Life in a Medieval Village 0062415662, 9780062415660

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Life in a Medieval Village 中世纪村庄的生活

Frances and Joseph Gies 弗朗西斯和约瑟夫·吉斯

To Dorothy, Nathan, and Rosie 敬多萝西，内森和罗西

Table of Contents 目录 Cover Page Title Page Dedication PROLOGUE: ELTON 1 THE VILLAGE EMERGES 2 THE ENGLISH VILLAGE: ELTON 3 THE LORD 4 THE VILLAGERS: WHO THEY WERE 5 THE VILLAGERS: HOW THEY LIVED 5 村民:他们是如何生活的 6 MARRIAGE AND THE FAMILY 6 婚姻和家庭 7 THE VILLAGE AT WORK 7 工作中的村庄 8 THE PARISH 8《教区》 9 VILLAGE JUSTICE 9 村庄正义 10 THE PASSING OF THE MEDIEVAL VILLAGE 10.中世纪村庄的消失 NOTES 注释 BIBLIOGRAPHY 参考书目 GLOSSARY 词汇表

INDEX 索引 COPYRIGHT ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Acknowledgments Other Books By 版权鸣谢其他书籍作者: Copyright 版权所有 About the Publisher 关于出版商

PROLOGUE: ELTON I tain village to which 在 HUNTINGDON 地区有一个村庄 N THE DISTRICT OF HUNTINGDON THERE IS A CER

far-distant antiquity gave the name of Aethelintone,” wrote the twelfth-century monk who chronicled the history of Ramsey Abbey, “on a most beautiful site, provided with a course of waters, in a pleasant plain of meadows with abundant grazing for cattle, and 1 rich in fertile fields.” 这位 12 世纪记录拉姆齐修道院历史的修道士写道:“远古时代给了 Aethelintone 这个名字，在一个最美丽的地方，有一条河流，在一 片宜人的草原上，有大量的牲畜在那里吃草，还有肥沃的土地。”1 The village that the Anglo-Saxons called Aethelintone (or Aethelington, or Adelintune), known in the thirteenth century, with further spelling variations, as Aylington, and today as Elton, was one of the thousands of peasant communities scattered over the face of Europe and the British Isles in the high Middle Ages, sheltering more than 90 percent of the total population, the ancestors of most Europeans and North Americans alive today. 在 13 世纪，这个被盎格鲁-撒克逊人称为 Aethelintone(或者 Aethelington，或者 Adelintune)的村庄还有更多的拼写变体，如今 的 Aylington 和 Elton，是中世纪上半叶散布在欧洲和不列颠群岛 上的数以千计的农民社区之一，这里居住着超过总人口 90%的人， 他们是当今大多数欧洲人和北美人的祖先。 Many of these peasant settlements were mere hamlets or scattered homesteads, but in certain large areas of England and Continental Europe people lived in true villages, where they practiced a distinctive system of agriculture. Because England has

preserved the earliest and most complete documentation of the medieval village, in the form of surveys, accounts, and the 许多这些农民定居点仅仅是小村庄或分散的家园，但在英格兰和 欧洲大陆的某些大面积地区，人们生活在真正的村庄里，在那里他们 实行一种独特的农业制度。因为英格兰保存了最早和最完整的中世纪 村庄的文件，在形式的调查，帐户，和

The River Nene at Elton. 埃尔顿的内内河。*

*

rolls of manorial courts, this book will focus on an English village. 卷的庄园法院，这本书将集中在一个英国的村庄。 Medieval villages varied in population, area, configuration, and social and economic details. But Elton, a dependency of wealthy Ramsey Abbey, located in the East Midlands, in the region of England where villages abounded and the “open field” agriculture associated with them flourished, illustrates many of the characteristics common to villages at the high point of their development. 中世纪的村庄在人口、地区、形态以及社会和经济细节方面各 不相同。埃尔顿是富裕的拉姆齐修道院(RamseyAbbey)的附属地， 该修道院位于英格兰东米德兰(EastMidlands)，在那里村庄比比皆是， 与之相关的“开阔地”(openfield)农业繁荣发展。埃尔顿展示了村庄在 发展高峰时期的许多共同特征。 Elton stands today, a village of about six hundred people, in † northwest Cambridgeshire. seventy miles north of London, where

it has stood for more than a thousand years. Its presentday gray stone houses cluster along two axes: one the main road from Peterborough to the old market town of Oundle; the other, at right angles to it, a street that ends in a triangular village green, beyond which stands an eighteenth-century mill on the banks of the River Nene. Smaller streets and lanes intersect these two thoroughfares. The two sections have long been known as 今天，埃尔顿站在剑桥郡西北部的一个约有 600 人的村庄里。 盐湖位于伦敦以北七十英里，在那里已经矗立了一千多年。它现在 的灰色石头房子沿着两条轴线排列:一条是从彼得伯勒到古老集镇昂 德尔的主要道路，另一条是与之垂直的街道，街道的尽头是一片三 角形的村庄绿地，远处是位于内内河岸边的一座 18 世纪的磨坊。较 小的街道和小巷交叉在这两条大道上。这两个部分长期以来被称为

Overend and Nether End. Nether End contains the green, with a Methodist chapel adjoining. Near the river here the construction of a floodbank in 1977 uncovered the foundations of the medieval manor house. Overend centers around the church, with its school and rectory nearby. At the southern limit of Overend stands the village’s tourist attraction, Elton Hall, a stately home whose gatehouse and chapel alone date as far back as the fifteenth century, the rest from much later. 欧沃森和尼瑟森。包括绿地，毗邻一个卫理公会教堂。1977 年在河 边建造的洪水堤揭开了中世纪庄园房屋的地基。欧沃恩围绕着教堂， 学校和教区牧师住宅就在附近。在 Overend 的南部边界，坐落着村里 的旅游胜地，EltonHall，一个庄严的家，其门房和教堂可以追溯到 15 世纪，其余的都是很久以后的事情了。 Two pubs, a post office/general store, and a garage comprise Elton’s business center. Buses and cars speed along the Peterborough-Oundle road. Some of the cottages, nestling in their neat gardens, are picturesquely thatched. Off beyond the streets, sheep graze in the meadows. Yet Elton, like many other English villages, is no longer a farming community. Most of its inhabitants work in nearby Peterborough, or commute to London. The family that owns Elton Hall operates an agricultural enterprise, and one independent farmer lives in the village; two have farms outside, in the parish. A few descendants of farm laborers live in subsidized housing on a Council estate. 埃尔顿的商业中心由两家酒吧、一家邮局/杂货店和一个车库组 成。公共汽车和小汽车在 Peterborough-Oundle 公路上行驶。有些 村舍依偎在整洁的花园里，顶上盖着风景如画的茅草屋顶。越过街道， 绵羊在草地上吃草。然而，像许多其他英国村庄一样，埃尔顿不再是 一个农业社区。它的大多数居民在附近的彼得伯勒工作，或者通勤到 伦敦。拥有埃尔顿庄园的家庭经营着一家农业企业，一个独立的农民 住在村子里;两个家庭在外面有农场，在教区里。一些农场工人的后 代住在社会福利住房的一个政府庄园里。

Except perhaps for the sheep, almost nothing medieval survives in twentieth-century Elton. In the northwest corner of the churchyard, inconspicuous in the shadow of the great square tower, stand the oldest identifiable objects in Elton, a pair of Anglo-Saxon crosses * found during a nineteenth-century restoration of the church. The present building is mainly the product of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries; only the stones of the chancel arch date from the thirteenth. 或许除了羊以外，二十世纪的埃尔顿几乎没有任何中世纪的东西 幸存下来。在教堂墓地的西北角，矗立着埃尔顿最古老的可辨认的物 品，一对盎格鲁-撒克逊十字架，它们是在 19 世纪教堂的修复过程中 发现的。*目前的建筑主要是十四和十五世纪的产物;只有圣坛拱门的 石头是从十三世纪开始的。 The oldest house surviving in Elton today was built in 1690. Medieval Elton, its houses, yards, sheds, and gardens, the smithy, the community ovens, the cultivated fields, even the meadows, marsh, and woods have vanished. Not only were medieval villages constantly rebuilt, but as forms of agriculture changed and new kinds of landholding were adopted, the very fields and meadows were transformed. 埃尔顿现存最古老的房子建于 1690 年。中世纪的埃尔顿，它的 房子，院子，棚屋，花园，铁匠铺，社区烤炉，耕地，甚至草地，沼 泽和树林都消失了。不仅中世纪的村庄不断得到重建，而且随着农业 形式的改变和新的土地所有制的采用，农田和草地也随之改变。

We know how villages like Elton looked in the Middle Ages not so much from modern survivals as from the recent investigation of England’s extraordinary archeological trove of deserted villages, victims of dwindling population, agricultural depression, and the historic enclosure movement that turned them from busy cropraising communities to nearly empty sheep pastures. More than two thousand such sites have been identified. Their investigation, based on a technique introduced into England during World War II by German refugee Gerhard Bersu, was pioneered in the 1950s by archeologist John Hurst and historian Maurice Beresford in the now famous Yorkshire deserted village of Wharram Percy. Excavation and aerial photography have since recovered 我们知道像埃尔顿这样的村庄在中世纪看起来与其说是来自现代的幸 存者，不如说是来自最近对英格兰非凡的考古宝库的调查，这些宝库 包括荒废的村庄、人口减少的受害者、农业萧条，以及历史性的圈地 运动，这场运动使得这些村庄从繁忙的种植作。目前已经发现了 2000 多个这样的遗址。他们的调查基于德国难民格哈德·贝尔苏在二 战期间引入英国的一种技术，由考古学家约翰·赫斯特和历史学家莫 里斯·贝雷斯福德于 20 世纪 50 年代率先在现在著名的约克郡荒凉的 村庄 WharramPercy 进行。发掘工作和航拍遗址至今已经恢复

Two crosses in the churchyard, dating from the eleventh century or the beginning of the twelfth, are the oldest monuments in Elton.

教堂墓地上的两个十字架，可以追溯到十一世纪或十二世纪初，是埃尔顿最古 老的纪念碑。

The deserted village of Wharram Percy. Only the ruins of St. Martin’s church still rise above ground, but street plan and layout of houses have been recovered.

荒芜的 WharramPercy 村庄。只有圣马丁教堂的废墟仍然矗立在地面之 上，但街道平面图和房屋布局已经恢复。

the medieval shape of many villages, the sites of their houses and enclosures, and the disposition of fields, streets, paths, and 2 embankments. 许多村庄的中世纪形状，它们的房屋和围墙的位置，以及田野、街道、 道路和堤坝的布局 The deserted villages, however, left few written records. These are rich, on the other hand, for many of the surviving villages. They document not merely details of the houses and holdings, but the names of the villagers themselves, their work arrangements, and their diet, recreation, quarrels, and transgressions. Much can be learned from the records of the Ramsey Abbey villages, of which Elton was one, and those of contemporary estates, lay as well as ecclesiastical. The documents are often tantalizing, sometimes frustrating, but supplemented by the archeological record, they

afford an illuminating picture of the open field village, a community that originated in the central Middle Ages, achieved its highest stage in the late thirteenth century, and left its mark on the European landscape and on Western and world civilization. 然而，这些被遗弃的村庄几乎没有留下书面记录。另一方面，对 于许多幸存下来的村庄来说，这些都是富有的。他们不仅记录了房子 和财产的细节，还记录了村民的名字，他们的工作安排，他们的饮食， 娱乐，争吵和越轨行为。从拉姆齐修道院村庄的记录中可以学到很多 东西，埃尔顿就是其中之一，那些当代的庄园，不仅有教会的记录， 也有教会的记录。这些文件往往是诱人的，有时令人沮丧，但补充的 考古记录，他们提供了一个开放的村庄，一个社区发源于中世纪，达 到其最高阶段在十三世纪晚期，并留下了它的印记，在欧洲景观和西 方和世界文明的照明画面。

1 THE VILLAGE EMERGES I very small town, 在现代世界里，村庄只是一个很小 的城镇, N THE MODERN WORLD THE VILLAGE IS MERELY A

often a metropolitan suburb, always very much a part of the world outside. The “old-fashioned village” of the American nineteenth century was more distinctive in function, supplying services of merchants and craftsmen to a circle of farm homesteads surrounding it. 通常是大都市郊区，总是外面世界的一部分。美国十九世纪的“老式 村庄”在功能上更加独特，为周围的农场提供商人和工匠的服务。 The medieval village was something different from either. Only incidentally was it the dwelling place of merchants or craftsmen. Rather, its population consisted of the farmers themselves, the people who tilled the soil and herded the animals. Their houses, barns, and sheds clustered at its center, while their plowed fields and grazing pastures and meadows surrounded it. Socially, economically, and politically, it was a community. 中世纪的村庄与这两者都有所不同。顺便说一句，这里是商人或 工匠的住所。相反，这里的人口由农民自己组成，他们耕种土地，放 牧牲畜。他们的房子、谷仓和小屋集中在中央，而他们犁过的田地、 牧场和草地环绕着中央。在社会上，经济上，政治上，它都是一个社 区。

In modern Europe and America the village is home to only a fraction of the population. In medieval Europe, as in most Third World countries today, the village sheltered the over-whelming majority of people. The modern village is a place where its inhabitants live, but not necessarily or even probably where they work. The medieval village, in contrast, was the primary community to which its people belonged for all life’s purposes. There they lived, there they labored, there they socialized, loved, married, brewed and drank ale, sinned, went to church, paid fines, had children in and out of wedlock, borrowed and lent money, tools, and grain, quarreled and fought, and got sick and died. Together they 在现代欧洲和美国，这个村庄只有一小部分人口。在中世纪的欧 洲，正如今天大多数第三世界国家一样，这个村庄保护了大多数令人 印象深刻的人。现代村庄是居民居住的地方，但不一定，甚至可能是 他们工作的地方。相比之下，中世纪的村庄是人们为了生活目的所属 的主要社区。他们在那里生活，在那里劳动，在那里社会化，爱恋， 结婚，酿酒和饮酒，犯罪，去教堂，缴纳罚款，有婚生子女和非婚生 子女，借钱和借贷，工具和粮食，争吵和战斗，生病和死亡。他们在 一起

formed an integrated whole, a permanent community organized for agricultural production. Their sense of common enterprise was expressed in their records by special terms: communitas villae, the community of the vill or village, or tota villata, the body of all the villagers. The terminology was new. The English words “vill” and “village” derive from the Roman villa, the estate that was often the center of settlement in early medieval Europe. The closest Latin equivalent to “village” is vicus, used to designate a rural district or area. 形成了一个完整的整体，一个永久性的农业生产社区。他们的共同 事业意识在他们的记录中通过特殊的术语表达出来:村庄或村庄的社 区，或村民的身体。这个术语是新的。英语单词“vill”和“village”来源 于罗马别墅，在中世纪早期的欧洲，别墅经常是定居点的中心。在 拉丁语中，与“village”最接近的词是 vicus，用来指代农村地区或地 区。 A distinctive and in its time an advanced form of community, the medieval village represented a new stage of the world’s oldest civilized society, the peasant economy. The first Neolithic agriculturists formed a peasant economy, as did their successors of the Bronze and Iron Ages and of the classical civilizations, but none of their societies was based so uniquely on the village. Individual homesteads, temporary camps, slave-manned plantations, hamlets of a few (probably related) families, fortresses, walled cities— people lived in all of these, but rarely in what might be defined as a village. 中世纪村庄代表了世界上最古老的文明社会----农民经济----的新 阶段。第一代新石器时代的农业学家形成了农民经济，就像他们的铜 器时代、铁器时代和古典文明的继承者一样，但是他们的社会没有一 个是建立在如此独特的村庄之上的。个人住宅、临时营地、奴隶种植 园、少数(可能有关联)家庭的小村庄、堡垒、有围墙的城市ーー人们 都住在这些地方，但很少住在可以被定义为村庄的地方。

True, the village has not proved easy to define. Historians, archeologists, and sociologists have had trouble separating it satisfactorily from hamlet or settlement. Edward Miller and John Hatcher (Medieval England: Rural Society and Economic Change, 1086-1343) acknowledge that “as soon as we ask what a village is we run into difficulties.” They conclude by asserting that the village differs from the mere hamlet in that “hamlets were often simply pioneering settlements established in the course of agricultural expansion,” their organization “simpler and more embryonic” than 1 that of the true village. Trevor Rowley and John Wood (Deserted Villages) offer a “broad definition” of the village as “a group of families living in a collection of houses and having a sense of 2 community.” Jean Chapelot and Robert Fossier (The Village and House in 事实证明，这个村庄并不容易定义。历史学家、考古学家和社 会学家一直难以令人满意地将它与哈姆雷特或定居点区分开来。爱 德华·米勒和约翰·哈彻(中世纪英格兰:乡村社会与经济变迁，10861343)承认，“一旦我们问什么是村庄，我们就会遇到困难。”他们的 结论是，村庄与纯粹的村庄不同，”村庄往往只是在农业扩张过程中 建立的先驱定居点”，他们的组织比真正的村庄”更简单、更具雏 形”2JeanChapelotandRobertFossier(TheVillageandHousein

the Middle Ages) identify the “characteristics that define village settlement” as “concentration of population, organization of land settlement within a confined area, communal buildings such as the church and the castle, permanent settlement based on buildings 3 that continue in use, and…the presence of craftsmen.” Permanence, diversification, organization, and community—these are key words and ideas that distinguish the village from more fleeting and less purposeful agricultural settlements. 中世纪)确定“定义村落定居的特征”为“人口集中，在一个封闭区域内

的土地定居组织，如教堂和城堡等公共建筑，基于继续使用的建筑物 的永久定居，以及...手工艺者的存在”3.永久性、多样化、组织和社区 ーー这些都是关键词和观念，它们将村庄与稍纵即逝、目的不明的农 业定居区区分开来。 Archeology has uncovered the sites of many prehistoric settlements in Northern Europe and the British Isles. Relics of the Bronze Age (roughly 3000 B.C. to 600 B.C.) include the remains of stone-walled enclosures surrounding clusters of huts. From the Iron Age (600 B.C. to the first century A.D.), circles of postholes mark the places where stood houses and sheds. Stones and 考古学在北欧和不列颠群岛发现了许多史前定居点的遗址。青铜 时代(大约公元前 3000 年至公元前 600 年)的遗迹包括围绕着一簇簇 小屋的石墙围墙的遗迹。从铁器时代(公元前 600 年到公元 1 世纪)， 柱洞的圆圈标志着房屋和棚屋所在的位置。石头和

Circle of megaliths at Avebury (Wiltshire), relic of Neolithic Britain. 埃夫伯里(威尔特郡)的巨石圈，新石器时代的英国遗迹。

Reconstruction of Iron Age house on site of settlement of c. 300 B.C., Butser Ancient Farm Project, Petersfield (Hampshire).

公元前 300 年，布特瑟古农场项目，彼得斯菲尔德(汉普郡)，铁器时代 住宅的重建。

ditches define the fields. Here we can first detect the presence of a “field system,” a historic advance over the old “slash and burn” agriculture that cleared, cultivated, then abandoned and moved on. The fields, delineated by their borders or barriers, were cultivated in 4 a recognized pattern of crops and possibly fallow. The so-called Celtic fields, irregular squares of often less than an acre, were cultivated with the ard, a sharpened bough of wood with an iron tip, drawn by one or two oxen, which scratched the surface of light soil enough to allow sowing. Other Iron Age tools included hoes, small sickles, and spades. The rotary quern or hand mill (a disklike upper stone turning around a central spindle over a stationary lower stone) was used to grind grain. Crops included different kinds of wheat (spelt, emmer), barley, rye, oats, vetch, hay, flax, and dye-stuffs. Livestock were cattle, pigs, sheep, horses, domestic fowl, and 5 honeybees.

沟渠决定了场的大小。在这里，我们可以首先探测到“田地系统”的存 在，这是一个历史性的进步，超过了过去的“刀耕火种”农业，清除， 耕种，然后放弃，继续前进。所谓的凯尔特人田地，不规则的方形， 面积往往不到一英亩，是用一根尖尖的削尖的木头树枝，用一两头公 牛拉出来的，这些树枝刮伤了轻质土壤的表面，足以用来播种。其他 铁器时代的工具包括锄头、小镰刀和铁锹。旋转磨盘或手磨(一种盘状 的上部磨盘，在固定的下部磨盘上绕着中心轴旋转)被用来磨谷粒。作 物包括不同种类的小麦(斯佩尔特小麦，二月)，大麦，黑麦，燕麦， 黄芪，干草，亚麻和染料。牲畜有牛、猪、羊、马、家禽和蜜蜂

A rare glimpse of Iron Age agriculture comes from the Roman 铁器时代农业的罕见一瞥来自罗马

Scratch plow, without coulter or mouldboard, from the Utrecht Psalter (c. 无犁刀或犁板的刮刀犁，见《乌得勒支诗篇》(。 A.D. 830). British Library, Harley Ms. 603, f. 54v.

公元 830 年)。大英图书馆，哈利女士 603，f.54v。

historian Tacitus, who in his Germania (A.D. 98) describes a farming society primitive by Roman standards: 历史学家塔西佗在他的《日耳曼尼亚》(公元 98 年)中描述了一个用 罗马标准来衡量的原始农业社会: Land [is divided] among them according to rank; the division is facilitated by the wide tracts of fields available. These plowlands are changed yearly and still there is more than enough…Although their land is fertile and extensive, they fail to take full advantage of it by planting orchards, fencing off meadows, or irrigating gardens; the only demand they make upon the soil is to produce a grain crop. Hence even the year itself is not divided by them into as many seasons as with us:

winter, spring, and summer they understand and have names for; the name of autumn is as completely unknown to them as are the good things that it can bring. 土地根据等级在他们之间进行分割;这种分割是由大片可用的土地 所促成的。虽然他们的土地肥沃而广阔，但他们没有通过种植果 园、围起草地或灌溉花园来充分利用这些土地;他们对土地的唯一 要求就是生产粮食作物。因此，甚至一年本身也没有像我们一样 被他们分成许多季节:冬天、春天和夏天，他们理解并且有名字; 秋天的名字对他们来说是完全陌生的，就像它可以带来的美好事 物一样。

Tacitus seems to be describing a kind of field system with communal control by a tribe or clan. The context, however, makes it clear that he is not talking about a system centered on a permanent village: 塔西佗似乎描述了一种由部落或氏族共同控制的田地系统。 然而，这个背景清楚地表明，他说的并不是一个以永久性村庄为 中心的体系: The peoples of Germany never live in cities and will not even have their houses adjoining. They dwell apart, scattered here and there, wherever a spring, field, or grove takes their fancy. Their settlements (vici) are not laid out in our style, with buildings adjacent and connected…They do not…make use of masonry or tiles; for all purposes they employ rough-hewn timber…Some parts, however, they carefully smear over with clay… They also dig underground caves, which they cover with piles of manure and use both as refuges from the winter and as 6 storehouses for produce. 德国人从来不住在城市里，他们的房子也不会与城市毗邻。他们 分开居住，散落在这里和那里，任何地方的春天，田野，或树林 需要他们的想象。他们的定居点(vici)没有按照我们的风格布局， 建筑物相邻相连......他们不......使用砖石或瓦片;出于各种目的， 他们使用粗凿的木材......然而，有些部分，他们小心翼翼地用粘 土覆盖......他们还挖掘地下洞穴，用成堆的肥料覆盖洞穴，用作 冬天的避难所和农产品的仓库 Tacitus here is referring to the two main house types that dominated the landscape into the early Middle Ages. The first was the timber-framed building, which might, as in his account, be covered with clay, usually smeared over a framework of branches (wattle and daub), its most frequent design type the longhouse or byre-house, with animals at one end and people at the other, often with no separation but a manure trench. The second was the sunken

hut or grubenhaus, dug into the soil to the depth of half a yard to a yard, with an area of five to ten square yards, and used alternatively for people, animals, storage, or workshop. 塔西佗在这里指的是两个主要的房子类型，主导景观到中世纪早 期。第一个是木结构建筑，正如他所描述的那样，它可能覆盖着粘土， 通常涂抹在树枝构成的框架上，其最常见的设计类型是长屋或小屋， 一端是动物，另一端是人，通常没有分隔，只有一条沟渠。第二个是 凹陷的小屋或格鲁本豪斯，挖入土壤深达半码到一个院子，占地五到 十平方码，用于人、动物、仓库或作坊。 The Roman occupation of Gaul, beginning in the first century B.C., and of Britain, starting a century later, introduced two types of rural community to northwest Europe. The first was the slavemanned villa, a plantation of 450 to 600 acres centered on a lord’s residence built in stone. The second was similar, but worked by peasants, or serfs, who cultivated their own plots of land and also 7 that of their lord. To the native Iron Age crops of wheat, barley, 罗马人对高卢的占领始于前 1 世纪，对英国的占领始于一个世纪 之后，将两种类型的乡村社区引入了欧洲西北部。第一个是奴隶住的 别墅，一个占地 450 到 600 英亩的种植园，中心是用石头建造的主 人住宅。第二种类似，但是由农民或农奴耕种，他们耕种自己的田地， 也耕种自己主人的田地,

flax, and vetch, the Romans added peas, turnips, parsnips, 8 cabbages, and other vegetables, along with fruits and the grape. Plows were improved by the addition of iron coulters (vertical knifeblades in front of the plowshare), and wooden mouldboards, which turned the soil and made superfluous the cross-plowing (crisscrossing at right angles) formerly 除了水果和葡萄之外，罗马人还添加了豌豆、芜菁、防风根、卷心菜 和其他蔬菜。8 铁犁(犁铧前面的垂直刀片)和木犁铧，使土壤变得干 燥，使得以前的交叉耕作变得多余(纵横交错)

Reconstruction of Iron Age longhouse (c. A.D. 60) at Iceni Village, IceniVillage 铁器时代长屋的重建(公元 60 年), Cockley Cley (Norfolk). 科克利·克雷(诺福克)。

practiced. Large sickles and scythes were added to the Iron Age 9 stock of tools. 练习。大镰刀和镰刀被添加到铁器时代的工具库中 The Romans introduced not only a craftsman’s but an engineer’s approach to farming: wells, irrigation systems, the scientific application of fertilizer, even consideration of the effect of prevailing winds on structures. The number of sheep and horses 10 increased significantly. The Romans did not, however, work any revolution in basic agricultural methods, and the true village remained conspicuous by its absence. In Britain, in Gaul, and indeed throughout the Empire, the population dwelt in cities, on plantations, or dispersed in tiny hamlets and isolated homesteads.

罗马人不仅引进了工匠的方法，而且还引进了工程师的耕作方 法:水井、灌溉系统、化肥的科学应用，甚至还考虑了盛行风对建筑 物的影响。然而，罗马人并没有在基本的农业方法上进行任何革命， 真正的村庄仍然因其缺失而显得突出。在英国，在高卢，甚至整个 帝国，人们居住在城市，种植园，或分散在小村庄和孤立的家园。 Sometimes small pioneering groups of settlers entered an area, exploited it for a time, then moved on, whether because of deficient farming techniques, a fall in population, military insecurity, or a combination of the three. 有时，一小群先驱定居者进入一个地区，开发了一段时间，然后 继续前进，不管是因为缺乏农业技术，人口减少，军事不安全，还是 三者兼而有之。

Archeology has explored a settlement at Wijster, in the Netherlands, dating from about A.D. 150, the site of four isolated farmsteads, with seven buildings, four large houses and three smaller ones. In another century, it grew to nineteen large and seven small buildings; by the middle of the fifth century, to thirty-five large and fourteen small buildings in an organized plan defined by a network of roads. Wijster had, in fact, many of the qualifications of a true village, but not permanence. At the end of the fifth century, it was abandoned. Another site was Feddersen Wierde, on the North Sea, in the first century B.C., the setting of a small group of farms. In the first century A.D. the inhabitants built an artificial mound to protect themselves against a rise in water; by the third century there were thirty-nine houses, one of them possibly that of a lord. In the fifth century it was abandoned. Similar proto-villages have been unearthed in England 11 and on the Continent dating on into the ninth century. 考古学家们对 Wijster 的一个定居点进行了探索，这个定居点可以追 溯到公元 150 年左右，当时这里有 4 个与世隔绝的农场，有 7 个建筑， 4 个大房子和 3 个小房子。在另一个世纪，它增长到十九个大的和 7 个小的建筑物;到五世纪中叶，在一个有组织的规划定义的道路网络中， 35 个大的和十四个小的建筑物。事实上，维斯特有许多真正意义上的 乡村的条件，但不是永久的。公元五世纪末，它被废弃了。另一个地 方是北海的 FeddersenWierde 前 1 世纪，这里是一个小型农场的所在 地。在公元一世纪，当地居民建造了一座人工土丘，以防止水位上升。 到公元三世纪，当地共有 39 座房子，其中一座可能是贵族的房子。 到了公元五世纪，它被废弃了。类似的原始村落在英格兰和欧洲大陆 出土，时间可以追溯到 9 世纪

The countryside of Western Europe remained, in the words of Chapelot and Fossier, “ill-defined, full of shadows and contrasts, isolated and unorganized islands of cultivation, patches of uncertain authority, scattered family groupings around a patriarch, a chieftain, or a rich man…a landscape still in a state of anarchy, in short, the

picture of a world that man seemed unable to control or 12 dominate.” Population density was only 用 Chapelot 和 Fossier 的话来说，西欧的乡村仍然“没有明确的 定义，充满了阴影和对比，孤立和无组织的耕种岛屿，零星的不确定 的权力，围绕着一个家长，一个酋长，或者一个富人的分散的家族群 体......一个仍然处于无政府状态的地方，简而言之，是一个人类似乎 无法控制或支配的世界的图景。”12 人口密度仅为

Foundation lines of walled Roman villa at Ditchley (Oxfordshire), with field boundaries and cropmarks. Ashmolean Museum.

位于 Ditchley(牛津郡)的罗马别墅的地基线，带有田野边界和钩形标记。 阿须摩林博物馆。

two to five persons per square kilometer in Britain, as in Germany, 13 somewhat higher in France. Land was plentiful, people scarce. 英国和德国一样，每平方千米 2 到 5 人，法国稍高一些。

In the tenth century the first villages destined to endure appeared in Europe. They were “nucleated”—that is, they were clusters of dwellings surrounded by areas of cultivation. Their appearance coincided with the developing seigneurial system, the establishment of estates held by powerful local lords. 10 世纪，欧洲出现了注定永存的第一批村庄。它们是“有核的”——也 就是说，它们是被耕作区包围的一群群住宅。他们的出现与封建领主 制度的发展相吻合，封建领主制度是由强大的地方领主建立的。 In the Mediterranean area the village typically clustered around a castle, on a hilltop, surrounded by its own wall, with fields,

vineyards, and animal enclosures in the plain below. In contrast, the prototype of the village of northwest Europe and England centered around the church and the manor house, and was sited where water 14 was available from springs or streams. The houses, straggling in all directions, were dominated by the two ancient types described by Tacitus, the longhouse and the sunken hut. 在地中海地区，村庄通常集中在一个城堡周围，在山顶上，由自 己的城墙包围，田野，葡萄园和动物围栏在平原下面。相比之下，欧 洲和英格兰西北部村庄的原型围绕着教堂和庄园住宅，住宅位于泉水 或溪流可以到达的地方。

Each occupied a small plot bounded by hedges, fences, or ditches. Most of the village land lay outside, however, including not only the cultivated fields but the meadow, marsh, and forest. In the organization of cropping and grazing of these surrounding fields, and in the relations that consequently developed among the villagers and between the villagers and their lord, lay a major historical development. 他们各占一小块地，周围是树篱、篱笆和沟渠。然而，村庄的大部分 土地都在外面，不仅包括耕地，还有草地、沼泽和森林。在这些周围 田地的种植和放牧的组织中，以及在随之而来的村民之间和村民与地 主之间的关系中，都有着重大的历史发展。 Crop rotation and the use of fallow were well known to the Romans, but how the application of these techniques evolved into the complex open field village is far from clear. The theory that the mature system developed in Germany in the early Middle Ages, diffused to France, and was brought to England by the Anglo-Saxons has been exploded without a satisfactory new interpretation gaining consensus. In Anglo-Saxon England a law of King Ine of Wessex (late seventh century) refers to “common meadow and other land divided into strips,” and words associated with open-field agriculture turn up in many other laws and charters of the Saxon period. Recent research has revealed common pasturing on the post-harvest stubble as early as the tenth century. Possible contributory factors in the evolution can be discerned. The custom of partible inheritance— dividing the family lands among children, or among male children— may have fragmented tenements into numerous small holdings that made pasturing difficult without a cooperative arrangement. A rising population may have promoted cooperation. The increasing need for land encouraged “assarting,” in which a number of peasant neighbors banded together to fell trees, haul out stumps, and cut brush to create new arable land, which was then divided among its creators. An assart, cultivated in strips, usually became a new

“furlong” in the village field system. A strong and enlightened lord 15 may often have contributed leadership in the enterprise. 农作物轮作和休耕的使用是众所周知的罗马人，但是这些技术的 应用如何演变成复杂的开阔地村庄还远远不清楚。中世纪早期德国发 展出的成熟制度经法国传入英国，由盎格鲁-撒克逊人带入英国的理论， 至今未能得到一个令人满意的新解释。在 20 世纪盎格鲁-撒克逊英格 兰，韦塞克斯国王艾内内的一条法律(公元 7 世纪晚期)指的是“普通的 草地和其他被分割成带状的土地”，与开阔地农业有关的词汇出现在撒 克逊时期的许多其他法律和特许状中。最近的研究表明，早在 10 世 纪，人们就已经在收割后的麦茬上放牧了。可以看出进化过程中可能 的促成因素。可分割继承的习俗——将家庭土地分给子女或分给男孩 ——可能已经将房屋分割成许多小块土地，如果没有合作安排，就很 难放牧。不断增长的人口可能促进了合作。对土地需求的不断增长鼓 励了“耕种”，一些农民邻居联合起来砍树、搬树桩、砍灌木，创造出 新的耕地，然后这些耕地被它的创造者瓜分。在村庄田间系统中，条 状栽培植物通常成为一种新的“弗隆”。一个强大而开明的君主可能经 常在企业中发挥领导作用

What is clear is that a unique form of agrarian organization gradually developed in certain large regions. “On most of the plain of Northern Europe, and in England in a band running southwest from the North Sea through the Midlands to the English Channel, the land lay in great open stretches of field broken here and there by stands 16 of trees and the clustered houses of villages.” This was the “champion” country of open field cultivation and the nucleated village, in contrast to the “woodland” country of west and southeast England and of Brittany and Normandy. In woodland country, farming was typically carried on in compact fields by families living on individual homesteads or in small hamlets. Neither kind of landscape was exclusive; hamlets and isolated farmsteads were found in champion country, and some nucleated villages in woodland country. 显而易见的是，一种独特的土地组织形式在某些大区域逐渐发展 起来。在北欧的大部分平原和英格兰的西南部，从北海穿过中部地区 到达英吉利海峡，这片土地分布在大片开阔的田野上，到处都是树木 和村庄的房屋与英格兰西部和东南部、布列塔尼和诺曼底的“林地”国 家相比，这里是开阔地耕作的“冠军”国家和有核村庄。在林地国家， 农业通常是在紧凑的土地上进行的家庭生活在个人的家园或小村庄。 这两种景观都不是独一无二的，冠军国家有小村庄和孤立的农庄，林 地国家有一些有核的村庄。

In champion (from champagne, meaning “open field”) country an intricate system evolved whose distinctive feature was the combination of individual landholding with a strictly enforced, unanimous-consent cooperation in decisions respecting plowing, 17 planting, weeding, harvesting, and pasturing. 在冠军国家(来自 champagne，意思是“开阔地”)，一个复杂的系 统逐渐形成，其区辨特征是在耕作、种植、除草、收割和放牧的决定 中，将个人土地所有权与严格执行、一致同意的合作结合起来 Scholarly controversy over the beginnings of the system has a little of the chicken-and-egg futility about it. Somehow, through the operation of such natural forces as population growth and inheritance customs on traditional farming methods, the community

organized its arable land into two (later often three) great fields, one of which was left fallow every year. Within each field the individual villager held several plots lying in long strips, which he plowed and planted in concert with his fellow villagers. 关于这个系统的起源的学术争论有一点“先有鸡还是先有蛋”的徒 劳之处。通过运用人口增长和传统耕作方法的传统习俗等自然力量， 社区把可耕地分成两块(后来往往是三块)大田，其中一块每年都休耕。 在每一块田里，村民们各自拿着几块长条状的土地，他们一起犁地， 一起种植。 Common agreement was needed on which large field to leave fallow, which to plant in fall, which in spring. To pasture animals on the stubble after the harvest, an agreed-on harvest procedure was needed. Exploitation of the scarce meadow available for grazing was at least smoothed by 需要就哪块大田休耕、秋种哪块大田、春种哪块大田达成共识。 对于收割后在茬子上放牧的动物，需要一个一致同意的收割程序。利 用稀少的可用于放牧的草地至少在年得到了平息

cooperative agreement, while fencing and hedging were minimized. 合作协议，而围栏和套期保值被最小化。 By the year 1200, the open field system had achieved a state of advanced if still incomplete development. Some degree of cooperation in cultivation and pasturage governed farming in thousands of villages, in England and on the Continent. 到公元 1200 年，开阔地系统已经达到了一个先进的状态，但仍 然没有完全发展。在英格兰和欧洲大陆的数千个村庄中，耕种和放牧 方面的某种程度的合作管理着农业。

The broad surge, economic and demographic, that marked the eleventh century continued fairly steadily through the twelfth and thirteenth. Settlements—homesteads, hamlets, villages—were planted everywhere. The peasant villagers who formed the vast majority of the population cultivated wheat above all other crops, followed by rye, barley, oats, beans, peas, and a few other vegetables. Low and precarious crop yields meant that most available land had to be consigned to cereal, the indispensable staff-of-life crop. The value of manure as fertilizer was well understood, but so few animals could be maintained on the available pasture that a vicious circle of reciprocal scarcity plagued agriculture. 标志着十一世纪的经济和人口的广泛增长在整个十二世纪和十三世纪 相当稳定地持续着。定居点ーー家园、村庄、村庄ーー无处不在。占 人口绝大多数的农民种植小麦，其次是黑麦、大麦、燕麦、豆类、豌 豆和其他一些蔬菜。作物产量低而且不稳定，这意味着大多数可用土 地必须用于种植谷物，这是不可或缺的生活必需品。肥料作为肥料的 价值是众所周知的，但是如此少的动物能够在可利用的牧场上生存下 来，这就形成了一个反向稀缺性的恶性循环，困扰着农业。 Yet there were notable improvements in technology. The heavy, often wet soils of Northern Europe demanded a heavier plow and

more traction than the sandier soils of the Mediterranean region. The large plow that evolved, fitted with coulter and mouldboard and requiring several plow animals, represented “one of the most 18 important agricultural developments in preindustrial Europe.” It favored the open field system by strengthening the bias toward long strips. 然而，在技术方面也有显著的进步。与地中海地区沙质土壤相比， 北欧沉重潮湿的土壤需要更重的犁和更大的牵引力。进化出来的大型 犁，配备犁刀和犁板，需要几种犁耕动物，代表了“前工业化时代的欧 洲最重要的农业发展之一”18 它通过加强对长条的偏爱，促进了开阔 地系统的发展。 The Romans had never solved the problem of harnessing the horse for traction. The padded horse collar, invented in Asia and diffusing slowly westward, was joined to other improvements— horseshoes, whippletrees, and traces—to convert the horse into a farm animal. Faster罗马人从未解决过驾驭马匹牵引的问题。马项圈是在亚洲发明 的，慢慢向西扩散，与马蹄铁、马鞭树和马迹等其他改良项目相结 合，使马变成了农场动物。更快

gaited and longer-working, the horse challenged the strong, docile, but ponderous ox as a plow beast and surpassed it as a cart animal. One of the earliest representations of a working horse is in the Bayeux Tapestry (c. 1087). The ox also profited from technical 19 innovation in the form of an improved yoke, and refused to disappear from agriculture; his slow, steady pull offered advantages in heavy going. Indeed, the debate over the merits of the two traction animals enlivened rustic conversation in the England of Queen Victoria, though the horse slowly won ascendancy. The horse’s needs for fodder stimulated cultivation of oats, a spring crop that together with barley, peas, beans, and vetches fitted ideally into open field rotation. Stall-feeding became more prevalent, permitting more use of fertilizer, while the leguminous fodder crops restored 20 nitrogen content to the soil. 马步履沉重，工作时间更长，它向强壮、温顺但笨重的牛挑战，把它 比作犁耕动物，并超越它成为拉车的动物。工作马最早的表现之一是 在贝叶挂毯(约 1087 年)。牛还从技术革新中获益，19 岁时，它的牛 轭得到了改良，并且不会从农业中消失;它缓慢而稳定的拉力使它在繁 重的行走中获得了优势。事实上，关于这两种牵引动物的优点的争论 使维多利亚女王时期英格兰的乡村谈话活跃起来，尽管这匹马慢慢地 赢得了优势。马对饲料的需求刺激了燕麦的种植，燕麦是一种春季作 物，与大麦、豌豆、豆类以及圆规一起适合在开阔地轮作。摊位饲养 变得更加普遍，允许更多地使用肥料，而豆科饲料作物则恢复了土壤 中的氮含量

The cooperative relationships of the peasants belonged to what might be called the village aspect of their existence; that existence also had a manorial aspect. In Northern Europe and in England following the Norman Conquest, the countryside came to be organized into land-management units called manors. The manor is usually defined as an estate held by a lord, comprising a demesne directly exploited by the lord, and peasant holdings from which he collected rents and fees. The village might coincide with the manor, or it might not. It might be divided into two or more manors, or it might form only part of a manor.

农民的合作关系属于他们存在的乡村方面，这种存在也有庄园方 面。在北欧和诺曼征服之后的英格兰，农村被组织成称为庄园的土地 管理单位。庄园通常被定义为由地主持有的地产，包括由地主直接开 发的领地和他从中收取租金和费用的农民财产。这个村庄可能与庄园 相同，也可能不是。它可以分为两个或两个以上的庄园，也可以只构 成一个庄园的一部分。 The combination of demesne and tenants, a version of which dates back to the late Roman Empire, is first specifically mentioned in documents of the ninth century in northern France, and in the tenth century in central Italy and England. By the eleventh century it 21 was well established everywhere. 私有制和佃农制的结合，可以追溯到罗马帝国晚期，第一次被明 确提到是在 9 世纪的法国北部，第十世纪在意大利中部和英格兰。到 了十一世纪，它已在世界各地广为流传 It fitted comfortably into the contemporary political-military order known as feudalism. Evolving in medieval Europe over a lengthy period and imported to England by 它很好地符合被称为封建主义的当代政治军事秩序。在中世 纪的欧洲经过一段漫长的时期演变而来，并于年传入英格兰

the Normans, feudalism united the European elite in a mutual-aid society. A lord granted land to a vassal in return for military and other services; lord and vassal swore reciprocal oaths, of protection by the lord, loyalty by the vassal; the vassal received as fief or fee a conditional gift of land, to “hold” and draw revenue from. Older historians, including Marx, used the term feudalism for the whole medieval social order, a peasant society dominated by a military, land-owning aristocracy. Modern usage generally restricts the word to the network of vassal-lord relations among the aristocracy. The system governing the peasant’s relation to the lord, the economic foundation of medieval society, is usually designated the “manorial system.” Feudalism meant much to the lord, little to the peasant. 诺曼时期，封建主义将欧洲精英团结在一个互助的社会中。领主将土 地授予附庸以换取军事和其他服务;领主和附庸发誓互相保护领主， 附庸效忠;附庸作为封地或有条件的礼物获得土地，“持有”并从中获得 收入。包括马克思在内的老一辈历史学家，用封建这个词来形容整个 中世纪的社会秩序，一个由拥有土地的军事贵族统治的农民社会。现 代用法一般把这个词限制在贵族阶级之间的藩属关系网络上。统治农 民与地主关系的制度是中世纪社会的经济基础，通常被称为“庄园制” 封建主义对地主意义重大，对农民意义不大。

The relationships embodied in the feudal and manorial systems were simple enough in theory: In the manorial system, peasant labored for lord in return for land of his own; in the feudal system, lord held lands from king or overlord in return for supplying soldiers on demand. In practice the relationships were never so simple and grew more complicated over time. All kinds of local variations developed, and both peasant labor service and knightly military service were increasingly converted into money payments. 封建制度和庄园制度所体现的关系在理论上相当简单:在庄园制 度中，农民为地主劳动以换取自己的土地;在封建制度中，地主从国 王或地主手中获得土地，以换取按要求提供士兵。实际上，这种关

系从来没有这么简单，而且随着时间的推移变得越来越复杂。各种 形式的地方差异发展起来，农民劳动服务和骑士服兵役都日益转化 为货币支付。 Whatever the effects of the two overlapping systems, they did not prevent villages from flourishing, until everywhere villages began to crowd up against each other. Where once the silent European wilderness had belonged to the wolf and the deer, villagers now ranged—with their lord’s permission—in search of firewood, nuts, and berries, while their pigs rooted and their cattle and sheep grazed. Villages all over Europe parleyed with their neighbors to fix boundaries, which they spelled out in charters and committed to memory with a picturesque annual ceremony. Every spring, in what were known in England as the “gang-days,” the whole population went “a-ganging” around the 不管这两个重叠系统的影响如何，它们并没有阻止村庄的繁荣， 直到各地的村庄开始互相拥挤。这片曾经属于狼和鹿的寂静的欧洲荒 野，如今在主人的允许下，村民们正在排队寻找木柴、坚果和浆果， 而他们的猪在生根，牛羊在吃草。欧洲各地的村庄与他们的邻居协商 确定边界，他们在宪章中详细说明，并用一个如画的年度仪式来纪念 这些边界。每年春天，在英格兰被称为“帮派日”的时候，所有的人都 围着“帮派日”转

village perimeter. Small boys were ducked in boundary brooks and bumped against boundary trees and rocks by way of helping 22 them learn this important lore. 村庄周边。为了帮助小男孩们学习这个重要的知识，他们躲在边 界的小溪里，撞在边界的树木和岩石上 A thirteenth-century European might be hazy about the boundaries of his country, but he was well aware of those of his village. 一个十三世纪的欧洲人可能对自己国家的边界模糊不清，但他很 清楚自己村庄的边界。

2 THE ENGLISH VILLAGE: ELTON B valleys of 到了十三世纪，富饶的河谷 Y THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY, THE FERTILE RIVER

Huntingdonshire, along with most of the best farmlands of England, had been continuously inhabited for at least five thousand years. The story of their occupation over these five millennia is the story of a series of incursions of migrating or invading peoples, in varying numbers, affecting the population at different levels and in different 1 degrees. 亨廷顿郡，以及英格兰大部分最好的农田，至少已经有人居住了五千 年。他们在这五千年中的占领故事，是一系列不同数量的迁徙或入侵 民族的入侵故事，在不同程度和不同程度上影响着人口 Native Paleolithic hunting communities were displaced in about 2000 B.C. by newcomers from the Continent who planted crops, founding the first British agricultural communities. Immigrants in the Bronze and Iron Ages expanded the area of settlement, making inroads into the poorer soils of the uplands and forested areas. 大约在公元前 2000 年，旧石器时代的本地狩猎社区被来自欧 洲大陆的新移民所取代，他们种植庄稼，建立了第一个英国农业社 区。青铜时代和铁器时代的移民扩大了定居点的面积，侵入了高地 和森林地区较贫瘠的土壤。 By the first century A.D. a modest agricultural surplus created a trickle of export trade with Roman Gaul, possibly contributing to the somewhat undermotivated Roman decision (A.D. 43) to send an army across the Channel to annex Britain. The network of

symmetrical, square-cornered fortifications built by the legionaries provided local security and stimulated economic life, which was further assisted by newly built Roman roads, canals, and towns. 到了公元一世纪，适度的农业盈余创造了与罗马高卢的小规模出 口贸易，这可能促使罗马人决定(公元 43 年)派遣军队横渡英吉利海 峡吞并不列颠。军团修建的对称的方形四角防御工事网络为当地提供 了安全保障，刺激了经济生活，新建的罗马公路、运河和城镇进一步 加强了经济生活。 One road, later named Ermine Street, ran north from London to York. At the point where it crossed the River Nene a city called Durobrivae was built. Many kilns from the Roman period found in the area indicate a flourishing pottery industry. Villas dotting the neighboring countryside 有一条道路，后来被命名为 ErmineStreet，从伦敦向北延伸到约 克。在它越过内内河的地方，建立了一个叫做杜罗贝斯的城市。在这 个地区发现的许多罗马时期的窑炉表明了一个繁荣的陶器工业。别墅 点缀着邻近的乡村

marketed their produce in the city. At one time it was thought that such villas belonged to Roman officials; now it is established that most belonged to a native class of Romanized nobles. Far more numerous were the farmsteads, mostly isolated, some huddled in 2 small, probably kinship, groupings. 在城市里销售他们的产品。过去人们认为这种别墅属于罗马官员;现在 人们认为大部分属于罗马化贵族的土著阶层。更多的是农舍，大部分 是孤立的，有些挤在一起，可能是亲属关系。2 Further traces of Roman agriculture have been found in Huntingdonshire along the edge of the fens as well as on the River Ouse. Across the border in Bedfordshire, on the River Ivel, aerial photographs show patterns of Roman field systems. The rich farmlands that bordered the fens became chief providers of grain for the legions in the north of England, transported through the fenland 3 rivers and Roman-built canals. 在亨廷顿郡沿沼泽地边缘以及 RiverOuse，人们还发现了罗马农 业的进一步痕迹。越过边界，在贝德福德郡的艾维尔河上，航拍照片 显示了罗马农田系统的模式。靠近沼泽地的肥沃农田成为英格兰北部 军团粮食的主要供应地，通过芬兰河和罗马人建造的运河运输 As multiple problems began to overwhelm the Roman Empire, 随着多重问题开始压倒罗马帝国,

Reconstruction of houses on site of Anglo-Saxon settlement (c. A.D. 500) at West Stow (Suffolk). Left background, sunken hut.

重建位于西斯托(萨福克)的盎格鲁-撒克逊人定居点(公元 500 年)的房屋。左边的背景，沉没 的小屋。

West Stow reconstruction. Round structure in foreground is poultry house.

前景的圆形结构是家禽舍。

the legions were withdrawn from Britain (A.D. 410). Trade and the towns fostered by it declined, the roads fell into disuse, and the new cities shrank or, like Durobrivae, disappeared. 军团从英国撤出(公元 410 年)。贸易和由此而建立的城镇衰落了，道 路荒废了，新城市萎缩了，或者像 Durobrivae 一样消失了。 Later in the fifth century a new set of uninvited foreigners came to stay. In the violent early phase of the invasion, in the south of England, the Anglo -Saxons wiped out native populations and replaced them with their own settlements, creating a complete break with the past, and leaving the old Romano -British sites, as in 4 Wessex and Sussex, “a maze of grass-covered mounds.” In the later stages, as the Anglo-Saxons advanced to the north and west, the occupation was more peaceful, with the newcomers tilling the 5 soil alongside their British neighbors. Scholars believe that some of

the Romano-British agricultural patterns survived into the Middle Ages, particularly in the north of England, where groups of estates 公元五世纪后期，一群不请自来的外国人来到这里。在暴力入侵 的早期阶段，在英格兰南部，盎格鲁-撒克逊人消灭了当地居民，取 而代之的是他们自己的定居点，创造了与过去完全决裂的局面，留下 了古老的罗马-英国遗址，如韦塞克斯和苏塞克斯，“一个由草覆盖的 土丘组成的迷宫。”在后来的阶段，随着盎格鲁-撒克逊人向北部和西 部推进，占领变得更加和平，新来者与他们的英国邻居一起耕种土地。 学者们认为，罗马-英国的一些农业模式一直延续到中世纪，特别是 在英格兰北部，那里有成群的庄园

administered as a single unit, the “multiple estate,” flourished.

6

作为一个单一的管理单位，“复合地产”蓬勃发展。6

West Stow reconstruction.

西斯托重建。

In the seventh century the newly melded “English” population converted to Christianity. In what historians have entitled England’s “Saxon” period, little other change occurred except perhaps a partial loss of Roman technology. The English agriculturalists cultivated the cereal grains and herded the animals that their Roman, Iron Age, and Neolithic forebears had known. Pigs, which could largely support themselves by foraging in the woods, were the most numerous livestock. Cows were kept mainly to breed oxen for the plow team; sheep and goats were the milk and cheese producers. Barley was the favored crop, ground up for baking or boiling or converted to malt—“the Anglo-Saxons consumed beer on an 7 oceanic scale,” notes H. P. R. Finberg.

公元七世纪，新近融合的“英国”人口转信基督教。在历史学家称 之为英国“撒克逊”时期，除了罗马技术的部分丧失之外，几乎没有发 生其他变化。英国农学家种植谷物，放牧他们的罗马人、铁器时代和 新石器时代祖先所知道的动物。猪是数量最多的牲畜，主要靠在树林 里觅食维持生计。牛被饲养主要是为了给犁队培育牛，绵羊和山羊是 牛奶和奶酪的生产者。大麦是最受欢迎的作物，被磨成粉用于烘焙、 煮沸或转化为麦芽——“盎格鲁-撒克逊人消费啤酒的规模达到了海洋 的规模，”h·p·r·芬伯格指出

A new wave of invasion was heralded by a piratical Danish raid in 793. In the following century the Danes came to stay. The contemporary Anglo -Saxon Chronicle recorded the landing in East Anglia in 865 of a “great heathen army” which the following year advanced north and west, to Nottingham and York. In 876, Viking leader Healdene “shared out the land of the Northumbrians, and [the Danes] proceeded to plow land to support themselves.” In 877, “the Danish army went away into Mercia, and shared out some of it, and 8 gave some to Ceowulf,” a native thegn, or lord. The territory the Danes occupied included the future Huntingdonshire. At first few in numbers, the Danish warriors were supplemented by relatives from Denmark and also by contingents from Norway and Frisia. 793 年丹麦的海盗袭击预示着新一轮的侵略。在接下来的一个世 纪里，丹麦人留了下来。当代的《盎格鲁-撒克逊纪事报》记载了一艘 “维京雄狮”于 865 年在东安格利亚登陆，第二年向北和西部挺进，到 达诺丁汉和约克。在 876 年，海盗首领希尔登“分享了诺森布里亚人 的土地，(丹麦人)开始犁地以维持生计。”公元 877 年，“丹麦军队进 入麦西亚，分享了一部分，并把一部分给了 Ceowulf，一个当地的领 主。”丹麦人占领的领土包括未来的亨廷顿郡。刚开始人数不多，丹麦 勇士还有来自丹麦的亲戚，以及来自挪威和弗里西亚的特遣队。

Late in the tenth century Alfred the Great of Wessex (849899) 10 世纪晚期的威塞克斯阿佛列大帝(849-899)

Saxon church of St. Laurence, Bradford-on-Avon (Wiltshire), founded by St. Aldhelm (d. A.D. 709). St.Laurence 的撒克逊教会，雅芳河畔布拉福(威尔特郡)，由圣·阿尔德海姆(公元 709 年)建

立。

organized a successful resistance to the Danes but was forced to conclude a peace which left them in possession of most of eastern England. 他们成功地组织了对丹麦人的抵抗，但被迫缔结了和平协议，使丹麦 人控制了英格兰东部的大部分地区。 The Danes having converted to Christianity, a number of monasteries were founded in Danish England. In about 970, St. Oswald, archbishop of York, and Aethelwin, ealdorman (royal official) of East Anglia, donated the land on which Ramsey Abbey was built, a wooded island in Ramsey Mere on which Aethelwin had a hunting lodge. 丹麦人皈依了基督教，在丹麦的英格兰建立了许多修道院。大约 在公元 970 年，约克总主教和东安格利亚的埃塞尔文捐赠了建造拉姆 齐修道院的土地，拉姆齐修道院是拉姆齐米尔的一个树木繁茂的岛屿， 埃塞尔文在那里有一个狩猎小屋。 Between the founding and their deaths in 992, Oswald and Aethelwin donated their own hereditary holdings to the abbey, added land obtained by purchase and exchange, and solicited donations from others, until the abbey held a large block of territory fanning out from the island of Ramsey through Huntingdonshire and 9 three adjacent counties. 从建国到 992 年去世，Oswald 和 Aethelwin 将他们自己的世袭 财产捐献给了修道院，增加了通过购买和交换获得的土地，并从其他 人那里寻求捐赠，直到修道院拥有了从拉姆齐岛到亨廷顿郡和其他三 个相邻郡的一大片区域 A property that was given to the abbey a few years after the death of the founders was the manor and village of Elton. The origin of the name of the settlement that had grown up near the site of vanished Durobrivae is conjectural. The suffix tun or ton (fence or enclosure in Anglo-Saxon) had broadened its meaning to become

“homestead” and finally “collection of homesteads,” or “village”; the suffix inga, combined with a personal name, indicated the followers or kinsmen of a leader. Originally spelled “Aethelington” or “Ailington,” Elton’s name has been explained as either “Ella’s village,” or “the 10 village of the Aethelings,” or “the village of Aethelheah’s people.” 在创始人去世几年后，一份财产被送给了修道院，那就是埃尔顿 的庄园和村庄。对于在消失的杜罗巴哥遗址附近发展起来的聚落的名 称来源进行了推测。Tun 或 ton 后缀(盎格鲁-撒克逊时期的篱笆或围 墙)扩大了它的含义，成为“homestead”，最后成为 “collectionofhomesteads”或“village”;inga 后缀加上个人名称，表示领 导人的追随者或亲属。埃尔顿的名字最初拼写为“埃塞林顿”或“艾林顿”， 后来被解释为“埃拉的村庄”或“埃塞林斯的村庄”或“Aethelheah 人的村 庄”图 10 The benefactor who donated Elton to the abbey was a prelate named Aetheric, who was among the first students educated at Ramsey. During his school days, Aetheric and three other boys as a prank tried to ring the great bell in the west tower and broke its rim. The monks angrily urged punishment, but the abbot declared that since the boys 捐赠埃尔顿给修道院的捐助者是一位名叫埃特里克的高级教士， 他是在拉姆齐受教育的第一批学生之一。在他的学生时代，aeteric 和 其他三个男孩恶作剧，试图敲响西塔的大钟，并打破了它的边缘。僧 侣们愤怒地要求惩罚，但是方丈宣布，既然男孩们

were well-born, they would probably repay the abbey a hundred 11 times when they “arrived at the age of maturity.” 出身名门，当他们“到达成熟年龄”时，他们可能会无数次回报修道院 图 11 The Ramsey Abbey chronicler then relates Aetheric’s fulfillment of the prophecy. Elton was by now (early eleventh century) a flourishing village with an Anglo-Saxon lord; when he died, 拉姆齐修道院的编年史记录者随后叙述了埃西瑞克实现预言的过 程。埃尔顿现在(11 世纪初)是一个由盎格鲁-撒克逊领主统治的繁荣的 村庄,

his widow married a Danish noble named Dacus. In 1017 Aetheric, now bishop of Dorchester, joined an escort traveling with King Cnut “to the ends of the kingdom.” When the party stopped to spend the night in Nassington, a few miles northwest of Elton, Aetheric and four of the king’s secretaries were lodged at Elton in Dacus’s manor house. 他的遗孀嫁给了一个名叫达库斯的丹麦贵族。1017 年，现任多切斯特 主教的埃瑟里克加入了陪同克努特国王前往“王国尽头”的护卫队当他 们停下来在距离埃尔顿西北部几英里的纳辛顿过夜时，埃西里奇和国 王的四个书记就住在埃尔顿的达库斯庄园里。 In the course of a festive evening, Dacus talked expansively of the cattle and sheep that grazed his meadows, the plows that cultivated his fields, and the rents the village paid him. Aetheric remarked that he would like to buy such a manor. Dacus had no intention of selling, but told his guest, “If tomorrow at dawn you give me fifty golden marks, I will turn the village over to you.” The bishop called on the king’s secretaries to witness the offer and asked if Dacus’s wife agreed to it. The wife gave her assent. Host and guests retired, but Aetheric mounted a horse and rode to Nassington, where he found the king playing chess “to relieve the tedium of the long night.” Cnut listened sympathetically and ordered a quantity of gold to be sent to Elton. At dawn Aetheric wakened Dacus and triumphantly presented him with the money. Dacus tried to renege, on the grounds that a contract damaging to an heir—his wife— was invalid. But the witnesses swore that the woman had ratified the pact, and when the dispute was submitted to the king, Cnut pronounced in favor of Aetheric. The wife made a last protest, that the village’s two mills were not included in the sale and merited another two golden marks, but her claim was rejected. Packing their furniture and belongings, the outwitted couple departed with their household and their animals, leaving “bare walls” to the new lord. 在一个欢乐的夜晚，达库斯滔滔不绝地谈论着牧场上的牛羊，耕 地的犁，以及村子给他的租金。伊特里奇说他想买下这样一座庄园。 达库斯本无意出售，但他对客人说:“如果明天黎明你给我五十马克， 我就把村子交给你。”主教要求国王的秘书们见证这个提议，并询问达 库斯的妻子是否同意。妻子表示同意。主人和客人们都退下了，但是

埃西里奇骑上马来到了纳辛顿，在那里他发现国王在下棋“来缓解漫长 夜晚的单调。”克努特同情地听着，命令把一批黄金运往埃尔顿。天一 亮，恶魔唤醒了达库斯，得意洋洋地把钱交给了他。达库斯试图反悔， 理由是一份对继承人(他的妻子)不利的合同无效。但是目击者发誓说 那个女人已经批准了协议，当争端提交给国王时，克努特宣布支持 Aetheric。妻子做了最后一次抗议，说村里的两个磨坊没有包括在出 售中，应该得到另外两个金马克，但她的要求被拒绝了。这对聪明的 夫妇收拾好家具和财物，带着家人和牲畜离开了，把“光秃秃的墙”留 给了新领主。

What Aetheric had initially intended to do with his acquisition we are not told, but he soon found a use for it. Obtaining the king’s permission, he left the retinue and visited Ramsey. There, to his dismay, he found the monastery in a turmoil. The current abbot had neglected the discipline of the monks and allowed them to fall into “error” 我们不知道埃瑟里克最初打算如何处理这笔收购，但他很快就发 现了这笔交易的用处。在得到国王的许可后，他离开随从，去拜访拉 姆齐。令他沮丧的是，他发现修道院一片混乱。现在的方丈忽视了僧 侣的纪律，任由他们犯“错误”

(the chronicler gives no details). Aetheric entered the chapter “threatening and roaring and brandishing anathema unless they amended their ways.” The monks “threw themselves at his feet with tearful prayers.” In reward for their repentance, Aetheric assigned 12 them the village of Elton “in perpetuity for their sustenance.” Thus Elton came to belong to Ramsey Abbey as one of its “conventual” or “home” manors, designed for the monks’ support. (编年史家没有给出任何细节)。伊特瑞克进入了“威胁、咆哮和挥舞诅 咒的一章，除非他们改变他们的方式。”僧侣们“热泪盈眶地拜倒在他 的脚下”作为对他们悔改的回报，艾西瑞克把他们“永远”安置在埃尔顿 的一个村庄里，以维持他们的生计 12 因此，埃尔顿成为拉姆齐修道 院的一员，成为其“修道院”或“家庭”庄园之一，专为僧侣们设计。 Danish political power ceased in England in 1042, but the Danish presence survived in many details of language and custom. Danish suffixes—thorpe (hamlet), toft (homestead), holm (water meadow)—were common in the Elton neighborhood, including the names of Elton’s own meadows and field divisions. The local administrative area was Norman (Northman) Cross Hundred, after a cross that stood on Ermine Street in the center of the hundred (district), probably marking the site where the hundred court met in the open air. The hundred was a division of the shire or county, part of a system of administration that had developed in the ninth and tenth centuries. Theoretically containing 100 hides, tax units each of about 120 acres, the hundreds were made up of “vills”—villages or townships. The village represented a physical reality alongside the institutional reality of the manor, the lord’s estate. The two did not necessarily coincide, as they did in Elton. Throughout Huntingdonshire only 29 of 56 villages were identical with 13 manors. The village remained a permanent political entity, a territorial unit of the kingdom, subject to the royal government for military and police purposes. 丹麦的政治权力在 1042 年停止在英格兰，但丹麦的存在在许多 细节的语言和习俗。丹麦语后缀 thorpe(hamlet)、toft(homestead)、 holm(watermeadow)在埃尔顿社区很常见，包括埃尔顿自己的草地和 田地区的名字。当地的行政区域是诺曼(诺斯曼)克罗斯百，在一个十

字架后，站在 ErmineStreet 的中心的百(区)，可能标志着场地的百法 院会见在户外。这一百人是郡的一个分支，是九世纪和十世纪发展起 来的行政体系的一部分。理论上每 120 英亩左右就有 100 个纳税单 位，数百个纳税单位是由“村庄”(即村庄或镇)组成的。这个村庄代表 了物质现实和庄园的制度现实，庄园是领主的财产。这两个国家并不 一定像在埃尔顿那样重合。在整个亨廷顿郡，56 个村庄中只有 29 个 与庄园完全相同。

The Anglo-Saxon and Scandinavian invasions had involved mass movements of peoples. The Norman Conquest of 1066 was more like the Roman conquest, the intrusion of a small power group. Where the Anglo-Saxons and Danes had displaced whole regional populations, the Normans at first 盎格鲁-撒克逊人和斯堪的纳维亚人的入侵卷入了大规模的民族运动。 1066 年的诺曼征服更像是罗马人的征服，一个小的权力集团的入侵。 盎格鲁-撒克逊人和丹麦人已经取代了整个地区的人口，诺曼人首先

scarcely disturbed the life of the peasants. Ultimately, however, they wrought an alteration in the social and political system that affected nearly everybody. 几乎没有打扰农民的生活。然而，最终，他们在社会和政治制 度上带来了改变，影响了几乎所有人。 Both the feudal and manorial systems were present in some degree and in some regions of England at the time of the Conquest; what the Normans did amounted to performing a shotgun marriage of the two and imposing them on all parts of the country. William the Conqueror appointed himself landlord of England and deputized a number of his principal followers as tenants-in-chief to hold most of it for him, supplanting the Anglo-Saxon nobles who formed the pre-Conquest elite. 在被征服时，封建制度和庄园制度在某种程度上都存在于英格 兰的某些地区;诺曼人的所作所为无异于将两者奉行奉子成婚，并将 它们强加于全国各地。威廉一世自封为英格兰的地主，并任命他的 一些主要追随者为主要佃户，代替征服前形成精英阶层的盎格鲁-撒 克逊贵族掌管大部分土地。 The great ecclesiastical estates, such as Ramsey Abbey, remained relatively untouched unless they had aided the AngloSaxon resistance, as in the case of the neighboring abbeys of Ely and Peterborough. Ramsey was explicitly confirmed in its holdings: 如拉姆齐修道院(RamseyAbbey)这样的教会大庄园相对而言没有 受到影响，除非它们帮助了盎格鲁-撒克逊人的抵抗，就像邻近的伊利 修道院和彼得伯勒修道院一样。拉姆齐的持股明确证实: William, King of the English, to Archbishop Lanfranc and his bishops, and Abbot Baldwin, and the sheriffs, and certain of his faithful, French and English, greeting. Know that I concede to Herbert, Abbot of Ramsey, his sac, and tol and team, and infangenetheof [rights to tolls, fees, and certain judicial profits],

in the town and outside, and all his customs, which his antecessor had in the time of King Edward. Witnesses: Robert, 14 Count of Mortain, per Roger Bigod. 英国国王威廉，向兰弗兰克大主教和他的主教们，鲍德温修道院 院长和治安官们，以及他的一些忠实的法国和英国人问候。你要 知道，我已经向赫伯特、拉姆齐的修道院院长、他的部下、托尔 和他的团队让步了，并且在城里和城外宣布了通行费、费用和某 些司法利益的使用权，以及他的前任在爱德华国王时期的所有风 俗。证人:罗伯特，莫尔坦伯爵 William’s tenants-in-chief in turn deputized followers of their own. Finding the manorial unit a convenient instrument, they used it where it was already at hand, imposed it where it was not, and effected whatever Procrustean alterations were needed with an unceremonious disregard for the affected locals. “Many a Norman newcomer did not find a manor equipped with a demesne [the lord’s own arable land],” says Barbara Dodwell, or with 威廉的房客们的首席代理人则是他们自己的追随者。他们发现庄 园管理单元是一种方便的工具，于是就把它放在已经在手边的地方， 把它放在不在手边的地方，然后对受影响的当地人毫不客气地进行普 罗克鲁斯特公司需要的任何改动。“许多诺曼第的新来者并没有发现一 个庄园配有领地(领主自己的耕地)，”芭芭拉·多德威尔说

“villein tenements owing week-work [a tenant’s year-round labor obligation]…but rather a large number of petty tenants and 15 cottagers, some free, some semi-free, some servile.” In such a case, the new lord arbitrarily appropriated land for a demesne and conscripted the needed labor. A fundamental Norman legal principle, “No land without a lord,” was enunciated and given substance via the manorial system. ”佃户欠周工[佃户全年的劳动义务]...而是大量的小佃户和农民，有 些是自由的，有些是半自由的，有些是奴仆的”15 在这种情况下，新 地主任意占用土地建立私有领地，并征召所需的劳动力。一个基本 的诺曼法律原则，“没有地主就没有土地”，通过庄园制被阐明和赋予 实质内容。 As William equipped his tenants-in-chief with collections of manors, and they in turn bestowed them on their vassals, a variety of lordships resulted, with a pyramid of military obligations. Ramsey Abbey’s knight services were for unknown reasons light: although Ramsey was the fourth wealthiest ecclesiastical landholder in England, it owed only four knights. The burden of supporting the four, or of hiring substitutes, was shared among certain of the 16 manors. 当威廉王子用庄园来装备他的主要佃户时，他们反过来又把庄园 分给他们的附庸，结果就产生了各种各样的爵位，有着军事义务的金 字塔。拉姆齐修道院的骑士服务出于未知的原因变得轻松:尽管拉姆齐 是英格兰第四大最富有的教会土地所有者，但它只欠了四个骑士。支 持这四个人的负担，或雇用替补人员的负担，由某些庄园分担 As it turned out, the abbey might have done better immediately to endow knights with estates in return for military service—to create “knights’ fees.” The lack of clear-cut military tenures encouraged knights to settle illegally on abbey lands. Two sister villages of Elton, also bestowed on Ramsey Abbey by Bishop Aetheric, were seized by a knight named Pagan Peverel, a veteran of the First Crusade. The abbey protested and the suit was heard in Slepe, the village where St. Ives was buried and which soon after took his name. The biographer of St. Ives recorded with satisfaction that not only was

justice rendered and the property returned to Ramsey Abbey, but that Pagan Peverel was further punished on his way home: 事实证明，这座修道院如果立即赋予骑士地产以换取服兵役—— 创造“骑士费用”，可能会做得更好由于缺乏明确的军事任期，骑士们 不得不在修道院的土地上非法定居。埃尔顿的两个姐妹村庄，也是埃 特西里奇主教赠予拉姆齐修道院的，被第一次十字军东征的老兵，名 叫 PaganPeverel 的骑士占领。修道院提出抗议，这场诉讼在 Slepe 传开了，这个村庄就是 St.Ives 被埋葬的地方，不久就以他的名字命名。 圣艾夫斯的传记作者满意地记录道，不仅正义得到伸张，财产归还拉 姆齐修道院，而且帕甘·佩维列尔在回家的路上还受到了进一步的惩罚:

On that same day, before Pagan arrived at his lodging, the horse on which he was riding had its feet slip from under it and fell three times to the ground…and a hawk which he was holding was shaken from his hand and made for the wood in swift flight, never to return. The horse of the priest who was traveling with him slipped 同一天，在蒲甘到达他的住处之前，他所骑的那匹马的脚从下 面滑了下来，摔在地上三次......他手里握着的一只鹰被他摇晃着， 飞快地飞向树林，再也没有回来。和他一起旅行的牧师的马滑 倒了

and fell as well, and its neck being broken—although the priest was unharmed—it breathed its last. There was also Pagan’s steward, called Robert, who came in for a more deserved punishment, because…most faithful to his master, he had given approval and assistance to the man’s wickedness. 它也倒下了，它的脖子也被扭断了，虽然神父没有受伤，但它还 是咽下了最后一口气。还有异教徒的管家罗伯特，他受到了更应 得的惩罚，因为......他对他的主人最忠诚，他赞成并帮助了这个 人的邪恶行为。 Robert succumbed to a serious illness but was cured after praying at St. Ives’s shrine.

17

罗伯特死于一种严重的疾病，但在圣艾夫斯神殿祈祷后痊愈了 Twenty years after the Conquest, to the inestimable profit of historians, was compiled the survey known as the Domesday Book, which one historian has called “probably the most remarkable 18 statistical document in the history of Europe.” Executed at the orders of William the Conqueror, the Domesday survey undertook to inventory all the wealth of England, to assure efficient tax collection. Consequently, after a long age of informational darkness, a floodlight of valuable data illuminates the English scene. After Domesday, the light dims once more, until almost as suddenly in the late twelfth century written manorial surveys make their appearance, and in the middle of the thirteenth manorial court records. 对历史学家来说，英国征服欧洲 20 年后，编写了一份名为《末日审 判书》(DomesdayBook)的调查报告，历史学家称之为“可能是欧洲历 史上最引人注目的统计文件”18.根据威廉一世的命令，土地调查委员 会着手盘点英格兰的所有财富，以确保有效的税收。因此，在信息黑 暗的漫长时期之后，一束有价值的数据照亮了英国的景象。末日审判 结束后，光线再次暗淡下来，直到十二世纪晚期，几乎同样突然的书 面采访记录出现在第十三次采访法庭记录中间。

Domesday Book records about 275,000 heads of households, indicating a total English population of some one and a half to two million, much above early medieval times (though some scholars think that population was higher in late Roman times). Settlements— homesteads, hamlets, villages—already dotted the landscape. In Yorkshire, five out of six of all hamlets and villages had been founded by the time of Domesday. 《末日审判书》(DomesdayBook)记载了大约 27.5 万户主家庭， 显示英国总人口约为 150 万至 200 万，远远超过中世纪早期(尽管一 些学者认为，罗马晚期的人口更多)。定居点ーー家园、村庄、村庄ー ー已经星罗棋布。在约克郡，在末日审判时，六个村庄中有五个已经 建成。 The Domesday surveyors, proceeding from village to village and calling on lords and peasants to furnish them with information, confronted the difficulty that manor and village (manerium and villa, in Domesday’s Latin) did not 英格兰土地勘察人员从一个村庄到另一个村庄，要求领主和农 民向他们提供信息，他们面临着庄园和村庄(用英格兰土地勘察人 员的拉丁语来说是 manerium 和 villa)所没有的困难

necessarily coincide. From the village’s point of view, how it was listed in the survey made little difference, and the surveyors simply overrode the problem, focusing their data on the manor. Enough villages are named—some 13,000—to make clear their importance as population centers, however. Churches were given erratic notice, much in some counties, little in others, but enough to indicate that they were now common, if not yet universal, village features. 必然是一致的。从村庄的角度来看，如何在调查中列出它并没有什么 不同，调查人员只是简单地忽略了这个问题，把他们的数据集中在庄 园上。不过，已经有足够多的村庄(约 1.3 万个)被命名，以表明它们作 为人口中心的重要性。教堂得到了不稳定的注意，大部分在一些县， 很少在其他县，但足以表明，它们现在是普遍的，如果不是普遍的， 村庄特征。 Under the abbot of Ramsey’s holdings in Norman Cross Hundred, Elton was listed with a new spelling: 在拉姆齐持有的诺曼·克罗斯百号的住持名下，埃尔顿的名字改 成了新的拼法: M. [Manor] In Adelintune the abbot of Ramsey had ten hides [assessed] to the geld [a tax]. There is land for four plows in the demesne apart from the aforesaid hides. There are now four plows on the demesne, and twenty-eight villeins having twenty plows. There is a church and a priest, and two mills [rendering] forty shillings, and 170 acres of meadow. T.R.E. [in the time of King Edward, 1042-1066] it was worth fourteen li. [pounds] now 19 sixteen li. M.[庄园]在 Adelintune，拉姆齐的住持有 10 张被评税的兽皮。除 上述草皮外，领地内还有四块耕地。现在领地上有 4 个犁，28 个 犁有二十个犁。这里有一座教堂，一位牧师，两个磨坊，四十先 令，还有 170 英亩的草地。在爱德华国王时代，它价值十四里。 现在是十六里

The “ten hides” credited to Elton tell us little about actual acreage. Entries in Domesday were assessed in round numbers, usually five, ten, or fifteen hides. Evidently each shire was assessed for a round number, the hides apportioned among the villages, without strict attention to measurement. Furthermore, though the hide usually comprised 120 acres, the acre varied. 归功于埃尔顿的“10 张皮”几乎没有告诉我们实际面积。末日审判 记录以整数评估，通常是 5 张、10 张或十五张皮。显然，每个郡的分 摊是一个整数，这些皮革在各个村庄之间分摊，没有严格注意计量。 此外，虽然兽皮通常占地 120 英亩，但是每英亩的面积却不尽相同。 No further information about Elton appears until a manorial survey of about 1160; after that a gap follows until the middle of the thirteenth century, when documentation begins to proliferate. 关于埃尔顿的进一步信息直到 1160 年的庄园调查才出现;在那之 后，一段空白一直延续到 13 世纪中叶，文献开始激增。

Drawing on the collection of documents known as the Ramsey Abbey cartulary, on a royal survey done in 1279, on 根据 1279 年完成的一项皇家调查，拉姆齐修道院图书馆收藏的文件 被称为拉姆齐大教堂

the accounts and court records of the manor, and on what archeology has ascertained from deserted villages, we can sketch a reasonably probable picture of Elton as it was in the last quarter of the thirteenth century. 庄园的帐目和法庭记录，以及考古学从废弃的村庄中确定的东西， 我们可以勾勒出一幅十三世纪最后 25 年埃尔顿相当可能的图景。 The royal survey of 1279 credited the “manor and vill” of Elton with a total of 13 hides of arable land of 6 virgates each. Originally designed as the amount of land needed to support a family, the virgate had come to vary considerably. In Elton it consisted of 24 acres; thus the total of village arable was 1,872 acres. The abbot’s demesne share amounted to three hides of arable, besides which he had 16 acres of meadow and three of pasture. Two water mills and a fulling mill, for finishing cloth, successors of the two mills that 20 Dacus’s wife had claimed in 1017, also belonged to the abbot. 1279 年的皇家调查记录了埃尔顿的“庄园和山谷”，一共有 13 块 可耕地，每块有 6 个兽皮。最初的设计目的是为了支撑一个家庭所需 的土地面积，但是 virgate 的设计变化很大。在埃尔顿有 24 英亩，因 此全村的可耕地总面积为 1872 英亩。住持的私有股份共有三张可耕 地，此外还有 16 英亩草地和三张牧场。达库斯的妻子在 1017 年声 称拥有的两个纺织厂的继承者，两个水纺厂和一个用于整理布匹的漂 染厂，也属于修道院院长

The village scarcely presented the tidy appearance of a modern English village. Houses did not necessarily face the street, but might stand at odd angles, with a fence or embankment fronting 21 on the street. The nexus of a working agricultural 这个村庄几乎没有现代英国村庄的整洁外观。房子不一定面对 街道，但可能站在奇怪的角度，一个栅栏或堤坝临街

Conjectural map of Elton, c. 1300. Exact location of tofts and crofts (house plots and gardens). and of lanes and secondary streets is unknown. The River Nene is now canalized at Elton; its course in the Middle Ages is uncertain. 1300 年埃尔顿的推测地图。土豆和瓜果的确切位置(房屋地块和花园)。还有

小巷和二级街道，都是未知数。尼内河现在在埃尔顿运河，它在中世纪的流 向是不确定的。

system, the village was a place of bustle, clutter, smells, disrepair, and dust, or in much of the year mud. It was far 这个村子是一个喧闹、杂乱、气味难闻、年久失修、灰尘飞扬的地 方，或者是一年中大部分时间都是泥泞的地方。太远了

from silent. Sermons mention many village sounds: the squeal of cartwheels, the crying of babies, the bawling of hogs being butchered, the shouts of peddler and tinker, the ringing of church bells, the hissing of geese, the thwack of the flail in threshing time. To these one might add the voices of the villagers, the rooster’s crow, the dog’s bark, and other animal sounds, the clop of cart horses, the ring of the smith’s hammer, and the splash of the miller’s great 22 waterwheel. 从沉默。布道者提到了许多村庄的声音:侧手翻的尖叫声，婴儿的啼哭 声，被宰杀的猪的嚎叫声，小贩和锅匠的喊叫声，教堂的钟声，鹅的 嘶嘶声，脱粒时连枷的重击声。除此之外，还可以加上村民的声音， 公鸡的啼叫，狗的吠叫，以及其他动物的叫声，马车的蹄声，铁匠的 锤子的响声，磨坊主巨大水车的溅水声 Stone construction was still rare in England, except in areas like the Cotswolds where stone was plentiful and timber scarce. Elton’s houses in the thirteenth century were in all likelihood timberframed with walls of wattle and daub (oak, willow, or hazel wands coated with clay). Timber-framing had been improved by the importation from the Continent of “cruck” construction, a system of roof support that added space to interiors. The cruck consisted of the split half of the trunk and main 在英格兰，除了像科茨沃尔德这样石材丰富、木材稀少的地区， 石头建筑仍然很少见。十三世纪，埃尔顿的房子很可能是木结构的， 墙上涂抹着金合欢(橡木、柳树或者涂有粘土的榛木棒)。由于从欧洲 大陆引进了“粗糙”建筑，木结构得到了改善，这是一种屋顶支撑系统， 为内部增加了空间。这个粗糙的箱子包括主干和主干的一半

Cruck construction supporting roof of early fourteenth-century tithe barn, Bradford-on-Avon. 14 世纪早期雅芳河畔布拉福谷仓粗糙的建筑支撑屋顶。

branch of a tree. Two or three such pairs, sprung from the ground or from a foundation, could support a ridgepole, their curvature providing enough elevation to save the need for a sunken floor and to put an end to the long, murky history of the sunken hut. Progress in carpentry permitted the framing of walls with squared uprights planted in postholes or foundation trenches, making houses more 23 weathertight. 树枝。两三个这样的对，从地面或地基上伸出来，可以支撑一根脊柱， 它们的弯曲度提供了足够的立面，可以节省下沉地面的需要，并结束 沉没的小屋漫长而阴暗的历史。木工技术的进步使得墙壁的框架可以 使用方形的立柱，这些立柱被安装在柱洞或地基的壕沟里，使得房子 更加防风雨 Roofs were thatched, as from ancient times, with straw, broom or heather, or in marsh country reeds or rushes (as at Elton). Thatched roofs had formidable drawbacks; they rotted from alternations of wet and dry, and harbored a menagerie of mice, rats, hornets, wasps, spiders, and birds; and above all they caught fire. Yet even in London they prevailed. Simon de Montfort, rebelling against the king, is said to have meditated setting fire to the city by 24 releasing an air force of chickens with flaming brands attached. Irresistibly cheap and easy to make, the thatched roof overwhelmingly predominated century after century atop the houses and cottages of medieval peasants and townsmen 25 everywhere. 屋顶是用稻草、扫帚或石南草盖起来的，或者放在沼泽地的芦苇 或灯心草里(比如在埃尔顿)。茅草屋顶有着可怕的缺点;它们由于干湿 交替而腐烂，窝藏着一大群老鼠、大黄蜂、黄蜂、蜘蛛和鸟类;最重 要的是它们着火了。然而，即使在伦敦，他们也占了上风。据说，反 抗国王的西蒙·德·蒙福尔曾企图通过释放一支带有燃烧烙印的鸡群的 空军来点燃这座城市 Some village houses were fairly large, forty to fifty feet long by 26 ten to fifteen wide, others were tiny cottages. All were insubstantial. “House breaking” by burglars was literal. Coroners’ records speak of intruders smashing their way through the walls of

27 houses “with a plowshare” or “with a coulter.” In the Elton manorial court, a villager was accused of carrying away “the 28 doorposts of the house” of a neighbor; an angry heir, still a minor, “tore up and carried away” a house on his deceased father’s 29 property and was “commanded to restore it.” 有些村舍相当大，四十到五十英尺长，10 到十五英尺宽，有些则 是小村舍。窃贼的“破门而入”是字面意思。验尸官的记录显示，入侵 者“用犁头”或“用犁头”砸破房屋的墙壁在埃尔顿庄园法庭上，一位村民 被指控搬走了邻居的“房子的门柱”;28 一位愤怒的继承人，还是一个未 成年人，“撕毁并搬走了”他已故父亲的房子，并被“命令恢复它”图 29 Most village houses had a yard and a garden: a smaller “toft” fronting on the street and occupied by the house and its outbuildings, and a larger “croft” in the rear. The toft was usually surrounded by a fence or a ditch to keep in the animals whose pens it contained, along with barns or 大多数村里的房子都有一个院子和一个花园:一个面向街道的较 小的“拖车”，被房子和它的外部建筑所占据，一个较大的“圆顶”在后 面。手提箱通常被栅栏或沟渠包围，用来关押圈养的动物，还有牲口 棚或农场

30 storage sheds for grain and fodder. Missing was a privy. Sanitary arrangements seem to have consisted of a latrine trench or merely the tradition later recorded as retiring to “a bowshot from the 31 house.” 储存谷物和饲料的仓库。卫生安排似乎包括一个厕所壕沟或仅仅是后 来记录为退休的传统“弓箭从房子。”图 31 Drainage was assisted by ditches running through the yards. 排水由穿过院子的沟渠辅助。

Private wells existed in some villages, but a communal village well was more usual. That Elton had one is indicated by a family named “atte Well.” Livestock grazed in the tofts —a cow or an ox, pigs, and chickens. Many villagers owned sheep, but they were not kept in the toft. In summer and fall, they were driven out into the marsh to graze, and in winter they were penned in the manor fold so that the lord could profit from their valuable manure. The richer villagers had

manure piles, accumulated from their other animals; two villagers were fined when their dung heaps impinged 在一些村庄里有私人水井，但公共水井更为常见。一个名叫“atteWell” 的家庭指出埃尔顿有一个牲畜在草丛中吃草ー牛或牛、猪和鸡。许多 村民养羊，但他们没有把羊放在羊圈里。在夏天和秋天，他们被赶到 沼泽地里吃草，在冬天，他们被关在庄园的围栏里，这样地主就可以 从他们宝贵的肥料中获利。较富裕的村民有从其他动物身上积累的粪 堆;两个村民的粪堆撞击时被罚款

“on the common highway, to the common harm,” and another paid threepence for license to place his on the common next to his house. The croft, stretching back from the toft, was a large garden of half an acre or so, cultivated by spade—“by foot,” as the villagers 32 termed it. “在公路上，在公路上，在公路上，在公路上，在公路上，在公路上， 在公路上，在公路上，在公路上，在公路上，在公路上，在公路上， 在公路。小圆丘一直向后延伸，是一个半英亩左右的大花园，用铁 锹耕种，村民们称之为“徒步”

Snow highlights house sites, crofts behind them, and surrounding fields in aerial photograph of deserted village of Wharram Percy. Upper left, modern manor house, with ruined church behind it. Cambridge University Collection of Air Photographs. 在空中拍摄的 WharramPercy 废弃村庄的照片中，大雪突出了房屋遗址、

后面的屋顶和周围的田野。左上角是现代庄园，后面是破败的教堂。剑 桥大学航空摄影集。

Clustered at the end of the street in Nether End, near the river, were the small village green, the manor house, and the mill complex. An eighteenth-century mill today stands on the spot where in the

thirteenth century “the dam mill,” the “middle mill,” and the “small mill” probably stood over the Nene, apparently under a single roof: “the 33 house between the two mills” was repaired in 1296. The foundations were of stone, the buildings themselves of timber, with a 34 thatched roof, a courtyard, and a vegetable garden. A millpond furnished power to the three oaken 在 NetherEnd 街道的尽头，靠近河流的地方聚集着小村庄的绿地、 庄园和磨坊。如今，一座 18 世纪的磨坊矗立在十三世纪的“大坝磨坊”、 “中间磨坊”和“小磨坊”可能就矗立在内内河之上，显然只有一个屋 顶:“两个磨坊之间的房子”于 1296 年修复。地基是石头的，建筑本身 是木材的，有茅草屋顶，一个庭院和一个菜园

waterwheels.

35

Grass and willows grew all around the pond, the 36 grass sold for fodder, the willow wands for building material. 池塘四周长满了青草和柳树，青草被当作饲料出售，柳条被当作建筑 材料 Back from the river stood the manor house and its “curia” (court), with outbuildings and installations. The curia occupied an 37 acre and a half of land, enclosed with a wall or possibly a fence of stakes and woven rods. Some manor houses had moats to keep livestock in and wild animals out; the excavations of 1977 at Elton revealed traces of such a moat on the side toward the river. An entry 38 gate led to the house or hall (aula), built of stone, with a slate roof. Manor houses were sometimes constructed over a ground-level undercroft, used for storage. The Elton manorial accounts also mention a sleeping chamber, which had to be “pointed and mended” at the same time as the wooden, slate-roofed chapel adjacent to the 39 hall. 从河里回来的是庄园房子和它的“库里亚”(院子)，有外屋和装置。 元老院占据了一英亩半的土地，其中 37 英亩被一堵墙围起来，可能 还有一排桩子和编织杆围起来。1977 年在埃尔顿的挖掘发现了这样 一条护城河的痕迹。一个入口大门通向用石头建造的房子或大厅 (aula)，石板屋顶。38 个庄园有时建在圆顶地下的地面上，用作储藏 室。埃尔顿庄园的记载还提到了一间卧室，这间卧室必须与大厅旁边 的石板屋顶的木制小礼拜堂同时“尖顶和修补” Kitchen and bakehouse were in separate buildings nearby, and 40 a granary was built up against the hall. The manorial accounts mention repairs to a “communal privy,” probably restricted to the 41 manorial personnel. Elsewhere on the grounds, which accommodated a garden and an apple orchard, stood a stone dairy, equipped with cheese presses, settling pans, strainers, earthenware 42 jars, and churns. The “little barn” and the “big barn” were of timber, with thatched roofs; here mows of

40 庄园主的叙述提到了对一个“公共厕所”的修缮，可能只有庄园 管理人员才能做到。41 其他地方的场地上，有一个花园和一个苹果园， 有一个石制乳品厂，配备有奶酪压榨机、平底锅、过滤器、陶罐和教 堂

Abbey barn, c. 1340, storehouse for the home manor of Glastonbury Abbey (Somerset).

修道院谷仓，约 1340 年，格拉斯顿伯里修道院(萨默塞特)的家庄园的仓库。

Tithe barn, for tithes paid in grain, Bradford-on-Avon, with fourteen bays, two of them projecting into porches.

十分之一的谷仓，是用雅芳河畔布拉福支付的十分之一，有十四个坑，其中两个 伸入门廊。

grain were stored. The big barn had a slate-roofed porch on one side protecting a great door that locked with a key, and 粮食被储存起来。这个大谷仓的一侧有一个石板屋顶的门廊，用钥匙 锁着一扇大门

a small door opposite. The door of the little barn was 43 secured by a bolt. 对面有一扇小门。那个小谷仓的门用螺栓栓住了 Under a thatched roof, the stone stable housed horses, oxen, 44 and cows, as well as carts, tools, and harness. A wooden sheepfold, also thatched, large enough to accommodate the lord’s sheep and those of the villagers, was lighted with candles and an oil 45 lamp every spring at lambing time. Still other buildings included a 46 kiln for drying malt and a pound—a “punfold” or “pinfold”—for 47 stray animals. Two large wooden thatched dovecotes sheltered several hundred doves, sold at market or forwarded to the abbot’s 48 table. Among other resident poultry were chickens and geese, 49 and, at least in one year’s accounts, peacocks and swans. On its waterfront, the manor possessed several boats, whose repairs were 50 recorded at intervals. 在茅草屋顶下，石头马厩里饲养着马、牛、牛，以及大车、工具 和马具。每年春天产羔的时候，人们会用蜡烛和油灯照亮一个木制的 羊圈，这个羊圈也是茅草盖的，足以容纳主人和村民的羊群。还有一 些建筑物包括一个烘干麦芽糖的窑，以及一磅(一种“punfold”或 “pinfold”)给流浪动物用的东西。47 两个巨大的木制茅草顶棚庇护着 几百只鸽子，在市场上出售或送到修道院院长的桌子上。48 其他居 民家禽包括鸡和鹅，至少在一年的时间里，还包括孔雀和天鹅。在滨 水区，庄园里有几艘船，每隔一段时间就有修理记录。50 Across the street from the curia stood one of a pair of communal ovens to which the villagers were obliged to bring their bread; the other stood in Overend. The ovens were leased from the lord by a baker. A forge was leased by a smith who worked for both 51 the lord and the tenants. The green, whose presence is attested by the name of a village family, “atte Grene,” could not have been large enough to serve as a pasture. Its only known use was as a location for the stocks, where village wrongdoers were sometimes held.

元老院对面的街道上有一个公用烤箱，村民们必须把面包带到烤 箱里，另一个放在 Overend。烤炉是一位面包师从主人那里租来的。 一个为地主和佃户工作的铁匠租下了一个铁匠铺。绿地的面积不够大， 不能作为牧场，因为它的存在证明了一个村庄家庭的名字， “atteGrene”。它唯一已知的用途是作为存放牲畜的地方，有时候村里 的违法者也被关押在那里。 At the opposite end of the village, in Overend, stood the parish church, on the site of earlier structures dating at least to the tenth century. The records make no mention of the rectory, which the enclosure map of 1784 locates in Nether End. 在村子的另一端，Overend，有一座教区教堂，它所在的地方是 至少可以追溯到 10 世纪的早期建筑。这些记录没有提到教区长的住 所，1784 年的封闭地图位于尼瑟恩德。 South of the church in Overend lay the tract of land on which two hundred years later Elton Hall was built. In the thirteenth 在 Overend 教堂的南面有一大片土地，200 年后 EltonHall 就 在这片土地上建起了教堂。在十三世纪

Medieval dovecote, Avebury (Wiltshire). 埃夫伯里(威尔特郡)的中世纪鸽舍。

Dovecote. Bodleian Library, Ms. Bodl. 764, f. 80. 鸽舍。博德利图书馆，Bodl 女士。764，f.80.

century, this was a sub-manor of Elton, a hide of land held by a wealthy free man, John of Elton, who had tenants of his own. 这是埃尔顿的一个地下庄园，由一个富有的自由人约翰·埃尔顿拥有， 他自己也有佃户。

A medieval village did not consist merely of its buildings. It 一个中世纪的村庄不仅仅是由它的建筑物组成

Man driving geese out of the grain with horn and stick. British Library, Luttrell Psalter, Ms. Add. 42130, f. 69v.

