634 Arbona, C. 580 Archer, J. 78 Archer, K. J. 188 Archer, M. 564 Archer, S. L. 460 Arciero, P. J. 199 Ardelt, M. 363, 534, 536 Ardila, A. 344 Arenberg, D. 364 Arendt, S. W. 194 Arens, A. K. 412 Arens, R. 181 Ariès, P. 682 Arjadi, R. 707 Arking, R. 114, 686, 688–9 Arlin, P. K. 257 Arlman-Rupp, A. 387 Armstrong, D. 716–17 Armstrong, T. D. 648 Arnett, A. B. 634 Arnett, J. J. 5, 18, 458 Arnold, L. E. 636–7 Arnott, W. 281 Aron, A. 587 Aronson, J. 341 Arseneault, L. 450, 513, 525, 528, 633 Arshard, S. H. 142 Arslan, R. C. 449 Artaud, F. 10 Arteche, A. 144 Arunachalam, S. 391 Asarnow, J. 653 Asbury, K. 114 Asherson, P. J. 636 Ashman, A. 408 Ashton, M. C. 333, 432–3 Askren, M. K. 513 Asnaani, A. 639 Asok, A. 81 Asplund, C. L. 300 Asscher, J. J. 244 Atatoa Carr, P. E. 98, 133, 135, 139, 174–5, 570 Atchley, R. C. 535 Atkinson, D. 180 Atkinson, R. C. 268 Attar-Schwartz, S. 590 Atzaba-Poria, N. 634 AuBuchon, A. M. 289 Auerbach, J.G. 634 Auerbach-Major, S. 552 August, E. M. 115, 136 Auslender, R. 136 Avenevoli, S. 622, 639–40 Aviv, A. 688 Avolio, A. M. 172 Awekotuku, N. T. 693 Ayduk, O. 434, 450, 513 Ayers, B. 201 Ayers, T. S. 703, 720 Ayotte,V. 448 Azadfallah, P. 200

B Babai, R. 253 Babbage, D. R. 639 Babeva, K. 653

Bacchini, D. 575 Bachman, J. G. 413, 415 Backhouse-Smith, A. 117, 135 Bäckman, L. 309–10, 312 Baddeley, A. 268–70 Badger, S. 5 Badham, S. P. 309 Baer, J. C. 566 Bagshaw, A. T. M. 341 Bagwell, C. 636–7 Bahns, M. 204 Bahrick, L. E. 278 Bailey, A. 627 Bailey, C. 595 Bailey, H. 311, 357 Bailey, J. M. 112–13, 438–9 Bailey, S. B. 229 Baillargeon, R. H. 238–9, 248, 494, 524 Bain, C. 642 Bainbridge, R. 526, 653 Baine, M. 183 Bajenaru, O. 658 Bakalar, N. 282 Baker, A. S. 628 Baker, B. L. 366 Baker, D. W. 361 Baker, H. 233–4 Baker, J. L. 165 Baker, L A. 525 Baker, T. B. 16 Bakermans-Kranenburg, M. J. 31, 451, 566–9, 571, 592, 624 Bakken, J. P. 584 Bakoula, C. 189 Balanovic, J. 528 Balaratnasingam, S. 653 Baldelomar, O. A. 461 Baldwin, A. 341 Baldwin, C. 341 Balk, D. E. 706 Balkau, B. 195 Ball, K. 310 Ballester, F. 132 Balsam, P. D. 168 Baltes, P. B. 16, 18–19, 37, 41, 308, 310–12, 357–8, 362–3, 720 Balu, D. T. 198 Bamford, H. 20 Banai, K. 270 Bandara, D. K. 98, 133, 135, 139, 174–5, 570 Bandura, A. 61, 64–8, 84, 87, 434, 507, 509, 515, 534 Banerjee, T. D. 636 Bankoff, E. A. 719 Banks, E. 181 Banner, G. E. 300 Banwell, C. 181, 642 Baqui, A. H. 189 Barbaranelli, C. 507 Barbaresi, W. J. 634 Barber, B. L. 170, 189 Barber, M. 415 Barcelos, N. 199 Barclay, L. 134 Bard, K. A. 441 Bardin, J. C. 679, 701 Bar-Haim,Y. 167, 461 Bariola, E. 552, 582, 645–7 Barker, E. D. 528 Barkley, R. A. 635 Barlé, N. 711, 716 Barlier, L. 283 Barlow, F. K. 437

Barnes, A. 529 Barnes, C. C. 626 Barnes, T. N. 64 Barnett, L. M. 177 Baron-Cohen, S. 492–3, 626–7 Barouki, R. 134 Barr, E.L.M. 195 Barr, R. 285–6 Barrera, M. 711 Barres, R. 119 Barrett, K. C. 512 Barrick, T. R. 500 Barrouillet, P. 225 Barry, C. M. 5 Barry, R. A. 512, 517–18 Bartel, K. A. 193–4 Bartels, M. 368 Bartholomew, K. 591–2, 597 Bartlett, T. 396 Bartsch, H. 272 Bartsch, K. 494 Bartzokis, G. 198 Basinger, K. S. 531 Basseches, M. 258 Bassett, H. H. 552 Bastos, L. O. D. 287 Batanero, C. 256 Batchelor, J. 344 Bates, E. 138, 392 Bates, J. E. 445, 524, 621, 647–8 Bates, J. S. 472, 589–90 Bath, J. 348 Bathurst, K. 342, 351, 368 Batshaw, M. L. 366 Batty, G. D. 361 Bau, A. M. 189 Baudouin, A. 311, 357 Bauer, D. J. 18 Bauer, I. 467, 472 Bauer, P. J. 272, 274, 286, 289, 293–4, 296, 309, 314–15 Baumert, J. 467 Baumrind, D. 574 Baur, J. A. 689 Baur, K. 443 Bawa, S. 310 Baxter, J. 14, 344, 350, 528 Bayer, J. K. 190 Bayes, S. 140–1 Bayley, N. 170, 346 Beach, S. D. 401 Beach, S. R. H. 117 Beadle-Brown, J. 367 Beane, A. L. 528 Bear, G. G. 4 Beard, F. H. 175, 188 Beardslee, W. 570 Bearor, K. 703 Beauchamp, G. K. 282 Beauchamp, J. 114 Beaulieu, D. A. 597–8 Beautrais, A. L. 653 Bebeau, M. J. 531, 533 Bech, B. H. 129 Beck, H. P. 61 Becker, A. E. 643 Becker, C. B. 643 Becker, J. L. 657 Becker, K. 636 Becker, M. 467 Beckmann, D. 552 Beckwith, L. 566 Becoña, E. 574 Becquet, R. 131 Becroft, D. M. O. 174, 342 Bedny, M. 496

732 Copyright 2019 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. WCN 02-200-202

Beebe, B. 562 Beechum, N. O. 301 Beeghly, M. 144 Beeman, S. K. 595 Beers, M. 281 Behl, L. E. 599 Behne, T. 510 Behrendt, R. 453 Beijersbergen, M. D. 571 Beilin, H. 223 Bekinschtein, T. A. 679 Belcher, M. 688 Belden, A. 629–30, 638 Belin, T. R. 654 Bell, A. 31–2 Bell, C. 347, 351 Bell, J. H. 231, 255 Bell, M. A. 289 Bell, M. F. 131 Bellamy, J. 536 Belle, S. H. 709 Belloc, S. 136 Belsky, D. W. 450, 513, 621, 633 Belsky, J. 570, 588, 597, 622 Belton, S. 442 Beltran, I. 645 Bem, S. L. 453 Benaron, L. D. 625–6, 628 Benbow, C. P. 367, 369 Bench, S. 253 Bendelja, K. 688 Bender, K. A. 478 Bender, P. K. 571 Bender, R. H. 167 Benefice, E. 188–9 Benet-Martinez,V. 462, 476 Benjamin, D. J. 114 Benjet, C. 64 Benkhalifa, M. 136 Benn, P. A. 109 Bennett, H. A. 135 Bennett, K. M. 709 Bennett, P. 143 Bennett, S. T. 639 Benoit, D. 630 Benson, C. B. 280 Beran, T. 528 Berchio, C. 497, 626 Berenbaum, S. A. 441 Berg, C. A. 587 Berg, S. 309, 357 Bergeman, C. S. 113 Berger, A. 167, 634 Berger, L. 14 Berger, R. P. 598 Berger, S. E. 171–2, 279 Berger, S. R. 652 Berger, T. M. 125 Bergeron, C. 551 Berglund, P. 640, 657 Berg-Nielsen, T. S. 638 Bergström, G. 449 Bering, J. M. 700, 704 Berk, L. E. 234, 396, 398 Berking, M. 64 Berkman, E. T. 512 Berkman, L. 695 Berlin, L. J. 524, 569 Berman, M. G. 434, 450, 513 Berman, S. 131 Bernal, M. E. 461 Bernard, I. 71 Bernat, J. L. 678 Berndt, T. J. 573, 582 Bernier, A. 581 Bernier, C. 441 Bernstein, A. C. 455

Berntsen, D. 293, 296, 315 Berry, S. D. 570 Berthelsen, D. 400 Bertman, S. L. 711 Bertolote, J. M. 657 Bertone-Johnson, E. R. 200 Berzenski, S. R. 597 Berzoff, J. 60 Berzonsky, M. D. 462 Besenbacher, S. 107 Besley, T. 64 Bessarab, D. 134 Betancourt, J. 689, 701 Betancourt, L. M. 193, 301, 342 Betrone, A. 624–5 Betteridge, Alice 381–2, 391 Betts, J. 288 Betts, L. R. 579 Beuker, K. T. 390 Beutel, M. E. 473 Beveridge, R. M. 587 Beverung, L. M. 715 Bevier, C. A. 415 Bevli, U. K. 224 Beydoun, H. 117 Beyers, W. 471, 476 Bhaduri, S. 474 Bhanot, R. 461 Bherer, L. 11 Bhuvaneswar, C. G. 693 Biblarz, T. J. 566 Bickel, H. 312 Biddiss, E. 184 Biddle, N. 348 Bidell, T. 234–5, 239–40 Biederman, J. 634 Biemann, T. 476 Bierhoff, H. 587 Bierman, K. L. 87, 400, 415, 578–9 Biglan, A. 641 Billen, R. M. 465 Bindawas, S. M. 312 Binet, Alfred 329 Binstock, R. H. 10 Birbaumer, N. 333 Bird, A. 442 Bird, A. C. 304 Bird, G. 496 Birditt, K. S. 556, 585, 588 Birdsong, D. 385 Birkeland, M. S. 449 Birmaher, B. 706 Birnbaum, H. G. 635, 656 Birnbaum, W. 438 Birren, J. E. 204, 460 Birzniece,V. 158 Bischof, G. N. 19 Bischof. G. 357 Bjerregaard, L. G. 165 Bjertness, E. 181 Bjork, R. 625 Bjorklund, D. F. 79, 290–1, 346, 558, 700, 704 Blacher, J. 366 Blachstein, H. 288 Black, M. M. 590 Black, S. C. 344 Blackburn, E. H. 688 Blackburn, Elizabeth 688 Blackburn, J. A. 259 Blacklock, F. 526 Blackwell, L. S. 402 Bladh, M. 100 Blaga, O. M. 368 Blair, C. 341, 400

Blair, K. A. 552 Blakemore, J. E. 450–1 Blakemore, S. J. 191, 301, 353, 496 Blampied, N. M. 345 Blanchard, R. 439 Blanchard-Fields, F. 75, 499–500 Blanchette, H. 138 Blanco, C. 456 Blankenship, S. 638 Blankson, A. N. 446, 566 Blasi, C. H. 700 Blaze, J. 81 Blazer, D. G. 656–7 Blehar, M. 563 Bleidorn, W. 449 Bleiker, E. 100 Blencowe, H. 131 Blennow, M. 174 Blieszner, R. 588 Block, J. J. 494 Block, S. D. 695–6 Bloemen, K. 132 Blom,V. 449 Blomquist, J. L. 138 Bloom, L. 393 Blum, R. W. 88 Blumberg, M. S. 79–80, 560 Blumenfeld,Y. J. 108 Blythe, T. 301 Boas, M. 134 Bobek, D. L. 527 Bobowski, N. K. 282 Boccia, M. 272 Bochner, S. 68, 71, 77, 330 Bockting, C. 707 Bode, C. 471 Boden, J. M. 528, 601, 646 Bodin, L. 449 Bodkin-Andrews, G. 462 Bodley-Tickell, A. T. 474 Bodrova, E. 231, 234 Boelcke-Stennes, K. 647 Boelen, P. A. 710, 716, 719 Boerma, T. 98 Boerner, K. 708–9, 713–16 Bohannon, J. N. 386–7 Bohensky, M. 306 Bohlin, G. 239 Bohlius, J. 158 Bohlmeijer, E. 472 Bohon, C. 649 Bohr,V. A. 688 Boivin, M. 114, 522, 524, 579 Bok, L. A. 138 Bokhorst, C. L. 567 Boldry, J. 592 Bolea, N. 204, 358–9 Boles, S. 641 Boloh,Y. 386, 399 Bolster, P. 702 Bölte, S. 333 Bolton, P. 627 Boly, M. 678–9 Bombi, A. S. 575 Bonaccio, S. 335 Bonaguro, J. 205 Bonanno, G. A. 693, 697, 707–11, 713–16, 719 Bonde, J. P. 132 Bong, M. 402–3 Bongers, I. L. 631, 633 Bonoti, F. 700–1, 704 Bonvillain, N. 436

Bonvillian, J. D. 386–7 Boodoo, G. 344, 354, 360 Bookheimer, S.Y. 497 Boomsma, D. I. 341, 368, 636 Boon, E. M. 108 Booth, A. 463, 575, 599 Booth, T. 408–9 Booth-LaForce, C. 571, 593 Bor, W. 519–20, 526 Borg, I. 139 Borghammer, P. 199 Boris, N. W. 569 Borke, J. 442 Born, J. 168, 270 Bornovalova, M. 415 Bornsetin, M. H. 125 Bornstein, M. H. 347, 351, 389, 441, 557 Borradaile, K. E. 183 Borsboom, D. 707 Borst, G. 244 Borthwick-Duffy, S. A. 366 Bos, A. E. R. 444 Bos, K. B. 568–9 Bosch, A. M. 189 Bosch, J. D. 523 Bosello, R. 628, 642 Bosly-Craft, R. 478 Boström, P. K. 366 Botten, G. 138 Bouchard, T. J. 115, 344, 354, 360 Boulerice, B. 525 Boulton-Lewis, G. 462 Bourguignon, J. P. 188 Bourguignon, M. 272 Boustani, M. 660 Bowen, B. A. 417 Bowen, J. D. 660 Bower, J. E. 717 Bowers, E. P. 527 Bowes, J. 348 Bowker, J. C. 578–9 Bowlby, J. 559–61, 566, 569, 572, 591, 698, 714 Bowman, M. S. 718 Bowyer-Crane, C. 401 Boxall, A. 184 Boxer, P. 519 Boyatzis, C. J. 534 Boyce, C. J. 471 Boyce, P. 141 Boyce, W. T. 109, 118–19, 622, 633 Boyd, M. J. 527 Boykin, A. W. 344, 354, 360 Boyle, D. E. 570 Boyle, P. 476 Boytchev, H. 102 Braat, D. 100 Bradbury, T. N. 587 Bradley, B. 66 Bradley, D. 205 Bradley, M. 304 Bradley, R. H. 167, 188, 342–3 Bradley,V. J. 366 Brady, N. C. 343 Bragason, O. O. 635 Brähler, E. 473 Brainerd, C. J. 296 Braithwaite, A. 621 Braithwaite,V. A. 478 Brandão, S. 141 Brandt, H. 644 Brandtstädter, J. 467 Branje, S. J. T. 580

Brant, A. M. 368 Brassett-Harknett, A. 635–6 Bratberg, G. H. 190 Braun, C. 333 Braun, M. 718 Brayne, C. 660 Brechwald, W. A. 87 Brehmer,Y. 300 Breivik, K. 449 Bremer, A. A. 628 Brendgen, M. 112, 114, 528 Brenick, A. 451 Brennan, A. 632 Brennan-Olsen, S. 653 Brennen, T. 276 Brenner, A. 718 Brent, D. A. 639–40, 703, 705–6 Bret, M. E. 660, 662 Bretherton, I. 561 Brett, C. E. 356 Brewer, J. D. 703, 705 Brewer, R. D. 192 Brickman, A. M. 198 Bridge, J. A. 706 Briggs, J. 653 Briggs, L. 179 Briggs, P. T. 441 Briggs, R. J. 281 Briggs-Gowan, M. J. 639 Bright, M. 185 Britt, M. A. 254 Broad, J. B. 40 Broadbent, J. M. 341, 520 Broadbridge, C. L. 315 Broberg, M. 366 Brod, M. 635 Broderick,V. 399 Brodsky, N. L. 193, 301, 342 Brody, D.J. 189 Brody, E. M. 588 Brody, G. H. 117, 559, 649 Brody, J. L. 7 Brody, N. 344, 354, 360 Broekmans, F. 200 Broesch, T. 442 Brogren Carlberg, E. 167 Bromet, E. 635, 656 Bromfield, L. 595 Bromnick, R. D. 231, 255 Bronfenbrenner, Urie 12–14, 19, 28, 40–1, 80–1, 85, 235, 528, 601 Brookmeyer, K. A. 88 Brooks, G. 401 Brooks-Gunn, J. 175, 189–91, 441, 601 Brooten, D. 693–4 Brophy, J. 402, 405 Brotherton, J. M. 175, 188 Brough, M. 468 Broughton, J. M. 225 Brown, A. 143, 180 Brown, A. M. 278 Brown, B. B. 583–4 Brown, D. 102 Brown, D. E. 201 Brown, G. L. 566 Brown, I. T. 535 Brown, J. 130 Brown, R. 704 Brown, R. T. 636 Brown, S. 134 Brown, S. L. 586, 588 Brown, T. T. 637 Brown, W. H. 184 Browne, A. 456

NAME INDEX Copyright 2019 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. WCN 02-200-202

733

Browne, C. R. 579 Browne, M. 714 Brownridge, D. A. 597 Brownson, R. C. 204 Brubacher, S. 595 Brubakk, A. M. 301 Bruce, J. 630 Brugger, E. C. 678 Brugman, D. 520 Brummelman, E. 449 Brun, L. 162 Brun,V. 280 Bruner, J. S. 225, 230, 386 Brunner, F. 438 Brunner, R. 444 Bruno, E. F. 639 Bruno, M. A. 679 Bryant, R. A. 315 Bryant-Waugh, R. 641 Bryson, H. E. 634 Bryson, S. 625 Buchanan, A. 590 Buchanan, C. M. 412 Buchanan, J. 638 Buchanan, P. 172 Buchi, S. 711 Bucholz, K. K. 620, 648–9 Buchtel, E. E. 433–5 Buckner, R. L. 302 Bugental, D. 597–8, 600 Bugental, D. B. 597–8 Bugge, K. E. 701 Buhrmester, D. 559 Buitelaar, J. K. 390 Buka, S. L. 175, 628 Bukowski, W. M. 396–7, 558–9, 572, 577–9, 581–2 Bulanda, J. R. 586 Bulbulia, J. 534, 536 Bulik, C. M. 643–4 Bullard, K. M. 657 Bullen, P. 86, 464, 646–7 Bullock, M. 252–3 Bunduki,V. 131 Bundy, D. A. 351 Bunge, S. A. 299 Buntinx, W. H. E. 366 Burack, J. A. 366, 599 Burak, L. 299–300 Burchinal, M. 342, 570 Burger, H. 631 Burgess, J. 528 Burgoyne, U. 417–18 Burhans, K. K. 403 Burianova, H. 500 Burk, L. R. 633 Burke, L. A. 711, 715–16 Burke, M. M. 366, 559 Burke, T. 638 Burleson, M. H. 474 Burlingham, FILL 698 Burnett, P. C. 355 Burnett, S. 191, 353 Burnham, D. 280, 387 Burns, A. C. 194 Burns, J. 180, 656 Burr, D. 284, 287 Bursch, B. 570 Burstein, M. 640 Burt, C. D. B. 314 Burt, K. B. 647 Burt, S. A. 642–3 Burton, C. M. 528, 583 Burwell, R. A. 643 Busch, H. 471 Busch-Rossnagel, N. A. 394 Bush,Y. R. 562, 566 Bushman, B. J. 449

734

Buss, C. 118 Buss, D. M. 495, 508, 525 Buss, K. A. 443 Buss C. 158 Bussieres, E. L. 134 Butcher, L. M. 114 Butera, F. 402 Butler, N. 635–6 Butler, R. N. 204 Butterfield, K. D. 507 Butters, M. A. 657 Butters, M. A. 662 Buysse,V. 572 Byles, J. E. 121 Bylund-Grenklo, T. 711 Bythell, M. 125

C Cabral, H. 130 Cacciatore, J. 711 Caciappo, J. T. 204 Cahill, L. 267–8, 294 Cain, A. C. 703 Cain, S. W. 194 Cairns, R. B. 17 Cairns B. 17 Calafat, A. 574 Caldwell, B. M. 343 Caldwell, C. 657 Calhoun, L. G. 717 Calkins, S. D. 551–2, 578 Call, J. 495 Callaghan, T. 228, 442, 510 Calment, Jeanne Louise 686–7 Calvert, S. L. 19 Calvin, C. M. 361 Calvo, E. 477 Camargo, C. A. 175 Cameron, A.J. 195 Camp, C. J. 313 Campa, M. 564 Campbell, A. 653 Campbell, L. 592 Campbell, S. 526, 661 Campbell, W.K. 467 Campos, J. J. 552 Camras, L. A. 552 Camus,V. 657 Can, D. D. 31 Cannon, J. 180 Cano, A. 598 Cantin, S. 114 Cantor, N. L. 680 Cantwell, C. 654 Capaldi, D. M. 597 Caplan, M. 572 Capozzoli, M. C. 288 Cappell, K. A. 311 Capps, L. 623 Caprara, G.V. 507–8 Carapetis, J. R. 180 Carchon, I. 278, 291 Cardozo-Pelaez, F. 660 Caregaro, L. 628, 642 Carey, I. M. 707 Carless, B. 80 Carlin, J. B. 190 Carlo, G. 518, 527 Carlo, W. A. 138 Carlson, E. 571 Carlson, M. C. 204, 358–9 Carlsson-Paige, N. 395 Carlström, E. 112, 439 Carmichael, S. L. 136 Carmody, D. P. 441 Carnelley, K. 593

Caron, S. 455 Caron, S. L. 465 Carpendale, J. I. M. 505 Carpenter, M. 390 Carper, R. 626 Carr, A. 81, 639 Carr, D. 717 Carr, P. E. A. 445 Carrillo, B. 437 Carroll, J. 401 Carroll, J. M. 400, 702 Carroll, J. S. 5 Carroll, M. 507 Carskadon, M. A. 194 Carson, C. 142 Carst, N. 712 Carstensen, L. L. 309, 554–6 Carter, A. 627 Carter, B. 557 Carter, C. 625 Carter, F. A. 644 Carter, J. D. 644 Carter, K. 36 Carter, M. 177 Cartwright, C. 681 Cartwright, K. B. 259 Carver, C. S. 70 Carver, K. 582 Carver, L. J. 551 Casanova, M. F. 401 Cascade, E. F. 640 Case, R. 228 Case, T. I. 283 Casey, B. J. 192, 434, 450, 513 Casey, P. H. 175 Casey, R. J. 512 Casey,V. 718 Caskie, G. I. L. 36 Casper, R. F. 200 Caspi, A. 117, 445, 449– 50, 469–70, 513, 520, 525, 576, 599, 620–1, 632–3, 638, 647–9 Cassidy, D. J. 291 Cassidy, T. 139–40 Cassotti, M. 244 Castel, A. D. 310 Castellano, J. M. 311 Castellanos, I. 278 Castelli, P. 315 Castle, K. 536 Castro, C. 204 Castro, M. G. 195 Catalano, P. M. 133 Catalano, R. F. 528 Cattell, R. B. 328–9 Catto, M. 180, 656 Cauchi, S. 326 Caudle, K. 192 Caughlin, J. P. 587 Cavallo V. 197 Cavanaugh, J. C. 328–9 Cave, K. 288 Cawthon, R. 688 Cawthon, R. M. 688 Caylak, E. 401 Cebulla, M. 389 Ceci, S. J. 344, 354, 360, 416 Cecil-Karb, R. 184 Cederlund, M. 625 Celesia, G. G. 678 Cen, G. 578 Cepeda, N. J. 299 Cerin, E. 304 Cerruto, M. 519–20, 526 Cesarini, D. 114 Chabris, C. F. 114 Chadha, N. 201

Chadha,V. 201 Chadwick, A. 511 Chaffey, G. W. 229 Chai, C. 285 Chakravarty, M. M. 199 Chamberlain, C. 526 Chambers, G. M. 100, 103 Chambers, T. 718 Chamorro-Premuzic, T. 333, 335, 402 Champagne, F. A. 80, 118–20, 135 Champaud, C. 386, 399 Chan, C. S. 536 Chan, K. L. 597 Chan, L. 554 Chan, W. 468 Chandler, M. 494 Chandler, S. D. 625 Chang, J. H. 345 Chang, K. B. T. 344 Chang, L. 575 Chang, S. 189, 276 Chang,Y. T. 189 Chang, Z. 636 Chapman, A. R. 109 Chapman, D. P. 456 Chapman, M. 510, 653 Chapman,V. 138 Chaput, J. P. 194 Charbonneau, A. M. 649 Charland-Verville,V. 679 Charles, S. T. 309, 556 Charlier, P. 162 Charlton, R. A. 500 Charlton,V. 132 Charman, T. 625 Charney, D. S. 640, 657 Charpentier, P. 695 Chasan-Taber, L. 200 Chassé, K. 11 Chassin, L. 645, 647 Chatelle, C. 679 Chattopadhyay, S. K. 87 Chaudhary, N. 442, 575 Chavajay, P. 224, 577 Chawarska, K. 625 Che, J. 285 Chee, M. W. 198 Chein, J. 641 Chen, A. 290 Chen, H. 435, 578 Chen, J. Q. 332 Chen, K. 189 Chen, L. C. 173, 179 Chen, M. H. 175 Chen, P. 142 Chen, R. M. 189 Chen, S. K. 189 Chen, T. 535 Chen, X. 578, 718 Chen,Y. 117, 458 Cheng, B. 125 Cheng, J. K.Y. 618 Cheng,Y. 354 Chennu, S. 679 Cheraghian, B. 200 Cherkas, L. F. 688 Cherlin, A. J. 589 Cherney, I. D. 450–1 Cherry, K. E. 7–8, 682, 706 Chesley, N. 588 Chess, S. 443–5 Chetwynd, A. 357 Cheyne, J. A. 231 Chi, M. T. H. 292 Chiang,Y. C. 194 Chicz-Demet, A. 135 Chien, S. H. L. 278

Chiew, K. S. 311 Childers, S. A. 369 Chin, H. B. 87 Chiong, C. S. 26–8, 395 Chiou, W. 258 Chisholm, A. 20 Chisolm, D. J. 528, 583 Chiu, A. 718 Chiu, E. 661 Chiu, S. 231 Chocano-Bedoya, P. O. 200 Chochinov, H. M. 692 Choi, E. S. 178 Choi, H. K. 193 Choi, S. 392 Chomsky, N. 384–5, 394 Chong,V. 656–7 Choo, D. 281 Chou, C. P. 193 Choueiti, M. 451 Chouliaras, L. 660 Christ, G. H. 703, 705 Christakis, D. A. 28–30, 299, 385, 395 Christensen, D. 460 Christensen, H. 135, 688 Christiansen, S. L. 471 Chronis, A. M. 637 Chrousos, G. 195 Chu, J. P. 618 Chui, H. 447–8 Chung, J. 578 Chung, M. 142 Churchill, J. D. 619, 622 Chyi, L. J. 174 Cicchetti, D. 516, 567, 598–9, 618–19, 641 Ciciolla, L. 536 Cicirelli,V. G. 578, 594 Cillessen, A. H. N. 523, 578 Clark, A. 385, 395 Clark, B. A. M. 533 Clark, H. 361 Clark, J. E. 173, 179 Clark, J. G. 308 Clark, K. M. 292–3 Clark, M. 7 Clark, P. M. 174 Clark, S. E. 497 Clark, T. C. 86, 464, 646–7 Clarke-Stewart, K. A 570 Clarridge, B. R. 718 Clary, L. 451 Clarys, D. 311, 357 Claxton, A. F. 354 Clearfield, M. 172 Clemenson, G. D. 198 Clements, P.T. 693 Cleveland, H. H. 342 Cleveland, S. 627 Close, J. 253 Cluver, L. 600 Clydesdale, F. M. 636 Cnattinguis, S. 129 Coates, A. 657 Coates, H. 179 Cocker, C. 570 Coe, B. P. 107, 136, 628 Coe, N. B. 478 Cohadon, F. 678 Cohan, C. L. 586 Cohen, B. 627 Cohen, C. 594 Cohen, D. 689, 701 Cohen, J. D. 532–3 Cohen, K. 199 Cohen, L. J. 653 Cohen, M. 298

NAME INDEX Copyright 2019 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. WCN 02-200-202

Cohen, S. 585 Cohen, T. F. 557 Cohen-Bacrie, M. 136 Cohen-Bacrie, P. 136 Cohn, A. 456 Coie, J. 415 Coie, J. D. 523, 526 Coladarci, T. 415 Colapinto, J. 437–8 Colbert, K. K. 259 Colbert, S. 180, 656 Colby, A. 503–4, 514, 518–19, 530–1 Colder, C. R. 647 Cole, A. 192 Cole, M. 6, 39 Cole, P. M. 512, 525, 553 Cole, R. 411 Coleman, C. 163 Coleman, D. L. 599–601 Coleman, M. R. 678–9 Coleman, R. 692 Coll, C. G. 342 Collie, R. J. 344 Collins, J. 718 Collins, M. 451, 625 Collins, R. L. 87 Collins, W. A. 188, 571, 580–4, 593 Colombo, J. 75, 288, 346, 368 Colombo, M. 494 Comas, M. 566 Comer, J. 515 Comfort, A. 475 Comino, E. 341, 347 Commons, M. L. 257 Compas, B. E. 621, 633 Compian, L. 583 Compton, N. C. 702–3 Condon, J. T. 141 Condon, T.P. 205 Conger, R. 476 Conger, R. D. 9, 526, 536, 597–8 Conklin, H. M. 289 Conley, C. S. 649 Connell, A. M. 631 Connelly, L. B. 14 Conners, C. K. 637 Connidis, I. A. 557, 586, 588–90 Connolly, J. 455, 583–4 Connolly, M. 181, 590 Connor, S. R. 717 Conrad, K. A. 465 Consedine, N. S. 554 Constantine-Paton, M. 284 Contrand, B. 183 Convit, A. 195 Convyn, R. F. 342 Conway, A. R. A. 533 Conway, M. A. 314–15 Cooc, N. 230 Cook, D. G. 707 Cook, E. H. 627 Cook, K. 718 Cooke, T. J. 476 Coon, D. W. 589 Cooney, R. E. 621, 630 Coontz, S. 556 Cooper, D. H. 400, 415 Cooper, P. 144 Cooper, P. J. 551 Coovadia, H. M. 131 Copeland, J. R. M. 657 Copeland, W. E. 640, 655 Coplan, R. J. 396, 578–9 Coppens,Y. 162 Coppersmith, D. D. I. 653

Corapci, F. 553 Corbetta, D. 172 Corbit, J. 228 Corcoran, J. 87 Corkin, S. 272 Corkindale, C. J. 141 Corley, R. P. 368 Cornell, D. 415, 528 Corney, R. 478 Cornforth, C. M. 135 Corns, K. M. 576–7 Corona G, G. 202 Corr, C. A. 697–8 Correa-Chavez, M. 66 Corwyn, R. F. 188 Coskun, T. 133, 142 Costa, P. T. Jr. 364, 431, 450, 468–71 Costello, E. J. 638, 640, 648, 655 Costeloe, K. L. 174 Costigan, K. A. 125, 140 Côté, S. 524 Cotten, S. R. 19 Couch, K. 476 Coulter, D. L. 366 Courage, M. L. 270, 274, 278 Courchesne, E. 625–6 Courtney, J. G. 132 Cousens, S. 131 Couturier, J. 644 Couzos, S. 308 Cover Jones, M. 61 Covington, M.V. 402–3, 405 Cowan, B. W. 88 Cowan, C. P. 631–2 Cowan, N. 270, 274, 289, 292–3 Cowan, P. A. 631–2 Cowles, S. 411 Cowling, B. J. 202 Cox, K. S. 471 Coxe, S. 703, 720 Crabb, P. B. 451 Craig, E. M. 366 Craig, I. W. 117, 449, 525, 576, 621 Craig, W. M. 520, 583 Cramer, A. O. J. 707 Crane, P. 660 Craven, R. G. 412, 449, 462, 526 Crawford, M. 465 Cready, C. M. 451 Creasey, G. L. 31, 592 Creed, P. 413 Crengle, S. 86, 464, 646–7 Crepeau-Hobson, F. 366 Crews, F. 60 Cribbie, R. 455 Crick, N. R. 523, 574 Cridland, N. 143 Crisp, R. J. 345 Critchley, C. R. 516 Crnic, K. A. 366 Croft, J. B. 456 Croft, K. 245 Crone, E. A. 299 Crooks, R. L. 443 Crosby, A. E. 639 Crosby, R. A. 88 Cross, D. 495, 498, 528–9 Cross, J. H. 178 Cross, S. E. 434–5 Cross, W. E. 460–1 Croteau, D. L. 688 Crothers, C. 31–2 Crouse, J. 184

Crouter, A. C. 412, 463, 575, 580, 599 Crow, S. 642 Crowe, A. 197 Crowe, M. 660 Crowell, J. A. 587 Crowley, S. J. 194 Crown, C. L. 562 Crowston J. 304–5 Cruikshank, M. 4, 686 Crunk, A. E. 711 Cruse, D. 679 Cruz, J. E. 649 Crystal, S. 136 Csikszentmihalyi, M. 71, 363 Csiszar, A. 689 Cuccaro, P. 184, 190–1 Cuevas, K. 285 Cui, L. 640 Cuijpers, P. 64, 472, 703 Culbert, K. M. 642–4 Culpin, I. 188 Cunial, K. J. 14–15, 331–2, 529, 635 Cunningham, C. A. 289, 653 Cupul-Uicab, L. A. 189 Curb, J. D. 689 Curlik, D. M. 199 Curran, S. 627 Currier, J. M. 692, 717, 719 Curti, S. P. 131 Curtis, C. J. 114 Cuskelly, M. 64 Cutrona, C.E. 649 Cutter, G. R. 636 Cutting, A. L. 514 Cutuli, J. J. 567 Cypers, L. 453 Cypin, N. 634 Cytryn, L. 638 Czaja, S. 597

