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Letters From Prison

Lett ers From Prison By James P. Cannon

........... W P u b l i s h e r s

Published by Merit Publishers 8 7 3 Broadway, New York, N . Y . 1 0 0 0 3

© Copyright

1 9 6 8 by Merit Publishers

All rights reserved Printed in the United States of America First printing—January, 1 9 6 8

Edited and annotated by George Lavan

Library of Congress

Catalog Card No. 6 8 - 2 2 1 5 0

Acknowledgments

These

letters, written twenty-four years ago, are finally

published as a result of a unique combination of circumstances and the participation and collaboration of three other people, whose part in the project is here gratefully acknowledged. In the first place, Rose Karsner h a d to be in New York o n the receiving end of the correspondence s o that I could continue, in effect, the conversafions which went

on in our house all the time. I could write with confidence that everything I h a d to s a y would be listened to and

understood,

and

that

her information,

criticisms,

and suggestions would prompt further discussion. In the second place, o n m y return to New York in January 1 9 4 5 , Sylvia Caldwell, secretary extraordinary, gathered all the handwritten letters, typed them, and filed them away neatly for possible future reference.

They slept in the files for twenty-three years and would be there yet if Beatrice Hansen hadn't showed up, read them, and decided that they should be published. She then proceeded to retype them and ship them off to Merit Publishers. These three collaborators are part of the book, and I am proud to call myself one of the four. James P. Cannon

Los Angeles January 10, 1968

Contents INTRODUCTION

xi

JANUARY 1 9 4 4 (Letters 1 through 9 ) Quarantine—Marking time— One of the positive s i d e s — T h e d a y ' s routine— In a single cell— The m o s t stupid o f all p a s t i m e s — T h e sional staff

need o f a profes-

F E B R U A R Y 1 9 4 4 (Letters 1 0 through 1 7 ) A dormitory o r d e r l y — T e a m workers are superior— The m o s t important question— Neglect o f Leon S e d o v — A calendar o f our movement— Obliged to get the truth— The beginning o f p e r s o n a l w i s d o m — Like a tree without r o o t s

12

M A R C H 1 9 4 4 (Letters 1 8 through 2 6 ) A pretext common in shyster politics— Systematic education o f new members about our history— Statements and actions must serve e n d s — Subscription campaign p r o p o s a l s — Prisoners' needs take first place—What internationalism means—Motivation for subscription campaign

23

A P R I L 1 9 4 4 (Letters 2 7 through 3 8 ) careless terminol— Hillman a n d D u b i n s k y — A g a i n s t o g y — C a d r e should learn l a n g u a g e s — Objections to w o r d "socialist"— No concessions t o R u s s o p h o b e s — about Lenin's concept t r a n s l a t e d — Reminiscences m o n e y — Show movement's continuity— Young militants need h e r o e s — Principled position a n d tactical a p p r o a c h — A B C s must be learned a g a i n — Sympathy must not obscure political judgment— The bridge for the petty bourgeois

38

viii

MAY 1 9 4 4

(Letters 3 9 through 5 1 )

58

Element o f consciousness— William Ellery L e o n a r d — Write for new generation— Necessity o f an educanew cadres to s t u d y — A p l a n — Inspire tional national education department— The Trotsky S c h o o l — A unique pedagogical s y s t e m — National full-time training s c h o o l — T r o t s k y ' s commandment— Conditions for matriculation— Students' sole responsibility — "Plagiarism"

JUNE

1944

(Letters 5 2 through

83

65)

Cadre education and m a s s education—What things can wait— A false conception of publishing prog r a m — Appeal t o new r e a d e r s — Dwight M a c d o n a l d ' s

cultivated knack— Their morals and o u r s — John Dewey's contribution— An abuse of power— An a x i o m — A disagreement o n p a r d o n procedure— Still a field w o r k e r — Echoes o f the petty-bourgeois opposit i o n — The I L G W U convention— What did they learn in school?— Time comes t o the aid o f correct policy— T he proper s e a s o n for full discussion JULY 1944

(Letters 6 6 through

109

78)

Fragile individuals— A new program of expansion— Learning how to talk t o workers— W a y to write about r e n e g a d e s — A state o f w a r e x i s t s — A defense organization t o b e p r o u d o f — Reading the p r e s s — Historical materialism's superiority— "Iconoclasm"— Cheer up a n d do the best you c a n

AUGUST 1944

(Letters 7 9 through 9 2 )

132

Party financing— Broaden p a p e r ' s news treatment— F o r a literary secretariat— Trade-union policy— The two-party system— Three criticisms o f trade-union policy— Programmatic firmness and political objectivity— Boyhood memories— A pedagogical trick— The "trade-union analogy" and the Soviet state— The dialectic o f factional struggles— John L . Lewis and

Stalin— Trotsky o n the Socialist I t a l y — Constructive

Appeal—

start o f the discussion

News from

ix SEPTEMBER 1 9 4 4 (Letters 9 3 through 1 0 4 A ) A conciliationist tendency crystallizing into

156 a

faction— T r o t s k y ' s autobiography and personality— Pedagogical adaptation t o new m e m b e r s — Four grievances a n d how t o handle t h e m — Democratic centralism— C o m b a t party a n d discussion c l u b — M o r r i s o n ' s doses become s tro n g er— H o w resolutions

are written— Abuse and praise in politics— The UAW convention— The fundamental

alternative

facing the

Soviet Union— An allied offensive against the USSR i s predetermined OCTOBER 1944

(Letters 1 0 4 B through

122)

178

What the art of politics consists of— Emphasis now o n European revolution— In defense o f Daniel J . T o b i n — The role o f Stalinism in capitalist countries— " H a r d " and "soft" approaches to organization quest i o n — The danger o f degeneration in a revolutionary p a r t y — The pressure o f environment— The sentiment

before World War I— Selecting a leadership— The "no-slate" h o a x — The spirit of the party constitution— The role of a nominating commission— The stupid a n d reactionary

ruling o f 1 9 4 2

NOVEMBER 1 9 4 4

(Letters 1 2 3 through 1 3 9 )

212

The best committee by p ro ces s o f party d e m o c r a c y — Bolsheviks— Preachers, lawyers With the Russian politicians— Ten proposals for a n d revolutionary coming convention— Tactics in election campaigns— Difficult conditions under which Trotsky worked— prisoners— The political and religious Wartime "circuit system"— Hutchins H a p g o o d — Development o f library— The worst fault o f the thinkers' faction— The convention w a s a great triumph

241 D E C E M B E R 1 9 4 4 (Letters 1 4 0 through 1 5 6 ) A five-year publishing p l a n — T h r e e departments o f publishing activity—A petty-bourgeois prejudice— The Servant o f M a n — Pioneer Publishers' great tra-

dition— The

Militant's

function— Human solidarity

x

at Sandstone— Against conciliationism in international

o f previous

field— Revision

ideas

about

the

press— Courtesy and compassion in prison—The price o f The Militant— The principle o f paying, not as acombinationtool the amount p a i d — The Militant — M a n does not live by argument alone

271 JANUARY 1 9 4 5 (Letters 1 5 7 through 1 8 2 ) The Achilles' heel of the Appeal to R e a s o n — A tentative

program

for

the

literary

secretariat—

Materials needed— Books p r o p o s e d — T h e national training school— Dangers of centralization and of a m ateurism— Democracy o r snobocracy— Genius a nd

men

of common

s a m e — Leadership

clay—All

prisons

are

the

and the leader cult— The old

movement h a d m a n y techniques—Appeal to the o f a better future— Dewey's thought young—The philosophy— Objectivity and subjectivity in politics — Insensitivity toward criticism— The recent party discussion— The "Three Theses"— The source o f to other organizations attitudes "leftism"— Why changed— Lessons are l o s t — M o r e books p r o p o s e d — A party organizer i s a joiner of people— The

Sandstone assignment is finished

NOTES

327

ABBREVIATION S USED IN T H I S BOOK

355

Introduction

This

collection

of letters is in reality

a prison

journal

recording the daily thoughts and impulses of a rebel behind b a r s . In these letters James P. Cannon addresses himself specifically to the problems of organization and politics faced b y the Socialist Workers Party in the United States of 1 9 4 4 . But the b o o k ' s central interest and importance is not as a history of that period of the revolutionary movement. The m o s t striking thing about these letters, written a quarter o f a century ago, is that they

deal with the most important problems of party-building that confront young revolutionaries today. In the last few years, growing numbers of young people have begun to reject the evils of capitalist America— war,

racism,

poverty,

its

sick

culture.

More

and more

of them want to replace capitalism with a better system. But how is this to b e done? What kind of organization must be built to lead this struggle? What kind of men and women

will

the j o b require?

These

are the very quesfions

Thus it is a basic Prison. From in Letters discussed handbook for the organizers, propagandists, and educators of the present generation who are beginning to face up to these questions. On January 1 , 1 9 4 4 , James P. Cannon began serving a sixteen-month sentence in the federal prison at Sandstone, Minnesota, for opposing Roosevelt's imperialist w a r policies. He and seventeen

o f his comrades,

leaders

of the Socialist Workers Party and of Minneapolis TruckLocal 544-CIO, were the first victims of the drivers Smith Act. Secretary of the Socialist Workers Party, As National Cannon was the chief defense witness; his entire testimony

xz'z'

Introduction

has been published in book form under the title Socialism o n Trial. In it he outlined his party's view that the goal of America's rulers in World War I I was to dominate and exploit the postwar world and that, far from fighting for democracy, the American ruling class was the enemy of democracy here and abroad. He predicted that this would b e clearly demonstrated during and after the war. To Roosevelt's expansionist war, Cannon counterposed

revolutionary socialist opposition to capitalism and fascism. He also forecast the economic, social, and political squeeze o n the working people that would inevitably take place a s American imperialism waged w a r — a n d the

resistance

from

the workers

this

would

eventually

evoke. The sentencing of the eighteen took place December 8, 1 9 4 1 , at the same hour that Congress was formally declaring war. At that time the American Trotskyists were almost alone in their antiwar stand in the radical and labor movement.

Unlike

first world

the

thousands

when

war,

of

American radicals headed b y Eugene V. Debs were jailed for

their

antiwar

views,

World

War

I I s aw

the Com-

munist Party and Socialist Party, along with the A F L and C I O officialdoms, quickly line up behind Roosevelt's imperialist w a r policy. The Communist Party and a section of the labor bureaucracy even praised his crackdown on domestic dissent and the jailing of the eighteen. The Civil Rights Defense Committee, with James T. Farrell as chairman and George Novack as secretarytreasurer, w a s formed to mobilize support for the Trotskyists

indicted

under

the Smith

Act. B y the time legal

appeals were exhausted and the eighteen were put behind bars,

the

CRDC

had

gathered

thousands

o f supporters

in the labor movement who saw the imprisonment the

Trotskyists

as

a

blow

against

their

own

of

right to

dissent o r struggle for better conditions during the war. This list of supporters was to grow during the period of imprisonment.

The

miners'

strikes

and the 1 9 4 3 explo-

sion in Harlem were the first expressions of mass opposition to the sacrifices demanded b y the warmakers and foreshadowed

the

postwar

strike

wave

and

the bring-

xz'z'z'

Introduction

the-troops-home movement that began less than a year after the eighteen h a d served their sentences. When he entered the federal penitentiary at Sandstone, Cannon h a d already spent thirty-seven of his fifty-three years as a revolutionary socialist. He h a d been an organizer and strike leader in the Industrial Workers of the World and a member of the left wing of the Socialist Party. I n 1 9 1 9 , under the inspiration of the Russian Revolution,

he became

one o f the founders

a n d leaders

of the American Communist movement. Expelled from the Communist Party in 1 9 2 8 , he w a s the initiator and principal leader of American Trotskyism and a founder, in 1 9 3 8 , of the Socialist Workers Party. Federal

prison

regulations

stricfly

limited

the

length

and frequency of letters between prisoners and the outside world. Rose Karsner, Cannon's wife and companion, w a s "approved" as a correspondent b y the authorities. Like

Cannon,

she w a s

a veteran

of the Socialist and

Communist parties and a founding member of the Socialist Workers Party. All o f the letters in this volume, save two, were written to her. Thus C a n n o n ' s handwritten

letters—restricted under the rules to one sheet of p a p e r — to Rose Karsner in New York City, at first two, then three,

and

finally four a week, and her letters to h i m —

also restricted in length and frequency—were his channel of political communication with the Socialist Workers Party.

Cannon's letters often expressed ideas and proposals that

had

been

crystalized

in discussions

with his fellow

leaders of the Socialist Workers Party at Sandstone. Rose's letters contained not only information, suggestions, and ideas of her own, but the replies and opinions of the functioning national leadership of the party. Both incoming and outgoing mail w a s completely censored, s o people's names were often disgused in order to protect

them from possible victimization. Because of the prison censorship, Cannon could not express some of his innermost feelings. Nevertheless, in the glimpses the through,

of Cannon a s a human being that come of his reader gets a fuller understanding

xiv

Introduction

character

and

personality.

One of the

pleasures and

values o f the book, especially for young revolutionists personally unacquainted with Cannon, is that this element

of the letters was not edited out. It is important to place Cannon's communications in the context of the concrete conditions that faced the Trota s well a s nationally internationally skyist movement a t the time they were written. b y a n agent of Leon Trotsky h a d been assassinated

Stalin only four years earlier, and the responsibility for forging a genuine international leadership of the Trotskyist

movement

weighed

heavily

o n the

prisoners

at

Sandstone. This task was made all the more difficult because of the conditions that Trotskyists faced during World W a r 11. They were hounded and persecuted not only b y the fascist governments and the Kremlin but also b y the "democratic" powers. Trotskyist leaders found themselves in detention camps in England and in prison in the United States. Throughout the world they h a d to work in underground conditions. Trotsky's death had come s o o n after a deep-going factional struggle within the Socialist Workers Party. A section of the membership, headed b y James Burnham and Max Shachtman, under the pressures generated b y the outbreak

o f World W a r I I , h a d led an assault

o n the

basic theories of Marxism and the political program and organizational principles of the Socialist Workers Party. The Shachtrnanites, who composed 4 0 per cent of the party membership, challenged the Trotskyist concept that the Soviet Union w a s a workers' state, bureaucratically

degenerated against

though

imperialist

it was, which h a d to be defended

attack,

j u s t as a bureaucratized

trade

union h a d to b e defended against attack b y the bosses and their government. The grouping likewise challenged the whole concept o f the party a s a disciplined, central-

ized organization

rooted in the political life of the work-

ing class.

The education received b y the party ranks in the intensive discussion that defeated the Burnham-Shachtman tendency,

an

education

in those

very

concepts

against

Introduction

xv

which the Burnham—Shachtman faction centered its attacks, steeled the Socialist Workers Party for the future. Consequently it w a s capable both of withstanding the wartime repression and responding to the opportunities that the effects of the war were to create in the labor movelast political

This

ment.

struggle

in which

Trotsky

par-

ticipated is documented in his book In Defense of Marxism and in Cannon's The Struggle for a Proletan'an Party. Shachtman's concepts, followed to the end, logically led to the liquidation of the revolutionary workers' party. This was confirmed b y the subsequent evolution of his split-off group which eventually disintegrated, dissolving into the Socialist Party. the

While

struggle

against

such

concepts

in

centered

the Socialist Workers Party, it h a d its repercussions and echoes in almost all the sections of the Fourth International, the World Party of the Socialist Revolution founded under Trotsky's leadership in 1938. The difficulties of worldwide communication during the w a r years, however,

left uncertain

the extent to which the international

movement as a whole h a d absorbed the lessons of the Shachtman fight. These lessons were important, as Cannon repeatedly pointed out, because the end of the war would see massive upsurges of the workers and peasants, in revulsion against the horrors they had endured. A revolutionary leadership on a world scale was essential if these upsurges were to result in victory for the workers. A defeat of the workers and the restabilization of capi-

talism, especially in Europe, would place World W a r I I I on the agenda. As more and more of the crimes of the Stalinist bureaucracy came to light, and as American and British imperialism

clearly

seemed

headed

for

victory

over their

German and Japanese competitors, the pressures increased to abandon revolutionary politics in deference to bourgeois democratic public Opinion. In response to these pressures

a small

group

of party

members,

under

the

leadership of two of the eighteen prisoners, Albert Goldman

and

bourgeois

Felix

Morrow, began to echo s o m e of the petty-

concepts embraced b y Shachtman.

Much of

xvi

Introduction

the dispute with the Goldman-Morrow faction revolved around its disagreement with the Socialist Workers Party that uprisings of the European workers and revolutionary upsurges of the colonial workers and peasants were sure to occur. This made Cannon even more determined that the Socialist Workers Party should do everything it could to help educate and prepare the Trotskyist nuclei in Europe and the colonial lands for the opportunities and responsibilities

that the postwar crisis would soon present.

Cannon's persistent inquiries about the English Trotskyists, his questions concerning Natalia Trotsky in Mexico, his eagerness for reports from the American Trotskyist merchant seamen who at that time were the only real communication links with the foreign sections of the world Trotskyist movement, his eagerness for every piece of information about the emerging European workers' movement, and even his urging that American Trotskyists learn foreign languages, all reflect the importance he attached to doing what he could, even in prison, to b e part of a leadership team of international I n one of his letters to Rose Karsner,

collaborators.

he

wrote: "Without international collaboration—that is what the world 'internationalism' m e a n s — i t is not possible for a political group to survive and dev10p as a revolutionary party in this epoch." Nationally, the seeming hypnosis that the outbreak of the war h a d imposed o n the American working class w a s already wearing off as the eighteen Trotskyists entered

prison.

Afro-American

dissatisfaction,

which

ha d

shown itself at the beginning of the war in the response to the

projected

March

o n Washington,

burst out in the

explosion in Harlem in 1 9 4 3 . Discontent was becoming more and more evident in the organized labor movement. This

was

to explode

in 1 9 4 5 - 1 9 4 6

in the biggest

strike

wave in American history. Even American workers in uniform would display a new kind of combativity in the bring-the-troops-home movement in both Europe and the Pacific after Japan's surrender. It was to this growing militancy of the American working class that Cannon

wanted the Socialist Workers

Party

Introduction

xvii

to orient all of its activities. The results of the early 1 9 4 4 subscription drive to the party's weekly paper, The Militant,

showed

that

a

growing

number

of increasingly

dissatisfied American workers were open to the ideas of revolutionary Marxism. The necessity of settling accounts with the Goldman—Morrow faction assumed its real importance in relation to this new wave of workingclass militancy in the United States. Was the party to prepare itself o n all fronts—from the character and size of its newspaper to its projected educational and publishing p r o g r a m s — f o r the rapid expansion that would be possible as the American workers threw off their extreme subservience to the Roosevelt administration? Or was it to dabble in prolonged and futile literary discussions with circles like Shachtman's Workers

Party,

destined

to be bypassed

in the postwar

upsurge of the American workers? In other words, was the party to be a workers' combat party, seriously preparing for coming events in the arena of the class struggle? Or was it at that very juncture to dilute its disciplined and proletarian character? It was

to answer

these

questions

that C a n n o n ' s

pro-

posals for developing and expanding the various departments of the party were written. At the same time they rebutted the shortsighted and dilettantish perspective put forward b y the Goldman-Morrow grouping. More than anything else these letters reflect the importance Cannon attached to all the problems of the organization, education, and development of the revolutionary party. Today, just as in 1 9 4 4 , the building of a revolutionary

party

i s the

central

requirement

of our epoch.

And its urgency is nowhere greater than in the United States, where the richest, m o s t powerful,

and m o s t highly

organized ruling class in history must be defeated. The

rulers

o f American

capitalism

are today fighting

a bloody

w a r to dominate Southeast Asia. They will

fight

more

even

fiercely

against

any

challenge

to their

rule at home. Only a revolutionary party of the workers that is totally conscious of everything involved in dis-

xviiz‘

Introduction

arming and defeating American imperialism on its home ground can hope to succeed. Without an adequate leadership the resistance and upsurges of exploited Americans will come to nothing—with consequences that can doom the human race. This is why it is s o important to understand how best to organize, educate, and inspire those critical-minded and dedicated men and women who compose and will compose the American revolutionary party.

The concepts touched o n in these letters extend from the scope of the revolutionary party's education to its field organizing, from the necessity for it to have a professional leadership and staff to the purpose of its democracy, from the character of its newspaper to the inspiration of its youth. It is the elaboration of these concepts, outlining the organization of a Leninist party in the United States, that constitutes Cannon's major contribution to Marxism.

The accomplishments of Cannon and the Socialist Workers Party in this field received their major test to date in 1 9 4 4 . With much of the central leadership in prison, a second-line leadership stepped in and, in the midst of World War I I , led the party through the year of its greatest growth. The performance of the unjailed leaders, the capacity of relatively young and inexperienced organizers

to meet

the

challenge

o f new opportunities,

and the response of the women in the party, who shouldered a greater part of the duties at the party center, were measures of the accomplishments of the previous period. Cannon watched this process unfold with keenest interest. A great weakness of many young radicals today is their tendency to dismiss the importance of continuity in the development of revolutionary leadership. This in large

p a r t is a reaction

against

the systematic

betrayals

b y the Communist Party, which dominated American radical politics for s o many years, the reactionary policies

o f the A F L — C I O bureaucracy,

the American labor movement. n o accurate

appreciation

and the quiescence

of

But radicals who have

of p a s t experiences

can have

xix

Introduction

n o serious perspective for the future. They are ill armed compared with the rulers who learn from both past successes and failures and thus stand upon the shoulders of their predecessors. Those revolutionists who fail to do the same condemn themselves to failure. Giants and geniuses in the short history of the modern revolutionary movement are rare, but the march of history does not require each of us to be one, nor to wait for one to come along. Letters From Prison does not challenge

each o f us to b e a M a r x , a Lenin, o r a Trotsky.

We are simply challenged to b e ourselves, to study what went on before, and to apply the discoveries of our predecessors to the problems of our time. B y standing o n the shoulders of the earlier working-class fighters, American Marxists,

as

a team

o f revolutionists,

can

accomplish

the tasks before them. New insights into revolutionary theory and better understanding of revolutionary practice will doubtless come

from the new generation of American radicals. But they will come from those who are consciously part of the continuity of the international movement to change the world that began in 1848 with the Communist Manifesto. Those who, in the name

o f the quest for the "new,"

reject

the use of the tested insights, understandings, and accomplishments of the last century o r more, will merely repeat

"old" mistakes. The current struggles in Latin America, Vietnam, and America's black communities testify to the contradictions and continuing decline of imperialism. These struggles bear witness anew to the combativity and courage o f the working masses. The central question remains the

same a s it was when Cannon was viewing the United States and the world from prison in 1 9 4 4 : How are revolutionists to build a party equal to the task of leading the working masses to the conquest of power? Building such a political instrument can no more be an avocation

than

maintaining

capitalist

exploitation

is a n

avocation of the leadership of the ruling class. One thread that runs through Letters From Prison is that a revolu-

Introduction

xx tionist does not play at politics. is his chosen vocation,

politics

Revolutionary

socialist

the center of his life, not

a pastime o r incidental interest. Everything, from the nature of one's education to the mode and conduct of o n e ' s life, i s determined a revolutionist. In one letter Cannon

b y the conscious says

approvingly,

decision

to be

"The young

relate the word to the deed. They are moved and inThat is why they demand heroes; spired b y example. out of it." them talk can nobody The two principal heroes of many young radicals in the world today—Malcolm X and Che Guevara—embodied the qualities of a revolutionist about which Cannon wrote in Sandstone Penitentiary a quarter century ago.

They appealed to the best in men b y challenging them to commit themselves to the great goal of liberating the oppressed that transcends the petty interests and concerns of everyday life. They sought to acquire and impart to others a knowledge of history and a confidence in the inevitability of their eventual triumph. They imbued their comrades with a faith in mankind's future that would follow

the eradication

of capitalism

and

racism.

Their

studies, their personal modes of life, and their integrity reflected the goals they had set for themselves. And each, after long experience and struggle, became preoccupied with the search and struggle to construct the type of organization that could lead the oppressed to victory over the American imperialist rulers and their international allies. A prime obligafion of a revolutionary leader is to explain the reasons for what he proposes and does, thus enabling the entire movement to participate in his thinking. In doing this he offers the younger generation what is a n important contriFrom Prison he knows. Letters bution from James P. Cannon toward fulfilling this ob-

hgafion.

Jack Barnes

Letters From Prison

This is the twenty-seventh anniversary of the day the Russian Bolsheviks took hold of the world and changed it, and in doing s o , changed and reshaped our lives too. I am grateful today to the Russian Bolsheviks, and I a m convinced to the bottom of m y soul that it is better to be here with them, to feel that here I a m one with them, than

to be anywhere else under any conditions and be against them. — From

Letter

to Rose Karsner, November 7, 1 9 4 4

January, 1 9 4 4

Letter 1

Sandstone, January

3, 1944

Dearest Darling, This is the first opportunity I have h a d to write you and let you know that I am O K . We have to go through

thirty days of quarantine. After that I will be able to write oftener. I listed Walta as a regular correspondent b u t a m not sure I gave the right street number. Please send it to m e and tell Walta she can write to me. I feel lonesome for the b a b y . Did you have a good New Year's? I suppose it w a s n ' t s o g a y for any o f you under the but I hope you didn't let that prevent circumstances,

you from celebrating. I was thinking of you all the time and hoping you were having some fun. I am s o r r y I missed Carl. Tell him he d o e s n ' t need to worry about me. I a m a soldier too, and ca n take things a s they come. I suppose Joe told you that we finished o u r work o n the book. I hope it will not be delayed now. I gave Joe m y watch to take back to you. You will also receive m y clothes. They will need pressing a n d cleaning. Did you have eggnog for New Y e a r ' s ? Love ever, Jim

Letter 2

Sandstone, January

6, 1944

I am waiting anxiously to hear from you and to learn how you are getting along. Concern for you and lonesomeness for you are m y two main problems. I am taking else a s it comes. I hope that b y this time everything you have received m y first letter and that you know

where I am and how to write to me.

Letters from Prison

2

I a m writing this at 6 P. M . , j u s t about the time the paper should b e going to bed. This will be the second issue prepared without u s and without our seeing it. Nevertheless, I a m sure it will b e O K . I was a t the library today. James T. Farrell will be pleased to learn that five of his books are in the library. Only one w a s available, however. The rest are "out"— in the h a n d s o f other readers in our community. I a m anxious to hear how the fifteenth anniversary fund is coming along. You should be careful not to crowd the branches too h a r d o n this matter. It w a s a mistake to send out that letter asking them to shorten the time for the fulfillment o f their quotas. I heard that

it caused some resentment. I saw

by

the Minneapolis

paper

yesterday

that

the

Supreme Court refused for the third time to review our appeal. That seems to make it final. We will have to reconcile ourselves to sixteen months' separation. But the time will p a s s and we will be together again. Meantime we can live o n memories of the p a s t and hopes for the future. The memory of last summer in the country

is especially sweet and dear. I must thank you for that, a s for everything. Was the b a b y disappointed because she couldn't go with me? I think of her fondly. I couldn't keep the pictures I brought along, but you can mail me some others if they are n o t too large. I am resting, reading, smoking and marking time. That is all there is to do for the thirty days o f our quarantine. I have h a d a physical examination and am apparently O K in that respect. I am so r r y I did not have time to correct the stenogram o f m y plenum speech. Tell Sylvia to save it for m e o r give it to you. I will get around to it some day. Too much of m y blood is in that speech to let it be lost and forgotten as s o m a n y others were. Write, darling, especially about yourself. Every detail o f your life is of vital interest to me. Be sure, above all, to tell m e if you are taking care of yourself and not depriving yourself of a n y opportunity to make your life pleasant during m y absence.

January, Letter 3

1944

3 Sandstone, January

10, 1944

I forgot to tell you in m y l a s t letter to send m y ration b o o k to me here. The regulations require it. Did you write to Father and Agnes? If not, I w i s h you would d o so a n d tell them when I left and that I a m all right. I do n o t intend to write to them from here. I hope Father received the humidor so that he can keep his cigars in g o o d shape. I got smoking tobacco and a corncob pipe from the commissary here, also oranges and c a n d y — t h a n k s to the money the C R D C gave me. I have enough to last me during J an u ary and Februa r y — I a m only allowed to spend a maximum of ten dollars per month, so there i s no need to send more. I am doing quite a bit of desultory reading—the first for a long time without feeling that I w a s neglecting something else. This is one of the positive sides o f m y present situation. It is rather pleasant to feel free to read uninterruptedly for h o u r s — a n d d a y s — a n d to know there is nothing else to d o . I j u s t finished reading Balabanoff's memoirs. There is s o m e useful information in this book, but o n the whole it is a pathetic reflection of the centrist mind. Lillian Symes and Clement helped her prepare the book, and it reads like it. The library here is small, but there are enough books in it to keep me occupied for a while. I am not permitted to have books sent in to me from the outside unless I order and p a y for them myself out of the ten dollar maximum we are allowed to spend each month. You can be sure I will have to want a book to order i t under such circumstances. Tobacco, oranges and cand y come first! However, if you will send me the correct titles, publishers' names and addresses and the prices, I think I will order the Clausewitz book o n w a r and Aristotle o n logic. W a r and philosophy are about the only two subjects that can tempt me to spend money these days. I am waiting anxiously for the pictures—of you and the baby, and if possible the picture of me and the b a b y — i f it came out right. I hope, if the holiday mails

4 have not been you tomorrow.

Letter 4

Letters from Prison unduly

delayed,

to have

a letter from

Sandstone, January

12, 1944

I got your first letter l a s t night. It w a s a bright occ a s i o n for me. I w a s confident it would come and looked forward to it. In the future you should sign your full name and address a t the bottom o f your letters, according to the regulations. Walta can write to me, a s I have listed her as one of m y correspondents. These must be confined to relatives under the regulations. I wish you would send Father a c o p y o f the paper marked to call his attention to m y speech. He can comp a r e it with Robert Emmet's. B y the w a y , I know this speech very well; I w a s raised o n it, s o to speak. I note your concern about m y health. So far I am all right. Perhaps you will be interested in m y daily routine. I rise a t seven-thirty, wash a n d make up m y cot, and breakfast a t eight. F r o m then to one, I r e a d and smoke mostly. The big meal o f the d a y is at one and so far I have always eaten m y share. After dinner I s h a v e and take a shower, then smoke and read some more until suppertime at five. After that there are five solid hours to read, smoke and p l a y checkers until lights go out and we retire at half-past ten. That is the d a y ' s routine, with the following interruptions: After breakfast I clean m y quarters; really clean them—sweep, dust and m o p until there is not a trace of dust o n anything o r in a n y corner. The monotony h a s also been broken b y trips to the library and commissary, to the "school" for intelligence quizzes, to the doctor an d dentist for examinations a n d — l a s t but not l e a s t — t o the doctor twice for typhus innoculations and smallpox vaccination. I h a d these two together yesterday, and feel just a little droopy tonight. Otherwise I have felt good, and after the first few nights, have slept well. M y reading up till now has mostly been in biography. I finished two books about William Allen White. He

January,

5

1944

represents an interesting, if now out-of-date, phenomenon in American politics. Now I am reading alternately the Life of Jesus b y Renan a n d — b y a mere coincidence— a book about Walter Winchell who is not quite the same type. I must spend m y first month in quarantine. That means that the daily routine I have described above will scarcel y vary during this period.

Letter 5

Sandstone, January

17, 1944

I have a partial report o n m y physical examination. The doctor says m y heart, lungs and blood pressure are normal. I have h a d no stomach disturbances since coming here, and since that is the only point I definitely knew to be wrong in the past, I assume that I am all right o n the physical side. I also h a d a "psychiatric test," which is p a r t of the routine here, but I w o n ' t bother to ask a report o n that.

I wish you would send Father a picture of m y bust. I also promised to send one to Mona. You can tell her where I am to explain why I d o n ' t write to her. I am wondering if the manuscript of m y history book has been put in shape and given to the printers. There is one small point I wish you would call to the attention o f Joe and Usick. In the chapter o n the Minneapolis strike I use the expression (regarding Shachtman‘s cowb o y h a t ) : "Why in G o d ' s name he wore it," etc. Leave that in, but eliminate any other mention of the deity

that m a y occur in other chapters. I wish you would thank Usick for the going-away present he gave m e (through J o e). I enjoyed it immensel y and remember it fondly. Tell Usick I would rather have the memory of his sixteen-year-old bourbon than a drink of ordinary stuff right now. Having said that, you might drop the gentle suggestion that he begin now to canvass the situation and see if he c a n ' t arrange to duplicate the gift when I come out. That would be something to look forward t o — f o r a man with a well-pre-

served thirst and a taste for the best. I am

anxious

to get some detailed

news of what m y

6

Letters from Prison

friends are doing. Is the magazine out yet? What is the status of the second edition of m y trial pamphlet? H a s been established as a regular prothe six-page Militant cedure? What is the situation with regard to the anni-

versary fund? Is E. R. Frank still on hand? Did they to invite Frank suggestion go ahead with Thomas' Graves to come to New York? I am in favor of this project and meant to write to him, but the last hours

were too crowded. I

Since

wrote

you last I have

finished

reading

two

more books. One is As Long as the Grass Shall Grow— a book about the American Indians. This subject has interested

always

me,

but I never

seemed

to get time

to study it outside. The other book is Louisiana Hayride—a

book

about

Huey

Long and the regime

which

rode high, wide and handsome for a few years after his death until its disgraceful collapse. I found it an interesting

facet of rural politics.

Sandstone, January

Letter 6

20, 1944

Today I am recuperating from the last of three shots of anti-typhoid serum. None of them made me really sick, as is frequently the case with others, but I felt a little droopy yesterday. As far a s I know, I have now gone through all the necessary health measures and will be out of quarantine a week from Friday. That will be

four weeks since my arrival here. I am feeling well and except for slight

the

symptoms

o f indigestion

after each of

three typhoid injections have felt well ever since I

came here.

I am out of the dormitory where I w a s first quartered and am now in a cell block. I like it better as I have a single cell to which I can retire whenever I want to be alone. It is quieter and I sleep better too. I am taking rigorous care of m y health, and barring unforeseen difficulties, confidently expect to come out of here in shape for some serious work. The diet here is supposed to be

balanced, but I am balancing it a little more on the side o f the vitamin vegetables a s against the starches. I also take care not to eat too much as I aim to reduce

January,

1 944

7

about ten o r twelve more pounds at the rate of one pound per month. The vegetables I mentioned are mainly is the heart of the rutacarrots and rutabagas—this b a g a c o u n t r y — s o when I tell you that I eat them prodigiously, you, remembering how I spurned such fare in the past, c a n realize that I am really disciplining myself to eat for health, not for pleasure. M y pleasure i s more in the thought that I am pleasing you and preparing for the future. Another pleasure which I permit myself is the anticipation of meals I am going to eat with you when we are together again. You know I have never been much interested in food, but the subject h a s taken o n a fascinating importance since I saw you last. I have worked out a plan to inform you o f special dishes which make the m o s t imperious appeal to m y appetite from time to time, a n d to ask you to record each of them on a separate page of a little memorandum b o o k with the best recipe for its preparation. Then, when we have the opportunity, we can turn the pages, one b y

one each day, and know what to cook for dinner. Put porterhouse steak, french-fried potatoes and a salad o n the first page. A long list will follow. I a m also anxious to hear how the membership campaign is progressing. No time should be lost o n this project. And it is very important that the pattern of the l a s t two campaigns be followed. Sylvia h a s all the circulars in her file. Moish should begin with a roundup report o f the other campaigns showing the totals branch b y branch, the average per month, and setting the new goal. Let me know all about this.

Letter 7

Sandstone, January

24, 1 9 4 4

I received two letters from you last week. The second, however, came before the first, probably because it was not signed properly. Walta's letter has not been received. The rule is to write on only one side o f the paper and You and Walta are the sign the full name and address. I have listed so far. I am allowed only correspondents to write only two letters per week, but m a y receive seven.

8

Letters from Prison

The ruling against sending books as well a s subscriptions to periodicals from the outside is permanent, unless there is a special ruling from Washington in our case. I understand 5" x 7" photos m a y be sent. I am eagerly waiting for them. You are here with me all the time anyway, but still I would love to have a picture of the face I adore. I want one picture o f you alone. Any one will d o ; it i s n o t necessary to have a new picture made.

I think I like best the old one of you walking in Washington Square. ( I think Frank Lovell was o n the other half o f i t . ) Can you quote in your next letter what Joe wrote about you in his story? I would like to read it. I am worried about Evelyn. Her cold has been hanging on too long. She should have an examination when she gets back from the country. If she is not absolutely O K she must take a long rest even if it means making some changes in the C R D C . Since writing to you l a s t I have read No Hiding Place, a biography b y William Seabrook, the selfish, egocentric nut who wrote Asylum. Also King News, another autobiography b y Mo se s Koeningsberg, one of the big figures of H e a r s t ' s journalistic menagerie. There is some useful information in such books, but I would never take time to read them in normal circumstances. That is one o f the compensating luxuries o f m y present situone has time for such indulgences. I am ation—that Mayo. This is a solid, wellnow reading The Doctors written book about two men and their father who really achieved something worth writing about. I am enjoying this book immensely. I am again playing with the idea of making up some outline notes for m y memoirs. F o r t h i s — i n order to do it properly— I need some factual material about Father's early life. Where he w as b o rn ; at what age he went to work; his first trade; some information about his father, his trade, his characteristics and what happened to him; a t what age Father came to America; where he first went from New York; how long he stayed in Providence; when he married m y mother; when and why he came to Rosedale, etc. Can you write to Agnes and ask her to send it to you?

January,

9

1 944

I am more and more convinced that Pioneer Publishers do not advertise their list sufficiently. It should not only be advertised frequently but should also be printed on good paper in a separate circular for inclusion in all letters and in a general circularization o f the mailing list o f the party press. Ask Lillian about this.

Letter 8

Sandstone, January

27, 1944

You have n o t mentioned in your first three letters whether o r n o t you received m y clothes. I wish you would let me know about this. If they have n o t been re-

ceived

I will ask to have the shipment traced. I don't

want to lose m y precious Hollywood suit. I finished the monumental book about the Doctors Mayo and have now started o n another b o o k , Indians

of the United States.

This is a history o n a subject which

I have long wished to study, but never felt that I h a d the time since it is not connected with the current needs of modern politics. In the meantime I read two novels. is a sentimental Is the Word for Carrie, One, Valiant story which h a d a big sale a few years ago. It is all right if one h a s nothing else to d o . The other book is

a murder-mystery story of sophisticates in the radio racket. I felt that I needed a shower bath after I finished it; and on top of m y repugnance for all the characters, the author and the milieu he deals with, I blamed myself for indulging, even in jail, in the m o s t stupid o f all pastimes—the reading o f "mystery" stories. I have received m y "time" report which shows, "good time" being allowed for, that m y release date is January 2 3 , 1 9 4 5 . Put a ring around this date o n your calend a r s o you can remind me of it in case I forget. I can already think o f so m a n y things I want to do when I get out that I wonder how and when I will ever get time enough for them all. But before I start o n any task I want to eat a few meals of special dishes I can think o f and see a few shows. Perhaps you and I will be entitled to a little vacation, commencing January 2 3 , before settling down to new tasks. What do you think? There are two small corrections I wish Joe o r Usick

10

Letters from Prison

to make in m y History manuscript. In the chapter dealwith the AWP I speak o f Saling with the negotiations utsky a s hating u s "as the devil hates holy water." This should be eliminated for fear of misunderstanding. In the s a m e chapter, o r thereabouts, I speak of lukewarm

people and follow the reference with a biblical quotation. It is not precisely accurate. After to the lukewarm!" follow with the "Because thou art lukewarm, and I will spue thee out of m y mouth."

m y own words: "Woe quotation a s follows: neither cold nor hot, Tell Joe this is from

Revelations 3:16. I looked it up in a Cruden's Bible Concordance in the prison library. I h a d to come to this place to make the acquaintance of this most valuable book. I wish Sylvia would get one for m y library.

It is a well-known book and should be found in some secondhand store. I also want a rocking chair to rock Mickey in, when I tell her stories and sing her songs at bedtime. Also, tell Walta to practice up o n crepes suzette and teach you how to make them. I will want plenty.

Letter 9

Sandstone, January 31, 1 9 4 4

I received your letters of January 1 9 and 2 5 , making five letters in all. The New York winters d o n ' t seem to

be good for you. You should have gone to Florida. It After m y long years o f is cheaper than pneumonia. hammering o n the subject, nearly all of the comrades acknowledge—"in principle"—the necessity of having a professional staff o f party workers, but very few, and even you are not among them, really understand that you c a n ' t have it unless you p a y for it. The party has a big investment in every qualified party worker. He represents an accumulated capital of experience, tradition, facility in the performance of tasks

which are not easy to learn, habituation to disciplined work, loyalty, etc. To s a y a vacation in a warmer climate is "too expensive," when the health of a party worker is involved, i s like "saving money" on repairs and maintenance of a costly building until it falls down in ruins, o r like a farmer haggling over a veterinarian's fees

January,

l1

1 944

when his expensive horse gets lame. The analogy is far from perfect because the sensible property owner keeps his buildings in repair a s a matter of course; and the first rule o f the good farmer is to take care of his livestock. I note from Wa l t a 's letter that you are thinking of accepfing the invitation of g o o d Bess Gogol to spend a week with her in Florida. But I think it is absurd for you to limit yourself to a week's vacation there. Even if B e s s ' s accommodations are not available for a longer period, there is n o reason why you shouldn't rent a room o r go to a hotel s o that you can stay in the Florida sunshine until the backbone of the winter in New York is broken. N o reason, that is , except expense; and that i s the p a r t y ' s problem, not yours, since you are an experienced and proven party worker. The news in your letter of January 1 9 is very agreeable. There is no reason you cannot send this detailed information regularly. I am limited to two letters per week and m a y only use one sheet of paper, but I am en-

titled

to receive

seven letters and they are not limited

as to length. I wish you would check all m y letters to see if every question has been answered in detail. Otherwise I m a y repeat them, a s I keep no c0pies. I was highly pleased to hear o f dear Evelyn's plan to spend forty o f her fifty dollars contest prize on a party for u s when we come out, but I still think the best thing she ever gave us is herself. Meantime, both you and she must bear in mind our agreement to s a y nothing to anyone about the contest until we return. This is important. Tell Evelyn I received the pardon application and will send it on in a few days. Thank Walta for her three-page letter of January 2 6

with the welcome detailed

report of the activities

and de-

o f m y precious Sweetums. I will keep all velopments her letters and acknowledge them in m y letters to you. Practice up roasting prime ribs of beef to a pink turn with Yorkshire pudding.

February, 1944 Letter 1 0

Sandstone, February

3, 1 9 4 4

I have finished m y period of quarantine and am now quartered in a dormitory. It is not so lonesome a s the cell block; there are fifty-one others here with me. I am one of two "orderlies" (janitors) whose daily task it is to keep the dormitory clean. I try to do this j o b , like every other, in good, workmanlike fashion a s a matter of principle. Besides that, I have another incentive: I think m y co-residents, as well a s myself, are at least entitled to a clean place to live. If Freda comes to live with you, a s you s a y may ensue if Frank leaves, the project ought to work out to your mutual satisfaction. Freda is good company a s well a s a good cook. You also have some points in your favor. Joe pointed out several mixed metaphors in m y history manuscript and m a d e me sensitive o n the subject. Now I recall another one. It i s in Chapter 3, I think, toward the end, in which reference is made to the CP faction leaders. " I think some o f them were b a d eggs from birth" is the sentence, as I recall it. I thought the figure of speech was pretty good, and apprOpriate to the subject, a t the time. But it occurs to me now that eggs are not born. So the metaphor must be changed. Let Usick figure out a better one and blame Joe, not me, for any difficulty he m a y have. Maybe "from birth" can be changed to "to start with." Anyway, the mixed metaphor must b e unmixed. Walta's letter was a delight. She made m y little Sweetums live on the page. I miss her poignantly, and am impatiently waiting for the picture. I will return the pardon petition to Evelyn with a

February, 1 944 brief one-sentence

13 reason motivating

the petition.

I hope

she understands this petition only as a formality and that her campaign is not in any way to be b as ed upon the petition, but upon the merits of the case a s C R D C h a s already explained them. Our press must n o t even mention the petition. It has absolutely nothing to do with the issue. Ou r press h a s its own line and needs no A C L U angles. No mail since last Thursday. Are you ill again?

Letter 1 1

Sandstone, February

7, 1944

I received your letters No. 6 and N o . 7 , and you can be sure I felt thankful to medical science a n d its miracle sulfa drug for your speedy recovery. Your illness harassed me all the more because I w a s so far away and unable to cook for you a n d bring things to you. I keep reading slipper ads in the newspapers, remembering that I bought a p a i r for you when you were sick last win-

ter. It is best for you to stay in the house anyway until the time comes for you to go to Florida,

Your report about the functioning of the party staff does not surprise me, although I w a s glad to hear it and to have the reassurance. Between ourselves, it w a s planned a n d selected that w a y — n o t without time, experiment, struggle and effort. M y conception of the staff is different from other conceptions; more often they are lack o f definite conceptions o n this all-important subject. I am firmly c o n v i n c e d — a n d nobody can unlearn m e — are superior to self-centered "stars" that team-workers who usually are m a d e o f tinsel anyway. W a l t a ' s idea o f keeping a written record o f the b a b y ' s development in the form of letters to me is a very good one. I will save the letters. Then, when I come home, we can have them bound in leather with a gold-lettered title: " L o r n a ' s Third Year (Letters to B a m ) . " W o n ' t that be a nice "personal history" for Sweetums to read some day? I got the pictures and will have them framed o n a piece o f cardboard to stand o n m y little iron table. Remind Evelyn that our ten-dollar monthly allowance should

Letters from Prison

14

begin o n Ma r c h 1 a n d be sent o n the first of each month thereafter. That is all we will n e e d — w e cannot spend more—until next Christmas when, in accordance with our o l d I L D custom, we should receive a combination

"Christmas—Going Out" present. I heard indirectly of the wonderful work C R D C i s doing, but should get more detailed information from you. I wish you would quote what Joe said about the b a b y in his article. You d o n ' t need to write double-space. Single-space serves very well and enables you to write longer letters for less postage. In addition to a printed list, Lillian should also get out a printed f o l d e r — a modest adaptation of International Publishers catalogue—describing the items briefly. She has enough books on her list to warrant such a step, and it will also give her present customers, a s well a s prospective ones, a better impression o f her rather imposing business. The news of L a r r y ' s illness struck me very hard. I am anxiously awaiting further word. It is time for the

club [party] to make a definite decision that all employees b e provided

with adequate

medical

a n d dental care a s

p a r t of their compensation a n d that it begin

with pro-

visions for immediate, a n d thereafter periodical, examinations in order to detect incipient weakness in either department in time to treat them properly. Next Friday I would like above all to have chicken stew with dumplings for m y birthday dinner. Perhaps the family can have it and let Mickey have an extra portion a s m y proxy. Add this to your menu list.

Letter 1 2

Sandstone,

February

10, 1944

If Evelyn is to make the rib roast, remind her that Yorkshire pudding must go with it. She h a d better begin to practice u p ; otherwise we will have to send for Demila. Your scheme to buy a country place for $ 1 8 0 and build a house o n it sounds utterly fantastic. I d o n ' t want to become a property owner and have to worry about taxes. Pay no attention to the parole blanks sent to you. I

February,

1 944

15

have n o t applied for parole and have no intention of doing s o ; we are applying for a pardon (which we w o n ' t get). Apropos the six-pager. It i s , it appears to me, solely a question o f a n adequate staff. The appointment of Freda to full-time work is a n important step forward. Every timely and well-considered addition to the professional staff yields a double value: it strengthens the p a r t y cadre and also widens the know-

ledge and improves the training of the individual. Freda begins with good assets. She h a s demonstrated the qualities of endurance and loyalty and she lives in the party. She h a s ability enough too, I think. If she does the new task properly, that is, thoroughly, there is little reason to doubt that her appointment will give all-around satisfaction and, perhaps, establish her permanently a s a functionary. In that case, perhaps Evelyn can gradually shift m o r e of the responsibility and more o f the details to Freda while we mull over the idea of another field of work for Evelyn, p o s s i b l y o n the press. I intend to write Walta more than one letter before I finish m y sojourn here. However, I still have many things to crowd into the limited space of m y two letters a week to you and it will b e some time before I catch up with the notes I have already made. I w a s delighted to learn that Dot cooked and took care of you during your illness, and that Grant took his evening meals there. I s it not possible that the combination of good cooking and good company helped the sulfa drug to bring about your speedy recovery? I have been wondering how Grant is getting along o n his j o b and wish you would let me know. How m a n y new members up to February 1 ? I am anxious to know the percentage of the full quota reached each month. I think this should also b e a feature o f Moish's monthly bulletins to the branches. I would like to get some concrete news about the progress of m y history book at the printer's. When the publication date is approximately in sight Lillian should send out a bulletin, and the pre—publication notices and ads should be readied for the press.

16

Letters from Prison

If part of this publicity work is done in the month before publication, the selling campaign can be carried through all the sooner, and the decks cleared for the next b o o k . I think Moish should check the introduction which I hOpe is fairly brief and informative, and raises no controversial questions which might divert attention from the b o o k itself. Put a ho t pastrami sandwich o n your list. Letter 1 3

Sandstone,

February

1 4 , 1944

I received your February 7 letter o n the 9th. I get your letters a s promptly a s you get mine, but c a n ' t anright away a s I write only o n Wednesday swer them and Sunday nights and date them the next day, when they are mailed. Your letter w a s delivered to me at 1 0 P. M . W e d n e s d a y — t h e regular mail delivery time— but m y letter for that day h a d already been written. Now that the fifteenth anniversary fund h a s been successfully completed I want to hear something about the no less important membership campaign. What w a s the total o f the old campaign up to January 3 1 ? Are the branches being lined up to concentrate o n the new cam-

paign? This is the most important question now. M y j o b i s all right. I t is more manual labor than I have been accustomed to for m a n y a year, but I am getting used to it. Perhaps the exercise is good for me, and I still have plenty of time for reading and study.

I don't think I need

any vitamin pills.

I feel O K . As

far as the duodenal ulcer is concerned, I know, as I have known for a long time, that it is there, but a s long as it doesn't bother me I d o n ' t see why I should bother it, o r talk about it, o r hear about it. I watch m y diet far more carefully here than I have done for several years. M y method, which is very simple, seems to work well s o far. If I think anything is not good for me, such meat a s all seasoned and spiced foods—hamburger, loaf, sauce, e t c . — I just p a s s it up and take a couple of extra sc00ps of carrots o r rutabagas and call it a meal. I finished a history of the American Indians b y Wissler and now have a rough knowledge of all the various

February,

1 944

17

tribes who inhabited the U . S. when the white m a n first came; their background, traditions and customs; their w a r s against the white m a n ' s encroachments; their present locations on the various reservations; an d the results, up to date, of the white m a n ' s attempt to "civilize" them. It is a fascinating subject. The author gives a great deal o f essential information in compact form b u t his pros e lacks wings. I h a d to walk the whole length of the w a y with him. I also read a splendid b o o k entitled Zapata, the Unconquerable b y Pinchon. This i s a biography of the greatest leader of the Mexican Revolution. It makes one feel it w a s well worth while to come to prison to make the acquaintance o f this beautiful, heroic personality a n d to live a few all too brief days with him, oblivious to all external surroundings. I hear much indirectly in commendation of J o e ' s piece about o u r departure. I get a double sense o f satisfaction

from this:

1 ) It is good for the cause—all parties and

all people must continuously

be inspired and reinspired.

Those who d o n ' t understand this can never lead a movement. 2 ) J o e ' s selection for this task w a s also one o f those things I picked o u t o f the air. C a n you send me an outline o f the main points o f his article with a few salient quotations?

Letter 1 4

Sandstone, February

16, 1944

I have received the following pictures from you up to date: o n e o f you, one of Walta, one of Ruth and two o f the b a b y . The other pictures you have mentioned have not been received. It

It

III

In the first bound volume of the old L a b o r Defender there is a n article of mine entitled: "The Cause that Passes a Prison." I am not sure whether all o r p a r t through of this old article would be suitable for republication, note, but you might explanatory with an appropriate check it and see. about Leon Sedov, and how I have been thinking shamefully our press h a s neglected to keep his memory

18

Letters from Prison

alive b y observing his memorial day. We also barely mentioned the Old Man last August. I suppose the main reason for this is that everybody forgets the d a y until it is j u s t around the corner, and then there is a hurried, usually too late rush to get o r find an article somehow o r other.

We have often talked of getting up a calendar

of our

movement. Nothing ever came of it; perhaps because it w a s visualized a s a big and elaborate undertaking. What i s needed right n o w— s o meth in g that can be worked out in a single staff meeting an d promptly executed b y a single designated p e r s o n — i s a typewritten calendar of dates for the guidance of the editorial and administrative offices. With this o n the wall o r under glass on the desk, important events a n d memorial occasions would b e noted long enough in advance to allow for early preparation o f special articles, whole pages and even special editions.

Letter 1 5

Sandstone, February

21, 1944

I received your letter o f February 1 4 last Wednesday. You indicated that you h a d a setback and s a i d you would write again at greater length the s a m e night. I have heard nothing from you since. I can only hope that this does not signify a turn for the worse which

prevented you from writing. If you do go to Florida be sure to notify the authorities here o f the change of address a n d the reason for it. Do this promptly, and notify me a t the same time, a s permission must be secured to write to you o r receive letters from you at a different address. I wish you would send me the final scoreboard o n the f u n d — q u o t a s , contributions and percentages. I am more and more uneasy about the failure to get any information about the membership campaign. Does this mean that it is not succeeding, o r that someone has the stupid idea that I should be told only good news? I , like any other adult, would be obliged to get the truth—and get it straight— about everything. The membership campaign

February,

is the

19

1 944

m o s t important

thing

now, in m y opinion,

and

it must be organized as a campaign. I wish you

would

send me the list o f books

Evelyn

sent to Washington for approval. Otherwise it is quite pointless for m e to make a n y suggestions—it might only duplicate the list. I ordered the works of Aristotle. If approved, it will cost m e five d o l l a r s — t h a t i s half a month's supply of m y commissary goods. M y action in ordering the book under such circumstances is the m o s t convincing w a y I can think of a t present to Usick that I am taking his guidance of demonstrating in the study o f philosophy seriously. I hope he w a s consulted o n the makeup of the list sent to Washington, so that the appropriate works to follow up o n Aristotle will become available for the Sandstone undergraduates. I am anxiously waiting for more detailed information about George's accident and his present condition. Also about L a r r y ' s progress and the affair o f F r a n k ' s little finger. It i s especially important that information on such matters, which are m o s t vitally important to us , be supplied to u s promptly and fully one w a y o r another. The report of the big snowstorm in New Y o r k — a n d the sub-zero weather here—reminded me painfully of the heating situation a t the headquarters. I h a v e felt very sorry that I only talked about providing supplementary heating before I left, instead of making sure it would b e done b y doing it myself. I feel in m y bones that the staff is still a t the mercy o f the erratic janitor, shivering o n cold days and endangering their health.

This is entirely unnecessary. I have read several ads in the Minneapolis papers about electrical heaters which are j u s t about what is needed. They are rather expensive, but what better purpose can we put our money to than providing the necessary conditions to facilitate the work and safeguard the health o f our staff? I read Oscar Ameringer's autobiography. I am now reading a life o f General Grant as an antii s more to m y taste. dote. This resolute campaigner Much more. In fact, next to John Brown I like him best, I guess.

20 Letter 1 6

Letters from Prison Sandstone, February

24, 1944

Your letter o f February 1 7 came Monday night and the c o n t e n t s — a s well a s the fact of receiving the letter— greatly relieved the anxiety which had weighed upon me over the weekend. We ought to reconcile ourselves to the delays and uncertainties o f the mails these days, but it is h a r d to be rational sometimes in a place like this. I suppose I a m more fortunate in this respect than others, but uncertainties and apprehensions about your health upset m e sometimes. I am calmly objective and patient enough about other things. N o philosophy, however, h a s ever yet taught me reason and logic where you are concerned. I d o n ' t think Aristotle, whom I am going to get acquainted with next, will be able to help matters in this regard. ( T h e commissary clerk told me that the b o o k should come from the publishers any day now. I am eagerly awaiting i t . ) I a m overjoyed to hear about the certain prospect of your trip to Florida. I want you to go a s s o o n a s possible a n d wait there until the New York winter is finished. I am less inclined to approve your proposal to come here for a visit. It will be a long and wearisome trip and I d o n ' t think it will do you a n y good. Better wait and come to meet m e when I am released—eleven months from t o d a y — J a n u a r y 2 3 . I am sorry I cannot see o r hear from Carl. You should n ot encourage his fatalistic m o o d s . Many good things can happen to a m a n after he is thirty and he should look forward to them. His problem is to find out for sure what he wants to b e and d o — n o t what somebody else wants him to be and do, but what he w a n t s — a n d then do it in spite of everything. This is the beginning of all personal wisdom and phiIOSOphy. I am delighted to learn that L a r r y is coming along all right, but George's burns were felt here in Sandstone, I can tell you. Third-degree b u r n s — t h o s e are very serious aren't they? Please send me promptly every scrap of new information you get about his condition. I s n ' t it quite a striking coincidence that I wrote you about Sedov just when Usick's article was going to press? I h a d completely lost track of the d a t e — h a d a

February,

1 944

21

h a z y impression it w a s in the f a l l — a n d that is what started m y train of thought about the calendar. I am very glad Joe got little Mickus down o n record in his article for the magazine. I w o u l d n ' t have h a d that left out for anything. I a m thinking about her every d a y a n d living future times with her in anticipation. Tell her to have m y slippers ready. What became o f the plan to make a pamphlet out of the farewell speeches, J o e ' s report, etc.? I n m y opinion this i s absolutely necessary to complete the record of the case. You s a y m y messages have been conveyed but you d o n ' t s a y what has been done about them. That is the main point o f m y concern. Perhaps just because nothing ever happens here I expect things to happen quickly every time I send a suggestion. You might remind our friends that while I c a n ' t do anything here, there i s nothing to prevent m e thinking— possibly all the more clearly because there i s no pressure of immediate action u p o n m e — and expecting action from others. Letter 1 7

Sandstone, February 2 8 , 1 9 4 4

I received your letter o f February 1 8 . I d i d n ' t s a y that I w a s making notes for m y memoirs but only that I w a s mulling over the idea. Meantime I a m reading other biographies a n d autobiographies, partly to observe the patterns others have used for projects o f this kind. At present I a m reading Jim F a r l e y ' s story o f his life and work. His pattern would never do for me. He disposes o f his entire b o y h o o d and youth in a single chapter. Such a "biography" is something like a tree without roots. I read s o m e reviews of Sean O ' C a s e y ' s autobiography— I think it w a s h i s — i n which his boyhood and adolescence each were alloted their rightful place, namely, approximately one-third o f the whole, in the form of separate, self-sufficient books. I a m interested in O ' C a s e y anyway, a n d I would like the C R D C to include his books in the list they plan to donate to the library here. Farl e y ' s account of his political activity and experience is interesting, in its way, to a born "politiker" like myself,

but it never occurred to him that his game is a penny-

22

Letters from Prison

ante one. Our politics i s bigger, s o much s o that it h a s the difference o f quality. I have definitely decided now that I want t o study Greek history while I am here. I w a n t t o know the milieu in which Aristotle wrote. Ask Usick to give the C R D C a small list o f the m o s t necessary books o n this subject. These, in addition to the b o o k s o n philosophy to follow m y r e a d i n g — rather, m y study, line by l i n e — o f Aristotle are all the books I will need, for m y part, for the balance o f m y sojourn here. H o w strange it is t o have the opportunity thrust u p o n m e at this late d a y to satisfy in s o m e measure the most poignant desire o f m y youth for study and contemplation, free from the pressure o f immediate responsibilities and the clamor o f the d a y . If you have not already done s o , d o n ' t you think it would be timely to send Natalia a roundup report of all that has happened, including our affairs here, our health, our activities, e t c . ? You can tell her truthfully that we all think o f her fondly an d speak o f her often.

The favorable news of Wil [Workers International League] and the others [in Britain] is most welcome. Indeed, this question worried m e s o much I w a s afraid to inquire about it. They constitute the m o s t important link in the international chain at the present moment, a n d if they fail to rise up to the level of their responsibilities it will take a long time, when time is so pres’sing, to repair the damage. There is n o other w a y for them than the o n e we have already pointed out more than once. The outline o f J o e ' s article which you sent me only raises once m o r e the question: Why have the farewell speeches n o t been printed i n a pamphlet with J o e ' s article a s an introduction? I a m absolutely unable to understand this incredible lapse. The historical record must be completed. If it is a question o f money we will agree to provide it, if necessary b y authorizing Evelyn to "check off" 5 0 percent of our "wages" until the bill is taken care of. This i s a true expression of our sentiment o n the matter. Tell Joe I am especially glad that he put in the section about Dewey an d the trials. H o w the Old M a n would have loved that!