一个男人用角和棍子把鹅赶出谷地。大英图书馆，Luttrell 诗篇，Add 女士。42130f.69v.

included the plowed fields, the meadows, and even the surrounding woods, moor, and marsh. Aerial photographs of deserted medieval villages show open fields with their characteristic pattern of ridge and furrow produced by the plowman. Elton’s fields, under continuous and changing use, show few such traces. A survey of Elton at the beginning of the seventeenth century listed three fields—Ogerston, Middlefield, and Earnestfield—but whether they existed in the 52 thirteenth century remains unknown. None of the dozens of place names in the manorial records can be identified with an entire field. Many are names of furlongs, the subdivisions of fields (Holywellfurlong, Knolfurlong, Michelgrove), others of meadows (Gooseholm, Michelholm, Le Inmede, Butterflymead, Abbotsholm), or marsh (Oldmoor, Smallmoor, Newtonmoor, Broadmoor, Oldwychslade). Some are recorded as being leased on a regular basis—to the rector, a furlong called Le Brach, to others Milnespightle (Mill Close), and Clack. The village also had a vineyard, possibly connected with the curia. 包括犁过的田地，草地，甚至周围的树林，沼泽和沼泽。空中拍摄的 中世纪废弃村庄的照片展示了一片开阔的田野，田野上有农夫特有的 田埂和犁沟图案。埃尔顿的田地，在不断变化的使用中，几乎没有这 样的痕迹。17 世纪初对埃尔顿的一项调查列出了三个领域ーー奥格斯 顿、米德尔菲尔德和认真菲尔德ーー但是它们是否存在于 13 世纪仍 然不得而知。庄园记录中的几十个地名中没有一个能与整个领域相提

并论。许多是弗隆的名字，田地的分区(Holywellfurlong，Knolfurlong， Michelgrove)，其他的草地(Gooseholm，Michelholm，LeInmede， Butterflymead，Abbotsholm)，或沼泽(Oldmoor，Smallmoor， Newtonmoor，布罗德莫尔，Oldwychslade)。其中一些被记录为定期 租赁ーー租给了校长，一个叫 LeBrach 的姓氏，另一些租给了 Milnespightle(MillClose)和 Clack。这个村庄还有一个葡萄园，可能与 元老院有关。

Brian K. Roberts (The Making of the English Village) divides the elements of villages into three overlapping categories: public space, where everyone, including outsiders, has rights; communal space, where all inhabitants have rights, even when the lord holds the land; and private 布莱恩·k·罗伯茨(Briank.Roberts)的《英国村庄的形成》 (TheMakingofTheEnglishVillage)将村庄分为三个相互重叠的类别:公 共空间，每个人，包括外来者，都有权利;公共空间，所有居民都有权 利，即使地主拥有土地;私人空间

space, where access and use are open only to the proper individuals. The public elements are the church and churchyard, and the highways, streets, and lanes. The communal are the green, the punfold or pound, the oven, the pond, the wells, the stocks, and, most important, the open fields. The private are the manor house and its appurtenances, and the tofts and crofts of the peasants. Some elements are ambiguous: the entries and exits to the fields are both communal and public; the church is not only both public and communal but private, since it belongs to the lord; the smithy, the houses of the demesne servants (cowherd, shepherd), and the 53 rector’s house are both communal and private. 空间，在这里访问和使用是开放的只有适当的个人。公共元素是教 堂和墓地，以及公路、街道和小巷。公共场所是绿地、竹竿或者竹 竿、烤炉、池塘、水井、树木，最重要的是开阔的田野。私人就是 庄园宅邸及其附属物，就是农民的土地和农田。有些元素模糊不清: 通往田地的入口和出口既是公共的，也是公共的;教堂不仅是公共的， 也是公共的，而且是私人的，因为它属于上帝;铁匠铺、领地仆人(牧 童、牧羊人)的房子和教区长的房子既是公共的，也是私人的 Archeologists have classified village plans on the basis of major design elements: “green” villages, clustered around a green or common; street or row villages, built along a street or highway; polyfocal villages, with more than one hub; and composite villages combining several of these types. Elton would seem to be all of these, one of its two sections built around a central green, the other along a highway, each with a separate focus (the manor house, the church). The classification does not really seem very meaningful, and considering the difficulty in tracing the chronology of village plans, not very exact. R. H. Hilton comments that the main physical characteristic shared by medieval villages was their shapelessness. Village streets appear to have come into existence after the tofts and crofts were established, as the paths between the houses became worn down and sunken by the traffic of people, animals, and carts. 54 The village network was in fact more paths than streets. 考古学家根据主要的设计要素对村庄规划进行了分类:“绿色”村庄， 聚集在一片绿地或公用地周围;街道或公路沿线的街道或连排村庄;具

有多个枢纽的多焦点村庄;以及结合了上述几种类型的混合村庄。埃尔 顿似乎就是所有这些建筑中的一个，它的两个部分环绕着一个中央绿 地，另一个沿着一条高速公路，每个部分都有一个独立的焦点(庄园住 宅，教堂)。这种分类似乎真的没有什么意义，而且考虑到追踪村庄规 划年表的困难，也不是很准确。希尔顿评论说，中世纪村庄的主要物 理特征是它们的不成形。村子里的街道似乎是在洞穴和农田被建立起 来之后才出现的，房屋之间的道路被人、动物和马车的车辆冲垮并凹 陷下去。村里的网络实际上更多的是小路而不是街道

Elton in the late thirteenth century was a large village, capable 55 of summoning 327 residents to a harvest in 1287. The royal 56 survey of 1279 lists 113 tenants, heads of families. Allowing for wives, children, and landless laborers, a figure of five to six hundred for the total 13 世纪晚期的埃尔顿是一个大村庄，1287 年能够召集 327 名居 民来收割庄稼

population might be reasonable. This accords with Hilton’s estimate that 45 percent of the villages of the West Midlands had a population of between 400 and 600, with 10 percent larger, the rest 57 smaller. 人口也许是合理的。这与希尔顿的估计相符，西米德兰兹郡 45%的 村庄人口在 400 到 600 之间，其中 10%人口较多，其余人口较少 Villages like Elton were not cut off from the world around them. Many Elton surnames indicate family origins elsewhere, and the records sometimes explicitly speak of immigration: Richard Trune, a cotter (cottager), came to Elton from Fotheringhay, in 58 Northamptonshire. Many villagers paid an annual fee for license to live outside the manor (or were cited for failing to pay it). Elton village officials traveled to the fairs and markets to make purchases; so did ordinary villagers to sell their produce. Carrying services owed by villeins took them to Ramsey and “any market where the lord wishes 59 inside the county [of Huntingdonshire].” Other Ramsey Abbey villagers journeyed as far as London. Free tenants of Elton attended the abbot’s honor (estate) court at Broughton twice a year, as well as the royal courts at Huntingdon and Norman Cross. The world came to Elton, too, in the guise of monks, churchmen, nobles, craftsmen, day laborers, and royal officials. 像埃尔顿这样的村庄并没有与周围的世界隔绝。许多埃尔顿姓氏 表明其家族来自其他地方，记录有时明确提到移民:RichardTrune，一 个牧场工人，20 世纪 90 年代北安普敦郡从 Fotheringhay 来到埃尔顿。 埃尔顿村的官员前往交易会和市场采购，普通村民也前往销售他们的 农产品。运送维林斯欠下的服务，他们带着这些服务去拉姆齐和“上帝 希望在(亨廷顿郡)国内的任何市场”59 其他的拉姆齐修道院村民远行至 伦敦。埃尔顿的自由租户每年两次参加布劳顿修道院院长的荣誉(庄园) 法庭，以及亨廷顿和诺曼克罗斯的皇家法庭。世界也以僧侣、教士、 贵族、工匠、临时工和王室官员的形象出现在埃尔顿。

Thus the village of Elton, Norman Cross Hundred, Huntingdonshire, England, belonging to Ramsey Abbey, occupying some 1,800 acres of farmland, cultivated its crops and herded its animals in much the same fashion as thousands of other villages in England and on the Continent. By the standards of a later age, it was neither rich nor prepossessing. But in comparison with earlier times, it was a thriving social organism, and an important innovation in social and economic history. 因此，埃尔顿，亨廷顿郡，属于拉姆齐修道院的诺曼克罗斯百村， 占据了大约 1800 英亩的农田，以与英格兰和欧洲大陆上其他成千上 万村庄相同的方式种植庄稼和放牧牲畜。以后来的标准来看，它既不 富裕也不讨人喜欢。但与早期相比，它是一个繁荣的社会有机体，是 社会经济史上的一项重大创新。

3 THE LORD E was he in residence. A 每个村庄都有一个上帝，但他很少 住在这里 VERY VILLAGE HAD A LORD, BUT ONLY RARELY

resident lord was usually a petty knight who held only one manor, like Henry de Bray, lord of Harlestone (Northamptonshire), whose account book has survived. Henry had twenty-four tenants sharing his five hundred acres, contributing annually twelve pounds in cash rents, a pound of pepper, and eight fowls, and performing 1 harvest services. At the other end of the spectrum was the earl, count, abbot, or bishop, whose “honor” was composed of manors scattered over a quarter of England. 常驻领主通常是一个小骑士谁拥有只有一个庄园，像亨利德布雷， 哈尔斯通领主(北安普敦郡)，其帐目存活。亨利有 24 个佃户共享他 的 500 英亩土地，每年贡献 12 磅现金租金、1 磅胡椒和 8 只家禽， 并提供收获服务。在这个范围的另一端是伯爵、伯爵、修道院院长 或主教，他们的“荣誉”由分布在英格兰四分之一地区的庄园组成。 On the Continent such a magnate—a count of Champagne or Flanders—might rival kings in exercising political authority. In Norman England, where William the Conqueror and his successors monopolized political power, the great lords began as generals in an army of occupation, their military role softening over time into an economic one. A “tenant-in-chief” like the earl of Warenne, lord of scores of villages in a dozen counties, collected all kinds of rents and services at first- and second-hand without ever setting eyes on most of his sixty-five knight-tenants, hundreds of freeholders, and

2 thousands of bondmen. Between the two extremes of Henry de Bray and the earl of Warenne were middling lords who held several manors and sometimes traveled around among them. 在欧洲大陆，这样一位大亨ーー香槟或佛兰德斯伯爵ーー在行使 政治权力方面可以与国王相媲美。在诺曼底的英格兰，威廉一世和他 的继任者垄断了政治权力，大领主们开始作为占领军中的将军，他们 的军事作用随着时间的推移逐渐变成经济作用。像 Warenne 伯爵这 样的“首席佃农”，掌管着十几个郡的几十个村庄，收取各种各样的租 金和服务，从来没有见过他的六十五个爵士佃农、几百个自由所有者 和成千上万的奴隶。在亨利·德·布雷和 Warenne 伯爵这两个极端之间， 是中等地位的地主，他们拥有几个庄园，有时在庄园里四处游荡。

Besides great and small, lords divided more definably into lay and ecclesiastical. The abbot of Ramsey, whose twenty-three villages included Elton and who held parts of many others, is a good example of the ecclesiastical lord, 除了大人物和小人物之外，领主们更明确地分为世俗的和教会 的。拉姆齐的住持是教会领主的一个很好的例子，他的二十三个村 庄包括埃尔顿，还拥有其他许多村庄的一部分,

whose numbers had steadily increased since the Conquest. The old feudal theory of lordship as a link in the legal chain of authority running from serf to monarch had lost much of its substance. The original basis of the feudal hierarchy— military service owed to the crown—had dissipated, owing partly to the objections of knights and barons to service abroad, and partly to the complexity wrought by the accidents of inheritance. It was easier to extract a money payment than to induce an unwilling knight to serve, and money fees, with which soldiers could be hired and equipped, were easier to divide into fractions when a property owed a third or half of a knight’s service. 他们的人数自从被征服以来一直在稳步增长。旧的封建主义理论认 为，在从农奴到君主的权力的法律链条中，贵族身份是一个环节， 这种理论已经失去了许多实质内容。封建等级制度的原始基础ーー 由王室承担的兵役ーー已经消失，部分原因是骑士和贵族反对到国 外服役，部分原因是继承事件造成的复杂性。收取一笔钱要比引诱 一个不情愿的骑士服役容易得多，而用于雇佣和装备士兵的钱费， 当一块地产欠骑士三分之一或一半的兵役时，更容易分成几部分。 To the village, such legal complications hardly mattered, any more than whether the lord was great or small, lay or ecclesiastical (or male or female, since abbesses, prioresses, widows, and heiresses held many manors). A village might be comfortably shared by two or more lords. Tysoe (Warwickshire) was divided among five different manors, belonging to Baron Stafford, his son, 3 two priories, and the local Knights Templar. Often, however, as in the case of Elton, a village constituted a manor, and was one of several belonging to a single lord. 对于这个村庄来说，这种法律纠纷几乎无关紧要，就像地主是大 还是小，世俗还是教会(或者男性还是女性，因为男修道院院长、女 修道院院长、寡妇和女继承人拥有许多男性)一样。一个村庄可能由 两个或两个以上的领主舒适地共用。泰索(沃里克郡)分属于五个不同 的庄园，分别属于他的儿子斯塔福德男爵和当地的圣殿骑士团。

Whatever the technicalities, the lord was the lord, the consumer of the village surplus. The thirteenth-century manor was not a political or military enterprise but an economic one, with the lord its exploiter and beneficiary. 不管什么技术细节，地主是村庄剩余物的消费者。十三世纪的 庄园不是一个政治或军事企业，而是一个经济企业，其主剥削者和 受益者。 It already had a history. In the twelfth century, “farming,” or leasing, the demesne or even the whole manor had been popular. An entrepreneur paid a fixed sum, assumed control of the day-today operation, and profited from the difference between the fee he paid and the revenues he collected. The farmer might be a local knight or rich peasant, or a businessman from a nearby town. Sometimes the villagers themselves banded together in a 4 consortium to farm their manor. One lord might farm another’s land when geography made it more convenient. 它已经有一段历史了。在十二世纪，“农耕”，或租赁，领地，甚 至整个庄园已经流行。一个企业家支付一笔固定金额，承担对日常经 营的控制权，并从他支付的费用和他收取的收入之间的差额中获利。 农民可能是当地的骑士或富农，也可能是附近城镇的商人。有时候， 村民们自己联合起来，组成一个财团来耕种他们的庄园。

The abbot of Ramsey farmed King’s Ripton, a crown manor lying next to Abbot’s Ripton. The farm normally comprised land, animals, implements, personnel, labor services of the villeins, and even the fines levied in the manorial court. The farmer usually held the privilege of making land transfers to maintain production, as when a 5 tenant died without a direct heir. 拉姆齐的住持养殖了国王的 Ripton，这是一个皇冠庄园，毗邻阿伯特 的 Ripton。农场通常包括土地、牲畜、器具、人员、村民的劳动服务， 甚至还包括庄园法庭征收的罚款。农民通常拥有转让土地以维持生产 的特权，如同佃农死后没有直接继承人一样 Beginning about 1200, the farming of manors went out of style. The thirteenth century was an age of population expansion, and as town markets for agricultural products grew, more and more lords decided to exploit their manors directly. Some manors continued to be farmed (as was Elton at intervals), but the trend was toward direct and active estate management. To increase demesne production, villeins were often saddled with new labor services, or resaddled with old ones from which they had bought exemption. But the tenants, including the villeins, also began selling in the market. The pendulum swung back, with the lords accepting higher rents and other money payments and using the cash to hire labor to work the demesne. It was an era of prosperity for all, but especially for the lords, who saw their incomes, especially their cash incomes, rise rapidly. 大约从公元 1200 年开始，庄园的耕作方式就过时了。十三世纪 是一个人口膨胀的时代，随着农产品市场的发展，越来越多的领主决 定直接开发他们的庄园。一些庄园继续耕种(就像埃尔顿一样)，但趋 势是直接和积极的遗产管理。为了增加私有制生产，村庄往往承担新 的劳动服务，或者重新装配旧的劳动服务，而这些劳动服务是他们买 来免税的。但是租户，包括村民，也开始在市场上出售。随着地主们 接受更高的租金和其他金钱报酬，并用这些钱雇佣劳动力在领地工作， 钟摆又回来了。那是一个所有人都富裕的时代，尤其是那些看到他们 的收入，特别是他们的现金收入迅速增长的贵族们。

They had no trouble spending them. By his nature the feudal lord was a dedicated consumer. His social status imposed a lifestyle of conspicuous consumption, which in the Middle Ages meant mainly consumption of food and drink. The lord was “the man who could always eat as much as he wished,” says Georges Duby, and also “the man who provided others with food,” and was consequently admired for his openhandedness. The very yardstick of his prestige was the number of people he fed: staff, armed 6 retainers, labor force, guests. 他们可以毫不费力地花掉这些钱。这位封建领主天生是一位专心 致志的消费者。他的社会地位决定了他的生活方式----炫耀性消费， 这在中世纪主要意味着食物和饮料的消费。乔治•杜比说，上帝是“一 个可以想吃多少就吃多少的人”，也是“一个为别人提供食物的人”，因 此，他的开放性受到人们的钦佩。5.衡量他威望的标准是他供养的人 数:员工、全副武装的侍从、劳动力、客人 The abbot of Ramsey’s requirements from his manors included grain, beef, flour, bread, malt for ale, fodder, lard, beans, butter, bacon, honey, lambs, poultry, eggs, herrings, 拉姆齐院长对庄园的要求包括谷物、牛肉、面粉、面包、麦芽酒、 饲料、猪油、豆子、黄油、培根、蜂蜜、羊羔、家禽、鸡蛋、鲱鱼,

and cheese. Like other lords he also received cash to make the many purchases outside the estate that were needed to keep his household going: horses, cloth, coverlets, hangings, robes, candlesticks, plate. 还有奶酪。像其他领主一样，他也收到了现金，用于在庄园外购买维 持家庭生计所需的许多物品:马匹、布匹、被单、帷幔、长袍、烛台、 盘子。 Thus as consumer the lord needed revenues both in kind and in cash. As a consumer, he also required services, especially carrying services, to bring the produce from his manors to his castle or monastery. He needed even more services in his other economic capacity, that of producer. Here disparity existed not only among greater and lesser lords, but among their manors. Some were large, some small, some contained much demesne land, some little (a few none). Elton’s thirteen hides were probably close to average, as was also its proportion of about one quarter demesne land. The precise size of the demesne was never regarded as of great moment. Extents for the Ramsey manors of Warboys and Holywell state disarmingly, “The demesne of this manor consists of many furlongs, 7 but it is not known how many acres are contained in them.” The acre itself varied erratically even among manors of the same * estate. On Ramsey manors the hide ranged from four virgates to seven, the virgate from fifteen to thirty-two acres, and the size of the 8 acre is uncertain. 因此，作为消费者，领主需要实物和现金两种收入。作为一个消 费者，他也需要服务，特别是携带服务，把产品从他的庄园带到他的 城堡或修道院。他需要更多的服务，在他的其他经济能力，生产者。 在这里，不平等不仅存在于大贵族和小贵族之间，而且存在于他们的 庄园之间。有的很大，有的很小，有的有很多私有土地，有的很少 (几乎没有)。埃尔顿的十三块皮革可能接近平均水平，四分之一的私 有土地所占的比例也是如此。领地的确切规模从来没有被认为是重大 的时刻。对于沃博伊斯和霍利韦尔州的拉姆齐庄园，“这个庄园的领 地有许多弗隆，但是不知道有多少英亩。”7 即使在同一庄园的不同庄 园之间，这一亩地的面积也是千差万别。*在拉姆齐庄园，隐藏的范

围从四个 virgate 到七个 virgate，virgate 从十五到三十二英亩，英亩 的大小不确定。8 Demesne land might lie in a compact parcel, separate from the villagers’ fields, or it might, as it evidently did in Elton, lie scattered in strips like those of the tenants with which it was intermingled. 领地可以是一小块一小块的，与村民的田地分开，也可以像在 埃尔顿那样，分散成条状，就像那些混杂在一起的佃农一样。 Where the demesne was large, a large labor force was needed, usually meaning that a substantial proportion of the tenants were villeins owing week-work. Where the demesne was small, most of the tenants were likely to be free, or if unfree, paying a money rent rather than rendering work services. 在土地面积大的地方，需要大量的劳动力，这通常意味着相当一 部分租户是农民，需要做周工。在领地很小的地方，大多数租户可能 是免费的，或者即使不是免费的，也是付租金而不是提供工作服务。 To his economic roles as consumer, producer, and landlord, the lord added certain others. He had an important, centuriesold judicial function, his manor courts 除了作为消费者、生产者和地主的经济角色外，上帝还增加了 某些其他角色。他有一个重要的，百年的司法职能，他的庄园法院

(hallmotes) dealing in a range of civil and criminal cases that provided him with fines, fees, and confiscations. In addition to dues exacted from his tenants on a variety of occasions—death, inheritance, marriage—the lord enjoyed the “ban,” a monopoly on certain activities, most notoriously on grinding everybody’s grain and baking everybody’s bread. The ban was resented and sometimes evaded, though rigorously enforced by the manor court. So were the lord’s other privileges, such as folding all the village sheep so that their manure could improve his demesne. In Elton in 1306 Richard Hubert and John Wrau were fined because they had “refused to 9 allow [their] sheep to be in the lord’s fold.” The same offense brought Geoffrey Shoemaker and Ralph Attwych penalties of sixpence each in 1312, and in 1331 nine villagers were fined for the infraction, in addition to Robert le Ward, who was penalized for harboring the flock of one of his neighbors “to the damage of the 10 lord.” On the other hand, an animal that roamed too freely risked the lord’s privilege of “waif and stray”: “One female colt came an estray to the value of 18 pence, and it remains. Therefore let the reeve answer [let the reeve sell the colt and turn over the 11 money].” A villager who recovered his impounded animal without license was fined for “making a rescue,” as were Thomas Dyer in 12 1294 and Isabel daughter of Allota of Langetoft in 1312. (哈尔莫特)处理一系列民事和刑事案件，向他提供罚款、费用和没收。 除了在各种场合——死亡、继承、婚姻——向佃户征收应得税款之外， 上帝还享有“禁令”，即对某些活动的垄断，其中最臭名昭著的是碾磨 每个人的谷物和烤每个人的面包。尽管庄园法庭严格执行这一禁令， 但这一禁令还是引起了人们的反感，有时甚至会被规避。领主的其他 特权也是如此，比如把村里所有的羊都折起来，这样它们的粪便就可 以改善领地。1306 年在埃尔顿，理查德·休伯特和约翰·乌鲁因为“拒 绝让他们的羊群进入主的怀抱”而被罚款 9.同样的罪行在 1312 年使杰 弗里·舒梅克(GeoffreyShoemaker)和拉尔夫·阿特特维奇 (RalphAttwych)分别受到 6 便士的罚款。1331 年，除了罗伯特·勒沃 德(RobertleWard)以外，还有 9 名村民因违规被处以罚款。勒沃德因

窝藏一群邻居而“损害了上帝”10.另一方面，一只过于自由地游荡的动 物冒着得到上帝的“流浪和迷路”特权的危险:“一匹母马以 18 便士的价 格出售，现在它仍然保留着。所以牧人当回答说，牧人当卖驴驹，交 出银子 11、一位村民无证找回了他被扣押的动物，因“进行救援”而被 罚款，1294 年的托马斯·戴尔和 1312 年 Langetoft 阿洛塔的女儿伊莎 贝尔也被罚款

One of the lord’s most valuable privileges aroused little resentment: his right to license markets and fairs, granted him by the king or sometimes by another overlord. The abbot of Ramsey’s fair of St. Ives was internationally famous, patronized by merchants 13 from Flanders, France, Italy, and Scandinavia. Such fairs and markets enriched both lord and tenants, at least the luckier and more enterprising. (In 1279 the abbot of Ramsey contemplated a weekly market at Elton, and successfully negotiated an 领主最有价值的特权之一并没有引起多少怨恨:他有权许可市场 和集市，这是国王或者有时是另一个领主授予的。圣艾夫斯的拉姆 齐集会的住持享誉国际，受到来自佛兰德、法国、意大利和斯堪的 纳维亚的商人的光顾。(1279 年，拉姆齐的修道院长考虑在埃尔顿举 办一个每周一次的市场，并成功地谈成了一个

agreement for it with the abbot of Peterborough, but for some 14 reason the project was never carried out.) 与彼得伯勒修道院院长达成协议，但由于某种原因，该项目从未 实施。)图 14 Yet despite all his collections, enforcements, and impingements, perhaps the most arresting aspect of the lord’s relations with the villagers is the extent to which he left them alone. The once popular picture of the lord as “an omnipotent village tyrant” was, in George 15 Homans’s words, “an unrealistic assumption.” The medieval village actually lived and worked in a state of near autonomy. The open field system exacted a concert of the community at every point of the agricultural cycle: plowing, planting, growing, and harvesting. It is now virtually certain that the village achieved this concert by itself, with little help or leadership from outside. To Marc Bloch’s observation that there was never any “necessary opposition” between the lord’s manor and the peasants’ village, Homans added that “the manor could be strong only where the village was 16 strong.” More recent scholarship has stressed the primacy of the village over the manor in historical development. 然而，尽管他收了很多钱，执行了很多规定，并且采取了很多措 施，但是，也许最引人注目的是他与村民们的关系，在很大程度上， 他并没有干涉村民们。乔治·霍曼斯曾经把这位领主描绘成“无所不能 的乡村暴君”，用他的话来说，这是一个“不切实际的假设”15 这个中世 纪的村庄实际上是在几乎自治的状态下生活和工作的。在农业周期的 每一个阶段:耕作、种植、生长和收获，开阔的田地系统都要求社区协 调一致。现在几乎可以肯定的是，这场音乐会是这个村子自己完成的， 没有外界的帮助或领导。马克·布洛赫(MarcBloch)认为，领主庄园和 农民村庄之间从来没有“必要的对立”，霍曼斯补充说，“只有在村庄强 大的地方，庄园才会强大。”16 最近的学术研究强调，在历史发展过 程中，村庄优先于庄园。 The lord could have little objection to village autonomy. What he wanted was the certainty of rents and dues from his tenants, the

efficient operation of his demesne, and good prices for wool and grain. The popularity of treatises on estate management is an indicator of what occupied the minds of the great lords of the late thirteenth century. Walter of Henley’s Husbandry advised its noble readers to “look into your affairs often, and cause them to be reviewed, for those who serve you will thereby avoid the more to do 17 wrong.” It was prudent counsel because there was no way for an absentee lord to supervise his scattered manors except through appointed officials. 地主不会反对村庄自治。他所需要的是确定的租金和租金，他的 领地的有效运作，以及好的羊毛和谷物价格。大众化的物业管理专著 是一个指标，什么占领了十三世纪晚期的伟大领主的头脑。亨利牧业 的沃尔特建议其崇高的读者“经常关注你的事务，并使它们得到评论， 因为那些为你服务的人将因此避免更多的错误。”17 这是谨慎的建议， 因为除非通过指定的官员，否则没有办法让一个不在场的领主来监督 他分散的庄园。 These officials, in fact, constituted the lord’s material presence in the village. Three of them, the steward, the bailiff, and the reeve, were the key executives of the manorial system. 事实上，这些官员构成了村里地主的实际存在。其中三个人， 管家、法警和里夫，是庄园制度的主要执行官。

Originally a household servant or majordomo, the estate steward (sometimes called a seneschal) had in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries accomplished a progression paralleling that of Joseph, the Pharaoh’s cupbearer who became chief administrator of Egypt. On estate after estate the steward became the lord’s deputy, chief executive officer for the vast complex of lands, rights, and people. Bishop Robert Grosseteste (1175-1253), author of another widely read treatise, Rules of St. Robert, defined the steward’s duty as to guard and increase the lord’s property and stock “in an honest 18 way,” and to defend his rights and franchises. A slightly later writer, the anonymous author of Seneschaucie, stipulated legal knowledge as a principal qualification, since the steward now represented the lord in court both on and off the estate. His main function, however, was supervision of all the manors of the estate, which he did 19 primarily by periodic visitation. It was hardly possible for a lord to be too careful in his choice, thought the author of Seneschaucie: “The seneschal of lands ought to be prudent and faithful and profitable, and he ought to know the law of the realm, to protect his lord’s business and to instruct and give assurance to the bailiffs.” It was useless to look for wisdom from “young men full of young blood and ready courage, who know little or nothing of business.” Wiser to appoint from among those “ripe in years, who have seen much, and know much, and who…never were caught or convicted for treachery 20 or any wrongdoing” —something that often befell officials, according to many sermons and satires. 起初，他是一个家庭仆人或者总管，在 12 世纪和 13 世纪，他完 成了与法老的斟酒人约瑟同样的进程，后来他成为了埃及的政府首脑。 在一处又一处不动产中，管家成为了领主的副手，也是大片土地、权 利和人民的首席执行官。罗伯特·格罗斯泰斯特主教(1175-1253)，另 一篇广泛阅读的论文《圣罗伯特规则》的作者，规定管家的职责是“诚 实地”守卫和增加领主的财产和股票，并捍卫自己的权利和特权。然而， 他的主要职责是监督庄园的所有庄园，他主要通过定期探访来做到这 一点。19《塞内斯乔西》的作者认为，一个领主在选择庄园时不可能 过于谨慎:“土地的总管应该谨慎、忠诚、有利可图，他应该了解王国 的法律，保护他领主的生意，指示并向法警提供保证。”从“充满青春 活力、勇气十足、对商业知之甚少或一无所知的年轻人”那里寻求智慧

是徒劳的更明智的做法是，从那些“多年经验丰富、见多识广、......从 未因背信弃义或任何不当行为而被抓或定罪”的人中任命 20 人——许 多布道和讽刺文章都表示，这种事情经常发生在官员身上。

Typically the steward of a great lay lord was a knight, that of a great ecclesiastical lord was a cleric. In the latter case, he was sometimes known as the cellarer, the traditional title of the person in charge of a monastery’s food and drink supply. At least two stewards of Ramsey Abbey in the late thirteenth century were 21 monks. Where a knight-steward received his compensation from his fee (land 典型的情况是，一个伟大的通俗领主的管家是一个骑士，而一个 伟大的教会领主的管家是一个牧师。在后一种情况下，他有时被称为 室长，传统头衔的人负责一个修道院的食品和饮料供应。在十三世纪 晚期，拉姆齐修道院至少有两位管事是僧侣

holding), a clerk-steward usually received his from his living, a parish church whose services were conducted by a vicar. Like most such officials, the steward of Ramsey Abbey, in company with his clerk, made periodic tours of the abbey’s manors to review the management of the demesne. He did not, as many stewards did, himself audit the manorial accounts. This function was performed on Ramsey manors by a separate clerk of the account who made his own annual tour and who in a hand that reflected an excellent education recorded the details of the year’s transactions. This clerk, who received a rather modest stipend of five shillings, thus provided an independent check for the abbot on the management of his 22 estate. 一个职员管家通常从牧师主持的教区教堂的生活中接受他的礼拜。像 大多数这样的官员一样，拉姆齐修道院的管家和他的职员定期巡视修 道院的庄园，检查领地的管理情况。他没有像许多干事那样亲自审计 庄园的帐目。这项工作是在拉姆齐庄园里由一个独立的账户管理员来 完成的，他每年都会到这个庄园巡回演出，他用一只受过良好教育的 手记录下这一年的交易细节。这个职员得到相当少的五先令的津贴， 因此为住持管理他的产业提供了一张独立的支票

The steward appeared in each village only at intervals, usually no more than two or three times a year, for a stay of seldom more than two days. The lord’s deputy on each manor throughout the year was the bailiff. Typically appointed on the steward’s recommendation, the bailiff was socially a step nearer the villagers themselves, perhaps a younger son of the gentry or a member of a better-off peasant family. He could read and write; seigneurial as well as royal 23 officialdom reflected the spread of lay literacy. 每个村庄的管家每隔一段时间才来一次，通常一年不超过两三次，很 少停留两天以上。每个庄园的地主代理人全年都是法警。通常是在管 家的推荐下任命的法警，在社交上离村民们更近一步，也许是士绅的

小儿子，或者是富裕的农民家庭的成员。他会读会写;封建社会和皇 家官场都反映了世俗文化的普及 The bailiff combined the personae of chief law officer and business manager of the manor. He represented the lord both to the villagers and to strangers, thus acting as a protector of the village against men of another lord. His overriding concern, however, was management of the demesne, seeing that crops and stock were properly looked after and as little as possible stolen. He made sure the manor was supplied with what it needed from outside, at Elton a formidable list of purchases: millstones, iron, building timber and stone, firewood, nails, horseshoes, carts, cartwheels, axles, iron tires, salt, candles, parchment, cloth, utensils for dairy and kitchen, slate, thatch, quicklime, 首席执行官兼任首席法律官和庄园的业务经理。他在村民和陌生 人面前都代表领主，从而充当村庄的保护者，抵御另一个领主的人。 不过，他最关心的是领地的管理，确保庄稼和牲畜得到妥善照料，尽 可能少地被偷走。他确保庄园能从外部得到所需的东西，在埃尔顿， 他买了一大堆东西:磨石、铁、建材和石头、木柴、钉子、马蹄铁、手 推车、侧手翻、车轴、铁轮胎、盐、蜡烛、羊皮纸、布料、奶制品和 厨房用具、石板、茅草屋顶、生石灰,

verdigris, quicksilver, tar, baskets, livestock, food. These were bought principally at nearby market towns, Oundle, Peterborough, St. Neots, and at the Stamford and St. Ives fairs. The thirteenthcentury manor was anything but self-sufficient. 铜绿，水银，柏油，篮子，牲畜，食物。这些东西主要是在附近的 市场购买的，比如昂德尔，彼得伯勒，St.Neots，还有斯坦福德和 圣艾夫斯的博览会。这座十三世纪的庄园绝不是自给自足的。 Walter of Henley, himself a former bailiff, advised lords and stewards against choosing from their circle of kindred and friends, 24 and to make the selection strictly on merit. The bailiff was paid an excellent cash salary plus perquisites, at Elton twenty shillings a year plus room and board, a fur coat, fodder for his horse, and twopence to make his Christmas oblation (offering). Two other officials, subordinate to the bailiff, are mentioned in the Elton accounts: the claviger or macebearer, and the serjeant, but both 25 offices seem to have disappeared shortly after 1300. 亨利的沃尔特曾是一名法警，他建议贵族和管理员不要从他们的 亲属和朋友圈子里挑选，而是严格按照实际情况来挑选。这名法警获 得了丰厚的现金薪水和额外津贴，每年二十先令，外加埃尔顿的食宿， 一件皮大衣，马匹的饲料，以及两便士的圣诞节供奉。在埃尔顿的账 目中还提到了另外两名官员，他们是法警的下属:克拉维杰或麦克塞 莱德，和 serjeant，但两个办公室似乎都在 1300 年后不久消失了。 25 The bailiff’s residence was the lord’s manor house. Set clearly apart from the village’s collection of flimsy wattle-and-daub dwellings, the solid-stone, buttressed manor house contrasted with them in its ample interior space and at least comparative comfort. The main room, the hall, was the setting for the manorial court, but otherwise remained at the bailiff’s disposal. There he and his family took their meals along with such members of the manorial household as were entitled to board at the lord’s table, either continuously or at certain times, plus occasional visitors. A stone bench at the southern end

flanked a large rectangular limestone hearth. The room was furnished with a trestle table, wooden benches, and a “lavatorium,” a metal washstand. A garderobe, or privy, adjoined. One end of the hall was partitioned off as a buttery and a larder. The sleeping chamber whose existence is attested by repairs to it and to its door may have been a room with a fireplace uncovered by the 26 excavations of 1977. A chapel stood next to the manor house. For the entertainment of guests “carrying the lord’s writ,” such as the steward or the clerk of the accounts, the bailiff kept track of his costs and 法警的住所是地主的庄园。这座坚实的石头扶壁的庄园与村里那 些轻薄的瓦片和涂抹的住宅形成了鲜明的对比，它宽敞的室内空间和 至少是相对舒适的。主厅，也就是大厅，是庄园法庭的所在地，其他 地方则由法警支配。在那里，他和他的家人与庄园主家的成员一起吃 饭，这些成员有权连续或在某些时间在地主的餐桌上吃饭，还有偶尔 的来访者。南端有一个石凳，两侧是一个长方形的石灰岩壁炉。房间 里有一张支架桌、木凳和一个“洗手间”——一个金属盥洗架。附属物， 枢密院附属物或枢密院。大厅的一头用隔板隔开，作为贮藏室和贮藏 室。这间卧室的存在可以通过对它和它的门的修理得到证实，它可能 是一间由 1977 年的挖掘发现的带有壁炉的房间。庄园旁边有一个小 教堂。26 为了招待“执行主令状”的客人，如管家或会计书记，执达主 任记录他的费用和

submitted the expenses to Ramsey. Visitors included monks and officials on their way to the Stamford Fair, or to be ordained in Stamford; other ecclesiastics, among them the abbot’s two brothers and the prior of St. Ives; and royal officials—the justice of the forest, the sheriff of Huntingdon, 把费用提交给拉姆齐。来访者包括前往斯坦福德集市或将在斯坦福德 受戒的僧侣和官员;其他教会成员，其中包括住持的两个兄弟和圣艾 夫斯的副院长;以及王室官员ーー森林法官，亨廷顿的治安官,

Manor house, c. 1170, at Burton Agnes (Humberside): ground-floor undercroft.

庄园住宅，约 1170 年，位于 BurtonAgnes(亨伯赛德):一楼的圆顶地 下。

Manor house, Burton Agnes: upper hall. 伯顿庄园，阿格尼斯:上大厅。

kings’ messengers, and once “the twelve regarders,” knights who 27 enforced the king’s forest law. The guests’ horses and dogs had to be lodged and fed, and sometimes their falcons, including “the 28 falcons of the lord abbot.” In 1298 when the royal army was on its way to Scotland, a special expense was incurred, a bribe of sixpence to “a certain man of the Exchequer of the lord king…for 29 sparing our horses.” On several later occasions expenses are noted either for feeding military parties or bribing them to go elsewhere. 国王的使者，还有曾经的“十二个 regarders”，是执行国王森林法律 的骑士。客人的马匹和狗需要提供食物，有时还要喂它们的猎鹰， 包括“院长的猎鹰”28.1298 年，当皇家军队在前往苏格兰的途中，花 费了一笔特别的费用，六便士贿赂“一位贵族国王的财政大臣......因 为他饶恕了我们的马匹。”29.在后来的几次事件中，记录了向军队 提供食物或贿赂他们去其他地方的费用。

Assisting the bailiff was a staff of subordinate officials chosen annually from and usually (as in Elton) by the villagers themselves. Chief of these was the reeve. Always a villein, he was one of the most prosperous—“the best husbandman,” according to 30 Seneschaucie. Normally the new reeve succeeded at Michaelmas (September 29), the beginning of the agricultural year. His main duty was seeing 协助法警的是村民自己每年从下级官员中选出的工作人员(如在埃尔 顿)。其中的首领就是里夫。他一直是个农奴，是最富有的人之一ーー 据森乔西说，他是“最好的农夫”。通常，新领地会在 Michaelmas(9 月 29 日)成功，那是农业年的开始。他的主要职责是观察

that the villagers who owed labor service rose promptly and reported for work. He supervised the formation 欠劳动服务的村民及时起床报到，他负责监督队形

Manor house at Boothby Pagnell (Lincolnshire), c. 1200, also built with an undercroft and an upper hall. Royal Commission on the Historic Monuments of England. 公元 1200 年，林肯郡的布斯比帕格内尔庄园也建有一个圆顶地下室和

一个上厅。英格兰历史古迹皇家委员会。

of the plow teams, saw to the penning and folding of the lord’s livestock, ordered the mending of the lord’s fences, and made sure 31 sufficient forage was saved for the winter. Seneschaucie admonished him to make sure no herdsman slipped off to fair, market, wrestling match, or tavern without obtaining leave and 32 finding a substitute. He might, as occasionally at Elton, be entrusted with the sale of demesne produce. On some manors the reeve collected the rents. 他可能会像在埃尔顿那样，偶尔被委托去销售领地的农产品，这种情 况也会发生在他身上。在一些庄园里，里夫收取租金。 But of all his numerous functions, the most remarkable was his rendition of the demesne account. He produced this at the end of

the agricultural year for the lord’s steward or clerk of the accounts. Surviving reeves’ accounts of Elton are divided into four parts: “arrears,” or receipts; expenses and liveries (meaning deliveries); issue of the grange (grain and other stores on hand in the barns); and stock. The 但在他的众多职能中，最引人注目的是他对私有财产的描述。他 在农业年度结束的时候把这个交给总管或帐务员。里夫斯在世时对埃 尔顿的描述分为四个部分:“欠款”或收据，开支和制服(指交货)，农庄 (谷仓里的谷物和其他仓库)的发放，以及存货。这个

account of Alexander atte Cross, reeve in 1297, also appends an “account of works” performed by the tenants. 1297 年关于亚历山大·阿特·克罗斯的记载，也附加了佃户所做的 “工程记录”。 Each part is painstakingly detailed. Under “arrears” are given the rents collected on each of several feast days when they fell due, the rents that remained unpaid for whatever reason, and receipts from sales of grain, stock, poultry, and other products. Under “expenses and liveries” are listed all the bacon, beef, meal, and cheeses consigned to Ramsey Abbey throughout the year, and the mallards, larks, and kids sent to the abbot at Christmas and Easter. Numerous payments to individuals—carpenter, smith, itinerant workmen—are listed, and purchases set down: plows and parts, yokes and harness, hinges, wheels, grease, meat, herring, and many other items. The “issue of the grange” in 1297 lists 486 rings and 1 bushel of wheat totaled from the mows in the barn and elsewhere, and describes its disposal: to Ramsey, in sales, in payment of a debt to the rector, and for boon-works; then it does the same for rye, barley, and the other grains. In the stock account, the reeve lists all the animals—horses, cattle, sheep, pigs—inherited from the previous year, notes the advances in age category (lambs to ewes or wethers, young calves to yearlings), and those sold or 33 dead (with hides accounted for). 每一部分都是煞费苦心的细节。在“欠款”项下，每个节日到期时 收取的租金，不论什么原因仍未支付的租金，以及销售谷物、库存、 家禽和其他产品的收入。在“费用和制服”下面列出了一年中寄给拉姆 齐修道院的所有培根、牛肉、正餐和奶酪，还有圣诞节和复活节寄给 修道院院长的野鸭、百灵鸟和小孩。上面列出了支付给个人的许多款 项ーー木匠、铁匠、流动工人ーー以及购买的物品:犁和零件、轭架和 马具、铰链、轮子、油脂、肉类、鲱鱼和许多其他物品。1297 年的 《农庄问题》列举了 486 个圆环和 1 蒲式耳的小麦从谷仓和其他地方 的壕沟中总计而来，并且描述了它的处理方式:卖给拉姆齐，偿还教区 长的债务和福利工作;然后它对黑麦、大麦和其他谷物也做了同样的处 理。在股票账户中，投资者列出了上一年继承的所有动物——马、牛、

羊、猪，注明了年龄类别的进展(从羊羔到母羊或母羊，从小牛到一岁 小牛)，以及出售或死亡的动物(包括兽皮)

With no formal schooling to draw on, the unlettered reeve kept track of all these facts and figures by means of marks on a tally stick, which he read off to the clerk of the accounts. Written out on parchment about eight inches wide and in segments varying in length, sewed together end to end, the account makes two things clear: the medieval manor was a wellsupervised business operation, and the reeve who played so central a role in it was not the dullwitted clod traditionally evoked by the words “peasant” and “villein.” 由于没有受过正规的学校教育，这位不识字的信徒用一根计数棒 上的记号来记录所有这些事实和数字，他把这些记号读给帐目管理员 听。这份报告写在羊皮纸上，宽约 8 英寸，长短不一，头尾相连地缝 在一起。这份报告清楚地表明了两点:中世纪庄园是一个受到良好监督 的商业活动，而在其中发挥核心作用的领袖，不是“农民”和“奴隶”这两 个词传统上引发的愚蠢的土块

The accounts often resulted in a small balance one way or the other. Henry Reeve, who served at Elton in 1286这些账户往往以这样或那样的方式产生小额余额。亨利·里夫， 1286 年在埃尔顿服役

1 1287, reported revenues of 36 pounds, /4 penny, and 3 expenditures of 36 pounds 15 /4 pence, which he balanced 1287 年，报告收入 36 英镑 1/4 便士，支出 36 英镑 15.5 便士，他平 衡 1 with the conclusion: “Proved, and so the lord owes the reeve 15 /2 34 pence.” His successor, Philip of Elton, who took over 结论是:”已经证实，所以上帝欠里夫 15.5 便士”34 他的继任者，埃尔 顿的菲利普，接管了他的职位 in April 1287, reported on the following Michaelmas receipts of 26 pounds 6 shillings 7 pence, expenditures of 25 pounds 16 shillings 1 /4 penny: “Proved and thus the reeve owes the lord 10 shillings 6 3/4 pence.”35 1287 年 4 月，米迦勒节收入 26 英镑 6 先令 7 便士，支出 25 英镑 16 先令 1/4 便士:“证明，因此里弗欠主 10 先令 63/4 便士。”图 35 For his labors, physical and mental, the reeve received no cash stipend, but nevertheless quite substantial compensation. He was always exempted from his normal villein obligations (at Elton amounting to 117 days’ week-work), and at Elton, though not everywhere, received at least some of his meals at the manor house 36 table. He also received a penny for his Christmas oblation. On some less favored manors, candidates for reeve declined the honor and even paid to avoid it, but most accepted readily enough. At Broughton the reeve was given the privilege of grazing eight animals 37 in the lord’s pasture. That may have been the formal concession of a privilege already preempted. “It would be surprising,” says Nigel Saul, “if the reeve had not folded his sheep on the lord’s pastures or 38 used the demesne stock to plow his own lands.” There were many other possibilities. Chaucer’s reeve is a skillful thief of his lord’s produce: 对于他的劳动，无论是身体上还是精神上，里弗都没有得到现金 津贴，但是却得到了相当可观的补偿。他总是免于履行正常的佃农义 务(在埃尔顿相当于每周工作 117 天)，而在埃尔顿，尽管不是在任何 地方，至少在庄园的餐桌上能吃到一些饭菜。在一些不太受欢迎的庄 园里，里夫的候选人拒绝这项荣誉，甚至为了避免它而付钱，但大多 数人都欣然接受了。在布劳顿，领主有权在领主的牧场上放牧 8 头牲

畜。这可能是对已经取代的特权的正式让步。奈杰尔·索尔说:“如果牧 羊人没有把他的羊圈在地主的牧场上，或者没有用领地的牲畜来耕种 他自己的土地，那就太令人惊讶了。”38 还有许多其他的可能性。乔 叟的理论是一个巧妙地窃取他主人产品的小偷: Well could he keep a garner and a bin, There 39 was no auditor could on him win. 他能保住一个储藏室和一个垃圾箱吗?没有任何 一个审计员能够胜过他 Walter of Henley considered it wise to check the reeve’s bushel 40 measure after he had rendered his account. 亨利的沃尔特认为，在他交代清楚之后，再核对一下里弗的斗量 是明智的 Some business-minded lords assigned quotas to their manors—annual quantities of wheat, barley, and other produce, fixed numbers of calves, lambs, other stock, and eggs. The monkish board of auditors of St. Swithun’s Abbey 一些有商业头脑的领主为他们的庄园分配了配额ーー每年的小 麦、大麦和其他农产品，固定数量的小牛、羔羊、其他牲畜和蛋。 圣斯维森修道院的修道院审计委员会

enforced their quotas by exactions from the reeve, forcing him to make up out of his pocket any shortfall. It might be supposed that St. Swithun’s would experience difficulty in finding reeves. Not so, however. The monks were strict, but their quotas were moderate and attractively consistent, remaining exactly the same year after year for long stretches—60 piglets, 28 goslings, 60 chicks, and 300 eggs —making it entirely possible, or rather probable, that the reeve profited in most years, adding the surplus goslings and 41 piglets to his own stock. 通过勒索领导人来强制执行他们的配额，迫使他自己填补任何缺口。 人们可能会认为圣斯维森在寻找里维斯时会遇到困难。然而，事实 并非如此。这些僧侣很严格，但是他们的数量一致而且吸引人，在 很长一段时间里年复一年地保持不变ーー60 只小猪、28 只小鹅、60 只小鸡和 300 个蛋ーー使得这些年轻人在大多数年份里获利成为完 全可能，或者更确切地说是可能的，他们把多余的小鹅和小猪加入 到自己的种群中 The reeve in turn had an assistant, known variously as the beadle, hayward, or messor, who served partly as the reeve’s deputy, partly in an independent role. As the reeve was traditionally a villein virgater, his deputy was traditionally a villein half-virgater, one of the middle-level villagers. 领事又有一个助手，人们称他为执事、海沃德或梅瑟尔，他既 是领事的副手，又是独立的副手。由于牧师传统上是维尔加特村的 村民，他的副手传统上是半维尔加特村的村民，中层村民之一。 The beadle or hayward usually had primary responsibility for the seed saved from last year’s crop, its preservation and sowing, including the performances of the plowmen in their plowing and harrowing, and later, in cooperation with the reeve, for those of the villeins doing mowing and reaping. Walter of Henley warned that villeins owing week-work were prone to shirk: “If they do not [work] 42 well, let them be reproved.” The hayward’s job also included impounding cattle or sheep that strayed into the demesne crop and 43 seeing that their owners were fined.

牧师或干草工通常对去年收获的种子负有主要责任，包括种子的 保存和播种，包括耕作者耕作和耙地的表现，以及后来与收割者合作， 对那些割草和收割的农民负责。亨利学院的沃尔特警告说，欠周工作 的奴隶容易逃避工作:“如果他们(工作)不好，就让他们受到责备。”42. 海沃德的工作还包括扣押流入领地作物的牛羊，并监督其主人受到罚 款 Many manors also had a woodward to see that no one took from the lord’s wood anything except what he was allowed by custom or payment; some also had a cart-reeve with specialized functions. One set of officials no village was ever without was the ale tasters, who assessed the quality and monitored the price of ale brewed for sale to the public. This last was the only village office ever filled by women, who did most of the brewing. 许多庄园还有一个木屋，可以看到除了按照习俗或付款允许的东 西之外，没有人可以从上帝的木头上拿走任何东西;有些庄园还有一 个专门用来放置马车的犁。每个村庄都有一组官员是麦芽酒品尝员， 他们负责评估麦芽酒的质量并监控出售给公众的麦芽酒的价格。这最 后一个办公室是唯一一个由妇女填补的村办公室，她们是酿酒的主力。 At Elton the titles “beadle” and “hayward” were both in use. Both offices may have existed simultaneously, with the 在埃尔顿，“执事”(beadle)和“海沃德”(hayward)两个头衔都在使 用。这两个办事处可能同时存在

beadle primarily responsible for collecting rents and the fines levied in court. The beadle’s compensation consisted of partial board at the manor house plus exemption from his labor obligation (half the reeve’s, or 58V2 days a year, since he owed for a half rather than a full virgate). At Elton a reap-reeve was sometimes appointed in late summer to help police the harvest work, a function otherwise 44 assigned to two “wardens of the autumn.” 执事主要负责收取租金和法庭罚款。执事的补偿包括在庄园住宅的部 分膳食，以及免除他的劳动义务(一半领地，或者一年 58V2 天，因为 他欠一半而不是一个完整的处女座)。在埃尔顿，有时会在夏末指派一 名收割官来协助管理收割工作，这项职能本来是分配给两名“秋季看守” 的 44 The primary aim of estate management was to provide for the lord’s needs, which were always twofold: food for himself and his household, and cash to supply needs that could not be met from the manors. Many lay barons collected their manorial product in person by touring their estates annually manor by manor. Bishop Grosseteste advised careful planning of the tour. It should begin after the post-Michaelmas “view of account,” when it would be possible to calculate how lengthy a visit each manor could support. “Do not in any wise burden by debt or long residence the places where you sojourn,” he cautioned, lest the manorial economy be so weakened that it could not supply from the sale of its products cash 45 for “your wines, robes, wax, and all your wardrobe.” 物业管理的主要目的是满足地主的需要，这通常是两方面的:为他和他 的家人提供食物，以及用现金来满足庄园无法满足的需要。许多男爵 每年通过庄园巡回领地，亲自收集他们的庄园产品。格罗斯特主教建 议仔细计划这次旅行。它应该开始后米迦勒节“帐户查看”，当它可以 计算多长时间访问每个庄园可以支持。“在任何明智的情况下，都不要 借债或长期居住在你居住的地方，”他警告说，以免庄园经济如此虚弱， 以至于它无法从出售其产品中提供现金来购买“你的葡萄酒、长袍、蜡 以及你所有的衣橱”45

For Ramsey Abbey and other monasteries, such peripatetic victualing was not practical. Instead, several manors, of which Elton was one, were earmarked for the abbey food supply and assigned a quota, or “farm,” meaning sufficient food and drink to answer the needs of the monks and their guests for a certain 46 period. 对于拉姆齐修道院和其他修道院来说，这样的巡回弥撒是不 现实的。相反，一些庄园(埃尔顿就是其中之一)被指定用于修道院 的食物供应，并指定了一个配额，或“农场”，意思是足够的食物和 饮料，以满足僧侣和他们的客人在一定时期内的需要 Whatever the arrangement for exploitation of the manors, the thirteenth-century lord nearly always received his income in both produce and cash. The demesne furnished the great bulk of the produce, plus a growing sum in cash from sales at fair or market. The tenants furnished the bulk of the cash by their rents, plus some payments in 无论采用何种方式开发庄园，这位十三世纪的领主几乎总是从农 产品和现金中获得收入。私宅提供了绝大部分的农产品，另外还从集 市或市场上的销售中获得了越来越多的现金。房客们用租金提供了大 部分的现金，另外还有一些在年支付的款项

kind (not only bread, ale, eggs, and cheese, but in many cases linen, wool cloth, and handicraft products). Cash also flowed in from the manorial court fines. Only a few lords, such as the bishop of Worcester, enjoyed the convenience of a revenue paid exclusively in 47 cash. 种类(不仅包括面包、麦芽酒、鸡蛋和奶酪，在许多情况下还包括亚麻、 羊毛布和手工制品)。现金也从庄园法庭罚款中流入。只有少数贵族， 比如伍斯特主教，享受着完全以现金支付税收的便利 Cultivation of the demesne was accomplished by a combination of the villein tenants’ contribution of week-work and the daily labor of the demesne staff, the famuli. In England the tenants generally contributed about a fourth of the demesne plowing, leaving three 48 fourths to the famuli. At Elton these consisted of eight plowmen and drivers, a carter, a cowherd, a swineherd, and a shepherd, all paid two to four shillings a year in cash plus “livery,” an allowance of grain, flour, and salt, plus a pair of gloves and money for their 49 Christmas oblation. Smaller emoluments were paid to a cook, a dairyman or dairymaid, extra shepherds, seasonal helpers for the cowherd and swineherd, a keeper of bullocks. a woman who milked 50 ewes. and a few other seasonal or temporary hands. On some manors the famuli were settled on holdings, one version of which was the “sown acre,” a piece of demesne land sown with grain. Ramsey Abbey used the sown acre to compensate its own huge 51 familia of eighty persons. Another arrangement was the “Saturday plow,” by which the lord’s plow cohort was lent one day a week to 52 plow the holdings of famuli. 土地的培育是土地所有者的周工与土地所有者的日常劳动相结合 的产物。在英格兰，土地耕作的四分之一由佃农贡献，四分之三由农 户贡献。在埃尔顿，这些人包括 8 个农夫和司机，一个赶牛的，一个 牧牛的，一个养猪的，一个牧羊人，他们每年都要支付 2 到 4 先令的 现金，外加一些粮食、面粉和盐，外加一副手套和一些钱作为圣诞节 的祭品。一个给母羊挤奶的女人。50 在一些庄园里，农民们决定了自 己的土地，其中一种是“播种地”，即一块播种了谷物的领地。拉姆齐

修道院用播种的土地来补偿自己庞大的八十人家庭。另一种安排是“星 期六犁”，主的犁群每周借一天犁农场的土地 The manorial plowman was responsible for the well-being of his plow animals and the maintenance of his plows and harness. Seneschaucie stressed the need for intelligence in a plowman, who was also expected to be versed in digging drainage ditches. As for plow animals, Walter of Henley judiciously recommended both horses and oxen, horses for their superior work virtues, oxen for their economy. An old ox was edible and, fattened up, could be sold for as much as he had cost, according to Walter (actually, for 90 percent of his cost, according to a modern scholar; in the 1290s, about 12 shillings). Pope Gregory III 庄园主负责耕种动物的福利以及犁和马具的维护。 Seneschaucie 强调一个农夫需要智慧，他也被期望精通挖掘排水沟。 至于犁耕动物，亨利的沃尔特明智地推荐马和牛，马具有优越的工 作价值，牛具有经济价值。根据沃尔特的说法，一头老牛可以食用， 而且养肥后，可以卖到和它原来一样的价钱(实际上，根据一位现代 学者的说法，它的价钱是它的 90%;在 1290 年代，大约是 12 先令)。 教宗额我略三世

had proscribed horsemeat in 732, and though most of Europe ignored the ban, in the Middle Ages and long after, in England horsemeat was never eaten. Consequently an old plow horse 53 fetched less than half his original cost of ten to eleven shillings. 虽然大多数欧洲国家对这一禁令置之不理，但在中世纪和很久以后， 英国人从未食用过马肉。结果，一匹老耕马的价格只有原先十一先 令的一半不到

Elton’s bailiff or the Ramsey steward may have studied Walter of Henley, because the eight Elton demesne plowmen and drivers used ten stots (work horses) and eighteen oxen in their four plow teams. Horses and oxen were commonly harnessed together, a practice also recommended by Walter. In the Elton region (East 54 Midlands) a popular combination was two horses and six oxen. 埃尔顿的法警或者拉姆齐的管家可能研究过亨利的沃尔特，因为 埃尔顿的 8 个园丁犁夫和司机在他们的 4 个犁队中使用了 10 匹驮马 和十八头公牛。马和公牛通常被套在一起，沃尔特也推荐这种做法。 在埃尔顿地区(东米德兰)，一种流行的组合是两匹马和六头公牛

Sheepfold. Man at center is doctoring a sheep, while woman on the left milks and women on the right carry jars of milk. British Library, Luttrell Psalter, Ms. Add. 42130, f. 163v.

羊圈。中间的男人正在给羊看病，左边的女人在给羊挤奶，右边的女人 在搬牛奶罐。大英图书馆，Luttrell 诗篇，Add 女士。42130，f.163v.

Cattle being driven by herdsmen. British Library, Queen Mary’s Psalter, Ms. Royal 2B Vii, f. 75.

牧民赶着的牛。大英图书馆，玛丽女王的诗篇，罗亚尔女士第 2b7，f.75。

On every manor the tenants’ labor was urgently required in one critical stretch of the annual cycle, the boon-works of autumn and post-autumn. To get the demesne harvest cut, stacked, carted, threshed, and stored and the winter wheat planted before frost called for mass conscription of villeins, free tenants, their families, and often for recruitment of extra labor from the floating population of landless peasants. At Elton, two meiatores, professional grain handlers, and a professional winnower were taken on at harvest 55 time. 在每个庄园的佃户的劳动迫切需要在一个关键的延伸，每年的周 期，秋天和后秋天的恩惠工程。为了让庄园收割、堆放、运输、脱粒 和储存，以及在霜冻前种植冬小麦，需要大规模征召农民、自由佃农 和他们的家庭，而且往往需要从无地农民的流动人口中招募额外的劳 动力。在埃尔顿，在收获季节，雇佣了两名梅阿托尔、专业的谷物搬 运工和一名专业的扬谷工 Threshing, done in the barn, was a time-consuming job, winnowing an easy one. Hired labor was paid a penny per ring of 56 threshed wheat, a penny per eight rings winnowed.

打谷，在谷仓里完成，是一项耗时的工作，筛选出一个简单的。 雇工每打一圈麦子可得一便士，每淘出八圈麦子可得一便士 The staple crops at Elton were those of most English manors: barley, wheat, oats, peas, and beans, and, beginning in the late thirteenth century, rye. The proportions in the demesne harvest of 1286 were about two thousand bushels of barley, half as much wheat, and lesser proportions of oats, drage (mixed grain), and 57 peas and beans. Yields were four to one for barley, four to one for wheat, a bit over two to one for oats, and four to one for beans and peas. The overall yield was about three and two埃尔顿的主要农作物是大多数英国庄稼的主要作物:大麦、小麦、 燕麦、豌豆和豆类，从十三世纪晚期开始，还有黑麦。1286 年私有 收成的比例大约是 2000 蒲式耳的大麦，一半的小麦，以及较小比例 的燕麦、杂粮、豌豆和蚕豆。大麦的产量是四比一，小麦是四比一， 燕麦是二比一，蚕豆和豌豆是四比一。总产量约为 3 和 2-

thirds to one, better than the three and one-third stipulated in the 三分之一比三分之一好，比三和三分之一规定的

Harrowing. Man following the harrow is planting peas or beans, using a stick as a seed drill. British Library, Luttrell Psalter, Ms. Add. 42130, f. 171.

痛苦的。跟在耙后面的人正在种植豌豆或豆子，用一根棍子作为播种机。大英图书馆， Luttrell 诗篇，Add 女士。42130，f.171.

58 Rules of St. Robert. In 1297 the Elton wheat yield reached fivefold, but overall the ratio remained about the same, a third to half modern 59 figures. Prices fluctuated considerably over the half-century from 1270 to 1320, varying from five to eight shillings a quarter (eight 60 bushels) for wheat. Half a ring (two bushels) planted an acre. Even without drought or flood, labor costs and price uncertainty could make a lord’s profit on crops precarious. 在 1297 年，埃尔顿的小麦产量达到了五倍，但总体上比例保持不变， 是现代小麦产量的三分之一到一半。从 1270 年到 1320 年的半个世纪 里，价格波动相当大，从每四分之一先令(八蒲式耳)到五先令(八蒲式 耳)不等。即使没有干旱或洪水，劳动力成本和价格的不确定性也可能

使农作物的利润岌岌可危。 The treatises offered extensive advice on animal husbandry— standards for butter and cheese production, advice on milk versus cheese, on suspension of the milking of cows and ewes to encourage early breeding, on feeding work animals (best for the reeve or hayward to look to, since the oxherd might steal the provender), and on branding the lord’s sheep so that they could be

distinguished from those of the tenants. The cowherd should sleep with his animals in the barn, and the shepherd should do the same, 61 with his dog next to him. 这些论文就畜牧业提供了广泛的建议——黄油和奶酪生产标准、 牛奶与奶酪的对比、暂停对奶牛和母羊的挤奶以鼓励早期繁殖、饲养 工作用动物(最适合饲养里夫或海沃德家的动物，因为牛群可能会偷走 饲料)，以及给主人的羊打上品牌，以便它们能与佃户的羊区分开来。 牧牛人应该和他的牲畜一起睡在谷仓里，牧羊人也应该这样做，把他 的狗放在他的旁边 In the realm of veterinary medicine, the best that can be said is that it was no worse than medieval human medicine. Without giving specific instructions, Walter of Henley advocated making an effort to save animals: “If there be 在兽医学的世界里，能说的最好的就是它并不比中世纪的人类医 学更糟糕。亨利学院的沃尔特在没有给出具体指示的情况下，主张努 力拯救动物:

any beast which begins to fall ill, lay out money to better it, for it is 62 said in the proverb, ‘Blessed is the penny that saves two.’ ” Probably more practical was Walter’s advice to sell off animals quickly when disease threatened the herd. 凡生病的畜生，都要花钱治病，因为俗话说:“一便士救两个人，这是 有福的。”62 也许更实际的是沃尔特的建议，当疾病威胁到牛群时， 赶快把牛卖掉。 Verdigris (copper sulfate), mercury, and tar, all items that appear frequently in the Elton manorial accounts, were applied for a variety of animal afflictions, with little effect on the prevailing rate of 63 mortality, averaging 18 percent among sheep. Sheep pox, “Red Death,” and murrain were usually blamed, the word “murrain” covering so many diseases that it occurs more often in medieval 64 stock accounts than any other. 63 绵羊痘、红死病和黑死病通常被归咎于“黑死病”，这个词涵盖了太 多的疾病，以至于它在中世纪的种群账目中出现的频率比其他任何疾 病都要高 The Elton dairy produced some two hundred cheeses a year, most if not all from ewes’ milk, with the bulk of the product going to 65 the cellarer of the abbey, some to the famuli and boon-workers. Most of the butter was sold, some of the milk used to nurse lambs. The medieval practice of treating ewes as dairy animals may have hindered development of size and stamina. But though notoriously susceptible to disease, sheep were never a total loss since their woolly skins (fells) brought a good price. The relative importance of their fleece caused medieval flocks to have a composition which would seem odd to modern sheep farmers. Where modern sheep are raised mainly for meat and the wethers (males) are slaughtered early, in the Middle Ages the wethers’ superior fleece kept them 66 alive for four to five years. 埃尔顿奶场每年生产约 200 块奶酪，大部分(如果不是全部的话) 来自母羊奶，其中大部分送到修道院的看守所，有些送给了家人和工 人。大部分的黄油都卖掉了，还有一些牛奶是用来喂羊的。中世纪把 母羊当作奶牛饲养的做法可能阻碍了体型和耐力的发展。尽管众所周 知绵羊易患疾病，但由于绵羊的羊毛皮可以卖个好价钱，所以从来没

有完全损失过。由于羊毛的相对重要性，中世纪羊群的组成对现代养 羊户来说显得很奇怪。现代绵羊主要是为了肉而饲养，而绵羊(男性) 很早就被宰杀了，在中世纪，绵羊的优质羊毛使它们活了四到五年 Poultry at Elton, as on most manors, was the province of a dairymaid, who, according to Seneschaucie, ought to be “faithful and of good repute, and keep herself clean, and… know her business.” She should be adept at making and salting cheese, should help with the winnowing, take good care of the geese and 67 hens, and keep and cover the fire in the manor house. 埃尔顿的家禽，和大多数庄园一样，属于挤奶女工的管辖范围， 按照 Seneschaucie 的说法，她应该“忠诚，有良好的声誉，保持清 洁，......了解自己的业务。”她应该善于制作和腌制奶酪，应该帮助筛 选，照顾好鹅和母鸡，并且保持和掩盖庄园的火灾 The only other agricultural products at Elton were flax, apples, and wax, all cultivated on a modest or insignificant 在埃尔顿，仅有的其他农产品是亚麻、苹果和蜡，所有这些农 产品都是适度或微不足道地种植

68 scale. The wax was a scanty return on a beekeeping enterprise that failed through a bee disease. On other English manors a variety of garden vegetables, cider, timber, and brushwood were market products. Wine, a major product on the Continent, was a minor one in England. 由于蜜蜂疾病导致养蜂事业失败，这些蜂蜡只是微不足道的回 报。在其他英国庄园，各种园林蔬菜，苹果酒，木材和灌木是 市场产品。葡萄酒是欧洲大陆的主要产品，在英国则是次要产 品。

In the old days of subsistence agriculture, when the manor’s produce went to feed the manor and the clink of a coin was 在自给农业的旧时代，当庄园的农产品被用来喂养庄园时，一枚硬币 的叮当声就会响起

Beehive. British Library, Luttrell Psalter, Ms. Add. 42130, f. 204. 蜂窝。大英图书馆，Luttrell 诗篇，Add 女士。42130f.204.

seldom heard in the countryside, the surplus of an exceptional season, beyond what everyone could eat, went 在农村很少听说，一个特殊季节的过剩食物，超过了每个人的食量

to waste. But for some time now a momentous change had been under way. The growth of town markets “put most men within the 69 reach of opportunities of buying and selling.” The man most affected was the lord, if he awoke to his opportunity. Robert Grosseteste, the practical-minded bishop of Lincoln, urged his 70 readers to ask “how profitable your plow and stock are.” Generally the answer was satisfactory. Not only that, but revenue from cash rents was increasing rapidly as the tenants took advantage of the market. One study of central England in 1279 indicates that even the 71 villeins were now paying more than half their dues in money. Besides rents, these included a long list of servile fees and the fines of the manorial court. The very number and variety of the lord’s revenues probably helped blind everyone to the inefficiency of the system that supplied them. Like slavery, serfdom required continuous year-round maintenance of a labor force whose labor was needed only in varying degrees in different seasons. 浪费。但是一段时间以来，一个重大的变化正在发生。城镇市场的增 长“使得大多数男人有机会买卖。”69 受影响最大的是上帝，如果他意 识到他的机会的话。罗伯特·格罗斯泰斯特，林肯的主教，鼓励他的读 者问:“你的犁和牲畜有多赚钱?”总的来说，答案是令人满意的。不仅如 此，由于租户利用了这个市场，现金租金的收入也迅速增长。1279 年 对英格兰中部的一项研究表明，即使是村民现在也用金钱支付一半以 上的会费。除了租金，还有一长串奴役费和庄园法庭的罚款。贵族收 入的数量和种类可能使每个人都看不到供给他们的体制的低效。像奴 隶制一样，农奴制要求劳动力全年不间断地维持，而在 20 世纪四季 奇谭，只是在不同程度上需要这些劳动力。 Hired labor and cash rents were the wave of the future. So was the application of technical improvements. Some lords made an effort. Henry de Bray’s account book records a number of improvements added to his single manor, including building cottages for tenants, widening a stream to provide fish ponds, and 72 constructing a mill and a bridge. At Wharram Percy a wholesale reconstruction of the village was executed, evidently a rare seizure of the opportunity afforded a lord by his legal ownership of the

73 village houses and land. In the towns such a large-scale project was impossible; over centuries changes were restricted to individual building sites. 雇佣劳动力和现金租金是未来的潮流。技术改进的应用也是如 此。一些贵族做出了努力。亨利·德·布雷的帐本上记载了他的庄园增 加的一些改进，包括为佃户建造村舍，拓宽一条小溪以提供鱼塘， 以及建造磨坊和桥梁。在 WharramPercy，村庄进行了大规模的重建， 显然是少有的抓住了一位领主合法拥有村庄房屋和土地的机会。

Naive but intelligent Walter of Henley has been credited with pioneering scientific agriculture for his recommendations, admittedly general, for improving seed (“Seed grown on other ground will bring 74 more profit than that which is grown on your own”) and breed 75 (“Do not have boars and sows unless of a good breed”). The Elton 天真但聪明的亨利农场的沃尔特因其开创性的科学农业的建议而 受到赞誉，他的建议无可否认是一般性的，即改良种子(“在其他地方 种植的种子比自己种植的利润更大”)和繁殖(“除非是良种，否则不要 养公猪和母猪”)

records show evidence of attempts to improve the demesne seed by trading among manors. In 1286-1287 1287, thirty rings of wheat were sent to the reeve of Abbot’s Ripton and twenty received from 76 the reeve of Weston. Serieschaucie was more specific than Walter in respect to improving breeds, assigning the cowherd responsibility for choosing large bulls of good pedigree to pasture 77 and mate with the cows. Robert Trow-Smith believes the experts were heeded to some extent. Progressive lords such as the Hungerfords of Wiltshire imported rams from Lincolnshire and other regions of England, and Trow-Smith ventures a surmise that “the owners of the great ecclesiastical estates in particular” imported 78 breeding stock from the Continent. 记录显示，有人试图通过在庄园之间交易，来改善私有制种子。在 1286-12871287 年间，三十圈小麦被送到艾博特的 Ripton 牧场，二 十圈从韦斯顿牧场收到。威尔特郡的亨格福德(Hungerfords)等进步派 领主从林肯郡和英格兰其它地区进口了公羊，特罗-史密斯大胆猜测， “特别是教会大财产的所有者”从欧洲大陆进口了公羊 Yet the only really widely used device for increasing agricultural production remained the old one of assarting, of enlarging the area of land by cutting down forest or draining marsh. In earlier centuries, when forest and marsh covered the countryside of northwest Europe, a pioneering effort with axe and spade was natural and obvious. Now, in the late thirteenth century, as villages filled the landscape, scope for assarting was disappearing. 然而，唯一真正广泛使用的增加农业生产的方法仍然是老方法， 即通过砍伐森林或排干沼泽来扩大土地面积。在更早的世纪，当森林 和沼泽覆盖的农村西北欧，开创性的努力与斧头和铁锹是自然和明显 的。现在，在十三世纪晚期，随着村庄充满了风景，分配的范围正在 消失。 At the same time an opportunity was opening in the booming wool market. Exceeding in volume the demand for grain, meat, leather, and everything else were the purchases by the great

merchant-manufacturers of the cloth cities of Flanders, France, and Italy. English wool was especially prized for its fineness, the most sought-after single characteristic of a fiber. Agents of the great wool firms often contracted with a monastic house like Ramsey Abbey for an entire year’s clip, or even several years’ clip, in advance. Prices remained very steady at four to five shillings a stone (1270-1320). The Elton demesne, which delivered 118 fleeces to Ramsey in 1287, 79 in 1314 carted 521 to the abbey. Clumsy, fragile, and vulnerable, but easy to feed, easy to handle, and producing its fleece 与此同时，蓬勃发展的羊毛市场出现了机遇。对谷物、肉类、皮 革以及其他所有物品的需求量超过了佛兰德、法国和意大利这些布料 城市的大商人制造商的购买量。英国羊毛特别珍贵的是其细度，最受 追捧的单一特点的纤维。大型羊毛公司的代理商通常提前与像拉姆齐 修道院这样的修道院签订一整年甚至几年的合同。价格保持稳定，在 4 至 5 先令一石(1270-1320)。1287 年，埃尔顿·德米斯内为拉姆齐提 供了 118 件羊毛，1314 年，521 件羊毛运到了修道院

reliably every year, the sheep was on its way to becoming England’s national treasure. 每年，这些绵羊都会成为英格兰的国宝。 Appreciative though they were of the wonderful wool market, most lords remained conservative in respect to change, “reluctant to 80 spend heavily from current revenue upon improvements.” The most profitable part of the lord’s land was meadow, and the most valuable crop he could raise was hay for winter feed, but on most manors grain remained the top priority. Cereal agriculture retained a mystic prestige among the landholding class as it did, for sounder 81 material reasons, among the peasants. 尽管大多数领主对羊毛市场的美好表示赞赏，但他们在改变方面 仍然很保守，“不愿在改进方面大量花费当前的收入。”领主的土地中 最有利可图的部分是草地，他所能种植的最有价值的作物是冬季饲料 用的干草，但是在大多数庄园里，粮食仍然是头等大事。由于更为合 理的物质原因，谷物农业在农民中仍然保持着一种神秘的威望 When foreign wool buyers, their eye on long-term investments, insisted that the sheds where fleeces were shorn and stored be given boarded floors, as did a consortium of merchants 当外国羊毛买家着眼于长期投资时，他们坚持要求把剪毛和 储存羊毛的棚子铺上地板，一个商人财团也是如此

Shepherds watching sheep. British Library, Queen Mary’s Psalter, Ms.

看羊的牧羊人。大英图书馆，玛丽女王的诗篇。 Royal 2B VII, f. 74. 皇家 2bVII，f.74。

Donkey carrying woolsacks to market. Bodleian Library, Ms. Ashmole 1504, f. 30.

驴子背着毛袋去市场。博德利图书馆，阿什莫尔女士，1504，f.30。

from Cahors in dealing with the Cistercian abbey of Pipewell, the abbey gave in and boarded the floors, but that was as far as the lord 82 cared to go in welcoming improvement. The historic shift in British agriculture marked by the enclosure movement got under way, very slowly, only in the fifteenth century. 82 以圈地运动为标志的英国农业的历史性转变开始了，非常缓慢，直 到 15 世纪。 Content to see their revenues rise and their luxuries multiply, most lords preferred to assure themselves of all that was coming to them under the system rather than striving to improve the system. Manorial custom still ruled the countryside, its authority fortified by the new commitment to the written record, and neither lord nor peasant was sufficiently dissatisfied to press for change. The lord counted on custom to bring laborers to his fields, coins to his coffers,

and poultry, cheese, meat, and ale to his table. The villager relied on custom to limit his services and 大多数领主满足于看到自己的收入增加，奢侈品成倍增加，宁愿 确保自己能得到体制之下的一切，也不愿努力改善体制。庄园习俗仍 然统治着乡村，新的书面记录加强了庄园的权威，无论是地主还是农 民都没有足够的不满，迫切要求改变。领主依靠习俗把劳动者带到他 的田里，把硬币放进他的金库，把家禽、奶酪、肉和麦芽酒放到他的 桌子上。这位村民依靠风俗限制他的服务

payments, and to guarantee him his house, his croft, his strips of arable, and his grazing rights. 保证他的房子、农场、耕地和放牧权。

4 THE VILLAGERS: WHO THEY WERE T tion of the Elton 影响埃尔顿状况的三个因素 HREE CONSIDERATIONS GOVERNED THE CONDI

villager: his legal status (free versus unfree), his wealth in land and animals, and (related to the first two criteria but independent of them) his social standing. How the villagers interacted has only recently drawn attention from historians. Earlier, the peasant’s relationship with his lord dominated scholarly investigation. This “manorial aspect” of the peasant’s life overshadowed the “village aspect,” which, however, is older and more fundamental, the village being older than the manor. The fact that information about the village is harder to come by than information about the manor in no way alters this conclusion. The manor has been described historically as “a landowning and land management grid superimposed on the 1 settlement patterns of villages and hamlets.” 村民:他的法律地位(自由与不自由)，他在土地和动物方面的财富，以 及(与前两个标准有关，但独立于前两个标准)他的社会地位。村民之 间的互动直到最近才引起历史学家的注意。早些时候，农民与领主的 关系主导了学术研究。农民生活的“庄园面貌”盖过了“村庄面貌”，然而， “村庄面貌”更古老、更根本，村庄比庄园还要古老。关于这个村庄的 信息比关于这个庄园的信息更难获得，这个事实并不能改变这个结论。 该庄园历史上被描述为“一个地主和土地管理网格叠加在定居模式的村 庄和小村庄。”1

Both village and manor played their part in the peasant’s life. The importance of the manor’s role depended on the peasant’s status as a free man or villein, a distinction for which the lawyers strove to find a clear-cut criterion. Henry de Bracton, leading jurist of the thirteenth century, laid down the principle, “Omnes homines aut 2 liberi sunt aut servi” (All men are either free or servile). Bracton and his colleagues sought to fit the villein into Roman law, and in doing so virtually identified him as a slave. Neat though that correspondence might be in legal theory, it did not work in practice. Despite their de jure unfree status, many villeins 村庄和庄园都在农民的生活中扮演着自己的角色。庄园作用的重 要性取决于农民作为自由人或农奴的地位，律师们努力为这种区别找 到一个明确的标准。十三世纪首席法学家亨利·德·布拉克顿提出了“所 有人都是自由的或奴役的”这一原则。布拉克顿和他的同事们试图将这 个村庄纳入罗马法律，这样做实际上就把他当作了奴隶。尽管这种对 应关系在法律理论上可能很巧妙，但在实践中却行不通。尽管他们法 律上的非自由身份，许多村民

succeeded de facto in appropriating the privileges of freedom. They bought, sold, bequeathed, and inherited property, including land. Practical need created custom, and custom overrode Roman legal theory. 事实上成功地占有了自由的特权。他们购买、出售、遗赠和继承财产， 包括土地。实际需要创造了习惯，习惯压倒了罗马法理。 Back at the time of the Domesday survey, the English villein was actually catalogued among the free men, “the meanest of the free,” according to Frederic Maitland, ranking third among the five tiers of peasantry: liberi homines (free men); sokemen; villeins; cotters or bordars, equivalent to the serfs of the Continent; and 3 slaves, employed on the lord’s land as laborers and servants. In the century after Domesday, slaves disappeared in England, by a process that remains obscure, apparently evolving into either manorial servants or villein tenants. But meanwhile by an equally obscure process the villein slipped down into the category of the unfree. Historians picture a series of pendulum swings in peasant status reflecting large external economic shifts, especially the growth of the towns as markets for agricultural produce. R. H. Hilton believes that the new heavy obligations were imposed on the 4 English villein mainly in the 1180s and 1190s. 回到土地勘察时期，英国农奴实际上被归类为自由人，按照弗雷 德里克·梅特兰(FredericMaitland)的说法，他是“最卑鄙的自由人”，在 五个农民阶层中排名第三:自由人(liberihomines);农奴(sokmen);农奴 (villeins);农奴或妓院(bordars)，相当于欧洲大陆的农奴;还有奴隶，在 地主的土地上做工人和仆人。3 在土地勘察后的一个世纪里，英格兰 的奴隶消失了，这个过程仍然模糊不清，显然演变成了男仆或农奴佃 农。但与此同时，通过一个同样晦涩难懂的过程，这个农奴却沦为不 自由的人。历史学家们描绘了农民地位的一系列摆动，反映了巨大的 外部经济变化，特别是城镇作为农产品市场的增长。希尔顿认为，新 的沉重义务主要是在 11 世纪 80 年代和 11 世纪 90 年代强加在英国农 奴身上的

The unfreedom of the villein or serf was never a generalized condition, like slavery, but always consisted of specific disabilities: he owed the lord substantial labor services; he was subject to a number of fines or fees, in cash or in kind; and he was under the jurisdiction of the lord’s courts. In Maitland’s words, the serf, or villein, remained “a free man in relation to all men other than his 5 lord.” 农奴或农奴的不自由从来都不是一个普遍的状况，就像奴隶制 一样，但总是包括特定的残疾:他欠地主大量的劳动服务;他受到一 些罚款或费用，无论是现金还是实物;他受地主法院的管辖。用梅特 兰的话来说，那个农奴，或者叫农奴，“在除了他的主人之外的所有 人面前，仍然是一个自由的人。”5 The very concepts of “free” and “unfree” involved a tangle of legal subtleties. On the Continent, nuances of freedom and servility developed early, and with them an array of Latin terms for the unfree: 6 mancipium, servus, colonics, lidus, collibertus, nativus. In England, terminology became even more complicated. The variety of nomenclature in Domesday Book, which derived in part from “自由”和“不自由”的概念本身就涉及到法律上的微妙之处。在欧洲 大陆，自由和奴性的细微差别很早就发展起来了，随之而来的是一系 列表示不自由的拉丁术语:mancipium，servus，colonics，lidus， collibertus，nativus。末日审判书中命名的变化，部分源自

regional patterns of settlement, multiplied in the two subsequent centuries to a point where in Cambridgeshire in 1279 villagers were described by twenty different terms, some meaning essentially the same thing, some indicating slight differences. A few miles north, in southern Lincolnshire, eight more designations appeared. To what Edward Miller and John Hatcher call a “positive jungle of rules governing social relationships” was added the fact that land itself was classified as free or villein, meaning that it owed money rents or labor services. Originally villein tenants had held villein land, but by the thirteenth century many villeins held some free land and many 7 free men some villein land. 在随后的两个世纪里，当地的定居模式被乘以二十个不同的词汇来描 述 1279 年的剑桥郡村民时，有些词汇的意思基本相同，有些词汇的 意思略有不同。再往北几英里，在林肯郡南部，又出现了 8 个名称。 除了爱德华•米勒(EdwardMiller)和约翰•哈切尔(JohnHatcher)所说的 “支配社会关系的规则的积极丛林”之外，还有一个事实是，土地本身 被划分为自由土地或劣质土地，这意味着它欠下了金钱、。原来佃农 拥有佃农的土地，但到了十三世纪，许多佃农拥有一些自由的土地， 许多自由人拥有一些佃农的土地

But if legal status was clouded by complexity, economic status tended to be quite clear, visible, and tangible: one held a certain number of acres and owned a certain number of cattle and sheep. Georges Duby, speaking of the Continent, observes, “Formerly class distinctions had been drawn according to hereditary and juridical lines separating free men from unfree, but by 1300 it was a 8 man’s economic condition which counted most.” In England the shift was perhaps a little slower, but unmistakably in the same direction. A rich villein was a bigger man in the village than a poor free man. 但是，如果法律地位被复杂性所笼罩，那么经济地位就会变得十 分清晰、明显和切实可见:一个人拥有一定数量的土地，拥有一定数 量的牛羊。乔治·杜比在谈到欧洲大陆时说，“以前的阶级差别是根据 世袭和司法界线划分的，这些界线把自由人和非自由人分开，但到了

1300 年，它成了人类最重要的经济条件。”8.在英格兰，这种转变可 能稍微慢一些，但毫无疑问是朝着同一个方向。在村子里，一个富有 的村夫比一个贫穷的自由人要高大得多。

In the relations among villagers, what might be called the sociology of the village, much remains obscure, but much can be learned through analysis of the rolls of the manorial courts, which recorded not only enforcement of manorial obligations but interaction among the villagers, their quarrels, litigation, marriages, inheritance, sale and purchase of land, economic activities, and crimes. 在村民之间的关系中，所谓的村社会学，虽然还有许多不为人知的 地方，但是通过对庄园法院名册的分析，我们可以了解到许多东西， 它不仅记录了庄园义务的履行，而且还记录了村民之间的相互作用、 他们的争吵、诉讼、婚姻、继承、土地买卖、经济活动和犯罪。 Just at this moment a major aid in identification of individuals and families of villagers made its historic appearance: the introduction of surnames. A survey of Elton 就在这个时候，一个重要的帮助确定个人和家庭的村民出现了历 史性的表现:姓氏的引入。关于埃尔顿的调查

of about 1160 included in the Ramsey Abbey cartulary and listing current tenants, their fathers, and their grandfathers, gives only a handful of surnames. Where these occur they are taken from place of origin (Ralph of Asekirche, Ralph of Walsoken, Gilbert of Newton); from occupation (Thurold Priest [Presbyter], Thomas Clerk [Clericus], Gilbert Reeve [Praepositus], Ralph Shoemaker [Sutor]); or from paternity (Richard son of Reginald). But most of the villagers are listed only by their first names: Walter, Thomas, Ralph, Roger, 9 Robert, Edward. 拉姆齐修道院的大约 1160 人，列出了现在的房客，他们的父亲和祖 父，只提供了一小部分姓氏。在这些发生的地方，他们来自原籍 (Asekirche 的拉尔夫，沃尔索肯的拉尔夫，牛顿的吉尔伯特)，职业 (thiroldPriest[长老]，ThomasClerk[Clericus]， GilbertReeve[Praepositus]，RalphShoemaker[Sutor])，或者来自父 亲(RichardsonofReginald)。但是大多数村民只列出了他们的名字:沃 尔特，托马斯，拉尔夫，罗杰，罗伯特，爱德华 A century later, manorial court rolls and a royal survey attach surnames to nearly all the Elton tenants. Some are in Latin, like the given names, some simply in English: Robertus ad Crucem (Robert at the Cross) and Henricus Messor (Henry Hayward), but lohannes Page (John Page), Henricus Wollemonger (Henry Woolmonger), and Robertus Chapman (whose Old English name, meaning merchant, is cited in Latin elsewhere in the records as Robertus Mercator). Often it is difficult to tell whether the Latin represents a true surname or merely a trade or office: thus “Henricus Faber” may be Henry Smith; or he may be Henry the smith, and may be mentioned elsewhere in the records as Henry son of Gilbert, or Henry atte Water, or Henry of Barnwell. John Dunning’s son who left the village and became a tanner at Hayham is always referred to as “John Tanner.” 一个世纪后，庄园法庭的名单和一份皇家调查报告给几乎所有埃 尔顿租户都附上了姓氏。有些是用拉丁语写的，比如名字，有些只是 用英语写的:RobertusadCrucem(罗伯特在十字架上)和 Henricusmesser(亨利·海沃德)，但是 lohannesPage(约翰·佩奇)，

HenricusWollemonger(亨利·伍尔蒙格)和 RobertusChapman(他的古 英语名字，意思是商人，在拉丁文其他地方的记录中被引用为 RobertusMercator)。通常很难说拉丁语是真正的姓氏还是仅仅是行 业或职位:因此“亨利克斯·费伯”可能是亨利·史密斯;或者他可能是铁匠 亨利，也可能在其他地方的记录中被提及为吉尔伯特的儿子亨利，或 者亨利·阿特·沃特，或者巴恩韦尔的亨利。约翰·邓宁的儿子离开了这 个村子，在 Hayham 当上了皮匠，人们总是叫他“约翰·唐纳”

Nearly all surnames derived from the same three sources: parental (or grandparental) Christian names; occupations, offices, or occasionally legal status; and places, either of origin or in the village. In the first category are the Fraunceys family, possibly deriving from a “Franceis” in the twelfth-century survey who held a virgate and six acres; the Goscelins; the Blundels (in the twelfth century a Blundel held three virgates); the Benyts (Benedicts); the Huberts; and numerous names prefaced by “son of” (Alexander son of Gilbert, Nicholas son of Henry, Robert son 几乎所有的姓氏都来自同样的三个来源:父母(或祖父母)的基督教 名字;职业、办公室，或偶尔的合法身份;以及来源地或村庄的地名。 第一类是弗劳恩西家族(Fraunceysfamily)，可能来自于 12 世纪的一 个调查中的“法兰西家族”(Franceis)，他们拥有一个处女门和六英亩土 地;戈斯克林家族(Goscelins);布伦德尔家族(Blundels)(在 12 世纪，一 个布伦德尔家族拥有三个处女门);贝尼特家族(Benyts);胡伯特家族 (Huberts);以及许多以“儿子”(sonof)开头的名字(亚历山大·吉尔

of John). In a few cases villagers are identified by their mothers’ first names: William son of Letitia, Agnes daughter of Beatrice. J. A. Raftis in his study of the village of Warboys observed that surnames derived from parental Christian names gradually dropped the “son of” and became simply Alexander Gilbert, Nicholas Henry, Robert John. Finally, in the latter half of the fourteenth century, the “son” sometimes reappeared as a suffix: Johnson, Jameson, 10 Williamson. 约翰之死)。在少数情况下，村民们通过母亲的名字来确认身份:比阿 特丽斯的女儿，利蒂蒂亚的儿子威廉。拉夫蒂斯在他对沃博伊斯村庄 的研究中发现，从父母的基督教姓氏衍生而来的姓氏逐渐去掉了“儿 子”，变成了简单的亚历山大·吉尔伯特、尼古拉斯·亨利、罗伯特·约 翰。最后，在十四世纪下半叶，“儿子”有时以后缀形式重新出现:约翰 逊、詹姆逊、威廉姆森 In the category of occupations and offices, Elton names included Miller, Smith, Shoemaker, Carter, Carpenter, Chapelyn, Comber, Cooper, Dyer, Webster (weaver), Chapman (merchant), Shepherd, Tanner, Walker, Woolmonger, Baxter (baker), Tailor, Painter, Freeman, Hayward, and Beadle. No fewer than eight men in the court rolls in the last two decades of the thirteenth century bear the name Reeve, three in one court roll, and one man is given the name (in English) of Reeveson. 在职业和办公室类别中，埃尔顿的名字包括 Miller、Smith、 Shoemaker、Carter、Carpenter、Chapelyn、Comber、Cooper、 Dyer、Webster(编织者)、Chapman(商人)、Shepherd、Tanner、 Walker、Woolmonger、Baxter(面包师)、Tailor、Painter、 Freeman、Hayward 和 Beadle。在 13 世纪的最后 20 年里，至少有 8 名男子在法庭名册上使用里夫这个名字，3 人在一个法庭名册上使 用里夫这个名字，还有一个人使用了 Reeveson 的名字(英文)。 The category of names indicating origin usually derived from villages in the immediate vicinity of Elton: Warmington, Morburn, Water Newton, Stanground, and Alwalton; Barnwell, Keyston, and Brington to the south; Barton in Bedfordshire; Clipsham in

Lincolnshire; and Marholm, northwest of Peterborough. Surnames that derived from the part of the village where the family lived mix Latin and English, and occasionally French: Abovebrook, Ad Portam (at the gate), Ad Pontem (at the bridge), Ad Furnam (at the oven), atte (at the) Brook, atte Water, atte Well, Ordevill (hors de ville or Extra Villam, outside the village), In Venella (in the lane), In Angulo (in the nook or corner), Ad Ripam (at the riverbank). In time these were smoothed and simplified into plain Brooks, Gates, Bridges, Lane, Banks, Atwater, or Atwell. 这类表示原产地的名字通常来自埃尔顿附近的村庄:瓦明顿， Morburn，沃特牛顿，Stanground 和 Alwalton;南部的巴恩韦尔， Keyston 和布灵顿;贝德福德郡的巴顿;克利普舍姆的林肯郡;以及彼得 伯勒西北部的马尔霍姆。这个家族的姓氏来源于他们所居住的村庄， 混合了拉丁语和英语，偶尔还有法语:Abovebrook，AdPortam(在门 口)，AdPontem(在桥上)，AdFurnam(在烤箱旁)，atte(在)Brook， atteWater，atteWell，Ordevill(在村外)，Venella(在巷子里)， InAngulo(在角落里)，AdRipam(在河岸边)。随着时间的推移，这些都 被平滑和简化为平原布鲁克斯，大门，桥梁，巷，银行，阿特沃特， 或阿特维尔。

A few Elton surnames seem to have come from personal characteristics or obscurely derived nicknames: L’Hermite (the hermit), Prudhomme (wise man), le Wyse, Child, 一些埃尔顿的姓氏似乎来自个人特征或者来源不明的昵 称:l’hermite(隐士)，Prudhomme(聪明人)，leWyse，Child,

Hering, Saladin, Blaccalf, Le Long, Le Rus. One family was * named Peppercorn, one Mustard. 赫林，萨拉丁，布拉卡夫，勒朗，勒罗斯。一个家庭叫胡椒，一个 叫芥末。* Evidence suggests that village society everywhere was stratified into three classes. The lowest held either no land at all or too little to support a family. The middle group worked holdings of a half virgate to a full virgate. A half virgate (12 to 16 acres) sufficed to feed father, mother, and children in a good season; a full virgate supplied a surplus to redeem a villein obligation or even purchase more land. At the top of the hierarchy was a small class of comparatively large peasant landholders, families whose 40, 50, or even 100 acres might in a few generations raise them to the gentry, though at present they might be villeins. 有证据表明，世界各地的乡村社会分为三个阶级。最低收入者要 么根本没有土地，要么没有足够的土地供养一个家庭。中间那一组持 有一个半病毒门到一个完整病毒门的股份。在一个好的季节里，一半 处女地(12 至 16 英亩)足以养活父母和孩子;一整个处女地则提供了一 笔盈余，用来偿还农奴义务，甚至购买更多的土地。在等级制度的顶 端是一个相对较大的农民土地所有者的小阶级，这些家庭的 40,50， 甚至 100 英亩土地可能在几代人的时间里把他们培养成贵族，尽管现 在他们可能是奴隶。 A statistical picture of the pattern was compiled by Soviet economic historian E. A. Kosminsky, who analyzed the landholding information supplied by the Hundred Rolls survey of 1279 of seven Midland counties, including Huntingdonshire. He found that 32 percent of all the arable land formed the lord’s demesne, 40 percent was held by villeins, and 28 percent by freeholders. About a fifth of the peasantry held approximately a virgate and more than a third held half-virgates. A few highly successful families had accumulated 100 acres or more. In general, the size of holdings was diminishing as the population grew. Out of 13,500 holdings in 1279, 46 percent amounted to 10 acres or less, probably near the 11 minimum for subsistence.