D Dabis, F. 131 D’Agostino, N. 711 Dahl, R. E. 191, 353 Dai, S. 183, 193 Dale, P. S. 392 Dalen, J. 7 D’Alessio, A.C. 119, 598 Daley, A. J. 184 Daley, C. 157 Daley, M. F. 175 Dallos, R. 644 Daltveit, A. K. 129 Damon W. 447 Damphousse, K. R. 416 Daneman, D. 181 Danese, A. 621 Daniel, J. H. 639 Daniels, D. 395, 412 Daniels, L. M. 289, 402 Daniels, W. 299 Danielsson, A. K. 582 Danino, K. 630 D’Antoine, H. 134 Dapretto, M. 497 Darbyshire, P. 701 D’Arcy, C. 637 Darley, J. M. 532–3 Darnon, C. 402 Darwin, Charles 17, 41, 78 Das, S. 693 Dasen, P. R. 224, 230 Dauber, S. 144 Davachi, L. 285

Dave, J. 657 Davenport, M. H. 199 Davidov, M. 573 Davies, B. 718 Davies, K. J. A. 688 Davies, M. S. 497 Davies, N. B. 78 Davies, S. 190–1, 634 Davis, A. 281 Davis, B. 267 Davis, E. 135, 179 Davis, M. H. 678 Davis, N. 294 Davis, O. S. 114 Davis, P. E. 241 Davis, W. E. 415 Davis-Kean, P. E. 581 Dawes, S. 657 Dawood, K. 112, 439 Dawson, G. 625, 629 Day, N. L. 706 Day, R. 706 D’Costa, B. 180, 656 de Anglat, H. D. 256 De Baere, E. 437 de Boer, M. A. 108, 132 De Bolle, M. 468 De Bortoli, L. 411, 414, 595 De Brito, S. A. 496 de Cabo, R. 689 de Castro, B. O. 449 De Cristofaro, A. 296 De Cuypere, G. 437 de Faire, U. 309, 357 De Fruyt, F. 476 De Geer, B. 295 De Goede, I. H. A. 580 De Graaf, H. 87 De Graaf, P. M. 588 de Graaf, R. 631, 703 de Haan, M. 124, 165, 179, 192, 272, 299 de Heering, A. 278 de Heus, P. 75 de Klerk, N. H. 142 De Lisi, R. 256 De Marcas, G. 167 de Meeus, T. 188–9 de Oliveria, M. I. 131 de Rijke,Y. B. 200 de Rosnay, M. 551 de Rover, M. 311 De Silva, Emma 198 de Silva,V. A. 711 De Souza, R. R. 689 de St. Aubin, E. 471 De Tiege, X. 272 de Vries, A. L. 437 de Vries, R. E. 432 de Waal, M. M. 310 Dean, A. 519–20, 526 Dean, D. C. 160 DeAngelis, M. M. 304 Dearing, E. 348 Dearing, K. F. 25 Deary, I. J. 328, 353–4, 356, 361 Deater-Deckard, K. 575 Debalini, M. G. 175, 625 DeBaryshe, B. D. 524 Debes, F. 132 Debus, R. L. 449 Declercq, E. 139 Deeds, O. 175, 283 DeFrain, J. D. 712, 717 DeFries, J. C. 51, 111–12, 114–15, 368, 631 DeGarmo, D. S. 600 Degenhardt, L. 645 Deguchi, T. 282

Dehaene, S. 399 Dekel, S. 715 Dekker, F. W. 281 DeKosky, S. T. 660 Dekovic, M. 520 Del Gaudio, F. 707, 719 Del Giudice, M. 159, 456, 618, 620, 622 Del Vecchio, T. 599 Delahanty, D. L. 456, 712 DeLamater, J. D. 443, 473–5 Delaney, R. 473 Delara, M. 200 Delaunay-El Allam, M. 283 Delcourt, M. A. B. 367 Delespaux, E. 715 Delgado, C. E. F. 494 deLima, M. S. 634 DeLisi, M. 635 Dell, M. 531, 534 Della Porta, S. 559 Della Sala, S. 500 Dell’Avvento,V. 444 DeLoache, J. S. 26–8, 291, 395 DelVecchio, W. F. 469 DeMarco, J. P. 678 DeMarie, D. 291, 293 Dement, F. 718 Demertzi, A. 679 Demetre, J. D. 478 Demetriou, H. 514 Demicheli,V. 175, 625 Demler, O. 640 DeMouzon, J. 136 Dempsey, I. 409 DeMulder, E. 552 Demyttenaere, K. 135, 631 Dender, A. 494 Dender, A. M. 230 Deng, X. 188 Denham, S. A. 552 Denissen, J. J. A. 449 Denney, J. T. 183 Dennis, C. L. 142 Dennis, W. 363 Denny, S. 86, 464, 646–7 Deo, S. 162 Deocampo, J. 286 Deoni, S. C. L. 160 Deppen, A. 191 Der, G. 361 Derks, E. M. 636 Desai, A. K. 660 Deschamps, R. 527 Desmond, J. 625 DeSouza, A. T. 578 D’Esposito, M. 24 Desrochers, S. 77 Desrosiers, J. 307 Dessens, J. A. G. 197 D’Este, C. 642 Detert, J. R. 508 Dettman, S. J. 281 Deutsch, G. 179 Devanand, D. P. 659 Devenny, D. A. 366 Deverix, J. 134 Devine, B. 601 DeVine, D. 142 Devine, K. A. 639 Devlin, M. 507 Dewilde, S. 707 DeWitt, A. L. 451 DeWolf, M. 298 Dewsbury, D. A. 17, 78 Dey, A. 175, 188 Dhabhar, F. S. 688

NAME INDEX Copyright 2019 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. WCN 02-200-202

735

Di Bartolo, C. A. 49 Di Giorgio, E. 278 Di Pietrantonj, C. 175, 625 Diamond, L. M. 583, 587 Diamond, M. 437–8 Diaz, F. 311 Dick, D. M. 621, 648, 687 Dick, M. 185 Dickens, W. 341 Dickinson-Anson, H. 273 Dickson, N. 450, 513, 520, 633 DiClemente, R. J. 88 DiDonato, M. D. 451 Diego, M. A. 175, 283 Diehl, M. 447–8, 554 Diehle, J. 600 Diekelmann, S. 168, 270 Diener, E. 71, 471, 476 Diener, M. L. 566 Diermyer, C. 299 Diesendruck, G. 390 Diessner, R. 500, 530 Dietrich, U. C. 177 Dietz, C. 624 Dietz, L. J. 394–5, 705 Dijkstra, I. 711, 715 DiLalla, L. F. 341–2, 444 Dillon, A. 526 Dillon, L. M. 472 Dillon, M. E. 86 Dilmen, U. 133, 142 Dimitropoulos, G. 642 Dimitropoulou, K. A. 172 Dinella, L. M. 437, 450–1 Dingwall, K. M. 662 Dinwiddie, D. L. 109 Dionne, G. 114 DiPietro, J. A. 125, 140 Dirani, M. 304–5 Dirks, H. 160 Dirnfeld, M. 136 Distler,V. 718 DiTerlizzi, M. 367 Dittmann-Kohli, F. 471 Dittmar, H. 643 Dixon, K. 718 Dixon, R. A. 358–9 Djelantik, A. A. A. M. 716 Dobai, A. L. 142 Dobbins, T. 181 Dobrova-Krol, N. A 568–9 Dobrow, I. 645 Dobson, A. 201 Dobson, K. S. 64 Docherty, S. J. 114 Dodell-Feder, D. 496 Dodge, K. A. 118, 136, 415, 523–6, 575–6, 599–601, 621, 647–8 Dodson, C. S. 310 Dogan, S. J. 9, 526 Doherty, M. J. 397, 494, 497–8 Dohnt, H. 643 Doi, H. 283 Doka, K. J. 709–10 Dolan, C.V. 344, 636 Dolce, G. 678 Dollberg, D. 630 Dompnier, B. 402 Donald, J. 478 Donaldson, G. A. 415 Donat, D. J. 401 Donders, R. 390 Doney, R. 177 Dong, F. 718 Donkin, I. 119 Donnellan, M. B. 31, 449,

736

467, 469, 476, 536 Donnelly, N. 288 Donohoe, M. B. 705 Dooley, W. K. 589, 593 Dopp, A. R. 703 Doran, C. 653 Dore, R. A. 396–7 Doreleijers, T. A. H. 600 Dorfberger, S. 160, 353 Dorn, L. D. 190 Dornbusch, S. M. 405 Dotterer, A. M. 412, 463 Douros, K. 189 Dowda, M. 184 Dowden, A. 286 Dowdney, L. 703 Dowell, R. C. 281 Dowling, G.J. 205 Downey, B. 348 Downey, D. B. 407 Doyle, A. B. 580, 584, 598 Dragt, J. 344 Drake, R. 451 Drapaniotis, P. M. 308 Draper, B. 599 Draper, E. S. 174 Drasgow, F. 476 Drew, L. 19 Drogos, L. L. 199 Drotar, D. 395 D’Souza, S. 117, 135, 143–4 Du, M. L. 189 Du, N. 688 du Plessis, A. 123 Dubas, J. S. 190 Dubé, E. M. 583 Dubischar-Krivec, A. M. 333 Dubois, L. 157 Dubow, E. F. 519 Duchesne, S. 68, 71, 77, 330 Dudgeon, P. 179–80 Dudley, K. L. 592–3 Duff, F. 401 Duffy, M. L. 184 Duggal, H.V. 474 Duggan, M. 19–20 Duggleby, W. 718 Duke, F. F. 283 Duke, S. 244 Dukes, C. 290–1 Dulin, P. L. 478 Dumontheil, I. 301 Dunbar, T. 140 Duncan, C. 711 Duncan, D. F. 205 Duncan, G. J. 9 Duncan, R. M. 231 Duncanson, M. 9 Dunger, D. B. 165, 188 Dunkel, L. 186 Dunkel Schetter, C. 134–5 Dunlop, S. 702 Dunlosky, J. 311, 357 Dunn, C. 107 Dunn, E. W. 510 Dunn, J. 497, 514, 558–9, 576–7, 589–90 Dunn, K. 529 Dunne, M. P. 112–13, 438–9 Dunphy, D. C. 578, 581 Dunst, C. J. 68 Dunstan, D. W. 195 DuPaul, G. J. 634–6 Dupuis, G. 11 Durlak, J. A. 449 Dusick, A. M. 174

Dussel,V. 712 Dutta, R. 6 Dutton, M. A. 597 Duursma, S. A. 197 Dux, P. E. 300 Dvorak, P. 437 Dweck, C. S. 402–4 Dyall, L. 40 Dyb, G. 528 Dymov, S. 119, 598 Dyregrov, A. 715 Dyregrov, K. 715–16 Dyson, B. 86, 464, 646–7

E Eades, S. 456 Eady, M. 418 Earl, J. K. 478 Easterbrooks, M. A. 441 Eastwick, P. W. 591 Eaton, W. 470 Ebstyne King, P. 534 Eccles, J. S. 403, 412, 581 Eckardt Erlanger, A. C. 599 Eddy, K. T. 641, 643–4 Edelsohn, G. 639 Edelstein, B. A. 657 Eder, R. A. 447 Edleson, J. L. 595 Edwards, B. 37, 693 Edwards, J. D. 307 Edwards, J. N. 595 Edwards, L. 80 Edwards,V. J. 456 Efron, D. 552, 634–5 Egeland, B. 567, 571, 597 Egeth, H. E. 289 Egger, H. L. 638 Ehri, L. C. 399 Ehrmann-Mueller, D. 389 Eibach, R. P. 438 Eichas, K. 527 Eichler, E. E. 107, 136, 628 Eidelman, A. I. 167, 174 Eijkemans, M. J. C. 200 Eikeseth, S. 386 Eikoff, J. 299 Einarson, A. 135 Einarson, T. R. 135 Einarsson, E. 635 Einstein, Albert 70 Eisen, M. 447 Eisenberg, M. E. 458 Eisenberg, M. L. 199 Eisenberg, N. 510, 517 Eisenmann, J. 183 Eisner, F. 550 Eketone, A. 40 Eklund, K. M. 401 Ekman, P. 550 El Gammal, M. A. 189 Elaut, E. 437 El-Baz, A. 401 Elder, G. H., Jr. 7, 557 Elder, R. W. 87 Elfenbein, H. A. 550 Eliot, L. 442 Elison, J. T. 625 Elkind, D. 254, 395 Elkins, I. 580 Ellard, S. 102, 107–8 Ellingson, J. 644 Elliot, A. J. 402, 405, 593 Elliott, B. C. 177 Elliott, E. S. 402 Elliott, M. N. 87, 184, 190–1

Elliott-Farrelly, T. 467 Ellis, B. J. 618, 620, 622 Ellis,Y. 299 Ellwell, M. 180, 656 El-Messidi, A. 499 Elnakib, A. 401 El-Ruby, M. O. 189 Elsabbagh, M. 625 ElSayed,Y.Y. 108 Elshout, J. J. 229 Ely, R. 401 Embleton, N. D. 125 Emery, L. 311–12 Emery, R. E. 190, 648–9 Emmanuelle,V. 462 Emmett, P. M. 183 Endendijk, J. J. 451 Enders, C. 703 Engels, R. C. M. E. 520 Engelsen, B. A. 129 Engle, P. L. 568–9 English, D.R. 10 Englund, M. M. 567 Enright, R. 255 Entringer, S. 118, 158 Entwisle, D. R. 407 Epel, E. S. 688, 717 Eppig, C. 340 Epstein, J. N. 634 Epstein, M. 528 Epstein, R. 5 Equit, M. 638 Erber, J. T. 307 Erdman, P. 567 Erhard, P. 333 Erickson, K. I. 204, 358–9 Erickson, K. L. 309, 312 Erickson, L. D. 18 Eriksen, W. 131 Erikson, Erik 55, 57–60, 62, 67, 76, 83–4, 87, 362, 433–4, 458, 463, 471–2, 535, 556 Eriksson, C. 167 Eriksson, M. 114 Erkanli, A. 638 Erkulwater, J. 636–7 Ernert, A. 189 Ernst, A. 198 Ernst, L. 717 Ersner-Hershfield, H. 554–5 Esbjørn, B. H. 571 Espelage, D. L. 528 Espinoza, G. 20 Esposito, K. 195 Espy, K. A. 341–2 Essa, E. L. 702 Esser, G. 636 Essex, M. J. 633 Etgen, T. 312 Evans, E. M. 701, 704 Evans, G. W. 9, 12 Evans, M. A. 400 Evans, M. M. 434 Evenson, K. R. 707 Everett, B. H. 245 Ewald, U. 174 Ewart, S. 142 Ewing, S. 31–2 Exline, J. J. 534 Eyler, A. A. 204

F Fabes, R. A. 441, 450–1, 577 Fabio, A. 598 Fadiman, J. 69, 71 Fagan, J. F. 347

Fair, D. A. 24 Fairchild, G. 525 Faith, M. S. 181 Faja, S. 629 Falcon, L. M. 657 Fallon, J. H. 273 Fan, H. C. 108 Fan, X. 415, 528 Fang, A. 639 Fang, E. F. 688 Fang,Y. 125 Fanshawe, J. 462 Farah, M. J. 342 Faraone, S.V. 636 Farber, N. 87 Farlow, M. R. 660 Farquharson, R. 185 Farrer, L. A. 304 Farrington, C. A. 301 Farrington, D. P. 528–9 Farver, J. A. M. 397 Faulkner, D. 230 Faulkner, K. 197 Faust, M. A. 400 Favaro, A. 628, 642 Favilla, M. 195 Fawcett, L. 143 Fawke, J. 174 Fazio, L. K. 298 Fazzari, D. A. 715 Fearon, P. 144 Fearon, R. M., P. 567, 571 Feder, M. A. 232 Fehlings, D. 138 Fehr, T. 333 Feijten, P. 476 Feiler, R. 395, 412 Feldman, D. C. 476 Feldman, D. H. 232, 354 Feldman, J. F. 174, 347, 351 Feldman, K. 598 Feldman, R. 167, 174, 560–2, 630 Feldman, R. D. 354–5 Feldstein, S. 562 Fellman,V. 174, 179 Fellowes, S. 177 Felmlee, D. 585 Felps, W. 518 Fencsik, D. E. 300 Fender, J. G. 31, 395 Fenson, L. 392 Fenwick, J. 87, 140–1 Ferdinand, A. 468 Ferguson, C. J. 31, 529 Ferguson, L. R. 117, 126, 130, 135 Fergusson, D. M. 88, 341, 348, 360, 456, 528, 580, 601 Fergusson, E. 590 Fernandes, C. 328, 354 Fernandes, J. 625 Fernández, G. 311 Fernández-Espejo, D. 679 Fernández-Hermida, J. R. 574 Fernando Valentine, Kumari Dr. 53, 649–50 Fernyhough, C. 232, 241 Ferrari, P. F. 384 Ferrero, J. 190–1 Ferrie, J. 621, 633 Ferro, M. 689 Ferron, J. 291, 293 Ferrucci, L. 468 Fesi, B. 283 Fida, R. 508 Field, D. 233, 357 Field, N. P. 714

NAME INDEX Copyright 2019 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. WCN 02-200-202

Field, T. 144, 175, 283 Fiese, B. H. 566 Fifer, W. P. 125, 168, 280 Figueiredo, B. 141 Figueiredo, C. A. 131 Figuereido, B. 175, 283 Filanosky, C. 714 Fillo, J. 571 Finch, C. E. 686 Fincham, F. D. 465, 588 Fincher, C. L. 340 Finger, R. P. 304 Fingerhut, A. W. 587 Fingerman, K. L. 588 Finkel, D. 114, 309, 357 Finkel, E. J. 591 Finkelhor, D. 20, 456 Finkenauer, C. 696–7 Finn, A. S. 9 Finnerty-Myers, K. 87 Fins, J. J. 679, 701 Finzi-Dottan, R. 596–7 Fisch, H. 136 Fischer, R. B. 419 Fischer, K. W. 225, 234–5, 239–40, 256, 268 Fischer, M. 635 Fischer, S. 681 Fisher, A. 233–4 Fisher, H. 591 Fisher, K. R. 402 Fisher, M. H. 162, 366 Fisher, P. A. 512, 630 Fisher, S. E. 384 Fitch, W. T. 384 Fitness, J. 550–1 Fitzgerald, D. P. 499 Fitzgerald, J. M. 315 Fitzgerald, O. 100, 103 Fitzmaurice, G. M. 652 Fivush, R. 295–6 Flaherty, D. K. 625 Flaherty, J. H. 662 Flanagan, C. 412 Flanagan, K. D. 25 Flanagan, T. 599 Flanders, D. 189 Flavell, E. R. 245 Flavell, J. H. 224, 245, 492, 495 Flaxman, S. R. 98 Fleer, M. 179 Fleming, J. S. 404 Fleming, S. 692, 710 Fleming, T. 86, 464, 646–7 Fletcher, A. 238 Fletcher, G. J. O. 571 Fletcher, J. M. 344 Fletcher, K. 635 Flicker, L. 10 Flieller, A. 253 Flook, L. 13, 649 Floor, P. 386 Flores, E. 599 Florsheim, P. 587 Flouri, E. 590 Flynn, J. 341 Flynn, J. R. 339–40 Flynn, M. 649 Fogassi, L. 384 Fogel, A. 78, 562 Fogg, P. 32 Foley, E. P. 678, 680 Foley, K. 718 Folke, S. 394 Fombonne, E. 624–5 Fonagy, P. 60, 567 Fong, D.Y. 597 Fong, L.S. 200 Fontaine, N. 528

Fontana, L. 689 Foran, H. M. 595 Forbes, N. 632–3 Ford, E. S. 195 Ford, K. R. 461–2 Ford, L. 140 Ford, T. 640 Foreman, J. 304–5 Forest, C. 134 Forgatch, M. S. 600 Forman,Y. 527 Forrest, J. 529 Forshaw, M. 201 Forssman, L. 239 Förstl, H. 312 Foss, J. W. 313 Foster, G. D. 183–4 Foster, W. 693 Fowler, J. W. 531, 534 Fowler, R. C. 232 Fox, E. 301 Fox, H. C. 353, 356 Fox, N. A. 444, 568–9 Fox, S. E. 386 Foxon, N. 309 Frager, R. 69, 71 Fraley, R. C. 567, 593–4, 715 Frampton, C. 632, 644 Franco, M. H. 710 Frank, D. 130 Frankel, L. 189 Frankenmolen, N. L. 310 Frankland, P. W. 296 Franklin, C. 87 Franklin, F.A. 181 Franklin, N. T. 513 Franklin, S. 253 Franko, D. L. 642 Frans, E. M. 107, 136 Franzini, L. 184 Fraser, T. 81 Fratiglioni, L. 658–60 Frayling, T. 687 Freedman, J. 385, 411 Freeman, D. 518 Freeman, G. 202 Freeman, H. J. 158 Freeman, S. F. N. 365, 407 French, L. R. 624–5 Frenda, S. J. 273 Freud, Anna 58 Freud, Sigmund 54–8, 60, 62, 67, 84–5, 433, 502, 509, 534, 556, 698 Freund, A. M. 311, 468, 472 Frey, K. S. 447–8, 451 Frick, M. F. 202 Frick, P. J. 522 Friebert, S. 712 Fried, E. I. 707 Fried, L. P. 204 Friedenreich, C. M. 199 Friederici, A. D. 384 Friedlmeier, W. 553 Friedman, A. 634 Friedman, H. 174 Friedman, H. L. 71 Friedman, H. S. 471 Friedman, M. C. 310 Friedman, M. S. 528, 583 Friedman, R. J. 525 Friedman, S. L. 167, 570 Frier, B. M. 361 Friesen, M. D. 580 Frigge, M. L. 107 Frijns, J. H. M. 281 Frisen, J. 198 Frith, Ruth 1, 4, 10, 15 Frith, U. 401, 492–3

Fritz, A. S. 494 Froehlich, T. E. 634 Fromkin, J. B. 598 Frosh, S. 54–5, 60 Fruyt, F. D. 468 Fry, C. L. 6 Fryar, C.D. 186 Fryer-Smith, S. 693 Fu, X. 391 Fuglenes, D. 138 Fuhrmann, P. 638 Fujimoto, K. 193 Fukuda, H. 198 Fukumoto, A. 512 Fuligni, A. J. 13, 193–4, 461 Fuller, S. 475 Fulton, B. D. 637 Fulton, J. E. 183, 193 Funamoto, A. 559 Fung, H. H. 397 Fuqua-Whitley, D. S. 639 Furberg, H. 643 Furman, W. 581, 583–4 Furnham, A. 333, 335 Furrow, J. L. 534 Furstenberg, F. F. Jr. 9, 589 Fytanidis, G. 189

G Gaab, E. M. 701–2 Gabert-Quillen, C. 712 Gable, S. L. 585 Gabrieli, C. F. O. 9 Gabrieli, J. D. 401 Gage, F. H. 197–8 Gagliese, L. 692, 718 Gagné, R. M. 268 Gair, S. 502 Galal, O. 189 Galambos, N. L. 463 Galanaki, E. 255 Galatzer-Levy, I. 708–9, 711, 716 Galdo-Alvarez, S. 311 Gale, C. 138 Galea, S. 632 Gallagher, E. R. 718 Gallagher, N. 625 Gallagher, S. 9 Gallagher-Thompson, D. 589 Gallese,V. 497, 626 Galliher, R.V. 583 Gallo, L. C. 179, 201 Gallup, R. 599 Galupo, M. P. 259 Galvan, A. 192–3 Galynker, I. I. 653 Gamé, F. 278, 291 Gameiro, S. 100 Gandhi, Mahatma 70, 505 Gandy, S. 660 Garasky, S. 183 Garber, J. 620–1, 629, 638, 649 Garbin, C. P. 138 Garcia, A. J. 527 Garcia, F. 575, 581 Garcia, J. R. 582 Garciaguirre, J. S. 172 Garcia-Preto, N. 557, 693 Gardener, H. 628 Gardner, C. O. 619 Gardner, F. 600 Gardner, H. 301, 332–3, 338, 370–1 Gardner, J. P. 688 Gardner, M. 582

Garland, J. 438 Garnham, A. 454 Garon, N. 625 Garrett, R. 660, 662 Garrido-Nag, K. 384 Gartstein, M. A. 444 Garvey, C. 397 Gasquet, I. 631 Gass, M. L. 201 Gatz, M. 657–60 Gau, J. 644 Gau, J. M. 650 Gaughan, E. T. 433 Gavala, J. 478 Gavin, A. 189 Gavrilova, N. 473, 475 Gaylord-Harden, N. K. 462 Gazzaniga, M. S. 178 Ge, L. Z. 461 Ge, X. 649 Gebauer, J. E. 449 Geddes, D. T. 138 Geddes, L. 109 Gehlert, N. C. 535 Geier, C. F. 192 Geithner, C. A. 185 Geldmacher, D. S. 658–9 Gelles, R. J. 596 Gelman, R. 243 Gelman, S. A. 392 Genovesi, S. 181 Gentzler, A. L. 581 George, L. G. 471 George, L. J. 587 Georgi, K. 653 Geraghty, K. 391 Gerhardt, C. A. 711 Gerig, G. 625 Germak, J. 158 Germine, L. T. 4 Gerrard, M. 87 Gershoff, E. T. 64 Gershoff et al., 2010 575 Gerstein, E. D. 366 Gerstorf, D. 587 Gervai, J. 452 Gervain, J. 384, 388 Gest, S. D. 579 Gestwicki, C. 13 Getchell, N. 176–7 Getzels, J. W. 352 Ghera, M. M. 444 Ghetti, S. 289 Ghisletta, P. 357–8 Ghofranipour, F. 200 Ghosh, M. 637 Ghuman, P. A. S. 224 Gianinazzi, M. E. 158 Giannetta, J. M. 193, 301, 342 Giarrusso, R. 587–8 Gibbons, F. X. 87, 649 Gibbs, N. 690 Gibbs, A. 40 Gibbs, J. C. 498, 501, 510, 516, 518, 520, 522–3, 526, 531–4 Gibson, A. 31–2, 461 Gibson, D.M. 478 Giedd, J. N. 118, 520 Giguere,Y. 134 Gilbert, K. R. 682 Gilchrist, A. 497 Gilchrist, A. L. 289 Gilchrist, C. A. 175 Giles, G.G. 10 Giles, L. C. 11 Gilhus, N. E. 129 Gill, S. J. 199 Gill, T. 185

Gillam, R. B. 400 Gillberg, C. 625, 645 Gillberg, I. C. 645 Gillen-O’Neel, C. 194 Gilliéorn, O. 402 Gillies, R, 408 Gillies, R. 408 Gilligan, C. 532 Gilligan, M. 589 Gilliland, M. J. 183–4 Gilman, S. E. 643 Gilmore, J. H. 9, 166 Gilmore, L. 64 Gil-Rivas,V. 717 Gimel’farb, G. 401 Giordano, P. 580 Gipson, P.Y. 621 Girard, A. 112 Girard, M. 157 Giraud, A. L. 401 Girirajan, S. 107, 136, 628 Gitlin, L. N. 709 Giugliano, D. 195 Giumetti, G. W. 20, 528 Giussani, M. 181 Gizer, I. R. 636 Gjedde, A. 199, 282 Glanz, J. M. 175 Glascock, A. 681 Glasgow, K. L. 405 Glass, B. A. 292–3 Glass, G.V. 407, 415 Glass, J. M. 300 Glasserb, S. 134 Glasson, E. 624 Glatt, S. J. 625 Glavish, N. 174 Gleason, T. R. 241 Gleeson, J. G. 627 Glenzer, N. 400 Glonek, G. F. 11 Glover, D. 570 Glover, J. A. 583 Glover,V. 618 Glowinski, A. L. 620, 649 Gluckman, P. D. 134, 187–8, 191 Glymour, M. M. 707 Glynn, L. J. 135 Glynn, L. M. 118 Goddard, C. 595 Godino, J. 256 Goedeke, S. 558 Goedereis, E. A. 590 Goerge, J. B. E. 642 Goh, J. O. 24, 198 Gohlke, B. 189 Góis-Eanes, M. 275 Gold, A. 292 Gold, A. E. 361 Gold, A. L. 599 Gold, H. T. 718 Goldberg, D. 156, 638 Golder, R. 136 Goldfeld, S. 348 Goldfine, A. M. 679, 701 Goldhaber, D. E. 81 Golding, C. 233 Golding, J. 347, 351, 438 Goldin-Meadow, S. 385, 391 Goldman, B. D. 572 Goldman, J. 175 Goldman, S. 497 Goldshore, M. A. 125, 140 Goldsmith, H. H. 550 Goldstein, A. L. 456 Goldstein, E. B. 277 Goldstein, M. H. 387, 389 Goldstein, S. E. 581

NAME INDEX Copyright 2019 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. WCN 02-200-202

737

Golinkoff, R. M. 31, 281, 387, 389–91, 396, 398 Golombok, S. 438 Gómez-Gil, E. 437 Gonzales, N. A. 71, 75 Gonzales-Backen, M. A. 462 Good, M. 534 Goodloe, A. 201 Goodluck, H. 385 Goodman, G. 315 Goodman, R. 49, 59, 640 Goodman, S. H. 631 Goodmon, L. B. 476 Goodnight, J. A. 621 Goodnow, J. J. 10, 435 Goodvin, R. 550–1, 553 Goodwin, M. 635 Goodyer, I. 144 Goodyer, I. M. 143 Goodz, N. 389 Goold, P. 474 Gooren, L. 439 Gopinath, B. 304 Gopnik, A. 4, 223, 392, 495 Gordon, N. L. 590 Gori, M. 284, 287 Gorman, D. 40 Gorman, E. 68 Gorman-Smith, D. 595 Gorrese, A. 584 Gosling, S. D. 432, 447–9, 458, 467 Gosseries, O. 679 Gostout, B. S. 201 Gotlib, I. H. 434, 450, 513, 621, 630 Goto, R. 198 Gottesman, I. 627 Gottfredson, L. 328 Gottfried, A. E. 342, 351, 368, 404–5 Gottfried, A. W. 342, 351, 368, 404–5, 444 Gottlieb, G. 78–81, 84–5, 87–8 Gottman, J. M. 552, 588 Goudevenos, J. A. 195 Gould, J. B. 174 Gould, M. S. 653 Gouttard, S. 625 Govarts, E. 132 Gover, G. 192 Govern, J. M. 581 Gow, A. J. 356 Gow, Alan 361 Gowen, L. K. 583 Goyal, N. 39 Gozal, D. 194 Graaf, P. M. 711 Graber, J. A. 189–91 Graber, J.A. 190 Grabka, P. 126, 130 Grace, R. 348 Gracia, E. 575, 581 Graczyk, P. 67, 81 Gradisar, M. 193–4 Grady, C. L. 311, 500 Graf, P. 272 Graham, A. M. 512 Graham, J. E. 312 Graham, N. 657 Graham, S. 581 Graham, S. A. 384 Graham-Bermann, S. A. 579 Gramstad, A. 301 Granados, A. 451 Granath, F. 129 Grandjean, P. 132, 134 Granrud, C. E. 279

738

Grant, C. C. 98, 133, 135, 139, 174–5, 445, 570 Grant, H. 601 Grant, J. D. 648 Grant, K. E. 621 Grant, T. 118 Gray, C. 180 Gray, D. 456 Gray, G. 131 Gray, K. 507 Gray, M. 14 Graziano, P. A. 578 Grbich, C. 694 Greaves, L. M. 437 Grebner, K. 653 Gredebäck, G. 394 Green, M. 238 Green, S. M. 201 Greenberg, M. 415 Greenberg, T. 653 Greene, J. 359 Greene, J. D. 531–4 Greene, K. 255 Greenfield, E. A. 536 Greenfield, P. M. 20 Greenhalgh, R. 141 Greenhill, L. L. 637 Greenhouse, S. W. 204 Greenlund, K. J. 456 Greenough, W. T. 619, 622 Greenstein,Y. 288 Greenway, R. 288 Greer, D. M. 678 Greer, J. A. 718 Gregory, A. 415, 528 Gregory, A. M. 638 Gregory, E. C. 133 Greider, Carol 688 Grenlich, F. 447–8 Gresham, F. M. 64 Greulich, F. K. 441, 453 Greve, F. 340 Grewal, J. 136 Greydanus, D. E. 644 Griese, B. 717 Griffin, C. E. 282 Griffin, M. M. 366 Griffin, P. 719 Griffin, W. A. 720 Griffin, Z. M. 417 Griffiths, B. B. 81 Griffiths, K. 163 Griffiths, L. J. 181 Griffiths, M. 701 Griffiths, T. L. 4 Griggs, J. 590 Grigorenko, E. L. 336, 351 Grilo, C. M. 644 Grime, R. L. 531 Grisez, G. 678 Griskevicius,V. 71, 188 Grizenko, N. 499 Groark, C. J. 569 Groeneveld, M. G. 451 Grogan-Kaylor, A. 184 Groh, A. M. 567, 571, 593 Grolnick, W. S. 551 Gronseth, G. S. 678 Gropman, A. 366 Grose-Fifer, J. 280 Gros-Louis, J. 387 Gross, J. J. 294, 551, 554 Gross, M. S. 312 Grossardt, B. R. 201 Grossberg, G. T. 660 Gross-Loh, C. 142 Grossman, A. W. 619, 622 Grossmann, I. 500 Grossmann, K. 567 Gruber, H. 292

Gruber-Baldini, A. L. 358 Grunbaum, J. A. 181, 184 Grundy, E. 588 Grusec, J. E. 516, 573 Grüters, A. 189, 438 Grych, J. 595 Gu, H. 625 Gu, Q. 186 Gu, W. 108 Guariglia, C. 272 Guarnaccia, C. A. 718 Guarnaccia, P. J. J. 620 Gudjonsson, G. H. 635 Gudsnuk, K. M. A. 135 Guegan, J. 188–9 Gueldner, B. A. 529 Gueldner, S. H. 357 Guerin, D. W. 342, 351, 368, 444 Guerra, N. G. 525–6, 528 Guerreiro, M. M. 287 Guerry, J. D. 579 Guey, L. T. 310 Guillamon, A. 437 Guilliatt, R. 326 Guimond, A. B. 462 Gujral, N. 158 Gullberg, M. 384 Gullone, E. 552, 582 Gundersen, C. 183 Gunnar, M. R. 593, 630 Gunstone, A. 462 Guo, G. 526 Guralnik, J. 197 Gurba, E. 257 Guri,Y. 167 Guroglu, B. 496 Gurung, R. A. R. 585 Gur-Yaish, N. 564 Gut, R. 158 Gutiérrez, I. T. 699–701 Gutman, L. M. 411 Gutmann, D. L. 472–3 Guttorm, T. K. 401 Guyll, M. 647–8 Gweon, H. 496