March, 1944 Letter 1 8

Sandstone, March 2 , 1 9 4 4

I got your letter o f February 2 4 . I d o n ' t get m a i l o n any set d a y s . The mail i s delivered here every night, except Sunday, j u s t before bedtime. I wish you would send m e the chapter titles o n m y b o o k . I want one m o r e chance to consider changes in them before the page proofs are made up. Also: Ask Usick to delete the parenthetical remark in m y farewell speech when it goes into the pamphlet. In speaking about the gold watch I mentioned that I w o u l d n ' t b e able to take it with m e a n d added, between d a s h e s — " t h e y figure, etc." Leave out the p a r t between the dashes. Perhaps it detracts a little bit from the dignity o f the context. As I remember, the L a b o r Defender article h a d a fine center-of-page illustration. Perhaps it can be used if the article is reprinted—even if it h a s to be rephotographed o r redrawn. The contributions from "friends" to o u r anniversary fund are v e r y interesting. C a n you tell me m o r e about them, h o w they were given, amounts, e t c . ? I t is too late to cancel m y order for Aristotle, although I h a v e n ' t received it yet. I want it for m y own anyway.

The Modern Library edition of Plato is in the library here, a s also is the Modern L i b r a r y edition of Keats and Shelley in one volume, s o these two b o o k s c a n be omitted. Ask Usick to substitute volumes of other ancient Greeks. I intend to live with these chaps a s much a s possible while I a m here. *

It

10!

Too much fuss should not be m a d e about Philadelphia's delinquency. The branch h a s suffered disintegration, and scolding will not help them. They need a blood trans-

Letters from Prison

24

fusion. As far a s I c a n see, that can b e accomplished only b y colonization. S o m e reinforcements along the lines we sent to Frisco and Akron should be undertaken

if possible. After all, Philadelphia is one of the founding units, and besides that is strategically very important. It should n o t b e allowed to disappear. During your absence I do n o t w a n t to rely o n Walta for the p r o m p t and full information I need about everything going o n in our circles. Better have Sylvia writeyou all the news two o r three times a week, a n d you can relay it to me. Also, you c a n send Sylvia m y suggestions, which are n o t intended a s general observations but a s concrete p r o p o s a l s for action to which I would appreciate concrete a n d p r o m p t replies. Walta i s obviously overloaded now with her double task o f housekeeping an d Mick-raising. Our California girl wrote m e a very sweet letter, j u s t b o o k . I didn't before I left New York, about the Struggle get a chance to answer her in the crowded hours before leaving. Will you drop her a note a t S a n Diego and

thank her for her letter? It is in m y desk somewhere. He r letter pleased m e very much.

Letter 1 9

Sandstone, March 6 , 1 9 4 4

I received your letter o f March 2 on March 4 . M y trouble about writing letters is the opposite of yours. I never can find space enough, an d the notes I make of things I want to s a y keep piling up. If you ad opt the system o f making notes, and remember that I have no other contact with o u r world except through your letters a n d that I w a n t to know about everything, you will not lack material to write about. I am losing weight, steadily a n d systematically, according to plan and disciplined procedure in regard to diet. The only thing I am worried about is m y Hollyw o o d suit. I d o n ' t want to lose it. Do you think we could

get it altered? Otherwise I am afraid I will have to give up m y slimming program. You must decide for yourself about wear yourself out with transportation

Florida. If you difficulties and

March,

1 944

25

get bored in isolation among strangers, the trip might do you m o r e h a r m than good. You ought to know best what you need most. The main thing you need, i n m y opinion, is heat a n d sunshine. Perhaps, if you s t a y in New York you h a d better get your sun-ray lamp fixed, o r if that i s impossible, get another one. A sunbath o r two every d a y m a y carry you over till you can go to the beach. I am very much interested in your plan to get a beach place for a long period. I am also very anxious for the b a b y to have a n uninterrupted summer in the sun. I hope something can be worked out for the maximum benefit for all, without putting too much work and responsibility o n you. I h e a r the Minneapolis branch m a d e a big success of a rummage sale, to top New Y o r k ' s success with the musicale. Wouldn't it be a g o o d idea for Moish to get a report from the Twin City organization an d then send out a bulletin to give the other branches a hint o n a w a y to raise m o n e y ? I will send more suggestions for b o o k s in another letter for the next shipment. I would like to be clear about F r a n k ' s draft status. Does "limited service" mean deferment, and if so, for h o w long? If he i s deferred h e should study French to m a k e his international work more fruitful. I heard indirectly o f some criticisms o f J o e ' s article a n d have the impression they are somewhat o f an echo o f the plenum discussion and the s a d affair about the introduction to m y Struggle b o o k . If the article is published in the pamphlet a n d thus becomes more "official," it would b e well to remember that these "criticisms," like Usick's introduction, are not in those raised around reality directed against J o e ' s a r t i s t r y — t h a t is only a pretext, common in shyster p o l i t i c s — b u t against another object. It is usually best to w a r d off these "sneak attacks" b y small concessions, even a t the c o s t of literary perfection o r full self-expression. F o r example, the decision to start the "march" a t 2 : 3 0 from the Minneapolis headquarters should n o t b e ascribed to m e personally, etc. I must again express m y satisfaction at the inclusion of

Letters from Prison

26

the section o n Dewey. C a n you send m e this quotation? H a v e o u r friends their "calendar" ?

noted

the

Letter 2 0 I found

Paris

Commune

date

on

Sandstone, M arch 9 , 1 9 4 4 the following

books

about

Greece in our li-

b r a r y here: The Life of Greece b y Durant and The Hz'story of Greece b y J . B . B u r y ; The Works of Homer; The I will read of Thucydz'des. The Works Works of Plato; the first two first in order to get a general panoramic

view of the whole subject and then go on to the Greek authors themselves. M y Aristotle h a s arrived from the publishers but h a s not been delivered to me yet. Tell Usick to include, in the next list m a d e u p , the essential Greek authors missing from our library. I also suggest that he include the three volumes of Capital. I hope o u r staff is n o t working under too much pressure. That is necessary in emergencies, but our friends have a long pull ahead o f them. For that they need a steady pace and a regular daily s t i n t — n o more. We

d o n ' t want to come back and find them worn out from overstrain just when it is time to start some big projects germinating in o u r minds. I would like to suggest that Moish take a census of the party membership in order to get a n exact picture o f the composition with regard t o : 1 ) sex; 2 ) average age; 3 ) length of membership; 4 ) previous political affiliation; 5 ) occupation; 6 ) union membership. I think the census will show a surprising percentage o f new members since the split with no previous political affiliation o r experience. This lead s me to the thought that our press h a s to undertake a systematic work of education for their benefit o n the hundred-year history o f our movement. Historic dates, indicated o n our calendar, should not be treated perfunctorily o r neglected altogether, a s was too often the case in the past, but m a d e the occasions for thoroughgoing treatment of the subjects: what happened and why, and the lessons to

be derived. The

Paris

Commune,

for example,

should be treated

March,

1 944

27

this year from the point o f view that perhaps hundreds of our members a n d thousands o f our readers have only a h a z y impression, if a n y a t all, o f this great historic event. There should b e one simple explanatory article giving the essential facts for the benefit o f beginners; a political review and analysis; a n d perhaps, if space permits, a reprinting of some o f the classic comments o n the Commune. I suggest this a s a s o r t o f pattern for all the important dates o n o u r calendar. The extra two inside pages o f the six-pager are m a d e to order for such projects. Moreover, the public observance o f important d a t e s — meetings, lectures, e t c . — i s a n especially good medium for propaganda in these d a y s when discussion o f contemporary events is restricted in certain respects. When I finally get a chance to read the bound volume for 1 9 4 4 I hope to find a number o f special editions and special inside pages far superior to our handling o f the great anniversaries in the p a s t because they represent a work o f planning a nd preparation in advance.

Letter 2 1

Sandstone, March 1 3 , 1 9 4 4

Wednesday w a s a red-letter day. I received your two letters o f March 5 and March 6 plus one from Walta, a n d the pictures of me a n d Sweetums together, and o f he r alone. It w a s a feast. Isolation is the all-pervading fact of prison. Letters are the sole means o f contact with the world one h a s known, a n d the prisoner's d a y is pointed toward mail time. I am somewhat disturbed a b o u t the "intransigence" o f some o f our friends regarding the criticisms of J o e ' s article which is now to b e included in the pamphlet. It i s not profitable to fight over trifles. Also, in p o l i t i c s — a s distinguished from a r t — i t i s n o t sufficient for a statement to be "the truth" in a literal sense nor for a n action to be "correct"; statements and a c t i o n s — i n politics—must serve ends also. Otherwise they are better left unsaid o r undone. In no case c a n the pamphlet appear with m y picture o n the cover. The cover must express what the pamphlet is concerned with: the issue and the speeches

28

Letters from Prison

of the eighteen. Far better a pamphlet with no illustration o n the cover; this might b e better 'in a n y event. I h a d to learn these simple lessons through blows ‘ o v e r the head. I h o p e o u r friends can learn them the "easier" w a y , as Farrell recommended a t the plenum. You d o not s a y whether you got the sunlamp fixed. Since you have decided to s t a y in New York for the balance of the winter, I think this i s m o s t necessary. I remember the l a m p did you a lo t of g o o d when you h a d it in operation a t o u r place o n East Tenth Street. I w a s very pleased to hear that Edith wrote to you a sweet letter which, a s you quoted it, impressed m e a s a reflection of her personality. The next time she writes I would like her to indicate her a n d especially Mike's impressions of m y Struggle b o o k a n d the History book. They were written, in part, for their benefit. In these two books I tried, for the first time, to give a thoroughgoing and all-sided exposition of the troublesome "organization question." Edith a n d Mike should be good judges of how well I succeeded o r wherein I failed. The "organization question," properly understood, i s nothing less than, it i s only another n a m e for, the central question of our whole epoch—the question of the party. I guess we can let the chapter headings stand a s they are.

Je suis enchante' with the report of the place you have rented o n Long Island. This assures m e that your summer is provided for and that mine will b e made easier as a consequence. I love to think of little Mickus living the whole summer long in the sun until she is "brown a s a berry" and "sound a s a n apple." I think she should b e taught to swim this summer already. I have seen newsreels of kids her age swimming and diving. What others c a n do she can do. Is there open territory near the house where Wong

and I could take long walks without running into too m a n y neighbors and their dogs? I s the for coal, gas o r oil?

furnace

fitted

March,

1944

29

Letter 2 2

Sandstone, March 1 6 , 1 9 4 4

The news about The Militant i s j u s t right. Now i s the time to start the sub campaign which was derailed b y the trouble with the mailing rights. I offer the following concrete p r o p o s a l s : 1 ) A special rate of twenty-five cents for six months. 2 ) The g o a l should b e 3 , 0 0 0 (yes, three thousand) new subs. 3 ) There should b e a definite time limit for the reduced rate c a m p a i g n — s i x t y o r ninety d a y s , n o more. (Otherwise you will endanger the financial structure o f the p a p e r b y getting people out o f the habit o f paying the regular r a t e . ) 4 ) It should be a n all-out, high-pressure p art y campaign. ( T h i s is timely, and the morale in the ranks can sustain i t . ) 5 ) The financial transactions and technical details o f should be handled through the regular the campaign business m a n a g e r ' s routine, but the party must be mo-

bilized and driven into action from the National Office a n d all p a r t y attention and activity centered on the attainment of the quota goal. 6 ) Quotas should be assigned to the branches, taking

as a minimum basis and obligation four subs from each member. 7 ) The subs should b e printed o n prepaid postal cards s o a s to eliminate all unnecessary bookkeeping and addressing o f envelopes. ( T h i s method w a s one of the secrets o f the great success o f the o l d Appeal to Reason.) should be strongly publicized in 8 ) The campaign the paper, a n d not announced until every technical detail is worked out a n d ready. 9 ) D o n ' t fail to u se a thermometer to illustrate the progress of the campaign in the paper, and this time make it a good one. *

II:

III

I keep thinking of the new house o n Long Island a s a place to camp in when I write m y next book. I hope the furnace h a s an automatic oil burner s o that precious

30

Letters from Prison

time need not b e wasted shoveling coal.

I am not inclined to take the World-Telegram

story

about the CP too seriously. There m a y be something going o n there b u t it is most likely a dispute a s to the o f Stalin's wishes. That is a s far a s Fosinterpretation ter's courage could take h i m . We should b e very careful in o u r interpretation of the events in the I L G W U , etc. These are anti-CP b u t b y no m eans pro-revolutionary manifestations. I really mourn for the p o o r , deceived a n d doubly betrayed Jewish workers in the needle trades. They a r e like a l o s t tribe. M o s t o f them a r e too o l d , too disillusioned to find their old faith again without a genuine an d general revival of the revolutionary movement on a w o rld scale. Your reference to the C P ' s new "Jefferson School" reminds me o f some elaborate projects I have been thinking about for our own s c h o o l — t o be undertaken when we come b a c k . But I will leave that for another letter; m o s t likely, for several letters. I am very glad indeed to learn that Mexico translated a n d published o u r plenum resolution. — T h e new list of books should be held o p e n till April. Before then I will send y o u a number o f additional titles needed here.

Letter 2 3

Sandstone, March 2 0 , 1 9 4 4

We learned indirectly that three b o o k s h a d arrived a t the library here, presumably from the C R D C . They are Dialectics of Nature, Treasury of Science and My Native Land. Two o f them h a d already been taken out. What happened to the others? And what about this?— On March 2 you wrote that the list h a d been approved "and will go forward this week." Does it take two weeks for the mail to bring an order o f books, o r was the "this week" a euphemism for "sooner o r later." And w h a t became of the request to include a number o f books o n U . S. history? These questions are for the

CRDC. Nothing causes more bitter resentment than negligence, indefiniteness and delay in attending to the details which m a y mean little in the normal run o f things but mean everything to the prisoner who is waiting! I

March,

1 944

31

know very well that the comrades in the C R D C are b u s y with m a n y tasks, but I also know that prisoners' requests and needs must always take first place in a defense committee's routine because explanations never do a prisoner a n y good. I propo se the following inflexible routine in these matters: 1 ) Submit a list of b o o k s to the Washington authori-

ties on the first of each month. 2) 3) day. 4) and

Include every title requested, if it is to b e had. When the list is approved, ship them the very next Simultaneously notify the titles included.

me o f the

date of shipment

If this is done we will know exactly what to look for and when to look for it; this will prevent needless misunderstandings, and nobody will eat his heart out with the thoughts that golden hours o f study o n a prescribed subject are being lost forever because details are not attended to properly and promptly.

Include the following titles in the next list submitted: English: Oxford Book of Greek Verse in Translation; Plutarch's

Lives;

and Social Works pire; Euripides.

Rostovtzeff: History

and Economic History o f Sophocles,

French: Voltaire: Candide,

of the Ancient

World

of the Roman Em-

Aristophanes,

-Aeschy1us and

The Philosophy of History,

The Ignorant Philosopher; Dumas: The Three Musketeers and The Count of Monte Cristo; Jules Verne: Tour Anatole Villon: Poems; of the World in Eighty Days; France: Penguin Island an d Crime of Sylvestre Bonnard. Spanish: Five o r six books with their corresponding titles in English for use in advanced study of the lan-

guage. Ask Usick to make, if possible, one final correction in the History. In the "Dog Days" c h a p t e r — I t h i n k — I say, "we survived because we h a d the help of Comrade Trotsky," o r words to that effect. Change it to read: ”The help of Comrade Trotsky and our international Then, after the reference to Comrade organization."

Letters from Prison

32

Trotsky's special help, a d d : "The intervention of the Secretariat w a s a decisive help to u s in International the solution o f our difficulties. We sought their advice and were sensible enough to heed i t when it w a s given. i s what the collaboration—that Without international m e a n s — i t is not possible for a w o r d 'internationalism' political group to survive a n d develop in this epoch." This final change is very i m p o r t a n t — i t is for the Britishers. Moish should b e sure to make it a specific proviso that the twenty-five-cent, six-month subs are for new subonly. On the old L a b o r Action we broke down scribers the regular subscription rate b y overlooking this detail.

and tell the wives

Tell the CRDC to send money orders

all to use money orders for our remittances. Checks take three weeks to collect.

Sandstone, March 2 3 , 1 9 4 4

Letter 2 4 Two

more

books

L . D . ' s History

arrived:

have

and

Clausewitz. We still don't know what others to look for. We need the whole list. Include the following in the April 1 list: Modern Library edition o f Homer (the copy here is always o u t ) ; Diogenes Laertius: Lives and Opinions

of the Eminent Philosophers;

Heraclitus

on the Universe.

(All the classical titles not available in Modern Library Library cheap editions can be gotten o r Everyman's from The Loeb Classical Library published b y the Harv a r d University ‘ P r e s s , Cambridge 38, Massachusetts. Write to them for the Loeb Library catalogue.) Always get the cheaper editions if possible. Include a l s o : Everyman's Library editions o f Eugenie Grandet; Lost Illusions; The Quest of the Absolute; The

Rise and Fall

of César

Birotteau.

In French: Comédie

humaine (i.e., the Collected Works) o r the above four volumes and Le Pére Goriot. (The French can be bought at G. E . Steckert on East Tenth Street.) III

III

III

I was especially glad to hear that all i s well with "the boy" and Don and Demila. I think of him often and want

March,

33

1 944

to do something for his future. He should think o f me a s his American Uncle whom he can always rely on. B y chance I saw a c o p y of Dwight's new magazine. M y impression o f it is cogently stated, I mean concisely stated, in the title of the inaugural editorial: "Why Politics?" Why, indeed? I got m y b o o k of Aristotle and have started to work o n it. There are 1 , 4 8 7 p a g e s . This is quite a bite but I will chew it u p , and digest it too, before I leave here. Are the photos of the bust a g o o d representation? Nob o d y here thinks the photos are good likenesses of me. B e sure to let me know anything m o r e you learn of

Charlie's movements. Even if Wong goes to live with you

in Long

Island

I think

you

should take Brownie

too. Mick is entitled to have a little dog of her own. W h a t is the matter with that arm which she keeps spraining? Maybe she should practice o n a boxer's punching b a g to make it strong. I think you should rent the sunlamp in a n y case. D o n ' t they have a heat globe a s well a s the sun-rays? The lack o f level ground around the new house i s a drawback but it is not a s serious for m e as i t would have been l a s t year. I will have less weight to c a rry u p hills a year from now. I a m thinking m o s t o f all these days o f a place to study and write in. That is the m o s t attractive feature o f the place o n Eleventh Street— the front room, I mean. We get the New York Times here a n d keep track of w h a t i s going on, in a general way. We also get the Minneapolis papers. I spend very little time, however, o n the newspapers. A glance a t the front page of the Times and then the index to see if there is anything of special interest listed. I am far too much occupied with the Greeks a n d m y other studies to waste time reading the newspaper page b y page. Your report that the NI is serializing Ciliga i s interesting. I have some thoughts on this subject which I will write about when I get more space. "Cut-rate" Trotskyism obviously will n o t work. One cannot cut a w a y "quantities" from the unified doctrine without eventually coming to a qualitatively different one.

34

Letters from Prison

Letter 2 5

Sandstone, March 2 7 , 1 9 4 4

The arguments for the three-month o r six-month sub for twenty-five cents a r e both equally valid, depending on the conception of the main purpose of the special campaign. The three-month argument i s O K if one i s

thinking of trial

subs primarily, preparing the w a y for

a second canvass for full-rate subs. However, I think this conception is too narrow for the present situation. The fault of m y previous letter o n this subject w a s m y failure to mention a different primary motivation for

the campaign. O u r m a i n object now, a s when w e started the program o f m a s s free distributions, should b e to g e t a wider spread— ing of our message while our c a s e i s still alive regardless o f the immediate effect o n o u r permanent subscription list. Three thousand p a p e r s going every week for six months to the same people, who have not been getting the p a p e r before, should b e m o r e effective than the s a m e number o f papers being distributed, m o r e o r less a t r a n d o m , a s with the mass distributions. The a p p e a l is more concentrated a n d , moreover, i s directed in the main to people who we have reason to believe are interested to a certain extent. Nevertheless, in o u r present financial situation, no one could m a k e a reasonable objection to giving away three thousand m o r e p a p e r s weekly if we h a d g o o d spots to p u t them. The reduced-rate subs, o f course, are better because they reach a m o r e receptive audience a n d the extra cost i s nearly, if n o t entirely, covered. From m y point o f view the six-month sub i s m o r e than twice a s g o o d a s the three-month sub because the repetition o f the message for double the length o f time should h a v e more than double the cumulative effect. Of course, there is nothing fatal in the difference, however the decision i s made. One method can be tried first and the other later, for that matter. But keep this in mind: Now i s the time to spread out, n o t count pennies too closely. III

*

I will write about

the

*

school when I have thought it

March,

1 944

35

out m o r e completely. I already have several pages of notes for a thesis o n the subject. The supplementary information about the L o n g Island settlement, which is now enlarged for the benefit o f the hardworking functionaries, is very welcome here. Evelyn went a b o u t this j u s t a s we would have decided if we h a d been asked to state our maximum preference. Bu t d o e s n ' t she always? a:

a:

:I:

Here is a preliminary note o n another subject: New York should get double the reduced-rate subs, proportional to membership, a s the rest o f the country. We should never forget that New York i s the Capital o f the world. We must strengthen our b a s e there a t all costs in preparation for the future. With the further development o f international events, the resounding crash o f all traditional organizations and tendencies will create the biggest vacuum in New York. I t will b e filled; it h a s been known since Strato o f Lampsacus ( 2 8 0 B . C . ) that "nature abhors a vacuum." Our party, and ours alone, must b e there, and b e known, when the betrayed and disillusioned youth angrily turn a w a y from the false teachers who have lied to them, and seek a new road. New York is far more important than a n y other place. We must prepare n o w for things to come there. I have finished the. first reading of Aristotle's Rhetoric a n d have started o n his Ethics. Why c a n ' t I get any news about Sweetums and her doings?

Letter 2 6

Sandstone, March 30, 1 9 4 4

Once the U . S. history books get here there will be no special hurry about the others. The important thing is that when we are told they are c o m i n g — o r when w e are told anything else, for that matter—we know we can rely o n it. You can tell the C R D C that I was not complaining about a personal grievance. Also that I was Aristotle said, is the angry—which, only moderately

Letters from Prison

36

mark of "the good man." It should never be forgotten, however, that the prisoner service is the m o s t important side of C R D C work and must always get priority, never b e handled casually o r carelessly. No matter how long the C R D C m a y remain in existence it will never find a "reasonable" prisoner. The procedure you outline seems to be O K . Notify u s when the list i s approved—itemizing the entire approved l i s t — a n d again when invoices are received. I n this w a y we will know what i s coming a n d when to look for them. Ask Usick if he can still make one final correction o f the "final" correction I sent l a s t week. Where I s a y "no group c a n survive and develop" insert the words "on a path." I think this i s important enough revolutionary even to change a page makeup ( s o m e other words can be chopped out to make r o o m ) . I want the monthly remittance for Agnes to continue during the whole time I am away. Whatever she gets from Carl she can consider extra and u s e it to equip her house with labor-saving devices to make her housework easier. Please send the answers to m y questions about Father; I will probably want to follow up o n this inquiry when I se e the answers.

We all think

our "Senator" [Grace Carlson] got the

toughest break, but there i s nothing we can do about it. M y decision to come here with the others, instead of going to a closer place for reasons of personal convenience—which you m a y remember I made s o promptly and firmly—was one of those decisions that are given to me. I always know I am right in such cases without even thinking about the matter. Those who m a d e a different choice so shortsightedly an d light-mindedly will never know how gravely they erred. Did you give Carl a key to our house? H e could sleep in m y r o o m when he i s in town overnight. Also, you could invite him to live with u s if he locates in New York next time. I think I would like to have a file of the radical press to glance through when I return: New Leader, Call, L a b o r Action, NI. I think time will p a s s more easily if you undertake a

March,

1 944

37

definite task to accomplish in a given period. I t h i n k Why d o n ' t Natalia. to visit another often of our making you acquire the G e r m a n language in the meantime i n o r d e r to facilitate conversation with her? It ought to b e e a s y for you. Ask Sylvia to investigate the "Linguaphone" method advertised in the Times S u n d a y magazine.

I finished The Life of Greece and have started o n Thucydides' History of the Peloponnesian War. I t is snowing here this afternoon a s I write. I t makes m e think of m y b o y h o o d a n d m y first sled. I am going to get a sled for Mickey. A nice red one, with green a n d yellow figures o n it, a n d sharp, shiny runners.

April, 1 9 4 4

Letter 2 7

Sandstone, April 3 , 1 9 4 4

I think o f Wong often a n d m i s s him cruelly. H e would b e g o o d c o m p a n y for m e here. I l o o k forward to the time when I will t a k e h i m for a w a l k again a n d rest o n a r o c k o n the hill to think o u t s o m e p ro b lem o f philosophy. It i s g o o d to h e a r that S y l v i a will h a v e a p l a c e with you in the s u m m e r h o u s e . I w a n t her to think o f herself a s p a r t l y m y guest there a n d that when she i s resting a n d having a good time there she i s doing m e g o o d thereby. I s she plugging a w a y o n h e r stenotype practice? We are going to p u t that m a c h i n e to g o o d u s e s o m e o f these d a y s a n d I h o p e s h e will b e r e a d y when I a m . The p a c t we m a d e one d a y i n Pennsylvania for her to perfect h er shorthand b y going b a c k to school for m o r e speed practice yielded rich results for o u r cause. With the stenotype we will do m o r e , m u c h m o r e . W h y d o n ' t you w a n t m e to "lose too much" weight? You know I never do anything b y halves. We are n o t impatient a b o u t the new b o o k list. As long a s this— a n d a l l si m i l a r matters— a re handled i n regular routine fashion we will b e fully satisfied. There is no need for h u r r y o r strain. What w e c a n ' t stand is uncertainty a n d indefiniteness. W h a t arrangements h a v e been m a d e to help Lillian m a n a g e her double p r o b l e m o f little Charley a n d Pioneer? I n view of the big stock Pioneer i s accumulating a n d the expansion of its business i n general, shouldn't the executive b o a r d begin to consider 1 ) safe a n d adequate storage space, and 2 ) fire insurance? Page 1 4 o f the March 2 9 Times h a s a n interesting speech b y Senator Aiken. I wonder if the p a p e r i s spreading this material from the Congressional Record. Statis-

April, 1944

39

tics o n the l o s s e s of m e r c h a n t seamen will b e appropriate i n connection with the speech. I s s o m e member of the staff i n special charge o f the Congressional Record reports? I s M . Stein writing his column regularly? The Battle o f the B u f f o o n s — M e s s r s . Hillman a n d Dubinsky i n the A L P — i s a fi t subject for satirical treatment. Shakespeare m u s t have been thinking of them when he cried o u t : "Man, mere m a n , / Drest i n a little brief authority, / does such fantastic things before high heaven / A s make the angels w e e p " — o r words to that effect. These undersized Lilliputians actually think that their hustling and bustling, their bawling a n d their caterwauling h a v e s o m e great significance. It i s g o o d to h a v e a q u i e t j a i l a n d a timeless philosopher to resort to. The S p a n i s h language h a s a w o r d for these gladiators who fight with p i g s' bladders. No importa—"it does not matter." You speak o f "the E d i t o r ' s M o n t h i n Review" i n the M a r c h FI. I hope this reference to the editor in the singular i s a typographical error o n y o u r p a r t , a n d t h a t the editorials a p p e a r a s s p o n s o r e d b y "The Editors" o r "The Editorial B o a r d . " I c a n ' t fi n d anything in Aristotle's logic to w a r r a n t the p a r t y ' s magazine appearing a s a n y o n e ' s personal o r g a n . I know the present executive editor i s a s eager a s anyone to break this outworn pattern which does not even deserve a n honorable place in the p a r t y museum. The new d o o r a t the p a r t y headquarters i s appreciated. The o l d one, R a y s a i d , "looked like a n o l d ice house."

Letter 2 8

Sandstone, April 5 , 1 9 4 4

Your March 3 1 with picture of N a t a l i a came April 3. *

as

it

Under the new rules for correspondence I a m allowed [to write] three letters p e r week. Correspondents, o n the other hand, must restrict their letters to two pages. We are allowed to receive seven letters per week. Photos must not b e larger than 4" b y 6" and m u s t b e kept down to " a reasonable number." The New Leader, March 1 8 , advertises Zapata a t the

40

Letters from Prison

Rand Bookstore for $ 1 . 1 9 (original price $3.00). Are we selling this excellent b o o k ? Your r e p o r t that we h a v e a cartoonist for the p a p e r w a s joyfully received here. This i s bigger news than the restoration of the second-class mailing rights. Tell her she h a s appreciative supporters a n d ardent well-wishers a t Sandstone. You a r e correct, a s we r e a d i n the Times, that Dubins k y denounces the A L P a s " a co v er for the communists," b u t you a r e quite w r o n g , literally a n d politically, to add, "which o f c o u r s e it is." The new leadership o f the A L P is a cover for the Stalinists, b u t they (the Stalinists) are not communists, a n d we should never acknowledge such a claim even b y sl i p s o f the tongue. We make o u r own terminology a n d do n o t let the Stalinist traitors o r disillusioned renegades i m p o s e theirs u p o n u s . There i s a v e r y i m p o r t a n t political m e a n i n g in these distinctions of expression. I earnestly h o p e the present editors will tolerate n o carelessness i n this regard. I a m s o m e w h a t disturbed b y your reference to "TitoBrezovich," especially b y your statement that we will

"carry a n exposé" in the p a p e r if GPU connections are established. We m u s t b e careful n o t to give a n inch, directly o r indirectly, to the Russophobe renegades. Wright's thesis-article o n Yugoslavia l a s t year in the FI m u s t guide u s o n this question. We are against Stalin vis-a-vis the proletarian revolution, but for the bureau-

cracy ( i n our own w a y a n d with our own methods)

vis-é—vis Mihailovic e tutti quanti. I do hope that the friendly attitude some Social-Democrats are showing tow a r d our c a s e a n d t o w a r d the C R D C does not induce a n y o f o u r comrades, unconsciously, to soften up tow a r d these swine i n a political sense. That would be a real disgrace. a: a: :1: Include the following b o o k s in the next list: Flowering Earth b y Peattie; The Mediterranean— The Life Story of a Sea b y E m i l Ludwig; I Knew Them in Prison b y Dr. Mary Harris. I think we c a n m a k e a compromise o n the special

sub campaign which will combine the strong points of each p r o p o s a l

a n d b e better than either. Sell the cards

April, 1944

41

for twenty-five cents e a c h o n a three-month b a s i s . At the end o f that time c a n v a s s the list for renewals a t the regular price. Those w h o d o n o t renew should be kept o n the list for another three months an d then canvassed again. I see the point o f those w h o w a n t to follow up o n the s u b s a t the end o f three mo n th s . I h o p e they also see the advantage of b r o a d e n i n g o u r circle o f readers in this period even if i t requires the m o s t extraordinary methods. Your reports of D o n m a k e m e feel real g o o d . I fully intend to follow u p o n t h a t front a n d m a k e another visit as s o o n a s it i s possible. M y self-prescribed curriculum for this semester at Sandstone University i s a s follows: 1 ) Philosophy; 2 ) Greek H i s t o r y ; 3 ) Fr e n c h ; 4 ) S p a n i s h . I work a t each subject every d a y .

Letter 2 9

Sandstone, April 7, 1 9 4 4

Your April 3 came April 5. In your March 3 1 you speak of a letter to be written the "next day." Evidently i t w a s l o s t in the m a i l s . D o n ' t forget the new rule limiting letters to 1100 pages hereafter.

Grote's History [of Greece] arrived but has not been made

available

yet. If you will send me a complete list

of all books for which invoices have been received I will check here a n d let you know which have arrived so far. If you will check Agnes' letter against the list o f questions I asked F a t h e r about, you will see that quite a few are left unanswered. Please as k her ab o u t them again. I a m studying both Spanish a n d French with the texts o f the International Correspondence School. They are v e r y good t e x t s — t h e conversational s y s t e m — b u t they are b a s e d o n records which, a l a s , I do not have. With them I am sure a n y language can be learned better and quicker than b y going to a n y school class. I am very glad that y o u are going to study Spanish. Here is m y suggestion: Write the I C S a t Scranton for their catalogue. Also s h o p a r o u n d with Linguaphone and other record systems before you decide o n the one to take. I am very

42

Letters from Prison

anxious, a l s o , to know if these records a n d texts c a n b e bought secondhand. I will need b o t h French a n d Spanish records to straighten o u t m y pronunciation. Let me know what course you decide o n fi n a l l y a n d how much it costs. We can practice Spanish together before visiting Natalia. I finished Aristotle's Ethics a n d have started his History of Animals. Also finished How Green Was My Valley. I t i s a beautiful, moving s t o r y , beautifully written too, b u t i t took m e m o r e t h a n a month to get through it. There is n o t m u c h r o o m for fiction in m y schedule. Glad to get the news a b o u t M a r s h . I w a s o n the point of asking Walta for news a b o u t him, especially about his health a n d activities outside the shop. C a n ' t L o r n a ' s orange allergy b e cured b y giving her small doses of juice, gradually increased until she builds u p a n immunity? She needs those vitamins. A whole summer in the sun will build her u p . I s she going to b e taught to swim this summer? She should get plenty o f carrots a nd rutabagas until she i s able to assimilate orange juice. The news about George i s n o t s o good. Neither is the intimation that Frank m a y b e leaving. I w o n d e r what our people in the services a n d o n the ships are studying. The N C should inquire about this, an d supervise and aid the uninterrupted study-in-preparation-for-the— future o f all o u r cadre people. They should all learn languages. I am far m o r e interested in your report about Darcy than Foster. C a n you quote the Daily Worker item about h i m ? Tell Evelyn to rest e a s y about the p a r d o n petition. I d o n ' t w a n t to be hurried a b o u t this business. It will come in due time. So Usick wants to take some credit a w a y from m y

Greeks about the "vacuum" theory. When I get the time a n d opportunity, I will explain this o r any other question about the Greeks to anyone who wants to raise a ny point about them. I a m — t h a t is , I w i l l b e — a n expert o n the question. What are we doing ab o u t the DeLorenzo case? This

strikes me a s very important for us to shout about.

April,

1944

Letter 3 0

43 Sandstone, April 1 0 , 1 9 4 4

This i s S u n d a y morning a n d I a m thinking o f a breakfast o f soft-boiled eggs with creamery butter, orange juice ( i c e d ) , milk, crepes suzette a n d rightly m a d e coffee with cream. Then a cigar a n d a walk with m y cane, Mick a n d Wo n g . ( I have all this in imagination, which i s almost a s g o o d . ) I h a v e been reading the news about Wil. Their attention now s h o u l d b e called to the resolution a n d speech o f our plenum held o n the eve o f o u r trial (October, 1 9 4 1 ) . This s h o u l d help them to find a clear line in the new situation. Count everything up n o w an d see how much we profited from the policy o f this resolution!

I rather like the name "Revolutionary Communist Party." I winced a bit at J o e ' s reference to m e a s a "socialist." To be sure, the Stalinists h a v e brought a great discredit to. the n a m e o f communism, b u t i n the popular conception its predominant connotation i s that o f proletarian revolution. The w o r d "socialist," o n the other hand, signifies to m o s t a renunciation of revolutionary methods i n the direction o f reconciliation with bourgeois democracy. T h a t a l s o i s the sense in which nearly all the renegades call themselves "socialist" but never "communist." Note that the Shachtmanites, who are continually taking careful steps backward when they think no one i s looking, have begun to speak o f themselves a s "socialists" in an offliand manner—as though it h a d always been s o . This h a s a real political meaning in their case. I took

notice of it some months ago. I told the comrades at the plenum o f the Old M a n ' s objection to "the compromising word ' s o c i a l i s t . ' " This is an interesting question for our politicos, scholars a n d philosophers to mull over.

As I recall, it is possible to ship unbound sheets of Pioneer publications to England a t a fraction of the postal charges o n finished and bound b o o k s . Lillian should get all the information o n this and then arrange with Wil to send as m a n y copies o f our b o o k s a s they want (printed sheets). They c a n then bind them a nd sell them under their own imprint. F o r this, a s for their pub-

Letters from Prison

44

lishing activities in general, they need their own publishing company. In general, the work of Pioneer should b e animated in this period b y the same conception a s that of our press and all other departments of our work: get more volume of distribution, b y forced measures if necessary. Quotas to branches o n all new publications should be doubled at least, a n d the National Office should put o n the pressure to fulfill them. I believe the sub drive will convince everybody that the branches can easily stand the pressure to double all their normal distributions. *

3|:

*

I finished the first reading of Aristotle's History

of

Animals, 0n the Parts of Animals, and On the Generation of Animals. I think I will read Poetics next. Today being Sunday, I will spend the d a y loafing, visiting friends, going to a movie and beginning H o m e r ' s Iliad. I am waiting anxiously for further reports of the work

of our cartoonist. It is so important to brighten up the paper, to make it more accessible to tired workers. Our artist should make up a number of sketches and drawings of revolutionary heroes and public figures of the d a y for half-column illustrations of articles appearing in the paper.

Letter 3 1

Sandstone, April 1 2 , 1 9 4 4

I think it is good to send Aunt Natalia extracts of our letters s o that she can be kept informed o f our work here and our plans for the future. The same can be done for various friends who m a y be interested. I finished a first reading o f Aristotle's Poetics. I wonder if he h a d Sandstone students in mind when he said: " T o be learning something is the greatest o f pleasures not only to the philosopher but also to the rest of mankind, however small their capacity for it." "Learning— gathering the meaning o f things." I wish you would send me the list of dates' on the Calendar. Is the date of M a r x ' s death, for example, o n it? Wouldn't it b e a good idea to present commemorative articles with illustrations?

45

April, 1944

Always keep in mind the new an d young readers for whom the paper must be made attractive. This is where our cartoonist-artist comes in. She can p l a y a great role in the popularization o f the paper. I already heard that a good non-party critic— Farrell's m o t h e r — s a i d the first cartoon w a s very good in her opinion. We hear nothing but praise o f the p a p e r — f r o m all sides. They all say, " I t is better than ever." Is the magazine getting enough attention and cooperative effort? We hear good things about it also, but I would like to feel sure that everyb o d y is pitching o n that sector. M y hours have been changed. Rise at 6 : 3 0 ; breakfast at 7 : 4 5 ; dinner at 11; supper a t 3 — t h a t is, two o'clock

b y sun-time, m y old breakfast hour; lights out at 9:30. *

a:

II!

I am thinking about the party school as an institution which organizes, directs and supervises the education of

all party members from the new recruit to the N C membe r who national versity, training

i s a candidate for active participation in interwork. One department—one college in the uniso to speak—will b e a full-time school for the of candidates for professional party work and

for party workers who require a broadening of their knowledge prior to their promotion to higher bodies and more responsible functions. Before completing m y theses o n this aspect of the school

I would like to get

some concrete information about the experiences of our predecessors and models, the Russian Bolsheviks. (We m a y be able to learn something also from the Menshev i k s — i n a technical s e n s e . ) I wish you would write Natalia and ask her what help she can give me o n this problem—from her recollections, and her ideas in general. There have been many references to a school; at Capri, I think. What was it, how w a s it organized, how financed, what was its curriculum, etc.? Were there other schools? Ask Usick to see what he can find in the history o f the Russians on this subject. M y thoughts o n the school are inspired also b y examples, anterior to the Russian. B y Aristotle's "Lyceum," for example. We are going to train and educate a cadre whose task it will be not only to explain the world but,

46

Letters from Prison

as Marx said, "to change it." Why shouldn't we put this work o n an organized,

systematic

basis, do it right?

Our masters have provided us with ample material for our "textbooks," and we have qualified and worthy disciples who are fully capable o f explaining them and making their wisdom more easily accessible to the untrained young militants. Along this line there is a ques-

tion: H a s the complete index of the Old M a n ' s writings, long ago ordered b y the P C , been put in final form yet? If not, shouldn't a time limit b e set for the completion of the task?

Letter 3 2

Sandstone, April 14, 1944

There are two volumes short in Grote's History:

10.

All three volumes of Capital

7 and

and Hacker's U.S.

Since 1 8 6 5 arrived. Why were s o m e o f the titles I sent included in the list submitted to Washington and not others? I would like m y History included in the next list to be submitted. Gitlow's and Eastman's books are here. Did you get the catalogue of the Loeb Classical Library from Harvard yet? As I explained before, titles not available elsewhere can most likely b e gotten there. The price is a little higher. I am hungry to read s o m a n y books on so many subjects but I must rigidly discipline myself to stick to m y "rationed" list: Greek history and literature, philosophy, French a n d Spanish. I hope that b y the middle o f summer I can branch out a bit. I expect to have a g o o d reading knowledge of French and Spanish b y then. I have already been working a t them assiduously for two and a half months, ever since I got out of quarantine. When I get started to work again I want everything to be ready in a technical sense so that I can work up everything that remains from m y p a s t work into literary form and get it out of the way. I wish Sylvia—herself— to move in o n m y accumulated stuff and classify and index it all so that I can know any time 1 ) what is t h e r e — a l l of i t — a n d 2 ) where it is filed. This will be

April,

47

1 944

the first condition for me to be able to take up work without unnecessary delay. I have a rough idea of what I want to do with the stuff, but haven't the least idea o f how much there is o r where to find it. The m o s t important material o f all is the old Internal and International Bulletins. I need a complete file for some work I contemplate. With your and Usick's help Sylvia can ascertain what numbers are m i s s i n g — t o o many, I f e a r — a n d then take steps to find the missing copies. A canvass o f the old-timers

is the best means for this. I hope Moish will allow Sylvia the necessary time for this work. I hope he is unloading some o f the N O routine from her shoulders in any case. She should get a real vacation this summer, for instance. In addition to her annual trip home she could stay some weeks with you at Long Island and take Mick swimming.

at

*

*

We are all agog today waiting for George's visit tomorrow ( F r i d a y ) . From present indications he is going to see the whole fourteen. That is j u s t what we have been hoping for. We w o n ' t have much to tell him but expect he will have m a n y things to tell u s . If Usick still thinks m y "Twenty Years" should b e published, we can get a t the j o b first thing when I return and get it out of the w a y in a few weeks. To facilitate this speedy operation m y articles and speeches since 1 9 4 0 should b e collected and put in the appropriate folders ready for instant use. I d o n ' t think it needs to be typed. Newspaper and magazine articles can be pasted up on letterhead-sized sheets and the pamphlets can b e filed as they are.

Sandstone, April 1 7 , 1 9 4 4

Letter 3 3 Received

your

N o s . 3 0 and 3 1 . I heard indirectly

that

you don't understand something I wrote about but didn't hear what it i s , so I anything I write in an Friday was a big visit with all fourteen

am none the wiser. I don't intend ambiguous sense. day for us. George h a d an h o u r ' s of u s and then another half-hour

48

Letters from Prison

with me and one other. It w a s a real treat for everybody. We were all preparing and looking forward to the visit like kids o n Christmas Eve. I t was good to get direct w o r d from our world. We were b u s y rehashing the talk with George till bedtime. Then I got a letter from you; s o , all told, Friday w a s a good day. George's visit made me realize fully, for the first time, what m y visits to the forsaken men in prison in the old I L D days must have

meant

to them. a:

a:

a:

The new rules s a y newspaper clippings can be enclosed in letters. I wish you would send me the clipping

of Joe's piece from the magazine. I still d o n ' t understand the proposal to run an exposure of Tito. Suppose it can b e proved that he is a

GPU agent? What does that prove except that he is a Stalinist? I would like to get clear o n this point. I am suspicious of the slightest, m o s t indirect concession to the Russophobes. In this connection the Italian manifesto is a danger signal. Do they call for the defense of the Soviet Union? Do they clearly and unambiguously characterize the Soviet Union a s a workers' state? If

not, they are n o t our people! We must n o t permit our instinctive sympathy for any insurgent group fighting under such difficulties to betray u s into political concilationism. Any group arising in Europe today which takes a false o r ambiguous position on the Russian question can be nothing more than the artificers of a new, degenerated version o f the POUM. I have even heard indirectly that we have people in Chicago who think we should give material aid to such politicians! Was the manifesto printed without a merciless criticism of its attempt to cut corners on the principal question o f the Russian Revolution? I believe we should make a clear declaration, right now, of where we stand, whom we go with and whom we fight in the European situation which seems to be opening up s o rapidly. I think it is necessary also to have a complete and immediate understanding with Wil for joint. action in these matters which permit no delay. We read the German reports via Stockholm in the

April, 1944

49

Times. ( T h e y should be fully reported in our paper, as the provincial press does n o t carry them.) From all indications there will b e n o lack o f "Trotskyists" and "Fourth Internationalists" in Europe. Our task is to separate the genuine from the imposters and muddleheads. It seems to me that now is the time for the most energetic activity o n this front o n literary lines and also o n the

lines of Stuart's example. Be very careful with the Darcy matter. Do not attack him, Norman o r Bill D. Make sure of your facts before printing anything more. The most important thing is to establish contact with Norman o r Marguerite and try to get authentic information. You personally m a y be

able to do this. Encourage them. They must represent an important movement in the ranks. That, at least, is the w a y I interpret D a r c y ' s participation. He is shrewd in politics. Sandstone, April 1 9 , 1 9 4 4

Letter 34

I got Wa l t a 's letter of April 1 4 with the snapshots. The b a b y still looks the same. I think Walta's method of teaching her to speak correctly is very good. Strangely I have been thinking of the same thing and enough, meant to write about it. I h a d noticed that she used the expression " I go" instead o f the usual baby-talk "me go." Ho w fortunate the b a b y will be if she is taught everything correctly at each stage of the development o f her mentality and does not have to unlearn afterward. I think often of the problem of educating her for "the g o o d life" which Aristotle thought should b e the aim of education, and of lifting her, even from her infancy, to the mental and spiritual attitudes befitting a citizen o f the society she is destined to live in. As I pursue my of Greek history and legend I ponder ways and studies this story available to her in such means of making simplified forms as she can assimilate. Thus her edu-

cation will

begin

to be molded in the classical

even before she starts to school be always with her thereafter. I believe

classical

education

and

its influence

will have

form will

a great resur-

50

Letters from Prison

gence under communism, no longer for the few but for all. Mickey will have a head start. She will know all about H o m e r ' s heroes from her bedtime stories a n d begin her high-school studies with the impression o f the Greeks' Golden Age already fi r m l y fixed in her mind. *

3|!

3|!

I finished a first reading of Aristotle's treatise 0n the Soul and am now reading Politics. Usick h a s brought

a new element into the discussion of the origin of the theory of the vacuum. I will have to make further researches before continuing. If Pioneer's new list is printed, I wish you would send m e a c o p y . I want to check it o v e r a s a preliminary to s o m e suggestions I intend to offer for an expansion o f the publishing activity. One thing I have in mind is to start the project o f a Pioneer classical l i b r a r y — n e w edipamphlets of our masters with tions o f the standard new introductions, and in s o m e cas es if necessary, new translations. F o r example: our own edition of the Communist Mani-

festo

with the Old M a n ' s introduction written on the oc-

casion of the ninetieth anniversary! The whole project should be planned a s a whole before single ventures are started; all pamphlets i n this series should conform to a single standard o f page size, type, cover style, etc. I have some other ideas, but will leave them for later.

a:

an:

:0:

Check Bill Haywood's B o o k for his account o f his prison days to see if all o r p a r t of it is suitable for re-

publication in our paper now. I f a n c y it is—with a good drawing of Bill b y o u r artist-cartoonist. Lenin's concept of a party of professional revolutionists (in backward czarist Russia) i s translated into the concept of a genuine professional party staff in America and other advanced countries. In this connection, ask Moish to ascertain the total number o f full-time party workers (including the technical staff and non- and halfpaid), check this total against the total party membership and determine the ratio of professionals. I should like to hear the result o f this calculation. It will aid me in the further development o f some ideas I am working o n in this regard.

April,

51

1944

Letter 3 5

Sandstone, April 2 1 , 1 9 4 4

If Lorna calls m e "Little Barn" it translates into Italian a s " b a m b i n o " — s o a friend of that nationality here told m e — a n d then if i t i s translated b a c k into English it means "baby." I s that w h a t she means to s a y ? *

3k

*

A number o f new b o o k s h a v e arrived. I w i l l send you the titles in another letter s o that you c a n check against the invoices. The new b o o k s are already being put to use. The donation of $ 1 , 0 0 0 from a S a n Francisco friend, which you reported a s a n incidental item in your last letter, reminds me of another time when this amount in round figures entered into o u r calculations, o r rather, into our wish-thinking, a s the maximum needed, o r even hOped for, a t the time. When we were getting ready to open o u r fight a n d start publication o f The Militant in 1 9 2 8 , we h a d a session devoted to the n o t unimportant question of h o w to finance the enterprise. I went to see Ma x Eastman to ask if he could help. I remember confidently outlining m y plans to do the thing right: publish a bi-weekly p a p e r , open a headquarters,

publish the Criticism

in pamphlet form, finance a na-

tional tour, etc. " H o w much will all that cost?" he asked. "Have you figured it out?" I h a d . I s a i d I could guarantee to get the new movement started in g o o d shape

and see it through for six months ahead if I could get m y hands o n $ 1 , 0 0 0 . Needless to s a y , we didn't get the thousand, then o r for m a n y years afterward, but somehow o r other we did what we started out to d o . You can tell the new donor that his gift aroused sympathetic appreciation i n the Sandstone group. The news o f it evoked a chain of reminiscences amongst u s about various times we needed various amounts o f money in the worst w a y . Strangely enough, nobody seems to remember our ever getting the money we needed. But we must have got some o f it. Our memories, however, seem to stick o n the money we always needed. We all noted with satisfaction that George w a s looking very well, as though he is thriving o n his arduous labors in our behalf. His work is deeply and genuinely appre-

52

Letters from Prison

ciated b y the comrades here. They speak of him very warmly, a s they do also o f the chairman of the Committee. I remarked in m y polemic against Burnham that the worker-militants are very appreciative o f intellectuals and only ask o f them that they observe the excellent Arabian proverb: Shoot straight and tell the truth. I have been reading the movie ads in the Minneapolis papers featuring the film Jack London. It is advertised a s a Japanese horror picture a n d London i s represented a s a jingo-hero. (Nothing i s even mentioned about his b o o k s . ) I t w a s s a d to see the literary hero of m y youth so dishonored. Yet, I h a d to admit that there i s poetic justice in the spectacle. London indulged himself in the "white superiority" debauchery, and he sold his art for money to b u y a ranch and p l a y the rich fool.

Sandstone, April 2 4 , 1 9 4 4

Letter 3 6

I am just finishing Thucydides' History

of the Pelopon-

War. I t has been a great experience. In the final nesz'an chapters, which I am reading t o d a y , one seems to be present, almost taking part, in the fatal events which toppled Athens to ruin from the heights of her power and glory. Thucydides, it is s a i d , w a s the first critical historian. H e reported what he h a d seen himself o r carefully verified after the m o s t scrupulous investigation. I a m beginning now to get the feel of Greek history.

I wish you would include three o r four French and Spanish readers, with vocabularies in the back, in the next

list

of b o o k s .

Readers

will m a k e

a n easier

transi-

tion from the textbook lessons to the novels. a:

a:

a:

Included in the historical information which we must make available to o ur new members and readers who have no political background i s the history of the persecutions suffered b y the men and the movements which preceded u s . You will remember that we did this once before in the o l d L a b o r Defender. The young generation of the present d ay i s still further removed from the memory of the o ld events than were the young communists whom we enlightened in the

April, 1944

53

twenties. But it i s all the m o r e important for u s to show them the continuity of the movement, an d a l s o to do honor to the pioneers who endured persecution to make our present movement possible. We should also "recognize" their persecutors who set the pattern for their own

successors. I s there a place for Debs in your calendar? His Canton Speech, his imprisonment, first a t Woodstock a n d then a t Atlanta, and his d e a t h — t h e s e are dates which should b e noted. I think the date o f the Canton Speech should be observed b y reprinting the speech with a good of Gene b y our artist-cartoonist. Our young drawing militants need historical information. They also need heroes. *

*

*

When I commended W a l t a ' s method o f teaching the b a b y to speak correctly s o that she will n o t have to unlearn anything later, I did not know that I would read in Aristotle the next d a y : " T o unlearn i s a s h a r d a s to learn." Would you infer from this that m y understanding o f Aristotle's method already enables m e to anticipate what he i s going to s a y ? The party school will b e one o f the m o s t important mediums through which we will fulfill our principal obligation to the young generation: to tell them and teach

them all we know! *

*

*

The article o n Aiken's speech seems to have missed the point. The s e a m e n ' s losses which contrast with the super-profits of the owners are the lives lost; the bonus is a mere bagatelle in c o m p a r i s o n . I am very glad indeed that you found m y fountain that little pen. I t w a s given to m e as a p e n . I missed Christmas present b y Sylvia and Lillian, it j u s t fitted m y hand, and besides all that I w a s used to it. If Fred Beal is in a position to do s o perhaps he can help the I L D — I mean C R D C . The index o f Trotsky's writings will not do any g o o d for all unless it is completed and then mimeographed

N C members.

54

Letter 3 7

Letters from Prison

Sandstone, April 26, 1 9 4 4

Your April 1 8 c a m e April 2 4 . The delay in delivery w a s probably caused b y the enclosure o f the magazine clipping which w a s withheld from m e o n the ground o f its length: "Articles of this length cannot b e delivered to you and should not b e sent in." I saw a newspaper clipping o f the Italian manifesto. It strengthened the misgivings I mentioned in m y previous letter. I think the editors, in their handling o f this document, erred m o s t grievously in relaxing the jealous vigilance and intransigence in regard to program which must dominate our approach to the newly developing events in Europe. The manifesto is n o t a Trotskyist manifesto; politically i t would have been m o r e in place

in Labor Action o r in Macdonald's Politics. If the document w a s sent to o u r friends they should have subjected it to a merciless analysis an d criticism. Whether this criticism should h a v e been printed in the press, along with the manifesto, o r conveyed b y letter i s a secondary question. This could be decided in dependence o n another question: D o the authors really want to solidarize with u s i n full sincerity, o r are they masquerading a s Trotskyists and Fourth Internationalists in order to gain some credit for themselves a s the Labor Actionists d o ? I t is wrong to attribute the manifesto to "Trotskyists" a s the p a p e r does. I t is impermissible good nature to describe the paragraph o n the Soviet Union a s "vague and weak." This paragraph is false to the core. It h a s nothing in common with the program of the Fourth International. Its so-called vagueness appears to me to be a form o f studied duplicity to avoid a straight answer to the question: Should the Russian workers support

the war against Hitler, even though it is led b y the Stalinist bureaucracy, o r not? The revolutionary workers o f Italy a s well a s Russia and the whole world have instinctively answered this question in the affirmative. One who wants to deny such defense would naturally have to approach the question equivocally a t first if he wants to get a hearing. This will m o s t likely b e the technique of all the neo-centrists

55

April, 1944

in Europe a t first. We must b e o n guard, militantly suspicious of every evasion o r deviation. This will be far m o r e useful to the Europeans than sentimental solidarity at the expense o f clarity. B y this I do not mean to s a y that we should turn our backs o n a n y new manifestation in the labor movement; in particular such manifestations in the C P a s the Darcy movement in the U . S. o r the group in Italy. But we

must clearly define and distinguish between our principled position and our tactical approach. Our friends should try to work within any centristic movement that is open

to them if it h a s sufficient numbers to promise fruitful results from such a tactic. But in order to make such tactics fruitful o u r ranks must be organizationally firm and programmatically irreconcilable.

No one should object that this maxim is ABC wisdom. The A B C ' s must be learned an d applied over again in every new turn of events. It is precisely when new events strike that light-minded innovators tend to search for something "new." The tragic lessons o f Spain are in m y mind more than anything else these days. L . D. continually h a d to warn us not to let sympathy obscure political

judgment. Letter 38

‘ Sandstone, April 2 8 , 1 9 4 4

Your April 2 2 came April 2 6 . I finished Thucydides. Also finished the first reading a n d his short physical treatises o f Aristotle's Politics and On 0n Dreams, Reminiscence, and Memory (0n H a v e started to read Metab y Dreams). Prophesying physics. I a m studying Aristotle i n the same w a y a s French. In French I first see how the various grammatical constructions are actually used in sentences o f living conversation, then I check back against the grammatical rules and memorize the formal conjugations after I have already seen them employed concretely. In this w a y I get to the essence o f the matter much easier and better than if I first tried to learn the conjugations b y rote, abstracted from life.

Letters from Prison

56

So

also with Aristotle. In reading his treatises, one

after the other, I c a n see m o r e a n d m o r e clearly that he h a s a method a n d see how he uses it in analyzing the various problems he attempts to solve. When I finally come to his treatises o n l o g i c — t h e formal exposition o f h i s m e t h o d — I think I will already understand it pretty well, a n d when I study the formal rules I will be thinking in terms o f their concrete application. I believe this i s the b e s t w a y : to learn,

rather

than

to memorize.

I will be out o f Greece a n d ready to explore Rome b y summer. A s a starter o n this subject, along with Rostovtzeff whose volumes have already been asked for, I would like to have M o m m s e n ' s History of Rome ( 4 v o l s . , I think, in E v e r y m a n ' s L i b r a r y ) . at: a: a: Your letter o f April 2 2 strengthens the opinions about the Italian manifesto expressed in m y l a s t letter before this. When L a b o r Action’s r e p o r t s a y s the Italian"workingm a n . . . h a s a lot of sympathy for Russia and cheers the victories of the Red Army," they unknowingly explain with crystal clarity why anyone wishing to offer them (the Italians) a treacherous formula o n the SovietNazi w a r h a s to begin with studiously "vague" circumlocutions. The announced "center for the construction of the Fourth International" also employs a devious ruse intended, o n the one h a n d , to exploit the sentiments o f "the Italian workingman who cheers the Red Army" and no doubt also the name of Trotsky, and o n the other hand to deny, b y implication, the existence of a n y international organization known a s the Fourth. I n m y opinion the author o f the Italian manifesto i s not a revolutionary "Italian workingman" trying honestly to find his w a y b u t a slick rascal trying to deceive this workingman b y palming himself off a s some sort of Trotskyist o r other. I believe the authentic Trotskyists will know how to deal with such i m p o s t e r s — there will b e m a n y o f t h e m — a s the European events unfold. Another giveaway expression in the L a b o r Action story i s the representation that "Italians are heartily sick of a n y kind o f dictatorship." This thoroughly dishonest,

April, 1944

57

disingenuous locution— speaking of dictatorships "in general" without reference to their class c o n t e n t — i s the bridge over which a large number of the petty-bourgeois opposition will try to sneak cautiously, while no one i s looking, they imagine, to the formula of all the renegades who have taken off the m a s k : "Against all dictatorships, red, brown, o r black." To s a y the Italian worker is against " a n y form of dietatorship" is to accuse him of renouncing the very thought o f taking power into his own h a n d s . I b e l i e v e these people slander the Italian worker. I d o n ' t believe they represent a n y serious force. I think we should fight them openly.

May , 1 9 4 4 Sandstone, M a y 1, 1 9 4 4

Letter 39

The regular diet here finally caught up with me a n d I checked into the hOSpital l a s t Friday. Here I was put o n a bland diet with a liberal allowance of m y favorite food-medicine—milk. The improvement w a s almost instantaneous. I have h a d no recurrence o f the stomach pains since the first d a y , a n d in general I have been feeling much better the p a s t two days. I guess the rest in bed h a s also helped. I keep up m y studies here without interruption. In a d a y o r two I will have a thorough examination and some X-rays will b e taken. You should n o t be alarmed at the "hospital" phase of m y treatment. I t is the routine method o f treating every illness here until the precise nature

o f it i s ascertained. 3|:

1|!

*

I think W a l t a ' s "greater affinity" with m e regarding the things she writes i s due to the fact that we both believe in fairy tales. This m a y be a t the bottom of the affair between me and L o r n a too. B y the w a y , I notice that canned tomatoes have been taken off the ration-stamp list. Since you and Mick are both allergic to oranges this should b e the signal for you both to substitute heavily with tomatoes. They are good, and g o o d for you. You can tell Mick that cold tomatoes are ambrosia, the food o f the Greek gods, and if she eats her share dutifully she also will someday see Mount Olympus. Before you decide o n which Spanish course to take you should get other catalogues. Two record-courses are advertised in the Times magazine o r book review (classified a d section). You might also find others in the

59

May, 1944

phone book. I am much interested in the records, also in whether they can be bought secondhand. I am convinced that a n y language can be learned best this w a y b y people who have little time o r opportunity to go to classes regularly. One c a n learn the language in the time spent in traveling to and from the classes, even if one is free enough to go regularly. Why d o n ' t you take French instead o f Spanish? I t is harder, but after you learn French, Spanish will come easy. The main difficulty with French is the pronunciation. But the records appear to me to be the best solution of this problem. I will probably have to wait till I come home to get the pronunciation straightened out b y the records. But I feel that a reading knowledge of the language will soon be within m y grasp. I made a letter-perfect trans-

lation of a 500-word French conversation last week. Three of the N C members here are studying French and Spanish a n d another is studying French alone. Here is a question I would like Moish to inquire into and let me know the answer: 1 ) what foreign languages are known b y what N C members, an d 2 ) what N C members are now studying what foreign languages? We will be very troublesome about these questions in the future. It will n o t do anyone any g o o d to s a y in self-defense: "Cannon got along, in a fashion, with no language but English and not too much of that." That was in the primitive period o f the party. The party leaders of the future must have a real world View and speak the world languages. We saw the cartoon o n Italy. Bravo!