苏联经济历史学家 e.a.Kosminsky 编制了一份关于这种模式的统 计图，他分析了百卷公司对包括亨廷顿郡在内的 7 个米德兰县中的 1279 个县的调查所提供的土地持有信息。他发现，32%的可耕地形 成了领主的私有领地，40%被农民占有，28%被自由所有者占有。大 约五分之一的农民持有近一把处女门，超过三分之一的农民持有半处 女门。一些非常成功的家庭已经积累了 100 英亩或更多的土地。总 的来说，随着人口的增长，土地的规模正在缩小。在 1279 年的 13500 个土地中，46%达到 10 英亩或更少，可能接近维持生计的最 低水平 The Hundred Rolls data for Elton are in rough accord with the overall figures. The survey lists first the abbot’s holdings; then the tenants, their holdings and legal status, and their obligations to 12 abbot and king. 埃尔顿的百劳斯数据与总体数字大致一致。调查首先列出了方 丈的财产，然后是房客，他们的财产和法律地位，以及他们对方丈 和国王的义务。12 The abbot’s demesne contained the curia’s acre and a half, his three hides of arable land, his sixteen acres of meadow and three of pasture, his three mills, and the fishing rights he held on the river. 修道院院长的领地包括元老院的一英亩半的土地，3 英亩的可 耕地，十六英亩的草地和 3 英亩的牧场，3 个磨坊，以及他在河上 的捕鱼权。 The list of tenants was headed by “John, son of John of Elton,” a major free tenant who held a hide (6 virgates, or 房客名单的首位是“约翰，约翰的儿子埃尔顿”，一个主要的自 由租户谁拥有隐藏(6 个处女膜，或

144 acres) of the abbot’s land, amounting to a small estate within the manor, with its own tenants: one free virgater and nine cotters (men holding a cottage and a small amount of land). 144 英亩)修道院院长的土地，相当于庄园内的一个小庄园，有自己的 佃农:一个免费的阳具和九个阴沟(男人拥有一间小屋和一小块土地)。 Next were listed the abbot’s other tenants, twenty-two free men, forty-eight villeins, and twenty-eight cotters; and finally the rector and four cotters who were his tenants. 其次是住持的其他佃户，二十二个自由人，四十八个佃农，二 十八个佃农;最后是住持和四个佃农。 These 114 names of heads of families by no means accounted for all the inhabitants of the village, or even the male inhabitants; at least 150 other identifiable names appear in the court rolls of 1279-1300, representing other family members, day laborers, manorial workers, and craftsmen. 这 114 个户主的姓名绝不能说明村庄的所有居民，甚至男性居 民的姓名;在 1279-1300 个法庭名册中至少还有 150 个其他可辨认 的姓名，代表其他家庭成员、短工、庄园工人和工匠。 John of Elton—or “John le Lord,” as he is referred to in one court record—was the village’s aristocrat, though devoid of any title of nobility. His miniature estate had been assembled by twelfth* century ancestors by one means or another. Of his hide of land, thirty-six acres formed the demesne. He owed suit (attendance) to the abbot’s honor court at Broughton, the court for the entire estate, as well as “the third part of a suit” (attendance at every third session) to the royal shire and hundred courts. His one free tenant, John of Langetoft, held a virgate “by charter” (deed), and paid a token yearly rent of one penny. Half a virgate of the hide belonged to the abbot “freely in perpetual alms.” The rest was divided among nine cotters (averaging out to eight acres apiece). 埃尔顿(elton)的约翰(JohnleLord，在一份法庭记录中被称为“约翰 爵士”)是这个村庄的贵族，尽管他没有任何贵族头衔。他的微型产业 是由十二世纪的祖先以这样或那样的方式聚集起来的。在他的土地中，

三十六英亩形成了领地。他欠住持的荣誉法院(出席)在布劳顿，法院 为整个庄园，以及“诉讼的第三部分”(出席每三次会议)的皇家郡和百个 法院。他的一个自由租户，Langetoft 的约翰，拥有一个虚拟租约(契 约)，每年支付一便士的象征性租金。兽皮的一半处女膜属于住持“自 由地永久施舍”其余的被分成九个排水沟(平均每个排水沟有八英亩)。

The abbot’s twenty-two other tenants listed as free in the Hundred Rolls survey held varying amounts of land for which they owed minor labor services and money rent ranging from four shillings one penny a year to six shillings. Among them were three whose claim to freedom was later rejected by the manorial court, an indication of the uncertainty often surrounding the question of freedom. 在百卷调查中被列为免费房客的另外二十二位住客拥有不同数量 的土地，他们欠这些土地一些次要的劳务费和租金，从每年四先令一 便士到六先令不等。其中三人的自由要求后来被庄园法院驳回，这表 明围绕自由问题往往存在不确定性。 The size of the holdings of these twenty-two tenants and the duties with which the holdings were burdened suggest a 这 22 个房客的房产规模，以及房产承担的责任，都表明了一个 问题

history that illustrates the changeable nature of manorial landholding. A given piece of land did not necessarily pass intact from father to son through several generations. 说明庄园土地多变性的历史。一块特定的土地并不一定完好无损地 从父亲传给儿子几代。 Divided inheritance, gifts to younger sons, dowries to daughters, purchase and sale, all produced a shifting pattern which over time subdivided and multiplied holdings. In 1160 the twenty-two free tenants had been only nine, and in 1279 nine principal tenants still held the land from the lord abbot. But five of the nine had given (as dowry or inheritance) or sold parcels of their land to thirteen lesser tenants, who paid the principal tenants an annual rent. 分割的继承权，送给小儿子的礼物，送给女儿的嫁妆，购买和出售， 所有这些都产生了一种随着时间的推移而细分和繁殖的模式。到了 1160 年，这二十二个自由佃户只有九个，到了 1279 年，仍有九个主 要佃户从住持领主那里继续占有土地。但 9 个人中有 5 个人将自己的 土地(作为嫁妆或遗产)或出售给了十三个较小的佃户，这些佃户每年 支付主要佃户的租金。 One of these lesser tenants was Robert Chapman, listed in the rolls as a cotter on John of Elton’s land, but whose name, meaning merchant, suggests his status as a rising parvenu. Evidently a newcomer to Elton, Robert in 1279 held in addition to his cottage three parcels of land totaling eighteen acres which he had undoubtedly purchased. On the other side of the social ledger was Geoffrey Blundel, whose ancestor in 1160 had held three virgates (seventy-two acres), but who in 1279 retained only a virgate and a half, and that divided among five lesser tenants. In the fluctuations of peasant landholding, as in that of their betters, some rose, some sank. 罗伯特•查普曼(RobertChapman)就是这些较小的租户之一，他 在名册中被列为埃尔顿土地上的牧童，但他的名字——意为商人—— 暗示着他是一个冉冉升起的暴发户。显然，罗伯特是初到埃尔顿的人， 1279 年，他除了拥有自己的小屋外，还拥有总共十八英亩的土地，

毫无疑问，这些土地都是他买来的。在社会分类账的另一边是杰弗 里·布伦戴尔，他在 1160 年的祖先拥有三个处女地(72 英亩)，但是在 1279 年，他只保留了一个半处女地，并且分给了五个较小的房客。 在农民土地所有权的波动中，正如在上层阶级的波动中一样，有的上 升，有的下降。

The forty-eight villeins of Elton—“customary tenants,” subject to the “custom of the manor,” meaning its labor services and dues— included thirty-nine virgaters and nine half-virgaters. Growth of population had turned some family virgates into half-virgates, a process that had advanced much farther elsewhere, often leaving no full virgaters at all. No Elton villein held more than a virgate, though 14 land-rich villeins were a well-known phenomenon elsewhere. 埃尔顿的四十八个村庄，包括三十九个维吉尔农庄和九个半维吉尔农 庄，都是“庄园的习俗”，意思是劳动服务和会费。人口的增长使一些 家庭的处女膜变成了半处女膜，这个过程在其他地方进展得更快，常 常根本没有完整的处女膜。虽然土地富饶的村庄在其他地方是一种众 所周知的现象，但是埃尔顿·维莱因最多只拥有一处处女地 Elton’s villeins performed substantial labor services, which were spelled out in detail in the survey, the half-virgaters owing half the work obligations of the virgaters. 埃尔顿的仆人提供了大量的劳动服务，这在调查中得到了详 细说明，半成品的仆人承担着半成品的劳动义务。

This work had a monetary value, and exemption could be purchased by the tenant, with the price paid going to pay hired labor. 这项工作有货币价值，免税可以购买的承租人，支付的价格将支 付雇佣劳动力。 Every “work,” meaning day’s work, owed by the villein was defined. One day’s harrowing counted as one work; so did winnowing thirty sheaves of barley or twenty-four sheaves of wheat; collecting a bag of nuts “well cleaned”; or working in the vineyard; or making a hedge in the fields of a certain length; or carrying hay in the peasant’s cart; or if he did not have a cart, hens, geese, cheese, 15 and eggs “on his back.” 每一个“工作”，意思是一天的工作，由农奴欠定义。一天的痛苦 算作一项工作;筛选三十捆大麦或 24 捆小麦;收集一袋“干净”的坚果;或 在葡萄园里干活;或在一定长度的田地里做篱笆;或在农民的车上运送 干草;或如果他“背上”没有车、母鸡、鹅、奶酪和鸡蛋，也算作一项工 作图 15 The time of year affected the price of the work. Works done between August 1 and Michaelmas (September 29), the season of intensive labor, were more expensive. One Elton account records the price of a single work at a halfpenny for most of the year 1 (September 29 to August 1), 2 /2 pence from August 1 to September 8, and a penny from 每年的时间影响了工作的价格。在 8 月 1 日至米迦勒节(9 月 29 日)这个劳动密集季节之间完成的工作成本更高。埃尔顿的一个账户记 录了一年中大部分时间(9 月 29 日至 8 月 1 日)一件作品半便士的价格， 8 月 1 日至 9 月 8 日 21.5 便士的价格，以及 9 月 8 日一件作品半便士 的价格 16 then to September 29. Later, works were simply priced at a halfpenny from Michaelmas to August 1 and a penny from August 1 17 to Michaelmas. 16.后来，作品从 Michaelmas 到 8 月 1 日的价格仅为半便士，从 8 月 1 日到米迦勒节的价格为 1 便士

In 1286, sixteen of the forty-eight customary tenants had all their year-round works commuted to money payments, and owed 18 only the special works at harvest time. From the annual fee paid by these tenants, called the censum (quit-rent), they were said to be tenants ad censum, or censuarii. The other customary tenants were ad opus (at work [services]) and were operarii. Though such substitution of money payments for labor services was convenient for the villein in many ways, in other ways it was a disadvantage. Much, obviously, depended on the size of the payment. J. A. Raftis has calculated that the amount of the censum paid by a Ramsey Abbey villein was substantially larger than the total sum of the prices 19 of his individual works. The Elton court rolls imply that it was not desirable to be placed ad censum, and in fact that tenants 在 1286 年，48 个传统的佃户中有十六个人把他们全年的工作折 算为货币付款，只在收获时欠特殊的工作。从这些佃户支付的年费中， 他们被称为租户或租户。其他传统的承租人是广告公司(在工作[服 务]])，是操作人员。虽然这种用货币代替劳务的方式在许多方面对佃 农是方便的，但在其他方面却是不利的。很明显，这在很大程度上取 决于付款的规模。19.埃尔顿法院的名单意味着不应该被置于临时的地 位，而事实上，应该由承租人来承担

were so classed arbitrarily. In 1279 two villagers accused the reeve of “taking the rich off the censum and putting the poor on it,” 20 apparently in exchange for bribes. 如此武断地划分等级。1279 年，两位村民指控这位领导人“把富人从 纪念碑上拿下来，把穷人放在上面”，显然是为了换取贿赂 In addition to work services or the censum, the customary tenants were subject to a long list of special exactions not imposed on the free tenants. These fell into four categories: charges paid only by the villeins ad opus; those paid only by the censuarii; those paid by both groups; and the monopolies held by the lord. 除了工作服务或人口普查之外，传统承租人还受到一长串不强加 于自由承租人的特别勒索。这些费用可以分为四类:只由村庄支付的 费用;只由村庄支付的费用;由两个群体支付的费用;以及由上帝控制的 垄断。 The first category included several fines or fees that seem to be relics of services or of contributions in kind: “woolsilver,” probably a substitute for a shearing service; “wardpenny” for serving as public watchman; “maltsilver” for making malt for the abbot’s ale; “fishsilver” for supplying fish for his Lenten meals; and “vineyard silver” for work in the vineyard. “Foddercorn” was a payment in kind of a ring of oats from each virgate. “Filstingpound” seems to have been an insurance premium paid by the villeins to protect themselves against corporal punishment or against excessive fines in the manorial court. If a villein’s daughter had sex out of wedlock, she or her father paid leirwite or legerwite. 第一类包括几种看起来是服务或实物捐赠的遗物的罚款或费 用:“羊毛银”，可能是剪毛服务的替代品;担任公共看守的“wardspenny”; 为住持的麦芽酒制造麦芽酒的“maltsilver”;为他的四旬斋餐供应鱼类的 “fishsilver”;以及在葡萄园工作的“vineyardsilver”。“福德康恩”是一种从 每个处女地得到的燕麦圈的报酬。“Filstingpound”似乎是一种保险费， 由村民支付，以保护自己免受体罚或免受庄园法院的过高罚款。如果

一个农奴的女儿有婚外性行为，她或者她的父亲就要支付莱尔维特或 者戏法维特。

The second category consisted of a special charge owed only by the censuarii: 120 eggs from each virgater, 60 at Christmas and 21 60 at Easter. 第二类是一项特别费用，只有人民纪念堂才负担得起:每个处女座 120 个彩蛋，圣诞节 60 个，复活节 60 个 In the third category were “heushire,” or “house hire,” rent for the house on the holding, and several charges whose French names indicate importation to England by the Conquest. Tallage 22 was a yearly tax at Elton, set at eight pence, but on some manors it was levied “at the lord’s will”—whenever and however much he chose. When the villein succeeded to a holding, he paid an entry fine or gersum, in effect a tax on land. On most manors, when the villein died his family paid heriot, usually his “best beast,” the “second best beast” commonly going to the rector of 第三类是“heushire”，或者“househire”，是占有物上房屋的租金， 以及几项法语名称表示征服者向英国输入的费用。塔里奇是埃尔顿的 年税，定在 8 便士，22 便士，但有些庄园是“按照上帝的意愿”征收的 ——无论他选择什么时候，征收多少。当农奴继承了一块土地后，他 要缴纳一笔入境罚款或地区税，实际上就是征收土地税。在大多数庄 园里，当村庄的主人去世时，他的家人会付给她很多钱，通常他的 “第二好的牲畜”，也就是第二好的牲畜，都会交给村长

the church; this was a tax on chattels. If the villein’s daughter married, she or her father paid merchet. 这是对动产征税。如果村庄的女儿结婚了，她或者她的父亲 就付钱给商人。 If the villein wished to leave the manor, he could do so with the payment of a yearly fee, at Elton usually two chickens or capons. This payment, known as chevage, was not always easy to collect. Some villagers paid regularly— Henry atte Water, Richard in the Lane, Richard Benyt who had left “to dwell on a free tenement,” Simon son of Henry Marshal. Others balked, such as Henry Marshal’s son Adam, dwelling at Alwalton with his three sisters in 1300. They were “to be distrained if they come upon the fee,” but in 23 1308 they were still living outside the manor. Another Marshal brother, Walter, refused to pay and in 1308 Robert Gamel and John Dunning, who had stood surety for him, were fined twelve pence and twelve capons “because the same Walter has not yet paid to the lord two capons which he is bound to pay him each year at Easter while he dwells with his chattels outside the fee of the said 24 lord, and because they are in arrears during the four years past.” 如果庄园主想离开庄园，他可以付一笔年费，通常是在埃尔顿养 两只鸡或阉鸡。这种付款，被称为“骑士”，并不总是很容易收到。一 些村民定期支付房租，其中包括亨利•阿特•沃特(HenryatteWater)、 理查德•里奇(RichardintheLane)、理查德•本伊特(RichardBenyt)—— 亨利•马歇尔(HenryMarshal)的儿子西蒙(Simon)。其他人则表示反对， 比如 1300 年亨利•马歇尔(HenryMarshal)的儿子亚当(Adam)与他的 三个姐妹居住在 Alwalton。另一个元帅兄弟，沃尔特，拒绝支付， 并在 1308 年，罗伯特 Gamel 和约翰邓宁，谁曾为他担保，被罚款 12 便士和十二个阉鸡，“因为同样的沃尔特还没有支付给主二阉鸡， 他必须支付给他每年复活节，而他与他的动产住在外面的上述领主的 费用，因为他们拖欠了四年过去。”图 24

Even more intractable was John Nolly, who was recorded as living “outside the lord’s fee” in 1307. John was arrested in 1312 “in the custody of the reeve and beadle, until he finds security to make corporeal residence upon the lord’s fee with his chattels, and to make satisfaction to the lord for five capons which are in arrears.” The record added: “And because the bailiff witnesses that he is excessively disobedient and refuses to pay the said capons, and that he owes five capons in arrears for the space of five years, it is commanded that he be arrested until he pays the aforesaid capons, and henceforth he is to make corporeal residence upon the lord’s fee.” In 1322, however, the court was still calling for the arrest of John, “a bondman of the lord, who withdraws himself with his chattels from the lord’s fee without license.” The chattels—in legal theory the lord’s property—were usually mentioned along with the villein himself; he “withdrew himself with his chattels” and was 更加难以驾驭的是约翰·诺利，他在 1307 年被记录为“生活在上帝 的酬金之外”。约翰于 1312 年被捕，“在里夫和助手的监护下，直到他 找到保障，用上帝的酬金和他的动产作为物质住所，并向上帝赔偿拖 欠的五只阉鸡。”记录中还写道:“由于法警证明他极不服从命令，拒绝 支付上述阉鸡的款项，并且他拖欠了五只阉鸡五年的款项，因此法警 命令将他逮捕，直到他支付上述阉鸡的款项为止，此后他将以主人的 费用作为有形住所。”然而，在 1322 年，法庭仍然要求逮捕约翰，“他 是上帝的奴隶，无照从上帝的酬金中抽出自己的财产。”动产ーー在法 律理论上是指领主的财产ーー通常与佃农本人一起提及;他“带着他的 动产退出”

ordered to return and bring them back, or to pay the annual fee. 命令他们返回并带回来，或支付年费。25

25

The fourth class of villein obligation, deriving from the lord’s monopolies, included the common mill, the common oven, his sheepfold, and his manorial court. 维莱恩义务的第四类来自地主的垄断，包括普通磨坊、普通烤 炉、他的羊圈和庄园院落。 Next in the Hundred Rolls’ list of tenants were the abbot’s twenty-eight cotters, who in Elton were also villeins in legal status (though on other manors cotters might be free), but who held little or no land and consequently owed little labor. Each held a cottage and yard theoretically “containing one rod,” in return for which they helped with the haying, harvesting, sheep-shearing, and threshing but not the plowing (they lacked plows and plow beasts), and paid tallage, merchet, and a small rent. Four had besides their cottage and farmyard a croft of half an acre, but eight had only half a rod of yard, two had a sixth of a rod, and one, paying a minimum rent of sixpence a year, only a “messuage,” a house and yard with no specification of its size. Like most cotters, they scraped a precarious livelihood by turning their hand to any kind of labor they could find. Most worked as day laborers, but some had craft skills. Among their suggestive names are Comber, Shepherd, Smith, Miller, Carter, and Dyer. 在上百劳斯莱斯的租户名单中，下一个是住持的二十八个佃农， 他们在埃尔顿也是具有法律地位的恶棍(尽管在其他庄园佃农那里， 佃农可能是自由的)，但是他们很少或根本没有土地，因此几乎不需 要劳力。每个人都有一个农舍和院子，理论上“只有一根棍子”，作为 回报，他们帮忙打捆、收割、剪羊毛和打谷，但不帮忙犁地(他们缺 乏犁和耕作牲畜)，支付帐单、商品销售费和小额租金。四个人除了 他们的小屋和农家院子外，还有一个半英亩的农场，但是八个人只有 半英亩的院子，两个人有六分之一英亩的院子，还有一个人每年最低 付六便士的租金，只有一个“网格”，一个没有规定大小的房子和院子。 像大多数贫民一样，他们通过把手转向他们能找到的任何种类的劳动

来勉强维持不稳定的生计。大多数人是临时工，但有些人有手工技能。 其中暗示性的名称是康伯，谢泼德，史密斯，米勒，卡特和戴尔。

Last on the Hundred Rolls’ list came the rector, who held as a free tenant a virgate of land pertaining to the church and another ten acres for which he paid the abbot a yearly rent of half a mark. Four cotters were settled on his land. One was Roger Clerk (Clericus), probably the curate. The other three were all from the same family, and may have been the rector’s servants. 在 100 劳斯莱斯的名单上，最后一位是教区长，他以自由佃户的 身份拥有属于教会的一块处女地和另外 10 英亩土地，他每年向住持 支付半马克的租金。他的土地上安置了四个排水沟。一个是罗杰书记 (克莱里克斯)，可能是副牧师。其他三个人都来自同一个家庭，可能 是教区长的仆人。 Not mentioned in the Hundred Rolls survey, though present in the twelfth-century Ramsey Abbey extent, was a special category of tenant in Elton and some of the other abbey villages, the akermen or bovarii, descendants of manorial plowmen of a century earlier who were endowed with land of their own, for which they paid a yearly rent. 虽然在 12 世纪的拉姆齐修道院范围内，在百劳斯调查中没有提 到，但是在埃尔顿和其他一些修道院村庄，阿克曼人或博瓦里人， 他们是一个世纪前庄园主犁地工人的后裔，他们被赋予自己的土地， 每年支付租金。

Very little can be gathered about them from the records, except that their combined rent for five virgates of land, 7 pounds 10 26 shillings, was high (30 shillings per virgate). 除了他们五个星门的总租金(7 英镑 10 先令)很高(每个星门 30 先令) 之外，我们几乎无法从记录中得知他们的情况 Servants of the villagers are omitted from the Hundred Rolls, but are mentioned occasionally in the rolls of the manorial court: Edith Comber, maidservant (ancilla) to William son of Letitia, 27 “carried away some of the lord’s peas”; Alice, servant of Nicholas 28 Miller, was fined for stealing hay and stubble; John Wagge’s male servant was fined for careless planting of beans in the lord’s 29 field; Matilda Prudhomme’s servant Hugh was attacked and 30 wounded by John Blaccalf. 《百卷》中没有提到村民的仆人，但庄园法庭偶尔会提到:莱蒂 蒂亚之子威廉(William)的女佣伊迪丝·康伯(EdithComber)“带走了一 些主人的豌豆”;尼古拉斯·米勒(NicholasMiller)的仆人爱丽丝(Alice)因 偷窃干草和茬子被罚款;约翰·瓦格(JohnWagge)的男仆因在主人的地 里随意种植豆子被罚款;玛蒂尔达·普鲁德尔德·洪姆 (Matildaprudmehomme)的仆人休(Hugh)被约翰·布拉卡夫 (Johnblascalf)袭击受伤。30 Among the tenants listed in the Hundred Rolls were many of the village’s principal craftsmen. In Elton, the two gristmills were kept under the management of the manorial officials and the profits paid to the abbot. The miller was probably recompensed by a share of the “multure,” the portion of flour kept as payment. In most villages the miller “farmed” the mill, paying a fixed sum to the lord and profiting from the difference between that and the multure. The popular reputation of the miller was notorious. Chaucer’s miller 在百卷上列出的佃户中，有许多村里的主要工匠。在埃尔顿，这 两家庄园工厂由庄园官员管理，利润归方丈所有。磨坊主可能得到一 部分“面粉”的补偿，这部分面粉留作付款。在大多数村庄里，磨坊主 “耕种”磨坊，向地主支付一笔固定的款项，并从中获利。磨坊主的名 声是臭名昭著的。乔叟的磨坊主

…was a master-hand at stealing grain. He felt it with his thumb and thus he knew Its quality and took three times his due— 是个偷粮食的高手。他用拇指感觉到它，因此他 知道它的质量，并拿走了他应得的三倍ー 31 A thumb of gold, by God, to gauge an oat! 以上帝的名义，一拇指黄金可以测量一只燕麦

At Elton, the miller collected the toll from persons using the mill as a bridge to cross the Nene. One was relieved of his office in 1300 for “letting strangers cross without paying toll,” in exchange for “a gift.” 在埃尔顿，磨坊主向那些把磨坊当作桥梁穿过内内河的人们收取过 路费。其中一个在 1300 年被免职，因为他“让陌生人过马路不付过 路费”，以换取“一份礼物” Two others, Matefrid and Stephen Miller, successfully sued William of Barnwell in 1294 for slander in saying that they had 32 taken two bushels of his malt “in a wrongful manner.” At the same court, however, the jurors found 另外两个人，马特弗里德和斯蒂芬·米勒，在 1294 年以诽谤罪 成功地起诉了巴恩韦尔的威廉，称他们“以错误的方式”拿走了两蒲 式耳的麦芽 32 然而，在同一法庭，陪审员发现

that another miller and his wife, Robert and Athelina Stekedec, had “unjustly detained” one whole ring of barley (four bushels). They 33 were fined sixpence and ordered to make restitution. 另一个磨坊主和他的妻子罗伯特和阿瑟琳娜·斯蒂克德克“不公正地扣 留”了一整枚大麦(四蒲式耳)。他们被罚款六便士，并被勒令赔偿损 失 Two bakers farmed Elton’s communal ovens in 1286, Adam Brid paying an annual rent of 13 shillings 4 pence for one and Henry 34 Smith 33 shillings 4 pence for the other. The smithy was not nearly as valuable. Robert son of Henry Smith was recorded as 35 paying an annual rent of two shillings in 1308. 1286 年，两个面包师在埃尔顿的公用烤箱里烤东西，亚当·布里 德每年为其中一个支付 13 先令 4 便士的租金，亨利·史密斯为另一个 支付 33 先令 4 便士的租金。据记载，亨利·史密斯的儿子罗伯特在 1308 年支付了两先令的年租金 Other tradesmen appear in the court rolls: Thomas Dyer was accused by Agnes daughter of Beatrice of “unjust detention of one cloth of linen weave,” for the dyeing of which she had promised him a bushel of barley. The jurors decided that Thomas had “only acted justly,” since Agnes had not paid him the grain, and that he was 36 entitled to hold on to the cloth until she did so. 其他商人出现在法庭卷上:托马斯·戴尔被比阿特丽斯的女儿控告 “不公正地扣留一块亚麻织物”，因为她答应给他一蒲式耳大麦染色。 陪审员们认为托马斯“只是做了应该做的事”，因为阿格尼丝没有付给 他粮食，而且他有权保留这块布直到她付钱。36 Several villagers were part-time butchers and paid, “for exercising the office,” an annual fee of two capons: Ralph Hubert, Geoffrey Abbot, William of Bumstead, Robert Godswein, William of Barnwell, Thomas Godswein, Robert Stekedec (who was also a miller), and Richard Tidewell.

有几个村民是兼职屠夫，“为了行使职权”，他们每年支付两只阉 鸡的费用:拉尔夫·休伯特(RalphHubert)、杰弗里·阿博特 (GeoffreyAbbot)、本斯特德的威廉(WilliamofBumstead)、罗伯特·戈 德斯韦恩(RobertGodswein)、巴恩韦尔的威廉(WilliamofBarnwell)、 托马斯·戈德斯韦恩(ThomasGodswein)、罗伯特。 Robert Chapman cultivated land while at the same time practicing the trade of merchant. Robert is recorded as selling a 37 bushel of wheat to Emma Prudhomme in 1294, and later of suing her for a hood which she agreed to deliver to John son of John of 38 Elton, but Emma “did not undertake to pay” for it. 罗伯特·查普曼一边耕种土地，一边从事商业贸易。据记载，罗伯 特在 1294 年和 37 年向艾玛·普鲁多姆出售了一蒲式耳小麦，后来起 诉她，要求赔偿她同意交给约翰·埃尔顿的儿子约翰的一顶帽子，但艾 玛“没有承诺”赔偿 Other villagers whose names suggest that they practiced trades were Ralph and Geoffrey Shoemaker, Elias and Stephen Carpenter, Roger and Robert Taylor (who may have made shoes, built houses, or made clothing), and William and Henry Woolmonger. 其他名字显示他们从事贸易的村民还有拉尔夫和杰弗里·休梅克、 埃利亚斯和斯蒂芬·卡朋特、罗杰和罗伯特·泰勒(他们可能制造过鞋 子、建过房子或者做过衣服)，以及威廉和亨利·伍尔蒙格。

Dwelling uneasily on the fringes of the village, outside its organization, were a shifting set of “strangers.” Several times villagers were fined for “harboring” them. They are characterized as “outside the assize”: day laborers, itinerant craftsmen, and vagabonds, the latter a class who turn up frequently in the royal coroners’ rolls. In 1312 six villagers were fined and commanded to desist from harboring strangers. Richard le Wyse harbored Henry the Cooper and his wife “to the harm of the village”; Robert Gamel harbored Gilbert from Lancashire; Margery daughter of Beatrice harbored Youn the Beggar; John Ballard, Geoffrey atte Cross, and Richard le Wyse commonly entertained strangers “to the terror of 39 the villagers.” 不安地居住在村庄的边缘，在村庄的组织之外，是一群不断变化的“陌 生人”有几次村民因为“窝藏”他们而被罚款。他们的特点是“外巡回”:散 工、流动工匠和流浪汉，后者是经常出现在皇家验尸官名单上的一个 阶层。1312 年，六名村民被处以罚款，并被勒令停止窝藏陌生人。 理查德·勒维斯庇护着“危害村庄”的亨利和他的妻子;罗伯特·盖梅尔庇 护着来自兰开夏郡的吉尔伯特;比阿特丽斯的女儿玛格丽庇护着乞丐尤 恩;约翰·巴拉德、杰弗里·阿特特·克罗斯和理查德·勒维斯经常招待陌 生人“使村民们感到恐惧”图 39 In addition to these suspect outsiders, the village had its eccentrics and mentally ill. In 1306 John Chapman was admonished by the court to see that his son Thomas “who is partly a lunatic” (in parte lunaticus) should “henceforth behave himself among his 40 neighbors.” The coroners’ rolls record other cases involving mental aberration. In 1316 a peasant woman at Yelden, Bedfordshire, afflicted with “an illness called frenzy,” got out of bed, seized an axe, slew her son and three daughters, and “hanged 41 herself in her house on a beam with two cords of hemp.” 除了这些可疑的外来者，这个村庄还有古怪的人和精神病患者。 1306 年，法庭告诫约翰·查普曼，要求他的儿子托马斯“在某种程度上 是个疯子”，“从今以后，在他的邻居中要守规矩”40.验尸官记录了其他 涉及精神失常的案件。1316 年，在贝德福德郡的 Yelden，一位农妇

患上了“一种叫做疯狂的疾病”，从床上爬起来，抓起一把斧头，杀死 了她的儿子和三个女儿，并“用两根大麻绳在房子的横梁上上吊自 杀”41 The peasants of a medieval village were once pictured as coexisting in a state of what might be called mediocre equality. Actually wide differences in wealth existed. Land was the most important kind of wealth, and the distribution of land was far from equal. Furthermore, some tenants, both villein and free, were increasing their holdings by buying or leasing from the others. 一个中世纪村庄的农民曾经被描绘成一种可以被称为平等的共存状态。 实际上，在财富上存在着巨大的差异。土地是最重要的财富种类，土 地的分配远远不平等。此外，一些佃户，无论是佃户还是自由佃户， 都通过向其他佃户购买或租赁来增加他们的财产。 In theory, all land needed to be preserved and transmitted intact to heirs, both to protect the integrity of the holding for the family and to assure the lord of his rents and services. Alienation— sale—was therefore theoretically 从理论上讲，所有的土地都需要保存下来，并完整地传给继承 人，这既是为了保护家庭财产的完整性，也是为了确保房租和服务 的主人。因此，转让买卖具有理论意义

forbidden. In reality, sale and lease of land were prominent features of the court rolls of the late thirteenth century, and not new phenomena. The lord’s acquiescence reflected the profits to be made from the transaction—the opportunity of raising rents and collecting license fees. 禁止的。实际上，土地买卖和租赁是十三世纪晚期法院名册的显著特 征，并非新现象。领主的默许反映了交易的利润，即提高租金和收取 许可费的机会。 In Elton, where a substantial number of the tenants were free, many of the sales recorded were by free men, some of whom sold consistently, some of whom bought, some of whom both bought and sold. Transactions were nearly all small. John Hering appears in the court rolls in 1292 selling two and a half rods to Alice daughter of 42 Bateman of Clipsham, and again in 1300 selling an acre to Joan wife of Gilbert Engayne of Wansford and also half an acre to 43 Richard of Thorpe Waterville. In 1312 Thomas Chausey sold half 44 an acre to Reginald of Yarwell and two rods to Richard Carpenter. In 1322 Richard Fraunceys sold half an acre to John Smith and half 45 an acre to Richard Eliot; Richard Eliot, meanwhile, acquired another two acres from John Ketel, who also sold a rod of land to 46 Richard Chapleyn of Wansford; John Ketel at the same time 47 bought half an acre of meadow from Clement Crane. Among the villeins, Muriel atte Gate and William Harpe each sold an acre to Nicholas Miller “without the license of the lord” and were fined 48 sixpence each. The only sizable transaction before 1350 was that of Reginald Child and John son of Henry Reeve, who in 1325 divided between them a virgate of land that had belonged to John Wagge. Apparently because they had done so without license, they were fined two shillings “for having the judgment of the court,” 49 though the transaction seems to have stood. 在埃尔顿，有相当数量的租户是免费的，许多销售记录是由自由 人完成的，他们中的一些人坚持出售，一些人购买，一些人既买又卖。 几乎所有的交易都很小。1292 年，约翰·赫林出现在法庭名册上，向

克利夫舍姆的贝特曼的女儿艾丽丝出售了 2.5 英亩的土地，1300 年又 向 Wansford 的吉尔伯特·恩格纳的妻子琼出售了一英亩的土地，向 ThorpeWaterville 的理查德出售了半英亩的土地。43.1312 年， ThomasChausey 卖给 Yarwell 的 Reginald 半英亩土地，卖给理查·卡 本特公司 2 个燃料棒。1322 年，理查德·弗劳恩西斯将半英亩卖给约 翰·史密斯，半英亩卖给理查德·艾略特;与此同时，理查德·艾略特又从 约翰·凯特尔手中购得两英亩土地，后者也将一块土地卖给了 Wansford 的理查德·查普林;同时，约翰·凯特尔从克莱门特·克莱恩手 中购得半英亩草地。47 在村庄里，MurielatteGate 和 WilliamHarpe 在没有得到领主许可的情况下，分别向 NicholasMiller 出售了一英亩 土地，每人被罚款 6 便士。48 在 1350 年以前，唯一可观的交易是雷 金纳德·柴尔德和亨利·里夫的儿子约翰的交易。显然是因为他们没有 许可证就这样做了，他们被罚了两先令，“因为他们得到了法院的判 决”，尽管这笔交易看起来是成立的 Anne De Windt, analyzing land transfers in the Ramsey Abbey village of King’s Ripton, where only one of the tenants was free, found 292 transfers among the unfree tenants between 1280 and 1397, the majority dealing with plots of between one-half and two and a half acres in the open fields, the others houses, auxiliary buildings, 安妮·德温特分析了金 Ripton 的拉姆齐修道院村的土地转让情 况，发现在 1280 年到 1397 年之间，只有一个租户是自由的，在非 自由租户中有 292 次转让，其中大部分涉及开阔地 1.5 到 2.5 英亩 的土地，其他的房屋，辅助建筑,

houseplots, and closes. Approximately one-third of the population participated at one time or another in the real-estate market. Thirtysix percent of the deals involved less than an acre of land, 57 percent from one to ten acres, 7 percent from ten to twenty acres. Some of the buyers were evidently newcomers to the village, purchasing holdings. Others apparently bought to satisfy the needs of daughters and younger sons. Still others leased the land they had acquired to subtenants, becoming peasant landlords. By the last half of the fourteenth century, a few families in nearly every English village had accumulated enough land to constitute an elite peasant 50 class. 然后关门。大约三分之一的人口曾经参与过房地产市场。百分之三十 六的交易涉及不到一英亩的土地，百分之五十七从一英亩到十英亩， 百分之七从十英亩到二十英亩。其中一些买家显然是新来到这个村庄， 购买土地。其他人买这些东西显然是为了满足女儿和小儿子的需要。 还有一些人把他们获得的土地租给佃农，成为农民地主。到 14 世纪 后半叶，几乎每个英国村庄都有少数家庭积累了足够的土地，形成了 一个精英农民阶级 Land was not the only form of wealth. Few areas in the thirteenth century as yet put sheep- or cattle-raising ahead of crop farming, but many villagers owned animals. 土地并不是财富的唯一形式。在十三世纪，很少有地区把养羊 或养牛放在农作物种植之前，但许多村民拥有动物。 Information about village stock is scanty, but some has been gleaned from the records of royal taxes levied at intervals to finance war. Villagers were assessed on the basis of their livestock, grain, and other products. M. M. Postan has extracted valuable information from the assessment record of 1291, including data on five Ramsey Abbey villages. Elton was not among the five, but the figures may be taken as broadly typical of the region. They show the average taxpaying villager owning 6.2 sheep, 4.5 cows and calves, 3.1 pigs, and 2.35 horses and oxen. These figures do not mean that each villager owned approximately 16 animals. Exempt were the poor

cotters who owned property worth less than 6 shillings 8 pence, about the value of one ox or cow. Furthermore, as Postan demonstrates, many taxpaying villagers owned no sheep, while a few rich peasants held a large fraction of the total village flock. Plow animals, cows, and pigs appear to have been distributed more 51 evenly, though another scholar, speaking of England in general, asserts that “the bulk of the people owned no more working animals, 52 cows, and sheep, than were necessary for their own subsistence.” 关于村庄存量的资料很少，但是有些资料是从为资助战争而不时征收 的皇家税收的记录中搜集到的。村民们根据他们的牲畜、谷物和其他 产品进行评估。从 1291 年的评估记录中提取了有价值的信息，包括 关于拉姆齐修道院五个村庄的数据。埃尔顿不在其中，但这些数字可 能被认为是该地区普遍存在的现象。这些数据显示，纳税村民平均拥 有 6.2 头羊，4.5 头牛和小牛，3.1 头猪，2.35 头马和牛。这些数字并 不意味着每个村民大约拥有 16 头牲畜。那些拥有价值不到 6 先令 8 便士的财产的贫穷的农民是例外的，价值相当于一头牛或一头牛的价 值。此外，正如波斯坦所证明的那样，许多纳税的村民没有养羊，而 少数富农养着村庄总羊群的一大部分。耕种动物、牛和猪的分布似乎 更加均匀，不过另一位学者在谈到英格兰时总体上断言，“大多数人所 拥有的牲畜、牛和羊，并不比他们自己生存所需要的多。”52

The Elton manorial court rolls of the early 1300s list numbers of villagers, mostly customary tenants with virgates, but also a few cotters, whose “beasts” or “draught beasts” had committed trespasses “in the lord’s meadow” or “in the lord’s grain.” In 1312 the beasts of twelve villagers grazed in the fields at a time prohibited by the village bylaws, or “trod the grain” of fellow 53 villagers. A number of villagers are mentioned as having horses, many as having sheep or pigs. 13 世纪早期，埃尔顿庄园法院的名单上列出了许多村民，大多 数是有阳光门的传统佃农，但也有一些农民，他们的“牲畜”或“驮畜” 侵入了“地主的草地”或“地主的谷物”1312 年，十二个村民的牲畜在村 庄章程禁止的时间在田野里吃草，或者“践踏”同村村民的粮食。 The village poor are specifically identified many times in the court rolls when they are forgiven their fines for offenses. Most are cotters. The coroners’ rolls record the small tragedies of destitute villagers who “went from door to door to seek bread.” Beatrice Bone, “a poor woman,” was begging in Turvey, Bedfordshire, in 1273 when she “fell down because she was weak and infirm and died there… between prime and tierce,” to be found two days later by a 54 kinswoman. Joan, “a poor child aged five,” walked through Risely 55 begging for bread, fell from a bridge, and drowned. 村里的穷人在法庭名单上被特别列出很多次，因为他们的违法行 为被免除了罚款。大多数人是贫民。验尸官记录下了贫困村民“挨家挨 户寻找面包”的小悲剧比阿特丽斯·波恩，“一个贫穷的女人”，1273 年 在贝德福德郡的 Turvey 乞讨时，“因为身体虚弱而摔倒，死在那里...... 在黄金时期和第三世纪之间”，两天后被一个亲戚发现 Perhaps as important as either legal status or wealth to most villagers was their standing among their neighbors, their place in the community. As in two other Ramsey Abbey villages studied by 56 Edward Britton (Broughton) and Edwin De Windt (Holywell-cum-

57 Needingworth), Elton shows evidence of a village hierarchy, signaled by the repeated service of certain families in village office, as reeve, beadle, jurors, ale tasters, and heads of tithings. All these officials were chosen by the villagers themselves. All the offices were positions of responsibility, served under oath, and subject to fines for dereliction. A total of over two hundred Elton families can * be identified by name in the records between 1279 and 1346. Of these two hundred families, only forty-nine are recorded as providing village officials. 也许对大多数村民来说，法律地位或财富同样重要的是他们在邻居中 的地位，他们在社区中的地位。爱德华·布里顿(EdwardBritton，布劳 顿[Broughton])56 岁，埃德温·德温特(EdwinDeWindt，霍利韦尔及尼 德沃思[Holywell-cum-Needingworth])研究的另外两个拉姆齐大教堂 村庄，埃尔顿显示了村庄等级制度的证据，村办公室里某些家庭的反 复服务表明了这一点，比如里夫、教区长、陪审员、麦芽酒品尝。所 有这些官员都是村民自己选出来的。所有这些职位都是负责人的职位， 都要宣誓就职，并因玩忽职守而处以罚款。在 1279 年至 1346 年间 的记录中，共有 200 多个埃尔顿家族的姓名可以被辨认出来。*在这 200 个家庭中，只有 49 个家庭有提供村官的记录。

The service of these elite families, moreover, was unevenly distributed: 此外，这些精英家庭的服务分布不均: 8 families had four or more members who served in a total of 101 offices 8 个家庭有 4 名或 4 名以上的成员，在总共 101 个办事处任 职 14 families had two members who served in a total of 14 个家庭有两名成员 39 offices 39 个办事处 27 families had one member who served in a total of 41 offices 27 个家庭有一名成员，共在 41 个办公室工作 Thus eight families, 3.5 percent of the total village households, filled well over half the terms of office. The number of terms per individual officeholder varied from one to six. 因此，8 个家庭----占全部农村家庭的 3.5%----完成了超过一半的 任期。每个官员的任期从一个到六个不等。 Most of Elton’s families who were active in public service, including all eight very active families, were villein virgaters. Four members of the In Angulo family (literal translation: in the nook or corner, English equivalent unknown), accounted for a total of fourteen offices: Geoffrey, listed in the Hundred Rolls of 1279 as a villein and a virgater, served as juror in 1279; Michael as juror in 1294, 1300, 1306, 1307, and 1312; Hugh as juror in 1300, 1307, 1312, and 1331, as reeve in 1323-1324 and again in 1324-1325; and William as juror in 1318 and 1322. Five members of the Gamel family served: Roger as juror in 1279 and 1294, ale taster in 1279; Robert as juror in 1292 and 1308; Philip as juror in 1300, ale taster

in 1312; John as juror in 1308 and 1312 and ale taster in 1331; and Edmund as juror in 1342 and ale taster the same year. Four members of the Brington family served as juror, Reginald three times. Four of the Child family served in eight offices, three as jurors, William Child three times as reeve. Four Abovebrooks were jurors, and one was also an ale taster. Four atte Crosses served, Alexander four times as juror and once as reeve. The Goscelins contributed jurors, two reeves, and a beadle. The Reeves were jurors, ale tasters, and, naturally, reeves. 埃尔顿的大多数积极参与公共服务的家庭，包括所有八个非常积 极的家庭，都是处女。英安古洛家族共有十四个直译:杰弗里，在 1279 年的《百卷》中被列为农奴和处女，1279 年担任陪审员;迈克 尔在 1294 年、1300 年、1306 年、1307 年和 1312 年担任陪审员;休 在 1300 年、1307 年、1312 年和 1331 年担任陪审员，在 1323 年至 1324 年和 1324 年至 1325 年再次担任陪审员;威廉在 1318 年和 1322 年担任陪审员。加梅尔家族有五位成员:罗杰 1279 年和 1294 年担任陪审员，1279 年担任麦芽酒品尝员;罗伯特 1292 年和 1308 年担任陪审员;菲利普 1300 年担任陪审员，1312 年担任麦芽酒品尝 员;约翰 1308 年和 1312 年担任陪审员，1331 年担任麦芽酒品尝员; 埃德蒙 1342 年担任陪审员，同年担任麦芽酒品尝员。布林顿家族有 四位成员担任陪审员，雷金纳德担任过三次。查尔德一家有四人担任 八个职务，三人担任陪审员，威廉查尔德担任三次陪审员。四个阿布 鲁克斯是陪审员，其中一个还是麦芽酒品尝员。亚历山大四次担任陪 审员，一次担任里夫。戈斯金一家派出了陪审员、两名里维斯和一名 执事。里夫夫妇是陪审员、麦芽酒品尝员，当然还有里夫斯。

That these same families also figure prominently in the court rolls for quarrels, suits, infractions, and acts of violence is a striking fact, corroborating Edward Britton’s observations to the same effect about Broughton. Members of three of the most active families were fined and assessed damages in 1279 when Alexander atte Cross, Gilbert son of Richard Reeve, and Henry son of Henry Abovebrook 58 “badly beat” the son of another virgater, Reginald le Wyse. In 1294 Roger Goscelin “drew blood from Richer Chapeleyn,” while the wives of two of the In Angulo men quarreled and Michael’s wife, Alice, “did hamsoken” on Geoffrey’s wife, also named Alice—that is, assaulted her in her own house; Michael’s wife paid a fine and also gave sixpence for “license to agree” with her sister-in-law. Richard Benyt, twice a juror, “badly beat Thomas Clerk and did hamsoken upon him in his own house.” John son of John Abovebrook, both father and son officeholders, “took the beasts of Maud wife of John Abovebrook,” apparently his stepmother, “and drove them out of her 59 close.” 这些家庭在争吵、诉讼、违法和暴力行为的法庭卷宗中也占有重 要地位，这是一个惊人的事实，证实了爱德华·布里顿对布劳顿的观 察结果。1279 年，当理查德·里夫的儿子亚历山大·阿特特·克罗斯和 亨利·阿博维布鲁克的儿子亨利“严重殴打”另一个处女雷金纳德·勒维 斯的儿子时，三个最活跃的家庭的成员被罚款和评估损失。58.1294 年，RogerGoscelin“让 RicherChapeleyn 血流成河”，当时在 Angulo 的两个男人的妻子和 Michael 的妻子 Alice 发生了争吵，Geoffrey 的 妻子，也叫 Alice，在她自己的房子里袭击了她，Michael 的妻子支付 了罚款，还给了她 6 便士作为“同意许可证”。两次担任陪审员的理查 德·本伊特“狠狠地殴打了托马斯·克拉克，并在他自己的房子里对他大 打出手。”约翰·阿布韦布鲁克的儿子约翰·阿布韦布鲁克，同时也是公 职人员的父亲和儿子，“带走了约翰·阿布韦布鲁克的莫德妻子的野 兽，”显然是他的继母，“并把它们赶出了她的身边。”59

In 1306 what sounds like a free-for-all involving the members of several of the elite families occurred. John Ketel, twice juror and twice ale taster, “broke the head” of Nicholas son of Richard Smith

and badly beat Richard Benyt, “and moreover did hamsoken upon him”; John son of Henry Smith, four times juror, “struck Robert Stekedec and drew blood from him,” while his brother Henry Smith “pursued John [Smith]…with a knife in order that he might strike and 60 wound him.” 1306 年发生了几个精英家族成员参与的一场听起来像是自由竞争 的事件。约翰·科特尔，两次担任陪审员，两次担任啤酒品尝员，“打 破了”理查德·史密斯的儿子尼古拉斯的头，狠狠地打了理查德·本伊特， “而且还狠狠地打了他”;亨利·史密斯的儿子约翰，四次担任陪审员， “打了罗伯特·斯蒂克德克，从他身上抽了血”，而他的兄弟亨利·史密斯 “用刀追赶约翰·史密斯......以便他可以打伤他”60 Members of the elite families sued each other for debt, accused each other of libel, and committed infractions such as coming late to the reaping in the fall or not sending all of their household or “not binding the lord’s wheat in the autumn as [their] neighbors did.” Their daughters were convicted of “fornication”: in 1303, Matilda 61 62 daughter of John Abovebrook; in 1307, Athelina Blakeman; in 1312, Alice 精英家族成员相互起诉对方欠债，相互指责对方诽谤，犯下违法 行为，比如秋天收割晚了，或者没有把全家人都送来，或者“没有像 邻居那样在秋天捆绑主人的小麦”他们的女儿被判犯有“通奸罪”:1303 年，玛蒂尔达是约翰·阿布韦布鲁克的女儿;1307 年，61 岁，阿瑟琳 娜·布莱克曼;1312 年，62 岁，爱丽丝

63 daughter of Robert atte Cross; in 1316, two women of the In 64 Angulo family, Muriel and Alice. 罗伯特·阿特特·克罗斯的女儿;1316 年 63 岁，英安古洛家族的两个 女人，穆里尔和爱丽丝 In short, a handful of village families were active leaders in village affairs, on both sides of the law. Their official posts may have helped them maintain and improve their status, which in turn perhaps lent them a truculence reminiscent of the Tybalts and Mercutios of the Italian cities, with somewhat similar results. 简而言之，少数村民家庭在村务中是积极的领导者，在法律的两 面。他们的官方职位可能帮助他们维持和提高了自己的地位，反过来 又可能让他们变得好斗，让人想起意大利城市的提伯特人和墨库提奥 人，结果有点类似。

From the terse wording of the court records, a few village personalities emerge. One is that of Henry Godswein, virgater, ale taster, and juror, who in 1279 was fined “because he refused to work at the second boon-work of the autumn and because he impeded said boon-work by ordering that everyone should go home early and without the permission of the bailiffs, to the lord’s damage of half a 65 mark.” Another is that of John of Elton the younger, whose troubles with his neighbors recur with regularity: a quarrel with his 66 free tenant, John of Langetoft in 1292; one with Emma 67 Prudhomme in 1294; a conviction of adultery in 1292 with Alice 68 wife of Reginald le Wyse; then an accusation of trespass by John 69 Hering in 1306; and finally an episode in 1306 in which John attacked one of his own tenants, John Chapman, “drove him out of his own house,” and carried off the hay of Joan wife of Robert 70 Chapman. 从简洁的法庭记录中，可以看出一些乡村人物的身影。其中之一是亨 利·戈德斯维恩(HenryGodswein)，他是一位品酒师、麦芽酒品尝师和 陪审员。他在 1279 年被罚款，“因为他拒绝为秋季的第二项福利工作

工作，而且他还妨碍了福利工作，命令所有人提前回家，未经法警允 许，给领主造成了半马克的损失。”另一个故事是关于小埃尔顿的约翰， 他与邻居的麻烦经常重复:1292 年与自由房客 Langetoft 的约翰发生争 吵;1294 年与爱玛·普鲁多姆发生争吵;1292 年与雷金纳德·勒·威斯的 妻子爱丽丝被判通奸;1306 年约翰·赫林指控他非法入侵;69 年最后是 1306 年的一段插曲，约翰·查普曼攻击了他自己的房客约翰·查普曼， “把他赶出了自己的房子”，并抢走了罗伯特·查普曼的妻子琼的干草 Not all the troublemakers were from the elite families. One family that never appeared in the lists of officials but often in the court rolls was the Prudhommes, of whom William was one of John of Elton’s cotters and Walter a free virgater. Walter’s wife Emma and Matilda, possibly William’s wife, appear a number of times, quarreling with their neighbors, suing or being sued, or as brewers. The family produced the only murderer among the Elton villagers to be named in the court rolls (homicides were judged in royal courts): Richard Prudhomme, who in 1300 was convicted of 并非所有的麻烦制造者都来自精英家庭。普鲁多姆一家从未出现 在官员名单上，但却经常出现在法庭名单上。威廉是埃尔顿下水道的 约翰之一，沃尔特则是一个免费的处女。沃尔特的妻子艾玛和玛蒂尔 达，可能是威廉的妻子，出现了很多次，与他们的邻居争吵，起诉或 被起诉，或作为酿酒师。埃尔顿家族是埃尔顿村民中唯一一个被列入 法庭名单(凶杀案由皇家法庭审理)的杀人犯:理查德·普鲁多姆 (RichardPrudhomme)，他于 1300 年被判有罪

71 killing Goscelyna Crane. The Sabbes, also, were prominent mainly for their participation in quarrels and violence, and one of their members, Emma, was fined for being a “fornicatrix” and “as it 72 were a common woman,” a whore. 71 萨布一家也因参与争吵和暴力而闻名，他们的成员之一艾玛 (Emma)因为“通奸”和“因为她是个普通女人”而被罚款

Through the formulas and the abbreviated Latin of the court rolls, the villagers’ speech echoes only remotely. Prudence Andrew, in The Constant Star, a novel about the Peasants’ Rebellion of 1381, follows a popular tradition by recording her hero’s speech as on an intellectual level just above that of the donkey with whom he sometimes sleeps. No reliable real-life source exists for the everyday speech of the English peasantry (though Chaucer yields hints), but the Inquisition records for the village of Montaillou, in the Pyrenees, roughly contemporary with the court records of Elton, 73 cast valuable light. The Montaillou peasants talk freely, even glibly, about politics, religion, and morality, philosophizing and displaying lively intelligence, imagination, humor, and wisdom. The Elton court records give us a single glimpse of peasants in an informal dialogue. The villagers were gathered in the churchyard on the Sunday before All Saints, when three people belonging to the elite families, Richer son of Goscelin and Richard Reeve and his wife, confronted Michael Reeve “with most base words in front of the whole parish.” They accused Michael of a number of corrupt practices often imputed to reeves: “that he reaped his grain in the autumn by boon-works performed by the abbot’s customary tenants, and plowed his land in Eversholmfield with the boon plows of the village; that he excused customary tenants from works and carrying services on condition that they leased their lands to him at a low price”; and finally “that he had taken bribes from the rich so that they should not be censuarii, and [instead] put the poor ad censum.” 通过法庭的公式和缩写的拉丁文名单，村民们的话语只有遥远的回声。 普鲁登斯·安德鲁在 1381 年农民起义的小说《恒星》中，遵循了一个

流行的传统，将她的英雄的演讲录制成智力水平略高于他有时睡在一 起的驴子的演讲。对于英国农民的日常言论，现实生活中并没有可靠 的来源(尽管乔叟给出了一些提示)，但是关于比里牛斯山脉 Montaillou 村庄的宗教裁判所记录，与埃尔顿的法庭记录大致同时代， 提供了有价值的线索。埃尔顿宫廷的记录使我们在一次非正式的对话 中瞥见了一些农民。在万圣节前的那个周日，村民们聚集在教堂的墓 地里。当时，来自精英家族的三个人——Goscelin 的里奇(Richer)和 理查德•里夫(RichardReeve)及其妻子——对迈克尔•里夫 (MichaelReeve)“在整个教区面前说了一些最下流的话他们指责迈克 尔的一系列腐败行为常常归咎于里夫斯:“他在秋天通过住持的传统佃 户的恩惠工程收获粮食，用村子里的恩惠犁耕他在 Eversholmfield 的 土地;他免除传统佃户的工作和提供服务，条件是他们以低价把土地租 给他”;最后“他收受了富人的贿赂，这样他们就不会受到责难，而是把 贫穷的人竖立起来。”

Michael sued for libel, and the jurors pronounced him “in no article guilty,” fined Richard Reeve and Richer Goscelin two shillings and 12 pence respectively, and ordered Richard Reeve to pay Michael the substantial sum of ten shillings in damages. Michael 74 later forgave all but two shillings of the award. 迈克尔以诽谤罪起诉，陪审团宣布他“无罪”，分别对理查德·里夫 和里奇·戈斯林处以两先令和 12 便士的罚款，并命令理查德·里夫向迈 克尔支付数额可观的 10 先令赔偿金。迈克尔后来宽免了除两先令以 外的所有奖金

5 THE VILLAGERS: 村民们: HOW THEY LIVED 他们是如何生活的 A of indeterminate 所有埃尔顿的村民，自由的， VILLEIN 的，不确定的 LL THE VILLAGERS OF ELTON, FREE, VILLEIN, AND

status, virgaters, half-virgaters, cotters, servants, and craftsmen, lived in houses that shared the common characteristic of impermanence. Poorly built, of fragile materials, they had to be completely renewed nearly every generation. At Wharram Percy, nine successive transformations of one house can be traced over a span of little more than three centuries. The heir’s succession to a holding probably often supplied an occasion for rebuilding. For reasons not very clear, the new house was often erected adjacent to the old site, with the alignment changed and new foundations 1 planted either in postholes or in continuous foundation trenches. 地位，处女膜，半处女膜，排水沟，仆人，和手工艺者，居住在共同 的特点，无常。由于建筑质量差，材料易碎，它们几乎每一代都必须 完全更新。在 WharramPercy，一所房子的九次连续变化可以追溯到 三个多世纪之前。继承人对财产的继承可能经常为重建提供机会。由

于不太清楚的原因，新房子通常是在旧址旁边建造的，改变了路线， 新的地基要么在柱洞里，要么在连续的地基坑里

Renewal was not always left to the tenant’s discretion. The peasant taking over a holding might be bound by a contract to build a new house, of a certain size, to be completed within a certain time span. Sometimes the lord agreed to supply timber or 2 other assistance. The lord’s interest in the proper maintenance of the houses and outbuildings of his village was sustained 续租并不总是由房客自行决定。接管土地的农民可能会受到一 份合同的约束，在一定的时间范围内建造一所一定规模的新房子。 有时，领主同意提供木材或其他援助。2 领主对适当维护他的村庄 的房屋和附属建筑的兴趣得到了维持

Fourteenth-century peasant house, St. Mary’s Grove cottage, 十四世纪的农舍，圣玛丽格罗夫小屋, Tilmanstone, Kent. Originally of one story, the house has retained the studs of the medieval partition that divided it into two rooms, and the framing of the window wall. Upper story and chimney were added in the seventeenth century, and the walls have been largely rebuilt. Royal Commission on the Historic Monuments of England.

肯特郡的蒂尔曼斯通。最初的一个故事，房子保留了中世纪的分隔墙， 分成两个房间，窗户的墙壁框架。上层和烟囱是在十七世纪增加的，墙 壁大部分已经重建。英格兰历史古迹皇家委员会。

by the manorial court. In Elton in 1306, Aldusa Chapleyn had to find pledges to guarantee that she would “before the next court repair 3 her dwelling house in as good a condition as she received it.” Two years later, William Rouvehed was similarly enjoined to “repair and rebuild his dwelling house in as good a condition as that in which he 4 received it for a gersum [entry fee],” and in 1331 three villagers were fined 12 pence each because they did not “maintain [their] 5 buildings.” 由庄园法庭审判。1306 年在埃尔顿，AldusaChapleyn 不得不找到保 证书，保证她将“在下一个法庭将她的住宅修复得和她收到的一样 好”3 两年后，威廉·鲁韦赫德同样被责成“修缮和重建他的住宅，使其

状况与他收取的报名费一样好”，1331 年，三名村民各被罚款 12 便 士，因为他们没有“维护[他们的]建筑”5 All the village houses belonged to the basic type of medieval building, the “hall,” as did the manor house, the barns, and even the church: a single high-ceilinged room, varying in size depending on the number of bays or framed sections. In peasants’ houses, 6 bays were usually about fifteen feet square. 所有的村庄房屋都属于中世纪建筑的基本类型——“大厅”，庄园 房屋、谷仓，甚至教堂也是如此:一个单一的高顶房间，大小取决于 隔间的数量或框架部分。在农民的房子里，海湾通常是十五平方英 尺 The house of a rich villager such as John of Elton might 像埃尔顿的约翰这样有钱的村民的房子

Outline of foundation of house at Wharram Percy, with entry in middle of long side. WharramPercy 房屋地基轮廓，入口在长边的中部。

consist of four or even five bays, with entry in the middle of a long side. Small service rooms were probably partitioned off at one end: a buttery, where drink was kept, and a pantry, for bread, dishes, and utensils, with a passage between leading to a kitchen outside. A “solar,” a second story either above the service rooms or at the other end, may have housed a sleeping chamber. A large hall might retain the ancient central hearth, or be heated by a fireplace with a chimney fitted into the wall. Early halls were aisled like churches, with the floor space obstructed by two rows of posts supporting the roof. Cruck construction had partially solved the problem, and by the end of the thirteenth century, carpenters had rediscovered the roof truss, known to the Greeks and Romans. Based on the inherent strength of the triangle, which resists distortion, the truss can support 7 substantial weight. 由四个甚至五个海湾组成，从长边的中间进入。小的服务间可能在一 端被隔开:一个供饮料的黄油间，和一个用来放面包、盘子和餐具的食 品间，中间有一条通道通向外面的厨房。一个“太阳能”，在服务室上 方或另一端的第二层，可能有一个睡眠室。一个大厅可以保留古老的 中央壁炉，或者由一个壁炉加热，壁炉内装有烟囱。早期的大厅像教 堂一样走廊分布，建筑面积被支撑屋顶的两排柱子所阻挡。克鲁克建 筑公司部分解决了这个问题，到了十三世纪末，木匠们重新发现了屋

顶桁架，这是古希腊人和古罗马人所熟知的。基于三角形固有的强度， 可以抵抗变形，桁架可以承受相当大的重量

A middle-level peasant, a virgater such as Alexander atte Cross, probably lived in a three-bay house, the commonest type. A cotter like Richard Trune might have a small one- or two-bay house. Dwellings commonly still lodged animals as well as human beings, but the byre was 一个中层农民，一个像亚历山大·阿特·克罗斯这样的处女座， 很可能住在一个三湾式的房子里，这是最常见的一种类型。像理查 德·特鲁恩这样的牧童可能有一两个海湾的小房子。住宅通常仍然居 住着动物和人类，但是小牛却是

more often partitioned off and sometimes positioned at right angles to the living quarters, a configuration that pointed to the European farm complex of the future, with house and outbuildings ringing a 8 central court. 更多的时候是隔开的，有时候是与生活区成直角，这种布局指向了未 来的欧洲农场综合体，房屋和附属建筑环绕着中央球场。8 Interiors were lighted by a few windows, shuttered but unglazed, and by doors, often open during the daytime, through which children and animals wandered freely. Floors were of beaten earth covered with straw or rushes. In the center, a fire of wood, or of peat, 9 commonly used in Elton, burned on a raised stone hearth, vented through a hole in the roof. Some hearths were crowned by hoods or funnels to channel the smoke to the makeshift chimney, which might be capped by a barrel with its ends knocked out. The atmosphere of the house was perpetually smoky from the fire burning all day as water, milk, or porridge simmered in pots on a trivet or in footed brass or iron kettles. At night a fire-cover, a large round ceramic lid 10 with holes, could be put over the blaze. 室内有几扇窗户，百叶窗关着，但没有玻璃，门在白天经常开着， 孩子和动物可以在里面自由地走动。地板上铺着泥土，上面铺着稻草 或灯心草。在中间，木火，或泥炭火，通常在埃尔顿使用，9 点燃在 一个凸起的石壁炉，通过一个洞在屋顶排出。有些壁炉顶上装有排烟 罩或烟囱，将烟引导到临时烟囱上，烟囱顶部可能会被一个两端被敲 掉的木桶所覆盖。屋子里的气氛总是烟雾缭绕，因为水、牛奶或者粥 在三脚架上的锅里或者用黄铜或者铁壶炖着，整天都在燃烧。到了晚 上，可以用一个带洞的大圆陶瓷盖子盖住火焰 A thirteenth-century writer, contrasting the joys of a nun’s life with the trials of marriage, pictured the domestic crisis of a 一个十三世纪的作家，把修女生活的快乐与婚姻的磨难相比较， 描绘了一个国家的家庭危机

Woman stirs footed pot on central hearth while holding baby. Trinity College, Cambridge, Ms. B 11.22, f. 25v.

女人抱着婴儿在中央壁炉上搅动着脚盆。剑桥大学三一学院，b 女士， 11.22，f.25v。

Central hearth of house in reconstruction of Anglo-Saxon settlement at West ow.

盎格鲁-撒克逊人在西奥夫定居点重建中的房屋中心。

wife who hears her child scream and hastens into the house to find “the cat at the bacon and the dog at the hide. Her cake is burning on the [hearth] stone, and her calf is licking up the milk. The pot is 11 boiling over into the fire, and the churl her husband is scolding.” 妻子听到孩子的尖叫，急忙走进屋子，寻找”培根的猫和藏身处的狗”。 她的蛋糕在炉石上燃烧，她的小牛正在舔食牛奶。锅里的水滚到火里 去了，她丈夫正在责骂她。”图 11 Medieval sermons, too, yield a glimpse of peasant interiors: the hall “black with smoke,” the cat sitting by the fire and often singeing

her fur, the floor strewn with green rushes and sweet flowers at Easter, or straw in winter. They picture the housewife at her cleaning: “She takes a broom and drives all the dirt of the house together; and, lest the dust rise…she casts it with great violence out of the door.” But the work is never done: “For, on Saturday afternoon, the 中世纪的布道也让人得以窥见农民的内心世界:大厅“烟雾缭绕”， 猫坐在火炉旁，身上的毛常常被烧焦，复活节时地板上点缀着绿色的 灯芯草和甜美的花朵，冬天则是稻草。他们想象着家庭主妇在打扫房 间时的情景:“她拿着扫帚，一起扫除房间里所有的灰尘;为了防止灰尘 上升，她用极大的力气把灰尘扫出门外。”但是工作从来没有完成 过:“因为，在星期六下午，我们的工作人员

servants shall sweep the house and cast all the dung and the filth behind the door in a heap. But what then? Come the capons and the hens and scrape it around and make it as ill as it was before.” We see the woman doing laundry, soaking the clothes in lye (homemade with ashes and water), beating and scrubbing them, and hanging them up to dry. The dog, driven out of the kitchen with a basinful of hot water, fights over a bone, lies stretched in the sun with flies settling on him, or eagerly watches people eating until 12 they throw him a morsel, “whereupon he turns his back.” 仆人要打扫房屋，把门后所有的粪便和污物堆成一堆。但是接下来 呢？来了阉鸡和母鸡，把它们刮得干干净净，像以前一样。”我们看 到那个女人在洗衣服，用碱液(用灰和水自制的)浸泡衣服，拍打和擦 洗它们，然后把它们挂起来晾干。狗从厨房里端着一盆热水被赶出 来，为一根骨头打架，伸着懒腰躺在阳光下，苍蝇落在它身上，或 者急切地看着人们吃东西，直到他们扔给它一小口，“于是它转过身 去。”图 12 The family ate seated on benches or stools at a trestle table, disassembled at night. Chairs were rarities. A cupboard or hutch held wooden and earthenware bowls, jugs, and wooden spoons. Hams, bags, and baskets hung from the rafters, away from rats and mice. Clothing, bedding, towels, and table linen were stored in chests. A well-to-do peasant might own silver spoons, brass pots, 13 and pewter dishes. 他们一家人坐在长凳或凳子上，在一张搁板桌旁吃东西，晚上再 拆开吃。椅子很少见。碗柜或厨柜里放着木制的和陶制的碗、壶和木 制的勺子。房椽上挂着火腿、袋子和篮子，远离老鼠和老鼠。衣服、 被褥、毛巾和桌布都放在箱子里。富裕的农民可能拥有银汤匙、铜锅 和锡盘。13 When they bathed, which was not often, medieval villagers used a barrel with the top removed. To lighten the task of carrying and 14 heating water, a family probably bathed serially in the same water. 中世纪的村民洗澡的时候，通常用一个没有顶部的桶。为了减轻 搬运和加热水的工作，一家人可能连续地在同一水中洗澡

At night, the family slept on straw pallets, either on the floor of the hall or in a loft at one end, gained by a ladder. Husband and wife shared a bed, sometimes with the baby, who alternatively might sleep in a cradle by the fire. 晚上，一家人睡在稻草托盘上，要么睡在大厅的地板上，要么 睡在一头的阁楼上，从梯子上下来。丈夫和妻子共用一张床，有时 和婴儿一起睡，婴儿也可以睡在炉火旁的摇篮里。 Manorial accounts yield ample information about what the abbot of Ramsey ate, especially his feast-day diet, which included larks, ducks, salmon, kid, chickens at Easter, a boar at Christmas, and 15 capons and geese on other occasions. The monks ate less luxuriously. For their table, Elton (and other manors) supplied the cellarer at Ramsey with bacon, beef, lambs, herring, butter, cheese, beans, geese, hens, and eggs, as well as flour and meal. The 关于拉姆齐修道院院长吃了什么，庄园主人的叙述提供了充分的信 息，尤其是他的盛宴日饮食，包括云雀、鸭子、鲑鱼、小孩、复活 节的鸡、圣诞节的野猪，以及其他场合的阉鸡和鹅。对于他们的餐 桌，埃尔顿(和其他庄园主)提供培根，牛肉，羔羊，鲱鱼，黄油，奶 酪，豆类，鹅，母鸡，鸡蛋，以及面粉和膳食。这个

inhabitants of the curia, including the reeve, the beadle, some of the servants, and “divers workmen and visitors from time to time,” also ate comparatively well, consuming large quantities of grain in various forms as well as peas, beans, bacon, chickens, ducks, cheese, and butter. Food was no small part of the remuneration of servants and staff of a manor. Georges Duby cites the carters of Battle Abbey, who demanded rye bread, ale, and cheese in the morning, and meat 16 or fish at midday.’ 教廷的居民，包括里夫，执事，一些仆人，以及“不时来访的工人和游 客”也吃得比较好，吃了大量各种形式的谷物，还有豌豆，豆子，培根， 鸡，鸭子，奶酪和黄油。食物在仆人和庄园职员的报酬中占不小的比 例。乔治·杜比引用了巴特尔修道院的卡特尔，他们早上要黑麦面包、 麦芽酒和奶酪，中午要肉或鱼图 16 Less evidence exists for the diet of the average peasant. The thirteenth-century villager was a cultivator rather than a herdsman because his basic need was subsistence, which meant food and drink produced from grain. His aim was not exactly selfsufficiency, 17 but self-supply of the main necessities of life. These were bread, pottage or porridge, and ale. Because his wheat went almost exclusively to the market, his food and drink crops were barley and oats. Most peasant bread was made from “maslin,” 关于普通农民的饮食的证据很少。十三世纪的村民是一个耕种者 而不是牧民，因为他的基本需求是生存，也就是用谷物生产食物和饮 料。他的目标并不完全是自给自足，而是自给自足生活的主要必需品。 因为他的小麦几乎全部流向市场，所以他的食物和饮料作物是大麦和 燕麦。大多数农民的面包都是用“maslin”做的

Netting small birds. British Library, Luttrell Psalter, Ms. Add. 42130, f. 63. 捕捉小鸟。大英图书馆，Luttrell 诗篇，Add 女士。42130，f.63.

The abbot’s kitchen at Glastonbury Abbey contained four fireplaces for cooking.

格拉斯顿伯里修道院的修道院院长的厨房里有四个壁炉。

a mixture of wheat and rye or barley and rye, baked into a coarse dark loaf weighing four pounds or more, and consumed in great 18 quantities by men, women, and children. 小麦、黑麦、大麦和黑麦的混合物，烘烤成四磅或四磅以上的粗面 包，供男人、妇女和儿童大量食用 For the poorer peasant families, such as the Trunes or the Saladins of Elton, pottage was favored over bread as more economical, since it required no milling and therefore escaped both the miller’s exaction and the natural loss of quantity in the process. Barley grains destined for pottage were allowed to sprout in a damp, warm place, then were boiled in the pot. Water could be drawn off,

sweetened with honey, and drunk as barley water, or allowed to ferment 对于比较贫穷的农民家庭，比如埃尔顿的特吕内斯和萨拉丁斯， 面包更经济，因为它不需要碾磨，因此避免了磨坊主的勒索和加工过 程中数量的自然损失。注定要泡汤的大麦颗粒可以在潮湿、温暖的地 方发芽，然后在锅里煮。水可以抽出来，用蜂蜜加糖，作为大麦水饮 用，或者允许发酵

into beer. Peas and beans supplied scarce protein and amino acids to both pottage and bread. A little fat bacon or salt pork might be added to the pottage along with onion and garlic from the garden. In spring and summer a variety of vegetables was available: cabbage, lettuce, leeks, spinach, and parsley. Some crofts grew fruit trees, supplying apples, pears, or cherries. Nuts, berries, and roots were gathered in the woods. Fruit was usually cooked; raw fruit was thought unhealthy. Except for poisonous or very bitter plants, “anything that grew went into the pot, even primrose and strawberry 19 leaves.” The pinch came in the winter and early spring, when the grain supply ran low and wild supplements were not available. 变成啤酒。豌豆和豆类为汤和面包提供了稀缺的蛋白质和氨基酸。一 点肥猪肉或咸猪肉可以和洋葱、大蒜一起加到汤里。在春天和夏天， 有各种各样的蔬菜可供选择:卷心菜、生菜、韭菜、菠菜和欧芹。一些 crofts 种植果树，供应苹果、梨或樱桃。在树林里采集了坚果、浆果 和树根。水果通常是煮熟的，生的水果被认为不健康。除了有毒或非 常苦的植物，“任何长在花盆里的东西，甚至樱草花和草莓的叶 子。”19.在冬季和初春，粮食供应减少，野生补给品无法获得时，就 出现了供应紧缺。

Stronger or weaker, more flavorful or blander, the pottage kettle supplied many village families with their chief sustenance. If possible, every meal including breakfast was washed down with weak ale, home-brewed or purchased from a neighbor, but water often had to serve. The most serious shortage was protein. Some supplement for the incomplete protein of beans and peas was available from eggs, little from meat or cheese, though the wealthier villagers fared better than the poor or middling. E. A. 不管是强壮还是弱小，更加美味还是苍白，水壶为许多农村家庭 提供了主要的食物。如果可能的话，包括早餐在内的每顿饭都要用淡 啤酒、自酿的啤酒或从邻居那里买来的啤酒冲下去，但通常都要用水。 最严重的短缺是蛋白质。一些补充不完全蛋白质的豆类和豌豆可以从

鸡蛋中获得，很少从肉类或奶酪中获得，尽管富裕的村民比穷人或中 等的村民过得好。E.

Gathering fruit. British Library, Luttrell Psalter, Ms. Add. 42130, f. 196v. 采集水果。大英图书馆，Luttrell 诗篇，Add 女士。42130f.196v.

Kosminsky believed that the virgater and half-virgater could have “made ends meet without great difficulty, had it not been for the weight of feudal exploitation”—that is, the labor services and other villein obligations—but that a quarter virgate (five to eight acres) did 20 not suffice even in the absence of servile dues. H. S. Bennett calculated the subsistence level as lying between five and ten acres, “probably nearer ten than five.” The most recent scholarly estimate, by H. E. Hallam (1988), is that twelve acres was needed for a statistical family of 4.75. J. Z. Titow pointed out that more acreage was needed per family in a two-field system than a three-field system, since more of each holding was lying fallow. Cicely Howell, studying data from the Midland village of Kibworth Harcourt, concluded that not until the mid-sixteenth century could the halfvirgater provide his family with more than eight bushels of grain a year per person from his own land. Poor families survived only by 21 their varied activities as day laborers. 科斯明斯基认为，如果不是因为封建剥削的重量，即劳动服务和其他 农奴的义务，男子汉和半男子汉本可以“毫不费力地维持生计”，但即 使没有奴隶会费，四分之一的男子汉(五至八英亩)也不足以维持生计 最新的学术估计，由 h.e.Hallam(1988)，是十二英亩需要一个统计家 庭的 4.75。J.z.Titow 指出，在双田系统中，每个家庭需要的耕地面积

比一个三圃制更多，因为每块土地都有更多的闲置土地。西塞利•豪厄 尔(CicelyHowell)研究了米德兰的基布沃思哈考特村庄的数据后得出结 论，直到 16 世纪中叶，这位半虚拟农场主每人每年才能从自己的土 地上为自己的家庭提供超过 8 蒲式耳的谷物。贫困家庭只能靠他们各 种各样的零工活动来维持生计

Besides the shortage of protein, medieval diets were often 22 lacking in lipids, calcium, and vitamins A, C, and D. 除了缺乏蛋白质，中世纪的饮食往往缺乏脂质、钙和维生素 a、 c 和 d.22

They were also often low in calories, making the inclusion of ale a benefit on grounds of health as well as recreation. Two positive aspects of the villagers’ austere regimen—its low protein and low fat content—gave it some of the virtues of the modern “heartsmart” diet, and its high fiber was a cancer preventative. 它们的卡路里含量通常也很低，因此啤酒对健康和娱乐都有好处。村 民们简朴生活的两个积极方面——低蛋白质和低脂肪含量——赋予了 它现代“聪明心智”饮食的一些优点，而高纤维是一种癌症预防。 A middling family like that of Alexander atte Cross or Henry Abovebrook probably owned a cow or two or a few ewes, to provide an intermittent supply of milk, cheese, and butter. Most households kept chickens and pigs to furnish eggs and occasional meat, but animals, like wheat, were often needed for cash sales to pay the rent or other charges. Salted and dried fish were available for a price, as were eels, which also might be fished from the Nene or poached from the millpond. 像亚历山大·阿特·克罗斯或亨利·阿布维布鲁克这样的普通家庭可 能有一头或两头母牛，或几头母羊，提供间歇性的牛奶、奶酪和黄油 供应。大多数家庭饲养鸡和猪提供蛋和偶尔的肉，但动物，如小麦， 往往需要现金销售支付租金或其他费用。咸鱼和干鱼可以卖个好价钱， 还有鳗鱼，鳗鱼也可以从内内河捕捞或从蓄水池中偷猎。 Medieval literature voiced the popular hunger for protein and fat. A twelfth-century Irish poet describes a dream in which a coracle “built of lard/ Swam a sweet milk sea,” and out of a lake rose a castle reached by a bridge of butter and surrounded by a palisade of bacon, with doorposts of whey curds, columns of 中世纪文学表达了人们对蛋白质和脂肪的渴望。一位十二世纪 的爱尔兰诗人描述了这样一个梦:一个小艇“用猪油建造/在甜美的牛 奶海中畅游”，从湖中浮出一座玫瑰城堡，城堡由一座用黄油搭成的 桥连接起来，城堡周围是一片用培根做成的栅栏，门柱是用乳清凝 乳做成的

Men fishing with nets. British Library, Queen Mary’s Psalter, Ms. Royal 2B VII, f. 73.

人们用网捕鱼。大英图书馆，玛丽女王的诗篇，罗亚尔女士 2BVII，f.73。

aged cheese, and pillars of pork. Across a moat of spicy broth covered with fat, guards welcomed the dreamer to the 陈奶酪，猪肉条。守卫们穿过一条满是脂肪的辣肉汤护城河，欢迎这 位梦想家来到这里

23 castle with coils of fat sausages. 城堡里有成卷的肥香肠 23 个 It was a hungry world, made hungrier by intermittent crop failures, one series of which in the early fourteenth century brought widespread famine in England and northwest Europe. The later, even more devastating cataclysm of the Black Death so reduced the European population that food became comparatively plentiful and the peasants took to eating wheat. The poet John Gower (d. 1408) looked back on the earlier, hungrier period not in sorrow but rather with an indignant nostalgia that reflected the attitude of the elite toward the lower classes: 这是一个饥饿的世界，由于间歇性的作物歉收而变得更加饥饿， 其中一系列在十四世纪早期在英格兰和欧洲西北部引起了大范围的饥 荒。后来，更具毁灭性的黑死病灾难使欧洲人口减少，食物变得相对 丰富，农民开始吃小麦。诗人约翰·高尔(1408 年)回顾早期的饥饿时 期时，并没有感到悲伤，而是带着一种愤怒的怀旧情绪，这反映了精 英阶层对下层阶级的态度:

Laborers of olden times were not wont to eat wheaten bread; their bread was of common grain or of beans, and their drink was of the spring. Then cheese and milk were a feast to them; rarely had they any other feast than this. Their garment was of sober gray; then was the world of such folk well ordered 24 in its estate. 古时候的工人不吃面包，他们的面包是杂粮或豆类，他们的 饮料是春天的。那时，奶酪和牛奶对他们来说是一场盛宴，除此 之外，他们很少有其他的盛宴。他们的衣服是朴素的灰色，那时 这种人的世界是井井有条的 The peasant’s “garment” has often been pictured in the illuminations of manuscripts, but only occasionally in “sober gray”; the colors shown are more often bright blues, reds, and greens.

Whether Gower’s memory was accurate is uncertain. Peasants did have access to dyestuffs, and Elton had a dyer. 农民的“衣服”经常出现在手稿的照片上，但只是偶尔出现在“清醒 的灰色”上;所显示的颜色更多的是明亮的蓝色、红色和绿色。高尔的 记忆是否准确还不确定。农民确实有染料，埃尔顿还有个染工。 Over the period of the high Middle Ages, styles of clothing of nobles and townspeople changed from long, loose garments for both men and women to short, tight, full-skirted jackets and close-fitting hose for men and trailing gowns with voluminous sleeves, elaborate headdresses, and pointed shoes for women. Peasant dress, however, progressed little. For the men, it consisted of a short tunic, belted at the waist, and either short stockings that ended just below the knee or long hose fastened at the waist to a cloth belt. A hood or cloth cap, thick gloves or mittens, and leather shoes with heavy wooden soles completed the 在中世纪盛期，贵族和城镇居民的服装风格从男女都穿的长而宽 松的服装，变成了男士穿的紧身长裙和紧身长筒袜，长袖拖地长袍， 精致的头饰和女士穿的尖头鞋。然而，农民的服装进展甚微。对于男 人来说，它包括一件束腰的短外衣，以及短筒袜，短筒袜的末端刚好 在膝盖以下，或者长筒袜在腰部系在布带上。一顶帽子或布帽，厚手 套或连指手套，厚木底的皮鞋

costume. The women wore long loose gowns belted at the waist, sometimes sleeveless tunics with a sleeved undergarment, their heads and necks covered by wimples. Underclothing, when it was worn, was usually of linen, outer garments were woolen. 服装。女人们穿着宽松的长袍，腰间系着带子，有时穿着无袖内衣， 头和脖子上覆盖着头巾。穿的时候，内衣通常是亚麻的，外衣是羊毛 的。 The tunic of a prosperous peasant might be trimmed with fur, like the green one edged with squirrel found by three Elton boys in 25 1279 and turned over to the reeve. A poor peasant’s garb, on the other hand, might resemble that of the poor man in Langland’s fourteenth-century allegory, Piers Plowman, whose “coat was of a [coarse] cloth called cary,” whose hair stuck through the holes in his hood and whose toes stuck through those in his heavy shoes, whose hose hung loose, whose rough mittens had worn-out fingers covered with mud, and who was himself “all smeared with mud as he followed the plow,” while beside him walked his wife carrying the goad, in a tunic tucked up to her knees, wrapped in a winnowing sheet to keep out the cold, her bare feet bleeding from the icy 26 furrows. 富裕农民的外衣也许会镶上皮毛，就像 1279 年三个埃尔顿男孩 发现的那件镶有松鼠边的绿色外衣，然后交给了牧羊人。另一方面， 一个贫穷的农民的装束可能类似于 Langland 十四世纪寓言中的那个 穷人，皮尔斯·普洛曼，他的“外套是一种叫卡里的粗布料”，他的头发 从兜帽上的洞里穿了出来，脚趾穿着他那沉重的鞋子，他的软管松了， 粗糙的连指手套上沾满了泥巴,他自己”跟着犁走的时候浑身都是泥”他 身边走着他的妻子，拿着刺棒，穿着束腰外衣，膝盖以上，裹着一块 筛布来御寒，她的光脚在冰冷的犁沟里流着血。图 26 The village world was a world of work, but villagers nevertheless found time for play. Every season was brightened by holiday intervals that punctuated the Christian calendar. Many of these were

ancient pagan celebrations, appropriated by the Church, often with little alteration of their character. Each of the seasons of the long working year, from harvest to harvest, offered at least one holiday when work was suspended, games were played, and meat, cakes, and ale were served. 村子里的世界是一个工作的世界，但村民们仍然有时间玩耍。每个季 节都因基督教日历上不时出现的节日而变得明亮。其中许多是古代异 教徒的庆祝活动，被教会利用，往往几乎没有改变他们的性质。在漫 长的工作年中，每个季节，从收获到收获，都至少有一个假期，那时 工作暂停，玩游戏，供应肉、蛋糕和麦芽酒。 On November 1, bonfires marked All Hallows, an old pagan rite at which the spirits of the dead were propitiated, now renamed All Saints. Martinmas (St. Martin’s Day, November 11) was the feast of the plowman, in some places celebrated with seed cake, pasties, and a frumenty of boiled wheat grains with milk, currants, raisins, and spices. 在 11 月 1 日，篝火标志着万圣节，一个古老的异教仪式，在这 个仪式上，死者的灵魂被抚慰，现在更名为万圣节。圣马丁节(11 月 11 日，圣马丁节)是农夫的节日，在一些地方用种子蛋糕、馅饼和充 满牛奶、葡萄干、葡萄干和香料的煮熟的小麦粒来庆祝。

The fortnight from Christmas Eve to Twelfth Day (Epiphany, January 6) was the longest holiday of the year, when, as in a description of twelfth-century London, “every man’s house, as also their parish churches, was decked with holly, ivy, bay, and 27 whatsoever the season of the year afforded to be green.” Villagers owed extra rents, in the form of bread, eggs, and hens for the lord’s table, but were excused from work obligations for the fortnight and on some manors were treated to a Christmas dinner in the hall. 从圣诞节前夕到第十二天(主显节，1 月 6 日)这两个星期是一年 中最长的假期，正如对 12 世纪伦敦的描述，“每个人的家，还有他们 教区的教堂，都装饰着冬青树、常春藤、海湾，以及一年中任何被赋 予绿色的东西。”27.村民们欠了额外的房租，包括地主餐桌上的面包、 鸡蛋和母鸡，但是他们可以免除两周的工作义务，在一些庄园里，他 们可以在大厅里享用圣诞晚餐。 This Christmas bonus often reflected status. A manor of Wells Cathedral had the tradition of extending invitations to two peasants, one a large landholder, the other a small one. The first was treated to dinner for himself and two friends and served “as much beer as they will drink in the day,” beef and bacon with mustard, a chicken stew, and a cheese, and provided with two candles to burn one after the other “while they sit and drink.” The poorer peasant had to bring his own cloth, cup, and trencher, but could take away “all that is left on his cloth, and he shall have for himself and his neighbors one wastel [loaf] cut in three for the ancient Christmas game to be 28 played with the said wastel.” The game was evidently a version of “king of the bean,” in which a bean was hidden in a cake or loaf, and the person who found it became king of the feast. On some Glastonbury Abbey manors, tenants brought firewood and their own dishes, mugs, and napkins; received bread, soup, beer, and two kinds of meat; and could sit drinking in the manor house after 29 dinner. In Elton the manorial servants had special rations, which 30 in 1311 amounted to four geese and three hens. 这个圣诞节的奖金通常反映了身份地位。威尔斯大教堂的庄园有 向两个农民发出邀请的传统，一个是大地主，另一个是小地主。第一

个人请自己和两个朋友共进晚餐，并提供“他们一天中喝多少啤酒就喝 多少啤酒”、芥末牛肉和培根、炖鸡肉和奶酪，还提供两支蜡烛，“在 他们坐下喝酒的时候”一根接一根地点燃贫穷的农民不得不自己带来布 料、杯子和盘子，但是他可以拿走“布料上剩下的所有东西，他和他的 邻居们将得到一块面包，切成三块，用来参加古老的圣诞节游 戏。”28 这个游戏显然是“豆子之王”的一个版本，在这个版本中，一颗 豆子被藏在一个蛋糕或面包里，找到它的人成为了这场盛宴的国王。 在格拉斯顿伯里庄园的一些庄园里，佃农们带来木柴和他们自己的盘 子、杯子和餐巾，领取面包、汤、啤酒和两种肉，晚饭后可以坐在庄 园里喝酒。在埃尔顿，庄园主仆人有特殊的配给，1311 年有 4 只鹅 和 3 只母鸡

In some villages, the first Monday after Epiphany was celebrated by the women as Rock (distaff) Monday and by the men as Plow Monday, sometimes featuring a plow race. In 1291 in the Nottinghamshire village of Carlton, a jury testified that it was an ancient custom for the lord and the rector and every free man of the village to report with his 在一些村庄，女人们把主显节后的第一个星期一称为“岩石星期 一”，男人们把它称为“犁星期一”，有时还会举行犁地比赛。1291 年， 在 Nottinghamshire 的卡尔顿，一个陪审团作证说，这是一个古老的 习俗，上帝、教区长和每一个自由的村民都要向他报告

plow to a certain field that was common to “the whole community of the said village” after sunrise on “the morrow of Epiphany” and “as many ridges as he can cut with one furrow in each ridge, so many 31 may he sow in the year, if he pleases, without asking for license.” 在“主显节的翌日”，在“所述村庄的整个社区”日出之后，在某一块土 地上共同耕作，“在每一块土地上开一条沟，挖多少土垄，就挖多少 土垄，如果他愿意的话，他一年可以种很多，而不需要许可证。”图 31 Candlemas (February 2), commemorating Mary’s “churching,” the ceremony of purification after childbirth, was celebrated with a procession carrying candles. It was followed by Shrove Tuesday, the last day before Lent, an occasion for games and sports. 圣烛节(2 月 2 日)，纪念玛丽的“教堂”，分娩后的净化仪式， 庆祝与蜡烛游行。接下来是周二，也就是大斋节前的最后一天， 这是一个游戏和运动的日子。 At Easter, the villagers gave the lord eggs, and he gave the manorial servants and sometimes some of the tenants dinner. Like Christmas, Easter provided villeins a respite— one week—from work on the demesne. Celebrated with games, Easter week ended with Hocktide, marked in a later day, and perhaps in the thirteenth century, by the young women of the village holding the young men prisoner until they paid a fine, and the men retaliating on the 32 second day. 复活节的时候，村民们给地主吃彩蛋，地主给庄园主的仆人们 吃饭，有时还给一些佃户吃饭。就像圣诞节一样，复活节也给农奴 们提供了一个休息的机会——一个星期不用在领地上干活。复活节 的庆祝活动是游戏，复活节周以 Hocktide 结束，这个节日在晚些时 候，也许是在十三世纪，村里的年轻妇女把这些年轻男子囚禁起来， 直到他们交了罚款，男人们在第二天进行报复 On May Day the young people “brought in the May,” scouring the woods for boughs from flowering trees to decorate their houses. Sometimes they spent the night in the woods.