H Ha, J. 716 Haapalahti, P. 201 Haber, D. 472 Haber, E. 201 Haber, J. R. 130 Haber, S. 19 Haberg, A. 301 Haberstick, B. C. 368 Hack, M. 174 Hadwin, J. A. 288 Haffner, J. 444 Hafstad, G. S. 717 Hagan, M. J. 703, 720 Hagberg, B. 690 Hagberg, M. 194 Hagemeister, A. K. 595 Hagerman, R. J. 107 Haggart, N. 580, 584, 598 Haggerty, M. 348 Hagl, M. 719 Hahn, C. 125 Hahn, C. S. 347, 351 Hahn, R. A. 639 Haider, S. 174 Haidt, J. 531, 534 Haight, B. K. 472 Haight, B. S. 472 Haight, W. L. 397 Haine, R. A. 703, 716, 720 Haines, H. M. 139

Hainline, L. 277–8 Hair, N. 9, 166 Hakim-Larson, J. 257 Hala, S. 494 Halberda, J. 391 Halbertsma, F. J. J. 138 Hale, J. L. 255 Hales, S. 692, 718 Halfon, N. 624 Halim, M. L. 441, 450, 452–3 Hall, G. Stanley 17–18, 553, 640 Hall, J. 401 Hall, L. 628 Hall, W. D. 645 Haller, M. 645 Hallers-Haalboom, E. T. 451 Hallett, J. 87 Hallett,V. 626 Halligan, S. L. 143–4 Halliwell, E. 643 Hallmayer, J. 627 Hallsten, L. 449 Halmi, K. A. 644–5 Halpern, C. T. 78, 88 Halpern, D. F. 341 Halpern-Meekin, S. 586 Halverson, C. F. Jr. 452–4 Hamburg, P. 643 Hamby, D. W. 68 Hamby, S. L. 456 Hamer, R. D. 276 Hamilton, B. E. 133 Hamilton, J. 181 Hamilton, L. 400 Hamilton, M. T. 195 Hamlin, J. K. 494, 510 Hamm, M. P. 20 Hanawalt, B. A. 9 Hancox, R. J. 450, 513, 520, 633 Hand, K. 350 Hand, L. 520 Handa,V. L. 138 Handford, C. 438 Hänel, M. 556 Haney, P. 449 Hanisch, K. A. 194 Hanish, L. D. 441, 451, 577 Hankinson, S. E. 200 Hannan, P. J. 458 Hannon, E. E. 276 Hansel, T. C. 632 Hansen, R. L. 628 Hanson, A. 657 Hanson, J. D. 527 Hanson, J. L. 9, 166 Hanson, M. 134 Hansson, R. O. 696, 716 Hanushek, E. 405 Hanushek, E. A. 406, 415 Hanwella, R. 711 Hany, E. A. 351, 357–8 Happé, F. 626 Haque, M. 160 Harden, K. P. 190-1, 648–9 Hardesty, L. 281 Hardy, R. 191 Hardy, S. A. 518, 534 Hardy, S. J. 717 Hare, B. 495 Hare, T. 192 Harel, G. 596–7 Härenstam, A. 194 Haring, M. 708 Hariri, A. R. 621 Harkness, W. 178

Harlaar, N. 411 Harley, A. E. 552 Harlow, H. F. 565–6 Harman, D. 689 Harmon, R. J. 394, 441 Harold, G. T. 143, 525, 620–1, 649 Harold, R. D. 403, 412 Harper, H. J. 450–1 Harrington, H. 117, 449–50, 513, 520, 621, 633, 638, 647 Harrington, K. F. 88 Harris, J. R. 434 Harris, K. 100, 103 Harris, M. A. 189 Harris, P. L. 244, 397, 700–1, 704 Harris, T. 707 Harrison, G. G. 181 Harrison, L. J. 66, 348, 570 Hart, D. 518 Hart, R. 71 Hart, S. 560 Harter, S. 431, 442, 446–8, 458 Hartig, J. 719 Hartley, A. 311, 357 Hartling, L. 20 Hartman, C. A. 640 Hartmann, P. E. 138 Hartshorne, J. K. 4 Hartup, W. W. 579 Hashemipour, M. 189 Hasher, L. 311 Hasselhorn, M. 412 Hassing,Y. 387 Hastings, P. D. 510, 557 Hatano, G. 10, 435 Hatch, T. 246 Hatcher, D. 718 Hatoss, A. 462 Hattie, J. 406–8, 412 Hattie, J. 412 Haught, P. A. 259, 312 Haugstvedt, K. T. S. 701 Haukka, J. 186 Hauschild, M. 158 Hausner, H. 135, 143 Haussmann, A. 233–4 Hautamäki, H. 201 Haverstick, K. 477 Havighurst, S. S. 552 Hawkins, M. 587 Hawkins, R. L. 415 Hawkley, L. C. 204 Haworth, C. M. A. 368 Hay, D. F. 143, 510–11, 572 Hay, E. L. 447–8 Hay, M. 309 Hayashi, A. 282 Hayatbakhsh, M. R. 519–20, 526 Hayden, G. 637 Hayden, M. 257 Haydon, K. C. 571 Hayen, R. 638 Hayes, A. 14 Hayes, J. 714 Hayflick, L. 687–8 Hayman, K. 40 Hayne, H. 286, 294–6, 494 Haynes, O. M. 347, 351 Haynes, T. L. 402 Hays, J. C. 656–7 Hayslip, B. 718 Hayter, M. 189 Hayward, C. 190, 583

NAME INDEX Copyright 2019 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. WCN 02-200-202

Haywood, K. 176–7 Hazan, C. 564, 592 Hazell, P. 635 Hazin, R. 625 Hazout, A. 136 He, J. 194 He, M. 183 He, Q. 197 He,Y. 578 Healy, G. N. 195 Hearn, L. 528 Heath, A. C. 620, 648–9 Heaton, P. 625 Heavey, P. 118 Hebert, B. M. 114 Hebrank, A. 19, 198 Heeren, A. 715 Heeter, C. 404 Heffernan, K. 643 Heim, C. 158 Heindel, J. J. 134 Heine, S. J. 10, 52, 433–5 Heinrichs, B. 87 Helgeson,V. S. 467 Hell, B. 402 Hellemans, K. G. 126 Heller, H. T. 280 Helms, J. E. 40, 341 Helseth, S. 701 Helson, R. 471 Hemphill, S. A. 446, 526, 528, 575 Hen, R. 198 Henderson, A. J. Z. 597 Henderson, A. M. E. 390, 511 Henderson, G.V. 678 Henderson, H. A. 444 Hendin, H. 718 Hendricks, C. 389 Henkens, K. 478 Henley, J. 361 Henley, W. E. 200 Hennessy, E. 174 Hennessy, E. M. 174 Hennig, K. H. 506 Henning, A. 451 Hennon, E. A. 390 Henretta, J. C. 588 Henrich, C. C. 88 Henrich, J. 442 Henry, B. 456 Henry, D. 595 Henry, G.C. 693 Henry, N. J. M. 587 Henseler, S. 497 Hensle, T. W. 136 Henter, J. 702 Heo, S. 309, 312 Hepach, R. 511 Hepp, U. 711 Hepworth, A. R. 138 Hepworth, J. T. 716 Herbert, D. L. 121 Herbert, J. 143 Herbert, R. S. 716 Herciu, A. C. 192 Herdt, G. 455–6 Hermelin, B. 333 Hernandez-Reif, M. 175, 283 Heron, A. 224, 230 Heron, J. 130, 188 Herrenkohl, T. I. 528 Herreros, F. 564 Herrmann, E. 495, 508 Herrmann, M. 333 Herrnstein, R. J. 340, 344 Hershberger, S. L. 81–2 Hertel, N.T. 189 Hertz- Picciotto, I. 628

Hertzog, C. 19, 310–11, 357, 359, 660 Heru, A. M. 639 Herzog, D. B. 643 Hess, P. 183 Hess, T. 310 Hess, T. M. 310–13, 500 Heutink, P. 636 Hewitt, J. K. 368 Heydasch, T. 433 Heyeres, M. 526 Heyl,V. 308 Heylens, G. 437 Heyman, R. E. 587, 595 Heyne, D. A. 67, 75 Hezlett, S. A. 360 Hibbert, J. R. 574 Hickie, I. B. 194 Hider, P. 632 Hides, L. 653 Higgins, E. T. 463 Higgins-D’Alessandro, A. 526 Higley, J. D. 119, 598 Hilbig, B. E. 433 Hilden, K. 291 Hilder, L. 99, 173 Hildingsson, I. 138–9, 141 Hill, A. J. 181, 643 Hill, A. L. 366 Hill, C. 366 Hill, J. 14, 648–9 Hill, L. A. 312 Hill, N. E. 407, 412 Hill, P. L. 469 Hill, S. D. 441 Hills, T. 387 Hilt, L. M. 657 Himle, M. B. 189 Himura, N. 525 Hinde, R. A. 78 Hindmarsh, P. C. 193 Hindriksen, J. A. 310 Hine, T. 9 Hines, J. C. 310 Hines, M. 438–9 Hines, P. M. 693 Hinkley, J. 413 Hinrichs, G. A. 292–3 Hinshaw, S. P. 618, 637 Hinson, J. T. 310 Hintz, S. R. 174 Hiort, O. 438 Hirsh-Pasek, K. 31, 281, 389–91, 395–6, 398 HirshPasek, K. 387 Hisao, C. 578 Hiscock, H. 634 Hiscock, M. 344 Hizli, S. 133, 142 Hjelmborg, J. 157 Hjorth, M. F. 194 Ho, A.Y. 581 Ho, P. C. 597 Hoang-Opermann,V. 162 Hobel, C. 135 Hockley, C. 142 Hodapp, R. M. 366, 559 Hodes, R. M. 461 Hodge, A.M. 10 Hodges, E. A. 310 Hodgkins, P. 635 Hodnett, E. D. 139 Hoek, H. 642 Hoekstra, R. A. 627 Hofer, J. 471 Hoff, E. 387, 389, 392–3, 399 Hoffman, M. L. 502, 510, 515–16, 534, 595 Hoffman, S. I. 699

Hofland, L. 129 Hofmann, S. G. 639 Hofmeyr, G. J. 139 Hofsten, O. 276 Hofstra, M. B. 633 Hogan, M. J. 199 Hogan, S. 621 Hohm, E. 390 Holahan, C. 368–9 Holden, G. W. 558, 566, 573–5, 580, 599 Holland, A. S. 593 Holland, J. M. 710, 714, 717 Hollatz, A. L. 517 Hollenstein, T. 554 Hollich, G. J. 389–90 Hollins, M. 283 Hollon, S. D. 657 Holm, K. 189 Holman, J. 637 Holmbeck, G. N. 639 Holmberg, J. 394 Holmen, T. L. 190 Holmes, A. 189, 621 Holmes, L. G. 189 Holmström, G. 174 Holowka, S. 179 Holt, J. K. 14 Holt, R. I. 158 Holterhus, P. M. 438 Holtslander, L. 718 Holyoke, P. 718 Holzman, L. 230 Homme, J. H. 644 Honey, K. L. 143 Honeycutt, H. 112 Hong, J. S. 528 Hongwanishkul, D. 500 Honkalampi, K. 192 Honour, J. W. 188 Honzik, M. P. 346 Hooper, C. J. 289 Hooper, F. H. 259 Hooper, J. O. 259 Hooven, C. 552 Hopkins, B. 238 Hopkins, E. J. 396–7 Hopkins, K. D. 458 Hopkins, M. 198 Hopmeyer Gorman, A. 579 Hoppmann, C. A. 587 Horgan, R. P. 133 Horiuchi, S. 686 Hörmann, K. 308 Horn, J. L. 328 Horn, M. C. 656 Horner,V. 66 Horowitz, L. M. 591–2 Horswill, M. S. 307 Horta, B. 144 Horwood, J. L. 360 Horwood, L. J. 88, 341, 348, 456, 528, 580, 601, 621 Hosny, L. A. 189 Houck, P. R. 637 Houdé, O. 226, 244, 248 House, J. D. 412 Houston, A. M. 88 Houston, D. M. 387 Houts, R. 513, 621, 647 Houts, R. M. 587 Howard, K. S. 601 Howe, D. 564, 593–4 Howe, M. L. 290, 296 Howe, N. 558–9 Howell D. N. 130 Howieson, N. 338 Howlin, P. 628

Hoy, W. 406 Hoyer, W. J. 311 Hrychko, S. 499 Hsia,Y. 193 Hsiang, H. L. 296 Hsieh, K. 588 Hsu, C. C. 345 Hsu, C.Y. 193 Hsu, H.Y. 278 Hu, F. B. 181 Hu,V. W. 624, 627–8 Huang, C. M. 198 Huang, F. 415, 528 Huang, J. 311 Huang, M. 344 Huart, C. 275 Hubbard, J. A. 25 Hubel, D. 284 Hübner-Liebermann, B. 135, 143 Huddleston, D. E. 198 Hudson, J. 715 Hudziak, J. J. 525–6, 636 Huesmann, L. R. 519 Huff, S. M. 718 Huggins, J. G. 536 Hughes, C. 653 Hughes, D. 461 Hughes, E. K. 552, 582 Hughes, J. P. 189 Hughes, P. 536 Hughes, R. 456 Hui, D. 229 Huisman, M. 631 Huizink, A. C. 445 Hull, B. P. 175, 188 Hulme, C. 400–1 Hultman, C. M. 107, 136, 628 Hummel, T. 275 Hummert, M. L. 468 Humphreys, C. 517 Humphries, T. 281 Hung, L. 315 Hunkin, J. L. 688 Hunsberger, B. 500, 518, 530 Hunt, C. 138 Hunt, E. 415 Hunter, J. E. 360–1 Hunter, M. S. 201 Hunter, R. G. 81 Hunter, S. B. 701 Huntgeburth, U. 312 Huotilainen, M. 280 Hur, K. 637 Hurd, R. C. 716 Hure, A. J. 121 Hurme, H. 589 Hurst, A. J. 687 Hurst, K. 645 Hurst, S. 511 Hurt, E. 636 Hurt, H. 193, 301, 342 Husain, A. 718 Huston, T. L. 587 Hutter, I. 189 Huyck, M. H. 472–3 Huynh,V. W. 194 Hwang, I. 635, 656 Hwang, L. 283 Hwang, P. 366 Hwang, S. 528 Hybels, C. F. 656–7 Hyde, J. S. 190, 443, 463, 465–6, 472, 474, 532, 649 Hyde, K. L. 624–5 Hyde, M. J. 138 Hyson, M. C. 395

Hyun, G. 136 Hyunggun, K. 11

I Iacoboni, M. 496–7 Iacono, W. G. 450, 580, 642–3 Ialongo, N. S. 639 Iarocci, G. 366 Ickowicz, A. 129 Ikonomovic, M. D. 660 Imamog˘lu, E. O. 472 Imuta, K. 286, 494 Indefrey, P. 384 Infurna, F. J. 709–10 Ingerslev, L. R. 119 Ingersoll, B. 625 Ingersoll, G. M. 255 Ingram, R. E. 621 Inhelder, B. 73, 245, 249, 297 Inskip, H. M. 133 Inzitari, M. 197 Ioane, J. 520 Ip, H. M. 354 Ip, S. 142 Ippen, C. G. 702–3 Irish, L. 456 Irons, G. 61 Irwin, J. 184 Irwin, J. D. 183 Isava, D. M. 529 Ishak, S. 172 Isingrini, M. 311, 357 Islam, N. 26–8, 395 Ivancevich, D. 476 Ivanoff, J. G. 300 Ive, S. 643 Iverson, P. 282 Ivory,V. C. 98, 133, 135, 139 Ivtzan, I. 71 Izumi, S. 500

J Jaccard, J. 415 Jack, F. 294–5, 458 Jackson, D. 653 Jackson, J. S. 657 Jackson, K. M. 647 Jackson, L. 456 Jackson, P. W. 352 Jackson,V. A. 718 Jacob, T. 130 Jacob,V. 87 Jacobs, J. E. 256 Jacobs, M. 659 Jacobs, R. J. 474 Jacobs, S. C. 695 Jacobson, K. C. 342 Jacobvitz, D. 715 Jacoby, P. 142 Jacoby-Senghor, D. S. 9 Jacups, S. 653 Jaffe, J. 562 Jaffee, S. R. 526, 532, 588, 595, 599 Jager, T. 554 Jain, E. 554 Jain, S. 201 Jakub, D. K. 712 Jalmsell, L. 711 Jambon, M. 515 James, J. 517 Jamison, K. R. 707 Jampol, N. 514

NAME INDEX Copyright 2019 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. WCN 02-200-202

739

Janca, A. 179–80, 306 Janczewski, A. M. 197 Webb, S. J. 625 Janicki-Deverts, D. 585 Jankowska, E. A. 188 Jankowski, J. J. 174, 347, 351 Jansen, B. R. J. 297 Jansma, E. P. 600 Jansson, M. 718 Jarvin, L. 336 Jarvis, P. 592 Jasnow, M. D. 562 Jaswal, R. 138 Jauregui, A. 299 Jayawardena, K. M. 595 Je, J. H. 686 Jeannin, A. 191 Jeavons, L. 395 Jee, B. C. 189 Jeffrey, J. 528 Jeka, J. J. 173, 179 Jelenchick, L. 299 Jelenewicz, S. M. 88 Jelicic, H. 527 Jelliffe-Pawlowski, L. L. 132 Jenewein, J. 711 Jenkins, E. 366 Jennen-Steinmetz, C. 390 Jennings, K. D. 394–5 Jensen, A. R. 340, 344, 360 Jensen, P. S. 637 Jensen, T. K. 134 Jerga, J. 1 Jergovic,’ M. 688 Jernigan, M. 40 Jessberger, S. 197 Jesson, R. 407 Jeste, D.V. 657 Jetha, M. K. 193 Jimenez, N. B. 517 Jin, R. 640, 649 Jin, X. 564 Jina, E. 711 Jirikowic, T. 177 Jobin, J. 467 Jobse, J. 387 Jochem, R. 571 Jodoin-Krauzyk, J. 281 Johal, L. 160 Johansson, A. L. 129 Johansson, B. 660 Johansson, M. 140–1, 239 Johansson, T. 191 John, O. P. 471 Johnson, C. 711, 715, 719 Johnson, C. A. 586 Johnson, D. J. 460–2 Johnson, D. W. 301 Johnson, M. H. 124, 179, 192, 226, 625, 680 Johnson, M. J. 281 Johnson, M. K. 312, 557 Johnson, S. 130, 174–5 Johnson, S. P. 276 Johnson, S. R. 200 Johnson,V. E. 474–5 Johnson, W. 341, 356, 433, 470 Johnston, A. 253 Johnston, T. D. 80 Joiner, R. 230 Joinson, C. 188 Jokela, M. 621, 633 Jonas, J. B. 308 Jones, E. J. 629 Jones, H. A. 637 Jones, J. W. 534

740

Jones, L. M. 20 Jones, R. 188, 632 Jones, S. E. 192 Jones, W. 624 Jongeling, B. 635 Jonides, J. 434, 450, 513 Jonsdottir, K.Y. 199 Joormann, J. 621, 630 Joosken, J. 387 Jordahl, T. 88 Jordan, J. 644 Jordan, S. 642 Jorm, A. F. 688 Jose, P. E. 462, 649 Josefsson, A. 100 Joseph, J. 656–7 Joseph, S. 717 Josselyn, S. A. 296 Joy, M. E. 517 Joyce, A. S. 715–16 Joyce, P. R. 644 Joyner, K. 438, 582 Juan, M. 574 Judd, T. 299 Judge, T. A. 360–1 Judy, B. 533 Juffer, F. 566, 569–71 Jun, M. C. 415 Junaid, K. A. 177 Junque, C. 437 Jurecska, D. E. S. 344 Jussim, L. 468 Juul, A. 132, 187–9 Juvonen, J. 190–1

K Kabeto, M. U. 588 Kaciroti, N. 188 Kadlec, K. M. 587 Kaefer, T. 31 Kaffman, A. 119 Kaga, K. 160 Kagan, J. 444–5 Kahana, E. 533 Kahn, R. S. 634 Kahn,V. 444 Kail, R.V. 74, 253, 328–9 Kain, J. 405 Kajantie, E. 682 Kalai, A. 640 Kaldor, P. 536 Kalinauskas, A. 75, 499–500 Källén, K. 174 Kalmijn, M. 588 Kalpidou, M. 241 Kaltman, S. 707–8 Kaltsas, G. 195 Kamakura, T. 449 Kamb, M. 131 Kaminester, D. 499 Kan, K. J. 636 Kane, B. 11 Kane, M. N. 474 Kane, R. T. 715 Kang, J. W. 189 Kang, T. I. 702 Kannass, K. N. 75, 288, 368 Kanner, Leo 623 Kanwisher, N. 496 Kaplan, D. S. 416 Kaplan, H. B. 416 Kaprio, J. 179 Karacan, C. 133, 142 Karakoc, E. 107, 136, 628 Karasawa, M. 500 Karasik, L. B. 172

Karasik, L.B. 170 Karbach, J. 301, 310 Karbakhsh, M. 189 Karel, M. J. 657–8 Karlström, A. 138 Karmaus, W. 142 Karmiloff-Smith, A. 226 Karni, A. 160, 353 Karniol, R. 453 Karoly, L. A. 477 Karpov,Y.V. 226, 253 Karraker, A. 475 Kärtner, J. 295, 442 Karwowski, M. 407 Kashani, H. H. 189 Kashy, D. A. 592, 643 Kaskie, B. 657 Kasl, S.V. 695 Kassi, E. 195 Kastenbaum, R. J. 691–2, 698–9, 701 Kastorini, C. 195 Katgert, T. 138 Kathmann, N. 158 Katona, C. 657 Katsura, H. 435 Katusic, S. K. 634 Katz, L. F. 552 Katzel, L. I. 197, 204 Katzman, D. K. 642 Katz-Salamon, M. 167 Katz-Wise, S. L. 472 Kaufman, J. C. 337, 345 Kaur, K. 309 Kavanaugh, R. D. 397 Kavosh, M. S. 189 Kawabata,Y. 574 Kayed, N. S. 279 Kazdin, A. E. 64 Kazemnejad, A. 200 Keane, M. M. 272 Keane, S. P. 578 Kearney, C. A. 67, 81 Keatinge, C. 654, 656 Kebbell, M. R. 635 Keel, P. K. 641, 643–4 Keel, S. 304–5 Keenan, K. 524 Kehoe, C. 552 Kehoe, K. 702 Keightley, M. L. 500 Keil,V. 599 Kekkonen,V. 192 Kelaher, M. 468 Kelder, S. H. 181 Kelishadi, R. 189 Kellam, S. G. 639 Kelleher, C. C. 118 Keller, H. 295, 442 Keller, Helen 381 Keller, K. L. 181 Keller, M. B. 640 Keller, M. C. 618 Kelley, E. 628 Kelley, M. 568–9 Kelley-Buchanan, C. 131 Kellogg, N. D. 455 Kelly, C. 189 Kelly, D. J. 278, 461 Kelly, M. 382 Kelly,Y. 142 Kemp, S. 314 Kemper, S. 416 Kempermann, G. 197–8 Kemtes, K. A. 416 Kendall, G. E. 142 Kendeou, P. 400 Kendler, K. S. 619 Kendrick, C. 576 Kenis, G. 660 Kennedy, C. 720

Kennedy, M. A. 341 Kenny, S. L. 225, 256 Kenrick, D. T. 71 Kensinger, E. A. 178 Kenward, B. 394 Kenyon, B. L. 700 Kenyon, D. B. 527 Keown, L. J. 580 Kepa, M. 40 Kepanga, M. 162 Keppler, A. 567 Keren, M. 630 Kergoat, M. J. 11 Kern, M. L. 471 Kerns, K. A. 571, 573 Kerr, D. C. R. 514 Kerse, N. 40 Keshteli, A. H. 189 Kessels, R. 310 Kessels, R. P. C. 311 Kessler, R. 632 Kessler, R. C. 631, 635, 639–40, 656–7 Keyes, T. S. 301 Khaleque, A. 574 Khan, J. C. 304 Khanam, R. 14 Kho,Y. 715 Khodal, S. 189 Khoo, S. T. 720 Khoshnevisan, A. 283 Khurana, A. 193, 301 Kiang, L. 461 Kickett-Tucker, C. S. 430, 460, 462 Kiecolt, K. J. 595 Kieras, D. E. 300 Kieszak, S. 189 Kilburn, J. C. 529 Kildea, S. 134, 140 Kilford, E. J. 301 Killen, M. 451, 514–15 Kilmer, R. P. 717 Kilpatrick, D. G. 706 Kim, G. 551 Kim, H. 189 Kim, H.Y. 310 Kim, J. 558 Kim, J. S. 230 Kim, J.Y. 463 Kim, K. J. 526 Kim, K.H. 352, 354 Kim, P. 9, 573 Kim, S. 518, 567, 571 Kim, S. H. 189 Kim, T. 471 Kim,Y. 115 Kim,Y. S. 528 Kim,Y. D. 189 Kimber, M. 644 Kimbro, R. T. 183 Kim-Cohen, J. 525, 599, 620, 638–9 King, A. 181 King, A. C. 204 King, A. P. 387 King, B. J. 78 King, J. A. 468 King, J. W. 310 Kingi, T. R. 98, 133, 135, 139 Kingsmore, S. F. 109 Kingstone, A. 287 Kinomura, S. 198 Kinsella, K. G. 687 Kipp, K. 249 Kiraly, M. 517, 590 Kirchhoff, B. A. 302 Kirchmeyer, C. 476 Kirchner, H. L. 395 Kiritani, S. 282

Kirk, I. J. 135 Kirk, K. M. 642 Kirkbride, J. B. 118 Kirsten, B. 453 Kirzner, J. 181 Kisely, S. 653 Kissane, D. W. 707, 719 Kitamura, C. 387 Kitayama, S. 435, 500 Kitchenham, A. 81 Kitson, R. 348 Kivenson-Baron, I. 580–1, 585 Kivimäki, M. 621, 633 Kivimäki, P. 192 Kivlighan, K. T. 125, 140 Klaczynski, P. A. 253, 256, 296 Klass, D. 693, 714 Kleiboer, A. 64 Klein, D. N. 650 Klein, L. C. 655–6 Klein, S. I. 697 Kleinemeier, E. 438 Kleinhaus, K. 136 Kleinman, R. E. 636 Kleis, A. 442 Klemm, P. 694 Kliegel, M. 310, 554 Klin, A. 624–5 Klinger, L. G. 629 Klinger, R. L. 360–1 Klintwall, L. 386 Kloos, H. 233–4 Klump, K. L. 642–4 Knaapila, A. 283 Knafo, A. 510 Knapp, C. 704 Knee, D. O. 717 Knerr, W. 600 Knight, B. G. 588, 657 Knight, G. P. 461, 527 Knight, J. 341, 347 Knittel-Keren, D. 129 Knoke, B. 167 Knopik,V. S. 51, 111–12, 114–15, 130, 631 Knox, M. 468 Kobayashi, L. 456 Kobor, M. S. 109, 118–19 Kochanska, G. 502, 512, 516–18, 567, 571 Kodish, I. M. 619, 622 Kodituwakku, E. 129 Kodituwakku, P. 129 Koehler, K. 711–12 Koehoorn, M. 189 Koenen, K. C. 599, 626 Koenig, A. L. 516 Koenig, J. L. 518 Koenig, M. 390 Koff, R. 299 Kogan, N. 353 Kogevinas, M. 129 Kohl, H. W. 195 Kohlberg, L. 452–3, 503–7, 509, 514–15, 518–19, 526, 530–4 Köhler, B. 438 Kokkinos, C. M. 528 Kokko, K. A. T. J. A. 34 Kolb, B. 166 Kolose, T. 407 Kong, A. 107 Konings, S. 281 Koocher, G. P. 639 Koops, W. 523 Koot, H. M. 129, 631, 633 Kopasz, M. 270 Kopp, C. B. 550–1

NAME INDEX Copyright 2019 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. WCN 02-200-202

Koppel, J. 315 Koppel, S. 306 Korbin, J. E. 598 Korbut, Olga 354 Koren, G. 129, 135 Korge, K. 100 Korner-Bitensky, N. 307 Korver, A. M. H. 281 Koskenvuo, M. 179 Kosten, T. R. 695 Koster, T. 630 Kostick, M. 478 Kotevski, A. 528 Kotilahti, K. 179 Kotler, J. 689, 701 Kotz, J. 144 Koutstaal, W. 312 Kowalski, R. M. 20, 528 Koziel, S. 188 Kraemer, H. C. 633 Kraft, A. 703 Krakowiak, P. 628 Kral, I. 418 Kramer, A. F. 19, 204, 309, 312, 358–9, 660 Krause, K. 68, 71, 77, 330 Krause, N. 536, 585 Krcmar, M. 255 Krebs, D. L. 508–9 Kreicbergs, U. 702, 711–12 Kreiger, T. 451 Kresovich, J. K. 118 Kretch, K. S. 279 Kretsch, N. 191 Krettenauer, T. 506 Kreukels, B. P. 437 Kriege, G. 720 Kristiansen, I. S. 138 Krivoshekova,Y. S. 554 Kroger, J. 460, 462–3 Kronenberg, M. 632 Krude, H. 189 Krueger, L. E. 310 Krueger, R. F. 433, 450, 470 Kruesi, M. J. P. 520 Kruggel, F. 273 Krumm, N. 107, 136, 628 Kruse, J. 719 Kruske, S. 134, 442 Ku, S.Y. 189 Kua, A. 307 Kuan, C.C. 160 Kübler-Ross, Elisabeth 690–2, 694, 717 Kucera, E. 576–7 Kuchera, S. 718 Kuczera, M. 413 Kudadjie-Gyamfi, E. 554 Kudaravalli, S. 79 Kuehner, C. 657 Kuhl, P. K. 282, 384, 388 Kuhn, D. 252–4 Kujala, T. 280 Kuk, L. S. 462 Kukull, W. 660 Kulathilaka, S. 711 Kumar, A. 20 Kuncel, N. R. 360 Kundakovic, M. 118 Kunter, M. 413 Kuny-Slock, A.V. 525–6 Kunz, J. A. 472 Kuo, A. A. 624 Kuo, B. C. H. 656–7 Kuo, S. I. 188, 593 Kuonen, R. 158 Kupfer, D. J. 633 Kuramoto, S. J. 703 Kurby, C. 254

Kurdek, L. A. 587 Kurowski, C. O. 551 Kurt, D.T. 189 Kurt, F. 189 Kushalnagar, P. 281 Kushnir, T. 244 Kwak, K. 551 Kwok, O. 720 Kwong, M. J. 597

L Labarthe, D. R. 183, 193 Labinowicz, E. 250 Labonté, B. 119, 598 LaBounty, J. 514 Labouvie-Vief, G. 75, 257, 554 Lachman, M. E. 313 LaCroix, A. Z. 201 Laeng, B. 276 Lagercrantz, H. 282, 388 Lahav, A. 280 Lahiri, D. K. 660 Laible, D. J. 511 Laibson, D. 114 Laine, K. 578 Laing, C. M. 712 Lakatta, E. G. 197 Lalande, K. L. 714 l’Allemand, D. 158 Lalumiere, M. L. 520 Lamb, M. E. 566–7 Lamb, S. 413 Lamb,Y. N. 135 Lamberg, K. 625 Lambie, I. 520 Lamere, T. G. 583 Lamers, F. 194 Lamont, A. 6 LaMontagne, L. L. 716 Lampl, M. 165 Lamy, D. 461 Lamy, M. 411 Lan, J. 564 Landau, R. 634 Landon, M. B. 138 Landry, S. H. 342 Lane, J. A. 9 Lane, J. D. 514 Lang, F. R. 468, 477 Langa, K. M. 588 Langer, J.C. 174 Langevin, J. P. 499 Langford, J. 306 Langley, J. 64 Langley, K. 130 Langlois, F. 11 Långström, N. 107, 112, 136, 439, 703 Lannon, R. 391 Lanoë, C. 226 Lanouette, N. 657 Lanphear, B. P. 634 Lanpher, B. 366 Lansford, J. E. 524, 575, 599, 621, 647–8 Lantos, J. D. 281 Lappin, S. 385, 395 Lapsley, D. 255 Lapsley, D. K. 514 Larkina, M. 286, 294 Larose, S. 581 Larsen, K. 183 Larson, A. A. 254 Larson, B. M. 202 Larson, E. B. 660 Larson, R. P. 315 Larson, R. W. 553 Larsson, H. 525, 636

Larsson, I. 455–6 Latack, J. A. 711, 716 Lattanner, M. R. 20, 528 Lau, J. 142 Lauber, E. J. 300 Laucht, M. 390, 636 Laukkanen, E. 192 Laureys, S. 678–9 Laursen, B. 580–2 Laursen, E. M. 189 Lautenschlager, N. T. 599 Lauw, M. S. 552 Laven, J. S. E. 200 Lavner, J. A. 587 LaVoie, J. C. 460 Lavrijsen, J. 678 Lawford, H. 580, 584, 598 Lawlor, D. A. 361 Lawn, J. E. 131 Lawrence, C. 456 Lawrence, D. 460 Lawrence, K. L. 202 Lawson, K. 716 Laxer, R. E. 192 Lazarus, R. S. 553 LazcanoPonce, E. C. 189 Le, J. 304 Le, K. 476 Le Blanc, M. 469 Le Couteur, A. 627 Le Grange, D. 642 Le Tourneau, M. 198 Leach, L. S. 135 Leal, I. 201 Lean, G. 529 Leane, C. 134 Leaper, C. 451 Leatherdale, S. T. 192 Leavens, D. A. 441 Lebowitz, B. 657 Lebowitz, B. D. 657 Lechner, C. M. 712 Leckman, J. F. 560 Leclerc, C. M. 500 Leddon, E. 391 Lee, A. C. 174 Lee, A.J. 185 Lee, B. 580 Lee, C. E. 344 Lee, C. H. J. 437 Lee, E. 100, 103, 693 Lee, G. R. 586 Lee, H. C. 174 Lee, J. K. 289 Lee, J. M. 188 Lee, K. 278, 432–3, 461, 498 Lee, M. 645 Lee, N. R. 520 Lee, N.Y. L. 533 Lee, P. 678 Lee, P. A. 158 Lee, R. M. 460–1 Lee, S. W. 198 Lee,V. 163 Lee, W. W. 435 Lee,Y. 404 Leeder, E. J. 556 Lee-Hammond, L. 570 Leenarts, L. E. W. 600 Leen-Feldner, E. W. 190 Leerkes, E. M. 446, 566 Lees, A. J. 287 Lee-Shin,Y. 397 Legare, C. H. 701, 704 Legge, J. 36 Leggett, E. L. 402 leGrange, D. 645 Lehman, D. R. 708 Lehman, H. C. 363 Lehmann, D. 179