Letter 4 0

Sandstone, M a y 3, 1944

Your N o . 3 6 came M a y 2 . I will acknowledge your letters b y number hereafter s o that you can keep better track o f their receipt here. *

3|!

3k

This morning I h a d a "gastric analysis." This unique experience consisted o f going without breakfast and

Letters from Prison

60

having a tube pushed through a nostril down into m y stomach. B y means o f this little device the doctor pumped out small samplings of m y stomach contents a t intervals of one-half hour over a total period of three hours. It felt very g o o d when they got through. Tomorrow morning I am to have what they call a "GI"—gastro-intestinal examination. In other words, they will take a number of X—rays— also of a n empty stomach. Meantime, I am living o n a "soft" diet, sleeping well and feeling OK, a n d keeping up with m y studies. *

3|!

II:

I received the c l i p p i n g — a very interesting item from which I h a d not seen before. I also saw a the News As far picture o f Farrell and H a r r y from The Militant. a s I know there are no restrictions o n the enclosure of clippings if they are not too long and, consequently, too much trouble for the censors to read. I would like to see a clipping o f the sub campaign, but there h a d better be a good thermometer in it! I have heard numerous reports of the sub campaign— all in the s a m e vein. What do you think of the 3 , 0 0 0 goal now? Does it appear fantastic o r realistic? I am very glad to hear that Evelyn h a d such a good visit with o u r "Senator." The p o o r kid got the worst of it all the w a y around and we all have grieved for her. But at least she w a s not separated from us b y her own decision. Thus we feel her to b e with us in spirit and we all think o f her warmly. *

II:

II:

The school project is all pretty well outlined in m y mind, and voluminous notes have been made. I could finish it up and send it to you if I h a d time to work o n it concentratedly for a few days. I t m a y seem ironic to s a y one "has no time" in prison, but that is the literal fact. M y four studies devour both time and energy and fill every d a y till quitting time. L a s t night I heard the "lights out" signal with regret because I w a s just coming to the grand climax of H o m e r ' s Iliad and h a d hoped to finish it. This morning the medical examination robbed me of three hours. But I will catch up. You can tell Evelyn that i t w a s your report of her success that set me to thinking concretely about the

May, 1944

61

school project in full scope a n d to discussing it with others a s a m a j o r venture o n a systematic basis never (apparently) thought o f before and o n a scale never even dreamed of. In m y plenum speech I spoke, for the first time, o f the element o f consciousness which we have introduced into the selection a n d training o f leaders. The school idea broadens and deepens the concept. Letter 4 1

Sandstone, M a y 5 , 1 9 4 4

This morning I h a d the l a s t o f the X—ray pictures taken. They were taken at intervals all d a y yesterday a n d again j u s t before bedtime in order to get a sort of motion-picture sequence o f m y s t o m a c h ' s operations. The d o c t o r told me this morning that he h a d n o t yet studied the pictures closely in sequence b u t that a preliminary examination indicated the following: There app e a r s to b e n o lesion i n the duodenum, but there are indications o f s c a r tissues remaining from a previous lesion. This h a s probably been irritated b y the diet with its h e a v y accent o n pork. I will p r o b a b l y leave the hospital this weekend and go o n a "soft" diet for the future. Also: The doctor s a i d the "gastric a n a l y s i s " — t h e examination o f m y pumped-out stomach fl u i d s — showed nothing a b n o r m a l . On the whole the preliminary reports are quite reassuring. I d o n ' t mind s o m e discomforts an d inconveniences, but it would be quite awkward to be disabled with so much left to d o . I am thankfully commending myself for the resolute decision I m a d e in the summer o f 1 9 3 5 to "abstract" myself from the p a r t y fight with Muste and the Oehlerites while I nursed m y ulcer with milk in the shack in Connecticut; for the long time afterward that I stuck to the monotonous diet o f milk and b a n a n a s ; and above all for taking things easier and letting worries take care of themselves during the p a s t four years since the final settlement with the petty-bourgeois opposition. Thanks to all that, I am still here and still able, I feel confident, to ward off this new threat with the a i d of a conscientious doctor. I must admit, however, that this new attack shook me up a bit and put me o n warning to be more careful o f what I eat until I get home.

62

Letters from Prison

I read the press reports of the death of William Ellery Leonard with profound sorrow. This noble and valiant poet and m a n should be gratefully remembered b y all who owe allegiance to truth and justice a n d fight for a better world. H e should b e honored all the more because he w a s a writer who did not lie to the people and

a "professor" who w a s not a wretched coward. I will never forget his Debs and Mooney p o e m s — w h a t they meant to us in the dark an d heavy days when we were cut off and surrounded a n d harried from every side. H e spoke o u t for Sacco a n d Vanzetti a n d served actively o n the Trotsky Defense Committee despite the pressure brought to bear against him to withdraw. The good o l d m a n even wrote to the young secretary of the

Committee, when the campaign to break up the Committee w a s a t its height, bidding him to take heart and keep up the fight. I believe A m y h a s s o m e material for you on this question. In m y opinion, The Militant should devote a big center page display article to the m e m o r y o f William Ellery The youth should be m a d e acquainted with Leonard. his beautiful, heroic life an d learn to cherish him a s one o f their heroes. The Debs a n d Mooney poems should be printed with the article. Perhaps Frank should write it. *

3|!

*

N a t a l i a ' s M a y D a y greetings to u s were received with emotion. It w a s like her to remember u s o n o u r international holiday a n d to assure u s that even here we are serving a t a i p o s t of duty n o t unworthily. We all send our love to her. We thought of her o n M a y D a y .

Letter 4 2

Sandstone, M a y 8 , 1 9 4 4

I w a s very glad to hear about the success o f the M a y D a y affair 'and your speech there. If you enjoy doing it, a s nearly everyone does once the knack is mastered and communion with a n audience is experienced, you will have a new activity to l o o k forward to when your health is regained. That is the m o s t important t h i n g — f o r the party and for all o f u s . I hope to hear i n a n early letter that you

May, 1944 are

all packed

63 up for

Long

Island,

the seashore and

the sun with Lorna under one arm and Walta under the other. The b a b y i s surely a child of the gods, endowed with the gift of h u m o r , already spoofing her parents and her N a n a about B a m . She a n d I are going to have a lot o f fun cooking u p jokes o n the grownu p s . ( I am trying to learn how to write with smaller letters s o that I c a n crowd in m o r e . ) *

*

3|:

I finished the Iliad and have started the Odyssey. I now have the d o c t o r ' s final diagnosis. I t is the same a s his preliminary findings: the scar o f a healed ulcer h a s been irritated b y the regular diet. The prescription is soft diet, mainly milk and soft-boiled eggs, and no worrying, the main source o f stomach ulcers. I responded immediately to this treatment and feel much better. Am remaining in the hospital another week for more rest and milk treatment. Then I will b e put o n the special-

diet table for the rest of m y stay here. I feel very good about the situation a s I now know more precisely what the difficulty is, a n d that it is less than I feared. I have no doubt the rest here and then the permanent change in diet will keep me in shape from now o n . *

3|!

*

I saw a clipping of the "Colonies" column an d thought i t a very g o o d addition to the paper. The quotations from the Progressive were effectively used. This device is useful in more ways than one. Editors in New York sometimes forget that the great bulk o f their readers never see such publications, n o r the New York press. The summarization o f some o ld history about the Belgian Congo was another excellent feature o f the column, both intrinsically and from the point of view o f method.

This information w a s once common knowledge; [King] Leopold's name h a d the connotation o f infamy. I remember how skillfully Bill Haywood wove "the bloody Congo" into his speech to the Akron rubber strikers in 1 9 1 3 , merely b y a few side r e m a r k s — h i s audience knew the story. The new generation of workers knows nothing, o r next to nothing, about m a n y things once familiar to their fathers. We must always b e a r this in mind; have the new generation in mind when we write, and write

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for them. The column about rubber did this very well. Are you booming the sub campaign i n the p a p e r ? I mean, b y appealing to the readers to subscribe and help. This should b e a n important aspect o f the campaign; the thousands o f new readers should b e appealed t o . Special a d s with sub blanks should b e printed; the mailing list should be circularized. A ls o: We should go in heavily n o w for the mailing of sample copies u p to the limit allowed. I w o u l d send two o r three sample copies to every name o n o u r petition list, then follow up with a circular letter asking him to subscribe. That will cost money, b u t such promotional expenses are now more justifiable than ever, and they give more prospect of returns t o o .

I remarked before that New York should be a concentration point of double intensity in the campaign; w e should be more lavish there than anywhere else. The reasons for this have already been given, a s Aristotle would s a y . Our distributors a n d sub canvassers should swarm like bees a t every l a b o r and radical gathering, a t union meetings, in the needle trades market, etc. We should now reappear at the colleges also. Our aim should b e to swamp all relatively progressive articulate circles with the volume o f o u r p r o p a g a n d a ; to psychologize them with the impression of our energy and aggressive, n e s s . This is a weapon. Along the s a m e line, if the C R D C can afford it and h a s not already done so, big ads should b e placed in the liberal journals. I t is a form o f publicity and a w a y o f putting indirect pressure o n their editorial departments to notice the case. Doesn't H a y w o o d ' s memorial date come about this time of year? Or h a s it already passed? If it h a s passed, the date should be noted o n the calendar for next year. If not, m y memorial article ( i t i s in the Daily Worker folder o f m y collected articles) could be reprinted. We must not let old Bill be forgotten. I saw the second number of Dwight Macdonald's Politics. M y impression: a little group of "fresh thinkers" thinking freshly out loud.

May, 1 9 4 4 Letter 4 3

65 Sandstone, M a y 1 0 , 1 9 4 4

We all w a n t to see the c a r t o o n s . M y health continues to improve. If I d o n ' t mention i t again you m a y assume that I am all right. I finally took three d a y s off from m y studies to put m y thoughts o n education into shape and herewith I a m beginning to transmit them to you. I h a d to get the educational project out o f the w a y because it w a s being imperiously crowded b y another idea, to wit: the "Literary Secretariat" projected b y Joe a t the plenum last October. This idea h a s been burning a hole in m y h e a d and I found myself making notes about its composition, the comprehensive tasks i t shall assume, its method of operation a n d certain projects u p o n which preliminary work m a y be done before I get h o me. I w i l l write in detail about this matter later. 4: an: a: I have divided m y thesis o n education into four sections and numbered them for convenience in c a s e you wish to comment o n them. The fi r s t section i s called: Plan and reads of an Educational 1. The Necessity a s follows: I t is the historic task o f the p a r t y to bring the element of consciousness into the spontaneous l a b o r movement. The party, that is, the continuing organization of the grows u p to this task to the extent that it vanguard, succeeds in introducing consciousness a n d plan into all phases o f its own work. This takes place not automatically, and n o t all a t once, but slowly and painfully as the party grows and learns from its mistakes and difficulties and gradually, in a long process o f work and struggle, throws up a leadership which understands its tasks and knows how to plan and organize their study and execution. At the October plenum it w a s remarked that our party, over a long period o f years, h a s been animated b y a conscious method in the selection and development of its leading cadre. The results have become clearly manifest. The superiority of o u r p a r t y ' s leading cadre over those o f its historic predecessors, not even to mention its rivals, is a s great a s is the difference becontemporary

Letters from Prison

66

tween our conscious method of selecting, training and developing o u r leading people a n d the unconscious and unplanned, hit-or-miss method o r , better, lack of method, b y which their leading people found themselves in unstable positions o f authority. The difference is qualitative. I t represents the conquest o f method a n d design over laissez faire in the m o s t important question of the party, i.e., the question of the leadership. Similarly, we have studied, planned and organized our trade-union work and the technical sides o f p a r t y organization, of the publication an d distribution o f o ur press and of our b o o k s and pamphlets, although much remains yet to b e done in these fields. Party education, however, h a s been handled in a slipshod, planless fashion. It is time now, a n d the p a r t y i s fully ready, to make a revolutionary step forward b y systematically planning and organizing the continuing education o f the party membership a s a whole, from the newest recruit to the members o f the leading committees. An end must b e made of hit-and-miss procedures in p a r t y education. The problem must be approached consciously. The work must be organized from top to bottom under a n allembracing p l a n . 3|!

3|!

3k

— I will write more o n this subject Thursday. I remember McGuckin well and fondly, and have often thought of him through the years.

Sandstone, M a y 1 2 , 1 9 4 4

Letter 4 4

The delay with my- History makes me wonder what is going to happen to the Trotsky b o o k s we promised to publish in 1 9 4 4 . This is serious. The publication program appears to have a bottleneck o n the production end. all

*

*

Re education: The pioneers and outstanding militants of American Communism were mainly self-educated, that is, half-educated, workers who lacked adequate formal schooling and h a d only a s much Marxism a s they h a d managed to pick up on the fly in all-too-infrequent hours

May, 1944

67

of leisure and freedom from duties a n d responsibilities. There w a s n o b o d y to teach them; there were no schools where they might learn what to study, a n d how to study systematically; and they h a d very little time to learn for themselves, the h a r d w a y . They were thrust into positions of leadership and overwhelmed with responsibilities without having previously acquired the necessary theoretical training and political experience to lead the p a r t y prOperly. As a consequence the early Communist Party m a d e m a n y egregious errors, devoured its energies in factional struggles which it was unable to resolve a n d finally, with the exception o f a small nucleus, succumbed to the Stalinist degeneration. The pioneers o f American Trotskyism, standing o n the shoulders of the antecedent movement, a n d aided and guided b y Trotsky, did far better, and for the first time in the United States, built a political organization o n solid Marxist foundations. The work of the pioneer American Trotskyists, however, while qualitatively superior to that of their immediate predecessors, w a s sadly deficient in some respects. They made Marxist politics their study and did not do b a d l y in this field, a s results have shown. They developed the Leninist concepts o f party organization and o f the role o f the party, and i t m a y be said, made not unimportant contributions to the Leninist theory and practice o f party organization. Marxian

economic

theories,

in contrast,

have

not had

their due, either in study o r in application. And the philosophic method of Marxism w a s regarded with such indifference that neo-revisionist attacks against Marxism, marching at first under the fl a g o f philosophy, remained unanswered over a long period of years. Prancing intellectuals a n d academic tinhorns, preparing their migration to the imperialist c a m p , held the center o f the stage. The sneering renunciation and belittlement of dialectical materialism w a s allowed to become the fashion. The party paid for this indifference with the factional explosion o f the petty-bourgeois opposition which brought the party to the brink o f disruption. Moralistic quackery, another cloak under which desertion to the class enemy w a s prepared, long remained un-

Letters from Prison

68

noticed and unexposed, an d w a s even permitted to infect o u r r a n k s . The degeneration of the Soviet Union a nd the Comintern h a d produced a great wave o f disillusionment, especially in intellectualistic circles. This took the form o f a flight from M a r x i s m . Revisionism, the first stage o f class renegacy, w a s long o n the offensive on the theoretical front. It remained for Trotsky to lead the defensive struggle o f M a r x i s m , first i n Their Morals and Ours a n d , finally, i n the great anti-Burnham polem-

ics (In Defense of Marxism). that the p a r t y leadership I t m u s t be acknowledged contributed v e r y little to the historic battle in these respects. Bu t the salutary experience of the struggle a nd the stimulating influence of Trotsky's valiant intervention awakened the p a r t y leaders to a new an d deeper appreciation o f the Marxist theoretical system a s a whole, and impelled them to p u t themselves to school. More serious work i s being undertaken i n the theoretical field. Hereafter, i t m a y b e assumed, no kind o f attack from a ny quarter o n a n y p h a s e o f Marxist doctrine will go unrefuted. More o n this subject in m y next letter. *

Will you get along Karolyn? Letter 4 5

*

*

all right o n Long Island without

Sandstone, M a y 1 5 , 1 9 4 4

Here are more thoughts o n education: The further development of world events will certainly give rise to a new great wave o f revolutionary insurgence. With i t will m o s t probably appear new manifestations of centrism in all colors o f the rainbow. On o u r part, the new events must be the signal for the g ran d offensive of Marxism o n all fronts. Trotsky predicted that Marxism will have its greatest flowering o n American soil. That will b e s o if we p l a n a n d organize o u r study. Marxism will enter its heyday under the leadership of our party, a n d drive all opposing theories from the field. The new generation of Trotskyists will grow up in a p a r t y milieu characterized b y the appreciation and glorification o f learning in general and o f Marxist erudition

May, 1944

69

i n particular. All the tasks o f the oncoming generation of revolutionary militants will be m a d e easier b y what we h a v e accomplished u p to now. Thanks to these accomplishments, the new cadres will stand, a t the beginning of their political work, a s far above the ground where the pioneers stood a t the foundation o f the Trotskyist movement a s the latter s t o o d then above the first pioneers o f American Communism. The older generation m u s t continue their studies, and continually deepen a n d b r o a d e n their knowledge. The

cadr.es of

the

b y the general

new _g__nera119n_.rnust..be inspired to study atmosphere

o f the party,

they m u s t be

reduzm to study in order to qualify for recognition in p a r t y work; they m u s t b e aided and guided in their studies in all stages o f their development; and in preparation for their election o r appointment to full-time pa rty positions, the m o s t talented young comrades who prove themselves to b e resolute communists must be en-

abled to devote full time to study for an extended period a t the expense of the party. This comprehensive p r o g r a m , imposed u p o n the movement now b y the stern necessities o f the role assigned to u s b y destiny, is not in the l e a s t fantastic. Neither is i t a vague perspective o f the future. The program i s rigidly realistic a n d is realizable now. The educational p l a n , once it h a s been discussed and decided u p o n , is to b e p u t into operation forthwith. 2. The Party '3 Educational Plan. A National Educational Department shall be appointed who i s to be a b y the N C , with an Educational Director full-time executive officer o f the N C . The National Educational Department shall organize a n d direct the continuing education o f all p a r t y members in all stages of their development. In the execution o f this assignment the Educational Department shall: 1 ) Stimulate, aid and direct the organization o f schools and study classes in party branches and l o c a l s ; prepare study courses, outlines a n d all necessary materials for the conduct of such schools and classes; keep in constant contact with their instructors; receive regular reports from them; and aid and supervise their work. 2 ) Organize, in cooperation with local and branch edu-

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Letters from Prison

cational committees, a corps o f special tutors from the ranks o f p a r t y members and sympathizers who have h a d advanced formal schooling, whose duty it will be to coach individual comrades and help them to make up educational deficiencies. 3 ) Prepare correspondence courses o f study a n d give special assistance and direction b y mail to individual comrades who wish to correct educational deficiencies b y self study. 4 ) Ascertain, b y questionnaire a n d personal consultation, the special educational requirements of p a r t y members who are obliged to be absent from p a r t y activities for long periods (political prisoners, sailors, e t c . ) a nd provide them with recommended study courses and reading lists adapted to their individual needs. 5 ) Prepare study courses, outlines a n d all necessary materials, a n d provide teachers for short-term, full-time training schools in p a r t y districts. 6 ) Organize a n d conduct a national long-term, fulltime training school for p arty functionaries. 3. The Aims and Methods of the Party Educational System. The educational plan, viewed a s a whole, contemplates n o t a single school but rather a system of schools a n d study c o u r s e s — a communist university. Its aim i s to teach the p a r t y member what he needs to know in order to carry o u t his tasks efficiently a t each stage of his development; to equip him for the p o s t occupied today and to prepare him for more responsible work tomorrow. ( M o r e T u e s d a y . ) Letter 4 6

Sandstone, M a y 1 7 , 1 9 4 4

I finished Aristotle's Metaphysics and have started o n the Logical treatises. Also finished the first French b o o k a n d started o n the second. I n o w have a reading French vocabulary o f a thousand words. We all want to know when m y History b o o k is coming out.

a: a: a: More o n education: At the b a s e of the school system is the basic-training class for beginners; a t the apex i s

May, 1944

71

the national full-time training school for party functionaries which should rightly bear the name o f the geniusteacher who founded our movement— The Trotsky School. Those who go through the whole course o f study, a s hundreds a n d eventually thousands surely will, should have a rounded preparatory education in those subjects necessary for a working political leader, organizer, speaker a n d journalist. Naturally, the students' education will n o t end with their graduation from the Trotsky School. B u t they will have their necessary basic knowledge. They will have learned h o w to study a n d a d d to their knowledge the e a s y w a y in the course o f their experiences in the political struggle. B y and large, they will b e far better equipped than their political opponents o f similar age trained in the bourgeois schools. That is bound to be s o because our students in the main will be better material to start with, a n d they will learn nothing in our school system but scientific truth; nothing that h a s to be unlearned. These two great advantages will m o r e than offset the material difficulties which hamper o u r work but which do not exist for the owning class and its pedagogical apologists. Our school system will not be a p o o r imitation o f the bourgeois schools, a s so m a n y pathetic adventures in "Workers Education" sponsored b y half-baked social workers have been, but something radically different from them, something rival and hostile to them. Everything that is good and necessary in the bourgeois educational systems will be taken over and m a d e available for o u r students, either in school classes o r i n reading lists for supervised postgraduate study. All that i s b a d and false in bourgeois education, a n d that i s plenty, will be rejected. everything useful While studying and appropriating in s t a n d a r d pedagogical techniques, the Educational Department o f the p a r t y will work out in practice its own unique pedagogical system to conform to the needs of the party membership. It will take each individual worker a s he i s and devise a w a y — b y classes, b y correspondence, b y supervised reading courses, b y special tutoring, o r b y a combination of these m e t h o d s — t o help him to learn more, progressively.

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Letters from Prison

The first step toward this end will be to ascertain w h a t his educational acquirements are to s tart with, for new learning can o n l y proceed from what i s known. There will b e no need o r occasion for anyone to hide his educational deficiencies o r to pretend to know more than he does. There will be no shaming of ignorant workers who have been deprived b y the social system o f fair but comradely help a n d direction i n a opportunities, friendly atmosphere. While honoring and elevating Marxist learning, the p a r t y will wage a n irreconcilable w a r against prigs, snobs and smart alecks who regard acquired knowledge a s a private monopoly and a means o f personal advantage rather than a s a n instrument o f the cooperative struggle to b e taught also to others. The knowledge o f each individual must be shared with others a n d thereby multiplied for the general benefit o f the party. The p a r t y leaders who collectively have acquired a large fund of knowledge, both theoretical and practical, b y dint of long study and experience, m u s t make i t their aim to teach their younger colleagues all they know, a n d the latter in turn m u s t become teachers of others, and so o n in a n endless chain system o f uninterrupted educational work to a d d to the collective knowledge of the party. The main difficulty of the average militant worker is n o t his lack of adequate book-learning but the fact that he has never h a d time, free from w o r r y and economic responsibilities, to study. H e h a s n o t known what to study and in w h a t order, and h a s not learned how to study systematically. The p a r t y will n o t be daunted b y these obstacles. The main thing is the human m a t e r i a l — young rebels with a burning desire to learn and to know and to put their knowledge to use in the class struggle. The party will take them a s they are, regardless o f what their handicaps m a y have been, show them what to study and h o w to study and aid them through all their efforts b y friendly supervision and direction. Following Lenin's injunction, the m o s t promising and talented workers will, after a certain preparatory study, be taken o u t o f the factory a n d sent to the Trotsky School a n d educated there for professional party work.

73

May, 1944

4. The National Full— Time Training School. The party o f the future will expect and require in its leading staff, along with skilled practical organizers and m a s s workers, people who are well educated in general a n d scholars in the field o f Marxist theory. I t is vain to hope that such leaders will be found b y accident o r that they will come to the party, ready-made, from the bourgeois universities. Experience h a s shown that i t takes a long time and m a n y tests to produce a serious revolutionary political leader. (More T h u r s d a y . ) Letter 4 7

Sandstone, M a y 1 9 , 1 9 4 4

Your second No . 4 0 came M a y 1 7 . Your first N o . 4 0 w a s dated M a y 9 . M y letters are always written o n schedule—Sunday, Tuesday a n d T h u r s d a y — a n d dated the following d a y . I have n o t missed sending any. M y notes show I wrote you under date o f M a y 8. Check again. If you d i d n ' t get the letter I w i l l have it traced from here.

Finished the from Stuart.

Odyssey. *

I am awaiting detailed word 3|:

*

Here is m o r e o n education, taking up where I broke off i n the middle of a p a r a g r a p h : Experience, all too painful an d too fresh in memory, h a s likewise shown that the university intellectuals invariably bring with them a heavy excess baggage of pettybourgeois prejudices, social attitudes an d habits of life which must b e unloaded, an d false teachings which must be unlearned. The party must train and educate out of its own ranks the future political leaders o f a new t y p e — t h e proletarian intellectuals. The two main schools out of which the proletarian intellectuals of the future will come are 1 ) the prisons, a n d 2 ) the Trotsky School, an d m a n y party leaders will p a s s through both. The persecutions of the class enemy will provide the first source. "The prisons of Czarist Russia were the university o f the party" ( N a talia Trotsky). This will be the case in "democratic" America a l s o : the persecutions will be turned against

74

Letters from Prison

their authors. The second s o u r c e — t h e Trotsky School— will be deliberately organized b y the party and supported a nd developed a s its m o s t cherished institution. The Trotsky School will be a school o f higher education directed to one end: the preparation of selected comrades for professional party work. Every aspect o f the s c h o o l — i t s curriculum, the selection of its student b o d y , the organization of its faculty an d its internal regime— will b e decided with this single end in view. The Trotsky School will be a unique institution bearing little resemblance to the bourgeois colleges, since i t will be designed to serve different ends, a n d the quality o f its teachings will b e superior. The so-called liberal education provided b y the bourgeois institutions o f learning omits the study of modern m a n ' s m o s t acute and unpostponable problem, the problem o f the decaying social order and its revolutionary transformation, and the method o f thinking whereby he can best understand the p r o b l e m — t h e dialectical method o f Marx and Engels. The Trotsky School, in contrast, will build its curricu— lum precisely around those subjects. The bourgeois "liberal education" is a compound of knowledge, some useful and s o m e worse than useless. It is tainted with evas i o n s , equivocations a n d even with downright lies (its theories o f history, its economics and its philosophy). The Trotsky School, in opposition to this, will evade no important problem and will equivocate a b o u t nothing. I t will b e dedicated to scientific truth an d will engrave over its portals the commandment o f Trotsky: "Thou Shalt No t L i e ! " All the existing schools of higher learning ar e class institutions, not only a s regards their teachings but also i n the composition o f their student bodies. The academic atmosphere i s poisonously hostile to the proletariat a nd its clas s interests. Their teachings are determined b y the c l as s b i a s o f bourgeois politicians and wealthy patrons, a n d the professors trim their sails accordingly. Objective truth o n a n y social question arousing "the Furies o f private interest" i s not permitted to be taught in the bourgeois universities. He who s a y s otherwise is a liar. The s o n s and daughters of the working class, with rare exceptions, are automatically excluded b y reason o f their

75

May, 1944

inability to p a y tuition fees a n d maintain themselves. The Trotsky School will likewise be a class institution, but o f a different kind. I t will frankly espouse the proletarian point o f View; its student b o d y will b e chiefly proletarian; and the financial situation o f prospective students will n o t affect their right to admission in any w a y whatever. The first condition for matriculation in the Trotsky School will b e that the candidate is regarded b y his coworkers a s a worthy communist who h a s already distinguished himself in party work and is prepared without reservation to devote his life to the party a s a professional revolutionist. The students for each term will be selected b y the N C from lists recommended b y party organizations o r trade-union fractions. F o r m a l educational deficiencies will n o t b a r the talented an d ambitious worker from eventual enrollment. These deficiencies m a y b e m a d e u p with the aid of special tutors assigned b y the Educational Department p r i o r to his coming to the school, o r in some cases, during his attendance there. It m a y b e assumed that the average student, a t the time of his enrollment, will be equipped with no more than a high-school education—in some cases even l e s s — a n d m a y entertain, a s i s customary among deprived workers, a n exaggerated notion o f the importance o f the "college education" sported b y fortune-favored wiseacres. This "mystery" will be dispelled in short order; a realistic view o f the matter will b e acquired at the outset. The student will easily convince himself that his failure to attend college is far less serious than he has imagined. His teachers will begin b y explaining how much he h a s missed and precisely w h a t it is, and how the essential things will b e learned in the Trotsky School o r in systematic, supervised study afterward. Those among the students who have previously attended the bourgeois colleges— and it i s to be expected that there will be s o m e — will have initial advantages in some respects and disin others, for they will have much to unadvantages learn. That, a s Aristotle said, is a s hard a s learning. 3|!

*

3|!

I will conclude what I have to s a y o n this subject next time. Better wait till you have it all before showing it

76

Letters from Prison

to others. Then get Sylvia to c o p y it for Moish a n d his friends.

Letter 4 8

Sandstone, M a y 2 2 , 1 9 4 4

B e sure to check o n the missing letter and let m e know the date. They keep a record here and, I think, number the outgoing letters with a rubber stamp each week. *

*

*

The student b o d y in the Trotsky School will no doubt greatly v a r y in its composition from one term to another. B u t one can visualize a typical class a s being m a d e u p o f a number o f comrades now working a s

party functionaries, with one o r more candidates nominated b y each of the maritime, auto, steel a n d shipyard fractions, several others recommended b y local pa rty organizations, and some designated representatives of foreign parties. Functionaries engaged in party work a t the center m a y take one o r m o r e courses, and s o m e field workers m a y

be brought in for attendance at the school for limited periods of instruction. But the main b o d y o f students will devote their full time for the whole term in an atmosphere conducive to study a n d free from all p a r t y duties and personal financial responsibilities. All expenses of the students during their attendance a t the Trotsky School will be p a i d b y the p a r t y out of special funds earmarked for the Educational Department. F o o d , lodging, laundry, textbooks, pocket money a n d medical and dental care will b e provided. The student's sole responsibility will be to work and study conscientiously in preparation for his future party work. The principal teachers of the Marxist courses o n the faculty of the school will naturally be the party leaders. But for other subjects deemed necessary for the students and included in the curriculum—history, English composition and journalism, foreign languages, public speaking, e t c . — t h e school will be able to draw o n the services of party members and sympathizers who specialize in these fields. There is no room for doubt that the teaching

May,

1 944

77

staff will b e fully adequate a t the start an d that it will expand with the expansion o f the school. The form taken b y the school in its first experimental term will n o t b e fixed a n d final. It will be changed, modified and expanded o n the b a s i s of experiences. The students will teach the faculty a great deal in this respect b y showing w h a t they lack , what they need m o s t and w h a t does them the m o s t good. F r o m a m o d e s t beginning the Trotsky School will grow and develop into a great historic institution worthy o f the name it b e a r s . All other subdivisions o f the overall p l a n o f p a r t y education will be developed in proportion, each drawing upon and simultaneously supporting the others. All signs indicate that the conditions are prese n t to launch the ambitious, rounded-out program outlined in the plan. The very fact that a plan of party education c a n now be projected a n d enthusiastically received demonstrates that the p a r t y h a s grown taller b y a h ead. The conjunction of the plan a n d the enthusiastic response i t h a s called forth, with the assurance that the p a r t y can provide the necessary material means, is convincing evidence that the project is completely realistic and that the time is ripe to launch it. The important thing is for the party to discuss the plan and a d o p t it a s a whole, make a beginning with a s m a n y p a r t s o f the p l a n a s possible, and set a date for the opening o f the first term o f the Trotsky School. *

3k

*

This i s all I have to s a y for the present on the subject o f education. I am s o r r y that I could n o t c a s t i t in better literary form, but the conditions here are n o t the m o s t favorable for such work. I d o n ' t have Sylvia and "the Secretariat" here to help me, there are neither facilities n o r time for copying, rewriting a n d polishing and I feel constrained b y space limitations to squeeze everything into the smallest possible c o m p a s s . Perhaps Usick can edit it a bit. Please send a c o p y to Natalia; I should like to hear her comments o n the project. We received a set of pictures taken o f all o f u s , a t Minneapolis, in small groups an d o n e o f the whole group,

Letters from Prison

78

j u s t before our departure. They would make a very g o o d page s p r e a d for the p a p e r . The extra two pages permits a n d they in turn u s to indulge in such extravagances, make the paper lighter and m o r e attractive for the new, politically unsophisticated workers w h o — w e must always o f our readers. r e m e m b e r — a r e now the great majority The cartoons get better.

Sandstone, M a y 2 4 , 1 9 4 4

Letter 4 9

I have been reading the new book about language study, The L o o m of Language. It is very good, especially useful for one who is studying several languages I t strongly recommends the phonographsimultaneously. record system for self—students. D o n ' t forget the tenth anniversary o f the Minneapolis strike this July. Natalia would surely like a set of the Minneapolis pictures I mentioned in m y l a s t letter. I

would like to see the "Militant Army" column given more space to print more letters from the field, especially those giving ideas. I think there should also be a new column: "Pioneer Publishers' Notes." I will write s o o n some reflections o n the special sub campaign an d make some suggestions about next steps. I see that the U . S. Supreme Court h a s decided to review both the AP case a n d the case of the convicted Bundists. Have the C R D C an d The Militant taken note of these decisions? I s anyone i n charge of the work of collecting the various movie films the p a r t y h a s and weaving them together? Some o f the new books have begun to come in. On the next list put three o r four German readers and M a r x ' s Poverty of Philosophy and The German Ideology (in English). I am very much interested in the plan to prepare material for a song b o o k . I h a d been thinking of the same thing and meant to write you about it later. I hope the work will proceed. I will contribute some ideas a n d suggestions in another letter.

a:

a:

*-

May, 1944

79

I hope S a m ' s report on his visit [to London] will not be too long delayed a n d too laconic. I am deeply interested in this question. The future of the unification depends a great deal o n how it started. The new events reported in The Militant should act to cement the unity, but persecution alone is b y far n o t enough to hold a p a r t y together. One o n l y needs to recall the early days

of American Communism to be convinced of this. However, I think the new experiences will tend to help the new p a r t y a n d get it off to a new start. They have great opportunities a n d a bright future prospect. M y thoughts about the advisability o f a plenum have expanded into the idea that an Active Workers Conference would be timely now. There would be a n adequate agenda for such a gathering: a political review; the educational p r o g r a m ; a report o n the special sub campaign a n d new projects along this line; an d an international

report. It would be a real triumph for the p a r t y to hold a successful conference in our absence. That would crown all the other achievements. On the sub campaign I have in mind a rather novel method of presenting the question. A general statistical a n d analytical report from the P C and then, a s the principal feature, reports from the branch delegates a s to how they did i t in each c a s e . I , for one, would surely like to listen to such a discussion. It surely w o u l d b e both informative a n d stimulating. It is about time, d o n ' t you think, that o u r wonderful rank-and-file workers be really given the fl o o r a t a national gathering. Does the "dissolution" o f the CP give our friends a n y new ideas?

Letter 5 0

Sandstone, M a y 2 6 , 1 9 4 4

I note your increasingly favorable impression o f the new place with great interest. A good summer for you all there will m a k e mine easier here. I s there a y a r d — I m e a n , with a fence around it, where the dog could stretch his legs? You s a y the prospect is ideal for me, but you do not mention a creek to put m y bare toes in. Where is it? And are there s o m e woods in walking distance where Usick

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a n d I c a n cut some new walking sticks? And i s there a climbable hill with an o l d deserted farm a t the t0p and another one where an o l d single-track railroad used to run? A nd a pine grove with a soft carpet of pine needles underfoot? And a w o o d stove in a comfortable kitchen with a n oven that can bake potatoes a n d have them r e ady a t 1 2 n o o n o n the dot? Have you ever seen two white deer fawns in the moonlight there? I s auto traffic limited b y law to three c a r s p e r d a y ? Are there apple trees which b e a r red apples with white w o r m s in them? And a sink i n the kitchen with ever-running water piped from a spring o n the hill to keep the beer cool? And w o o d for the new m a n to chop and carry while the old-timers with seniority rights sit o n the porch a n d tell him how to swing the axe? Are you really sure you have found the ideal place for m e ? *

3k

*

I wish you a n d Walta to get green sunshades (eyes h a d e s ) from the dime store; get one also for Mick a n d tell her I sent it for her. I l o o k forward to her h a p p y splashing in the water and visualize her first swimming lesson. I can see her feeling her w a y cautiously a t first and then, gaining confidence, plunging boldly in. She h a s the first virtue: courage. *

*

3|:

.4

Your reference to "old activists fr/om England" is n o t clear to m e . I do not recall a n d cannot identify this group. I surmised the makeup of the Italian group j u s t about a s you reported it. I t i s clear that the authors o f the wretched manifesto d o not represent a n y genuine current in the working class, but are only vestigial survivals o f o l d artificial cliques. One thing should always be kept clearly i n m i n d : Trotskyist politics are always serious, directed toward the working class a n d real currents within it. We do not play a t politics a s all the artificial g r o u p s — s e c tarians, Shachtmanites, e t c . — d o , and we do n o t play with them. Why? Because they have no importance. They represent neither serious people n o r serious ideas. Their political life is only literary, not real. I think "conciliationism" is too dignified a political term to apply to one who orients

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81

himself u p o n such sterile cliques. I t should rather be said the meaning and the task of that he misunderstands Marxist cl a ss politics.

Sandstone, M a y 2 9 , 1 9 4 4

Letter 5 1

W a l t a ' s letter o f M a y 2 2 came M a y 2 5 . Tell her to use a larger size o f p a p e r next time a s she is only permitted, under the rules, to u s e two sheets. I think she is quite wrong to b e cross with little Mick for crying. The p o o r child i s only trying to strengthen her lungs. When I come h o me, tell her, she can come to m y office a n d cry all she wants to. I a m waiting for more news about how you all a r e getting settled in the new place, w h a t c o m p a n y you are having, etc. You still h a v e n ' t told m e w h a t kind o f heating the house h a s and what kind o f a bathroom and shower. *

*

*

I stayed two weeks in the hospital. The diet a n d rest did m e a lot of g o o d . I w a s m o r e tired than I h a d realized. Since leaving the hospital I have been o n a special

diet—soft-boiled eggs, toast a n d milk three times a d a y — a n d have felt no trace o f ulcer trouble. Besides that, I feel very much better, s o much s o that I h a v e taken o n a new study: German. Finished the first reading of all of Aristotle's treatises on logic a n d started 0n Generation and Corruption. Finished the first volume o f G r o t e ' s History of Greece and started o n the second. ( I forgot to mention that your M a y 2 0 came M a y 2 4 . ) 1|!

*

*

The two speeches o f the week— Churchill's a n d Browd e r ' s — m u s t have given o u r editors plenty to write about. Did our cartoonist take a h a n d in the comment? We thought o f an idea for a cartoon: Churchill a n d Franco a n d Browder and Morgan rolling merrily down the street singing " I t ' s always fair weather when g o o d fellows get together." Here i s a suggestion for the cartoonist's benefit. Get a number o f the collected cartoon books which have been

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Letters from Prison

published in the p a s t from time to t i m e — E l l i s ' , B u r c k ' s , Art Young's, e t c . — a n d work over s o m e o f the i d e a s . They were mostly all borrowed from others s o there i s no harm in borrowing from them. If she h a s a n y qualms about "plagiarism" she should r e a d Kipling's poem o n the subject. Do you know it? When ' O m e r smote ' i s bloomin' lyre ' E ' d ' e a r d men sing o n l a n d and sea, And w h a t ' e thought ' e might require ' E went a n d took the same a s me. The dancing girls a n d fishermen, The shepherds and the sailors t o o , They ' e a r d old songs creep u p again And kept it quiet same a s you. ' E knew they knew They knowed ' e knowed They d i d n ' t c r y o r make a fuss, But winked a t ' O m e r down the r o a d And ' e winked back the s a m e a s u s . *

*

*

I am anxiously waiting to h e a r that you steps to get started o n your Spanish. Get the all means. Even if they are rather expensive, b e considered a s a n investment b y the p a r t y of one after another of the leading comrades

have taken records, b y they should for the use engaged in

the study of the language. Marvel, who is studying Spanish, can use them; and I will surely want them, a s well a s another here who is studying with me, when we come h o m e . Also please ask Reba to check o n the number and hours o f foreign-language broadcasts. I would like to know w h a t I c a n look forward to in this respect for practice.

Jun e, 1 9 4 4

Letter 5 2

Sandstone, June 1 , 1 9 4 4

Your M a y 2 6 came M a y 2 9 . What i s the b o o k reviewed b y H a r r y in the FI? B y checking against the calendar you c a n e a s i l y tell whether you have received all m y letters a n d eliminate all guesswork. I write invariably o n Sunday, Tuesday a n d T h u r s d a y a n d date the letters the following day. I hope to hear s o o n that your new cold, a n d M i c k ' s t o o , have yielded to the L o n g I s l a n d sunshine. I doubt, however, whether i t is a s h o t a nd steady a s o u r s . *

*

II:

I think m y letters o n education should be sent to our "Senator," to Murry, George Clarke, and I w o u l d like to know their comments. I would like to h e a r from them, through you, o n other matters t o o . If you h a v e McGuckin's a d d r e s s I wish you would send h i m a set o f m y published stuff, including the History b o o k if an d when i t comes o u t , to give h im a n idea of w h a t I h a v e been doing i n m y s p a r e time since I s a w him l a s t . I liked Mc. a great d eal. H e a n d I were g o o d friends i n the o l d [IWW] d a y s . H e w a s a fine singer. If you h a d him around you w o u l d n ' t need to w o r r y a bout getting the comrades to sing. I would like to know w h a t Mc. h a s been doing all these years a n d how he i s getting along. *

II:

3|!

The press role in the educational program c a n wait awhile. The first stage should b e devoted to internal p a r t y orientation. The problem I specifically aimed to deal with is the orientation o f the p a r t y toward consideration o f the education o f o u r own cadres. The Internal Bulletin is the right medium for that. The broader

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aspects of mass education should be treated a s a special subject, in m y opinion. I i n t e n d to write you some letters on this subject; have, in fact, alreadybegun to make notes o n the art of propaganda. Also intend to write letters o n the role of the "Literary Secretariat" a n d o n the "New Stage in the Development of Pioneer Publishers." B y this, I do not mean the present stage b u t the great work which must b e undertaken as s o o n a s the present oxcart methods are ruthlessly discarded, the program assigned b y the l a s t plenum i s carried out, and the decks are cleared to put the work of Pioneer Publishers into h a r m o n y with the expanding activities of the movement in general. Any talk about "patience" with the scandalous breakdown of the publishing program is sent to the wrong address, if it i s meant for me. I feel that we are not making an inch of headway in the discussion of this subject because w e are not talking the s a m e language. You are talking to Usick a n d Lillian and they are talking a b o u t the idiosyncrasies of a printer. All that h a s nothing to d o with the real question which I have tried to intimate in m y letters.

I am talking about the program of the plenum; and the person responsible for its execution i s the national secretary. H e h a s been given the necessary m eans a n d authority a n d will n o t be asked about the s m a l l details which arise along the w a y . What difficulties arise a n d what drastic measures a r e needed to overcome them ar e solely matters for his decision. The only thing of gene r a l interest a n d concern is the result. I think you should invite Moish o u t for a discussion of this matter in principle. We have an uneasy feeling t h a t the affair of the publishing program does not stand alone b u t is rather a symptom of a fatal procedure that i s very e a s y for a b u s y leadership to fall into. That is to measure work done b y volume rather than b y design; to fail to discriminate sufficiently between the p r i m a r y and the seco n d a r y . I know very well that only so much can be done in a d a y . Some things have to wait. But let them be the little things, not the big ones.

June,

1944

85

Letter 5 3

Sandstone, June 2 , 1 9 4 4

Your M a y 2 8 came M a y 3 0 . I expect further news tonight about this unreasonable cold that h a s overtaken you. As I told you in m y previous letter, I a m O K . B y the way, I never h a d a single cold all winter. This is the first time I have h a d such luck for m a n y years. II!

*

*

Finished Aristotle's On Generation and Corruption (first reading) a n d started 0n the Heavens. Grote frequently quotes other historians a n d critics i n his voluminous footnotes. I noticed for the first time today, n o t without a certain satisfaction, that I can make out the French quotations without much difficulty. I w a s very glad to hear of the C R D C ' s action in taking

full-page ads in the Nation

a n d New Republic for the

June 8 meeting. In politics everything

depends o n doi_ng

\......

CRDC campalgn and the sub campaign would seem to indicate that the response to our message i s s o much wider in its scope than we have known before a s to be qualitatively different. If this is the c a s e — I a m not sure o f i t — w e m u s t take stock of the situation a n d transform all o u r work accordingly, according to a p l a n . Have o u r friends discussed the results o f their fivemonths work from this standpoint? I s h o u l d like to hear their appraisal of the situation. We must always b e a r i n mind, also, that international events make a strong wind for our sails and that i t can only grow stronger and c a n hardly be expected to change its direction. All planning should be revised from the standpoint o f tempo a n d scale—faster a n d bigger. The very first preliminary survey o f next tasks must indicate that the debacle of the publishing p r o g r a m is a n anachronism that can no longer be indulged. Piddling reforms are o f n o use here. The wretched failure is not the result of external difficulties o r lack of diligence but of a false conception, one suited to the unavoidable snail's pace o f an isolated propaganda group but fatal for a dynamically expanding movement. The publishing logjam must be blown up with a charge of dynamite.

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86

Do not send u s any books unless we specifically ask for them! First, because we are reading and studying in definite fields a n d have no time for indiscriminate reading. The money spent o n books o n subjects outside our assigned studies will be wasted. Secondly, and still more important, we want to read what we want and not what someone else thinks we should want! Imprisonment consists of doing what others decide one should do and getting what others think one should have. Our little

island of freedom consists of the privilege of asking the CRDC for the books we want and getting what we ask for; just that, no less and no more. I appreciate the good will o f the suggestions of friends, a n d so do all the others, but we want them to know that the only w a y they can help u s is to give u s what we ask for, not what is good for u s . We have enough of that. If you will check m y letters you will see that several books asked for do not appear on the list of M a y

24. What happened to them? Dialogues

of Plato are here

in the Modern Library edition. That i s enough for the present. Lying awake late l a s t night I heard the whistle and rumble o f a fast freight train highballing down the line. It reminded m e nostalgically o f m y hobo days. That sound always gave m e the foot-itch and got me ready for another trip.

Letter 5 4

Sandstone, June 5 , 1 9 4 4

Finished the second volume of G ro te' s History of Greece a nd started the third. Finished Aristotle's 0n the Heavens (first reading) and started his Physics. Marked a milestone l a s t night in m y French study. The French reader sent in b y our C R D C arrived and I began to read it. The hard p a r t o f French study is now already behind me. All that remains n o w is to read and build up vocabulary and then to learn the real sound of the spoken language from records when I come home. I cannot praise the French reader too highly. I t is just

what I needed and I hope the Spanish and German readers

will be o f the same type, that is, with an adult

June,

1 944

87

vocabulary suitable for adults, not childrens' stories as so m a n y readers are. Please a d d Schiller's poems to the book o f Heine's poems which I previously requested. Be sure, if possible, to get all the language books with vocabularies in the back if possible. I think the bookstores have them in special college editions.

I am having a lot of fun these days speculating a s to which foreign language I will teach to Mickey first. I will p r o b a b l y be most facile in German, but d o n ' t you think vivacious French would express her personality better? I read with interest what b o t h you and Evelyn have to s a y about the merits o f the Long Island place, but you leave out one very important detail. Where is the crick for m e a n d Mickus to cool o u r piggies in? I am waiting, a n d have been waiting, for the first installment o f Stuart's report. I t need not b e condensed too much. Remember, I am entitled to receive seven letters each week. However, I want you to ask Sylvia and Evelyn to d o the typing for you. I am afraid the exertion o f typing i s n o t good for you during your convalescence. If you get Sylvia to do the routine typing of office news a n d reports it will ease the task of letterwriting. I note that the SP is holding a convention and that the C P j u s t concluded one. Evidently they found a w a y to surmount the travel difficulties and the other wartime restrictions. Perhaps our committee can do the s a me . B ut then, I imagine, they are worried b y another question: what to tell the conference about the publishing program o f the l a s t plenum? Our people have been taught to be impatient for results and intolerant of excuses. The "virtue of patience," mistakenly recommended b y Usick, represents a political deviation on his part, alI would never think o f accusing him of practhough is a soft, i.e., a Menshevik virtue. tising it. This "patience" It i s all right for people who are not going anywhere in particular, and it m a y be good for cows to chew their cuds with. But it is no good for executive leaders, traffic managers, etc. If the traffic manager of the New York

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88

Central were afflicted with patience and its maudlin twin, good nature, the Twentieth Century Limited would never reach Chicago on schedule. I t would be hopelesslyblocked in a traffic j a m somewhere between Buffalo and Cleveland, keeping company with slow freights, milk trains a nd loose boxcars and empty gondolas which some sleepy yard clerk forgot to route to an y particular desfinafion. I learn with pain that Lillian is ill. I w as afraid that would happen. That is why I proposed months ago that she b e given some assistance and n o t permitted to overand Publishers Pioneer . s b o j full-time do herself with two David are both growing bigger and in need of more and more attention. What became of the Literary Sec-

retariat?

Letter 5 5

Sandstone, June 7 , 1 9 4 4

Your Monday letter didn't arrive last night, delayed I suppose b y the heavy storms in this part of the country. If possible I would like to have the German a nd Spanish readers graduated s o that each succeeding one h a s a larger vocabulary than the preceding. I think the stores have college readers graduated in this way. I will s o o n be r e a d y for the German and Spanish a n d for another French, rather, several more. Can you clip and send m e the cartoons and the "Militant Army" columns? I would especially like to get the M a y D a y cartoon about which I have heard. Here i s a suggestion for the sub campaign which is liked here: Write a special circular to the new readers gained in the campaign enclosing four prepaid sub cards in each letter and asking them, if they like the paper, to sell them to four friends and remit the dollar. This would involve the printing of 2 0 , 0 0 0 new cards, but in m y Opinion it would b e worth the investment. Perhaps you can leave off the postage stamp a s that would cost $ 2 0 0 , and instead enclose an envelope for mailing the cards. It m a y seem strange to propose to trust strangers with

June,

1944

89

prepaid sub c a r d s — t h e y might sell them a n d keep the m o n e y — b u t m y experience in similar ventures h a s shown that the risk i s very small an d worth taking. Even i n the worst c a se , if some card s are sold and not p a i d for, you will have s o m e new readers to show for it and still be the gainer. I t is really worthwhile to try to involve the new trial subscribers in the campaign a n d it will be a very great gain, and well worth the expense, if some of them respond. We m u s t keep trying, b y new and extraordinary measures, to expand and push o u t the boundaries o f our active supporters. Include i n the letter greeting the new subscribers some questions: 1 ) How do they like the p a p e r ; 2 ) If they like it w h a t features do they like best; 3 ) What are their criticisms and suggestions. I believe you will get s o m e interesting replies which c a n be printed in the "Army" column. This column should b e enlarged anyway. We shouldn't hesitate a t the expense of this circularization. We must train ourselves to think i n terms of ever bigger actions involving m o r e thousands of people. Perhaps you c a n kill two birds with one stone b y enclosing a list a n d order blank o f Pioneer Publishers. It will be interesting to see w h a t response this will bring also. We d o n ' t know what the new people are thinking and should m a k e every effort to find out. Two m o r e suggestions: Send a c o p y o f m y letter on

education to Grandizo a n d ask for his comments. Ask Don to get addresses o f Spanish refugees a n d others i n Mexico a n d p u t them o n the free list o f the p a p e r and magazine. I hear that Dwight Macdonald, in the course o f his independent thinking, h a s m a d e the interesting discovery that Sandstone i s a very funny place and that the trip here w a s quite ridiculous; also that it w a s a breach of etiquette for a proletarian revolutionist to question the m o r a l conduct of the leading ideologist and philosopher o f democratic capitalism. Well, we shall see about that. I intend to write you about this matter; n o t for his benefit but for the benefit o f a n y in o u r ranks, if such there b e , who a r e inclined to b e influenced b y w h a t philistines have to s a y about u s .

90 Letter 5 6

Letters from Prison

Sandstone. June 9 . 1 9 4 4 I h a v e n ' t heard from you since a week ago today, but I am n o t worrying about it, a s I h a v e convinced myself that there i s s o m e trouble and delay with the mail. I hear that Joe H a n s e n ' s article in the February issue written o n the occasion o f our o f Fourth International, the new-thought departure, h a s elicited comment inPolitics, magazine edited b y Dwight Macdonald. In commenting o n the comment I am impelled first of all to congratulate the author o n the equanimity with which he is enduring our imprisonment. Evidently he h as read an d taken to heart the advice Rose Karsner gave to the women in her speech a t the farewell dinner: " D o n ' t mope while the men a r e away." Macdonald i s clearly determined n o t to let o u r troubles get him down. F r o m this hard-boiled point o f view he takes J o e to task for dwelling o n the trivial details o f our departure—the leave-takings, the mementos, etc. The doughty Macdonald will have none of this sentimentality. He i s a brass-tacks c h a p — n o nonsense, chins up a n d all that s o r t of thing. Perhaps he i s right o n this point. I , a t least, can understand a n d sympathize, to a certain extent, with this matter-of—fact attitude. I a m somewhat of a stoic myself — m y mother taught m e n o t to cry when I get h u r t — a n d I appreciate the trait in others. I am read y to admit also that Macdonald i s n o t motivated b y personal malice o r j e a l o u s y , a s others who write i n the same vein usually are, for I believe that he i s sincerely stupid and is only guilty, a t the most, of indulging his cultivated knack for misunderstanding things a n d his faunlike impulse to p l a y pranks o n inappropriate occasions. I n a n y case, this p a r t o f the quarrel between Macdonald and Hansen is not very important. After all it i s a matter o f taste and emotion; and a s long a s freedom a n d democracy prevail everyone h a s the right to his o w n taste a n d his o wn emotion. The other parts of the editorial in Politics raise more serious questions. One concerns the attitude o f a m a n o f politics toward his own ideas. The other concerns

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morality. Both are questions of exceptional importance a t the present time. The editorial indicts our p a r t y a s a "sectarian group" afflicted with "arrogance—which verges o n paranoia." As evidence he cites Vincent Dunne's statement that "our movement is historic" and Joe Hansen's assertion that "the files o f Trotskyist publications" represent more important material for future historians than the Roosevelt minutiae filed a w a y at Hyde Park. These remarks impress Macdonald as the expression of apresumptuousness belonging to the domain of "political pathology." One cannot make an offhand decision a s to the merits of the dispute, for neither position i s right o r wrong per se. We are confronted here not with facts immediately verifiable but with a conflict o f opinions regarding future developments. Consequently, in order to arrive at a reasoned judgment of the respective merits o f the contending opinions, one must approach the dispute with a criterion, a point o f View of his own, about contemp o r a r y society a n d its prospective further development. The m a j o r i t y — t h o s e who line up with American capitalism and its war program—believe that capitalism has a long a n d stable future before it. If their assumption is correct, o r only half-correct, they can very consistently a n d logically conclude that Dunne and Hansen, and all the rest o f u s Trotskyists, have fantastic delusions about the w a y history will some d a y b e written. We, the minority, o n the other hand, are completely convinced that capitalism, having outlived its progressive historic role — a n d a great role it w a s — i s already doomed, is even now in its death agony and must make w a y for socialism. ( M o r e . )

Letter 5 7

Sandstone, June 1 2 , 1 9 4 4

Your N o s . 4 6 a n d 4 7 came June 8. Walta's letter came June 9 . The news was m o s t welcome. I will answer the letters when I finish telling you what I think of "The Tribe o f the Philistines." Make the following corrections in m y last letter when you copy it for Frank [for publi-

92

cation in The Militant]: In the

Letters

from Prison

first sentence change "I

learn from correspondence" to " I see," and change "our departure" to "the departure of the Trotskyist leaders." Change the second reference to "our departure" to "the departure. " * * *

Continuing: If o u r assumption is correct, we can with n o less logic a n d consistency conclude that the heralds of the new society, the pioneer militants of the revolutionary party, have far more historic importance than the representatives of the dying system and that this will b e the judgment of the historians of the future. If our assumption i s correct, it is the representatives a n d apologists of the outmoded social system who entertain delu-

sions about the future. Now, what are the premises, a n d what are the conclusions of Macdonald and the politico-literary species which he typifies? The magazine Politics—as far a s one c a n make out from a cursory r e a d i n g — i s published to inform the world that the editor a n d his associated independent thinkers are somewhat dubious of the future of capitalism a n d are committed, more o r less, to the socialist alternative. Yet Macdonald s a y s — n o , he doe s n' t s a y , he takes for granted as self-evident—that the contemporary statesmen of capitalism are the important a nd significant men of today and that they will b e s o regarded in the historical tomorrow. H a n s e n ' s idea, for example, that historical research will not center around the personality of Roosevelt, strikes him a s too funny for words. Then, having made his joke, he goes o n to s a y that his convictions—he calls them c o n v i c t i o n s — a r e in many respects the same a s the Trotskyists ("The Cannon group stand for m a n y of m y own convictions"). In spite of that, he instinctively a n d automatically brands our p a r t y ' s confidence in the historic vindication of these s a m e convictions a s pathologic arrogance. The significance of this non sequitur is quite clear. M a c d o n a l d ' s pen r a n a w a y with him. The intended lamp o o n of the Trotskyists turned out to b e a document of unintended self-revelation. It i s the portrait of a m a n who does n o t take his own ideas seriously and h a s no

June,

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faith in their future. Such people are not worth very much. Their "convictions" are o n the side of the proletarian revolution but all their deep-rooted instincts, feelings and spontaneous reactions—their heart and s o u l — a r e in the other camp. Hence their simultaneous "agreement" with the convictions of the Trotskyists and their amazement when we act on these convictions and draw them out to their logical conclusion. Similarly, when the question o f bourgeois and proletarian morality—"their morals and o u r s " — i s mentioned in o u r press, the jackass e a r s o f the philistine are pointed u p w a r d a n d forward in alarm. And when we calmly assert that our morals are better than theirs, that we are "the only really m oral pe0ple"— among the conscious, articulate political elements, that i s — M a c d o n a l d splutters like a society matron who h a s been insulted b y a truck driver for snarling traffic. Joe H a n s e n ' s report of a casual conversation with Cannon about John Dewey and the Moscow Trials causes Macdonald to break out in a moralistic sweat. And "words almost fail" him a t C a n n o n ' s "nerve" in pointing o u t a flaw, from the standpoint of "strict morality," in

Dewey's conduct of the office of chairman of the Commission o f Inquiry subject T u e s d a y . )

Letter 58

o n the Moscow Trials. (More on this

Sandstone, June 1 4 , 1 9 4 4

Your N o s . 4 8 and 4 9 of June 9 and 1 0 came June 1 2 . The reports of the activities of our wonderful party help greatly to make our days lighter here. Such a p a r t y i s worth being in prison for. In m y l a s t letter I spoke of the Dewey Com-mission. Continuing: Here also Macdonald mixes up a small matter with a big one. The s m a l l point can easily be disposed of. H e accuses u s o f trying to rob the respected C o m m i s s i o n o f Inquiry chairman o f the "credit" due him

for his services in that capacity. This is a misapprehension o n his p a r t ; and we are ready to concede anything he demands in order to set the thing straight, even though

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we do not attach the same weight as he to the matter of "credit." His accusation springs from his inability to r e a d our press with a n understanding o f o u r standards a n d o u r sense of values. When we s a y that a m a n w a s moved to intervene in a great historic case b y a n appeal to his sense of justice we have meant to p a y him the highest compliment we can possibly p a y to a m a n who is not of o u r p a r t y a n d c l a s s . B y his action in heading the Commission of Inquiry, Dewey became the chief instrument in the investigation and exposure of the greatest frame-up in history. We are grateful to him for that, a n d he will be remembered gratefully b y all lovers o f truth and justice in time to come. It makes no difference whether Dewey's action w a s taken o n his own initiative o r w a s suggested to him b y others. That i s only a small collateral detail o f the history of the affair. Dewey's credit flows from the deed itself, a n d we who believe in giving everyone his just due would b e the last to underrate it in the slightest degree. Dewey must be honored for his courageous action all the more because he might justifiably have asked for exemption for reasons o f age and ill health. He must be doubly honored because, of all the great public men of present-day America, he alone felt it necessary "to do something for justice." But when all that is s a i d , the fact remains that Dewey, in making public in a radio speech the report o f the Commission of Inquiry which found Trotsky not guilty o f the crimes alleged against him, took advantage o f the occasion to denounce the political doctrines of the defendant. ( S e e the report of Dewey's radio speech in the New York Times, December 1 4 , 1 9 3 7 . ) There are n o two ways about it, that w a s "a departure from strict morality," which comes under the heading o f abuse of power. B y o u r standards o f morality that i s a serious offense, and we w a n t somebody to tell u s b y what moral standards it is justifiable. Macdonald's readiness to defend Dewey's misuse of his office o f judge to turn advocate, on the ground that Trotsky, the defendant, also expounded his views before

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the Commission, will n o t satisfy anyone who seriously wants to face the moral issue we have raised. Trotsky h a d been accused of crimes alleged to flow from his doctrines, and w a s asked b y the Commission of Inquiry to give a n exposition of these doctrines a s evidence in the case. I n the same manner the defendants in the Minneapolis Trial were permitted to expound their views in court. But Dewey, a s chairman of the Commission, h a d as-

sumed the office of judge,

and with it the obligation,

after hearing the evidence, to s a y truly whether the defendant w a s guilty o r innocent o f the crimes charged against h i m . So much a n d no more is a judge permitted to s a y when rendering the verdict o f his tribunal, according to o u r standards o f morality. Macdonald's attempt to defend Dewey's moral lapse o n this occasion only demonstrates h o w flexible his own moral standards are. H i s b a d experience should warn all petty-bourgeois critics o f the Trotskyists to confine their moralistic sweatings to eternal abstractions and keep a w a y from the discussion o f concrete cases. "Morality" is not their strong p o i n t — w h e n you get down to cases. *

*

3k

This is all I have to s a y 'for the time being about the tribe o f the philistines and their "morality." Now I can return with a feeling o f real satisfaction to m y interrupted study o f the modes and tenses of the Spanish verb hacer— "to do," "to make." That is a Bolshevik verb. Macdonald and his ilk wouldn't know how to conjugate it in a n y language I am glad to finish with this disagreeable subject. Thursday I will answer your letters an d write o n other subjects.