五一节那天，年轻人“带来了五月”，他们在树林里寻找开花的 树枝来装饰他们的房子。有时他们在树林里过夜。 Summertime Rogation Days, when the peasants walked the boundaries of the village, were followed by Whitsunday (Pentecost), bringing another week’s vacation for most villeins. St. John’s Day (June 24) saw bonfires lit on the hilltops and boys flourishing brands to drive away dragons. A fiery wheel was rolled downhill, 33 symbolizing the sun’s attaining the solstice. 夏季节日，农民们走过村庄的边界，然后是圣灵降临节 (Pentecost)，给大多数村民带来了又一个星期的假期。圣约翰节(6 月 24 日)，山顶点起篝火，男孩们挥舞着手中的牌子驱走了恶龙。一 个火轮滚下山去，象征着太阳到达了夏至 Lammas (August 1) marked the end of the hay harvest and the beginning of grain harvest, with its “boons” or precarias, when all the villagers came to reap the lord’s grain and were treated to a feast that in Elton in 1286 included an ox and a bullock, a calf, eighteen doves, seven cheeses, and a quantity of grain made into bread and 八月一日是干草收割的结束，也是谷物收割的开始，当所有的 村民都来收割主人的谷物，并且在 1286 年在埃尔顿享受了一顿盛 宴，其中包括一头牛和一头公牛，一头小牛，十八只鸽子，还有一 些谷物制成的面包和奶酪

34 pottage. On one Oxfordshire manor it was customary for the villagers to gather at the hall for a songfest—“to sing harvest 35 home.” Elton records mention an occasional “repegos,” a 36 celebration at which the harvesters feasted on roast goose. 在牛津郡的一个庄园里，村民们习惯于聚集在庄园大厅里唱歌ーー “唱《丰收之家》”35.埃尔顿唱片偶尔会提到一个“重复者”的庆祝活动， 在这个活动中收割者们享用了大量的烤鹅 One holiday, Wake Day, the feast of the local parish saint, varied from place to place. Probably in the thirteenth century, as later, the villagers kept vigil all night, in the morning heard Mass in honor of their patron saint, then spent the day in sports. Often the churchyard was turned into a sports arena, a usage deplored by the clergy. Robert Manning wrote in his Handlyng Synne (1303), a verse translation of a thirteenth-century French Manuel des Pechiez (Manual of Sins): 一个节日----唤醒日，当地教区的圣人的节日----因地而异。大概 在十三世纪，和后来一样，村民们彻夜守夜，在早晨听到纪念他们 的守护神的弥撒，然后花一整天的时间在运动上。教堂墓地常常变 成一个运动场，这是神职人员所禁止的用法。罗伯特·曼宁 (RobertManning)在他的《手册》(HandlyngSynne，1303)中写道:

Carols, wrestling, or summer games 圣诞颂歌，摔跤，或者夏季比赛 Whosoever haunteth any such shames 任何有这种耻辱的人 In church, or in churchyard 在教堂，或在教堂墓地 Of sacrilege he may be afraid; 他可能害怕亵渎神明 Or interludes, or singing, 或是插曲，或是唱歌, Or tambour beat, or other piping, 或者鼓点，或者其他的管子,

All such thing forbidden is 所有这样的事情都是被禁止的 While the priest standeth at Mass. 当牧师站在弥撒时*37

*37

A preacher condemned the common people’s enjoyment of “idle plays and japes, carolings, making of fool countenances…[giving] gifts to jongleurs to hear idle tales… smiting…wrestling, in other 38 doing deeds of strength.” 一位传教士谴责平民百姓享受“无聊的戏剧和笑话，颂歌，使愚蠢 的面容...[给]礼物给长老听无聊的故事...打击...摔跤，在其他行为的力 量。”图 38 Many of the games enjoyed by the villagers were played alike by children, adolescents, and adults, and endured into modern times: blind man’s buff, prisoner’s base, bowling. 村民们喜欢的许多游戏都是儿童、青少年和成年人一起玩的，并 且一直持续到现代:盲人的身体，囚犯的基地，保龄球。 Young and old played checkers, chess, backgammon, and most popular of all, dice. Sports included football, wrestling, swimming, fishing, archery, and a form of tennis played with hand coverings instead of rackets. The Luttrell Psalter (c. 1340) portrays a number of mysterious games involving 年轻人和老年人玩跳棋，国际象棋，西洋双陆棋，最受欢迎的是骰子。 体育运动包括足球、摔跤、游泳、钓鱼、射箭，以及一种用手套代替 球拍的网球运动。吕特雷尔诗篇(约 1340 年)描绘了一些神秘的游戏， 涉及

sticks and balls and apparatus of various kinds, remote ancestors of modern team sports. Bullbaiting and cockfighting were popular spectator sports. 各种各样的棒球和器械，现代团体运动的远祖。斗牛和斗鸡是 流行的观赏性运动。 Yet the favorite adult recreation of the villagers was undoubtedly drinking. Both men and women gathered in the “tavern,” usually meaning the house of a neighbor who had recently brewed a batch of ale, cheap at the established price of three gallons for a penny. There they passed the evening like modern villagers visiting the local pub. Accidents, quarrels, and acts of violence sometimes followed a session of drinking, in the thirteenth century as in subsequent ones. Some misadventures may be deduced from the terse manorial court records. The rolls of the royal coroners, reporting fatal accidents, spell many out in graphic detail: In 1276 in Elstow, Osbert le Wuayl, son of William Cristmasse, coming home at about midnight “drunk and disgustingly over-fed,” after an evening in Bedford, fell and 39 struck his head fatally on a stone “breaking the whole of his head.” One man tumbled off his horse riding home from the tavern; another fell into a well in the marketplace and drowned; a third, relieving himself in a pond, fell in; still another, carrying a pot of ale down the village street, was bitten by a dog, tripped while picking up a stone to throw, and struck his head against a wall; a child slipped from her 40 drunken mother’s lap into a pan of hot milk on the hearth. 然而，村民们最喜欢的成年人娱乐活动无疑是喝酒。男人和女人 都聚集在“酒馆”，通常是指邻居家，他最近酿造了一批麦芽酒，以每 便士三加仑的价格便宜。他们在那里度过了一个晚上，就像现代村民 去当地的酒吧一样。事故、争吵和暴力行为有时伴随着酗酒，在十三 世纪和以后的世纪都是如此。从简短的庄园法庭记录中可以推断出一 些不幸的遭遇。皇家验尸官报告了许多致命的事故，其中有许多生动 的细节:1276 年在埃尔斯托，威廉·克里斯特马斯(WilliamCristmasse) 的儿子奥斯伯特·勒·乌亚尔(OsbertleWuayl)在贝德福德度过一个晚上 后，半夜回到家中，“喝得酩酊大醉，吃得令人作呕”，他摔倒在地上，

头撞在一块石头上，“砸碎了他的整个脑袋”39 一个男人从酒馆骑马回 家时摔了下来;另一个掉进市场的井里淹死了;第三个在池塘里解手时 掉进去了;还有一个拿着一壶麦芽酒走在村子的街上时被狗咬了，捡起 一块石头要扔的时候绊倒了，头撞到了墙上;一个孩子从喝醉的母亲的 膝上滑落到壁炉上的一锅热牛奶里

Many violent quarrels followed drinking bouts, as the Bedfordshire coroners’ rolls attest. In 1266, “about bedtime,” three men who had been drinking in a Bedford tavern fell to quarreling on the king’s highway, two attacking the third and stabbing him in the 41 heart with a sickle. In 1272 in Bromham, four men who had been drinking in a tavern accosted a passerby, Ralph, son of the vicar of Bromham, and demanded to know who he was. Ralph replied defiantly, “A man, who are you?” Whereupon one of the men, Robert Barnard of Wooton, “because he was drunk,” struck Ralph over the head with an axe. Ralph’s 正如贝德福德郡验尸官的名单所证明的，许多激烈的争吵都伴随 着饮酒发作。1266 年，“睡觉时间”，三个在贝德福德酒馆喝酒的男人 在国王的高速公路上争吵起来，其中两个攻击了第三个，用镰刀刺穿 了他的心脏。1272 年，在布朗厄姆，四个在酒馆喝酒的男人与一个过 路人拉尔夫搭讪，拉尔夫是布朗厄姆牧师的儿子，他想知道他是谁。 拉尔夫挑衅地回答:“一个男人，你是谁?”于是，其中一个人，伍顿的 罗伯特·巴纳德，“因为他喝醉了”，用斧头砍了拉尔夫的头。拉尔夫的

widow testified that all four men had assaulted her husband with axes and staves, and accused the tavern keeper and his wife of 42 having instigated the attack. In another case, an innocent bystander was killed. Four villagers of Wooton who had been drinking in Bedford were returning home when one of them suddenly “and with no ulterior motive” turned, drew his bow, and took aim at a man who was following them. The only woman in the party, Margery le Wyte, threw herself between the two men and 43 received the arrow in her throat “so that she immediately died.” 寡妇作证说，四个人都用斧头和棍棒攻击了她的丈夫，并指控酒馆老 板和他的妻子煽动了这次攻击。伍顿村的四个村民在贝德福德喝酒回 家时，其中一个人突然“没有别有用心”地转过身来，拉起弓，瞄准一 个跟踪他们的人。这群人中唯一的女人，玛格丽·勒·怀特，跳到两个 男人中间，被箭射中了喉咙，“所以她立刻就死了。”43 Not all village violence was drink-related. The subject of the numerous altercations recorded in the Elton court records is not usually given, but the coroners’ rolls report quarrels about debt, in one case a halfpenny one brother lent another, thefts (a bushel of flour, a basket, a hen), trespass, and once simply “an old hatred.” Occasionally the subject was a woman: two brothers in Radwell, Bedfordshire, found their sister Juliana “lying under a haystack” with a young man who “immediately arose and struck [one of the brothers] on the top of the head, to the brain, apparently with an axe, 44 so that he immediately died.” The lovers fled. Domestic quarrels got out of hand, as when Robert Haring of Aston, Bedfordshire, and his wife Sybil fell to quarreling, and a friend eating lunch with them 45 tried to intervene as peacemaker and was slain by an axe blow. 并非所有的村庄暴力都与饮酒有关。埃尔顿法庭记录中记录的大 量争吵的主题通常不会被提及，但验尸官的卷宗报告了关于债务的争 吵，在一个案例中，一个半便士的兄弟借给另一个半便士，偷窃(一 蒲式耳面粉，一个篮子，一只母鸡)，非法侵入，以及曾经简单的“旧 仇”有时候，这个话题也会涉及到一个女人:贝德福德郡拉德维尔的两 个兄弟发现他们的妹妹朱莉安娜和一个年轻人“躺在一个干草堆下面”， 这个年轻人“立刻站起来，用斧头击中了其中一个兄弟的头顶，击中

了他的大脑，导致他立即死亡。”家庭纠纷失控，贝德福德郡阿斯顿 的罗伯特·哈林和他的妻子西比尔发生争吵，一个与他们共进午餐的 朋友试图介入调停，结果被斧头砍死 Occasionally violence came on a larger scale. The Bedfordshire coroner reported homicides resulting from a melee between the men of a knight’s household and those of the prior of Lanthony; from the siege of a church in a dispute over the right to a piece of land, involving large numbers of attackers and besiegers; and from a pitched battle between the villages of St. Neots and 46 Little Barford. 偶尔会发生更大规模的暴力事件。贝德福德郡验尸官报告的杀人 事件包括:骑士家族的男人与 Lanthony 先民的混战;围攻一座教堂， 争夺一块土地的权利，涉及大量攻击者和围攻者;以及 St.Neots 和小 巴福德村庄之间的激烈战斗 Besides such amateur lawbreakers, bands of professional criminals roamed the countryside. Bedfordshire coroners recorded the depredations of one gang of thieves 除了这些业余犯罪分子外，还有一群职业罪犯在农村游荡。贝德 福德郡验尸官记录了一个盗贼团伙的抢劫过程

who in 1267 came to the village of Honeydon at about vespers, armed with swords and axes, seized a boy named Philip “who was coming from his father’s fold,” “beat, ill-treated, and wounded him,” and forced him to accompany them to the house of Ralph son of Geoffrey. Recognizing the boy’s voice, Ralph opened the door, the thieves fell upon him, wounded him, and tied him up, killed his mother and a servant, and ransacked the house. They then broke into and burglarized seven more houses, killing and wounding several more people. The boy Philip at last managed to escape and give the alarm, but the gang fled and apparently was never 47 apprehended. 1267 年，他带着剑和斧头来到 Honeydon 的一个村庄，抓住了一个名 叫菲利普的男孩，“他从他父亲的怀里出来”，“殴打，虐待，伤害了他”， 并强迫他和他们一起去杰弗里的儿子拉尔夫的家。拉尔夫认出了那个 男孩的声音，打开了门，小偷们扑向他，打伤了他，把他绑了起来， 杀死了他的母亲和一个仆人，洗劫了房子。随后，他们又闯入并盗窃 了另外七间房屋，造成多人死亡和受伤。男孩菲利普终于设法逃脱， 并发出了警报，但那伙人逃走了，显然再也没有被逮捕 Another band of “felons and thieves” committed a similar assault on the village of Roxton in 1269, breaking through the wall of a house and carrying away “all the goods,” breaking into the house next door and murdering a woman in her bed, finally invading the house of John the Cobbler by breaking a door and windows, dragging John out and killing him, and wounding his wife, daughter, and a servant. A second daughter hid “between a basket and a chest” and escaped to give the alarm. In this case the thieves were identified by the dying wife of John the Cobbler, one as a former servant of the prior of Newnham, the others as men who had collected the tithes for the prior of Cauldwell and as “glovers of 48 Bedford.” They were arrested and brought to justice. 1269 年，另一伙“重罪犯和小偷”也对罗克斯顿发动了类似的袭 击，他们打破了一座房子的墙壁，带走了“所有的货物”，闯入隔壁的 房子，杀死了一个躺在床上的女人，最后闯进了鞋匠约翰的房子，打

破了门窗，把约翰拖出来，杀死了他，打伤了他的妻子、女儿和一个 仆人。第二个女儿藏在“篮子和箱子之间”，逃出来报警。在这个案例 中，这些小偷被鞋匠约翰的垂死的妻子认出，她以前是纽纳姆的仆人， 其他人是为考德威尔之前收集什一税的人，是“贝德福德手套匠”他们 被逮捕并被绳之以法

One thief became a victim of his own crime when he entered a house by a ladder to purloin a ham hanging from a roof beam. When the householder, Matilda Bolle, saw him leaving and gave the alarm, he panicked, tumbled from the ladder, and died of a 49 broken neck. 有一个小偷乘梯子进入一所房子，偷取吊在屋梁上的火腿，结 果成了自己罪行的受害者。当户主玛蒂尔达·博尔看到他离开并发出 警报时，他惊慌失措，从梯子上摔了下来，摔断了脖子而死

6 MARRIAGE AND THE FAMILY 婚姻与家庭 W social and economic 在村社内部，基层社会经济 ITHIN THE VILLAGE COMMUNITY, THE BASIC

unit was the family household. The number of its members fluctuated through the generational cycle: young couple, couple with children, with grandparents, with brother or sister (or aunt or uncle), solitary widow or widower. Information about the composition of the average household is scarce and unreliable, but the consensus among scholars is that it was small, with no more than five members, and most commonly nuclear—that is, husband and wife with or without children. Size of household tended to reflect economic status, rich households supporting more children, other relatives, and a servant 1 or two. Unit 就是家庭的一部分。其成员的数量在世代循环中波动:年轻夫妇、 有子女的夫妇、有祖父母的夫妇、有兄弟或姐妹(或姑姑或叔叔)的夫 妇、独居的寡妇或鳏夫。有关普通家庭成员构成的信息很少，也不可 靠，但学者们的共识是，这个数字很小，不超过五个成员，最常见的 是核心家庭，即有孩子或没孩子的夫妻。家庭规模倾向于反映经济地 位，富裕家庭支持更多的孩子，其他亲戚，和一个或两个仆人 One important characteristic of the thirteenth-century peasant household was its autonomy. The larger kinship groupings (clan, sippe, kindred) that had played an important role in Anglo -Saxon England and early medieval France and Germany had lost their

powers of protection and supervision, along with the need for such powers. Their functions had been taken over by new police and judicial agencies of the community and state. 十三世纪农家的一个重要特征是自治。在盎格鲁-撒克逊英格兰 和中世纪早期的法国和德国起过重要作用的较大的亲属群体(氏族、 亲属、亲属)，随着对这种权力的需要而失去了保护和监督的权力。 他们的职能已被社区和国家的新的警察和司法机构接管。 The two great fundamentals of family history are marriage and inheritance, always closely linked. In open field country, impartible (undivided) inheritance was the general rule, holdings passing to a single heir, usually the eldest son. A study of seventy-five cases of succession in the Midland village of Wakefield showed that a single son 家族史的两大基础是婚姻和继承，它们总是紧密相连的。在开 阔的土地上，不可分割的继承是一般规则，财产传给一个继承人， 通常是长子。一项对米德兰韦克菲尔德村 75 例继承案例的研究表 明，一个儿子

inherited from a father in fortyseven cases; in nine, in the absence of a son, a daughter or daughters did so. In the remaining nineteen cases, a son or daughter succeeded a mother, a brother or sisters succeeded a brother, an uncle succeeded a nephew or niece, a cousin succeeded a cousin, and in one case a (presumably second) husband succeeded a wife. If there was no son but two or more 2 daughters, land was divided among the daughters. 有 47 例是从父亲那里继承的;9 例是在没有儿子的情况下，由女儿继 承的。在剩下的十九个案例中，一个儿子或女儿继承了母亲，一个兄 弟或姐妹继承了兄弟，一个叔叔继承了一个侄子或侄女，一个表亲继 承了一个表亲，在一个案例中，一个(大概是第二个)丈夫继承了一个 妻子。若没有儿子，只有两个或两个以上的女儿，地就分给女儿 Widows had inferior but definite rights that varied from place to place. Under common (feudal) law, a widow’s portion of an estate was from one third to one half, but a widow often automatically succeeded a husband in a peasant holding, not as the heiress, but as the surviving co-tenant. This arrangement allowed her to support the family and hold it together. A widow might be pressured by the lord to remarry, to insure that the holding had a man to perform its labor services, but she might preserve her freedom by hiring workers. Most widows eventually married, or turned over the holding to an adult son, but some, like Cecilia Benyt of Cuxham (Oxfordshire), remained in possession of the family holding, never remarrying, 3 although her son was an adult and in fact reeve. Widows’ rights, says Rosamond Faith, “seem to have been by far the most durable 4 and firmly established of all inheritance customs.” Widows’ rights, and inheritance customs in general, were influenced by the longterm fluctuations in availability of land. The scarcer land became, the more attractive a widow became. 寡妇拥有的权利虽然低微，但却是确定无疑的，因地而异。根据 普通(封建)法律，寡妇的遗产份额从三分之一到一半不等，但寡妇往 往自动继承农民的丈夫，不是作为继承人，而是作为活着的共有人。 这种安排使她能够养家糊口。一个寡妇可能会受到领主的压力而再婚，

以确保控股有一个男人履行其劳动服务，但她可能通过雇佣工人来维 护她的自由。大多数寡妇最终都结婚了，或者把财产交给一个成年的 儿子，但是有些人，比如库克瑟姆(牛津郡)的 CeciliaBenyt，仍然拥 有家庭财产，从未再婚，尽管她的儿子已经成年，而且实际上已经再 婚 4 寡妇的权利和一般的继承习俗受到土地供应长期波动的影响。土 地越稀少，寡妇就越有吸引力。 A grand principle of inheritance had come to be very widely accepted: “An established holding ought to descend in the blood of the men who…held it of old,” sometimes expressed as “keeping the 5 name on the land.” No one yet disputed the lord’s title to his entry fee and even his heriot [death duty], but by now, legal doctrine notwithstanding, the land was felt to belong to the tenant, villein or free, who plowed, harrowed, and planted it. Tradition was even strong enough to inhibit the lord from raising the rent on a holding 一个伟大的继承原则已经被广泛接受:“一块固定的土地应该流淌 在那些曾经拥有它的人的血液中”，有时表达为“在土地上保留这个名 字”到目前为止，还没有人质疑地主对他的入场费甚至他的物业税的 所有权，但是现在，尽管有法律条文，这块土地仍然被认为是属于佃 农的，佃农或自由人耕种、犁地、种植。传统甚至强大到足以阻止地 主提高一块土地的租金

when a normal succession took place (alert lords and stewards made sure to raise it when a tenant died without heir and a new tenant was found). 当一个正常的继承发生(警告领主和管理人确保提高时，承租人死亡 没有继承人和新的承租人被发现)。 The entry fee was substantial, arbitrary, and proportional to the size of the holding: in Elton in 1313, “four shillings from Henry Reed to have one cottage formerly his father’s”; “13 shillings 4 pence from Ralph son of Gilbert Shepherd to have one cottage and eight acres of land formerly his father’s”; and “60 shillings from John son of Henry Reeve to have one virgate of land formerly his father’s.” Sometimes the connection between heir and dead tenant is not clear; while Gilbert Shepherd’s son Ralph inherited his father’s holding, another son, John, paid an entry fee of 2 shillings “to have 6 one cottage formerly belonging to Margery Carter.” 入场费很高，也很随意，而且与所有权的大小成正比:1313 年在 埃尔顿，“亨利·里德给了他四先令，让他拥有一所从前属于他父亲的 农舍”;“吉尔伯特·谢泼德的儿子拉尔夫给了他 13 先令，让他拥有一所 农舍和从前属于他父亲的八英亩土地”;“亨利·里夫的儿子约翰给了他 60 先令，让他拥有从前属于他父亲的一处处女地”有时候，继承人和 死去的房客之间的联系并不清楚;当吉尔伯特·谢泼德的儿子拉尔夫继 承了他父亲的财产时，另一个儿子约翰支付了 2 先令的入门费用来 “拥有一个以前属于玛格丽·卡特的小屋”图 6

Manorial courts sometimes had to rule on complicated inheritance questions. In the Bedfordshire village of Chalgrave in 1279, Richard son of Thomas Ballard presented himself and “demanded the land which was his father’s.” Investigation showed that Richard had had an elder brother named Walter, who had died, leaving sons. These sons “would have been the next heirs if Walter had held the land while he lived, but he did not have possession of the land, therefore [the jurors] say that Richard himself is the next heir.” The custom of the manor, however, was that “no customary tenant can enter such land after the death of his father while his mother is alive, unless the mother shall agree, and…his mother will

hold the land all her life if she shall wish.” Richard therefore agreed to pay his mother, Avice, a yearly ration of winter wheat (frumentum), beans, and spring wheat (tramesium). Richard paid 12 pence entry fee and promised to do the services “due and accustomed” for the 7 holding, as well as to “maintain the houses of the same tenement.” 庄园法院有时不得不就复杂的继承问题作出裁决。1279 年，在贝 德福德郡的 Chalgrave，托马斯·巴拉德的儿子理查德出现了，“要求 得到属于他父亲的土地。”调查显示，理查德有一个哥哥名叫沃尔特， 他死后留下两个儿子。这些儿子“如果沃尔特在世时拥有这片土地，他 们将成为下一个继承人，但他没有这片土地的所有权，因此(陪审团) 认为理查德本人是下一个继承人。”然而，庄园的习俗是，“在父亲死 后，母亲在世时，任何习惯上的佃农都不能进入这块土地，除非母亲 同意，而且......如果母亲愿意，她将终生拥有这块土地。”因此，理查 德同意支付给他的母亲艾维丝，每年定量配给的冬小麦、豆类和春小 麦。理查德支付了 12 便士的入场费，并承诺将为该房产提供“应得的 和习惯的”服务，以及“维护同一出租公寓的房屋”图 7

If the inheriting son was a minor and an orphan and no other relative could be found, the lord might exercise his 如果继承遗产的儿子是个未成年人，是个孤儿，而且找不到别 的亲戚，那么上帝可以行使他的权利

right of “wardship.” Thus at Elton in 1297 John Ketel was “in the custody of the lord,” slept and ate in the manor house, and was apparently clothed; at least he was bought a pair of shoes which had 8 to be repaired at the manor’s expense. John Daye, who “tore up and carried away” the house on his father’s holding “which had come into the hand of the lord through the minority of John son and heir 9 of…Richard Daye,” was undoubtedly also in wardship. ”监护权”因此，1297 年在埃尔顿，约翰·凯特尔是“在地主的监护之下”， 在庄园的房子里睡觉、吃饭，而且显然穿着衣服;至少他买了一双鞋， 必须由庄园出钱修理 Where no heir could be found, the lord provided a tenant. “One cottage which John Stabler formerly held in bondage for 12 pence a year is in the hand of the lord,” reported the Elton court record in 1342. “Therefore it is commanded to make provision of one tenant. Afterward, they say, Alexander Cook 10 came and paid entry fee.” 在找不到继承人的地方，领主指定了一个佃户。据 1342 年 埃尔顿法庭记录显示:“约翰·斯塔布勒曾经以每年 12 便士的价格 被奴役，如今他的一所小屋落入了上帝的手中。”。太 12:13 所以 吩咐只供给一个佃户。后来，他们说，亚历山大·库克来了，并支 付了入场费。”图 10 The Elton accounts also record several cases in which the land of a deceased tenant was rented out by the lord, sometimes to several villagers, in small parcels: “three rods,” “an acre,” “four acres of land and an acre of meadow.” Usually the rent was 11 substantially raised, and the lease made “for the term of life.” 埃尔顿的描述还记录了几起已故佃农的土地被地主以小块的形式 租出去的案例，有时租给几个村民:“三竿”、“一英亩”、“四英亩土地和 一英亩草地”通常情况下，租金会大幅提高，而租约的期限是“有效期” 图 11 Heriot passes unmentioned in Elton documents except for the comment that a widow succeeding to a holding did not pay it 12 (implying that a son succeeding did). Most manors exacted

heriot from the widow. A custumal of Brancaster, a Norfolk manor belonging to Ramsey Abbey, states: “If [the villein] virgater dies, the lord has his best beast of the house, if he has a beast. If there is no beast, she gives 32 pence and she holds her husband’s land 13 for the service which pertains to it.” Usually a person inheriting a virgate gave a cow or horse, one inheriting a half-virgate a sheep. On some Ramsey Abbey manors, the village rector rather than the 14 lord received the best beast, under the name of “mortuary.” Sometimes the fine was simply levied in money: at Abbot’s Ripton, Hemmingford, and Wistow the widow of a virgater gave five 15 shillings as heriot, half the price of a horse, ox, or cow. 在埃尔顿的文献中没有提到她，除了一条评论，即继承财产的 寡妇不支付(这意味着继承财产的是儿子)。拉姆齐修道院 (RamseyAbbey)所属的诺福克郡(Norfolk)庄园——布兰克斯特的一 个牧师说:“如果维尔加特(villein)死了，如果他养了一头野兽，那么 上帝就有了他最好的畜生。如果没有牲畜，她就给他 32 便士，并 占有她丈夫的土地，以便为他服务。”通常情况下，一个继承了病毒 门的人会给一头牛或一匹马，一个继承了半病毒门的人会给一只羊。 在拉姆齐修道院的一些庄园里，村里的牧师而不是上帝收到了最好 的牲畜，命名为“停尸房”14.有时候罚款只是用钱来征收:在艾博特的 Ripton、亨明福德和维斯托，一个生殖器遗孀给了她 5 先令作为她 的物业，是马、牛或牛价格的一半

At Chalgrave in 1279, a jury weighed the question of the rival claims of lord and church on the estate of a man who had no animal. The jury decided that the lord “should have the best cloth or grain whichever shall please him the more, before holy church may have anything of the dead person.” They cited the precedent of “a certain Ascelina who was the wife of Roger the reeve,” and who had held eight acres of land in the time of the grandfather of the present lord, “and had no animal.” The lord took in heriot “the best cloth which she had, to wit, one tunic of blanket [cloth], before holy church took away anything. Afterwards a certain Nigel the Knight, holding the same land, died as tenant, and had no animal. Therefore the lord by custom took one tabard [tunic] of gray in the name of heriot, and he can rightly do so from all his customary tenants in the manor of 16 Chalgrave.” One study shows that of eighty-six heriots exacted at Langley, St. Albans, Hertfordshire, in 1348, twenty-two were horses, seventeen cows, eight bulls, five sheep, and the remaining thirty-two insignificant chattels such as a mattock or a pitcher, or “nothing 17 because they are poor.” 1279 年在 Chalgrave，一个陪审团权衡了上帝和教会对一个没有 动物的人的财产的不同要求。陪审团决定，主“应该有最好的布料或粮 食，以取悦他的更多，在圣教会可以有任何东西的死者。”他们引用了 “某个阿斯塞利娜的先例，她是罗杰里夫的妻子”，在现任领主的祖父 时代，她拥有八英亩土地，“而且没有动物。”上帝收留了她的“最好的 衣服，也就是说，在神圣的教会拿走任何东西之前，她只有一件毛毯 的束腰外衣。后来，有一个叫奈杰尔的骑士，拥有同样的土地，死了， 成了佃农，没有牲畜。因此，按照惯例，领主在他的土地上取了一件 灰色的战袍，他可以从查尔格雷夫庄园里所有的惯常佃户那里取得这 件战袍。”16.一项研究表明，1348 年，在赫特福德郡 St.Albans 的兰 利，有 86 只牧牛被严格限制，其中 22 只是马、十七头牛、8 头公牛、 5 只羊，其余的 32 只是微不足道的动产，比如一只鹤嘴锄或一个水罐， 或者“因为他们贫穷，所以什么也没有”图 17

Among the villagers as among the nobility, primogeniture created some problems while solving others. It kept holdings intact, but as land grew scarce, older sons of both nobility and peasantry had to wait until their fathers died or retired before marrying. Younger sons of the nobility traditionally had to leave the family estate to seek their fortunes in war, or embark on careers in the Church. Younger sons of the peasantry might enlist as common soldiers, or (on payment of a fee to the lord) undertake training for the lower ranks of the clergy. Among the better-off peasants, many fathers gave younger sons small grants of land, often purchased in the growing peasant land market. Edward Britton found that in Broughton 44 percent of the elite families had two or more sons established simultaneously in the village. Younger sons of the poor peasants were not so lucky, generally having to choose 长子继承制在解决村民问题的同时，也产生了一些问题。它保留 了原有的财产，但随着土地变得稀缺，贵族和农民的年长儿子不得不 等到父亲去世或退休后才能结婚。传统上，贵族的小儿子不得不离开 家族产业，在战争中寻找财富，或者在教会中开始职业生涯。农民的 小儿子们可以作为普通士兵参军，或者(向上帝支付费用)接受基层牧 师的培训。在富裕的农民中，许多父亲给年幼的儿子一小笔土地，这 些土地通常是在不断增长的农民土地市场上购买的。爱德华·布里顿 发现，在布劳顿，百分之四十四的精英家庭有两个或两个以上的儿子 同时在村子里建立。贫苦农民的小儿子就没有这么幸运了，他们通常 不得不做出选择

between staying home, celibate, and taking their chances as day 18 laborers, perhaps slipping into vagabondage and crime. 呆在家里，独身，冒着做临时工的危险，也许会滑向流浪和犯罪 A few peasants made wills, an increasingly popular measure in the fourteenth century, often recorded in the manorial court rolls. In King’s Ripton in 1309, Nicholas Newman bequeathed a rod of land to his daughter Agnes, and Roger Dike an acre to his sister Margaret; in 1322 Nicholas son of Hugh left his sister a house and yard “lying next to the manor of the lord abbot,” to be held by her for life and then to pass to Joan daughter of Thomas Cooper, and half an acre of land on the Ramsey road to Ivo son of Henry. Alternatively, land might be transferred to a daughter or sister or younger son on the deathbed, evading the inheritance custom. In the period before the Black Death, such transfers were usually not of land handed down in the family, but of acquisitions that the peasant had made during his own lifetime. In the fifteenth century, peasant wills became 19 common. 一些农民立了遗嘱，这在十四世纪越来越流行，经常记录在庄园 法庭的名单上。1309 年，在金的 Ripton，尼古拉斯·纽曼给他的女儿 艾格尼丝(Agnes)留下了一块土地，罗杰·戴克(RogerDike)给他的妹妹 玛格丽特(Margaret)留下了一英亩土地;1322 年，休·尼古拉斯(Hugh) 的儿子尼古拉斯(Nicholas)给他的妹妹留下了一座房子和一个院子， “就在修道院院长的庄园旁边”，由修道院院长终身拥有，然后传给托 马斯·库珀(ThomasCooper)的女儿琼(Joan。或者，土地可以在临终时 转让给女儿、妹妹或小儿子，规避继承习俗。在黑死病之前的时期， 这种转让通常不是家族传下来的土地，而是农民在其有生之年所获得 的土地。在十五世纪，农民的遗嘱变得普遍

The land market also facilitated acquisition of dowries for daughters of the richer villagers, who might seek alliance with another village family of their own class or even with the lesser gentry without sacrificing any of the family holding. The dowry of a middling peasant’s daughter might also include an acre or two of land, but more often would consist of money, chattels, or both. A

poor peasant’s daughter might marry with nothing at all. Substantial dowries came into play mainly in the increasing negotiations for 20 upwardly mobile marriages. 土地市场也为富裕村民的女儿获得嫁妆提供了便利，她们可能会 寻求与自己阶级的另一个村庄家庭或甚至与较小的绅士结盟，而不会 牺牲任何家庭财产。一个中等农民的女儿的嫁妆也许还包括一两亩土 地，但更多的时候是金钱、动产，或两者兼而有之。一个贫穷农民的 女儿可能一无所有地结婚。大量的嫁妆主要用于日益增多的关于向上 流动的婚姻的谈判。20 Dowries aside, peasant women inherited, held, bought, sold, and leased land. The Elton records disclose many land transactions carried out by women: “And they say that the wife of Geoffrey in Angulo let one acre of land to Richard of Thorpe 21 Waterville, chaplain.” “And they say that Muriel atte Gate 22 demised [sold] one acre of her land to Nicholas Miller.” 除了嫁妆，农村妇女继承、持有、购买、出售和租赁土地。埃 尔顿的记录披露了许多妇女进行的土地交易:“他们说安古洛的杰弗里 的妻子把一英亩土地租给了 ThorpeWaterville 的理查德，牧 师。”21“他们说穆里尔·阿特特·盖特把她的一英亩土地卖给了尼古拉 斯·米勒。”图 22

In all transfers of property held by villeins, the lord had an interest. The tangible sign of his interest in peasant marriage was merchet, the fee or fine usually paid by the bride or her father. The origin of merchet (along with its etymology) is lost in the earlier Middle Ages, but by the late thirteenth century it was so long established that it had become a legal test for villein status. In the Elton manorial court of 1279, Reginald son of Benedict tried to escape jury service by claiming that he was free, but lost his case because his sisters had paid merchet. Elias Freeman also was adjudged unfree (in spite of his name) because his ancestor John 23 Freeman had paid merchet for his daughters. 在所有由农奴拥有的财产转让中，地主享有利益。他对农民婚姻 感兴趣的有形标志是商品，通常是新娘或其父亲支付的费用或罚款。 商船的起源(连同它的词源)在中世纪早期就已经消失了，但是到了十 三世纪晚期，商船已经成为了检验农奴地位的法律标准。在 1279 年 的埃尔顿庄园法庭上，本笃十六世的儿子雷金纳德试图通过声称自己 是自由的来逃避陪审团的服务，但由于他的姐妹们向商船支付了费用 而败诉。埃利亚斯·弗里曼也因为他的祖先约翰·弗里曼为他的女儿们 买了商品而被判处不自由。23

Merchets were once regarded as taxes on persons, but Eleanor Searle has argued persuasively that the dowry granted to a daughter was a form of inheritance, and that merchet may better be seen as an inheritance tax on property: “Girls were given land, chattels, or coin…as their part of the inheritance.” Searle observes that merchet was paid only where a substantial dowry was being given the bride. “A foolish girl or a poor one might marry as she liked.” Only if she received part of the family inheritance was she obligated. 曾经，Merchets 被认为是对个人征税，但是 EleanorSearle 令人 信服地辩称，给女儿的嫁妆是一种继承形式，而且这种商品可能更好 地被看作是财产继承税:“女孩被给予土地、财产或钱币......作为她们继 承的一部分。”Searle 注意到，只有在向新娘提供大量嫁妆的情况下，

才支付商业销售的款项。”愚昧的姑娘，贫穷的姑娘，都可以随心所欲 地结婚。”只有当她得到部分家庭遗产时，她才有义务。 Significantly, the size of the merchet evidently related to the value of the dowry. A St. Albans formulary for holding a manorial court included the instruction to inquire “whether any bondman’s daughter has married without leave, and what her father has given her by way of goods.” When the dowry was in the form of land, it was often transferred at the same time that the merchet was paid. Searle sees an analogue to merchet in the fine paid by a villein for having 24 his sons licensed to be educated for the clergy. 值得注意的是，商船的大小显然与嫁妆的价值有关。圣奥尔本举 行庄园法庭的程式集包括询问”是否有奴隶的女儿擅自结婚，以及她父 亲给她什么好处”的指示当嫁妆是土地形式时，嫁妆往往与支付商船的 钱同时转移。塞尔认为这是一种类似商业的行为，因为一个农奴允许 他的儿子受教育成为神职人员而被处以罚款 Whatever the relationship of merchet to dowry, the Elton records supply evidence of its close relationship to landholding. When Margery daughter of John atte Gate paid two shillings for “giving herself in marriage,” the transaction 不管商船与嫁妆的关系如何，埃尔顿的记录为其与土地所有权的 密切关系提供了证据。当约翰·阿特·盖特的女儿玛格丽付出两先令“嫁 人”时，这笔交易成功了

was recorded by the clerk in the accounts of 1286—1287 as an entry 25 fee (gersum), and in the 1307 accounts, entry fees and merchets 26 are mixed together as if they were interchangeable terms. The Ramsey Abbey register known as the Liber Gersumarum includes 27 not only gersums but 426 merchets. 在 1286ー1287 的账户中，报名费被记录为报名费(gersum)，在 1307 的账户中，报名费和 merchets 混合在一起，就好像它们是可以互换 的术语一样 Merchet has traditionally been thought of as paid by the bride’s father, yet in many cases the daughter paid the fee, and sometimes the prospective bridegroom, or occasionally the mother, or a collateral relative. In the surviving Elton records between 1279 and 1342, eight fathers, eight daughters, and one mother are recorded as paying. A recent study of the Liber Gersumarum showed that payments were made as frequently by daughters as by fathers— each in 33 percent of the cases. The bridegroom paid in 26 percent, 28 and some other relative in the remaining 8 percent. Who paid seems to have depended on circumstance. A bride who paid her own merchet was probably marrying late, and may well have earned the money herself, working as a servant or dairymaid, or even at such masculinesounding tasks as road repair, manuring, thatching, 29 weeding, mowing, sheep-shearing, carrying, and plowing. 传统上，梅切特被认为是由新娘的父亲支付的，然而在许多情况 下，女儿支付费用，有时候是未来的新郎，或者偶尔是母亲，或者是 一个旁系亲属。在现存的 1279 年至 1342 年的埃尔顿唱片中，有 8 个 父亲、8 个女儿和 1 个母亲的支付记录。最近的一项研究显示，女儿 和父亲付钱的频率一样高，各占 33%。新郎付了 26%，其他亲戚付 了剩下的 8%。谁付的钱似乎取决于具体情况。一个付钱给商人的新 娘很可能结婚较晚，而且很可能自己挣钱，做仆人或挤奶女工，或者 甚至做修路、修理、修茅草、除草、割草、剪羊毛、搬运和耕地等男 性化的工作。29

When a widow remarried, on the other hand, the merchet was usually paid by the prospective husband, who would benefit from taking possession of her first husband’s lands. An unfree woman marrying a free man, however, was the one who benefited, and she 30 or her father paid the fee, never the bridegroom. 另一方面，寡妇再婚时，商船通常由准丈夫支付，准丈夫将从占 有其第一任丈夫的土地中获益。然而，一个不自由的女人嫁给一个自 由的男人，就是受益者，她或她的父亲支付这笔费用，而不是新郎 In short, the decision as to who paid merchet was part of the marriage negotiations, usually depending on who gained the most from the marriage. The amount was subject to haggling with the lord’s steward—the villein must “make the best bargain he can,” in 31 the words of a Ramsey Abbey custumal. Several circumstances influenced the price: whether the woman was marrying a villein in the same village, or a freeman, or a man from outside the village, or 简而言之，谁付钱给买主的决定是婚姻谈判的一部分，通常取决 于谁从婚姻中获益最多。这笔钱的数目取决于与主人的管家讨价还价 ーー用拉姆齐修道院的一位牧师的话来说，这位牧师必须“尽可能地讨 价还价”。价格受到几种情况的影响:女人是嫁给了同一个村庄的牧师， 还是嫁给了自由人，还是嫁给了村外的男人，或者

“whomever she wished.” It was more expensive to marry a freeman or an outsider, or to marry at will, since the lord risked 32 losing the woman’s services, chattels, and future children. ”任何她想要的人”与自由人或外来者结婚，或者随意结婚，成本更 高，因为上帝可能会失去女人的服务、财产和未来的孩子 Another important factor was the family’s ability to pay. Merchet was highest when the bride was an heiress or a widow, generally ranging from five shillings to four pounds. Where no land was involved but only chattels, the range was far lower, sometimes as little as six pence. Muriel daughter of Richard Smith, an Elton cotter, paid three shillings, while Alexander atte Cross and Hugh in Angulo, both virgaters from the elite families, gave five for their daughters, and Emma wife of Richard Reeve six shillings eight 33 pence for hers. Many daughters of Elton villeins too poor to be taxed evidently married without paying merchet. 另一个重要因素是家庭的支付能力。当新娘是女继承人或寡妇时， 商品销售额最高，一般从 5 先令到 4 磅不等。在不涉及土地而只涉及 动产的地区，价差要低得多，有时只有 6 便士。埃尔顿·考特家族的 理查德·史密斯的女儿穆里尔付了三先令，来自上流社会的亚历山 大·阿特特·克罗斯和休·安古洛付了五先令给他们的女儿，理查德·里 夫的妻子艾玛付了六先令给她八便士。

The actual ceremony of rural marriage, or more precisely the lack of ceremony, was a long-standing problem for the Church. Many village couples saw no need for more than a kiss and a promise, which left room for debate over the nature of the alleged promise. The great twelfth-century legal authorities, Gratian and Peter Lombard, had wrestled with the question of what constituted a legal marriage, and Pope Alexander III (1159—1181) had laid down rules: a valid marriage could be accomplished either by “words of the present” (I take thee, John…) or by “words of the future,” a more indefinite promise, if it was followed by consummation. Consent of the two parties alone was indispensable. The Fourth Lateran Council (1215) stipulated that the wedding must be public and the

bride must receive a dowry, but made no provision for witnesses, 34 and did not even insist on Church participation. 农村婚姻的实际仪式，或者更确切地说，缺乏仪式，是教会长期存在 的问题。许多村里的夫妇认为只需要一个吻和一个承诺就足够了，这 就为所谓承诺的性质留下了争论的余地。十二世纪伟大的法律权威葛 莱提安和彼得·隆巴德一直在纠结于什么构成合法婚姻的问题，历山 三世(1159ー1181)制定了规则:一个有效的婚姻可以通过“现在的言 语”(我认为，约翰...)或者通过“未来的言语”，一个更加无限期的承诺， 如果它之后是圆房的话。只有双方的同意是必不可少的。第四次拉特 兰会议(1215 年)规定，婚礼必须是公开的，新娘必须得到嫁妆，但没 有规定见证人，甚至没有坚持参加教会

Most marriages were arranged between families, and sometimes property considerations resulted in mismatches, such as those described by William Langland: 大多数婚姻是家庭之间的包办，有时财产问题会导致不匹配，比 如 WilliamLangland 所描述的:

It is an uncomely couple . by Christ, so me thinketh To give a young wench . to an old feeble, Or wed any widow . for wealth of her goods, That never shall bairn bear . but if it be 35 in [her] arms. 这是一对不太合适的夫妇。我以基督的名义发誓，我想给一个 年轻的姑娘。嫁给一个虚弱的老人，或者嫁给任何一个寡妇。 为了她的财富，她永远不会有孩子。但如果是在她怀里的话 Robert Manning’s Handlyng Synne had much to say about the evils of such marriages. When couples were married for property and not love, it was “no right wedding.” A man who married a woman “for love of her cattle” would have regrets: 罗伯特·曼宁的《手工辛恩》对这种婚姻的弊端有很多话要说。当 情侣们结婚是为了财产而不是爱情时，那就是“没有正确的婚礼”如果 一个男人“因为爱她的牛”而娶了一个女人，他会后悔: When it is gone and is all bare 当一切都消失了，变得光秃秃的 Then is the wedding sorrow and care. 然后是婚礼的忧愁和牵挂。 Love and cattle then are away, 爱情和牲畜都离开了, 36 And “wellaway,” they cry and say. 他们哭喊着说:“欢迎。” 37 Even worse was for a man to “wed any woman against her will,” strictly forbidden by the Church, and improbable in the village, where, unlike the castle, most marriages involved some courtship and even sexual contact. 更糟糕的是，一个男人可以“违背任何女人的意愿与她结婚”，这是 教会严格禁止的，在村子里是不可能的，不像城堡，大多数婚姻涉 及一些求爱甚至性接触。 Peasant couples usually spoke their vows at the church door, the most public place in the village. Here the priest inquired whether

there were any impediments, meaning kinship in a degree forbidden by the Church. The bridegroom named the dower which he would provide for his wife, giving her as a token a ring and a small sum of money to be distributed to the poor. The ring, according to a fourteenth-century preacher, must be “put and set by the husband upon the fourth finger of the woman, to show that a true love and cordial affection be between them, because, as doctors say, there is a vein coming from the heart of a woman to the fourth finger, and therefore the ring is put on the same finger, so that she should keep 38 unity and love with him, and he with her.” 农民夫妇通常在教堂门口宣读结婚誓言，教堂是村里最公共的地 方。在这里，牧师询问是否有任何障碍，即在某种程度上教会禁止的 亲属关系。新郎给他妻子的嫁妆起名叫嫁妆，送给她一枚戒指和一小 笔钱作为纪念，分发给穷人。根据一位 14 世纪的传教士的说法，这 枚戒指必须“由丈夫戴在女人的无名指上，以表明他们之间存在着真正 的爱和亲切的感情，因为正如医生所说，女人的心脏到无名指之间有 一条静脉，因此戒指必须戴在同一个手指上，这样她才能和他保持团 结和爱，他也和她在一起。”图 38

Vows were then exchanged, and the bridal party might proceed into the church, where a nuptial Mass was 然后交换誓言，伴娘团可以进入教堂，那里有一个婚礼弥撒

celebrated. At one such Mass a fourteenth-century priest addressed the wedding party: “Most worshipful friends, we are come here at this time in the name of the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost,…to join, unite, and combine these two persons by the holy sacrament of matrimony, granted to the holy dignity and order of priesthood. Which sacrament of matrimony is of this virtue and strength that these two persons who now are two bodies and two souls, during 39 their lives together shall be…one flesh and two souls.” 庆祝。在一次这样的弥撒上，一位 14 世纪的牧师在婚礼上说:“最崇拜 的朋友们，我们此时此刻以圣父、圣子和圣灵的名义来到这里，...... 通过神圣的婚姻圣礼，将这两个人联合起来，结合在一起，赋予神圣 的尊严和祭司的职责。这两个人现在是两个身体和两个灵魂，在他们 生活在一起的时候，他们将成为......一个肉体和两个灵魂。”图 39 The ceremony was usually followed by a feast, a “bride ale,” in a private house or a tavern. In Warboys and some other villages, the groom was obligated to treat the manorial servants to a dinner with “bread, beer, meat or fish” on “the day on which he takes a 40 wife.” 仪式之后通常在私人住宅或酒馆举行一场盛宴，一种“新娘麦芽 酒”。在沃博伊斯和其他一些村庄，新郎有义务在“娶妻之日”款待庄 园仆人吃“面包、啤酒、肉或鱼”40 Enough couples in the village, however, continued to speak their vows elsewhere—in the woods, in a tavern, in bed—to make “clandestine marriage” a universal vexation for the Church courts. Typically, a girl sued a man who disclaimed his promise, though sometimes the shoe was on the other foot. Not until the Protestant Reformation and the Catholic Church’s Council of Trent in the sixteenth century was clandestine marriage effectively abolished by 41 requiring witnesses. 然而，村里有足够多的夫妇继续在其他地方宣誓——在树林里、 在酒馆里、在床上——让“秘密婚姻”成为教会法庭的普遍烦恼。通常 情况下，一个女孩会起诉一个否认自己承诺的男人，尽管有时候情 况恰恰相反。直到 16 世纪宗教改革和天主教会的特伦托会议秘密婚 姻通过要求见证人而被有效地废除

“Clandestine marriage” obviously shaded off into seduction. Robert Manning condemned men who “秘密婚姻”显然阴影进入诱惑。罗伯特曼宁谴责男子谁 …beguile a woman with words; To give her troth but lightly For nothing but to lie by her; 用言语欺骗女人;轻轻许下誓言，只 为靠她躺卧;; With that guile thou makest her assent, And 42 bringest you both to cumberment. 你用这种诡计得到她的同意，并把你们两个都 带到大庭广众之下 Court records contain numerous instances of women leaving their villages in company of men without any mention of marriage. They contain even more frequent instances of “leirwite” or “legerwite” (lecher-wite), a fine for premarital 法庭记录中有许多妇女在没有提及婚姻的情况下与男子一起离开村庄 的事例。它们甚至包含了更为频繁的“leirwite”或“legerwite”(好色女巫) 的例子，对婚前处以罚款

sex, literally for lying down. On some manors a separate fine called “childwite” was levied for bearing a child out of wedlock, but in Elton premarital sex and pregnancy were lumped together. Twentytwo cases of leirwite are listed in surviving Elton records between 1279 and 1342, with fines of either sixpence or twelve pence, in a single case three pence. In all but one, only the woman is named, and she paid the fine; in the single exception, in 1286, Maggie Carter and 43 Richard Miller were fined sixpence each. 性，字面意思是躺下。在一些庄园里，未婚生子被单独罚款，但在埃 尔顿，婚前性行为和怀孕被归为一类。从 1279 年到 1342 年，埃尔顿 的记录中保存了 22 起勒维特案件，罚款 6 便士或 12 便士，其中一起 案件罚款 3 便士。只有一个例外，只有这个女人的名字被公布，并被 罚款;在唯一的例外，1286 年，玛吉·卡特和理查德·米勒各被罚款 6 便 士 Daughters of the elite families figure prominently among those convicted. Despite the fine, little social stigma seems to have been attached to premarital sex. One theory is that peasant women may have become pregnant as a prelude to marriage in order to prove their fertility. In Elton in 1307, Athelina Blakeman paid a leirwite of twelve pence; in the same year’s accounts her father paid two 44 shillings merchet “for giving his daughter Athelina in marriage.” Premarital sex was thus followed by marriage. The village community seems to have taken a liberal attitude toward young people’s sexual activities; in 1316 an Elton jury was fined “because 45 they had concealed all these [five] leirwites.” 精英家庭的女儿在那些被定罪的人中占有显著的地位。尽管如此， 婚前性行为似乎并没有什么社会污名。有一种理论认为，农村妇女怀 孕可能是为了证明自己的生育能力而结婚的前奏。1307 年在埃尔顿， 阿瑟琳娜·布莱克曼付给莱尔维特 12 便士，同年，她的父亲为“女儿 阿瑟琳娜的婚姻”支付了 2 先令商业货币 44 婚前性行为之后是婚姻。 村民们似乎对年轻人的性活动采取了开明的态度，1316 年，埃尔顿 的一个陪审团被罚款，“因为他们隐瞒了所有这些(5 个)莱尔维 特。”45

A more serious matter was adultery, a threat to the family. It lay in the province of the Church courts, but the lord exacted a fine too, usually under a curious legal rationale: the parties had “wasted the lord’s chattels in chapter.” G. G. Coulton once interpreted this recurring phrase as reflecting the lord’s control 46 over the marriage of peasant women. The lord, however, had little to do with arranging peasant marriages. The same words are used in regard to men convicted of adultery, and a reasonable explanation is that the lord used the pretext of loss of village resources as an opportunity to collect a fine of his own in a province that was normally the Church’s. The Church court identified the guilty parties in a way that neighbors might be 47 reluctant to do in the manorial court. 一个更严重的问题是通奸，这是对家庭的威胁。它属于教会法 庭的管辖范围，但是上帝也处以罚款，通常是基于一个奇怪的法律 原理:双方“在第章中浪费了上帝的财产”柯尔顿曾经把这个反复出现 的短语解释为反映了上帝对农村妇女婚姻的控制。对于被判犯有通 奸罪的男子也使用了同样的词汇，一个合理的解释是，地主以丧失 村庄资源为借口，在一个通常属于教会的省份收取自己的罚款。教 会法庭以邻居不愿在庄园法庭上做的方式确定了有罪的一方

In the Elton records between 1279 and 1342, six cases of adultery are cited, in three of which only the women are mentioned, in two only the men, in one both parties. Edward Britton, studying the Broughton court rolls between 1294 and 1323, found twenty-four adultery cases, ten citing both the guilty parties, eight only the man, 48 six only the woman. 在 1279 年至 1342 年之间的埃尔顿记录中，有六起通奸案被引用，其 中三起只提到妇女，两起只提到男子，双方各有一方。爱德华·布里顿 研究了 1294 年至 1323 年间布劳顿法庭的案卷，发现了 24 起通奸案， 其中 10 起涉及双方当事人，8 起为男性，6 起为女性 Divorce (divortium—synonymous with annulment) was a recurring problem for the Church among the aristocracy, who searched for ways to dissolve a barren or disappointing marriage, but among the peasants it was a rarity. When it did occur among villagers, the commonest ground was bigamy. Couples sometimes separated, however, either informally or under terms arranged by a Church court, though the latter expedient was expensive and therefore not normally undertaken by villagers. 对于教会来说，离婚是贵族阶层反复出现的问题，他们想方设法 解除一段贫瘠或令人失望的婚姻，但在农民中却是罕见的。当这种情 况在村民中发生时，最常见的原因是重婚。然而，夫妻有时会非正式 地或根据教会法庭安排的条件分居，尽管后者费用昂贵，因此通常不 由村民承担。

In the village as in castle and city, babies were born at home, their birth attended by midwives. Men were excluded from the lying-in chamber. Literary evidence suggests that the woman in labor 49 assumed a sitting or crouching position. Childbirth was dangerous for both mother and child. The newborn infant was immediately prepared for baptism, lest it die in a state of original sin. If a priest could not be located in time, someone else must perform the ceremony, a contingency for which water must be kept ready. If the baptizer did not know the formula in Latin, he must say it in English

or French: “I christen thee in the name of the Father and the Son 50 and the Holy Ghost. Amen.” 在这个村庄里，就像在城堡和城市里一样，婴儿在家里出生，由助产 士接生。男人被排除在产房之外。文学证据表明，分娩的妇女会坐着 或者蹲。分娩对母亲和孩子都是危险的。新生婴儿立即准备接受洗礼， 以免死于原罪。如果不能及时找到牧师，就必须有其他人来主持仪式， 这是一种应急措施，必须准备好水。如果施洗者不知道拉丁语的公式， 他必须用英语或法语说:“我以圣父、圣子和圣灵的名义为你施洗。阿 门。”50 The words must be said in the right order. If the baptizer said, “In the name of the Son and the Father and the Holy Ghost,” the sacrament was invalid. Robert Manning told the story of a midwife who said the wrong words: 这些话必须按正确的顺序说。如果施洗者说，“以圣子、圣父和圣 灵的名义”，圣礼就是无效的。罗伯特·曼宁讲述了一个助产士说错话 的故事: She held it on her lap before, 之前她把它放在膝盖上, And when she saw that it would die, 当她看到它即将死去,

She began loud for to cry, And said, “God and Saint John, Christen the child both flesh and bone.” 她大声哭了起来，说:“上帝和圣约翰，把孩子 从骨子里和肉体上都洗礼出来。” When the priest heard the formula she had used, he cried, “God and Saint John give thee both sorrow and shame…for in default a soul is lost,” and he commanded her no longer to deliver babies. Robert Manning concluded, 当牧师听到她所用的方程式，他哭了，“上帝和圣约翰给你两个悲伤 和耻辱...因为默认的灵魂是失去的，”他命令她不再接生婴儿。罗伯 特·曼宁总结道: Being a midwife is a perilous thing Unless she knows the 51 points of christening. 做一个助产士是一件危险的事情除非她知道洗礼的要点 John Myrc in his Instructions for Parish Priests (early fifteenth century) advised that if the baby seemed likely to die, “though the child but half be born/ Head and neck and no more,” the midwife should “christen it and cast on water.” If the mother died before the child could be born, the midwife must free the child with a knife, to 52 save its life, or at least to assure baptism. JohnMyrc 在他的《教区牧师指导手册》(15 世纪早期)中建议， 如果婴儿似乎有可能死亡，“尽管婴儿只出生了一半/头部和颈部，” 助产士应该“给它洗礼，然后浇水。”如果母亲在孩子出生前就去世了， 接生婆必须用小刀把孩子救出来，以挽救孩子的生命，或者至少保 证孩子受洗 Under normal circumstances the child was washed and sometimes (though not universally) swaddled, the godparents were summoned, and godmother or midwife carried the baby to the

church, where the font was kept ever ready. The mother was not present, and in fact was not permitted to enter the church until several weeks later, when she had undergone the ritual of “churching,” purification after childbirth. 在正常情况下，孩子会被清洗，有时候(虽然不是普遍的)会被裹 在襁褓里，教父母会被召来，教母或助产士会把孩子抱到教堂，教堂 里的洗礼盆随时准备好。母亲当时并不在场，事实上直到几个星期后 她才被允许进入教堂，那时她已经经历了分娩后的“教堂”仪式。 Preliminary baptismal rites were performed, as in marriage, at the church door. The priest blessed the child, put salt in its mouth to symbolize wisdom and exorcise demons, read a Bible text, and ascertained the child’s name and the godparents’ qualifications. The party then moved into the church to the baptismal font. The child was immersed, the godmother dried it and dressed it in a christening garment, and the priest anointed it with holy oil. The ceremony was completed at the altar with the 初步的洗礼仪式在教堂门口举行，如结婚仪式。牧师为这个孩子 祝福，把盐放进他的嘴里，象征智慧，驱除恶魔，读圣经经文，确定 这个孩子的名字和教父教母的资格。随后，一行人进入教堂，来到洗 礼池旁。孩子浸在水里，教母把它擦干，给它穿上洗礼服，然后牧师 用圣油给它涂上油。仪式在圣坛上结束

godparents making the profession of faith for the child. The christening party then repaired to the parents’ house for feasting 53 and gift-giving. 教父教母为孩子做出信仰的承诺。洗礼仪式随后到父母家举行宴会 并赠送礼物 Children were usually named for their principal godparents. Variety of Christian names was limited in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, usually Norman rather than Anglo-Saxon, the most popular in Elton being John, Robert, Henry, Richard, William, Geoffrey, Thomas, Reginald, Gilbert, Margaret, Matilda, Alice, Agnes, and Emma. Less common were Nicholas, Philip, Roger, Ralph, Stephen, Alexander, Michael, Adam, and Andrew, Sarah, Letitia, Edith, and Beatrice. There were as yet no Josephs or Marys. 孩子们通常以他们的主要教父母的名字命名。在 13 世纪和 14 世 纪，基督教名字的种类有限，通常是诺曼而不是盎格鲁-撒克逊，在埃 尔顿最流行的是 John，Robert，Henry，Richard，William， Geoffrey，Thomas，Reginald，Gilbert，Margaret，Matilda，Alice， Agnes，andEmma。尼古拉斯、菲利普、罗杰、拉尔夫、斯蒂芬、亚 历山大、迈克尔、亚当和安德鲁、萨拉、利蒂西亚、伊迪丝和比阿特 丽斯则不太常见。到目前为止还没有约瑟夫或玛丽。 Unlike the lady of the castle or many city women, the peasant mother normally nursed her own children. Only if the mother had no milk, or if she died, was a wet nurse employed. The evidence of the coroners’ rolls indicates that during the first year of life, infants were frequently left alone in the house while their parents worked in the fields, looked after the animals, or did other chores. Older children were more likely to be left with a sitter, usually a neighbor or a young girl. Although neglect on the part of busy parents might lead to tragedy, little evidence exists of infanticide, a commonplace of the 54 ancient world. 不像城堡里的女主人或许多都市妇女，农民母亲通常是自己照顾 自己的孩子。除非母亲没有奶水，或者母亲死了，才雇佣一个奶妈。 验尸官的证据表明，在婴儿出生后的第一年，当他们的父母在田里干 活、照看动物或做其他家务时，他们经常被单独留在家里。年龄较大

的孩子更有可能被留给保姆照看，通常是邻居或年轻女孩。尽管忙碌 的父母的疏忽可能会导致悲剧，但是几乎没有证据表明在古代世界杀 婴是司空见惯的事情 Medieval parents have been accused by certain modern writers of a want of feeling toward their children, but even in the comparative poverty of the kind of literary expressions— correspondence and memoirs—that have recorded such sentiments for more recent times, the charge scarcely stands up. Between the lines in the accounts of the coroners may be read again and again the anguish of parents over a lost child: one father searching for his son, drowned in a ditch, “found him, lifted him from the water, could not save him, and he 55 died”; another, whose son was struck by lightning in a field, “came running toward him, found him lying there, took him in his arms to 56 the house…thinking to save him”; a mother dragged her son out of a ditch 某些现代作家曾指责中世纪的父母缺乏对子女的感情，但即使在 近代记录了这种感情的文学表达方式——书信和回忆录——相对贫乏 的情况下，这种指责也很少站得住脚。在验尸官的陈述中，我们可以 一遍又一遍地读到父母们对一个失踪孩子的痛苦:一位父亲正在寻找他 淹死在水沟里的儿子，“找到了他，把他从水里抱起来，没能救活他， 他就死了”;另一位父亲，他的儿子在一片田地里命中雷霆，“向他跑来， 发现他躺在那里，把他抱到房子里......想要救他”;56 位母亲把她的儿 子从水沟里拖了出来

57 “because she believed she could save him”; a father whose son fell into the millpond “tried to save [him] and entered the water but 58 could do nothing.” Sometimes peasants gave their lives for their children, as in one case when a father was killed defending his 59 young daughter from rape. “因为她相信她可以救他”;57 一位父亲的儿子掉进了蓄水池，“试图救 他，但什么也做不了。”58.有时，农民们为了自己的孩子而献出生命， 比如有一次，一位父亲为了保护年幼的女儿免遭强奸而被杀害 A fourteenth-century sermon pictures a mother and her child: “In winter, when the child’s hands are cold, the mother takes him a straw or a rush and bids him warm it, not for love of the straw, to warm it, but to warm the child’s hands [by pressing them together].” When the child falls ill, “the mother for her sick child takes a candle, 60 and makes a vow in prayers.” 14 世纪的一次布道描绘了一位母亲和她的孩子:“在冬天，当孩子 的手很冷的时候，母亲拿给他一根稻草或一根草，命令他把它暖和起 来，不是因为对稻草的爱，而是为了暖和孩子的手[把它们紧紧地压 在一起]。”当孩子生病时，“母亲为她生病的孩子拿起蜡烛，许下祈祷 的誓言。”60

The coroners’ rolls yield rare glimpses of children at work and play: the baby in the cradle by the fire; little girls following their mothers around, helping stir the pot, draw water, gather fruit; little boys following their fathers to the fields, to the mill, or fishing, or playing with bows and arrows. A sermon pictures a child using his imagination, playing “with flowers…with sticks, and with small bits of wood, to build a chamber, buttery, and hall, to make a white horse of a wand, a sailing ship of broken bread, a burly spear from a ragwort stalk, and of a sedge a sword of war, a comely lady of a cloth, and 61 be right busy to deck it elegantly with flowers.” 验尸官的卷筒上可以看到孩子们难得一见的工作和玩耍:火边摇篮 里的婴儿;小女孩们跟着她们的母亲，帮忙翻锅、打水、采果子;小男 孩们跟着父亲到田里、磨坊、钓鱼，或者玩弓箭。一篇布道描绘了一 个孩子运用他的想象力，“用花......用棍子，和一小块木头，建造一个 房间、奶油和大厅，用魔杖造一匹白马，用碎面包造一艘帆船，用蔬

菜茎造一支结实的长矛，用芦苇造一把战争之剑，用布料造一位美丽 的女士，然后正忙着用花朵优雅地装饰它。”61 A child, said one preacher, did not bear malice, “nor rancor nor wrath toward those that beat him ever so sorely, as it happened for a child to have due chastising. But after thou hast beaten him, show him a fair flower or else a fair red apple; then hath he forgotten all that was done to him before, and then he will come to thee, running, 62 with his embracing arms, to please thee and to kiss thee.” 一位传教士说，一个孩子不会对那些痛打他的人怀有恶意，也不 会对那些人产生怨恨或愤怒，就像一个孩子受到应有的惩罚一样。你 打了他以后，给他看一朵美丽的花，或者一个美丽的红苹果，那么他 就忘记了以前对他所做的一切，然后他就会跑到你面前，拥抱你，来 取悦你，亲吻你。”62 Small children played; older ones did chores. In their teens, both boys and girls moved into the adult work world, the girls in and around the house, the boys in the fields. Contrary to what was formerly believed, in this period 小孩子玩耍，大孩子做家务。在他们十几岁的时候，男孩和女 孩都进入了成年人的工作世界，女孩在家里和周围，男孩在田里。 与以前相信的相反，在这个时期

village children were not ordinarily sent away to become servants in other people’s households or to be apprenticed at a craft. Most 63 remained at home. 村里的孩子通常不会被送去做别人家的仆人或者去当学徒。大多数 人留在家里 The Middle Ages produced the world’s first hospitals and medical schools, but these important advances hardly affected life in the village. Doctors practiced in city and in court. Villagers were left to their own medical devices. Even the barbers who combined shaving with bloodletting (a principal form of therapy) and tooth-pulling (the sole form of dentistry) were rarely seen in villages. Most manorial custumals provided for a period of sick leave, commonly up to a year and a day. “If [the villein] is ill, so that he cannot leave his house,” states a Holywell custumal, “he is quit of all work and heusire before the autumn, except plowing [which presumably he would have to pay someone else to do]. In the autumn he is quit of half his work if he is ill, and he will have relaxation for the whole time he is ill, up to a year and a day. And if his illness lasts more than a year and a day, or if he falls ill again, from that time he will do all 64 works which pertain to his land.” 中世纪出现了世界上第一批医院和医学院，但这些重要的进步几乎没 有影响到村民的生活。医生在市里和法庭上行医。村民们被留给自己 的医疗设备。甚至那些把剃须和放血(一种主要的治疗方式)以及拔牙 (牙科的唯一形式)结合起来的理发师在村子里也很少见到。大多数庄 园主提供一段时间的病假，通常长达一年零一天。“如果(农奴)生病了， 他就不能离开自己的房子，”霍利韦尔的一位牧师说，“他在秋天之前 就会辞去所有的工作和职务，除了犁地(想必他得付钱给别人犁地)。”。 到了秋天，如果他生病了，半数的工作就不用干了，他在整个生病期 间都可以放松一下，最多一年零一天。如果他的病持续超过一年零一 天，或者他再次生病，从那时起，他将做一切与他的土地有关的工 作。”64

Life was short. Even if a peasant survived infancy and childhood to reach the age of twenty, he could not expect to live 65 much beyond forty-five, when old age (senectus) began. The manorial records make no mention of diseases, though to the wellknown afflictions of tuberculosis, pneumonia, typhoid, violence, and accident may probably be added circulatory disorders: stroke and heart attack. The coroners’ rolls list several cases of fatal accidents from “falling sickness”—epilepsy. Invalids flocked on pilgrimage to Canterbury and other shrines: spastics, cripples, paralytics, the mentally ill, and the scrofulous (skin disease was especially prevalent in a not very well washed society). 人生苦短。即使一个农民从婴儿期和童年期活到二十岁，他也不 能指望活到 45 岁以后，也就是老年开始的时候。庄园记录没有提到 疾病，但是众所周知的肺结核、肺炎、伤寒、暴力和意外等疾病可能 还会加上循环系统疾病:中风和心脏病。验尸官的名单上列出了几起由 “坠落病”——癫痫——引起的致命事故。残疾人成群结队地前往坎特 伯雷和其他圣地朝圣:痉挛、残废、瘫痪、精神病和淋巴结核(皮肤病 在一个不太清洁的社会中尤其普遍)。

The most pathetic of the medieval sick, however, were excluded from the benefits of the shrine. Leprosy, mysteriously widespread, inspired a vague terror that outlasted the Middle Ages. Its victims were isolated, either singly or in colonies, and were permitted to emerge in public only when clothed in a shroud and clacking a pair of castanets in warning. The isolation of lepers represented a remarkable advance in medical theory, the recognition of contagion, but at the same time a sad irony, since leprosy (Hansen’s disease) is only slightly contagious. The Elton court rolls record a single possible mention of the disease in the fine in 1342 of “Hugh le 66 Lepere” for carrying away the lord’s stubble. 然而，最可怜的中世纪病人却被排除在神社的福利之外。麻风病 神秘地蔓延开来，引发了一种模糊的恐怖，持续了整个中世纪。它的 受害者都是孤立的，要么是单独的，要么是群居的，只有当他们穿上 裹尸布，敲响一对响板示警时，才允许他们出现在公共场合。隔离麻 风病人代表了医学理论上的一个显著进步，即对传染的认识，但同时 也是一个可悲的讽刺，因为麻风病(汉森病)只有轻微的传染性。埃尔 顿法庭在 1342 年因为“休·勒·雷佩尔”带走了主人的胡茬而被罚款时， 记录了一次可能提及这种疾病的记录

As in all societies, the old and infirm depended on the younger generation for help when they were no longer able to work their land. The commonest form such help took in the thirteenth century was an arrangement between tenant and heir, in essence an exchange of the older person’s land for the younger person’s work. The holding was transferred to the heir, who promised in return to maintain the parents, widowed father or mother, or other aged relative, either in a separate dwelling or as free boarders. Typically the son accepted the holding’s obligations of work service, rent, and fees, and pledged himself to support his parent or parents, stipulating that he would provide them with a separate house or “a room at the end of the house” that had been theirs, food, fuel, clothing, and again and again “a place by the fire.” Most such

arrangements must have been informal, leaving no trace in the records, but they were also spelled out in written contracts, entered 67 in the manorial court rolls. 正如在所有社会中一样，老弱病残在他们不再能够耕种自己的土地时 依靠年轻一代的帮助。这种帮助在十三世纪最常见的形式是佃户和继 承人之间的安排，实质上是以老年人的土地换取年轻人的工作。财产 转移给继承人，继承人答应将父母、丧偶的父亲或母亲或其他年老的 亲属抚养在单独的住所或作为自由寄宿者。一般来说，儿子接受了财 产持有者的工作服务、租金和费用义务，并承诺支持他的父母，规定 他将为他们提供一个单独的房子或“房子尽头的一个房间”，这是他们 曾经拥有的，食物、燃料、衣服，以及一次又一次的“火边的地方”大 多数此类安排必须是非正式的，在记录中没有留下任何痕迹，但这些 安排也以书面合同的形式加以说明，列入庄园法院名册

Both sermons and moral treatises warned parents against handing over their land to their sons without such safeguards. Men gave their children land, said Robert 布道和道德论文都警告父母不要在没有这种保障的情况下把土 地交给自己的儿子。男人给他们的孩子土地，罗伯特说

Manning, to provide sustenance in their old age; better for them to keep it “than beg 曼宁，在他们晚年提供生计;对他们来说，保持生计“总比乞讨好”

Man warming himself at the fire. Corpus Christi College, Oxford, Ms. 385, f. 6v. 人们在炉火前取暖。剑桥大学科珀斯克里斯蒂学院，牛津，女士 385， f.6v。

it at another’s hand.” In illustration he told a version of the already old story of the “Divided Horsecloth”: a man gave his son “all his

land and house and all his cattle in village and field, so that he should keep him well in his old age.” The young man married and at first bade his wife “to serve 它在另一个人的手中为了说明这一点，他讲述了一个关于“分裂的霍 斯克洛斯”的古老故事:一个男人把“他所有的土地和房子，以及村庄 和田地里所有的牲畜”都给了他的儿子，这样他就可以养老了这个年 轻人结了婚，并首先吩咐他的妻子“侍奉”

his father well at his will.” But soon he had a change of heart, and began to be “tenderer of his wife and child than of his father,” and it seemed to him that his father had lived too long. As time passed, the son served him worse and worse, and the father began to rue the day he “gave so much to his son.” One day the old man was so cold that he begged his son to give him a blanket. The son called his little boy and told him to take a sack and fold it double and put it over his grandfather. The child took the sack and tore it in two. “Why have you torn the sack?” asked the father. The child replied: ”他的父亲随心所欲”但是很快他改变了主意，开始“对妻子和孩子比对 父亲更温柔”，他觉得父亲活得太久了。随着时间的推移，儿子对他 的服务越来越差，父亲开始后悔“给了儿子这么多”有一天，老人很冷， 他恳求他的儿子给他一条毯子。儿子打电话给他的小男孩，让他拿一 个麻袋，把它折叠起来，放在爷爷身上。那孩子把袋子拿起来撕成两 半。“你为什么把袋子撕破了?”父亲问。孩子回答说:

This deed have I done for thee. Good example givest thou me How I shall serve thee in thine age. …This half sack shall lie above thy father, And keep the other part to thy 68 behalf. 我为你做的这件事。你给我树立了一个好 榜样，我将在你的时代为你服务。这一半麻袋 要放在你父亲的上面，另一半要留给你 Most peasants were more careful. In Upwood in 1311 Nicholas son of Adam turned over his virgate to his son John, stipulating that he should have “a reasonable maintenance in that land until the end of his life,” and that John should give him “every year for the rest of 69 his life” specified amounts of grain. At Cranfield in 1294, Elias de Bretendon made a more complicated agreement with his son John; John was to take over his house, yard, and half virgate for the services and money rent owed the lord. “And…the above John will

provide suitable food and drink for Elias and his wife Christine while they are alive, and they will have residence with John [in his house].” The contract left nothing to chance: 大多数农民都很小心。1311 年在阿普伍德，亚当的儿子尼古拉斯 把他的处女膜交给了他的儿子约翰，规定他应该“在那块土地上得到合 理的维护，直到他生命的终结”，并且约翰应该“在他的余生中每年”给 他规定数量的谷物。1294 年在克兰菲尔德，Eliasdebre 肌腱和他的儿 子约翰达成了一个更加复杂的协议，约翰将接管他的房子、院子和半 个处女膜，以支付欠地主的服务费和租金。“而且......上面的约翰将在 活着的时候为伊利亚斯和他的妻子克里斯汀提供合适的食物和饮料， 他们将和约翰一起住在他的房子里。”这份合同没有留下任何机会:

And if it should happen, though may it not, that trouble and discord should in the future arise between the parties so that they are unable to live together, the above John will provide for Elias and Christine, or 如果将来双方之间出现麻烦和不和，使他们无法生活在一起， 上面的约翰将为伊莱亚斯和克里斯汀提供，或者

whichever of them should outlive the other, a house and curtilage [yard] where they can decently reside. And he will give each year to the same Elias and Christine or whichever of them is alive, six quarters of hard grain at Michaelmas, namely three quarters of wheat, one and one-half quarters of barley, one and one-half quarters of peas and beans, and one quarter of oats. [The addition evidently gave trouble, since the total is not six but 70 seven quarters.] 他们中的任何一个应该比另一个活得更久，他们可以体面地居住 的房子和庭院。他每年都会给同一对 Elias 和 Christine，或者他 们中任何一个还活着的，Michaelmas 四分之六的硬谷物，即四 分之三的小麦，四分之一又四分之一的大麦，四分之一又四分之 一的豌豆和豆子，以及四分之一的燕麦。这个加法显然很麻烦， 因为总共不是六个季度，而是七个季度 70 If the retiring tenant was childless, the pension was contracted for outside the family, an arrangement that became frequent after the Black Death. In 1332 John in the Hale of Barnet, Hertfordshire, agreed with another peasant, John atte Barre, to turn over his house and land in return for a yearly contribution of “one new garment with a hood, worth 3 shillings 4 pence, two pairs of linen sheets, three pairs of new shoes, one pair of new hose, worth 12 pence, and victuals in food and drink decently as is proper.” An unusual feature of the contract was that the retiring tenant agreed to work for his replacement “to the best of his ability,” and that the new tenant not only paid an entry fee, as was customary, but “satisfied the lord for the heriot of the said John in the Hale by [the payment of] 71 one mare,” although the retiree was not yet dead. 如果退休的房客没有子女，养老金就由家庭以外的人支付，这种 安排在黑死病之后变得很常见。1332 年，赫特福德郡巴内特的约翰 与另一个农民约翰·阿特·巴雷同意交出他的房子和土地，以换取每年 的捐赠:“一件带帽子的新衣服，价值 3 先令 4 便士，两双亚麻布床单， 三双新鞋，一双价值 12 便士的新袜子，以及合适的食物和饮料。”合 同的一个不同寻常的特点是，即将退休的承租人同意“尽其所能”为接

替他的人工作，新承租人不仅按照惯例支付了入场费，而且“通过支 付一匹母马来满足黑尔庄园上述约翰的所有物主”，尽管退休人员尚 未死亡

Pension contracts were enforceable in the manor court, a sign of one of their most striking aspects: the community’s interest in enforcement. “Dereliction of duty to the old [was] a matter of public 72 concern,” observes Elaine Clark. A son undertaking to support his aged parents commonly requested the manorial court to witness his oath, or enlisted as guarantors pledges whose names he reported to the steward. For the court’s participation the pensioners paid a 73 fee. 养老金合同在庄园法庭是可以强制执行的，这标志着其中一个最 显著的方面:社区对强制执行的兴趣。“对老年人的渎职是公众关注的 问题，”伊莱恩·克拉克评论道。72 一个儿子承诺抚养他年迈的父母， 通常要求庄园法庭见证他的誓言，或者要求担任保证人，向管家报告 他的姓名。对于法庭的参与，退休人员支付了一笔费用 In Ellington in 1278, William Koc acknowledged that he was in arrears for the contributions he owed his father, in 在 1278 年的艾灵顿，威廉·科克承认他拖欠了他父亲的捐款

74 wheat, barley, beans, and peas, and promised to make amends. The jurors in Warboys in 1334 reported: “And since Stephen the Smith did not keep his mother according to their agreement he is [fined] sixpence. And afterwards the above jurors ordered that the said land be given back to his mother and that she should hold it for the rest of her life. And the above Stephen may not have anything of 75 that land while his mother is alive.” 741334 年，沃博伊斯的陪审员报告说:“由于史密斯没有按照协议约束 他的母亲，他被处以六便士的罚款。之后，上述陪审员命令将这块土 地归还给他的母亲，并让她在余生中继续拥有这块土地。只要司提反 的母亲还在世，他就不能得到那块地的任何东西。”75

Pensions were sometimes negotiated between the parties, sometimes mandated as deathbed settlements— mainly by husbands in favor of their widows—and sometimes ordered by the manorial court. When a tenant’s disability rendered him unfit to discharge the obligations of his holding, it was in the interest of the lord to make a change, but the change served the interest of the 76 elderly tenant as well. 养老金有时在双方之间进行谈判，有时作为临终协议强制执行 ー主要由丈夫支持其遗孀ー有时则由庄园法院下令。当承租人的残 疾使他不能履行其所有权的义务时，地主有利于作出改变，但这种 改变也符合年长承租人的利益 A pension contract that dated back to the early Middle Ages was originally developed in the monasteries to provide for the retirement of monks. The corrody consisted of a daily ration of bread and ale, usually two loaves and two gallons, plus one or two “cooked dishes” from the monastic kitchen. In the later Middle Ages, corrodies became available to lay pensioners, who purchased them like life insurance annuities. The purchaser might stipulate for a certain amount of firewood every year, a room in the monastery, sometimes with a servant, clothing, candles, and fodder for horses. A wealthy peasant might buy a corrody that even included a house and garden, pasture, and cash; a poor one might buy only a ration of dark bread, 77 ale, and pottage.

一份可以追溯到中世纪早期的养老金合同最初是在寺院里制定的， 目的是为僧侣提供退休条件。那个腐败的家伙包括每天定量供应的面 包和麦芽酒，通常是两个面包和两加仑，外加一两道从修道院厨房里 拿来的“熟菜”。在中世纪晚期，外行养老金领取者可以使用腐蚀剂， 他们像购买人寿保险年金一样购买这些养老金。购买者可能每年规定 一定数量的木柴，在修道院的一个房间，有时有仆人，衣服，蜡烛， 和马的饲料。一个富有的农民可能会买一个腐败的，甚至包括房子、 花园、牧场和现金;一个贫穷的农民可能只买一定量的黑面包、麦芽酒 和葡萄酒 Still other arrangements might be made. A widow and her young son leased their holding at Stoke Pryor to a fellow villager for twelve years in return for an annual supply of mixed grain; presumably in twelve years the son would be old enough to take 78 over the holding. 还有其他的安排可以做。一个寡妇和她年幼的儿子把他们在斯托 克普赖尔的庄园租给一个村民，租期 12 年，以换取每年供应的杂粮; 据推测，12 年后儿子的年龄足以接管庄园 The pension agreement implied bargaining power on the part of the aging tenant, nearly always meaning 养老金协议意味着年迈的房客的谈判能力，几乎总是意味着

landholding. In its absence, an old man or woman might end like those whose deaths are recorded in the coroners’ rolls: Sabinia, who in January of 1267 went into Colmworth, Bedfordshire, to beg bread 79 and “fell into a stream and drowned,” or Arnulf Argent of Ravensden, “poor, weak, and infirm,” who was going “from door to door to seek bread,” when he fell down in a field and “died of 80 weakness.” 土地所有权。如果没有它，一个老人可能会像那些死亡记录在验尸官 名单上的人一样死去:萨宾尼亚，1267 年 1 月去贝德福德郡的 Colmworth 乞讨面包，“掉进小溪淹死了”，79 岁的拉文斯登的阿努尔 夫·阿根特，“贫穷、虚弱、虚弱”，“挨家挨户寻找面包”，当他倒在田 野里，“死于虚弱”80

When death was imminent, the priest was sent for, and arrived wearing surplice and stole, carrying the blessed sacrament, preceded by a server carrying a lantern and ringing a hand bell. If the case was urgent and no server could be found, the priest might hang the lamp and bell on his arm, or around the neck of his horse. According to Robert Manning, sick men were often reluctant to accept the sacrament because of a belief that if they recovered they must abstain from sex: 当死亡迫在眉睫的时候，牧师被叫来，穿着白袍，带着圣餐，前面有 一个提着灯笼，摇着手铃的侍者。如果情况紧急，又找不到服务员， 牧师可以把灯和铃铛挂在他的胳膊上，或挂在他的马的脖子上。根据 罗伯特·曼宁的说法，生病的男人通常不愿意接受圣礼，因为他们相信， 如果他们康复了，就必须禁止性行为: Many a one thus hopes and says, “Anoint them not save they should die, For if he turns again to life 有许多人这样希望、说、不膏他们、不救他 们、他们必死.因为他若复活

He should lie no more by his wife.” 他不应该再对妻子撒谎了。” Manning counseled against the superstition and recommended more trust in God: 曼宁劝告人们不要迷信，并建议人们更加信任上帝: In every sickness ask for [the sacrament] always; God 81 almighty is right courteous. 在任何疾病中都要求圣礼;全能的上帝是有礼貌的 John Myrc advised that if death was imminent, the priest should not make the sick man confess all his sins, but only counsel him to ask God’s mercy with a humble heart. If the dying man could not speak but indicated by signs that he wished the sacraments, the priest should administer them. If, however, the dying man was able to speak, Myrc advised JohnMyrc 建议说，如果死亡迫在眉睫，牧师不应该让病人承认 他所有的罪，而只是建议他用一颗谦卑的心祈求上帝的怜悯。如果垂 死的人不能说话，只能用标志表示他希望圣礼，那么牧师就应该主持 圣礼。然而，如果这个将死之人能够说话，Myrc 建议

that he should be asked “the seven interrogations”: if he believed in the articles of the faith and the Holy Scriptures; if he recognized that he had offended God; if he was sorry for his sins; if he wished to amend and would do so if God gave him more time; if he forgave his enemies; if he would atone for his sins if he lived; and finally, “Do you believe fully that Christ died for you and that you may never be saved but by the merit of Christ’s passion, and do you think of God with your heart as much as you may?” The sick man should answer yes and be instructed to say, “with a good steadfast mind, if he can…‘Into thy hands I commend my soul.’” If he could not, the priest 82 should say it for him, anoint him, and administer Communion. 应该询问他“七项审讯”:他是否相信信仰条款和圣经;他是否认识到自己 冒犯了上帝;他是否为自己的罪感到抱歉;他是否希望改正并愿意这样 做，如果上帝给他更多的时间;他是否原谅了自己的敌人;如果他还活 着，他是否会为自己的罪赎罪;最后，“你是否完全相信基督为你而死， 你可能永远不会得救，除非基督的热情，你是否尽你所能用心去想念 上帝?”病人应该回答是，并且被指示说，“以一个良好的坚定的心，如 果他能......‘我把我的灵魂托付给你。如果他不能，牧师应该为他说， 给他涂油，并主持圣餐礼

Wakes commonly turned into occasions of drinking and merriment, condemned by the Church. Robert Grosseteste warned that a dead man’s house should be one of “sorrow and remembrance,” and should not be made a house of “laughter and play,” and a fourteenth-century preacher complained that people “finally like madmen make…merry at our death, and take our burying for a bride 83 ale.” In the Ramsey Abbey village of Great Raveley in 1301, ten Wistow men were fined after coming “to watch the body of Simon of Sutbyr through the night,” because returning home they “threw 84 stones at the neighbors’ doors and behaved themselves badly.”

守夜通常变成饮酒和欢乐的场合，受到教会的谴责。罗伯特·格罗斯泰 斯特警告说，一个死去的人的房子应该是一个“悲伤和回忆”，而不应 该是一个“欢笑和玩耍”的房子，一个 14 世纪的传教士抱怨说，人们 “最终像疯子一样......为我们的死亡而欢乐，并把我们的葬礼当作新娘 的啤酒。”1301 年，在拉姆齐修道院的大拉维利村，10 个威斯托男人 因为“整夜看着萨特比尔的西蒙的尸体”而被罚款，因为他们回家后“向 邻居的门扔石头，行为不检”84 Village funerals were usually starkly simple. The body, sewed in a shroud, was carried into the church on a bier, draped with a black pall. Mass was said, and occasionally a funeral sermon was delivered. One in John Myrc’s collection, Festiall, ends: “Good men, as ye all see, here is a mirror to us all: a corpse brought to the church. God have mercy on him, and bring him 乡村的葬礼通常非常简单。尸体被缝在裹尸布上，用一块黑布裹 着，放在一个棺材里抬进了教堂。他们做了弥撒，偶尔还进行了葬礼 布道。约翰·米拉克的诗集《菲斯特尔》的结尾是这样的:“你们都看到 了，好人们，这是我们所有人的一面镜子:一具被带到教堂的尸体。 愿神怜悯他，将他带来

Fanciful funeral: animals carrying a bier draped with a pall. Walters Art Gallery, Baltimore, Psalter and Book of Hours, Ms. 102, f. 76v-77.

稀奇古怪的葬礼:动物们背着一个盖着棺罩的棺材。沃尔特斯艺术博物馆，巴尔的摩，诗篇 和时书，女士 102，f.76v-77。

into his bliss that shall last for ever…Wherefore each man and woman that is wise, make him ready thereto; for we all shall die, 85 and we know not how soon.” 因此，每一个有智慧的男人和女人，都要为此做好准备，因为我们 都将死去，而且我们不知道多快会死去。”85 A villager was buried in a plain wooden casket or none at all, in the churchyard, called the “cemetery,” from coemeterium (dormitory), the sleeping place of the Christian dead. Here men and women could slumber peacefully, their toil finished, until the day of resurrection. 一个村民被安葬在一个普通的木头棺材里，或者根本没有棺材， 安葬在教堂墓地里，这个墓地被称为“墓地”，来自教堂宿舍，基督教 死者睡觉的地方。在这里，男人和女人可以安静地睡觉，他们的辛劳 结束了，直到复活的那一天。

7 THE VILLAGE AT WORK 工作中的村庄 F ruling fact of life. By 对于中世纪的村民来说，工作是生 活中的主要事实 OR THE MEDIEVAL VILLAGER, WORK WAS THE

sunup animals were harnessed and plows hitched, forming a cavalcade that to the modern eye would appear to be leaving the village to work outside it. Medieval people felt otherwise. They were as much in their village tramping the furrowed strips as they were on the dusty streets and sunken lanes of the village center. If anything, the land which literally provided their daily bread was more truly the village. The geography was a sort of reverse analogue of the modern city with its downtown office towers where people work and its suburban bedroom communities where they eat and sleep. 太阳升起的动物被套上马具，犁被套上，形成一支行列队伍，在现代 人看来，这支队伍似乎是离开村庄到村外工作。中世纪的人可不这么 认为。他们在村子里踩着满是皱纹的狭长地带，就像他们在尘土飞扬 的街道和村中心凹陷的小巷里一样。如果说有什么区别的话，那就是 真正为他们提供日常面包的土地才是真正的村庄。这里的地理环境有 点像现代城市的反面，市中心的办公大楼是人们工作的地方，郊区的 卧室社区是人们吃饭和睡觉的地方。

Whether Elton had two or three fields in the late thirteenth century is unknown. Whatever the number, they were twice subdivided, first into furlongs (more or less rectangular plots “a furrow long”), then into selions, or strips, long and narrow sets of furrows. Depending on the terrain, a village’s strips might be several hundred yards long; the fewer turns with a large plow team the better. The strip as a unit of cultivation went far back, probably antedating the open field system itself. Representing the amount of land that could conveniently be plowed in a 埃尔顿在十三世纪晚期是否有两个或三个油田还不得而知。不管 数量多少，它们被细分为两次，第一次分为弗隆(或多或少的长方形 图表“一个犁沟长”)，然后分为 selions 或狭长的犁沟组。根据地形的 不同，一个村庄的地带可能有几百码长，拥有一个大型犁队的耕地越 少越好。长条作为一种耕作单位的历史可以追溯到很久以前，很可能 早于开阔地系统本身。表示可以方便地在农田里耕作的土地面积

Aerial view of the deserted village of Newbold Grounds (Northamptonshire), showing house plots, sunken paths and roads, and the ridge-and-furrow of the surrounding fields. British Crown Copyright/RAF Photograph. 鸟瞰废弃的 NewboldGrounds 村庄，可以看到房屋的地块、凹陷的路径

和道路，以及周围田地的北安普敦郡。英国皇家版权所有/皇家空军图片。

day—roughly half a modern acre—it probably originated in the parcellation of land forced by a growing population. By the late thirteenth century the distribution of a village’s strips was haphazard, some villagers holding many, some few, and all scattered and intermingled. The one certainty was that everyone who held land held strips in both or all three fields, in order to guarantee a crop every year regardless of which field lay fallow. 大约半英亩的现代土地，它可能起源于人口增长所迫使的土地分割。 到了十三世纪晚期，一个村庄的条带分布是偶然的，一些村民持有 许多条带，一些条带很少，所有条带都分散混杂。唯一可以肯定的 是，所有在两块或三块土地上都拥有土地的人，为了保证每年都有 收成，而不管哪块土地是休耕的。

The furlong, or bundle of strips, was the sowing unit, all the strips in a given furlong being planted to the same crop. Many furlongs appear by name in the Elton court records: 弗隆，或者说一束条，是播种单位，在一个给定的弗隆中所有的 条被种植在同一作物上。在埃尔顿的法庭记录中，许多弗隆的名字出 现在书中: “Henry in the Lane [is fined] for bad plowing in Hollewell furlong, sixpence,” indicating, incidentally, that the lord’s demesne land 1 was scattered, like the peasants’. Within each furlong the strips ran parallel, but the furlongs themselves, plotted to follow the ambient pattern of drainage, lay at odd angles to each other, with patches of rough scattered throughout. A double furrow or a balk of unplowed turf might separate strips, while between some “HenryintheLane 因在 Hollewell 弗隆耕作不良而被罚款，六便 士，”顺便指出，地主的私有土地像农民的土地一样分散。每隔一 弗隆的土地就平行排列，但是弗隆的土地按照周围的排水模式排列， 彼此形成奇怪的角度，各处散布着粗糙的地块。一条双犁沟或一块 未经犁过的草皮可能会分割成条状，而在一些条状之间

furlongs headlands were left for turning the plow. Wedges of land (gores) created by the asymmetry of the furlongs and the character 2 of the terrain were sometimes cultivated by hoe. The total appearance of an open field village, visible in aerial photographs of many surviving sites, is a striking combination of the geometric and the anarchic. 弗隆的山头留下来用来犁地。由于弗隆的不对称性和地形的特征，有 时用锄头耕种出来的土地(山羊)形成的楔形。2 从许多现存遗址的航拍 照片中可以看到，一个开阔的田间村庄的整体外观是几何学和无政府 状态的惊人结合。 Beyond the crazy-quilt pattern of arable land stretched meadow, waste, and woodland, hundreds of acres that were also part of the village and were exploited for the villagers’ two fundamental purposes: to support themselves and to supply their lord. But the most significant component of the open field village was always its two or three great fields of cultivated land. The difference between a two- and a three-field system was slighter than might appear at first glance. Where three fields were used, one lay fallow all year, a second was planted in the fall to winter wheat or other grain, the third was planted in the spring to barley, oats, peas, beans, and other spring crops. The next year the plantings were rotated. 除了疯狂拼凑的耕地模式之外，还有草地、荒地和林地，数百英 亩的土地也是村庄的一部分，村民们开发这些土地的目的有两个:养 活自己和供养他们的主人。但是，露天农村最重要的组成部分始终是 两三大片耕地。一个三圃制和一个两者之间的区别比乍看上去的要小。 这里有三块地，一块全年休耕，第二块在秋天种上冬小麦或其他谷物， 第三块在春天种上大麦、燕麦、豌豆、豆类和其他春季作物。第二年， 植物轮流播种。 In the two-field system one field was left fallow and the other divided in two, one half devoted to autumn and the other to spring crops. In effect, the two-field system was a three-field system with more fallow, and offered no apparent disadvantage as long as enough total arable was available. If, however, a growing village population pressed on the food supply, or if market demand created an opportunity hard to resist, a two-field system could be converted

to three-field. Many two-field systems were so converted in the twelfth and especially the thirteenth century, with a gain of one-third 3 in arable. 在双田系统中，一块地休耕，另一块分成两半，一半用于秋季， 另一半用于春季作物。实际上，双田种植制度是一种更休闲的三圃制， 只要有足够的可耕种土地，就不会有明显的劣势。然而，如果不断增 长的农村人口迫使粮食供应紧张，或者如果市场需求创造了一个难以 抗拒的机会，一个双田系统可以转变为三田系统。许多双田制在十二 世纪，特别是十三世纪被如此改造，增加了三分之一的耕地 Multifield systems, which could accommodate crop rotation, were also common, especially in the north of England. In some places, the ancient infield-outfield system survived, the small infield being worked steadily with the aid of fertilizer, and the large outfield treated as a land reserve, part of which could be cultivated for several successive 能够适应作物轮作的多田系统也很普遍，尤其是在英格兰北部。 有些地方保留了古老的内外田系统，小内田借助化肥稳步耕作，大外 田作为土地储备，部分土地可连续耕种

years (making plowing easier) and then left fallow for 4 several. 年(使耕作更容易)，然后休耕几年。4 But in the English Midlands, and much of northwest Europe, the classic two- or three-field system of open field husbandry prevailed. It involved three essentials: unfenced arable divided into furlongs and strips; concerted agreement about crops and cultivation; and common use of meadow, fallow, waste, and stubble. 但是在英格兰中部地区和欧洲西北部的大部分地区，经典的两到 三个三圃制的开放式畜牧业占了上风。它涉及到三个基本要素:分成弗 隆和条带的非围栏式耕地;关于作物和耕作的协调一致;以及草地、休 耕地、废弃物和茬地的共同使用。 Implied was a fourth essential: a set of rules governing details, and a means of enforcing them. Such rules were developed independently in thousands of villages in Britain and on the Continent, at first orally, but by the late thirteenth century in written form as village bylaws. The means of enforcement was provided by the manorial court. Surviving court records include many bylaw enactments and show the existence of many more by citation. For stewards, bailiffs, reeves, free tenants, and villeins, they spelled out a set of restrictions and constraints on plowing, planting, harvesting, gleaning, and carrying. They gave emphatic attention to theft and chicanery, from stealing a neighbor’s grain to “stealing his furrow” by 5 edging one’s plow into his strip, “a major sin in rural society” (Maurice Beresford). “Reginald Benyt appropriated to himself three furrows under Westereston to his one rod from all the strips abutting upon that rod and elsewhere at Arnewassebroc three furrows to his one headland from all the strips abutting upon that headland,” for which Reginald was fined 12 pence by the Elton manorial court of 6 1279. 隐含的是第四个必要条件:一套管理细节的规则，以及一种执行它 们的方法。这些规则在英国和欧洲大陆的数千个村庄中独立制定，最 初是口头的，但到了十三世纪末，以书面形式成为村庄章程。执行手 段由庄园法庭提供。现存的法庭记录包括许多细则条例，并且通过引 证显示还有许多其他条例。对于管家、法警、长官、自由佃农和农奴，

他们详细说明了一系列对耕作、种植、收获、拾遗和运输的限制和约 束。他们特别注意偷窃和欺诈行为，从偷邻居的谷物到把犁插入邻居 的土地上“偷他的犁沟”，这是“农村社会的一大罪恶”(莫里斯·贝雷斯福 德)。“雷金纳德·本伊特在维斯特内斯顿地下挖了三条沟，用一根棍子 从挨着那根棍子的所有条带和 Arnewassebroc 其他地方挖了三条沟到 他的一个岬角，”雷金纳德因此被 1279 年埃尔顿庄园法院罚款 12 便 士

Bylaws stipulated the time the harvested crop could be taken from the fields (in daylight hours only), who was allowed to carry it (strangers not welcome), and who was allowed to glean. All ablebodied adults were conscripted for reaping. “And [the jurors] say that Parnel was a gleaner in the autumn contrary to the statutes. 7 Therefore she is in mercy [fined] sixpence.” “The wife of Peter 8 Wrau gleaned… contrary to the prohibition of autumn.” Bylaws ruled the 规章制度规定了收获的作物可以从地里拿出来的时间(只在白天)， 谁可以拿着它(不欢迎陌生人)，谁可以收集。所有身体健全的成年人 都被征召收割。“(陪审员)说帕内尔在秋天是一个拾穗者，这违反了法 律。因此，她得到了宽恕[罚款]六便士。”7“彼得·勒乌的妻子收集...违 反了秋天的禁令。”8.规章制度

period when the harvest stubble should be opened to grazing, and for which kind of animals, when sheep were barred from the meadows, and when tenants must repair ditches and erect, remove, and mend fences. (Only the lord’s land could be permanently fenced, and only if it lay in a compact plot.) Repeatedly, through the year, the village animals were herded into or driven off the open fields as crop, stubble, and fallow succeeded each other. 在这个时期，收割的庄稼残茬应该开放放牧，对于什么样的动物，什 么时候羊被禁止进入草地，什么时候佃农必须修理沟渠，建立，拆除， 修理篱笆。(只有地主的土地可以永久性地用栅栏围起来，而且必须 是一块紧凑的地块。)一年又一年，村里的动物不断地被赶进或赶出 空地，因为庄稼、茬子和休耕地相继出现。 The regulation of grazing rights was fundamental to the operation of open field farming. The lord’s land was especially inviolate to beastly trespass: “Robert atte Cross for his draft-beasts doing damage in the lord’s furlong sown with barley, [fined] 9 sixpence.” On some manors grazing rights were related to the size of the holding. A Glastonbury survey of 1243 found the holder of a virgate endowed with pasture enough for four oxen, two cows, one horse, three pigs, and twelve sheep, calculated as the amount of 10 stock required to keep a virgate of land fertile. 放牧权的管理是露天农场经营的基础。罗伯特·阿特·克罗斯因为 他的驮畜在勋爵的草地上破坏大麦而被罚款六便士 9 在一些牧场上， 放牧权与牧场的大小有关。1243 年，格拉斯顿伯里进行的一次调查 发现，一个环境牧场的持有者拥有足够的牧草来饲养 4 头牛、2 头牛、 1 匹马、3 头猪和十二头羊，这些牧草按照保持一片肥沃土地所需的 畜牧量计算 The open field system was thus not one of free enterprise. Its practitioners were strictly governed in their actions and made to conform to a rigid pattern agreed on by the community, acting collectively.