Lehn, H. 636 Lehoux, P. M. 558 Lehtinen, E. 578 Leiferman, J. A. 144 Leist, F. 433 Leith, J. E. 559 Lejarraga, H. 164 LeMare, L. J. 499 Lemaster, P. 473 Lemay, E. P. Jr. 592–3 Lemery-Chalfant, K. 413 Lemire, R. J. 129 Lenderts, S. E. 640 Lenhart, A. 19–20 Lenroot, R. K. 118, 520 Lenze, S. 639 Leo, A. J. 279 Leo, I. 278 Leon, D. A. 361 Leon, G. R. 641, 643–4 Leonard, J. A. 9 León-Carrión, J. 678 Leondari, A. 700–1, 704 Leong, D. J. 231, 234 Leopold, T. 712 Lepore, J. 17 LePore, P. C. 415 LePort, A. K. R. 273 Leppänen, P. H. T. 401 Leritz, L. E. 354 Lerner, J.V. 527 Lerner, M. D. 396–7 Lerner, R. M. 78, 259, 527 Lerner-Gevabd, L. 134 Leroux, G. 226 Leshikar, E. D. 198 Leskin, G. A. 570 Leslie, A. M. 492–3 Lester, L. 528 Lester, P. 570 Letsch, K. 66 Leudar, I. 714 Leung, W. C. 597 Leutwyler, B. 301 LeVay, S. 439 Leventhal, B. 528 Levine, D. 281 Levine, P. 637 LeVine, R. A. 10, 435 Levine, S. Z. 628 Levinson, S. 61 Levitas, J. 552 Levit-Dori, T. 253 Levitt, P. 386 Levy, B. R. 468 Lew, A. R. 238 Lewin-Bizan, S. 527 Lewinsohn, P. M. 190–1, 650 Lewis, G. 188 Lewis, L. N. 86 Lewis, M. 440–1, 549–50 Lewis, R. 109, 129 Lewis, T. L. 284–5 Lewycka, S. 175 Li, D. 578 Li, J. 142, 301 Li, K. Z. H. 311 Li, M. 304 Li, Q. 285, 528 Li, S. 78, 300, 312–13, 359 Li,Y. 707, 719 Li, Z. 87, 99, 173 Liao, S. 595 Liben, L. S. 454 Liberman, A. M. 639 Liberson, G. L. 136 Lichtenstein, P. 107, 112, 136, 190, 439, 628, 636, 643, 703

Lickliter, R. 78, 80, 112, 278 Lidz, J. 385, 411 Lieberman, A. F. 702–3 Lieberman, M. 504, 514, 518–19, 530 Liégeois, F. 178 Light, L. L. 416–17 Lilenfeld, L. R. R. 644 Lillard, A. S. 396–7 Lim,V. K. G. 518 Lim, S. 181 Limber, S. P. 529 Lin, J. H. 184, 688 Lindau, S. T. 473, 475 Lindauer, R. J. L. 600 Lindberg, E. 174 Lindberg, S. M. 463 Lindeboom, M. 478 Lindell, S. G. 119, 598 Lindeman, M. A. 662 Lindenberg, S. 632 Lindenberger, U. 18–19, 37, 300, 308–13, 357–9, 553–4, 660, 720 Lindesay, J. 657 Lindgren, H. 138 Lindin, M. 311 Lindsay, C. J. 437 Lindsey, D. T. 278 Lindsey, E. W. 398 Lipiäinen, L. 179 Lipina, S. J. 341–2 Lipinski, J. J. 342 Lippa, R. A. 438–9 Lipsett, L. 16 Lipshultz, L. I. 199 Liptak, G. S. 123 Lipton, A. M. 661 LiPuma, S. 678 Listfield, E. 646 Liszkowski, U. 510 Litman, L. 285 Little, M. 703 Little, T. D. 369 Littleton, K. 230 Liu, C. 474 Liu, C. H. 77 Liu, D. 495–7 Liu, G. L. 189 Liu, L. 189 Liu, X. 659, 688 Liu,Y. 341, 456 Lizza, J. P. 677 Lloyd, M. E. 272 Lloyd Wright, Frank 363 Lo, C. 435 Lobar, S. L. 693–4 Lobb, E. A. 710 Lobjois, R. 197 Lobo, I. 108 Lobo, S. A. 171–2 Lochman, J. E. 64 Lock, J. 645 Lockenhoff, C. E. 468 Lockl, K. 291 Lodge, J. 528 Lodi-Smith, J. 19, 467, 469 Loeb, K. L. 645 Loessi, H. M. 270 Loevinger, B. L. 707 Löfmark, R. 681 Lofthouse, N. 636 Loftus, E. F. 273 Logie, R. H. 310 Loh, P. R. 637 Lohan, J. 711, 715, 719 Lohan, J. A. 712 Lohaugen, G. C. 301

NAME INDEX Copyright 2019 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. WCN 02-200-202

741

Lohman, B. J. 88, 183, 635 Long, J. D. 647 Longman, R. S. 199 Longmore, M. A. 580 Longoria, N. 570 Loomans, E. M. 129 Lopez, F. G. 581 Lopez, L. 625 Lopez, S. R. 620 LoPresti, M. A. 718 Lord, C. 626 Lorenz, K. Z. 559–60 Lorsbach, T. C. 300 Losada, A. 588 Lösel, F. 528 Lougheed, J. P. 554 Lount, S. A. 520 Lourenço, O. 77, 225, 232 Louzoun,Y. 167 Lovaas, O. I. 628–9 Lovden, M. 309 Love, J. 441 Lovett, B. J. 522 Lövgren, M. 711 Lowe, G. D. O. 361 Lowenberg, K. 533 Lowy, R. 629 Loxton, D. 121 Lteif, A. N. 644 Lu, P. H. 198 Lu, T. 570 Lubin, A. 244, 248 Lubinski, D. 367, 369 Luby, J. L. 629–30, 638–9 Lucas, B. R. 177 Lucas, C. G. 4 Lucas, R. E. 71, 471 Luciana, M. 289 Lucio, R. 415 Lucki, I. 198 Lüdtke, O. 413, 470 Luecken, L. J. 703, 720 Luke, M. A. 593 Lukowski, A. F. 286 Lumeng, J. C. 188 Lundberg, S. 476 Lund-Egloff, D. 139 Lundqvist, P. 174 Lunsman, M. 307 Luo, J. 311 Luo, X. P. 189 Luo,Y. 247 Lupinetti, C. 508 Luria, Alexander 228 Lurye, L. E. 453 Lustig, R. H. 193 Luszcz, M. A. 7, 11 Luthar, S. S. 709–10 Luty, S. E. 644 Lutzker, J. R. 601 Lux, A. 438 Lyketsos, C. G. 659 Lykken, D. T. 115 Lynam, D. 523, 526 Lynch, J. S. 400 Lynch, T. J. 718 Lynn, M. 595 Lynn, R. 340, 344 Lynskey, M. 348, 645 Lynskey, M. T. 620, 648–9 Lyonette, C. 589 Lyons, M. 701 Lyons, Z. 179–80, 306 Lyons-Ruth, K. 630 Lyra, J. 86 Lysenko, A. 283 Lyster, S. A. H. 400 Lyytinen, H. 401 Lyytinen, P. 401

742

M Ma, A. 88 Ma, H. H. 354 Ma, H. M. 189 Ma, W. 387 Ma,Y. 720 Ma,Yo-Yo 355 Maalouf, F. T. 639–40 Maamari, R. 201 Mac Iver, D. 412 McAdams, D. P. 430, 460, 471–2 McAdoo, H. P. 342 Macaldowie, A. 100, 103 McAlister, A. 497 McAlister, A. L. 507 McAnally, H. M. 458 McArdle, J. J. 587 McAuley, Tori 491 McAullay, D. 179 McBride-Change, C. 354 McCabe, D. L. 507 McCabe, E. R. B. 102 McCabe, L. L. 102 McCabe, M. P. 188, 190 McCabe, R. E. 201 McCadney, A. 638 McCaffrey, G. 712 McCall, R. B. 16, 346–7, 569 Maccallum, F. 709, 711 McCalman, J. 526, 653 McCarthy, J. R. 704 McCartney, K. 348, 570 McCarty, C. A. 639 McCaul, E. J. 415 McClay, J. 525, 576, 621 McClearn, G. E. 113 McClelland, J. L. 171 McClintock, M. 455–6 McClowry, S. G. 443 McClure, D. L. 175 McClure, J. 413 Maccoby, E. E. 557, 574–5 McCormick, E.V. 175 McCormick, M. C. 175, 626 McCormick, W. C. 660 McCowan, L. 133 McCoy, T. 183 McCoyd, J. L. M. 691, 698, 705, 711–12 McCrae, L. 590 McCrae, R. R. 364, 431, 450, 468–71 McCrory, E. J. P. 496, 522 McCullough, A. 138 McCullough, B. M. 19 McCullough, C. M. 307 McDaid, F. 144 MacDermott, S. 624 McDevitt-Murphy, M. 716 McDonald, 2011 579 McDonald, A. 124 MacDonald, B. 634 MacDonald, D. A. 71 MacDonald, K. 81–2 MacDonald, S. 295–6 MacDorman, M. F. 133, 139 Macera, C. A. 201 Macfarlane, A. H. 345 Macfarlane, S. H. 345 McDonald, J. 341, 347 McDonald, J. H. 104 McDonald, J. L. 347 McDonald,V. 81 McDonough, C. 391

McDonough, M. H. 649 McDowell, M.A. 189 McElhaney, K. B. 579, 581 McFall, R. M. 16 McGarry, B. 15, 20–1, 145–6, 596 McGaugh, J. L. 267–8, 273, 294 McGee, M. A. 656 McGee, T. R. 519–20, 526 McGillivray, S. 310 McGinley, M. 511–12, 516 McGlusky N. 418 McGoldrick, M. 557, 693, 707, 716 McGowan, P. O. 119, 598 McGrath, C. 400 McGrath, J. J. 107, 136 McGrew, K. S. 329 McGue, M. 115, 340, 450, 580, 642–3, 648 McGuffin, P. 107, 136, 649 McGuinness, M. B. 304 McGuire, J. K. 437 McGwin, G. Jr. 306 Machado, A. 77, 225 McHale, J. L. 566 McHale, S. J. 412 McHale, S. M. 463, 558, 580 McHugh, C. 653 Maciejewski, P. K. 695–6, 710 McInnes, L. 357 McInnes, R. R. 108–9 McIntosh, C. 115, 136 McIntosh, D. N. 497, 626 McIntosh,V.V. W. 644 McIntyre, P. B. 175, 188 Macintyre, S. 361 McIsaac, C. 583–4 MacIver, D. J. 412 McIver, K. L. 184 McKay, J. 288 Mackean, T. 179 McKenzie, J. M. 644 McKenzie, L. 413 McKenzie, S. 36 Mackey, A. P. 9 McKhann, G. M. 198 McKimmie, M. 1 McKinely, L. T. 174 McKinney, B. C. 619, 622 McKinney, C. 534 Mackinnon, A. 135 Mackler, J. S. 551 McKnew, D. H., Jr. 638 McLanahan, S. S. 7 McLaughlin, K. A. 635, 656 McLean, K. C. 430, 460 McLeod, B. J. 682 McLeod, G. F. 456 MacLeod, K. E. 284–5, 287, 307 MacLeod, R. 718 MacLeod, R. D. 701–2 McLoughlin, C. 528 Maclullich, A. M. 308 McMahon, E. 280 McMahon, S. D. 621 McMaugh, A. 68, 71, 77, 330 McMenamy, J. M. 551 MacMillan, D. 138 MacMillan, H. L. 599 McMohan, R. 415

McMullen, J. A. 578 McMurray, B. 79–80, 560 McNaughton, S. 407 McNutt, K. 527 McPherson, D. D. 11 McPherson, R. 554, 594 MacPherson, S. E. 500 McQuade, J. D. 579 McQueen, K. 142 McRae, K. 554 McShane, K. 510 McSherry, M. 702 McTiernan, K. 692 Macvean, M. 601 McWhirter, C. 202 McWilliam, J. 307 Madden, P. A. F. 620, 648–9 Madden, R. 163 Madden,V. 704 Maddocks, I. 694 Madigan, S. 630 Madsen, S. D. 5 Maechler, P. 272 Maercker, A. 362 Maestripieri, D. 119, 598 Magai, C. 554, 594 Magalhães, P. 144 Maggi, M. 202 Maggs, J. L. 192 Magliano, D. J. 195 Magnuson, K. 9 Magnussen, S. 276 Magnusson, G. 107 Magori-Cohen, R. 167 Magson, N. 526 Maguire, G. 180 Maguire, S. 642 Magula, N. 142 Maharaj, S. 200 Mahmud, F. H. 181 Maholmes,V. 570 Mahone, E. M. 634 Maier, M. A. 402 Maikovich, A. K. 599 Maillet, M. 280 Main, K. M. 132, 134, 189 Maisel, N. C. 585 Maisonet, M. 189 Makoroff, K. 598 Malaspina, D. 136 Malaurie, J. 162 Malik,V. S. 181 Maliken, A. C. 552 Malina, R. M. 185 Mallard, R. W. 436 Mallya, G. 184 Malmud, E. K. 342 Malone, P. S. 524, 575, 647–8 Maloney, T. 413 Malpas, P. J. 680 Mamun, A. A. 142 Manago, A. M. 20 Mancini, A. D. 708, 713–14, 716, 719 Mancini,V. 637 Mandara, J. 462, 574–5 Mandela, Nelson 70 Mandler, G. 272 Mangelsdorf, S. C. 566 Manke, B. 575 Manly, J. J. 659 Manly, J. T. 599 Mann, M. L. 138 Manning, M. A. 4 Manning, W. D. 580 Manno, M.S. 693 Manson, J. E. 200 ManSon-Hing, M. 307 Manuela, S. 462

Mao, A. 642 Mapp, K. 304–6 Marceau, K. 190 March, J. S. 619 Marchand, H. 257–9 Marchand-Martella, N. E. 411 Marcia, J. E. 458–9 Marciano, D. L. 451 Marcoulides, G. A. 404–5 Marcovitch, S. 238 Marcus, M. 189 Marcus, S. 645 Mare, R. D. 415 Mareschal, D. 226 Maric, M. 75 Markides, K. S. 312 Markiewicz, D. 580, 584, 598 Markman, H. J. 586 Markowitz, J. C. 657 Marks, E. J. 175 Marks, N. E. 536 Markus, H. R. 10, 434–5 Markus, H. S. 500 Marley, J.V. 144 Marlier, L. 283 Marlow, G. 117, 135 Marlow, N. 174–5 Maroco, J. 201 Marois, R. 300 Marrington, S. A. 307 Marriott, R. 144 Maršál, K. 174 Marschark, M. 282 Marsden, H. 507 Marsee, M. A. 522 Marsh, H. W. 448–9 Marshal, M. P. 528, 583 Marshall, L. 438 Marshall, P. J. 402, 444 Marshall, S. 307 Marshall, W. A. 186 Marsiske, M. 311 Marston, M. 131 Martel, M. M. 631 Martella, R. C. 411 Marti, C. N. 642, 644 Martin, A. 413 Martin, A. J. 344 Martin, C. L. 437, 441, 450–4, 577 Martin, C. M. 205 Martin, F. C. 642 Martin, F. N. 308 Martin, J. 64, 185, 525, 576, 621 Martin, J. A. 133, 574 Martin, L. 679 Martin, N. 637, 649 Martin, N. G. 112–13, 157, 368, 438–9, 642, 648 Martin, N. W. 368 Martin, P. 690 Martinez, C. D. 566 Martínez, Ú. 574 Martinez-Canabal, A. 296 Martino, S. C. 87 Martus, P. 189 Maruff, P. 288 Marván, M. L. 190 Marwit, S. J. 471, 715 Masaki, K. 197 Mascarenhas, M. N. 98 Mascher, J. 40 Maseroli, E. 202 Mashek, D. J. 502 Mashoodh, R. 80 Maslow, Abraham 68–71, 84

NAME INDEX Copyright 2019 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. WCN 02-200-202

Maslowsky, J. 192 Massey, S. G. 582 Masson, G. 107 Masten, A. S. 394, 633, 647 Masters, G. 417 Masters, W. H. 474–5 Masters-Awatere, B. 693 Mastora, A. 700–1, 704 Masur, E. F. 387 Masyn, K. E. 526 Materna, B. 132 Mather, K. A. 688 Mather, M. 309, 556 Mathews, B. L. 571 Mathews, T. J. 139 Mathur, G. 281 Mathur, P. 160 Matika, C. M. 437 Matsuba, M. K. 533 Mattanah, J. F. 581 Mattfeld, A. T. 273 Matthews, K. A. 179, 705 Matthews, M. 24 Matthews, R. 77 Matthews, S. 142 Mattock, K. 280 Maughan, B. 526, 528, 590, 620, 639 Maurer, D. 278, 284–5 Maurer, J. 478 Maurice-Tison, S. 183 May, S. 411 Mayberry, R. I. 385 Mayer, A. 498 Mayer, B. 444 Mayer, M. J. 64 Mayes, R. 636–7 Mayeux, L. 523 Maylor, E. A. 309 Maynard, A. E. 559 Maynard, S. 688 Mayr, U. 565–6 Mayseless, O. 580–1, 585 Mazen, I. M. J. 189 Mazmanian, D. 143 Mbah, A. K. 115, 136 Mbilinyi, L. F. 595 Meaburn, E. L. 114 Meadows, S. 225 Mealey, L. 618 Meaney, M. J. 119–20, 598 Mechta, M. 119 Medeiros-Ward, N. 300 Medin, D. 531 Medrado, B. 86 Medsker, K. L. 268 Meeks, S. 657 Meeks, T. W. 657 Meeus, W. H. J. 580 Meeuwsen, I. B. A. E. 197 Meheula, L. 20 Mehler, J. 384, 388 Mehler, P. S. 642 Meier, M. H. 647 Meijer, J. 229 Meijer, S. 87 Meilman, P. 458–9 Meins, E. 241 Melby-Lervåg, M. 400 Melhem, N. M. 705 Mellon, N. K. 281 Melotti, R. 188 Meltzer, H. 640 Meltzoff, A. N. 28–30, 385, 496 Melvin, G. A. 80 Melz, H. 587 Melzer, D. 200, 687 Melzi, G. 399

Mendle, J. 190–1, 648–9 Mendoza, B. L. 712 Ménéza,Y. 136 Meng, X. 688 Mennella, J. A. 282, 289 Mensa, F. K. 190 Menzies, R. I. 175, 188 Mercer, J. 143 Mercer, S. L. 87 Merikangas, K. R. 194, 639–40, 642 Meriläinen, P. 179 Meritte, Douglas 61–2 Merkle, K. 629 Merrell, K. W. 529 Merriman, G. 87 Merriwether, A. M. 582 Mertesacker, B. 552 Meslé, F. 686 Mesman, J. 451, 633 Messinger, D. 562, 627 Messinger-Rapport, B. J. 307 Mestas, M. 412 Metcalf, S. 308 Metcalfe, E. 348 Metcalfe, J. S. 173, 179 Metzger, P. A. 694 Meulenbroek, O. 311 Meyer, D. 456 Meyer, F. 559, 579 Meyer, J. A. 494 Meyer, L. 413 Meyer, S. 511–12, 516, 551–2, 571 MeyerSchiffer, P. 125 Meyricke, R. 528 Mezulis, A. H. 649 Michaelsen, K. F. 165 Michaud, P. A. 191 Michelangelo 363 Mick, E. 636 Mickelson, K. 467 Middeldorp, C. M. 636 Middeldorp, J. 311 Middleton, F. 636 Midgley, C. 412 Midlarsky, E. 533 Mielke, M. 204, 358–9 Miell, D. 230 Miguel, C. S. 529 Mikels, J. A. 554, 556 Mikkola, T. S. 201 Mikulincer, M. 591, 715 Milburn, N. 594 Milburn, S. 395, 412 Mildon, R. 601 Miles, S. Q. 132 Milionis, H. J. 195 Mill, J. 525, 576, 621 Millar, L. 181 Miller, A. 403 Miller, D. 676–7 Miller, J. D. 433 Miller, J. G. 39, 532 Miller, J. K. 272 Miller, J. W. 192 Miller, M. 31–2 Miller, M. D. 64 Miller, N. A. 109 Miller, P. H. 50, 67, 77, 84–5, 219, 221, 224–5 Miller, P. J. 10, 435 Miller, R. A. 688 Miller, S. 647–8 Miller, S. A. 22–3 Miller, T. R. 653 Miller. S. A. 495, 498 Miller-Johnson, S. 524 Millichamp, J. 64 Mills, P. 201

Mills, R. 519–20, 526 Millsap, R. 720 Mills-Koonce, W. R. 630 Milne, A. 20 Milne, B. J. 648 Milojev, P. 469–70 Milsap, R. E. 716 Mima, K. 160 Mims, K. R. 472 Mineka, S. 68 Mingroni, M. A. 339 Minich, N. 174 Minke, K. M. 4 Minkin, M. J. 201 Minor, K. L. 621, 630 Mintz, J. 397 Miralt, G. 703 Mischel, W. 434, 450, 512–13 Mishra, G. D. 121, 201 Mishra, R. C. 224 Mitchell, E. A. 117, 126, 130, 134–5, 174, 342 Mitchell, G. 590 Mitchell, J. E. 644 Mitchell, K. 680–1 Mitchell, K. J. 20 Mitchell, M. J. 632 Mitchell, P. 304 Mitnick, D. M. 587 Miu, A. 87 Miyake, K. 568 Miyamura, T. 283 Mize, J. 398 Mizuta, I. 525 Mock, S. E. 438 Modderman, S. L. 411 Modi, A. C. 181 Modi, N. 138 Moehler, E. 444 Moen, P. 9 Moffitt, T. E. 117, 341, 449–50, 513, 520, 522, 525, 576, 599, 620–1, 632–3, 638, 647–9 Mohal, J. 174, 445, 570 Mohammad, H. 396 Mohammad, K. 189 Mohammad, M. 396 Mohapatra, S. 125 Mohay, H. 632–3 Mohd Salleh, S. B. 229 Mohr, P. 449 Mokdad, A. H. 195 Molcho, M. 189 Molfese,V. J. 341–2 Molina, B. S. 637 Moll, H. 510 Mondloch, C. J. 285 Moneta, G. 553 Monk, C. 125 Monks, H. 528 Monroe, S. M. 622 Monshouwer, H. J. 523 Montaze, M. 189 Montazeri, A. 200 Monteilh, C. 189 Montemayor, R. 447 Montero, I. 232 Montgomery, M. J. 471 Monti, M. M. 679 Montijo, M. N. 71 Moog, N. K. 158 Moon, C. 282, 388 Moon, S. M. 369 Mooney, J. 526 Moor, B. G. 496 Moor, N. 711 Moor, S. 632 Moore, A. B. 533 Moore, A. T. 304

Moore, D. S. 109, 118–19 Moore, P. 595 Moore, T. 348 Moore, T. L. 270 Mor,V. 718 Moraga, A.V. 662 Moran, T. P. 404 Morcillo, C. 456 Morelli, G. A. 568, 577 Morelli, S. A. 533 Morelock, M. J. 369 Moreno, M. A. 299 Morey, C. C. 289 Morey, J. N. 581 Morgan, A. R. 135 Morgan, D. J. 304 Morgan, D. L. 585 Morgan, E. M. 465 Morgan, G. A. 394 Morgan, M. 143 Morgan, Sally 429–30 Morgeli, H. 711 Morin, R. 40 Morina, N. 715 Moriuchi H. 283 Morizot, J. 469 Morley, J. E. 662 Morris, A. T. 712 Morris, M. 64 Morris, P. A. 9, 12, 14, 601 Morris, R. G. 310, 500 Morrison, L. A. 201 Morrison, M. A. 304 Morrow, D. G. 312, 359, 416–17 Morrow, J. D. 688 Morse, J. Q. 589, 593 Mortensen, E. L. 165 Mortier, F. 681 Mortimer, J. T. 413 Morton, S. M. 143 Moser, J. S. 404 Mosher, K. I. 311 Moskey, E. G. 465 Moskovic, D. J. 199 Moskowitz, J. T. 717 Moss, P. 628 Mott, S. A. 682 Motzoi, C. 559, 579 Mou,Y. 247 Moules, N. J. 712 Moulton, L. H. 131 Mourshed, M. 415 Mouton, A. R. 71 Mouton, C. P. 707 Moyes, S. 40 Mroczek, D. 469 Mrug, S. 190–1 Mueller, M. K. 527 Muhamedrahimov, R. J. 569 Mulkerrin, E. 199 Mullally, P. R. 435 Mullen, M. K. 295 Müller,V. 300, 554 Mulligan, T. 202 Mulsant, B. H. 657 Mulvey, K. L. 514 Mumford, M. D. 354 Mundy, P. C. 440, 494 Munholland, K. A. 561 Munir, K. 626 Munns, A. 144 Munroe, R. L. 577 Muraco, A. 585 Murayama, K. 405 Murdoch, A. 399 Murdoch, J. D. 627 Muris, P. 444 Murphy, B. A. 716

Murphy, C. 442 Murphy, D. 704 Murphy, E. M. 595 Murphy, G. 367, 653 Murphy, L. M. 582 Murphy, R. 117, 126, 130, 134–5 Murphy, S. A. 711–12, 715, 719 Murray, A. 200 Murray, A. D. 497 Murray, C. 340, 344 Murray, C. I. 702 Murray, L. 143–4, 551 Murray, R. 308 Murrin, C. 118 Murry,V. M. 117 Muse, F. 456 Mushin, I. 66 Musil, C. M. 590 Muster, A. J. 11 Mutran, E. J. 590 Muzikansky, A. 718 Muzumdar, H. 181 Myers, M. M. 125 Myftari, E. 458 Myklebust, J. O. 407

N Na, J. 500 Nachmani, J. 183 Nada-Raja, S. 653 Nagaoka, J. 301 Nagell, K. 390 Nagin, D. S. 648 Nagy, G. 470 Naigles, L. G. 392 Naigles, L. R. 390 Naimi, T. S. 192 Najman, J. M. 142, 519–20, 526 Nakamura, J. 363 Nanayakkara, A. R. 402 Nance, 2017 107 Napoli, D. J. 281 Narciso, I. 711 Nardi, A. H. 312 Narjic, C. 442 Narusyte, J. 449 Narvaez, D. 531, 533 Narwaney, K. J. 175 Nash, A. 572 Näsi, T. 179 Nasir, B. 653 Nass, C. 20, 300 Nathanson, C. 507 Natsuaki, M. N. 649 Nava, M. 181 Neal, A. R. 494 Nebes, R. D. 315, 657 Neblett, E. W. Jr. 461–2 Needle, E. 415 Neeman, T. 181 Neha, T. 295–6, 458 Neiderhiser, J. M. 51, 111–12, 114–15, 190, 575, 631 Neighbors, H. W. 657 Neill, J. T. 507 Neimeyer, R. A. 692, 710, 714–17, 719 Neisser, U. 344, 354, 360 Nel, W. 160 Nelson, C. A. 165, 272, 299, 386, 568 Nelson, E. S. 533 Nelson, J. M. 534–6 Nelson, K. 231, 296, 392, 497

NAME INDEX Copyright 2019 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. WCN 02-200-202

743

Nelson, K. E. 400 Nelson, L. J. 5 Nelson, R. J. 199 Nemeroff, C. B. 640 Nemeroff, R. 533 Nemeth, R. 452 Nenko, I. 200 Neppl, T. K. 536, 597–8, 635 Nerenberg, L. 595 Nes, S. L. 229 Ness, A. R. 188 Nesse, R. M. 657, 708–9, 715 Nesselroade, J. R. 113, 554–5, 565–6 Nettelbeck, T. 333 Neuberg, S. L. 71 Neubert, A. C. 193 Neufield, S. J. 550–1 Neugarten, Bernice 7 Neuman, S. B. 31 Neumann, N. 333 Neumark-Sztainer, D. 458 Neville, B. 712 Neville, H. A. 536 Newall, N. E. 402 Newby, P.K. 183 Newcombe, R. 525 Newman, B. M. 54–5 Newman, D. L. 633 Newman, L. K. 80 Newman, P. R. 54–5 Newman, R. 391 Newsom, J. T. 585 Newstead, S. 306 Newton, A. K. 635 Newton, A. S. 20 Newton-Howes, G. 646 Neyer, F. J. 556 Neys, W. D. 244, 248 Ng, K. 567 Ng, T. W. H. 476 Ng, S. F. 119, 136 Nghiem, H. S. 14 Nguyen, H. T. 657 Nguyên, H. X. 461–2 Nguyen, S. 193, 701 Nic Gabhainn, S. 189 Nicholas, C. 143 Nicholas, D. B. 711 Nicholls, D. E. 643 Nichols, K. E. 444, 516 Nichols, M. 181 Nichols, R. M. 273 Nichols, T. R. 189, 191 Nicholson, G. C. 653 Nicholson, J. M. 635 Nicholson, T. 205 Nicolaidou, P. 189 Niebler, G. 635 Niedtfeld, I. 433 Nielsen, M. 65–6 Nieuwenhuijsen, M. 132 Nigg, J. T. 642–3 Nikiforova, N.V. 569 Nikora, L. W. 693 Nilsen, T. I. 190 Nilsson, L.G. 308, 310, 312 Nilstun, T. 681 Niparko, J. K. 281 Nisbett, R. E. 341, 500 Nishishiba, M. 585 Nishitani, S. 283 Nissen, C. 270 Nissen, E. 139 Nissilä, I. 179 Nissim, R. 692 Nitzken, M. 401 Niv, S. 525

744

Nivard, M. G. 636 Nix, R. L. 400 Noble, K. D. 369 Noirhomme, Q. 679, 701 Nolen-Hoeksema, S. 649, 657 Noll, A. 109 Noll, J. 328 Noller, P. 587 Noponen, T. 179 Noppe Cupit, I. 682 Nor, M. 71 Norbury, C. F. 620, 625 Nordkap, L. 119 Norenzayan, A. 10, 52 Norman, M. 174 Normandeau, J. 280 Norquist, G. S. 640 Norris, J. E. 530 Norris, S. A. 165 Norris, S. P. 400 Norrisa, D. G. 384 Northam, E. A. 552 Northstone, K. 183 Norton, E. S. 401 Nouri, K. 189 Nowak, N. T. 472 Nucci, L. 515, 526 Nulman, I. 129 Nurss, J. R. 361 Nussbaum, R. L. 108–9 Nuttall, A. K. 566 Nyberg, L. 309–10, 312 Nyborg, H. 360 Nye, C. D. 476 Nystrom, L. E. 532–3

O Oakhill, J. 454 Oakley Browne, M. A. 656 Oben, G. 9 Oberhauser, A. M. 581 Oberklaid, F. 445, 449, 470, 567 Oberlander, S. E. 590 Oberman, L. M. 497, 626 O’Bleness, J. J. 512 Obler, L. K. 416–17 Obradovic, J. 647 O’Brien, J. 118 O’Brien, M. 446, 566 Oburu, P. 575 OÇallaghan, M. 519–20, 526 O’Callaghan, M. J. 142 Ochsner, K. N. 554 O’Connell, A. 189 O’Connell, M. 692 O’Connell, P. 451 O’Connor, A. 451 O’Connor, R. E. 399 Oddy, W. H. 142 Oden, M. H. 368–9 Odgers, C. L. 520, 526, 599, 648 Odunewu, L. O. 536 Oelkers-Ax, R. 444 Oepkes, D. 108 Ogbuanu, I. 142 Ogden, C, L. 186 Ogletree, S. M. 451 Ogrodniczuk, J. S. 715–16 O’Halloran, C. M. 688, 701 O’Hanlon, A. M. 313 O’Hara, R. E. 87 Ohm Kyvik, K. 157 Ohman, A. 68

Øian, P. 138 Oishi, S. 71 Oldehinkel, A. J. 188–9, 631, 640 Olfson, M. 456, 657 Olhager, E. 174 Oliver, P. H. 404–5, 444 Olmstead, S. B. 465 Olowokure, B. 474 Olsen, J. 129 Olsen-Cerny, C. 587 Olson, B. 471 Olson, J. 387 Olson, K. L. 144 Olson, L. S. 407 Olson, S. L. 514 Olsson, B. 139 Olsson, C. A. 136 Oltjenbruns, K. A. 703 Olweus, D. 529 O’Mara, A. J. 449 Omodei, D. 689 Omori, M. 255 O’Muircheartaigh, J. 160 O’Neill, D. 413, 415 O’Neill, J. R. 184 O’Neill, L. 81 O’Neill, S. 179 Onelov, E. 702 Ones, D. S. 360 Ong, K. K. 165, 188 Onishi, K. H. 494 Ono, H. 586 Ono,Y. 449 Ontai, L. L. 597–8 Onwuteaka-Philipsen, B. D. 681 Oosterlaan, J. 174 Oosterman, J. M. 310 Oosterwegel, A. 448 Op de Beeck, M. 272 Op de Macks, Z. A. 496 Ophir, E. 300 Oppenheimer, J. D. 270 Oppenheimer, L. 448 Oppliger, P. A. 451 Opwis, K. 292 O’Reilly, J. 498 Oriña, M. M. 592 Orloff, S. F. 718 Ormel, J. 188–9, 631–2, 640 O’Roak, B. J. 107, 136, 628 Orobio de Castro, B. 523 O’Rourke, M. 691 O’Rourke,V. 462 Orth, U. 467 Ortiz, C. D. 71, 75, 633 Ortiz, J. A. 270 Ory, M. G. 709 Osborne, D. 405 Osenga, K. 712 Osgood, D. W. 580 O’Shaughnessy, R. 644 Osofsky, H. J. 632 Osofsky, J. D. 632 Osowski, N. L. 500 Ostfeld, A. M. 695 Ostrove, J. M. 460 Østvik, L. 386 O’Toole, B. J. 361 Otsuka,Y. 278 Otte, E. 177 Otte, S. L. 619, 622 Otten, K. 628 Ottenbacher, A. J. 312 Ottenbacher, K. J. 312 Oudesluys-Murphy, A. M. 281

Ouyang. C. 309, 312 Overall, N. C. 571, 592–3 Overbeek, G. 449 Owen, A. M. 678–9 Owen, L. A. 304 Owen, L. H. 238 Owen, M. T. 570, 593 Owen, N. 195 Owen, S.V. 507 Owens, R. G. 681, 701–2 Owsley, C. 306 Oxtoby, C. 595 Oyama, K. E. 536 Ozanne-Smith, J. 179 Ozer, D. J. 462, 476 Ozonoff, S. 627–8