Letter 5 9

Sandstone, June 1 6 , 1 9 4 4

I n m y German lesson today I studied a poem which Heine wrote for little Mick:

Letters from Prison

96 Du bist wie eine Blume So hold und sch'o'n u n d rein; Ich schau' dich an, und Wehmut Schleicht mir ins Herz hinein.

Tell Evelyn to send on the pardon applications to all the eighteen. We will fill them out and send them back promptly. All the decisions in regard to time, method of presentation, etc., should be made in New York without further reference to u s , once you have received the petitions. Needless to say, we are anxious to receive The Militant and FL The J e h o v a h ' s Witnesses here get their organ, the Watch Tower. I think the comrades in New York should decide what kind of a national gathering to have. I a m definite o n one point: I t would be a mistake to promise a convention next spring. That i s too far away to make definite commitments about, and the future is too uncertain. After

thinking over your letter of June 9 it seems to me and others that there is no plausible objection to a convention. Certainly we here can have none. It must b e borne in mind, however, that a convention i s a m o r e formal assembly an d must b e more carefully prepared. The main thing is the political resolution. Work should be started o n it right away a s you must allow sixty d a y s for discussion after it h a s p a s s e d the N C and Bulletin. Once the political been published in the Internal resolution h a s been approved, the rest o f the convention preparations will b e easily taken care of. We are especially interested in your report that Wheeler is being brought to New York for work in the publications department. It j u s t happened t h a t h e w a s in m y mind the same week. We have to think actively now o f heavier responsibilities for the present professionals in the near future a n d keep canvassing the field for those next in line to step into the vacated places. We are m o s t anxious to know m o r e about the circumstances o f Wheeler's appointment. We thought he w a s "frozen" in his j o b . We hope he was n o t released because of serious illness o r injury a t work. Please let u s know about this.

June, 1 944

97

Once the publication program is put a t the top of the agenda for concentrated attention, I think the problem, for the present, can be solved without very drastic actions. I t must be resolved to publish two more books this The difficulties with the present year besides the History. shop c a n perhaps be solved b y letting them have one j o b while the other i s farmed o u t to another shop. Or some other half measures m a y suffice for this year. The decisions will come time for drastic and fundamental when we elaborate "The Five Year Plan" of Pioneer Publishers and l a y out the schedule for 1 9 4 5 . The first stage of the educational program will also work o u t rather simply. I w i l l write about that concretely

soon. I am very glad that you keep going to the doctor for checkups s o that you always know exactly where you stand. I have strong hopes in the curative powers of the L o n g I s l a n d sun.

Letter 6 0

Sandstone, June 1 9 , 1 9 4 4

Finished Volume 3 o f Grote and started o n 4 . Finished

Aristotle's Physics

and with it the whole volume— 1 , 4 8 7

p a g e s . I will now let Aristotle soak in for a while before returning to a closer study o f his logical treatises. This i s Sunday, m y rest day, and I a m having a good time loafing a n d debating leisurely in m y mind the only decision I have to worry about a t present—whether to devote the Aristotle study period to French o r history o r j u s t to take that time off for a while. Moish must envy a fellow who h a s no more serious decisions to make than that. Would he like, sometimes, to b e in jail with u s ?

I saw the cartoon about Stalin and [Eric] Johnston. I think i t is the best yet from the standpoint of technique. The lines are stronger and bolder, a very important feature of cartoons, and the artist's ironic sense laughs right out o f the drawing. I recommend, above all, that she study attentively the old cartoons o f Minor, the best o f the "power" line cartoonists and the master o f them all.

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The political idea of the Stalin-Johnston cartoon w a s not s o good, however. The fact that Browder takes his line from Stalin is funny from the standpoint o f the bourgeois press, now that Stalin's line suits them very well, a n d of the Social-Democratic philistines who take nothing really seriously. ( T h e y thought they could "kid" Hitler out of existence.) But for u s the line of Stalin, and consequently of Browder, is too deadly, too ghastly, for jests. When I write m y thesis o n the rules o f revolutionary political propaganda I will l a y it down a s an axiom: One cannot laugh a t a murderous power! Furthermore, now that we have organized o u r own

party, rival and hostile to the Stalinist party, it is not v e r y dignified for u s to make a big point o f the Stalinist organizational techniques, methods of transmitting and executing decisions, etc. Leave that barren occupation also to the Social-Democrats and such essentially parasitic political groupings a s the Shachtmanites whose "politics" consists in buzzing and gossiping about other people's parties and their methods. As for u s , we tend to our own affairs in this respect a nd let others alone. We were concerned with the bureaucratic methods o f Stalinism a s long a s we held ourselves to be a faction

of the Comintern striving for its reform.

Now, a s irre-

concilable Opponents o f the Stalinist organization, we concentrate o u r fire o n its policies and d o n ' t chatter about their method o f arriving at them and carrying them out.

Shachtman, four years after he hastily organized an independent "party" of his own, thereby renouncing the attempt to reform our party, i s still worried m o s t o f all about our "organizational methods," o u r "leader cult" and other details of o u r own private housekeeping. If Shachtman were to stop to think an d ask himself the elementary political question: "What is the WP anyway, a n independent party o r a faction of the S W P ? " — h e might begin to understand why in trying to be both he cannot succeed in either. But if Shachtman h a d ever learned how to stop and think he wouldn't be a kibitzer in politics.

Keller's [Art Preis] article o n the new Stalinist campaign w a s excellent—well

written

with the right

tone and the

June,

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99

right note. The idea of running the cartoon a s illustration

of the article is also very g o o d — I vote for this combination with both hands. We must remind ourselves over and over again that the majority o f o u r readers are new people and that we must brighten up and lighten u p the p a p e r for them. But m y vote for the cartoon illustration o n an inside page h a s a string tied to it: It must not b e a substitute for the front-page cartoon! If the editor thinks he h a s some headline more important than the front-page cartoon the solution is simple. D o n ' t argue with him but tie him up till the girls in the shop make up the paper properly. Then turn him l o o s e a n d tell him it w a s all meant in fun; but repeat the process the next week, and make it a weekly routine until he comes to his senses and changes his ways. We are p r o u d of Keller's article, but thought the head-

line incorrect on two counts: 1 ) It is the Stalinist political organization, no t its police agency, the GPU, that organizes the preparatory political campaigns. The G P U is an executory o r g a n . It is important not to lump the two functions together indiscriminately. 2 ) Our new readers (the majority) p r o b a b l y d o n ' t know what "GPU" means. The fifteen-year habit of writing for the politically initiated hangs heavily on u s all. B u t we seem to be entering a new period.

Letter

61

Sandstone, June 2 1 , 1 9 4 4

M y notes o n things I want to write about keep piling up faster than m y letters can incorporate them. Three letters a week, to which I am limited, d o n ' t give me enough space. Now I must write about the p a r d o n application. We h a d a disagreement o n procedure. I p r o p o s e d that we s a y nothing in the application except that we ask for unconditional p a r d o n on the ground o f constitutional rights, adding only this: "In presenting m y application for unconditional p a r d o n o n the above grounds I wish to make it clear t h a t I have not changed any o f the Views for which I h a v e been imprisoned, as expressed b y me and other defendants at o u r trial." Gold-

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man proposed to include a statement of views in the pardon

application

with the object o f publishing

it in

leaflet form, and submitted a draft. I disagreed with the draft, but since we o p p o s ed a n y statement, that question

(the draft) w a s not discussed. M y motion carried nine to five. F o r m y motion: Cannon, Dunne, Dobbs, Coover, Skoglund, DeBoer, Geldman, Palmquist, Hanson. F o r the G . motion: Goldman, Morrow, Hudson, Cooper, Hamel. A second motion b y me was then carried to the effect that each individual m a y put any statement he wishes o n his own application, and that the other defendants in the case b e notified of our decision. In m y Opinion the issue i s n o t important enough to debate a t a n y great length. I will state m y views briefly: 1 ) The campaign around the p a r d o n demand is going along v e r y well, is being conducted properly o n the correct line o f policy which makes the broadest appeal, a n d i s meeting with gratifying successes. 2 ) I View the signing o f - t h e p a r d o n application a s a mere formality, nothing more, which we go through only because it is mandatory under the rules in order for our friends to secure a hearing o n the case. Otherwise, I would consider it best for us to sign nothing and s a y nothing while the campaign is in progress. 3 ) There i s no need for u s to intrude in the campaign with another statement o f views. Our position h a s been made clear enough in the trial pamphlets and the p a m phlet of farewell speeches. Silence now o n our p a r t while our friends conduct o u r campaign is a w a y o f speaking that i s most effective under the circumstances. Everybody knows we are in prison for our views. Every resolution adopted b y trade unions in our behalf stresses this fact. S o does every comment o n the case in the labor press which I have seen. We reaffirmed these views quite emphatically in our farewell speeches, and nobody h a s accused u s o f changing them since our departure. Another statement from u s i s not called for at the present time; would n o t a d d anything to what i s already known, and consequently could not attract very much attention; would not broaden the pardon campaign o r help it in a n y way, a n d might possibly injure it.

June,

10 1

1 944

4 ) The important thing now is not what we s a y but what others s a y and do in our behalf. Attention should be centered o n this. The fact that we have gone through the formality of signing the p a r d o n application should n o t even be mentioned in the p r e s s . The petitions presented in the names o f the others are what counts. At the time of the formal presentation o f these petitions to the President all publicity should b e devoted to the new a n d essentially important fact that trade unions representing one and a half million workers a n d m a n y prominent individuals have formally demanded our liberation. Tactically, this i s the m o s t effective w a y to proceed. It i s out of the question even to speak o f any principle being involved in this difference of approach to the specific problem of the moment. 3|!

*

*

I am deeply sorry that m y proposal to give a suitable notice to the death of William Ellery Leonard w a s not accepted. I believe that if I h a d been in New York a proposal o f mine urged with such earnestness as I tried to put into m y letter would not have been so lightly disregarded. I cannot demand that any specific proposal o f mine be agreed to, but I do expect every one to be taken seriously. I also expect them to be answered promptly, and I think I am entitled to hear serious reasons

for rejection so that I may know what has happened to m y motions and why. I d o n ' t like to "fight City Hall." Our friends "in the office" should remind themselves that I am "in the field" now. I wrote about this question in m y polemic against B u r n h a m — t h e chapter o n "bureaucratism," I think. I a m still a field worker a t heart.

Letter 6 2

Sandstone, June 2 3 , 1 9 4 4

I am glad you finally got started o n your Spanish, but I c a n ' t understand why you d o n ' t use the record system. I am sure it is much easier and more interesting. Your impression of the weather here is somewhat exaggerated. It h a s been very cool all spring with the excep-

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tion of a very few days. Even then the nights were cool enough.

I am told that summer

nights here are always

cool enough to sleep under a blanket. We are all sleeping under three so far. The climate here, in fact, is very good, although one cannot s a y much for the scenery. I t i s the wide-open prairie, and close enough to Lake Superior to get the benefit of some of its cool breezes. ( I remember the summer I spent in Duluth years a g o . ) The air here is rather dry and seems to be good for me, but I will b e ready enough to exchange it for the b a d air of New York when the time c o m e s — s e v e n months from tomorrow. I am sorry to hear that the comrades are not making

more use of the beach accommodations. They should remember that there are m a n y tasks yet to come and that they should save some energy for them. Moish should see to it, at a n y rate, that the P C passes a motion formally providing for two-week vacations for each member of the staff in all departments. This h as been our procedure for m a n y years, but they m a y think a new motion

necessary. Sylvia's annual visit to Chicago should not be counted out of her two weeks. Let that be taken out o f m y vacation time. Tell Moish to be sure and not let any o f the girls skip o r skimp on their vacations o n the theory that there is too much to be done. That condition will never be remedied. Meantime people must live and have something besides work in their lives. I have been thinking o f Wheeler a s p a r t y organizer in Chicago. It should b e easier to find someone for the technical work you have in mind for him. From a political viewpoint Chicago is the weakest branch in the party and it doesn't get better while we sleep o n it. Quite the contrary. The reports I hear are far from reassuring, and the conviction is growing o n me that the Chicago sickness c a n ' t cure itself. It requires national intervention— and a correct diagnosis. The Chicago manifestations and similar ones we noticed in the p a s t year o r so are nothing but echoes of the petty-bourgeois opposition. The sooner we frankly recognize this and quit pampering it, the better for the party. I wish you and the other correspondents could organize

June,

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your clipping service a bit. I usually see two, three o r four copies o f the same article. Your report that you are feeling much better does me good. It also strengthens m y confidence in the curative powers o f the Long Island sun, although I personally

never expect to overindulge myself in it. I am waiting to hear that Mick has taken her first swimming stroke; nothing will stop her after that. It seems to me that the negative sides both you and Walta are exaggerating o f the b a b y ' s reactions to the ordeal of cutting her last teeth. She shouldn't b e expected to laugh and dance when she is in pain, and should b e allowed an occasional sniffle. I d o n ' t like to hear b a d reports about m y favorites; I d o n ' t believe them anyway.

The action of the ILGWU convention on our case represents a great achievement for the CRDC. Did Tobin really try to prevent it? The fact that it is an A F of L makes the action especially significant in organization the circumstances. I hope this is being pointed out in the press. And b y the way, while we are lambasting the Stalinists on the case I h o p e we are not neglecting Tobin and the shameful deal between him and Roosevelt and

Biddle. Don't let this get lost in the shuffle! I am all ready to start the Spanish an d German readers when they come. The French reader i s fine, I am reading

it every day.

Letter 6 3

Sandstone,

June

26, 1944

Finished the first Spanish study book and started the second. The German w o r d hold means "lovely," "charming." Wehmut is "sadness." Your report about the visit o f Wong made me very homesick. This is a beautiful Minnesota Sunday and I am thinking what a fine d a y it would b e for a leisurely walk with Wong and Mickus down to the creek and up the hill to the old abandoned farm. I think it is well es-

tablished that dogs understand the meaning of certain s o u n d s — t h a t is, that they can be so trained. I remember Dave's dog obeying his order to "go upstairs and get

104 Grandma"

Letters from Prison for dinner. M y mother

often told m e that our

dog named "Fritzie" understood and carried out her instruction

to "mind the baby" ( m e ) while she w a s washing

on the porch. That is, he would sit on m y dress and keep me from exploring the edges of the porch. That w a s quite a while ago. I hope the apartment question can be settled satisfactorily; plans for future work depend o n it. What I need

and will insist on having under all circumstances is a workroom which is not considered p a r t of the "house" and does n o t encroach on your living quarters; which is

provided for me b y the party and fitted up with all the facilities

necessary

for m y w o r k — d e s k ,

library,

dicta-

phone, typewriter, etc. It must be exclusively an office, n o t combined with the sitting r o o m , bedroom o r dining room, and in using it this w a y it must not be considered that I am taking special privileges o r monopolizing a diSproportionate share of the house. In short, I want a place to work that is indisputably

mine. I need it if I am to do efficient work and I think I am entitled to it. According to plans we have discussed here I will n o t work in the party office any m o r e — I have served m y full time a t that d e s k ! — b u t w i l l devote m y time, o n a regular schedule, to literary work and study in a separate office, either at home o r in some other place. The place where we lived on Eleventh Street suited me

in this respect during the last period after the front room w a s converted into an office only. That alone made it book. If that place possible for me to finish the History d o e s n ' t suit you I have no objection to your finding another, but be sure to find a place which appeals to you a s adequate for "living" purposes without including the workroom. The place under Walta would b e very congenial and attractive but you have to think of it with one of the rooms sealed off and nonexistent a s far a s our living quarters are concerned. Take another good survey of the place from this point of View. Would there b e room enough then? O r would you like to live there and let me have a workroom somewhere else? The only thing I am absolutely intransigent about is the workroom. That I

June, intend

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1 944 to have

a t any

cost. Once that point is settled

and out of the w a y any decision you m a y make about the apartment will be agreeable to me. I will write more about the school. It is simpler and more feasible than it looks. The problem, at first, is not the teaching staff but the student body. But that also can be solved if resolute decisions are made. M y view is that the first student group should be small, perhaps six, and should consist entirely, almost entirely, of people now o n the staff of the party. The problem is how to replace them. Here we m u s t make bold experiments. I hear that some rather wise people in Chicago consider the educational thesis "utopian." It all depends o n the premise. I s the party facing a period of expansion, contraction o r stagnation? All o u r work must be planned in dependence o n the answer we give to this question. To object to a p l a n itself is to manifest a sickness, from which unfortunately our party i s not entirely free, which should b e called organizational nihilism. To organize means first to plan; a n d planning requires perspective a nd realizable goals. I have the advantage over these critics in that I thought about these things before I wrote m y thesis.

Letter 64

Sandstone, June 2 8 , 1 9 4 4

The news about M o i s h ' s summary of the subscription campaign and the projected new campaign o f literature distribution is well received. The report is one o f the m a n y things I will have to read later. I am waiting for a comprehensive report from George about his impressions o f the branches. One question we wish to put i s , why is L o s Angeles so slow in getting started in the campaigns? I have started to read John Demey's Philosophy—the "Modern Library Giant" edition o f his selected writings. It i s a big book o f 1 , 0 6 9 pages, 2 4 1 of which are taken u p b y a comprehensive introduction b y the editor Joseph Ratner. I h a d planned to read all the ancients first, but I began to get impatient to see what arguments (reasons)

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the moderns give for rejecting the dialectical materialist method o f Marx and Engels. I have read one hundred pages of Ratner's introduction a nd haven't found anything yet. ( I have more than a strong suspicion that I w o n ' t find anything in this entire b o o k — o r any other b o o k — b u t I intend to keep o n the trail until I come to the very end of i t . ) Oh, yes, Ratner

tries to dismiss dialectic materialism in a flippant footnote, somewhat after the method of Burnham and comp a n y . They will have to do better than that! I ' m from Missouri and they have to show me. I w a s well satisfied to hear from our Chilean friend. I think Moish should keep in contact with him, send him

party circulars, etc. I also think it timely now to put into effect the plan we once adopted, and then postponed for financial reasons, to invite a Chilean to come to New York for a period to work with Gerland. I suggest that Moish discuss it with him. It

It

It

can b e broken into parts if thesis The educational it i s so desired. The second section (the concrete p l a n ) can stand alone as aproposition to be voted on, amended, etc. The other parts could be called "Comments on the Educational Plan" o r something like that. Some comrades agreeable to the plan might object to some o f the comments Others who are skeptical of the plan and motivations. might select debatable sections o f the comment for the main discussion. I am ready to debate the motivations, etc., in the "comments"—and there is plenty more where that came f r o m — b u t the concrete pr0posal should stand and not get swamped in a discussion b y itself for decision of the merits o f the bourgeois universities, methods of pedagogy, subjects we should teach, etc. I find that I have to study pedagogy also, and I intend to do it, so that our educational system can be conducted in the most efficient manner in method a s well a s in curriculum. I am getting madder‘every minute a t how little the college people have given to the movement, not only in comparison to their pretensions but in general. What in the devil did they learn in all the years

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they spent as adults in school with nothing in the world to do but study? Perhaps the fault belongs to the teachers. Be that a s it may, we Sandstone intellectuals are going to look into their pedagogical methods a s well a s their philosophy and their history.

Letter 6 5

Sandstone,

June 30,

1944

You forgot to include the M a y Day cartoon in your N o. 59. The decision about the convention, a s about everything else, must be made b y the N C solely from the standpoint of what the N C considers to be the party's needs and interests. F o r our part, as I think I wrote before, we have no objection to a convention—in fact, we tend more and more to favor i t — b u t the action, whatever it m a y be, should not be taken o n our motion. I speak only from the standpoint of those who sup-

ported the decisions of the last plenum and who see no need for revising them. The others must speak for themselves and should be consulted directly through their correspondents. I think it should be a matter of indifference to the P C whether the post-plenum document is submitted to the pre—convention discussion. Let the author

decide that. We are inclined to think the discussion would b e a good thing; and a second discussion, if necessary, after our return a still better thing. We feel no need to participate in the pre-convention discussion; we are well content to leave it to those who participated in the adoption of the plenum resolution and know very well how to defend it. This j o b w a s easy enough a t the plenum a n d will be still easier now after a lapse of nine months o r s o . This i s one of the m o s t attractive sides of politics: time comes to the aid of the correct policy. The events of the recent months in Europe also argue in favor of sticking firmly to tested principles when drafting party resolutions. Such documents d o n ' t have to be changed o r rewritten every year.

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I think the main political task o f the convention is to p a s s o n the line of policy followed b y the N C since the

last convention and to adopt a resolution summarizing what h a s happened since the plenum. In order that there b e no ambiguity, no possibility of misunderstanding, the proposed convention resolution should begin b y explicitly endorsing the policy o f the plenum resolution and proceed from there to analyze subsequent developments from the same fundamental standpoint. Pre—convention and convention discussion should not b e restricted to the policy o f the N C ; it should not be restricted at all. Those who feel disposed to criticize should have their aims facilitated b y the presentation of a special subordinate resolution dealing with the work of the party and the state of the party since the last

convention.

This will give everybody a point on the

agenda under which they m a y freely discuss the question whether the party has been conducted properly and is being built properly o r not. You can see from the foregoing suggestions that I am n ot of the Opinion "that every discussion disturbs the party." That is a slanderous echo of the petty-bourgeois opposition. To be sure, I am not very much in favor

of kibitzing which leads to nothing but more of the same and drives serious workers away, and I am not very much in favor o f pampering chronic kickers and windbags. But I am strongly in favor of full discussion which leads to a decision b y the party whenever different viewpoints are presented in the proper season. The preconvention period is the season. *

*

3|!

I d o n ' t think I will want to make a visit to Florida when I come home. Indeed, I d o n ' t think I will want to visit anyone for a while. After thirteen months here it will probably take some time for me to return to normal ways of living, and I will probably want most to be alone with you somewhere for a while to accustom myself gradually to a natural life of freedom, as a sandhog o r deep-sea diver must spend a period in a decompression chamber before entering open air.

July, 1944 Letter 6 6 This h a s been

Sandstone,

July 3, 1 9 4 4

a b a d week for u s . We have waited in

dread for news of Henry's [Schultz] condition. When we got a telegram Saturday morning stating that he h a d undergone a second operation we were in despair. Now that twenty-four hours have elapsed we are permitting ourselves to hope that Henry's fighting spirit, plus the best obtainable medical care, will pull him through. We take it for granted that Moish is keeping in communication with Minneapolis b y telephone and sparing no expense to provide Henry with the best of everything. The movement is indestructible, but the individual humans who make i t and build it are s o fragile! Yet it is these few individuals whose lives are s o insecure, threatened b y s o m a n y unknown hazards an d liable to instantaneous destruction b y s o m e blow in the dark, who are preparing the great new world o f the future. at a: a: Do you remember our first "program of expansion"? It is recorded in the old Militant— in the spring o r summer of 1 9 3 2 I think. We are of the opinion that the time is ripe now for the N C to prOpose a new program of expansion to the forthcoming convention, an d offer the following concrete plan: A $ ? Program of Expansion Fund to be related to our release o n January 2 3 , with that date a s the deadline o f the campaign. The program to consist o f four points: 1 ) An eight-page, $ 1 - a - y e a r Militant with a bigger staff, new features, two cartoons and more pictures. 2 ) Set up the Educational Department with a full-time director and start the full-time National Training School. of four new books b y 3 ) Subsidize the publication Pioneer Publishers.

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from Prison

4 ) Put eight more organizers in the field.

(Chicago,

Philadelphia, Flint, Boston, S an Francisco, Ohio, New Jersey, Buffalo.) The plan m a y appear to be somewhat ambitious, but we are sure that it is completely realistic. The fund and the forces needed to carry out the program will both be provided b y the party without hesitation. It is only neces-

sary for the leadership to ask for them. In this case, a s in all our other experiences, the rank and file Of the party will show more enthusiasm, energy and capacity than we expect of them. Besides being realistic, an d more than that, absolutely necessary now, it should be noted that the proposed program is balanced. The bigger, cheaper, more popular for the benefit of newly awakened workers i s Militant balanced against the Training School for the education o f party leaders. The publication of four more important books for the political and theoretical improvement of the party is balanced against a revolutionary step forward in the expansion of the organizing staff. Differing opinions have been expressed here a s to the amount of the fund to b e asked for, but no one doubts that enough c a n be raised to execute the program. Here are the suggestions that have been made: Ask for the same amount a s last time, $ 1 5 , 0 0 0 ; ask for $ 1 8 , 0 0 0 — one thousand for each of the eighteen; ask for $ 2 3 , 0 0 0 to be raised b y January 2 3 ; set $ 2 5 , 0 0 0 a s the goal. In any case, the final decision will naturally be made b y the convention—the program should issue from the convention—but the N C should go to the convention with a definite proposal. There i s no doubt that the proposal to give an eight-

for a dollar a year will strike fire in the

page Militant party ranks

as it has here at the Sandstone

branch.

One

comrade said this morning: "I am willing to do a year in prison for an eight-page Militant a t a buck a year." Are they working on the political resolution?

Letter 6 7

I am

writing

Sandstone,

this

on the blessed Fourth

July 5 , 1 9 4 4

of July. This

July, 1944

111

is hardly the ideal place to celebrate our twentieth anniversary, but b y adding the memory of the nineteenth and the prospect of the twenty-first I manage to make it do. Monday is usually o u r heaviest mail day. L a s t night we were all waiting for the mail with exceptional eagerness to learn the final score o n the sub campaign. We were all disappointed; there must have been a delay in the mail at this end. Your proposal to invite our cartoonist to Long Island for the summer is all right a s far a s it goes, but if she is seriously ill we are in favor o f more drastic measures. You and Moish should speak to your doctor about the matter, arrange for a thoroughgoing examination and follow his directions for treatment. If he prescribes a change o f climate o r a period of treatment at a sanitorium, we should take the financial responsibility for it without hesitation. We must do everything we c a n to save this precious talent. I think I wrote you before that I would like to hear

from Larry [Turner], George [Clarke] and Murry [Weiss]. Did you write to them? I am anxious to hear what plans the New York organ-

ization is making to utilize the two thousand new Militant readers. This new contact and mailing list gives Local New York something to work o n in the creation o f a new periphery. As I wrote before, I think it is more urgently necessary than anywhere else to push out boldly and build a new base in New York. *

*

*

I am looking forward to July 1 2 . On that d a y we p a s s the first half of our sentence; the rest of the time we will be coasting downhill. B y that date also I will finish the second French study book. Then I intend to l a y the language studies aside and take a two-week "vacation." It will be the end of a "semester" so to speak. I have been driving away a t the study every da y for five solid months and I am a bit fagged. I have started to read A Treasury of Science. Perhaps I will continue with it on m y vacation. However, I am not obligating myself to read anything o r do anything except my routine duties here.

Letters from Prison

1 12

Who got the highest number of subs in the campaign nationally? Who were the three highest? How did the new members show up in the drive? I think a cost— accounting j o b should be done o n the overall c o s t of the new subs, the amount received and the net subsidy required to fill them out. Can you send these figures to me when you get them? The book situation here is quite satisfactory a s far as we are concerned. The books already received, plus those approved and ordered, will keep u s occupied for some time. It is not likelythatwewill ask for many more. I am most eager to get the language readers—three o r four, graduated in difficulty and vocabulary, in French, Spanish and G e r m a n — a n d I understand they have been approved and ordered. The first volume o f Sean O ' C a s e y ' s autobiography ( I Knock a t theDoor) came some time ago, but there is a second volume—Pictures in the Hallway— which I would like to get. I am glad so m a n y o f the comrades are getting some g o o d out of the seashore place and that you are having a houseful for the long weekend of the Fourth. But how can they keep the beer cold without having a spring running through the kitchen? I must admit that the steady bombardment o f praise for the new place is beginning to wear down m y resistance. How did Wong like it?

Letter 68

Sandstone,

July 7 , 1944

I am still waiting for m y first letter this week but I suppose it will turn up eventually. We are all feeling better today after hearing the first definite news of Henry's improvement. We are beginning to feel confident now that the Dutchman will fight his w a y through. I t is a great satisfaction to u s also to know that Moish has been on top of this situation which affected u s so deeply. We believe the "eight new field organizers" is a realizable goal for the N C to set for itself but it might b e wiser not to specify that number definitely in the program. It i s b a d to make promises to the party if there is a reason-

able doubt of being able to fulfill them. It might be best for this

point of the expansion

program

to be limited to

July, 1 944 a more general staff in the field."

113 provision III

to "strengthen III

the organizing

:0:

Someone m a y question m y statement in a previous letter that the Chicago branch is the weakest branch in the party "from a political" standpoint, and think I am intentionally overstating the case. No, I mean it literally. I disregard the arguments o f those who consider Chicago the "best branch"—we do not measure b y the same political criterion—and confine m y explanations to those who m a y s a y that a small, new branch o f politically uneducated militants is at least politically inferior to the

highly "political"

Chicago branch.

This assumption is incorrect. To be sure, the uneducated militants must learn, but the miseducated people in ChiThat is much harder. Usick has cago must unleam. correctly pointed out that Aristotle's formula in this respect requires amendment under modern conditions of education and miseducation. The Chicago branch is a diseased branch. The disease is in part an inheritance from the past. The Abern clique did not dominate the Chicago organization for so many years in vain. In p a r t the sickness is the product of the sentiments, moods, prejudices and half-formed ideas which

were exhibited at the last party plenum. The Chicago branch is the unfortunate guinea pig upon whom this unwholesome mixture has sults could b e guaranteed ognize that the medicine is under the Pure F o o d and label o n it, warn the party

been tried out. The same reanywhere. Bu t once we recp o i s o n I think it is our duty, Drugs Law, to put a proper at large against it, and take

remedial measures in the branch which is suffering from an overdose of the Menshevik dope. I am interested in the new Negro columnist. Who is he? Where did he come from? What is his age, educational How and where was he rebackground? and political are very popular cruited? The "Shop Talks on Socialism" with us. It did m y heart good to see the "Letter o f a Steel Worker to his Son," especially with the illustration. I am to feel that we are really learning how to talk beginning to them. to the workers and make a p a p e r interesting That is the big task n o w — t o talk to the workers without

1 14

Letters from

"writing down"; to have elementary

Prison

propaganda for the

new workers without eliminating the more serious political material for the more advanced workers. That is why we need a bigger paper.

Our thoughts are turning more and more to the idea of a big national weekly, subsidized b y the party and sold a t a cheap price, instead of a daily as the next step in our forward development. I read [James T . ] Farrell's piece on Ring Lardner in

the Times Book Review. He is a good critic as well as creator, a combination not seen too often. I wonder if Jim doesn't read more consciousness and design into

Lardner than Lardner knew about. I recall the baseball stories as rich humor.

Letter 6 9

Sandstone, July 1 0 , 1 9 4 4

Finished m y second French study b o o k a few days ahead o f schedule and started m y two-week vacation (from language studies) Saturday afternoon. I a m taking this vacation partly because I think it will do m e good and partly a s a n example to m y hard-working colleagues o n the p a r t y staff. Please a d d Lenin's Materialism and Empirio- Criticism to the next b o o k list. I a m especially pleased to hear that you are gaining weight steadily. Please keep me informed o f your prog-

ress. So Mickey mistakes [Senator] Bricker for me? She isn't turning Republican, is she? Maybe we h ad better send her to the Trotsky School for indoctrination. We liked H a r r y ' s book review. His remarks o n the trade-union question were especially perspicacious. The review h a d the right tone and the right note; that is the w a y to write a b o u t renegades always; not to reason sweetly with them a s Morrison did in his article about Hook in the FI last year. The longer I live the more I become convinced that "the style is the ma n . " I am glad you are going to get the Spanish records, a s I am quite sure that this i s the easiest and best w a y to learn a foreign language b y self-study. We finally got the books we ordered long ago: The L o o m of Language a n d a good French a n d a good Spanish dic-

July, 1944

115

tionary. We will know a lot about self-study of foreign languages before we leave here. I seem to b e fated to learn everything the hard way. That is one reason I am so anxious to help others find the easier w a y . This will be the case with language study b y comrades in the future. They will profit b y our experiences and h a r d work. We will see to it that the party educational system scraps all obsolete pedagogical methods in this field and helps comrades to learn languages the best, quickest and easiest w a y .

a: a: a: We learn that our vigilant Control Commission has uncovered some cases o f organizational disloyalty in New York and is investigating the matter further. We are not surprised, and we will n o t be surprised if investigation discloses similar actions in Chicago. It is important to analyze this new phenomenon closely and not to proceed to the necessary organizational steps prematurely. Politically, the new manifestation m a y be diagnosed in

medical terms as a small pus pocket left over from the abscess

which

bourgeois

we

drained

opposition.

The

in

the split of the petty-

source of the infection—

politically and spiritually—is not in the New York branch and not in the Chicago branch, but in a higher organ, namely, the N C . This w a s shown for all to see at the plenum. Our patience and forbearance o n that occasion, and our adopted motion to confine the dispute to N C a o f neo-Menshevism members, gave the proponents g o o d opportunity, which they didn't deserve, to retreat and save themselves from discredit and disgrace before the p a r t y membership.. They are evidently not satisfied with these opportunities to cure themselves. They want to let their unattractive disease run its course. More than that, they want to communicate it to new young members who have not been previously inoculated. We cannot allow that. That would undermine and destroy all the good results of the great constructive work the party is carrying forward. As far a s we are concerned a state of war exists, and we intend to carry this war to a conclusion as soon a s we are in a position to do so, freely and in the open. Meantime, the press must

1 16

Letters from Prison

be guarded against the ideological smuggling operations which such political tendencies always attempt.

Letter 7 0

Sandstone,

July 1 2 , 1 9 4 4

We get full reports about Henry. Sunday he sent word b y Marvel: "Tell those guys a t Sandstone, you c a n ' t kill a Dutchman." So he seems to be getting back to normal. It is now m o s t important that he doesn't go back to work until he is fully recovered. We are depending o n Moish to see to that. a: an a:

I have been making use of a p a r t of m y vacation time to sort o u t a n d classifymy notes. So far I have run across three separate notes marked "Bermuda" and I am far from the bottom o f the pile. I think travel conditions in the West Atlantic will loosen up sooner o r later. You know I never did have any faith in Hitler's victory, and there is not much ground to start believing now. To be sure, I also have very little faith in Roosevelt's victory and still less in his "historical" position, but he will outlast Hitler a t a n y rate.

Of course, we do not insist on sending Wheeler to Chicago. There i s more than one good reason to have him in the center for a while, and even longer. But the reasons given for not sending Wheeler o r someone else to Chicago are not very reassuring. An activist organizer is not our prescription for such a politically sick branch. It i s something like trying to cure a boil o n the neck b y taking physical-culture exercises. I am more in favor of a surgeon's lance to open the boil and let the p us drain out. I a m becoming quite convinced that 1 ) either I was asleep for the p a s t year o r two, o r 2 ) we did n o t get correct and adequate reports o f the state of affairs in Chicago. An observant rank-and-file member, reporting the meeting o f the Chicago branch where the question of demanding a financial accounting from the National Office w a s discussed, comments: " I ' l l tell you one thing. The petty-bourgeois elements have not left this branch yet. And s o m e of them are very sensitive to the criticisms

July, 1 944

117

of the minorityites a n d the Social-Democrats." I wish to make two suggestions in the handling of the same manifestations in New York. 1 ) Question all concerned in the evidences o f disloyalty over and over again a n d keep a record o f all the statements. Track down every l e a d relentlessly until you get all the information possible. Take no organization measures until the investigation i s fully completed, and make it clear to a n y individual involved who m a y sincerely wish to remain in the p a r t y

that his chances depend o n his cooperation with the Control Commission in protecting the party against treachery. Keep in mind all the time that this is a political question u p o n which the p a r t y must be fullyinformed at the proper time and u p o n which the convention must finally act. Keep probing until you find out definitely whether New York h a s connections in other cities, especially Chicago. 2 ) Do n o t allow any discussion of disputed questions in the press, no matter who m a y "demand" it, but provide for the fullest discussion in the pre-convention Internal Bulletin. Everybody will b e satisfied with this procedure except those who want to appeal to petty-bourgeois public Opinion a n d justify themselves before it. There is another reason f o r o u r proposal. W e m u s t p u t a s t o p to all attempts to "smuggle" a revisionist change of our fundamental positions into the press before the p arty h a s h a d a chance to p a s s judgment o n them. We have tolerated too much o f this already under the mistaken assumption that we were confronted only with isolated individual aberrations. We are confronted with a tendency which does not feel a t home i n a Bolshevik party. B u t we must show these people that this Bolshevik party still knows how to protect itself.

Letter 7 1

Sandstone,

July 1 4 , 1 9 4 4

Your N o . 6 6 came July 1 2 with the next-to-the-last scoreboard. The news of our wonderful party makes us do our time easier; o r more correctly makes it less difficult, for there is no such thing a s "easy time." How badly we all undero f our membership and the new estimated the energies

1 18

Letters from Prison

responsiveness of the workers to a paper that tells the truth! Our defense campaign is a remarkable achievement. I never expected that anybody outside our close circle would trouble themselves about us so soon, o r that there would b e anything m o r e than the adoption of formal resolutions b y a few small unions. Contrary to that, the campalgn in o u r behalf h a s penetrated more deeply into the official trade-union movement than any political case ever reached

before. The Roosevelt gang can have good reason to be glad that our case will b e off their hands in another six months b y expiration of the sentences. They never dreamed that there would b e so much fuss about the imprisonment of a group of Trotskyists in wartime, with the U . S. Government allied with Stalin into the bargain. To b e sure, much o f the official support i s little more than formal. But that i s nearly always the case in the first stages. The great m a s s protest movements o f the p a s t began with formal,

more o r less perfunctory resolutions which the dynamic small minority o f militants pushed through in one w a y o r another. These formal resolutions, in turn, became factors in the acceleration o f the genuine m a s s movement. The first conclusion one should draw from the results of our defense campaign up to date is that considerable sections of the organized labor movement are alert and apprehensive of threatening encroachments on their basic rights and, from the beginning, have recognized the case of the Trotskyist "reds" a s a labor case. This never happened before in America. I think it is the m o s t important development. Next in significance to be noted is the emergence of the C R D C a s a genuine labor defense organization widely supported and universally trusted and certified as legitimate. This is also something new. The pioneer communist defense committees never became anything more than narrow party formations denied access to the official labor movement and depending on party members and sympathizers for everything, including funds. The I L D , much broader in its concepts and methods, suffered from the general indifference of the labor movement to the fate of radicals here o r elsewhere. Except for

the Sacco-Vanzetti

case—which was considered a mis-

11 9

July, 1 944

carriage o f justice in a criminal, not a political, c a s e — the scope of the I L D was quite narrowly restricted.

The CRDC h a s raised the theory and practice of labor defense work to new heights. Its general concepts and policy appear to be completely correct, and its organizing work is beyond praise. No one can know and appreciate better than I that the flow o f protest resolutions which is becoming a fl o o d did not originate spontaneously o r b y accident. In each case there is the background o f arduous work—from the plans and directions of the National Office to the countlessly multiplied individual exertions in the ranks. We see that work behind every resolution reported to u s, and we appreciate it with all our hearts. That is the w a y great mass movements are made, not otherwise. We are proud of our C R D C and grateful to it. We believe it will not cease to exist with the ending of our case but remain a s the permanent defense organization of the advanced workers' movement.

[Letter 7 2 ]

Sandstone,

July 1 7 , 1 9 4 4

I just h a d m y ingrown toenails operated o n and am writing this from the hospital. That is why it lacks a number; I d o n ' t remember the number o f the last one. Walta's letter o f July 1 1 came l a s t night, July 1 5 . Her

reports about the beneficial effects on both you and Mick were good to hear. I hope she also is benefiting and that the others are having good weekends. I wish you would write more about the weekend guests and parties. It does u s good to hear that they are having a good time. I am beginning to soften up o n the L . I. place. In your questions about a place when I return, you do not make it clear whether you are referring to a permanent place o r a special place for atemporary vacation.

If you mean the latter, I think it best to do nothing about it. The main thing I will w a n t — i f present feelings are any indication—will be complete freedom in all respects. I don't want to be tied down in advance to anything definite that I have to do o r any special place where I have to visit anyto go. Above all I don't want to be obligated body. I want to be free.

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Letters from Prison

If your reference is to a permanent place to live, I think you should decide an d settle that with only two requirements in mind. First, be sure that the living quarters suit you. Second, provide for a workroom for me which is separate and which does not push your living quarters into a dark corner. I w a n t to make it clear once more that m y workroom i s to b e considered a s a n auxili a r y office to b e provided for b y the party and not a t

the expense of your living space. Take this up with the party secretariat before you decide on a place. I d o n ' t want to have any possible misunderstanding on this point, which b y the w a y is strongly insisted on b y m y colleagues here. (They think they will be able to get more work out o f m e b y this arrangement.) I would also greatly prefer to have this place selected and fitted up before I return s o that valuable time will not be lost looking around afterwards. But if the p a r t y secretariat is not agreeable to this proposition, let the whole matter rest until I get home; and get an apartment that suits you without an extra room for m y office and library. Please let me know what decision you m a k e — a f t e r you have closed the deal with the landlord, not before. The assignment of Wheeler is agreeable to u s , all the more s o since we h a d just about come to the same conclusion. We note with satisfaction that separate phases of the educational program are already in progress. That is the w a y it naturally works out, a s I view it. To adopt a general plan does not necessarily mean that

every detail of the plan must be put into operation at once. But a plan is necessary now to give symmetry to the development of the educational work and a goal to aim at. I repeat again that the project of the Trotsky School is much simpler than it m a y appear. The main problem is the students, not the faculty. Indeed, this is no problem at all. As for the students, I think we should apply our tested organizational principle: Use the material a t hand. That means, in this case, to constitute the first student body out of people whom we already know a s more o r less qualified party leaders before we begin to experiment. We

will do that l a t e r — a n d no doubt get some surprising results,

both good and b a d — w h e n we are richer and have

July, 1 944

12 1

more people. Almost every member of the present staff should b e considered a s a candidate for the school. Who shall be the first six?—that is the only question.

[Letter 7 3 ]

Sandstone, July 1 9 , 1944

I am still in the hospital nursing m y sore toes. I am assured, however, that for m y trouble I will be free from ingrown toenails in the future. The operating technique w a s to burn the sides o f the nail down to the roots with an electric needle. I t h a s turned out to be less fun than I expected. It h a s been an awkward and painful business and the toes are still sore, but you can assure Macdonald that I am taking a nonchalant, chins-up attitude toward it, even though they are m y own toes. It h a s been a very cool summer here, the coolest I remember since m y summer in Duluth with Frank Little in 1 9 1 3 . We haven't suffered a bit from the heat, s o you can put your apprehensions o n that score a t rest. Since your health is improving s o well a t the beach it seems foolish to jeopardize it b y a strenuous train trip here, especially under the b a d and crowded conditions o f the trains these d a y s . Why n o t take it easy where you are and build up your strength for a trip we c a n make together later o n under better conditions? I think it is all right for little Mick to think of m e a s a Christmas tree. That is w h a t I always want to be for her. It seems to m e that she should b e allowed to continue her association of m y return with Christmas right u p to the end. That can easily b e done b y pushing the date o f her Christmas back for one month. I t would be nice to come home to a Christmas tree. I will bring her a ring and something else, and she can begin to save up for her presents to me. You can tell her that what I would like best are a special pipe, a box of Edgeworth tobacco and a special p a i r o f slippers to keep a t her house and u s e only when I visit her. I am glad but n o t surprised that you invited Dorothy

[Schultz] to send on little Ann. She is such a little thing she couldn't be much trouble. She should make a good playmate for Mick, but if she happened to get her Dutch

Letters from Prison 122 u p at the same time Mick got her Irish up there might be s o m e fireworks. A still better idea, I think, is to inVite the whole Schultz family. Dorothy could visit Grace, and Henry could rest up o n the seashore from his battle with the croakers. Besides, there Henry would b e under the direct, physical control o f the N C and couldn't go back to the N . P. Railroad without formal permission. 3|!

*

3|:

It seems to us that the p a p er is handling the strike question somewhat too defensively. We suggest that the stories o n the Stalinist campaign and the story about the alleged protest of a naval unit about astrike be examined again from this point of View. We have to b e doubly careful all the time to make no concessions to bourgeois public sentiment even b y implication. I have written before about the significance o f terminology in this respect. I d o n ' t have the clippings here and therefore cannot make exact quotations. But a s I recall the points we discussed, the Stalinist accusations that the Trotskyists fo-

mented a number of strikes in Mexico were called "slanders" and the AP navy story w a s called a "smear." Uninitiated r e a d e r s — a n d they are now the m a j o r i t y — c a n get false impressions of our policy from these inadvertent expressions. We must not yield an inch, even b y implication, to the bourgeois- Social-Democratic- Stalinist thesis that strikes are intrinsically wrong. It is g o o d t o hear thatthoughts in New York are shaping u p along the same line as ours on a big national weekly a s the next step. But what is the idea o f changing the format? Very good and convincing reasons must be given for such a proposal. I am especially sensitive o n this point just now because I am reading Engels‘ Dialectics of

Nature

simultaneously with John Denaey's Philosophy,

and experimentalism isn't faring very well. What is the matter with the present format?

[Letter 74]

Sandstone, July 21, 1944

We received the paper and magazine yesterday. I read the scoreboard first. Poor Buffalo! They tried so hard, and we were all rooting for them. But they were nosed

July,

1 944

123

out o f first place in the final score b y worthy rivals and they needn't feel too b a d about it. Newark really astonished u s . This branch h a s been hit so h a r d b y the double d r a f t — o f the army and the p a r t y — t h a t we would have been well satisfied with a modest score o f 1 0 0 percent o n their part. Instead o f that they bounce back with a score o f 6 5 7 percent! I think we are j u s t beginning to get a rough idea o f the real quality o f this party. The paper looks very bright an d lively with the new departments, illustrations and "rubrics." Ireadthe"Militant Army" notes second. Now that the scoreboard is finished for the time being, I think the "Army" column should be enlarged. The m o s t important thing i s to print extracts from letters. I read the Negro column and p a r t of the "Trade Union Notes" next. Then the editorial on the " 7 , 6 1 4 New Readers." Then the "Workers' FOrum" a nd the front-page story about the Stalinist campaign. Then

the CRDC page and "Ten Years Ago in The Militant." Next Kovalesky's article and "Pioneer Paragraphs" under the attractive new rubric, and the squib about "Browder's Diet." I h a v e n ' t mentioned the cartoons, but I l o o k e d at them first o f all, a s I suppose everyone else does. I put off reading the longer articles till the last in order to take m o r e time to soak them in. I imagine m o s t people read the p a p e r somewhat in this order, especially the new reade r s . The features, short squibs and illustrations are very important. They lead one very easily into the deeper parts of the p a p e r . The magazine keeps up a good standard. So far I have read the m a n a g e r 's notes, the editors' "Review of the Month," the English report and the French piece. I think the editors' review should be headed b y the signature " B y

the Editors." I would like to get more complete and precise information about the report of the Control Commission. Who were the four involved? How w a s their activity discovered? With whom did they meet? How m a n y times? What did they discuss? Who were the abstentionists o n the vote? Why d i d n ' t the leaders take the fl o o r? Precisely what w a s the parliamentary incident at the close of the meeting? What estimate do the leaders make of the whole affair

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a n d what are their further plans in regard to it? H a s the political resolution for the convention been prepared? I keep mentioning this without eliciting a n y response, but convention preparations cannot even be started n o r can a date even b e set until the resolution is ready for adoption. On the other hand, once the resolution is out o f the way, all the other convention preparations can b e reduced to e a s y routine work. I d o n ' t seem to have any definite opinions o n how the that they C R D C should proceed organizationally—except should not think o f folding up January 2 3 . There will be

plenty of work for them to do from now on! 3k

ll:

*

I am still in the hospital. There is nothing the matter with me except sore toes. I will probably b e discharged from the hospital tomorrow o r Saturday, but I w i l l have to wear cut-out shoes and step around carefully for two o r three weeks thereafter. I am taking it e a s y o n m y "vacation" here, sleeping a lot and reading at random. I still know how to loaf. I think that i s the main reason

I have lived so long and feel like living longer. I just finished reading The Deputy Sheriff of Comanche County which w as recommended to m e a s " a great book." It w a s

terrific, if you know what I mean.

Sandstone, July 24, 1 9 4 4

[Letter 75]

I am gradually getting better, but m y toes are still plenty sore and I am still in the hospital. This i s to keep the weight off m y feet and give them a better chance to heal. Ask Sweetums to put a sympathetic bandage on her big toe to help mine to get better quicker. *

It

*

The Irisher's comment about the "Dog Days" chapter of our History reminds m e that I hesitated a long time over that title, fearing that it might be considered too slangy. If you hear anyone make this objection, however, you can assure them that, far from being an expression of American slang, "dog days" is a classical term. Aristotle used it frequently to describe the period o f summer

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heat and stagnation. I couldn't think of a better term to cover that chapter o f the development of our movement without using the title which it really deserves and which I have no doubt the future historians will employ: The Heroic Period of American Communism. I still take m y reports of Chicago seriously despite the assurances that everything is O K there, because m y informant gives facts. The interpretation of the reports is m y own. It coincides, however, with that of m y informant who, b y the w a y , makes some very shrewd observations in regard to the Chicago phenomena and their causes. In regard to the optimistic assurances you sent me, he remarked: "I'm glad Rose wrote and made the comments she did. I think they reflect the attitude o f the National Office. That h a s been the attitude the N O h a s taken all along. They want Chicago to solve the problem themselves. Fine! But it i s about time that some of these pe0ple realized that instead o f solving this problem b y recruitment,

the workers vote with their feet." This last remark expresses w h a t I meant to s a y in a previous letter about the type o f organizer needed in Chicago. He says it better, and more succinctly. The principal reason why I am less tolerant now than before of the "kibitzers' club" theories of organization i s precisely the good prospect of an influx of new, politically inexperienced worker-militants. I know that such workers will not s t a y in a kibitzers' club. They w o n ' t talk back to the articulate s m a r t alecks, a n d they w o n ' t write letters to the N 0 either. They "vote with their feet." But the new workers are more important than the old incorrigibles who think the party i s a hospital for sick souls and a forum for unrestricted a nd unlimited self-expression. This i s the essence of the problem in New York a s well as in Chicago. I hope the leadership sees it this w a y and utilizes the preconvention discussion period, and the convention itself, for a salutary pedagogical campaign. The prejudices against leadership and the fear of discipline are characteristics of the petty bourgeois who definite. To the doesn't want to be tied down to anything militant worker, however, who h a s an instinct for organized struggle, strong leadership and firm discipline are the

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most attractive features of a party. Such a party, in his eyes, is serious, it means b u s i n e s s — a n d that is what he wants. Lenin wrote o n these subjects in What Is To Be D o n e ? and The Left Sickness. I hope the forthcoming discussion will produce some instructive articles which go to the very root o f the new criticisms and help the new workers in the party learn w h a t is involved and why. I am sorry I cannot participate. There i s at least one more pamphlet on this question in m y system.

[Letter 7 6 ]

Sandstone, July 26, 1 9 4 4

I imagine your apprehension about m y being in the h o s p i t a l — I a m still here but will probably get out tomorr o w — s p r i n g s from the usual association of "hospital" with serious illness. That is n o t necessarily the case in a place like this where everything from a cold to an appendectomy is treated i n the hospital. I am still o n m y diet of soft-boiled eggs and milk three times a day, seven days a week, except about twice a month when I get beef stew for dinner. I have h a d no recurrence o f stomach trouble; a nd a s far a s I know there is nothing physically the matter with me but sore toes which are

healing satisfactorily, if slowly, with no sign of infection. *

*

*

I would like to hear how the class o n historical materialism is going. Would like to attend it, in fact, a s I am deeply interested in this subject. We have m a n y discussions about it here in connection with our historical studies, American and Greek. Historical materialism takes the mystery out o f history and gives the reader a unique advantage over the historians, enabling him to see the grand causation of the events which the historians only relate in chronological order. The superiority o f the Marxist conception in the study o f history is n o t less than that o f the X-ray camera over a dollar Kodak for the clinical examination of the h u m a n organism. *

al:

3|:

I d o n ' t think you need to be alarmed about putting o n a little weight. The clothes question can easily be

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127

solved b y cutting up m y Hollywood suit and making two out o f i t — o n e for you and one for me. I am hoping you retain a protective layer o f fat about your bones. Perhaps it will keep you warm next winter and shield you from the annual plague of colds. The only argument I c a n see against keeping the old apartment is the p o o r heating service. But I d o n ' t think the c o a l shortage will l a s t longer than another winter; perhaps n o t that long. Meanwhile I think you should resolutely decide to counteract the chill of the apartment b y getting a g o o d electric heater a s s o o n a s you move b a c k to town. I am sure the Secretariat will allow this little extra expense i n the budget; an d you should not hesitate to ask for it. Remember that our o ld bones have a t least a traditional value to the party a n d should be kept w a r m on that account alone, if for no other reason. One of m y p a l s here i s quite sensitive o n this point a n d keeps bringing i t up in conversation. Every time he sees a new c 0 p y o f The Militant o r hears a new report of p a r t y progress in our absence he renews his proposal. Hi s idea i s that the p a r t y should buy the Pennsylvania farm. B y this, he s a y s , two birds can be killed with one stone. The p a r t y will thus be able 1 ) to take care of poor o l d Jim in appreciation of his p a s t services, a n d 2 ) keep him out of the w a y of the young leaders who seem to do s o much better without him. You c a n write and tell

Evie [DeBoer] that this is the kind of idea her husband cooks up when he gets a w a y from her influence. The second issue of The Militant arrived Saturday. We have to thank the comrades for making this possible b y sending it b y first-class mail. It is a great treat to have the p a p e r to read over Sunday. B y reading the paper a t this distance and with such a perspective we are best able to appreciate what a great paper it i s ; b y far the best this country h a s ever seen. I hope the "Diary of a Steel Worker" will become a permanent feature. It i s just right and j u s t the right length to help The Militant become what the Old Man wanted: a p a p e r of the workers. You haven't yet told me what kind of a heating system the Long Island place h a s . So "Snow" Larsen is going to get m a r r i e d — a n d to one o f our office girls at that. The party raises them, marries them off and struggles to

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assure a better world for their children. Still, the party itself remains ever young a n d keeps alive the spirit o f youth in those who serve it faithfully. M y "vacation" ended M o n d a y an d I should have returned to m y routine studies o f languages, history a nd philosophy. Instead o f that I have continued loafing

and reading A Treasury

of Science. It is a magnificent

a n d fascinating book. M a n ' s achievements are great, but only a faint intimation of what they will b e.

[Letter 77]

Sandstone, July 28, 1944

I read a volume o f short stories reprinted from the New Yorker and Norman Thomas' new book, What is Our Destiny? F r o m this you can see that I a m still

loafz'ng, resting mind a s well a s body. It would be hard for. m e to s a y which book i s the more empty. The New Yorker stories a t least present a picture o f the futility a nd decay o f the middle-class sophisticates. But a very little of that goes a long w a y with me. It i s repulsive to read about them. What must it b e to live among them a n d know n o other milieu? Some pe0ple d o n ' t appreciate the intellectual an d spiritual qualities o f the proletarian revolutionists. They d o n ' t s e e m to know how fortunate they are to be permitted to live i n such circles. I heard via Henry Schultz that George [Clarke] w a s on his w a y to New York. I a m still waiting to hear from h i m — a b o u t himself, the Seattle branch, his views o n independent thinking, iconoclasm, etc.

a:

a:

a:

"Iconoclasm" i s not, a s its devotees imagine, a n intellectual but rather a spiritual quality. It is a form o f skepticism which, in turn, is a form o f capitulation before the triumphant lie o f capitalism; an inability to believe, that is, to really believe in anything to take its place. I t i s the product o f feeling, not o f thinking, independent o r otherwise. I t is good o n l y to disorganize a n d demoralize a movement, never to build one. Our movement is b a s e d o n definite adherence to a b o d y

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129

of ideas which were n o t thought o u t originally a n d independently b y ourselves but b y others who went before us. They are n o t o u r creation but o u r heritage. To b e sure, w e h a d to study them critically a n d assimilate them a n d thus make them our own. But o u r common membership in the p a r t y presupposes that we have definitely agreed u p o n them and that we proceed from there to their application in life. Naturally, n o b o d y is obligated to agree with u s in regard to these ideas. Anybody h a s a right to dispute them, reject them o r "iconoclize" them to his h e a r t ' s content. But it i s a very p o o r exercise to recommend to the p a r t y members. They cannot fight for a p r o g r a m unless they believe in it. Those who have doubts about the program ought to s t a y home until they have m a d e u p their minds. There is no inspiration in their lugubrious soliloquies. And without inspiration it is impossible to build a fighting movement. *

’l‘

3|:

I received W a l t a ' s letter. You all seem to b e doing a pretty g o o d , organized j o b o f boosting the Long Island real estate. B u t it i s still only a n idea presented b y you to me. I did not think it o u t independently. Therefore I m u s t approach the question critically and cautiously and think, think, think for myself, n o t be a hand-raiser. Then I feel that I ought to see the place for myself, touch it, feel it, sleep in it-,-in short, submit it to a n empirical test. Then I ought to c o m p a r e notes with little Mick; I know she a l w a y s thinks for herself a n d s a y s what she thinks. Then there i s Wong. He d o e s n ' t s a y much but he h a s a w a y o f letting i t be known what he likes o r d o e s n ' t like. If all three o f us come to the s a m e conclusion we will go in with you. If I finally make up m y mind to join, you can depend o n two things: 1 ) I w o n ' t go around with real-estate agents who are knocking hobnobbing favor o f another. 2 ) I w o n ' t commune with in beach your wonder whether L o n g Island exists o r not. who souls lost

Sandstone, July 3 1 , 1 9 4 4

Letter 7 8 I got out o f the

hospital

Friday

and

can now start

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numbering m y letters again. I didn't have m y records with m e there. M y toes are still sore b u t gradually healing. I d o n ' t think I would recommend such a drastic operation to anyone else afflicted with ingrown toenails. Better to clip them periodically and risk a recurrence of the trouble than to go through s o much misery and inconvenience. *

3|!

3k

I wish you would send me Morrison's comments on the educational thesis. If it is too long to include in one letter, send it in installments. F r o m the single paragraph you sent me i t is clear that his conception of the method and purpose of p a r t y education i s different from mine. I think I told you that, in presenting the matter to the

convention, the program should be separated from the comments of Martin [Cannon]. That part, with such amendments a s the N C thinks needed, i s what should be acted u p o n b y the convention. Nevertheless the discussion of conception a n d methods c a n serve a useful pedagogical purpose, and should be encouraged. 3|!

*

II!

We hear with considerable dissatisfaction that Usick again h a s the flu. People w h o are in g o o d s h ap e shouldn't get sick i n the summertime. Perhaps the N C will have to set up its own B o a r d of Health with both discretionary a nd disciplinary powers to invade the private lives o f the staff members a n d see to it that l a z y people like m e d o n ' t l o a f t o o much a n d super-industrious people like Usick d o n ' t work too m u c h . Now that George [Clarke] is there—which is a good thing in i t s e l f — w e think a concrete emergency measure should b e p u t into effect about a s follows: Let Frank o r Warde be responsible for the magazine and George take Usick's place o n The Militant staff while Usick recuperates o n L o n g I s l a n d — p u t him and Wong i n the room that would be m i n e — a n d devotes himself to self-development a s an original, free, fresh an d independent thinker. *

3k

3|!