因此，开放式田地制度不是自由企业制度。它的实践者在他们的 行动中受到严格的管理，并被迫遵循社区商定的严格模式，采取集体 行动。 Neither was it socialism. The strips of plowed land were held individually, and unequally. A few villagers held many strips, most held a few, some held none. Animals, tools, and other movable property were likewise divided unequally. The poor cotters eked out a living by working for the lord and for their better-off neighbors who held more land than their families could cultivate, whereas these latter, by marketing their surplus produce, were able to turn a profit and perhaps use it to buy more land. 也不是社会主义。耕过的土地被分割开来，而且不平等。少数村 民拿着许多条，大多数拿着一些，有些一条也没有。动物、工具和其 他动产也同样不平等地分配。贫穷的农民为了维持生计为地主和他们 的富裕的邻居工作，这些邻居拥有的土地比他们的家庭耕种的还要多， 而后者通过销售他们剩余的农产品，能够获得利润，也许还能用这些 土地买更多的土地。 How much of his time a villager could devote to cultivating his own tenement depended partly on his status as free or unfree, partly on the size of his holding (the larger the villein holding, the larger the obligation), and partly on his geographical location. In England “the area of heavy 一个村民可以用多少时间来耕种自己的房屋，部分取决于他是自 由的还是不自由的身份，部分取决于他所拥有的土地的大小(土地越大， 义务越大)，部分取决于他的地理位置。在英格兰

villein labor dues—say two or more days each week—was relatively small,” consisting mostly of several counties and parts of counties in 11 the east. In the rest of the country, though rules varied from manor to manor, the level of villein obligations tended to be lower. In several counties in the north and northwest they were very light or nonexistent. 11 在美国其他地区，虽然各庄园的规定不尽相同，但是对于佃农的义 务水平却往往较低。在北部和西北部的几个县，它们非常轻，或者根 本不存在。 Huntingdonshire, containing Ramsey Abbey and Elton, was in the very heart of the heavy-labor region, where the obligation was basically two days’ work a week. In Elton, the dozen free tenants owed very modest, virtually token service. The cotters owed little service because they held little or no land. Only the two score villein virgaters owed heavy week-work, amounting to 117 days a year (the 12 nine half-virgaters owed fifty-eight and a half days). In addition, the Elton virgater owed a special service, the cultivation of half an acre of demesne land summer and winter, including sowing it with his own wheat seed, reaping, binding, and carrying to the lord’s 13 barn. 包括拉姆齐修道院(RamseyAbbey)和埃尔顿在内的亨廷顿郡位于 繁重劳动区的中心地带，那里的工作基本上就是每周工作两天。在埃 尔顿，12 位免费租户欠下的服务非常有限，几乎是象征性的。排水沟 几乎不需要什么服务，因为他们几乎没有或根本没有土地。除此之外， 这位埃尔顿的处女还有一项特殊的服务，就是在夏天和冬天耕种半英 亩的田地，包括用他自己的小麦种子播种，收割，捆扎，运到主人的 谷仓 Some question exists about the length of the work day required of tenants. A Ramsey custumal for the manor of Abbot’s Ripton stipulates “the whole day” in summer “from Hokeday until after harvest,” and “the whole day in winter,” but during Lent only “until 14 after none (mid-afternoon).” In some places a work day lasted until none if no food was supplied, and if the lord wanted a longer day, he was obliged to provide dinner. Another determinant of the

length of the working day may have been the endurance of the ox 15 (less than that of the horse). 对于租户所要求的工作日的长度存在一些问题。阿伯特 Ripton 庄 园的 Ramseycustumal 规定夏天“从 Hokeday 到收割后”和“冬天的整 天”，但是在大斋节期间“直到午后”14 在一些地方，如果没有食物供应， 一天的工作可以持续到没有食物供应，如果领主想要更长的一天，他 必须提供晚餐。另一个决定一天工作时间长短的因素可能是公牛的耐 力(比马的耐力小) The annual schedule of week-work at Elton divided the year into three parts: 埃尔顿每年的每周工作时间表将一年分为三个部分: From September 29 (Michaelmas) of one year to August 1 (Gules of August) of the following year, two days’ work per week (for a virgater). 从一年的 9 月 29 日(Michaelmas)到次年的 8 月 1 日(八月一日)， 每周工作两天(处女)。 From August 1 to September 8 (the Nativity of the Blessed Mary), three days’ work per week, with a 从 8 月 1 日到 9 月 8 日(圣母玛利亚降生)，每周工作三天， 每周工作三天

day and a half of work for the odd three days. This stretch of increased labor on the demesne was the “autumn works.” 奇数三天工作一天半。这种领地上增加的劳动力被称为“秋 季作品” From September 8 to September 29, five days’ work a week, 16 known as the “after autumn works.” 从 9 月 8 日到 9 月 29 日，每周工作五天，被称为“后秋作品” 图 16 Thus the autumn and post-autumn works for the Elton virgater totaled thirty-one and a half days, half of the two critical months of August and September, when he had to harvest, thresh, and winnow his own crop. 因此，埃尔顿人的秋季和秋后工作总共是 31 天半，这是八月 和九月这两个关键月份的一半，当时他不得不收割、脱粒，并且收 获自己的庄稼。 The principal form of week-work was plowing. Despite employment of eight full-time plowmen and drivers on the Elton demesne, the customary tenants, with their own plows and animals, were needed to complete the fall and spring plowing and the summer fallowing to keep the weeds down. Default of the plowing obligation brought punishment in the manor court: “Geoffrey of Brington withheld from the lord the plow work of half an acre of land. 17 [Fined] sixpence.” “John Page withholds a plowing work of the lord between Easter and Whitsuntide for seven days, to wit each Friday half an acre. Mercy [fine] pardoned because afterwards he paid the 18 plowing work.” 周工作的主要形式是耕作。尽管在埃尔顿私有地雇佣了 8 名全职 犁地工人和司机，但还是需要传统的佃户，配备他们自己的犁和牲畜， 来完成秋季和春季的犁地工作，以及夏季的除草工作。由于没有履行 耕地的义务，庄园法庭受到了惩罚:“布林顿的杰弗里没有为地主耕种 半英亩土地。(罚款)六便士。”17“约翰·佩奇在复活节和 Whitsuntide

之间有七天的时间隐瞒上帝的一项耕作工作，每个星期五隐瞒半英亩。 宽恕(罚款)是因为后来他付了耕地的钱。”图 18 By the same token, the main kind of work the villein did on his own land was plowing. Stage by stage through the agricultural year he worked alternately for the lord and for himself. 出于同样的原因，农夫在自己的土地上干的主要工作就是犁地。 在整个农业年中，他一步一步地为地主和自己轮流工作。 His plow (not every villein owned one) was iron-shared, equipped with coulter and mouldboard, and probably wheeled, an improvement that allowed the plowman to control the depth of furrow by adjusting the wheels, saving much labor. He might own an all-wooden harrow, made by himself from unfinished tree branches, or possibly a better one fashioned by the carpenter. Only the demesne was likely to own a harrow with iron teeth, jointly fabricated by the smith and the carpenter. The villein’s collection of tools might include a spade, a hoe, a fork, a sickle, a scythe, a 他的犁(不是每个村庄都有)是共用的，配备了犁刀和犁板，很可 能还有轮子，这种改进使得犁夫可以通过调整轮子来控制犁沟的深 度，节省了大量的劳动力。他可能拥有一把全木制的耙子，由他自 己用未完成的树枝制成，或者木匠制作的更好的耙子。只有领地才 有可能拥有铁齿耙，由铁匠和木匠联合制造。农夫收集的工具可能 包括一把铲子、一把锄头、一把叉子、一把镰刀、一把镰刀、一把 大镰刀

flail, a knife, and a whetstone. Most virgaters probably owned a few other implements, drawn from a secondary array scattered through the village’s toolsheds: mallets, weeding hooks, sieves, querns, mortars and pestles, billhooks, buckets, augers, saws, hammers, chisels, ladders, and wheelbarrows. A number of villagers had twowheeled carts. Those who owned sheep had broad, flat shears, 19 which were also used for cutting cloth. 连枷，刀，磨刀石。大多数清道夫可能还拥有其他一些工具，这些工 具是从散布在村子工具棚里的二手工具中挑选出来的:木槌、除草钩、 筛子、槲皮、迫击炮和杵、钩子、桶、螺旋钻、锯子、锤子、凿子、 梯子和手推车。许多村民有两轮马车。那些养羊的人有又宽又扁的大 剪刀，也用来剪布

Heavy plow, with coulter and mouldboard, drawn by four oxen. British Library, Luttrell Psalter, Ms. Add. 42130, f. 170.

重型犁，带犁头和模板，由四头牛牵引。大英图书馆，Luttrell 诗篇， Add 女士。42130，f.170.

Plows and plow animals were shared to make up plow teams. Agreements for such joint plowing appear in court records. At one time scholars debated the discrepancy between Domesday Book’s repeated references to the eight-ox plow team and iconographic evidence insistently showing smaller teams, but a modern consensus agrees that teams varied in size, up to eight animals and occasionally more. The largest teams were required to break new ground, the next largest for first plowing after Michaelmas or in spring. Medieval cattle were smaller than their modern descendants

and by the time of spring plowing were probably weakened by poor 20 winter diet. Domesday Book refers to smaller teams in nondemesne plowing: “three freemen” plowing with two oxen; freemen plowing with three oxen; “two freewomen” plowing with two oxen. “The Domesday plow team…was quite certainly not always an eightox team on the villein lands,” says R. Trow-Smith; neither was the 21 post-Domesday team. 犁和犁的动物被分配组成犁队。关于这种联合耕作的协议出现在 法庭记录中。有一段时间，学者们就《末日审判书》反复提到八头牛 的犁队和图像证据显示的小型犁队之间的差异争论不休，但是现代人 一致认为犁队的大小各不相同，最多可以有八头，有时甚至更多。最 大的队伍被要求开辟新的土地，其次是米迦勒节后或春天的第一次犁 地。中世纪的牛比现代的牛要小，到了春天耕作的时候，可能已经因 为冬天不良的饮食而变得虚弱了。《末日审判书》(DomesdayBook) 提到了非土地耕作的小队:“三个自由人”耕作两头牛;“三个自由人”耕作 三头牛;“两个自由女人”耕作两头牛。“土地审判队......当然并不总是一 支八牛的队伍，”特罗-史密斯说，后土地审判队也不是

Horses and oxen were often harnessed together for village as for demesne plowing, not because Walter of Henley recommended it but because availability dictated. Cows were even pressed into service, though modern experiments indicate a lack of enthusiasm on the part of the cows. Cows were kept mainly to breed oxen. An ox took two years to train to the plow, and averaged only four years in service. Thus a four- ox team required complete replacement 22 every four years without allowing for sickness or accident. When horses and oxen were harnessed jointly, it was done in pairs, the horses together, the oxen together, to accommodate the two quite different styles of harness, horse collar and ox yoke. Such teaming, common in England up to modern times, in itself implies large teams. 马和牛经常被套在一起用于村庄的耕作，就像私人耕作一样，不 是因为亨利的沃尔特推荐这样做，而是因为可用性决定了这样做。尽 管现代实验表明奶牛对此缺乏热情，但奶牛甚至被迫投入使用。养牛 主要是为了养牛。一头牛用了两年时间来训练犁地，平均只服务了四 年。因此，每四年就要更换一组四头牛，不允许出现疾病或事故。22 当马和牛联合套在一起时，是成对的，即把马和牛放在一起，以适应 两种截然不同的马具——马圈和牛轭。这种团队合作，在英格兰直到 现代都很普遍，其本身就意味着大型团队。 The first plowing in spring, to turn under the residue of crop and the weeds and grasses, was done early enough to allow time for 23 decomposition of the organic material. A second, shallower plowing aerated the soil, preparing it for seeding. The plowman began just to one side of the center line of the strip to be plowed, effected the laborious turn at the end, and returned on the other side 24 of the center. Peas and beans were planted in the furrow, grain on the ridge. Spring, or Lenten, sowing was done as soon as the soil 25 was warm and frost no longer a danger. Patterns of ridge-andfurrow from the Middle Ages are still visible in aerial photographs, sometimes with the boundaries between neighboring selions indicated by balks or rows of stones.

春季的第一次耕作是在农作物残留物和杂草下翻耕，这次耕作时 间足够早，以便有足够的时间来分解有机物质。农夫开始在要犁的地 带中心线的一侧耕作，在最后费力地转了一个弯，然后返回到中心线 的另一侧。春天，或四旬斋，播种是在土壤温暖和霜冻不再是一种危 险的时候进行的。25 中世纪的垄沟图案仍然可以在航拍照片上看到， 有时用木块或成排的石头表示相邻的雪脉之间的边界。 Demesne plowing might cease at none or at vespers, but a man working his own land might keep his hand to the plow longer, under pressure of time or weather. The first winter wheat plowing, in April after the spring crops were sown in other fields, was shallow. A second, in June, went deeper, as did a third in midsummer. The field was then harrowed and the last clods crumbled with a mattock or 26 long-handled clodding beetle. Grain seed was sown from a straw 27 basket, two bushels (or more) to the acre. Seed was 土地耕作可能不会停止，也可能在晚祷时停止，但是在自己的土 地上耕作的人可能会在时间或天气的压力下把手放在犁上的时间更长。 第一次冬小麦耕作，是在春季作物播种后的四月份，耕地很浅。第二 次是在六月，第三次是在仲夏。这时，地被耙平，最后的土块被一只 鹤嘴锄或长柄的草皮甲虫碾碎。谷种从稻草筐里播种，每英亩两蒲式 耳(或更多)

not sown casually. In 1320 four Elton villagers were fined threepence apiece for carelessness in planting, in one case on the part of a servant who allowed “four or five beans” to fall into a single 28 hole “to the damage of the lord.” Besides scarce manure, the peasant cultivator might supply equally scarce marl, a clay 29 containing carbonate of lime. 不是随便播种的。1320 年，埃尔顿的四名村民因种植不慎被处以每 人三便士的罚款，其中一名仆人让“四五颗豆子”掉进一个洞里，“损害 了地主”除了稀缺的肥料外，农民还可以提供同样稀缺的泥灰，一种 含有石灰碳酸盐的粘土 Walter of Henley warned that spring plowing done too deep 30 too early might make fields muddy at sowing time. Spring crops—barley, oats, peas, beans, vetch—were usually planted 亨利的沃尔特警告说，春耕时间过早，耕地过深，可能会使播 种时田地变得泥泞。通常种植春季作物，包括大麦、燕麦、豌豆、 豆类和野豌豆

Man and woman breaking up clods, following the plow. British Library, Luttrell Psalter, Ms. Add. 42130, f. 171v.

男人和女人在犁地。大英图书馆，Luttrell 诗篇，Add 女士。 42130f.171v.

Man sowing grain, using a seed basket, while one crow raids seed bag and dog drives away another. British Library, Luttrell Psalter, Ms. Add. 42130, f. 170v.

人用种子篮子播种，一只乌鸦掠夺种子袋，一只狗赶走另一只。大英图书馆， Luttrell 诗篇，Add 女士。42130，f.170v.

31 more thickly than winter, about four bushels to the acre. For autumn sowing, Walter recommended small furrows with narrow ridges, and planting early enough to allow the seed to take root 32 before the frost. Heavy rain within a week after sowing, followed by a sharp frost, could destroy a winter wheat crop. 沃尔特建议秋季播种时，要留一些窄脊的小犁沟，尽早播种，使种子 在霜冻前生根。播种后一周内下大雨，随后是严重霜冻，可能会毁坏 冬小麦的收成。

It is probable that Elton villagers had their own meadowland. If so, it was doubtless allocated, in accordance with an ancient tradition, by a lottery among all the holders of arable, both free and 33 unfree. Hay was always in short supply because of the lack of artificial meadow, for want of suitable irrigation, and was precious because it was by far the best winter feed available. 埃尔顿的村民很可能有自己的牧草地。如果是这样的话，那么毫 无疑问，根据一个古老的传统，所有可耕地的持有者，无论是免费的 还是不免费的，都会通过抽签的方式分配干草。 Mowing required care and skill. The grass had to be thoroughly 34 dried (tedded) for storage, and if rained on had to be retedded. Demesne mowing at Elton was assigned entirely to the villeins, among whom it was not notably popular; many fines are recorded for failing to do the job properly. They may well have resented being kept from their own mowing. Some lords sweetened the mowing chore with a bonus in the form of a sheep for the mowers to roast, or as on some Ramsey manors, by the game of “sporting chance.” At the end of the haymaking, each man was permitted to carry off as large a bundle of hay as he could lift and keep on his scythe; if the scythe broke or touched the ground, he lost his hay and had to buy an obol’s worth of ale for his comrades. In Elton, at least by 1311, 35 mowers were being paid a cash bonus. 割草需要细心和技巧。草地必须彻底干燥(摊干)以便储存，如果 下雨，就必须重新铺设。在埃尔顿的德姆森割草场完全归属于牧民， 他们当中的牧民并不十分喜欢这种草，许多罚款记录都是因为没有很

好地完成这项工作。他们很可能憎恨被阻止自己割草。一些贵族通过 “运动机会”的游戏，给割草人烤羊肉，或者像拉姆齐庄园里的牧羊人 烤羊肉来增加割草的甜味在干草堆结束的时候，每个人都被允许尽可 能大地搬运一捆干草，尽可能地抬起来，戴上镰刀;如果镰刀坏了或者 触到了地面，他就会失去干草，不得不为他的同志们买一杯足够一钱 的麦芽酒。在埃尔顿，至少到 1311 年，割草工可以得到现金奖励。 35 After haying, the meadow had to be left alone for three or four weeks to allow the grass to grow; consequently another communal agreement was needed about reopening the meadow for grazing. A good hay crop could take the animals through the winter; a good grain crop could do the same for the human beings. The tension of June, relieved by the drudgery of weeding in July, was redoubled in August and September as the fields reached maturity. First in order 聚会结束后，牧场不得不被单独留下三到四个星期，让草生长; 因此，需要另一项关于重新开放牧场的公共协议。丰收的干草可以让 牲畜过冬，丰收的谷物也可以让人类度过冬天。六月的紧张被七月的 除草工作所缓解，到了八月和九月，随着田地的成熟，紧张加倍了。 按顺序排列

of priority came the lord’s harvest boon. Not only villeins ad opus but free tenants, censuarii, cotters, and craftsmen, women and children as well as men, turned out—all save those “so old or so weak [that they] could not work”— reaping, gathering, binding, 36 stacking, carrying, and gleaning. Even a villein rich enough to employ labor was not exempt, though he was usually not asked to wield the scythe himself, only to “hold the rod over his workers,” as 37 the custumals phrased it. 最重要的是上帝的丰收。除了收割、收集、捆扎、堆放、搬运和拾取 之外，还有自由的佃农、村民、厨房工人、工匠、妇女和儿童以及男 人——除了那些“太老或太虚弱以至于他们无法工作”——收割、收集、 捆扎、堆放、搬运和拾取。36 即使是一个富得足以雇用劳力的佃农 也不例外，尽管他通常不会被要求自己挥动镰刀，只是像奶油蛋糕那 样“用棒子顶住他的工人” The word “boon” or “bene” in “harvest boon” or “boon works” literally meant gift, something freely bestowed, but the usage savored of irony, as the court records indicate: “boon”或“boonworks”中的“boon”或“bene”字面意思是礼物，一 种免费赠送的东西，但是正如法庭记录所表明的那样，这种用法带 有讽刺意味: “Geoffrey Gamel…made default at the boon works of the autumn. 38 Sixpence.” “Richard in Angulo, late in his carrying boon works. 39 Sixpence.” On the other hand, a dinner of rare abundance was served in the field to the harvest army. For the 329 “杰弗里•加梅尔(GeoffreyGamel)......在秋季的恩典作品中违约。六便 士。”38“理查德在 Angulo，晚些时候正在进行他的恩惠工作。六便 士。”39 另一方面，田野里有丰盛的晚宴招待收割的军队。对于 329

Women reaping while man binds. British Library, Luttrell Psalter, Ms.

女人收割，男人束缚。大英图书馆，吕特雷尔诗篇。 Add. 42130, f. 172v. 加.42130，f.172v。

persons who turned out for the Elton harvest boon of 1298, the reeve, Alexander atte Cross, listed the victuals consumed: eight rings (thirty-two bushels) of wheat, an almost equal quantity of other grains, a bull, a cow, a calf, eighteen doves, and seven cheeses. The second day’s work required only 250 hands, who however ate bread made from eleven rings, along with eight hundred herrings, seven pence worth of salt cod, and five cheeses. A partial third 参加 1298 年埃尔顿丰收庆典的人们，里夫，亚历山大·阿特·克罗斯， 列出了他们吃掉的食物:8 环(32 蒲式耳)的小麦，几乎等量的其他谷物， 一头公牛，一头母牛，一头小牛，十八只鸽子和 7 块奶酪。第二天的 工作只需要 250 个手，然而他们吃的面包是用十一个环做成的，还有 800 条鲱鱼，7 便士的盐鳕鱼和 5 块奶酪。三分之一

day’s boon was exacted from sixty villeins, who were fed on three cheeses and “the residue from the expenses of the [manor] 40 house.” Of nineteen recorded harvest boons at Elton, this was the only one to last three days. Seven others lasted two days, eleven only one. 白天的恩惠来自六十个村民，他们被喂食三块奶酪和“[庄园]房子费用 的剩余”40.在埃尔顿有记录的十九次丰收中，这是唯一一次持续三天 的。另外 7 个持续了两天，十一个只持续了一天。 The food supplied at boon-works was an important article of the ancient compact between lord and tenants. Size and composition of the loaves of bread made from the grain were commonly stipulated in writing. At Holywell boons, two men were to share three loaves “such that the quantity of one loaf would suffice for a meal for two men,” and the bread was to be of wheat and rye, but mainly 41 wheat. ’ At the Ramsey manor of Broughton in 1291 the tenants actually struck over what they deemed an insufficient quantity of bread supplied them, and only returned to work when appeal to the abbey cartulary proved them mistaken. Reapers liked to wash down their wheat bread with plenty of ale, typically a gallon a day per man, according to one calculation, and “some harvesters consumed twice 42 as much.” 布恩厂供应的食物是地主和佃户之间古老契约的一个重要条款。 用谷粒做成的面包的大小和成分通常以书面形式规定。1291 年在布 劳顿的拉姆齐庄园，佃户们实际上因为他们认为面包供应不足而发生 了争执，只有当他们向修道院提出上诉时，他们才回去工作。收割者 喜欢用大量的麦芽酒清洗他们的小麦面包，根据一项计算，通常每人 每天消耗一加仑麦芽酒，“一些收割者消耗了两倍的麦芽酒。”42 Wheat was cut with a sickle, halfway or more up the stalk, and laid on the ground. Binders followed to tie the spears in sheaves and set them in shocks to dry. In demesne harvesting, one binder followed every four reapers, advancing in echelon at a rate of two 43 acres a day. That similar teamwork was applied in village

harvesting is a reasonable supposition. Oats and barley were mown 44 with scythes, close to the ground. Harvesting of all three crops left much residue, making gleaning an important function. It was too important, according to Warren Ault, to support a famous assertion by Blackstone in the eighteenth century that “by the common law and custom of England the poor are allowed to enter and glean upon another’s ground after 麦子用镰刀割了一半以上，放在地上。装订工人跟在后面，把长 矛捆成捆，放在堆里晾干。在私有土地收割中，每四个收割机中就有 一个收割机，以每天两英亩的速度梯队前进。燕麦和大麦靠近地面用 镰刀割。收割这三种作物留下很多残渣，使拾遗成为一项重要的功能。 沃伦•奥尔特(WarrenAult)认为，这太重要了，无法支持布莱克斯通 (Blackstone)在 18 世纪提出的一个著名主张，即“根据英格兰的普通 法和习俗，穷人可以进入他人的领地，并在其后收集资料

Stacking the sheaves. British Library, Luttrell Psalter, Ms. Add. 42130, f. 堆积物捆。大英图书馆，Luttrell 诗篇，Add 女士。42130f. 173. 173.

45 the harvest without being guilty of trespass.” In the medieval village, gleaning was strictly limited to the old, the infirm, and the very young, less out of charity than to conserve labor, all ablebodied adults of both sexes being needed for the heavier harvest work. Bylaws generally forbade gleaning by anyone offered a fair wage for harvesting, usually meaning “a penny a day and food” or twopence without food (Walter of Henley recommended paying 46 twopence for a man, one penny for a woman). Bylaws welcomed strangers to the village as harvesters while barring them as gleaners. 无罪的收割”45.在中世纪的村庄里，拾遗严格限于老年人、体弱者和 非常年轻的人，与其说是出于慈善，不如说是为了保存劳动力，所有 身体健全的成年人，不论男女，都需要从事较重的收获工作。地方法 规通常禁止任何人为收获提供公平的工资，通常意味着“一便士一天和 食物”或两便士没有食物(沃尔特亨利建议支付两便士为一个男人，一 个一便士为一个女人)。地方法规欢迎陌生人作为收割者来到村庄，同 时禁止他们作为拾穗者。

After cutting, gathering, binding, and stacking their sheaves, the villagers carted them to their barns and sheds to be threshed with the ancient jointed flail and winnowed by tossing in the air from the winnowing cloth or basket, and if necessary supplying breeze with the winnowing fan.

在收割、收集、捆扎、堆放禾捆后，村民们把它们运到他们的谷 仓和棚子里，用古老的连枷脱粒，然后从扬谷机的布或篮子里向空中 抛扬，必要时用扬谷机提供微风。 Besides the grain crops, harvest included “pulling the peas,” the vegetable crops that matured in late September and whose harvest also required careful policing against theft. 除了谷物作物，收获还包括“拉豌豆”，这种蔬菜作物在九月下旬 成熟，收获也需要小心防盗。 Yields for the villagers could scarcely have exceeded those of the demesne, which enjoyed so many advantages. Three and a half to one was generally a very acceptable figure for wheat, with barley a bit higher and oats lower, and bad crops always threatening. R. H. Hilton has calculated that an average peasant on a manor of the bishop of 村民的产量几乎不可能超过领地，领地享有如此多的优势。对于 小麦来说，3.5 比 1 通常是一个非常可以接受的数字，大麦稍微高一 点，燕麦稍微低一点，庄稼欠收总是有威胁。希尔顿计算出，一个普 通的农民在一个庄园的主教

Worcester might feed a family of three, pay a tithe to the church, and have enough grain left to sell for twelve or thirteen shillings, out of which his rent and other cash 伍斯特可以养活一个三口之家，向教堂缴纳什一税，还有足够的 粮食可以卖十二到十三先令，其中包括他的房租和其他现金

Carting. British Library, Luttrell Psalter, Ms. Add. 42130, f. 173v. 卡车。大英图书馆，Luttrell 诗篇，Add 女士。42130f.173v.

47 obligations would have to come. If he was required to pay cash in place of his labor obligation, he would need to make up the difference by sale of poultry or wool, or through earnings of wife or sons. As Fernand Braudel observes, “The peasants were slaves to 48 the crops as much as to the nobility.” 如果他被要求用现金来代替他的劳动义务，他需要通过出售家禽或羊 毛，或通过妻子或儿子的收入来弥补差额。正如弗尔南多·布罗代尔 所说，“农民既是贵族的奴隶，也是庄稼的奴隶。”48

Harvest time was subject to more bylaws than all the rest of the year together. “The rolls of the manor courts are peppered with fines levied for sheaf stealing in the field, and a close watch had to be 49 kept in the barn as well,” says Ault. The small size of the medieval sheaf, twenty to a bushel, contributed to temptation, Seneschaucie

mentioning as familiar places of secreting stolen grain “bosom, tunic, 50 or boots, or pockets or sacklets hidden near the grange.” 收获季节受制于更多的规章制度，比一年中其他时间的总和还要 多。奥尔特说:“庄园庄园的庭院里到处都是因为在田里偷粮食而被罚 款的情况，谷仓里也必须严加看管。”塞内索提到，这种中世纪粮食的 小型尺寸，每蒲式耳二十蒲式耳，是诱惑的来源之一，因为它们常常 藏匿偷来的粮食，“或者是皮靴，或者是藏在田庄附近的口袋或腰 包。”50 Another communal agreement was needed for post-harvest grazing of the stubble. Sometimes a common date was set, such as Michaelmas, for having everybody’s 另一个公共协议是需要收获后放牧的残茬。有时候，人们会设 定一个共同的日子，例如米迦勒节，来庆祝每个人的生日

harvest in. Bylaws might specify that a man could pasture his animals on his own land as soon as his neighbors’ lands were harvested to the depth of an acre. This was easy to do with cows, which could be restrained within a limited space. Sheep and hogs, 51 on the other hand, had to wait until the end of autumn. 收获。地方法规可以明确规定，一旦邻居的土地被收割到一英亩的深 度，一个人就可以在自己的土地上放牧他的牲畜。这对奶牛来说很容 易做到，它们可以在有限的空间内被限制住。另一方面，羊和猪不得 不等到秋末 The lord’s threshing and winnowing were followed by the villagers’, with whole families again joining in. Winter was the slack season, at least in a relative sense. Animals still had to be looked after, and harness, plows, and tools mended. Fences, hurdles, hedges, and ditches, both the lord’s and those of the villagers, had to be repaired to provide barriers wherever arable land abutted on a road or animal droveway. Houses, byres, pens, and sheds needed maintenance. So did equipment: “The good husbandman 52 made some at least of his own tools and implements.” 村民们跟着主人的打谷和簸谷，全家人又一起来了。冬天是农 闲季节，至少在相对意义上是这样。动物仍然需要照料，还要安装 马具、犁和工具。无论是主人的还是村民的篱笆、跨栏、树篱和沟 渠，都必须修复，以便在公路或牲畜运输道上毗邻的耕地上提供障 碍。房屋、草坪、围栏和棚屋需要维修。设备也是如此:“好农夫至 少自己制造了一些工具和器具。”52 The true odd-job men of the village were the cotters. They rarely took part in plowing, having neither plows nor plow beasts, but turned to “hand-work” with spade or fork, sheep-shearing, wattleweaving, bean-planting, ditch-digging, thatching, brewing, even guarding prisoners held for trial. They were commonly hired by wealthier villagers at harvest time, getting paid with an

这个村子里真正的零工是水沟。他们很少耕地，既没有犁，也没有耕 地的牲畜，而是用铁锹或叉子“手工”，剪羊毛，织荆棘，种豆子，挖 沟，铺草，酿酒，甚至看守被关押的犯人。他们通常是在收获季节被 富裕的村民雇佣，并且得到报酬

Threshing, using jointed flail. British Library, Luttrell Psalter, Ms. Add. 脱粒，使用连枷。大英图书馆，Luttrell 诗篇，Add 女士。 42130, f. 74v. 42130 f. 74v.

eleventh, a fifteenth, or a twentieth sheaf. Cotters’ wives and 53 daughters were in demand for weeding and other chores. 十一捆，十五捆，或者二十捆。柯特家的妻子和女儿需要除草和 做其他家务 Yet though they occupied the lowest rung on the village ladder, even cotters were capable of asserting their rights, as a remarkable entry in the Elton court rolls of 1300 testifies. Among the few service obligations of the Elton cotters was that of assisting in the demesne haymaking. A score of cotters, including three women, were prosecuted 然而，尽管他们在村子的阶梯上处于最底层，但即使是排水沟也 有能力维护自己的权利，这是埃尔顿法院 1300 份名单中一个引人注 目的记录所证明的。在埃尔顿排水沟为数不多的服务义务中，有一项 是协助私有制干草。包括三名妇女在内的二十名贫民被起诉

because they did not come to load the carts of the lord with hay to be carried from the meadow into the manor as formerly they were wont to do in past times, as is testified by Hugh the claviger. They come and allege that they ought not to perform such a custom save only out of love (amor), at the request of the serjeant or reeve. And they pray that this be inquired into by the free tenants and others. And the inquest [a special panel of the court] comes and says that the abovesaid cotters ought to make the lord’s hay into cocks in the 因为他们没有像以前那样把从牧场运到庄园的干草装上主人的马 车，克拉维杰就是这样证明这一点的。他们来宣称他们不应该做 这样的习俗，除非是出于爱，应牧师或牧师的要求。他们祈祷自 由佃农和其他人能够对此进行调查。审讯(法庭的一个特别陪审 团)来了，说上帝的牧羊人应该把主人的干草塞进公鸡的阴茎里

meadows and similarly in the courtyard of the lord abbot, but they are not bound to load the carts in the meadows unless it be out of special love at the request of the lord. 牧场和修道院院长的院子里也是如此，但是他们没有义务在牧 场里装马车，除非是出于特殊的爱，在主的要求下。 That left the lord’s hay sitting in haycocks in his meadow and the cotters in the manor courtyard waiting for it to be brought to them. The steward confessed himself unable to resolve the dispute without reference to the rule and precedent given in the register at Ramsey, and so ordered “that the said cotters should have parley and treaty with the lord abbot upon the said demand.” The ultimate issue is not 54 recorded. 这使得主人的干草躺在草地上的干草堆里，庄园院子里的排水沟里等 着他们把干草拿来。这位管家承认，如果不参照拉姆齐登记簿上的规 则和先例，他自己无法解决争端，因此命令“上述管家应按照上述要求 与住持谈判并签订条约。”最终的问题没有记录在案

The pathetic picture in Piers Plowman of the peasant husband and wife plowing together, his hand guiding the plow, hers goading the team, their baby and small children nearby, illustrates the fact that the wife of a poor peasant had to turn her hand to every kind of labor 55 in sight. For most of the time, however, in most peasant households, the tasks of men and women were differentiated along the traditional lines of “outside” and “inside” work. The woman’s “inside” jobs were by no means always performed indoors. Besides spinning, weaving, sewing, cheese-making, cooking, and cleaning, women did foraging, gardening, weeding, haymaking, carrying, and animal-tending. They joined in the lord’s harvest boon unless excused, and helped bring in the family’s own harvest. Often women served as paid labor, receiving at least some of the time wages

56 equal to men’s. R. H. Hilton believes that peasant women in general enjoyed more freedom and “a better situation in their own class than was enjoyed by women of the aristocracy, or the bourgeoisie, a better situation perhaps than that of the women of 57 early modern capitalist England.” The statement does not mean that peasant 农夫和妻子一起耕地的悲惨画面，他的手指着犁，她的手刺激着农队， 他们的孩子和身边的小孩，说明了这样一个事实，贫穷农夫的妻子不 得不把手放在眼前的每一种劳动上。然而，大多数时候，在大多数农 民家庭里，男人和女人的工作按照传统的“外面”和“里面”的工作方式来 区分。这个女人的“内部”工作决不总是在室内进行。除了纺纱、织布、 缝纫、制作奶酪、烹饪和清洁，妇女们还做觅食、园艺、除草、制作 干草、搬运和照料牲畜。他们加入了主的收获恩典，除非得到原谅， 并帮助带来了家庭的自己的收成。希尔顿认为，农村妇女总体上享有 比贵族或资产阶级妇女更多的自由和“在她们自己的阶层中享有更好的 地位，也许比现代早期资本主义英格兰妇女的地位更好。”这句话并不 意味着那个农民

women were better off than wealthier women, only that they were less constricted within the confines of their class. “The most important general feature of their existence to bear in mind,” Hilton adds, “[is] that they belonged to a working class and participated in 58 manual agricultural labor.” 女性比富裕的女性更富裕，只是在阶级范围内她们不那么受限制。希 尔顿补充说:“他们存在的最重要的一个普遍特征是，他们属于工人阶 级，从事体力劳动。”58 For many village women one of the most important parts of the daily labor was the care of livestock. Poultry was virtually the 对许多农村妇女来说，日常劳动中最重要的部分之一就是照料牲 畜。家禽实际上是

Woman milking cow. Bodleian Library, Ms. Bodl. 764, f. 41v. 产奶母牛。博德利图书馆，Bodl 女士。764，f.41v.

Woman feeding chickens, holding a distaff under her arm. British Library, Luttrell Psalter, Ms. Add. 42130, f. 166v.

妇女在喂鸡，胳膊下夹着一只鸡笼。大英图书馆，Luttrell 诗篇，Add 女 士。42130，f.166v.

Woman on the left is spinning, using the thirteenth-century invention, the spinning wheel. Woman on the right is carding (combing) wool. British Library, Luttrell Psalter, Us. Add. 42130, f. 103. 左边的女人正在纺纱，使用的是十三世纪的发明——纺车。右边的女人

正在梳理羊毛。大英图书馆，吕特雷尔诗篇，美国。添加。42130， f.103.

woman’s domain, but feeding, milking, washing, and shearing the larger livestock often fell to her also.

但是饲养、挤奶、清洗和剪毛这些较大的牲畜也常常落到她 的头上。 The biggest problem with livestock was winter feed, the shortage of which was once thought to have provoked an annual “Michaelmas slaughter.” Given the high rate of loss to natural causes, an annual slaughter would have threatened the survival of 59 a small flock or herd. The feed shortage certainly played a role in keeping numbers of 牲畜最大的问题是冬季饲料短缺，一度被认为是每年“米迦勒节 屠宰”的原因由于自然原因造成的高损失率，每年一次的屠宰会威胁 到一小群或一小群牲畜的生存。饲料短缺当然起到了保持牲畜数量的 作用

animals down, but some successful peasants just as certainly overcame the problem. At Bowerchalk in Wiltshire, twenty-three tenants are known to have owned 885 sheep, or 41 per owner; at Merton, eighty-five tenants owned 2,563 sheep, and one is known to 60 have owned 158. Individual ownership within a combined flock was kept straight by branding or by marking with reddle (red ochre), 61 many purchases of which are recorded. 但是一些成功的农民也克服了这个问题。在威尔特郡的 Bowerchalk， 据了解有 23 个租户拥有 885 头羊，即每个所有者拥有 41 头羊;在默 顿，85 个租户拥有 2563 头羊，据了解有一个租户拥有 158 头羊 Among peasants as among lords, sheep were esteemed as the “cash crop” animals. Though worth at best only one or two shillings, compared with two and a half shillings for a pig, they had unique fivefold value: fleece, meat, milk, manure, and skin (whose special character made it a writing material of incomparable durability). Lambing time was in early spring, between winter and spring sowing, so that the lambs, weaned at twelve weeks, could accompany their 62 mothers to graze the harvest stubble of last year’s wheatfield. The sheep were sheared in mid-June and the fleeces carted to market, probably, in the case of Elton, to Peterborough, about eight miles away. Medieval fleeces weighed from a pound to two and a half pounds, much below the modern average of four and a half 63 pounds. 在农民和地主之间，羊被尊为“经济作物”动物。虽然它们最多只 值一两先令，相比之下，一头猪只值两先令半，但它们有着独特的五 倍价值:羊毛、肉、牛奶、粪便和皮(它们的特殊性质使它成为一种耐 久性无法比拟的书写材料)。羊羔生产的时间是在早春，在冬季和春季 播种之间，这样那些 12 周断奶的羊羔就可以陪着它们的母亲去吃去 年麦田里的收割残茬。羊在 6 月中旬被剪毛，羊毛被运到市场上去， 就埃尔顿的情况而言，可能运到 8 英里外的彼得伯勒。中世纪的抓绒 衣重量从 1 磅到 2.5 磅不等，远远低于现在 4.5 磅的平均重量 Pigs were the best candidates for a Michaelmas slaughter, since their principal value was as food and since their meat

猪是米迦勒节屠宰的最佳对象，因为它们的主要价值是作为食 物和肉

Weeding, using long-handled tools. British Library, Luttrell Psalter, Ms.

用长柄工具除草。大英图书馆，吕特雷尔诗篇。 Add. 42130, f. 17s.

加 0.42130，f.17。

preserved well. A sow farrowed twice a year, and according to 64 Hosbonderie was expected to produce seven piglets per litter. Records at Stevenage, Hertfordshire, for the late thirteenth century show sows producing up to nineteen offspring a year, “a good 65 enough figure even by modern standards.” They could be eaten “profitably” in their second year, and supplied scarce fat to the 66 medieval diet. Pigs foraged for themselves on the acorns, beechnuts, crab apples, hazelnuts, and leaves of the forest floor. For the privilege, exercised mainly in the autumn, their owners paid the lord pannage, in Elton on a sliding scale of a quarter penny to 67 twopence, depending on the pig’s size. Probably pannage was originally a fine for overuse of the limited forest mast, which might deprive the wild boar, favored lordly hunting quarry. Feed for pigs was more of a problem in winter, but might be supplemented by 68 whey, a by-product of the cheese-making process. 保存良好。13 世纪晚期，赫特福德郡斯蒂夫尼奇的记录显示，母猪一 年产仔十九头，“按照现代标准，这个数字已经足够了。”它们在第二 年就可以“有利可图地”被吃掉，并且为中世纪的饮食提供了稀缺的脂 肪。主人们主要在秋天行使这项特权，他们在埃尔顿付给帕纳吉勋爵 25 美分到 20 便士的费用，这取决于猪的体型。猪的饲料在冬天更是 个问题，但可以补充乳清，乳清是奶酪制作过程的副产品 Unlike sheep, pigs could take care of themselves against predators and so could be allowed to run free. This led to the problem of their rooting in somebody’s garden, especially in winter, leading in turn to numerous bylaws requiring rings—bits of curved wire—in their noses beginning at Michaelmas or another autumn 69 date. 与绵羊不同，猪可以自己照顾自己，抵御捕食者，因此可以自由 奔跑。这就导致了他们在别人的花园里扎根的问题，尤其是在冬天， 接着又产生了许多规章制度，要求他们在米迦勒节或另一个秋天的日 子开始在鼻子上戴上戒指ーー一些弯曲的金属丝

Men knocking acorns from oak trees to feed pigs. British Library, St.

人们敲打橡树上的橡子来喂猪。 Mary’s Psalter, Ms. Royal 2B VII, f. 81v. 2 b VII，f. 81 v.

Cattle were the most expensive animals to keep through the winter but were rarely slaughtered. Cows gave about 120 to 150 gallons of milk a year, far below modern yields, but at a half penny per gallon not a negligible contribution to a peasant income. Calving percentages were high, somewhat contradicting the theory that cows 70 were seriously underfed in winter. Such better-off Elton villagers as John of Elton, Nicholas Blundel, Richard of Barton, and Richer Chapelyn bought grass from the demesne pasture or from the millpond. Other resources included mistletoe and ivy from the 71 forest. 牛是保存过冬最昂贵的动物，但很少被屠宰。奶牛一年产 120 到 150 加仑牛奶，远低于现代产量，但是每加仑 0.5 美分对农民收入的 贡献不可忽视。产犊率很高，这在一定程度上与冬季奶牛严重缺粮的 理论相矛盾。埃尔顿的约翰、尼古拉斯·布伦德尔、巴顿的理查德和里 尔德·查佩林等富裕的埃尔顿村村民从领地牧场或蓄水池中购买草料。 其他资源包括来自森林的槲寄生和常春藤 Goats, from the point of view of husbandry a sort of inferior sheep, were seldom kept in the lowlands (though the Ramsey manor of Abbot’s Ripton kept a herd), but in mountainous regions 72 could thrive better than any other stock. Nearly all the villagers kept poultry. Geese were a favorite, producing, according to 73 Hosbonderie, five goslings apiece per year. 从畜牧业的角度来看，山羊是一种劣等的绵羊，很少在低地饲 养(尽管阿伯特的 Ripton 的拉姆齐庄园饲养着羊群)，但在山区，山 羊的繁殖能力比其他任何牲畜都要强。几乎所有的村民都饲养家禽。 根据霍斯邦德里的说法，大雁是最受欢迎的，每年产 5 只小鹅 The marketing of animals was done mainly before Christmas, before Lent, and at Whitsuntide. 动物的销售主要在圣诞节前、大斋节前和 Whitsuntide 进 行。

Villeins, cotters, and free tenants alike, nearly all the villagers spent their days in the fields, manhandling the plow, swinging the scythe or sickle, loading the cart. Not quite all, however. There were also the two bakers at either end of the village, the smith, the carpenter, and the millers and fullers who operated the three mills astride the Nene. Using water power to grind grain was an old story, using it to finish cloth a new one. For centuries fullers, or walkers (whence both English surnames), had done their job with their feet, trampling the rough wool fabric in a trough of water after rubbing it with fuller’s earth, an absorbent clay that helped get rid of the grease. The water wheel now drove a set of beaters that took the place of the fullers’ feet. After the cloth had been partially dried, it was finished by 村民、排水沟和自由佃农一样，几乎所有的村民都在田里度过了他们 的日子，他们操纵着犁，挥动着镰刀或镰刀，装载着大车。然而，并 非全部。村子两头还有两个面包师，一个是铁匠，一个是木匠，另一 个是磨坊主和工人，他们在内内河两岸经营着三个面包厂。用水力磨 粮食是一个古老的故事，用它来完成布一个新的。几个世纪以来，富 勒尔人或步行者(两者都是英国人的姓氏)用脚完成了他们的工作，他 们在用漂白土(一种有助于去除油脂的吸水粘土)摩擦过一槽水后，把 粗糙的羊毛织物踩在上面。水车现在驱动一组打蛋器，代替了整脚。 布料干了一半以后，就在年完成了

teasing the nap and shearing it with huge flat shears, 74 preparing it for the final step in the process, dyeing. 起毛，用大剪刀剪毛，为最后一步染色做准备。74 For the gristmill, either the same or another mill wheel was geared to rotate the upper of a pair of millstones, which was pierced to allow the grain to be fed in. Millstones were expensive, sometimes imported from abroad. When a mill was farmed, the steward might cause the millstones to be measured before and after the farm, and the farmer charged for the wear. 对于磨坊来说，要么是同一个磨轮，要么是另一个磨轮，它的齿 轮是用来转动磨盘的上部，磨盘上部被刺穿，以便谷物能够进入磨盘。 磨盘很贵，有时候是从国外进口的。当磨坊被耕种时，管家可能会在 耕种前后对磨盘进行测量，而农民则负责磨损。 All three mills were under the supervision of the bailiff, who rendered an annual accounting (in 1297 he recorded the fullers as 75 finishing 22 ells of wool blanket cloth for the abbot). He sold the multure, the flour taken in payment from the grist mills’ captive customers, who were kept ever in line by the manor court: “Andrew Saladin [fined] because he keeps a handmill to the lord’s damage” 76 and Andrew’s handmill confiscated (1331). The customary tenants were permitted to grind their own grain only if the mill was 77 flooded, in which case they were obligated to come and repair it. The millers were responsible for incidental income from the tolls paid by those using the mill as a bridge, from the sale of eels from the millpond, from flax grown on its shores, and from the rental of 78 boats and the sale of grass. 所有的三个工厂都在法警的监督下，法警每年进行一次会计 (1297 年，他记录法警为修道院院长完成了 22 个细小的羊毛毯布)。 75 他卖掉了面粉，这些面粉是从谷物加工厂的俘虏顾客那里获得的 报酬，这些顾客被庄园法庭严格管束:“安德鲁·萨拉丁[罚款]，因为他 拥有一个手工磨坊，造成了主人的损失”，安德鲁的手工磨坊被没收 (1331)。只有在磨坊被淹没的情况下，才允许传统的佃户自己磨谷物，

在这种情况下，他们有义务前来修理。77 磨坊主要负责从以磨坊为 桥梁的人所支付的过路费、从磨坊池塘卖鳗鱼、从沿岸种植的亚麻、 租船和出售草料中获得附带收入。78 The bakers’ monopoly was also guarded by the court. Three villagers were fined in 1300 for “withdrawing themselves from the lord’s common oven,” and in 1306 eight, one of whom was 79 excused “because she is poor.” Later three villagers were fined for going into the baking business: Walter Abbot, Robert son of the chaplain, and Athelina of Nassington were found to be “common 80 bakers” and had to pay twelve pence apiece. 面包师的垄断地位也受到法庭的保护。1300 年，三个村民因 “逃离主人的公共烤箱”而被罚款，1306 年，八个村民因“她很穷”而 被免职 79.后来，三个村民因从事烘焙业而被罚款:沃尔特·艾博特、 牧师的儿子罗伯特和纳辛顿的阿瑟琳娜被发现是“普通的面包师”， 每人必须支付 12 便士 The smith and the carpenter turn up in the Elton accounts 铁匠和木匠出现在埃尔顿的账户里

Mill with eel trap in the stream. British Library, Luttrell Psalter, Ms. Add. 在小溪中磨制捕鳗器。大英图书馆，Luttrell 诗篇，Add 女士。 42130, f. 181. 42130 f. 181.

in connection with repairs to the mills as well as work on the demesne plows and carts. The smith made horseshoes either from “the lord’s iron” or from “his own iron,” and also ox shoes, since oxen were often shod (but neither horses nor oxen necessarily on all four feet). The smith fabricated blades, tanged or socketed, to be fitted with wooden knife handles; and also cauldrons, kettles, cups, 81 sickles, billhooks, saws, and fasteners. ’ His shop in the middle of the village was equipped with tools that dated from prehistory: anvil, hammer, and the tongs with which he endlessly returned the workpiece to the fire. He probably also had the more recently invented bellows. Recorded payments to him from the manor ran from a few pence for shoeing horses of the abbot to four shillings 82 sixpence for repairing the demesne plows. Often he collaborated on a job with the carpenter, fashioning a wood-and-iron plow or harrow, wheelbarrow, fork, or spade. The carpenter also appears in the manorial accounts, building a dovecote for the manor house, and repairing the manor’s chapel and granary, the porch of the barn, the mill machinery, and the abbey’s boats used to transport produce 83 on the Nene. 负责工厂的维修工作，还有领地的犁和推车。铁匠用“主人的铁”或“他 自己的铁”做马蹄铁，也用牛蹄子做马蹄铁，因为牛经常是穿鞋的(但 四只脚都不一定是马或牛)。他在村子中间的工厂里装备着史前时代的

工具:铁砧、铁锤和钳子，他用钳子不断地把工件送回火炉。他可能还 有最近发明的风箱。据记录，庄园给他的钱从给住持擦马蹄的几便士 到修理领地犁的四先令六便士不等。他经常与木匠合作，做一个木头 和铁制的犁或耙、独轮车、叉子或铁锹。木匠也出现在庄园的帐目中， 为庄园的房子建造一个鸽舍，修理庄园的小教堂和粮仓，谷仓的门廊， 磨坊的机器，以及修道院用来运送农产品的船只

A product of collaboration of carpenter and smith, the wheelbarrow, here used to transport a crippled beggar. British Library, Luttrell Psalter, Ms. Add. 42130, f. 186v.

独轮手推车是木匠和铁匠合作的产物，在这里用来运送一个瘸腿的乞丐。 大英图书馆，Luttrell 诗篇，Add 女士。42130f.186v.

Other craftsmen probably served the village on a part-time basis. The cotters, jacks- of-all-trades, doubtless developed specializations. The important trade of tanning was apparently not practiced in Elton, at least not on a full-time basis, but an Elton man, son of Richard Dunning, is known to have gone to Hayham to become John Tanner, 84 “a man of means [who] has many goods.” Elton villagers probably did some of their own tanning and harnessmaking at home, along with other craft functions. Among the stream of itinerant tradespeople who passed through the village were slaters, tilers, and thatchers, a tinker (“a man to repair brass jars and brass pans”), carters (“two men with dung carts at mowing time” and “two carters carrying stone”), men to “brand animals” and to “geld suckling pigs,” “a woman milking sheep,” “three grooms driving animals into the marsh,” “a girl drying malt,” “a certain excommunicated clerk helping 85 the swineherd in the wood,” and “divers other workmen.” Plying trades in the abbey village of Ramsey and in Peterborough, Stamford, and other nearby towns

其他工匠可能只是兼职为村子服务。水手，各行各业的人，无疑 发展出了专业化。在埃尔顿，制革这一重要行业显然并不存在，至少 不是全职的，但据悉，理查德•邓宁(RichardDunning)的儿子埃尔顿• 曼(Eltonman)去了 Hayham，成为了约翰•坦纳(JohnTanner)，“一个 有钱有势的人。”84、埃尔顿村的村民可能在家自己做日光浴和护理， 还有其他手工活。在村子里来来往往的流动商人中，有懒汉、农夫和 茅草匠，一个修补匠(“修理铜罐和铜锅的人”)，一个卡特(“修剪草坪的 时候两个推粪车的人”和“两个搬运石头的人”)，一个给动物烙上烙印的 人，一个给母羊挤奶的人，”“三个赶牲畜进沼泽的新郎”，“一个晒麦芽 的姑娘”，“一个被逐出教会的职员帮助木头里的猪倌”，还有“其他的工 人”85 在拉姆齐的修道院村庄、彼得伯勒、斯坦福德和其他附近城镇 做生意

were shoemakers, saddlers, chandlers, coopers, glaziers, tanners, tailors, and other merchant craftsmen. 鞋匠，马鞍匠，吊灯匠，木匠，玻璃匠，皮匠，裁缝，和其他商 业工匠。 The countryside profited in quality of life from the growth of city crafts. As Henri Pirenne observed, the old manorial workshops, with their serf labor, turned out tools and textiles “not half as well as they 86 were now made by the artisan of the neighboring town.” At the same time, the flight of craftsmen tended to restrict the village to the uninspiring toil of plow and sickle. To the variety of life of the town was added the lure of freedom. On the Continent the rule had long been accepted that “free air makes free men” and residence in a town for a year and a day erased serfdom. In England servile disabilities were canceled by similar residence in a borough with a royal charter or on royal demesne land. What a man needed in order to take advantage of the opportunity was a skill, not easy but not impossible to obtain in the village. According to J. A. Raftis, emigration of villeins from the Ramsey estate “was a regular feature 87 of manorial life from the time of the earliest extant court rolls.” 城市工艺的发展使农村的生活质量得到提高。正如亨利·皮伦所说 的那样，古老的庄园工场用农奴的劳动生产出的工具和纺织品“不及邻 镇工匠现在生产的一半”86 与此同时，工匠们的大量涌入，使得村子 里只剩下犁和镰刀这种毫无生气的劳作。城市生活的丰富多彩增添了 自由的诱惑。在欧洲大陆上，“自由的空气造就自由的人”的规则早已 为人们所接受，人们在城镇中居住了一年零一天，消除了农奴制。在 英格兰，类似的残疾人住宅被取消，住在有皇家特许状的行政区或者 皇家私有土地上。一个人为了利用这个机会所需要的是一种技能，这 种技能在村子里是不容易但并非不可能获得的。根据拉夫提斯的说法， 从现存最早的宫廷统治时期开始，从拉姆齐庄园出来的农奴移民就是 庄园生活的一个常规特征 87

One village craft was so widely practiced that it hardly belonged to craftsmen. Every village not only had its brewers, but had them all up and down the street. Many if not most of them were craftswomen (virtually all in Elton). Ale was as necessary to life in an English medieval village as bread, but where flourgrinding and bread-baking were strictly guarded seigneurial monopolies, brewing was everywhere freely permitted and freely practiced. How the lords came to overlook this active branch of industry is a mystery (though they found a way to profit from it by fining the brewers for weak ale or faulty measure). Not only barley (etymologically related to beer) but oats and wheat were used, along with malt, as principal ingredients. The procedure was to make a batch of ale, display a sign, and turn one’s house into a temporary tavern. Some equipment was needed, principally a large cauldron, but this did not 村里有一种手工艺被广泛使用，几乎不属于工匠。每个村庄不仅 都有自己的酿酒师，而且他们都在街道上来回走动。其中很多(如果 不是大多数的话)都是女工匠(实际上都在埃尔顿)。在英国中世纪的村 庄里，啤酒就像面包一样是生活的必需品，但是在那些面粉研磨和面 包烘焙被严格控制的地方，酿酒在任何地方都是可以自由自在地进行 的。领主们是如何忽略了这一活跃的工业分支的，这是一个谜(尽管 他们找到了一种方法，通过罚款啤酒酿造商的淡色啤酒或错误的措 施)。不仅大麦(在词源上与啤酒有关)，燕麦和小麦以及麦芽也被用作 主要原料。这个过程是制作一批麦芽酒，展示一个标志，然后把自己 的房子变成一个临时的酒馆。需要一些设备，主要是一个大锅，但这 并不需要

prevent poor women from brewing. All twenty-three persons indicted by the Elton ale tasters in 1279 were women. Seven were pardoned 88 because they were poor. 防止可怜的女人酿酒。1279 年被埃尔顿麦芽酒品尝师起诉的 23 人都 是女性。有七个人因为贫穷而被赦免 Life in a village in the late thirteenth century was not one of abundance for anybody. “Given the productive powers of their soil, their technical knowledge, their capital resources and the burden of their rents and taxes, the numbers of peasants on the land were greater than its produce could support,” conclude M. M. Postan and 89 J. Z. Titow, perhaps pessimistically. Certainly ordinary men and women, whether free or unfree, could not escape occasions or degrees of want. What the village offered, at least to its landed tenants, free or unfree, was a measure of relative security in return for a life of unremitting labor. Not surprisingly, many longed for something a little easier and a little better. The fabled land of Cockaigne of popular literature was a place “where the more you sleep the more you earn,” and where people “can eat and drink/ All 90 they want without danger.” 十三世纪后期，村子里的生活对任何人来说都不是富足的。M·m·波 斯坦(m.Postan)和 j·z·蒂托(j.z.Titow)的结论可能是悲观的，“考虑到他 们土地的生产力、技术知识、资本资源以及租金和税收的负担，这片 土地上的农民人数超过了农产品的承受能力。”。这个村庄所提供的， 至少对于那些拥有土地的佃户来说，不管是自由的还是不自由的，都 是一种相对安全的措施，作为对他们一生不懈劳动的回报。毫不奇怪， 许多人渴望一些更简单、更好的东西。流行文学中传说中的安乐乡是 一个“你睡得越多你挣得越多”的地方，在这里人们“可以吃可以喝/他 们想要什么就有什么，没有危险。”90

From the perspective of modern times, the daily drudgery and scant returns of the medieval village appear less the product of the social system than of the state of technology. And even though,

like all the social structures that had preceded it, the manorial system was heavily weighted in favor of the ruling class, it was not wholly one-sided. “The manor does not exist for the exclusive use of the lord any more than it exists for the exclusive benefit of the peasantry,” concluded Paul Vinogradoff, one of the earliest of its 91 modern historians. 从现代的角度来看，中世纪村庄的日常劳作和微薄的回报与其 说是社会制度的产物，不如说是技术状态的产物。即使像之前的所 有社会结构一样，庄园制度在很大程度上有利于统治阶级，但它并 非完全是片面的。保罗·温格拉多夫是当代最早的一位历史学家，他 总结道:“庄园之所以存在，不是为了地主的专用，也不是为了农民 的专用。” Yet dissatisfaction was inevitable. Protests and minor riots are recorded at numerous places, over labor service, tallage, merchet, the right to buy and sell land, mowing service, and other 92 villein burdens. Similar incidents occurred on the Continent throughout the thirteenth 然而，不满是不可避免的。许多地方都发生了抗议和小规模的 骚乱，包括劳务、理货、商船、买卖土地的权利、割草服务以及其 他负担

century. For the time being, no large-scale movements developed, but the smoldering potential was there. Piers Plowman endorsed the existing order but insisted that it should be based on justice on the part of the lord, a philosophical solution with only limited practical merit. The villein was bound to resent not only his obligations but his status, and the lord could not forever hold him to either. 世纪。目前，没有大规模的运动发展，但阴燃的潜力是存在的。皮 尔斯·普洛曼赞同现存的秩序，但坚持认为它应该基于上帝的公正， 这是一个只有有限实际价值的哲学解决方案。这个佃农不仅会怨恨 他的义务，还会怨恨他的地位，而且领主也不能永远要求他这样做。

8 THE PARISH 教区 B was one other thing: 除了是一个村庄和一个庄园，埃尔 顿还有一件事: ESIDES BEING A VILLAGE AND A MANOR, ELTON

a parish, a church district. Like village and manor, village and parish did not always coincide. Some villages had more than one church, usually because they included more than one manor. Some parishes, especially in the north of England, included more than one village, indicating that a large estate, with its church, had been fractioned into several villages and hamlets. By the thirteenth century, however, most villages were geographically coterminous with their parishes, so that the village formed a religious as well as 1 a secular community. 一个教区，一个教区。就像村庄和庄园一样，村庄和教区并不总是一 致的。一些村庄有不止一座教堂，通常是因为它们包括不止一座庄园。 一些教区，特别是在英格兰北部，包括一个以上的村庄，这表明一个 大庄园，连同它的教堂，已经分裂成几个村庄和小村庄。然而，到了 十三世纪，大多数村庄在地理上与教区相连，因此这个村庄形成了一 个宗教和世俗共同体 The parish church, like the village, was a medieval invention, the ancient Romans having worshiped at private altars in their own homes. The thousands of Christian churches built in the villages

across Europe in the Middle Ages were the product of two different kinds of foundation. Some were planted by the city cathedrals and their subordinate baptisteries, and formed an integral part of the Church establishment. Others were private or “proprietary” churches, built by landowners on their own property, to serve their households and tenants. The landowner might be a wealthy layman, or a monastery, or a bishop. The church was the owner’s personal property, to be sold or bequeathed as he pleased. Its revenues went into his pocket. He appointed the priest, had him ordained, and paid him a salary. With the settlement of Northern Europe, these privateenterprise churches spread. In England they followed a similar development, and given the sanction of 和村庄一样，教区教堂也是中世纪的发明，古罗马人在自己家里 的私人祭坛上做礼拜。中世纪时，欧洲各地的村庄建造了数千座基督 教教堂，这些教堂是两种不同基金会的产物。有些是由城市大教堂及 其附属洗礼所种植的，是教会建制不可分割的一部分。还有一些是私 人的或“私有的”教堂，由土地所有者在他们自己的土地上建造，为他 们的家庭和佃户服务。地主可能是一个富有的门外汉，或者是一个修 道院，或者是一个主教。教堂是业主的个人财产，可以随意出售或遗 赠。公司的收入都进了他的腰包。他任命了牧师，授予他圣职，并付 给他薪水。随着北欧人的定居，这些私人企业教会得以传播。在英国， 他们遵循类似的发展，并给予批准

Saxon and Danish kings, acquired the important right to perform the sacraments of baptism and burial. The church tower became a village landmark, and the parish priest, who usually had enough Latin to witness and guarantee legal documents, became a valued 2 member of village society. 撒克逊国王和丹麦国王，获得了主持洗礼和埋葬圣事的重要权利。教 堂的塔楼成了村子里的地标，而通常有足够的拉丁语来见证和保证法 律文件的教区牧师，也成为了村里社会的重要成员 It is likely that when Dacus reluctantly sold Elton to Aetheric in 1017 and it came into the possession of Ramsey Abbey, the property included a church. Seventy years later, Domesday Book states that Elton had “a church and a priest,” and in 1178 Pope Alexander III confirmed that “Elton with its church and all pertaining 3 to it” belonged to Ramsey Abbey. 很有可能，当达库斯不情愿地在 1017 年将埃尔顿出售给埃塞拉 修道院，并归拉姆齐修道院所有时，这份财产还包括一座教堂。70 年 后，《末日审判书》(DomesdayBook)写道，埃尔顿有“一座教堂和一 位牧师”。1178 年，历山三世确认，“埃尔顿及其教堂和所有与之相关 的东西”属于拉姆齐修道院 Of the medieval rectors of Elton, only a few scattered names survive. Thuri Priest was rector in 1160, at the time of the earliest manorial survey; Robert of Dunholm in 1209; Henry of Wingham in mid-thirteenth century; and after 1262 Robert of Hale, a member of a local family whose names occur in the manorial court records. 在埃尔顿中世纪的教区长中，只有少数几个零散的名字幸存了下 来。1160 年，在最早的庄园调查期间，图里·普里斯特担任牧师;1209 年，罗伯特担任 Dunholm 的牧师;13 世纪中叶，亨利担任温厄姆的牧 师;1262 年之后，罗伯特·黑尔担任当地一个家族的牧师，他的名字出 现在庄园法庭记录中。 Meanwhile the arrangement had undergone a change. The lord still appointed the rector (persona in the extents, hence “parson”), but now he bestowed the parish on him as a “living,” from which the

appointee received all or most of the revenues. Although he was always a cleric, the rector did not necessarily serve in person, but might live elsewhere, hiring a deputy, usually a vicar, and profiting from the difference between the revenues he collected and the 4 stipend he paid his substitute. 与此同时，这种安排发生了变化。上帝仍然指定了教区长(在某 种程度上是指“牧师”)，但是现在他把这个教区作为一个“活着的人”授 予了他，从中被指定的人获得了全部或者大部分的收入。虽然牧师一 直是个神职人员，但他不一定亲自服务，而可能住在其他地方，雇用 一名副手，通常是一名牧师，并从他收取的收入与他支付给替代者的 津贴之间的差额中获利 In general, a class difference existed between the rectors who served in person and those who merely collected the revenues. The former were typically local men, sons of free peasants or craftsmen, sometimes of villeins who had paid a fine to license their training and ordination. The absentee was more apt to be a member of the nobility or gentry, a younger son who had been ordained and drew his income from parish churches rather than tenants’ rents. 一般来说，在亲自任职的校长和仅仅收取收入的校长之间存在阶 级差异。前者通常是当地人，自由农民或工匠的儿子，有时是农奴， 他们支付罚款，获得训练和授予神职的许可证。缺席者更倾向于是贵 族或上流社会的一员，是一个被任命为牧师的小儿子，他的收入来自 教区的教堂，而不是佃户的房租。

Certain absentee rectors held several livings simultaneously. Some of these “pluralists” held only a few parishes and supervised them conscientiously; others held many and neglected them. A notorious example was Bogo de Clare, younger son of an earl, who in 1291 held twenty-four parishes or parts of parishes plus other church sinecures, netting him a princely income of £2,200 a year. Bogo spent more in a year on ginger than he paid a substitute to serve one of his parishes, in which he took little interest. A monk visiting one of Bogo’s livings on Easter Sunday found that in place of the retable (the decorative structure above the high altar), there were 5 only “some dirty old sticks spattered with cow-dung.” 某些缺席的校长同时拥有几个学生。这些“多元主义者”中，有的 只管少数几个教区，有的认真监督，有的多管而不管。一个臭名昭著 的例子是伯爵的小儿子波戈•德•克莱尔(BogodeClare)，他在 1291 年 拥有 24 个教区或部分教区，外加其他教会的闲职，使他每年获得 2200 英镑的巨额收入。博格一年花在生姜上的钱比他花在一个教区的 代课老师身上的钱还要多，他对这个教区没什么兴趣。一位僧人在复 活节参观了博戈的一处住所，发现原来放在高高祭坛上的装饰结构， 只有“一些脏兮兮的旧棍子，上面溅着牛粪”5

The Church did not condone such excesses as that of Bogo, whom Archbishop John Pecham called “a robber rather than a 6 rector.” Efforts were made to limit the number of benefices a man could hold, and bishops visited their parishes to check on conditions. In 1172 Pope Alexander III decreed that vicars must have adequate job security and must receive a third of their church’s revenues. The Fourth Lateran Council (1215) further denounced the custom whereby “patrons of parish churches, and certain other persons who claim the profits for themselves, leave to the priests deputed to the service of them so small a portion that they cannot be rightly sustained,” and pronounced that the rector when not himself residing must see that a vicar was installed, with a guaranteed portion of the 7 revenues.

教会不会宽恕像博戈这样的过分行为，大主教约翰·佩查姆称博戈 为“强盗而不是牧师”他们努力限制一个人可以拥有的圣职的数量，主 教们也去他们的教区检查情况。1172 年，历山三世颁布法令，牧师必 须有足够的工作保障，必须得到他们教会收入的三分之一。第四拉特 兰会议(1215 年)进一步谴责了”教区教堂的赞助人和某些其他人自己要 求获得利润，却让牧师代为服务的习俗，这种做法如此之小，以至于 他们无法正确地维持下去”，并宣布教区长本人不居住时必须确保安排 一名牧师，并保证收入的一部分 By the end of the thirteenth century there were about nine thousand parishes in England, perhaps a quarter of them vicarages. Rich parishes tended to attract men in search of income, leading to vicars in many market towns and large 8 villages, and rectors in small ones. 到十三世纪末，英国大约有九千个教区，其中大约有四分之一 是牧师区。富裕的教区往往吸引男人寻找收入，导致许多集镇和大 村庄的牧师，小村庄的牧师 The “poor parson” of the Canterbury Tales was the brother of a plowman who had carted “many a load of dung…through the morning dew.” This parson “did not set his benefice to hire/ and leave his sheep encumbered in the 坎特伯雷故事集的这个“可怜的牧师”是一个农夫的兄弟，他背着 “许多粪便......穿过晨露”这位牧师“没有把他的圣职让给雇主/把他的羊 群留在牧场上

mire…/ He was a shepherd and no mercenary.” Despite his peasant background, Chaucer’s parson was “a learned man, a clerk/ who 9 truly knew Christ’s gospel.” His colleagues in the country parishes were not all so well versed. Archbishop Pecham charged priests in general with an “ignorance which casts the people into a ditch of error.” Roger Bacon (c. 1214 —c. 1294) accused them of reciting “the words of others without knowing in the least what they mean, like parrots and magpies which utter human sounds without understanding what they are saying.” The chronicler Gerald of Wales amused his readers with stories about the ignorance of parish priests: one who could not distinguish between Barnabas and Barabbas; another who, confusing St. Jude with Judas Iscariot, advised his congregation to honor only St. Simon at the feast of St. Simon and St. Jude. Still another could not distinguish between the Latin for the obligations of the two debtors in the parable (Luke 7:4143), one of whom owed five hundred pence and the other fifty. When his examiner pointed out that if the sums were the same, the story had no meaning, the priest replied that the money must be from 10 different mints, in one case Angevin pennies, in the other sterling. Mire.../他是个牧羊人，不是唯利是图的人。”尽管乔叟是农民出身，但 他的牧师是“一个博学的人，一个真正了解基督福音的职员。”他在乡 下的同事们并不都那么精通。大主教佩查姆指责一般的牧师“无知使人 们陷入错误的深渊”罗杰·培根(c.1214ーc。指责他们背诵“别人的话， 却一点也不知道它们的意思，就像鹦鹉和喜鹊，它们发出人类的声音， 却不明白它们在说什么。”编年史作家威尔士的杰拉尔德用牧师无知的 故事逗乐了他的读者:一个人不能区分巴纳巴斯和巴拉巴斯;另一个人 把圣裘德和犹大混为一谈，建议他的会众在圣西蒙和圣裘德的节日上 只尊敬圣西蒙。还有一个人不能区分比喻中拉丁语中两个债务人的义 务(路加福音 7:41-43)，其中一个欠了 500 便士，另外五十个欠了 500 便士。当他的主考官指出，如果金额相同，故事就没有意义，牧师回 答说，这些钱一定是来自不同的铸币，在一个案例中是安格文便士， 在另一个案例中是英镑

Bishops ordaining candidates for the priesthood, or visiting parishes, often found both candidates and ordained clergy illiteratus—unlettered, meaning lacking in Latin and thus ignorant of the Scriptures and the ritual. Laymen were less severe. The dean of Exeter, touring parishes in Devon in 1301, found the parishioners almost universally satisfied with their priests as preachers and 11 teachers. 主教们任命候选人担任神职，或称拜访教区，往往发现两个候选 人都是被任命的神职人员，他们都是文盲。文盲指的是缺乏拉丁语， 因此对圣经和仪式一无所知。外行人则没有这么严重。1301 年，埃克 塞特教区主任在德文郡巡回教区时，发现教区居民几乎普遍满意他们 的牧师作为传教士和教师 Facilities for the education of priests were scarce, and many aspiring novices could only apply to another parish priest for a smattering of Latin, the Mass, and the principal rites. The lucky few who were able to attend cathedral schools, monastic schools, and the universities were more likely to become teachers, Church officials, or secretaries in noble households than parish priests. A priest might, 教区缺乏教育牧师的设施，许多有抱负的新手只能向其他教区 牧师申请略懂拉丁文、弥撒和主要仪式。少数能够进入大教堂学校、 修道院学校和大学的幸运儿，比起教区牧师，更有可能成为教师、 教会官员或贵族家庭的秘书。一个牧师可能,

however, occasionally obtain a leave of absence to study 12 theology, canon law, and the Bible. 然而，偶尔也会请假去学习神学、教会法规和圣经 The appearance in the thirteenth century of manuals and treatises for the guidance of parish priests marked a new stage of clerical professionalism. One of the most widely circulated was the Oculus Sacerdotis (Eye of the Priest), written by William of Pagula, vicar of Winkfield, Berkshire, in 1314. John Myrc’s vernacular, versified Instructions for Parish Priests, was a free translation of a portion of William of Pagula’s book, intended to inform the reader 十三世纪教区牧师指导手册和专著的出现标志着神职人员专业 化的新阶段。其中最广为流传的是 1314 年由伯克郡温克菲尔德的 牧师帕古拉的威廉写的《祭司之眼》。的方言，版本的教区牧师说 明，是一个免费翻译的部分佩古拉的书，旨在告知读者 How thou shalt thy parish preach 你的教区该如何布道 And what thou needest them to teach, 你需要他们教导什么, 13 And what thou must thyself be. 你必须成为什么样的人 Whether the income of the parish church was collected by a resident or an absentee rector, it came from the same sources. Three kinds of revenue were very ancient in England: plow-alms, soul-scot, and church-scot. The first was a charge on each plowteam, payable at Easter; the second was a mortuary gift to the priest, and the third a charge on all free men, paid at Martinmas, always in kind, usually in grain. These were all relatively small charges. The chief support of the church was the tithe or tenth, familiar in the Old Testament, but only becoming obligatory in the Christian Church in the Middle Ages. Gerald of Wales told a story about a peasant who owed ten stone of wool to a creditor in

Pembroke at the time of shearing, and when he found that he had only that amount, sent a tithe of it, one stone, to his church, over the protest of his wife, and the remaining nine to his creditor, asking for extra time to make good the deficiency. But when the creditor weighed the wool, it weighed the full ten stone. By this example, Gerald said, “the wool having been miraculously multiplied like the 不管教区教堂的收入是由居民还是缺席的校长收取的，来源都是 一样的。在英格兰，有三种收入是非常古老的:耕地施舍、灵魂苏格兰 人和教会苏格兰人。第一项是对每个犁队的收费，在复活节时支付;第 二项是给牧师的殡葬礼物，第三项是对所有自由人的收费，在 Martinmas 支付，总是以实物支付，通常以谷物支付。这些都是相对 较小的费用。教会的主要支持是什一税或第十税，这在旧约中很常见， 但只有在中世纪的基督教会才成为义务。威尔士的杰拉尔德讲了一个 故事，讲的是一个农民在剪羊毛的时候欠了彭布罗克一个债主 10 英 石的羊毛，当他发现他只有这么多的羊毛时，不顾他妻子的反对，把 十分之一的羊毛送到了他的教堂，剩下的 9 英石送给了他的债权人， 要求给他更多的时间来弥补羊毛的不足。但是当债主衡量羊毛的重量 时，它就衡量了整整 10 英石。通过这个例子，杰拉尔德说，“羊毛奇 迹般地增加了，就像

oil of Elisha, many persons…are either converted to paying those 14 tithes or encouraged in their readiness to pay.” 以利沙的油，许多人......不是改用十分之一，就是鼓励他们愿意支 付。”图 14 Tithes were spelled out in detail in a number of the Ramsey Abbey extents: in Holywell, the rector received from the abbot’s demesne tithes of sheaves from six acres of a field called Bladdicas, including two acres of wheat, one of rye, one of barley, and two of oats; and tithes of sheaves from the peasants in Southfield and “in the field west of the barns at Needingworth”; and “in the name of tithes” from the peasants, a penny per year for each chicken, an obol for a calf or a sheep, a quarter-penny for a kid, “and if they have seven sheep or kids, the rector will have one of them and [make up the difference] in silver, according to the value of a tenth part.” He 15 received a tenth of the milk every day in the year. At Warboys the rector was also entitled to a tenth of the wool, linen, pigs, geese, and 16 garden products. 什一税在拉姆齐修道院的许多地段都有详细说明:在霍利韦尔，教 区长从修道院院长的领地收到来自一片六英亩布勒德萨斯田地的什一 税，其中包括两英亩小麦、一英亩黑麦、一英亩大麦和两英亩燕麦;还 有绍斯菲尔德农民和“尼丁沃思谷仓西边的田地”的什一税，以及农民 的“奉什一税”，每只鸡每年一便士，小牛或绵羊每年一便士，小孩每 个四分之一便士，“如果他们有七只羊或小孩，牧师将会有一只羊，并 且(按照十分之一的价值)用银子弥补差额。”在沃博伊斯，牧师还可以 得到羊毛、亚麻、猪、鹅和园艺产品的十分之一 Tithes were collected as a kind of income tax from the rector’s living. From his spiritual jurisdiction over the villagers he collected voluntary offerings, or oblations, at Mass, on the anniversaries of a parishioner’s death, at weddings and funerals, and from penitents after confession. Offerings might be in kind: the bread for communion, wax and candles, eggs at Easter, cheese at Whitsuntide, fowls at Christmas. At Broughton, at the Feast of the Nativity of the Blessed Mary, all the parishioners, free as well as villein, gave as many loaves of bread as they had plow animals,

one-third of which went to the church, two -thirds to the paupers of 17 the parish. 什一税是从教区长的生活中征收的一种所得税。从他对村民的精 神管辖权来看，他在弥撒、教区居民死亡周年纪念日、婚礼和葬礼以 及忏悔后的忏悔者那里收集自愿献祭。供品可以是实物:圣餐用的面 包，蜡和蜡烛，复活节的彩蛋，Whitsuntide 的奶酪，圣诞节的家禽。 在布劳顿，在圣母玛利亚的诞辰宴会上，所有的教区居民，不论是村 民还是自由居民，都像他们耕种牲畜一样，分发尽可能多的面包，其 中三分之一捐给教堂，三分之二捐给教区的贫民 Finally, the rector had the income of his “glebe,” the land pertaining to the church which he held as a free man, owing no labor services or servile dues, and which he cultivated as a husbandman. Traditionally, the glebe was twice the normal holding of a villein, though in practice it varied. In 1279 the rector of the Elton church held a virgate, probably distributed in the fields, and, adjacent to the 最后，牧师有他的“土地”收入，这块土地属于教会，他作为一个 自由人拥有，没有劳动服务或奴隶会费，他耕种作为农夫。传统上， 这种微光是一个小矮人正常持有的微光的两倍，尽管实际上它是不同 的。1279 年，埃尔顿教堂的教区长举着一把圣洁的门，可能分布在 田野里，而且，紧挨着

18 church, ten more acres and a farmstead. Surveys of other Ramsey Abbey villages list the rector’s lands in more detail. At Warboys, he held two virgates of land, a house and a yard, and 19 common pasture “in the wood, the marsh, and other places.” The rector of Holywell held a virgate, “half a meadow which is called Priestsholm,” three acres of meadow distributed in “many pieces,” a tenth of the villagers’ meadow, and shares of a pasture and a 20 marsh. In Abbot’s Ripton, the rector had a virgate, a parsonage, 21 three houses with tenants, and “common pasture in Westwood.” 18.对拉姆齐修道院其他村庄的调查更详细地列出了牧师的土地。在沃 博伊斯，他拥有两处处女地，一所房子和一个院子，以及“树林、沼泽 和其他地方”的公共牧场霍利韦尔的牧师拥有一个牧场，“半个牧场， 被称为 Priestsholm”，三英亩牧场分布在“许多块”上，占村民牧场的 十分之一，还有一个牧场和一个沼泽。在艾伯特的 Ripton，牧师有一 个病毒门，一个牧师住宅，三间房子和佃户，以及“韦斯特伍德的普通 牧场”图 21

The rector of Elton also rented a piece of land called le Brach. The manorial court took unfavorable notice of certain of his activities, the jurors complaining that he “made pits on the common at 22 Broadmoor,” and again that he “dug and made a pit and took 23 away the clay at Gooseholm to the general nuisance.” He may have been digging marl for fertilizer or clay to mend his walls. Medieval moralists were occasionally concerned lest the priest’s role as husbandman crowd out his spiritual life, and that “all his study [become] granges, sheep, cattle, and rents, and to gather together 24 gold and silver.” Perhaps for this reason the glebe was sometimes farmed out to a layman, who paid rent to the rector and made a profit on the sale of the crops. 埃尔顿的校长还租用了一块叫勒布拉赫的土地。庄园法庭对他的 某些行为不予理睬，陪审员抱怨他“在布罗德莫尔的公地上挖坑”，并 再次抱怨他“挖坑，挖坑，把 Gooseholm 的粘土带走，给公众带来麻

烦”23 他可能是在挖泥灰，以便用作肥料或粘土来修补墙壁。中世纪 的道德家偶尔会担心牧师作为农夫的角色会挤走他的精神生活，“他所 有的研究成为庄稼、羊、牛和房租，并收集金子和银子。”24 也许正 是出于这个原因，这块土地有时被租给一个外行人，他付租金给校长， 并通过出售庄稼赚钱。 Nothing is known about the rectory at Elton in the thirteenth century, but some information has survived about other rectories, a handful of which, built in stone, still stand, though usually much altered. In size and characteristics the medieval parsonage evidently fell roughly between a manor house and a decent peasant house. That at Hale, Lincolnshire, was described as a hall house with two small bedchambers, one for residents and one for visitors, and a 25 separate kitchen, bakehouse, and brewhouse. When the monks of Eynsham Abbey built a vicarage in 1268 for a church they had appropriated, they specified construction of oak timbers and a hall twenty-six feet by twenty with a 关于十三世纪埃尔顿的教区长住宅，我们一无所知，但是关于其 他教区长住宅的一些信息却保存了下来，其中少数用石头建造的住宅 仍然屹立不倒，尽管通常有很大的改变。从尺寸和特征来看，中世纪 的牧师住宅显然大致介于庄园住宅和体面的农民住宅之间。当埃因舍 姆修道院的僧侣们在 1268 年为他们占用的一座教堂建造了一座牧师 住宅时，他们指定了橡木结构的建筑，还有一座二十英尺长的大厅， 里面还有一个厨房

26 buttery at one end and at the other a chamber and a privy. Like any other farmhouse, the rectory or vicarage included barns, pens, and sheds. 和其他农舍一样，牧师住宅也有谷仓、围栏和棚屋。 Records mention several persons assisting the rector or vicar in his professional work and daily life—chaplain, curate, clerk, page— without disclosing whether these were full- or part-time aides, or how they were compensated. Not infrequently there was also a wife or concubine. Clerical celibacy was a medieval ideal more often expressed than honored. Although two Lateran councils in the twelfth century prescribed it, a modern canon-law authority comments that in the thirteenth century “everyone who entered the 27 clergy made a vow of chastity but almost none observed it.” Gerald of Wales states that “nearly all” English priests were married, 28 though other sources indicate that only a minority were. Concubinage, usually entirely open, was more common. Robert Manning tells the tale of a woman who lived with a “right amorous priest” for many years and bore him four sons, three of whom became priests, the fourth a scholar. After their father died, the four sons urged the mother to repent her “deadly sin.” The mother, however, declared that she would never repent “while I have you three priests to pray and chant for me and to bring me to bliss.” The mother died “sooner than she willed.” For three nights her sons sat by her body at the wake. On the first, at midnight, to their terror, “the bier began to quake.” On the second night it quaked again and suddenly a devil appeared, seized the corpse, and dragged it toward the door. The sons sprang up, carried it back, and tied it to the bier. On the third night at midnight a whole host of fiends invaded the house and 记录中提到有几个人在教区长或牧师的专业工作和日常生活中帮 助他们ー牧师、副牧师、书记员、侍从ー但没有透露这些人是全职还 是兼职助手，也没有说明他们是如何得到报酬的。经常还有妻子或妾。 神职人员的独身生活是中世纪的理想，更多的是表达而不是尊重。虽 然在十二世纪有两个拉特兰教会规定了贞操，但一个现代教会法权威 评论说，在十三世纪，“所有进入神职的人都发誓要贞操，但几乎没有 人遵守。”27、威尔士的杰拉尔德说，“几乎所有”英国牧师都结过婚，

尽管其他资料表明只有少数人结过婚。28、纳妾(通常完全公开)更为 普遍。罗伯特·曼宁讲述了一个女人和一个“右翼多情的牧师”生活多年 的故事，并为他生了四个儿子，其中三个成为牧师，四个成为学者。 父亲死后，四个儿子催促母亲为自己的“死罪”忏悔然而，这位母亲却 宣称，“只要你们三个祭司为我祈祷，为我诵经，为我带来幸福，她就 永远不会悔改。”这位母亲死得“比她想象的还快”在守灵仪式上，她的 儿子们整整三个晚上都坐在她的身边。在第一个，在午夜，他们的恐 惧，“棺材开始地震。”第二天晚上它又震动了，突然一个魔鬼出现了， 抓住尸体，把它拖到门口。两个儿子跳起来，把它抬回去，绑在棺材 上。在午夜的第三个晚上，一大群恶魔闯进了这所房子

Took the body and the bier 拿走了尸体和棺材 With loathly cry that all might hear 带着可恶的哭声，让所有人都能听见 And bore it forth none knows where, 把它带到无人知晓的地方, Without end forevermore. 永无止境。

The scholar son then roamed the world advising women not to 29 become “priests’ mares,” lest they suffer his mother’s fate. 书生的儿子在世界各地游荡，劝告女人不要成为“牧师的母马”，以免 她们遭受母亲的命运。29 The Lanercost Chronicle relates a less cautionary story: a vicar’s concubine, learning that the bishop was coming to order her lover to give her up, set out with a basket of cakes, chickens, and eggs, and intercepted the bishop, who asked her where she was going. She replied, “I am taking these gifts to the bishop’s mistress who has lately been brought to bed.” The bishop, properly mortified, continued on his way to call on the vicar, but never mentioned 30 mistresses or concubines. 《兰费斯特纪事报》讲述了一个不那么警世的故事:一个牧师的

妾，得知主教要来命令她的情人放弃她，带着一篮子蛋糕、鸡和鸡 蛋出发了，拦住了主教，主教问她要去哪里。她回答说:“我要把这些 礼物送给主教的情妇，她最近才被带到床上。”主教受到了适当的羞 辱，继续去拜访牧师，但从未提及情妇或妾 The importance of the parish church in the village scheme was permanently underlined by the rebuilding of nearly all of them in stone, a process that began in the late Anglo - Saxon period and was largely completed by the thirteenth century. Many medieval village churches survive today, in whole or, as in the case of Elton’s chancel arch, in part. In the smaller villages, the church often remained a single-cell building with one large room. In larger parishes, as at Elton, the church was often two-cell, the nave, where the congregation gathered, linked by an arched doorway to the chancel, where the altar stood and the liturgy was performed. Sometimes lateral chapels flanked the chancel, and side aisles 31 were added to the nave.

几乎所有教区教堂都用石头重建，这一进程始于盎格鲁-撒克逊晚期， 到 13 世纪基本完成，从而永久强调了教区教堂在村庄计划中的重要 性。许多中世纪的乡村教堂至今仍然存在，整个或者部分地存在于埃 尔顿的圣坛拱门之中。在较小的村庄里，教堂常常是一个单间的建筑， 只有一个大房间。在较大的教区，例如在埃尔顿，教堂通常是两间单 人牢房，中殿是会众聚集的地方，通过拱形的门口与圣坛相连，圣坛 和礼拜仪式就在那里举行。有时圣坛两侧有侧面的小教堂，中殿则增 加侧廊 In 1287 Bishop Quinel of Exeter listed the minimum furnishing of a church: a silver or silver-gilt chalice; a silver or pewter vessel (ciborium) to hold the bread used in Communion; a little box of silver or ivory (pyx) to hold the remainder of the consecrated bread, and another vessel for unconsecrated bread; a pewter chrismatory for the holy oils; a censer and an incense boat (thurible); an osculatorium (an ornament by which the kiss of peace was given); three cruets; and a holy-water vessel. The church must have at 1287 年，埃克塞特的奎内尔主教列出了教堂最少的家具:一个银 质或银质镀金圣杯;一个银质或锡质容器(cibtorium)用来盛圣餐中使用 的面包;一小盒银质或象牙质(pyx)用来盛放圣餐面包的剩余部分;另一 个容器用来盛放未圣化的面包;一个锡质圣油罐用来盛放圣油;一个香 炉和一个香舟(thurus);一个接吻器(一种用来给予和平之吻的装饰品); 三个瓶子;以及一个圣水容器。教堂一定是在

least one stone altar, with cloths, canopy, and frontal (front hanging); a stone font that could be locked to prevent the use of baptismal water for witchcraft; and images of the church’s patron saint and of the Virgin Mary. Special candlesticks were provided for Holy Week and Easter, and two great portable crosses served, one for processions and one for visitation of the sick, for which the church 32 also kept a lantern and a hand bell. To these requirements a list dictated by Archbishop Winchelsey in 1305 added the Lenten veil, to hang before the high altar, Rogation Day banners for gang week, 33 “the bells with their cords,” and a bier to carry the dead. Conspicuously missing were benches, chairs, or pews; the congregation stood, sat on the floor, or brought stools. 至少有一个石头祭坛，有布、天篷和正面(正面悬挂);一个可以上锁的 石头洗礼池，以防止洗礼水被用于巫术;以及教堂的守护神和圣母玛利 亚的图像。为了满足这些要求，温彻尔西大主教在 1305 年制定了一 份清单，在圣周和复活节的祭坛前加上了斋月面纱，在团伙周的祭日 上挂上了“带着铃铛的横幅”，还有一个用来运送死者的棺材。33 个明 显缺失的东西是长凳、椅子或长凳;会众站着、坐在凳子上或者拿来的 凳子。

The church was supposed to have a set of vestments for festivals and another for regular use. Bishop Quinel recommended a number of books to help the priest: a manual for baptism, marriage, and burial; an ordinal listing the offices to be recited through the church year; a missal with the words and order of the Mass; a collect book containing prayers; a “legend” with lessons from the Scriptures and passages from the lives of the saints; and music books, including a gradual for Mass, a troper for special services, a venitary for the psalms at matins, an antiphoner for the canonical hours, a psalter, and a hymnal. Books and vestments were stored in a church 34 chest. 教堂应该有一套节日穿的法衣和另一套常用的法衣。奎内尔主教 推荐了一些书籍来帮助牧师:一本关于洗礼、婚姻和葬礼的手册;一本

列出教会一年中要背诵的职务的序列;一本关于弥撒词语和次序的弥撒 书;一本收集了祷告词的书;一本关于圣经和圣徒生活经文的“传说”;还 有一些音乐书籍，包括弥撒的渐进式、特殊服务的托辞、在晚祷时对 圣诗的崇拜、正教时间的颂歌、颂歌和赞美诗。书籍和法衣都存放在 教堂的箱子里 The churchyard with its consecrated burial ground was a source of village controversy. In the name of those who lay “awaiting the robe of glory,” priests decried its use for such sacrilegious purposes as “dances and vile and dishonorable games which lead to indecency,” and court trials, “especially those involving bloodshed.” An often-repeated injunction demanded that the churchyard be walled and the walls kept in repair, to ensure that the graves “are not 35 befouled by brute beasts.” Robert Manning told the story of a villein of Norfolk who rebuked a knight whose manor 有着神圣墓地的教堂墓地引起了村里的争议。祭司们以那些“等待 荣耀长袍”的人的名义，谴责将其用于亵渎神灵的目的，比如“跳舞、 卑鄙和不光彩的游戏，导致猥亵行为”，以及法庭审判，“特别是涉及 流血的审判”一个经常被重复的禁令要求把墓地围起来，并且保持墙壁 完好，以确保坟墓“不被野兽玷污”35 罗伯特·曼宁讲述了诺福克郡一个 小村庄的故事

“was not far from the church,” for allowing his animals to enter the churchyard, since “as oft befalls,/ Broken were the churchyard walls.” The peasant addressed the knight: “离教堂不远”，因为他允许他的动物进入教堂墓地，因为“教堂墓地的 墙壁经常被破坏”农夫对骑士说: “Lord,” he said, “your beasts go amiss. Your herd does wrong and your knaves That let your beasts defile these graves. Where men’s bones should lie Beasts should do no villainy.” “主啊，”他说，“你的牲畜出错了。你的牲畜行 恶，你的恶棍任凭你的牲畜玷污这些坟墓。人 的骨头应该躺在哪里?野兽不应该做坏事。” The knight’s reply was “somewhat vile”: Why should one respect “such churls’ bones”? 骑士的回答是“有点卑鄙”:为什么要尊敬“这样的恶棍的骨头”？ The villein replied: 小矮人回答说: “The lord that made of earth earls, Of that same earth made he churls… Earls, churls, all at one, 伯爵、伯爵、伯爵、都在一处, Shall none know your from our bones.” 难道没有人能从我们的骨头中认出你来吗?” The knight, abashed, repaired the churchyard walls “so that no beast might come thereto to eat or defile.”