P Pachana, N. A. 307 Paciello, M. 508 Packer, M. 6, 39 Padden, C. 281 Padez, C. 189 Padgett-Jones, S. 720 Padilla-Walker, L. M. 5 Padrón, E. 565 Paech, M. J. 138 Page, L. A. F. 341 Paksarian, D. 194 Palermo, F. 451 Palkovitz, R. 471 Pallant, J. F. 139 Palmerus, K. 575 Palmore, E. 7–8 Palmov, O. I. 569 Palmquist, C. M. 396–7 Palonen, T. 578 Pals, J. L. 430 Paluzzi, P. 88 Pan, A. 181 Pan, B. A. 391–2 Pan, S. 411 Panagiotakos, D. B. 195 Pancer, S. M. 500, 518, 530 Pannells, T. C. 354 Papadatou, D. 711 Papadimitriou, A. 189 Papalia, D. E. 259 Papier, K. 642 Paradies,Y. 162, 468 Paradise, R. 66 Pardo, S. T. 589 Parent, A. S. 188 Pargament, K. I. 534 Parisi, J. M. 359 Parisi, M. M. 312 Park, A. J. 311 Park, D. 357 Park, D. C. 19, 24, 198–9, 312, 359, 500 Park, G. 369 Park,Y. C. 677, 693 Parker, D. 694 Parker, E. H. 25 Parker, E. S. 267–8, 294 Parker, H. 632 Parker, J. G. 396–7, 572, 577–8, 581–2 Parker, R. 7, 642 Parker, R. M. 361 Parkes, C. M. 694, 696, 707, 710, 712, 715–16 Parlade, M.V. 494 Parslow, R. A. 688 Parsons, T. J. 181 Partanen, E. 280 Parten, M. B. 396 Parvaneh, N. 189

Pascalis, O. 278, 461 Pasley, K. 465 Pasquini, E. S. 244 Pastorelli, C. 507, 575 Pasupathi, M. 362, 565–6 Pate, R. R. 184 Patel, D. R. 644 Patel, K. 197 Pater, H. A. 125, 140 Paterson, S. J. 625 Paterson, T. S. 259–60 Patihis, L. 273 Patrick, J. H. 590 Patrick, M. E. 192 Patrick, R. B. 516, 518 Patterson, C. J. 439, 557 Patterson, G. R. 524, 526, 600 Patterson, M. M. 447, 454 Pattie, A. 356 Pattison, N. S. 174 Patton, G. C. 190 Patton, J. 399 Patton, W. 413 Paul, R. C. 100, 103 Paulhus, D. L. 507 Pauli-Pott, U. 552 Paulson, J. 132, 366 Paulson, J. F. 144 Paulus, M. 301 Pawlby, S. 143 Pawliuk, N. 499 Paxton, J. M. 533 Paxton, S. J. 458 Payne, M. 705 Payne, M. W. 705 Paz-Alonso, P. E. 315 Pea, R. 20 Peake, P. K. 512–13 Pearce, G. 587 Pears, K. C. 630 Pearson, A. 618 Pearson, J. 134, 551 Pease, M. 252 Pedersen, N. L. 113, 309, 357, 643, 660 Peerbooms, O. 660 Peets, K. 528 Peigneux, P. 272 Peixoto, L. 311 Pekrun, R. 402 Peled, T. 599 Pellegrini, A. D. 79, 558 Pellicano, E. 626 Pelligrini, A. D. 396 Pelton, G. H. 659 Peng, W. 184 Peng,Y. 688 Penner, S. G. 387 Pennington, B. F. 634 Pephrey, K. A. 496 Peplau, L. A. 587 Pepler, D. 583 Peralta, D. 594 Perchey, G. 226 Percival, T. 520 Pereira, A. C. 198 Pereira, M. 711 Perera, S. 197 Pérez, J. E. 536 Perez-Fuentes, G. 456 Perfetti, C. A. 400 Perkins, M. 307 Perlman, M. 572 Perrett, D. I. 497 Perrin, A. 19–20 Perrin, M. 136 Perry, G. S. 456 Perry, J. R. 200 Perry, R. P. 402 Perry, W. G., Jr. 75, 258

NAME INDEX Copyright 2019 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. WCN 02-200-202

Pérusse, D. 114, 157, 524 Pervanidou, P. 195 Pesantes, M. A. 181 Peter, J. 20, 465 Petermann, F. 635 Peters, K. 653 Petersen, A. C. 190, 463 Petersen, B. 282 Petersen, H. M. 411 Petersen, I. T. 445, 621 Petersen, J. H. 187, 189 Petersen, N. 273 Peterson, C. C. 286, 493, 496–8, 514 Peterson, E. 144 Peterson, E. R. 143, 405, 415, 445 Peterson, J. L. 465–6, 474 Petersson, M. 311 Pethick, S. J. 392 Petitto, L. A. 179 Petros, A. 701 Petry, C. J. 188 Petterson, L. J. 436 Pettifor, J. M. 165 Pettit, G. S. 524–5, 621, 647–8 Pezzullo, L. 595 Pfaff, J. J. 599 Pfeifer, J. H. 497 Pfeiffer, K. A. 184 Phelps, E. 527 Philibert, R. A. 117 Philip, C. L. 461–2 Phillipps, L. H. 138 Phillips, J. 627 Phillips, L. H. 500, 554 Phillips, L. M. 400 Phillips, M. A. 184 Phillips, S. D. 475 Phinney, J. S. 461 Piacentini, J. 654 Piaget, J. 22, 72–7, 84–5, 87, 220–2, 224, 226–8, 231–3, 237–42, 245–6, 249, 251–2, 254, 256–7, 274, 297, 327, 355, 370, 387, 394, 397–8, 419, 452, 455, 503, 506, 509, 514–15, 534, 559 Piaget, Jacqueline 220 Piaget, Laurent 220 Piaget, Lucienne 220 Piatczanyn, S. A. 709 Piazza, J. R. 655–6 Pickard, J. D. 678–9 Pidgeon, A. M. 597, 600 Piedmont, R. L. 535 Piek, J. P. 637 Pieper, K. M. 451 Pierce, K. 625 Pierce, M. 191 Pietrobelli, A. 181 Pilgrim, N. A. 88 Pillemer, K. 589 Pimenta, F. 201 Pina, A. A. 71, 75 Pincus, H. A. 657 Pineau, A. 226, 244 Pineda, J. A. 496 Pinhas, L. 642 Pinheiro, K. 144 Pinheiro, R. 144 Pinker, S. 79 Pinkerton, J. 662 Pinkham, A. 31 Pinquart, M. 585, 588–9 Pinto, R. 144 Piontelli, A. 125 Piosczyk, H. 270

Piper, W. E. 715–16 Pipp, S. L. 225, 234, 256, 441 Piquero, A. R. 648 Pirkis, J. 599 Pitts, S. C. 28 Piven, J. 625 Plambeck, K. E. 311 Plikuhn, M. 589 Plinkert, P. K. 308 Plomin, R. 51, 111–15, 341, 411, 525, 631 Plucker, J. A. 337 Pluess, M. 622 Poe, M.V. 412 Poehlmann, J. 566 Poikkeus, A. M. 401 Poindexter, B. B. 174 Poirel, N. 226, 244 Polanczyk, G. 634 Poland, M. 36 Poletti, M. 499, 520 Polkey, C. 178 Pollak, S. D. 9, 166, 630 Pollmann-Schult, M. 587 Pollock, B. G. 657 Pomares,Y. B. 494 Pomerantz, E. M. 435, 447–8 Ponirakis, A. 190 Pons, F. 244, 571 Poole, W. K. 174 Poon, C. S. 583 Poon, L. W. 690 Popp, D. 465 Poppert, H. 312 Poppie, K. 588 Porfeli, E. J. 475 Poroch, N. C. 718 Porta, G. 705 Porter, R. H. 283 Posada, G. 570 Posner, K. 638 Postier, A. 712 Potau, N. 188 Pott, M. 568 Potter, J. 447–9, 458, 467 Poulin, M. 588 Poulin, M. J. 199 Poulin-Dubois, D. 389 Poulton, R. 341, 449–50, 513, 520, 525, 576, 621, 633, 638 Poustka, F. 333 Poustka, L. 444 Powell, K. E. 184 Powell, L. J. 496 Powell, M. 595 Power, F. C. 526 Power, L. 534 Power, T. G. 580 Powers, C. J. 579 Powers, J. R. 121 Prakash, R. S. 309, 312 Pratt, A. 500, 530 Pratt, H. D. 644 Pratt, M. W. 231, 460, 500, 518, 530, 534 Preckel, F. 406 Preen, D. B. 637 Prentice, P. 165 Prescott, C. A. 619, 648 Presler, N. 497 Presnell, K. 644 Press, F. 348 Pressley, M. 291 Price, A. M. 634 Price, J. 267, 271–2, 294 Price, J. M. 523, 599, 621 Price, L. N. 639 Price-Robertson, R. 595

Priddis, L. 715 Priess, H. A. 463, 472 Priest, N. 179 Prieto-García, J. R. 231 Prigerson, H. G. 694–6, 707, 710, 716 Prinstein, M. J. 87, 579 Prinz, R. J. 601 Prinzie, P. 703 Prior, E. 138 Prior, J. C. 189 Prior, M. R. 552, 628 Pritchard, J. K. 79 Proctor, M. 702 Proctor, R. M. J. 355 Prost, J. H. 28 Proust, J. 301 Province, J. M. 247 Pruden, S. M. 390 Pryor, J. E. 175 Pulkkinen, L. 34 Purcell, S. 599 Purdie, N. 179–80, 462 Purdy, S. C. 520 Putnam, S. P. 443–4 Putzmann, J. 310 Pydde, A. 310 Pyszczynski, T. 677, 693

Q Qian, K. 119 Qin, L. 435 Qu, L. 14, 558, 590 Qu,Y. 193 Quadrello, T. 589 Quake, S. R. 108 Queenan, P. 552 Quevedo, K. 630 Qui, C. 658–9 Quigley, L. 64 Quigley, M. A. 142 Quinn, G. P. 704 Quinn, N. 575 Quinn, P. 653 Quinsey,V. L. 520 Quintana, S. M. 460–1 Quiroz, L. H. 138 Quist, J. S. 194

R R. G. Schwab 418 Raaijmakers, Q. A. W. 520 Rabbani, A. 189 Rabbitt, P. 357 Raby, K. L. 567 Race, E. 272 Rackham, D. D. 534 Rådestad, I. 141 Radke-Yarrow, M. 510 Rae, N. 680 Raggi,V. L. 637 Raghuveer, G. 181 Ragland, D. R. 284–5, 287, 307 Ragow-O’Brien, D. 718 Ragsdale, B. L. 462 Rahberg, N. 201 Rahman, Q. 112, 439 Raikes, H. A. 551–2, 567, 571 Raikos, M. K. 307 Rais, A. 160 Rakoczy, H. 510 Ram, N. 554–5 Ramachandran,V. S. 497, 626 Raman, G. 142 Rametti, G. 437

Ramos, C. 201 Ramrakha, S. 341, 621 Ramsay, D. 441 Ramsden, S. R. 25 Ramsey, E. 524 Ramsey, M. A. 581 Ramus, F. 401 Ramvi, E. 138 Rana, N. 138 Rance, M. 20 Rancourt, D. 579 Rando, T. A. 710 Rani, F. 193 Ranmuthugala, G. 653 Rantanen, T. 197 Raphael, B. 705 Rapoport, J. L. 617 Rasmussen, F. 114, 186 Rasmussen, K. M. 165 Råstam, M. 645 Rastrelli, G. 202 Rathmann, C. 281 Raven, D. 640 Raver, C. 9 Rayner, R. 61 Raznahan, A. 520 Read, S. 645 Ream, G. L. 465 Reardon, L. E. 190 Rebacz, E. 189 Rebok, G. W. 307, 310 Rebordosa, C. 129 Recchia, H. 559 Redding, R. E. 394 Redmond, C. 647–8 Reed, A. E. 554–5 Reed, A. 518 Reed, D. R. 283 Reed, M. J. 394 Reed, T. 687 Rees, G. 301 Rees, M. 187 Reese, E. 295–6, 441–2, 445, 458 Reese, H. 16 Reese E. 445 Reeve, C. L. 335 Regalia, C. 507 Reiber, C. 582 Reich, S. M. 20 Reichenberg, A. 107, 136, 628 Reichmann-Decker, A. 497, 626 Reichow, B. 629 Reid, J. 162 Reid, L. M. 308 Reid, M. W. 622 Reid, Roberta 381 Reijneveld, S. A. 640 Reijntjes, A. 716 Reimer, David 437–8 Reimer, J. F. 300 Reinherz, H. Z. 652 Reinholdt-Dunne, M. L. 571 Reis, H. T. 587, 593 Reis, O. 460 Reis, S. M. 367 Reiser, M. 413 Reiss, D. 190, 575 Reiter, A. R. 289 Reiter, S. 201 Reitzes, D. C. 590 Relton, C. L. 118 Relyea, N. 25 Remenyi, B. 180 Remer, J. 160 Remy, K. A. 554 Renaud, F. 188–9 Renfrew, M. J. 142

Rennie, D. 692 Renold, E. 581 Rentfrow, P. J. 432, 449 Renzulli, J. S. 367–8 Repacholi, B. M. 283, 495 Resch, F. 444 Rescorla, L. 395 Resnick, H. S. 706 Rest, J. 531, 533 Restivo, L. 296 Reuben, A. 621 Reuman, D. 412 Reuter-Lorenz, P. A. 198–9, 311 Reyes-Rodríguez, M. L. 644 Reyna,V. F. 296 Reynolds, B. M. 190–1 Reynolds, C. A. 114, 309, 357 Reynolds, C. F. 657 Reynolds, D. 454 Reynolds, G. D. 278 Reza, A. 201 Reznick, J. S. 392, 625 Reznick, S. J. 444 Rhee, S. H. 510, 525 Rheingold, A. A. 706 Rhoades, G. K. 586 Rhoads, P. A. 354 Rhodes, D. J. 201 Rhodes, J. E. 536 Rholes, W. S. 592 Ricciardelli, A. 188, 190 Rice, F. 129, 620–1, 649 Richard, J. F. 280 Richards, D. A. 593 Richards, J. E. 278 Richards, M. H. 462, 553 Richards, R. 338 Richardson, C. 514 Richardson, G. A. 706 Richert, R. A. 31, 395 Richter, L. M. 165 Richter-Appelt, H. 438 Rickenbach, E. H. 313 Ricker, T. J. 292–3 Riddell, P. 278 Ridder, E. M. 360, 601 Ridderinkhof, K. R. 299 Rideout, R. 286 Ridley, G. 624 Riediger, M. 312–13, 359, 553–4 Rieger, G. 438, 451 Riemann, D. 270 Rietschel, M. 636 Rigby, K. 528 Riggs, D. S. 570 Riggs, S. A. 570 Rijpkema, M. 311 Rijsdijk, F.V. 525 Rikkert, M.G. 311 Riklund, K. 309 Riley, J. R. 647 Riley, L. P. 716 Rilling, M. 61 Rinaldi, C. M. 558 Ring, W. 175 Risch, N. 627 Riso, L. P. 644 Rist, P. M. 707 Ristic, J. 287 Ritchie, R. A. 527 Rith, K. A. 587 Ritter, J. O. 472 Ritter, P. L. 405 Ritzén, E. M. 191 Rivas-Drake, D. 460–2 Rivera-Gaxiola, M. 384 Rivetti, A. 175, 625

NAME INDEX Copyright 2019 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. WCN 02-200-202

745

Rivkin, S. 405 Rizzolatti, G. 496 Roa, R. 256 Robb, M. B. 31, 395 Roberts, A. M. 184 Roberts, B. 356 Roberts, G. 634 Roberts, J. M. 628 Roberts, K. 180 Roberts,Y. H. 632 Roberts B. W. 467 Robertson, R. 558 Robins, R. W. 447–9, 458, 467, 470 Robinson, B. 456 Robinson, E. 174, 342, 647 Robinson, E. B. 626 Robinson, E. H. 711 Robinson, E. M. 175 Robinson, J. 395 Robinson, J. D. 678 Robinson, J. L. 510 Robinson, M. 142 Robinson, O. C. 478 Robinson, S. A. 313 Robinson, S. R. 79–80, 171–3, 176, 560 Robinson, T. 471, 715 Robson, B. 181 Rocca, W. A. 201 Roceanu, A. 658 Rochat, M. J. 497, 626 Rochat, P. 440, 442 Röcke, C. 682, 706 Rodell, A. B. 199 Roderick, M. 301 Rodger, S. 628 Rodgers, C. R. R. 88 Rodin, G. 692, 718 Rodriguez, J. 461–2 Rodriguez McRobbie, L. 268, 273 Rodriguez-Pascual, C. 662 Roehrig, M. 645 Roemer, M. 472 Rogers, Carl 68–9, 71 Rogers, K. B. 406 Rogoff, B. 40, 66, 224, 230, 558, 577 Rogosch, F. A. 516, 599, 641 Rohde, L. A. 634 Rohde, P. 642, 644, 650 Rohner, R. P. 574 Rohr, M. K. 477 Rohrschneider, K. 308 Roid, G. 330 Roisman, G. I. 567, 571, 591–3, 647 Roizen, N. J. 367 Røkholt, E. G. 701 Romantshik, O. 283 Rombouts, S. 496 Romelsjö, A. 582 Romer, D. 193, 301 Romero, S. A. 697 Rommelse, N. N. J. 390 Romney, A. K. 577 Ronald, A. 626–7 Ronnenberg, A. G. 200 Rönnlund, M. 310, 312 Rook, K. S. 585 Roosevelt, Eleanor 70 Rosano, C. 197 Rose, J. 366 Rose, L. T. 234 Rose, N. S. 310 Rose, R. J. 179 Rose, S. A. 174, 347, 351

746

Rose, S. P. 235 Rosen, E. 642, 693 Rosen, L. H. 447, 599 Rosenbaum, M. 687 Rosenbaum, P. 138 Rosenberg, A. R. 712 Rosenberg, J. 174 Rosenblatt, P. C. 681, 693, 710, 713 Rosenbloom, C. 204 Rosenblum, S. 659 Rosengren, K. S. 699–701, 704 Rosner, R. 719 Ross, G. W. 197 Ross, H. 559, 572 Ross, J. D. 474 Ross, J. G. 184 Ross, J. L. 158 Ross, M. 310 Ross, S. 201, 412, 513 Ross, S. N. 257 Ross, S. W. 529 Rosselli, M. 344 Rossem, R. 174 Rossion, B. 278 Rossiter, Christian 679–80 Rossor, M. N. 166 Rostampour, N. 189 Rosti, R. O. 627 Rote, W. M. 515 Roth, D. L. 307 Roth, F. P. 400, 415 Roth, P. L. 415 Roth, T. L. 81 Rothbart, M. K. 443–5, 550–2 Rothbaum, F. 568, 575 Rotheram-Borus, M. J. 654 Rothermund, K. 467 Rounds, J. 476 Rourke, M. T. 702 Rouse, D. J. 138 Routt, G. 595 Rovee-Collier, C. 239, 285 Rovner, S. 658 Rowe, D. C. 342 Rowell,V. 174 Royal-Lawson, M. 551 Rozga, A. 566 Ruben, A. 526 Rubertsson, C. 139, 141 Rubie-Davies, C. 405 Rubin, C. 189 Rubin, D. C. 293, 296, 315 Rubin, D. L. 255 Rubin, E. 625 Rubin, K. H. 396–7, 499, 572, 577–9, 581–2 Ruble, D. N. 441, 447–8, 450–3, 463 Rucker, J. H. 107, 136 Rudolph, C. W. 312 Rudolph, K. D. 649 Rueda, M. R. 450 Ruff, H. A. 288 Ruffman, T. 497, 500 Ruggieri, R. 584 Ruggiero, K. J. 706 Ruiz, S. 590 Runco, M. A. 337–8, 345, 352–4, 363 Runeson, B. 703 Russo, S. 653 Rust, J. 438 Rutgers, A. H. 624 Ruth, K. S. 200

Rutherford, A. 62 Rutherford, K. 653 Rutten, B. P. F. 660 Rutter, M. 116, 118, 136, 333, 576, 618, 620, 627, 632, 639, 649 Ryan, A. S. 143 Ryan, F. 568 Ryan, R. M. 413, 526 Ryckebosch-Dayez, A. 715 Rydall, A. 718 Ryding, E. L. 139 Ryff, C. D. 467 Rytmeister, R. J. 702

S Saad, C. S. 618 Saarni, C. 552 Sabattini, L. 451 Sabbagh, M. A. 496 Sabel, A. L. 642 Sabioncello, A. 688 Sachdeva, S. 531 Sachs, J. 391 Sacker, A. 142 Sacks, O. 493 Sadeh, A. 167 Sadler, E. 253 Sadler, T. W. 98, 122, 125, 127, 131, 136 Sadovnikoff, N. 678 Sadovsky, A. 510 Saeedian Kia, A. 200 Saeednia,Y. 71 Saewyc, E. M. 583 Saffran, J. R. 280, 388–9 Safron, D. J. 413, 415 Saftlas, A. F. 117 Sagi-Schwartz, A. 567–8 Sai, F. Z. 278 Sajobi, T. T. 199 Sakala, C. 139 Sakalidis,V. S. 138 Sakin, J. W. 576–7 Saklofske, D. H. 328 Saksens, N. T. 304 Salamon, A. 66 Salazar-Martinez, E. 189 Salgado, S. 315 Salganik, M. 175 Salgin, B. 165 Salihu, H. M. 115, 136 Sallis, J. F. 204 Salmivalli, C. 528 Salmon, J. 195 Salthouse, T. A. 4, 310 Saltzman, W. R. 570 Salvatore, J. E. 593 Samanez-Larkin, G. 554–5 Samaras, N. 202 Sameroff, A. 14, 576 Sammons, P. 348 Samnani, A. 527 Samper-Ternent, R. 312 Samson, M. M. 197 Samuel, E. 692 Samuelson, L. K. 79–80, 560 Samuelson, P. 526 Sana, F. 299 Sanbonmatsu, D. M. 300 Sanchez, E. 115, 136 Sanchez, P. 529 Sánchez-Medina, J. A. 231 Sander, D. 312 Sanders, M. R. 597, 600–1

Sandin, S. 107, 136, 628 Sandino, J. C. 238 Sandler, I. N. 703, 716, 720 Sandman, C. A. 118, 135 Sandoval, B. 183 Sannita, W. G. 678 Sano, M. 160 Sanson, A. 445–6, 449, 470, 567, 575 Sanson, A.V. 516 Santhakumaran, S. 138 Santonastaso, P. 628, 642 Santos, L. S. 128 Santrock, J. W. 4 Saphire-Bernstein, S. 560 Sargent, J. D. 87 Sargent-Cox, K. A. 11 Sartor, C. E. 648 Sasaki, A. 119, 598 Sass, S. A. 477 Sasson, N. J. 625 Satake, T. 185 Satariano, W. A. 284–5, 287, 307 Satherley, P. 417 Sato, K. 198 Saubusse, E. 183 Saucier, G. 445 Saucier, J. 525 Saudino, K. J. 184, 443, 445 Sauer, K. 177 Saunders, B. E. 706 Saunders, C. 717 Saunders, C. J. 109 Sauter, D. A. 550 Savage, J. H. 342 Savage, L. S. 259 Savic,’ A. 688 Savin-Williams, R. C. 437–8, 451, 465, 583 Savolainen-Peltonen, H. 201 Savva, G. M. 660 Sawyer, A. T. 639 Sawyer, J. 557 Sawyer, K. 552 Sawyer, R. K. 363 Saxe, R. R. 496 Scaramella, L.V. 597–8 Scarf, D. 286, 494 Scarr, S. 116 Schaal, B. 283 Schacter, D. L. 312, 272 Schaefer, C. E. 639 Schaefer, J. D. 621 Schaie, K. W. 33, 36, 76–7, 257, 259, 312, 356–8 Schak, K. M. 644 Schaller, M. 71 Schalock, R. L. 366 Scharf, M. 580–1, 585 Schat, A. C. 593 Schatzberg, A. F. 640 Scheffler, R. M. 637 Scheibe, S. 554–5 Scheibel, A. B. 198 Scheibye-Knudsen, M. 688 Scheier, M. F. 70, 472 Scheike, T. 189 Schein, S. S. 699–701 Schelfaut, C. 437 Schenk, L. 189 Schenker-Ahmed, N. M. 272 Scherer, D. G. 7 Scherg, H. 100 Schermerhorn, A. C. 445 Schiavo, Terri 678

Schick, A. 399 Schieber, F. 307 Schiff, N. D. 679, 701 Schiffman, H. R. 276 Schilpzand, E. J. 635 Schippmann, J. S. 415 Schluchter, M. 174 Schmidt, F. L. 360–1 Schmidt, I. M. 132, 134 Schmidt, J. M. 133 Schmidt, K. 638 Schmidt, M. F. H. 515 Schmidt, M. H. 390, 363 Schmidt, S. 635 Schmiedek, F. 553–4 Schmitt, E. 635 Schmohr, M. 587 Schneider, B. 653 Schneider, H. E. 634 Schneider, J. W. 329 Schneider, W. 252–3, 272, 288–92, 300 Schneiderman, G. 711 Schneiderman, I. 560 Schnyder, U. 711 Schoenfelder, E. 703 Schoenfelder, E. N. 720 Schoeters, G. 132 Schofield, E. 551 Schofield, H. T. 87 Schofield, T. J. 536 Scholtes, D. 714 Scholz, J. 496 Schonbar, R. A. 533 Schoneberger, T. 386 Schoner, G. 172 Schooling, C. M. 202 Schoppe-Sullivan, S. J. 566 Schot, M. J. C. 138 Schott, J. M. 166 Schriever,V. A. 275 Schroder, H. S. 404 Schröder, L. 295 Schröder, T. 438 Schroeder, A. N. 20, 528 Schroeder, F. 621 Schroots, J. J. F. 460 Schryer, E. 310 Schuengel, C. 567 Schulenberg, J. E. 192, 413, 415 Schulz, J. H. 10 Schulz, M. S. 553 Schulz, R. 588–9, 593, 709, 716 Schulze, T. G. 636 Schumacker, E. H. 300 Schumann, C. M. 626 Schunn, C. D. 232 Schuster, B. 275 Schuster, M. A. 181, 184, 190–1 Schut, H. 696–7, 711, 714–15 Schut, H. A. W. 696 Schwade, J. A. 389 Schwartz, C. R. 475 Schwartz, D 579 Schwartz, L. 692 Schwartz, S. J. 460–1 Schweizer, K. 438 Schwitzgebel, E. 225 Sciberras, E. 634–5 Scogin, F. 657 Scollon, C. N. 476 Scott, A. A. 497 Scott, G. 354 Scott, J. C. 390 Scott, K. M. 656

NAME INDEX Copyright 2019 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. WCN 02-200-202

Scott, R. M. 494 Scott, S. 49, 59 Scott, T. 718 Scottham, K. M. 461 Scourfield, J. 649 Scribano, P.V. 598 Searle, H. 1 Sears, M. R. 513, 520 Sears, R. 368–9 Seaton, E. K. 460–1 Sebastian, C. L. 496 Secades-Villa, R. 574 Sechrist, J. 589 Sedikides, C. 593 Seeley, J. R. 190–1, 650 Seeman, T. E. 560, 585 Seers, K. 632 Segal, D. L. 657 Segal, N. L. 114–15, 340–1 Segalowitz, S. 193 Segovia, S. 437 Seidell, J. 642 Seifer, R. 341 Seiffge-Krenke, I. 471, 581, 583 Seitz,V. 88, 344 Sekhon, M. 71 Seligman, M. E. 71 Selikowitz, M. 634–6 Sellers, R. M. 461–2 Selman, R. L. 498–9 Semiz, S. 189 Sensky, T. 711 Senter, M. S. 419 Senter, R. 419 Sentse, M. 632 Sequeira, E. 344 Serafica, F. C. 620, 638, 650, 653 Serenius, F. 174 Sersen, E. A. 366 Servaty-Seib, H. L. 706 Settersten, R. A., Jr. 7 Sevinç, O. 189 Seward, R. R. 451 Sewell, J. R. 634 Seymour, T. L. 300 Sforza, A. 202 Shaddy, D. J. 368 Shadyab, A. H. 201 Shafer,V. L. 384 Shaffer, D. 653 Shaffer, R. A. 201 Shah, N. 199 Shah, P. S. 136 Shah, S. M. 707 Shahaeian, A. 493 Shahar, G. 88 Shahid, H. 304 Shahly,V. 635, 656 Shakeshaft, A. 653 Shakespeare-Finch, J. 716–17 Shakoor, A. 304 Shamseddeen, W. 705 Shanahan, L. 580, 640, 655 Shanahan, M. J. 7, 18, 557 Shankar, K. 133 Shanker, S. G. 78 Shannon, J. B. 681, 717 Shao, Z. 315 Shapiro, C. J. 601 Sharma, S. 160 Sharma,V. 143 Sharp, D. 143 Sharp, E. S. 660 Shattuck, A. 456 Shaughnessy, M. F. 270 Shaver, P. R. 591–2, 594, 715

Shaw, D. 400 Shaw, G. M. 136 Shaw, H. 644 Shaw, J. E. 195 Shaw, T. 528 Shay, J. W. 688 Shayer, M. 233 Shaywitz, B. A. 401 Shaywitz, S. E. 401 Sheeber, L. B. 553 Sheetz, M. J. 718 Sheffield, R. A. 522 Sheh, C. 272 Shehata-Dieler, W. 389 Sheinman, M. 288 Shekhar, S. 138 Shemmings, D. 565 Shemmings,Y. 565 Shen, D. G. 9, 166 Shen, J. 472 Shen, W. 285 Shepard, T. H. 129 Shepherd, D. 558 Shepherd, G. M. 282 Shera, D. M. 342 Sheridan, J. 647 Sherman, K. 26–8, 395 Sherman, S. 183 Shi, F. 9, 166 Shi, Z. 185 Shield, R. 718 Shiffrin, R. M. 268 Shih, N. H. 345 Shin, C. 647–8 Shin, N. 461 Shiner, R. L. 443, 445, 449 Shinohara K. 283 Shipp, M. 456 Shirtcliff, E. A. 630 Shlonsky, A. 601 Shnabel, A. 653 Shneidman, L. A. 387 Shoda,Y. 434, 512–13 Shoham,V. 16 Shoham-Vardia, I. 134 Shonk, S. M. 599 Shonkoff, J. P. 162 Shook, J. J. 635 Shores, A. 344 Shors, T. J. 199 Shoup, J. A. 175 Shrier, L. A. 88 Shringarpure, R. 688 Shrivastava, A. 118 Shrout, P. E. 172, 453 Shtulman, A. 244–5 Shukla, D. 255 Shulhan, J. 20 Shumskayaa, E. 384 Shurgot, G. R. 657 Shuster, L. T. 201 Shweder, R. A. 10, 435 Sibley, C. G. 405, 437, 462, 469–70, 534, 536 Sibthorpe, B. 179 Siegal, M. 514 Siegler, R. S. 245–6, 297–8 Sievert, L. L. 201 Sigfusdottir, I. D. 635 Sigman, M. 497, 566, 623 Sigmundson, H. K. 437–8 Signorella, M. L. 454 Sigurdsson, J. F. 635 Sill, M. 473, 475 Silva, H. P. 189 Silva, P. A. 588, 633 Silva, R. 144

Silveira-Moriyama, L. 287 Silventoinen, K. 186 Silveri, M. C. 272 Silverman, I. W. 502 Silverman, P. R. 701 Silverman, W. K. 633 Silverman, W. P. 366, 368 Silvers, J. A. 554 Silverstein, M. 587–8, 590 Sim, L. A. 644 Sim, S. 400 Simcock, G. 286, 294–5 Simion, F. 278 Simon, G. 139, 244, 248 Simon, H. A. 336 Simon, L. W. 360–1 Simon, Theodore 329 Simonds, J. 445 Simonoff, E. 627 Simons, R. F. 25 Simons, R. L. 649 Simonson, J. 649 Simonton, D. K. 363–4 Simpson, J. 9 Simpson, J. A. 188, 571, 592–3 Simpson, M. A. 114 Simpson, R. 628 Simpson, T. 348 Sinan, B. 716 Sinclair, A. 434 Siner, B. 174 Singer, D. G. 396, 398 Singer, T. 357–8 Singh, P. 527, 531 Sinigaglia, C. 496 Sionean, C. 88 Sipe, T. A. 87, 639 Sirois, S. 226 Sisk, C. L. 642–3 Sister Esther 10 Sjödin, A. 194 Skakkebaek, N. E. 187–9 Skeaff, S. 500 Skilling, T. A. 520 Skinner, B. F. 61–4, 66–7, 83–4, 87, 308 Skinner, E. A. 703 Skinner, M. A. 587 Skinner, R. 87 Skinner, S. R. 86 Skoe, E. 280 Sköld, M. 139 Skowronek, M. H. 636 Skranes, J. 301 Skwerer, D. P. 497 Skytthe, A. 165 Slaby, R. G. 526 Slade, L. 238 Slade, M. D. 468 Slade, P. 141 Slane, J. D. 642–3 Slater, A. 278, 347, 351, 449 Slattery, M. 633 Slaughter,V. 493, 496–7, 701 Sliwowska, J. H. 126 Slobin, D. I. 393 Sloboda, Z. 648 Slutske, W. S. 450, 633, 647–8 Slykerman, R. 117, 135 Slykerman, R. F. 134 Small, S. A. 198 Smallish, L. 635 Smart, D. 446, 575 Smetana, J. 515 Smetana, J. G. 515 Smid, G. E. 716 Smit, F. 472

Smith, A. 19–20 Smith, A. D. 183 Smith, A. K. 636 Smith, C. 162 Smith, C. L. 517 Smith, D. 326, 336 Smith, D. E. 701 Smith, D. M. 588 Smith, D. W. 706 Smith, E. D. 396–7 Smith, E. P. 461–2 Smith, G. 474, 647 Smith, G. D. 118, 130 Smith, G.J. 348 Smith, J. 362 Smith, J. L. 87 Smith, K. E. 342 Smith, L. G. 351 Smith, L. M. 128 Smith, M. 348, 461 Smith, P. 31–2, 300, 328, 354 Smith, P. K. 398, 527 Smith, P. L. 476 Smith, R. 528 Smith, R. S. 144 Smith, S. 281 Smith, S. E. 587 Smith, S. L. 451 Smith, S. W. 64 Smith, T. 628 Smith, T. W. 587 Smith Slep, A. M. 587, 599 Smithmyer, C. M. 25 Smolak, L. 644 Smolkowski, K. 641 Smyer, M. A. 657–8 Snarey, J. R. 526, 531–2 Sng, A. 653 Snider, J. B. 574 Snidman, N. 444 Snih, S. A. 312 Snoek, H. 525 Snow, C. E. 387, 412 Snowdon, Dr D. 10–11 Snowdon, J. 599 Snowling, M. J. 400–1 Soares, C. N. 201 Soden, S. E. 109 Soderstrom, M. 31 Sodian, B. 301, 494 Soederberg, L. M. 416–17 Sofka, C. J. 682 Sofronoff, K. 600–1 Sokoloff, L. 204 Sokolovsky, J. 687 Solheim, E. 638 Soliman, A. 401 Soltys, F. G. 472 Somerville, L. H. 193, 513 Sømhovd, M. 571 Sommer, G. 158 Sommerville, R. B. 532–3 Song, H. 197–8, 391 Song, J. W. 654 Song, L. 391 Song, T. 285 Sönksen, P. H. 158 Sonnega, J. 708 Sonntag, W. E. 689 Sonuga-Barke, E. J. S. 135, 288, 568–9 Sorensen, A. B. 7 Sørensen, H. T. 129 Sørensen, K. 132, 187, 189 Sorensen, T. I. A. 165 Sorenson, S. 585, 588–9 Sorkhabi, N. 574–5 Sosunov, A. A. 198