We received the JulyFI Saturday, but to our great disappointment The Militant did n o t come. The mails are very undependable these days. Besides that, we hear there w a s

July, 1 944

13 1

a wreck o n the r o a d from Minneapolis a n d that this delayed s o m e trains. I h a v e read only p a r t o f the magazine s o far; we h a v e to share it around. Stuart's report o n Cuba w a s very welcome. We think there are too m a n y subheads in the editorial section. The quotation, "Without revolutionary theory there is no revolutionary action," should be checked for accuracy. I think i t should read "movement" instead o f "action." Two subheads p e r page are enough. On page 2 2 0 the third line up from the sub— h e a d i n the second column belongs a s the seventh line from the b o t t o m . And w h a t did Trotsky have in mind in the words ( l a s t p a r a g r a p h , page 2 2 1 ) : "This i s similar to someone who values original people setting himself the task of becoming original himself —naturally, he would n o t attain anything except the m o s t wretched monkeyshines"? I think he meant to s a y that if G o d neglects to endow a person with originality, i.e., genius, he cannot m a k e up the deficiency b y banding together with kindred unfortunates to protest against the state o f affairs in the party. I think h e meant to s a y : "We h a d the same trouble but in spite o f that we m a d e a revolution. Just cheer up and do the best you can."

August, 1 9 4 4 Sandstone,

Letter 7 9

August 2 , 1 9 4 4

Received your No. 7 3 and No. 7 4 , w i t h the list of books ordered. It i s not necessary to send H o m e r ' s Iliad; there is a c o p y here. Not necessary to bother with Schiller's

poems if it is out of print; we have his Wilhelm Tell, that is enough. As soon a s I get a chance I will make a complete check of all books received here and send you the list. I d o n ' t think Mick and I will b e disappointed with each other when we meet again next Christmas. We will both be a year older. That always makes some change. I am anxious to hear about her progress with her swimming lessons. I feel s o r r y for the p o o r k i d — h a v i n g to make her first acquaintance with the water in the big, impersonal ocean. Turkey Creek, where I learned to swim, w a s a n intimate, friendly place with cool mu d on the bottom to sink your toes in. It felt g o o d . Besides that, we h a d a soft m u d b a n k with a groove cut in it for a slide into the water. I t w a s nice a n d slippery when we kept i t wet. *

3|!

3|:

Please let m e know: 1 ) What w a s decided about o u r proposed expansion p r o g r a m ; 2 ) What h as been decided about the convention. It i s quite important to give the practical program a n d the fund a name. The more I think about it the m o r e m y mind sets o n $ 1 8 , 0 0 0 a s the fund goal. That is quite a large sum to ask of the party. It i s best n o t to ask too much, a n d better to e r r on the side o f conservatism in financial matters. I think the Chicago inquiry o n finances should be handled fundamentally. The answer should be made to the party a s a whole a t the convention. I t i s a good opportunity to explain again the budget system of National

August, 1 944 133 Thanks to this, the party functions Office accounting. better in a business sense than nine—tenths of the projects of "free enterprise"; keeps out of debt; enables all the departments to develop symmetrically; makes it possible to plan work ahead a n d to avoid sudden crises a n d emergency a p p e a l s . These are new features in the organization of the radical w o r k e r s ' movement in America; m o s t likely elsewhere too. This introduction of planning, system and discipline into the financial management of the p a r t y w a s n o t attained all a t once, a n d n o t without effort. We first h a d to cleanse the p a r t y of the petty-bourgeois opposition before we could overcome the irresponsible bohemianism which they expressed in all fields, from politics to housekeeping. Purposeful Bolsheviks, on the other hand, cannot tolerate a n y kind o f sloppiness o r hit-and-miss drifting and waiting for something to turn u p . Neat, clean and well-ordered headquarters and offices and well-managed finances are by-products of the political victory of Trotskyism in the historic p a r t y struggle, and n o t unimportant ones either. The Chicago inquiry offers a g o o d occasion to explain our financial system once again to the party, a n d the p arty members will gladly h e a r it. Like all serious workers they appreciate good management. They will readily understand why the British trial expenses, which were n o t provided for i n the budget, h a d to be m e t b y a special fund in order not to upset the budget and interfere with coordinated plans b a s e d o n it. The convention should receive a roundup financial report o f party finances in general and o f the fifteenth fund in particular. A breakdown of this anniversary fund into its various allocations and the w a y it w a s u s e d b y the various departments—an exposition of their work in terms of dollars and c e n t s — w o u l d be a good to the proposal for a new expansion fund. introduction

Letter 8 0

Sandstone,

August 4 , 1 9 4 4

The following two books are requested: 1 ) Citizen Tom Paine and 2 ) A Rebel in Thought b y M r s . Colvin

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134

( I s l a n d P r e s s ) . This latter is the autobiography Paul woman, friend of Grace, etc. It

*

A

small

item

from

of a St.

3|!

the Associated

Press reports

filing of the pardon petition in t o d a y ' s Minneapolis

the

Tribune.

I suppose we will get further information. We all want to know who i s Kovalesky. The front-page cartoon this week (July 2 9 ) w a s n o t so well liked but the inside-page cartoon of the donkey Perhaps the and the elephant is thought to b e perfect. artist can explain to u s why we reacted s o differently to the two cartoons. R. J . Thomas, in his letter to Kay, says the National C I O supports o u r case. H a s there been s o m e official declaration to this effect? It seems to me that this lead should be followed up b y making indirect inquiries first. A direct inquiry to Murray might bring an unfavorable answer. I a m deep in the study of The L o o m of Language. It i s going to be a great help to me in m y further studies of languages. A very good b o o k on its subject which, incidentally, contributes a useful item to m y contemplated study o f pedagogy in general. The financial report o f the C R D C i s very interesting. When we were first indicted we didn't dream that people would p a y $ 4 0 , 0 0 0 for us. I got the snapshot of you on the porch a n d a m waiting for the others you promised in your letter of July 2 4 . I think I suggested once before that The Militant and F] should be sent to the radical emigré groups i n Mexico. It would be advantageous for our press to b e widely circulated in these circles. H a s anything been done about it? III

III

*

The excellent reports from Seattle about the Stalinists and the Quakers came in the midst of a discussion we have been conducting o n the subject of broadening the news treatment of The Militant. This arose from the project of developing The Militant a s a reallybig national weekly dominating the progressive labor field. We should print news about all progressive, dissident tendencies and be alert to publicize all infringements o n democratic rights.

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The reports from Seattle seemed to punctuate our discussion. We think it would be feasible to print now s o m e roundup informational articles o n the conscientious objectors in this w a r ; how m a n y i n j a i l ; what opinions and tendencies they represent; what their experiences and demands are; etc. Muste, at the Fellowship of Reconciliation, could give you o r p u t you o n the track of all the necessary information. Such reports should b e written objectively, a s a matter of news o f interest to m a n y progressiveminded people, without polemics against t h e m — i n the articles, I mean. Our propaganda, in m y opinion, can b e more effective if it i s a bit more subtle in s o m e respects. It should b e our aim to make The Militant the recognized leader and best and m o s t reliable source o f news of general interest to dissident a n d generally progressive circles.

I think we should also take up the case of Jehovah's Witnesses. Run a series of informative articles about this persecuted sect which h a s hundreds and hundreds of its young men in prison in the U . S. The statistical side o f this story alone is well worth telling. All other papers neglect them.

Letter 8 1

Sandstone,

August

7, 1944

I received your No. 7 5 and N o . 7 6 with the snapshots. It i s a good picture of a trio plumply pulchritudinous, a t ease. I d i d n ' t recognize you i n the dim light and wondered who the rather ample, well-contoured d a m e i n the corner might b e — I a m still mildly interested in such things—until I r e a d the letter a n d then scrutinized the picture m o r e closely. Mick looks like a sun-baked gypsy, a n d Walta looks like her mother a n d your daughter. 30!

III

III

I wish you would make arrangements with Sylvia to c o p y m y letters so that I can have them for e a s y reference when I come home. M y space is s o limited that i t is hardly possible to elaborate a n y idea properly in these letters. M o s t of m y thoughts can only be expressed a s

1 36

Letters from Prison

brief and inadequate notes. M a n y o f them I w i l l want to develop further when I have more time and space. I d o n ' t want m y numerous proposals and suggestions to the party to be lost, either. In a discussion this morning we were remarking that o u r thinking here is a rather complicated process which ends in midair. One first goes to the trouble o f thinking and formulating a n idea o n a given subject. Then it is discussed with others and perhaps changed, modified o r supplemented a s a result of the discussion. Then one takes the trouble to write it down in a l e t t e r — a n d that, a s a rule, is the last we ever h e a r o f it. I t is something a stone in a void and waiting to hear like dropping it hit bottom. at 2|: at When Joe gets back from h is present trip I wish you would ask him and Usick how they feel about going in with m e o n the "secretariat" project. If they are agreeable, I will write in detail m y conception of the functions of this institution and its methods of work a s a literary factory b a s e d o n cooperative labor, and will suggest some undertakings u p o n which preliminary work can b e started. The method I will p ro p o s e represents a big advance over handicraft production. In m y opinion the pre-convention period must be the occasion for a real, that i s , a Bolshevik discussion. In other w o r d s , a full and free discussion which leads to a decision b y the party. The leadership should n ot only welcome a n d encourage the free expression of dissenting a n d critical v i e w s ; i t must not tolerate the game o f avoiding discussion o f disputed points a t convention time in order to keep it going the rest o f the year. In such cases the

N C should take the initiative. *

III

*

I understand that the Chicago branch h a s become a forum for unrestrained criticism of o u r "trade-union policy." I d o n ' t think their criticism h a s a n y merit, but it can serve very well a s the takeoff point for a thoroughgoing pedagogical exposition o f this question which can

August, 1 944

/

137

be very useful to the party, especially to the new members. It appears that more clarification is needed. We must begin with precise definitions, distinguishing between o u r trade-union policy in the b r o a d sense and our methods o f work in the tactical application o f the

policy under illegal or semi-legal conditions in the trade unions. Most o f the criticism directed ostensibly against our policy is really aimed a t our methods o f work under present conditions in the unions, a t the strict regulations and restraints imposed b y the p a r t y on its fractions in the unions. The discussion willbe all the more illuminating if we can agree in determining the nature and the limits of the disagreement. As far a s I know, no one h a s challenged the broad lines o f our trade-union policy in wartime—attitude toward the w a r , the government, the bureaucracy a n d the employers; A F o f L and C I O ; strikes, etc. (More T u e s d a y . )

Sandstone,

Letter 8 2

August

9, 1 9 4 4

I c a n ' t find a n y error in m y numbering. Check a little and see if I didn't use the same number Again we liked the inside-page cartoon better the front-page one. Can it b e that the artist feels a t home in dealing with national politics? all

*

back twice. than more

It

Who i s the " J . M . " who writes from Chicago about the two-party system? Just judging b y his lack o f manners alone I would take him to be a n over-educated college b o y who "majored" in "iconoclasm." There are differences in the Republican and Democratic parties, in m y opinion, though n o t in the sense that J . M . the Republicans takes a s his point o f departure—that are more "reactionary" than the Democrats. This i s an illusion entertained b y many workers and fostered b y the bulk of the labor bureaucracy, the Social-Democrats, does well to center its and the Stalinists. The Militant fire o n this illusion; this i s - t h e main point, and should

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be the burden of our agitation. Big capital rules through the mechanism of the two parties a s far a s fundamental issues are concerned, but not always directly in response to their unanimous commands. There are deep conflicts of interest a s well a s differences of opinion in the ranks of the capitalists. The two parties, which are in reality two big factions of a unique twoparty system united on fundamentals, and the numerous factions and cross-currents within them, reflect these conflicts and differences. The big capitalists on the whole are more class conscious than the workers, but they are b y no means omniscient in judging their own political interests. They d o n ' t always know what i s best for them; a n d a s The Militant correctly observes, they are not notably grateful to politicians who have served them best in a given situation. These Oliver Twists always cry for more with an animal instinct. And they are n o t a bit squeamist about their methods o f getting it. Their ruthless criticism, obstruction and sabotage of the Roosevelt administration—undeterred b y the plaintive bleats o f the "liberals" and labor fakers that they were hurting the "war effort"—have to be understood as methods of pressure to compel Roosevelt & C o. to do things their way. "opposifion," as the labor It is not a n unreasoning fakers represent it. Results have shown that their brutal "opposition," which put Roosevelt in his place a s their servant, has been far more effective than the lackeylike support o f the labor leaders offered to Roosevelt as the master. Why should he p a y for support that he can get for nothing? The classes are not homogeneous, and neither are the two big class parties. There are differences of origin— this ought to be the starting point in the analysis of every organism—differences o f tradition, composition, sectional interests, political machines with their own special interests to serve, different techniques and methods of demagogy to hold various strata of the population in line. These are important factors worthy of notice b y the political analyst. But one can lose his bearing en-

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tirely if he does not recognize their secondary character. They complicate the political situation i n which the big capitalists have to manipulate the masses in order to assure their firm rule. B u t in the absence of a n independent class opposition o n the political field they will continue, a s i n the p a s t , to solve the problem without too much difficulty. What is their fundamental method? It is the Mo-party system. Which party do they support? They support both. And what is even more important, both parties

support them in all fundamental

questions. It could not

be otherwise under the present political scheme. The petty bourgeoisie (including the farmers) cannot play a n independent role in politics; and the workers—

under the Murray-Green policy—have renounced it. In this situation the presidential election becomes a diversion a n d a safety valve, not a class fight. I would like to see this question treated in an FI article. Letter 8 3

S a n d s t o n e , August 1 1 , 1 9 4 4

Continuing from August 7 letter: Our fi r s t dispute over t a c t i c a l methods of working i n the trade unions w a s with some Detroit c o m r a d e s . The l a s t convention settled that quite definitely. While some sectarian tendencies and a rather formalistic approach were to b e discerned in the position taken b y the Detroit comrades, the main point at issue w a s the estimation o f the temper of the masses and the immediate perSpectives, a s well a s the strength o f the

reaction, in the first period of the w a r . They took too lightly the general acquiescence o f the workers to the policy of Washington, even though their support lacked e n t h u si as m, a n d the strength o f the combination arrayed against t h e m — t h e government, employe r s , bureaucracy a n d Stalinists. The m a s s e s sensed much m o r e accurately w h a t they were u p against a n d moved much m o r e slowly and cautiously than the Detroiters expected. I t i s e a s y to see now h o w severely the p a r t y cadres would have suffered h a d they not been restrained b y the p a r t y leadership from premature, self-isolating

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actions. The Buffalo experience alone i s sufficient proof o f that. At first glance s o m e c o m r a d e s m a y have been inclined to identify the Detroit criticisms with the tactical line recommended to u s b y the WP, and practiced b y them in certain instances where they have s o m e members in transit through u n i o n s . I n m y opinion there is n o t much b a s i s for such a comparison. Sectarian radicalism i s not in the nature o f petty-bourgeois oppositionists where action i s concerned. And a s for such things a s reasoned perspectives a n d a serious analysis of the relation of f o r c e s — t h e s e have not yet entered into the thinking o f the L a b o r Action exponents of journalistic trade unionism. policy i s simply the exTheir so-called trade-union pression o f the impatient m o o d s of visitors who d o n ' t expect to s t a y long an d sink roots in the unions, and want to m a k e a splurge an d provide some newspaper c o p y before they are thrown out. I t is a policy of irresponsible adventurism which is good o n l y to sacrifice militants needlessly a nd thus to facilitate the work of the bureaucracy in housebreaking the unions. Lately we have heard a third criticism of our tradeunion tactics a n d practical methods of work emanating from a section of our Chicago branch. I t would b e false to identify this criticism with thatmade b y the Detroit comrades prior to the last convention. In m y opinion it borrows rather from the jitterbug phiIOSOphy o f the WP; is, in fact, a n echo of it. Their demand that we "do something" without specifying precisely what, and their complaint that "our policy is not consistent," show that they have not bothered to analyze the problem which presents itself i n different forms in different unions an d which must b e worked out concretely in each case. Our general trade-union policy, a s unfolded in full scope in o u r press, has been completely consistent since December 7 , 1 9 4 1 . And, a s far a s I can see, it h a s been 1 0 0 percent correct. It could n o t be applied in practical work uniformly in every union because each and every union presented different practical problems. The "law o f uneven development" works in this field also. The demand for "consistency" is the demand for a

August, universal

1 944 formula

14 1 that will not work

out in real life.

We must keep our broad general conception in mind as a guiding line and apply it a s best we can in each situation. (More of these notes l a t e r . )

Letter 84

Sandstone, August 1 4 , 1 9 4 4

I did n o t receive your N o . 7 9 . This m u s t have contained the information about the C a s s i d y document which we have been awaiting. Please check a n d see t h a t I get this. I d o n ' t mean for you to send quotations from others a s a substitute for your own letters. Write mo re. 3k

3|:

3k

We have read and discussed O ' N e a l ' s a n d M o r r i s o n ' s letters in relation to the ideological struggle which seems to b e taking sh a p e rapidly. I t seems thatinexorable social impulses are once again driving some people blindly to a break with u s . So strong are these impulses that they do not permit their captives to h alt, to think an d consider the objective logic and the unavoidable consequences of their course. On the contrary, they seem to b e impelled, without even waiting for o u r return, to precipitate the conflict in the p a r t y ranks artificially a n d prematurely o v e r issues a n d incidents which, in themselves, m u s t impress the membership a s rather trivial. How unthinkingly they appear to follow o n the path previously taken b y Burnham an d Shachtman! The l a s t p a r t y plenum, with the sudden intrusion of an unheardof issue, w a s a reenactment of the famous "July Convention" of 1 9 3 9 . The present manifestations, coinciding with the windup o f the present w a r in Europe, parallel the hysterical outburst which greeted u s a t its inception. If we have learned anything from the p a s t experiences, we m a y anticipate the e a rly submersion o f the incidental disputes which appear s o uncalled for, s o puzzling in their irrationality and violence, s o difficult for the unini— tiated party member to u n d e r s t a n d — i n a thoroughgoing ideological struggle over the m o s t b a s i c principles, which will be clear to all.

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The task of the responsible p a r t y leadership is to think the problem through to the e n d ; to see w h a t i s c o m i n g a n d prepare for it. Before making decisions o n single a n d incidental questions which arise, w e m u s t c o m e t o a n and agreement o n o u r a n a l y s i s a n d l a y understanding out a b r o a d line o f strategy which l o o k s a h e a d . The day— to-day decisions will e a s i l y fall into p l a c e once the n a t u r e of the problem a n d the objective we a r e aiming a t a r e agreed u p o n . Every decision m u s t b e m a d e p o l i t i c a l l y , with c o l d deliberation. W e a r e t h i n k i n g a b o u t the p r o b l e m in its m o s t a s p e c t s , a n d will t r a n s m i t o u r Views in a fundamental We believe M o i s h a n d h i s friends s h o u l d letters. f o number do the s a m e . L e t u s have a clear m u t u a l understanding o n what the situation i s a n d w h a t w e w a n t . Since you asked m e to a n s w e r concretely a b o u t the O ' N e a l letter, I will digress from the m a i n theme to give you o u r views. This letter l a y s the w h o l e a b s u r d i t y Of the latest reaction against B o l s h e v i s m w i d e Open, s t a r k l y and crudely. I t is a temptation t o p u b l i s h the d o c u m e n t and utilize the o c c a s i o n to restate s o m e fundamentals. At first, we were inclined to this p r o c e d u r e . M o r e t h o r o u g h induced u s t o c h a n g e o u r O p i n i o n . The consideration recommendation which w e h a v e agreed u p o n i n this c a s e proceeds from o u r general concept Of the p r o b l e m a s a whole and the b e s t r o a d to its solution. This, in our Opinion, dictates the following decisions: 1 ) We should fi r m l y resolve to settle this fight inside the party, a s we did the l a s t o n e , and n o t p e r m i t a n y outside interference o r pressure to influence u s . Still less should we tolerate the a b s u r d presumption of a n y o n e , inside the p a r t y o r o u t , to "umpire" the s t r u g g l e . W e a i m a t a contest in the party, p e d a g o g i c a l in chars-.ctcr, a n d an eventual decision b y the party. 2 ) Our s m a l l , persecuted p a r t y , s u r r o u n d e d b y enemies, must carefully guard its internal solidarity, the fierce, u n compromising loyalty a n d patriotism o f its rank a n d file. Our party, in the present circumstances, c a n serve its own interests best b y confining the discussion, especially i n the first stages, to the Intemal Bulletin a n d branch debates.

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This is also in t h e i n t e r e s t o f a n y l o y a l opposition; a public discussion would serve to c o m p r o m i s e them publicly and, perhaps, cut off their retreat. 3 ) The O ' N e a l letter, written without d o u b t a t C a s s i d y ' s instigation, i s such a painfully literal transcription o f the documents of M o r r i s o n and C a s s i d y t h a t t h e publication o f h i s letter i n o u r p r e s s , with the answer it deserves, w ould appear a s , a n d would in effect b e , a public attack o n the views o f o u r internal o p p o s i t o n . They co u ld b e expected to follow w i t h a demand that their documents b e published in the p r e s s — a n o p p o s i t i o n o f this kind instinctively a nd invariably seeks "public" s u p p o r t against the "rigidity" o f the Bolshevik p a r t y m e m b e r s h i p — a n d , in the circumstances, s o m e p a r t y members might sympathize with their de mand. ( I will continue from here T u e s d a y . )

Letter 8 5

Sandstone, August 1 6 , 1 9 4 4

You and Grace will both be interested to learn that the allergy fakers finally got their h o o k s into m e . L a s t Saturd a y night I started to take some sulfa tablets a t the doctors direction to speed up the too slow healing of m y p o o r t o e s . S u n d a y afternoon I broke out in a rash which looked like the measles a n d b y Sunday night I h a d a high fever with chills, shortness of breath and general debilitation a n d demoralization. I checked into the hospital S u n d a y night a n d a m still here. The treatment is rest in b e d and a liquid d i e t — w i t h plenty o f water in addition. The fever is gone a nd the r a s h i s abating. B u t I s t i l l d o n ' t feel very good. And m y general state o f mind i s not improved b y t h e bland explanation: "You are allergic to sulfa." How can that be if I d o n ' t believe i n allergy? ll!

it

all

To resume where I left off Sunday: I t i s best to avoid this kind o f an issue b y deciding resolutely a t the start to confine the discussion to internal channels, a t least until our return. (We expect the discussion to b e started in our absence and finished after we get b a c k . )

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4 ) From these considerations the O ' N e a l letter should be refused publication in our press. H e should be told that we are discussing some of the questions internally and do not w a n t to anticipate the convention decision. His letter contains a n implied threat to publish his letter elsewhere. In truth, i t would not b e a t all out o f place in the WP p r e s s . Let him publish it there if he ”wants to, and have no qualms about it. The publication o f the letter could not hurt u s , but i t could deal a n a s t y blow to O ' N e a l ' s own reputation. I should not like to see that if it c a n be avoided. From this point o f view you m a y , if you see fit, tell him that I personally advise him to withhold his letter from publication for the time being. He should think it over a while longer a n d w a i t to see what o u r p a r t y looks like when we return. And you can tell him also that I offer him this advice out o f friendship. ( I t is always s a d to see a friend make a fool o f himself a s the dupe o f others. But it might offend O ' N e a l ' s vanity to tell him I added this postscript.) Now a w o r d a s to the two articles which ostensibly— but not really— have caused all the hullabaloo. We haven't seen J o e ' s article; only a few s h o rt quotations o u t o f context have been available to u s . Bu t from the type o f criticism which i t h a s elicited, which c a n n o t i m p r e s s a Bolshevik seriously, we a r e inclined to judge that the article w a s all right for the occasion. When we see a fight going o n we always take the side o f the Bolshevik first a n d inquire about the formal causes l a t e r . That puts u s i n J o e ' s corner. F r a n k e l ' s article we h a v e seen a n d carefully reread a n d studied since receiving O ' N e a l ' s criticism which, b y the w a y , we h e a r d before. ( T h e trade-union p a r t i s C a s s i d y ' s invention.) We are ready to sign o u r names to every line o f this article. It i s an excellent employment of the Marxist method in the analysis a n d exposure of a politicoliterary fake. F r a n k e l ' s remarks o n the trade-union question represent a m o s t interesting and valuable extension of Trotsky's illuminating "trade-union analogy” which Shachtrnan unthinkingly adopted without realizing what a hole he w a s digging for himself. This p a r t o f Frankel's article i s a g o o d example of

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1 944

145

critical an d independent thinking which we recommend to the attention of all c o mrad es , especially the youth, who wish to cultivate this valuable quality. I n addition, we appreciate the tone of the article. That i s the right w a y to write a b o u t renegades a n d charlatans. Our dispute with them is n o t a polite exchange of views between friends b u t a class fight. The tone is the m a n , a s well a s the style.

Letter 8 6

Sandstone, August

17, 1944

I am grieved to hear about little M i c k ' s sore foot. I think Walta w a s right to go in to have the doctor check it. Let m e k n o w further developments o n this front. Tell Sweetums that I am wearing a sympathy bandage around m y foot until hers gets well. I am writing this from the hospital, but will go out tomorrow. M y toes m a d e good headway and are now in pretty g o o d shape. So i t seems that I got s o m e g o o d out of the otherwise unpleasant experiment with the sulfa. M y philosophy teachers will be very disappointed with m e , but o n the toenail question I a m a c r a s s empiricist. I am convinced that burning ingrown nails with the electric needle i s no g o o d . H o w d o I know? Because I tried it myself! I s u p p o s e Usick a n d Warde will shake their heads s a d l y at this deviation, but they will never b e able to straighten me out a s far a s toenails are concerned. This b o y from K a n s a s knows what he knows whether he learned it the right w a y o r not. Tell George n o t to bother about writing to me. From what you write I judge he is losing his sense of humor and proportion and did notunderstand thatas spoofing him about "independent thinking." Most revolutionists, I have s a d l y observed, get out o f step with m e when they begin to get old. F r o m what you have written to me, Igather that several o f the others who used to have a certain spiritual communion with me and therefore knew the difference between irony and anger, are also beginning to get hardening of the arteries. When I get back to New York I am afraid

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I will have to cultivate a new group of friends among the younger members of the p a r t y . I c a n ' t stand o l d people. They give me the willies. II!

*

III

I received your letters No. 8 2 and N o . 83. This clears u p the mystery of the missing letter. Your numbering system i s a g o o d check, I must admit. However, I w a s disappointed n o t to get some factual information about the missing d o c u m e n t — w h a t theory o f the affair is held and what investigation is contemplated—in which I a m greatly interested, instead of the quotations from S h a c h t m a n — i n which I am interested not a t all. M y opinion about the w a y to "answer" this great revelation follows logically from the general premise l a i d down in l a s t Sunday's letter. That leaves no possible room to notice the incident in our press, still less to "answer" Shachtman there. A good politician must think first of his o w n party, first straighten out things there and then speak to the outside world in the name of the party. O r , a s Moish would put it: When you are in hot water you should first pull in your horns, settle the question in your own ranks, then speak to external enemies in the name of the party and unfurl your banner while standing o n solid ground. Let Joe straighten out those metaphors, if he can. *

3k

*

I d o n ' t think it is feasible to send the resolution to me and then wait for our opinions, etc. That will take too much time. We are too far removed from events and our writing facilities are too circumscribed, and time is drawing short. The convention h a s already been delayed too long to extract the maximum value from its two greatest advantages: the enthusiasm of the party over the great sub campaign, and the fact that a convention is held in our absence. The

thing

to do

now

i s to finish

the resolution,

set the

convention date and open the discussion before the idea of holding a convention before our return begins to lose its point. We d o n ' t need to see the resolution. All we care about i s that it be written in the tradition which we have established with respect to party documents since

August, 1 944

147

August, 1 9 4 0 , when we h a d to go o n our own, and that it b e programmatically firm a n d written with complete political objectivity.

Letter 8 7

Sandstone,

August

20, 1944

Dear Walta, If I were superstitious like m y paternal grandmother, I would s a y that I w a s warned of L o r n a ' s foot trouble b y a b a d dream the night before R o s e ' s letter came. I dreamed that I h a d a s a d homecoming. Rose and the b a b y met me at the station; I d i d n ' t see anyone else there. Rose looked very thin and sick, and Lorna was a bundledu p , sickly infant in her arms without the recognizable personality I know, and she d i d n ' t recognize me o r seem interested in anything. Not being superstitious, I attribute the dream to the distorted m e m o r y in m y sleeping mind o f a harrowing account I h a d j u s t r e a d o f the famine days in Russia during the e a r l y thirties. Perhaps it is j u s t that one should n o t b e allowed to sleep forgetfully while there are hungry children in the world.

I am relieved to know that you took the baby to the doctor a n d that he prescribed a felt p a d to shield her wound from the pressure o f h a r d and rough surfaces. I n addition, you should keep her off her feet, o r at least try to, for a while. There is always danger o f a "stone bruise" from a w o u n d o n the bottom of the foot. This w a s a rather c o m m o n ailment amongst u s when I w a s a b o y , a n d it w a s never much fun. We r a n barefooted from the l a s t d ay of school in the spring until the new term in the fall. That w a s fun, but we ran into plenty of foot trouble running wild over all kinds o f rough territory. M y boyhood memories are pretty well dominated b y the recollection of running rusty nails i n m y feet, a n d stepping o n thorns—there were plenty o f real thorn trees o n the Rosedale hills and they always seemed to grow best on the sides o f paths through the woods; and stubbed t o e s — t h a t is a mean business; and

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cutting m y feet o n broken bottles and tin cans in the alley; and stone bruises. Modern city-raised kids miss m o s t o f that. But they miss s o m e g o o d things t o o , such a s walking in bare feet o n cool dirt paths in the shade; o r walking on the hot rails of the railroad track to the swimming hole until the soles of the feet are almost cooked, and then jumping into the creek and letting the toes sink down into the cool slimy mud at the bottom. That w a s good;itfeels good even now

to think of it. We never h a d a doctor for a n y of our minor troubles. I c a n ' t remember ever having a doctor throughout m y entire childhood except the time they cut m y thumb off. I remember sharply the t i m e I h a d a b a d stone bruise o n m y heel, caused, I presume, b y running around o n rough r o a d s and rocks with the pressure of m y weight o n some unhealed sore o r other. M y mother put a flaxseed poultice o n it, which w a s supposed to "draw out" the pain, and

kept me in the house, that is, o n the porch, for a few days. I remember that it w a s very painful and kept me awake one night. This meant also that it kept m y mother awake changing the poultice and reassuring m e that the pain came n o t from the wound but from the poultice "drawing” it. I remember hearing her tell the neighbors next day, proudly, how bravely I h a d endured the pain without a whimper. She said she knew it must have hurt me because she heard me moaning in m y sleep after I dropped off. That w a s a pedagogical trick of h e r s — t o praise me for virtues she wanted me to have; first of all, stoicism.

Letter 8 8

S a n d s t o n e , August 2 2 , 1 9 4 4

I wanted to a d d two m o r e points to m y comments o n F r a n k e l ' s article b u t r a n o u t o f space. There is never enough s p a c e to deveIOp a thought properly. 1 ) I t could h a v e been shown t h a t S h a c h t m a n ' s conception of dialectical materialism a s o f no special u s e in politics led him into error o n the "trade-union analogy" he employed, j u s t a s it did originally in the fundamental ques-

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tion o f the analysis o f the Soviet state. To a certain extent this i s implied in H a r r y ' s criticism, b u t a n explicit elucidation would a i d the education o f the readers o n the mainspring o f Marxism — dialectics. Journalistic impressionists, who are simply empiricists of the pen, habitually judge everything a s it appears to them a t the moment, in isolation from everything else a n d from its own p a s t a n d future. This is all right for feuilletons, a n d i s even entertaining a t times, but for political analysis a m o r e serious method i s needed. Marx: ists begin the study of a social o r g a n i s m , such a s a trade

union, with its origin and then follow the process of its development, whether progressive o r retrogressive, a n d note all quantitative changes which m a y h a v e taken place in order to determine whether quantity h a s been transformed into quality. To be sure, this i s a s o m e w h a t more difficult procedure—thinking, in general, i s m o r e comp-Ii; c a t e d a n d s l o w e r than guessing a n d f e e l i n g — b u t i n return it gives m o r e serious results, especially i n complicated political questions. If Shachtman h a d learned to respect h is dialectical method o f thinking, he never would have ventured to a p p l y the s a m e superficial criterion to t r a d e u n io n s , which originate a s c l a s s organizations o f the workers, a n d Robert L e y ' s " L a b o r Front," which originated a s the fascist substitute for t r a d e u n i o n s which h a v e already been destroyed b y the fascists. Trade u n i o n s m a y b e c o m p a r e d to each other; o r the Soviet state, " a trade u n io n which h a s taken pow er," m a y b e c o m p a r e d to trade unions existing in m o r e elementary stages of development; a n d this analogy, a s long a s it remains a n analogy a n d n o t a n identification, c a n yield fruitful results a s a n a i d to thinking o u t and determining the present status a n d character of b o t h . With the example o f a trade union i n mind we c a n trace the deve10pment o f the Soviet state from its starting point a n d ask ourselves whether the changes remain quantitative o r have become qualitative. 2 ) F r o m that follows the next question, a n d the answer to it: I s destruction of the organism necessary o r is reform possible? With the example of the degenerated workers'

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state in mind we can turn to such degenerated trade unions a s the H o d Carriers a n d the Stalinist U E and ask the s a m e questions. The answers to the questions in each case depend o n the accuracy of the analysis. But the method o f dealing with the problem is unassailable. Shachtman is a stranger to this method, a n d thereby to the heart and core of M a r x i s m . That is w h a t induced him to first arrive a t a negative p o s i t i o n o n the defense o f the Soviet state and then, l a t e r , t r y to bolster i t up b y a retroactive "analysis" o f the character o f the state. He employs the s a m e superficial method in h i s approach to the trade-union side of the "trade-union analogy." The results cannot be a n y better. *

*

3|:

M y space is up again. We are profoundly disturbed b y the editorial o n W a r s a w . I earnestly h o p e i t is an incidental error, not a new p r o g r a m .

Letter 8 9

Sandstone, August 2 4 , 1 9 4 4

I received your N o . 8 5 a n d N o . 8 6 l a s t night after a l a p s e of one week. Your N o . 8 4 , to which you seem to m a k e reference i n N o . 8 5 , w a s n o t received. I a m still taking it e a s y a n d feeling n o t b a d physically. M y weight n o w is 1 6 3 . This i s twenty p o u n d s less than I weighed a t the time of the trial. I w a s d o w n to 1 5 4 b u t began to gain again after I started the new diet. a: a: a: I hope the comrades are arranging for a g o o d and thoroughgoing discussion which will demonstrate once again that o u r s is the m o s t democratic p a r t y in the world. At the s a m e time the occasion must be utilized for the teacherly instruction of the new members in the principles a n d methods o f Bolshevism. B y now we should understand the dialectic of factional struggles, and that they contain b o t h good and evil. They always interrupt constructive work to a certain extent and discourage s o m e people. O n the other hand, if they are conducted properly, new people learn faster and more firmly in factional conflicts than a t any other time o r in

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a n y other w a y . If you b e a r d o w n heavily o n the educational side a n d t r y to reduce the negative features to a minimum, the p a r t y o n the whole will gain from the experience, regardless of the further c o u r s e of s o m e o f the individuals i n v o l v e d . This w a s shown b y the results of the fight with the petty-bourgeois opposition, which I believe w a s a model, deSpite the fact t h a t it c o s t u s nearly half of the membership a n d n e a r l y half of the leadership, t o o . The party gained greatly in health a n d energy and self-confidence. Moreover, the improvement w a s noticeable from the first d a y after the s p l i t . This p r o v e s rather conclusively that the opposition of that time, despite its large size, was not really a p a r t of the p a r t y organism b u t a parasitic tumor u p o n it. I believe the present o p p o s i t i o n is the s a m e kind o f a t u m o r , b u t a smaller o n e which m a y even b e cured b y lancing a n d draining without m o r e drastic surgery. At a n y rate, the p a r t y i s strong e n o u g h to try this experiment first, a n d to take p l e n t y of time with it. At every test the party d e m o n s t r a t e s that it i s stronger than even w e think, a n d we think it i s p r e t t y s t r o n g . *

*

IF

I will n o t try t o take p a r t i n my. d i s c u s s i o n , b u .1 I will continue to s e n d y o u n o t e s o n c e r t a i n p o i n t s w h i c h o t h e r s m a y p u t to s o m e u s e . T h i s i s the. first time in m y experience t h a t I h a v e been c o m p e l l e d , o r permitted, to stand

a t a distance from a p a r t y struggle and comment o n it a s a n observer. T h i s r o l e h a s certain advantages and compensations b u t it is n o t i d e a l l y suited to m y "temperament."

You m a y not know it, but all the [critical] letters which you refer to a n d quote from a r e circulated i n Chicago; in other places a l s o , I p r e s u m e . T o o b a d the N C h a s no representative i n Chicago u p o n whom it could rely to send accurate information and defend its p o in t of view. I t seems to me that there i s still too much reliance o n the "independent thinking" of the Chicago rank-and-file comrades to keep them straight, an d a n underestimation of the prejudicial effects o f one-sided p r o p a g a n d a . Even Michaels, I hear, h a s been infected b y the "free-thought"

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152

revelation. I think Kugie should be m a d e a correspondent a n d provided with full information. ( Y o u r N o . 84 j u s t a r rived.) of B a r i reprinted I saw the editorial in Il Proletarz'o in La Parola ( N e w York) August 1 9 . This appears to b e the authentic voice of the revolutionary opposition i n the Italian CP. The Fourth International should turn its attention to them. There are its future cadres, not in the moth-eaten cliques o f Russophobes. Without a correct position o n Russia it would b e impossible even to talk to these workers.

Letter 9 0

Sandstone, August 2 7 , 1 9 4 4

I received y o u r N o . 8 9 . If M i c k ' s foot begins to hurt h e r , Walta should p u t a h o t flaxseed poultice o n it. *

*

*

The FI c a m e yesterday evening. We opened the package

eagerly, and found—the July issue! What a letdown! How could such a mistake h a v e happened? I hope the August issue will c o m e without too much d e l a y . The p a p e r comes sometimes o n Saturday b u t m o r e often o n M o n d a y s . It i s the greatest convenience to get the p a p e r Saturday to read over the weekend. Ask Reba to experiment with first-class airmail. Perhaps if the p a p e r s are mailed that w a y a s s o o n a s they come from the press we can count o n getting them Saturday. *

III

*

On the convention: I ) I think the convention call should refer to it a s the eleventh and t h a t term should be used in all references to it. 2 ) To allow for thorough discussion of the constructive side of the convention a s well a s the disputed questions, be sure to allow enough time, perhaps b y providing for four d a y s instead o f the usual three. I have s o m e more notes o n the trade-union question b u t d o n ' t know when I will get to them. Did you read Lewis' article in Collier's about a month ago? It is interesting a s showing a similarity between Lewis and Stalin. Lewis condemns strikes, a n d a t least inferentially the

August, 1 944 153 high wages o f the war-industry workers. I t is a good example o f the narrow-minded bureaucrat fiercely defending his own position, and in his own w a y , the interests of the l a b o r organization ( t h e UMWA) which he heads a n d o n which his position is b a s e d , against the capitalists, while showing indifference a n d even hostility to other l a b o r organizations. One could judge from h i s article that he i s making a n offer to the capitalists to sacrifice the interests o f fifty million other workers if they will le t his own u n i o n alone a n d g r a n t it a few concessions which are n e c e ssa r y to maintain the position o f the UMWA bureaucracy. Stalin likewise offers to sell out the workers of all other countries, a n d even to collaborate with the imperialists against them, in return for a truce with the Soviet Union. The nationalist, Stalin, i s Soviet Union-minded; the provincial Lewis i s mine u n i o n - m i n d e d . There is a certain difference, o f course, b u t the a n a l o g y is clear. I t h i n k Frankel c o u l d write a n interesting article o n this theme for the FI. a: a: a: The "educational" counterthesis i s not interesting to me, a s it i s all negation except for the insistence o n independent a n d critical thinking. Since I myself have always been since m y earliest childhood a s independent a s a hog o n ice, a n d since the beginning o f m y conscious life strongly inclined to critical thinking, I c a n n o t have a n y objection to anyone indulging these traits a n d recommending them to others. I t i s m y opinion, however, that the example o f o u r champions of independent a n d critical thinking l a g s far behind their precept. They a r e s o pathetically dependent o n external pressures a n d influences that it i s painful to observe. Perhaps without realizing it, they slavishly repeat w h a t h a s been s a i d b y politically demoralized people before them, without even a n y independent variations, without a trace of originality. To state the brutal truth, they o n l y think they think. Their complaints a n d formulas are n o t the product o f thought at all, independent o r otherwise, but of moods a n d sentiments induced b y intestinal a n d cardiac dis-

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turbances. These m o o d s a n d sentiments impel them to blame others for their o w n w e a k n e s s , their morbid pessimism and fear of the future.

Sandstone, August 2 9 , 1 9 4 4

Letter 9 1

What w a s e v e r done a b o u t the e x p a n s i o n p r o g r a m we p r O p o s e d m a n y weeks ago? I a m j u s t going through your August letters to see if I neglected to note a n d answer anything before I file them a w a y . a: a: a: If you c a n , dig up T r o t s k y ' s letter criticizing the old

Socialist

Appeal

for its too literary brilliance a n d its

lack of real worker writing ( 1 9 3 9 , I think). I wish you would send a c o p y o f it to Kovalesky, and tell him I think the Old M a n would approve o f his column. Ask him, also, w h a t h e thinks o f m y thesis o n p a r t y education. I a m especially anxious to l e a r n h o w m y thesis h a s been received b y the worker-communists. I d o n ' t care much w h a t the educated p e o p l e think a b o u t it. I t w a s n o t written for them, but for the ambitious workers who have been deprived o f their rightful Opportunities; a manifesto i n their behalf. I regret that Ruth J o h n s o n ' s otherwise excellent article o n Sacco a n d Vanzetti neglected to s a y that they were anarchists. The implication i s left t h a t they were communists. I think it very important for The Militant to take special care to be scrupulously fair a n d objective in relating the facts about a n y subject i t deals with. This becomes all the more important a s we strive to m a k e The Militant the leading organ of progressive l a b o r opinion a n d the recognized authoritative source of accurate information o n all questions of general interest to this wide audience.

While Henry [Schultz] is in New York, Moish should talk to him about the project w e discussed with him before our departure—the possibility of him replacing Don o n the Southern assignment.

August, 1 9 4 4

155

Letter 9 2

Sandstone, August 3 1 , 1 9 4 4

As s o o n a s I fi n i s h sending s o m e notes for Moish I will s e n d m y p r o p o s a l s o n the " L i t e r a r y Secretariat." We are greatly relieved b y t h e reassurance o n the W a r s a w editorial. The news from I t a l y i s m o s t interesting, also m o s t instructive. I t confirms u s i n the opinions w e held before: 1 ) The w o r k e r s are a t h o u s a n d times m o r e revolutionary than the moth-eaten cliques of Russophobes who m a s querade a s "Trotskyists." 2 ) It i s i m p o s s i b l e to find a n a p p r o a c h to the revolutionary workers without a correct position o n the Russian question. 3 ) I t i s permissible to work with o r even inside these cliques only l o n g enough to consolidate a firm nucleus of o u r own. 4 ) Unity with a n y group that does n o t accept our position o n the Russian question i s a crime. 5 ) Conciliatiom'sm toward the petty-bourgeois opposition ( i n the U . S. o r any other country) i s a manifestation of political degeneration. Irreconcilable w a r must be declared against this tendency which, unfortunately, is beginning to make its appearance in o u r r a n k s .

6 ) It is most important to inform the [British] RCP fully o f o u r Opinions a n d secure their complete collaboration in all future developments in Europe. *

3k

*

I am eager to h e a r all a b o u t the branch expressions o n the educational p r o p o s a l s . I t is good to see the preconvention discussion begin o n this constructive line. This p r o g r a m , along with the rest of the expansion program a n d the p r o u d record o f achievements since o u r departure, gives the N C a great advantage over the defeatists and calamity howlers who w a n t to b l a m e the party for their own bellyaches. B u t i t seems t h a t the N C does n o t see the political implications of the new oppositon a s clearly as we do. These people are burning their bridges behind them. They m a y n o t be fully conscious of it; they m a y n ot have

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thought it out—the trouble with professional independent thinkers generally is that they d o n ' t know how to think things out to the e n d — b u t the logic of the steps they have already taken and of the positions they have already committed themselves to is leading them directly to a break with u s . We m u s t b e prepared for that and concentrate o n the strategical aim of reducing the damage they can do u s to the minimum. The Chicago branch needs m o r e attention from this

point of View. I think Moish should plan to visit Chicago a n d camp there for a w e e k o r two, conduct some thoroughgoing discussions in the branch and prepare the solid elements for all possible eventualities. The Chicago comrades have been subjected to a s o lid b arrag e o f one-sided propaganda for the p r o g r a m of leaderphobia, Menshevik concepts o f organization, and conciliationism toward the petty-bourgeois opposition. It i s time for them to hear the other side of these questions before they become s o poiso ned with prejudice and gossip that they will n o t listen. The defection o f Mike MiChaels is a warning signal that the Chicago atmosphere is really unhealthy. I t is wrong to assume that i t is the s a m e o l d Chicago situation. I t is the old Chicago tendency enormously magnified a nd stimulated b y direct encouragement from elements in the national leadership. We should like to have a full report o n the Michigan school when the New York delegates return. Also a report o n the California school. *

1|!

at!

I t is v e r y chilly here today. Our brief summer i s gone. This reminds m e to remind you to be sure to get a good electric h e a t e r — n o t a little bathroom gadget, but a good o n e — a n d tell Moish to make e a r l y plans for National Office heating.

September, 1944

Letter 9 3

Sandstone, September 3 , 1 9 4 4

We received the August FI last night. I t is a welcome gift for the weekend. I t is a very good issue a n d properly dedicated to the memory of the Old Man. This makes up, in part, for the editors' "oversight" last year. I b e lieve Natalia will approve of this issue. We are glad to see the "Review of the Month" signed b y the editors. It is insufferable to think of the magazine, which is properly regarded as the theoretical guide of our world movement, appearing o r even seeming to appear as the personal o r g a n of a n individual. Such monstrous pretenses must never be tolerated again. I have read nearly all the articles already (Sunday morning). First of all, as usual, I read the "Manager's Column." This reminds me to m a k e a suggestion I have been thinking of for sometime. A new feature, "Pioneer Publishers'

N o t e s , " should

be s t a r t e d in

The

Militant.

Party activists, a n d m a n y others, appreciate all these departments which give them a picture of what is being done o n a national scale a n d what others are doing. It!

*

*

Simmons' [Swabeck] article is very impressive, a thoughtful treatment of the contradictory problem now arising in full scope in Europe. I believe the editors, both of the magazine and the paper, could study this article with profit, if for no other reason than the fact that it deals with the contradictory nature of the European problem in general and of Stalinist policy in particular; problems which exclude one-sided, impressionistic and subjective appreciations o f the situation.

Simmons does well to remind us of dialectics. One

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really cannot the level of a to know w h o formed o n the

do without them if he wishes to rise a b o v e mere political feuilletonist. We are curious Ann Vincent i s . She is evidently well insubject she treats.

What is the press run of the magazine now? Of The Militant? *

II!

*

Despite your reports that Mickey is becoming more talkative while I am more taciturn than ever, I have no doubt that we will continue to understand each other. I think o f her a n d miss her all the time; partly for herself, I guess, a n d partly because she represents the future which will b e better than the present. *

Ill

*

I think your suggestion o f a n a m e for the fund is about right. B u t it should be amended to read : " $ 1 8 , 0 0 0 Party Expansion F u n d " — t o m a k e i t m o r e precise an d more rhythmical. The departments for which the fund i s destined should b e indicated, but the amounts should not

be specified. The N C must keep a free hand to determine how the m o n e y i s to b e allocated. D o n ' t you think it w o u ld b e a g o o d idea to invite Simmons to participate in the p r e p a r a t o r y w o r k of the convention, especially in the discussion a t Chicago, and i n the convention itself? The Chicago situation continues to disturb u s m o r e than anything else. We are not thinking o f "premature measures," o r "measures" o f a n y other k i n d — j u s t the c o n t r a r y — b u t we think the situation there m u s t b e correctly a p p rais ed in o rd er that the political struggle a g a i n s t a n o b v i o u s l y unhealthy tendency m a y be properly organized. Of course, i t is n o t only, o r even primarily, a question o f Chicago alone. We h a v e a conciliationz'st tendency crystallizing into a faction in the p a r t y , a n d also aiming a t a similar crystallization in the International. I n Chicag o , this faction h a s created a n organizational b a s e a nd lined up s o m e inexperienced comrades b y the traditional methods of petty-bourgeois politiciandom: gossip, prejudice a n d the exploitation o f personal grievances and frustrations. Left to itself, this situation will grow worse, n o t better.

September,

1 944

15 9 Sandstone, September 5 , 1 9 4 4

Letter 94 I finally

finished the fourth volume

of Grote [History

of Greece]. He is a very prolix writer and I get impatient with his meandering to the point.

around *

3|:

s o long before h e comes 3k

I digressed awhile a n d did s o m e undisciplined reading during the August "dog d a y s . " I read The Dream We Lost, Freda Utley's book a b o u t Russia which w a s touted so highly b y all the disillusioned people. She i s a n educated Englishwoman with a British middle-class liberal background who became enamored of the Russian Revolution a t the period when the Stalinist decline w a s already in full swing; married a Russian non-party "Spetz" in the London "Arcos"; went to Russia; lived there about five years; h a d s o m e v e r y b a d personal experiences during the first Five Year P l a n — h e r husband w a s swallowed up in one of the p u r g e s — a n d then returned to Western civilization a s a repentant British liberal. She didn't know it, but that is all she ever w a s . She tells a harrowing s t o r y of hunger a n d terror. I d o n ' t doubt that every word of i t is true, but she understands nothing fundamentally about the revolution o r the causes of its decline. B u t a little detail like that couldn't stop her and hundreds of others from pontificating about it. II!

III

III

I read Characters of the Inquisition b y a writer named Walsh. This i s a Catholic apology for the " H o l y Office" which dealt with dissenters b y other means than prayer and g o o d works 6 0 0 -7 0 0 years ago. Those who expressed doubts about the infallibility of the Pope were simply arrested, starved i n prison, tortured o n the rack a n d then burned a t the stake. I thought when I w a s reading this horrible b o o k : What a h a r d w a y m a n h a s traveled, and has yet to travel, before he reaches the fraternal society of the free and equal for which he i s destined! *

*

*

Now I am back o n m y regular study schedule, and am slowly reading My Life [ T r o t s k y ' s ] in the brief pe-

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riods of spare time I have. I t i s a political autobiography, but hardly a personal one. The Old M a n is too reserved, too preoccupied with his struggle, to tell much about himself. One c a n get glimpses o f Trotsky, the m a n , with his human contradiction, only b y what he reads into the book; n o t b y what is written there. Strangely enough, nearly all those who c a m e into personal relationship with him in the intimacy of his household feel impelled to write, m o r e o r less, in the same impersonal political way, a s though b o u n d b y the pattern of Trotsky's o wn memoirs. In the brief contacts I h a d with him I sensed something of his personality a s a m a n , something o f his human weakness and need, of his overeagerness to seize u p o n anyone who might be able to lend a h a n d . Sooner o r later, a biographer with real insight will undertake the task of writing the life of Trotsky, and he will not b e content with the source material Trotsky himself h a s written ( i n My Life) n o r with the appreciations of him written b y others in the s a m e impersonal spirit. I hOpe he will b e able to find more of the other kind o f material than we now know of. *

It

3|:

I am afraid the w a y they r a n things in the first d a y s after the conquest of power, a s reported in Chapter XXX, would not have met with the approval o f the present critics o f our N C , who d o n ' t understand a n y difference between leadership and the bureaucratic leader cult. Lenin and Trotsky always h a d their w a y . When they were agreed no o n e wanted to o p p o s e them. "Not because the others were afraid to oppose u s — a t that time there w a s no sign o f the present practice o f keeping i n line with your superiors and of the revolting fear of compromising yourself b y a n inappropriate w o r d o r v o t e — b u t because the less the bureaucratic subservience, the greater the authority of the leadership." A leader cult cannot be maintained without compulsion. But real leadership has no need of it.

September,

Letter 9 5

1944

161

Sandstone, September 7, 1 9 4 4

We have devoted quite a bit o f discussion here to the question of how b e s t to begin the necessary ideological struggle against the new Opposition. We m u s t keep in mind all the time that almost one-half of the present p a r t y membership have been recruited since the split with the petty-bourgeois opposition. This means that they have never h a d the experience o f a n internal pa rty struggle; the great majority o f the new members have h a d no previous political experience of a n y kind. O n the other h a n d , the other half o f the party are s o familiar with the stale arguments o f the opposition, and so hardened against them, that they m a y b e impatient with the discussion. This sentiment, which would be quite understandable, could nevertheless l e a d u s astray. We must a d a p t ourselves to the other half — t o the new members. The task there is to explain, o r a s Lenin would express it, to patiently explain. The task is pedagogical. We must show the new members what the fearsome "methods" of Bolshevism really look like in practice; how far removed they are in life from the w a y they are described methods are b y superficial critics; how organizational m a d e to serve political a n d pedagogical ends, n ot substituted for them. In addition, we must remain acutely aware o f the international movement. Here also we must teach the less experienced b y example. We m u s t n o t let the opposition have a single plausible ground to appeal for sympathy to foreign comrades o n secondary issues. I t should be o u r deliberate policy to remove each an d every one of these minor grievances b y sweeping concessions, in order to clear the w a y for a discussion o f the political issues which are expressed o r implied in the tentative platform of the opposition. In Chicago, we are informed, where the discussion was Opened without waiting for the formality of the convention call, the disciples of Morrison and Cassidy presented four grievances to prove the existence of bureaucratic tendencies in the leadership. 1 ) The censure of the four comrades in New York.

162

Letters from Prison

2 ) The suppression of an article b y Gerland. 3 ) The suppression of an article b y Morrison. 4 ) The hostile reaction of the National Office to their demand for a financial accounting. We believe this provides the occasion for the N C to issue a statement which will serve to force the discussion over onto broader grounds, somewhat a s follows: 1 ) The N C will recommend to the New York local its vote o f censure of the four comrades that it rescind in order to clear the r o a d for a discussion of the political issues o f party loyalty and party responsibility without the intrusion of organizational grievances. 2 ) It w a s previously decided to publish Gerland‘s arHowever, in Bulletin. in the Internal ticle o n Capital order to avoid a discussion which would divert attention from more important issues, the N C has reconsidered

its decision and decided to publish the article in the next issue o f the FI. articles submitted b y Morrison, 3 ) All controversial C as sidy o r a n y other p a r t y member will be promptly it i s not in the party Bulletin; published in the Internal interest, a t the present time, to conduct the discussion in o u r press. 4 ) A complete, detailed, financial report of the N C and of all p a r t y departments will be presented to the convention. If the critics say, as they m o s t likely will, that these decisions were "forced" b y their criticisms, the answer is on obvious: "These decisions are meant as concessions side in order to clear the r o a d for a the organizational discussion on the political side which will b e more instructive for the membership. If you have any more 'grievances' let us know what they are. We will most probably concede them too." We believe the Old M a n would advise u s to proceed somewhat along this line. The "censure" in New York served to start the debate o n the wrong basis. We must first clear up the principle involved before resorting to disciplinary measures. The concessions will cut the ground from under the opposition. The new members will be reassured.

September, 1 9 4 4

163

Letter 9 6

Sandstone, September 1 0 , 1 9 4 4

I guess I was s o interested in the subject o f m y last letter that I forgot to mention that I wrote it from the hospital. This time it was for a head cold. After two days rest in bed I was turned out in pretty good shape. I am still sniffling a bit, but otherwise seem to b e OK. The weather turned quite cold here. I a m glad you are able to stay o n a t the beach until the end of the month. Perhaps there is a curative power i n the sun. I read some interesting chapters on this theme in a book b y De Kruif at the hospital. I got plenty of sun in m y early boyhood, but since then have been more o r less a "shade—loving animal." Perhaps I stored up enough sunshine in the first thirteen years to carry me through the next forty-one of irregular living and artificial light. I think you all will like Ann. New York will be a new, strange world for her. an:

a:

a:

We have to begin thinking concretely of relief for Don a n d De. He n ry a n d Dorothy would be the best but they seem to have too m a n y family obligations. It is a very difficult problem, but a w a y m u s t be found to solve it. I would like to get more detailed information about the school in Michigan. How w a s i t fi n a n c e d ? I hope we

can get a w a y from the tuition system in our educational work. Education should b e free for party members. Also wish to know what the conference was about a n d what the political results were. It

III

1|!

I understood that the B a r i paper w a s not ours. The thing that interested me w a s the report of a n opposition in the CP. The Bordigists are a very dogmatic, very sectarian group; a t least, they were when I l a s t heard o f them a dozen years ago. But still they are very probably much better material than a n y European Shachtmanite group could possibly be. These people are not, and never were, genuine revolutionists. When they were associated with us, and bound to a certain extent b y that association, they were able

164 at times

Letters from Prison to exhibit

a simulacrum

of Bolshevism. But it

w a s never in their blood. Shachtman showed his real self in the split, a s he h a d shown it in the crisis ten years before; and a s he had always shown i t in little things which are s o often the surest test of character.

a:

a:

a:

I hope the debate around the question o f "democratic centralism" is not allowed to revolve around the questions of formal discipline and the right of comrades to "discuss" with other people, including members of opponent parties, which we allegedly are "afraid" to permit.

The question is the concept

of the party and what flows

from it. Democratic centralism is n o t a method for any but for one of a specific type; kind o f an organization i.e., the Leninist c o m b a t party. Such a party needs discipline and loyalty. A discussion club h as no need of discipline; i t only needs a subject for the current debate, and people who really want that kind of a p a r t y should n o t pretend to be in favor o f discipline. F o r that matter, a discussion club h a s no need of loyalty, either. The glaring contradictions in the position of the freethinkers c a n be easily seen b y the new members of the p arty if the debate i s not permitted to shift a w a y from the central proposition:

What kind of a party? F o r m a l discipline b y itself cannot make a Bolshevik out of anybody. A voluntary p a r t y like ours can be held together o n l y b y common agreement o n program and the means to realize it. At bottom, objections to discipline spring from disagreement o r doubt o n these two propositions.

Letter 9 7

Sandstone, September 1 2 , 1 9 4 4

The intervention of Morrison o n the matter of the O'Neal letter marks a new stage i n the development of this shining champion o f "democracy" unlimited; more correctly, in the open manifestations of a basic attitude somewhat restrained heretofore b y the pressure of p a r t y public opinion, tradition, etc. The real significance and logic

September,

1 944

165

of this new demand will not be l o s t b y those p a r t y members who learned something in the p a s t and remember what they learned. The doses of M o r r i s o n ' s medicine progressively increase i n strength, like drugs to which the human body, reacting against a n alien substance, must adjust itself b y degrees.

First, we heard that the right of the p a r t y to know about a n d control the external political activity of its members does n o t a p p l y in the c a s e of formal discussions with traitors. That w a s a strong dose to s t a r t with, but we s o o n learned that i t was only a starter. Next, we learned that a n y criticism of plenum decisions, even b y one minority member, m u s t b e immediately communicated to the ranks a n d a discussion opened, regardless of any exceptional circumstances such a s the departure of the previously functioning central leadership, the need of the substitute leadership for a little time to get their bearings and get acquainted with their tasks, etc. That w a s a still stronger dose of the new dope. But right after that, we are now informed that our press must be opened, in the middle of a n internal discussion, to the critical contributions of a non-member who has taken the m o s t explicit pains in the p a s t to make it clear to the public that he is "not a Trotskyist" and i s quite obviously seeking a new pretext to give a new public demonstration of his freedom from that taint. But what if the article in question is a t bottom nothing but a n attorney's brief for clients who are b a d l y i n need of a l a w y e r — t h e petty-bourgeois splitters who have h a d such p o o r success in their attempt to destroy our party? This presents no problem for Morrison. He simply labels the venomous attack of O ' N e a l "a friendly letter b y a friend" and thinks that suffices for the likes of us. This is adding insult to injury. It i s something like a cynical doctor saying i n the presence of a patient who i s still conscious, if somewhat groggy from previous "medications": "Give him a shot of arsenic this time. Tell him i t ' s ambrosia a n d the damn fool w o n ' t know the difference." for the publication o f the O'Neal Morrison's demand letter puts the issue, as we have previously discussed it,

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166

on another footing. There w a s no good reason for u s to publish the letter. But now the internal discussion i s wants to publish i t — w i t h an enopened, a n d Morrison dorsement of its "friendly" character. We have no reason to doubt that he will publish it in a n y case. That i s his "right" in the pre-convention period. We cannot stop it. But, even more important, we should not even think of trying to stop it. We are confronted with an ideological and political conflict. Now is n o time for u s , of all people, to quibble with anybody about organizational forms, well-known rules, etc. I hope

we have all learned, an d I hope we will teach

others in this method

conflict, that (Eganizational forms and to and made to be subordinated

serve political,_ends. That is the only rule of orginiiation we never change. The political end in this case is: education of the new members and hardening of the old i n an absolutely free a n d unrestricted internal discussion. We favor printing O ' N e a l ' s article in the Internal with a note saying i t is published only because Bulletin Morrison demands it, and printing his letter [making the demand]. I think the party will learn something from this episode.