36

骑士羞愧地修补了教堂院子的墙壁，“这样就没有野兽来吃或玷污 了。”图 36

Three services were normally celebrated in the parish church on Sunday: matins, Mass, and evensong. Mass was also said daily, and the priests were supposed to say the canonical hours at 37 three-hour intervals for their own benefit. Sunday Mass was the best-attended service. Robert Manning pictured a man lying abed on Sunday morning and hearing the church bells ring, “to holy church men calling,” and preferring to 教区教堂通常在星期天举行三种仪式:晨祷、弥撒和晚祷。弥撒也是 每天举行，牧师们应该每隔三个小时说一次教规时间，以利于他们 自己。罗伯特·曼宁想象着一个男人在周日早晨躺在床上，听着教堂 的钟声响起，“向圣洁的教会的人们呼唤”，并且更愿意这样做 …lie and sweat ...谎言和汗水 And take the merry morning sleep; Of matins rich men take no keep. 早晨睡个好觉;早晨有钱的人不用守夜。 A devil whispers in his ear, urging him to ignore matins: 一个魔鬼在他耳边低语，催促他不要理会晨会:

“Betimes may you rise “祝你早日起床 When they do the Mass service. 当他们做弥撒的时候。 38 A Mass is enough for you.” 弥撒对你来说就够了。” Vanity sometimes caused women to be late for Mass, like the lady of Eynsham described by a fourteenth-century preacher, “who took so long over adornment of her hair that she barely arrived at church before the end of Mass.” One day the devil in the form of a giant spider descended on her coiffure. Nothing would dislodge it, neither prayer, exorcism, nor holy water, until it was confronted with the Eucharist. The spider then decamped, and presumably the lady 39 thenceforth arrived at church on time. 虚荣心有时会导致女性弥撒迟到，就像一位十四世纪的传教士所 描述的恩舍姆女士，“她花了很长时间来装饰她的头发，以至于在弥撒 结束之前她几乎没有到达教堂”一天，恶魔以一只巨大的蜘蛛的形式降 临在她的发型上。没有任何东西能把它弄出来，无论是祈祷、驱魔还 是圣水，直到它遇到圣餐。蜘蛛然后撤走了，从那时起，大概那位女 士准时到达了教堂 William of Pagula declared that it was hard to get people to church at all: “Anon he will make his excuse and say, ‘I am old or sickly, or the weather is cold and I am feeble.’ Or else he will excuse himself and say thus, ‘I have a great household,’ or else he has some other occupation to do, but for all these excuses, if a man would come and hear him and say, ‘I will give good wages [for going to church],’ then will they take all manner of excuses back and come 40 to the divine service according to their duty.” Pagula 的威廉宣称，要让人们去教堂是很困难的:“匿名他会找借 口说，‘我要么老了，要么体弱多病，要么天气寒冷，身体虚弱。’或 者他会原谅自己，这样说，’我有一个大家庭，’或者他有其他的职业 要做，但是对于所有这些借口，如果一个人来听他说，’我会给很好的

工资[去教堂]，那么他们会接受所有的借口，并且按照他们的职责来 做神圣的事务。”40 The Mass was said in Latin, with little participation by the congregation, and communion was usually administered only at Easter. Moralists complained that the people chattered, gossiped, and flirted at Mass. John Myrc inveighed against casual worshipers who leaned against a pillar or wall instead of kneeling. When the Gospel was read, they should stand; when it was finished, they should kneel again. When the bell rang at the consecration, they 41 should raise their hands and pray. 弥撒用拉丁语进行，教众很少参加，圣餐通常只在复活节举行。 道德家们抱怨说，人们在弥撒大会上闲聊、八卦、调情。约翰 Myrc 猛烈抨击偶尔崇拜者靠在柱子或墙壁而不是跪下。宣读福音时，他们 应该站起来;宣读完毕后，他们应该再次下跪。当圣化仪式的钟声响起 的时候，他们应该举起手来祈祷 Sermons were infrequent in the thirteenth century. Instead, the priest might devote time to a lesson, instructing the congregation about the Articles of the Faith, the seven deadly sins, or the sacraments, or he might read from a 布道在十三世纪并不常见。取而代之的是，牧师可以花时间上课， 指导会众有关信仰的条款，七宗罪，或圣事，或者他可以从

collection of sermons in English, though such books were not yet widely distributed. 英语布道集，尽管这类书籍还没有广泛分发。 The art of preaching, however, was undergoing a revival, led by the mendicant friars, the Dominicans and Franciscans. Arriving in England in the 1220s, these roving brothers preached in the parish church with the permission of the rector, or failing that, in the open air, where their sermons offered a lively alternative to the routine of Sunday services. Illustrated with personal experiences, fables, and entertaining stories, they encouraged the participation of the congregation. A preacher might call out, “Stop that babbling,” to a woman, who did not hesitate to reply, “What about you? You’ve been babbling for the last half hour.” Such exchanges brought 42 laughter, applause, and more friendly heckling. 然而，在乞丐修道士、多米尼加人和方济各会领导下，布道的艺 术正在复兴。1220 年代抵达英格兰后，这对流浪的兄弟得到了教区 牧师的允许，在教区教堂里布道，如果没有得到允许，就在户外布道， 他们的布道提供了一种生动的替代日常礼拜的方式。他们以个人经历、 寓言和有趣的故事来说明，鼓励会众参与。一个传教士可能会对一个 女人大声说:“不要再胡言乱语了。”她毫不犹豫地回答:“你呢?”？你已 经唠叨了半个小时了。”这样的交流带来了笑声、掌声和更友好的诘 问

When sermons were delivered, either by parish priest or friar, they followed an elaborate formula. The preacher announced his Scriptural text (thema), then commenced with the antethema, usually a prayer and invocation, or “bidding prayer,” like the following (for the day of the Assumption of the Blessed Virgin): 当教区牧师或修士讲道时，他们都遵循一个精心设计的套路。传 教士宣读他的圣经经文(忒玛)，然后以食谱开始，通常是一个祈祷和 祈祷，或者“祈祷”，像下面这样(在马利亚升天的那一天):

Almighty God, to whose power and goodness infinite all creatures are subject, at the beseeching of thy glorious mother, gracious lady, and of all thy saints, help our feebleness with thy power, our ignorance with thy wisdom, our frailty with thine sufficient goodness, that we may receive here thine help and grace continual, and finally everlasting bliss. To which bliss thou 43 took this blessed lady this day as to her eternal felicity. Amen. 全能的上帝，在你光荣的母亲，仁慈的女士，和你所有的圣徒的 恳求下，所有的生物都臣服于他的力量和善良，请用你的力量帮 助我们的软弱，用你的智慧帮助我们的无知，用你充足的善良帮 助我们的脆弱，让我们在这里得到你的帮助和持续的恩典，最终 得到永恒的祝福。你今天将这位受祝福的女士带到了极乐中，使 她获得了永恒的幸福。阿门 The theme was then repeated, followed by an introduction which might begin with an “authority,” quoted from the Bible or from a Church Father, or a message for the particular occasion or audience, or an attention-getting “exemplum,” an illustrative story (“Examples move men 然后主题被重复，接着是一个引言，可能以“权威”开头，引自圣经 或者教会的神父，或者针对特定场合或听众的信息，或者引起注意 的“范例”，一个说明性的故事(“范例感动人”)

more than precepts,” advised St. Gregory). The story might be merely “something strange, subtle and curious,” or a terrifying tale about devils, death-bed scenes, and the torments of hell. Sources abounded: fable, chronicle, epic, romance. One story that must have had a particular appeal to peasant women began, “I find in the chronicles that there was once a worthy woman who had hated a poor woman more than seven years.” When the “worthy woman” went to church on Easter Day, the priest refused to give her communion unless she forgave her enemy. The woman reluctantly gave lip service to the act of forgiveness, “for the shame of the world more than for awe of God,” and so that she could have her communion. 不仅仅是戒律，”圣格雷戈里建议道。这个故事可能仅仅是“一些奇怪 的、微妙的和好奇的东西”，或者是一个关于魔鬼的可怕的故事，临终 前的场景，以及地狱的折磨。资料来源丰富:寓言，编年史，史诗，浪 漫。一个对农村妇女特别有吸引力的故事是这样开始的:“我在编年史 中发现，从前有一个值得尊敬的女人，她恨一个贫穷的女人超过七 年。”当这个“可敬的女人”在复活节去教堂时，牧师拒绝为她举行圣餐 仪式，除非她原谅了她的敌人。女人不情愿地口头承诺宽恕的行为， “为了世界的耻辱，而不是为了对上帝的敬畏，”这样她就可以进行她 的交流。 Then, when service was done…the neighbors came unto this worthy woman’s house with presents to cheer her, and thanked God highly that they were accorded. 然后，服务结束了......邻居们带着礼物来到这位可敬的妇人 的家里，给她加油，并高度感谢上帝赐予他们这些礼物。 But then this wretched woman said, “Do you think I forgave this woman her trespass with my heart as I did with my mouth? Nay! Then I pray God that I never take up this rush at my foot.” Then she stooped down to take it up, and the devil strangled her even there. Wherefore ye that make any love-days [peace

agreements] look that they be made without any feigning, and 44 let the heart and the tongue accord in them. 但是这个可怜的女人说:“你以为我会像饶恕嘴上的罪一样，用心 饶恕这个女人吗?”？不！然后，我向上帝祈祷，希望我永远不要 在脚下承受这种冲动。”然后她弯下腰去把它捡起来，魔鬼就在那 儿把她勒死了。所以你们作爱的日子(或作和睦的日子)，要看是 不作假的，心和口要在其中协定 The body of the sermon was usually divided into three sections: an exposition on three vices, or symbolic meanings of the Trinity, or symbolic features of some familiar object— a castle, a chess game, a flower, the human face. 讲道的主体通常分为三个部分:对三个恶习的阐述，或三位一体的 象征意义，或某个熟悉物体的象征特征ーー城堡、棋局、花朵、人脸。 The sermon ended with a flourish, sometimes a smooth peroration, merely summing up the text and discourse, sometimes, especially if the congregation had dozed, a rousing hellfire diatribe. The priest might compare the agony of a sinner in hell with being rolled a mile in a barrel lined with red-hot nails. Devils were favorite descriptive 布道以华丽的结尾结束，有时是平稳的结束，仅仅是总结经文 和讲话，有时，特别是在会众打瞌睡的时候，是一种激动人心的地 狱之火般的谩骂。牧师可能会把一个罪人在地狱里的痛苦比作在一 个镶满红色钉子的大桶里滚了一英里。魔鬼是最受欢迎的描述

subjects, with their faces “burned and black.” One devil was so horrible that “a man would not for all the world look on him once.” Hell rang with the “horrible roaring of devils, and weeping, and gnashing of teeth, and wailing of damned men, crying, ‘Woe, woe, woe, how great is this darkness!’” If one of them longed for sweetmeats and drink, he got “no sweetness, nor delicacy, hut fire and brimstone…If one of them would give a thousand pounds for one drop of water, he gets none…There shall be flies that bite their flesh, and their clothing shall be worms…and in short, there are all manner of torments in all the five senses, and above all there is the pain of damnation: pain of privation of the bliss of heaven, which is a pain of all pains…Think on these pains; and I trust to God that they 45 shall steer thee to renounce thy drunken living!” 受试者，脸上写着”烧伤和黑色”一个魔鬼是如此可怕，以至于“一个人 无论如何也不会看他一眼。”地狱充满了“可怕的魔鬼咆哮，哭泣，咬 牙切齿，该死的人哀号，“悲哀，悲哀，悲哀，这黑暗是多么巨大!”！ 如果他们中的一个渴望甜点和饮料，他得到了“没有甜味，也没有美味， 火与硫磺......如果他们中的一个愿意为一滴水付出一千镑，他得不 到......将会有苍蝇咬他们的肉，他们的衣服将会变成蠕虫......简而言之， 在所有的五官中都有各种各样的折磨，最重要的是诅咒的痛苦:天堂幸 福的剥夺的痛苦，这是所有痛苦的痛苦......想想这些痛苦;我相信上帝， 他们会引导你放弃你醉生梦死!”45

Sometimes the closing peroration pictured the Last Judgment and the doom that preceded it: fifteen days of terrible portents, tidal waves and the sea turning to blood, earthquakes, fires, tempests, fading stars, yawning graves, men driven mad by fear, followed by the accounting from which no man could escape, by bribes, or influence, or worldly power, “for if thou shall be found in any deadly sin, though Our Lady and all the saints of heaven pray for thee, 46 they shall not be heard.” 有时候，结尾的结语描绘了《最后的审判》及其前面的末日:十 五天的可怕征兆、海浪和海水变成血、地震、火灾、暴风雨、衰落

的星辰、大口的坟墓、被恐惧逼疯的人们，接着是没有人能够逃脱 的结论，用贿赂、影响力或世俗的力量，“因为如果你被发现犯下任 何致命的罪行，尽管我们的圣母和天堂的所有圣徒为你祈祷，他们 将不会被听到。”46 Or the preacher might close by reminding his congregation of their mortality. “These young people think,” cried one preacher, “that they shall never die, especially before they are old!…They say, ‘I am young yet. When I grow old I will amend.’” Such persons were reminded to “Go to the burials of thy father and mother; and such shalt thou be, be ye ever so fair, ever so wise, ever so strong, ever so gay, ever so light.” Death was the inevitable end, and none too far off. Man’s earthly being was in fact insignificant and not very comely: “What is man but a stinking slime, and after that a sack full 47 of dung, and at the last, meat for worms?” 或者牧师在结束讲话时提醒他的会众他们必死无疑。“这些年轻 人认为，”一个传教士喊道，“他们永远不会死，特别是在他们老之前！ 他们说，‘我还年轻。当我变老的时候，我会改正。”’有人提醒这些人 说:“去你父母的墓地吧，你就是这样的人，永远美丽，永远聪明，永 远强壮，永远快乐，永远光明死亡是不可避免的结局，而且不会太远。 人的世俗生活实际上是微不足道的，也不是很清秀:“人不过是一堆发 臭的烂泥，之后是一袋粪便，最后是虫子的肉。”47

Even without sermons, the medieval parishioner was reminded of his fate by the paintings decorating the church walls, only a few of * which have survived. In these murals often over the chancel arch, a symbolic gateway between this world and the next, Christ sat in stern judgment, graves sprang open, and naked sinners tumbled into the gaping mouth of a beast with great pointed fangs, or, chained together, into the claws of demons. 即使没有布道，这位中世纪的教区居民也会从装饰在教堂墙壁上 的画作中想起自己的命运，只有少数画作幸存下来。在这些壁画中， 基督坐在庄严的审判台上，敞开坟墓，赤身裸体的罪人跌跌撞撞地进 入一头长着尖牙的野兽张开的嘴里，或者被锁链锁在一起，成为恶魔 的爪子。

A major function of the parish priest was that of instructing his parishioners. It was up to him to teach the children the Creed, the Lord’s Prayer, the Ave, and the Ten Commandments. William of Pagula recommended that the priest give not only religious instruction but practical advice: telling mothers to nurse their own children, not to let them smother in bed or tie them in their cradles or leave them unattended; advising against usury and magic arts; giving counsel on sexual morality and marriage. Marriage was a topic well worth discussion, William pointed out: a horse, an ass, an ox, or a dog could be tried out before it was bought, but a wife had to be taken on trust. A poor wife was difficult to support; living with a rich one was misery. Was it better to marry a beautiful wife or an ugly one? On the one hand, it was hard to keep a wife that other men were pursuing, on the other it was irksome to have one that no 48 one else wanted; but on balance an ugly wife brought less misery. 教区牧师的一个主要职责是指导他的教区居民。这取决于他教孩子们 信条，主祷文，圣道和十诫。帕古拉的威廉建议牧师不仅要给出宗教 指导，还要给出实际的建议:告诉母亲们要给自己的孩子喂奶，不要让 他们闷死在床上，不要把他们绑在摇篮里，不要让他们无人看管;建议 不要放高利贷和施展魔法;在性道德和婚姻问题上给予建议。婚姻是一

个非常值得讨论的话题，威廉指出:一匹马，一头驴子，一头牛，或者 一条狗在被买来之前都可以试用，但是一个妻子必须被信任。贫穷的 妻子很难养活;和富有的妻子生活在一起是痛苦的。娶一个漂亮的妻子 好还是娶一个丑陋的妻子好？一方面，很难留住一个其他男人都在追 求的妻子，另一方面，拥有一个别人都不想要的妻子是令人厌烦的;但 总的来说，一个丑陋的妻子带来的痛苦要少一些

The priest’s instruction of adults came largely through confession, in which he not only examined the penitent’s morals but his religious knowledge: 神父对成年人的教导主要是通过忏悔来实现的，在忏悔中他不 仅审视忏悔者的道德，还审视他的宗教知识: Believest thou in Father and Son and Holy Ghost… Three persons in Trinity, 你相信圣父、圣子、圣灵...三位一体, And in God (swear thou to me)? 在上帝面前(你向我起誓)？ That God’s son mankind took 上帝的儿子，人类 In maid Mary (as saith the Book), 在少女玛丽亚(正如《圣经》所说),

And of that maid was born: 于是那个女仆诞生了: Believest thou this?… 你相信吗。 And in Christ’s passion 在基督的激情中 And in His resurrection…? 在他的复活中...？ That He shall come with wounds red 他将带着血红的伤口来到 To judge the quick and the dead, 审判活人和死人, And that we each one… 我们每个人..。 Shall rise at the day of Doom And be ready when he 49 come…? 将在末日来临之日起来，并在他来临之时做好准备... The manuals coached the priest to interrogate the penitent about his behavior: “Have you done any sorcery to get women to lie with you?” “Have you ever plighted your troth and broken it?” “Have you spent Sunday in shooting, wrestling, and other play, or going to the ale house?” “Have you stolen anything or been at any robbing?” “Have you found anything and kept it?” “Have you borrowed anything and not returned it?” “Have you ever claimed any good deed of charity that was another man’s doing?” “Have you been slow to teach your godchildren Pater Noster and Creed?” “Have you come late to church?” “Have you without devotion heard any sermon?” “Have you been glad in your heart when your neighbor came to harm, and grieved when he had good fortune?” “Have you eaten with such greed that you cast it up again?” “Have you sinned in lechery?” “If your children are shrews, have you taught them good manners?” “Have you destroyed grain or grass or other things that are sown? Are you wont to ride through grain when you could go to one 50 side?”

手册教导牧师对忏悔者的行为进行审问:“你有没有用任何巫术让 女人和你躺在一起?”“你有没有发过誓，却把它弄坏了?”“你星期天有没 有去打猎、摔跤和其他娱乐活动，或者去啤酒屋?”“你偷过什么东西或 者抢过什么东西吗?”“你找到什么东西并保存起来了吗?”“你借了什么东 西还没还吗?”“你有没有要求过别人做的善事?”“你是不是在教你的教子 佩特·诺斯特和克里德方面动作迟缓?”“你去教堂迟到了吗?”“你有没有 听到过什么虔诚的布道?”邻舍受害的时候，你心里喜乐，邻舍运气好 的时候，你心里忧愁吗“你是不是贪得无厌地吃了饭，又把它吐出来 了?”“你是不是犯了淫荡的罪?”“如果你的孩子是悍妇，你有没有教过他 们礼貌?”你们毁坏谷物、草料、和所种的其他物麽？你可以走到一边 去，可以走到粮食那边去吗?”50

The penitent must confess his sins completely and without reservation. If he killed a man, he must say who it was, where, and why. If he “sinned in lechery,” he must not give the name of his partner, but he should tell whether she was married or single, or a nun, where the sin was committed, and how often, and whether it was on a holy day. The penance should fit the sin, light for a light sin, 忏悔者必须毫无保留地坦白自己的罪行。如果他杀了一个人，他 必须说出是谁，在哪里，为什么。如果他“犯了色情罪”，他不能说出 他的伴侣的名字，但他应该说出她是已婚还是单身，还是修女，在哪 里犯了罪，多久犯一次，是否在圣日犯罪。忏悔应该适合罪恶，轻的 罪恶,

heavy for a heavy, but never too heavy for the penitent to perform, lest he ignore it and be worse off than if he had not gone to confession. “Better a light penance to send a man to purgatory,” wrote John Myrc, “than a too heavy penance to send him to hell.” Even more sagely, a woman’s penance must be such that her husband would not know about it, lest it cause friction between 51 them. 对于一个沉重的人来说是沉重的，但是对于忏悔者来说永远不会太沉 重，以免他忽视它，比没有忏悔更糟糕。“轻微的忏悔把一个人送进炼 狱，”约翰·米拉克写道，“总比重重的忏悔把他送进地狱要好。”更神圣 的是，一个女人的忏悔必须是她丈夫不知道的，以免引起他们之间的 摩擦 Above all, the priest must teach by example. His preaching was worth little if he lived an evil life. The sins he was especially warned against indicate those he was most likely to fall into. He should be chaste; he should be true; he should be mild in word and deed. “Drunkenness and gluttony, pride and sloth and envy, all these thou must put away.” The priest must forsake taverns, trading, wrestling and shooting, hawking, hunting, and dancing. “Markets and fairs I thee forbid.” He must wear “honest clothes,” and not knightly “basinet and baldric.” His beard and crown must be shaven. He must be hospitable to rich and poor. And finally, 最重要的是，牧师必须以身作则。如果他过着邪恶的生活，他的 讲道毫无价值。他被特别警告的那些罪行表明他最有可能陷入其中。 他应该是贞洁的，他应该是真诚的，他应该在言行上都是温和的。醉 酒贪食，骄傲懒惰嫉妒，这一切你都要除掉牧师必须放弃酒馆、交易、 摔跤和射击、叫卖、狩猎和跳舞。“我禁止你去市场和集市。”他必须 穿“诚实的衣服”，而不是骑士式的“低音管和佩饰”他的胡子和王冠必须 剃光。他必须对富人和穷人都好客。最后, Turn thine eye that thou not see 转过你的眼睛，使你看不见

The cursed world’s vanity. 这个被诅咒的世界的虚荣。 Thus this world thou must despise 这样的世界，你必须轻视 And holy virtues have in vise [view]. 而圣洁的美德也在其中

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9 VILLAGE JUSTICE 乡村正义 T gathered for the 村民们每年聚集两次或更多 WICE OR MORE EACH YEAR THE VILLAGERS

hallmote: hall, meaning manor house, and mote, meeting. The records of this legal body provide unique insights into the relationship between lord and village community, and at the same time demonstrate the frictions and stresses of everyday village life. Hall，意思是庄园，还有 mote，意思是会议。这一法律主体的记录为 研究村庄社区与主人之间的关系提供了独特的视角，同时也展示了村 庄日常生活中的摩擦与压力。 The hallmote was the lord’s manorial court, presided over by his steward, and transacting primarily the lord’s business: collecting merchet, heriot, entry fees, and other manorial dues, enforcing labor services, electing manorial officers, granting seisin (legal possession) to heirs and receiving fealty from them, and providing the lord with substantial profits from its fines and confiscations. 庄园是地主的庄园法庭，由地主的管家主持，主要处理地主的 事务:收集商品、地产、入场费和其他庄园费用，强制执行劳务， 选举庄园管理人员，给予继承人地震素(合法所有权)，接受他们的 效忠，并从罚款和没收中为地主提供可观的利润。 Yet the principal actors in the hallmote were villagers, who in effect served as prosecutor, legal authority, witnesses, and judge. Much of the court’s business had nothing to do with the lord, but was concerned with interaction among the villagers. Finally, the

hallmote’s proceedings were ruled not by the lord’s will but by the ancient and powerful body of tradition known as the custom of the manor. 然而，主要的行为者是村民，谁实际上担任检察官，法律权威， 证人和法官。宫廷的大部分事务与地主无关，而是与村民之间的互动 有关。最后，哈尔莫特的诉讼程序不是由领主的意愿，而是由古老和 强大的传统机构称为习俗的庄园。 The hallmote, furthermore, was a legislative as well as a judicial body, promulgating the bylaws that governed field, meadow, pasture, and woods from Michaelmas to Michaelmas, sending the men to work and the animals to graze in strict concert, stipulating who should harvest, who should glean, when, and for how long. Surviving Elton court rolls record no bylaw enactments, only references to 除此之外，哈尔莫特还是一个立法和司法机构，颁布从 Michaelmas 到 Michaelmas 的田野、草地、牧场和森林的规章制度， 严格协调地派遣人去工作和牲畜去吃草，规定谁应该收获，谁应该收 集，什么时候收集，收集多长时间。现存的埃尔顿法庭记录上没有任 何细则条例，只提到

infractions of existing bylaws, but elsewhere they are recorded as enacted by the “community,” the “homage,” the “tenants,” or the “neighbors.” The lord is rarely mentioned in their framing, though the security of his demesne cultivation was a primary 1 object. 违反了现有的规章制度，但在其他地方，它们被记录为由“社区”、 “尊敬”、“租户”或“邻居”颁布在他们的框架中，地主很少被提及， 尽管他的领地耕作的安全是一个首要目标 A fragmentary document records the itinerary of the Ramsey Abbey steward for the twenty-three manorial courts of early 1294. Holding court first at Ramsey itself on Thursday, January 7, he rode to the nearest manors— Broughton, Wistow, Ripton, Stukeley, and Gidding—reaching Elton on January 16, a Saturday. Thence he proceeded to Weston on Monday the eighteenth, finished off the Huntingdonshire manors, rode south to Therfield in Hertfordshire, then turned back northeast and held court in the Ramsey manors of Cambridgeshire and Bedfordshire, the last session falling on February 19. Nine of the courts required a second day’s sitting, the 2 others were all concluded in a day. 一份残缺的文件记录了 1294 年初拉姆齐修道院管事到 23 个庄园 法院的行程。1 月 7 日，星期四，他在拉姆齐开庭，骑马到达最近的 庄园----布劳顿、威斯托、Ripton、Stukeley 和吉丁----1 月 16 日，星 期六到达埃尔顿。从那里，他在星期一前往韦斯顿，完成了亨廷顿郡 庄园，骑马南下到 Therfield 的赫特福德郡，然后转向东北，在剑桥 郡和贝德福德郡的拉姆齐庄园开庭，最后一次开庭是在 2 月 19 日。9 个法庭要求第二天开庭，其他的法庭一天之内就结案了

A hallmote held in January pretty surely met inside the manor house. In warmer seasons courts often met in the open air, that of 3 St. Albans assembling under an ancient ash tree. The hall must have been crowded and noisy, with all the villeins gathered, reinforced by a few freeholders whose charters stipulated suit, or whose grandfathers had owed it. Though the steward presided, he

did not act as judge. Rather, he lent the authority of the abbot to the judgment rendered by the jury. These twelve (sometimes six or nine) jurati, sworn men, whose oath extended to periods between court sessions, could be fined substantial sums for “concealment,” not bringing cases to court, and for “bad answering and false 4 presentment,” as happened to Elton jurors on several occasions. They collected and presented evidence, along with the appropriate law, the custom of the manor and the village bylaws. In modern parlance, it was a grand jury, and in fact was sometimes so called, but the commoner term was jury of presentment. The jury’s verdict 一月份举行的一场豪华会议肯定是在庄园里举行的。在温暖的季 节，庭院常常在户外聚会，就像 St.Albans 在一棵古老的白蜡树下聚 会一样。虽然由管家主持，但他并不充当法官。相反，他把方丈的权 威借给了陪审团作出的判决。这十二个(有时是 6 个或 9 个)陪审员， 宣过誓的人，他们的誓言延长到法庭休庭期间，可能会被罚款大笔金 额，因为“隐瞒”，没有将案件提交法庭，以及“回答错误和提供虚假陈 述”，就像埃尔顿陪审员多次发生的那样。按照现代的说法，这是一个 大陪审团，实际上有时也被称为大陪审团，但更普通的说法是大陪审 团。陪审团的裁决

was recorded as, “It is found by the jurors that…”, “The jurors say that…”, or “And they say that…”, followed by the facts of the case and concluding, “Therefore…” and the assessment of fine and damages. The jury’s findings received the backing not only of the lord’s steward but of the assembled villagers. Their concurrence was usually expressed tacitly, but on certain occasions actively, when plaintiff or defendant or both “put themselves upon the consideration of the whole court.” In such a case, the village’s assent was inscribed in the court record as villata dicit (the village says), or coram toto halimoto (in the presence of the whole hallmote), or per totum halimotum (by the whole hallmote). In either case, the endorsement of the jury’s findings by the assembly at 5 large was of utmost importance. 被记录为，“ItisfoundbyThejurythat...”，“Thejurysaythat...”，或者 “Andtheysaythat...”，然后是案件的事实，最后结论是， “Therefore...”，以及罚款和损害赔偿的评估。陪审团的调查结果不仅 得到了主管的支持，也得到了聚集在一起的村民的支持。他们的同 意通常是默示的，但在某些情况下，当原告或被告或两者都“将自己 置于整个法院的考虑之中”时，他们会主动表示同意在这种情况下， 村民的同意被记录在法庭记录中，如 villatadicit(村民说)，或 coramtotohalimoto(当着整个哈尔莫特的面)，或 pertotumhalimotum(整个哈尔莫特)。在任何一种情况下，大会对陪 审团调查结果的认可都是至关重要的

Sometimes either a plaintiff or a defendant or both asked for an inquest by a special panel, paying for the privilege. Whatever nuances of favor or knowledgeability a litigant hoped to get from one group or the other of his fellow villagers, his fate was nearly always, for better or for worse, in the hands of people who knew him, knew his adversary, knew the circumstances of the case, knew the relevant law and custom, and had talked it over among themselves.

有时候，原告或被告，或者双方都要求由专门小组进行调查， 为特权付费。无论诉讼当事人希望从一个或另一个村民那里得到什 么微妙的好处或知识，他的命运几乎总是，无论好坏，掌握在那些 认识他、认识他的对手、了解案件情况、了解相关法律和习俗并相 互讨论的人手中。 The court’s record was kept by the steward’s clerk, on a long strip of parchment about eight inches wide, its segments stitched end to end. At its top he inscribed the place and date: “Aylingtone, on the day of St. Clement the Pope in the 12th year of W[illiam] the Abbot”—in other words, Elton, November 23, 1279. Less accomplished than the clerk of the accounts, he left a record in not very elegant Latin, with many errors in syntax and employing numerous abbreviations. In the left margin he noted the category of case, the judgment, and the amount of the fine. At the end of the record of each court he totaled the fines, exactly as the clerk of the accounts did at the end of the reeve’s 法庭的记录由船员的书记员保存在一张大约 8 英寸宽的长羊皮纸 上，每一片羊皮纸的头尾相连。在它的顶端，他写下了地点和日 期:“艾林通，在 w[illiam]修道院 12 年的教皇圣克莱门特日”——换句话 说，埃尔顿，1279 年 11 月 23 日。虽然没有那个账户管理员那么有 造诣，但他留下了一份用不太雅致的拉丁文写成的记录，在句法和使 用大量缩写方面都有许多错误。在左边空白处，他注明了案件类别、 判决和罚款金额。在每个法庭记录的最后，他总计了罚款，就像帐目 办事员在年末所做的那样

demesne account. Whatever else the court was, it was part of the lord’s business enterprise. By the late thirteenth century, the court records were carefully preserved and often consulted for 6 precedents. 私有帐户。不管宫廷是什么，它都是上帝商业活动的一部分。到了 十三世纪晚期，宫廷记录得到了仔细保存，并经常作为判例参考 The court’s appearance, whether indoors or out, was informal, the crowd of villagers standing before the seated steward and clerk, but court procedure was formal and order strictly enforced. At St. Albans in 1253 a man was fined for cursing the twelve jurors, and many cases are recorded of punishment meted out for false accusations against officials and jurors, for abuse of opposing litigants, and for making a disturbance: “Fecerunt strepitum, in curia 7 garrulando” (“they made a racket, talking much in court”). In Elton in 1307, John son of John Abovebrook, haled into court for a debt of 32 pence owed to Robert of Teyngton, failed to make good his promise to pay, and the following year was again cited, but “immediately in contempt of the court withdrew without finding pledges.” The court ordered that the 32 pence be levied from him, and that he be fined a stiff 40 pence for his behavior. “And afterwards he came and made fine for 40 pence…and…he will be obedient henceforth to the lord 8 and to his neighbors.” 法庭的出现，无论是在室内还是室外，都是非正式的，一群村民 站在坐着的管家和书记员面前，但法庭程序是正式的，命令严格执行。 1253 年在 St.Albans，一名男子因为诅咒十二名陪审员而被处以罚款， 许多案件记录表明，对官员和陪审员的虚假指控、滥用对方诉讼当事 人以及扰乱秩序的行为都受到了惩罚:“Feceruntstrepitum， Incuriagarrulando”(“他们在法庭上大吵大闹”)。1307 年在埃尔顿，约 翰·韦布鲁克的儿子约翰·韦布鲁克(Johnvebrook)因欠 Teyngton 的罗 伯特 32 便士的债务被押入法庭，未能兑现他的付款承诺，第二年再 次被引用，但“在没有找到承诺的情况下，立即收回了藐视法庭的行为” 法院命令向他征收 32 便士，并对他的行为处以 40 便士的罚款。“后来 他来了，罚了 40 便士......并且......从今以后，他必顺服主和邻舍。”图 8

A fourteenth-century manual for the instruction of novice stewards called The Court Baron (another name for the manorial court) prescribes a formality of procedure amounting to ritual. It pictures the clerk commencing by reading aloud a model presentment, a charge of battery done by a villager against an outsider: 14 世纪的一本指导新手管理人员的手册称为“法院男爵”(庄园法 庭的另一个名称)，规定了相当于仪式的程序手续。它描绘出一个职 员开始大声朗读一个模型陈述，一个村民对一个外人进行殴打的指 控: Sir steward, Henry of Combe, who is here [pointing], complains of Stephen Carpenter, who is there [pointing], that as he was going his way in the peace of God and in the peace of the lord through this vill which is within the surety of your franchise, at such an hour on such a day in the last year, there came this Stephen Carpenter and encountered him in such a place [naming it], and 史蒂芬·卡朋特在那里指着他说:“管家亨利爵士在这里(指着)， 他在那里(指着)，当他在神的平安中，在神的平安中，在神的平 安中，通过这个属于你们权利范围内的山谷，在去年这样的一个 时刻，有一个史蒂芬·卡朋特来到这里，在这样一个地方遇见了他

assailed him with evil words which were undeserved, insomuch that he called him thief and lawless man and whatever other names seemed good to him except only his right name, and told him that he was spying from house to house the secrets of the good folk of the vill in order that he might come another time by night with his fellows to break [into] their houses and carry off their goods larcenously as a felon; whereupon this Henry answered him civilly and said that he was good and lawful in all things and that [Stephen] was talking at random; whereupon the said Stephen was enraged and snatched his staff of holly out of his hand and gave it to him about his head and across his shoulders and his loins and elsewhere all over his body as he thought fit and then went off. This trespass did the said Stephen wrongfully and against reason and against the peace of the lord and of you, who are charged to guard and maintain the peace, 9 to his damage 20 shillings and shame a half-mark. 他用不该说的恶毒的话攻击他，以至于他称他为小偷和无法无天 的人，除了他的名字以外，他还称他为什么好的名字，并告诉他， 他正在挨家挨户地监视着村民们的秘密，以便他可以晚上再来， 带着他的伙伴们闯进他们的房子，作为一个重罪犯盗窃他们的财 物亨利彬彬有礼地回答说，他在一切事情上都是好的、合法的， 而且[斯蒂芬]是随便说说而已。于是斯蒂芬愤怒地从手里抢过他 的圣杖，把它交给他，放在他的头上，肩上，腰上，身上任何他 认为合适的地方，然后就走开了。司提反说这种冒犯是错误的， 违背了理智，违背了上帝和你们的和平，你们负责守卫和维持和 平，他的损失是 20 先令，他的损失是 0.5 马克

The accused then answered the charge with as nice a regard for the proper formula as the clerk had shown, taking each accusation in order:

然后，被告以书记员表现出来的对正确公式的尊重回答了指控， 按顺序接受了每一项指控: Tort and force and all that is against the peace of God and the peace of the lord and of you, who are charged to guard and maintain the peace, and his [Henry’s] damages of 20 shillings and shame of a half-mark and every penny of it, Stephen defends, who is here, and all manner of evil words against Henry of Combe, who is there, and against his suit and all that he surmises against him, that never he called him thief nor gave him evil word, nor surmised evil slander against him, nor with staff of holly nor other staff beat him across the head or shoulders or loins or any part of his body as he surmises; and that this is true, he is ready to 侵权和暴力，以及一切违背上帝的和平，违背上帝和你们的 和平，你们负责守卫和维护和平，以及他[亨利]损失的 20 先令， 半马克和每一分钱的耻辱，斯蒂芬辩护说，他在这里，用各种各 样的恶语攻击库姆的亨利，他在那里，他的诉讼和他推测的一切， 他从来没有称他为小偷，没有给他邪恶的话，没有猜测对他的邪 恶，也没有用圣杖或其他棍棒殴打他的头或腰或身体的任何部分， 因为他猜测;这是真的，他准备肩膀

acquit himself in all such wise as this court shall award that 10 acquit himself he ought. 10.在本法庭判决的所有智慧中宣告自己无罪，他应该被宣告无 罪 It may be doubted that hallmotes insisted on such exquisite perfection of jargon, but it is known that defendants and litigants in serious cases were often alert to slips of language by which 11 technical flaws could be imputed and judgment perhaps evaded. 人们可能会怀疑哈尔莫特坚持使用如此精致完美的术语，但众所 周知，在严重案件中，被告和诉讼当事人往往警惕语言失误，这些语 言失误可能被归咎于技术缺陷，或许可以逃避判断 The steward in The Court Baron next addresses the accused: “Fair friend Stephen, this court awards that you be at your law sixhanded at the next court to acquit yourself,” to which the defendant 12 replies, “Willingly, sir.” “Be at your law six-handed” meant that Stephen was to bring with him five men who would join him in swearing either that his account of the case was true or that he was himself a trustworthy person. In cases of more serious character or when there was reason to doubt the accused, he might be called on to “be at your law twelve-handed,” requiring him to find eleven “oath helpers.” Oath helping, or compurgation, was by 1300 a basic element of medieval jurisprudence. The sense of it was that several men who attested the truth of their statements on the holy relics 13 would be unlikely to swear their souls away simultaneously. 接下来，《法庭男爵》中的管家对被告说:“公正的朋友斯蒂芬， 法庭判决你在下一个法庭六手执法，宣告你无罪。”被告回答说:“愿意， 先生。”12“遵守你的律法”意思是司提反要带五个人一起来，发誓说他 对案件的叙述是真实的，或者他自己是一个值得信赖的人。如果他性 格比较严重，或者有理由怀疑被告，他可能会被要求“十二手遵守你 的法律”，要求他找到十一个“宣誓助手”到 1300 年，宣誓的帮助，或 简化，是中世纪法律学的一个基本要素。人们的感觉是，若干人证实

了他们关于圣物的言论是真实的，他们不可能同时宣誓将他们的灵魂 带走

At this point a uniquely medieval step in the court’s procedure took place: both plaintiff and defendant were ordered to “find pledges,” persons to act as sureties to guarantee their appearance in court. Such personal pledging was also used to guarantee fulfillment of a promised obligation, or even that the pledge’s subject would behave himself. Pledges were held accountable by the court and were liable to fine: “John Page and John Fraunceys were pledges of Henry Smith for the payment of two shillings to John son of Alexander in the Lane…and nothing is paid. Therefore both of them in mercy [fined]…Better pledges are William of Barnwell and 14 Reginald son of Benedict.” Those 在这一点上，法院程序中采取了一个独特的中世纪步骤:原告和被 告都被命令”找到抵押”，即担保人的身份，以保证他们出庭。这种个 人质押也被用来保证承诺的义务得到履行，甚至保证质押的主体行为 规范。“约翰·佩奇和约翰·弗劳恩西斯是亨利·史密斯向亚历山大·胡同 的儿子约翰·佩奇和约翰·弗劳恩西斯保证支付两先令......但是没有支付 任何费用。因此，他们两人都受到了慈悲[罚款]......巴恩韦尔的威廉和 本尼迪克特的儿子雷金纳德是更好的承诺人。”14 那些

needing pledges sought them among the better class of fellow villagers, those with substantial holdings, who served in village offices. Reeves and beadles were especially in demand. Pledges’ fines were usually three pence, half the standard fine for most offenses. Husbands commonly acted as pledges for wives, but 15 otherwise most pledging was extra-familial. 需要承诺的人会从在村办公室工作的、拥有大量土地的较好阶层的村 民中寻找承诺。里维斯和圣斗士尤其受欢迎。保证人的罚款通常是 3 便士，是大多数违法行为标准罚款的一半。丈夫通常充当妻子的承诺， 但除此之外，大多数的承诺都是家庭外的 The Court Baron stipulated a particular order in which cases should be heard. In real life the hallmote heard cases by category, but the categories followed no discernible order. The invariably lengthy list of fines for the ale brewers sometimes led off the Elton calendar, sometimes concluded it, and sometimes came in the middle. In 1279, twenty-three violations of the assize of ale were recorded at the end of the court record, just before the selection of new ale tasters. Prior to the brewing violations, thirty-four cases were presented. Ten dealt with defaults of harvest or plow work, three with chevage, the rest with a variety of offenses, from the diversion of a watercourse by a neighboring village to a theft of 16 furrows by a villager. The dispatch with which cases were handled compared with that of a modern traffic court. Yet “the law’s delay” was already an established judicial feature. Most defendants were permitted three summonses, three distraints (for failing to appear), and three essoins (excuses for non-appearance), making nine 17 successive postponements.

法院男爵规定了一个特别的命令，在这个命令中案件应该被审理。 在现实生活中，哈尔莫特按类别听取案件，但类别遵循没有明显的顺 序。对啤酒酿造商的罚款总是很长，有时从埃尔顿的日程表开始，有 时结束，有时中间结束。1279 年，在法庭记录的最后，就在挑选新的 啤酒品尝员之前，记录了 23 起违反啤酒巡回审判的事件。在酿造违 反之前，三十四个案件提出。其中 10 起涉及拖欠收割或犁地的工作， 3 起涉及骑士，其余的涉及各种违法行为，从邻村的河道改道到村民 偷窃犁沟。然而，“法律的延误”已经成为一个既定的司法特征。大多

数被告被允许发出三张传票、三次扣押(因未能出庭)和三次逃避(因未 出庭而辩解)，连续九次延期 Litigations between villagers began with a complaint: “John Juvet complains of John Hering.” “Robert Maynard complains of Gilbert de Raundes.” “Thomas Clerk complains of Nicholas son of Richard Smith.” The complainant brought suit—in other words, he brought men with him to vouch for the truth of his complaint. Both he and the defendant were then ordered to find pledges. 村民之间的诉讼以一个抱怨开始:“约翰·朱韦特抱怨约翰·赫 林。”“罗伯特•梅纳德抱怨吉尔伯特•德•劳德斯。”“托马斯·克拉克控告 理查德·史密斯的儿子尼古拉斯。”申诉人提起了诉讼，换句话说，他 带了人来为他的申诉作证。然后他和被告都被命令去寻找保证人。 Once the suit was initiated, if the complainant did not carry it through, he and his pledge were fined. “From Ralph Hert and Isolda his wife and their pledge, namely Reginald 一旦提起诉讼，如果申诉人不履行，他和他的保证将被罚款。 “来自拉尔夫·赫特和伊索尔达他的妻子和他们的承诺，也就是雷金纳 德

Child, for their non-suit against Richard Reeve and John Abovebrook, 18 six pence.” The defendant might wage his law, as John of Elton did “sufficiently” in 1294 against Emma Prudhomme, who had made 19 accusations against him, and who was herself consequently fined. Or the case might be postponed. The delay might result in settlement, either through the defendant’s offering to pay a fine or through the two litigants reaching an out-ofcourt agreement. Such compacts were encouraged by the judicial device of the “love-day” (dies amoris), on which the parties to a dispute were directed to try 20 to reconcile their differences. An out-of-court settlement, however, could not be allowed to become an out- of-pocket settlement for the lord. The parties still owed a fee, in this case recorded under the title of “license to agree”: “From John son of John of Elton for license to agree with John of Langetoft and Alice his wife sixpence.” “From Nicholas le Rous for license to agree with Henry Daysterre and 21 Emma his wife four pence.” Part of the agreement was the determination of which of the two parties would pay the fine. 孩子，他们没有起诉理查德·里夫和约翰·阿布韦布鲁克，六便士。”18 被告可能发动他的法律，就像约翰·埃尔顿在 1294 年对艾玛·普鲁多姆 做的那样，她对他提出了指控，她自己也因此被罚款。拖延可能导致 和解，要么通过被告提出支付罚款，要么通过双方当事人达成庭外协 议。“love-day”(diesamoris)的司法手段鼓励了这种契约，指示争端各 方努力调和他们的分歧。双方仍欠一笔费用，在本案中记录在”协议执 照”的标题下:”来自埃尔顿的约翰的儿子约翰要求执照同意兰格托夫特 的约翰和爱丽丝的妻子六便士尼古拉斯·勒·劳斯同意亨利·戴斯特尔和 他的妻子埃玛·勒·劳斯的意见 21 协议的一部分是确定双方中哪一方支 付罚款。 Yet the court was lenient toward the destitute, or realistic about the difficulty of getting blood out of turnips. “In mercy, but [fined] nothing because [he or she is] poor,” recurs many times in the records.

然而，法院对穷人宽大处理，对从芜菁中提取血液的困难也很 现实。记录中多次提到:“仁慈，但不因为他或她贫穷而罚款。”。 At least once a year, usually in late winter or spring, a form of manorial court known as the view (review) of frankpledge was held. A uniquely English institution, frankpledge antedates the 22 Conquest. All the village’s male residents under the age of twelve belonged to units of ten or a dozen called frankpledges or tithings, each of which was collectively responsible for the behavior of its members, and whose interests it defended. If a man was accused by a neighbor, the members of his tithing were responsible for his appearance in court. At the head of each tithing was a 每年至少有一次，通常是在冬末或春季，举行一种称为法兰克保证观 点(复审)的庄园法庭。这个村子里所有十二岁以下的男性居民都属于 10 个或者 12 个被称为法兰克许诺或者什一奉献的单位，每个单位都 对其成员的行为负有集体责任，并且维护他们的利益。如果一个人被 邻居指控，他的十一奉献的成员要对他在法庭上的出现负责。在每一 个什一税的头上都有一个

leader called a chief pledge, an important man in the village: “It was commanded to Hugh Achard and his tithing at the last view to have [a certain man] at this court and he had him not. Therefore he and 23 his tithing in mercy.” 村里的一个重要人物被村长称为“村长”:“休·阿查德和他的什一税在最 后一次见面时被命令在这个宫廷里有一个人，但是他没有。所以他和 他的十分之一都是怜悯图 23 The tithing was not kinship-based, though in some ways it served the purpose of the old clan or supra-family group. Originally it was a cell in the royal administration, and its review in some places was still performed by the king’s sheriff (shire-reeve, chief officer of the shire), but usually the local lord had acquired frankpledge along with manorial justice. Carried out by the steward, the view of frankpledge assured the integrity of the village’s tithings, making certain that every boy turning twelve years of age and every male newcomer to the village acquired membership. By the end of the thirteenth century, the tithing system and personal pledging were showing signs of decadence as the royal courts developed more 24 modern juridical techniques, such as prison and bail. 这个什一奉献不是以亲属关系为基础的，尽管在某些方面它服务 于老氏族或超家族群体的目的。它最初是皇家行政部门的一个小组， 在某些地方，它的审查工作仍由国王的治安官(郡里夫，郡长)进行， 但通常地方领主已经获得了法兰克承诺和庄园正义。由管家执行，这 种坦率承诺的观点保证了村庄十一税的完整性，确保每一个 12 岁的 男孩和每一个新加入村庄的男性都获得成员资格。到十三世纪末，随 着皇家法院发展出更多的现代司法技术，如监狱和保释，十一税制度 和个人抵押制度显示出颓废的迹象

In theory, and perhaps at one time in fact, there was some distinction in procedure and type of case between the regular hallmote and the view of frankpledge, but by the late thirteenth century it had virtually disappeared. The Court Baron’s list of offenses typically heard by the view of frankpledge—shedding of blood, rape, theft of grain or poultry, placing a dung-heap in the high street, building a fence on a neighbor’s land or on the king’s

highway—are very much the same things heard in ordinary 25 hallmotes. However, where the hallmote, usually held in the autumn, elected the reeve, beadle, and wardens of autumn, the 26 view of frankpledge chose the village ale tasters. 在理论上，或许在某个时候，在程序和案件类型上，常规的标记 和法兰克质押观有一些区别，但到了十三世纪晚期，它实际上已经消 失了。法院男爵的罪行清单通常是按照法兰克宣誓的观点来听的，包 括流血、强奸、偷窃谷物或家禽、在大街上堆粪、在邻居的土地上或 在国王的高速公路上筑篱笆，这些罪行和普通的宣誓大厅里听到的几 乎是一样的。然而，在通常在秋天举行的宣誓大厅里，法兰克宣誓选 出了秋天的领袖、牧师和监狱长，法兰克宣誓大厅的观点则选择了乡 村麦酒品尝师 Killers, professional robbers, and other hardened felons, regular defendants in the royal courts, were rarely seen in the hallmote, which was nevertheless no stranger to violent crime. It was reported in several different forms: “Agnes 杀人犯、职业抢劫犯和其他重罪犯都是皇室法庭上的常客，他们很少 出现在走廊里，尽管这里对暴力犯罪并不陌生。它以几种不同的形式 出现:“艾格尼丝

daughter of Philip Saladin raised the hue-and-cry upon Thomas of 27 Morburn who wanted to have sex with her.” “Matilda Prudhomme justly raised the hue-and-cry against John Blaccalf 28 because he drew blood from Hugh the man of the said Matilda.” “The wife of Matfrid and her daughter justly raised the hue-and-cry 29 upon Henry Marshal because he beat them.” “It was found by neighboring jurors that John ate Lane maliciously assaulted Alice his stepmother in her own house…and beat, ill-treated, and 30 maimed the said Alice with a stick, breaking her right hand.” 菲利普·萨拉丁的女儿向想和她发生性关系的摩尔本的托马斯大发雷 霆。”“玛蒂尔达·普鲁多姆公正地对约翰·布拉卡夫大声疾呼，因为他 从上述玛蒂尔达的主人休身上抽了血。”“马特弗莱德的妻子和她的女 儿公正地向亨利·马歇尔大声疾呼，因为他打了她们。”29“邻近的陪 审员发现，约翰吃了莱恩在爱丽丝家中恶意袭击她的继母...殴打， 虐待，并用棍子打伤了爱丽丝，折断了她的右手。”图 30 The last category of assault, in the victim’s own home, was considered a graver offense than similar violence on neutral ground, and was usually designated hamsoken: “Matilda Saladin justly raised the hue-and-cry upon five men of Sir Gilbert de Lyndsey who were committing hamsoken upon Philip Saladin and beat and badly 31 treated him.” Similarly, drawing blood was regarded as especially serious. 最后一类攻击发生在受害人自己的家中，被认为比中立地带的类 似暴力行为更严重，通常被称为“hamsoken”:“MatildaSaladin 公正地 向 GilbertdeLyndsey 爵士的五名男子大喊大叫，他们正在对 PhilipSaladin 大打出手，殴打并虐待他。”31 同样，抽血也被认为是 特别严重的。 The hue-and-cry raised by the victim, or by a relative, neighbor, friend, or passerby, obligated everyone within earshot to drop what he was doing and come to the rescue. Failure to do so brought a collective penalty: “And they say that Alexander Prudhomme badly beat Henry son of Henry Smith [who] justly raised the hue-and-cry upon him. Not prosecuted, villata fined two shillings [and] 32 commanded to distrain Alexander to answer.”

受害者，或者亲戚，邻居，朋友，或者路人发出的呐喊声，使 得听得见的每个人都有义务放下手头的工作，前来救援。“他们说， 亚历山大·普鲁多姆狠狠地打了亨利·史密斯的儿子亨利，而亨利·史 密斯正义地向他大声疾呼。维拉塔没有被起诉，罚款两先令(并)命令 亚历山大回答问题。”图 32 Blood did not have to be actually shed, or even a blow struck, to justify the hue-and-cry. Richard son of Richard Reeve gave clear indication of a desire to beat Richard Blakeman, who “by reason of terror and fear” was justified in the jurors’ eyes in raising 33 the hue-and-cry. 不需要真的流血，甚至不需要打击，就能证明这种大声疾呼是 正确的。理查德·里夫的儿子理查德·里夫清楚地表明了打击理查 德·布莱克曼的愿望，陪审员们认为“出于恐惧和害怕”，理查德·布莱 克曼的举动是正当的 On the other hand, the hue was not to be raised lightly or wrongfully: “The jurors say that Adam Fot committed hamsoken upon Andrew son of Alkusa and nonetheless the wife of the said Adam unjustly raised the hue-and-cry upon the same Andrew. Fine 34 sixpence.” Anyone raising the hue 另一方面，不能轻率地或错误地提出这一问题:”陪审员说，亚 当·福特对阿尔库萨的儿子安德鲁犯下了贪婪罪行，然而，上述亚当 的妻子却不公正地对同一个安德鲁提出了这一问题。不错的六便 士。”34 任何人提高颜色

was obliged immediately to find a personal pledge to support his claim of raising it justly. 被迫立即找到一个个人保证来支持他公正地提出这个要求。 Sometimes two parties to an altercation raised the hue against each other, in which case the court decided which was justified: “Henry Abovebrook justly raised the hue-and-cry upon Richard Sabyn. Richard fined sixpence…And they say that Richard Sabyn unjustly raised the hue-and-cry upon Henry Abovebrook. Richard 35 fined [an additional] sixpence.” 有时候，争吵的双方互相指责，在这种情况下，法庭判决哪一方 是正当的:“亨利·阿布韦布鲁克理所当然地向理查德·萨宾提出了指责。 理查德罚款六便士......他们说理查德·萨宾不公正地向亨利·阿布韦布鲁 克大声疾呼。理查德罚款 6 便士。”图 35 When the hue-and-cry posse collared its quarry, he was turned over to the bailiff, the reeve, or the beadle. In Elton in 1312 the beadle was fined three pence “because he did not arrest John son 36 of Matfrid, a bondman, to answer concerning the hue-and-cry.” 当巡逻队抓住他们的目标时，他们就把他交给执达吏、里夫或 执事。1312 年在埃尔顿，执事被罚款 3 便士，“因为他没有逮捕奴隶 马特弗里德的儿子约翰，以回答有关这场大哭的问题。”图 36 Serious injury in an assault case brought damages along with the fine: “It is found by the jurors that Robert Sabyn assaulted Nicholas Miller and beat him to his damage of sixpence. Fine 37 sixpence.” The three men who assaulted Gilbert son of Reginald le Wyse in 1279 were directed to “satisfy him for damages” as well 38 as pay a sixpence fine. Similarly in cases of property damage: for the malicious injury to the house of Richard son of Elias done by Thomas of Chausey in 1308, Thomas was directed to pay sixpence 39 damages along with the usual sixpence fine. 在一起人身伤害案中，陪审团认为罗伯特·萨宾袭击了尼古拉 斯·米勒，并殴打他造成了 6 便士的损失。不错的六便士。”37.1279 年袭击雷金纳德·勒维斯之子吉尔伯特的三名男子被指示“向他赔偿损

失”，并支付六便士的罚款。38 同样，在财产损失案件中，由于 1308 年乔西的托马斯对伊莱亚斯之子理查德的房子造成恶意损害，托马斯 被指示支付六便士的损害赔偿金和通常的六便士罚款 Only rarely do the Elton records reveal a punishment imposed other than a fine. In the case in 1292 in which John ate Lane was convicted of maliciously assaulting his stepmother and breaking her hand, the account concludes, “Therefore the said John is put in the 40 stocks.” 在埃尔顿的记录中，除了罚款以外，很少有其他惩罚措施。在 1292 年的案件中，约翰吃了莱恩被定罪为恶意袭击他的继母并折断 了她的手，这个故事得出结论:“因此，上述约翰被关进了监狱。”40 Moral transgression was a precinct of the law in which the superior competence of the Church courts was conceded, and in which canon law had developed an extensive literature. Adultery was the most conspicuous of moral offenses, and drew the Church’s most severe penalties, typically a whipping for peasants, a heavy fine for their betters. The Church also ruled on the validity of 道德越轨是法律的一个区域，在这个区域里，教会法庭的高级管 辖权被承认，在这个区域里，教会法已经发展出了大量的文献。通奸 是最明显的道德犯罪，受到教会最严厉的惩罚，通常是鞭打农民，对 上等人处以重罚。教会还规定了

marriage contracts (an active legal issue in the absence of state licensing or requirement of witnesses), separations, and prescribed penances for such delinquencies as departing from the 41 traditional posture in intercourse. 婚姻合同(在没有国家许可证或证人要求的情况下，这是一个积极的 法律问题)、分居，以及对这种违反传统性交姿态的行为规定的惩罚 Nevertheless, the lord took an interest in sex mores, at least a financial interest, focusing on men and women previously haled into Church court for adultery, and young women detected indulging in premarital sex. The jurors were relied on to report cases of leirwite, or of matrimony without the lord’s license, and were fined for failing to do so. 尽管如此，上帝还是对性道德感兴趣----至少是经济上的兴趣---主要关注以前因通奸而被带到教堂法庭的男人和女人，以及被发现沉 迷于婚前性行为的年轻女性。陪审员们被要求报告莱尔维特的案件， 或者没有领主许可的婚姻案件，并且因为没有这样做而被罚款。 A village woman, however, ran a much greater risk of being fined for her brewing than for her dallying. “[Allota] is a common brewer at a penny and sometimes at a halfpenny, and sold before the tasting [by the village ale tasters] and sometimes made [the ale] 42 weak. Therefore [she is] in mercy two shillings.” “Alice wife of Blythe [sold] three times at a halfpenny and at a penny and sold before the tasting, did not bring her measures [to be checked]. Twelve pence.” “Matilda Abovebrook at a halfpenny and a penny, sometimes weak ale, she sells before the tasting, did not bring her 43 measures. Sixpence.” Sometimes the lengthy list of women (only six men ever appear among Elton brewers) is simply put down in the court record with the fine noted. The unfailing frequency of the ale fines has led to a conjecture that the assize of ale was a sort of back-door license fee collected by the lord in lieu of the monopoly he 44 had failed to obtain in this important branch of village business. At the same time, the very number of home brewers makes credible a need for government regulation, while the fines varied and the charges differed: the ale is “weak,” “not of full value,” “not worth the

money,” the measures are not sealed, the price is too high. Enforcement of standards for price and quality was of value to consumers, and the insistence on checking brewers’ measures indicates serious purpose. 然而，一个乡村妇女，因为她的酿酒而被罚款的风险比因为她的 磨磨蹭蹭而被罚款的风险要大得多。“(阿洛塔)是一家普通的酿酒商， 售价一便士，有时半便士，在(村里的麦芽酒品尝师)品尝之前出售， 有时会让(麦芽酒)变淡。所以她得了两先令的怜悯。”42“布莱斯的妻子 爱丽丝以半便士和一便士的价格卖了三次，并且在品酒会之前卖掉了， 她没有带她的措施来检查。12 便士。”“玛蒂尔达•阿布维布鲁克 (MatildaAbovebrook)在品酒会前以半便士一便士的价格出售淡色麦芽 酒，没有带上她的措施。六便士。”43 有时候冗长的女性名单(在埃尔 顿酿酒人中只有 6 个男人出现过)会被简单地记录在法庭记录中并被罚 款。44.与此同时，家庭啤酒酿造商的数量使得政府有必要进行监管成 为可信的，而罚款则各不相同，费用也各不相同:麦芽酒“不够高”、“价 值不足”、“不值钱”、措施不密封、价格过高。执行价格和质量标准对 消费者是有价值的，坚持检查酿酒商的措施表明了严肃的目的。

In Elton as everywhere that open field agriculture prevailed, a large proportion of the manor court’s business consisted of enforcement of the bylaws and customs governing crops and pasture. Reeve and bailiff were mainly responsible for bringing to book defaulters on work obligations, but for surveillance of the army of harvest workers they had the help of the two “wardens of autumn.” “The wardens of autumn present that Master Stephen made default at one boonwork…Therefore let him be distrained to answer [be arrested and brought to court].” “Of Reginald Child for the same at another boonwork of the autumn of one man [as] above. Pledge Richard the beadle.” “Of John Heryng for the same of one man three pence. Pledge Roger Gamel.” “Of Robert Chapman for the same of one 45 man sixpence. Pledge John Page.” Failure to appear, tardiness, or simply performing the service badly brought sure, if moderate, penalties. 在埃尔顿，就像其他地方一样，开阔地农业盛行，庄园法庭的业务很 大一部分是强制执行有关作物和牧场的规章制度和习俗。里夫和法警 主要负责将拖欠工作义务的人绳之以法，但在两位“秋季看守”的帮助 下，他们负责监督收割工人大军“秋监们呈上史蒂芬少爷在一次恩事 中违约的礼物......因此，让他回答[被逮捕并送上法庭]。”“雷金纳德的 孩子为同样的另一个恩典-一个人的秋天的工作[如]以上。执事理查 德。””约翰·赫连格，一个人也要三个便士。新人罗杰·盖梅尔。”“罗伯 特·查普曼的钱，换取同样的一人六便士。约翰·佩奇。”45.没有出现， 迟到，或者仅仅是服务表现不好，肯定会受到中等程度的处罚。

“I do not advise you to plead against your lord,” warned a satiric poem ascribed to a canon of Leicester Abbey. “Peasant, you will be vanquished…You must endure what the custom of the earth has 46 given you.” Modern scholar George C. Homans, however, has written: “The striking fact is that many such disputes [between lord and tenant] were settled in the hallmote just as they would have been if the parties had both been simple villagers.” Homans cites a case involving tenants of the Bishop of Chichester in 1315, in which an inquest of three hallmotes backed the tenants in their refusal to cart dung for the lord. “The lord’s arbitrary will was bounded, or

rather he allowed it to be bounded, by custom as found by the 47 tenants.” “我不建议你去反对你的领主，”一首被认为是莱斯特大教堂正典 的讽刺诗警告说。“农民，你会被征服的......你必须忍受世俗赋予你的 一切。”然而，现代学者霍曼斯写道:“令人震惊的事实是，许多这样的 纠纷[在领主和佃户之间]都是在大厅里解决的，就像如果当事双方都 是简单的村民那样。”霍曼斯引用了一个 1315 年的案例，这个案例涉 及到奇切斯特主教的房客，在这个案例中，一个对 3 个房客的调查支 持房客拒绝为上帝运送粪便。“领主的任意意志是受到约束的，或者说 是受到佃户习惯的约束。”47 A number of cases in Elton pitted villagers against the lord, his steward, or his lesser officials. In 1312 “John Troune entered a plea contrary to the lord’s statutes” and was fined sixpence for 48 contempt. Two men who pleaded “in opposition to the steward” in the court of 1331 were fined three pence and sixpence, 49 respectively. Thus an individual 在埃尔顿发生的许多案件中，村民们与地主、管家或其下级官员 进行了对抗。1312 年，“JohnTroune 提出了违反主人法令的抗辩”， 并因藐视法庭罪被处以六便士的罚款

peasant, as the canon of Leicester warned, appears to have been at a substantial disadvantage in pleading against his betters. But in three other cases, though no final outcome is recorded, the villagers’ side of the argument is unmistakably accorded a respectful hearing. One difference in these cases is that the other party was not the lord or his steward, but a lesser official or officials. Another difference, highly significant in the light of later history, is that the village viewpoint was maintained not by an individual tenant but by a large group of villagers, or even the whole village united. 正如莱斯特的教士所警告的那样，农民在对抗他的上级时似乎处于相 当不利的地位。但在另外三起案件中，尽管没有最终结果的记录，村 民们的论点却得到了明白无误的尊重。在这些情况下的一个区别是， 另一方不是领主或他的管家，而是一个较低的官员或官员。另一个差 异，从后来的历史来看，非常重要的是，村庄的观点不是由一个租户 来维持，而是由一大群村民，甚至是整个村庄联合起来。

All three cases were heard in 1300. In the first the villagers accused the bailiff and his assistants of having dug a ditch to enclose “a certain place which is called Gooseholm where they planted willows, which place is a common pasture for all the men of the whole village.” In the second case, they accused the bailiffs of encroaching on a furlong called Michelgrove by taking away from all 50 the lands abutting on it “to the breadth of four feet.” Presumably the officials were doing their encroaching in the interests of the lord’s demesne, though there is no indication that they were acting under instructions. 这三个案件都是在 1300 年审理的。起初，村民们指责法警和他 的助手们挖了一条沟来圈住“一个叫 Gooseholm 的地方，他们在那里 种了柳树，那里是全村所有男人的公共牧场。”在第二起案件中，他们 指控法警侵占了一个名为 Michelgrove 的弗隆岛，从该岛毗邻的所有 土地上夺走了“四英尺宽”的土地 50.据推测，官员们是在侵犯地主私有 领地的利益，尽管没有迹象表明他们是奉命行事。

The third case involved an exchange of complaints between the villagers and Hugh Prest, the claviger. First the jurors reported that “the bailiffs of the lord unjustly hinder the community of the vill of Elton from driving by the way which is called the Greenway all their draught-beasts and other animals, whereas they ought to have it for the common of their pasture.” In turn, Hugh Prest cited nine villagers, most of them virgaters, “because they drove their beasts by the way which is called Greenway when the furlongs of the lord abbot abutting thereupon were sown.” The jurors protested strongly: “And they say that they and all men of the vill of Elton ought by right to have the said droveway at all times of the year, inasmuch as all strangers 第三个案件涉及村民和克拉维格人休·普雷斯特交换意见。首先， 陪审员们报告说，“地主的法警不公正地阻止埃尔顿的村民们沿着所 谓的绿色通道驾车，他们所有的牲畜和其他动物都应该沿着绿色通道 行驶，而他们应该把绿色通道作为他们的公共牧场。”休·普雷斯特引 用了九位村民的例子，其中大部分是处女者，“因为他们驱赶牲畜的 方式被称为绿道，当毗邻那里的住持大人的弗隆被播种时。”陪审员 强烈抗议道:“他们说，他们和埃尔顿的所有人都有权在一年中的任何 时候拥有这辆车，因为他们都是陌生人

passing by the same way can have a free droveway with their animals of all kinds without challenge or hindrance.” Hugh Prest replied that although strangers were 通过同样的方式可以有一个自由的货车道与他们的各种动物没有挑 战或阻碍。”休·普雷斯特回答说，虽然陌生人 permitted to use the droveway, in the past “the said customary tenants and their partners have sometimes contributed four shillings to the use of the lord for having their droveway when the furlongs of the lord there had been sown.” The anger and indignation of the villagers is unmistakable in the reply recorded in the court rolls: “And the aforesaid customary tenants and all others of the vill, free tenants as well as others, and also the twelve jurors whose names are contained at the beginning of the roll, say and swear that if any money has been contributed by the customary tenants of the vill to have their droveway there, the said claviger has taken that money at his will by distraint and extortion and has levied it from them unjustly.” The steward, clearly embarrassed at “seeing the dissension and discord between the claviger demanding and the said men gainsaying him, was unwilling to pronounce judgment against the claviger”—as the united villagers clearly insisted. Instead he “left this judgment wholly to the disposition of the lord abbot, that the same lord, having scrutinized the register concerning the custom in the matter of this demand, should do and ordain as he should see 51 ought to be done according to the will of God.” ”在过去，上述的传统佃农和他们的合伙人，有时会捐四先令给上帝， 让他们在上帝播种之后继续赶路”法庭档案中记录的答复无疑表达了村 民们的愤怒和愤怒:“上述的村民和其他村民、自由村民以及其他人， 还有名字在档案开头的十二名陪审员，他们说，并发誓，如果村民的 村民捐出任何钱让他们的流浪汉在那里停留，那么这个村民就会随心 所欲地通过肆意勒索和敲诈勒索来获取这笔钱，并且从他们那里得到 这笔钱是不公正的。”这位管家显然因“看到克拉维格的要求与反对他 的上述人士之间的分歧和不和而感到尴尬，不愿意对克拉维格作出判 决”——合并的村民们显然坚持这一点。相反，他“把这个判决完全交

给住持主人来决定，即同一位住持，在仔细查阅了关于这个要求的习 俗的记录之后，应该按照上帝的意愿去做和命令他应该看到的事 情。”51

Although no further record of the case has survived, it seems unlikely that the abbot provoked further resentment by the villagers over a problem that touched his interests only lightly and vexed them so much. Homans perhaps exaggerates in claiming that “The lord, in his own court and in a case in which his interest was 52 involved, was treated much like any other villager.” Nevertheless, the steward’s conciliatory attitude toward the angry Elton tenants is noteworthy. One peasant breaking a rule was easy to deal with; a whole village up in arms over what it deemed an infringement of village rights was something else. 虽然这个案件没有进一步的记录保存下来，但似乎不太可能因为 这个问题而激起村民们更多的怨恨，这个问题只是轻微地触及了他的 利益，却让他们如此苦恼。霍曼斯夸张地说，“在他自己的法庭上， 在一个涉及他利益的案件中，上帝受到了和其他村民一样的待遇。” 尽管如此，这位管家对埃尔顿愤怒的租客的和解态度还是值得注意的。 一个农民违反规定是很容易对付的，而一个全村人因为他们认为侵犯 了村民的权利而发起武装冲突则是另外一回事。

The fact that few decisions in the hallmote went against the lord was less owing to pressure on the court exerted by his officials than to the basic relationship between lord and village. His rights, privileges, and monopolies made it unlikely for him to infringe legally on the villagers while making it easy for them to infringe on him. 事实上，很少有决定违背了地主的是由于他的官员对法院施加的 压力，而不是地主和村庄之间的基本关系。他的权利、特权和垄断使 他不太可能合法地侵犯村民，同时让他们很容易地侵犯他。 In the endless small fines levied for default of work obligations, it may even be possible to discern the same rationale as that suggested for the fines for violation of the ale regulations. Edward Britton, reviewing the evidence from Broughton, suggests that the moderation of the fines makes them amount to a standard fee which a villager could pay if he wished to skip a day’s work on the 53 demesne. 在对不履行工作义务的无休止的小额罚款中，甚至可能看出违反 啤酒条例罚款的理由与建议的理由相同。爱德华·布里顿回顾了来自布 劳顿的证据，认为适度的罚款使得他们相当于一个村民可以支付的标 准费用，如果他希望跳过一天在领地上的工作 Not all the infractions by villagers were against the lord. Villagers also infringed on each other: “It is found that Robert of Teygnton carried away the fittings of the plow of John Abovebrook, in consequence whereof the same John lost his plowing during one day to his damage of one halfpenny, which he will pay him,” plus a 54 three-penny fine. John Allot was convicted of carrying away the hay of Reginald of Brington “to the value of four pence which he will 55 pay to the same Reginald before the next court, fine pardoned.” 并非所有村民的违法行为都是对地主不利的。村民们也互相侵 权:“据发现，Teygnton 的罗伯特带走了约翰·阿布韦布鲁克的犁的配件， 结果同一个约翰在一天内因为损坏了半便士而失去了犁地的机会，他 将向他支付半便士的赔偿，”加上三便士的罚款 55 Nor did all the cases originate in the fields: “John Ivet has not repaired the house of Richard Crane satisfactorily, as agreed

between them, to the damage of Richard sixpence, which John 56 will pay. For trespass, fine three pence.” Some court cases were family matters, as when Robert Smith “unjustly detained in his smithy the horse of Sarah his mother against her will,” and 57 was fined sixpence. 也不是所有的案件都起源于田地:“约翰·伊维特没有按照他们之 间的协议，令人满意地修理理查德·克莱恩的房子，理查德·克莱恩 的房子损坏了六便士，约翰要赔偿。擅自闯入者罚款三便士。”56. 有些法庭案件属于家庭事务，比如罗伯特·史密斯“违背母亲的意愿， 将萨拉的马不公正地扣留在他的铁匠铺里”，并被罚款 6 便士 Debts were a frequent subject of villager-versus-villager suits: “Richard Blythe acknowledges himself to be bound to Andrew Noppe for one ring of barley, which he will pay him. Unjust 58 detention, fine three pence.” “John Roger unjustly detains from Richard Baxter one quarter of barley to his 债务是村民对村民诉讼中经常提到的话题:“理查德·布莱斯向安德 鲁·诺佩承诺，他将向他支付一枚大麦。扣押不公，罚款三便士。””约 翰·罗杰不公正地扣留了理查德·巴克斯特四分之一的大麦

59 damage of two pence, which he will pay him. Sixpence fine.” In one case the debt was between two men, both of whom had died: “Sarah widow of Henry Smith, and John and Robert her sons, executors of the testament of Henry, bound to John Hering and Joan widow of Robert Hering for one quarter of barley which Henry borrowed from Robert in their lifetime. Will satisfy them concerning 60 the grain, sixpence fine.” The creditor was sometimes an outsider: in 1294 two Elton villagers, Geoffrey in Angulo and Philip Noppe, owed grain to Richard Abraham of Haddon, and were instructed to 61 pay but were excused the court’s fine because they were poor. 损失两便士，他会付给他的。罚款六便士。”59 在一个案例中，债务 是两个人之间的，他们都已经死了:“莎拉是亨利·史密斯的遗孀，约翰 和罗伯特是她的两个儿子，亨利的遗嘱执行人，约翰·赫林和琼是罗伯 特·赫林的遗孀，亨利在世时向罗伯特借了四分之一的大麦。就五谷满 足他们、罚款六便士 60.债权人有时是一个局外人:1294 年，Angulo 的杰弗里和菲利普·诺普这两个埃尔顿村民欠哈登的理查德·亚伯拉罕 的粮食，他们被要求偿还，但因为他们贫穷而免除了法院的罚款

The Elton records contain no outright references to moneylending, though some of the cases of debt may have been loans disguised as purchases. Other sources show it to have been a common feature of rural life, often leading to court judgment and seizure of property. The loan was often in the form of a pawn. Interest rates were always high and frequently condemned by the Church as usurious, without stemming the flow of loans, in which churchmen themselves engaged. Debtors often took refuge in flight, 62 leading down the path of vagabondage to crime. 埃尔顿的唱片中没有直接提到放贷，尽管有些债务可能是伪装成 购买的贷款。其他资料显示，这是农村生活的一个共同特征，往往导 致法院判决和没收财产。这笔贷款通常以典当的形式出现。利率总是 很高，经常被教会谴责为高利贷，并没有阻止信徒自己借贷的流动。 债务人常常逃避，从而走上流浪犯罪的道路 One frequently heard suit of villager against villager was for slander. In 1279 Andrew Reeve accused Gilbert Gamel of

malingering and working in his own barn and yard instead of performing his labor services. The accusation was public enough so that it “came to the ears of the bailiffs.” The jurors cleared Gilbert 63 and fined Andrew twelve pence. Slander could also bring damages. John Page was fined sixpence, and paid Richard Benyt 64 twelve pence damages for “defaming” him. Sarah Wagge “unjustly defamed” Nicholas son of Elias, accusing him of having stolen two of her hens and “eating them to her damage of sixpence”; Sarah was fined sixpence and had to pay Nicholas damages of sixpence, the 65 price of the hens she claimed he had stolen. Another villager “defamed Adam son of Hubert by 一个经常听到的村民对村民的控告是诽谤。1279 年，安德鲁·里 夫指责吉尔伯特·盖梅尔装病，在自己的谷仓和院子里干活，而不是为 他做劳动服务。这项指控是公开的，以至于“传到了法警的耳朵里”陪 审团宣布吉尔伯特无罪，并对安德鲁处以 12 便士的罚款。诽谤也可 能造成损害。SarahWagge“不公正地诽谤”Elias 的儿子 Nicholas，指 责他偷了她的两只母鸡，并“吃掉它们，损失了她的六便士”;Sarah 被 罚款六便士，不得不向 Nicholas 支付六便士的赔偿金，这是她声称他 偷鸡的价格

66 calling him false and faithless,” and was fined three pence. In one case in 1300, Allota of Langetoft accused Robert Harpe of defaming her “by calling her a thief”; the jury found Robert 67 innocent and fined Allota sixpence for false claim. 在 1300 年的一起案件中，Langetoft 的阿洛塔指控罗伯特·哈普诽 谤她“称她为小偷”，陪审团认定罗伯特是无辜的，并对阿洛塔处以 六便士的罚款

In the hallmote, a decision might be appealed to the documents, especially the “register of customs” (meaning in all probability the Ramsey Abbey cartulary), as in the case of the Greenway dispute of 1300. The cartulary contained information about tenure, customary obligations, and servile status. When it failed to resolve a question, an appeal could be made to the lord, who might be an impartial arbiter if his own interest was not involved, or perhaps a fair or reasonable one if it was. 在哈尔莫特，可以对文件提出上诉，特别是“海关登记册”(很可能是指 拉姆齐修道院的地图)，如 1300 年格林威争端案。地役权包含有关土 地保有权、习惯义务和奴役地位的信息。如果一个问题没有得到解决， 可以向上帝提出上诉，如果不涉及自己的利益，上帝可能是一个公正 的仲裁者，如果涉及自己的利益，上帝也可能是一个公平或合理的仲 裁者。 There is also evidence of a more modern system of appeal. This was one made from the hallmote to the honor court, the court of the whole estate (honor), which for Ramsey Abbey met at Broughton, with suit owed by the free tenants of Elton and the other manors. A case of 1259 involved a dispute among the villagers about repairs to the millpond after flooding. The twelve jurors of the Elton hallmote, all villeins, accused five free tenants—Reginald Benyt, Ralph Blaccalf, Andrew L’Hermite, Henry Miller, and Henry Fraunceys—of refusing to help, the accused claiming that they were

68 not obligated because of their free status. The case may have been referred to the court at Broughton because of the defendants’ allegiance to that court, but in other instances Broughton seems to have acted as a true court of appeal, with villeins summoned thither from their hallmotes. The principal function of the Broughton honor court, however, was not judicial but administrative, the arrangement 69 of the military service owed by the abbey. Elsewhere, the central court of an estate is known to have acted at times as an appeals court. The court of St. Albans, 还有证据表明，上诉制度更加现代化。这是一个从厅堂到荣誉法 庭，整个庄园(荣誉)的法庭，为拉姆齐修道院会见在布劳顿，由埃尔 顿和其他庄园的自由租户欠的诉讼。1259 年的一个案件涉及到村民 之间关于水灾后修理蓄水池的纠纷。十二名陪审员指控 5 名自由房客 ----reginaldBenyt，Ralphblacalf，Andrewl’hermite，HenryMiller 和 Henryfraunceys----拒绝帮助，被告声称他们没有义务因为他们的自 由身份。然而，布劳顿荣誉法院的主要职能不是司法职能，而是行政 职能，即安排修道院应服的兵役。St.Albans 法庭,

assembled under its famous ash tree, regularly heard cases forwarded to it by the other St. Albans manors, returning its 70 interpretation to the local courts. 聚集在其著名的白蜡树下，定期审理其他 St.Albans 庄园转交给它的 案件，并将其翻译交给当地法院 For the typical villein tenant, nearly any offense he might commit, from default of his work obligations to hamsoken against his neighbor, brought him to the hallmote, attended by his fellow villagers acting as his judges. Members of his tithing supported his appearance in court. Twelve villagers examined and discussed his case, made accusation against him, and found him guilty or not guilty. If he was required to corroborate his defense or his claim, he called on friends and neighbors to give him oath-help so that he could “be at his law six-handed.” When he was fined he appealed to a fellow villager to act as his pledge and guarantee his payment. Rarely was he subjected to either imprisonment or corporal punishment, though aggravated assault might land him in the stocks on the village green. 对于一个典型的村民来说，他几乎可能犯下的任何罪行----由于没有履 行工作义务而对邻居大发雷霆----都会把他带到走廊里，由他的村民们 充当他的裁判。他的什一税支持他出庭。十二个村民对他的案子进行 了调查和讨论，对他提出了指控，判定他有罪或无罪。如果他被要求 证实自己的辩护或主张，他就会呼吁朋友和邻居帮助他宣誓，这样他 就可以“六手操作法律”当他被罚款时，他呼吁一位村民作为他的抵押 并保证付款。他很少受到监禁或体罚，尽管严重的攻击可能会把他关 在村子草坪上的枷锁里。 Fundamental to the system of justice was the inequality between lord and villager. If the villager missed an autumn boonwork, neglected his demesne plowing, or defaulted on any of his other obligations, he was certain of being fined.

主人和村民之间的不平等是司法制度的根本。如果这个村民错过 了一项秋季的恩惠工作，忽视了他的私有耕地，或者拖欠了其他任何 一项义务，他肯定会被罚款。 The system was onerous and exploitative, yet it apparently felt less oppressive to those who lived under it than it appears to modern eyes. The villager knew the rules and could rely on them. If they were not equal for everybody, they were the same for all villeins, a fact which doubtless contributed to the success with which they were applied —“neighbors” who turned out for the harvest boon would feel little sympathy for one who did not. 这种制度是繁重的，是剥削性的，但是，在现代人看来，这种制度 对生活在这种制度下的人显然没有那么沉重。村民知道这些规则， 可以依靠它们。如果他们不是对每个人都一样，那么他们对所有的 村庄也是一样的，这一事实无疑促成了他们的成功申请ーー出来领 取丰收福利的“邻居”对没有这样做的人不会感到同情。 The hallmote’s emphasis on the united voice of the community in judgment reflected the need of a weakly policed society for acceptance of its judicial decisions by all parties. No single individual or small group could be blamed 哈尔莫特强调社区在判决中的统一声音，这反映了一个警力薄弱 的社会需要所有各方接受其司法裁决。任何个人或小团体都不应受到 指责

by a losing party in court when his fate had been pronounced per totum halimotum. 当他的命运被宣布的时候，一个败诉的当事人在法庭上。 The apparatus of the law was certainly the more readily accepted because it was operated by the villagers themselves. As Paul Vinogradoff says, in the hallmote, “customs are declared by [the villagers] and not [by the lord]; inquests and juries are empaneled from among them; the agrarian business of the 71 customary court is entirely of their making.” 法律机构当然更容易被接受，因为它是由村民自己操作的。正如 保罗·维诺格拉多夫(PaulVinogradoff)在大殿里所说，“习俗是由(村民) 宣布的，而不是由(地主)宣布的;审讯和陪审团是从他们中间选出来的; 习惯法庭的农业事务完全是他们自己做的。”71

The hallmote was the sole court with which most villeins ever had contact. It belonged to one of the three great medieval systems of justice, the manorial, or seigneurial, courts, the other two systems being the Church courts and the royal courts. Though the three overlapped in some degree, each had its own clientele and its own law. Church courts dispensed canon law in cases either involving clergy or dealing with moral and marital problems of the laity. In England the royal courts dispensed the “common law,” created by William the Conqueror out of Saxon, Danish, and Norman precedents and made common to the whole kingdom. Royal courts sat in the shires and hundreds, the political divisions of the kingdom, and royal eyres (circuit courts) visited the districts at intervals. 大多数村民都曾经接触过这个厅堂。它属于中世纪三大司法体系之一 的庄园法院，另外两个体系是教会法院和皇家法院。尽管这三者在某 种程度上有所重叠，但它们都有自己的客户群和规律。教会法院在涉 及神职人员或处理俗人的道德和婚姻问题的案件中免除教会法规。在 英格兰，皇室法院免除了由撒克逊人、丹麦人和诺曼人创立的威廉一

世的“普通法”，并使之成为整个王国共有的先例。皇家法庭设在郡和 数百个，王国的政治分区，皇家巡回法庭(巡回法庭)每隔一段时间访 问这些地区。 As the clergy formed the main clientele of the Church courts, the free men of the kingdom formed that of the royal courts, and the villeins, subject to the “customary law” of their own manors, that of the manorial courts. But the royal courts also held a monopoly on felony, sometimes known as “high justice,” and defined as homicide, rape, larceny, burglary, arson, and petty treason (a crime by a 72 servant or apprentice against a master). Trespass, the other major category of crime, which included assault, breaking and entering, theft of goods worth less than twelve pence, issuing threats, abduction, extortion, false weights and 由于神职人员构成了教会法庭的主要客户，王国的自由人组成了 皇家法庭的客户，村民则遵守他们自己庄园的”习惯法”，即庄园法庭 的”习惯法”。但是，皇家法院也垄断了重罪，有时也被称为“高等法院”， 并将其定义为谋杀、强奸、盗窃、入室盗窃、纵火和轻微叛国罪(仆人 或学徒对主人犯下的罪行)。72 侵入罪，另一种主要犯罪类别，包括 袭击、非法入室、盗窃价值不足 12 便士的物品、发出威胁、绑架、 勒索、假砝码和

measures, and other petty offenses, was left to the manorial courts in cases involving villeins, and was awarded to the royal courts in 73 those involving free men. Rape was also sometimes dealt with in the manorial court. 在涉及村民的案件中，各种措施和其他轻罪都交由庄园法庭处理，而 在涉及自由人的案件中则判给王室法庭。 The division of function was never as neat as theory suggested. Many lords enjoyed “high justice” as a result of some past concession by the monarch. The abbot of Ramsey held what amounted to exclusive judicial power within his banlieu, a radius of one league (three miles) from the high altar of the abbey church. Lords often held rights to special kinds of crimes, such as “infangenethef,” the thief caught in the act within the manor, whose belongings could be confiscated when he was hanged. 功能的划分从来没有理论上说的那么简洁。由于君主过去的一些 让步，许多领主享有“高度正义”。拉姆齐的住持在他的县城内拥有相 当于专有的司法权力，从大教堂的高祭坛半径一里(三英里)。上议院 通常拥有特殊犯罪的权利，例如“infangenetef”，小偷在庄园内被抓获， 他的财产可能会被没收时，他被绞死。 Thus any villager who committed homicide or any other felony and was apprehended by the hue-and-cry was subject to the jurisdiction of the royal courts. The case was likely to be given a preliminary investigation by the coroner’s court, which held an inquest whenever a death was either accidental, sudden, or in suspicious circumstances. The coroner was a knight or a substantial freeholder, elected in the county court by other knights and freeholders. His jury was made up of twelve freeholders of the 74 hundred where the death had occurred. The coroner examined the body for signs of violence, and questioned neighbors and witnesses, with particular attention to the person or persons who discovered the body. In cases of accidental death, the object that had caused the accident was adjudged the “deodand” (gift to God) and was sold and the price given to the king—a Norman adaptation of an old Anglo-Saxon custom of selling the deodand to buy prayers for the soul of the victim. The deodand might be a horse that threw

its rider, the timber of a wall that collapsed, a cart that ran over a 75 man, or a vat of boiling water that overturned. 因此，任何犯有杀人罪或任何其他重罪的村民，如果被警察逮捕， 都应受到皇家法院的管辖。死因裁判法庭可能会对案件进行初步调查， 只要有人死于意外、突然死亡或可疑情况，死因裁判法庭都会进行研 讯。验尸官是一个骑士或一个实质性的产权所有人，在县法院由其他 骑士和产权所有人选举产生。他的陪审团由十二名不动产持有人组成， 他们拥有发现尸体的 100 名不动产。在意外死亡的情况下，造成事 故的物体被判定为“deodand”(上帝的礼物)，并被出售，国王获得价 格ー这是诺曼人改编的古老的盎格鲁-撒克逊风俗，出售 deodand， 为受害者的灵魂购买祈祷。可能是一匹马把骑手摔了下来，可能是一 堵倒塌的墙的木头，可能是一辆马车碾过一个人，也可能是一桶沸腾 的水翻倒在地

In cases of murder, the coroner’s jury appraised the chattels of the accused, with a view to later confiscation by 在谋杀案件中，验尸陪审团对被告的财产进行估价，以便日后 没收

the king. Sometimes it reported that “nothing could be discovered about his chattels,” or that “he had no chattels,” but often they were listed in detail: animals, household goods, grain, and tools, with their monetary value. Sometimes only the value was recorded. One such list turns up in the Elton records because the hanged man’s forfeited property had disappeared. The villagers (villata) were “commanded to answer for the chattels of Richard son of Thomas Frelond of Pappele who was hanged at Peterborough,” said chattels consisting of boots, harness, knife, belt, dog collar with silver fittings, gloves, 76 wooden chest, and slippers—total 18 pence 2 farthings. 国王。有时报道说“关于他的动产什么也没有发现”，或者“他没有动 产”，但是他们经常被详细列出:动物、家庭用品、谷物和工具，以及 它们的货币价值。有时只有价值被记录下来。其中一份名单出现在埃 尔顿的记录中，因为被吊死者被没收的财产已经消失了。村民们“被 命令为在彼得伯勒被绞死的帕佩勒省托马斯·法隆德的儿子理查德的 动产负责”，动产包括靴子、马具、刀、腰带、带银装的狗项圈、手 套、木箱和拖鞋，总共 18 便士 2 法郎

The prisoner was turned over either to the itinerant justices of the royal eyre, or to the shire or hundred courts, where trial was usually by jury. Jury trial was not, however, perceived as especially protective. Early in the thirteenth century, a prisoner could be tried by jury only with his consent, but the principle was annulled by Edward I in the First Statute of Westminster (1275) mandating jury trial in criminal cases in the interest of more reliable prosecution. 犯人要么被移交给巡回的皇家法官，要么被移交给通常由陪审 团审判的郡法院或上百个法院。然而，陪审团审判并没有被认为特 别具有保护性。13 世纪早期，只有在囚犯同意的情况下才能由陪审 团审判，但爱德华一世在《威斯敏斯特第一法令》(1275 年)中废除 了这一原则，为了更可靠的起诉，该法令规定对刑事案件进行陪审 团审判。

Trial by combat was by now archaic, as was trial by ordeal (immersion in water or exposure to fire), condemned by the Church in 1215. The sense of participation by Providence in the judicial process which combat and ordeal had invoked was retained in the more civilized method of compurgation, or joint oath-swearing on the sacred relics. 战斗审判如今已经过时了，就像神判法(浸在水中或暴露在火中) 在 1215 年被教会谴责一样。上帝参与战斗和神判所引起的司法程序 的意识保留在比较文明的协商方法中，或对圣物宣誓。 In 1285 Edward I issued the Second Statute of Westminster, holding the men of the village and hundred collectively responsible for arresting and holding malefactors—in effect, making the hueand-cry royal as well as manorial law. Not very surprisingly, large numbers of wrongdoers continued to escape capture. Bands of thieves flourished, terrorizing whole districts. Sometimes they were abetted by wealthy sponsors known as “receivers” or “maintainers.” As John Bellamy observes, “There was…less of a gulf between honest men and criminals than in modern 1285 年，爱德华一世颁布了《威斯敏斯特第二法令》 (SecondStatuteofWestminster)，要求村里的男人和上百个男人共同 负责逮捕和拘留罪犯，实际上，这使得大声疾呼成为皇家法律和庄园 法律。不足为奇的是，大量的犯罪分子继续逍遥法外。成群结队的盗 贼猖獗，整个地区都处于恐慌之中。有时，他们受到富有的赞助商 “接收者”或“维护者”的怂恿正如约翰•贝拉米(JohnBellamy)所观察到的， “诚实的人和罪犯之间的鸿沟......比现代社会要小

society,” a situation that also made corruption of officials 77 easier. 这种情况也使得官员的腐败变得更加容易 Of those tried by royal justice sitting in cases where the accused was actually detained, only some 10 to 30 percent of the defendants were convicted. One popular technique for evading punishment was the claim of “benefit of clergy,” meaning that the accused was a cleric and could only be tried in Church court where capital punishment was not used. Felons not only took the tonsure (clerical haircut) in prison but even learned to read. Benefit of clergy was of limited value to habitual criminals, however, since it could 78 only be claimed once. 在那些被王室法官审理的案件中，只有 10%到 30%的被告被判 有罪。一种流行的逃避惩罚的方法是声称“神职人员的利益”，这意味 着被告是神职人员，只能在不使用死刑的教会法庭受审。重罪犯不仅 在监狱里剪了剃头发，甚至还学会了阅读。然而，对于惯犯而言，神 职人员的福利价值有限，因为只能申请一次 The same limitation applied to another Church-related evasion of justice, the sanctuary. All consecrated buildings and land, including every parish church and churchyard, were sanctuary, on a one-time basis, but not for everyone. Excluded were notorious offenders, traitors, heretics, sorcerers, clerics, perpetrators of felonies in church, criminals caught red-handed, and minor offenders in no danger of loss of life or limb. The fugitive had to confess his misdeeds, surrender his weapons, attend Mass, and ring the church bells. In a parish church, where he could remain for forty days, he had to beg food from the priest. The royal coroner came, heard his oath to abjure the realm forever, assigned him a port or border town by which to depart, and saw him branded on the thumb with an A (for abjuror). He was obliged to keep to the highway, to avoid footpaths, to take the first ship available, and until one appeared, to walk into the sea up to his knees each day in sign of his renewed intention. Very often, however, the abjuror never 79 reached his assigned port, but went into hiding as an outlaw.

同样的限制也适用于另一个与教会有关的对正义的逃避，避难所。 所有神圣的建筑物和土地，包括每一个教区的教堂和教堂墓地，都是 一次性的避难所，但并不是每个人都可以。除了臭名昭著的罪犯、叛 徒、异教徒、巫师、神职人员、教堂重罪犯、被当场抓获的罪犯以及 没有生命或肢体危险的轻罪犯。这个逃犯不得不承认自己的罪行，交 出武器，参加弥撒，敲响教堂的钟声。在一个教区教堂里，他可以在 那里呆上四十天，他不得不向牧师乞讨食物。皇家验尸官来了，听取 了他永远放弃王国的誓言，给他指定了一个离开的港口或边境城镇， 看到他的拇指上烙着一个 a(代表陪审员)。他不得不沿着公路走，避 开人行道，搭乘第一艘可用的船，直到有一艘船出现，他才每天走进 海里，一直走到膝盖，以表示他的新意。然而，很多时候，陪审员没 有到达指定的港口，而是以逃犯的身份躲藏起来

Prison as punishment was virtually unknown to the Middle Ages. The Church courts dealt in penances and pilgrimages, the manor court in fines, and the royal court in death penalties, abjuration, and outlawry. The outlaw could be captured or slain by anyone, and his goods appropriated. 作为惩罚的监狱在中世纪几乎是闻所未闻的。教会法庭处罚罚款 和朝圣，庄园法庭处罚罚款，皇室法庭处罚死刑、弃权和非法犯罪。 歹徒可能被任何人俘虏或杀害，他的财产也可能被据为己有。

Outlaws, however, often had powerful protectors and sometimes popular sympathy. The prototype of Robin Hood probably flourished in the late thirteenth or early fourteenth century rather than in the 80 twelfth century of Richard Lionheart favored by Walter Scott. 然而，歹徒往往拥有强大的保护者，有时还会得到民众的同情。80. 罗宾汉的原型可能盛行于十三世纪末或十四世纪初，而不是十二世纪 的理查德·莱恩赫特，他受到了沃尔特·斯科特的青睐 Capital punishment was generally by hanging, with the chief alternative, reserved for better-class offenders, the headsman’s axe. Since hanging was by strangulation, the axe was normally less cruel. By a custom that was a relic of ancient Germanic law, the felon’s principal accuser, usually the victim or a relative, was often obliged to find a hangman or perform the office himself. Lack of professionalism may account for recorded cases of the hanged man’s surviving. 一般来说，死刑是绞刑，除此之外，还有一个主要的选择，那就 是用刽子手的斧头砍死那些等级较高的罪犯。因为绞刑是勒死的，所 以斧头通常不那么残忍。按照日耳曼人法律遗留下来的习俗，罪犯的 主要原告，通常是受害者或亲属，常常被迫自己找一个刽子手或亲自 执行任务。缺乏专业精神可能是被绞死的人幸存的原因。 Deliberately cruel executions were limited to extraordinary crimes: heresy, treason, witchcraft. Mutilation, a common form of punishment in the earlier Middle Ages, was rare by the thirteenth century, but a thief might still lose an ear or thumb, a rapist be castrated, or a vicious assailant blinded. The stocks sometimes caused loss of limb. Torture was a rarity, except when the defendant stood mute, or on the part of some jailers or coroners practicing 81 extortion. 故意残忍的处决仅限于特殊的罪行:异端邪说，叛国，巫术。在中 世纪早期，残害是一种常见的惩罚形式，在十三世纪很少见，但是一 个小偷仍然可能失去一只耳朵或拇指，一个强奸犯被阉割，或者一个 恶毒的攻击者瞎了眼。这些股票有时会造成损失。酷刑是罕见的，除 非被告站着不说话，或者一些狱卒或验尸官在进行敲诈。81

A condemned prisoner in a royal court had a single avenue of appeal, that of royal pardon. His hope of getting one depended on one of two aids: a powerful protector with influence at court, or an ongoing war. In the late thirteenth and early fourteenth centuries, the king’s expeditions against the Scots saved many English felons 82 from the scaffold. 一个被判刑的囚犯在王室法庭上只有一个上诉途径，那就是王室 赦免。他希望得到一个取决于两个帮助之一:一个强大的保护者在宫 廷的影响力，或正在进行的战争。在十三世纪末十四世纪初，国王对 苏格兰人的远征把许多英国罪犯从断头台上救了下来 Historically, medieval justice stood somewhere between the ancient system of family-and-clan justice by which an offender was punished or protected by his kin, and the modern system of stateorganized police and prosecution. Perhaps it resembled other systems in the discrepancy in outcomes between serious felonies, so often unpunished, and minor offenses against the custom of the manor, so 从历史上看，中世纪的司法介于古老的家庭和宗族司法制度与现代的 国家组织的警察和检察制度之间。也许它类似于其他制度之间的差异， 在结果之间的严重重罪，往往没有受到惩罚，轻微违反庄园的习俗， 所以

frequently pursued and penalized, though rarely beyond a fine of sixpence. 经常被追捕和处罚，但很少超过六便士的罚款。

10 图 10 THE PASSING 过去 OF THE 的 MEDIEVAL VILLAGE 中世纪村庄 E lation of England 十四世纪早期英国的人口 ARLY IN THE FOURTEENTH CENTURY THE POPU

probably surpassed four million, as compared with the Domesday 1 figure of a million and a half to two million. By far the greater part of the increase came from the villages, “the primary seedbeds of 2 population.” The Europewide demographic surge was halted by a series of calamities that began with the floods and famine of 13151317. Two catastrophic harvests in succession, possibly related to a long-term climatic change, sent grain prices to levels “unparalleled in English history,” and, accompanied by typhoid, hit poor families 3 especially hard. The lords added to the misery by cutting down their alms-giving, reducing staff, and halting livery of grain to their famuli, like latter-day governments and business firms responding to business depression by laying off workers and reducing purchases.