Sotoudeh, A. 189 Soulsby, L. K. 709 Soussignan, R. 283 Sowislo, J. F. 467 Sparkes, A. C. 703, 705 Sparks, A. 620, 625 Sparks, R. L. 399 Spear, L. P. 186, 641 Spearman, C. 327–8 Spector, T. D. 688 Speece, D. L. 400, 415 Spencer, J. P. 79–80, 171–2, 560 Spencer, M. B. 40 Spera, C. 412 Sperry, S. 645 Spiby, H. 141 Spicer, P. 461 Spiegel, C. 391 Spiegelman, D. 628 Spieler, D. H. 417 Spilman, S. K. 536 Spinath, B. 411 Spinath, F. M. 341, 411 Spinrad, T. L. 510, 517 Spitz, B. 135 Spitze, G. 589 Spitznagel, E. 638 Spong, C.Y. 138 Spoth, R. 647–8 Spratling, M. 226 Spratling, M. W. 226 Springer, S. 179 Spruijt-Metz, D. 193 Spurgeon, H. A. 197 Squire, L. R. 272 Sroufe, L. A. 565, 571, 618–19 St Jacques, P. L. 315 St Pierre, L. 281 Stacey, F. 174 Stacey, J. 566 Stagnitti, K. 230, 494 Stalets, M. 638 Stams, G. J. 520 Standing, T. 590 Stankov, L. 361 Stanley, F. 460 Stanley, S. M. 586 Stanovich, K. E. 253 Stark, C. E. L. 273 Stark, S. M. 273 Starr, J. M. 353, 356, 361 Starr, R. H., Jr. 590 State, M. W. 627 Statham, D. J. 648 Staudinger, U. M. 18, 37, 362–3, 720 Staudt, J. 256 Stawski, R. S. 655–6 Stearns, P. N. 9 Steele, H. 564 Steele, M. 564 Steele, R. 710, 718 Steele, R. D. 571, 593 Steenbergen-Hu, S. 369 Steenland, K. 361 Steensma, T. D. 437 Stefansson, K. 107 Steffen, L. M. 183, 193 Stein, C. H. 559 Stein, D. J. 635, 656 Stein, R. 679 Steinberg, L. 405, 570, 582, 622, 641 Steinbrenner, G. M. 197, 204 Steineck, G. 702 Steinhausen, H.C. 645 Stellern, S. A. 512

NAME INDEX Copyright 2019 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. WCN 02-200-202

747

Stelmach, G. E. 177 Stemhagen, A. 202 Stemler, S. E. 336 Stender, J. 679 Stepanian, M. T. 499 Stephens, C. 478 Stephenson, H. 640 Stern, T. A. 693 Sternberg, R. J. 301, 333–6, 338, 351, 354–5, 362–3, 370 Stettler, N. M. 552 Steurer, M. A. 125 Stevens, A. B. 313 Stevens, E. 282 Stevens, G. A. 98 Stevens, M. M. 702 Stevens, W. D. 311 Stevenson, H. C. 461 Stevenson, J. 288, 400 Stevenson, R. J. 283 Stewart, A. J. 460 Stewart, F. 202 Stewart, S. 183 Stice, E. 642, 644, 649 Stifter, C. 566 Stigson, L. 174 Stikkelbroek,Y. 703 Stiller, J. 579 Stine, E. A. L. 416–17 Stine-Morrow, E. A. L. 312, 359 Stipek, D. J. 395, 412 Stjernqvist, K. 174 Stöbel-Richter,Y. 473 Stockings, E. 645 Stockman, M. 520 Stockum, S. 528 Stone, R. 634, 636 Stone, S. 637 Stone, W. L. 627 Stoner, G. 634 St-Onge, M. P. 181 Stoyak, S. 705 Strait, L. B. 526 Strand, S. 328, 354 Strathearn, L. 142 Strauss, S. 699 Strayer, D. L. 300 Strobel, N. 526 Stroebe, M. 696–7, 707, 711, 714–15 Stroebe, M. S. 696, 716 Stroebe, W. 696–7, 711, 715 Strøm, I. F. 528 Strömberg, B. 174 Strong, B. 557 Strother, D. 712 Strother-Garcia, K. 281 Strough, J. 473 Strouse, G. 31 Strowitzki, T. 100 Struthers, H. 592 Stuart, J. 462, 528, 649 Stuart-Butler, D. 134 Stubbs, M. L. 189 Studenski, S. 197 Stuebing, K. K. 344 Stuewig, J. 502 Stump, J. 657 Stupnisky, R. H. 402 Stutz, H. 598 Styner, M. 625 Su, P. 160 Su, R. 476 Subrahmanyam, K. 20 Subramanian, S.V. 707 Sucato, G. S. 528, 583 Sue, S. 618 Sugar, C. 653

748

Sugden, K. 117, 449, 621 Suh, C. S. 189 Suh, E. M. 71 Suisman, J. L. 643 Suitor, J. J. 589 Sulem, P. 107 Sullivan, E. A. 99, 173 Sullivan, J. 638 Sullivan, M. W. 440 Sullivan, P. F. 341, 643 Sulloway, F. J. 342 Sumi, M. 283 Sumsion, J. 66 Sun, R. 718 Sun, S. S. 188 Sundar, P. 20 Sunderland, T. 657 Sundet, J. M. 131 Sung, S. 188 Surdulescu, G. L. 688 Surgenor, P. W. G. 653 Suris, J. C. 191 Susman, E. J. 167, 190 Susser, E. 118 Sutcliffe, T. L. 174 Sutherland, G. 143 Sutherland, R. 628 Sutin, A. R. 470 Sutton, B. P. 309, 312 Sutton, H. M. 599 Suzuki, M. 687, 689 Svartengren, M. 309, 357 Svedberg, P. 449 Svedin, C. G. 455–6 Sveen, T. H. 638 Svetina, M. 245–6 Swamy, R. 125 Swank, P. R. 342 Swann, W. B. 432 Swanson, J. 413 Swanson, S. 642 Sweitzer,V. L. 508 Swendsen, J. 640, 642 Swensen, L. D. 390 Swenson, L. P. 130 Swinkels, S. H. 624 Switzer, F. S. 415 Sy, S. R. 413, 415 Sydora, B. C. 201 Sydsjö, G. 100 Symons, D. K. 497 Szatmari, P. 644 Szkrybalo, J. 441 Szoeke, C. E. I. 661 Szostak, Jack 688 Szpunar K. K. 272 Szumski, G. 407 Szyf, M. 119, 598

T Tabert, M. H. 659 Tabors, P. 412 Tach, L. 586 Tacke, U. 192 Tackett, J. L. 450 Taddio, A. 135 Tafarodi, R. W. 435 Taffaro, C. 632 Tagani, A. 195 Tagawa, M. 283 Tager-Flusberg, H. 394 Takase, R. 283 Taki,Y. 198 Talley, R. C. 588–9 Talwar,V. 498 Tambs, K. 131 Tamis-LeMonda, C. S. 170–2, 453 Tan, J. 590

Tan, J. C. 198 Tanaka, A. 593 Tanaka, M. 456 Tangerud, M. 138 Tangney, J. P. 502 Tanner, A. E. 88 Tanner, J. L. 5, 652 Tanner, J. M. 186 Tanner, L. 134–5 Tao, Terence 326 Tapanya, S. 575 Tapp, D. M. 712 Tarabulsy, G. M. 134, 581 Tarbetsky, A. L. 344 Tardif, T. 496 Target, M. 60 Tarokh, L. 194 Tarren-Sweeney, M. 570 Tarullo, A. R. 168 Tasopoulos-Chan, M. 515 TatoneTokuda, F. 157 Taumoepeau, M. 441, 497, 500 Tavafian, S. S. 200 Tay, L. 71 Taylor, A. 117, 185, 449, 525, 576, 599, 621 Taylor, A. C. 472, 589–90 Taylor, A. Z. 581 Taylor, B. A. 348 Taylor, C. L. 458 Taylor, D. M. 653 Taylor, G. 174 Taylor, H. R. 304–5 Taylor, J. 717 Taylor, J. L. 559 Taylor, L. C. 407 Taylor, L. J. 453 Taylor, M. D. 361 Taylor, M. R. 682 Taylor, P. 304–6, 595 Taylor, R. J. 657 Taylor, S. E. 560, 585 Taylor, T. 20 Taylor, W. C. 181 te Nijenhuis, J. 344 Teachman, B. A. 657 Tedeschi, R. G. 717 Tees, R. 386 Teevale, T. 647 Teh, R. 40 Teilmann, G. 188–9 Tein, J. 720 Tein, J.Y. 703, 720 Tellegen, A. 115, 633, 647 Teller, D.Y. 276 Telzer, E. H. 193 Temel, J. S. 718 Temple, J. 477 ten Have, M. 703 Tenconi, E. 628, 642 Tenenbaum, H. R. 412 Tengström, A. 582 Teno, J. M. 718 Teresa, Mother 70 Teri, L. 660 Terman, L. M. 329, 368–9 Tervaniemi, M. 280 Teskey, G. C. 166 Tessier, R. 134 Teti, D. M. 576–7 Tetzner, J. 467 Thain, Dale Lisa 82, 236, 410 Thal, D. J. 392 Thapar, A. 129–30, 620–1, 635, 649 Tharinger, D. 456 Thase, M. E. 657 Theodore, R. F. 342 Thewissen,V. 444

Thibault, H. 183 Thielmann, I. 433 Thigpen, J. W. 443 Thisted, R. A. 204 Thoma, S. J. 531, 533 Thomaes, S. 449 Thomas, A. 443–5 Thomas, C. W. 444 Thomas, F. 188–9 Thomas, J. 31–2 Thomas, J. M. 578 Thomas, J. R. 177 Thomas, K. M. 165, 272, 299 Thomas, K. T. 177 Thomas, M. S. 171 Thomas, M. S. C. 226 Thomas, N. 272 Thomas, S. 174 Thomas, T. 703 Thomée, S. 194 Thompson, A. L. 165 Thompson, J. 126, 130 Thompson, J. K. 645 Thompson, J. M. 342 Thompson, L. 230 Thompson, R. A. 440, 497, 511–12, 516, 550–3, 567, 571 Thompson, S. B. N. 661–2 Thomson, A. B. 158 Thomson, J. 632 Thomson, S. 411, 414 Thomson, W. M. 341, 513, 520 Thoresen, S. 528 Thorndike, R. L. 353 Thornhill, R. 340 Thornton, L. M. 642, 644 Thornton, R. 416–17 Thornton, W. L. 259–60 Thorpe, B. 594 Thulier, D. 143 Thun, M. 361 Thurber, K. A. 181 Thurlby, D. A. 304 Thurm, A. E. 621 Thyen, U. 438 Thyreau, B. 198 Tietjen, A. M. 532 Tiggemann, M. 643 Tikotzky, L. 167 Tillman, R. 639 Tillmann,V. 283 Timmer, E. 471 Tinker, E. 391 Tisak, J. 515 Tisak, M. S. 515 Tita, A. T. N. 138 Titz, C. 301 Tiu, C. 658 Tiwari, A. 597 Todd, B. K. 441 Todd, M. 474 Todoriki, H. 689 Tolan, P. 595 Tollit, M. 528 Tolmunen, T. 192 Tomaselli, K. 65–6 Tomasello, M. 386, 390–1, 495, 508–11, 515 Tomblin, J. B. 79–80, 560 Tomer, A. 692 Tomich, P. L. 573 Tomlin, C. 441 Tomlinson-Keasey, C. 369 Tonge, B. J. 80 Tonmyr, L. 456 Toombs, M. 40, 653 Topol, D. 281

Toppari, J. 188 Torgerson, C. 401 Torigoe, T. 627 Torres, A. 627 Torres, M. 657 Torres-Mejia, G. 189 Tortolero, S. R. 184, 190–1 Toth, S. L. 618–19 Tõugu, P. 295 Toumbourou, J. W. 526, 528 Touron, D. R. 310 Toussaint, S. 693 Towner, M. C. 200 Towsley, S. 444 Tozzi, F. 643 Tracy, A. 536 Tracy, J. L. 447–8, 458, 467 Tracy, S. 134 Trahan, L. H. 344 Trainor, B.C. 199 Tramontano, C. 508 Tran, S. 571, 592 Trankle, S. A. 681 Träuble, B. E. 498 Trauten, M. E. 7 Trautner, H. M. 452–3 Trautwein, U. 413, 470 Traynor, L. 340 Treboux, D. 587 Treffert, D. A. 333 Treiman, R. 399 Tremblay, R. E. 114, 511, 520, 524–6 Trent, K. 589 Trevarthen, C. 440 Trevathan, W. R. 474 Trevino, K. 200 Treviño, L. K. 507–8 Trickett, P. K. 344 Trinke, S. J. 597 Tripcony, P. 462 Trommsdorff, G. 575 Tronick, E. Z. 144, 562 Troseth, G. L. 26–8, 395 Trost, S. G. 184 Troyer, L. 405 Trudeau, L. 647–8 Trudgett, M. 348 Trzesinski, A. 180, 656 Trzesniewski, K. H. 402, 447–9, 458, 467, 470 Tsai,Y-M. 413 Tsalas, N. 301 Tsang, T. W. 177 Tseng, W. L. 574 Tsey, K. 653 Tshibanda, L. 679 T’Sjoen, G. 437 Tsuang, M. T. 625 Tsui, W. H. 195 Ttofi, M. M. 528–9 Tucci, J. 595 Tucker, K. L. 657 Tucker, P. 183 Tucker, R. 281 Tuckerman, J. 185 Tudbull, J. 14 Tudor, J. C. 311 Tulandi, T. 121 Tullos, A. 244–5 Tulviste, T. 295 Tuomikoski, P. 201 Turan, B. 554–5 Turecki, G. 119, 598 Turiano, N. 469 Turic, D. 135 Turiel, E. 502, 505, 507, 514–15, 531, 534

NAME INDEX Copyright 2019 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. WCN 02-200-202

Turkheimer, E. 190, 341, 648–9 Turner, C. 7 Turner, H. A. 456 Turner, K. 185 Turner, R. N. 345 Turnpenny, P. D. 102, 107–8 Tweed, R. G. 708 Twenge, J.M. 467 Twohey, J. L. 720 Tynelius, P. 114, 186 Tyson, D. F. 412

U Ubel, P. A. 588 Uccelli, P. 391–2 Uchino, B. N. 587 Udris, R. 528 Udry, J. R. 582 Ueno, K. 585 Uestuen, T. B. 631 Uher, R. 621, 632 Ujamaa, D. A. 184 Ulfsdottir, H. 139 Ulman, T. F. 644 Ulrich, B. 172 Umaña-Taylor, A. J. 460–2 Umberson, D. 712 Underwood, C. 411, 414 Underwood, L. 143–4 Ungar, L. 533 Ungerer, J. A. 348 Ungvari, Z. 689 Updegraff, K. A. 558 Urbain, C. M. 272 Urbano, R. 559 Urdan, T. 412 Urlichs, M. 179 Uskul, A. K. 189 Utter, J. 86, 464, 646–7

V Vable, A. M. 707 Vaccaro, B. G. 551 Vaglio, S. 283 Vahia, I. 657 Vaillant, G. E. 536 Vaish, A. 508, 511 Vakil, E. 288 Valdes, A. M. 688 Valdimarsdottir, U. 702 Valente, T. W. 193 Valentino, K. 566, 598–9 Valeri, S. M. 639 Valiente, C. 413 Valkenburg, P. M. 20, 465 Vallerand, R. J. 526 Vallin, J. 686 Valtonen, H. 192 Van Acker, R. 64 van Anders, S. 199 van Beijsterveldt, C. E. 636 van Berckelaer-Onnes, I. A. 624 van Berkel, S. R. 451 van Beurden, E. 177 Van Bussel, J. C. H. 135 Van Daalen, E. 624 van den Belt-Dusebout, A. W. 100 Van den Berg, S. M. 341 Van den Bergh, B. R. H. 129 van den Bout, J. 696–7, 711, 715, 719

van den Broek, P. 400 van den Dries, L. 569 van den Hout, M. 719 van den Oever, J. M. 108 Van der Ende, J. 633 van der Flier, H. 344 van der Harst, P. 688 van der Heide, A. 681 van der Heijden, P. 711, 715 van der Laan, P. 520 van der Loos, M. 114 van der Maas, H. 297, 344 van der Meer, A. L. 279 Van der Molen, M. W. 496 van der Stelt, O. 129 van der Voort, A. 566 van der Wal, M. F. 129 Van Doren, Mark 52 Van Engeland, H. 624 Van Ginneken, J. K. 189 van Goozen, S. H. M. 525 van Goudoever, J. 174 Van Hecke, A.V. 494 van Hoeken, D. 642 Van Hoof, A. 520 Van Horn, P. 702–3 Van Hulle, C. 510 van IJzendoorn, M. H. 567–71, 574, 592, 624 van Ijzendoorn, M.H. 31 van Kleeck, A. 400 van Leeuwen, F. E. 100 Van Leeuwen, M. 341 van Mier, H. I. 177 van Oort, F. 640 van Rosmalen, L. 520 Van Rossem, R. 347, 351 van Solinge, H. 478 van Tilborg, E. 311 van Widenfelt, B. M. 75 van Wijngaarden, P. 304–5 Vande Voort, J. L. 644 Vandell, D. L. 570 Vanden Bossche, H. 437 Vander Veur, S. 183 Vander Veur, S. S. 184 Vanderborght, M. 26–8, 395 Vandergrift, N. 570 VanderLaan, D. P. 436 Vanderpoel, S. 98 Vanderwerker, L. C. 710 Vang, K. 199 Vanhaudenhuyse, A. 679 Vanneste, S. 311, 357 Vanwesenbeeck, I. 87 Varela, A. 527 Varelas, P. N. 678 Varendi, H. 283 Vargas, L. A. 620, 638, 650, 653 Vargha-Khadem F. 178 Varnum, M. E. W. 500 Varona, G. 162 Vasey, P. L. 436 Vassallo, S. 7, 445, 595 Vatten, L. J. 190 Vaughan, R. C. 369 Vaughn, M. G. 635 Vaux, K. K. 627 Vázquez, S. M. 256 Vazsonyi, A. T. 574 Vedantam, S. 640 Veenstra, R. 632, 640 Veenstra-Vanderweele, J. 627 Veerman, J. W. 523 Veermans, K. 578

Veiby, G. 129 Velacott, C. 143 Velting, D. M. 653 Venema, K. 629 Venkatraman,V. 198 Ventura, S. J. 133 Verbeek, P. 508 Verbiest, M. 144 Verfaellie, M. 272 Verhaak, C. M. 100 Verhaar, H. J. J. 197 Verhaeghen, P. 310–11, 357–8 Verheulpen, D. 272 Verhey, F. 660 Verhoeven, B. 310 Verhulst, F. C. 188–9, 631–3 Verkade, R. 444 Verma, P. 126 Vernon, P. A. 333 Veroudea, K. 384 Verres, R. 100 Versteyhe, S. 119 Verweij, E. J. 108 Vestergren, P. 308 Vicary, D. 637 Vickar, M. 572 Vickers, M. 413 Victor, C. R. 707 Victor, J. D. 679, 701 Vidal, F. 257 Viding, E. 496, 522, 525 Vidovic,’ A. 688 Viechtbauer, W. 469 Vigil, G.J. 693 Vik, T. 301 Vikström, J. 100 Viljoen, K. 118 Villalobos, M. 515 Villatta, I. K. 645, 647 Villeda, S. A. 311 Villegas, L. 456 Vince, T. 701 Vine, K. W. 229 Viner, R. 190 Viner, R. M. 193, 643 Viola, J. 719 Virmani, E. A. 551–2, 571 Visser, B. A. 333 Visser, S. N. 634 Visser, J. A. 200 Visser, P. J. 660 Vital-Durand, F. 278, 291 Vitario, F. 579 Vitaro, F. 112, 114 Vitiello, B. 637, 640 Vittrub, B. 599 Vives, L. 107, 136, 628 Vivian, D. 598 Voderholzer, U. 270 Vogl, K. 406 Vohr, B. 281 Vohr, B. R. 174 Voight, B. F. 79 Voit,V. 389 Vojvoda,V. 688 Volkmar, F. R. 625, 628 Volling, B. L. 576–7 Vollmer, B. 174 von Gaudecker, H. 478 von Gontard, A. 638 von Hapsburg, D. 389 von Hofsten, C. 173, 276 Von Holle, A. 644 von Oertzen, T. 300 von Stumm, S. 402 von Sulutvedt, U. 276 Vondracek, F. W. 475 Vonk, I. J. J. 639 Vorster, J. 387

Voss, H. 192 Voss, M. W. 204, 309, 312, 358–9 Votruba-Drzal, E. 9 Vouloumanos, A. 282 Vrangalova, Z. 437 Vrijkotte, T. G. 129 Vu, T. T. M. 11 Vujeva, H. 366 Vuoksimaa, E. 179 Vuust, P. 282 Vygotsky, Lev 72, 74–7, 84–5, 226–9, 231–4, 246, 268, 370, 382, 386, 397, 408, 419

W Waayer, D. 647 Wachs, S. 528 Wade, E. 649 Wadhwa, P. D. 118, 158 Wadsworth, S. J. 368 Wadsworth, T. 474 Wagner, A. D. 300 Wagner, B. 719 Wagner, E. 510 Wagner, G. G. 553–4 Wagner, J. 556 Wagner, N. M. 175 Wahl, H. W. 308 Wahlsten, D. 78, 80 Wainstock, T. 134 Waisbren, S. E. 109–10 Waiter, G. D. 497 Wake, M. 190 Wake, M. A. 634 Wakefield, A. 624 Wakefield, J. C. 710 Walden, B. 580 Waldenström, U. 139 Waldfogel, J. 14 Waldie, K. E. 98, 117, 126, 130, 133–5, 139, 143–4, 342, 445 Waldman, I. D. 525, 636 Walkenfeld, F. F. 497 Walker, C. 451 Walker, L. J. 506, 532–4 Walker, M. 705 Walker, M. A. J. 344 Walker, R. 179–80, 253 Walker, S. 40 Walker Payne, M. 705 Walkey, F. 413 Wall, C. 117, 126, 130, 134–5 Wall, C. R. 174, 570 Wall, L. 53 Wall, S. 139, 563, 578 Wallace, G. L. 333, 625 Wallace, J. E. 476 Wallander, J. L. 181 Wallentin, M. 282 Wallin, A. E. 711 Wallis, A. 645 Wallis, Terry 197–8 Walls, R. T. 259, 312 Walsh, B. T. 645 Walsh, D. 657 Walsh, F. 707, 716 Walter, C. A. 691, 698, 705, 711–12 Walters, E. E. 640 Walters, L. H. 255 Walton, K. E. 469 Walton, S. E. 200 Wan, W. 188 Wancata, J. 657 Wang, H. H. 678

Wang, J. 108 Wang, L. 578, 660 Wang, M. 445, 478 Wang, P. S. 657 Wang, Q. 295, 435, 458 Wang, S. S. 688 Wang, W. 437 Wang, X. 688 Wang,Y. 718 Wange, S. 456 Ward, C. 460 Ward, D. 474 Ward, L. M. 465 Wardaguga, M. 442 Warin, J. 452 Warneken, F. 510 Warner, C. B. 590 Warner, T. T. 287 Warren, J. R. 415 Warren, S. F. 343 Wartella, E. 31, 395 Wass, H. 712 Wass, R. 233 Wasserman, D. 4, 657 WassertheilSmoller, S. 707 Waterhouse, L. 333, 623–8 Waterman, A. S. 71 Watermann, R. 412 Waters, C. S. 511 Waters, E. 179, 563, 587 Waters, S. 551–2 Watkins, M. W. 351 Watkins, R. E. 177 Watson, J. 495, 498 Watson, J. B. 60–2, 64, 66–7, 83–4 Watson, J. M. 300 Waxman, S. R. 246, 385, 391, 411 Wayne, A. J. 405 Weaver, J. 645 Webb, A. R. 280 Webb, R. M. 369 Webb, S. J. 629 Webster, J. 143 Webster,V. 341, 347 Wechsler, D. 330 Weedon, M. N. 200 Weeks, S. 179 Weideman, R. 715–16 Weihe, P. 132 Weil, L. G. 301 Weil, R. S. 301 Weinberg, J. 126 Weinberg, K. M. 144 Weindruch, R. 689 Weiner, M. F. 660–2 Weinert, F. E. 351, 357–8 Weinfeld, M. 625 Weinfield, N. S. 571 Weinraub, M. 167 Weir, K. 413 Weisberg, D. S. 398 Weisfeld, C. C. 472 Weisfeld, G. E. 472 Weisglas-Kuperus, N. 174 Weisman, O. 167 Weiss, D. 468 Weiss, R. S. 694 Weiss, S. R. 205 Weisz, J. 568 Weisz, J. R. 639 Wekerle, C. 456 Welch, L. C. 718 Weldeselasse, H. 115, 136 Wellman, H. M. 493–8, 514 Wells, J. E. 656 Wells, K. B. 657 Welsh, J. A. 400

NAME INDEX Copyright 2019 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. WCN 02-200-202

749

Welt, C. K. 200 Wen, X. 79 Wendell, A. D. 129 Wenitong, M. 653 Wens,V. 272 Wentz, E. 645 Wentzel, K. R. 579 Wentzel-Larsen, T. 528 Weon, B. M. 686 Werker, J. F. 280, 282, 385, 388–9 Wermke, K. 389 Wermke, P. 389 Werner, E. A. 125 Werner, E. E. 144 Werner, L. A. 280, 388–9 Werner, R. 438 West, K. K. 571 West, M. J. 387 West, M. R. 9 Westenberg, P. M. 75 Westerback, S. 589 Westerhof, G. J. 468 Westerman, D. 581 Westermann, G. 226 Weston, R. 14, 558, 590 Weston, T. 299 Wethington, E. 9, 470 Wethington, H. R. 639 Wetle, T. 718 Wetzler, S. E. 315 Wever, C. C. 281 Weyandt, L. L. 634–7 Weyer, J. L. 720 Whalley, L. J. 353, 356, 361 Wheaton, N. 181 Wheeler, E. 694 Whishaw, I.Q. 166 Whitaker, D. J. 601 Whitbourne, S. B. 196, 201, 203, 308 Whitbourne, S. K. 10, 196, 201, 203, 308, 468, 657 White, D. J. 474 White, D. L. 712 White, J. B. 205 White, K. J. 499 White, L. 197 White, M. J. 400 White, N. 301 White, R. L. 461–2 White,V. M. 645–7 Whiteman, M. C. 353, 356 Whiteman, S. D. 558 Whiten, A. 66, 497 Whitfield, J. B. 648 Whitfield-Gabrieli, S. 496 Wiberg-Itzel, E. 139 Wice, M. 39 Wicherts, J. M. 344 Wichstrøm, L. 638 Wicken, A. 9 Widaman, K. F. 110, 467 Widom, C. S. 597 Wiegand, S. 189 Wiener, L. 711 Wiener-Megnazi, Z. 136 Wiese, B. S. 468 Wiesel, Torsten 284 Wigal, T. 637 Wigfield, A. 403, 412 Wiggins, T. L. 600–1 Wijdicks, E. F. M. 678 Wijngaards-de Meij, L. 696–7, 711, 715 Wikan, U. 713 Wikler, D. 678 Wilbarger, J. L. 497, 626

750

Wilcox, H. C. 703 Wilcox, S. 204, 707 Wild, C. J. 342 Wilhelm, F. H. 688 Wilhelm, I. 168 Wilkes, E. 456 Wilkinson, D. 660 Wilkinson, J. L. 595 Wilks, J. 693 Willard, H. F. 108–9 Willcox, B. J. 197, 687, 689 Willcox, D. C. 687, 689 Wille, B. 476 Willekens, F. J. 189 Willemsen, G. 636 Willett, W. C. 181 Williams, A. 629 Williams, B. 525 Williams, D. R. 657 Williams, G.M. 519–20, 526 Williams, J. 167, 526 Williams, J. H. 497 Williams, J. L. 716 Williams, K. 397, 624, 628 Williams, K. M. 507 Williams, K. R. 525 Williams, M.V. 361 Williams, R. 456 Williams, T. 455, 583 Williams, T. M. 138 Williams, W. M. 301, 416 Williamson, E. 526 Williamson, G. M. 589, 593 Williamson, P. 193–4 Williger, B. 477 Willigers, D. 344 Willis, S. L. 10, 76–7, 257, 259, 310, 358 Willoughby, T. 534 Wilson, C. 449 Wilson, G. T. 643 Wilson, I. 599 Wilson, K. R. 552 Wilson, M. K. 680 Wilson, R. 476 Wilson, R. S. 19, 359, 660 Wilson, S. 553 Wilson-Costello, D. 174 Wilt, J. 471 Wimmer, M. E. 311 Winer, A. C. 550–1, 553 Winerman, L. 108 Wing, L. 367 Wingood, G. M. 88 Wink, P. 534–6 Winkielman, P. 497, 626 Winn, M. 625 Winner, E. 367, 369 Winocur, G. 500 Winsler, A. 231–2, 234 Winter, J. A. 450–1 Winterheld, H. A. 592 Wintermark, P. 280 Winters, J. J. 28 Wirkala, C. 252 Wischmann, T. 100 Wise, S. 348 Wismer Fries, A. B. 630 Wisniewski, K. E. 366 Wisniewski, S. R. 709 Withington, D. 552 Witkow, M. R. 461 Witman, M. 632 Wittman, B. 24 Wittmann, M. 135, 143 Woelfle, J. 189 Woerner, A. 125

Wohlfahrt-Veje, C. 132, 134 Wolchik, S. A. 703, 716, 720 Wold, B. 449 Wolery, M. 629 Wolfe, B. L. 9, 166 Wolfe, C. D. 289 Wolfe, J. 712 Wolff, J. J. 625 Wolfner, G. D. 596 Wolke, D. 174, 347, 351 Wolkowitz, O. M. 688 Wonderlich, S. 644 Wong, I. C. 193 Wong, J.Y. 478 Wong, L. P. 200 Wong, X. 397 Woo, S. M. 654, 656 Wood, A. M. 471 Wood, D. 470 Wood, J. 307 Wood, M. 179 Woodard, J. 517 Woodruff-Pak, D. 205 Woodside, D. B. 642 Woodward, A. L. 390, 493, 511 Woodward, H. R. 633 Woodward, K. 570 Woodward, L. J. 88, 580 Woolley, J. D. 244–5 Wortman, C. B. 708–9, 711, 713–16 Woynarowska, B. 185 Wray, J. 624 Wright, A. N. 386 Wright, B. A. 270 Wright, L. L. 174 Wright, M. J. 368 Wright, N. 17–18, 163–4, 313–14, 718–19 Wright, W. E. 688 Wrosch, C. 467, 472 Wrzus, C. 554, 556 Wu, C. H. 354 Wu, H. 524 Wu, J. 354–5 Wu, K. 198 Wu, P. 258 Wu, S. C. 189 Wu, W. 688 Wubbena, Z. C. 247 Wünsch, L. 438 Wyatt, T. 552 Wykle, M. 590 Wynn, K. 494 Wyss, N. 288 Wyss-Coray, T. 311

X Xia, S. 285 Xiang, Q. 688 Xie, J. 304–5 Xu, L. 202

Y Yamaguchi, S. 435 Yan, B. 257 Yan, J. H. 177 Yang, W. 136 Yardley, L. 589 Yarger, R. S. 289 Yarrow, M. R. 204 Yaseen, Z. S. 653 Yassa, M. A. 289 Yates, J. R. W. 304 Yates, P. M. 456

Yates, T. M. 597 Yau, P. L. 195 Yeager, M. H. 366 Yeates, K. O. 498 Yeh,Y. 354–5 Yelland, J. 143 Yershova, K. 638 Yeung, A. S. 412 Yeung, H. H. 282, 385 Yeung, S. E. 259–60 Yilmaz, G. 133, 142 Yip, T. 461 Yirmiya, N. 627 Yiu, A. 296 Ylikorkala, O. 201 Yonkers, K. A. 200 Yoo, R. I. 244–5 Yoon, J. E. 518 Yoon, K. S. 403, 412 Yoon,Y. 7 Yorifuji, T. 132 Yoshida, K. A. 282, 385 Young, G. S. 627 Young, M. C. 476 Young, R. 333 Young, S. 558, 635 Youngblade, L. M. 447–8, 497 Youngblut, J. M. 693–4 Youngs, P. 405 Youniss, J. 460 Yovsi, R. D. 442 Yu, J. 175 Yu,Y. 244 Yurdakök, K. 133, 142 Yuzda, E. 627

Zheng, R. 718 Zheng, T. 194 Zhou, H. 718 Zhou, M. 20, 184 Zhu, H. 688 Zigler, E. 344, 366 Zimmer-Gembeck, M. J. 703 Zimmerman, F. J. 28–30, 385 Zimmerman, R. R. 565–6 Zimmermann, M. B. 158 Zimmet, P.Z. 195 Zinbarg, R. 68 Zinke, K. 310 Zissimopoulos, J. M. 477 Ziv, T. 461 Zmuda, M. D. 657 Zoccolillo, M. 524 Zonderman, A. B. 468, 657 Zosuls, K. M. 441, 453 Zuberbühler, K. 384 Zubiaurre-Elorza, L. 437 Zubrick, S. R. 348, 458, 460 Zucker, A. N. 460 Zucker, K. J. 437 Zugaib, M. 131 Zukowski, A. 394 Zuraw, Q. C. 202 Zuvekas, S. H. 640 Zwaigenbaum, L. 625, 627 Zwilling, C. E. 289 Zygmuntowicz, C. 599

Z Zacher, H. 476 Zagoory-Sharon, O. 560 Zahn-Waxler, C. 510, 512, 525 Zaider, T. I. 707, 719 Zaki, M. S. 189 Zaki, M. E. 189 Zanjani, F. A. K. 356, 358 Zapfe, J. A. 184 Zappitelli, M. 499 Zaragoza, S. A. 315 Zarit, S. H. 588–9 Zask, A. 177 Zaslow, M. 572 Zauszniewski, J. A. 590 Zawia, N. H. 660 Zderic, T. W. 195 Zeanah, C. H. 568–9, 630 Zech, E. 715 Zeijlon, L. 625 Zeintl, M. 310 Zeki, R. 99, 173 Zelazo, D. 238 Zeller, M. H. 181 Zelli, A. 575 Zemach, I. 276 Zemel, B. 161 Zencir, M. 189 Zeng, J. 341 Zentner, M. Z. 443 Zerr, A. A. 71, 75 Zervoulis, K. 438 Zettler, I. 433 Zhang, B. 695–6 Zhang, F. 554 Zhang, J. 194, 500 Zhang, L. 258 Zhang, T. 119 Zhao, G. 456 Zhaurova, K. 108 Zheng, M. 285