Letter 9 8

Sandstone, September 1 4 , 1 9 4 4

Our opinion on the demand o f Cassidy that you publish the various drafts o f the plenum resolution is the same a s our opinion o n the latest demand of Morrison, which I stated in m y last letter, and follows from the same premise. Of course, i t is somewhat o f an abuse of party democracy to demand the publication of preliminary drafts of resolutions as well as those finally adopted. Such a practice would tend to clutter up the Internal and make i t harder, not easier, for the memBulletins bers to get to the essence o f the matter. Almost every resolution undergoes some changes between its preliminary drafting b y a subcommittee o r a single individual of the P C and its final adoption in

September,

1 944

16 7

finished form b y the full committee. There is nothing about that. C a s s i d y m a y not know it, b u t abnormal this i s s i m p l y the practical result of the working of a democratic p r o c e s s in the collective leadership o f the party. B y assigning to the N C a s a whole the power to a d o p t resolutions, the p a r t y constitution provides the m e a n s for a subcommittee o r a n individual to accept correction and improvement i n the preliminary draft, o r i n s o m e cases, to change o r modify opinions in the course o f the debate. I n that w a y we get better resolutions in the end. And that is also w h y the Leninist principle of democ-

racy, in the collective leadership

a s well a s in the ranks,

gives better theoretical a n d political results than the Stalinist ( a n d fascist) principle of one-man rule. It i s difficult to understand why anyone should demand the publication of all drafts a s well a s the final resolution unless he hopes to point out some errors o r oversights for the purpose o f discrediting the individual author o r authors o f the first drafts. I doubt v e r y much that the p a r t y members will sympathize with such a n attitude. They ar e a p t to applaud rather than condemn a n individual leader if it is shown that he learned something from the debate of the full plenum a n d finally voted for a better resolution than he w a s able to draft a s a n individual. Such a demonstration can only strengthen the party members i n their confidence that the plenum o f the N C really l e a d s the party, a n d leads i t m o r e wisely than a n y individual o r small group could. The p a r t y h a s a great confidence, an d I believe a not unjustified confidence, i n its p l e n a r y leading staff a n d will look with disfavor u p o n a n y attempt to undermine it, to disrupt its solidarity, o r to denigrate o r disqualify individuals who demonstrate the c a p a c i t y a n d the good will to work cooperatively. 3|!

*

3k

We have n o individual m a n o r men o f genius, but despite that we are strong. Our strength is in o u r combination! That is what the p a r t y members know and feel in their bones. That is w h y they have such great

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confidence in the leadership, a confidence which n o other party even approximates. Let somebody break that combination if he c a n ! Cassidy, unfortunately, is not known amongst u s either for his restraint o r his capacity to think o u t a n d consider the consequences and implications of his proposals. I n m y opinion he i s even lacking i n that sense o f scrupulous loyalty to communist colleagues which is the pride and glory o f the leading cadre o f our party a n d n o t the least source of its strength a n d solidarity. In spite of that, we would let him have his w a y with this exorbitant a n d unreasonable demand. Keep the debate o n fundamental grounds; d o n ' t let it b e shifted to side issues and trifles. Print everything he demands, even if i t requires a special extra bulletin, but explain to the members w h y you are printing i t and what you think about it.

Sandstone, September 1 7 , 1 9 4 4

Letter 9 9

We c a n agree to a compromise o n o u r p r o p o s a l for an eight-page Militant a t $ 1 . 0 0 per year. If you will agree to m a k e the eight-page p a p e r a definite item of the expansion p r o g r a m , we can let the price of the paper remain unchanged until a further survey of the financial situation can be m a d e after o u r return. To this sweeping concession o n o u r p a r t we a d d a small proviso: The p r o p o s a l to change the format to that o f a tabloid is to be ruled o u t o f order a n d further discussion o f the subject forbidden. Democracy is n o t anarchy, liberty is not license. It

*

*

We have read So l l y 's encomiastic comments on F r a n k ' s work with mixed emotions. We have long h a d the opinion that Frank i s a bright fellow. But is that any reason why he should be adulated? I s n ' t there a danger o f the leader cult raising its ugly head? Besides that, shouldn't Frank himself come down with his heavy hand and p u t a stop to this chorus of praise before i t ruins him?

September,

1 944

169

Look a t me. I was roundly abused, denounced and even slandered in print almost since the beginning of m y political work, a n d seemed to thrive o n it. Then a whimsical fellow named Hansen, tired of the monotony, decided to change the tune and wrote a few words of praise just for the hell of it. And look a t all the trouble it has caused me. I will p r o b a b l y never h e a r the end of it. It is always the unusual that attracts attention and makes news, a s i n the journalistic illustration, "man bites dog." Abuse is considered normal for a political

leader and W 1 m w“‘w._u

no_ harm, but pra1se can b e fatal. .w

1“”

Take the c a s e of Aristides, who w a s chosen archon of Athens i n the year 4 8 0 B . C . because, a s Grote tells it, "his exemplary uprightness in magisterial functions ensured to him lofty esteem from the general public." But h is "incorruptible probity," s a y s Grote, "procured for h i m , however, a l o n g with the general esteem, no inconsiderable a m o u n t of private enmity from j o b b e r s whom he e x p o s e d , a n d even some j e a l o u s y from p e r s o n s who h e a r d i t proclaimed with offensive ostentation. We are told t h a t a rustic a n d unlettered citizen gave his ostracizing vote a n d expressed h i s dislike against Aristides, o n the simple g r o u n d t h a t he w a s tired of hearing him a l w a y s called the Just." The unfortunate Aristides w a s exiled from the country. L a t e r h e w a s allowed to return, b u t "he died v e r y p o o r , a n d the state w a s obliged to lend a i d to his children." I h o p e F r a n k will take this historical example to heart. While I a m o n the subject of F r a n k , I will utilize the o c c a s i o n to explain t h a t m y complaints against the failure to give memorial notice to the death of Professor Leonard were n o t directed a t him p e r s o n a l l y , b u t a t the editorial b o a r d . As a matter of fact, I h a d been under the impression from a letter received here t h a t Frank w a s ill a t the time. Also, b y m y reference to "fighting City Hall" I did n o t m e a n to offend m y esteemed colleagues, and certainly n o t to identify them with the "office leaders" of o d i o u s m e m o r y . I o n l y meant to scare them b y reference to a "horrible example," a s the o l d temperance lecturers used to point to the rednosed drunkard, dying from hobnailed liver

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170

complicated with delirium tremens, in warning young m e n a g a i n s t the fi r s t drink. Perhaps m y pedagogical methods are out o f date. I l e a r n e d them in a n o l d school a n d they d o n ' t always work o u t under m o d e r n conditions. B u t even in such cases there is a w a y to retrieve the e r r o r . If I s a i d too m u c h I c a n a l w a y s take a little back.

Letter 1 0 0

Sandstone, September 1 9 , 1944

I j u s t finished reading My se a g a i n . I g e t s o me thing new a n d interesting from e v e r y reading of this b o o k . a:

a:

a:

The pictures came o u t quite well. You a n d Mick l o o k well, b u t W o n g l o o k s lonesome i n one of the pictures. I a m deep i n m y studies a g a i n ; the strict routine d o e s n ' t give m e much time for anything else. I w o u l d like y o u to get French, S p a n i s h a n d German records for me, also s o that I c a n Dictionary, German-English a Cassell's continue m y studies o f the spoken languages without interruption when I return. ( I have a French a n d a Spanish dictionary a n d will bring them home with m e . ) A l s o — w h i l e I think of i t — M i c k should get a calabash p i p e for m e with a curved stem to s mo k e a t her house. I never h a d a pipe o f this k in d , a n d always thought I w o u l d like to h a v e one. I am going to bring her something n i c e — m a d e in Sandstone. *

3|!

*

Naturally, free tuition for students a t the summer schools cannot, a t present a t l e a s t , include free b o a r d . The point that interests m e i s whether the students a t the Michigan s c h o o l h a d to p a y extra for tuition. M y impressions of the school side o f the Michigan affair are still quite vague. I would like to know the i m p r e s s i o n s o f the educational director, b u t I seem to have great difficulty in getting a n y kind o f direct, official a n d informative reports about anything. Perhaps m y annoyance springs from 1 ) m y tendency toward critical thinking, m y desire to know a b o u t things, w h a t really h a p p e n e d a n d h o w , before forming definite

Septem

ber, 1 944

.

17 1

O p i n i o n s a b o u t them; 2 ) the fact that for a l o n g time, w h e n I w a s sitting in a different c h a i r , I w a s accustomed t o asking for reports o f p a r t y activities a n d getting them p r o m p t l y . Habits are n o t e a s y to b r e a k , for t h a t requires unleaming which, a s Aristotle a n d Wright s a y , i s h a r d e r than learning. 3|!

*

II!

The v a r i o u s p r o p o s a l s w e submitted for the organization of the discussions naturally h a v e to be taken a s suggestions indicating a n orientation, n o t a s a n i r o n c l a d p r o g r a m . The important thing is to see the implications o f the issues that have been r a i s e d clear through to the e n d ; to aim a t a discussion that will educate a n d reeducate the p a r t y members a n d arm them for the future; and to realize that the cause of communist education c a n best b e served b y eliminating every possible obstruction, diversion a n d organizational side-issue from the discuss i o n of the principles involved in the dispute. The detailed decisions must be made in New York to fit the circumstances. I h a v e n o doubt that the pre-convention discussion i s being well taken care of, and for that reason a m content to stand aside from it. Bu t there is no "meeting o f minds" between u s when you suggest that this m a y be a permanent role for me. You perhaps remember m y favorite st o ry about Gompers. The executive council o f the A F of L once p r o p o s e d to the o l d m a n t h a t he retire from the presidency, with h o n o r s , a n d take it e a s y o n a comfortable s a l a r y a s editor-in-chief o f the official magazine. " I ' m not a writer," s a i d Gompers, " I ' m a fighter." The o l d scoundrel was a fighter, that we m u s t admit; a n d died i n harness a s every fighter deserves to die. I showed your letter o n this point to one of m y p a l s here. His comment w a s even m o r e laconic than t h a t o f Gomp e r s . " N o , " he s a i d . " T h a t ' s against nature."

We' haven't yet studied and discussed N a t a l i a ' s letter very thoroughly. We will s o o n do s o and give you o u r opinions. Perhaps we can make s o m e suggestions useful for the discussion but n o t necessary in the resolution.

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Letters from Prison

Sandstone, September 2 1 , 1 9 4 4

Letter 1 0 1

H a s the C R D C m a d e a n y inquiries yet about the unseemly delay in acting o n o u r p a r d o n application? H a s The Militant yet taken notice o f a series o f incidents which m a y h a v e a bearing o n the cas e? These incidents which w e h a v e noted are 1 ) Tobin h as lunch with the President, a n d his magazine then steps up i t s l y n c h campaign against u s ; 2 ) Biddle visits Minnesota and confers with Anderson, o ur prosecutor; 3 ) then he addresses the Minnesota State Federation o f L a b o r Convention; 4 ) t h e convention adopts a resolution condemning the eighteen prisoners in the Minneapolis case. 3|:

3|!

*

Point N o . 5 0 in the resolution o f the N C s a y s Stalin h a s granted "state support" to the Greek Orthodox church. What i s the meaning of this statement? We would like

to know the authority for this statement. State support o f a church h a s a definite meaning to u s , a n d we are much interested to learn if s o m e new concrete steps have been t a k e n — w e mean definite grants o f state subsidy in one form o r another, and similar material privileges to the clergy— which we have n o t heard about. I hope, for o u r p e a c e o f min d , that the resolution is, o n this p o i n t , b a s e d o n fact an d substance a n d is not simply l o o s e journalistic expression without precise meaning. We detest "journalism" in general, . a n d in political documents: in particular, an d we always boil with rage when w e see a n y evidence o f it in our press. ( I hope, o f course, that the report of "state support" is f a l s e . ) It

*

*

September 1 6 , that the reports We read in The Militant, of the slaughter of 1 , 5 0 0 , 0 0 0 persons i n one camp at observers." Lublin "have been confirmed b y independent We have never doubted the inhuman brutality of Nazism, we b u t we d o n ' t believe this s t o r y — t h e 1 , 5 0 0 , 0 0 0 part, m e a n — a n d we believe o u r press n o t o n l y should treat a n y s t o r y coming from Stalinist sources with the utmost reserve, but also should look for the political implications o f their lies. The atrocity propaganda in general m u s t b e regarded a s the moral and political preparation

September,

1 944

173

for a h a r s h peace whereby the German m a s s e s will be indicted for H i t l e r ' s crimes. We should n o t believe anything that is s a i d in the w a r c am ps a s l o n g a s we have no knowledge of the facts. O u r t a s k a n d o u r duty i s to distrust all the p r o p a g a n d a of the enemies of ma n kin d a n d to teach this distrust to the readers of o u r press. But w h a t about the "independent o b s e r v e r s " ? I'll tell you what a b o u t it. To see such a q u e a s y liberal journalist locution in our press just once h a d a b a d effect o n o u r b l o o d pressure. We are bitterly o p p o s e d to the relaxation of standards even in a n incidental article. We should never yield an inch to the slovenl y mental h a b i t s which substitute impressionism for serio u s analysis a n d loose talk for precise statement. Errors of this kind are perhaps unavoidable o n the p a r t of inexperienced w r i t e r s — w e are n o t blaming the author of the article i n q u es tio n — but every article should be ruthlessly edited from the standpoint of our established standards. Our terminological r a z o r should be kept surgically clean. While I am o n this subject, let me mention that I saw the expression "management" used in a recent issue of The Militant. The right w o r d is employers, o r b o s s e s , o r blood-sucking exploiters. Terminology signifies line.

Letter 1 0 2

Sandstone, September 2 4 , 1 9 4 4

We waited anxiously for The Militant's account of the auto convention and were not disappointed when it came yesterday. It i s uplifting to see one of our slogans [the sliding scale of wages] become the slogan of the m a s s e s , in this case the m o s t dynamic section of the greatest power in the whole w o r l d — t h e American proletariat. Next will come the turn of the l a b o r party slogan, and n o t long after that our military policy. It is difficult for one to b e a pessimist when he sees the auto workers in convention. It is almost a s difficult to have any patience with the critics of o u r trade-union policy when it begins to reveal its rightness. The third p a r a g r a p h of A r t ' s [Preis] otherwise excel-

174

Letters from Prison

lent r e p o r t — a g o o d model o f o u r kind o f j o u r n a l i s m — contains a grave deviation o n the grammatico-syntactical front. I refer to the elimination of the definite article a t the beginning o f the first sentence. F o r the sake o f m y p e r s o n a l relations with this estimable comrade who h a s lived right s o far, I hope this is a printer's error and o n his in literary experimentalism not an adventure part. Nowhere is it w r i t t e n — i n no official resolution of the party o r the Fourth International—that we demand either revolution o r reform i n the construction of the English sentence. All we w a n t i s the k i n g ' s h e a d ; let the k i n g ' s English alone.

Our artist's caricatures of the m o s t prominent scoundrels are delightful. I only w a n t to suggest one added touch to make the titles conform to the spirit of the drawings. The editors should omit the initials of the caricatured phonies and simply label them contemptuously b y their l a s t names, "Byrnes," " C u r r a n , " etc.

Also, that merciless caricature in l a s t week's paper of some fathead pounding the air would make an excellent standing illustration for a weekly paragraph o r s o ironically reporting the alleged remarks 0f "Senator Mushmouth" o r some such character. B y the w a y , are you all

taking good care of the health of our artist? She should b e fed o n milk boughs

and honey a n d put to sleep o n balsam *

3|:

I"

We thought Stein's article a good thesis on the subject under discussion. His answer to Morrison will probably be conclusive for all those who have been educated in o u r tradition. It is really pathetic to see Morrison beginning now to formulate some "general rules" o n organization procedure a s if nothing h a d ever been thought o r said o n the subject before. But his new ideas are not at all new. They represent the conceptions of organization which were prevalent in the American radical movement prior to the First World War, that i s , before a n y of the conflicting tendencies in the lab o r movement h a d been tested b y w a r a n d revolution and before we h a d ever heard o f Lenin and his theory o f how to build a party.

Septem

ber, 1 944

17 5

I will send you some notes o n this a n d other related points. F o r the half o f o u r p a r t y members who have not learned and assimilated the methods o f Bolshevism in fight, however, M o i s h ' s thesis—which takes much of this for g r a n t e d — s h o u l d be elaborated and explained in a number o f separate articles. This discussion i s a splendid opportunity to educate the new members and you m u s t make the m o s t o f it. All the leaders should contribute to this discussion. Let the discussion be a real one. *

*

3|!

I think three days is too short a time for the convention. You need more time for the reports o f practical work, for the organizational and financial report, and for detailed reports from the managers of the press and publications departments. Letter 1 0 3

Sandstone, September 2 6 , 1 9 4 4

I finished Volume 5 of Grote and started o n Volume 6. Am also reading O ' C a s e y ' s Pictures find it very interesting. *

*

in the Hallway

and

*

Aunt's [Natalia] letter draws attention to the accelerated pace of the Stalinist degeneration in the conduct o f the w a r . The political policy of the bureaucracy is the m o s t vulgar nationalism. There is abundant evidence o n this side o f the question, and the facts cited b y Aunt add more concrete instances to fill out the picture whose outlines we have long known. We do n o t k n o w , however, w h a t sentiments animate the Soviet m a s s e s i n their unprecedented struggles a n d sacrifices. I personally a m strongly convinced that the conquests a n d the memories o f October p l a y a bigger p a r t than the Stalinist appeals to the p a s t glories of czars a n d czarist generals. And I d o not for a minute forget that the objective logic o f the Red A r m y ' s achievements in the w a r against the Nazis, regardless o f the officially declared aims, is profoundly revolutionary. We know and we have always s a i d that the Soviet

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Union c a n n o t b e carried through the transition period from capitalism to socialism without workers' democracy. That i s the r e a s o n we c a l l for the revolutionary overthrow o f the b u r e a u c r a c y a n d the reinstatement of w o r k e r s ' democracy. B y this formula we s h a r p l y distinguish our position from that of the fetishists of d e m o c r a c y who reg a r d it a s a n end. F o r u s it i s a m e a n s to a n end, i.e., the construction o f the socialist society b y the creative efforts o f the m a s s e s a n d international collaboration between them. We are n o less convinced that the transitional p e r i o d , which h a s a s s u m e d the form of a degenb y a nationalistic w o r k e r s ' state dominated erating bureaucracy, c a n n o t b e "permanent" o r even long-lived. The fundamental alternative confronting the Soviet Un ion is a n d remains: F o r w a r d to s o c i a l i s m , o r back to capitalism. B y this formula we draw a line between ourselves a n d all the profound "theorists" o f a new "bureaucratic c l a s s . " We h a v e less r e a s o n than e v e r to reconsider o u r conclusions o n these two b a s i c p r o p o s i t i o n s . The bankrupt bureaucracy w a s capable o f producing only the one evil which it promised to avoid, a n d to avoid which it sold o u t the international r e v o l u t i o n — a w a r on Soviet soil. The "theory" o f a new "bureaucratic class" interposing itself between defeated capitalism and unrealized socialism w a s given a certain superficial plausibility o n l y b y its bolder representatives, such a s Bruno R., wh o assimilated the regimes o f Mussolini, Hitler a nd Stalin into one homogeneous system. The s o r r y fate o f Italian an d German fascism, after a brief rule o f twenty years in one case a n d ten years in the other, seems to m e to have knocked the p r o p s o u t from under Bruno R . ' s "theory" o f " L a Bureaucratisme d u Monde." I t is not necessary even to speak o f his halfhearted imitators a n d their anemic new, nationally limited "class o f bureaucrats" in one country. The national-reformist policy o f the bureaucracy, in its degenerating course of reaction against the October Revolution, c a n o n l y — u n l e s s the bureaucracy i s overt h r o w n — p i l e quantity u p o n quantity, a n d this i n turn m u s t a t a certain point result i n a qualitative change in the state inherited from the great revolution. I think we

September,

1 944

177

m u s t l o o k for signs of such a change in the field of Soviet economy. Politically the bureaucracy seems to h a v e done all i t c a n do to e r a s e the revolution. B y their politics they brought the Soviet economic system to the v e r y brink of overthrow b y N a z i militarism, a nd now leave it exposed, in a terribly weakened position, to the still mightier a n d a s yet unspent military p o w e r of the Anglo-American bloc. ( M o r e l a t e r . )

Letter 1 0 4 - A

Sandstone, September 2 8 , 1 9 4 4

Continuing: The s a m e type of superficial thinking, characterized b y the attempt to form political conclu— sions without reference to e c o n o m i c s — t h e type of thinking which determined a n attitude toward the Soviet Union i n w a r without a n y prior estimation of its class character, which in another version lightmindedly a s s u m ed that the Stalin-Hitler Pact would b e long-lasting because of the "affinity" of the two r e g i m e s — i s now quite convinced of the durability of the Anglo-American-Soviet pact of Teheran. I n reality, the irreconcilable conflict of economic systems completely excludes the possibility of a n AngloAmerican toleration of the Soviet economic system over one-sixth of the earth any longer than it i s c o m p u l s o r y b y r e a s o n of necessity, i . e . , the relation of forces a n d the disunity i n the imperialist c a m p . If we leave a si d e the p r o s p e c t of workers' revolutions in the capitalist states o r such a state of unrest a n d insurgence a s that which followed the First W o r l d W a r — a n d it i s just these details that a r e omitted i n all varieties of literary p o l i t i c s — t h e n there i s n o r o o m to doubt t h a t a n economic a n d , if necessary, a military offensive of the allies against the Soviet Union i s predetermined as s o o n a s accounts a r e finally settled with the Nazis a n d the J a p a n e s e ; perhaps even before. Of course, there are all kinds of difficulties and complications. B u t — again, if w e eliminate the detail of workers' r e v o l u t i o n — t h e o n l y serious question i s whether the required economic concession, opening up the Russian market to Anglo-American exploitation a n d thereby the

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overthrow o f the Soviet economic system, i s to be accomplished b y w a r o r b y economic pressure and threats o f w a r . Have such fatal concessions already been tentatively agreed u p o n ? What w a s the real meaning of Eric Johns t o n ' s visit to the Soviet Union? There is ample ground for the deepest suspicion flowing from the inexorable logic o f the situation, even if we disregard such surface indications. B u t s o far we do n o t know of a n y b a s i c infringements o n the Soviet economic system made during the w a r , and we therefore have no r e a s o n to change our attitude t o w a r d i t in its relation to the capitalist world. O n the other h a n d , we do know that the nationalized property system, permitting state planning and control (even though it i s monstrously distorted and crippled b y bureaucratic mismanagement and privilege), revealed a n enormous power under conditions o f w a r . We Trotskyists h a d m o r e confidence i n the vitality o f Soviet e c o n o m y than anyone else, including the conservative a n d cowardly bureaucracy, b u t all o u r calculations were far s u r p a s s e d . The results of the Soviet-Nazi w a r m u s t have h a d profound effects o n the Russian m a s s e s . We are shut off from e v e r y scrap of authentic information on this score. B u t how c a n anyone doubt that their self-confidence h a s been raised a n d that the returning soldiers will demand something from their victories bought a t such a heavy price? What will they do when the bureaucracy offers them nothing but a still more odious oppression a n d a n even sharper division between the privileged caste and the m a s s o f the people? We h a d better not assume prematurely that the Russian workers have s a i d their l a s t w o r d . We h a d better w a i t and see what i s going to happen before we even think o f playing with the idea of changing o r modifying o u r policy which, o f all schools of thought o n the Russian question, i s the only one that turned o u t to be b a s e d o n the realities of the situation; the only policy that s t o o d up under the test of such a devastating w a r that, a s Churchill rightly s a i d , no other regime in his-

tory could have survived it. (More to follow.)

October, 1944

Letter l O 4 - B

Sandstone, October 1, 1 9 4 4

I finished Volume 6 of Grote and Pictures

in the Hall-

way. This is the second volume o f O ' C a s e y ' s autobiography and nothing much h a s happened yet. These writers seem to take a lot o f words to tell about themselves.

an a: a: Continuing: Our "Russian" policy, however, is only one section of a complete program based o n a fundamental class concept and a world view. Our active political slogans o f the d a y m u s t always be consistent with o u r general program and express that phase of it which h a s the greatest urgency a t the moment. I t is important alw a y s to keep in mind this subordinate relationship o f active slogans to the program a s a whole and not to identify the one with the other. Serious politics is impossible without a firm program of Marxist internationalism; those who dispense with this chart produce nothing, as we have seen, but speculation, guesswork a nd irresponsible experimentation. We d o not change our program. No amount o f criticism and impatience can modify our "conservatism" in this respect. But to stand firmly b y the program, natu-

rally, does not authorize us to repeat the same active political slogans all the time with the same degree of emphasis. That would reduce the art of politics to memor y work and, a s the Old M an once remarked, make every sectarian a master politician. The art of politics consists in knowing what to do next; that is , how to

apply

the program of Marxism to the specific situation

of the day.

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Letters from Prison

We do n o t change a n y of our slogans insofar a s they represent, each in its o w n w a y , the various sections of o u r complete p r o g r a m . Bu t if we are alive to the complexities and quick changes in the world political situation a s well a s that a t home, we must always b e ready

to change the emphasis

with which we advance one o r

more slogans while holding others serve a s the situation m a y require.

more o r less in re-

We think Aunt's letter must be considered from this point o f view. When the Nazi military machine threatened the destruction o f the Soviet Union every communist h a d to p u t the slogan o f the defense of the Soviet Union in first place. Those who denied this defense were then no longer comrades having a different Opinion on a theoretical question, as Morrison still wants to treat them, a s if nothing h a d happened, but people o n the other side o f the barricade with whom comradely arguments were o u t o f s e a s o n . But this fight for the defense of the Soviet Union against Nazi militarism h a s been decisively won. The problem will m o s t p r o b a b l y arise again, with another power in place o f the Nazis, but that will take s o m e time. The political reality o f the present d a y is: The military, economic and m o r a l collapse o f the Hitler "new order in Europe" which s o m e people, even in o u r o w n ranks, took far too seriously; the military occupation of the continent b y Anglo-American a n d Soviet t r o o p s ; the indicated beginning o f a workers' revolutionary movement a n d the conspiracy o f the imperialists to crush it with the active aid o f the Stalinists. Our active slogans, the slogans which we put in first place a n d emphasize i n all o u r agitation, must correspond with this political reality. I n our opinion there can be no question o f abandoning the slogan o f the defense o f the Soviet Union; in principle it retains all its validity a n d will m o s t l i k e l y acquire burning urgency again a t a later stage o f events. B u t to continue to shout this slogan i n the present situation would b e the greatest political ineptitude, putting u s out o f tune with events. All o u r emphasis now m u s t b e placed o n the defense

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Octo ber, 1 944

of the European Revolution against the conspirators. Our program gives us all the guidance we need, first to evaluate the problem theoretically, and o n that basis to deduce the apprOpriate active political slogans of the d a y . ( I will send some notes on this in m y next letter.)

Sandstone, October 3 , 1 9 4 4

Letter 1 0 5

I s the C R D C planning a going—out fund for the comra des who go out October 2 0 ? I s a "Christmas Fund" being planned on the model established b y the I L D in our day? 3|!

3k

*

Continuing: As far a s we can judge from recent issues of The Militant, the editors have been aiming to shift their emphasis to the new situation in Europe along the lines indicated in m y l a s t letter. But, a s we have remarked s o m e weeks ago, we think they got ahead of themselves in applying this treatment to the battle of Warsaw, the scene t h e n — a n d s t i l l — o f a m a j o r test of strength between the Soviet troops a n d the Nazi military machine. We d o n ' t like haste, impatience a n d jumpiness. Leave that t o the literary politicians; we have no need of it. L et u s , rather, be a little slow, if necessary, b ut sure, in a complex European situation which is n o t going to be definitively resolved in a d a y o r a year o r , perhaps, for m a n y years. And, above all, d o n ' t b e ambiguous. D o n ' t try to answer in advance every "riddle" which the literary politicians m a y propound. We have the impress i o n that The Militant is publishing too m a n y formal statements " b y the Editors" which are, in effect, programmatic declarations o n new turns in the military situation, the contents of which are not fully known and are far from clear. N o b o d y c a n justly blame u s if we proceed slowly and cautiously i n expressing ourselves categorically o n faroff events taking place behind a thick curtain of censorship. I mean to s a y , no serious people will blame u s . B u t o n the other hand, it i s h a r d to think of anything that can do more to undermine o u r authority in the

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eyes of serious people than the practice of going off half-cocked. I d o n ' t know to what extent the supplementary resolution deals with the potentialities of the American l a b o r movement in its analysis of the European situation. I should a d d also the British l a b o r movement. This is most important, for the l a b o r movement in the home countries o f the victorious imperialists m a y well turn out to b e the factor which undermines their grandiose schemes of a Roman peace to last, as Hitler dreamed of his own "New Order," for " a thousand years." We should b e careful not to project the European revolution a s an apocalyptic event that will b e over and done with in short order. We must see it rather a s a drawn-out affair, uneven in its development, whose final outcome, however, can only be the victory of the workers. Despite any defeats and setbacks the workers m a y encounter— a n d we have no doubt there will be m a n y o f t h e m — w e still will have no reason to believe in the viability of capitalism o r the possibility of creating a new slave society more productive than capitalism a s the historical alternative to socialism. All the bourgeois thinkers are convinced that great upheavals are o n the European agenda, revolutionary but they. imagine that military force, plus the help o f Stalin, will suffice to deal With them. They cannot, how-

ever, rejuvenate the ruined economy of Europe. On the contrary, every plan they devise i s more reactionary than the preceding one and, consequently, more revolutionary in its implications. They cannot restore Brita i n ' s ruined foreign trade, and they c a n n o t b y one quarter satisfy the Moloch demands of America for markets and fields of investment. The perspective is revolutionary in the victor countries a s well a s in the vanquished. ( M o r e . )

Letter 1 0 6

Sandstone, October 5 , 1 9 4 4

I am interrupting the notes I have been sending you about Stalinism and will resume in m y next letter. Here I wish to send you some impressions " In Defense of

Octo ber, 1 944 Daniel folder.

J.

18 3

Tobin."

Please *

file them III

in m y "Notebook"

It

I s there n o limit to the skulduggery of the Republicans in an election year? Now, d o n ' t p l a y innocent and pretend you d o n ' t know what I mean. I am referring to the hue a n d c r y they are raising because a couple o f naval officers got tapped o n their noggins at the grand conference, dinner a n d free-for—all which Daniel J . Tobin threw for President Roosevelt at the Statler Hotel in

Washington last week. Roosevelt did the speaking, Tobin w a s in the chair, and the goon squads put the knuckles to the foolish people in the corridors who d i d n ' t have sense enough t o p u t o n Roosevelt buttons when Tobin gave the wo r d . All the beefs they are making in the newspapers and the demands for a Congressional investigation are nothing but dirty politics. I got the dope straight from one

of the attending business agents who was so enthused b y Roosevelt's speech and everything

that he voluntarily

pledged a donation to the Democratic campaign fund of one-half the per diem an d traveling expenses allowed him for the trip. The other boys did the same, without a n y pressure from Tobin. All he said w a s , "Boys, I think it would b e a g o o d idea for you to kick in something." Our President ( o f the United States, I m e a n ) gave as

slick a speech in favor of the working people as a business agent could ever wish to hear. In organizing the affair, our President ( o f the Teamsters International) put in the hardest j o b of work he has done since he quit driving a team of spavined nags in Boston fifty

years ago, come spring. And I am authorized to state as a fact that all the business agents, including the eighteen from Minneapolis, came to the meeting absolutely clean. All their blackjacks and b r a s s knuckles were checked and accounted for with the clerk o f the hotel. It w a s a great shindig, if you want to know the truth about it, and one long to b e remembered b y all the business

agents,

international

representatives,

muscle

men

and personal representatives of Tobin who came to Washington for the occasion from far and near. Why, there were even two members of the union present who are

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184

n o t and never have been o n the payroll of the Internao f Teamsters. These were the two tional Brotherhood fellows in charge of the beer truck who stayed over between loads to hear the President's speech. I t ' s a shame to see the dirty Republicans trying to smear and discredit this crowning achievement of President Tobin's career and turn it against a g o o d friend of labor like President Roosevelt. They have absolutely n o call to complain about those two sailors getting slugged, because these sailors themselves admit that, when asked in a nice w a y , w h a t horse they were backing in

the presidential race, answered: "It's none of your damned business." They said this right after President Tobin h a d stated that everybody should go down the line 1 0 0 percent for Roosevelt. What else can you do with wise guys like that but belt them around a bit? The knockers are even going s o far a s to whisper around that Daniel J . Tobin himself was personally involved in the brawl. That c a n ' t be true. H a r o l d H . Teamsters' Joint Council, Seavey, secretary-treasurer,

Star Journal

Minneapolis, told the Minneapolis his opinion,

that, in

"is not in keeping with

the smear campaign

the best naval tradition." Pee-wee Seavey m a y be right as far a s he goes, but he d o e s n ' t go far enough.

The

insinuation that Daniel J . Tobin does his own fighting is "not in keeping with the tradition" of the Teamsters International. What are the goon squads for? *

*

*

I am very glad indeed to hear that Carl is getting married, and wish I could attend the wedding. Ask little Mick to go a s m y representative and kiss the bride for me. Also, ask Carl to write and tell me all about it.

Letter 1 0 7

Sandstone, October 6 , 1 9 4 4

I have been granted permission to write four letters per week. This is the extra one. I am very anxious to

get more information about Carl's wedding. I am enthused about it and feel in m y bones that he h a s made a good decision. I want to hear all about Angelica.

Octo ber,

1 944

18 5

Continuing from October 3: Our tendency is the only one in the l a b o r movement that analyzes the role o f Stalinism in the capitalist countries correctly, that is, an agency of capitalist imperialism in the l a b o r movement seeking to b u y concessions for the nationalist bureaucracy o f the U S S R a t the expense of the world proletariat a nd the colonial pe0ple. In this they are like any other group o f privileged bureaucrats and aristocrats of l a b o r who ally themselves with the exploiters against the deprived and oppressed m a s s e s — o n l y magnified a thousand times. This is the little secret which explains the phenomenon which mystifies and baffles the professional "democrats"— the "hearty," if temporary, accord between the Stalinist bureaucracy a n d the Anglo-American imperialists. Those who do not understand that Stalinism, a s represented b y the bureaucracy in the Soviet Union a s well a s b y its foreign agencies, i s a tendency, a section, o f the world l a b o r movement cannot begin to understand it o r the reason it wields such great influence, and consequently cannot fight it effectively. O n the contrary, the opportunists of all shades, all those who look for some w a y of compromise with capitalism, are a t bottom no different from the Stalinists an d sooner o r later cooperate with them in one form o r another when the vital interests o f the capitalist order imperiously require it. It i s the degree of acuteness o f the class struggle, not the "ideology" o f the different varieties o f imperialist agencies in the labor movement, that decides whether they quarrel among themselves o r work together against the revolutionary m a s s e s . Witness the anarchists and socialists of Spain, the French People's Front, the socialistStalinist cooperation in Italy. Here at home we have already seen the Hillman-Browder amity in the PAC, the no-strike pledge bloc a t the auto convention, a n d the Stalinist-Tobin combination against u s . When the masses really take the r o a d of resolute struggle in their own interests they are compelled to turn against Stalinism because they come up against its malign policy at every step. They can wage this struggle only under o u r leadership, and n o other. We, however, can lead this struggle only if we insist upon irreconcilable programmatic clarity o n the question of the Soviet Union,

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a nd hence o f Stalinism; sternly reject an y kind of unity with other groups who bring confusion into this question; and tolerate no taint of conciliationism in this respect. We firmly believe that the cadres of the Fourth International which are again emerging in Europe c a n grow and prosper, and come to the leadership o f the revolutionary struggle of the workers against imperialism and its Stalinist agents, only insofar a s they follow this line. We believe that the tendency in our own ranks in the U . S. toward conciliation with the petty-bourgeois Opposition, represented b y the present opposition to the pa rty leadership, is an anti-Trotskyist tendency.

Sandstone, October 8 , 1 9 4 4

Letter 1 0 8

The most important reason of all to ad d another d a y to the convention time is to allow time for a real con-

sideration and democratic election of the N C . I w i l l write a special letter about this later. I n publishing the material of the plenum I h0pe you d o n ' t overlook Cassidy‘s original list of amendments which were in reality a counterresolution. *

II:

*

The incident o f the New York membership meeting (where several comrades were censured for conducting political discussions with WP members without the knowledge o f the p a r t y ) appears to have touched off a debate in which some fundamental questions, on which the party h a s more than once spoken decisively, are again called up for review. That is strange, for even at a distance, without knowing the details of the affair, it is difficult for one to misunderstand the simple issue involved. The New York Organization wants to control and direct all the political activity of its members, and took this method o f asserting its will in this respect. A Leninist can only applaud this attitude. Of course, one m a y hold the Opinion, since it is our traditional practice to go very slow with organizational measures, that a pedagogical explanation o f this elementary principle, without a for-

Octo ber,

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187

mal censure, would have been sufficient. If the protests were limited to this secondary, organizational side of the affair, redress o f the grievance could undoubtedly be obtained. A big discussion over such a small matter would not be worthwhile. The article o f Comrade Morrison, however, raises larger issues. This w a s the case also, as I am informed, in the discussion a t the New York membership meeting. These issues require discussion and clarification. In appealing to the party against the procedure o f Local New York, Morrison resorts to arguments which are far-reaching in their implications. A discussion of these arguments is decidedly in order and necessary since, whether so intended o r not, they represent an assault against the traditions of Bolshevism all along the

line in the name of —the traditions of Bolshevism. This anomaly can be explained o n only one of two Either Morrison has neglected to inform hypotheses. himself of the traditional practices o f Bolshevik organization; o r he i s again indulging his well-known penchant for underestimating the intelligence of other people—this time of people who know something about the tradition which he invokes, the tradition of Bolshevism. Morrison's arguments have a tradition, but it is not the tradition of

Bolshevism. What does Morrison mean when he refers to the history of Bolshevism? Doesn't he know that it is our own history? What have we been doing for the p a s t sixteen years but writing the continuing history of Bolshevism in life? Bolshevism is not a mummy preserved in a Russian museum, but a living movement which long ago crossed the borders o f the Soviet Union and became worldwide in its scope.

The Russian p a r t of the history o f BolShevism w a s never definitively written; and although its main outlines are well known, there i s a s a d lack of documentation in the English language available to the modern student. Our part of this history, however—the history of the Fourth International in general and of our party in particular—has been written an d documented.

18 8

Letters from Prison

The history o f our party is a chapter of the history of living Bolshevism. And not the poorest chapter either, for it w a s written in sixteen years of reaction, defeats and uphill struggle all the w a y from the beginning up to the present day. ( M o r e . )

Sandstone, October 9 , 1 9 4 4

Letter 1 0 9

I read Citizen Tom Paine b y Howard Fast. The factual material about this great figure w a s m o s t interesting to me. But I am always irked when writers try to psychoanalyze men of action. They d o n ' t understand them and unintended psychologic portraits of only end b y giving themselves. *

3|!

III

Continuing: We have waged an unceasing an d irreconcilable theoretical and political fight against the Stalinist degeneration. But not only that. Our record i s also a record of struggle against all other anti-Marxist tendencies a s well. Our fight against sectarianism w a s conducted o n classic lines. Our fight on all fronts—theoretical, political a n d organizational—against the petty-bourgeois revisionists recapitulated the whole historical struggle of Bolshevism and Menshevism. In building our party we employed, from the beginning, the organizational methods o f Lenin, and successfully fought off every a t t e m p t — a n d there were m a n y — to replace them b y anarcho-Menshevik substitutes. The older members o f our p a r t y know its history a s a p a r t o f the authentic history of Bolshevism. They do not need to be told that Morrison's arguments are not drawn from this arsenal. The younger party members who want to know what the traditional practices o f Bolshevism are have not far to seek. They need only study the history o f their own party. There is no lack o f material. The contentions of Morrison can find no support in this history, but o n the contrary are directed against it. In a published letter, written while at work o n the pam-

Octo ber,

1 944

l 89

phlet which forms the first section of The Struggle for a Proletarz'an Party, I remarked that the pamphlet wa s not designed to influence the course o f the inner-party struggle then drawing to its end, but w a s , rather, being "written for the future." The arguments o f Morrison transform this "future" into the present. The answer to these arguments, written in advance, appears in the polemics directed against the organizational conceptions of the petty-bourgeois opposition. When it comes to organization we follow Lenin, a nd nobody is going to talk u s out of it. Lenin always p a i d far more attention to the "organization question," w a s far stricter, firmer, more definite about it, precisely because he really aimed to build a party to lead a revolution. The Mensheviks only dabbled with the idea, but Lenin w a s in earnest; he h a d it in his blood. This difference—and what a difference!—manifested itself even before a n y political differences were formulated. So it h a s always been. "Hard" and "soft" approaches to the organization question have marked every conflict o f the two opposing tendencies from the very first preliminary skirmishes a t the Russian p a r t y congress of 1 9 0 3 up to the present time. The documents of o u r p a r t y history testify to the role this question played in the l a s t great part y fight against the petty-bourgeois faction o f Burnham and Shachtman. It is a historical fact that the 1 9 0 3 split between the Bolsheviks a n d the Mensheviks—a premature split, to be s u r e — t o o k place over the formulation of the first paragraph o f the p a r t y constitution defining party membership. Even there, s a y s Trotsky in his autobiography, "the two divergent tendencies were unmistakable. Lenin wanted clear-cut, perfectly definite relationships ( M o r e . )

Letter 1 1 0

Sandstone, October 1 0 , 1 9 4 4

What do you think o f the idea of a new edition o f to b e printed in England, with a few Whither England? thousand unbound sheets to be shipped to Pioneer? Please get facts and figures o n this.

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Letters

from Prison

Continuing the quotation where I broke off in m y last letter: within the party. Martov tended toward diffuse forms." The debate which h a s arisen over the affair of the New York membership meeting in the year 1 9 4 4 sounds like an echo of these words. Insisting o n "perfectly definite relationships within the party," B o l s h e v i s m — a l l the outraged howling o f its opnevertheponents to the contrary notwithstanding—has less always been, and is now, completely free from any trace of dogmatic rigidity, fixity o r finality in its organizational forms and procedures. Our organizational methods are designed to serve political ends, are always subordinated to them, and are readily amended, changed o r even turned upside down to suit them. Democratic centralism, for example, is n o t a dogma to b e understood statically a s a formula containing the quantities of 5 0 percent democracy and 5 0 unchanging percent centralism. Democratic centralism is a dialectical concept in which the emphasis is continually being shifted in- consonance with the changing needs of the party in its process of development. A period of virtually unrestricted internal democracy, which is normally the rule during the discussion of disputed questions under legal conditions, can b e replaced b y a regime of military centralism for p a r t y action under conditions of external persecution and danger, and vice versa; and all conceivable gradations between these two extremes c a n be resorted to without doing violence to the

principle of democratic centralism. be placed What is essential is that the right emphasis at the right time. Bolshevism, far from any dogmatic rigidity ascribed to i t b y superficial critics, is distinguished forms and b y the great flexibility of its organizational methods. This does not signify, however, that there are n o definite rules, no basic principles. These principles, in fact, are unchanging in their essence no matter how flexibly the party m a y see fit to apply them in different situations. Two of these basic principles, which are recognized b y every Bolshevik but which appear to need reassertion in the light of the dispute over the New York incident, m a y be set down a s follows:

19 1

Octo ber, 1 944 1 ) The p a r t y

is conceived

a s a combat organization

destined to lead a revolution. It is not a freethinkers' discussion club, not a mere forum for self-expression and self-improvement, imposing n o personal obligations o n its members. The party i s n o t a n anarchist madhouse where everyone does a s he pleases, b u t a n a r m y which faces the outside world a s a unit. 2 ) Following from this, it is a n unchanging p a r t y law that the p a r t y h a s the right to control a n d direct the political activity o f each and every member; to b e informed about and to regulate and supervise the relations, if any, o f each and every member with political opponents o f the party; an d to demand of each and every member disciplined compliance with party deci-

sions and instructions, and 1 0 0 percent—not 99 percent— loyalty to the party. Anyone who disputes these principles does not talk o u r language. ( I will have to continue this paragraph in m y next letter.)

Letter 1 1 1

Sandstone, October 1 2 , 1 9 4 4

I received M o i s h ' s m e m o . We think the m o s t important thing now is to develop the pedagogical discussion and to cut down the organizational b a s e of the opposition. Chicago is the m o s t important point. We are v e r y much against a n y rotten compromise there. Continuing the p a r a g rap h where I b ro k e off: Anyone who disputes these principles must seek s u p p o rt for his arguments from some other source than the history o f our party. H e will not find it there. Here are some notes o n "The Danger of Stalinism— and Other Dangers." Morrison discerns evidence of "Stalinism" in the procedure o f the New York organization a n d other incidents, a n d is greatly disturbed b y symptoms o f "degeneration" which he sees, o r thinks he sees, o n every side. He s a y s : "Since the terrible Stalinist degeneration, every serious person i n the Marxist movement fears and thinks o f possible degeneration." Again: "Let n o t one single Stalinist germ penetrate into o u r ' r a n k s . " And s o o n and s o forth.

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Letters from Prison

Such warnings have a familiar ring. We have heard them m a n y times before. But up till now our p a r t y h a s successfully resisted all dangers of Stalinist degeneration, With o r without benefit from the numerous warnings, while their authors, unfortunately, were n o t always equally successful in resisting other forms o f degeneration no better than the Stalinist. variety. The history of our party contains some instructive lessons o n this point also. The danger of degeneration 1n a revolutionary party

cadres of our party came exclus1velyfrom the Communist Party; and for the first five years of our existence we maintained the position o f a faction, seeking to reform and disclaiming any desire to the parent organization form an independent party. Our m o s t immediate environment, therefore, w a s the Communist Party in which

the process of Stalinist degeneration w a s in full swing. Moreover, the successes o f the Soviet industrialization at that t i m e — t h e period of the first Five Year P l a n — contrasted to the destructive crisis in the capitalist world, were lending great prestige to the Stalinists. The CP w a s rapidly expanding in membership a n d influence; its domination of the progressive labor movement and of the radical intellectual circles w a s complete. The pressure u p o n o u r small dissident group w a s very strong a t that time. It is a historical fact worth noting that the great majority of the original cadres o f the Left Opposition throughout the world succumbed to this pressure. "Capitulation" to the Stalinist regime decimated the ranks o f the Opposition like a plague in one country after another. How did the young Trotskyist organization in America fare under these h a r d conditions? Nothing of the kind happened here. A few casual individuals of n o special influence who h a d joined u s o n "democratic" g r o u n d s — perhaps half a dozen all t o l d — gave up the fight and went back to the Stalinist camp a s capitulators; "democracy" alone is not an adequate platform for a serious and protracted political fight. But not a single leader, not a single American Trotskyist o f influence nationally o r locally, then o r ever made peace with Stalinism. a: a: a:

193

Octo ber, 1 944 I will continue i n m y next letter.

Letter 1 1 2

with more

notes o n the s a m e subject

Sandstone, October 1 5 , 1 9 4 4

We went o n "the payroll" t o d a y . The convicts s a y the ten dollars which the government gives to the discharged prisoner is ten cents per d a y wages for the l a s t hundred d a y s . Strictly figuring, we still h a v e to serve 9 9 days a n d a "git." The l a s t d a y you git up and git out. Continuing from N o . 1 1 1 : F r o m this fact, which speaks louder than a n y b o d y ' s words, one is entitled to infer that the American section o f the International Left Opposition, the predecessor o f the Fourth International, w a s pretty well inoculated against the Stalinist degeneration from the start. And that inference would b e 1 0 0 percent correct. We educated o u r cadres ( a n d ourselves) to fight the theoretical and political positions of Stalinism, n o t only its organizational methods a n d techniques. Yes, it m a y be s a i d once again, you thoroughly exposed Stalinism a n d taught the advanced workers to despise it. But in waging this fight you yourselves adopted the "methods" o f Stalinism. Of course, of course. We know all about that. We have h eard all about that before. And we answered then, a s we answer now: Stalinism is not a system o f "methods," a s its superficial critics imagine, but a political tendency with a definite social b a s i s — t h e social basi s o f a privileged bureaucracy in the Soviet Union and its hired agents throughout the world. The "methods" a r e the result, not the cause. These m e t h o d s — b u r e a u c r a t i c violence, lying, falsifying, doubledealing, betraying— a r e needed b y a bureaucracy serving special interests in forcing through a policy which violates the doctrines a n d traditions of Bolshevism. But what need have we o f these methods? What special interests do we serve which conflict with the interests of the rank a n d file of the p arty and the working class? What false policy do we have to impose o n them b y violence a n d fraud? Burnham and Shachtman are still trying to find a plausible answer to these questions. Morrison will have no better success.

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194

It is not much of an answer to s a y that this o r that individual is b y nature a Stalinist who perversely employs its methods in a small p a r t y dedicated to the struggle against Stalinism. Why h a s the party, which is antiStalinist to the core, tolerated such individuals a nd even placed them in central positions of leadership? Better yet, why have such Stalinists b y nature, if they have any sense a t all and if they are n o t simply Stalinist agents in o u r r a n k s — w h y have they wasted their time in a small persecuted party whose internal democracy has always been a model for the whole world. Why h a v e n ' t they gone back to the Stalinist p a r t y where they would feel more at h o me? Such questions have never seriously arisen for the simple reason that Stalinist influence in o u r p a r t y h a s existed only in the imagination o f people who have exaggerated its dangers and overlooked other and far greater ones to which they themselves were yielding. The danger o f degeneration in a revolutionary p a r t y comes from the pressure of its environment. The environ-

ment in which our party h a s operated, especially since o u r definitive break with the Comintern in 1 9 3 3 , i s the bourgeois society in the strongest and richest of all bourgeois countries. ( M o r e . )

Sandstone, October 1 6 , 1 9 4 4

Letter 1 1 3

We think it would be a good idea to acquaint the party members with the discussion we have conducted in the leadership over the role o f Stalinism, developments in the U S S R and the defense slogan. This should first go Let the membership see and Bulletin. into the Internal participate in the adaptation o f basic principles to new cond1t10ns.

*

*

*

Continuing from m y l a s t letter: This pressure h a s been real, not imaginary; it h a s claimed not a few victims in the p a s t ; a n d today, with the reaction engendered b y the w a r , it presses against us m o r e heavily than ever. If he one i s seriously looking for signs o f "degeneration" should turn his attention in the direction o f the real dan-

195

October, 1 944

ger. H e should quit babbling about Stalinism for a while a n d become more sensitive to evidences o f weak-willed yielding to the powerful influences o f the class enemy. Stalinism itself, properly understood, is n o t at all a n independent force, but one o f the forms of adaptation to the material and moral terror of the bourgeoisie; and, thereby, i t is one of its agencies in the l a b o r movement. There are other forms o f adaptation and capitulation. We have h a d enough experience with them already to be able to identify them a t first sight. In their finished form they all seek to o p p o s e a petty-bourgeois program to the program o f Bolshevism, but they almost invariably begin b y revolting against its irreconcilable spirit and its organizational methods. Such tendencies, wherever they appear in the party, reveal the real danger of degeneration a s unfailingly a s the holes where water seeps through show the weak spots in a dike. Since the earliest d a y s o f o u r movement in the United States n o b o d y h a s gone over to Stalinism. But deserters to the camp of "democratic" capitalism have been rather numerous. What i s to b e guarded against, o n the b a s i s o f this experience, is a n y tendency of conciliationism tow a r d these deserters in an y stage o f their degeneration. Such conciliationist tendencies are the real, not imagina r y , "danger of degeneration" in our ranks. *

3|!

3|:

Here are some notes o n "The Trotskyist Party and Other Parties—the History of the Question": Morrison rejects the idea that the p arty h as the right a n d duty to be informed about, and to regulate and control, any a n d all relations which party members m a y have with political opponents. This idea, concretely demonstrated b y the ruling in the case of the four New York comrades, impresses him a s "having a resemblance to Stalinist procedure." When the p a r t y leadership insists o n strict rules in this regard, it indicates, to Morrison, only that "the leadership thinks it is impermissible to discuss questions with members of the W P " ; that they lack pride and confidence in their ideas. In contrast to the p a r t y leadership's attitude toward opponent organizations, Morrison proceeds to lay down some rules of his own. Relating what his own practices

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have been, he recommends them to the p a r t y members as a guide. Morrison sees nothing abnormal in a membe r of our organization shopping around a t the meetings and affairs o f other political organizations, fraternizing with their members an d discussing political questions with them, formally o r informally, o n his own responsibility. Whether such activity should be reported to the party o r n o t — t h a t , s a y s Morrison, i s up to the indi-

vidual member to decide. On this point, he again refers to Lenin and the Bolsheviks. It would have been better to leave Lenin o ut of it. M o r r i s o n ' s View of this matter i s not new, to be sure, but it h a s no right to represent itself a s a Leninist conception of normal relations between rival political organizations and their members. This question also h a s a history, which apparently h a s made no impression o n Morrison. ( M o r e )

Sandstone, October 1 7 , 1 9 4 4

Letter 1 1 4

We are disturbed b y Aunt's complaints about Grandizo [Munis]. She should be given full satisfaction on this matter without delay. I h a d previously m a d e a note to ask him to write m o r e for the magazine, especially about Spain. *

3k

*

Continuing: The formulas he offers would take us back to the primitive conceptions of p a r t y organization which dominated American l a b o r radicalism before the First World W a r ; that is, before the movement grew up and learned the meaning of a program and a party. I t w a s precisely what we learned from Lenin that enabled us to discard these outmoded and entirely inadequate conceptions of a full quarter o f a century ago. And in this, a s in s o m a n y other fields, experience corroborated Lenin's theory and, in turn, supplied its own instructive lessons along the same line. Morrison's formulas contradict the theory a n d disregard the experience. Before the First World W a r the dominating sentiment among the various social protest organizations and

Octo ber,

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1 97

groups, despite all their differences and quarrels, w a s that of fraternity—the feeling of oneness, the opinion that all the groups were p a r t o f one and the same movement, a n d that all would, sooner o r later, "get together." As a rule, a definite distinction w a s made between the terms "organization" and "the movement." O n e ' s o w n particular organization, b e it the Socialist Party, the IWW, any one o f the numerous anarchist groups, local forums, o r even a club o f Single Taxers o r a n independent socialist educational s o c i e t y — w a s thought of a s a part; the "movement" w a s the whole. It w a s c o m m o n practice for the "radicals" of different affiliations to patronize each other's meetings an d affairs, to participate in c o m m o n forums, reading clubs and purely social organizations. I n K a n s a s City an d San Francisco, to m y knowledge, "Radical Clubs" were deliberately organized to promote fraternization a t monthly dinners. Radicals o f all tendencies mingled socially a n d interm arried without thought of personal incompatibility arising from a conflict o f ideas. N o r did the separate organizations d r a w sharp lines in their admittance o f members. With the exception o f D e L e o n ' s Socialist L a b o r Party, which stood aloof and w a s with s o m e justice regarded a s intolerant a n d sectarian, they were all rather catholic in their composition. Reformists a n d revolutionists, "ballot boxers" and "direct actionists," belonged to o n e a n d the s a m e Socialist Party. Christian socialists a n d professional "God-killers," prohibitionists a n d partisans of the open saloon, kept them branches of the syndicalist c o m p a n y . The p r o p a g a n d a IWW extended their hospitality alike to socialists a nd anarchists. Anarchism w a s thought b y many to be more radical, m o r e revolutionary, than socialism; a n d anyone who w a s against "authority" w a s free to call himself a n anarchist. Free-lance radicals, whose name w a s legion, were regarded a s p a r t o f "the movement" o n even terms with all the others. I n Europe, the prewar Social-Democracy w a s an "allinclusive party." Unity w a s fetishized; the left wing shrank from the thought of split. Luxemburg a n d Liebknecht

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were party comrades with Kautsky, Noske and Scheidemann. In Russia, Lenin resolutely carried through the split, but Trotsky insisted on the unification o f the B01sheviks and Mensheviks. The state o f affairs in American labor radicalism prior to the First World War is related here without intention either to praise o r to blame. I t was due to the circumstances of the time; the organizations, in their membership composition and in their relations with each other, could This not rise above the level of their own understanding. w a s the period of the infancy o f the American revolutionary movement. Neither theory nor experience h a d yet taught u s a n y better. The differences between the theories and tendencies, and their respective organizations, h a d not been fully thought out. None o f the tendencies h a d yet been put to great historic tests. ( M o r e . )

Letter 1 1 5

Sandstone, October 1 9 , 1 9 4 4

Continuing from N o . 1 1 4 : The lines between them were not drawn finally a n d irreconcilably. "Unity" sentiments were strong in all groups. Organizational looseness w a s the rule, and there w a s a widespread feeling that somed a y , somehow, all would "get together."

Great events shattered this idyll. The [First World] War and then the Russian Revolution put all theories a nd tendencies to the test an d drew them out to their ultimate conclusions. Reformist socialism w a s revealed a s class treachery. Anarchism and syndicalism, with their "denial" o f the state, revealed their theoretical inadequacy, their bankruptcy, despite their grandiloquent revolutionary pretensions. Revolutionary Marxism — Bolshevism — alone stood up under the test of war and revolution. The Russian Bolsheviks taught us this in word and deed. We American militants learned from them, for the first time, the full meaning of the program, and simultaneously, the significance, the role, of the vanguard party. The revolutionary workers of the whole world went to the same school. A worldwide realignment o f forces began

to take place under the impact of the war and the revo-

Octo ber,

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199

lution. Lines were sharply drawn. Sentimental unification gave w a y to ruthless splits, and the splits became definitive, irreconcilable. The revolutionary militants, instructed b y the w a r and the revolution, learned to counterpose the Marxist program to all other programs. Instructed b y the precise teachings of Lenin, they learned the necessity o f organizing their own party, separate and a p a r t from all others. Once these A B C lessons were a s s i m i l a t e d — a n d , I repeat, we learned them twenty-five years a g o — t h e revobroke decisively with the old tradilutionary vanguard parties a n d loose coalitions, with tion o f mishmash free-lance radicalism and bohemian irresponsibility. I n place of all that, the organizational principles l a i d down b y Lenin were adopted: unity o n the b as is of a principled p r o g r a m ; all devotion, all loyalty, to one p a r t y and only o n e p a r t y ; strict responsibility and accountability of every member to the p a r t y ; professional leadership; democratic centralism. The pioneer American communists an d we, their heirs and continuators, have worked o n these lines consistently a n d unswervingly since 1 9 1 9 . If o u r p a r t y stands today o n far higher ground than that occupied b y the amorphous rebel workers' movement prior to the First World W a r — a n d that is indubitably the c a s e — i t is not due solely to the superiority of o u r p r o g r a m , but also to the consistent application in practice o f the principles and The experience of methods of Bolshevik organization. a quarter o f a century h a s convinced u s over and over again that this is the right w a y , the o n l y w a y , to build a revolutionary p a r t y . It is absurd to think that we can unwind the film of this experience a n d go back to where we started. But if M o r r i s o n ' s criticisms and formulas mean anything seriously, that is what they mean. We cannot entertain any \ such propositions for a moment. In politics nothing is more stupid, more infantile than to retrace ground that h a s already been covered, to go back and start all over again a s if nothing h a d happened and nothing has been learned. Serious revolutionists must

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200

learn from every experience and apply what they have learned in new experiences. We insist o n that. The new generation must not begin from the beginning. The fruit of the experience of the p a s t , all that h a s been acquired and learned b y others, i s their heritage.

They begin with that. Translated into terms of the question," this m e a n s that they begin, "organizational not from the prehistoric confusion of prewar d a y s — where M o r r i s o n ' s conceptions would take them— but from the m o s t recent experiences in which our organizational principles and methods were tested in life: the great struggle against the petty-bourgeois opposition in 1 9 3 9 - 4 0 . (More.)