Severe murrain and cattle disease added to the calamity. Thefts of food and livestock rose sharply, and bodies of paupers were found in the streets. Dogs and cats disappeared, and cannibalism was 4 rumored. 与末日审判的 150 万至 200 万人相比，这一数字可能超过了 400 万。 到目前为止，增加的人口大部分来自村庄，即“人口的初级发育床”从 1315 年到 1317 年的洪水和饥荒开始的一系列灾难阻止了整个欧洲的 人口激增。连续两年的灾难性收成(可能与长期的气候变化有关)将粮 食价格推至“英国历史上前所未有的水平”，并伴随着伤寒，对贫困家 庭的打击尤为沉重。上议院通过削减他们的施舍，裁员，停止向他们 的家庭提供粮食，就像现代的政府和商业公司通过解雇工人和减少购 买来应对商业萧条一样，增加了他们的苦难。严重的瘟疫和牛瘟加重 了灾情。盗窃食物和牲畜的事件急剧增加，街上发现了乞丐的尸体。 狗和猫消失了，还有人吃人的传闻。 By the time the next, even worse disaster struck, three longterm changes in agriculture and rural life were already evident: a discernible shift from crop farming toward sheep grazing; a general return by lords to farming out their demesnes; and a growth in the proportion of peasant 到第二次更严重的灾难发生时，农业和农村生活已经明显发生 了三个长期变化:农作物种植向放牧的明显转变;地主们普遍回归耕种 自己的领地;农民比例增加

5 cultivation as opposed to demesne cultivation. The lord was slipping from his role as producer-consumer to being merely a consumer, a “rentier,” albeit one with a large appetite. 与私有耕作相对的耕作。上帝正在从生产者-消费者的角色滑落到 仅仅是一个消费者，一个“食利者”，尽管他胃口很大。

In Elton in the agricultural year of 1349-1350, three different villeins held the office of reeve, for which there was suddenly little 6 enthusiasm. The Black Death, sweeping through England in the summer of 1349 via the rats that infested houses, barns, and sheds, left so many holdings vacant that it was impossible to collect rents or enforce services. The manorial accounts read like a dirge: “Twenty7 three virgates in the hand of the lord [vacant].” “Rent lacking from eleven cottages…by reason of the mortality in the preceding year.” “Of the rent of…Robert Amys…nothing here for the cause abovesaid. Of the rent of John Suteer… and William Abbot…nothing here for the cause aforesaid. And [the reeve answers for] two shillings sixpence from Robert Beadle for twelve acres of demesne land 8 formerly of Hugh Prest lately deceased.” “From the fulling mill 9 nothing because it is broken and useless.” “Of divers rents of tenements which are in the hand of the lord owing to the death of the 10 tenants…” “Three capons and no more this year because those 11 liable to chevage are dead.” 在 1349 年至 1350 年的农业年代，埃尔顿有三个不同的村庄担任 里夫的职务，人们对此突然失去了热情。1349 年夏天，黑死病通过遍 布老鼠的房子、谷仓和棚屋席卷了整个英格兰，留下了如此多的空置 财产，以至于无法收取租金或强制执行服务。庄园的帐目读起来像一 首挽歌:“二十三个处女在领主手中[空置]。“由于前一年的死亡......十一 间房屋的租金相差无几。”“罗伯特·艾米的房租......这里没有任何关于 上述事业的资料。关于约翰·萨提尔......和威廉·阿伯特的租金......这里 没有上述原因。罗伯特·比德尔以两先令六便士的价格收购了十二英亩 前休·普雷斯特的私有土地。”“因为它已经坏了，没用了，所以它什么 也不是。“由于佃户的死亡，地主掌握着各种各样的房租......”“今年只 有三只阉鸡，因为那些有责任缴税的人都死了。”

The following year things were no better: “Of the farm of one common oven…nothing this year because it is ruinous. Second common oven…nothing for the same cause.” “And for sixpence from the smithy this year because it fell down after All Saints and from 12 then on was empty.” “Of chevage nothing because all the 13 chevagers are dead.” 第二年的情况也好不到哪里去:“一个普通烤箱的农场......今年什么 也没有，因为它是毁灭性的。第二个普通的烤箱......没有同样的原 因。”“今年从铁匠铺拿六便士，因为它在万圣节之后倒塌了，从那以 后就空了。“骑士之所以没有什么，是因为所有的骑士都死了。” Expenses were up because of the shortage of villeins doing labor service: “In divers workmen hired by the day to mow and lift the 14 lord’s hay, seventeen shillings five pence by tally.” The harvest was costly: “Expenses of forty workmen coming at the bailiff’s request to one repast and of divers other workmen hired by the day…And in the expenses of forty workmen coming…to reap and bind the 由于劳务人员短缺，花费增加了:“白天雇来割草和搬运大人干草 的工人中，十七先令 5 便士。”收获的代价是昂贵的:“四十个工人应执 达主任的要求前来就餐，每天雇用不同的工人......四十个工人前来收 割和捆绑.....

lord’s grain during one day…one young bullock. And in the expenses of two boon-works of the autumn, on each occasion of ninety workmen, each of whom take three loaves whereof eight are made from one bushel…and in divers workmen hired to reap 15 and bind the lord’s grain for lack of customary tenants…” 在一天的时间里...一只小公牛。在秋天两件恩事的费用中，每次有 九十个工人，每人拿三条面包，其中八条是用一蒲式耳做成的...... 由于缺乏惯常的佃户，雇用了不同的工人来收割和捆绑上帝的粮 食......” Grain production on Ramsey manors was reduced by one 16 half. In desperation, stewards and bailiffs strictly enforced work services on the surviving tenants, and sought to hold down the cost of hired labor with the help of a royal Statute of Laborers (1351), backed by a threat of the stocks. The main result they achieved was to stir resentment among both tenants and hired laborers. With depopulation, land inevitably fell in value and labor inevitably rose in price. 拉姆齐庄园的粮食产量减少了一半。在绝望中，管理员和法警严 格要求幸存的佃农做工作，并且在皇家劳工条例(1351)的帮助下，以 股票的威胁为后盾，设法降低雇佣劳动力的成本。他们取得的主要成 果是在房客和雇工之间激起了不满。随着人口减少，土地不可避免地 贬值，劳动力价格不可避免地上涨。 The Hundred Years War added heavy taxation to peasant burdens. For many years, “lay subsidies” (to distinguish them from taxes on the clergy) had been occasionally levied at the rate of a tenth or a twentieth on all movable goods above a certain figure. In the long reign of Henry III (1216-1272), the lay subsidy was collected only five times. In those of Edward I (1272-1307) and Edward II (1307-1327), marked by wars with Scotland, the royal tax collectors appeared in the villages a total of sixteen times. 百年战争给农民增加了沉重的税负。多年来，对超过某一数字 的所有可移动货物偶尔征收”额外补贴”(以区别于对神职人员征收的 税款)，数额为十分之一或二十分之一。在亨利三世的漫长统治期间

(1216-1272 年)，外来补贴只收取了五次。在爱德华一世(1272-1307) 和爱德华二世(1307-1327)时期，以与苏格兰的战争为标志，皇家税 吏共十六次出现在村庄里。 Edward III imposed the tax three times in the first seven years of his lengthy reign, then as the war in France escalated, he needed 17 it no fewer than twenty-four times (1334-1377). To facilitate collection, he changed the mechanics of taxation, putting the burden of it on the villagers themselves and charging the royal administration with the task of seeing that every village met its quota. The new method made it possible for the better-off peasants who filled the village offices to arrange distribution of the tax in their 18 favor. Besides the lay subsidy, the village was afflicted with conscription, which itself was apparently a light burden—volunteers were found, and a village might 爱德华三世在他漫长统治的头七年里征收了三次这种税，然后随 着法国战争的升级，他需要征收的税不少于 24 次(1334-1377)。为了 便于征收，他改变了征税的机制，把负担放在村民自己身上，并责成 皇家行政部门监督每个村庄达到其配额。这种新的分配方式使得村公 所的富裕农民能够按照自己的意愿安排分配税收。除了世俗的补贴， 这个村庄还有征兵的问题，征兵本身显然是一种轻负担ーー找到了志 愿者，一个村庄也许可以

perceive the army a good place to get rid of its bad characters—but each community had to pay for its own recruits’ equipment. Finally, in 1377, amid a succession of defeats in France, a poll tax was introduced: four pence per head on everyone over fourteen years of age, with only genuine beggars exempt. In 1379 a second poll tax was piled on top of a double subsidy, and in 1381 a third on top of a subsidy and a half. Wealthy taxpayers were rather piously requested 19 to help pay the share of poor taxpayers. 认为军队是摆脱坏人的好地方ーー但每个社区都必须为自己的新兵购 买装备。最后，在 1377 年，在法国一连串的失败中，引入了人头 税:14 岁以上的人每人 4 便士，只有真正的乞丐可以免税。1379 年在 双重补贴的基础上增加了第二项人头税，1381 年在一项半补贴的基 础上增加了三分之一的人头税。富有的纳税人被虔诚地请求帮助支付 贫穷纳税人的税款。 The accumulation of tax levies, the Statute of Laborers, and the other burdens, afflictions, and irritants resulted in the Peasant Rebellion of 1381. Sometimes known as Wat Tyler’s Rebellion, from the name of one of its several leaders, the English revolt was part of a larger pattern. “A chain of peasant uprisings clearly directed 20 against taxation exploded all over Europe,” says Georges Duby. If they were discernibly triggered by taxation, the risings had a broader content, both substantive and ideological. Another leader of the English rebels, the Kentish priest John Ball, preached that “things cannot go right in England…until goods are held in common and there are no more villeins and gentlefolk, but we are all one and the same.” Unsympathetic Froissart, chronicler of the nobility, may not be recording Ball’s words with reportorial exactness, but there is little doubt that the gist is accurate: “[The lords] are clad in velvet and camlet lined with squirrel and ermine, while we go dressed in coarse cloth. They have the wines, the spices, and the good bread: we have the rye, the husks, and the straw, and we drink water. They have shelter and ease in their fine manors, and we have hardship and toil, the wind and the rain in the fields. And from us must come,

from our labour, the things which keep them in luxury.” And the fiery preacher’s auditors, “out in the fields, or walking together from one village to another, or in their homes, whispered and repeated among 21 themselves, ‘That’s what John Ball says, and he’s right!’” One chronicler credits Ball 1381 年的农民起义，是由于税收的累积、劳动者法规的制定以 及其他的负担、苦难和刺激因素造成的。这场英国起义有时被称为瓦 特·泰勒反抗运动，源于其几位领导人之一的名字，它是一个更大模式 的一部分。“一连串明显针对税收的农民起义在整个欧洲爆发，”乔治• 杜比(Georgesduby)表示。如果这些起义明显是由税收引发的，那么 它们的内容就更为广泛，既有实质性的，也有意识形态上的。另一位 英国反叛军的领导人，Kentish 牧师约翰·鲍尔，布道说:“在英格兰， 事情不可能一帆风顺......除非有了共同的利益，没有更多的恶棍和上 流人士，但我们都是一体的。”毫无同情心的贵族记录者弗洛伊萨特可 能没有用报道的精确性来记录鲍尔的话，但毫无疑问的是，要点是准 确的:“(领主们)穿着天鹅绒，露营车上铺着松鼠和貂皮，而我们穿着粗 布衣服。他们有酒，有香料，有美味的饼。我们有黑麦，有皮，有草， 有水喝。他们在他们美好的庄园里有住所和安逸，我们在田野里有艰 辛和辛劳，有风和雨。我们必须从我们的劳动中得到使他们生活奢侈 的东西。”而那位热情洋溢的牧师的听众，“在田野里，或者一起从一 个村庄走到另一个村庄，或者在他们的家里，彼此低声说着，重复着， ‘这是约翰·鲍尔说的，他是对的！一位编年史家将此归功于鲍尔

with the phrase, “All men are created equal,” and with a declaration 22 that villein servitude is “against the will of God.” One of several priests who took part in the rising, Ball was certainly on the far Left of his age, but there is no doubt that the aims of the mainstream of rebellion included the abolition of villeinage. The demand was put forward in the rebels’ negotiations and dramatized by the destruction of manorial records “from Norfolk to Kent,” not to 23 mention the number of lawyers killed. The Continental revolts showed the same revolutionary tendencies. “人人生而平等”，并宣布奴役是“违背上帝的意愿”作为参与起义的几 个牧师之一，鲍尔无疑是他那个时代的极左派，但毫无疑问，主流起 义的目的包括废除村庄。这一要求是在反叛军的谈判中提出的，并通 过销毁“从诺福克到肯特”的庄园记录得到了戏剧化的渲染，更不用说 被杀害的律师人数了。欧洲大陆的起义也表现出同样的革命倾向。 A feature especially noted by modern historians is the participation, even domination, by the better-off peasants. “Peasant revolts…were wont to spring up, not in the regions where the serf was in deepest oppression, but in those in which he was comparatively well off, where he was strong enough to aspire to greater liberty and to dream of getting it by force,” says Sir Charles 24 Oman. 近代历史学家特别注意到的一个特点是富裕农民的参与，甚至统 治。查尔斯•阿曼爵士说:“农民起义......不是在农奴受到最严重压迫的 地区，而是在他相对富裕的地区，在那里他有足够的力量渴望更大的 自由，并梦想通过武力获得自由。”。 All the risings were suppressed, naturally, by the united upper class—monarchy, nobility, upper clergy, and wealthy townsmen— but all nevertheless left their mark. In England the poll tax was abandoned, and the Statute of Laborers left unenforced. Everywhere, the process by which serfdom was withering was accelerated. In England the villein class rid itself of its disabilities mainly through “copyhold tenure,” which amounted to a reversal of the law’s point of view: instead of the manorial records’ proving the

legality of a villein’s obligations, they were now taken to prove the sanctity of his claim to his holding, since the succession within the family was registered (copied down) in the court rolls. Over the course of the fifteenth century, the villeins bought their way free of, or simply refused to pay, merchet, heriot, gersum, chevage, wardpenny, woolsilver, and all the rest of the vicious or petty exactions of the long past. On Ramsey manors, customary payments and labor services were “relaxed” in 1413. The last fines for default on boon所有的兴起自然都被联合起来的上层阶级——君主制、贵族、上 层神职人员和富裕的市民——所压制，但都留下了自己的印记。在英 格兰，人头税被废除，劳动者条例也没有得到执行。在世界各地，农 奴制消亡的进程都在加速。在英格兰，农奴阶级主要通过”版权保有 权”来摆脱自身的残疾，这相当于颠覆了法律的观点:不是庄园记录证 明农奴的义务是合法的，而是现在采用这些记录来证明农奴继承权的 神圣性，因为家庭内部的继承已在法院名册上登记(抄录下来)。在十 五世纪的过程中，村民们免费购买，或者干脆拒绝支付商品，牧羊人， 牧羊人，羊毛衫，羊毛衫，以及所有其他长期以来的邪恶的或者卑鄙 的勒索行为。在拉姆齐庄园，1413 年的习惯支付和劳务是“宽松的”。 最后一次对 boon-违约的罚款

works were recorded at Elton in 1429. Quietly and 25 unobtrusively, an era in social relations was closed. 作品于 1429 年在埃尔顿录制。一个社会关系的时代悄无声息 地结束了。 Closed, but not altogether forgotten. A century after the Peasant Rebellion, it was still possible to pour scorn on a family of the gentry, such as the Pastons of Norfolk, by pointing triumphantly to their alleged bondman ancestor, while to this day the English language retains the word villein, slightly altered, as a pejorative, and its synonyms boor and churl, now mainly in adjective form, to convey a connotation of base manners. 关闭了，但并没有完全被遗忘。在农民起义一个世纪之后，仍然 有可能通过胜利地指向他们所谓的奴隶祖先来嘲笑一个贵族家庭，比 如诺福克的帕斯顿家族，而直到今天，英语语言仍然保留着 villein 这 个词，略有改动，作为一个贬义词，以及它的同义词 boor 和 churl， 现在主要以形容词的形式，来传达一种基本礼仪的含义。

The fifteenth century witnessed a return of prosperity— uneven, checkered, with plenty of setbacks and slowdowns, but nevertheless a recovery for Europe and its villages. In the wake of depopulation, individual holdings grew, the shrinkage of arable provided more pasture and stimulated increase of livestock, and the manure probably helped improve crop yields. Wealthy townsmen joined with the newly freed villagers in sharecropping arrangements. “The conduct of village economy passed decisively into the hands of 26 peasants backed by townsmen’s money,” says Georges Duby. 15 世纪见证了一次繁荣的回归----不平衡、波动、挫折和放缓，但是 欧洲及其乡村的复苏。随着人口的减少，单产增加，耕地的减少提供 了更多的牧草，刺激了牲畜的增长，有机肥可能有助于提高作物产量。 富有的城镇居民和新获得自由的村民一起分成制。乔治•杜比说:“乡村 经济的运作决定性地落入了得到城里人钱财支持的农民手中。”。

The era was one of extensive rebuilding. Peasant houses began to be constructed with masonry foundations and stronger frames, and many added rooms or even a second floor, with fireplace and chimney. Manor houses were enlarged. Parish churches were rebuilt in the new Perpendicular style, the vertical lines of the building emphasized with elaborate tracery and fan vaulting. The Elton church was extensively remodeled, the great square tower built, the aisles extended on either side, a south porch added, and the nave 27 lighted by a clerestory. 那个时代是一个大规模重建的时代。农民的房子开始用砖石地基 和更坚固的框架建造，许多房间甚至二楼都有壁炉和烟囱。庄园房子 被扩大了。教区教堂重建在新的垂直风格，垂直线的建设强调与精致 的窗饰和扇形拱顶。埃尔顿教堂进行了大规模改造，建造了巨大的方 形塔楼，过道两边延伸，在南边增加了一个门廊，正厅有一个天窗照 明。 Not all villages shared in the prosperity, or even survived it. From about 1450, as grass became the favored land use in England, some villages, such as Wharram Percy, 并不是所有的村庄都分享了这种繁荣，甚至没有幸存下来。大约 从 1450 年开始，随着青草成为英格兰最受欢迎的土地用途，一些村 庄，如沃伦珀西,

saw fields that had grown cereal crops for centuries turned exclusively into pastures for sheep. The smaller and less prosperous villages were especially vulnerable, as were those with few free tenants, who were much harder to displace than villeins. Vulnerable also were villages whose landlords, whether old feudatories or new men of wealth, had connections in the wool trade, or merely 28 intelligently acquisitive appetites. Where enclosure struck, families packed up their belongings, drove their animals ahead of them, and departed the village. Behind them their wattle-and-daub houses tumbled into ruins, the ditches that marked their crofts were filled in by erosion, the fences tottered, and the lanes and footpaths tramped by the feet of so many men and animals disappeared in weeds. The manor house often survived, with the shepherds sleeping in the bailiff’s old quarters. 看到几个世纪以来种植谷类作物的田地变成了只有羊才能吃的牧场。 那些规模较小、不太繁荣的村庄尤其脆弱，那些没有多少自由佃农的 村庄也是如此，他们比村民更难被迫离开家园。同样脆弱的还有那些 村庄的地主，不管是旧封建还是新富豪，他们都与羊毛贸易有联系， 或者仅仅是知识分子的贪婪欲望。在围墙被围起来的地方，许多家庭 收拾行李，把牲畜赶到他们前面，离开了村庄。在他们身后，那些用 荆棘和泥土涂抹的房屋倒塌成了废墟，标志着他们屋顶的沟渠被侵蚀 填平，篱笆摇摇欲坠，许多人和动物踩过的小巷和人行道消失在杂草 中。庄园的房子常常保存下来，牧羊人们睡在法警的旧房间里。

In maps showing the two phenomena, a clear correlation between the belt of open field agriculture and the distribution of the deserted villages can be seen, and a further correlation becomes apparent in comparing the two with a map showing enclosures of 29 the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. 在显示这两种现象的地图中，可以看到开阔地农业带和荒芜村 庄分布之间的明显相关性，而且在与显示 15 和 16 世纪围场的地图 进行比较时，进一步的相关性变得明显。 “Within a century and a half of the Black Death, ten percent of the settlements of rural England had been erased from the

30 landscape,” says one historian, possibly with exaggeration. By the year 1600 over thirty villages in Huntingdonshire had been deserted, leaving behind sometimes the ruin of a church, sometimes the site of a manor house, sometimes nothing but plow marks discernible 31 from the air. “在黑死病爆发的一个半世纪内，英格兰乡村地区 10%的定居点 已经从风景中消失了，”一位历史学家说，这可能有些夸张。到了 1600 年，亨廷顿郡超过三十个村庄已经荒芜，有时留下了教堂的废 墟，有时留下了庄园宅邸的遗址，有时只能从空中辨认出犁痕。

The old feudal landlord class was dealt a devastating blow from an unexpected source with Henry VIII’s famous “Dissolution” of the monastic orders beginning in 1536. The king, embroiled with the Church over his divorce problems— and, like so many kings, needing money—violently suppressed all the great monasteries and seized their 从 1536 年开始，亨利八世著名的“解散”修道会，使旧的封建地 主阶级遭到了意想不到的毁灭性打击。国王因为离婚问题与教会纠缠 不清ーー像许多国王一样，他需要钱ーー暴力镇压了所有的大修道院， 并没收了他们的修道院

manors, which he then sold off at an ultimate profit of a million and a half pounds. Among the suppressed monasteries was Ramsey Abbey. A Huntingdonshire chronicler, Edmund Gibson, observed, “Most of the County being Abbey-land…many new purchasers 32 planted themselves therein.” The new purchasers were entrepreneurs out to make money, and not surprisingly many of them saw the merits of sheep farming. 他卖掉了庄园，最终获利 150 万英镑。在被压制的修道院中有拉姆 齐修道院。亨廷顿郡的编年史家埃德蒙·吉布森评论道:“这个郡的大 部分地方都是修道院的土地......许多新的买家把他们自己种在那 里。”这些新的购买者都是想赚钱的企业家，他们中的许多人看到了 养羊的好处，这并不奇怪。 The enclosure movement appeared on the Continent too, but nowhere on the same scale as in England, where petty incidents of resistance multiplied without slowing the progress of the sheep, who, it was said, now devoured men instead of the men devouring sheep. The process “produced much controversy, many pamphlets, a number of government inquiries, some ineffective acts of Parliament, and a revolt in the Midlands in 1607,” summarizes Alan R. H. 33 Baker. Yet many of the old villages 圈地运动也出现在欧洲大陆，但没有哪个地方的规模与英格兰相 同，在那里，小规模的抵抗事件成倍增加，却没有减缓羊群的前进速 度，据说，羊群现在正在吞噬人类，而不是人类吞噬羊群。这个过程 “产生了许多争议，许多小册子，许多政府调查，一些无效的议会法案， 和 1607 年在英格兰中部地区的叛乱，”艾伦·r·贝克总结道。然而，许 多古老的村庄

Relics of the Dissolution: ruins of Glastonbury Abbey (above) and Whitby Abbey. Of Ramsey Abbey, nothing medieval survives.

溶解的遗迹:格拉斯顿伯里修道院的废墟(上图)和 WhitbyAbbey。在拉姆 齐修道院，没有任何中世纪的建筑得以幸存。

survived, some even gaining new population and character as numbers of craftsmen quit the cities, in part to escape guild regulation, and took their weaving, dyeing, tanning, and other skills

to the now freer village environment. Some villages became primarily industrial. The village of 一些人甚至因为工匠离开城市而获得了新的人口和特征，部分原因 是为了逃避行业规则，他们把他们的纺织、染色、制革和其他技能， 带到了现在更自由的村庄环境中。一些村庄成为主要的工业区。这 个村庄

Birmingham in the sixteenth century became a burgeoning town of 34 1,500, specializing in tanning and clothmaking. 伯明翰在 16 世纪成为一个新兴的城市 1500 人，专门从事制革和布 艺。 At the same time cereal crop agriculture made belated progress. Yields improved, if slowly, in the seventeenth century, reaching a 35 general average in England of seven to one. Famine became largely a threat of the past. “Starvation…cannot be shown to have been an omnipresent menace to the poor in Stuart times,” says 36 Peter Laslett. 同时，粮食作物农业也取得了迟来的进展。在十七世纪，产量虽 然缓慢地提高了，但是达到了英格兰的总平均水平，7:1。饥荒在很 大程度上成为过去的威胁。“在斯图亚特时代，饥饿......不能被证明是 对穷人无所不在的威胁，”彼得·拉斯利特说。 In 1610 a Herefordshire husbandman named Rowland Vaughan solved the problem of meadow and hay shortage that had vexed medieval lord and villager by devising an irrigation 37 technique. This and other improvements in agricultural technology made possible the servicing of a rapidly expanding market for English produce in Britain, on the Continent, and in English colonies overseas. The market gave scope for the ambitious, the industrious, the competent, and the fortunate, creating new, deeper divisions of rich and poor among the villagers. Individual enterprise moved to the center of the economic stage, as those who could afford it took advantage of the land market to buy up and consolidate holdings, forming compact plots that could be enclosed by fences or hedges and set free from communal regulation. At the other end of the scale, the number of landless laborers multiplied. In some places the old open field arrangements, with their cooperative plowing, common grazing, and bylaws, hung on amid a changing world. In 1545 the hallmote of Newton Longville, Buckinghamshire, ordained “that no one shall pasture his beasts in the sown fields except on his own lands from the Feast of Pentecost next-to-come until the rye and wheat have been taken away under 38 penalty of four pence…” But the future of individualism was

already assured. “The undermining of the common fields, the declining effectiveness of the village’s internal government, and the development of a distinct group of wealthy tenants [spelled 1610 年，赫里福德郡农夫罗兰•沃恩(RowlandVaughan)发明了 一种灌溉技术，解决了曾困扰中世纪地主和村民的草地和干草短缺问 题。农业技术的进步使得英国、欧洲大陆和海外英国殖民地迅速扩大 的英国农产品市场成为可能。市场为那些雄心勃勃、勤劳、有能力和 幸运的人提供了机会，在村民中制造了新的、更深层次的贫富分化。 个体企业成为经济舞台的中心，因为那些有能力的人利用土地市场来 购买和整合土地，形成了小块的土地，可以用围栏或篱笆围起来，免 受公共管制。在天平的另一端，无地劳动者的数量成倍增加。在一些 地方，在这个不断变化的世界里，原有的开放式田地安排，以及合作 耕作、共同放牧和规章制度依然存在。1545 年，白金汉郡牛顿·朗维 尔颁布了一项法令，规定“从即将到来的五旬节起，任何人不得在自 己的土地上放牧自己的牲畜，直到黑麦和小麦被带走，罚款 4 便 士......”但个人主义的未来已经得到了保证。“公共领域的破坏、村内 政府效率的下降，以及一个独特的富裕租户群体的发展

the] triumph of individualism over the interests of the 39 community,” in the words of Christopher Dyer. 个人主义战胜了社会利益”，用克里斯托弗·戴尔的话来说。 Among the last guardians of the old communal tradition were the English colonists who settled in New England, laid out their villages with churchyard and green (but no manor house), divided their fields into strips apportioned in accordance with wealth, plowed them cooperatively with large ox teams, and in their town meetings elected officials and enacted bylaws on cropping, pasturing, and 40 fencing. But in land-rich North America the open field village was out of place, and it soon became apparent that the American continent was destined for exploitation by the individual homestead farm. (It may be worth noting, however, that even technologyoriented American agriculture proved resistant to radical change; until the introduction of the tractor, one to two acres was considered an ample day’s work for two men and a plow team.) 这种古老社区传统的最后一批守护者是英国殖民者，他们定居在 新英格兰，把村庄布置成教堂墓地和绿色(但没有庄园)，按照财富分 配土地，与大型牛队合作耕种，在他们的城镇会议上，选举产生官员， 制定有关种植、放牧和围栏的规章制度。但是在土地资源丰富的北美 洲，这个开阔的农村显得格格不入，很快，人们就明白，美洲大陆注 定要被个人家园农场剥削。(然而，值得注意的是，即使是以技术为 导向的美国农业也抵制根本性的变化;直到拖拉机的引进，一到两英 亩的土地被认为是两个人和一个犁队一天足够的工作量。)

The village of Elton survived famine, Black Death, the Dissolution, and the enclosure movement. It even gained an architectural ornament with the building of Elton Hall, an imposing structure surrounded by a moat, begun by Sir Richard Sapcote about 1470 and expanded in the following centuries along with many other new peasant houses and old manor houses that reflected the general prosperity. Richard Cromwell, a nephew by marriage of Henry VIII’s

minister Thomas Cromwell, acquired Ramsey Abbey and became landlord of the dependent manors. Elton, however, went to another proprietor, through whom it gained a little guidebook distinction. The king bestowed it on his latest queen, Katherine Howard, as part of her jointure, the property settlement made on noble wives. On Katherine’s execution for adultery Henry took back the jointure and presently bestowed Elton in 1546 on his last wife, Katherine Parr, under whose regime Elton Hall was given extensive 埃尔顿在饥荒、黑死病、解体和圈地运动中幸存下来。理查德·萨普 科特爵士(SirRichardSapcote)于 1470 年左右开始修建护城河，并在 随后的几个世纪里与其他许多新的农舍和老庄园一起扩建，反映了普 遍的繁荣。理查·克伦威尔，亨利八世大臣 ThomasCromwell 的侄子， 收购了拉姆齐修道院，成为了受抚养人的地主。然而，埃尔顿去找了 另一位店主，从他那里得到了一点旅行指南上的荣誉。国王把它赠给 了他最新的王后凯瑟琳·霍华德，作为她的加入的一部分，这是对贵 族妻子的财产分配。关于凯瑟琳的通奸处决，亨利收回了合并，目前 授予埃尔顿在 1546 年对他的最后一个妻子，凯瑟琳帕尔，在其政权 下，埃尔顿大厅被给予广泛

repairs. On her death in 1548 Elton reverted to the crown, now held by the infant Edward VI, from whom it passed to Queen Elizabeth and James I, who disposed of it to Sir James Fullerton and Francis Maxwell, from whom it passed through still other hands to Sir Thomas Cotton, who held what must have been one of the last views of frankpledge in the manor court in 1633. Sir Thomas’s daughter Frances and her husband Sir Thomas Proby inherited Elton; from them it passed to a collateral branch, raised to the peerage as earls of Carysfort, and in 1909 went to a nephew who took the name of Proby, and whose descendants remain in 41 residence in Elton Hall. 修理。1548 年她去世后，埃尔顿继承了现在由婴儿爱德华六世所拥 有的王冠，王冠传给了伊丽莎白女王和詹姆斯一世，詹姆斯一世又把 王冠传给了詹姆斯·富勒顿爵士和弗朗西斯·麦克斯韦尔，后者又把王 冠传给了托马斯·科顿爵士。托马斯爵士的女儿弗朗西斯(Frances)和 她的丈夫托马斯•普罗比爵士(SirThomasProby)继承了埃尔顿的财产， 从他们那里继承了一个附属支系，升为 Carysfort 伯爵，1909 年又传 给了他的侄子普罗比(Proby)，他的后代目前仍居住在 EltonHall。 Enclosures, slow to penetrate Huntingdonshire, finally replaced the old arable strips and furlongs with rectangular hedged fields; one drives down a long straight road to arrive in a village whose irregular lanes and closes still carry a hint of the Middle Ages. 慢慢渗透到亨廷顿郡的围墙，最终用长方形的篱笆围起来的田地 取代了原来的狭长地带和弗隆地带，人们驱车沿着一条长长的直道来 到一个村庄，这个村庄不规则的小巷和封闭的道路仍然带有一丝中世 纪的气息。

Though it had many ancestors in the form of hamlets, encampments, and other tiny, temporary, or semipermanent settlements, and though its modern descendants range from market towns to metropolitan suburbs, the open field village of the Middle Ages was a distinctive community, something new under the sun and not repeated since. Its intricate combination of social, economic, and

legal arrangements, invented over a long period of time to meet a succession of pressing needs, imparted to its completed form an image, a personality, and a character. The traces of its open fields that aerial photographs reveal, with their faded parallel furrows clustered in plots oddly angled to each other, contain elements of both discipline and freedom. 虽然它有许多祖先的形式，村庄，营地，和其他小的，临时的，或半 永久性的定居点，虽然它的现代后裔范围从集镇大都市郊区，开放的 村庄的中世纪是一个独特的社区，新的东西在阳光下，并没有重复。 它是社会、经济和法律安排的复杂结合，经过长时间的发明以满足一 系列迫切的需要，赋予了它完整的形象、个性和性格。航拍照片显示 出的开阔地带的痕迹，那些褪色的平行犁沟成奇怪的角度排列在一起 的情节，包含着纪律和自由的元素。

Simultaneously haphazard and systematic, the medieval village is unthinkable without its lord. So much of its endless round of toil went to cultivate his crops, while its rents, court 这个中世纪的村庄没有了主人是不可想象的。它那无穷无尽的劳 作大部分都用来耕种庄稼，而它的租金、宫殿

fines, and all the other charges with the curious archaic names went to supply his personal wants and the needs of his monastic or baronial household. Yet at the same time the village enjoyed a high degree of autonomy, regulating its own cultivation, settling its own quarrels, and living its life with little interference. 罚款，以及所有其他费用与古怪的名字去满足他的个人需要和他的僧 侣或贵族家庭的需要。但与此同时，这个村庄享有高度的自治权，规 范自己的耕作，解决自己的争端，过自己的生活，几乎不受干扰。 The legal division of the villagers into “free” and “unfree” had genuine meaning, but went much less deep than the words imply. The unfree villeins had to work for the lord and pay many fees that the free tenants escaped, yet the division into prosperous and poor was more meaningful. Looking at the men of the Middle Ages, Marc Bloch asked, “In social life, is there any more elusive notion than the 42 free will of a small man?” 法律上将村民分为“自由”和“不自由”是有真正的意义的，但其深 度远不及文字所暗示的那么深。没有自由的村民不得不为地主工作， 支付许多费用，而那些自由的佃农却逃脱了，然而分成富裕和贫穷更 有意义。看着中世纪的人们，马克·布洛赫问道:“在社会生活中，还有 什么比小人物的自由意志更难以捉摸的概念吗?” Village life for men and women alike was busy, strenuous, unrelenting, much of it lived outdoors, with an element of danger that especially threatened children. Diet was poor, dress simple, housing primitive, sanitary arrangements derisory. Yet there were love, sex, courtship, and marriage, holidays, games and sports, and plenty of ale. Neighbors quarreled and fought, sued and countersued, suspected and slandered, but also knew each other thoroughly and depended on each other, to help with the plowing and harvesting, to act as pledges, to bear witness, to respond when danger threatened. 乡村生活对于男人和女人来说都是忙碌的，艰苦的，不屈不挠的， 大部分生活在户外，带有一种特别威胁到孩子的危险因素。饮食差， 穿着简单，住房简陋，卫生安排可笑。然而，爱情、性、求爱、婚姻、

假期、游戏和运动，以及大量的啤酒。邻居们争吵、打架、起诉、反 诉、被怀疑、诽谤，但是他们也彼此了解，互相依靠，帮助耕作和收 割，充当承诺，见证，在危险来临时做出反应。

The most arresting characteristic of the medieval open field village is certainly its system of cooperation: cultivation in concert of individually held land, and pasturing in common of individually owned animals. It was a system that suited an age of low productivity and scarcity of markets, and one that hardly fostered the spirit of innovation. The lords were content to leave things as they were, the villeins had little power to change them. When change came, it came largely from outside, from the pressure of the market and the enterprise of new landlords. Yet change builds on an existing structure. The open field village helped create the 这个中世纪露天农村最引人注目的特点当然是它的合作体系:个人 拥有的土地协调耕作，个人拥有的动物共同放牧。这是一个适合低生 产率和市场稀缺的时代的体系，也是一个很难培养创新精神的体系。 领主们满足于让事情保持原样，村民们几乎没有能力改变它们。当变 革来临时，主要来自外部，来自市场和新房东的企业的压力。然而， 变革是建立在现有的结构之上的。开阔的田野村庄帮助创造了

populous—and in comparison with the past, prosperous— Europe of the high Middle Ages, the Europe from which so much of the modern world emerged. 人口众多，与过去相比，繁荣昌盛的是中世纪晚期的欧洲，现代世 界的许多成员都来自这个欧洲。 In the shift toward that world, many villagers lost their homes, many of their villages disappeared. Argument, protest, and violence accompanied change, which only historical perspective makes clearly inevitable. 在向那个世界的转变中，许多村民失去了他们的家园，许多村 庄消失了。争论、抗议和暴力伴随着变革，只有历史的视角才能使 其显然不可避免。 Was something larger lost? A sense of community, of closeness, of mutual solidarity? Perhaps it was, but the clearest message about the people of Elton and other villages of the late thirteenth century that their records give us seems to be that they were people much like ourselves. Not brutes or dolts, but men and women, living out their lives in a more difficult world, one underequipped with technology, devoid of science, nearly devoid of medicine, and saddled with an exploitative social system. Sometimes they protested, sometimes they even rose in rebellion, mostly they adapted to circumstance. In making their system work, they helped lay the foundation of the future. 有什么更大的东西丢失了吗？社区感，亲密感，相互团结感？也 许是这样，但是关于 13 世纪晚期埃尔顿和其他村庄的人们，他们的 记录传递给我们的最清晰的信息似乎是，他们和我们很像。不是野蛮 人或者笨蛋，而是男人和女人，在一个更加困难的世界里度过他们的 生活，一个装备不足的技术，缺乏科学，几乎没有药物，并且背负着 剥削性的社会制度的世界。有时他们抗议，有时他们甚至起来反抗， 大多数他们适应环境。在使他们的系统工作，他们帮助奠定了未来的 基础。

NOTES 注释 PROLOGUE: ELTON 序言:ELTON 1. Chronicon abbatiae Rameseiensis, ed. by W. Duncan Macray, London, 1886, p. 135. 《拉梅塞人时间标记》。作者:w.DuncanMacray，伦敦，1886， p.135。 2. Maurice Beresford and John G. Hurst, eds., Deserted Medieval Villages, London, 1971; Maurice Beresford, The Lost Villages of the Middle Ages, London, 1954; John G. Hurst, “The Changing Medieval Village,” in J. A. Raftis, ed., Pathways to Medieval Peasants, Toronto, 1981; Trevor Rowley and John Wood, Deserted Villages, Aylesbury, England, 1982. 莫里斯·贝雷斯福德和约翰·g·赫斯特，教育部，被遗弃的中世纪村 庄，伦敦，1971 年;莫里斯·贝雷斯福德，中世纪失落的村庄，伦敦， 1954 年;约翰·g·赫斯特，“改变中世纪村庄”，多伦多，1981 年;特 雷弗·罗利和约翰·伍德，荒废的村庄，艾尔斯伯里，1982 年。

CHAPTER 1. THE VILLAGE EMERGES 第一章村庄的出现 1. Edward Miller and John Hatcher, Medieval England: Rural Society and Economic Change, 1086-1348, London, 1978, pp. 8587. 爱德华·米勒和约翰·哈奇，《中世纪英国:乡村社会与经济变迁》， 1086-1348，伦敦，1978 年，第 85-87 页。

2. Rowley and Wood, Deserted Villages, pp. 6-8. 罗利和木材，废弃的村庄，第 6-8 页。 3. Jean Chapelot and Robert Fossier, The Village and House in the Middle Ages, trans. by Henry Cleere, Berkeley, 1985, p. 327. 让·查佩洛特和罗伯特·弗西尔，《中世纪的村庄和房子》，译。作 者:HenryCleere，Berkeley，1985，p.327。 4. P. J. Fowler, “Later Prehistory,” in H. P. R. Finberg, gen. ed., The Agrarian History of England and Wales, vol. 1, pt. 1, Prehistory, ed. by Stuart Piggott, Cambridge, 1981, pp. 157P·j·福勒，“史前晚期”，载于 h·p·r·芬伯格将军的《英格兰和威尔士的 农业史》，第卷。1，pt.1，Prehistory，ed.作者:斯图尔特·皮戈特， 剑桥，1981,157-页 158. 5. Butser Ancient Farm Project Publications: The Celtic Experience; Celtic Fields; Evolution of Wheat; Bees and Honey; Quern Stones; Hoes, Ards, and Yokes; Natural Dyes. 古老农场项目出版物:凯尔特经验;凯尔特领域;小麦的进化;蜜蜂和蜂 蜜;槲皮石;锄头，山羊和羊轭;天然染料。 6. Tacitus, De Vita Iulii Agricola and De Germania, ed. by Alfred Gudeman, Boston, 1928, pp. 36-37, 40-41. 阿格里科拉和德日耳曼尼亚出版社。阿尔弗雷德·古德曼，波士顿， 1928 年，36-37 页，40-41 页。 7. Chapelot and Fossier, Village and House, pp. 27-30. 教堂和化石，村庄和房子，第 27-30 页。

8. S. Applebaum, “Roman Britain,” in H. P. R. Finberg, ed., The Agrarian History of England and Wales, vol. 1, pt. 2, A.D. 43-1042, Cambridge, 1972, p. 117. 《英格兰和威尔士的农业史》，第卷，“罗马不列颠”，载于 H.P.R.Finberg，编年。1，pt.2，ad43-1042，Cambridge，1972， p.117. 9. Ibid., pp. 73-82. 同上，第 73-82 页。 10. Ibid., pp. 186, 208. 186,208. 11. Chapelot and Fossier, Village and House, pp. 61, 100教堂和化石，村庄和房子，第 61,100-页 103. 12. Ibid., p. 26. 同上，p.26。 13. Ibid., p. 15. 同上，p.15。 14. Ibid., pp. 144-150. 同上，第 144-150 页。 15. Joan Thirsk, “The Common Fields” and “The Origin of the Common Fields,” and J. Z. Titow, “Medieval England and the OpenField System,” in Peasants, Knights, and Heretics: 琼·瑟斯克(JoanThirsk)，《公共领域》(TheCommonFields)和《公共 领 域 的 起 源 》 (TheOriginofTheCommonFields) ， 以 及 j·z·蒂 托 (j.z.Titow) ， 《 中 世 纪 英 格 兰 与 开 阔 领 域 体 系 》 (MedievalEnglandandTheOpen-FieldSystem), Studies in Medieval English Social History, ed. by R. H. Hilton, Cambridge, 1981, pp. 10-56; Bruce Campbell, “Commonfield Origins—the Regional Dimension,” in Trevor Rowley, ed., Origins of Open-Field Agriculture, London, 1981, p. 127; Trevor Rowley, “Medieval Field Systems,” in Leonard Cantor, ed., The English Medieval Landscape, Philadelphia, 1982; H. L. Gray, English Field Systems, Cambridge, Mass., 1915; C. S. and C. S. Orwin, The Open Fields, Oxford, 1954.

中世纪英国社会史研究。布鲁斯·坎贝尔(BruceCampbell)， “CommonfieldOriginsーTheRegionalDimension，”，特雷弗·罗利 (TrevorRowley)，ed，OriginsofOpen-FieldAgriculture，London， 1981，p.127;特雷弗·罗利(TrevorRowley)， “MedievalFieldSystems，”，ed，LeonardCantor， TheEnglishMedievalLandscape，Philadelphia，1982;h·l·格雷 (h.l.Gray)，EnglishFieldSystems，Cambridge，mit， 1915;c.s.andc.s.Orwin，TheOpenFields，Oxford，1954。 16. Joseph and Frances Gies, Life in a Medieval Castle, New York, 1974, p. 148. 约瑟夫和弗朗西斯·吉斯，《中世纪城堡的生活》，纽约，1974 年， 第 148 页。 17. George C. Homans, English Villagers in the Thirteenth Century, New York, 1975, pp. 12-28. 霍曼斯，13 世纪的村民，纽约，1975 年，12-28 页。 18. Grenville Astill and Annie Grant, eds., The Countryside of Medieval England, Oxford, 1988, pp. 88, 94. 格伦维尔·阿斯蒂尔和安妮·格兰特，eds.，《中世纪英国乡村》，牛 津，1988，第 88,94 页。 19. Georges Duby, Rural Economy and Country Life in the Medieval West, Columbia, S.C., 1968, pp. 109-111. 乔治·杜比，《中世纪西部的农村经济与乡村生活》，哥伦比亚， S.C.，1968 年，第 109-111 页。 20. Joan Thirsk, “Farming Techniques,” in Agrarian History of England and Wales, vol. 4, 1500-1640, ed. by Joan Thirsk, Cambridge, 1967, p. 164. 琼·瑟斯克，《农业技术》，载于《英格兰和威尔士农业史》，第卷。 4,1500-1640ed.琼·瑟斯克，剑桥，1967，p.164。 21. R. H. Hilton, The Transition from Feudalism to Capitalism, London, 1984, pp. 15-16. 希尔顿，《从封建主义到资本主义的过渡》，伦敦，1984 年，第 1516 页。 22. W. G. Hoskins, The Midland Peasant: The Economic and Social History of a Leicestershire Village, London, 1957, p.

霍斯金斯，《中部农民:LeicestershireVillage 的经济和社会史》， 1957 年，第页。

79; Homans, English Villagers, p. 368. 79; Homans，English Villagers，p. 368.

CHAPTER 2. THE ENGLISH VILLAGE: ELTON 第二章英国村庄:埃尔顿 1. For Huntingdonshire: Peter Bigmore, The Bedfordshire and Huntingdonshire Landscape, London, 1979. For England in general: H. C. Darby, A New Historical Geography of England Before 1600, Cambridge, 1976; Cantor, ed., The English Medieval Landscape; W. G. Hoskins, The Making of the English Landscape, London, 1955. 亨廷顿郡:PeterBigmore，《贝德福德郡和亨廷顿郡风景》，伦敦， 1979 年。对于整个英格兰:H.C.Darby， aNewHistoricalGeographyofEnglandBefore1600，Cambridge， 1976;Cantor，ed，TheEnglishMedievalLandscape;W.g.Hoskins， TheMakingofTheEnglishLandscape，London，1955。 2. Applebaum, “Roman Britain,” in The Agrarian History of England and Wales, vol. 1, pt. 2, p. 53. 阿普勒鲍姆，“罗马不列颠”，在英格兰和威尔士的农业史，卷。1， pt.2，p.53. 3. Bigmore, Bedfordshire and Huntingdonshire Landscape, pp. 37-42. 比格莫尔，贝德福德郡和亨廷顿郡景观，37-42 页。 4. Frank M. Stenton, Anglo-Saxon England, Oxford, 1971, p. 盎格鲁-撒克逊英格兰，牛津大学，1971，p。 25. 5. H. C. Darby, “The Anglo-Scandinavian Foundations,” in Darby, ed., New Historical Geography, pp. 13-14. 达比，“盎格鲁-斯堪的纳维亚基础”，达比，ed.，新历史地理， 13-14 页。 6. Ibid., p. 15. 同上，p.15。 7. H. P. R. Finberg, “Anglo-Saxon England to 1042,” in The Agrarian History of England and Wales, vol. 1, pt. 2, p. 422.

英格兰和威尔士的土地历史》，第卷，“盎格鲁-撒克逊英格兰到 1042 年”。1，pt.2，p.422. 8. The Anglo-Saxon Chronicles, trans. by Anne Savage, London, 1983, pp. 90-92, 96. 《盎格鲁-撒克逊编年史》。安妮·萨维奇，伦敦，1983,9092,96 页。 9. J. A. Raftis, The Estates of Ramsey Abbey: A Study of Economic Growth and Organization, Toronto, 1957, pp. 6-9. 拉夫蒂斯，《拉姆齐修道院的地产:经济增长与组织研究》，多伦多， 1957 年，第 6-9 页。 10. A. Mawer and F. M. Stenton, The Place-Names of Bedfordshire and Huntingdonshire, London, 1926, pp. 183-184; James B.Johnston, The Place Names of England and Wales, London, 1915, p. 258; Eilert Ekwall, The Concise Oxford Dictionary of English Place Names, Oxford, 1947, p. A.Mawerandf.m.Stenton，ThePlace-Namesof 贝德福德郡 and 亨 廷顿郡，London，1926，pp.183-184;JamesB.Johnston， ThePlaceNamesofEnglandandWales，London，1915， p.258;EilertEkwall， TheConciseOxfordDictionaryofEnglishPlaceNames，Oxford， 1947，p。 158. 11. Chronicon abbatiae Rameseiensis, pp. 112-113. 拉美塞人，第 112-113 页。 12. Ibid., pp. 135-140. 同上，第 135-140 页。 13. E. A. Kosminsky, Studies in the Agrarian History of England in the Thirteenth Century, Oxford, 1956, p. 73. 科斯明斯基，《十三世纪英国农业史研究》，牛津，1956 年， 第 73 页。

14. Cartularium monasterii de Rameseia, ed. by William Hart, London, 1884-1893, vol. 1, p. 234. (Henceforth referred to as Cart. Rames.) 15. Barbara Dodwell, “Holdings and Inheritance in East Anglia,” Economic History Review 2nd ser. 20 (1967), p. 55. 拉美西亚修道院。威廉·哈特，伦敦，1884-1893，第一卷。1， p.234.(此后称为马车。拉姆斯)图 15。芭芭拉·多德威尔，《东英吉

利的财产和继承》，《经济史评论》第二页。20(1967)，p.55. 16. Raftis, Estates of Ramsey Abbey, pp. 26-34. 拉夫蒂斯，《拉姆齐修道院的地产》，第 26-34 页。 17. Susan B. Edgington, “Ramsey Abbey vs. Pagan Peverel, St. Ives, 1107,” Records of Huntingdonshire 2 (1985), pp. 2-5; Edgington, “Pagan Peverel: An Anglo-Norman Crusader,” in Crusade and Settlement, ed. by P. Edbury, Cardiff, 1985, pp. 90-93. 苏珊·b·埃金顿(Susanb.Edgington)，《拉姆齐修道院与圣艾夫斯的 异教徒佩韦雷尔，1107》(RamseyAbbeyvs.PaganPeverel，st.Ives， 1107)，《亨廷顿郡记录 2》(RecordsofHuntingdonshire2,1985)，第 2-5 页;埃金顿，《异教徒佩韦雷尔:一个盎格鲁-诺曼式的十字军》。 埃德伯里，加的夫，1985，第 90-93 页。 18. H. C. Darby, “Domesday England,” in Darby, ed., New Historical Geography, p. 39. 达比，《英格兰末日审判》，达比，第 39 页，新历史地理学。 19. W. Page and G. Proby, eds., Victoria History of the Counties of England: Huntingdonshire, vol. 1, London, 1926, p. 344. (Henceforth referred to as V.C.H. Hunts.) 20. Rotuli Hundredorum temp. Hen. III et Edw. I in Turn Lond’ et in curia receptae scaccarii Westm. asservati, London, 1818, vol. 2, p. 656. (Henceforth referred to as Rot. Hund.) 21. Beresford, Lost Villages, p. 55. 和 g.Proby，eds.，维多利亚英格兰的郡的历史:亨廷顿郡，卷。1， London，1926，p.344.(此后称为 v.c.h.亨茨)图 20。转子温度。母鸡。 Iii 及 Edw。我在第二个转弯处等待着箭毒蛾的到来。1818 年，伦敦。 2，p.656.(此后称为烂。洪德)图 21。贝雷斯福德，《迷失的村庄》， 第 55 页。

22. G. R. Owst, Literature and Pulpit in Medieval England, Oxford, 1961, pp. 27-28, 37. 奥斯特，《中世纪英格兰的文学与 Pulpit》，牛津，1961 年，第 27-28 页，37。 23. R. H. Hilton, A Medieval Society: The West Midlands and the End of the Thirteenth Century, New York, 1966, p. 95; Hoskins, The Midland Peasant, p. 284; Chapelot and Fossier, Village and House, pp. 253-254, 296-302; Margaret Wood, The English Mediaeval House, London, 1965, pp. 215-216; Maurice W. Barley, The English Farmhouse and Cottage, London, 1961, pp. 22-25; H. M. Colvin, “Domestic Architecture and Town-Planning,” in A. Lane Poole, ed., Medieval England, London, 1958, vol. 1, pp. 82-88. R.希尔顿，《中世纪社会:西米德兰与十三世纪末》，纽约，1966 年， 第 95 页;霍斯金斯，《米德兰农民》，第 284 页;查普洛特与弗西尔， 《村庄与住宅》，第 13 页。253-254,296-302;MargaretWood， TheEnglishMediaevalHouse，London，1965，pp.215216;Mauricew.Barley，TheEnglishruralandCottage，London，1961， pp.22-25;H.m.Colvin，“家庭建筑和城镇规划”，a.LanePoole，ed。 中世纪英国，伦敦，1958 年，第一卷。1，pp.82-88. 24. Wood, English Mediaeval House, p. 293. 伍德，英国中世纪住宅，第 293 页。 25. Chapelot and Fossier, Village and House, pp. 313-315; Sarah M. McKinnon, “The Peasant House: The Evidence of Manuscript Illuminations,” in Raftis, ed., Pathways to 《 教 堂 与 化 石 ， 村 庄 与 屋 子 》 ， 313-315 页 ; 莎 拉 ·m·麦 金 农 (Sarahm.McKinnon) ， 《 农 民 的 屋 子 : 光 照 手 稿 的 证 据 》 (ThePeasantHouse:TheEvidenceofManuscriptIlluminations) ， 拉 夫蒂斯出版社(Raftis)，ed，Pathwaysto

Medieval Peasants, p. 304; Colvin, “Domestic Architecture,” p. 87. 《中世纪农民》，第 304 页;科尔文，《家庭建筑》，第 87 页。 26. Hurst, “The Changing Medieval Village,” pp. 42-43; Beresford and Hurst, Deserted Medieval Villages, pp. 104-105; Hilton, A Medieval Society, p. 97. 赫斯特，“改变中世纪村庄”，第 42-43 页;贝雷斯福德和赫斯特，废 弃的中世纪村庄，第 104-105 页;希尔顿，中世纪社会，第 97 页。 27. Bedfordshire Coroners’ Rolls, ed. by R. F. Hunnisett, Streatley, England, 1969, pp. 8, 35,45, 83, 92, 112-113. 贝 德 福 德 郡 验 尸 官 的 面 包 卷 ， ed 。 1969 ， pp.8,35,45,83,92,112-113. 28. Elton Manorial Records, 1279-1351, ed. by S. C. Ratcliff, trans, by D. M. Gregory, Cambridge, 1946, p. 152. (Henceforth referred to as E.M.R.) 29. Ibid., pp. 392, 393. 埃尔顿庄园唱片公司，1279-1351，ed。作者:s·c·拉特克利夫，横贯， d·m·格雷戈里，剑桥，1946,152 页。(以下简称 e.m.r.)29。同上， 第 392,393 页。 30. Hilton, A Medieval Society, p. 95. 希尔顿，《中世纪社会》，第 95 页。 31. Beresford and Hurst, Deserted Medieval Villages, p. 116. 贝雷斯福德和赫斯特，《废弃的中世纪村庄》，第 116 页。 32. E.M.R., pp. 196, 300, 316; Grenville Astill, “Rural Settlement, the Toft and the Croft,” in Astill and Grant, eds., Countryside of Medieval England, pp. 36-61. 196,300,316; Grenville Astill，“ Rural Settlement，the Toft and the Croft，” in Astill and Grant，eds. ，Countryside of Medieval England，pp. 36-61。 33. E.M.R., p. 52. 52. 34. Ibid., pp. 52, 370. 同上，52,370 页。 35. Ibid., p. 52. 同上，p.52。 36. Ibid., pp. 50, 82, 110.

50,82,110. 37. Rot. Hund., p. 656; Leslie E. Webster and John Cherry, “Medieval Britain in 1977,” Medieval Archaeology 22 (1978), pp. 142, 178. 腐烂。《1977 年的中世纪英国》，《中世纪考古学 22 页(1978)， 142,178 页。 38. E.M.R., pp. 22, 66, 275. 22,66,275. 39. Ibid., pp. 13, 79, 214. 13,79,214. 40. Ibid., pp. 137, 138, 169, 275, 322, 323, 336. 137,138,169,275,322,323,336. 41. Ibid., p. 213. 同上，p.213。 42. Ibid., pp. 21, 64, 138, 169, 170, 215, 386. 21,64,138,169,170,215,386. 43. Ibid., pp. 65, 66, 80, 169, 174, 176, 185, 322, 323. 同上，65,66,80,169,174,176,185,322,323。 44. Ibid., pp. 14, 22, 137, 386. 14,22,137,386. 45. Ibid., pp. 14, 137, 138, 139, 323. 同上，14,137,138,139,323 页。 46. Ibid., pp. 137, 138, 168, 214, 371. 137,138,168,214,371. 47. Ibid., p. 169. 同上，169 页。 48. Ibid., pp. 137, 213, 214, 272, 288. 同上，137,213,214,272,288。 49. Ibid., pp. 52, 77-78. 同上，第 52 页，77-78。 50. Ibid., p. 112. 同上，p.112。 51. Ibid., pp. 10, 19, 57, 126, 158, 203, 266-267. 10,19,57,126,158,203,266-267.

52. Ibid., p. li. 同上，李鹏。 53. Brian K. Roberts, The Making of the English Village, a Study in Historical Geography, Harlow, England, 1987, pp. 21-29; Chapelot and Fossier, Village and House, p. 184. 布莱恩·k·罗伯茨(Briank.Roberts)，《英国乡村的形成，历史地理 研究》(TheMakingofTheEnglishVillage， aStudyinHistoricalGeography，Harlow，England，1987，pp.2129);查普洛特与弗西尔，《乡村与房屋》(VillageandHouse)，第 184 页。 54. Hilton, A Medieval Society, pp. 93-95. 希尔顿，中世纪社会，第 93-95 页。 55. E.M.R., p. 69. 第 69 页。 56. Rot. Hund., pp. 656-658. 胡特，第 656-658 页。 57. Hilton, A Medieval Society, p. 92. 希尔顿，《中世纪社会》，第 92 页。 58. E.M.R., p. 97. 97. 59. Rot. Hund., p. 657. 腐烂，hund.，p.657。

CHAPTER 3. THE LORD 第三章上帝 1. The Estate Book of Henry de Bray, Northamptonshire, c. 12891340, ed. by D. Willis, Camden Society 3rd ser. 27 (1916). 北安普敦郡，1289-1340，ed。作者:d.Willis，卡姆登协会第三编辑。 27(1916). 2. Miller and Hatcher, Medieval England, p. 17. 米勒和哈奇，中世纪英格兰，p.17。 3. R. H. Hilton, The English Peasantry in the Later Middle Ages, Oxford, 1975, pp. 132-133.

希尔顿，《中世纪后期的英国农民》，牛津，1975 年，第 132133 页。 4. Homans, English Villagers, pp. 330-331. 霍曼斯，英国村民，第 330-331 页。 5. Raftis, Estates of Ramsey Abbey, p. 77; R. Lennard, Rural England, 1086-1135, a Study of Society and Agrarian Conditions, Oxford, 1959, p. 199. 拉夫蒂斯，《拉姆齐修道院的地产》，第 77 页;r.兰纳德，英国乡村， 1086-1135，《社会和土地状况研究》，牛津，1959 年，第 199 页。 6. Christopher Dyer, Lords and Peasants in a Changing Society: The Estates of the Bishopric of Worcester, 680-1548, Cambridge, 1980, p. 55; Duby, Rural Economy and Country Life, p. 35. 克里斯托弗·戴尔，《变化社会中的领主与农民:伍斯特主教的地 产》，680-1548，剑桥，1980，第 55 页;杜比，《农村经济与乡 村生活》，第 35 页。 7. Kosminsky, Studies in Agrarian History, Table 3, p. 100; Cart. Rames., vol. 1, pp. 294, 306. 农业史研究，表 3,100 页;Cart。拉姆西，沃尔。1pp.294,306. 8. Raftis, Estates of Ramsey Abbey, pp. 68-69. 拉夫蒂斯，《拉姆齐修道院的地产》，68-69 页。 9. E.M.R., p. 117. 117. 10. Ibid., pp. 193, 299. 193,299. 11. Ibid., p. 45. 同上，p.45。 12. Ibid., p. 46. 同上，p.46。 13. Ellen W. Moore, The Fairs of Medieval England: An Introductory Study, Toronto, 1985. 埃伦·w·摩尔，《中世纪英格兰的集市:初步研究》，多伦多， 1985 年。

14. Cart. Rames., vol. 2, p. 342. 《购物车》，拉美西，第 2 卷，第 342 页。 15. George Homans, “The Rural Sociology of Medieval England,” Past and Present 4 (1953), p. 39. 乔治·霍曼斯，“中世纪英国乡村社会学”，《过去与现在》 4(1953)，第 39 页。 16. Ibid., p. 40. 同上，p.40。 17. Walter of Henley’s Husbandry, Together with an Anonymous Husbandry, Seneschaucie, etc., ed. by E. Lamond, Oxford, 1890, p. 35.

《亨利牧业》的沃尔特和《无名牧业》、《森乔西》等出版。 1890，p.35. 18. Ibid. (Rules of St. Robert), p. 125. 同上(《圣罗伯特规则》)，第 125 页。 19. Ibid. (Seneschaucie), pp. 88—89; Frances Davenport, The Economic Development of a ‘Norfolk Manor, 1086-2565, Cambridge, 1906, pp. 22-23. 同上。(Seneschaucie)，88ー89 页;FrancesDavenport， TheEconomicDevelopmentofa‘NorfolkManor，1086-2565， Cambridge，1906，pp.22-23。 20. Walter of Henley (Seneschaucie), p. 105. 沃尔特亨利(Seneschaucie)，p.105。 21. E.M.R., p. xviii. 电磁脉冲，p.18。 22. E.M.R., p. 173; Davenport, Economic Development of a Norfolk Manor, p. 23. 173; Davenport，Economic Development of a Norfolk Manor，p. 23. 23. Miller and Hatcher, Medieval England, pp. 192-193. 米勒和哈奇，中世纪英格兰，192-193 页。 24. Walter of Henley, p. 11. 亨利的沃尔特，p.11。 25. E.M.R., pp. xxxvii-xxxviii.

急诊室，第 317-318 页。 26. Ibid., pp. 2, 4, 138, 272, 275, 386. 2,4,138,272,275,386. 27. Ibid., pp. 67-68, 140-141, 276-277. 同上，第 67-68 页，140-141,276-277。 28. Ibid., pp. 13, 67. 同上，13,67 页。 29. Ibid., p. 63. 同上，p.63。 30. Walter of Henley (Seneschaucie), p. 99. 沃尔特亨利(Seneschaucie)，99 页。 31. Homans, English Villagers, pp. 297-305; Duby, Rural Economy and Country Life, p. 233; Raftis, Estates of Ramsey Abbey, pp. 125127; Miller and Hatcher, Medieval England, pp. 193-197. 霍曼斯，《英国村民》，第 297-305 页;杜比，《农村经济与乡村生 活》，第 233 页;拉夫蒂斯，《拉姆齐修道院的地产》，第 125-127 页;米勒和哈彻，《中世纪英格兰》，第 193-197 页。 32. Walter of Henley (Seneschaucie), pp. 100-102. 亨利的沃尔特(Seneschaucie)，100-102 页。 33. E.M.R., pp. 56-85. 《急诊室医生》，第 56-85 页。 34. Ibid., p. 15. 同上，p.15。 35. Ibid., p. 24. 同上，p.24。 36. Ibid., p. 68. 同上，p.68。 37. Raftis, Estates of Ramsey Abbey, p. 95. 拉夫蒂斯，《拉姆齐修道院的地产》，第 95 页。 38. Nigel Saul, Scenes from Provincial Life, Knightly Families in Sussex, 1280-1400, Oxford, 1987, p. 127. 奈杰尔·索尔，《省级生活场景，苏塞克斯郡骑士家庭》，1280-1400， 牛津，1987 年，第 127 页。

39. Geoffrey Chaucer, The Canterbury Tales, in The Complete Works of Geoffrey Chaucer, ed. by F. N. Robinson, Boston, 1933, p. 25 (lines 593-594). 杰弗里·乔叟，坎特伯雷故事集，杰弗里·乔叟全集，ed。罗宾逊，波 士顿，1933，第 25 页(第 593-594 行)。 40. Walter of Henley, pp. 17-18. 沃尔特亨利，第 17-18 页。 41. J. S. Drew, “Manorial Accounts of St. Swithun’s Priory, Winchester,” in E. M. Carus-Wilson, ed., Essays in Economic History, London, 1962, pp. 27-30. J.s.Drew，“温切斯特圣斯维森小修道院的庄园帐目”，e.m.CarusWilson，E.，《经济史论文集》，伦敦，1962 年，第 27-30 页。 42. Walter of Henley, p. 11. 亨利的沃尔特，p.11。 43. Homans, English Villagers, p. 293. 霍曼斯，英国村民，第 293 页。 44. E.M.R., pp. 70, 79, 278, 373. 70,79,278,373. 45. Walter of Henley (Rules of St. Robert), p. 145. 沃尔特亨利(规则的圣罗伯特)，第 145 页。 46. Cart. Rames., vol. 3, pp. 168-169, 230-232. 购物车。拉姆西，沃尔。3，pp.168-169,230-232. 47. Paul Vinogradoff, The Growth of the Manor, London, 1911; Dyer, Lords and Peasants, p. 67. 保罗·维诺格拉多夫，《庄园的成长》，伦敦，1911;戴尔，领 主和农民，p.67。 48. M. M. Postan, “The Famulus: The Estate Labourer in the Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries,” Economic History Review, supplement no. 2, Cambridge, 1954, p. 3. 波斯坦，“家族:十二世纪和十三世纪的不动产劳工”，《经济史评论》， 补编第 2 号，剑桥，1954 年，第 3 页。 49. E.M.R., pp. 16, 173, 218. 16,173,218.

50. Ibid., pp. 24, 48, 172-173, 217-218. 同上，第 24,48,172-173,217-218 页。 51. Postan, “The Famulus,” p. 21; Cart. Rames., vol. 3, pp. Postan，“TheFamulus，”p.21;Cart。拉姆西，沃尔。3，pp. 236-241; vol. 1, pp. 319, 330, 340, 351, 363. 236-241; vol. 1，pp. 319,330,340,351,363. 52. Postan, “The Famulus,” p. 21. Postan，“ The Famulus，” p. 21。 53. Walter of Henley (Seneschaucie), p. 110; Walter of Henley, pp. 11-13; David L. Farmer, “Prices and Wages,” in H. E. Hallam, ed., The Agrarian History of England and Wales, vol. 2, 1042-1350, Cambridge, 1988, p. 748; Annie Grant, “Animal Resources,” in Astill and Grant, eds., Countryside of Medieval England, p. 174. 沃尔特亨利(Seneschaucie)，110 页;沃尔特亨利，11-13 页;大卫 l 农民，“价格和工资”，在 h.e.哈拉姆，年，英格兰和威尔士的土地 历史，卷。 2,1042-1350 ， Cambridge ， 1988 ， p.748;AnnieGrant ， “AnimalResources”，inAstillandGrant，eds， countryofMedievalEngland，p.174。 54. E.M.R., pp. 25-26; J. A. Raftis, “Farming Techniques (East Midlands),” in The Agrarian History of England and Wales, vol. 2, pp. 336-337. 《英格兰和威尔士的农业史》，25-26 页;j.a.Raftis，“农业技术(东中 部地区)”，第一卷。2，pp.336-337. 55. E.M.R., p. 173. 173. 56. Raftis, Estates of Ramsey Abbey, p. 206. 拉夫蒂斯，《拉姆齐修道院的地产》，第 206 页。 57. E.M.R., pp. lii-liii. 急诊室，第一季，第十三集。 58. Raftis, Estates of Ramsey Abbey, p. 167. 拉夫蒂斯，《拉姆齐修道院的地产》，第 167 页。

59. Warren O. Ault, Open-Field Farming in Medieval England: A Study of Village By-Laws, London, 1972, p. 31. 沃伦·奥尔特，《中世纪英格兰的开阔地农业:乡村规章研究》，伦敦， 1972 年，第 31 页。 60. Farmer, “Prices and Wages,” in The Agrarian History of England and Wales, vol. 2, p. 734. 农民，“价格和工资”，在英格兰和威尔士的农业史，卷。2，p.734. 61. Walter of Henley (Seneschaucie), p. 113. 沃尔特亨利(Seneschaucie)，p.113。 62. Walter of Henley, p. 25. 亨利的沃尔特，p.25。 63. Robert Trow-Smith, History of British Livestock Husbandry, London, 1957-1959, vol. 1, p. 156. 罗伯特·特罗·史密斯，《英国畜牧业史》，伦敦，19571959 年，第一卷。1，p.156. 64. Ibid., p. 153. 同上，p.153。 65. E.M.R., pp. liii-liv. 急诊室，第一页，莉莉，丽芙。 66. Trow-Smith, British Livestock Husbandry, vol. 1, p. 149. 《英国畜牧业》，第 1 卷，第 149 页。 67. Walter of Henley (Seneschaucie), pp. 117-118. 沃尔特亨利(Seneschaucie)，117-118 页。 68. E.M.R., p. Iv. 急救室，p.Iv。 69. Miller and Hatcher, Medieval England, p. 77. 米勒和哈奇，中世纪英格兰，第 77 页。 70. Walter of Henley (Rules of St. Robert), p. 141. 沃尔特亨利(规则的圣罗伯特)，第 141 页。 71. E. A. Kosminsky, “Services and Money Rents in the Thirteenth Century,” in Carus-Wilson, ed., Essays in Economic History, pp. 31-48. 十三世纪的服务和金钱租金〉，Carus-Wilson，编，《经济史 论文集》，31-48 页。

72. The Estate Book of Henry de Bray, pp. xxiv-xxvii. 亨利·德·布雷的遗产手册，第 24-27 页。 73. Beresford and Hurst, Deserted Medieval Villages, p. 127. 贝雷斯福德和赫斯特，《废弃的中世纪村庄》，第 127 页。 74. Walter of Henley, p. 19. 亨利的沃尔特，p.19。 75. Ibid., p. 29. 同上，p.29。 76. E.M.R., pp. 17, 25. 17,25. 77. Walter of Henley (Seneschaucie), p. 113. 沃尔特亨利(Seneschaucie)，p.113。 78. Trow-Smith, British Livestock Husbandry, p. 112. 史密斯，英国畜牧业，第 112 页。 79. Ibid., p. 161; Farmer, “Prices and Wages,” in The Agrarian History of England and Wales, vol. 2, p. 757; E.M.R., p. liii. 同上，第 161 页;农民，“价格和工资”，在英格兰和威尔士的 农业史，卷。2，p.757;e.m.r.，p.liii. 80. Miller and Hatcher, Medieval England, p. 215. 米勒和哈奇，中世纪英格兰，p.215。 81. Thirsk, “Farming Techniques,” in The Agrarian History of England and Waks, vol. 4, p. 163. 瑟斯克，“农业技术”，收录于《英格兰农业史》，第卷。4，p.163. 82. Trow-Smith, British Livestock Husbandry, p. 169. 史密斯，英国畜牧业，第 169 页。

CHAPTER 4. THE VILLAGERS: WHO THEY WERE 第四章村民们:他们是谁 1. Miller and Hatcher, Medieval England, p. 20. 米勒和哈奇，中世纪英格兰，p.20。

2. Ibid., p. 113. 同上，p.113。 3. Frederic William Maitland, The Domesday Book and Beyond, New York, 1966 (first pub. in 1897), p. 31. 弗雷德里克·威廉·梅特兰，《末日审判书》，纽约，1966 年 (第一个酒吧)。1897 年)，p.31。 4. R. H. Hilton, “Freedom and Villeinage in England,” in Hilton, ed., Peasants, Knights, and Heretics, pp. 174-191. 希尔顿，“英格兰的自由与乡下”，希尔顿出版社，174-191 页， 《农民、骑士与异教徒》。 5. F. Pollock and F. W. Maitland, The History of English Law Before the Time of Edward I, Cambridge, 1968, vol. 1, p. 波洛克和梅特兰，《爱德华一世之前的英国法律史》，剑桥， 1968 年，第一卷。1，p. 419. On the subject of freedom versus serfdom: R. H. Hilton, The Decline of Serfdom in Medieval England, London, 1969; Miller and Hatcher, Medieval England, pp. 111-133; M. M. 关于自由与农奴制的主题:希尔顿，《中世纪英国农奴制的衰落》， 伦敦，1969 年;米勒和哈切尔，中世纪英国，111-133 页;m。 Postan, “Legal Status and Economic Condition in Medieval Villages,” in M. M. Postan, Essays on Medieval Agriculture and General Problems of the Medieval Economy, Cambridge, 1968, pp. 278-289. “中世纪村庄的法律地位和经济状况”，《中世纪农业和中世纪经济一 般问题论文集》，剑桥，1968 年，第 278-289 页。 6. Miller and Hatcher, Medieval England, pp. 111-112. 米勒和哈奇，中世纪英格兰，111-112 页。 7. Ibid., p. 112. 同上，p.112。 8. Duby, Rural Economy and Country Life, p. 282. 《农村经济与乡村生活》，第 282 页。 9. Cart. Rames., vol. 3, pp. 257-260. 购物车。拉姆西，沃尔。3，pp.257-260. 10. J. A. Raftis, Warboys: Two Hundred Years in the Life of an English Medieval Village, Toronto, 1974, pp. 67-68.

拉夫蒂斯，《战士们:英国中世纪村庄生活的两百年》，多伦多， 1974 年，第 67-68 页。 11. Kosminsky, Studies in the Agrarian History of England, pp. 230-237. 科斯明斯基，《英国农业史研究》，230-237 页。 12. Rot. Hund., pp. 656-658. 胡特，第 656-658 页。 13. V.C.H. Hunts., p. 161. 161 页。 14. Rot. Hund., pp. 656-658. 胡特，第 656-658 页。 15. Cart. Rames., vol. 1, pp. 299-300, 310, 324, 336, 345, 350, 357, 361, 365, 393-394, 460-461, 475, 483; vol. 2, pp. 45-46. 购物车。拉姆西，沃尔。1，pp.299300,310,324,336,345,350,357,361,365,393-394,460461,475,483;vol.2，pp.45-46. 16. E.M.R., p. 128. 128. 17. Ibid., p. 268. 同上，p.268。 18. Ibid., p. 10. 同上，p.10。 19. Raftis, Estates of Ramsey Abbey, pp. 224-227. 拉夫蒂斯，《拉姆齐修道院的地产》，第 224-227 页。 20. E.M.R., pp. 5-6. 急诊室，第 5-6 页。 21. Ibid., pp. 28, 78, 181, 227, 287-288, 334. 同上，第 28,78,181,227,287-288,334 页。 22. Rot. Hund., p. 657. 腐烂，hund.，p.657。 23. E.M.R., pp. 93, 150. 93,150.

24. Ibid., pp. 147, 151. 同上，147,151 页。 25. Ibid., pp. 147, 201, 255. 147,201,255. 26. Ibid., p. 10. See also Postan, “The Famulus,” pp. 7-14. 同上，p.10。参见 Postan，“TheFamulus，”第 7-14 页。 27. E.M.R, p. 93. 93. 28. Ibid., p. 261. 同上，p.261。 29. Ibid., p. 249. 同上，p.249。 30. Ibid., p. 44. 同上，p.44。 31. Chaucer, Canterbury Tales, p. 32. 乔叟，坎特伯雷故事集，第 32 页。 32. E.M.R., p. 43. 作者:e.m.r.，p.43。 33. Ibid., p. 44. 同上，p.44。 34. Ibid., p. 10. 同上，p.10。 35. Ibid., p. 126. 同上，p.126。 36. Ibid., p. 43. 同上，p.43。 37. Ibid., p. 43. 同上，p.43。 38. Ibid., p. 43. 同上，p.43。 39. Ibid., p. 196. 同上，p.196。 40. Ibid., p. 115. 同上，115 页。 41. Bedfordshire Coroners’ Rolls, p. 114.

贝德福德郡验尸官的劳斯莱斯，第 114 页。 42. E.M.R., p. 34. 作者:e.m.r.，p.34。 43. Ibid., p. 89. 同上，p.89。 44. Ibid., p. 190. 同上，p.190。 45. Ibid., p. 254. 同上，p.254。 46. Ibid., p. 261. 同上，p.261。 47. Ibid., p. 257. 同上，257 页。 48. Ibid., p. 261. 同上，p.261。 49. Ibid., p. 293. 同上，293 页。 50. Anne De Windt, “A Peasant Land Market and Its Participants: King’s Ripton 1280-1400,” Midland History 4 (1978), pp. 142-149. 农民土地市场及其参与者:国王的 Ripton1280-1400〉，《米德兰 历史》4(1978)，142-149 页。 51. M. M. Postan, “Village Livestock in the Thirteenth Century,” Economic History Review 2nd ser. 15 (1962), pp. 219-249. 波斯坦，“十三世纪的乡村牲畜”，《经济史评论》第二页。 15(1962)，pp.219-249. 52. Trow-Smith, British Livestock Husbandry, vol. 1, p. 103. 《英国畜牧业》，第 1 卷，第 103 页。 53. E.M.R., p. 200. 第 200 页。 54. Bedfordshire Coroners’ Rolls, p. 87. 贝德福德郡验尸官劳斯莱斯，第 87 页。 55. Ibid., p. 82. 同上，p.82。

56. Edmund Britton, The Community of the Vill: A Study in the History of the Family and Village Life in Fourteenth-Century England, Toronto, 1977. 埃德蒙·布里顿，《维尔社区:Fourteenth-CenturyEngland 家庭和乡 村生活史研究》，多伦多，1977 年。 57. Edwin De Windt, Land and People in Holywell-cumNeedingworth: Structures of Tenure and Patterns of Social Organization in an East Midlands Village, 1253-1453, Toronto, 1972. 埃德温·德温特，《Holywell-cum-Needingworth 的土地和人民:东 米德兰兹村的土地使用权结构和社会组织模式》，1253-1453，多 伦多，1972 年。 58. E.M.R., p. 3. 3. e. m.r. 59. Ibid., p. 44. 同上，p.44。 60. Ibid., pp. 120-121. 同上，第 120-121 页。 61. Ibid., p. 122. 同上，p.122。 62. Ibid., p. 146. 同上，p.146。 63. Ibid., p. 200. 同上，p.200。 64. Ibid., p. 234. 同上，p.234。 65. Ibid., p. 2. 同上，p.2。 66. Ibid., p. 30. 同上，p.30。 67. Ibid., p. 46. 同上，p.46。 68. Ibid., p. 34. 同上，p.34。 69. Ibid., p. 116.

同上，p.116。 70. Ibid., p. 120. 同上，p.120。 71. Ibid., p. 95. 同上，p.95。 72. Ibid., p. 261. 同上，p.261。 73. Emmanuel Le Roy Ladurie, Montaillou, the Promised Land of Error, trans, by Barbara Bray, New York, 1978. 埃马纽埃尔·勒鲁瓦·拉迪里，Montaillou，错误的乐土，跨文， BarbaraBray，纽约，1978 年。 74. E.M.R., pp. 5-6. 急诊室，第 5-6 页。

CHAPTER 5. THE VILLAGERS: HOW THEY LIVED 第五章村民:他们是如何生活的 1. Beresford and Hurst, Deserted Medieval Villages, p. 122; Cantor, “Villages and Towns,” in Cantor, ed., The English Medieval Landscape, pp. 173-174; Chapelot and Fossier, Village and House, pp. 204—205; Hurst, “The Changing Medieval Village,” p. 44. 贝雷斯福德和赫斯特，《废弃的中世纪村庄》，第 122 页;坎托， 《村庄和城镇》，Cantor，第 173-174 页;查普洛特和弗西尔，《村 庄和房屋》，第 204-205 页;赫斯特，《变化中世纪村庄》，第 44 页。 2. R. K. Field, “Worcestershire Peasant Buildings, Household Goods and Farming Equipment in the Later Middle Ages,” Medieval Archaeology 9 (1965), pp. 105-145. 中世纪后期的伍斯特郡农民建筑、家庭用品和农业设备〉，《中世 纪考古学 9(1965)，105-145 页。

3. E.M.R., p. 115. 115. 4. Ibid., p. 151. 同上，p.151。 5. Ibid., p. 300. 同上，p.300。 6. Beresford and Hurst, Deserted Medieval Villages, p. 104; Hilton, A Medieval Society, pp. 96-97; Trow-Smith, British Livestock Husbandry, vol. 1, p. 114. 贝雷斯福德和赫斯特，废弃的中世纪村庄，第 104 页;希尔顿，中世 纪社会，第 96-97 页;特罗-史密斯，英国畜牧业，卷。1，p.114. 7. Wood, English Mediaeval House, pp. 300-302; Chapelot and Fossier, Village and House, pp. 284-314; Colvin, English Farmhouse, pp. 21-36. 木材，英国中世纪房屋，第 300-302 页;ChapelotandFossier， VillageandHouse，第 284-314 页;Colvin，Englishrural，第 21-36 页。 8. Beresford and Hurst, Deserted Medieval Villages, p. 105. 贝雷斯福德和赫斯特，《废弃的中世纪村庄》，第 105 页。 9. E.M.R., p. 170. 170. 10. Beresford and Hurst, Deserted Medieval Villages, pp. 98, 100; Wood, English Mediaeval House, pp. 257-260. 贝雷斯福德和赫斯特，废弃的中世纪村庄，第 98,100 页;伍德，英国 中世纪房屋，第 257-260 页。 11. Hali Meidenhod, ed. by O. Cockayne, London, 1922, p. 作者:HaliMeidenhod。作者:o.Cockayne，伦敦，1922，p。 53. 12. Owst, Literature and Pulpit, pp. 27, 35-36. 奥斯特，文学与讲坛，第 27 页，35-36。 13. Barbara Hanawalt, The Ties That Bound: Peasant Families in Medieval England, New York, 1986, pp. 45-49; Hoskins, The Midland Peasant, pp. 295-296; Hilton, A Medieval Society, pp. 100-101; Field, “Worcestershire Peasant Buildings,” pp. 121-123.

芭芭拉·哈纳沃特(BarbaraHanawalt)，《束缚的纽带:中世纪英格 兰的农民家庭》，纽约，1986 年，第 45-49 页;霍斯金斯，《中 部农民》，第 295-296 页;希尔顿，《中世纪社会》，第 100-101 页;菲尔德，《伍斯特郡的农民建筑》，第 121-123 页。 14. Wood, Mediaeval English House, pp. 368-374. 伍德，《中世纪英语屋》，368-374 页。 15. E.M.R., pp. 12, 62, 78, 133, 209. 12,62,78,133,209. 16. Duby, Rural Economy and Country Life, p. 65. 农村经济与乡村生活，第 65 页。 17. Miller and Hatcher, Medieval England, p. 164. 米勒和哈奇，中世纪英格兰，p.164。 18. H. E. Hallam, “The Life of the People,” in Agrarian History of England and Wales, vol. 2, pp. 830, 838. “人民的生活”，收录于《英格兰和威尔士农业史》，第卷。2， pp.830,838. 19. Cecily Howell, Land, Family, and Inheritance in Transition, Cambridge, 1983, pp. 164-165; Grenville Astill, “Fields,” in Astill and Grant, eds., Countryside of Medieval England, p. 118. 西西莉·豪威尔，《过渡时期的土地、家庭和继承》，剑桥，1983 年，164-165 页;格伦维尔·阿斯蒂尔，《田野》，阿斯蒂尔和格兰 特出版社，中世纪英国乡村，第 118 页。 20. Kosminsky, Studies in the Agrarian History of England, p. 《英国农业史研究》，第页。 240. 21. Miller and Hatcher, Medieval England, pp. 147-148; H. S. Bennett, Life on the English Manor, A Study of Peasant Conditions, 1150-1400, Cambridge, 1960 (first pub. in 米勒和哈切尔，中世纪英格兰，147-148 页;h·s·贝内特，《英国庄园 的生活，农民状况的研究》，1150-1400，剑桥，1960 年(第一个酒 吧)。在

1937), p. 95; Hallam, “Life of the People,” in The Agrarian History of England and Wales, vol. 2, p. 824; J. Z. Titow, English Rural Society, 1200-1350, London, 1969, p. 79; Howell, Land, Family, and Inheritance, p. 159. 1937)，第 95 页;Hallam，“人民的生活”，收录于《英格兰和威尔 士的农业史》，第卷。2，p.824;j.z.Titow，EnglishRuralSociety， 1200-1350，London，1969，p.79;Howell，Land，Family， andInheritance，p.159. 22. Michel Mollat, The Poor in the Middle Ages, an Essay in Social History, trans, by Arthur Goldhammer, New Haven, 1986, pp. 194-195. 米歇尔·莫拉特，《中世纪的穷人》，《社会史论》，阿瑟·戈德哈 默译，纽黑文，1986 年，第 194-195 页。 23. Anear MacConglinne, “The Vision of Viands,” in The Portable Medieval Reader, ed. by James Bruce Ross and Mary Martin McLaughlin, New York, 1966, pp. 497-499. AnearMacConglinne ， “TheVisionofViands，”inThePortableMedievalReader，ed。詹 姆斯·布鲁斯·罗斯和玛丽·马丁·麦克劳克林，纽约，1966 年，第 497-499 页。 24. John Gower, Miroir de I’Omme, II, lines 450-460, in Complete Works of John Gower, ed. by G. C. Macaulay, Oxford, 1899-1902, vol. 1, p. 293. 约翰高尔，Miroirdei’Omme，II，第 450-460 行，在约翰高尔 全集，编。作者:G.c.麦考利，牛津，1899-1902，第一卷。1， p.293. 25. E.M.R., p. 47. 47. 26. William Langland, Piers Plowman’s Crede, ed. by W. W. Skeat, London, 1867, pp. 16-17. 威廉·兰兰，皮尔斯·普洛曼的《克雷德》，ed。W·w·斯凯特，伦敦， 1867 年，16-17 页。

27. John Stow, Survey of London, London, 1603, p. 92, translating William Fitzstephen’s description of twelfth-century London, cited in Bennett, Life on the English Manor, p. 261. 约翰·斯托，《伦敦概况》，伦敦，1603 年，第 92 页，翻译自威 廉·菲茨斯蒂芬对十二世纪伦敦的描述，贝内特，《英国庄园的生 活》，第 261 页。 28. Homans, English Villagers, p. 358. 霍曼斯，英国村民，第 358 页。 29. Bennett, Life on the English Manor, p. 262. 贝内特，《英国庄园的生活》，p.262。 30. E.M.R., p. 172. 172. 31. Homans, English Villagers, p. 362. 霍曼斯，英国村民，第 362 页。 32. Ibid., p. 365. 同上，365 页。 33. Ibid., pp. 368, 370. 同上，368,370 页。 34. E.M.R., p. 69. 第 69 页。 35. Homans, English Villagers, p. 372. 霍曼斯，英国村民，第 372 页。 36. E.M.R., p. 172. 172. 37. Robert Manning, Handlyng Synne, ed. by Idelle Sullens, Binghamton, New York, 1983, p. 224. 罗伯特·曼宁，HandlyngSynne，ed。作者:IdelleSullens， Binghamton，纽约，1983,224 页。 38. Owst, Literature and Pulpit, p. 362. 奥斯特，文学与讲坛，362 页。 39. Bedfordshire Coroners’ Rolls, pp. 97-98. 贝德福德郡验尸官的劳斯莱斯，第 97-98 页。 40. Hanawalt, Ties That Bound, pp. 44, 60. 44,60.

41. Bedfordshire Coroners’ Rolls, pp. 2-3. 贝德福德郡验尸官的劳斯莱斯，第 2-3 页。 42. Ibid., pp. 55-57. 同上，第 55-57 页。

43. Ibid., p. 108. 同上，p.108。 44. Ibid., p. 51. 同上，p.51。 45. Ibid., pp. 71-72. 同上，71-72 页。 46. Ibid., p. xxiii. 同上，第 23 页。 47. Ibid., p. 7. 同上，p.7。 48. Ibid., pp. 12-13. 同上，第 12-13 页。 49. Ibid., p. 116. 同上，p.116。

CHAPTER 6. MARRIAGE AND THE FAMILY 第六章婚姻与家庭 1. Frances and Joseph Gies, Marriage and the Family in the Middle Ages, New York, 1987, pp. 157-177. 弗朗西斯和约瑟夫·吉斯，《中世纪的婚姻与家庭》，纽约，1987 年，157-177 页。 2. Miller and Hatcher, Medieval England, p. 138. 米勒和哈奇，中世纪英格兰，p.138。 3. P. D. A. Harvey, A Medieval Oxfordshire Village: Cuxham, 1240 to 1400, Oxford, 1965, p. 124. 中世纪牛津郡的村庄:库克瑟姆，1240 年至 1400 年，牛津，1965 年，第 124 页。 4. Rosamond Jane Faith, “Peasant Families and Inheritance Customs in Medieval England,” Agricultural History Review 4 (1966), p. 91. 罗莎蒙德·简·信仰，“中世纪英国的农民家庭和传承习俗”，《农业史评 论》，1966 年第 4 期，第 91 页。 5. Ibid., pp. 86-87.

同上，第 86-87 页。 6. E.M.R., p. 208. 208. 7. Court Roll of Chalgrave Manor, ed. by Marian K. Dale, Bedfordshire Historical Record Society 28 (1950), p. 10. 查尔格雷夫庄园法院登记册。玛丽安 k.戴尔，贝德福德郡历史 记录协会 28(1950)，第 10 页。 8. E.M.R., pp. 56, 68, 70. 56,68,70. 9. Ibid., p. 392. 同上，p.392。 10. Ibid., p. 313. 同上，p.313。 11. Ibid., pp. 84-85, 264, 317. 同上，第 84-85 页，264,317。 12. Ibid., p. 313. 同上，p.313。 13. Cart. Rames., vol. 1, p. 416. 《购物车》，拉美西，第一卷，第 416 页。 14. Ibid., vol. 1, pp. 294, 306, 320, 330, 352. 同上，第一卷。1，pp.294,306,320,330,352. 15. Ibid., vol. 1, pp. 359, 384. 同上，第一卷，359,384 页。 16. Court Roll of Chalgrave Manor, p. 9. 查尔格雷夫庄园法庭登记册，第 9 页。 17. Trow-Smith, British Livestock Husbandry, pp. 100-101. 英国畜牧业，100-101 页。 18. Britton, Community of the Vill, pp. 59-64. 布里顿，《维尔社区》，59-64 页。 19. Anne De Windt, “Peasant Land Market,” pp. 151-153. 安妮·德温特，《农民土地市场》，151-153 页。 20. Duby, Rural Economy and Country Life, p. 284. 《农村经济与乡村生活》，第 284 页。 21. E.M.R., p. 96. 96.

22. Ibid., p. 261. 同上，p.261。 23. Ibid., p. 5. 同上，p.5。 24. Eleanor Searle, “Seigneurial Control of Women’s Marriage: The Antecedents and Function of Merchet in England,” Past and Present 82 (1979), pp. 3-43; also Searle, “Freedom and Marriage in Medieval England: An Alternative Hypothesis,” Economic History Review 2nd ser. 29 (1976). 埃莉诺·塞尔(EleanorSearle)，《女性婚姻的封建主义控制:英格兰 Merchet 的前因和功能》 (SeigneurialControlofWomen’sMarriage:Theanananananananforecr eementinEngland)，《过去与现在》(PastandPresent)，82(1979)， 第 3-43 页;还有塞尔，《中世纪英格兰的自由与婚姻:另一种假说》。 29(1976). 25. E.M.R., p. 28. 电子病历，p.28。 26. Ibid., p. 132. 同上，p.132。 27. Judith M. Bennett, “Medieval Peasant Marriage: An Examination of the Marriage License Fines in Liber Gersumarum,” in Raftis, ed., Pathways to Medieval Peasants, p. 195. 朱迪斯·m·贝内特，“中世纪农民的婚姻:检查结婚证罚款在 Libergersummarum，”在拉夫蒂斯，尤其是，路径，中世纪农 民，第 195 页。 28. Ibid., p. 197. 同上，p.197。 29. Ibid., pp. 205-209, 213-214. 同上，第 205-209 页，213-214。 30. Ibid., pp. 208-209. 同上，208-209 页。 31. Cart. Rames., vol. 1, p. 432. 《购物车》，拉美西，第一卷，第 432 页。 32. Bennett, “Medieval Peasant Marriage,” pp. 200-204.

贝内特，“中世纪农民的婚姻”，第 200-204 页。 33. E.M.R., pp. 61, 132, 208-209. 《电子病历》，第 61 页，132,208-209。 34. Gies, Marriage and the Family, pp. 135-141. 吉斯，婚姻与家庭，第 135-141 页。 35. William Langland, The Vision of Piers Plowman, ed. by A. 威廉·兰格兰，《农夫皮尔斯的视野》，a。 V. C. Schmidt, London, 1984, passus ix, lines 162-165, p. 97. 1984，passus ix，lines 162-165，p. 97. 36. Manning, Handlyng Synne, p. 279. 曼宁，HandlyngSynne，279 页。 37. Ibid., p. 277. 同上，p.277。 38. G. R. Owst, Preaching in Medieval England, London, 1926, p. 269. 中世纪英国的布道》，伦敦，1926 年，第 269 页。 39. Ibid., p. 269. 同上，p.269。 40. Cart. Rames., vol. 1, p. 312. 《购物车》，拉美西，第一卷，第 312 页。 41. Gies, Marriage and the Family, pp. 242-245, 299-300. 吉斯，婚姻与家庭，第 242-245 页，299-300。 42. Manning, Handlyng Synne, p. 211. 曼宁，HandlyngSynne，p.211。 43. E.M.R., p. 3. 3. e. m.r. 44. Ibid., pp. 132, 146. 同上，132,146 页。 45. Ibid., p. 200. 同上，p.200。 46. G. G. Coulton, Medieval Village, Manor, and Monastery, New York, 1960 (first pub. in 1925), pp. 477-478. G.g.Coulton，中世纪村庄，庄园和修道院，纽约，1960 年(第一个 酒吧)。1925 年)，第 477-478 页。 47. J. A. Raftis, in correspondence with the authors.

拉夫蒂斯，在与作者的通信。

48. Britton, Community of the Vill, pp. 34-37. 布里顿，维尔社区，34-37 页。 49. Hanawalt, Ties That Bound, p. 216. 纽带的束缚》，p.216。 50. John Myrc, Instructions for Parish Priests, ed. by E. Peacock, London, 1868, pp. 18-19. 约翰·梅拉克，《教区牧师指南》，第版。作者:e.Peacock， 伦敦，1868,18-19 页。 51. Manning, Handlyng Synne, pp. 240-241. 曼宁，HandlyngSynne，pp.240-241。 52. Myrc, Instructions for Parish Priests, pp. 4-5. 教区牧师指南，第 4-5 页。 53. Hanawalt, Ties That Bound, pp. 172-173. 172-173. 54. Ibid., pp. 175-179. 同上，第 175-179 页。 55. Bedfordshire Coroners’ Rolls, p. 1. 贝德福德郡验尸官劳斯莱斯，第 1 页。 56. Ibid., p. 51. 同上，p.51。 57. Ibid., pp. 59-60. 同上，第 59-60 页。 58. Ibid., p. 98. 同上，p.98。 59. Barbara Hanawalt, “Childbearing Among the Lower Classes of Late Medieval England,” Journal of Interdisciplinary History 8 (1977), pp. 20-21. 芭芭拉·哈纳沃特，“中世纪晚期英格兰下层阶级的生育”，《跨 学科历史杂志》8(1977)，20-21 页。 60. Owst, Literature and Pulpit, pp. 34-35. 奥斯特，文学与讲坛，34-35 页。 61. Ibid., pp. 33-34. 同上，第 33-34 页。 62. Ibid., p. 34. 同上，p.34。

63. Hanawalt, Ties That Bound, pp. 166-167. 《束缚的纽带》，第 166-167 页。 64. Cart. Rames., pp. 300-301. 《购物车》，兰姆斯，300-301 页。 65. M. M. Postan and J. Titow, “Heriots and Prices on Winchester Manors,” Economic History Review 2nd ser. 11 (1959), pp. 392410; Hanawalt, Ties That Bound, pp. 228-229; Miller and Hatcher, Medieval England, pp. viii-ix. M.m.Postan 和 j.Titow，《温彻斯特庄园的产权和价格》，《经济 史评论》第二页。11(1959)，pp.392-410;Hanawalt， TiesThatBound，pp.228-229;MillerandHatcher， MedievalEngland，pp.Viii-ix. 66. E.M.R., p. 311. 311. 67. Elaine Clark, “Some Aspects of Social Security in Medieval England,” Journal of Family History 7 (1982), pp. 307-320. 伊莱恩·克拉克，“中世纪英国社会保障的一些方面”，《家庭历史杂 志》7(1982)，307-320 页。 68. Manning, Handlyng Synne, pp. 30-32. 曼宁，HandlyngSynne，30-32 页。 69. J. A. Raftis, Tenure and Mobility: Studies in the Social History of the Mediaeval English Village, Toronto, 1964, pp. 43-44. 拉夫蒂斯，《终身职位与流动性:中世纪英国乡村社会史研究》，多 伦多，1964 年，第 43-44 页。 70. Ibid., pp. 44-45. 同上，第 44-45 页。 71. Homans, English Villagers, p. 146. 霍曼斯，英国村民，第 146 页。 72. Clark, “Some Aspects of Social Security,” p. 313. 克拉克，“社会保障的一些方面”，第 313 页。 73. Ibid., pp. 312-313. 同上，第 312-313 页。

74. Raftis, Tenure and Mobility, p. 45. 终身职位和流动性，第 45 页。 75. Ibid., p. 44. 同上，p.44。 76. Clark, “Some Aspects of Social Security,” pp. 310-311. 社会保障的一些方面》，310-311 页。 77. Howard Morris Stuckert, Corrodies in English Monasteries: A Study in English Social History of the Middle Ages, Philadelphia, 1923; Hilton, A Medieval Society, pp. 111-113. 霍华德·莫里斯·斯塔克特，《英国修道院中的腐蚀者:中世纪英国社 会史研究》，费城，1923;希尔顿，《中世纪社会》，第 111-113 页。 78. Hilton, A Medieval Society, p. 163. 希尔顿，《中世纪社会》，第 163 页。 79. Bedfordshire Coroners’ Rolls, p. 4. 贝德福德郡验尸官的劳斯莱斯，第 4 页。 80. Ibid., p. 89. 同上，p.89。 81. Manning, Handlyng Synne, pp. 280-281. 曼宁，HandlyngSynne，pp.280-281。 82. Myrc, Instructions for Parish Priests, pp. 53-59. 教区牧师指南，53-59 页。 83. Roberti Grosseteste Epistolae episcopi quondam Lincolniensis, ed. by H. R. Luard, London, 1861, p. 74, cited in Homans, English Villagers, p. 392. 罗伯蒂·格罗斯特斯·埃斯托拉·埃皮斯科皮原林肯林肯林肯林肯林肯 林肯林肯林肯林肯。1861，p.74，Homans，EnglishVillagers， p.392. 84. Homans, English Villagers, p. 392. 霍曼斯，英国村民，第 392 页。 85. Cited in Owst, Preaching in Medieval England, p. 268. Owst，中世纪英格兰布道，第 268 页。

CHAPTER 7. THE VILLAGE AT WORK 第七章工作中的村庄

1. E.M.R., p. 90; Raftis, “Farming Techniques,” in The Agrarian History of England and Wales, vol. 2, p. 329. 《英格兰和威尔士的农业史》，第卷，第 90 页;拉夫蒂斯， “农业技术”。2，p.329. 2. Ault, Open-Field Farming, pp. 22-23. 奥尔特，露天农场，22-23 页。 3. Gray, English Field Systems, especially pp. 39—49 and 格雷，英语领域系统，特别是第 39ー49 页和 71-82; Gray expresses the change from two-field to three-field as bringing “under tillage one-sixth more of the [total] arable” (p. 76); Homans, English Villagers, p. 57; Duby, Rural Economy and Country Life, pp. 22-23, 92-96; Miller and Hatcher, Medieval England, pp. 88-97. 71-82;Gray 表达了从两块田到三块田的变化，即“耕作使可耕地总面 积增加六分之一”(第 76 页);Homans，Englishvillages，第 57 页;Duby，RuralEconomyandCountryLife，第 22-23 页，92-96 页;MillerandHatcher，中世纪英格兰，第 88-97 页。 4. Miller and Hatcher, Medieval England, pp. 89-97 for a general discussion of field systems; Homans, English Villagers, p. 54; Trevor Rowley, “Medieval Field Systems,” in Cantor, ed., The English Medieval Landscape, pp. 36-38. 米勒和哈奇，中世纪英格兰，第 89-97 页，田野系统的一般性讨论; 霍曼斯，英国村民，第 54 页;特雷弗·罗利，“中世纪田野系统”， Cantor，第 36-38 页。 5. Maurice Beresford, Studies in Leicestershire Agrarian History, London, 1949, p. 93, cited in Ault, Open-Field Farming, p. 52. 莫里斯·贝雷斯福德，《莱斯特郡农业史研究》，伦敦，1949 年， 第 93 页，奥尔特，《开阔地农业》，第 52 页。

6. E.M.R., p. 4. 作者:e.m.r.，p.4。 7. Ibid., p. 34. 同上，p.34。 8. Ibid., p. 30. 同上，p.30。 9. Ibid., p. 3. 同上，p.3。 10. Miller and Hatcher, Medieval England, p. 99. 米勒和哈奇，中世纪英格兰，p.99。 11. Ibid., p. 123. 同上，p.123。 12. E.M.R., p. xxx. 紧急救援部，p.xxx。 13. V.C.H. Hunts., vol. 1, p. 75; Rot. Hund., p. 657. 作者:v.c.h.亨特斯，卷。1，p.75;Rot.10.hund.，p.657. 14. Cart. Rames., vol. 1, pp. 323-324. 购物车。拉姆西，沃尔。1，pp.323-324. 15. Raftis, Estates of Ramsey Abbey, pp. 194-195; Robert R. Reynolds, Europe Emerges: Transition Toward an Industrial WorldWide Society, 600-1750, Madison, 1967, p. 132. 拉夫蒂斯，《拉姆齐修道院的地产》，194-195 页;罗伯特·r·雷诺兹， 《欧洲的崛起:向全球工业化社会的过渡》，600-1750，麦迪逊， 1967，第 132 页。 16. E.M.R., p. xxx. 紧急救援部，p.xxx。 17. Ibid., p. 4. 同上，p.4。 18. Ibid., p. 5. 同上，p.5。 19. John Langdon, “Agricultural Equipment,” in Astill and Grant, eds., Countryside of Medieval England, p. 96; Orwin and Orwin, The Open Fields, p. 12; Field, “Worcestershire Peasant Buildings,” pp. 123-125.