NAME INDEX Copyright 2019 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. WCN 02-200-202

SUBJECT INDEX abandonment 523 Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples 134, 163, 347–8, 411, 647, 656 birth rates 86, 88–9 CBT therapy 639 children’s health 180 cultural appropriateness 418 cultural norms 434 ethnographic research 468 infant mortality rate 684 Key Performance Indicators 179 learning forms 418 literacy skills 417 mourning rituals 693 multi-age social play 230 racial-ethnic-cultural identity 536 sexual behaviour initiation 456 suicide rates 650–1 vision impairment causes 305 youth 458, 461–2 absenteeism 49 abstract thinking 249–52 abuse 64, 456, 523, 635, 638 abusers/abused 595–8 academic achievement 9, 395, 406, 411–13 fostering 402–10 ‘nerds’ or ‘uncool’ achievers 579 test scores, international differences 414–15 acceptance 577–9, 691, 695 acceptance–responsiveness 573 accidents 685 accommodation 219, 223–4, 455 achievement motivation 402–5, 412 achieving stage 76 Acquired Immunodeficiency Syndrome (AIDS) 131, 709 acquisitive stage 76 active euthanasia 679–80 active gene-environment correlations 116 activity and passivity 50–1, 184 adaptation 166–7, 221–2 adaptive functioning 365 addiction 21, 70 adjustment 709, 712 adolescence 5, 9, 58, 192–3 adolescent egocentrism 254 adolescents cognitive development 249–55 developmental psychopathology 640–55 the dying adolescent 704–5 gender roles 463 growth spurt and puberty 185–91 health and wellness 193–5 identity 458–60 intellectual profiles 353–5 language 411–16 leaving home 581 moods 553–4 morality 518–29 overweightness and obesity 193 relationships 580–4 self-concept/self-esteem 457–8 sensation- and reward-seeking tendencies 641

sense of self and identity 457–63 sensory-perception and memory 299–302 sexuality 464–6 sleep pattern changes 193–5 ‘storm and stress’ 18, 640–1 understanding death 704–6 adoption studies 111–12, 340–1, 439 adrenal glands 159–60 adrenarche 186 adult depression 656–7 adult education 418–19 adult literacy 417–18 adulthood benefits of religiousness/spirituality through 536 markers 5 pathways to 415–16 adults 474 ageing and self-esteem 467–8 changing body 196–7 changing brain 197–9 changing reproductive system 199–202 cognitive development 75–6, 256–60 cognitive performance limitations 256 developmental psychopathology 655–62 gender roles 472–5 health challenges 202–5 identity 475–8 intellectual profiles 355–64 language 416–20 midlife generativity 471–2 morality 530–6 personality 468–72 relationships 584–94 self-esteem 468 sensory-perception and memory 303–15 sexuality 472–5 understanding death 706–12 advance care directive 680 affective disorders 656 afterlife 703 age of mothers 133 role in identity 459–60 sexuality changes across 474–5 sociocultural perspectives 6–9 age effects 37 age grade 6, 8, 10 age height 641 age norms 7–8, 10, 620 age of viability 125 ageing 4, 10–11, 199, 202–5, 308–15, 467–8, 658–62, 687–8, 721 ageing drivers 306–7 cognitive growth and 259–60 damage or error theories of 688–9 emotions and 554–5 markers 114 nature, nurture and ageing 689–90 programmed theories of 686–8 theories – reasons for ageing and death 159, 686–90 visual impairment and 305–6

ageism 7, 163 age-related changes 681 age-related macular degeneration (AMD) 304 aggression 25, 64, 415, 502, 511, 516, 520, 523, 525, 574–5, 631, 653 agreeableness 431–3 AIDS dementia complex (ADC) 661 alcohol 129, 133, 205, 415, 646–7, 649, 657, 715 alcohol-related dementia 661 alleles 101, 114, 117 alphabetic principle 399–400 altruism 510 Alzheimer’s disease 198, 313, 367, 656, 658–60, 662 causes and contributors 659–60 early onset 659 prevention and treatment 660 amnesia 272 amniocentesis 108 amputation 704 anal psychosexual stage 56–7 analytic intelligence 334–5 androgens 158 androgyny 437, 473 andropause 202 anencephaly 123 anger 523, 691, 693, 695–6, 705 angry emotionality 113 anguish 616 annual growth in height (AG) 187 anorexia nervosa 188, 641, 643–4 A-not-B error 238, 240 anoxia (oxygen shortage) 137–8 antenatal care 179 anti-bullying campaigns 491, 529 anticipatory grief 694 antidepressant drugs 662 antiepileptic drugs 129 anti-Müllerian hormone 200 antioxidants 688–9 antisocial behaviour 502, 507–8, 511, 519–21, 524–7, 635 antisocial personality disorder 633 anxiety 190–1, 516, 563, 574–5, 632, 641, 649, 703, 707 anxiety disorders 67, 444, 625, 631, 656 apathy 695 Apgar test 141 aphasia 384 apnoea 181, 201 appetite 641 applied behaviour analysis (ABA) 628 arcuate fasciculus 384 arthritis 205 artificial insemination 99 artwork 352 Asperger’s syndrome 624–5, 627 assimilation 222–4, 392, 455 assisted dying 680 assisted reproductive technologies (ART) 99, 103 Australia and New Zealand treatments 99–100 associations 61

751 Copyright 2019 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. WCN 02-200-202

associative play 396 assumptions 17, 83–4, 257, 713 at-risk infants 175 at-risk newborns 141, 173 attachment 549–63, 623 anxiety and 563 child care and 570 culture and 567–8 early see early attachment nature–nurture and 560–1 phases 562–3 secure 441 separations and 569–70 social deprivation and 568–9 true 563 attachment quality 563–8 caregiver and infants contributors to 565–7 contextual contributors to 567–8 later development and 571–2 attachment styles 590–4, 715 attachment theory 559–61 attention 74–5, 268–88, 299–300, 302, 400, 494, 500, 637, 662 attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) 617, 625, 634–7 developmental course of 634–5 environmental influences 636 genetic contributions to 635–6 potential negative trajectories 635 suspected causes 635–6 treatment of 636–7 attention spans, longer 288 attributes 430 Australian Diabetes, Obesity and Lifestyle Study 196 Australian Institute of Health and Welfare 367 Australian Mater University Study of Pregnancy (MUSP) 520 Australian National Health and Medical Research Council (NHMRC) 38 Australian Survey of Social Attitudes 534–5 Australian Temperament Project 445–6 authoritarian parenting 573–4 authoritative parenting 574 authority 504–5, 515, 519 autism spectrum disorder (ASD) 175, 232, 326, 441, 492, 497, 617, 623–9 brain functioning and 626–7 characteristics 625–6 details focus 626 developmental outcomes and treatment for 628–9 epidemic? 624–5 genetic and environmental influence on 627–8 autobiographical memory 271, 293–6, 314–15 automatic reinforcement 386 automatisation 334 autonomous morality 503 autonomy 68, 705 balancing 580–1 versus shame and doubt 57, 59

752

avoidant attachment 564 axons 161 babbling 68, 389, 572, 623 Babinski reflex 166, 168 baby biographies 17 baby boomers 19–20, 32 balance 172 balance-beam problems 297 bargaining 495, 691, 695 basic capacities 289, 293, 300–1 basic needs 69–71 behaviour 49, 66, 69, 192–3, 430, 508 in ‘gender-appropriate’ ways 450 hypersexual 456 moral 507–8 reciprocal 445–6 repetitive 623 risky 160, 191 sedentary 183–4 sexual 455–6, 465–6 situational influences on 435 terror of death, defending against 677 behaviour modification programs 644 behavioural genetics 111 behavioural inhibition 444 behavioural observation 23–5, 275 behavioural states 167–9 behaviourism 61 being needs 70 belief-desire psychology 495, 500 beliefs 492 see also false-belief task believing 703 belonging and love needs 69, 87 bereavement 617, 692–7, 705, 714–20 beta-amyloid 658, 660 bias 17, 40, 344, 523, 531, 713 bidirectional influences 79 Big Five 431, 458, 468–9, 476 ‘big picture’ 626 binge drinking 192, 646 binge eating disorder 641–2 biochemical abnormalities 643–4 biochemical environment 124 bioecological model (Bronfenbrenner) 12–13, 78, 528, 576, 601 biological ageing 4, 687–8 biological factors 470 biological maturation 224, 623 biological sex 436 biology 384–6 biological definitions of death 677–9 biomarkers 625 birth rates 86, 88–9 ‘bite-sized’ instruction 228 blastocyst 121 blindness 304–5 bloating 200 blood tests 110 ‘blues’ 616 bodily functions 703 bodily–kinaesthetic intelligence 332 body 157–97, 677–9 body image 188–9, 703–4 body mass index (BMI) 181, 183

body weight 172 bonding 562 bones 165, 203, 279–80 brain 24, 157–61 abnormal brain growth and connectivity 626 of adolescents 191–3 changing 197–9 development 122 early experiences and 284–5 fine-tuned by experience 165 hippocampus, neuron development 19, 119, 124, 198, 272 of infants 165–6 language-associated regions 384 lateralisation 178–9 brain atrophy 107 brain chemistry 635 brain damage 198 brain death 677–8 brain functioning 626–7, 635 brain imaging/techniques 311, 625, 679 brain lateralisation 178–9 brain maturation 168, 441 brain plasticity 166 breast tenderness 200 breastfeeding versus bottle feeding 142–3 breathing reflex 166 breech presentation 138 Broca’s area 160, 384 brochures 644 bulimia nervosa 641–2 bullying 491, 507, 523, 527–8 categorising 527 responding to 529 stopping 528–9 caesarean (C) section 138 calcium 181 caloric restriction 689 ‘Camberwell Cohort’ 367 Canadian Occupational Performance Measure (COPM) 313–14 cancer 179, 205, 718 cardiovascular disease 179, 361, 660 care arrangements 517 care-based reasoning 532 careers 475–6 caregiver burden 588–9 caregiver–child relationship 573–6 caregivers 116, 386, 560, 593, 630 contributions to attachment quality 565–6 kinship carers 590 caregiving 558–9 case study 26 cataracts 284, 304 catch-up growth 158 categorical self 441 Cattell–Horn–Carroll (CHC) theory 328–9 causal understanding 246 causality 699–701 cause-effect relationships 26, 30–1, 75 centenarians 1–2, 311, 687, 689 centration 242, 244

SUBJECT INDEX Copyright 2019 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. WCN 02-200-202

cephalocaudal principle 161, 283 cerebellum 160 cerebral cortex 160 cerebral palsy 138 cerebrovascular diseases 685 change 4, 88, 197–202, 681, 707 changing social systems 556–9 continuity and change 416–17 diagnostic practice changes 617 patterns of 351–2 in sleep across life span 169 in sleep patterns 193–5 see also continuity and discontinuity characteristic adaptations 430, 434 chemical senses 282–3 chickenpox 131 child abuse 64, 594–601, 638 context 598–9 interactional model 598 prevention 600–1 reasons for occurrence 595–9 under-reporting of child sexual abuse 595 child care, quality care, importance of 570 child development 72 child protection 21 childbirth 137–41 culture and 140 mother’s and father’s experience 139–41 possible hazards during 137–8 process 137–8 child-directed speech 387 child-effects model 575 childhood 9 emotional learning in 552–3 health and wellness in 179–85 overweightness and obesity in 180–5 childhood amnesia 293–4 childhood depression 637–9 Child-Initiated Pretend Play Assessment (ChIPPA) 494 child-rearing practices 442, 515–16 children adult-like body proportions 176 the bereaved child 702–3 brain lateralisation 178–9 childhood sexuality 455–6 cognitive development 241–8 developmental psychopathology 631–40 the dying child 701–2 evolving self and personality 446–50 gender roles 450–5 intellectual profiles 351–3 language 398–410 morality 513–17 neural responses to faces 629 physical growth and motor capabilities 176–7 problem-solving abilities 297 recitations see private speech relationships 573–9 self-concept 446–7 self-esteem 447–9 sensory-perception and memory 287–98

understanding death 699–703 understanding of sex and reproduction 455 child–task interaction 291 chlamydia 131 choice 68 chorionic villus sampling (CVS) 108 Christchurch Health and Development Study 360 chromosomal abnormalities 107 chromosomes 100, 103, 106 DNA and 102 male and female 104 21st chromosome 107 chronic diseases 203, 686–7, 707 chronic grief 713 chronic illness 358, 657 chronosystem 14 cigarettes 415, 649 circadian rhythms 194 class inclusion 245–6 classes and subclasses 245, 248 classical conditioning (Pavlov/Watson) 61–2 classification 245–6 clinging 560 clinical psychologists 53–4 cliques 581–2 Close the Gap campaign 179 clots 107 cocaine 128, 647 cochlear implants 280–1 codings 109, 118–19 co-dominance 106 coeliac disease 157–8 coercive family environments (Patterson) 524 cognition 75, 220 cognitive change processes 223 cognitive enhancement 358–9 information-processing approach to 269–74 optimising 233–4 cognitive abilities 361, 499, 679 cognitive behavioural therapy (CBT) 639, 653, 657 cognitive decline, factors impacting 358 cognitive deficits 657 cognitive development 3, 220–60, 327, 441, 462 adult theories 75–6 processes of 221–3 stage-like changes in 452 stages 73–4 cognitive developmental theory 87, 222, 452–3, 455 Piaget 72–4, 220–7, 370, 419, 499, 503–7 themes 452 cognitive dissonance program 644 cognitive functions 24, 199, 233–4, 707 cognitive impairment, causes 661–2 cognitive maturation 496, 550 cognitive performance limitations 312 cognitive perspectives 370–1, 452–5 cognitive theories 72–7

cohabitation 586 cohorts/cohort effects 31–3, 37, 259 collaboration 230, 508, 511 collectivist cultures 397, 434–5, 442–3 colonisation 81, 163 coma 678–9 ‘coming out’ 465 communication 74 system see language communication disorders 617 community 23, 409, 529 ‘community of minds’ 497 community services 536, 653 comorbidity 21, 625, 638 Compassionate Friends, The 719 compensation 313–14 competency 225 competition 495 comprehension 389–90 compulsive behaviour 644 conception 98–100 concordance rates 112 concrete-operational stage 72–3, 222, 224, 244, 246–7, 249, 398, 453, 703 conditioned response (CR) 61 conditioned stimulus (CS) 61 conduct disorder 519–20 conduct-disordered youth 520 confidant 585 confidence 236 confidentiality 39 conflict 54–5, 58, 396, 635 identity versus role confusion 458 marital 566 unresolved 59, 87 see also psychosocial stages conflict resolution 86–7, 433–4, 495 confusion 662, 701 congenital malformations 173 connectedness 633 conscience 518 conscientiousness 431–3, 512 consciousness 679 consent 38–9 consequences 65, 514, 516, 520 conservation concept 242–3, 247 consolidated alphabetic phase 400 consolidation 270 constructivism 73, 226–7 contact comfort 566 context specificity 66 see also universality and context specificity contextual theories see systems theories continuing bonds 714 continuity and discontinuity 4, 50, 52, 353, 468–71, 631, 633, 720 contour 278 ‘contrahedonic’ behaviour 553–4 Convention on the Rights of the Child 38–9 conventional morality 504–5 convergence 30–1 convergent thinking 337 conversation 242–5, 295, 386, 393 cooing 68, 389

SUBJECT INDEX Copyright 2019 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. WCN 02-200-202

753

cooperation 495, 510 cooperative learning 410 cooperative play 396 coordination of secondary schemata 240 coping 191, 594, 633, 691–2, 696, 702, 711, 713–17 copy number variations 107 coronary heart disease 685 corpus callosum 178 correlation 114–15, 125, 351, 575 correlation coefficients 29, 113, 194 correlational method 25, 28–30 cortex 199, 284 cortisol 621, 705 couple relationships 585–8 crawling 171 creative endeavours 355 creative intelligence 334–5 creativity 241, 327–45, 352–5, 363–4 ‘crib speech’ 231 crime rates 521–2 criminal behaviour 525, 633 criminal justice system (CJS) 635 crises 9–10, 458–9 cross-cultural findings 532 cross-cultural learning 66 crossing over 103 cross-modal perception 287 cross-sectional designs 31–3, 37 cross-sectional studies 308 cross-sequential design 356 crowd 581–2 crystallised intelligence 328, 357 cued recall 270 cues 270, 390 cultural bias 531 cultural evolution 79 cultural sensitivity 39–40 culturally and linguistically diverse backgrounds (CALD) 331–2, 656 culture 65–6, 198, 463, 517, 531–2, 693–4 attachment and 567–8 autobiographical memory and 295–6 childbirth and 140 cultural norms 434 defined 6 development, influence on 52 differences across 344, 681–2 interaction with 74 practices 170 self-conceptions and 434–5 terror of death, defending against 677 thought and 228 culture bias 344–5 curiosity 72, 699 cusp of survivability 125 cyberbullying 20, 527–8 cystic fibrosis 109 cytomegalovirus (CMV) 131 damage or error theories of ageing 688–9 dancing 230 data collection 24–5, 40 techniques 23–5 dating 582–4 deaf children 281–2

754

death rituals 693–4 death/dying 77, 677–721 being forewarned of 716 causes of death by sex/age group (Australia) 685 causes of death by sex/ethnicity (New Zealand) 686 children grasping concept of 699–701 controlling 692 coping with 713–21 death, experience of 690–7 death, social meanings of 681–2 death defined 677–82 experiences 701–6 in family context 706–12 historical-cultural contexts 694 life and death choices 679–81 matters of life and death 677–90 perspectives 691–2 process components 699 stages of dying 691 supporting dying people 717–20 terror of death 677 themes of death and suicide in play 638 theories – reasons for ageing and death 159 what kills us and when? 682–6 death-with-dignity advocacy 682 debriefings 39 decentration 242 decision making 74, 192, 301, 411–12, 580, 707 decontextualise 253 defence mechanisms 58, 691 defensiveness 70 deficiency needs 69 delayed grief 714 delinquent behaviour 525 delirium 662 demandingness–control 573 dementia 107, 308, 656, 658–62, 709 dementia-related diseases 685 democracy 505, 507 demoralisation 657 dendrites 160 denial 692, 703 denial and isolation 691, 695 deoxyribonucleic acid (DNA) 101–2, 104, 117, 627, 688–9 dependent variables 26 depression 20, 100, 143, 188, 190–1, 615, 631–2, 649–57, 691, 695–6, 707–8 age, gender and ethnic differences 656–7 factors in 649–50 genetic vulnerability to 620–1 in infancy 629–30 patterns of 708–9 peripartum 143–4 depth perception 278–9 description 16 desire psychology 494–5, 500 desires 492 despair 691, 695–6, 707 versus integrity 57, 472

detachment phase 698 development 3–4 abnormal development 616–62 bioecological model 12–13 describing versus explaining 225 diagnostic guidelines and criteria 616–18 early versus late 189–91 framing nature–nurture influence 11–15 gain/loss characteristic 4, 18–19 historical-cultural context shaping of 19, 721 hormonal influences 160 individualistic 172 lifelong plasticity 19 lifelong process 18–19, 721 multidirectional nature 19, 720 multidisciplinary studies 20 multiple influences 19, 721 nature–nurture interplay 12–15 nurturing 347–8 pathways leading to normal/abnormal outcomes 619 sociocultural perspectives 6–9 study methods 21–37 what makes it normal? 616–22 developmental disorders 115 developmental milestones 51, 382 developmental norm 169–70 developmental psychopathology 616–62 developmental quotients (DQ) 346 developmental range 235 developmental research designs 31–3 developmental science 20, 38–40 developmental stages 52 developmental theories and issues 49–54 diabetes 131, 181, 193, 628, 660 Types I and II 179, 205 Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM-5) 143, 365, 519–20, 616–17, 623, 629, 710 diagnostic practice changes 617 DSM-5 criteria 624, 645, 658–9 dialectical thinking 258–9 diathesis 643, 653 diathesis-stress model 620–2, 632, 644 diet, poor 181, 183–4 dietary habits 183 dieting rigidly 642 differential reinforcement 450–1 differential susceptibility hypotheses 622 differentiated response 171 differentiation 123–4 diffusion status 458–9, 461 digital media 20 dioxins 132 directionality problem 29 disadvantage 134, 163, 183, 188, 343, 395 see also socioeconomic status disappointment 518 disbelief 696 discipline 64, 574–5 child-rearing approaches to 515–16 poor 523 discomfort 143, 616

SUBJECT INDEX Copyright 2019 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. WCN 02-200-202

discontinuity see continuity and discontinuity 720 discrimination 7, 417, 460, 587–8 disease 166, 202–4 disenfranchised grief 709 disequilibrium 222–4 disinhibited attachment 569 disorganisation 695, 707 disorganised/disoriented attachment 564–6, 592, 624 disorientation 662 display rules for emotion 553 dispositional traits 430–1 disruptive behaviour 631 dissonance-producing intervention 644 distinctiveness 314–15 distraction 288 distress 512, 553, 618, 630, 655, 693 disuse 204–5 divergent thinking 337–8 diversity 54, 409 dizygotic twins see fraternal twins dominant gene allele 104 dopamine 635–6 drawing 230 drawing sophistication 177 drop-offs 279 drugs 127–9, 166, 645–7, 657, 715 dual-process model of bereavement 696–7, 715 dual-process model of morality 532–3 dynamic skill framework 234–6 dynamic skill framework (Fischer) 234–6 dynamic systems theory 171–3 dyslexia 401 early adulthood 5 early attachment, implications 568–72 Early Child Care Research Network (ECCRN) 570 early childhood 5 early childhood education 349–50 early intervention 109, 175 early learning 347–8, 395–8 ears 279 eating disorders 615, 641–5, 649, 653 gender difference in 642–3 normalising eating activities 644 prevention and treatment 644 ‘subthreshold’ forms 642 suspected causes of 643–4 eclectics 86 ectoderm 122 education 349–50, 418–20 educators 82–3 effortful control 444–5 ego 55–6, 58, 86, 502 egocentrism 499, 510, 513–14 ‘three mountains’ task 245 elaboration 290, 302, 364 Electra complex 57–8 electroencephalogram (EEG) 678–9 emaciation 641 embarrassment 186, 623 embryonic period 121–3 emergency services 653

emerging adulthood 5, 9 emotion 11, 60, 77, 160, 396, 415, 508, 549, 623, 697 emotional conflict 54–5 non-stage-like emotional responses to dying 691–2 recognising 639 emotion coaching 552–3 emotion dismissing 552–3 emotional competence 552 emotional development 549–55 emotional distress 618 emotional health, stress and 134–5 emotional intensity 315 emotional regulation 551–2 age differences in 554 emotional support 558 emotional understanding 494 emotionality 432–3 emotions 549–601 ageing and 554–5 first emotions 549–52 types 549–50 empathy 494, 502, 510–11, 515, 520, 531, 627 employment 413 empty nest 587 encoding 270–1, 289–90 endocrine glands 158 endocrine system 158–60 endoderm 122 energy, lack of 657 environment 11–12, 51, 66, 285, 345, 355, 386–7, 406 adapting to 430 ‘co-acting’ with genes 80, 82 demands of see adaptation genes–environment interplay 110–20 goodness of fit concept 445–6 immediate 184 intelligence and 341–3 interrelationships see mesosystems learners–environment goodness of fit 408 macro-environment 183, 599 natural 559 neonatal 142–6 optimal learning environments 419–20 perinatal 136–41 prenatal 126–36 sexual orientation, contribution 439 stability 470 systems 12–13 environmental factors 643 environmental risk factors 342 epigenesis 79–81 epigenetic effects 118–19, 525 epigenetic psychobiological systems perspective (Gottlieb) 78–81, 87–8 epilepsy 625 episodic buffer memory storage 270–1 episodic memory 271 equilibrium 222–3 equity 21, 585 Eriksonian psychosocial personality

growth 433–4, 471–2 escapism 715 esteem needs 69 ethics 38 ethnic minority groups 361 ethnicity 8, 134, 405, 460–1 ethnic-racial identity 460–2 foundations and changes over time 461 influencing factors 461–2 protective benefits 462 ethnic-racial self-identification 461 ethnocentrism 40 ethology 78 euphemisms 701 euthanasia 505, 679 evidence-based practice 16 evocative gene-environment correlations 116, 525 evoked potentials 275, 384 evolution 102 evolutionary psychology 71 evolutionary theory 78, 508–9 executive control 512 executive control functions 232, 353, 635 executive control processes 273 executive function impairments 626 executive stage 76 exercise 11, 301 existential self 440 exosystems 13, 183 expansion 387 experiences 58, 60, 166, 224, 470, 558 brain fine-tuned by 165 openness to 431–3 past 287 experimental breeding studies 111 experimental control 27 experimental method 25–8 experimental–correlational methods comparison 30 explanation 16 explicit long-term memory 271–2 explicit memory tasks 309 exploration 230, 285, 288, 463, 563 externalising problems 631–4 extinction 64 extreme male brain 627 extroversion 431–3 eye contact 620, 624 eye-blink reflex 166 eye-hand coordination 177 eyes 276 face-to-face interactions 550 facial expressions 25 falls 172–3, 203 false-belief task 492–3, 514 Family Bereavement Program 720 family conflict 635 family influence 576, 631 family life cycle 557 family relationships 585–90 family system 556–7 family therapy 719 Maudsley approach to 644–5

SUBJECT INDEX Copyright 2019 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. WCN 02-200-202

755

family violence 594–601 responding to 596 family/family studies 76, 111–12, 179, 407, 439 death in family context 706–12 extended family household 557 family disruption 649 family dynamics 188, 697 family pathology 654 genetic studies and 439 Goldberg family’s photographic case study 156–7 models of influence in the family 575–6 fantasy 353 fast foods 181 fast mapping 391 fasting 642 fatigue 657 fatty diet 661 fear 517 feelings 396, 703 female menopause 200–1 ‘feminine’ morality of care 532 fertilisation 98–9, 121 fertility drugs 103 finality (irreversibility) 699–701 fine motor development 177 fine motor skills 170 first words 388–92 ‘five Cs’ 527 fixation 56, 70 fixed mindset 402 flapping (hands) 623 fluency 352 fluid intelligence 328, 356–7 Flynn effect 339–40 focusing system 287 foetal alcohol spectrum disorder (FASD) 177 foetal alcohol syndrome (FAS) 129 foetal health 126–36 maternal characteristics and 132–5 paternal characteristics and 136 foetal mortality, Australia and New Zealand 135 foetal period 123–6 brain development 123–4 first trimester 124–5 second trimester 125 third trimester 125–6 ‘foetal position’ 126 foetal programming 117 folate 123, 133 food 565, 690, 693 forebrain 122 foreclosure status 459, 461 forgetting 272 formal learning 418 formal thought growth beyond 257–9 implications 254–5 formal-operations stage 72–3, 222, 224, 228, 249–50, 252–4, 256–7, 297, 353, 505, 703 fragile X syndrome 107

756

fraternal twins 103, 111, 340–1 free radicals 688–90 friends 369, 579, 706, 719 frontotemporal dementia 661 frustration 523 full alphabetic phase 399–400 functional grammar 393 functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) 24, 227, 359, 384, 496, 533, 679 functioning senses 166 fuzzy-trace theory 296 gain and loss characteristic 4, 18–19 gait 171, 177 Gardner’s theory of multiple intelligences 332–3, 370 gay, lesbian and bisexual teens 583 gay and lesbian couples 587–8 gender 436–7, 531–2, 641–2 gender roles 450–5, 463, 472–6 identification (statistics) 436 role in identity 459–60 same-gender and other-gender models 451 sexual double standard 465 sexuality changes across 474–5 social construction 436 gender bias 531 gender consistency 452 gender constancy 452–3 gender dysphoria 437–8 gender identity 437, 441, 452 gender intensification 463 gender schema theory/schemata 453–5 gender segregation 450 gender stability 452 gender stereotypes 566 gender typing 450 gender-role development 57 gender-role norm 436, 450–2 gene expression, epigenetic effects on 118–19 gene therapy 109–10 gene–environment correlations 115–16, 525, 575 gene–environment interactions 116–18, 470, 621, 659–60 general intellectual ability 354 general mental ability (g) 327–8 generalisation 23–4, 26, 61, 81, 112, 127, 392, 435, 631 ‘generalised other’ 499 Generation X (Me Generation) 32 Generation Y (millenials/baby boomlets) 32 generativity midlife 471–2 versus stagnation 57, 471 genes 12, 101, 113, 345, 643 ‘co-acting’ with environment 80, 82 5-HTTLPR gene 117–18 genes–environment interplay 110–20, 525 intelligence and 340–1 teratogens and 129–30 genetic abnormalities and disorders 107–10

genetic and environmental influences 100, 157 estimating influences 112–14 studying 111–14 genetic code 100–4 genetic counselling 108 genetic defects 121 genetic diagnosis and treatment 108–10 genetic disorders 133 genetic endowment 114–15 genetic makeup see species heredity genetic risk factors 636 genetic studies 439 genetic uniqueness and relatedness 102–3 genetic-based risk 642–3 genetics 51, 439 genital psychosexual stage 57–8 genotypes 105, 111, 116, 135 germinal period 121 gerontology 18 gestational age 117 gestures 387, 391 giftedness 228, 367–9, 406–7 gist storage 296 glaucoma 304 glial cells 124 global response 171 goal-corrected partnership 563, 573 goal-directed behaviour 232 goals 287, 402, 406, 692 goals adjustment 467 gonorrhoea 131 ‘good boy/man’/‘good girl/woman’ morality 504 goodness of fit concept 408, 445–6 grammar 416 grandparenthood 589–90 grasping reflex 167–8, 240, 562 gratification 59 grey matter 166, 191–2 ‘greying’ of society 10 grief 676, 691–4, 705, 719 complicated 710–11, 714, 716 expressions of 702 trajectories 710–11 grief work perspective breaking bonds 714 challenges 713–14 one right way? 713 working through 713–14 gross motor skills 170 growth 3–4 of adolescents 185–95 of adults 196–207 building blocks 157–64 of children 176–85 in fits and starts 165 in a head-to-tail direction 161, 283 hormonal influences 160 of infants 164–75 principles 161–2 growth hormone 158, 185 growth mindset 402 growth needs 69–70 growth spurts 185–91 guided participation 77, 229–30

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guilt 57, 510, 531, 550, 623, 638, 693, 712 versus initiative 57, 59 habits 62, 70, 183 habituation 275, 347 haemophilia 107, 109 hair loss 704 hallucinations 662, 714 handedness 179 handgrip strength 197 harm, protection from 39 Hayflick limit 687, 689 headache 200 health 9, 64, 157–207, 536, 588–9, 594 birth-related risks to 173–5 foetal health 126–36 genetic and environmental influences 162–3 interconnectedness 179 IQ and 361–2 life span developmental model 162–4, 184–5 lifelong 157–64 multidirectional nature 162 poor outcomes 179 sociohistorical context 163 strengths-based approach 163–4 WHO definition 162 Health Research Council of New Zealand (HRC) 38 health status 180 healthy weight 10, 184 hearing 279–82 basic auditory capacities 279–80 loss of 307–8 process 280 speech perception 282 hearing impairments 281–2 heart disease 193, 205 height 157, 176 helping 510 heredity 11–12, 384–6 individual 98–110 species 79 heritability 111, 642–3 of different traits 114–15 heroin 647 herpes simplex (genital herpes) 131 heteronomous morality 503 heterosexuality 709 HEXACO model 432–3 hidden objects 238–40 hierarchy of needs (Maslow) 69–70, 87 high blood pressure 181, 193, 660 high cholesterol 181, 660 high-fat diet 205 highly superior autobiographical memory (HSAM or hyperthymesia) 267, 272–3 hindbrain 122 historical trauma 163 historical-cultural development context 19 hitting 515 HIV 709 holophrases 390–1 Home Observation for Measurement of

the Environment (HOME) inventory 342–3 homosexuality 709 honesty-humility 432–3 hope 691 hopelessness 638 hopping 177 hormonal influences 439 hormone replacement therapy (HRT) 201 hormones 129, 158, 185, 194, 199, 525, 621, 705 also under specific hormone hospice movement 682, 717–18 hostile attribution bias 523 hot flushes 201 households 557–8 human agency 66 human development theories 49–89 Human Genome Project 101–2 human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) 474 ‘human mind as computer’ analogy 77 human needs 69 humanistic psychology 68 humanistic theories 68–71 Huntington’s disease 107, 661 hyperactivity 634–5 hypogonadism 201 hypothalamic–pituitary–adrenal ‘axis’ 621–2 hypothalamus 560–1 hypotheses 22, 71, 220, 622 hypotheses testing 25–31 hypothetical moral dilemmas 531 hypothetical thinking 249–50 ‘third eye’ 250 hypothetical-deductive reasoning 251 id 55–6, 58, 86, 502 ideal self–real self gap 448, 467 ideation 364 ideational fluency 338 identical twins 103, 111, 340–1 identification 57 identity 57, 429, 434, 457–60, 580 versus role confusion 59, 87 wellbeing and 464 identity achievement status 459–61 identity crisis 59 identity formation 460, 462–3 identity status 458–9 illicit drugs 205, 646–7, 649 illness 691 illusion 714 imagery 241 imaginary audience 254–5 imaginary companions 241 imitation 65–6, 275, 286, 386, 493, 626 immoral behaviour 533 immunisation 175, 179 see also vaccination implantation 99 implicit memory 271–2 imprinting 560 impulsivity 634–5

in vitro fertilisation (IVF) 99, 103 inattention 634–5 inclusion 408–9 inclusive education 407, 409 incomplete dominance 105–6 incus 279 independence 434–5, 499 independent variables 26 manipulation of 27–8 Indigenous peoples 9, 134, 201 life expectancy 682 overweightness and obesity 181 under-reporting of child sexual abuse 595 indirect effects 559 individual heredity 98–110 individual principles of conscience, morality of 505 individual rights 505 individualistic cultures 397, 434–5, 442–3 individuals 721 induction 516, 518 industry versus inferiority 57 inequality 163 poor health outcomes and 179 infancy 5 early 166 health and wellness in 173–5 infant learning programs 395 infant mortality 108, 684 infant states 125 infants amoral 509 attachment 562–72 beyond first year 441 ‘blank slates’ 443 cognitive development 237–40 contributions to attachment quality 566–7 developmental psychopathology 623–30 emerging self 440–3 infant intelligence as a predictor of later intelligence 346–7 intellectual profiles 345–50 language 388–98 later development 571–2 mental capabilities 274–5 morality 509–13 motor development 169–73 motor milestones 169–71 rapid physical growth 164–5 self-concept 440–2 sensory-perception and memory 274–86 ‘smart’ infants 347 temperament 443–6 understanding death 697–8 vocalisations 68 infection 307 infectious diseases 180 inferiority versus industry 57 see also industry infertility 98–100 influenza (flu) 131 informal learning 418