Letter 1 1 6

Sandstone, October 2 2 , 1 9 4 4

I d i d n ' t have r o o m for the final p a r a g r a p h i n m y last letter. Here it i s : All the forty years experience o f Bolshevism— in organization a s well a s in theory and p o l i t i c s — w a s recapitulated in that historic struggle. The new p a r t y recruits can learn about Bolshevism and Menshevism o n the organization question b y a study o f the documents of this fight. It is not without interest to note that the party

leadership, in the dispute over the incident of the New York membership meeting, shows its unqualified hostility to a n y sign of looseness o r irresponsibility—to s a y nothing of disloyalty—in relations with the Menshevik traitor clique o f Shachtman a n d Co. ; while Morrison, in his plea for unsupervised fraternization, manifests a more conciliatory attitude. On both sides, here a s always, the organizational method serves the political line. I!

30!

It

We parted from our three dear comrades [released after serving a shorter sentence] Friday with mixed emotions o n both sides. Prison either draws men together more firmly o r pulls them apart irreparably. We are bound to the three who left u s with the undying love o f brothers. We were glad to see them go out into the air

20 1

Octo ber, 1 944 of freedom, but s o r r y to lose their companionship. were glad to go, but sorry to leave u s behind. *

3k

They

*

We do n o t understand the expression "Stalin's Red Army" in the article o n Bulgaria, October 1 4 . I s this a journalistic locution o r a political designation? If it is meant a s a political term, then in our opinion it is onesided and therefore incorrect. 3|!

*

*

If the New York comrades decide to get m y dictionary stand before I return, tell them I p r e f e r the standing size. What i s the b a s i s of all this talk about "democratic slogans" in the criticism of the N C resolution? Are we represented a s being opposed to such slogans? That seems to u s to put the issue falsely. The Count did not show up here. If you see him, tell him the "clearance papers" which I gave him in S a n Francisco have about expired, but if he brings m e another pipe I will renew them. II‘

II!

*

I wish you would send m e the table of contents o f each with a brief synopsis of each Bulletins o f the Internal article. Perhaps J o e can help you o n this, if necessary. I think we will b e ready to settle matters with the Germ a n s s o o n after our return. I"

II‘

3|!

I n o u r opinion the m o s t important reason for stretching the convention out for another d a y is to give adequate time for a free and well-deliberated selection b y the delegates of the new National Committee. This is one o f the strongest guarantees of the democracy o f the party. Our p a r t y h a s always been more democratic, ten times more democratic, i n this respect than any other p a r t y . But there i s room for improvement, and we should consciously seek out the necessary methods. We never went in for any o f the rigging, wangling, devices b y which, vote-trading and leadership-pressure in practically all other parties (strike out the w o r d "practically") the convention delegates are usually defrauded of a large p a r t o f their democratic freedom of choice.

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If one h a s a self-sufficient revolutionary party in mind, all such methods are self-defeating. A revolutionary party needs leadership that really representswthe pafty, t {,3 is reallX_one with the party.

Without this democratic corrective, freely brought into p l a y a t every convention, centralization and discipline inevitably become caricatures and forms of abuse which injure the organization every time they are exercised. A revolutionary leadership must feel free at all times to act boldly an d confidently i n the name of the party. F o r that, it needs to be sure that there is no flaw in its mandate. ( M o r e . )

Letter 1 1 7

Sandstone, October 2 3 , 1 9 4 4

Continuing: N o rules exist to guide u s in the technical execution o f this difficult and delicate task to the best advantage of the p a r t y . The democratic selection o f the primary a n d secondary leaders i s a sufficiently important question— n o b o d y knows how much damage can be done

b y bungling it—but, as far as I k n o w , nobody h a s ever written anything about it. N o b o d y h a s taught u s anything. We are obliged to think a n d experiment for ourselves. The democratic impulses of the rank and file incline them to react unfavorably to "slates," a s they feel, not without reason, that they narrow down for all practical purposes the freedom o f choice. The Social-Democratic politicians, who are a s undemocratic a collection of rascals a s o n e c a n ever expect to meet, have always exploited this sentiment b y announcing their firm, democratic opposition to slates. Of course, there w a s a little catch to their virtuous slogan of "no slates." They meant n o openly avowed slates which would possibly be open to discussion and amendment. Instead of that, the noble Social-Democrats rig up secret slates b y means o f horse trades a n d petty bribes to ensure their control. A good 5 0 percent of Social-Democratic convention "politics" is always devoted to this kind o f business.

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From the first days o f American communism, which also coincided with the first appearance o n the scene of a new type of leaders with a new conception o f "politics, " we tried to break through the "no- slate" fraud an d devise a more honest system b y which the leaders would take open responsibility for their p r o p o s a l s a n d give reasons for their preferences in the makeup of the leading com-

mittee. It became___r_a~ther common practice for the leadmg comm1ttees, in national

a s well a s local conventions

in

the commumst movement, to propose a slate of cand1dates for “the new commlttee to be elected. We carried the practice“ with u s in the independent movement of Trotskyism. (During factional struggles the slate-making arrangements were carried o n in the separate caucuses o f the factions.) This method w a s , without doubt, far superior to the "no-slate" tricks of our socialist predecessors, being more honest, and in the essence o f the matter, even m o r e democratic. But this system also w as not free from negative aspects, and even dangers. I perceived some o f them long ago, have thought much about the matter, an d from time to time have tried to devise corrective experiments. What impressed me m o s t of all w a s the quite obvious fact that while the presentation o f a slate o f candidates b y the leadership is the most "efficient" w a y to get through the business o f the election of the N C — u s u a l l y the last point o n the agenda, carried through in a great h u r r y — i t concentrates too much power in the leadership just at that very p o i n t — t h e convention—where the democratic control should b e asserted corrective o f rank-and-file m o s t strongly. It i s not the election o f the central, m o s t prominent and influential leaders themselves. That problem solves itself almost automatically in theinterplay of p a r t y work and internal strife. The problem arises over the selection of the secondary leaders, the new committee members, the potential leaders of the future. As a rule this p a r t o f the slate if presented b y the m o s t authoritative central leaders, is accepted, whether enthusiastically o r not, b y the convention; m a n y delegates are reluctant to oppose them. ( M o r e . )

204 Letter 1 1 8

Letters from Prison Sandstone, October 2 4 , 1 9 4 4

Continuing from N o . 1 1 7 : I t is senseless, of course, to speak of a revolutionary c o m b a t p a r t y without recognizing the necessity o f a centralized, fully empowered leadership. B u t this states only one half of the problem. Leninist centralism is democratic centralism, a pro— foundly dialectical concept. The other half of the Leninist formula recognizes no less the necessity of subordinating the leadership, really a s well a s formally, to the party; keeping it under the control o f the p a r t y . The party constitution does everything that c a n b e done in a formal sense to provide for the interaction of centralism and democracy. The structure of the p a r t y is strictly hierarchical. Higher committees c o m m a n d the lower. Full authority over all i s vested in the National Committee. Bu t the N C , like all other committees, i s required to render accounts and surrender its mandate a t stated intervals to the p a r t y convention to which it is subordinated. This is the formal, constitutional guarantee both for centralization a nd the ultimate control o f the leadership. But it is also necessary to think about the spirit as well a s the letter of the party constitution. A farsighted leadership should concern itself with the elusive, intan-

gible factors which c a n p l a y such a great role in determining the actual relationship between the N C and the ranks. Some o f these factors arise from the composition of the N C a n d the division of functions within it. Nominally, this b o d y consists of twenty-five members, and they all have equal rights. In addition there are fifteen alternates. B u t the majority come to the center only for meetings o f the plenum which are not held very often. Between plenums the power is delegated to the Political Committee. F r o m this it is quite clear that one section of the National Committee is in a position to exert far m o r e influence o n the day-to-day work and interpretation o f p a r t y policy than the other. Again, s o m e are older, m o r e experienced a n d more prominent than others, and consequently wield greater

October, 1 9 4 4

205

authority in the committee a s well as in the p a r t y a s a whole. O n the other side, the committee members from the districts a n d the younger members o f the committee generally, who are active i n local work, are closer to the r a n k and file than the central leaders of the p a r t y are, a n d represent them more directly and intimately. This gives them a special function in the N C o f extraordinary importance. Their presence represents a form of continuing rankand-file control and supervision over the central leaders. They c a n fulfill this function, however, only insofar a s they are people o f independent influence and popularity i n their own localities; only insofar a s they are freely elected o n their o w n merits, not handpicked. To b e sure, the central leaders cannot b e indifferent to the selection of the secondary leadership. In this, as in everything else, leaders must lead. In a certain sense, the central p a r t y leaders "select" their collaborators and eventual successors. The question i s , how to go about it? I t i s often e a s y for politically experienced leaders to convince themselves that they are better judges o f the qualifications a n d potentialities o f certain candidates than the rank-and-file delegates. And, a s a rule, it is n o t too difficult to force their selections through b y means of the "slate." This m a y a p p e a r to b e the m o s t "efficient" w a y . But in m y opinion, there is a better w a y . ( M o r e . )

Letter 1 1 9

Sandstone, October 2 6 , 1 9 4 4

We received the memo o n Chicago with great satisf a c t i o n — a s a report o f progress o n a problem that i s yet far from solution. When I s a i d we were o p p o s e d to a n y "rotten compromise," I meant to s a y that we are against any compromise whatever with the intellectualist carbuncle o n the p a r t y ' s neck; a n d we are highly gratified to hear that Moish h a s begun the campaign in this spirit. This i s n o t the first time that discussion fanatics have shown a disposition to call the discussion off j u s t a t the point where it really begins, i.e., where the issues are

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posed in their fundamental meaning. Behind this "harmony" maneuver is the wish, whether consciously formulated o r not, to evade a party decision o n their criticisms b y the convention in order to be free to reopen them the next d a y a s if nothing h a d happened. Well, this time we are also in favor of continuing the discussion after the convention, because we want to carry this discussion with the Morrison-Cassidy tendency, once it h a s been fairly started, clear through to the end, to a definitive decision b y the party o n each and every point and o n the tendency a s a w h o l e — i t is one tendency; the "differences" between them are incidental, the points of agreement a r e fundamental. And we think the forthcoming convention will only b e able, for obvious reasons, to mark a stage in the education of the party through the discussion, to make a g o o d beginning in the mobilization o f party public opinion. But we insist that the convention mark this stage, make this beginning. The Chicago critics of the leadership, for example, must b e asked to bring all their beefs with them to the convention, and present them there. We, o n our part, m u s t discuss the Chicago branch at the convention; n o t only to refute their criticisms, but to take the offensive against them along the lines o f Moish's memo in order to inoculate the new recruits against this disease, and to prepare the w a y to move in o n Chicago for the next stage of our fight against the disease on its home grounds—under the leadership of a politically qualified representative of the N C . We cannot accept any support for the N C resolution on the ground that i t "incorporates" C a s s i d y ' s amendments and i s therefore acceptable. As far a s I know, the amendments we accepted to the original draft of the plenum resolution conceded absolutely nothing in principle either to Cassidy o r Morrison. This will be clear to anyone who h a s read the original "amendments" prop o s e d to the plenum b y Cassidy. ( B y the way, h a s this document been published in the Internal Bulletin? It

should be.) These

original

' amendments

were, in the essence o f the

October,

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1 944

matter, - a counterthesis. So also must b e construed his post-plenum "criticism." I have not read this precious document, and d o n ' t need to. The mere fact that it w a s written, and publication demanded, after the plenum must identify i t in the eyes o f anyone who does not p l a y with ideas and political resolutions a s a counter-

thesis. In o u r Opinion the N C should draw up and submit short motions, for votes a t the end of the branch dis— cussions and at the convention, to endorse the N C political resolution and reject the Cassidy "criticism" and a n y other documents in the same spirit which m a y b e submitted. They m a y be willing to have an ambiguous, inconclusive expression o f p arty opinion at the end of the discussion, but we must try to bar it. 3|:

*

*

The continuation of m y remarks on the N C elections must go over. I am putting down for the first time in written form the thoughts of m a n y years o n this question.

Letter 1 2 0

Sandstone, October 2 9 , 1 9 4 4

I w a s glad to get M u r r y ' s report o f the L o s Angeles discussion. No w I would like to get similar reports of the discussion i n other locals. From Seattle; tell L a r r y I would like to get also a general report o n the Seattle branch and the Turner family—especially about the better two-thirds. And, while I am o n this subject, please send m e a roundup report o f M i c k ' s activities since she came back to town. I am thinking of her this glorious Indian summer Sunday morning, and wondering what her accent will sound like the first time she returns from our house and tells her mother excitedly: "Ich leme Deutsch!"(This is the influence of the b o o k I j u s t laid d o w n — S c h i l l e r ' s Wilhelm Tell.)

Finished the seventh volume of Grote and started on the eighth. If they keep me here long enough I will at least learn something about the history o f Greece. Alas, the time is drawing too short to permit me and m y friend,

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who is traveling in the opposite direction, to meet a t the historical point we planned. H e is reading from the American Civil W a r backward and I am reading forw a r d from the Heroic Age of Greece. We planned to meet at the Renaissance, but i t now seems that we will be more than a century and a half a p a r t when we leave here. Will we again have time to study? Wouldn't

it be best to start the Expansion

Fund cam-

paign now, if it is expected to be finished b y Jan. 2 3 ? Perhaps the quotas could be assigned, pledges taken a n d — a t least in New Y o r k — t h e collections started. The press publicity could wait till the formal action of the convention. The discussion about the prospects of bourgeois democr a c y in Europe provides a n excellent occasion to teach the new p a r t y members an elementary lesson in Marxism. Those who speak of "bourgeois democracy coming to the f o r e " — a s you quote C a s s i d y a s saying in Internal No. 5 — s e e m to c r y aloud for someone to exBulletin plain, in the analysis of a concrete social phenomenon, what the Marxist historical method means: 1 ) The historical conditions which determined the origin of bourgeois democracy. 2 ) The history of its development, flowering, crisis and decline, a n d the b a s i c economic factors which determined that process in all its stages. 3 ) The accelerated ruination o f European economy b y the w a r a n d the utter impossibility of restoring it to health o n a national-capitalist b a s i s . Against all that, there is, to b e sure, a countervailing factor to which some people attach __a suprahistorical importance, to wit: the promise o f Roosevelt and Churchill to restore democracy to EurOpe in all its pristine glory. But unfortunately, this promise cannot be harmonized with the announced plan to dismember Germany a n d e x p a n d American foreign t r a d e — a joint plan which i s far more eloquent and sincere than the aforesaid promise precisely because it is determined b y the economic necessities of American imperialism. I believe the majority of the new recruits c a n be made to understand this simple lesson in the course of the

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209

present discussion. That alone will give them a better real understanding of Marxism than the critics of the N C resolution are displaying. B y the w a y , I spoke m y piece about "iconoclasts" in "The Dog D a y s of the Left Opposition"; b y name o n page 9 3 . Morrison wants to take u s back to the d og days a nd make the condition permanent. B u t such a condition could n o t b e permanent in an y case. The workers would n o t s t a y in such a n organization, and the "iconoclasts" would talk each other to death. Then someone would have to begin all over again, a n d he could not begin otherwise than b y reinstating the "authorities" which the iconoclasts h a d s o light-mindedly overthrown.

Letter 1 2 1

Sandstone, October 3 0 , 1 9 4 4

To continue where I left off o n the N C question: Wisdom lies i n "selecting" people who have popularity a n d influence in their own right, a n d whose promotion coincides with the wishes o f the p a r t y members who know them b e s t . That m e a n s to select people who are advancing under their o w n power. I c a m e to this conclusion a long time ago, a nd a s far a s I have been able to influence the course o f things i t h a s been the p a r t y method o f selecting the N C . Extensive a n d varied experience, with every imaginable kind of experiment, h a s convinced me that this method, even a t the c o s t of incidental mistakes, works out best in the long run. The central leaders of the party, who work from d a y to d a y without close contact with the internal life o f the branches, need such a constitution of the N C if they are to l e a d the party confidently; lead it with the assurance that they know the m o o d s an d sentiments o f the ranks an d are in step with them. When doubt arises, o r when s o m e new important step is under consideration, it i s o n l y necessary to consult the out-of-town members of the N C b y mail, o r to call a plenum, in order to get a reliable sounding o f the party. Approval o f a given course b y the plenum i s a pretty certain forecast o f similar action b y the party.

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Letters from Prison

Conversely, when the plenum finds it necessary to overrule the Political Committee— and this has happened m o r e than once, notably in 1 9 3 8 - 3 9 — i t is a sign that the Political Committee is out o f line with the party and requires a change in its composition. The 1938—39 National Committee rebuked the P C several times and finally reorganized it, and later tests showed that the full plenum

most accurately reflected the sentiment of the party. A serious

and

conscientious

party

leadership

should

defib‘eifately aim at aflNational Committee so composed a s to be, in effect, a microcosm

of the p a r t y . When the

fulr'plenum of suCh a National Committee meets between conventions, to all intents and purposes the party is there in the room. That i s far m o r e useful to responsible political leaders than a roomful of handpicked supporters without independent influence an d authority. Bureaucrats who have special interests of their own to defend against the rank and file need to surround themselves with dependent henchmen; but revolutionary political leaders need support of a n entirely different, kind, the support of people who really represent the rank and file o f the party. There is another, and even more important, reason w h y the rank-and-file convention delegates should take over the election o f the National Committee an d be free from undue pressure an d influence o n the p a r t of the national political leadership in exercising this function. The free selection of the full membership o f the National Committee i s perhaps the m o s t decisive w a y to strengthen a n d reinforce genuine party democracy. It puts the political leaders under the direct supervision an d control of a second line of leaders who are in intimate daily contact with the local and district organizations and, in fact, represent them in the plenum. This control doesn't have to be exercised every d a y to be effective. The fact that it is there, and can b e demonstrated when necessary, is what counts. Strange to relate, the professional democrats have never once in the history of, o u r p a r t y bothered their heads about the method of selecting the National Committee from the standpoint o f reinforcing party democracy. This, in m y Opinion, is because they tend to think o f democracy almost exclusively in terms of unlimited and unrestricted

October,

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2 11

self-expression and forget that control of the central leadership, which in day-to-day practices is limited to a very small group, b y a larger group standing closer to the rank a n d file, is the most important mechanism to assure the democratic half of the Leninist formula: democratic centralism. ( M o r e )

Letter 1 2 2

Sandstone, October 3 1 , 1 9 4 4

The report of the New York membership meeting is v e r y interesting. We should like to get detailed reports of all these discussions. I will wait for M o i s h ' s memo before commenting. *

*

1|!

To continue: Throwing the fl o o r open for nominations o n the last d a y o f the convention i s n o t the only alternative to a slate presented b y the outgoing N C . That only throws the delegate b o d y into disorganized confusion and facilitates the manipulation o f the election b y means

of

secret

slates

and

horse

trades,

the

favorite

method of Social-Democratic pseudo-democrats. There is no infallible formula, but the results o f o u r experiments over a period of m a n y years argue m o s t convincingly in favor of a slate prepared b y a nominating commission. Of course, there are nominating commissions a n d nominating commissions. But the best, that is, the m o s t democratic, i s n o t the nominating commission appointed b y the outgoing N C , n o r the one elected a t r a n d o m from the fl o o r o f the convention. The m o s t efficient, for the purposes set forth above, is the nominating commission selected b y the branch o r district delegations o n a roughly proportional b a s i s — e a c h delegation selecting its own representatives—and then ratified b y the convention. The nominating commission, thus conceived, is a b o d y actually representing the rankand-file delegations from the districts. It would b e grossly improper for individual central leaders to intrude themselves u p o n the commission and seek to dominate its proceedings. That would amount to a circumvention of the democratic process aimed a t in

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Letters from Prison

the p r o p o s a l . It i s the p a r t o f wisdom for the central leaders to leave the nominating commission to its o w n devices, respecting the essence of p a r t y democracy a s well a s the form. The nominating commission should be selected o n the first d a y of" the convention; it should begin its sessions a t once a n d meet a t least once a d a y thereafter to consider the v a r i o u s nominations until a slate is decided upon for presentation to the convention when the election o f the N C comes up o n the agenda. In m y opinion, the first step of the commission a t the 1 9 4 4 convention should b e to discard formally the ruling which paralyzed the work of the nominating commission utterly stupid and reaca t the 1 9 4 2 convention—the

tionary principle that every member of the outgoing N C w a s , a s a matter of course, to b e reelected unless good cause w a s shown to remove him. That turns things upside down. N o b o d y c a n b e "frozen" in an y position in a revolutionary party. He must stand for election at each convention, a n d the election must b e free and open. Room must be left for competition and rivalry and differences o f opinion to operate without artificial restraints. Members of the outgoing N C should be placed i n exactly the s a m e status a s new a s p i r a n t s — a s candidates for election. The nominating commission should a d o p t a rule to this effect a t its first session. The m o s t practical next step is to take a preliminary p o l l to ascertain h o w m a n y candidates a r e generally favored for election a s national leaders who are not counted a s representatives o f any special district of the party. This will clear the r o a d for the apportionment of the remaining places o n the slate for local and district representatives. Here, again, there should b e no "freezing" o f old representation and no automatic closing of the d o o r to new candidates from districts previously not represented. The object should b e to provide the fairest possible representation of the districts in the new N C ; but the principle of proportional representation should be modified b y other considerations: the relative importance of the district; the quality of the candidates; the special role played b y certain candidates, etc. ( M o r e . )

N o v e m b e r , 1944

Letter 1 2 3

Sandstone, November

2, 1944

Continuing: The commission should announce the time a n d p l a c e o f its d a i l y s e s s i o n s , a n d invite any delegate who wishes to argue for o r against a n y candidate to a p p e a r a n d take the fl o o r . The slate finally decided upon, either b y agreement o r m a j o r i t y vote, should b e presented to the convention a s the nominations of the comm i s s i o n . T h a t leaves the fl o o r open for other nominations a n d free discussion before the b a l l o t is taken. N a t u r a l l y , o n e would h a v e to h a v e s o m e g o o d arguments for a n o t h e r candidate to h o p e to amend the slate of the nominating c o m m i s s i o n . B u t if he thinks he h a s a strong c a s e , there i s n o r e a s o n w h y h e s h o u l d n ' t m a k e the attempt. Adequate time a n d patience m u s t b e accorded for the presentation o f a n y such p r o p o s e d amendments. The heavens will n o t fall if a slate i s amended once in a while. One w o r d m o r e . The convention should n o t shunt the election of the new N C off till the l a s t hurried half-hour of the convention, when impatience of departing delegations would tend to discourage full discussion and ample consideration o f the v a r i o u s nominations. The b e s t procedure w o u l d b e to fix a definite hour and d a y to take u p the election o f the N C whether the rest of the agenda i s finished o r n o t a t that time. This decision should be m a d e demonstratively in order to call s h a r p attention to the Vital importance o f full a n d careful deliberation in selecting the p a r t y leadership. And even m o r e important, the convention will thus give itself time to do the j o b right. All o f these measures will not guarantee the election o f a n ideal National Committee. But they should help to

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provide u s with the best committee that a free p a r t y c a n select from the material a t h a n d b y the method. of party democracy. If the returning delegates go h o m e with the

feeling that this has been accomplished, the new N C will b e able to begin its work with a strong authority. On the other h a n d , the leadership, precisely because of the care and deliberation taken in the selection o f the personnel o f the N C , will feel itself to be more than ever under the watchful supervision a n d control of the party. *

3|!

*

Memo for Sylvia: Please gather up for m e all the literature o f our movement you can get h o l d o f — p a p e r s ,

pamphlets, Internal Bulletins and books— in French, Germ a n and Spanish. I will b e able to read all three languages when I come b a c k . What I want m o s t of all is Perthe collected letters of Marx and Engels in German. h a p s Usick c a n help you o n this a s well a s o n the other stuff. Somewhere in m y stuff a t home I h a d a magazineshaped French edition o f the theses of the Second Congress

of the Comintern. Did you find it, o r h a d I given it to

Usick?

'

A lso: Please get a catalogue o f Blue Ribbon Bo oks and several other reprint editions. Also: Get all m y letters from the p a r t y files a s far back a s they go an d index them b y year, place sent and person to whom sent. I expect to be able to dig a lo t o f material for articles from these letters.

The b o o k In Defense of Marxism

didn't show up here.

If this b o o k has been approved, please ask Pioneer to ship another c o p y right away. I want to read the sections o n dialectics again; this is m y favorite study these d a y s . Bill Haywood gave a good account o f prison life in his book. Perhaps that chapter, o r parts of_ it, could be reprinted in The Militant.

Back to Sylvia: Try to get Kropotkin's Appeal to the Young, a small pamphlet once published b y Kerr and C o . Also: All anarchist literature of any type you c a n get. I expect to write something aboutthisand want a complete colleCtion of material. Also: the writings of Thomas Paine. The record office here requires m y Selective Service card. If you can't find it, ask the B o a r d for a duplicate.

November,

Letter 1 2 4

1944

215

Sandstone,

November

5, 1944

We read the s t o r y about the European conference with reservations and misgivings. I s i t possible that the P C authorized the publication of this s t o r y ? The Italian experience should have taught u s to proceed very cautiously and be sure o f our facts before publicizing reports from Europe. Our press should n o t publish one w o r d from Europe unless it h a s been scrutinized and approved b y the P C . The following questions come to mind about the report i n the November 4 Militant: 1 ) I t is stated that a five-party conference w a s held l a s t February. Your Paris correspondent in the October FI, writing in September, reports activities of the French Trotskyists b u t makes n o mention o f the conference. 2 ) The French P O I and P C I are referred to equally a s "sections" of the F I . This is not correct. The French section o f the F 1 w a s the P01. The P C I w a s the name of the expelled Molinierist group.

3) Reference is made to seventy issues of La Ve'rz'teI published since 1 9 4 0 bu t no mention is made o f the official p a p e r which we know w a s published and which, if I remember correctly, h a d a different name. 4 ) ' I t i s stated that the officialorgan o f the united French

section is, called La Ve’rite’ and that the name of the united section i s PCI. That does not sound like a unification. 5 ) It i s stated that a European Secretariat and Europ e a n Executive Committee were set u p , but no reference is m a d e to the necessarily provisional character of such a proceeding pending the sanction of the I E C set up b y the World Conference o f 1 9 4 0 . This i s more a Molinierist than a Trotskyist w a y of proceeding. It produced nothing b u t harm in France in the p a s t and can only produce worse h a r m if transferred to the international field. If there is anything I detest more than careless journalism in political matters it is undisciplined, shotgun organizational methods. Because of o u r experience and the knowledge dearly bought b y ' t h i s experience, we must oppose these methods as aggressively and a s unrelentingly a s we o p p o s e a n y tampering with the program.

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2 16

Our urgent advice is to say no more about the European conference until reliable information, which can b e checked and verified, is received. F r o m the w a y the international situation is opening up you should s o o n b e in a position to get reliable reports from numerous sources. Meantime, l o o k before y o u leap. We are glad to note t h a t Moish i s n o t mincing words i n dealing with w h a t m y p a l here calls "the microbe hunters." We must distinguish between the new rankand—file members who a r e coming forward seeking education a n d t h o s e who are slipping backward a n d trying to d r a g the p a r t y backward with them. We must b e patiently pedagogical with the former. They are far m o r e important than the latter because they w a n t to learn. We must do everything we c a n to help them. The "microbe hunters" would corrupt the p a r t y . We m u s t prevent them. And if s o m e of them, who were mistaken for leaders, get hurt in the p r o c e s s , we c a n ' t stop to worry about that. I have often h a d o c c a s i o n to notice that the m o s t violent a n d unreasoning critics of others, the m o s t ruthless "iconoclasts," s o o n "holler gewalt” when their own sensitive skins are pierced b y the p o i n t of a pin. We m u s t explain to them once again that their "right to criticize" is o n l y one-third o f party democracy. The second third i s the right to answer their criticisms. And the third third i s the right o f the p a r t y to judge both the accuser a n d the accused. *

III

*

Please b e sure to let the p a r t y members have m y letter o n the N C [election] question. As we see it, this is now the m o s t i m p o r t a n t aspect of real p a r t y democracy.

Letter 1 2 5

Sandstone,

November

6, 1944

You c a n tell the friends who inquire about m y health that I a m all right. I continue to stick strictly to m y diet o f boiled eggs a n d milk three times a day, seven d a y s a week, and will stick to it until J an u ary 2 2 . Then, I think, I will be entitled to a little variety and I am beginning to look forward to the special menus previously sent to you.

November,

1 944

2 17

I d o n ' t sleep well. That, however, i s nothing new. I h a v e n ' t slept well since I c a m e here a n d am getting used to i t a s one gets used to everything in time. B y a n d large, m y health i s g o o d enough; far better than I ever expected i t to b e under these circumstances. As the convicts s a y ,

there is nothing the matter with me that the key to the/ front gate w o n ' t cure. I a m disappointed to h e a r that you a r e having trouble with your teeth. I understood that you were having them taken care o f l a s t spring. B y all means get it done a n d over with. H a v e you attended to the supplementary heat question a t h o m e a s I previously instructed you? This is important to me. The c o l d Minnesota winds are beginning to b l o w here, a n d I like to think o f you w a r m a n d snug a t h o m e . M y greatest j o y i n life i s for you to have everything j u s t the w a y you w a n t it; the w a y it ought to b e , and will b e if I c a n m a k e it s o . *

*

*

I a m m o s t a n x i o u s that M o is h personally s p o n s o r a n d explain m y letter o n the N C question to the convention from the p o i n t of view of strengthening p a r t y democracy. D e m o c r a c y m e a n s something far m o r e than the privilege o f listening to articulate critics, although the professional democrats seem to think that i s the beginning a n d end o f it. D e m o c r a c y means the right o f the rank and file to

decide .Whoever

helps them to decide mOSt intelligently

IS the b e s t p a r t y democrat. F r o m this p o i n t o f view the educational p l a n h a s a right to b e considered a profoundly democratic p r o p o s a l , for i t aims to equip the p a r t y membership with a more systematic knowledge of Marxism which will enable them to judge political disputes m o r e critically, m o r e independently. M y letter on the selection of the N C is a democratic p r o p o s a l because it urges the rank-and-file delegates to l o o k m o r e closely into the question; to determine its composition m o r e deliberately; to take m o r e time at the convention a n d inquire m o r e closely into the qualifications o f each a n d every candidate. I n m y opinion the composition of the N C needs a thorough shaking up and overhauling. I am n o t speaking for o r against any candidate. I only propose that the

Letters from Prison

2 18 convention delegates l y with the records dates and act more greatest democratic leadership freely, in

familiarize themselves m o r e intimateand the qualifications o f the candiknowingly when they exercise the right o f a l l — t h e right to elect the a n atmosphere free from pressure

o r any kind of deceit o r manipulation. The present N C w a s elected four years ago; four and one-half years a g o , to b e more exact. They were for-

mally reelected two years ago in a proceeding that left much to be desired from the standpoint o f discriminating, deliberate judgment in each individual case. That is, they were reelected en bloc under the formula put over o n the nominating commission b y Cassidy. That, in m y Opinion, w a s a n encroachment o n p a r t y democracy, insofar a s it automatically blocked off any real competition o r contest. Let u s have a real election this time.

Letter 1 2 6

Sandstone,

November

7, 1944

This is the twenty-seventh anniversary of the d a y the Russian Bolsheviks took hold o f the world and changed it, and in doing s o , changed a n d reshaped our lives too. I am grateful today to the Russian Bolsheviks, and I am convinced to the bottom o f m y soul that it is better to be here with them, to feel that here I am one with them, than to be anywhere else under any conditions and be against them. *

it

It

It p a y s to live right, and g o o d things come to the godly. T o d a y the bulletin b o a r d carries the official announcement that "for the period December 1 5 to December 3 1 the rules forbidding the receipt o f packages b y prisoners m a y , in the discretion of the Warden, b e modified to permit each prisoner i n good standing to receive from a n y of his authorized correspondents one package o f reasonable size, and weighing not more than two pounds, consisting o f a n y of the following articles: Candy, shelled

nuts, glacé o r conserved fruits, and books." or

I know w h a t I want, and it is not two pounds of books nuts. It is a two-pound box o f Barricini's mixed

November,

1944

219

chocolates. I will remind you of this about a month from now. It is a long time since I looked forward with real interest to c a n d y for Christmas. I h a v e been studying Christian Science! That is, I have been reading a French edition of The Herald of

Christian

Science.

I read the whole magazine through,

from cover to cover, including the advertisements, and came to the following conclusion: The French language, including the irregular —» a n d "defective" v e r b s , i s more

scientific than La Science Chre'tienne. *

a:

a:

I h a d m a d e s o m e notes for a final chapter o n the WP to follow what I wrote about the history of the relations a n d attitude o f the Marxist p a r t y to other organizations. Finally, I decided to let that go until the second stage of the discussion when, I thought, Morrison would be obliged to develop more openly the conciliationist attitude implied in his first letters o n the New York branch incident. Now I learn from the quotation cited b y Stein in his speech that M o r r i s o n d i d n ' t wait long to s h o w how ba dly he misunderstands this question. We thought Stein answered him quite correctly and, incidentally, put his finger o n the source o f weakness a n d i n a d e q u a c y i n all of M o r r i s o n ' s political thinking—his static, formally logical approach to phenomena that are ever moving, ever changing. I u s e d to think that his sneers about dialectics were merely the expression o f theoretical indifference. That would b e b a d enough in a leader, b u t his contributions to the present discussion s h o w very clearly that he simply does not know h o w to think dialectically. That i s fatal for a political leader. In m y chapter o n Muste, his training in the preacher profession w a s pointed to a s a n apparently insuperable obstacle to o n e ' s development into a revolutionary politician. Must I now a d d that the legal profession is n o t much better? I am afraid s o . The formal logic of the law a n d the w a y of thinking which goes with i t are helpless in the face o f living, a n d therefore changing, realities in the political struggle. The discussion i s j u s t getting started! Every time these people open their mouths they provide the theme for

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220

a n article expounding s o m e elementary idea which they challenge. Morrison w a s m o r e right than h e knew when h e s a i d , in his criticism of the educational plan, that c o m r a d e s learn m o s t b y discussion. They will learn a g r e a t deal about Bolshevism from o u r critical discussion of his perverted version o f it.

Letter 1 2 7

Sandstone,

November

9, 1944

Here a r e s o m e p r o p o s a l s regarding the convention. 1 ) B e sure to have the plenum in New York a t least for a full d a y before the convention an d have all prop o s a l s , resolutions, etc., come from the plenum. 2 ) Insist that the convention take a position o n all the concrete questions raised i n the discussion. 3 ) The N C should present a s h o r t resolution o r motion embodying two points: a ) endorsing the political resoluthe amendments a n d critition o f the N C ; b ) rejecting cisms o f C a s s i d y a n d others insofar a s they conflict with the line o f the N C resolution. Do n o t permit a n y fictitious "unanimity" to negate the conclusions o f the discussion. 4 ) Implement the decision o f the convention majority b y a special motion with the following points: a ) The political resolutions o f the N C , having been adopted b y the convention b y a vote o f . .to . . after free democratic discussion i n the p a r t y r a n k s , the press and all public activities o f the p a r t y m u s t strictly conform to the convention decisions. b ) The discussion may, in the discretion o f the N C , b e continued in the Internal Bulletin. 5 ) Publish the convention resolutions in the FI rather than in The Militant. Since the latter i s becoming more a n d more a m a s s paper, it will perhaps be best to print there only a g e n e r a l s t o r y o f the convention with digests of the resolutions. (Perhaps this will also help the FI edit o r s to catch up on their publication schedule.) 6 ) Publish a l s o the rejected amendments and criticisms with an editorial note giving the convention vote a s in the case of the adopted resolutions. 7 ) B e sure to emphasize o v e r a n d over again the

November,

1 944

22 1

p l a n o f the E x p a n s i o n Program to m a k e The Militant a n eight-page, m o r e p o p u l a r a n d cheaper p a p e r ( $ 1 a year) 8 ) Organize the p a r t i c i p a t i o n of the leading people i n the discussion b y assigning single p o i n t s in the m a i n reports to b e e l a b o r a t e d a n d supplemented i n the disc u s s i o n . The v a r i o u s m e m b e r s of the N C , o th er than the reporters, s h o u l d b e p r e p a r e d in advance to develop certain p o i n t s . This i s b y far the best w a y to get the m o s t o u t o f a n u m b e r o f shorter speeches. 9 ) D o n ' t let the convention discussion get sidetracked o n s o m e s e c o n d a r y question. As s o o n a s anything like t h i s gets s t a r t e d — a n d it a l w a y s gets s t a r t e d — s o m e one o f the assigned N C speakers should take the floor a n d steer the discussion b a c k into the m a i n channel of the i m p o r t a n t questions. 1 0 ) Put u p a convention b l a c k b o a r d o r bulletin b o a r d where the n a m e s o f candidates for the N C will b e p o s t e d a s s o o n a s received b y the nominating c o m m i s s i o n . This i s a g o o d m e a n s of familiarizing the delegates from the s t a r t with the n a m e s o f the candidates a n d stimulating them to a greater interest in the elections. 3|!

*

3|!

I see b y the Times Magazine ( N o v e m b e r 5 ) t h a t C ha rle s Rumford Walker i s secretary o f "Yale University C o m mittee o n Post-War Planning a n d R e c o n s t r u c t i o n . " I r e m e m b e r Walker a s a Trotskyist sympathizer w h o w a s once v e r y much w o r r i e d about the danger of "Stalinist degeneration" in o u r p a r t y . One h a s o n l y to r e a d his pathet— ic article in the Times to convince himself that there a r e other forms a n d kinds o f degeneration. Walker i s one of the m a n y who fell victim to the other kind.

Letter 1 2 8

Sandstone,

November

12, 1944

We will b e "doing h a r d time" this week, bogged down here while the convention i s going o n . This i s the first p a r t y convention I have missed i n twenty-two y e a r s ! The o n l y other one I missed since 1 9 1 9 w a s the 1 9 2 2 underground convention a t Bridgman. I w a s i n Moscow

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a t the Fourth Congress then. I wish some arrangements could b e m a d e to send m e d a i l y factual reports. I know it i s quite a n imposition to ask this when you will all be s o b u s y a t the, convention. Perhaps you c a n get Joe to help y o u . I noticed that in one of your letters Murry referred to "patience." Patience m e a n s : to see a discussion unfolding that is rich i n possibilities for the clarification o f comm u n i s t i d e a s a n d the education of the p a r t y in these i d e a s ; to h a v e a thick pamphlet in your system o n the subjects u n d e r discussion; an d to reconcile yourself to the writing of telescoped notes o n one sheet of p a p e r . T h a t is w h a t patience means. If anyone a s k s you w h a t m y letter o n the N C election m e a n s , tell them it means j u s t exactly what i t s a y s . I want more democracy in the party! Democracy m e a n s that the leaders, n o t o n l y collectively but also individually, m u s t b e called to account before the p a r t y ; that the p a r t y m u s t p a s s judgment o n their conduct, their activity a n d their abilities a s well a s o n their political ideas. B u t n o t only that. P a r t y democracy a l s o means that the p a r t y m u s t p a s s judgment also o n the critics of the leadership.

Everybody is responsible to the party. And what is the p a r t y ? The convention is the p a r t y . Everything and everybody m u s t be p r e p a r e d to render account to the convention. And this o n l y s u m s u p a n d crowns the principle that all p a r t y members, a t all times, are responsible to the p a r t y . N o b o d y , nobody, stands above the p a r t y . I t seems to u s t h a t this i s the crucial point o f the dispute o v e r the unauthorized conferences with the Shachtmanites. Morrison, commenting o n Stein's article o n this question, s a y s , "We all s t a n d for the s a m e thing." N o t o n your tintype! I n another place he s a y s his objective "has been achieved to the extent of 9 0 percent." H e i s deluding himself. We will n o t accept his conceptions o f organizational responsibility to the extent o f even 1 0 percent. I t a p p e a r s to u s that, in blowing up the New York incident o u t of all proportions and then claiming that "his objective h a s been achieved," a s well a s in the form u l a s he advances in Internal Bulletin No. 7 — M o r r i s o n

November,

1944

223

h a s other "objectives" in m i n d t h a n the min o r incidents under dispute. Is he, p e r h a p s — ag ain indulging his weakness for underestimating the intelligence of other p e o p l e — assuming a s "achieved" a construction which will free him and other thinkers from a n y real p a r t y control a n d p a r t y discipline in the future, i n more important matters, and assuming a t the s a m e time t h a t no one will notice it? If s o , h e and a n y others who entertain such ideas are due for a rude awakening. I t is important n o w to observe each an d every leader, local a n d national, in this discussion. I n m y opinion, M o r r i s o n ' s articles are a n insult to the p a r t y . Any leader who does n o t angrily react to these insults i s lacking i n respect for himself a n d for the p a r t y . Such people will be weak reeds to lean o n in a crisis.

Letter 1 2 9

Sandstone,

November

13, 1944

We are waiting with interest to receive Aunt's comments o n the letters sent from here. Till then we will not try to surmise where her disagreement arises. When Don comes ask him to give y o u a roundup report for me. I also w a n t reports from Grant, Burch, M u r r y a n d Bill. If anyone, including Gerland, wants to know m y opinion, you c a n s a y I think it would b e better to dispense with the hauteur a n d instead show precisely wherein a n y o f the political resolutions o f the N C for the p a s t four years have been "disproved b y events." N o b o d y h a s been able to show that yet, a s far a s I know. W h a t h a v e been "disproved b y events" up till now are the criticisms of these resolutions. I would like to receive the Chicago article. Also the points of the articles o f Jack and o f Oscar a n d Al. The reference i n m y letter N o . 1 2 8 to Internal Bulletin No. 7 should be corrected to read " N o . 6". I j u s t noticed this e r r o r i n checking your letter N o . 1 1 9 . We d i d n ' t think it worth while to comment o n the prop o s a l to give critical support to the S P . I t seems to u s that the elections themselves have given the best possible answer to this lifeless attempt a t a n application of a

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Leninist tactic when the conditions which gave p o i n t to the tactic in previous instances are entirely lacking. Nothing i s m o r e hopeless than to a p p r o a c h with formal logical rules political situations which are constantly changing. The S P i s still changing, an d n o t for the better either. Even in 1 9 4 0 , when we discussed the election campaign with the Ol d Man, he s a i d , "The S P is n o t a p a r t y . I t is a misunderstanding," o r w o r d s to that effect. Even then, when the S P h a d a p r e s u m a b l y anti-war position, he dismissed it o u t of h a n d a n d s a i d we should predict that T h o m a s w o u l d support the w a r . H e thought the CP w a s a real p a r t y with a serious b a s e i n the labor movement. B u t his main r e a s o n for p r o p o s i n g t h a t we give the C P critical s u p p o r t in the election w a s its negative attitude to the w a r a t t h a t time. This gave u s , he thought, a p o i n t o f approach to those Communist P a r t y members who were sincerely o p p o s e d t o the w a r . Such a tactic, he thought, might help u s to br eak per h a p s " a few hundred" o f them a w a y when the inevitable change of Stalinist p o l i c y c a m e . H e w a s very much i n earnest a b o u t it; w a n t e d v e r y much for u s to t r y it. Despite that, when he found u s in disagreement, he s a i d to m e : "All right, if you a re opp os ed to it, I will n o t start a discussion a b o u t the question." You see ( h i s n a m e w a s n o t C a s s i d y o r M o r r i s o n ) , he did n o t d e m a n d a discussion in the p a r t y every time h e h a d a disagreement. The present flare-up in the p a r t y is simplythe expression o f the fact that the sharp turn which the p a r t y h a s taken toward more effective m a s s w o r k h a s thrown a few self-centered people off b a l a n c e . The Militant h a s become a real p o p u l a r workers' p a p e r ; new people are coming t o w a r d u s , n o t b y scores a n y longer b u t b y thousands. This i s shown beyond dispute b y the successes o f the sub campaign, the defense work, the call-backs a n d the trade-union developments. The new pe0ple who are coming forward are m o r e important than those who are falling behind. The discussion i s justified b y the extent to which i t i s utilized to educate the new people.

November,

1944

225

Letter 1 3 0

Sandstone,

November

14, 1944

I finished Volume 8 of Grote a n d started o n 9. With o n l y sixty-nine d a y s a n d a "git" left to do, m y thoughts turn again very often to food a n d drink. I find myself tarrying over the wine advertisements i n the p a p e r s , eSpecially those picturing combinations of wine a n d food. When I s a w a n appetizing picture of a roasted chicken o n a table with a bottle o f wine beside it, I thought: If they will give m e the chicken I will meet them halfway a n d take the wine t o o . Ask George if h e will take u s s o m e d a y to that Chinese place where h e and Evelyn took their in-laws. I w a n t to see h o w a sophisticated m a n of the w o r l d o r d e r s "the works" in a place like that. Incidentally, I will b e more receptive to Chinese food than I u s e d to be. Could George teach m e to o r d e r ? I n the g r a n d manner? I think I might be able to learn. I n the p a s t I never p a i d much attention to restaurant techniques, b u t I a l w a y s m a d e o u t all right with bartenders. 3|:

3k

*

I think often of the Old M a n these d a y s , with a n ever greater appreciation of w h a t he w a s and w h a t he did for u s a n d for all mankind, under conditions o f work a n d d a i l y existence which were far from ideal. M y experience here, far removed from the center o f activities, unable to participate directly in p a r t y affairs a n d reduced to the n a r r o w m e a n s o f trying to influence the course o f developments exclusively through abbreviated correspondence, h a s given me a better understanding of the O l d M a n ' s work in exile; a new, poignant sympathy for his brave, persistent efforts over so m a n y difficult years. H e who w a s s o sure-handed, s o capable o f doing things personally a n d doing them right, h a d to depend entirely o n others far a w a y ; and n o t o n people ideally selected, but o n such h u m a n ' m a t e r i a l a s he could find a t h a n d . H o w often did h e have to restrain himself, to curb his a n g e r ? H o w often d i d he h a v e t o r e s o r t t o d i p l o m a c y , t o p h r a s e his criticisms euphemistically for fear o f offending s o m e thin-skinned a n d self-centered p e r s o n w h o might s p o i l everything b e c a u s e o f p i q u e o r w o u n d e d v a n i t y ?

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And h o w often, in spite o f all his patient efforts, did he have to see this happen i n the m o s t critical situations? H o w much energy did he burn u p in futile rage o n such occasions? H o w often did he h a v e to s a y to himself: "If I were n o t b o u n d h a n d a n d foot I could prevent this"? He h a d to create an international organization under such conditions during the whole eleven years of his last exile; twelve years, counting the time a t Alma Ata. I feel deeply thankful to b e able to assure myself that he h a d very little o f such unnecessary trouble with m e . When I s o m e d a y write m y memories o f Sandstone d a y s a nd

nights m y thoughts here of the Old M a n will constitute a chapter. *

*

*

H o w i s the song-book project coming along? Tell Sylvia not to trust entirely to the current edition o f the IWW s o n g b o o k . There have been m a n y editions, an d s o m e o f the best songs have been omitted from the later editions. If she c a n ' t get the o ld editions, they c a n p r o b a b l y be located a t the Crerar library in Chicago. Ill

*

*

Here is a p r o p o s a l for another important project: a new anthology of revolutionary poetry. Begin now to accumulate the material b y starting a "Poets' Corner" in The Militant. Here are the best sources to begin with: Sinclair's Cry for Justice; G r a h a m ' s Anthology of RevoPoetry ( a n anarchist publication); Chaplin's lutionary Prison Poems; files of o l d revolutionary p a p e r s — t h e and the L a b o r Defender Review, Socialist International the Masses a n d Liberator especially; William Ellery Leon a r d ' s works. The "Poets' Corner" will make a good addition to the p a p e r . Poetry i s o u t of style with the sophisticates, but the pe0ple h a v e always loved it and always will. We aim to publish a p a p e r for the people.

Letter 1 3 1

Sandstone,

November

16, 1944

I will need the following material: the files o f Calverton's Modern Monthly and Modern Quarterly; files of Revolu-

November,

1 944

227

tz'onary Age a n d Workers' Age; files of Labor Action New

International

version);

(Shachtman

H o o k ' s o n philosophy in the Southern

anything

and of

Quarterly and

philosophical reviews. B o o k s : the Modern L i b r a r y Giant edition of John Dewey's Philosophy; D u r a n t ' s new b o o k ,

Caesar

and Christ;

The Loom of Language; all of Kro-

potkin's a n d B e r k m a n ' s writings that c a n be found anywhere. ( T r y the anarchist g r o u p s ) ; files of that anarchoMenshevik magazine which w a s printed i n New York during the period 1 9 3 6 - 3 7 , I forget the name of it. Anything procurable o f Kautsky a n d Bernstein ( G e r m a n o r English). 3|:

3k

*

What became of the project to publish some informative articles about wartime political and religious prisoners? I t would be a worthwhile task for someone to dig up the facts and figures o n the situation in World W a r I in comp a r i s o n . to the present one. Some interesting contrasts will be apparent. In the l a s t w a r there were hundreds of l a b o r a n d socialist w a r prisoners; this time our p a r t y alone is represented. There were m a n y representatives l a s t time o f "recognized" religious bodies in prison for pacifist convictions; t o d a y the J eh o v ah ' s Witnesses take their place s. I believe investigation will also show that the number o f conscientious objectors o n non-religious grounds i s far less t o d a y . The "JWs" are scornful of the w a r position o f the "Socialists" in the present war, contrasted to the record twenty-six years ago. "The Socialist Party sold out this time," they s a y . They are very friendly to u s because we are a "different" kind o f "socialist." *

3k

*

I am still waiting to hear what Edith and Mike [’Bartell] think o f m y two b o o k s ; whether they throw a different light o n the troublesome "organization question." I t h i n k nostalgically o f California; we are p a s t due for another sojourn there. It would b e good to make the 1 9 4 0 trip again: to California b y w a y of Mexico City a n d Acapulco. Try thinking o f Acapulco whenever the steam goes down in the radiators. Perhaps the thought will keep you w a r m . We are waiting for D o n ' s report.

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228

I notice that the Times B o o k Review is n o w featuring reviews b y college professors. That, to me, i s a sign t h a t the readers a re sick of the literary hacks who all s a y the s a m e thing. Unfortunately, the college hacks are no better, no m o r e original, no m o r e honest. There is going to be a terrific revulsion of the young generation against all the writers w h o have s o shamefully betrayed them. It w a r m s the h e a r t to see o u r activists' reports of new subscribers who speak of The Militant a s "that p a p e r that tells the truth." 3|:

3k

3|:

We thought the o l d Haymarket drawing lighted up the page of the p a p e r this week. Why c a n ' t we experiment with illustrated current articles? Drawings are s o much better a s a rule than p h o t o g r a p h s ; the a r t i s t ' s eye sees m o r e than the c a m e r a . The cartoons keep u p their high s t a n d a r d ; even seem to improve. B u t the "Stalinist Press a t Work" drawing h a s just about played itself out, and we will be glad when the pamphlet campaign i s finished, if o n l y because we w o n ' t have to l o o k a t the s a m e illustration every week. We were a l s o glad to get rid of the repeated illustration of the History even monotonously if it meant the end of all advertising for this b a d l y treated book. *

3|:

*

Did you ever hear the spiritual: " T h e r e ' s goin' to be a great gittin'-up morning"? That will be January 2 3 , 1 9 4 5 .

Letter

132

Sandstone,

November

19, 1944

Defense of Marxism arrived a n d I h a v e already read it through again. While m y mind w a s still fresh from Trots k y ' s writing, soaked in his method, I forced myself to read the two appendices: B u r n h a m ' s "Science and Style" and his farewell letter to his abandoned "Workers' Party." What a contrast! And w h a t a convincing empirical demons t r a t i o n — this c o n t r a s t — of the bankruptcy of empiricism! I could appreciate the philosophical parts of the b o o k far better this time, since I now have a far surer grasp o n the whole question of philosophy. I still have much to

November,

1 944

229

read a n d learn to supplement a n d round o u t m y knowledge, but I already know the essence o f the question and know its decisive importance for a revolutionary politician. I h o p e to devote m y m a i n energies in the next period to learning more o n this subject a n d helping others t o learn. Bourgeois philosophy, in all its variations, i s a s crooked, a s falsified b y class b i a s a n d class interest, a s bourgeois economics. The deer s e a s o n is Open here i n the northwest, and the p a p e r s are full o f the stories of the hunts and the fun the hunters are having. But that is not a patch o n the fun I a m going to have when I l o a d up m y shotgun and go hunting for the fakers who have infested the fringes o f the revolutionary workers' movement and even penetrated into its r a n k s . *

*

*

We signed o u r release p a p e r s yesterday. I t really begins to look a s though they are fixing to let u s o u t o f here. They s a y that all convicts begin to do h a r d time when they are "getting short," that is, close to the e n d o f their time. I have seen m a n y painful evidences o f this. So far, however, the sickness h a s n o t struck us very h a r d . The main r e a s o n , I suppose, i s that every d a y is a full d a y o f s t u d y and achievement i n preparation for the future. When "time" i s crowded this w a y it d o e s n ' t have much chance to d r a g . We have l e a r n e d . much here that will be useful for others who follow in our footsteps. But the m o s t important thing o f all we will have to s a y to the young militants who have to do time in the future i s that they should immerse themselves in intellectual work. The concrete walls a n d the steel b a r s are real. But, after all, they a r e o n l y o n e kind of prison. There are also the prisons of ignorance and prejudice, of selfishness and o f thought limited to the present d a y . If one sets himself to the task o f breaking out o f these p r i s o n s ; if he feels that with every d a y ' s work and study he h a s m a d e a little headway; then the time p a s s e s and the concrete walls d o n ' t crowd i n so closely. I t helps a l so , I believe, if one h a s previously been blessed with a sound philosophy o f personal living; h a s

230

Letters from Prison

h a d sense enough to take his fun where he could find it in this world of the present and n o t postponed it to the problematical future. M y mother taught me to love the g o o d things o f life and to grasp them o n the wing. And since we d i d n ' t have too m a n y o f them, considering the h a r d poverty of our family, she helped us, through her shrewd pedagogical devices, to squeeze the most out of those which came o u r w a y — fi r s t b y anticipation, then b y realization, and finally b y reminiscence.

Thus our Christmas w a s drawn out from the first snowfall until the spring thaw; and b y then we were getting set for the Fourth o f July with plenty of fire-

crackers. Our Fourth of July is not far away.

Sandstone,

Letter 1 3 3

November

20, 1944

Please send the $ 1 5 now to Evie [DeBoer] and tell her to make sure her husband it on egg sandwiches. III

d o e s n ' t drink it up o r spend III

*

Ask the CRDC to find out definitely about Skogie's [ C a r l Skoglund] bond and make sure that[Roger] Baldwin makes all the arrangements s o that he will n o t be detained. Follow up o n this an d let me know when everything is arranged, a n d definitely h o w it is arranged s o that we will have no uncertainties about the matter. *

II!

It

Here is a little poem which Goethe wrote for little Mick. Tell h e r I want her to learn i t b y heart and believe it. Willst du immer weiter schweifen? Sieh, das Gute liegt s o nah. Lerne nur das Gliick ergreifen,

Denn das Gliick ist immer d a . II!

It

*

I need: Kautsky's Ethics and the Materialistic Conception of History ( K e r r & 0 0 . ) . Also get Kerr's catalogue; I want to check a n d see if I have everything of theirs I will need in m y work. Query them also about bound volumes o f the International Socialist Review.

November,

1 944

23 1

I will b a d l y need a complete .set of these if they are at all obtainable. If they c a n ' t be h a d from Kerr, ask the bookstore to shop around. It i s clear, I p r e s u m e , that all the b o o k s _I am asking for now are for use after our return. N o more are needed here. Ask o u r philosophers to prepare for me a reading list i n philosophy. If Hegel's works o r essential parts of them ( o r other necessary philosophical writing, for that matter) are n o t to b e h a d i n English, then German, French o r Spanish editions will d o . 3|!

*

*

Here is another w a y o f organizing study classes which I left out o f the p l a n . This w a s an oversight, a s the scheme m a y well be timely right now in places like L o s Angeles Or elsewhere where several branches are too far a p a r t for c o m m o n classes. This is the "circuit system" o f study classes which I inaugurated in the o l d Communist Party back in 1 9 2 4 when I w a s national educational director. I p e r s o n a l l y taught o n one circuit centering i n Chicago. The idea is to prepare a set of lectures o n a given subject a n d give each one i n different cities o n succeeding nights. F o r example: I gave the first lecture in m y course in Chicago o n M o n d a y night; Gary, Tuesday; Milwaukee, Wednesday; Kenosha, Thursday; and Waukegan, Friday. Then, the following M o n d a y , I gave the second lecture in Chicago a n d repeated it o n schedule in the other cities. I t is a very g o o d system; i t worked out well a nd was greatly appreciated b y the comrades. At the same time i t is very efficient from the standpoint o f the instructor. One j o b of preparation enables him to take care of five classes every week; o r more, o r less, according to the circumstances. *

*

3k

I greatly regret that I couldn't hear the discussion a t the convention o n the educational plan, and take p a r t in it. The "organizational" s i d e — t h a t i s , the practical planning to reach ends with the means at h a n d — i s very important in this question also. I s n ' t it strange that the "intellectuals" never thought of that?

232

Letters from Prison

Sandstone,

Letter 1 3 4

November

21, 1944

The Militant, due Saturday, h a s n ' t arrived yet. We are hoping it will come in t o d a y . We got u s e d to this paper and m i s s it. ( L a t e r : The p a p e r arrived Tuesday night.) Bulletins Have adequate numbers of all the Internal been sent to the foreign parties? This is very important, in more w a y s than one. *

3|!

3|!

We should stimulate a n d encourage the development of a genuine student group in the party. I mean students of Marxism a n d the l a b o r movement who have the will a serious work o f study, not ex-students—of to begin whom we h a v e already seen too m a n y — w h o imagine that they already knew all that is to b e known when they left the university. The educational department should concern itself with devices and methods to a i d and inspire our students. Here i s one p r o p o s a l : Appoint a commission to prepare a bibliography o f communism, socialism, anarchism and syndicalism. Start with a preliminary list o f b o o k s , pamphlets and publications. Then invite the students to participate in the w o r k of rounding out the bibliography; send them to the libraries a n d ask them to submit concise digests o f every important item they run informative across a n d tell where it is to b e found. The g o a l should be the compilation of a definitive bibliography listing each significant article, telling what are its main points and in w h a t library o r libraries it m a y b e found. I understand the Crerar library in Chicago and the library of the University o f Wisconsin contain rich material. Put s o m e students to work listing and classifying it. Other veins will be turned up if enough prospectors go to work. I believe this project will arouse real enthusiasm among our student-minded youth. Let the educational department take a leaf from the colleges and assign theses for the serious students to prepare. An informal student b o d y could be assembled o n a national scale under the friendly supervision of the educational director. All that is necessary is to send a

November,

1 944

233

circular to the branches announcing the project and asking prospective students to send in their n a m e s to receive specific assignments according to their special interests. Assign theses to b e written o n such subjects a s the origin a n d development of the Knights of L a b o r ; the Haymarket M a r t y r s — w h o they were, their w o r k and i d e a s ; Engels' critique o f the early American socialist m ovement ; Gompers a n d the A F L ; Debs a n d The Americ a n R a i l w a y U n i o n ; the o l d Appeal to Reason; the IWW; the right a n d left wings in the Socialist P a r t y u p to the F i r s t World W a r ; the beginnings o f American c o m m u n i s m . The field i s virtually limitless. The better theses could b e published i n a special bulletin o f the educational department a n d submitted to discussion a n d criticism there. The best theses might b e published in o u r p r e s s . L e t o u r e a g e r youth be set to w o r k o n this project. Something g o o d m a y c o m e o f it. I n a n y event, it s h o u l d stimulate interest in serious study o f the rich h i s t o r y o f our movement a n d its progenitors. To the a b o v e list of suggested subjects should b e a d d e d D e L e o n a n d the S L P . He w a s a great figure.

S a n d s t o n e , November

Letter 1 3 5

23, 1944

Here are s o m e m o r e b o o k s I w i s h Sylvia to get for me. There will b e m a n y others needed i n the work I contemR o s m e r ' s b o o k o n the Usage; plate. F o w l e r ' s Modern l a b o r movement a n d the w a r ( F r e n c h ) ; English Synb y James C . Fernald onyms, Antonyms and Prepositions ( F u n k and W a g n a l l s ) . *

*

*

I see b y the Times that Hutchins H a p g o o d is dead. He w a s well known i n the old d a y s when anarchist-liberalism w a s thought to be very radical. His b o o k s , An Anarchist of Labor, give a picture o f the Woman a n d The Spirit anarchist trend i n the labor movement of p r e w a r times. The Spirit of L a b o r is a novel b a s e d o n the life of Anton Johannsen. I knew him well i n the defense movement for Schmidt and Kaplan, the M c N a m a r a s a n d Tom Mooney. Both these b o o k s should b e in the New York party

Letters from Prison

234

library. Students will find them very useful in delving into o f the modern movement. the traditional background The development o f the library should a l s o b e brought under the hegemony of consciousness and p l a n . A commission should be set u p . We should deliberately aim a t the g o a l of a complete library o f b o o k s necessary for functionaries a n d students, draw up the list a n d move progressively toward acquiring it. As we visualize the future, w e will soon need a librarian. *

*

3|!