约翰·兰登(JohnLangdon)，“农业装备”，在《中世纪英国乡村》 (CountrysideofMedievalEngland)一书中，第 96 页;《欧文与欧文》 (OrwinandOrwin)，《旷野》(TheOpenFields)，第 12 页;《田野》， “伍斯特郡的农民建筑”，第 123-125 页。 20. Ault, Open-Field Farming, p. 20; Miller and Hatcher, Medieval England pp. 154-155. 奥尔特，《开阔地农业》，第 20 页;《米勒和哈奇》，中世纪 英格兰，第 154-155 页。 21. Trow-Smith, British Livestock Husbandry, pp. 69-70. 史密斯，英国畜牧业，69-70 页。 22. Butser Hill Ancient Farm Project; M. L. Ryder, “Livestock,” in The Agrarian History of England and Wales, vol. 1, pt. 1, p. 349; E.M.R., p. lix; Trow-Smith, British Livestock Husbandry, vol. 1, p. 123. 布特塞尔山古代农场项目;m.l.莱德，“牲畜”，英格兰和威尔士土地 历史，第卷。1，pt.1，p.349;e.m.r.，p.lix;Trow-Smith， BritishLivestockcurrangement，vol.1，p.123. 23. Ault, Open-Field Farming, p. 20. 奥尔特，露天农场，第 20 页。 24. Ibid., p. 22; Orwin and Orwin, The Open Fields, pp. 33-35; Homans, English Villagers, pp. 44-45. 同上，p.22;OrwinandOrwin，TheOpenFields，pp.33-35;Homans， Englishvillages，pp.44-45。 25. Ault, Open-Field Farming, p. 23. 奥尔特，露天农场，第 23 页。 26. Thirsk, “Farming Techniques,” in The Agrarian History of England and Wales, vol. 4, p. 166; Walter of Henley, p. 19. 瑟斯克，《英格兰和威尔士的农业史》，第卷，“农业技术”。4， p.166;WalterofHenley，p.19. 27. Ibid., p. 19; J. A. Raftis, “Farming Techniques: the East Midlands,” in The Agrarian History of England and Wales, vol. 2, p. 327.

同上，p.19;j.a.Raftis，“农业技术:东中部地区”，《英格兰和威尔 士的农业史》，第卷。2，p.327.

28. E.M.R., p. 249; Christopher Dyer, “Farming Techniques: the West Midlands,” in The Agrarian History of England and Wales, vol. 2, p. 378. 克里斯托弗·戴尔，《农业技术:西米德兰》，《英格兰和威尔士的农 业史》，第一卷。2，p.378. 29. Homans, English Villagers, p. 40. 霍曼斯，英国村民，第 40 页。 30. Walter of Henley, p. 13; Raftis, “Farming Techniques: the East Midlands,” in The Agrarian History of England and Wales, vol. 2, p. 327. 沃尔特亨利，第 13 页;拉夫蒂斯，“农业技术:东中部地区，”在英格兰 和威尔士的农业历史，卷。2，p.327. 31. Dyer, Lords and Peasants, p. 69. 戴尔，领主和农民，第 69 页。 32. Walter of Henley, p. 15. 亨利的沃尔特，p.15。 33. Maitland, Domesday Book and Beyond, p. 348. 梅特兰，《末日审判书》，第 348 页。 34. Ault, Open-Field Farming, pp. 26-27. 奥尔特，露天农场，第 26-27 页。 35. Cart. Rames., vol. 1, p. 311; E.M.R., p. 173; Homans, English Villagers, pp. 269-270. 购物车。拉姆西，沃尔。1，p.311;e.m.r.，p.173;Homans， Englishvillages，p.269-270. 36. Cart. Rames., vol. 1, p. 311. 《购物车》，拉美西，第一卷，第 311 页。 37. Ibid., vol. 1, pp. 311, 336. 同上，第一卷，311,336 页。 38. E.M.R., p. 30. 电子病历，第 30 页。 39. Ibid., p. 3. 同上，p.3。 40. Ibid., p. 69.

同上，p.69。 41. Cart. Rames., vol. 1, p. 300. 《购物车》，兰姆斯，第一卷，第 300 页。 42. Britton, Community of the Vill pp. 170-171; H. E. Hallam, “The Life of the People,” in The Agrarian History of England and Wales, vol. 2, p. 838. 布里顿，《维尔社区》170-171 页;h·e·哈勒姆，《人民的生活》，英 格兰和威尔士农业史，第一卷。2，p.838. 43. Walter of Henley (Hosbonderie), p. 69. 沃尔特亨利(霍斯邦德里)，p.69。 44. Ault, Open-Field Farming, p. 28. 奥尔特，露天农场，第 28 页。 45. Cited in Ault, Open-Field Farming, p. 31 (Commentary on the Laws of England, vol. 3, p. 212, 1772). 引用于奥尔特，开阔地农业，第 31 页(英格兰法律评论，第卷。3， p.212,1772). 46. Walter of Henley, p. 69; Homans, English Villagers, p. 沃尔特的亨利，p.69;霍曼斯，英国村民，p。 103. 47. Hilton, A Medieval Society, p. 123. 希尔顿，《中世纪社会》，第 123 页。 48. Fernand Braudel, Civilization and Capitalism 15th-18th Century, vol. 1, The Structures of Everyday Life: The Limits of the Possible, New York, 1981, p. 124. 费尔南多·布罗代尔，《文明与资本主义 15-18 世纪》，第一卷。1， ThestructureofEverydayLife:TheLimitsofThePossible ， NewYork ， 1981，p.124. 49. Ault, Open-Field Farming, p. 29. 奥尔特，《露天农场》，第 29 页。 50. Walter of Henley (Seneschaucie), p. 99. 沃尔特亨利(Seneschaucie)，99 页。 51. Ault, Open-Field Farming, pp. 42-43. 奥尔特，露天农场，第 42-43 页。

52. Langdon, “Agricultural Equipment,” in Astill and Grant, eds., Countryside of Medieval England, p. 103. 《农业装备》，中世纪英国乡村，第 103 页。 53. Duby, Rural Economy and Country Life, p. 270; F. R. H. DuBoulay, The Lordship of Canterbury, London, 1966, p. 12. 杜比，《乡村经济与乡村生活》，第 270 页;F.R.h.杜布莱，《坎特 伯雷的领主》，伦敦，1966 年，第 12 页。 54. E.M.R., p. 92. 92. 55. Langland, Piers Plowman’s Crede, pp. 16-17. 朗兰，皮尔斯·普洛曼的《克雷德》，16-17 页。 56. Hilton, The English Peasantry in the Later Middle Ages, pp. 102-103. 希尔顿，中世纪后期的英国农民，102-103 页。 57. Ibid., p. 105. 同上，p.105。 58. Ibid., p. 97. 同上，p.97。 59. Trow-Smith, British Livestock Husbandry, p. 129. 史密斯，英国畜牧业，第 129 页。 60. Ibid., p. 147. 同上，p.147。 61. Ibid., p. 159. 同上，p.159。 62. Thirsk, “Farming Techniques,” in The Agrarian History of England and Wales, vol. 4, p. 187. 瑟斯克，《英格兰和威尔士的农业史》，第卷，“农业技术”。4， p.187. 63. Miller and Hatcher, Medieval England, p. 217. 米勒和哈奇，中世纪英格兰，p.217。 64. Walter of Henley (Hosbonderie), pp. 76-77. 沃尔特亨利(霍斯邦德里)，76-77 页。 65. Trow-Smith, British Livestock Husbandry, p. 128. 史密斯，英国畜牧业，第 128 页。 66. Ault, Open-Field Fanning, pp. 48-49.

奥尔特，Open-FieldFanning，pp.48-49。 67. V.C.H. Hunts., p. 78. 78. 68. Joan Thirsk, “Farming Techniques,” in The Agrarian History of England and Wales, vol. 4, pp. 192-193. 琼·瑟斯克，《英格兰和威尔士农业史》，第卷，“农业技术”。 4，pp.192-193. 69. Ault, Open-Field Farming, p. 50. 奥尔特，露天农场，第 50 页。 70. Trow-Smith, British Livestock Husbandry, pp. 117, 121; Miller and Hatcher, Medieval England, p. 217. 特罗-史密斯，《英国畜牧业》，117,121 页;米勒和哈奇，《中世 纪英国》，217 页。 71. James Greig, “Plant Resources,” in Astill and Grant, eds., Countryside of Medieval England, p. 121; E.M.R., p. 60. 詹姆斯·格雷格(JamesGreig)，《植物资源》(PlantResources)，摘自 《中世纪英国乡村》(CountrysideofMedievalEngland)，p.121;e.m.r.， p.60。 72. Raftis, “Farming Techniques,” in The Agrarian History of England and Wales, vol. 2, p. 338; Thirsk, “Farming Techniques,” in The Agrarian History of England and Wales, vol. 4, p. 195. 拉夫蒂斯，“农业技术”，在英格兰和威尔士的土地历史，卷。2， p.338;Thirsk，“农业技术”，在英格兰和威尔士的土地历史，卷。4， p.195. 73. Walter of Henley (Hosbonderie), p. 77. 沃尔特亨利(霍斯邦德里)，p.77。 74. Joseph and Frances Gies, Life in a Medieval City, New York, 1969, pp. 102-103. 约瑟夫和弗朗西斯·吉斯，《中世纪城市的生活》，纽约，1969 年，第 102-103 页。 75. E.M.R., p. 81. 81. 76. Ibid., p. 303. 同上，303 页。

77. Cart. Rames., vol. 1, pp. 489-490. 购物车。拉姆西，沃尔。1，pp.489-490. 78. E.M.R., p. 52. 52. 79. Ibid., pp.96, 117. 96,117. 80. Ibid., p. 260. 同上，260 页。 81. Ibid., pp.64, 111-112, 211. 同上，第 64 页，111-112,211。 82. Ibid., pp. 13, 64. 同上，13,64 页。 83. Ibid., p. lvii. 同上，第十七页。 84. Ibid., pp. 5, 45. 同上，第 5,45 页。 85. Ibid., pp. 66, 67, 138, 141, 171, 172. 同上，第 66,67,138,141,171,172 页。 86. Henri Pirenne, Economic and Social History of Medieval Europe, New York, 1937, p. 88. 亨利·皮伦，《中世纪欧洲经济与社会史》，纽约，1937 年，第 88 页。 87. Homans, English Villagers, p. 236; Raftis, Tenure and Mobility, p. 139. 236; Raftis，Tenure and Mobility，p. 139. 88. E.M.R., pp. 6-7. 急诊室，第 6-7 页。 89. Postan and Titow, “Heriots and Prices on Winchester Manors.” Postan 和 Titow，“关于温彻斯特庄园的遗产和价格。” 90. Mollat, The Poor in the Middle Ages, p. 178. 莫拉特，《中世纪的穷人》，178 页。 91. Vinogradoff, Growth of the Manor, p. 307. 维诺格拉多夫，《庄园的成长》，307 页。

92. Hallam, “The Life of the People,” in The Agrarian History of England and Wales, vol. 2, p. 846. 哈勒姆，“人民的生活，”在英格兰和威尔士的农业历史，第卷。2， p.846.

CHAPTER 8. THE PARISH 第八章教区 1. Miller and Hatcher, Medieval England, pp. 106-107. 米勒和哈奇，中世纪英格兰，106-107 页。 2. John Godfrey, The English Parish, 600-1300, London, 1969; J. R. H. Moorman, Church Life in England in the Thirteenth Century, Cambridge, 1945, pp. 2-9. 约翰·戈弗雷(JohnGodfrey)，《英国教区》(TheEnglishParish)， 600-1300，伦敦，1969;j·r·h·穆尔曼(j.r.h.Moorman)，《十三 世纪英国的教会生活》，剑桥，1945 年，第 2-9 页。 3. Cart. Rames., vol. 2, p. 136. 《购物车》，拉美西，第 2 卷，第 136 页。 4. Moorman, Church Life in England, pp. 24-37; A. Hamilton Thompson, The English Clergy and Their Organization in the Later Middle Ages, Oxford, 1947, pp. 101-131. 莫尔曼，《英国的教会生活》，第 24-37 页;a.汉密尔顿·汤普森， 《中世纪后期的英国神职人员及其组织》，牛津，1947 年，第 101131 页。 5. Moorman, Church Life in England, pp. 26-28. 摩尔曼，《英国的教会生活》，26-28 页。 6. Chronicon de Lanercost, Edinburgh, 1839, p. 158, cited in Moorman, Church Life in England, p. 27n. 1839，p.158，穆尔曼，ChurchLifeinEngland，p.27n。 7. Moorman, Church Life in England, pp. 28-31; Godfrey, The English Parish, pp. 74-75. 摩尔曼，《英国的教会生活》，第 28-31 页;戈弗雷，《英国教区》， 第 74-75 页。

8. Ibid., pp. 76-77. 同上，76-77 页。 9. Chaucer, Canterbury Tales, pp. 30-31. 乔叟，坎特伯雷故事集，30-31 页。 10. Moorman, Church Life in England, pp. 90-91. 摩尔曼，《英国的教会生活》，第 90-91 页。 11. Ibid., pp. 92-94. 同上，第 92-94 页。 12. Ibid., pp. 95-98. 同上，第 95-98 页。 13. Myrc, Instructions for Parish Priests, p. 1; W. A. Pantin, The English Church in the Fourteenth Century, Cambridge, 1955, pp. 195-243. 《教区牧师指导手册》，第 1 页;w·a·潘廷，《十四世纪英国教会》， 剑桥，1955 年，第 195-243 页。 14. The Autobiography of Giraldus Cambrensis, ed. and trans, by H. E. Williams, London, 1937, p. 40. 威尔士的杰拉德自传，编辑。1937，p.40. 15. Cart. Rames., vol. 1, pp. 293-294. 购物车。拉姆西，沃尔。1，pp.293-294. 16. Ibid., vol. 1, p. 306. 同上，第一卷，第 306 页。 17. Ibid., vol. 1, p. 331. 同上，第一卷，第 331 页。 18. Rot. Hund., p. 658. 腐烂，hund.，p.658。 19. Cart. Rames., vol. 1, pp. 305-306. 购物车。拉姆西，沃尔。1，pp.305-306. 20. Ibid., vol. 1, p. 293. 同上，第一卷，第 293 页。 21. Ibid., vol. 1, p. 320. 同上，第一卷，第 320 页。 22. E.M.R., p. 196. 196. 23. Ibid., p. 300.

同上，p.300。 24. Owst, Preaching in Medieval England, p. 31. 奥斯特，中世纪英格兰的布道，第 31 页。 25. Moorman, Church Life in Medieval England, p. 59. 摩尔曼，《中世纪英国的教会生活》，第 59 页。 26. Colin Piatt, The Parish Churches of Medieval England, London, 1981, p. 58. 科林·皮亚特，中世纪英格兰的教区教堂，伦敦，1981 年，第 58 页。 27. Adhemar Esmein, Le Manage en droit canonique, ed. by R. Genestal, Paris, 1929-35, vol. 1, p. 131. 阿德玛尔·埃斯梅因，《管理和权利法》出版社。作者:r.Genestal， 巴黎，1929-35，vol。1，p.131. 28. Moorman, Church Life in England, pp. 64-65. 摩尔曼，《英国的教会生活》，64-65 页。 29. Manning, Handlyng Synne, pp. 201-203. 曼宁，HandlyngSynne，pp.201-203。 30. Chronicon de Lanercost, pp. 2-3, cited in Moorman, Church Life in England, p. 64. 2-3，穆尔曼，ChurchLifeinEngland，p.64。 31. Piatt, Parish Churches, pp. 13-26. 皮亚特，教区教堂，13-26 页。 32. Ibid., pp. 27-28. 同上，第 27-28 页。 33. P. H. Ditchfield, Old Village Life, London, 1920, pp. 104P. h. Ditchfield，Old Village Life，London，1920，P.. 104105. 34. Platt, Parish Churches, pp. 28-29. 普拉特，教区教堂，第 28-29 页。 35. W. O. Hassall, How They Lived: An Anthology of Original Accounts Written Before 1485, New York, 1960, p. 344. 1485，New York，1960，p. 344.

36. Manning, Handlyng Synne, pp. 217-218. 曼宁，HandlyngSynne，pp.217-218。 37. Moorman, Church Life in England, pp. 68-70. 摩尔曼，《英国的教会生活》，68-70 页。 38. Manning, Handlyng Synne, pp. 108-109. 曼宁，HandlyngSynne，pp.108-109。 39. Owst, Preaching in Medieval England, p. 170. 奥斯特，中世纪英格兰的布道，170 页。 40. Ibid., p. 172. 同上，p.172。 41. Myrc, Instructions for Parish Priests, p. 9. 教区牧师指南，第 9 页。 42. Moorman, Church Life in England, pp. 79-80. 摩尔曼，《英国的教会生活》，79-80 页。 43. Owst, Preaching in Medieval England, p. 319. 奥斯特，中世纪英格兰的布道，第 319 页。 44. Owst, Literature and Pulpit, p. 156. 文学与讲坛》，第 156 页。 45. Owst, Preaching in Medieval England, pp. 336-337. 奥斯特，中世纪英格兰的布道，336-337 页。 46. Ibid., p. 339. 同上，p.339。 47. Ibid., pp. 341-342. 同上，第 341-342 页。 48. Pantin, English Church in the Fourteenth Century, pp. 《十四世纪英国教会》，页。 199-200. 199-200. 49. Myrc, Instructions for Parish Priests, p. 26. 教区牧师指南，第 26 页。 50. Ibid., pp. 29-43. 同上，第 29-43 页。 51. Ibid., pp. 43-48. 同上，第 43-48 页。 52. Ibid., pp. 1-3.

同上，第 1-3 页。

CHAPTER 9. VILLAGE JUSTICE 第九章乡村正义 1. Homans, English Villagers, pp. 309-327. 霍曼斯，英国村民，第 309-327 页。 2. E.M.R., pp. 37-38. E.m.r.，第 37-38 页。 3. A. E. Levett, Studies in Manorial History, Oxford, 1938, p. 《庄园史研究》，牛津大学出版社，1938 年，第页。 111. 4. Homans, English Villagers, p. 312; E.M.R., pp. 7, 34, 47, 霍曼斯，英国村民，第 312 页;e.m.r.，第 7,34,47 页, 105. 5. Levett, Studies in Manorial History, p. 149. 《庄园史研究》，149 页。 6. E.M.R., p. 1. 电子病历，p.1。 7. Levett, Studies in Manorial History, p. 151. 庄园史研究》，第 151 页。 8. E.M.R., p. 153. 153. 9. The Court Baron, ed. by F. W. Maitland and W. P. Baildon, London, 1891, p. 27. 法院男爵，ed。作者:f·w·梅特兰和 w·p·拜登，伦敦，1891，第 27 页。 10. Ibid., p. 28. 同上，p.28。 11. Homans, English Villagers, pp. 315-316. 霍曼斯，英国村民，第 315-316 页。 12. The Court Baron, p. 28. 法院男爵》，第 28 页。

13. Homans, English Villagers, pp. 314-315. 霍曼斯，英国村民，第 314-315 页。 14. E.M.R., p. 2. 电子病历，p.2。 15. Martin Pimsler, “Solidarity in the Medieval Village? The Evidence of Personal Pledging at Elton, Huntingdonshire,” Journal of British Studies 17 (1977), pp. 1-11; Britton, Community of the Vill, p. 104. 马丁·皮姆斯勒(MartinPimsler)，“中世纪村庄的团结？个人承诺的 证据在埃尔顿，亨廷顿郡，《英国研究杂志》17(1977)，第 1-11 页;布里顿，维尔社区，第 104 页。 16. E.M.R., pp. 2-7. 急诊室，第 2-7 页。 17. Homans, English Villagers, p. 315. 霍曼斯，英国村民，第 315 页。 18. E.M.R., p. 89. 89. 19. Ibid., p. 46. 同上，p.46。 20. Homans, English Villagers, p. 315. 霍曼斯，英国村民，第 315 页。 21. E.M.R., pp. 30, 89. 30,89. 22. Marc Bloch, Feudal Society, trans, by L. A. Manyon, Chicago, 1964, vol. 1, p. 271. 马克·布洛赫，《封建社会》，翻译，l·a·马尼恩著，芝加哥， 1964 年，第一卷。1，p.271. 23. E.M.R., p. 5. 电子病历，5 页。 24. Homans, English Villagers, pp. 324-325; John G. Bellamy, Crime and Public Order in the Later Middle Ages, London, 1973, pp. 90-91. 霍曼斯，《英国村民》，第 324-325 页;约翰·g·贝拉米，《中世纪后 期的犯罪与公共秩序》，伦敦，1973 年，第 90-91 页。 25. The Court Baron, pp. 93-94.

法院男爵》，第 93-94 页。 26. V.C.H. Hunts., vol. 1, p. 159. 1，p. 159. 27. E.M.R., p. 3. 3. e. m.r. 28. Ibid., p. 44. 同上，p.44。 29. Ibid., p. 94. 同上，p.94。 30. Ibid., p. 31. 同上，p.31。 31. Ibid., p. 94. 同上，p.94。 32. Ibid., p. 120. 同上，p.120。 33. Ibid., p. 197. 同上，p.197。 34. Ibid., p. 102. 同上，p.102。 35. Ibid., p. 94. 同上，p.94。 36. Ibid., p. 189. 同上，189 页。 37. Ibid., p. 152. 同上，p.152。 38. Ibid., p. 3. 同上，p.3。 39. Ibid., p. 152. 同上，p.152。 40. Ibid., p. 31. 同上，p.31。 41. Gies, Marriage and the Family, p. 63; Jean-Louis Flandrin, “Sex in Married Life in the Early Middle Ages,” in Philippe 吉斯，婚姻与家庭，第 63 页;让-路易斯·弗兰德林，“中世纪早期婚姻 生活中的性”，菲利普

Aries and Andre Béjin, Western Sexuality, London, 1985, pp. 白羊座和安德烈 b 金，西方性学，伦敦，1985，页。 140-157. 140-157. 42. E.M.R., pp. 31-32. 电子病历，第 31-32 页。 43. Ibid., p. 39. 同上，p.39。 44. Homans, English Villagers, pp. 312-313. 霍曼斯，英国村民，第 312-313 页。 45. E.M.R., p. 42. 作者:e.m.r.，p.42。 46. Mollat, The Poor in the Middle Ages, p. 172. 莫拉特，中世纪的穷人，第 172 页。 47. Homans, English Villagers, p. 320. 霍曼斯，英国村民，第 320 页。 48. E.M.R., p. 200. 第 200 页。 49. Ibid., p. 299. 同上，p.299。 50. Ibid., p. 94. 同上，p.94。 51. Ibid., p. 98. 同上，p.98。 52. Homans, English Villagers, p. 323. 霍曼斯，英国村民，第 323 页。 53. Britton, Community of the Vill, pp. 170-171. 布里顿，《维尔社区》，170-171 页。 54. E.M.R., p. 153. 153. 55. Ibid., p. 44. 同上，p.44。 56. Ibid., p. 191. 同上，p.191。 57. Ibid., p. 146.

同上，p.146。 58. Ibid., p. 154. 同上，p.154。 59. Ibid., p. 257. 同上，257 页。 60. Ibid., p. 154. 同上，p.154。 61. Ibid., p. 42. 同上，p.42。 62. Mollat, The Poor in the Middle Ages, p. 171; Duby, Rural Economy and Country Life, pp. 253-254. 莫拉特，《中世纪的穷人》，第 171 页;杜比，《农村经济与乡村生 活》，第 253-254 页。 63. E.M.R., p. 3. 3. e. m.r. 64. Ibid., p. 30. 同上，p.30。 65. Ibid., p. 247. 同上，p.247。 66. Ibid., p. 247. 同上，p.247。 67. Ibid., p. 90. 同上，p.90。 68. W. O. Ault, The Court Rolls of Ramsey Abbey and the Honour of Clare, New Haven, 1928, p. xx. 奥尔特，《拉姆齐修道院和克莱尔的荣誉》，纽黑文，1928 年， 第 xx 页。 69. Britton, Community of the Vill, pp. 174-175. 布里顿，《维尔社区》，174-175 页。 70. Levett, Studies in Manorial History, p. 140. 《庄园史研究》，第 140 页。 71. Vinogradoff, Growth of the Manor, p. 364. 维诺格拉多夫，《庄园的成长》，364 页。 72. Bellamy, Crime and Public Order, pp. 32-33. 贝拉米，《犯罪与公共秩序》，32-33 页。

73. Ibid., p. 33. 同上，p.33。

74. Bedfordshire Coroners’ Rolls, pp. v-ix.

贝德福德郡验尸官卷，第五至九页。 75. Ibid., pp. 58, 74, 76-77, 89-90. 同上，58,74,76-77,89-90。 76. Ibid., passim.; E.M.R., p. 238. 同上;e.m.r.，p.238。 77. Bellamy, Crime and Public Order, p. 30. 贝拉米，《犯罪与公共秩序》，第 30 页。 78. Ibid., p. 160. 同上，p.160。 79. Ibid., p. 113. 同上，p.113。 80. Ibid., p. 87. 同上，p.87。 81. Ibid., p. 188. 同上，p.188。 82. Bedfordshire Coroners’ Rolls, p. 107. 贝德福德郡验尸官的劳斯莱斯，第 107 页。

CHAPTER 10. THE PASSING OF THE MEDIEVAL VILLAGE 第十章中世纪村庄的消逝 1. H. C. Darby, “Domesday England,” and R. E. Glasscock, “England Circa 1334,” both in Darby, ed., A New Historical Geography, pp. 45-47, 143-145; Hallam, “Population Movements in England, 1086-1350,” in The Agrarian History of England and Wales, vol. 2, p. 536, gives higher estimates. H·c·达比(h.c.Darby)，《英格兰末日》(DomesdayEngland)和 r·e·格 拉斯科克(r.e.glasscoke)，《英格兰大约 1334 年》 (EnglandCirca1334)，均在达比出版，《新历史地理学》 (aNewHistoricalGeography)，第 45-47 页，第 143-145 页;哈勒姆

(Hallam)，《英格兰的人口迁移，1086-1350 年》 (PopulationMovementsinEngland,。第 2 页，第 536 页，给出了更高 的估计。 2. J. C. Russell, “Late Medieval Population Patterns,” Speculum 20 (1945), p. 164. 罗素，〈中世纪晚期的人口模式〉，《窥镜》20(1945)， 第 164 页。 3. Ian Kershaw, “The Great Famine and Agrarian Crisis in England, 1315-1322,” in Hilton, ed., Peasants, Knights, and Heretics, p. 95. 伊恩·克肖，《英格兰大饥荒和农业危机，1315-1322》，希尔顿出 版社，第 95 页。 4. Ibid., pp. 93-94, 102-104. 同上，第 93-94 页，102-104。 5. Alan H. R. Baker, “Changes in the Later Middle Ages,” in Darby, ed., A New Historical Geography, pp. 291-318. 艾伦 h.r.贝克，“中世纪后期的变化”，达比，编，《新历史地理 学》，291-318 页。 6. E.M.R., p. 337. 337. 7. Ibid., p. 342. 同上，p.342。 8. Ibid., p. 351. 同上，p.351。 9. Ibid., p. 359. 同上，p.359。 10. Ibid., p. 361. 同上，p.361。 11. Ibid., p. 342. 同上，p.342。 12. Ibid., p. 364. 同上，p.364。 13. Ibid., p. 383. 同上，383 页。

14. Ibid., p. 373. 同上，p.373。

15. Ibid., p. 373. 同上，p.373。 16. Raftis, Estates of Ramsey Abbey, p. 253. 拉夫蒂斯，《拉姆齐修道院的地产》，第 253 页。 17. R. H. Hilton, Bondmen Made Free: Medieval Peasant Movements and the English Rising of 1381, New York, 1973, p. 147. 希尔顿，《获得自由的奴隶:中世纪的农民运动与 1381 年的英国崛 起》，纽约，1973 年，第 147 页。 18. Ibid., p. 148. 同上，p.148。 19. Ibid., pp. 160-162. 同上，第 160-162 页。 20. Duby, Rural Economy and Country Life, p. 334. 《农村经济与乡村生活》，第 334 页。 21. Froissart, Chronicles, trans. by Geoffrey Brereton, Harmondsworth, England, 1968, p. 212. 弗洛伊萨特，编年史，翻译。作者:GeoffreyBrereton，哈蒙 兹沃思，1968，p.212。 22. Thomas Walsingham, Historia Anglicana, cited in R. B. Dobson, The Peasants’ Revolt of 1381, London, 1970, pp. 373375. 托马斯·沃辛汉姆，《英国历史》，r·b·多布森，《1381 年农民起 义》，伦敦，1970 年，第 373-375 页。 23. Hilton, Bondmen Made Free, p. 227. 希尔顿，奴隶重获自由，第 227 页。 24. Cited in Maurice Ashley, Great Britain to 1688, Ann Arbor, 1961, p. 147. 1688，安阿伯，1961，p.147。 25. Hilton, Transition from Feudalism to Capitalism, p. 25; Dyer, Lords and Peasants, pp. 285-286; V.C.H. Hunts., vol. 1, p. 84. 希尔顿，从封建主义到资本主义的过渡，第 25 页;戴尔，领主和农民， 第 285-286 页;v.c.h.亨特斯，卷。1，p.84. 26. Duby, Rural Economy and Country Life, p. 357. 《农村经济与乡村生活》，第 357 页。

27. V.C.H. Hunts., p. 162. 162. 28. Beresford, Lost Villages, p. 166. 贝雷斯福德，《迷失的村庄》，166 页。 29. R. A. Donkin, “Changes in the Early Middle Ages,” and Baker, “Changes in the Later Middle Ages,” both in Darby, ed., A New Historical Geography, pp. 82, 208, 212. R. a. Donkin，“ Changes in the Early Middle Ages，” and Baker， “ Changes in the Later Middle Ages，” both in china，ed，A.New Historical Geography，pp. 82,208,212。 30. Bigmore, Bedfordshire and Huntingdonshire Landscape, p. 132. 比格莫尔，贝德福德郡和亨廷顿郡风景，132 页。 31. Ibid., pp. 126-127. 同上，第 126-127 页。 32. Cited in Bigmore, Bedfordshire and Huntingdonshire Landscape, p. 136. 引自《Bigmore，贝德福德郡和亨廷顿郡风景》，第 136 页。 33. Baker, “Changes in the Later Middle Ages,” in Darby, ed., A New Historical Geography, p. 211. 贝克，“中世纪后期的变化”，达比，ed， aNewHistoricalGeography，p.211。 34. Ibid., p. 242. 同上，p.242。 35. Braudel, Civilization and Capitalism, vol. 1, p. 123. 文明与资本主义》，第 1 卷，第 123 页。 36. Peter Laslett, The World We Have Lost: England in the Industrial Age, New York, 1971, p. 35. 彼得·拉斯利特，《我们失去的世界:工业时代的英国》，纽约， 1971，第 35 页。

37. Joan Thirsk, “Farming Techniques,” in The Agrarian History of England and Wales, vol. 4, pp. 180-181. 琼·瑟斯克，《英格兰和威尔士农业史》，第卷，“农业技术”。 4，pp.180-181. 38. Ault, Open-Field Farming, p. 143. 奥尔特，《露天农场》，第 143 页。 39. Dyer, Lords and Peasants, p. 372. 戴尔，领主和农民，第 372 页。 40. Ault, Open-Field Farming, p. 78. 奥尔特，露天农场，第 78 页。 41. V.C.H. Hunts., p. 160. 160. 42. Marc Bloch in The Cambridge Economic History of Europe, vol. 1, The Agrarian Life of the Middle Ages, ed. by M. M. Postan, Cambridge, 1966, p. 61. 马克·布洛赫在《剑桥欧洲经济史》，第一卷。1，《中世纪的农业 生活》，ed。作者:m.m.Postan，剑桥，1966，p.61。

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GLOSSARY 词汇表 AD CENSUM Status

of villeins who pay a cash rent in lieu of labor

services. 支付现金租金代替劳务的村民的地位。 AD OPUS Status

of villeins owing labor services.

劳务所欠农民的农业业务状况。 AMERCEMENT Fine. Amercement Fine. ASSART Tract

of wasteland cleared or drained to be added to village

arable. 已清除或排干的荒地将增加到村庄的可耕地。 ASSIZE OF BREAD AND ALE Royal 确定价格和标准的皇家法律。 BAILIFF The lord’s chief 领主在庄园的首席官员。

law fixing prices and standards.

official on the manor.

BALK Turf left unplowed to provide separation 巴尔克草皮留下未犁，以提供分隔条之间。 BEADLE Manorial official, usually 助理牧师，通常是牧师的助手。

between strips.

assistant to reeve.

BONDMAN Serf, q.v., villein. 邦德曼·塞尔夫，q.v.，villein。 BOON-WORK Obligation

of tenants for special work services, notably

the lord’s harvest. 为佃户提供特殊劳动服务的义务，特别是主人的收割。 BYLAWS Rules

made by open-field villagers governing cultivation and grazing.

开阔地村民制定的耕作和放牧细则。 CELLARER Official

of a monastery responsible for food

supplies. 修道院负责食物供应的官员。 CENSUARIUS Tenant ad

censum.

森萨阿里乌斯。 CHARTER Official

document, usually deed or grant of privilege. CHEVAGE Payment, typically in kind, owed annually by villein 特许状官方文件，通常指特权的授予或契约。通常为实物的，每年由农奴所欠的款项

living outside the manor. 住在庄园外面。 CORRODY Old age pension, usually purchasable from a monastery, consisting of lodging, food, and incidentals. 老年退休金，通常可从修道院购买，包括住宿、食物和杂费。 COTTER Tenant of a cottage, usually holding 农舍佃户农舍的佃户，通常很少或没有土地。

little or no land.

CROFT Garden plot of a village house. CROFTGarden 地块的一个村庄的房子。 CURIA Courtyard. Curia 庭院。 CUSTUMAL Document listing 列出承租人义务和权利的文件。

obligations and rights of tenants.

DEMESNE Part of the manor 地主直接耕种的庄园的一部分。

cultivated directly by the lord.

DISTRAINT Summons 传票或逮捕令。

or arrest.

ESSOIN Excuse

for non-attendance in court, or delay permitted a defendant.

被告不出庭或延迟出庭的理由。 EXTENT Document enumerating 文档列举了庄园的土地、服务和租金。

lands, services, and rents of a manor.

EYRE Royal circuit court (“justices Eyre 皇家巡回法庭(“EYRE 中的法官”)。

in eyre”).

FARM Lease. 农场租约。 FEE, FIEF Land

granted by a lord in return for services. FEUDALISM Medieval social and political system by which the 费用，由领主授予的土地作为服务的回报。封建主义中世纪的社会和政治制度

lord-vassal relationship was defined. 封臣与藩主的关系。 FRANKPLEDGE Police system by which every member of a tithing was responsible for the conduct of every other member. 弗兰克保证警察系统，每一个什一奉献的成员对其他成员的行为负责。 FURLONG Plot of arable land, 耕地的一小块，一块田的细分。 GERSUM Entry fee 管有租约的报名费。

subdivision of a field.

for taking possession of a tenancy.

GLEBE Land assigned to 分配给支持教区教堂的土地。

support the parish church.

GORE Wedge

of arable land created by irregularity of terrain and plowing in strips.

由于地形不规则和耕作成条状而形成的 GORE 楔形耕地。 HALLMOTE Manorial 庄园法庭。

court.

HAMSOKEN Assault in the 在受害者家中发生袭击事件。

victim’s own house.

HAYWARD OR MESSOR Lesser

manorial official; assistant to reeve. HEADLAND Segment of land left at end of plow strips for 海沃德或梅索尔小庄园官员;牧师助手。在犁条末端留下的部分土地

turning plow around. 翻转犁。

HERIOT Death duty, usually “best beast” or other 死亡税，通常是“最好的牲畜”或其他动产，支付给领主。 HEUSHIRE House 租金。

chattel, paid to lord.

rent.

HIDE Tax

assessment unit of land area, varying in size, theoretically 120 acres.

隐藏税评估单位的土地面积，变化的大小，理论上 120 英亩。 HUE-AND-CRY Criminal

apprehension system by which all within earshot were required to give chase to the malefactor.

罪犯逮捕制度，要求听力范围内的所有人追捕罪犯。 HUNDRED Administrative

division of English shire (county). INFANGENETHEF Right to prosecute thieves caught in the act within a territory and to confiscate their goods. 英格兰郡(县)百行政区划。起诉在一个地区内实施盗窃行为的小偷并没收其货物的权 利。 LEIRWITE Fine

levied against an unmarried woman for sexual

misconduct. 对未婚女子因不正当性行为被判处的罚款。

LOVE-DAY (DIES AMORIS) Opportunity

given litigants to reconcile

differences. 给予诉讼当事人和解分歧的机会。 MANOR Estate

consisting of lord’s demesne and tenants’

holdings. 庄园地产包括主人的私有财产和租户的财产。 MERCHET Fee paid by villein for a 商品销售费由农夫支付女儿的婚姻费用。 MESSUAGE House 住宅和庭院。

daughter’s marriage.

and yard.

MORTUARY Death

duty paid by villein to parish church, usually secondbest beast or chattel.

维莱因付给教区教堂的死亡税，通常是第二好的牲畜或奴隶。 MULTURE Portion

of meal or flour kept by the miller in payment for his

services. 磨坊主为报答他的服务而保留的一部分面粉或面粉。 PANNAGE Fee

to allow pigs to feed on forest mast. PINFOLD OR PUNFOLD The lord’s pound for stray animals. PLEDGING Legal institution by which one villager served as 养猪场收费允许猪在森林肥大上进食。领主收容流浪动物的收容所。一名村民担任 的认捐法律制度

guaranty for another’s court appearance, veracity, good conduct, payment of a debt, etc. 为他人出庭作证、诚实、良好行为、偿还债务等作担保。 QUARTER Unit of volume, eight bushels. 四分之一容量单位，八蒲式耳。 REEVE Principal manorial official under the 执达主任之下的主要庄园官员，总是一个小矮人。 RING Unit of volume, 环容积单位，四蒲式耳。

four bushels.

SEISIN Legal possession 依法占有财产。 SELION Plow strip. Gb/t14500-1993 自动犁条。

of a property.

bailiff, always a villein.

SERF Peasant

burdened with week-work, merchet, tallage, and other obligations; bondman, villein.

农民负担着周工、商业、财产和其他义务。 STEWARD OR SENESCHAL Chief

official of an estate, supervisor of the

lord’s manors. 管家，总管管理庄园的主要官员，领主庄园的管理者。 SUIT Attendance. 西装出席率。 TALLAGE Annual tax levied 领主对村庄征收的年度税。

by lord on villeins.

TALLY, TALLY-STICK Reeve’s

method of accounting for manor’s production, deliveries, receipts, and expenditures; notched stick on which it was kept.

理货，理货，理货的庄园的生产，交货，收入和支出的核算方法;。 TITHE Payment

to church consisting of a tenth of produce. TITHING Unit of ten or twelve village men mutually 十分之一付给教会的报酬，包括十分之一的产品。十个或十二个村民组成的十五税单 位

responsible for each other’s conduct. 对彼此的行为负责。 TOFT Yard of a village house. 一座村屋的院子。

VILLEIN English 农奴英语术语。

term for serf.

unit theoretically sufficient to support a peasant family, varying between 18 and 32 acres (in Elton, 24).

VIRGATE Land

Virgate 的土地单位理论上足够支持一个农民家庭，面积在 18 到 32 英亩之间(埃尔顿，24 英亩)。 WARDENS OF AUTUMN Officials

appointed by the villagers to help

supervise harvest work. 秋季管理员由村民任命的官员帮助监督收割工作。 WARDSHIP Right of guardianship 地主对未成年人行使的监护权。

exercised by a lord over a minor.

WEEK-WORK Principal

labor obligation of a villein, comprising plowing and other work every week throughout the year.

周工作一个佃农的主要劳动义务，包括全年每周的耕作和其他工作。 WOODWARD Manorial official 负责领主林地的庄园官员。

in charge of the lord’s woodland.

INDEX 索引 The pagination of this electronic edition does not match the edition from which it was created. To locate a specific passage, please use the search feature of your e-book reader. 这个电子版的分页与创建它的版本不匹配。要找到特定的文章，请使 用电子书阅读器的搜索功能。 (References to illustrations are in italics.) (插图参考用斜体字表示。) Abbot’s Ripton, 46, 64, 109, 134, 149, 160 abjuring the realm, 192-93 Abovebrook, Henry, 84, 97, 181 Abovebrook, John, 85, 175, 178, 186 Abovebrook, Matilda, 182 阿伯特的 Ripton，46,64,109,134,149,160 放弃 王国，192-93abovbrook，Henry， 84,97,181abovbrook，John， 85,175,178,186abovbrook，Matilda，182 Achard, Hugh, 179 acre, variations in, 47 adultery, 116-17, 182 Aethelwin, ealdorman of Kent, 24 阿查德，休，179 英亩，变异，47 通 奸，116-17,182 埃塞尔温，肯特郡的 埃尔多曼，24

Aetheric, bishop of Dorchester, 24-27, 29, 156 agriculture 埃特里克，多切斯特主教，24-27,29,156 农业 Anglo-Saxon, 21-22 盎格鲁-撒克逊语，21-22 Bronze Age, 8-9, 19 青铜器时代，8-9,19 Iron Age, 9-11, 19 铁器时代，9-11,19 open field, see open field system Roman, 11-12 Romano-British, 19-20, 21-22 开阔地，见开阔地制罗马，11-12 罗马-英国，1920,21-22 akermen (bovarii), 78 阿克曼 78 岁 ale, 22, 94, 96, 103-4, 140, 153, 182-83, 206 ale tasters, 57, 83-84, 152, 180, 182-83 Alexander III, pope, 114, 156, 157 Alfred the Great, king, 23-24 麦芽酒，22,94,96,103-4,140,153,182-83,206 麦芽 酒品尝员，57,83-84,152,180,182-83 亚历山大三世， 教皇，114,156,157 阿佛列大帝，国王，23-24 Andrew, Prudence, 86 安德鲁，普鲁登斯，86 岁

Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, 22-23 Anglo-Saxon invasion of England, 21-22 Angulo, Alice in, 84, 85 盎格鲁-撒克逊编年史，22-23 盎格鲁-撒克逊 人入侵英格兰，21-22 安古洛，爱丽丝， 84,85 Angulo, Geoffrey in, 84, 111, 187 84,111,187 Angulo, Hugh in, 84, 113 84,113 Angulo, Muriel in, 85 Angulo, Richard in, 139 archeology, role of, 4-5, 8-9, 31 assarting, 15, 64, 243 Ault, Warren, 140-41, 142 安古洛，穆里尔在，85 安古洛，理 查德在，139 考古，作用，4-5,89,31 协助，15,64,243 奥尔特，沃 伦，140-41,142 Avebury (Wiltshire), 39 埃夫伯里(威尔特郡)，39 岁 Bacon, Roger, 158 培根，罗杰，158 bailiff, 49, 51-53, 150, 184, 243 Baker, Alan R. H., 201 bakers, 39, 79, 149, 150 Ball, John, 198, 199 49,51-53,150,184,243 Baker，Alan r. h. ，201 bakers，39,79,149,150 Ball，John，198,199 ban (monopoly), 48, 77

大富翁，48,77 baptism, 117-19, 156 洗礼，117-19,156 barley, 9, 11, 16, 17, 55,60, 94, 95, 137, 140, 141, 153 贝利，9,11,16,17,55,60,94,95,137,140,141,153 Barnet (Hertfordshire), 124 巴内特(赫特福德郡)，124 barns, 37-38 谷仓 37-38 号 Barnwell, William of, 79, 177 79,177 Battle Abbey, 94 巴特尔·艾比，94 岁 Bayeux Tapestry, 17 17. Bayeux Tapestry beadle (hayward or messor), 56-57, 83-84, 93, 243 Bedfordshire, 20, 103-5, 108, 125-26, 173 beer, see ale 执事(海沃德或梅塞尔)，56-57,83-84,93,243 贝德福德郡， 20,103-5,108,125-26,173 啤酒，参见麦芽酒 Bellamy, John, 192 贝拉米，约翰，192 benefit of clergy, 192 神职人员福利 192 年 Bennett, H. S., 97 贝内特，H.s.，97 Benyt, Reginald, 132, 188 132,188 Benyt, Richard, 76, 84-85, 187 76,84-85,187

Beresford, Maurice, 4, 132 4,132 Bersu, Gerhard, 4 贝尔苏，格哈德，4 Birmingham, 203 伯明翰，203 Blaccalf, John, 78, 180 78,180 Blaccalf, Ralph, 188 布拉卡夫，拉尔夫，188 Black Death, 98, 110, 124, 196-97, 201, 204 Blackstone, William, 140-41 Blakeman, Athelina, 85, 116 黑死病，98,110,124,196-97,201,204Blackstone， William，140-41Blakeman，Athelina，85,116 Blakeman, Richard, 181 布莱克曼，理查德，181 Bloch, Marc, 49, 206 49,206 Blundel, Geoffrey, 70, 74 布伦德尔，杰弗里，70,74 boon (bene), 42, 55, 58, 87, 101, 139-40, 144, 199, 243 Boothby Pagnell (Lincolnshire), 54 Boon(bene)，42,55,58,87,101,13940,144,199,243BoothbyPagnell(林肯郡)，54 Bowerchalk (Wiltshire), 147 Bracton, Henry de, 67-68 Bradford-on-Avon (Wiltshire), 23, 33, 38 Brancaster (Norfolk), 109 鲍尔乔克(威尔特郡)，147Bracton，亨利德， 67-68 雅芳河畔布拉福(威尔特郡)，23,33,38 布兰卡斯特(诺福克)，109

branding, 62, 147 Braudel, Fernand, 142 Bray, Henry de, 44, 64-65 bread, 48, 94-95, 140, 153 brewing, 57, 15253, 178, 182-83 品牌，62,147Braudel，Fernand， 142Bray ， Henryde ， 44,64-65bread ， 48,94-95,140,153brewing，57,15253,178,182-83 regulation of, 57, 178, 182-83 第 57,178,182-83 条 bride ale, 115 新娘啤酒，115 Brington, Geoffrey, 135 布林顿，杰弗里，135 Brington, Reginald, 84 布灵顿，雷金纳德，84 Britton, Edward, 83, 84, 110, 117, 186 83,84,110,117,186 Broughton (Huntingdonshire), 42, 56, 73, 83, 84, 110, 117, 140, 160, 168, 173, 186, 188 布劳顿(亨廷顿郡)， 42,56,73,83,84,110,117,140,160,168,173,186,188 burial, 128, 156 葬礼，128,156 Burton Agnes (Humberside), 52, 53 butchers, 79 BurtonAgnes(亨伯赛德)，52,53 屠夫， 79

Butser Ancient Farm Project, 9 布特塞古农场项目，9 bylaws, 132-33, 141, 142, 148, 173, 183, 204, 243 Cambridgeshire, 2, 69, 173 章程，132-33,141,142,148,173,183,204,243 剑桥郡， 2,69,173 Carlton (Nottinghamshire), 101 卡尔顿(诺丁汉郡)，101 carpenter, 149, 151 Carpenter 149151 carrying services, 42, 46 运输服务，42,46 Carter, Margery, 108, 116 108,116 carts, 135, 142 手推车，135,142 cellarer, 50, 93, 243 室友，50,93,243 Celtic fields, 9 凯尔特领域，9 censuarii (tenants ad censum), 75, 76, 87, 243 Ceowulf, Anglo-Saxon thegn, 23 75,76,87,243 Ceowulf，Anglo-Saxon thegn，23 Chalgrave (Bedfordshire), 108, 109-10 查尔格雷夫(贝德福德郡)，108,109-10 champion husbandry, see open field system 冠军牧业公司，请注意空地系统 Chapelot, Jean, 8, 13 8,13 Chapleyn, Aldusa, 89 卓别林，Aldusa，89 Chapman, Joan, 86 查普曼，琼，86

Chapman, John, 80, 86 80,86 Chapman, Robert, 70, 74, 79, 86, 183 70,74,79,86,183 Chaucer, Geoffrey, 56, 78, 86, 157-58 乔叟，杰弗里，56,78,86,157-58 Chausey, Thomas, 81, 181 81,181 chevage, 42, 76-77, 178, 196, 199, 243 Chevage 4276-77178196199243 Chichester, bishop of, 183 奇切斯特，183 年的主教 Child, Reginald, 87, 178, 183 孩子，雷金纳德，87,178,183 Child, William, 84 孩子，威廉，84 岁 childbirth, 117-18 分娩 117-18 children, 117-20,206 孩子们 117-20206 feelings toward, 119-20 119-20 naming of, 119 命名，119 Christmas, 100 圣诞节，100 church, parish, 3, 30, 41, 50, 159-61, 162-63, 192 architecture of, 162-63, 200 教堂，教区，3,30,41,50,159-61,162-63,192 建筑，16263,200

in Elton, 3, 39, 42, 200 在埃尔顿，3,39,42,200 furnishings of, 163 家具，163 英尺 murals in, 168-69 壁画 168-69 revenues of, 159-61 收入 159-61 services in, 164-65 churchyard, 41, 102, 128, 163-64 Clare, Bogo de, 157 Clark, Elaine, 124 教堂墓地 164-65 号， 41,102,128,163-64 克莱尔，博戈德， 157 克拉克，伊莱恩，124 claviger (macebearer), 51, 144, 184-85 clerk of the account, 50, 55, 56, 174 Cnut, king, 26 51,144,184-85 账户职员，50,55,56,174knut， king，26 communitas villae (community of the vill or village), 7 维尔或村庄社区，7 compurgation (oath helping), 177, 188-89 177,188-89 confession, 169-70 招供 169-70 copyhold tenure, 199 版权终身制 199 年 coroner, royal, 190-91, 192 验尸官 royal190-91192 coroner’s court, 190-91 验尸官法庭 190-91

rolls of, 34, 103-5, 119-20 卷数 34,103-5,119-20 corrody, 125, 244 腐蚀性 125244 costume, 98-99, 206 服装 98-99206 cotters, 77, 78, 143-44, 152, 244 Coulton, G. G., 116 Council of Trent, 115 77,78,143-44,152,244Coulton ， g.g. ， 116 特伦托会议，115 Court Baron, 175-77, 180 法院男爵，175-77,180 courts 法院 Church, 116-17, 182, 189-90 教会，116-17,182,189-90 royal, 189-93 Royal 189-93 (see also coroner’s court, eyres, honor court, manorial court [hallmote]) cows, 22, 61, 142-43, 145, 149 craftsmen, 71, 77, 78-79, 149-53, 202-3 itinerant, 152-53 奶牛 22,61,142-43,145,149 名工匠 71,77,78-79,149-53,202-3 巡回，152-53 Crane, Goscelyna, 86 克兰，戈斯凯利纳，86 岁

Cranfield (Bedfordshire), 123-24 crime, 103-5, 180, 189-93 croft, 34, 35, 41, 244 Cromwell, Richard, 204 crop rotation, 14-15, 131 克兰菲尔德(贝德福德郡)，123-24 犯 罪，103-5,180,189-93croft， 34,35,41,244Cromwell，Richard， 204 种植轮作，14-15,131 crops, 9, 11, 16, 17, 22, 55, 60-61, 65, 94, 131, 137-38, 203 Cross, Alexander atte, 54, 84, 90, 97, 113, 139-40 作物，9,11,16,17,22,55,60-61,65,94,131,137-38,203Cross， Alexanderatte，54,84,90,97,113,139-40 Cross, Alice daughter of Robert atte, 85 Cross, Robert atte, 85, 133 cruck construction, 33-34, 90 克罗斯，罗伯特·阿特特的女儿，85 克罗斯， 罗伯特·阿特特，85,133 粗制滥造，33-34,90 Cuxham (Oxfordshire), 107 库克瑟姆(牛津郡)，107 Dacus, 26, 31, 156 26,31,156 dairy production, 22, 62 乳制品，22,62 Danish invasion of England, 22-23 Daye, John, 34, 109 death, 126-27 丹麦入侵英格兰，22-23 大业，约翰， 34,109 死亡，126-27

demesne, 11, 17, 31,47, 58, 71, 130, 244 deodand, 191 Demesne 111731475871130244 deodand 191 deserted villages, 4-5, 31, 200-201 De Windt, Anne, 81-82 De Windt, Edwin, 83 被遗弃的村庄，4-5,31,200201DeWindt，Anne，81-82DeWindt， Edwin，83 diet, 93-98, 139-40, 206 饮食 93-98139-40206 disease, see sickness “Dissolution” of the monasteries, 201-2, 204 疾病，见疾病“解散”的修道院，201-2,204 Ditchley (Oxfordshire), 13 迪奇利(牛津郡)，13 岁 “Divided Horsecloth,” 123 《分裂的马》，123 页 divorce, 117 离婚 117 Dodwell, Barbara, 28 芭芭拉，28 岁 Domesday Book, 30-31, 68, 69, 136, 156, 195 dovecotes, 38, 39, 40, 151 dowry, 111, 112 末日审判书，30-31,68,69,136,156,195 个鸽舍， 38,39,40,151 份嫁妆，111,112 dress, see costume 穿衣服，看服装

drunkenness, 103-4 醉酒 103-4 Duby, Georges, 46, 69, 94, 198, 200 Dunning, John (John Tanner), 70, 76, 152 Durobrivae, 20-21, 24 Dyer, Christopher, 203 杜比，乔治，46,69,94,198,200 邓宁，约翰 (约翰坦纳)，70,76,152durobriae，2021,24Dyer，克里斯托弗，203 Dyer, Thomas, 48, 79 48,79 dyers, 79, 98 戴尔，79,98 Easter, 101 复活节，101 Edward I, king, 191, 192, 197 Edward II, king, 197 Edward III, king, 197-98 Ellington (Huntingdonshire), 124 爱德华一世，国王，191,192,197 爱 德华二世，国王，197 爱德华三世， 国王，197-98 艾灵顿(亨廷顿郡)， 124 Elton (Huntingdonshire), 1, 2, 3, 5, 24, 30-41, 42-43, 45, 46, 47,48,51-53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60-61, 62, 64, 65, 67, 69-87, 88-89, 91, 93, 99, 100, 101, 102, 108, 109, 111-12, 116, 117, 121, 133-34, 135, 137, 138, 147, 149-53, 156, 160-61, 173, 174, 177-79, 180-88, 191, 196-97, 199 亨廷顿郡)，1,2,3,5,24,30-41,42-43,45,46,47,48,5153,54,55,56,57,58,59,60-61,62,64,65,67,69-87,8889,91,93,99,100,101,102,108,109,111-12,116,117,121,133-

34,135,137,138,147,149-53,156,160-61,173,174,177-79,18088,191,196-97,199 acquired by Ramsey Abbey, 24-27 in Black Death, 196-97 拉姆齐修道院获得，24-27 在黑死病， 196-97 Elton (Huntingdonshire) in Domesday Book, 30-31 fields of, 41, 129-31 《末日审判书》(DomesdayBook)中的埃尔顿(亨廷顿郡)， 30-31 个字段，41,129-31 modern, 2-3, 205 摩登，2-3,205 origin of name of, 24 起源的名字，24 plan of, 31-42 (map, 32) 平面图 31-42(地图 32) population of, 2, 42 人口，2,42 in Tudor era, 204-5 都铎王朝时期，204-5 年 Elton, John of, 40, 72, 73, 85-86, 89-90, 149, 178-79 Elton, Philip of, 55 埃尔顿，约翰，40,72,73,85-86,89-90,149,178-79 埃尔顿， 菲利普，55 Elton Hall, 3, 39-40, 204-5 埃尔顿大厅，3,39-40,204-5 emigration from villages, 152 乡村移民，152 人 enclosure movement, 4, 200-201, 204, 205 4,200-201,204,205

entry fine (gersum), 108, 112, 199, 244 Ermine Street, 20, 27 essoins, 178, 244 入境罚款(gersum)， 108,112,199,244ErmineStreet， 20,27essoins，178,244 estate management, 47, 40-58 treatises on, 49-50, 62 exemplum, sermon, 166-167 物业管理，47,40-58 论文，4950,62 例证，布道，166-167 Exeter, dean of, 158 埃克塞特院长 158 岁 Eynsham Abbey, 161 埃恩舍姆修道院，161 eyres (circuit courts), 190, 244 巡回法院，190,244 fairs, 42, 48 展览会 4248 Faith, Rosamond, 107 信念，罗莎蒙德，107 family, 106-8, 110-20, 122-26 家庭 106-8110-20122-26 autonomy of, 106-7 106-7 的自治权 cycle, 106 循环，106 size of, 106 尺寸是 106 famine, 98, 195-96, 203, 204 饥荒 98195-96203204

famuli, 58-59, 195 Famuli 58-59195 Feddersen Wierde, West Germany, 13 felony, 190-92 费德森·威尔德，西德，13 项重罪，190-92 年 fertilizer, 16, 17, 35, 137 feudalism, 17-18, 27-29, 45, 244 field systems, 9, 10, 13, 15-16, 41 肥料，16,17,35,137 封建主义，1718,27-29,45,244 田间系统， 9,10,13,15-16,41 infield-outfield, 131 内外场 131 分 multifield, 131 多能量场 131 Roman, 13, 20 罗曼，13,20 three-field, 131-32 三场 131-32 two-field, 131-32 双场 131-32 Finberg, H. P. R., 22 22. Finberg，H.P.r food, see diet 食物，看饮食 Fossier, Robert, 8, 13 8,13 Fourth Lateran Council (1215), 114, 157 frankpledge, 179-80, 204-5, 244 第四届拉特兰会议(1215 年)， 114,157frankpledge，179-80,204-5,244

view of, 179-80, 204-5 179-80,204-5 Fraunceys, Henry, 188 弗劳恩西斯，亨利，188 Fraunceys, John, 177 弗劳恩西，约翰，177 freedom, concept of, 67-69, 73, 152, 205-6 Freeman, Elias, 110-11 friars, mendicant, 166 自由，概念，67-69,73,152,205-6 弗里曼，伊莱 亚斯，110-11 修道士，乞丐，166 fruit, 11, 96 水果，11,96 fullers, 149, 150 富勒斯，149,150 funerals, 127-28 葬礼 127-28 furlong, 15, 41, 47, 129-31, 244 furniture, 93 弗隆 154147129-31244 件家具 93 件 Gamel, Geoffrey, 139 139 岁 Gamel, Gilbert, 187 吉尔伯特·盖梅尔，187 Gamel, Robert, 76, 80, 84 76,80,84 Gamel, Roger, 84, 183 gang-days (Rogation Days), 18, 101, 163 Gate, Margery atte, 112 Gate, Muriel atte, 111

84,183 gang-Days (Rogation Days) ， 18,101,163 Gate，Margery atte，112 Gate， Muriel atte，111 geese, 40, 149 鹅，40,149 Gerald of Wales, 158, 159, 161 威尔士杰拉尔德，158,159,161 Gibson, Edmund, 201 吉布森，埃德蒙，201 岁 Glastonbury Abbey, 37, 97, 100, 133, 202 gleaning, 132, 140-41 glebe, 160-61, 244 格拉斯顿伯里修道院，37,97,100,133,202 拾遗， 132,140-41glebe，160-61,244 goats, 22, 149 山羊 22149 只 Godswein, Henry, 85 哥斯温，亨利，85 岁 gore (wedge of land), 130-31, 244 Goscelin, Richer son of, 87 Goscelin, Roger, 84 Gower, John, 98 戈尔(楔形土地)，130-31,244 戈斯林， 富有的儿子，87 戈斯林，罗杰，84 高 尔，约翰，98 Gratian, 114 葛莱西安，114 grazing rights, 132-33, 142-43 放牧权 132-33142-43

Great Raveley (Huntingdonshire), 127 green, village, 36, 39, 41-42 Greenway dispute, 184-85 Gregory III, pope, 59 大拉维利(亨廷顿郡)，127 格林，村， 36,39,41-42 格林威争端，184-85 格里高利 三世，教皇，59 Grosseteste, Robert, bishop of Lincoln, 49, 57-58, 61-62, 64, 127 格罗斯泰斯特，罗伯特，林肯主教，49,57-58,61-62,64,127 Hale (Lincolnshire), 161 黑尔(林肯郡)，161 Hallam, H. E., 97 哈勒姆，高等教育，97 hallmote, see manorial court 哈尔莫特，请到庄园法庭 hamsoken, 180, 244 Hamsoken 180244 hanging, 191, 193 绞刑，191,193 harboring strangers, 80 窝藏陌生人 80 个 harrow, 135 哈罗，135 harrowing, 62 痛苦，62 岁 Hatcher, John, 7, 69 7,69 hay, 9, 65, 138-39, 144, 196-97 haying dispute, 144 Healdene, Viking leader, 23 hearth, central, 91, 92

干草，9,65,138-39,144,196-97 吵架， 144Healdene，Vikingleader， 23hearth，central，91,92 Hemmingford Abbot’s (Huntingdonshire), 109 海明福·艾博特(亨廷顿郡)，109 页 Henry III, king, 197 亨利三世，国王，197 Henry VIII, king, 201, 204 亨利八世，国王，201,204 Hering, John, 86, 178, 183, 186-87 heriot, 76, 108, 109-10, 124, 199, 244 Hermite, Andrew L’, 188 heushire, 76, 245 赫林，约翰，86,178,183,186-87heriot， 76,108,109-10,124,199,244Hermite， Andrewl’，188heushire，76,245 hide (land measure), 31, 245 31,245 Hilton, Rodney H., 42, 68, 141-42, 145 holidays, 93, 99-2, 206 希尔顿，罗德尼·h，42,68,141-42,145 节假 日，93,99-2,206 Holywell (Huntingdonshire), 47, 121, 140, 159, 160 Homans, George C., 48-49, 183, 185 homicide, 86, 19091 Holywell(亨廷顿郡)，47,121,140,159,160Homans， Georgec，48-49,183,185 凶杀案，86,190-91

honor court, 42, 73, 188 荣誉法庭，42,73,188 horse, 16-17, 59, 83, 136 马 16-175983136 horse collar, 16-17, 136 马项圈 16-17136 Hosbonderie, 148, 149 148,149 houses, 11, 12, 14, 20, 21, 22, 31-34, 88-93, 200, 206 construction of, 33-34, 89-90 房屋，11,12,14,20,21,22,31-34,88-93,200,206 建筑，3334,89-90 hall, 89 霍尔 89 号 heating of, 91 加热温度 91 华氏度 interiors of, 91-93 91-93 的内部 rebuilding of, 88-89 重建 88-89 size of, 34 尺寸是 34 types of, 11, 14, 35 类型 111435 Howard, Katherine, 204 霍华德，凯瑟琳，204 Howell, Cicely, 97 豪厄尔，西西里，97 岁 hue-and-cry, 180-81, 192, 245 180-81192245 hundred, 27, 245 10027245 Hundred Rolls survey of 1279, 31, 42, 64, 70, 72-74, 77-78 1279,31,42,64,70,72-74,77-78 的百卷调查

Hundred Years War, 197-98 百年战争，197-98 Huntingdon, 42, 52 亨廷顿，42,52 Huntingdonshire, 1, 2, 19-21, 27, 42, 43, 133, 173, 201, 203 亨廷顿郡，1,2,19-21,27,42,43,133,173,201,203 Hurst, John, 4 约翰·赫斯特，4 岁 Iceni Village, 12 埃切尼村，12 infangenethef, 190, 244 Infangenethef，190,244 inheritance, 15, 73, 107-8 遗产 1573107-8 irrigation, 12, 203 灌溉，12203 Ivel, River, 20 艾维尔，瑞娃，20 岁 Ives, Saint, 29 艾夫斯，圣特，29 岁 jurors, 83-84, 173-74, 184-85, 188-89 Ketel, John, 81, 85, 109 Kibworth Harcourt, 97 陪审员，83-84,173-74,184-85,18889Ketel，John， 81,85,109KibworthHarcourt，97 King’s Ripton (Huntingdonshire), 46, 81-82, 111 Kosminsky, E. A., 72, 97-98 国王 Ripton(亨廷顿郡)，46,81-82,111Kosminsky， e.a.，72,97-98

labor services, 53, 74-75, 133-35, 154, 183, 196-97 劳工服务，53,74-75,133-35,154,183,196-97 Lane, Henry in the, 130 莱恩，亨利，130 Lane, Richard in the, 76 莱恩，理查德，76 Lanercost Chronicle, 162 兰费斯特纪事，162 年 Langetoft, Allotta of, 187 兰格托夫特，阿洛塔，187 Langetoft, Isabel daughter of Allota of, 48 Langetoft, John of, 73, 86, 178-79 Langland, William, 99, 114 Laslett, Peter, 203 兰格托夫特，伊莎贝尔阿洛塔的女儿，48 兰格 托夫特，约翰的，73,86,178-79 兰格兰，威廉， 99,114 拉斯利特，彼得，203 lay subsidies, 82, 197-98 普通补贴 82197-98 Leicester Abbey, 183, 184 莱斯特修道院，183,184 leirwite, 76,85, 116, 182, 244 Leirwite 7685116182244 leprosy, 121 麻风病，121 Liber Gersumarum, 112-13 非洲菊，112-13 life expectancy, 121 平均寿命，121 岁 Lincolnshire, 69 林肯郡，69 livestock, 9, 16, 22, 34, 38, 48, 54, 55, 62, 82-83, 136, 145-47

牲畜 916223438485455628282-83136145-47 London, 34, 42 伦敦，34,42 longhouse, 11, 12, 14 长屋，11,12,14 lord, 44-49,62-66, 88, 111, 154, 172, 183-86, 188-89, 195, 196, 205 主，44-49,62-66,88,111,154,172,183-86,188-89,195,196,205 capital investments of, 64-65 资本投资 64-65 ecclesiastical, 45 教会，45 岁 income of, 46-49, 57-58, 64-66 收入，46-49,57-58,64-66 lay, 44-45 莱 44-45 life-style of, 46 46 岁的生活方式 privileges of, 47-48 47-48 的特权 roles of, 46-48, 196 角色 46-48196 love-day (dies amoris), 178, 244 爱情日，178,244 Luttrell Psalter, 102 诗篇，102 maintenance contracts, 108, 122-26 维修合同，108,122-26

Maitland, Frederic, 68 梅特兰，弗雷德里克，68 malt, 22, 38 麦芽 2238 Manning, Robert, 102, 114, 115-16, 118, 122-23, 126, 161-62, 164-65 102,114,115-16,118,122-23,126,161-62,164-65 manor, 17-18, 27, 67 庄园 17-182767 definition of, 17, 244 17,244 的定义 “farming” of, 45-46 ”农业”45-46 identity with village, 27, 30, 45 村庄的身份 273045 officers of, 49-57, 180 警官，49-57,180 manor house, 3, 36-37, 41, 51-53, 54, 151, 200, 201, 204 manorial accounts, 31, 54-55 庄园，3,36-37,41,51-53,54,151,200,201,204 庄园帐目，31,5455 manorial court (hallmote), 47-48, 51, 77, 89, 124, 172-89 appeal from, 187-88 庄园法庭，47-48,51,77,89,124,172-89,187-88 fines in, 47-48, 64, 181-82, 186, 189 jurisdiction of, 189-91 legislative activities of, 173 罚款，47-48,64,181-82,186,189 管辖区， 189-91 立法活动，173 litigation in, 178-79 诉讼案 178-79 年

procedure of, 144, 172-79, 183-87 punishment imposed by, 181-82 144,172-79,183-87,181-82 records of, 31, 69, 70, 82-83, 86-87, 174-75 manorial system, 17-18, 27-28, 49 记录，31,69,70,82-83,86-87,174-75 庄园制度， 17-18,27-28,49 markets, 42, 48, 63-64 marriage, 107, 111-13, 169, 206 市场，42,48,63-64 婚姻，107,11113,169,206 ceremony, 113-15 仪式，113-15 clandestine, 115-16 秘密行动组 115-16 consent in, 114 同意 114 Marshal, Adam, 76 马修，亚当，76 岁 Marshal, Henry, 180 马歇尔，亨利，180 Marshal, Simon son of Henry, 76 Marshal, Walter, 76 Marx, Karl, 18 元帅，西蒙的儿子亨利，76 元帅， 沃尔特，76 马克思，卡尔，18 meadow, 131, 138-39, 203 Meadow 131138-39203

meiatores, 61 梅拉托雷斯 61 岁 merchet, 76, 111-13, 154, 182, 244 商船 76,111-13,154,182,244 Merton, 147 默顿，147 midwives, 117-18 助产士 117-18 Miller, Edward, 7, 69 7,69 Miller, Henry, 188 米勒，亨利，188 Miller, Nicholas, 78, 111, 181 78,111,181 Miller, Richard, 116 理查德·米勒，116 millers, 78-79, 149, 150 米勒斯 78-79149150 mills, 31, 36, 48, 77, 78, 149-50, 196 Mills 3136487778149-50196 money-lending, 186-87 货币借贷 186-87 Montaillou, 86 蒙太罗，86 Montfort, Simon de, 34 蒙特福，西蒙·德，34 岁 Morburn, Thomas of, 180 莫本，托马斯，180 mortuary, 109, 159, 245 停尸房 109159245 mowing, 138-39, 154, 196-97 割草，138-39,154,196-97 multure, 78, 245 Multure 78245

murrain, 63, 195-96 Murrain 63195-96 mutilation (as punishment), 193 (作为惩罚)，193 Myrc, John, 118, 126-28, 159, 165, 170 Nene, River, 2, 3, 20, 32, 79, 97, 151 Newbold Grounds (Northamptonshire), 130 New England, 203-4 118,126-28,159,165,170Nene，River， 2,3,20,32,79,97,151NewboldGrounds(北安普敦 郡)，130NewEngland，203-4 Newton Longville (Buckinghamshire), 203 Nolly, John, 76-77 牛顿朗维尔(白金汉郡)，203 诺利，约翰，7677 Norman Conquest, 17, 27-38 Norman Cross (Huntingdonshire), 42 Norman Cross Hundred, 27, 30,43 诺曼征服，17,27-38 诺曼克罗斯(亨廷顿 郡)，42 诺曼克罗斯百年，27,30,43 oats, 9, 16, 17, 60, 94, 137, 140, 141, 153 oblations, 51, 56, 160 燕麦，9,16,17,60,94,137,140,141,153 个祭品， 51,56,160 Oculus Sacerdotis, 159, 165, 169 old age, 121-26 OculusSacerdotis ， 159,165,169 岁 ， 121-26

Oman, Sir Charles, 199 阿曼，查尔斯爵士，199 open field system, 14-16, 49, 129-33, 201, 203-4 origin of, 15-16 14-1649129-33201203-4 原点 15-16 operarii (tenants ad opus), 75, 243 [歌剧]75,243 Oswald, saint, archbishop of York, 24 奥斯瓦尔德，圣人，约克总主教，24 Oundle, 2, 3, 51 2,3,51 Ouse, River, 20 乌斯河，20 岁 outlawry, 193 逃犯，193 ovens, communal, 38-39, 41, 48, 77, 79, 196 ox, 17, 22, 59, 136, 204 Page, John, 135, 177, 183, 187 公用烤箱，38-39,41,48,77,79,196 公牛， 17,22,59,136,204Page，John，135,177,183,187 pannage, 148, 245 帕纳吉，148,245 parish, 155-57 教区 155-57 identity with the village of, 155 origin of, 155-56 155-56 号人的村庄 Parr, Katherine, 204 凯瑟琳·帕尔 204 Paston family, 199-200 帕斯顿家族，199-200 peas and beans, 11, 16, 17, 60, 95-96, 136-37, 141 豌豆和豆 1116176095-96136-37141

Peasants’ Rebellion of 1381, 86, 198-99 1381、86、198-99 年农民起义 Pecham, John, archbishop of Canterbury, 157, 158 坎特伯雷大主教，157,158 penance, 170 忏悔，170 pensions, old-age, see maintenance contracts Peterborough, 2, 3, 48, 51, 147, 152, 191 养老金，老年人，见赡养合同彼得伯勒，2,3,48,51,147,152,191 Peter Lombard, 113 彼得·隆巴德，113 岁 Peverel, Pagan, 29 佩维尔，佩甘，29 岁 Piers Plowman, 99, 144, 154 99,144,154 pigs, 22, 83, 143, 147-48 猪 2283143147-48 Pipewell Abbey, 65-66 皮皮韦尔修道院，65-66 Pirenne, Henri, 152 皮伦，亨利，152 planting, 131, 136-38 种植 131136-38 pledging, personal, 175, 177-78, 188, 245 plow, 10, 11-12, 16-17, 135 宣誓，个人，175,177-78,188,245 耕地，10,1112,16-17,135

with coulter and mouldboard, 11-12, 135 11-12,135 heavy, 16, 135 重 16135 磅 scratch, 10 10 分 wheeled, 135 带轮子的，135 plowing, 9, 10, 11-12, 134-38 耕地，9,10,11-12,134-38 plow team, size and makeup of, 16-17, 22, 59, 136 poll tax, 198, 199 犁队 16 比 172259136 人头税 198199 population, 1, 2, 4, 6-7, 12-16, 18, 30, 46, 153, 195, 206 人口 1,2,4,6-7,12-16,18,30,46,153,195,206 Postan, M. M., 82, 153 82,153 pottage or porridge, 91, 94-96 Pottage or porridge 9194-96 poultry, 38, 62, 145-146 家禽 3862145-146 preaching, see sermons 布道，看布道 Prest, Hugh, 144, 184-85, 196 普雷斯特，休 144,184-85,196 priests, parish, 156-58, 169-71 牧师，教区，156-58,169-71 celibacy of, 161-62 161-62 年的独身生活 education of, 157-58 教育，157-58 manuals for, 158-59 158-59 号手册

marriage of, 161 161 年的婚礼 religious instruction of parishioners by, 169-70 primogeniture, 110 教区居民的宗教教育 169-70 年代，长子继承制 110 年代 prison as punishment, 193 Proby, Sir Thomas, 205 Prudhomme, Alexander, 180-81 Prudhomme, Emma, 79, 86, 178 Prudhomme, Matilda, 78, 86, 180 Prudhomme, Richard, 86 Prudhomme, Walter, 86 Prudhomme, William, 86 193 Proby，Sir Thomas，205 Prudhomme，Alexander，180-81 Prudhomme，Emma，79,86,178 Prudhomme，Matilda，78,86,180 Prudhomme，Richard，86 Prudhomme，Walter，86 Prudhomme，William，86 punfold or pinfold (pound), 38, 41, 48, 245 Quinel, Peter, bishop of Exeter, 163 Raftis, J. A., 70-71, 75, 152 埃克塞特主教，163Raftis，j.a.，70-71,75,152 Ramsey (Huntingdonshire), 152, 173 拉姆齐(亨廷顿郡)，152,173

Ramsey Abbey, 2, 5, 24-27, 28-29, 42, 43, 45, 46-47, 48, 50, 55, 58, 65, 75, 82, 83, 93, 109, 112, 113, 127, 133-34, 140, 152, 156, 159-60, 173, 187-88, 190, 199, 204 拉姆齐修道院，2,5,24-27,28-29,42,43,45,4647,48,50,55,58,65,75,82,83,93,109,112,113,127,13334,140,152,156,159-60,173,187-88,190,199,204 acquisition of Elton by, 24-27 cartulary of, 31, 69, 144, 185, 187-88 founding of, 24 24-27 cartulary of，31,69,144,185,187-88 founding of，24 knight service owed by, 28-29 骑士服务 28-29 suppression of, 201 压制，201 rape, 180, 190 强奸，180,190 reaping, 139-41, 197 《收获》139-41197 reap-reeve, 57 收割-里夫，57 recreation, 99-103, 206 娱乐部 99-103206 rector, 41, 77-78, 156-58, 160-61 absentee, 157-58 校长，41,77-78,156-58,160-61 缺席 者，157-58 rectory, 39, 161 教区长，39,161 reeve, 49, 53-56, 83, 84, 87, 93, 245 Reeve, Andrew, 187

Reeve，49,53-56,83,84,87,93,245 Reeve，Andrew，187 Reeve, Emma wife of Richard, 113 Reeve, Gilbert son of Richard, 84 Reeve, Henry, 55 里夫，理查德的妻子，113 里夫，理查 德的儿子吉尔伯特，84 里夫，亨利， 55 Reeve, John son of Henry, 81, 108 Reeve, Michael, 87 Reeve, Richard, 87, 178 81,108 Reeve，Michael，87 Reeve， Richard，87,178 Reeve, Richard son of Richard, 181 rents, 64, 73, 77-78, 108 repegos (goose-reap), 102 Richard I (Lionheart), king, 193 ridge and furrow, 41, 137 Roberts, Brian K., 41 Robin Hood, 193 理查德之子理查德·里夫，181 房租， 64,73,77-78,108 收获，102 理查德一世 (狮心王)，193 垄沟，41,137 罗伯茨， 布莱恩·k，41 罗宾汉，193 Roman conquest of Britain, 19-20 roof truss, 90 罗马征服不列颠，19-20 屋顶桁架， 90

Rouvehed, William, 89 89 岁 Rowley, Trevor, 7 罗利，特雷弗，7 rye, 9, 16, 55, 60, 198 黑麦 9165560198 Sabbe, Emma, 86 萨贝，艾玛，86 岁 Sabyn, Richard, 181 萨宾，理查德，181 Sabyn, Robert, 181 罗伯特·萨宾 181 St. Albans, 112, 175, 188 St. Albans，112,175,188 St. Ives (town), 29, 48, 52 圣艾夫斯(镇)，29,48,52 fair of, 48, 51 48,51 年的集市 St. Laurence, church of, Bradford-on-Avon (Wiltshire), 23 St. Neots, 51 St.Laurence，教堂，雅芳河畔布拉福教堂(威尔特郡)，23 圣诺 茨，51 St. Swithun’s Abbey, 56 圣斯维森修道院，56 岁 Saladin, Agnes daughter of Philip, 180 Saladin, Andrew, 150 Saladin, Matilda, 180 180 Saladin，Andrew，150 Saladin， Matilda，180 Saladin, Philip, 180 萨拉丁，菲利普，180

sale of land, 73,80-82, 111, 154 sanctuary, 192 土地买卖 7380-82111154 避难所 192 sanitation, 34-35, 37, 52, 206 卫生部 34-353752206 Saul, Nigel, 56 索尔，奈杰尔，56 岁 Scott, Sir Walter, 193 斯科特，沃尔特爵士，193 Searle, Eleanor, 112 西瑞尔，埃莉诺，112 selion (strip), 129-30, 245 129-30,245 Seneschaucie, 49-50, 53, 54, 59, 64, 142 圣乔西，49-50,53,54,59,64,142 serf, see villein 瑟夫，去见维莱恩 serfdom, 64, 68-69, 152, 199-200 serjeant, 51 农奴制，64,68-69,152,199-200 农奴 制，51 sermons, 33, 92-93, 115, 120, 127-28, 165-66 structure of, 166-68 布道，33,92-93,115,120,127-28,165-66 结构，16668 servants, 78 仆人 78 个 servile fees, 64, 75-77, 199 奴役费 64,75-77,199 sheep, 22, 35, 48, 59, 62, 65, 83, 135, 143, 147, 196 22,35,48,59,62,65,83,135,143,147,196

sheepfold, 38, 48, 59, 77 羊圈，38485977 Shepherd, Gilbert, 108 谢泼德，吉尔伯特，108 sickness, 120-21 疾病 120-21 slander, 87, 187 诽谤，87,187 slavery, 64, 68 奴隶制 6468 Smith, Henry son of Henry, 85, 177, 180-81, 186 Smith, John son of Henry, 85, 186 史密斯，亨利之子亨利，85,177,180-81,186 史密斯， 亨利之子约翰，85,186 Smith, Muriel daughter of Richard, 113 Smith, Nicholas son of Richard, 85, 178 Smith, Robert, 79, 186 smiths, 39, 149, 15051 史密斯，穆里尔理查德的女儿，113 史密斯， 尼古拉斯理查德的儿子，85,178 史密斯，罗 伯特，79,186 史密斯，39,149,150-51 smithy, 39, 41, 79, 151, 196 史密斯 394179151196 solar (room of house), 90 太阳能房间，90 spinning, 145, 196 旋转 145196 sporting chance, 138-39 运气好 138 比 39 Stamford, 51, 52, 152 51,52,152 fair of, 51, 52

51,52 公平 standard of living, 97-98, 141-42, 153-54 status of peasants, 67-69, 71-85, 154, 205-6 生活水平，97-98,141-42,153-54 农民地位，6769,71-85,154,205-6 economic, 67, 68, 71-78, 80-83 legal, 67-69, 71-78, 133-34, 205-6 social, 67, 69, 83-85 67,68,71-78,80-83 法律，67-69,7178,133-34,205-6 社会，67,69,83-85 Statute of Laborers (1351), 197, 198, 199 Stekedec, Athelina, 79 Stekedec, Robert, 79, 85 劳工法(1351)，197,198,199Stekedec， Athelina，79Stekedec，Robert，79,85 Stevenage (Hertfordshire), 148 斯蒂夫尼奇(赫特福德郡)，148 steward (seneschal), 49-51, 144, 172, 173, 184, 185, 246 Steward(总管)49-51,144,172,173,184,185,246 stocks, 41, 182, 189 股票，41,182,189 Stoke Pryor, 125 斯托克普赖尔，125 sunken hut (grubenhaus), 11,14 surnames, 69-71 Tacitus, 10-11, 14 沉没的小屋(grubenhaus)，11,14 个 姓氏，69-71Tacitus，10-11,14

tallage, 76, 154, 246 塔里奇 76154246 tally stick, 55, 246 计数棒，55,246 tanning, 152 日光浴 152 度 taxation, see lay subsidies, poll tax technology, agricultural, 16-17, 22, 153, 203, 204 税收，见业内补贴，人头税技术，农业，16-17,22,153,203,204 thatch, 34, 38 茅草屋，34,38 threshing, 61, 141, 143 脱粒，61,141,143 Tilmanstone (Kent), 89 蒂尔曼斯通(肯特)，89 岁 tithe, 159-60, 246 什一税，159-60,246 tithing, 179-80, 188, 246 什一税 179-80188246 head of (chief pledge), 83-84, 179 Titow, J. Z., 97, 153 首席保证人，83-84,179Titow，j.z， 97,153 toft, 34, 35, 41, 246 Toft 343541246 tools, 9, 11-12, 135, 143, 151 工具 911-12135143151 torture, 193 折磨，193 towns, 152 唐斯，152 trespass, 190 非法入侵，190

trial by combat, 191 格斗审判，191 trial by jury, 191 陪审团审判 191 年 trial by ordeal, 191 神判法，191 Trow-Smith, Robert, 64, 136 罗伯特·特罗-史密斯，64,136 Trune, John, 184 约翰·特鲁恩，184 Trune, Richard, 42, 90 42,90 Tyler, Wat, 198 泰勒，华特，198 Tysoe (Warwickshire), 45 Upwood (Huntingdonshire), 123 Vaughan, Rowland, 203 veterinary medicine, 62-63 vicar, 50, 156-57 villa, 7, 11, 13, 20 泰索(沃里克郡)，45Upwood(亨廷顿 郡)，123Vaughan，Rowland，203 兽医学，62-63vicar，50,156-57 别 墅，7,11,13,20 village autonomy of, 48-49, 205 decline of, 195-207 村自治，48-49,205 衰退，195-207

definition of, 7-8 定义为 7-8 function of, 3, 6-7 函数 3,6-7 history of, 7, 9-10, 12-18, 36, 43, 195-207 7,9-10,12-18,36,43,195-207 layout of, 4, 41-42 布局，4,41-42 Mediterranean, 14 地中海，14 nucleated, 14-16 有核 14-16 open field, 1-2, 5, 14-16, 205-7 空旷地 1-2514-16205-7 origins of, 11-15 起源，11-15 types of, 41-42 类型 41-42 villein, 68, 74-77, 245 (see also serfdom, status of peasants) vineyards, 41 Villein，68,74-77,245(也见农奴制，农民的地位)葡萄园，41 Vinogradoff, Paul, 154, 189 154,189 violence in the village, 84-85, 103-5, 180-81 村子里的暴力 84-85103-5180-81 virgate, 47, 72, 246 Virgate 4772246 wages, 61, 145, 197 工资，61,145,197 Wagge, John, 78, 81 78,81 Wagge, Sarah, 187 187 waif and stray, 48

流浪汉和流浪汉 48 岁 Wakefield (Yorkshire), 107 韦克菲尔德(约克郡)，107 页 wakes, 127, 162 守灵，127,162 Walter of Henley, 49, 51, 56, 57, 59, 62, 64, 136, 137-38, 141 沃尔特亨利，49,51,56,57,59,62,64,136,137-38,141 Warboys (Huntingdonshire), 47, 70-71, 115, 124-25, 160 wardens of the autumn, 57, 183, 246 wardship, 108-9, 246 士官(亨廷顿郡)，47,70-71,115,124-25,160 名秋季督导员， 57,183,246 士官，108-9,246 Warenne, earl of, 44 瓦伦内伯爵 44 岁 Water, Henry atte, 76 水，亨利·阿特，76 岁 wattle and daub, 11, 33 week-work, 47, 56, 58, 134-35, 246 wells, 34, 41 Wattle&daub，11,33 周工作， 47,56,58,134-35,246 口井，34,41 Westminster, First Statute of (1275), 191 Westminster, Second Statute of (1285), 192 威斯敏斯特，第一法令(1275)，191 威斯敏斯特， 第二法令(1285)，192

Weston (Huntingdonshire), 64, 173 West Stow (Suffolk), 20, 21, 22, 92 wet nurse, 119 韦 斯 顿 ( 亨 廷 顿 郡 ) ， 64,173WestStow(Suffolk)

，

20,21,22,92 奶妈，119 Wharram Percy (Yorkshire), 4-5, 36, 64, 88, 90, 200 沃拉姆珀西(约克郡)，4-5,36,64,88,90,200 wheat, 9, 11, 16, 60-61, 137-38, 140, 141, 153 小麦 9111660-61137-38140141153 wheelbarrow, 135, 151 手推车，135,151 Whitby Abbey, 202 惠特比修道院，202 年 widows, 107 寡妇，107 Wijster, Netherlands, 12-13 William of Pagula, 159, 165, 169 William the Conqueror, 28, 30, 44, 190 wills, 110-111 12-13WilliamofPagula，159,165,169 威廉 一世，28,30,44,190 份遗嘱，110-111 Winchelsey, Robert, archbishop of Canterbury, 163 winnowing, 61, 141, 143 坎特伯雷大主教，163winnowing，61,141,143 Wistow (Huntingdonshire), 109, 127, 173 women 维斯托(亨廷顿郡)，109,127,173 名妇女 in land transactions, 111 在土地交易中，111

status of, 145 状态 145 work of, 144-146, 153 工作，144-146,153 Wood, John, 7 伍德，约翰，7 岁 woodward, 57, 246 Woodward 57246 wool, 62, 64-66, 147 羊毛 6264-66147 Worcester, bishop of, 58, 141-42 伍斯特，主教，58,141-42 workday, length of, 134 每天工作 134 小时 Wyse, Alice wife of Reginald le, 86 雷金纳德·勒的妻子爱丽丝·怀斯，86 岁 Wyse, Gilbert son of Reginald le, 181 威斯，雷金纳德·勒的儿子吉尔伯特，181 Wyse, Reginald le, 84 84. Wyse，Reginald le Wyse, Richard le, 80 80 岁 Yelden (Bedfordshire), 80 叶尔登(贝德福德郡)，80 岁 yields, 60-61 收益率 60 比 61 Yorkshire, 30 约克郡，30 岁

COPYRIGHT ACKNOWLEDGMENTS 版权鸣谢 Grateful acknowledgment is made for permission to reprint: 感谢您允许我转载: Excerpts from The Court Roll of Chalgrave Manor, translated by Marian K. Dale, and from Bedfordshire Coroners’ Rolls, translated by R. F. Hunnisett, by the Bedfordshire Historical Record Society; Passages translated by Susan Edgington from Goscelin’s Life and Miracles of St. Ivo, by permission of Susan Edgington. 选自玛丽安·k·戴尔翻译的《查尔格雷夫庄园的法院名册》，以及由 r·f·亨尼斯特翻译的《贝德福德郡验尸官名册》，由贝德福德郡历史 记录协会翻译的《贝德福德郡验尸官名册》;苏珊·爱丁顿翻译的 《Goscelin 的生活和 St.Ivo 的奇迹》，经苏珊·爱丁顿许可。 Excerpts from Nevill Coghill’s translation of Chaucer’s Canterbury Tales, copyright 1958, 1960, 1975, and 1977, and from Geoffrey Brereton’s translation of Froissart’s Chronicles, copyright 1968, by Penguin Books Ltd. 摘自内维尔·科吉尔翻译的乔叟的坎特伯雷故事集，版权 1958,1960,1975 和 1977，以及杰弗里·布里列顿翻译的弗洛伊萨 特编年史，版权 1968，企鹅图书有限公司。

Acknowledgments 鸣谢 This book was researched at the Harlan Hatcher Graduate Library of the University of Michigan. 这本书是在密歇根大学的哈兰哈奇研究生图书馆研究的。 The authors gratefully acknowledge the assistance of Professor J. A. Raftis of the Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies in Toronto, who read the manuscript and made valuable suggestions. We also wish to express thanks to Mr. Alan Clark of Elton and to Miss Kate Chantry of the Cambridgeshire Public Record Office in Huntingdon. 作者感谢多伦多中世纪研究宗座学院的 j.a.Raftis 教授的帮助， 他阅读了手稿并提出了宝贵的建议。我们还要感谢埃尔顿的艾伦·克 拉克先生和亨廷顿剑桥郡公共记录办公室的凯特·钱特里小姐。

Other Books By 其他书籍作者: Also by Frances Gies: The Knight in History (1984) 还有弗朗西斯·吉斯的《历史上的骑士》(1984) Joan of Arc (1981) 圣女贞德(1981) By Frances and Joseph Gies: Marriage and the Family in the Middle Ages (1987) Women in the Middle Ages (1978) The Ingenious Yankees (1976) 弗朗西斯和约瑟夫·吉斯:中世纪的婚姻和家庭(1987)中世纪 的妇女(1978)精明的北方佬(1976) Life in a Medieval Castle (1974) Merchants and Moneymen (1972) Leonard of Pisa (juvenile) (1969) Life in a Medieval City (1969) 中世纪城堡中的生活(1974)比萨的商人和金融家(1972)伦 纳德(少年)(1969)中世纪城市中的生活(1969)

Copyright 版权所有 LIFE IN A MEDIEVAL VILLAGE. 中世纪村庄的生活。 Copyright © 1990 by Frances and Joseph Gies. 1990 by Frances and Joseph Gies. All rights reserved under International and Pan-American Copyright Conventions. By payment of the required fees, you have been granted the non-exclusive, non-transferable right to access and read the text of this e-book on screen. No part of this text may be reproduced, transmitted, downloaded, decompiled, reverse engineered, or stored in or introduced into any information storage and retrieval system, in any form or by any means, whether electronic or mechanical, now known or hereinafter invented, without the express written permission of HarperCollins e-books. 国际和泛美版权公约下的保留所有权利。缴交所需费用后，你已获授予非专有、不可转让 的权利，可在屏幕上阅读本电子书的内容。未经哈珀柯林斯(HarperCollins)电子书的明确 书面许可，本文任何部分不得以任何形式或任何手段，不论是电子的还是机械的，不论是 现在已知的还是后来发明的，复制、传输、下载、反编译、逆向工程或存储在任何信息存 储和检索系统中或引入其中。

EPub Edition © APRIL 2010 ISBN: 978-0-062-01668-3 Epub 版本 2010 年 4 月 ISBN:978-0-062-01668-3 First HarperPerennial edition published 1991. 第一期出版于 1991 年。

The Library of Congress has catalogued the hardcover edition as follows: 美国国会图书馆将精装版编目如下: Gies, Frances. 吉斯，弗朗西丝。 Life in a medieval village/Frances and Joseph Gies.—1st ed. 中世纪村庄的生活/弗朗西斯和约瑟夫·吉斯。 p. cm. Bibliography: p. Includes index. ISBN 0-06-016215-5

厘米。参考文 献:p.Includesindex。 国际标准书号 0-06016215-5 1. Elton (Cambridgeshire, England)—Social conditions. 2. Elton (Cambridgeshire, England)—Rural conditions. 3. Peasantry—England—Elton (Cambridgeshire)—History. 4. England—Social life and customs—Medieval period, 1066-1485. I. Gies, Joseph. II. Title. HN398.E45G54 1989 306’.09426’5—dc20 8933759 Elton(剑桥郡)ー社会状况。图 2。Elton(剑桥郡)ー乡村情况。图 3。农民ー英格 兰ー埃尔顿(剑桥郡)ー历史。图 4。英国ーー社会生活与风俗ーー中世纪时期(10661485)。约瑟夫，我来了。二。标题。Hn398.e45g541989306’.09426’5ーdc208933759 06 07 08 09 RRDH 40 39 38 37 36 35 34 33 32 31 30 06070809 RRDH 4039383736353433323130

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* Photographs are the authors’ unless otherwise credited. *照片是作者的，除非另有说明。

† Formerly Huntingdonshire, until the redrawing of county lines in 1974. †以前是亨廷顿郡，直到 1974 年重新划分县界。

* One expert dates them later, c. 1100. *一位专家估计它们的年代较晚，大约在 1100 年。

* Conversion among variant acres was none too easy for medieval mathematics, which lacked plural fractions. The author of one treatise, attempting to express the quantity of one acre, three and nine sixteenths rods, gave it as “one acre and a half and a rod and a half and a sixteenth of a rod.” *对于缺少复数分数的中世纪数学来说，变体之间的转换并不容易。一篇论文的作者试图用 一英亩、三十六分之九十六分之一杆的数量来表示，他给出的数字是“一英亩半一杆半一杆 半十六分之一杆”

* Surnames are spelled in a variety of ways in the records— for example, Prudhomme, Prodhomme, Prudomme, Prodom, Produmie, Prodome, Produme, Prodomme; Saladin, Saladyn, Saldy, Saldyn, Saldin, Salyn, Saln; Blaccalf, Blacchalf, Blacchelf, Blacchal, Blakchalf. We have chosen one spelling and used it throughout. *姓氏在记录中以不同方式拼写，例如普鲁多姆、普罗多姆、Prudomme、Prodom、 Produmie、Prodome、Produme、Prodomme、Saladin、Saladyn、 Saldy、Saldyn、Saldin、Salyn、Saln、blacalf、blachelf、Blakchalf。我们 已经选择了一种拼写，并且在整个过程中都使用了它。

* He apparently traced his family back to a “Richard son of Reginald,” a free tenant in the survey of 1160, to whom Abbot Walter had granted two virgates of land formerly held by Thuri Priest. Richard may have inherited another virgate from his father, and the family seems to have acquired three virgates belonging to another 13 landholder in the survey, one Reiner son of Ednoth. In a survey of 1218, “John son of John of Elton” is listed as holding a hide of land “of the lord abbot of Ramsey.” *他显然把他的家族追溯到“雷金纳德的儿子理查德”，这是 1160 年调查中的一个自由佃 户，阿博特· 沃尔特已经给了他两块以前由图里· 普里斯特拥有的土地。在 1218 年的一项 调查中，“约翰· 埃尔顿之子约翰· 埃尔顿”被列为“拉姆齐修道院院长”的隐藏土地

* The Hundred Rolls of 1279, seventeen manorial court rolls (12791 342), and ten manorial accounts (1286-1346). *1279 年的 100 卷，十七个庄园法庭名册(1279-1342)和 10 个庄园帐目(12861346)。

*

Likc all other excerpts in Middle English in this hook, this is translated into modern English. 就像中世纪英语中所有其他的摘录一样，这个摘录被翻译成现代英语。

*

Such as the Last Judgment discovered in the church at Broughton, currently heing restored. 比如在布劳顿教堂发现的《最后的审判》，目前正在修复。