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757

information-processing approach 74–5, 77, 268, 353, 370 model 268 research on 420 informed consent 38–9 informity 475 inhalants 647 inheritance, mechanisms of 104–6 inhibition 517, 633 initiative versus guilt 57, 59 injuries 179, 198, 635, 685 injustice 510 innate behaviour 80 innate reflexes 238 inner ear 308 insensitivity 703 instincts 55, 80 instrumental hedonism 504, 519 insults 523 integrated response 171 integrity 472 versus despair 57, 472 versus role confusion 472 intellectual change, continuity and 353 intellectual development 221–3 intellectual disability 327, 365–7, 617, 625 intellectual functioning 115, 356–7, 362, 625 intellectual impairment prognosis 366–7 intelligence 310, 327–71 defining and measuring 327–38 environment and 341–3 extremes 365–9 fluid and crystallised 328 genes and 340–1 influencing factors 339–45 psychometric view of 327–32 research on 420 Stanford-Binet test of 329–30, 346 three-stratum theory of 328–9 two-factor theory of 327–8 Wechsler tests of 330–1, 346 intelligence IQ tests 72, 331–2, 345, 351–2, 431 intelligence quotient (IQ) 111, 135, 328, 339, 355–62, 367, 411, 625, 629, 700 intentions 492–4 weighing 514 interactional model 576 interactions 13, 19, 53, 72–4, 80–1, 88, 143, 171–2, 291, 312, 707 diathesis-stress 621–2 gene-environment 116–18, 470, 621, 659–60 interaction style 630 reciprocal determinism 66–7 social see social interaction toxic 632 inter-dependence 434–5 internal working models 561 internalising 231, 534 internalising problems 631–4 International HapMap Project 102 Internet 19–20, 644 interpersonal intelligence 332 intersex 436

758

intervention(s) 109, 175, 449, 633, 644 interview 24–5, 655 intimacy 471 versus isolation 57, 471 intrapersonal intelligence 332 intrauterine insemination see artificial insemination in-utero conditions 117 invariant sequence 72, 222 investment theory 338 irritability 107, 167, 194, 566, 629, 641 isolation and denial 691, 695 joint attention 390–1, 440, 494, 500 judgement 192, 361–2, 518–19, 532 juvenile delinquency 519 kangaroo care 174–5 karyotype 103 kicking 171 knowledge base 292, 301–2, 309–10 Kübler-Ross stages of dying 691–2 labour 137, 139–41 language 74, 231, 240, 281–2, 382–420, 629 basic components 382–3 continuity and change 416–17 developing 388–94 expanding skills 399 before first words 388–90 first words 390–2 lack of 294–5 language system 382–8 mastering rules of 393–4 nature and nurture 384–8 language acquisition device (LAD) 385 language comprehension 389–90 language disorders 625 late adulthood 5 latency period 455 latent learning 65 latent period 57 lateralisation 178–9 law, democratically accepted 505 laxatives 641 lead 132 Lead Maternity Carers (LMC) 139 learning 12, 19, 166, 285, 300, 302, 382–7 contextual contributors 311–12 cooperative 410 early 395–8 emotional learning 552–3 explaining declines in old age 309–12 facilitation see scaffolding hands-on 253 learners–environment goodness of fit 408 orchestrating 409 principles 67 to read 399–402 theoretical contributions to 419–20 types 67 learning theories/theorists 60–8, 87 left-hemisphere functions 178, 199, 384 legacy-creating stage 76

letter-sound components 401 Lewy body dementia 661 libido 56 life 692 appreciation of 717 begins and ends 98–146, 677 challenges 616 ever-present death 677 life and death choices 679–81 life and death, matters of 677–90 meaning of 535 quality of see quality of life strains 656 life expectancy 682–4 life phase 315 life script 315 life span 5, 310 changes in sleep across 169 changing social systems across 556–9 conceptualising 4–11 death across 684–6 epigenetic effects in 118–19 neurodevelopmental disorders 619–20 religion and spirituality roles across 534 self, personality, gender and sexuality across 430–78 self-control significance 512–13 life span development science 15–18 life span developmental model of health 162–4, 184–5 life span human development 2–21 life span perspective 18–19 life stories 460 lifelong health 157–64 lifestyle 11, 358 sedentary 193, 196 life-threatening illnesses 701–2, 717 light-dark transition 278 limbic-temporal cortex 272 linked lives 557 literacy 382–400, 417–18 living legacies 692 living will 680 locomotion 171 logical thinking 242, 244–5 school-age children 246–8 logical–mathematical intelligence 332 loneliness 707 longevity 205, 686–7, 689–90 longitudinal designs 32–7 longitudinal studies 10–11, 13–14, 114, 144, 252, 356, 413, 512–13, 528, 531, 535, 646–7 Australian and New Zealand 35–6 Kohlberg’s 20-year longitudinal study 530 long-term memory 270, 285, 311 looking 239, 275 loss 4, 18–19, 199, 303–4, 307–8, 707–11, 719 see also gain and loss characteristic loss-oriented coping 696, 711 love 708 love and limits (child development) 574 love needs 69

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love withdrawal 515, 518 low birth weight (LBW) 173–4, 188 Australia and New Zealand 135 lying 502 Machiavellianism 433 macrosystems 13 magnetic resonance imaging (MRI) studies 191–2 major depressive disorder 618, 629 recurrences 639 symptoms 617 make-believe 494 maladaptiveness 616, 620 maladjustment 369, 640 male andropause 202 malleus 279 malnourishment 111 maltreatment 142 Ma- ori peoples 179, 347–8, 411, 656 birth rates 86, 88–9 conversational styles 295–6 cultural appropriateness 418 fast food/soft drink consumption 181 health 163–4 infant mortality rate 684 learning forms 418 literacy skills 417 mourning rituals 693 suicide rates 651–2 youth 460 marijuana 129, 647, 649 marriage 586–7 massage 175 mastery goals 402–3 mastery motivation 394–5 masturbation 455 maternal blood sampling 108 maternal characteristics 132–5 maternal stress 134–5 maturation 11–12, 51, 168, 185–7, 189, 191, 224, 346, 496, 550, 623, 641 maximum life span 686–7 meaning 362 measles, mumps and rubella (MMR) 624 measurement 22 media 19–20, 451 medial 272 mediation deficiency 291 medication 637 meiosis 101, 103 melatonin production 194 memory 19, 74, 267–73, 294, 308–15, 327, 417 assessment methods 275 basic processing capacities 310–11 ‘bumps’ in 315 changes in memory knowledge? 291–2 changes in strategies? 289–91 changes in world knowledge? 292–3 contextual contributors 311–12 distortions 454 early abilities 285–6 effects of expertise on 292 explaining declines in old age 309–12

explaining development 288–93 impairment 707 improvements in 300–2 neural basis 272–3 processes 270–1 strategies 310 verbatim versus gist storage 296 memory consolidation 289, 301 memory stores 269–70 memory strategies 289–91 memory training and aids 660 menarche 186–8 menopause 200–1 menstrual cycle 98, 186, 188, 200 mental disorders 190 mental health 9, 21, 70 problems 192, 640, 705 reducing risks 632–3 mental mistakes 220 mental representations 703 mental states 492–3, 497–8 mental stimulation 19 mental tools 228 mercury 132 mercy killing 505–6, 679 mesoderm 122 mesosystems 13 meta-analysis 30–1 metabolic syndrome (MeTS) 196 metabolism 689 metacognition 291 metalinguistic awareness 399 metamemory 291–2, 301, 310 methylphenidate (Ritalin) 636–7 microsystems 12–13 midbrain 122 middle adulthood 5 middle age 9–10, 199, 304 middle childhood 5, 15, 176 middle ear infection 307 ‘middle-aged spread’ 196 midlife crisis 472 migration 123–4 mild cognitive impairment (MCI) 659 milestones 51, 169–71, 345, 382 milk 181 mimic 626 ‘mind blindness’ 493 ‘mind-mindedness’ 497 minds 225 mindsets 402 ‘minimally conscious’ state 679 Minnesota Twin Family Study 114 minority groups 462 ‘miracle babies’ 125 mirror neuron deficits 626 mirror neurons 496–7 mirror test 441–3 miscarriage 121, 136, 711 misuse 205 mitosis 101, 103 models 65 molecular genetics 114, 118 monozygotic twins see identical twins mood disorders 635, 656 moodiness 107

moods 553–4, 621 moral action 533 moral behaviour 507–8 moral cognition 449–50 moral development 57, 226, 525 issues 254, 498–9 perspectives 501–9 Piaget’s stages 503 theory comparisons 509 moral dilemmas 531 moral disengagement 507–8 moral emotion 502, 512 moral identity 518 moral reasoning 503–7, 518 changes in 518–19 Kohlberg’s stages 503–5 moral rules 514–15 moral socialisation 515–17 moral thinking influences 505–7 moral training 511–12 moral understandings 513–15 moral values 77 morality 465, 531–2 components 501 functions 508–9 morality of contract 505 moratorium period 458–9, 461 Moro reflex 168 morphemes 383 mortality 108, 702, 706 mother–child relationship 144 motives 430 motor development 169–73 motor disorders 617 motor experiences 166 motor milestones 169–71 motor movements 160 motor neurone disease (MND) 719 motor skills 396 as dynamic action systems 171–3 mourning 692–4 movement 278 multi-infarct dementia 661 Multimodal Treatment of Attention Deficit Hyperactivity Disorder Study (MTA) 637 multitasking 299–300 Munich Longitudinal Study on the Ontogenesis of Individual Competencies (LOGIC) 252 muscles 165, 177, 186 musical intelligence 332 mutation 107 mutually responsive orientation 512 myelin/ myelination 125, 160, 289 narcissism 433 narcotics 129 narrative identities 430, 434, 460 natural disasters 632–3 natural selection 78 naturalist intelligence 332 naturalistic observation 23–5 nature and nurture 11–12, 50–1, 61, 115–16, 193, 511, 524–6, 620, 631–3, 643, 689–90, 720

SUBJECT INDEX Copyright 2019 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. WCN 02-200-202

759

nature and nurture (Continude) attachment and 560–1 cultural/sociocultural variations 525–6 emotions and 550–1 interplay 12–15 nature–biology and heredity contributions 384–6 nurture–environment and learning contributions 386–7 theory-of-mind and 495–7 needs 69 negative affectivity 444–5 negative reinforcement 63, 523 neglect 523, 638 neglectful parenting 574 negotiation 506 neonatal environment 142–6 neonates, capabilities 166–9 nerve cells 123 nervous system 122, 125, 160–1 networking 20, 577–9 neural tube defects 133, 136 neural tubes 123 neurocognitive disorder 657 neuroconstructivism theory 226 neurofibrillary tangles 658 neurogenesis 197–8, 296 neurological abnormalities 626 neurological maturation 496 neurons 19, 119, 124, 161, 197–8, 626 neuroplasticity 19, 358 neuropsychological impairments 635 neuroticism 431 neurotransmitters 192, 525, 621, 635 New Zealand Dunedin Study 64, 449, 513, 520, 599, 646–7 newborns 576–7 capabilities 166–9 major reflexes 168 weight and length 164 nine dot problem 258 non-formal learning 418 non-functionality 699–701 non-physical punishment 64 non-shared environmental influences 113–14 non-verbal behaviour 25 norepinephrine 635 normal distribution curve 331 norms 7–8, 10, 169–70, 329, 620, 713 numbness 694, 707 nurture see nature and nurture nutritional condition 123, 133 obesity 119, 136, 180–5, 628, 660 ‘brain drain,’ halting 195 in selected countries (2015) 205 see also overweightness and obesity object concept 238–40 object permanence 238–40 observation 22–4, 49 observational learning 65–6, 450–1 obsessive compulsions 635 obsessive exercising 642 occupational success 359–61, 369 occupational therapy 17–18, 719 Oedipus complex 56, 59

760

oestrogen 158, 200 old age 10 older adults 595 ageing workers 476–7 integrity 472 intimacy 471 retirement 477–8 olfaction 283 Olweus Bullying Prevention Program 529 onlooker play 396 openness to experience 431–3 operant conditioning (Skinner) 62–4, 275 oppositional behaviour 631 optimisation 16, 302, 313 oral psychosexual stage 56–7 organic disability 366 organisation 221–2, 290, 384, 398, 549 organogenesis 122 orienting system 287 originality 352 orthogenetic principle 161–2, 171 ossicles (bones) 279–81 osteoarthritis 203 osteoporosis 202–3 otitis media 179–80, 307 ovaries 160 overextension 392 overimitation 65–6 overlapping waves theory 298 overregularisation 393–4 overstimulation 169 over-the-counter pain/fever reducers 129 overweightness and obesity 180–5, 193, 204–6 activity-related factors 183–4 addressing 184–5 diet-related factors 181–3 epidemic? 184 world prevalences 182 ovum 103–4, 107 oxytocin 560–1 Pa- keha- peoples 460 palliative care 717 parallel play 396 parallel processing 273 parental imperative 472 parent–child relationships 588–9, 639, 644, 720 parent-effects model 575, 631 parenting 442, 552, 635 co-parenting 590 ineffective 632–3 intergenerational transmission of 597–8 proactively 516–17 rigid and cold 627 styles 566, 573–5 see also grandparenthood parents 77, 512, 703 attachment to 580–1 cooperation of 639 gene expression, parental influence on 119 inside one’s head see superego losing a parent 676, 705

loss of a child 711–12 parental conversational style 295 quality of relationship with 462 sensitivity of 623 Parkes–Bowlby attachment model of bereavement 694–6 Parkinson’s disease 661 partial alphabetic phase 399 partner buffering 592–3 partners gay and lesbian partners and resilience 709 lack of 475 loss of 707–11 Pasifika people 164, 411 fast food/soft drink consumption 181 infant mortality rate 684 passive euthanasia 679–80 passive gene-environment correlations 116 passivity see activity and passivity paternal characteristics 136 paternal nutrition 136 Pathways Triple P Program (PTP) 600–1 pattern and face perception 278 patterns 278 peer drinking 648–9 peer groups 100 peer play 230 peer pressure 70, 190, 520 peer relationships 559, 572, 577–9, 581–4 peers 20, 88, 354, 444, 451, 456, 474, 506, 559, 577–9, 637, 703, 706 see also friends pendulum problem 250 perception 269, 494 perceptual reasoning index 330 perceptual salience 241–2 performance 236, 292 performance goals 402–3 perinatal environment 136–41 peripartum depression 143–4 permissive parenting 574 perseveration errors 290 personal distress 616 personal fable 254–5 personal resources 145, 715–16 personal significance 314 personality 114–15, 430, 462, 468–72 basic concepts and theories 430–5 changes 658 of children 446–50 components 55–6 conceptualising 430–9 coping style and 715–16 development and dynamics of see psychoanalytic theories stability 450 personality dimensions 431–3 personality scales 431–2 standardised 471 personality traits 525 continuity and change 468–71 ‘dark triad’ of 433 enduring 434 generalisable 435 person-environment fit 470

SUBJECT INDEX Copyright 2019 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. WCN 02-200-202

perspective, understanding of 245 perspective-taking skills 498–9 pesticides 132 PET (positron emission tomography) 679 ‘PFD syndrome’ 453 phallic psychosexual stage 56–7 phenotypes 105 phenylketonuria (PKU) 109–10, 365 phobias 67, 631 phonemes 382 phonics approach 401–2 phonological awareness 399–400 phonological memory storage 270 physical activity 10–11, 19, 181, 183–4, 188 physical development 3 physical environment 12, 51 physical functioning and capacities 681 physical maturation 641 physical punishment 64 physician-assisted suicide/dying 680–1, 718 physiological measurements 24–5 physiological needs 69 physiology 114 pincer grasp 170–1 pituitary gland (‘master gland’) 158, 160 placenta 121 plasticity 19, 120, 166, 168, 198, 628, 720 play 396–8 play therapy 230, 639 polychlorinated biphenyls (PCBs) 132 polygenic inheritance 106 polygenic traits 114 popularity 578–9 population 23, 38–9 positive growth, bereavement and 717 positive reinforcement 63 positive relationships 536 Positive Youth Development (PYD) 527 positivity effect 555 postconventional morality 505 postformal thought 76, 257 postnatal anxiety 143 posttraumatic growth 717 posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) 705 poverty 9, 88, 180, 202, 341, 566 ‘poverty of the stimulus’ (POTS) 385 power assertion 516, 518 practical intelligence 333–5 practice 313 pragmatics 383 prealphabetic phase 399 preconventional morality 504 prediction 16, 22 predispositions 12, 51, 163, 620–1 pre-eclampsia 131 preferential looking 275 pregnancy 97, 107–8, 121 ‘pregnancy hormone’ see progesterone preimplantation genetic diagnosis 108 prejudice 7, 461 premature babies 174 prematurity, Australia and New Zealand 135

premenstrual dysphoric disorder (PDD) 200 premenstrual syndrome (PMS) 200–1 premoral period 503 prenatal alcohol exposure (PAE) 177 prenatal environment 126–36 prenatal period 5, 103, 164, 166 prenatal screening 108 prenatal stages 120–6 preoperational stage 72, 222, 224, 241, 244, 247, 703 prepartum depression 135 presbycusis 308 presbyopia 304 preschool learning programs 395 preschool period 57 prescription medication 205 pretend play 240, 353, 387, 396–8, 494, 500 preventative interventions 633 pride 550 primary circular reactions 240 primary emotions 549 primitive reflexes 166–8 Privacy Act 1988 39 private speech 231–2 proactive parenting strategies 516–17 problem behaviour 631–2, 703 problem solving 72, 238, 260, 273–4, 308–15, 327, 406, 649 assessment methods 275 culturally valued 230 developments in 296–8 improvements in 300–2 procedural memory 272 production deficiency 291 progesterone 159 prognosis 369 Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA) survey 414–15 programmed theories of ageing 686–8 ‘prohedonic’ behaviour 553–4 proliferation 123–4 propositional thought 249 prosocial behaviour 502, 507–8, 510–11 prosody 383 protective factors 145, 633 provocation 523 proximity seeking 563 proximodistal principle 161 psychoanalytic theories 54–8, 60, 86–7, 433–4, 559, 713 psychoanalytic theory 502 psychological disorders 115, 653 adaptive functions 618 psychological distress ethnic differences 656 ‘subthreshold’ 655 psychometric approach 327, 370, 431 psychopathology 68, 618–20, 641 psychosexual stages 56–8 psychosocial development 3 psychosocial stages 58–9, 433–4 psychosocial theory (Erikson) 58–9 psychotherapy 662 value of 639–40

puberty 158–9, 176, 185–91, 194, 368, 642–3, 649 psychological implications of 188–9 timing of 188 punishment 64, 515 contrasted with reinforcement 63 punishment-and-obedience orientation 504 pupillary reflex 168 pupils 303 pushing 240 quality of life 11 quasi-experiments 28 question-and-answer technique 503 questioning 221, 503 questionnaires 17, 24–5 race 8, 460–1 racial groups 642 racial-ethnic-cultural identity 536 racism 81, 163, 460, 502 radiation 132 rage 691 random assignment 27 random samples 23 reaching 239 reaction time 347 reading 399–402 skilled/unskilled readers 400–1 teaching methods 401–2 see also literacy reading disability 401 real audience 255 reality 58, 494–5, 691 reasoning 221, 356, 503–7 recall 270, 286, 294, 302, 309, 315 recessive gene allele 104 reciprocal determinism 66–7 reciprocity 559, 572, 579 recognition 270, 309 red–green colour blindness 106 reflexes 166–7, 238, 562, 678 regression 58 rehearsal 290 reinforcement 63, 65, 68, 386, 405, 515, 523, 629 reintegrative stage 76 rejection 577–9, 638 relationships after the ‘honeymoon’ is over 587 caregiver–child 573–6 cause-effect 26, 30–1, 75 classes and subclasses/wholes and parts 245, 248 dysfunctional 635 mother–child 144 parent–child 639, 644, 720 peer 559, 572 perspectives 556–61 positive 536 sibling 557–9, 589 skills 230 social 549–61 between variables 25, 28 relativistic thinking 257, 259 religiousness 530, 534–6

SUBJECT INDEX Copyright 2019 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. WCN 02-200-202

761

REM sleep 168–9 remembering see memory reorganisational stage 76, 695, 707 repetition 389, 623 reporting 23–5 sexual abuse 456 repression 70 reproductive capability 185 reproductive system, changing 199–202 research 22, 223 culturally sensitive 39–40 developmental research designs 31–3 family therapy 644–5 on information processing 420 on intelligence 420 research ethics 38 research participants 38–9 researchers 40 resentment 691 reserve capacity 197 resilience 144–5, 633, 708–10 risk and 144–5 resistant attachment 564 resources 145, 409, 715–16 response times 307 responses 61, 404 restoration-oriented coping 696, 711, 715 restricted and repetitive interests/ behaviour 623 restricted interests 623 retinas 276 retirement 477–8 retrieval 270–1 reversibility 242–3 reversible dementias 661–2 rewards 192, 405 rhyming skills 400 right versus wrong 514 right-hemisphere functions 178, 199, 384 rights 505 of children 64 research participants, protecting rights of 38–9 violation of 514–15 right-to-die advocacy/cases 678, 682 risk 341 birth-related risks to health 173–5 resilience and 144–5 risk taking 192, 355, 641, 646, 653 risky behaviours 160, 191–3 rituals 623 rocking 623 role confusion 57 versus identity 59, 87 versus integrity 472 roles 430, 434, 436, 499–500 rooting reflex 167–8, 562 routines 623 rule assessment approach 297 rules 398, 406, 514–15, 553, 627 distinguishing among 514–15 ‘the earlier, the better’ 385 of language 393–4 see also universal grammar ruminative coping 649–50, 714 KICK 650

762

sadness 693 safe outdoor activities 184 safety needs 69 sample selection 23 samples 23 sandwich generation squeeze 588 sarcasm 495 savant syndrome 333 see also giftedness scaffolding 74, 230, 386, 408 scaffolding theory of ageing and compensation (STAC) 199 schema 221–2, 237 schizophrenia 134 school achievement 190, 354 see also academic achievement school refusal behaviour 49, 67, 70–1, 75, 81–3 school-age children 248 school-based prevention programs 653 schools classroom and school characteristics 406–7 effective 405–10 inclusive 409 school–work integration 413, 416 transitioning to high school 412–13 scientific method 22 scientific reasoning 250–1 scientific tasks 254 scrotum 186 secondary circular reactions 240 secondary sexual characteristics 187, 189 secular trend 187 secure attachment 564, 571 secure base 563 sedentary behaviours 183–4, 193 segregation 6, 365, 406, 450 seizures 178 selection 312 selective optimisation with compensation (SOC) 312–14 selective serotonin reuptake inhibitors (SSRIs) 639 self 296 adolescents 457–63 adults 466–78 children 59, 446–56 conceptualising 430–9 cross-cultural differences 435 infants 440–6 self-actualisation 69 self-actualisers 70 self-awareness 70, 440–2, 549–50, 623, 629 self-blame 638 self-concept 430–1, 441–2, 446–7, 457–8 self-conscious emotions 549–50 self-consciousness 189 self-control 449–50, 512–13, 551, 631, 641 self-efficacy 66, 577 self-esteem 11, 412, 447–9, 457–8, 467–8, 597 high 435 impacts in adulthood 468

low 703 multidimensional and hierarchical nature 448 partial genetic basis 449 positive and negative self-perceptions 431 self-esteem–performance reciprocity 449 self-evaluation 467 self-help groups 719 self-induced vomiting 641 self-recognition 441–3 self-regulation 507 self-representation 440–2, 446–7 self-righting 144–6 self-socialisation 452–4 semantic memory 271 semantics 383, 416 semenarche 186, 189 senile plaques 658 senility 198 sensation 269 senses 166 sensitive period 127–8, 166 sensitivity 385, 514, 623, 630 sensorimotor stage 72, 222, 224, 703 substages and intellectual accomplishments of 237–8 sensorimotor thinking 237–8 sensory experiences 166 sensory feedback 171–2 sensory register 269 sensory stimulation 404 sensory threshold 303 sensory-perception 268–85, 287, 289, 303–7 separation anxiety 563, 694–5 separations 569–70 sequential designs 36–7 sequential study design 259–60 seriation 247–8 serotonin 117, 636 serotonin imbalances 621 severe shyness 631 sex 436–7 with affection 465 biological construction 436 determination of 103–4 developmental disorders 437–8 happiness and 474 sex differences 76 sex hormones 129, 187, 199 sex-linked inheritance 106 sexual abuse 456 sexual activity, impacts of 415, 474 sexual attractiveness, loss of 705 sexual behaviour 455–6 changes in 465–6 initiation 456 sexual beings 443 sexual desire/urges 58, 473 sexual identity 437, 465 sexual maturity 185–7, 189, 191, 464 sexual orientation 112–13, 437–8 genetic basis 439 stability 438

SUBJECT INDEX Copyright 2019 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. WCN 02-200-202

sexuality 437–9, 455–6, 464–6, 474–5, 581 sexually risky behaviours 86–8 sexually transmitted illnesses (STIs) 86–7, 99, 474 shame 550, 638 shame and doubt versus autonomy 57, 59 shared environmental influences 113 sharing 230 short-term memory 269, 289, 310 sibling relationships 557–9 adult 589 sibling rivalry 558 siblings 112, 294, 340–1, 497, 711–12 developmental functions of 558–9 sign language 281–2, 381, 385 silent generation 32 single-gene-pair inheritance 104–6 size constancy 279 skills 235–6, 239 also under specific skill skimming 301 skin-to-skin contact 174–5 sleep apnoea 181, 201 sleep disruption 635, 657, 707 sleep patterns 166–7, 184, 193–5, 283, 301, 311 sleeper effects 285 sleep–wake cycle 167, 194–5 small for gestational age 173 smell 283 smiling 560, 562, 572 smoking 10, 205, 415, 661, 690 snacks 181 Snellen eye chart 277 social and communication deficits 623 social attitudes 475 social clock 7–8 social cognition 492–500 social cognitive theory (Bandura) 65–7, 507–8 social cohesion 406 social comparisons 447–8, 467–8 social conflict 635 social constructivism 74 ‘social contract’ stage 505 social deprivation 568–9 social environment 12, 51 social experience 558 social impairments 367, 623, 626 social influence 58, 226 social information-processing model (Dodge) 523–4 social interaction 228–30, 232, 386, 408, 441–2, 505–6 social learning 434 social learning theory 450–2 social norms 620 social order 504–5 maintaining morality 519 social pretend play 397 social referencing 551 social relationships 549–61, 584–5 social responsibility 70 social responsiveness 562–3 social services 653

social skills 629 social status 578 social stigmas 205 social support system 716 social systems 492, 556–9 social trends 6 social withdrawal 369, 703 social workers 20–1 social-conventional rules 514–15 socialisation 180, 442, 452, 517, 648–9 society 6 ‘greying’ of 10 norms 713 sociocultural context 700 sociocultural perspectives (of age and development) 6–9 sociocultural support 295 sociocultural theory (Vygotsky) 74, 228–34, 370, 419–20 socioeconomic risk factors 341 socioeconomic status (SES) 9, 163, 166, 179, 306, 345, 356, 362, 407, 411, 500, 520, 525, 631, 642 socioemotional selectivity theory 555–6 sociometric techniques 577–9 solitary play 396 somaesthetic senses 283–4 somatic (body) complaints 657 somatic symptoms 618 songs 230 sound 400 of language 382, 385 localising 280 producing 389 of speech see prosody spatial discrimination 328 spatial perception 278–9, 356 spatial–visual intelligence 332 species heredity 79, 470 specific learning disorder 617 speech 281, 382 sound and ‘melody’ of see prosody telegraphic 393 speech perception 282 sperm 101, 103–4, 107, 628 spina bifida 123 spinal cord 119, 123 spirituality 530, 534–6 stagnation versus generativity 57, 471 standard deviation 331 Stanford-Binet test of intelligence 329–30, 346 stapes 279 state-of-the-art behavioural treatment 637 static thought 244 statistical deviance 616 stealing 502, 515 stepping reflex 167–8, 171 stereotypes 7, 345, 358, 362, 451, 453, 468, 473, 475, 566, 623, 656 Sternberg Triarchic Abilities Test (STAT) 336 stillbirths 133 stimulants 129, 636–7 stimulating research 223 stimuli 61, 63, 678

Stolen Generations 548 stories 230, 400, 499 ‘storm and stress’ (adolescence) 18, 640–1 Strange Situation 563–4, 569–70, 581 stranger anxiety 563 strengths-based health approach 163–4 stress 20, 100, 134–5, 141, 188, 235, 366, 632, 653, 690, 703 resistance to 599 stressful life events 654 stress hormones 621, 705 stressors 20, 478, 641, 716–17 stress-response system 630 stroke 205 structured observation 24–5 subcultural differences 8–9 subject–verb–object (SVO); subject– object–verb (SOV) 385 substance abuse 635 substance use 190, 706 cascade model of contributors to 647–9 ethnic differences 647 genetic contributions to 648–9 substance use disorders 645–9 rates and effects 645–7 success 236 successful intelligence 335–6 successful mindsets 403–5 sucking reflex 166, 168, 560, 562 suicidality 640, 649–55 suicide 638, 653–5, 657, 685–6 a ‘cry for help’ 652 prevention, intervention and postvention 653 responding to 653 suicide rates 650–2 ‘summer learning effect’ (SLE) 407 superannuation schemes 477 superego 55–6, 86, 502 supportive postnatal environment 145 supramarginal gyri 384 surgency/extroversion 444–5 survival reflexes 166–8 swallowing reflex 168 swimming reflex 168 symbolic capacity 240 symbolic thinking 241–6 symbols 240, 292–3, 381–2, 384, 387, 400 see also words sympathy 510 synapses 160–1, 192 synaptic pruning 165 synaptogenesis 165, 191–2 synchronised routines 562 syntactic bootstrapping 390 syntax 383, 416 syphilis 131 systematic perceptual searches 288 systematic thinking 249–52 systemise 627 systems theories 78–82 taboo 718 tactile stimulation 283 talking see speech

SUBJECT INDEX Copyright 2019 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. WCN 02-200-202

763

targeted, optimal care 637 taste 282–3 taste buds 282 teacher quality 405–6 teaching 559 tearfulness 629 technology 19–20, 139, 230 telegraphic speech 393 telomeres 687–90 temper tantrums 631, 702–3 temperaments 114–15, 449–50, 517, 634 easy, difficult and slow-to-warm-up 443–4 genetic basis of differences 445 of infants 443–6, 449–50, 551 10-year Fast Track Project 525 teratogens 126–30, 166, 628 terminal drops 358 terminal illness 691, 701–4 tertiary circular reactions 240 test norms 329 testes 160, 186 testosterone 158, 201 testosterone replacement therapy (TRT) 201 tests of intelligence (Wechsler) 330–1, 346 thalidomide 127–8 thanatology/thanatechnology 682 theory 22, 49, 85 theory of attachment 694, 698 theory-of-mind 291, 396, 492–8, 514, 520, 626 thinking/thought 69, 72, 74, 160, 165, 173, 186, 199, 225, 228–30, 235, 237–8, 244, 249, 256, 259, 499, 508, 621, 708 tools of 230–2, 382 thinness 643–4 third variable problem 29–30 ‘three mountains’ task 245 three-stratum theory of intelligence 328–9 thyroid gland 160 timed tasks 309 time-of-measurement effects 34, 37 tobacco 129–30, 647 total brain death 677–8 touch 283 toxaemia 131 toxoplasmosis 131 ‘tracking’ 406 training 313 traits 51, 105–6, 114, 327, 341, 404, 430–3, 468–71, 525, 626 heritability of different traits 111, 114–15 stability 469 see also heredity; heritability

764

transactional model 576 transformational grammar 394 transformational thought 244 transformations 244–5 transgender people 437 transitivity 247–8 trauma 81, 145–6, 163, 716 trends 6 triarchic theory of intelligence (Sternberg) 333–6, 370 criticisms 335 trisomy 21 (Down syndrome) 107–8, 365, 492 truancy 49 trust versus mistrust 57–8 twins/twin studies 103, 111–12, 186–7, 340–1, 437, 439, 627, 635–6, 649, 660 ultrasound 108–9 unconditioned response (UCR) 61 unconditioned stimulus (UCS) 61 unconscious motivation 55 unconscious processes 60 underextension 392 unfamiliar/artificial content 309 unhappiness 703 United Nations Convention on Human Rights 38–9 universal grammar 384–6 universality 71, 224, 699–700 universality and context specificity 52–3 unmet needs 70–1 unoccupied play 396 unresponsive wakefulness syndrome 678–9 unsafe sex 646 unstimulating lifestyle 358 US Food and Drug Administration (FDA) 639 ‘use it or lose it’ principle 359, 475 utilisation deficiency 291 vaccination 175, 180, 624–5 values 409, 430 variables 25–6, 28, 252–3 vascular dementia 661 verbal comprehension index 330 verbal–linguistic intelligence 332 vicarious reinforcement 65 violence 143, 145–6, 193, 701–2 family violence 594–601 intergenerational transmission of 596 stopping 599–600 vision 275–9 basic visual capacities 275–7 depth perception 278–9

pattern and face perception 278 problems and loss 303–4 visual accommodation 276 visual acuity 276–7 visual cliff 279 visual habituation technique 511 visual perception 285 visual preferences 278 visual–spatial memory storage 270–1 vocabulary 11, 392, 395 vocabulary spurt 391 vocalisations 389, 560 vocational identity (adults) 475–8 vocations 475–8 voluntary euthanasia 680 voluntary grasp 167 waking patterns 166–7 walking 197 weight 176, 641, 644, 690 healthy 10, 184 weight gain 189, 193, 196, 704 weight loss 629 wellbeing 9, 18, 20, 64, 70, 180, 204, 463, 520, 536, 554, 585, 588–9, 594 identity and 464 Wernicke’s area 160, 384 white matter 192 whole people 720 whole-language approach 401–2 wholes and parts 245, 248 widows/widowers 708, 710, 717 willpower 512 wisdom 355, 362–3 withdrawal 631 word segmentation 388–9, 400 words 382, 388–92, 417, 654–5 meaning within see morphemes work 13–14, 76, 413 working memory 269–70, 294, 312, 330 World Health Organization (WHO) 142–3, 162 world knowledge 292–3 worthlessness 638 X chromosome 103–4, 525 Y chromosome 103–4 yearning 694–6, 698, 707, 710 Zero to Three Project 630 zone of proximal development 229, 342–3, 386, 400 zygote 98, 101, 120–1

SUBJECT INDEX Copyright 2019 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. WCN 02-200-202

Copyright 2019 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. WCN 02-200-202

Copyright 2019 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. WCN 02-200-202

Copyright 2019 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. WCN 02-200-202

Copyright 2019 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. WCN 02-200-202