Who reads c o p y o n The Militant? A commission should b e appointed to wage w a r o n s l o p p y writing from a literary point of view. The first and m o s t urgent necessity i s a campaign against long sentences running together, one after another. This i s the surest w a y to kill a r e a d e r ' s interest a n d m a k e him stop in the middle o f the first p a r t of an article. L o n g sentences h a v e to b e broken u p and balanced against short ones. ( U s i c k should have a s p e c i a l session with Bell o n this important defect in his writing.) 3k

3|!

*

What did the post-convention plenum decide to do a bout Chicago? *

*

*

Have arrangements yet been made with the [British] R C P to send bundles o f their p a p e r to o u r branches? We might get a little revenue for them this w a y — t h e branches should p a y for their bundles— an d also deepen the interest o f our members in international affairs. Did the R C P make a n y progress in drawing the unaffiliated Trotskyist elements into the unified party? Have a n y decisive moves been made toward fusion with the left wing of the I L P ? In m y opinion the R C P needs a b r o a d program of unification. The best a n d cheapest w a y to test o u t the assimilability o f all the elements is through common work in o n e organization. 3|!

I see b y the Times

*

3k

B o o k Review that a b o o k of Roose-

velt's speeches entitled Rendezvous

with Destiny

is edited

b y J . B . S. H a r d m a n . This advertisement struck m e a s a timely footnote to m y remarks about him in m y History. B y the w a y , h a v e the English comrades shown a n y

November,

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235

interest in this b o o k ? It should be more useful to them than to our own party, a s they still have to go through m a n y o f the stages o f p a r t y development recounted there. Have copies of the b o o k been sent to England? How many? *

*

3|!

Did you run a c r o s s the notes of m y speech at the fifteenth anniversary celebration? I should like to reconstruct that speech for inclusion in the Twenty Years— 1 9 2 3 — 1 9 4 3 collection o f speeches a n d articles. I guess w e will h a v e to get that book out of the w a y first, to clear the w a y for other writing.

Letter 1 3 6

Sandstone,

November

26, 1944

We a r e blanketed i n snow this Sunday morning and m o r e i s coming down. The Minnesota snow, long overdue, held off till the close of the deer season yesterday, to give the deer a better chance against the hunters. I feel sorry for kids who never have any snow. That is one o f the drawbacks of California. The radio is beginning to give a heavy p l a y to the song about a "White Christmas." I left New York l a s t year with that song in m y e a r s . To hear it again reminds me that the time to return is approaching. I t is nice to think of g o o d things which are "not far away." I like that song because it reminds m e of the Christmases of m y boyhood which were all good, and mostly white. I am waiting, however, to hear Bing Crosby sing it. I d o n ' t care for this upstart, Sinatra. a: as as I am following with earnest sympathy the brave struggle of little "Nubbins" Hoffman, the three-year-old Cheyenne b o y , to hold out till "Christmas" against a supposedly incurable ailment. The latest report we have i s that he h a s been taken to Denver and that the doctor s a y s he i s "responding to treatment" and that the o d d s are swinging in his favor. I have strong hopes that he will make it. Medical science is mighty and beneficent, and s o is the

Letters from Prison

236

idea o f "Christmas"—which means "the good time coming." "W People cannot live without perspectives, without hopes for the future. Those who h o p e to organize a great movement o f the m a s s e s m u s t never forget this, never fail to inspire them with confidence that the future will b e better than the present if they o n l y strive to make it s o .

The greatest power o f Marxism derives from the fact that it gives a rational b a s i s to the impulse of the m a s s e s t o make a better world; a scientific assurance that the irresistible l a w s of social evolution are working o n their side; that the idea of socialism, of the g o o d society of the free and equal, is not a utopian fantasy but the projection of future reality. When this idea takes h o l d o f the people it will truly be the greatest p o w e r in the world. I t seems to me somewhat undignified, somewhat lacking i n the sense o f proportion, for one who h a s grasped this idea to b e deterred o r turned aside b y such trifles a s concern for o n e ' s personal fate. No importa, a s they s a y i n S p a n i s h — " i t does n o t matter." What matters, a s the Old M a n expressed it, i s "the consciousness that o n e participates in the building o f a better future, that o n e carries o n his shoulders a particle o f the fate o f mankind, a n d that o n e ' s life will not h a v e been lived in v a i n . " I w a s very glad to see that Murry built his twentyseventh anniversary speech around this conception o f the p a r t y a n d the reciprocal relations between the p a r t y and its individual members. Much o f the p r o p a g a n d a o f the p a s t h a s been too matter-of-fact; the conception o f the role o f the p a r t y too limited; the self-assumed obligations o f the individual too paltry, too narrowly calculated. The w o r l d will b e changed b y people who believe i n the boundless power of the ideas o f the p arty an d who set n o limits to the demands which the p a r t y m a y make u p o n them. 3|:

3|:

3|!

I intended to write about the convention today. But the foregoing remarks are, s o to speak, comments o n the convention.

November, Letter 1 3 7

1944

237 Sandstone,

November

27, 1944

The w o r s t fault o f the thinkers' faction is that they d o n ' t think. This i s demonstrated once again b y the p a r t y convention. I a m n o t referring here to the v o t e s — although they are n o t without meaning for those who are c a p a b l e o f l e a r n i n g — b u t to the fact o f the convention itself, its success a s a demonstration o f p a r t y viability, Optimism a n d energy, an d the formal seal it w a s able to place o n solid achievements of the p a s t year. The general success o f the convention should n ot have surprised anyone who i s able to observe w h a t is taking p lace before his eyes a n d to reflect o n w h a t he observes. Conventions rarely introduce anything new; they cannot rise above the p a r t y a s it i s and a s it h a s been in the preceding period. The role o f the convention, if one takes time to think a b o u t it, is simply to formalize decisions which have already been p r e p a r e d and to project such new activities a s have been m a d e possible b y previous work. If the thinkers h a d devoted one-tenth a s much time to thinking a s they devoted to talking an d writing about the leader cult a n d the lack o f p a r t y democracy, they would have been able to foresee that the convention itself, a concentrated expression o f all that h a s been done a n d learned in sixteen years of struggle, w a s b o u n d to impress the p a r t y members a s a crushing empirical refutation o f their thesis. i s it when a What kind of Stalinist bureaucratism new recruit, who knows from his trade-union experience— his daily l i f e ! — w h a t Stalinist methods are, takes the floor a n d s a y s : " I d o n ' t see anything like that in this p a r t y , either here o r in L o s Angeles"? And what kind of a "leader cult" i s the p a r t y dedicated to when the convention, held after a y e a r ' s absence o f the second-line leaders, a n d four years after the death o f the first-line leader, acclaims the third-line leaders for their direction o f the p a r t y during the year of its greatest progress? In fact, the convention and the y e a r ' s experience which it summarized and represented w a s a great triumph for

238

Letters from Prison

the conception of a p a r t y b as ed o n great principles, whose cadres have been educated and selected in the struggle for these principles, not arbitrarily but b y the struggle itself; a p a r t y whose members are b o u n d together an d inspired b y common ideas which are not the personal property of an individual leader like his personal qualities, which he cannot transmit to others, but common property which can be acquired b y those who are willing to study, a n d

transmitted

b y them

to others who are willing to learn.

The party which h a s celebrated this triumphant convention under such adverse conditions, a n d after such heavy blows h a d been dealt to its leading staff nationally and internationally, h a s a full right to speak of the education o f its cadres; a n d it w a s nothing more than the logical outcome o f all preceding developments that put a systematic plan for the higher organization o f pa rty educational work a t the center of the convention's agenda. Those who foolishly p u t themselves crossways with the forward trend o f the convention h a d better begin to think seriously about these things. We, the p a r t y — s a i d the convention—don't want your prejudices, an d we are impatient with your twaddle.

Letter 1 3 8

Sandstone,

November

28, 1944

Continuing: Logically, such a decisive vote a s that recorded b y the convention, after an unrestricted prep a r a t o r y discussion in the party, should impel the opposition to reconsider their position a n d make a n effort to learn something from their experience. Unfortunately, logic makes b u t slow headway in establishing its hegemony over certain types of human minds where prejudice fights o n its home grounds. Past experience tends to discount a n y optimistic hopes that m a y b e entertained in this respect. I c a n ' t remember ever knowing a professional democrat who p a i d respectful attention to the cardinal principle of democracy, i.e., the subordination o f the minority to the majority. They demand "democracy" but they are firmly convinced that demos is a fool. I t would n o t be realistic to consider the disputes a s

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1944

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settled, a s far a s the illogical "democrats" are concerned, b y the simple fact that the p a r t y membership h a s given its decision. I t is to be expected, rather, that an attempt will now b e m a d e to transfer the debate to the international field where, a s a result o f present world conditions, the free exchange of information encounters m a n y difficulties. We should take these difficulties into consideration a n d do our best to overcome them without losing time t h a t c a n never be m a d e u p . Concentrated attention should be devoted to the problem o f supplying every possible section o f the Fourth International with all available material bearing o n the disputes. The work o f transmitting full sets o f the Internal Bulletins to the foreign parties should be organized and periodically checked until every possibility is exhausted. This, in o u r opinion, is the m o s t important follow-up o n the convention a n d the discussion which preceded it. Next, we deem it essential, a s we have previously remarked, to publish the convention resolutions in the magazine; a n d to publish with them the rejected amendments o f L o g a n and the rejected criticisms of C a s s i d y — giving the vote in each cas e. And a report o f the convention should be published in the magazine giving an explanation, from the point o f view o f the majority, of the reasons for the convention's decisions. It goes without saying that the report should be fairly an d objectively written, in a style and tone befitting the dignity o f our theoretical journal. There must b e no mistake, however, and no misunderstanding a s to the character the press must assume in the ensuing period. The press must be edited in strict accord with the decisions o f the party convention; n o t only in the letter, b u t in the spirit t o o . Our party democracy must express itself in majority rule .without any ambiguity whatb y the guaranteed ever. This m u s t be automatically decisions m a d e in the assignments to the p o s ts o f executive editors for each organ. Naturally, representatives of the minority must b e given full opportunity to participate in the editorial work both of the p a p e r and the magazine. But the executive editor charged with the duty o f guarding the line o f the convention must, in each case, be a m a n

240 who

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should

be made

the line a n d believes i n it. The

decisions

now.

Sandstone,

Letter 1 3 9

November

30, 1944

We h a v e r e a d reports of the contents o f the November F1 in two issues o f The Militant b u t o u r copies h a v e n o t yet arrived. I t i s wrong to advertise the magazine before it comes off the p r e s s . This m u s t c a u s e disappointment to m a n y people who l o o k vainly for it in every m a i l . O r perhaps there i s s o m e d e l a y in mailing o u r copies. Ask Sylvia to check this once a g a i n . We received T u e s d a y ' s Times W e d n e s d a y night. *

*

*

I n negotiating for the new edition of Whither England? take note that the edition originally published i n England under the title Where Is Britain Going? i s a v e r y b a d translation which distorts the meaning of some im porta nt p a s s a g e s . The International Publishers edition under the

title Whither England? is much better. The text of the original

British edition should n o t b e u s e d in a n y case. *

*

*

Looking forward to the Sedoff memorial, p erha ps we should plan a new edition of the pamphlet if the o l d one is out of stock. I think I will write a m e m o r y of Sedoff this time. I h a v e something to s a y about him that h a s n ' t been s a i d before. *

3|:

*

Please get for me a c o p y o f the pamphlet about Tito b y H o w a r d F a s t which you mentioned in a letter m a n y months ago. I am going to study the publishing b u s i n e s s — somebody h a s to study i t — a n d the style o f this pamphlet o n the technical side, which you mentioned, m a y suggest s o m e ideas. 3|!

*

*

I will need these b o o k s for m y philosophical studies: Plato; Spinoza; Descartes ( i n French o r English); Hume; Kant (in English o r G e r m a n ) ; The Holy Family, Feuerbach and The Poverty of Philosophy ( i n English o r G e r m a n ) ; Hegel (in English o r G e r m a n ) ; Heine: History of German Philosophy; Charles Pierce: Chance, Love and

November,

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1 944

Logic; Tarski: An Introduction to Logic; Morris R. Cohen a nd Ernest N agel: Logic and Scientific Method; Lock and Berkeley. 3|:

*

*

Notes for future reference: Aristotle o n H a b i t . "Control Sickness" of e a r l y American C o m m u n i s t movement (in re: English overemphasis o n this p o i n t ) . Winwood Reade: The Martyrdom of Man. Study ancient history n o t a s a n "escape" from contemporary politics b u t in order to return to it m o r e effectively a nd with better perspective. I n checking m y accumulated notes t o d a y I found the following item: "New organizers a n d N C alternates. Mike Bartell a s candidate." W a s the N C reading m y thoughts? 3|!

*

*

The listing of the Flint branch a t the top of the callb a c k scoreboard seems like a b a d j o k e . Perhaps next time w e should devise a better system. Branches from which little o r nothing is expected should not even b e listed. The s c o r e b o a r d should tell the true story of branch accomplishments. Places like Flint a n d Philadelphia m u s t be rehabilitated b y forced measures from the outside. If the organization fund permits, we should work o u t a system of transplanting young couples to concentrate o n contact and house-to-house work to build u p a subscription and contact list to p u t a new foundation under the branches.

The

political education of Boston h a s been too long

neglected. We must send a good organizer there.

D e c e m b e r , 1944

Letter 1 4 0

Sandstone, December 3 , 1 9 4 4

I ' l l be seeing you next month! I t sounds nearer when you put it that way. Besides it is literally true. We are "getting short" and I think some of the boys are beginning to do h a r d time. All convicts do that when they begin to count the days—"Fifty—five and a git," "fifty-four and a git," etc. T o d a y it stands a t fifty-one and a git. The "git" is what I a m waiting for. Your idea of meeting me a t Minneapolis and stopping over there for two days would be fine for me, but I am afraid the long train ride and the frigid Minnesota weather might not be good for you. You can think about that side of it. Meantime you can ask the C R D C to apply, perhaps through Roger [Baldwin], to the Washington authorities for m e to stop over at Minneapolis for two days to meet you and attend to some personal affairs before proceeding to New York. It is necessary to get this special permission; otherwise, under the regulations, I will be obliged to proceed directly to m y "destination" which cannot be a n y place but New York. Our friends can arrange anything they see fit after our arrival in New York. The only thing that must not be interfered with is m y Christmas tree and chicken stew (with dumplings) and Mick. I want you to pick out a ring for her, as I promised. And tell her not to forget a calabash pipe and a p a i r o f opera slippers for m e — to keep a t her house so I can smoke and rest in comfort when I come to see her. I finished Volume 9 of Grote a n d started o n 11. (Volume 10 is missing from the set here.) The notes of the speech I inquired about are those

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December, 1 944

plenum banquet, not u s e d a t the fifteenth anniversary the farewell speech; the speech about "the plow and the stars." 1|:

*

*

If Mike is going to Chicago, he should have a clear understanding of his political task there. From this point of view you should let him read all the remarks I made about Chicago in recent months. M y remarks about activism, however, should n o t b e taken one-sidedly. Activism alone cannot cure a politically sick branch, bec a u s e new members become infected o r drop away. But activism correlated with a correct political line and good pedagogical methods b y the leadership c a n work wond e r s. The new workers recruited then become additional weight in the scale against the bohemian tendency. This w a s decisive in the ultimate solution of the stalemate of our "dog days." It w a s the "turn to m a s s work," started in 1 9 3 3 , which in the end sealed the doom of the petty-bourgeois opposition in 1 9 4 0 . The new people recruited a n d the cadres selected in the process of developing the m a s s work of the p a r t y shifted the weight steadily against the "internal" specialists of whom Abern w a s the archetype. B y 1 9 3 9 - 4 0 we h a d a different and better composition of the party membership to appeal to. This w a s decisive. The e a s y victory of the National Committee in the recent discussion w a s assured from the start precisely because the w o r k of proletarianization and activization i n general h a d been carried o n in earnest since the split. I neglected to bring out this important point in p a s t writings. Another subject for the future.

Letter 1 4 1

Sandstone, December 4 , 1 9 4 4

The November magazine h a s n o t arrived yet. Our publishing activity should be made the subject of consideration and discussion in the PC with the object of fixing its place in the overall plan of p a r t y work and introducing the planning principle into the publishing work itself. F r o m a routine agency of distribution it

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must b e transformed into a publishing institution in the full sense o f the w o r d , developing its own methods o f p r omotion a n d becoming expert in all the methods, devices a n d economies of the trade. I p r O p o s e a five-year publishing p l a n , with a list o f classical works to be published a s scheduled a t intervals over this p e r i o d a n d published o n time. Space can b e left o p e n in the schedule for the publication of contemp o r a r y writings. The fundamental aim o f the p l a n should be to fill o u t the gaps in the present list of Marxist classics available in English, a n d automatically assure the p r o m p t publication o f any new literary material which m a y be produced and approved b y the party. There i s n o lack o f material pressing now either for first publication in English, o r republication of out-of-

print classics. It must be borne in mind that we are now the sole agency interested in providing the necessary texts for the Marxist education o f the new generation. And we have no time to waste, for this generation is already knocking a t the d o o r. The publishing program is no small p a r t o f the historical responsibility devolving u p o n u s . To discharge i t worthily we m u s t understand that it is not a technical departmental problem b u t a m a j o r political task of the p a r t y leadership. There must b e a revolutionary trans-

formation

of the conception of the publishing department,

and following from o n a higher b a s i s .

that the reorganization

o f its work

The volume of b o o k s produced m u s t be determined solely b y ( 1 ) the amount o f capital we can reasonably count o n , a n d ( 2 ) the number of new books o u r branches c a n be organized to distribute in a year. N o other limitations c a n b e allowed for in the p l a n ; technical problems a nd difficulties must b e solved b y the publishing comp a n y j u s t a s a n y other similar concern does. The p a r t y leadership h a s the duty and responsibility only to s a y what is possible and necessary, to provide the m e a n s — m o n e y and distributing a g e n t s — a n d then assign the staff to c a r r y out the practical work o f the plan. I n m y Opinion o u r present forces c a n assimilate

Decem ber, 1 944

245

a n d distribute a minimum of three b o o k s a year, a nd m e a n s c a n b e found for the initial expenses to publish them. A c o m m i s s i o n should b e appointed to study both the editorial a n d practical side o f the question and prepare the five-year p l a n a n d schedule. Perhaps the educational department c a n double in this field. A maximum o f three months should b e allowed for the preparation o f the definitive report of the commission and the final adoption of the p l a n . Here a r e a few suggestions to consider: the complete Marx-Engels correspondence; all o f T r o t s k y ' s writings since 1 9 1 7 n o t published i n b o o k form, o r now out o f p r i n t ; a n y b a s i c writing o f M a r x and Engels not hitherto published i n English o r now o u t of print; try to b u y plates o f Revolution Betrayed, My Life and such socialist novels a s The Iron Heel, The Jungle a n d Pelle the Conqueror. Visualize a complete socialist library for the new generation a n d p l a n to fill it, b o o k b y b o o k , in the order o f importance.

Letter 1 4 2

Sandstone, December 5 , 1 9 4 4

I n planning the future development of the publishing h o u s e we m u s t conceive of i t a s a great institution which m u s t serve the needs o f a n expanding movement whose members a n d sympathizers will, in their great majority, consist o f a new generation without a n y previous politic a l schooling. I t must undertake to serve all their needs, a s far a s literature i s concerned; and to do this, it must unfold in full scope and with professional efficiency three departments o f activity: ( 1 ) its own original publications; ( 2 ) reprints o f other publishers' out-of-print items; ( 3 ) the distribution of important books of other publishers. One o f the m o s t important immediate tasks i s to devote concentrated study and investigation to the problem o f cutting down the initial capital outlay required to pub-

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lish the first edition of each book so that more volumes c a n b e issued annually with the funds a t o u r disposal. Two possibilities m u s t be investigated a n d considered along this line.

1 ) Ascertain the cost of publishing from plates instead of from type. At first glance this m a y a p p e a r a s an added expense, since the plates c o s t money. But since we c a n ' t expect a t present to sell m o r e than a thousand o r so c0pies of a n y b o o k the first year, it might work out that the added cost of the plates for the first edition of, s a y , 1 , 5 0 0 c0pies would still leave us with a much smaller outlay than is required for an edition of 5 , 0 0 0 printed from type. With the plates o n h a n d we could then run off another edition of 1 , 0 0 0 o r s o when needed. Meantime, the capital now frozen in slow-moving stocks of books would be released to finance new publications. It would be far better a n d m o r e economical, i t seems to me, to have the bulk of our capital stock represented b y plates than b y b o o k s . This proposition should be investigated in connection with the next b o o k scheduled for publication. It will be a real important achievement for us if we c a n reduce the initial expense, and thus facilitate the earlier publication of another volume. To be sure, we will have to dig up more m o n ey later o n to p u t a second edition through the press. B u t later on we will have more m o n e y because we will have a bigger movement to get it from. Our program of expansion in all fields must proceed in every case from our confidence that the movement i s really going to expand a n d "catch up with and outstrip" all our m o s t ambitious p l a n s . 2 ) We must now again investigate to the bottom and consider the feasibility of getting our own linotype to be operated b y comrades. The l a s t experience with the printshop w a s a rather unhappy one. But this should not scare u s away from even the thought of another attempt, better planned, o n a more modest scale. This time we should limit ourselves to the project of setting type and

making up the forms only for our books and pamphlets,

December,

1 944

247

having the press work done outside, and leaving the publications out o f the scheme altogether. The idea is worth investigating. If it will enable u s to produce b o o k s cheaper, we should undertake it. Perhaps a couple o f reliable comrades, possibly girl comrades, m a y b e inspired b y the idea o f going to linotype school and making a definite place for themselves a s p a r t y printers. That would be a worthy ambition and a great service to the party. Professional techniques must b e worked out. B o o k designing, etc., studied with the object o f working out our own distinctive, uniform format, not inferior to those o f the Modern Library, Random House a n d Everyman's Library. Conservative, solid, cheap.

Letter 1 4 3

Sandstone, December 7 , 1 9 4 4

The objections we hear to o u r practice of praising our party, its institutions a n d — o n c e in a w h i l e — i t s individual members, is at bottom an expression o f the capitulatory skepticism of the petty bourgeois; his deep-seated lack o f confidence in the proletariat, i n the party, and in himself. All petty-bourgeois parties, groups and tendencies, no matter how much they m a y quarrel among themselves, make it a n article of their creed that "no one party" can b e trusted with the leadership o f the workers' movement. . The main lesson they deduce from the Russian Revolution i s that the "monopoly" o f leadership b y the B01sheviks w a s the source o f all evils. To be sure, they feel in their hearts that the Revolution itself w a s a "mistake," but their criticism of the "one-party" leadership is a more timid, m o r e roundabout w a y o f expressing the same sentiment. I t i s a w a y of saying, " I t must not happen again." To the frankly expressed ambition and determination o f the Trotskyists to lead the movement for the reconstruction o f the International, all the centrists o f the London Bureau counterposed the idea of acoalition of groups

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and tendencies, none of which would have "hegemony." Against o u r idea o f the Marxist p a r t y leading the proletarian revolution and the workers' state they visualized this g r a n d i o s e social transformation, insofar a s they visualized it a t all, a s being smoothly effected b y the amicable c00peration o f a coalition o f parties.

N o r m a n Thomas, in a press interview after the recent election, expressed the belief— a n d h o p e — t h a t a "new party" o f the workers would arise. B y that he meant to s a y that he h a d no confidence in his own p a r t y except, a s he added, a s " a n educational force." Any Shachtmanite you meet o n the street, assuming that you do n o t search for the philosopher's stone b y shopping around a t their meetings, will tell you that his hopes for the future are centered in s o m e kind of a unification from which a new p a r t y will arise. That i s his w a y o f saying that he does n o t assign a n y great historic role to his own p a r t y . The so-called m o d e s t y of all petty-bourgeois politicians and commentators simply corresponds to their own pessimism, to the low valuation which they place o n their own ideas, their ow n organization, an d their o w n future prospects. They cannot understand how others can feel and act differently a n d still b e "normal," j u s t a s the petty shopkeeper o r the small landowner buried i n the idiocy of rural life imagines that h is prejudices, his morality and h i s n a r r o w acquisitive traits, along with his rule-of—thumb ignorance which he calls "common sense," represent universal a n d unchanging h u m a n nature. We who believe i n the world-conquering power of o u r ideas, and consequently in o u r p a r t y and in ourselves, seem "queer" to them. They break out into a r a s h a t every demonstration of our self-assurance; they think it is conceit, a trait which, they h a v e been taught to believe, should b e decorously screened, n o t openly flaunted. I am inclined to think that we m a d e a n impermissible concession to this petty-bourgeois prejudice in the recent discussion, to the extent that we did n o t frankly characterize it and counterpose o u r ideas to it.

December, 1 9 4 4 Letter 1 4 4

249 Sandstone, December 1 0 , 1 9 4 4

I finished the eleventh volume of Grote a n d started o n the twelfth a n d last. I am now in the m id s t of Alexand e r ' s c a m p a i g n s . Do you know how Alexander untied the famous Gordian knot? He cut i t with a sword. Sometimes that i s the best w a y . I r e a d a book called Liquor, the Servant of Man b y a d o c t o r a n d a chemist. After a n extensive scientific investigation a n d study they come to the conclusion that the anti-liquor p r o p a g a n d a is b a s e d o n prejudice and that liquor i s g o o d for w h a t ails you. M y Uncle Jim o n m y father's s i d e — I h a d two uncle J i m s — c a m e to the s a m e conclusion over fifty years ago solely o n the bas is of empirical tests of his o w n . He w a s a s o r t of unconscious pragmatist. I d o n ' t claim to have a n y independent opinions o n the question, but I d o n ' t see anything wrong i n deferring to the judgment of the experts. Who am I to fight the s c i e n t i s t s — e s p e c i a l l y when they decide in m y favor. The scientific authors of this b o o k state t h a t l i q u o r — used in wise moderation, of c o u r s e — h a s a n especially beneficent effect o n people of advancing years, aiding both their digestion a n d their disposition and promoting a philosophical View of life. N o w , i s n ' t it a h a p p y coincidence that I a m n o t a s young a s I used to be, that m y digestion needs special consideration and that I have just discovered the "dear delight" of philosophy? All I need now i s a number of appropriate coming-out prese n t s — a n d I d o n ' t mean the armchair you wrote about o r things of that s o r t . I think you h a d better let the armchair w a i t till I return. After sitting o n a severely straight iron chair for thirteen months I will w a n t to be sure to select a chair which fits m y b o n e s . I n this case, a ls o , the experimental method will b e the best. We will have plenty of time o n o u r vacation and we c a n s h o p around a t secondhand stores till w e find one that fits. Another coming-out present I a m greatly interested in i s p a j a m a s . When I get o u t of this place I am going to

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Letters from Prison

quit the uncivilized habit o f sleeping in m y underwear. I r e a d all the p a j a m a s ads attentively and make a problem of the selection o f patterns and colors. I also w o r r y about you getting the wrong size, which for me i s 3 8 — not 4 2 ! Any pattern will do a s long a s it is not conservative, a n d any color will do a s long a s it is bright. The same prescription goes for neckties. I want to clear the distance from n o necktie a t all to a flowery-patterned one a t a single bound. I a m a l s o daily studying the a d s for soft mattresses a n d pillows, marveling a t the poetic gifts o f the authors a n d artists w h o describe these p r o s a i c utilities s o simply a n d yet s o powerfully, and m a k e a simple a d stir the i m a g i n a t i o n like the green hills o f faraway. O r could i t be t h a t m y imagination r a i s e s the ads to the ideal stand a r d they s h o u l d attain? I h a v e a l w a y s known that the audience makes the o r a t o r , a n d that the most appreciative audience is the one that hears the orator articulate its own thoughts, hopes a n d a s p i r a t i o n s . The s a m e m a y be true o f advertisements.

Letter 1 4 5

Sandstone, December 1 1 , 1 9 4 4

M y N o . 1 4 3 started o u t a s a n introductory p a r a g r a p h to some concluding remarks o n o u r publishing department, b u t m y p e n r a n a w a y with me. What I really m e a n t to s a y a t the end w a s that the unconscious concession to the philistine criticisms seems to express itself i n a hesitancy to devote the necessary "promotion" to o u r institutions a n d their work. This seems to a p p l y especially to Pioneer Publishers which h a s such a great role to p l a y a n d must "tell the world" about it. An a r m y that i s o n the march and sure o f its destination h a s to b e a t its o w n d r u m s . When the next b o o k comes off the press it should be m a d e the occasion for a p lan n ed promotional campaign which will compensate for p a s t deficiencies in this respect. We s h o u l d deliberately aim to arouse p a r t y pride i n the p a s t achievements a n d future prospects of Pioneer; build u p a devotion to this institution a s a constituent

Decem ber, 1 944

25 1

element o f p a r t y patriotism. Neither promotional n o r a n y other serious campaigns c a n b e carried out without p l a n s a n d imagination brought to b e a r o n a n assured p u r p o s e . The next campaign should be a buildup for Pioneer a s well a s for the new b o o k . I t ' s o u r institution, i s n ' t it? Then w h y s h o u l d n ' t we build it u p ? I would like to see the c a m p a i g n planned in advance a n d developed in stages a s every g o o d campaign should b e . The following suggestions might b e incorporated. 1 ) Start a column of "Pioneer Notes" in the p a p e r and see that a news reference is m a d e to the new b o o k often enough to a r o u s e expectation for its appearance. 2 ) Assign the writing o f the reviews p r i o r to the publication date a n d h a v e them r e a d y to a p p e a r simultane o u s l y with the appearance of the b o o k . The fi r s t leading reviews in b o t h the magazine a n d the p a p e r should be seriously p r e p a r e d theoretical a n d political evaluations of the b o o k b y leading members o f the P C . These should b e followed up systematically b y shorter reviews a n d comments o n s e p a r a t e aspects o f the volume, then b y news reports o n the progress o f the sales, the comments of rank-and-file members, etc. 3 ) The a d s for the b o o k s h o u l d be planned imaginatively a n d v a r i e d from i s s u e to issue a s every other enterprising publishing house d o e s . The constant repetition o f the s a m e a d until everybody is sick of looking a t it shows a n attitude o f routine a n d indifference which must b e completely discarded in the publishing department a s i n every other b r a n c h o f p a r t y work. It does n o t fit in w i t h o u r ambitious p r o g r a m o f ex p an s io n in the next period. 4 ) The appearance o f the new book should b e saluted b y a g o o d article o n the history a n d achievements o f Pioneer Publishers, illustrated p e r h a p s b y a "montage" picture of all the b o o k s a n d pamphlets published since the beginning. The date o f the founding of Pioneer can b e established from the files o f The Militant. I wrote a n article promoting our fi r s t Program of Expansion ( I think in 1 9 3 1 o r 1 9 3 2 ) in which the p l a n to start our o w n publishing h o u s e w a s announced. Quotations could b e m a d e from this article a n d the

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atmOSphere o f those heroic d a y s recreated. Pioneer m u s t be depicted a s p a r t o f o u r great tradition. The new people need this.

Letter 1 4 6

Sandstone, December 1 2 , 1 9 4 4

W e m u s t devote s o m e thought to the function which The Militant h a s to fill in the next period a n d then deliberately p l a n to s h a p e its character accordingly. ( T h e magazine i s a separate question, o r a t a n y rate a distinctly special a n d peculiar p a r t o f the general question o f the p r e s s in the visualized immediate future.) Editorial a n d financial policy both m u s t fit the new requirements. W e should not improvise aimlessly and stumble o n changes and innovations, b u t rather p l a n them. At least, w e should t r y to see clearly w h a t i s needed, what i s wanted i n general, a n d then seek, to a certain extent b y trial a n d e r r o r , for the n e c e s s ary improvements a n d changes to serve the general aim and p l a n . The Militant originated a s a cadre o r g a n in the narrower sense o f the w o r d , and w a s directed a l m o s t exclusively to the Communists, and even a m o n g them to the m o r e advanced, more conscious elements. Later, b y stages, the appeal of the p a p e r w a s broadened. As we went through the experiences o f the fusion with the AWP a n d the entry into the Socialist Party, the p a p e r reflected the new tasks and addressed itself to a somewhat wider, more variegated audience. At times The Militant attempte d to express the "turn to m a s s work," which began in already achieved instead o f 1 9 3 3 , a s a transformation merely projected and barely started, and spoke primarily for an audience which was not yet ready to listen. The readers of the p a p e r were mainly limited all the time to v a n g u a r d elements whose first interest w a s the ideological struggles of the m o r e conscious political tendencies. These struggles were also the main preoccupation o f the p a r t y members, despite our resolute ambition, and even impatience to "turn to m a s s work" in earnest. On the one h a n d , the masses were n o t yet ready to h e a r u s . On the other h a n d , we h a d first to fit the p a r t y for revo-

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lutionary m a s s work. This took much time and effort. The struggles t o c a r r y out the "turn" i n the case of the fusion a n d the entry were i n large measure struggles within o u r o w n r a n k s . Despite that, we m a d e substantial headway in e a c h case. It w a s no s m a l l achievement, viewed in retrospect, to defeat the sectarian dogmas s o completely that they could n o t arise to plague u s again. But after these great ideological conquests, accompanied all the time b y modest improvements i n o u r m a s s work, we still h a d to defeat the petty-bourgeois opposition a n d proletarianz'ze the party composition before we, o n o u r part, could c a r r y o u t the turn to m a s s work in deed a s well as in w o r d . A change i n the m o o d of the masses w a s also needed to enable o u r p a r t y to find a completely new a n d different milieu for its m a i n activities. This change w a s made for us b y objective circumstances and is now clearly observable,

at least in its preliminary manifestations. Fortunately, the beginning of a new m a s s radicalism did n o t fi n d u s unprepared. The outstanding feature of the p a s t y e a r ' s w o r k of the p a r t y h a s been the sustained, although not always p la n n ed a n d organized, effort to a d a p t the p a r t y a n d its p r e s s to the new milieu. The first successes c a n rightly b e considered a s a mere downpaym ent for the g re a t work of internal preparation carried out beforehand, in time. Nothing could be m o r e anachronistic than a revival of sentimental toleration toward the petty-bourgeois opposition of 1 9 3 9 - 4 0 . I t i s perfectly obvious that the achievements of the p a s t year were m a d e possible, in the first place, b y the victorious fight against the petty-bourgeois tendency and the consequent transformation of the p a r t y composition; which, in turn, m a d e possible the serious beginning of the transformation of all the party work, methods a n d outlook.

Letter 1 4 7 The

experiences

Sandstone, December 1 4 , 1 9 4 4 o f the

p a s t year have

shown

quite

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clearly that the p a r t y h a s entered a new stage o f its development. The m o r e accurately we judge just w h a t this new stage consists of, the more consciously and the more precisely will we be able to adapt the press to the new t a sks a n d opportunities which flow from it. M o s t o f us h a v e seen and felt the necessity of new w a y s o f working and new methods of p r o p a g a n d a . B u t m o s t o f the changes a n d improvements we have introduced have been improvisations, m a d e u n d e r the p r e s s u r e of the new situation. I n m y o p i n i o n all these improvisations, o r nearly all o f them, h a v e p o i n t e d in the right direction. But it i s not sufficient for u s to continue to feel o u r w a y along the new p a t h . I t i s time to generalize o u r conception o f the new situation a n d the new opportunities, problems and tasks which i t creates. We should survey the r o a d a h e a d , draw general conclusions, a n d then take the n e c e s s a r y practical steps to bring the w o r k o f every department into line with a general scheme. As far a s w e c a n j u d g e from the outline o f the domestic political resolution, it gave a g o o d answer to the pressing questions confronting the class. That, o f course, i s the foundation f o r all p l a n s o f p a r t y work. However, such a general political resolution d o e s n o t answer but o n l y p o s e s the next question: W h a t can an d w h a t must the party do to implement its political resolution m o s t efficiently? The p r o g r a m o f e x p a n s i o n is a partial answer which s h o u l d keep u s in step with developments while we a re studying the problem m o r e attentively, more searchingly, a n d m o r e p r e c i s e l y . I n the light o f such a study the prog r a m o f e x p a n si o n itself will b e seen for what it really i s — a b o l d improvisation, partly consciously a n d p a r t l y instinctively e l a b o r a t e d , to meet pressing new p r o b l e m s wh ich p e r m i t n o delay. I t w o u l d b e a great g a i n if the next period o f the work o f the N C s h o u l d produce a general analysis o f the new s t a g e o f the deve10pment o f the p a r t y , a n d flowing from that, specific detailed a n d motivated resolutions to govern the. w o r k o f e a c h department o f p a r t y activity. That would b e to a n s w e r the question " w h a t to do next" in a Trots k y i s t , t h a t is, thoroughgoing manner. If we proceed in

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1 944

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this c o n s c i o u s , deliberate w a y we can reduce the overhead charges of experimentation to a minimum. That i s n o t a small consideration, for wasted opportunities o n the one side a n d wasted energies from too ambitious p l a n s o n the other c a n never be reclaimed. M o r e important even than that, nothing c a n do m o r e to strengthen a n d fortify the a l r e a d y splendid m o r a l e o f the p a r t y r a n k s than the as s u ran ce that we have thought a bout o u r p r o b l e m s in all their aspects; that we know w h a t w e ar e doing a n d p r o p o s e to d o , an d h o w , and why. Everything we do m u s t be done with the p a r t y a n d through the p a r t y . Political speculation without a p a r t y , o r a definite p r o g r a m to create one, is a s barren a s m i l i t a r y strategy without a n a r m y . We c a n give the right answers to the questions mentioned a b o v e o n l y insofar a s we correctly answer the prior question: W h a t k i n d o f a p a r t y h a v e we n o w ? Therefore, proceeding from the political analysis, national a n d international, m a d e b y the convention, we should devote o u r thought to the evolutionary process b y which American c o m m u n i s m , a s represented now solely a n d exclusively b y o u r p a r t y , h a s developed from its inception in the left wing o f the o l d Socialist Party u p to the present. W h a t are the permanent conquests o f the p a s t experiences, a n d w h a t is the line of further, continuing development?

Sandstone, December 1 5 , 1 9 4 4

Letter 1 4 8

The Minnesota sun is very bright this frosty Sunday morning. This i s always the one h o u r of the week when I think m o s t o f home. If anyone were to ask me what freedom m e a n s , I could tell him. Freedom means home o n S u n d a y morning. This is a l s o the hour when little Mick, who i s ever present in m y thoughts, seems closest to m e , m o s t vividly present. I s e e her h a p p y smile dancing o n the sunbeams which stream through the b a r s a n d m a k e a checkerboard pattern o n m y bed. *

3k

*

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I see b y the p r e s s dispatches that o u r little p a l , "Nubbins" Hoffman, i s "getting along nicely"; the doctor who performed the lifesaving operation expresses the confidence t h a t the "incurable" disease which threatened to cheat "Nubbins" out of his "Christmas" has been conquered. Medical science is the benign science, benign and stern; the science which puts nature under discipline and forbids her to destroy people blindly. W h a t a great flowering this science will h a v e under socialism! I have seen a triumph of medical science which was also a triumph o f human solidarity here at Sandstone. When I went up to the hospital at "sick call" one d a y to have m y sore toes dressed I immediately sensed that something w a s missing, something w as wrong. There were no nurses in evidence, the d o o r o f the d o c t o r ' s office

w a s locked and the other convicts o n sick call were standing in the corridor i n oppressive silence. The reason soon became manifest. Through the glass door o f the record office, and beyond that through the glass door of the operating room, we could see the masked doctors and nurses moving back and forth around the operating table. N o t a sound reached u s through the double door. Now a doctor, now a nurse moved in and out o f View, only their heads o r rather their drawn faces showing, like figures on a silent movie screen. The word w a s p a s s e d along the "line" in hushed whisp e rs: A colored m a n w a s dying. A desperate emergency operation wa s failing; the p o o r black convict's life w a s slipping out of the doctors' hands like a greased thread. But we could see that the doctors were still working, still trying, and one could sense the unspoken thought o f all the men on the line; their concern, their sympathy, and in spite of everything, their hope, for their comrade o n the operating table.

After what seemed an endless time, the prison pharmacist who w a s assisting in the operation came out through the double door into the corridor. His face w a s the picture of exhaustion, o f defeat an d despair. There would be no‘ sick call, he s a i d ; the doctors would not be free for s o m e time. The case o f the colored m a n w a s

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257

apparently hopeless, but the doctors were going to make one final desperate effort. They Were sewing up the abdominal wound o n the slender, practically nonexistent chance that b y b l o o d transfusions they could keep the m a n alive a n d then build up his strength for the shock of another stage of the complicated a n d drawn-out operation. Then came a new difficulty. The sick m a n ' s blood w as h a r d to "type." The b l o o d of the first colored fellow convicts who volunteered w a s unsuitable. B u t the sick Negro got the b l o o d he needed just the same. The white convicts rose up en masse to volunteer for transfusions. I think every m a n in our dormitory offered to give his b l o o d . The sick m a n hung between life a n d death for weeks; but this life-giving fluid of the white convicts, steadily transfused into his b o d y , eventually gave him the strength for a second a n d successful operation. I saw him line up with the rest of us for the yard count yesterday, this Negro with the b l o o d of white men coursing through his veins, a n d I thought: The whites, over the centuries, h a v e taken a lot of blood from the blacks; it i s no m o r e than right that one of them should get a little of it back.

Letter 1 4 9

Sandstone, December 1 8 , 1 9 4 4

G r a n t ' s memo contained some very interesting factual material a n d for that reason w a s especially welcomed here. We are still waiting for a report o n the work of the nominating commission. What went o n there? Who was nominated? How did the commission go about its work? W h a t contests took place in the commission? How many and who were almost elected b u t not quite? Didn't Buffalo p u t up a fight for representation after the showing they have m a d e ? What w a s the general impression of the prbposals I m a d e ? W a s the convention a s a whole satisfied with the work of the commission? Did they feel a t the end that they have an N C of their own free selection?

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If m y remarks are sent abroad, a postscript should be added to the effect that they are designed for the method o f selecting the N C in o u r p a r t y a s i t is t o d a y , a t the given stage o f its development, a n d are n o t meant a s a universal formula. Every p a r t y must work out its metho d s o n the b a s i s of its o w n experiences. F r o m the brief remarks m a d e b y George in the limited time he visited with m e alone I got the impression that which is another name for the spirit o f conciliationz'sm, theoretical indifference and political slovenliness, is manifested to a certain extent also o n the international field. Thanks to the action of the convention we can now proceed confidently to lead the international fight against this disintegrating tendency under the m o s t favorable conditions; that is, as a party. Our press m u s t b e p u t in order, to c a r r y o u t its function in this respect. O u r p res s is a n d can b e no longer neutral o n a n y question decided b y the convention, but must a p p e a r a s a n aggressive partisan of all these decisions in the international discussion. In deciding the question o f the allocation o f personnel to the pre s s a s i n every other question, the first concern of the N C should b e to assure the faithful execution of the convention decisions. That is the quintessence o f genuine p a r t y democracy. We discuss in order to decide.

The international situation should now become the subject o f thoroughgoing consideration; we must examine a n d analyze i t from all sides, come to an agreement in the p a r t y leadership, and then plan and organize the c a m p a i g n to discharge our obligations to the international movement a n d its program. Being thoroughgoing p a r t y democrats a n d n o t mere devotees of the cult of selfexpressron, we must draw the rank and file into conscious, informed participation. Being political fighters and not mere ideological speculators, we must tight not a s individuals but a s an organized party. In o u r Opinion the necessary next step is a planned and organized international discussion. As in the p a r t y during the pre-convention period, "organizational measures," "discipline," all formalities, should be laid aside,

December, 1 944

259

suspended, while all attention of the international movement i s concentrated on discussion and clarification. We m u s t w a r d off the inevitable attempts to muddle up the situation b y complaints of "American imperialism" just a s we dealt with the red herring o f "bureaucratism" in the recent p a r t y discussion. We d o n ' t decide o r demand

anything. We simply put forward the opinions of our party, modestly, pedagogically and firmly.

Letter 1 5 0

Sandstone, December 1 9 , 1 9 4 4

As the d a y o f our release draws near I find with deep satisfaction that the projects which I w a s sent here to w o r k o n are being brought to a successful completion in synchronism with the completion of our sentences. T o d a y I finished the twelfth and last volume o f Grote's History of Greece. Thursday I will finish Lenin's Materi-

alism and Empirio-Criticism.

In two more weeks, doing

a regular stint every day, I will finish John Dewey's Philosophy a n d a very light, popularly written book b y Durant called The Story of Philosophy. This i s enough of history and philosophy for one year, a n d I will n o t begin the study o f any books o n these subjects, o r a n y other subject. During the next five weeks I will concentrate all m y time o n reading French, Germ a n a n d Spanish. These tasks, a s far a s a reading knowledge goes, are already conquered. Five more weeks of intensive reading should greatly improve m y vocabul a r y an d increase m y facility to the point where the study o f any subject in a n y of these three languages will present n o difficulties. It i s always a great satisfaction to one who likes order

and system in thought

and work to make a plan, to

organize o n e ' s work o n the b a s is o f the plan, and then to c a r r y it through to a successful conclusion. I h a d secretly hoped, although I did not plan and promise myself, to be able also to study the Greek dramatists a n d some Ro m a n history. But the inflexibility of mathematical law barred the w a y . Even in prison there are only twenty-four hours in the day.

Letters from Prison

260

I have also put in order and consider finished the limited work which conditions here permitted m e to do for the p a r t y . M y remaining notes, classified under the headings, "School," "Press," "Literary Secretariat" and 'Miscellaneous," will be sent to you in abbreviated form in subsequent letters. There will b e time later to elaborate them a n d p u t them into life, insofar a s they are found acceptable to the N C . I still have to learn to discipline myself to simply writing down the notes in m y letters without space-taking, motivating introductions. But time limitations from now on, pressing m o r e urgently every week, will compel m e to fit m y writing to a narrow frame. I m u s t reconcile myself to the inexorable fact that there i s n ' t much more time. January 2 3 seems to keep nudging m y elbow a n d saying: "You must make it short now, your time is u p ! " *

*

*

I received the Christmas b o x of chocolates, but I couldn't wait for Christmas to start sampling them a nd sharing them with others. I will not thank Evelyn now. But in the not distant future I will plan, organize and execute in a thoroughgoing Trotskyist manner an action which will express m y gratitude and appreciation more suitably then mere words. H o w c a n that be done better than b y personally concocting and serving her a cocktail that fits her personality: an Old Fashioned, based o n l'eau de vie, and spiced with angostura bitters and lemon peel a n d sweetened with sugar. G r a n t ' s report of festive occasions planned to celebrate our return appeals powerfully to the imagination. I dread the thought of formal affairs with attendant speeches and other duties, but I will b e a g o o d customer for any kind of a shindig where one can have some fun.

Letter 1 5 1

Sandstone, December 2 1, 1 9 4 4

The new stage in the development of the party is strikingly expressed both internally and externally. In both fields a transformation o f quantity into q u a l i t y — a veri-

December, 1 944

26 1

table revolution—has taken place. It is n o t the same party that it used to be, either in regard to its internal life and composition o r in the nature of its external activity. These changes should be studied attentively from each side a s well a s in their interrelation. Here I w i s h only to deal with our external work, with particular reference to the press. ( L a t e r on I hope to add something to the discussion of o u r public propaganda work in general, and also in its various particular departments. A big field, one that has never been p r o p e r l y surveyed and charted, is open h e r e . ) What kind of a p a p e r will best serve the needs of the new party in the next period which lies immediately before u s ? We u s e d to think, o r rather take for granted, that a s we broke out of the n a r r o w p r o p a g a n d a circle

and began to get a hearing from the workers, we should aim a t changing the weekly into a daily. That w a s the motivation for the launching of the twice-a-week experiment and the later proposal, p u t o n the shelf b y the outbreak of the internal struggle of 1 9 3 9 , to proceed to a three-a-week issue. It w a s also assumed that, a s the paper became a "mass" paper, i t would be obliged to adapt itself to the political understanding of the average, if n o t to the lowest common denominator, among its new readers; leaving the m o r e complicated political and theoretical explanations to the monthly magazine. On closer analysis, with the question no longer speculative but concrete a n d immediate, both these ideas require radical revision. With o u r present resources a n d manpower, a n d those which c a n reasonably be counted o n in the next period of expansion, a daily paper would devour such huge sums a s to starve the other departments of o u r work and defeat o u r plans for a symmetrical development of

the movement. The task of distributing

a daily would

consume so much of the energies of o u r limited forces as to sacrifice volume of circulation for frequency of issue. The experience with the twice-a-week paper taught u s a preliminary lesson in this respect; the circulation

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Letters from Prison

per issue actually declined despite the added efforts exerted b y the p a rt y members. But what we have to do next i s to reach more and more new peOple, catch their attention a t the moment when they are just awakening from political indifference,

and try to reach them with our message regularly. A big national weekly is ideally suited to this task. And this is a project within o u r means a n d potential resources,

financial a n d physical. The whole situation cries out for concentration o n the task of deve10ping The Militant into an eight-page national paper, published at the cheapest price possible s o a s to facilitate n o t merely the expansion but the multiplication of its present circulation; a weekly which is n o t just another radical p a p e r but the national paper, dominating the radical l a b o r field. This i s o u r central task. It is within our means and resources. And its successful execution will help, n o t hinder, the symmetrical development of all other departments of party w o r k — o r g a n i z a t i o n , publishing house and educational system. Why must the new Militant b e eight pages and why must we cut the subscription rate to $ 1 per year? The necessity for these s t e p s — they are not optional but necessary—flows from an analysis of the many-sided purposes which the p a p e r must serve in the given situation o n the one side, a n d the resources which we c a n reasonably depend o n , o n the other.

Letter 1 5 2

Sandstone, December 2 4 , 1 9 4 4

The b a d news a b o u t Mick, which I received only l a s t night, darkens the Christmas weekend for m e a s if the s u n h a d been knocked o u t of the sky. Things are m a d e worse b y the knowledge t h a t there will n o t be another m a i l delivery here until M o n d a y night. I w i l l be doing h a r d time till then. M y emotions are divided between impatient resentment because you did n o t think to send m e daily telegrams a b o u t M i c k ' s condition a n d dread

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263

that a telegram now would m e a n b a d news. All m y "good" thoughts seem to b e personified in the b a b y . *

*

3|:

I received the quotation Usick sent from Wolfe about p i t y a s the "learned" emotion, the emotion which i s fed b y an accumulation of experience in m e m o r y . I think p r i s o n above all is the place where one c a n learn such things, learn a n d feel them. We a r e o n l y p a r t l y here, and for a short time. We are still b o u n d in m e m o r y to the n o r m a l life outside, a n d we anticipate the future. Besides that, thanks to o u r education a n d o u r philosophy, we h a v e o n l y to o p e n the pages of a b o o k a s simply a s one turns the key in a lock in o r d er to leave this b a r r e n place, to walk beside the heroes who h a v e s h o wn how to st or m heaven, a n d to listen to the philosophers who have tried to understand both earth a n d heaven. But, nevertheless, here i n p r i s o n o n e m u s t see every d a y the lost men, the men wh o never h a d a chance; men who h a v e been in a n d o u t of prison nearly all their lives; m en who h a v e never learned to r e a d a n d thereby to project themselves into another w o r l d ; m en who know nothing a n d , G o d help them, will never k n o w anything b u t p r i s o n . There is something to knock the smart-aleckness o u t of a m a n and teach him humility a n d comp a s s i o n . There i s p i t y . Yes, pity i s the "learned" emotion, b u t one does not le arn it from b o o k s . Life i s the instructor here, more specifically that p a r t of life which inflicts p a i n and sorr o w . I see proofs of this every d a y i n the tender symp a t h y a n d concern which bind the prison-broken old convicts together a s i n a n unspoken brotherhood. Politeness, respect for the wishes a n d feelings of o t h e r s — e v e r y thing t h a t goes b y the slick w o r d "courtesy"—is very often o n l y a thin veneer of the m o s t "educated," booklearned peOple. Here a t Sandstone I have seen the real article, pure and simple and sincere. I n all m y life I have never seen anything more beautiful than the comp a s s i o n of l o s t men for each other. We will s o o n b e leaving here. B u t I believe that hereafter I will always remain, to a certain extent, a pris-

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oner, a comrade o f p r i s o n e r s . I w i l l never be able to see o r h e a r about a p r i s o n without thinking of the men inside its walls. Everytime I read a reference to a prison i n m y historical studies I feel a stab o f pity for the men who suffered there. I shall n o t forget what I have seen a n d learned here. S o m e d a y , I hope, I will write about it; some words with b l o o d in them in behalf of all men i n prison. We will leave friends behind u s here, an d m a n y who crossed paths with u s here will b e our friends, a n d friends of w h a t we s t a n d for, for the rest o f their lives. A m a n left here not long ago who h a d been in one p r i s o n after another m o s t o f his life. He said to me the morning he w a s leaving: " I j u s t wanted to tell you that I ' l l never forget how g o o d you treated me here. You certainly meet s o m e g o o d people i n p r i s o n . If they were all like you Trotskyites it w o u l d n ' t be s o h a r d to d o time." I never did anything for him except to j o k e with him i n a friendly w a y and "trust" him with an occasional package of cigarettes until he co u ld burn enough matches to p a y me b a c k a t the rate o f a penny a b o x . B ut a convict i s grateful if you simply respect him a s a m a n .

Letter 1 5 3

Sandstone, December 2 5 , 1 9 4 4

We unexpectedly got a special mail delivery l a s t night, s o I heard the good news about the improvement o f Sweetums. It w a s the best possible Christmas present under the circumstances. As further p r o o f that everything i s in order now, the sun, who w a s ashamed to show his face yesterday, i s out t o d a y bright and shining. I t turned out to b e a g o o d White Christmas after all. a: a: a: More o n the p r e s s : The decision to reduce the subscription price to $ 1 p e r year w a s an important a nd necessary step a t the present time. The objection that this is "too cheap" would be well grounded only if it could b e shown that we c a n ' t afford to cut the price. Bu t according to our figures which we have checked and cross-checked

December, 1 9 4 4

265

very carefully, o u r present resources permit u s to m a k e this drastic reduction without disorganizing o u r budget. If we have erred i n o u r calculations, experience will s o o n teach u s and we can m a k e the necessary correction. In a n y case the experiment will b e a useful experience. The principle t h a t readers m u s t p a y for the p a pe r i s a s o u n d one; people a re inclined to p u t a higher value o n things they p a y for, even if it i s a v e r y s m a l l amount, than o n t h ro w a w a y sheets which they get for nothing. I believe all experienced organizers recognize t h a t throwa w a y leaflets a r e the m o s t expensive a n d least productive of all p r o p a g a n d a methods. T h a t , however, does not prevent s o m e people, w h o h a v e n o t yet formed the habit of thinking a n d weighing experience, from periodically making excited p r o p o s a l s for free leaflet distribution a s a p a n a c e a . B u t , nevertheless, experience h a s also shown t h a t i t i s the principle of paying, n o t the amount p a i d , that i s m o s t important. The two should not b e confused a n d lumped together. It i s n o t o u r task to vindicate a commercial principle b u t to a s s u r e the widest possible distribution of o u r p a p e r to people w h o value it enough to read it. As s aid, that i s best guaranteed if they p a y something for it. B u t then comes a second p r o p o s i t i o n to wh o s e validity all conte m por ar y publishing experience testifies. T h a t is , that once the principle of p a y m e n t is firmly established, the p a p e r m u s t b e s o l d a t a cheap price in o r d er to attain a wide circulation; the cheaper, the better. This is the publishing principle of the great metropolitan dailies a s well a s the n a t i o n a l weeklies of wide circulation such a s Collier's a n d the Saturday Evening Post.

Such publications do not give a w a y a single c o p y — a t least the Audit Bureau of Circulation does n o t recognize free copies a s actual circulation—but their price per volume

is

far cheaper

than

the $ 1 - a - y e a r

Militant.

The

New York Times, for example, gives a fifty-page paper for three cents. That, b y volume, is at the rate of about

sixteen pages for a penny. The $1-a-year Militant figures out a t the rate of four

pages for a penny. Yet nobody

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Letters

from Prison

thinks of the Times a s a "cheap" p a p e r . The $ 1 - a - y e a r Militant will n o t b e thought "too cheap" either. The question is solely: H o w cheap c a n we afford to m a k e the subscription price i n order to facilitate the widest p o s s i b l e distribution? The answer depends o n h o w much subsidy we can count o n allocating to this department of o u r w o r k . The Times circulation i s subsidized b y advertising revenue. We m u s t do the same thing, o n a m o r e m o d e s t scale, from vo lu n ta r y contributions. At present, this s u b s i d y permits u s to sell the p a p e r for $ 1 per year. If later we ca n m a k e it cheaper yet, we will d o s o . We w a n t circulation!

Sandstone, December 2 6 , 1944

Letter 1 5 4

There will b e s o m e delay o n m y request for a stopo v e r a t Minneapolis. As s o o n a s I get a n answer I will let you k n o w . Included a m o n g the things I would like to "get" which I will never get for myself are a couple of g o o d pipes a n d a wallet. I h a v e n ' t h a d a g o o d pipe since w e started the Left Opposition. It is a very long time also since I c a r r i e d a wallet. B u t if I a m going to h a v e a lot of money when I get out I might a s well h a v e a g o o d leather wallet to c a r r y it i n — u n t i l it i s spent. I am firmly determined n o t to waste this m o n e y on necessities o r to invest it in real estate. I am waiting for tonight's m a i l for another report o n Mick. *

It

3|:

A postscript should be added to m y notes o n the price of The Militant. It is n o t necessary to cut the retail price of single copies. The newsstands d o n ' t like to handle a weekly p a p e r selling for less than five cents. Once before we cut the price to three cents. The only result w a s to reduce the revenue without increasing the sales. It seems t h a t people who know the p a p e r and want it enough to hunt it up o n a newsstand a n d p a y for it are just a s

December, 1 9 4 4

267

willing to p a y five cents, the traditional retail price of r a d i c a l p a p e r s . The situation is different when a larger a m o u n t of m o n e y for a subscription is involved. The difference between fifty cents a n d a d o l l a r , o r between o ne a n d two d o l l a r s is noticed b y m o s t people. I have a l w a y s believed t h a t o n e o f the b i g secrets o f the g r e a t circulation o f the o l d Appeal to Reason w a s the cheap subscription rate—twenty—five cents p e r year. W a y l a n d a n d W a r r e n were of the s a m e o p i n i o n . T h a t w a s w h y , w h e n rising c o s t s m a d e the twenty-five cents per year subscription r a t e untenable, t h e y adjusted the budget b y cutting the length o f the subscription rather t h a n b y i n c r e a s i n g the price o f the p r e p a i d s u b c a r d . I well remember when the new rate o f twenty-five cents for forty weeks went into effect. Fifty cents t o d a y i s about the equivalent of a quarter a t that time. I anticipate a great increase o f fifty-cent, six-month subs when the new rate goes into effect. The difference in price d o e s n o t m e a n s o much a n d i s not necessary for o l d Militant p a t r i o t s a n d r a d i c a l s who w a n t to keep track of u s . B u t for new people who a r e j u s t beginning to be i n t e r e s t e d — a n d these are precisely the ones we are m o s t anxious to r e a c h — t h e cheaper price c a n e a s i l y b e decisive i n three c a s e s o u t of four. I a m especially interested i n the report George gave u s about the new subscriptions secured from new readers, especially in New York . This experience m a y s h o w u s o ne of the m o s t i m p o r t a n t avenues to that expansion

which is o u r ide’e fixe for the next period. The great circulation o f the Appeal to Reason w a s maintained b y the "Appeal Army" of individual "sub hustlers" to which new members were constantly recruited. W a y l a n d a n d W a r r e n ' s instrument for recruiting a n d keeping this a r m y together w a s the "Appeal Army" column i n the p a p e r . There the h u m b l e wo rk ers i n the field received personal recognition a n d appreciation. People like to have acknowledgment of their efforts. And I think there i s no acknowledgment more universally agreeable t h a n seeing o n e ' s "name in the p a p e r , " a s a report o f w o r k performed. M y father w a s a member o f W a y l a n d ' s "Appeal Army." M a n y a time one could read

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Letters from Prison

in the column such a n item a s this: " F o u r m o r e subs from J o h n C a n n o n o f Rosedale, K a n s a s , l a s t week. This i s the k i n d of work t h a t counts for S o c i a l i s m . " M y father w a s a p o p u l a r m a n , with m a n y friends who d i d n ' t s p a r e p r a i s e s . But I believe the little notices o f his w o r k which appeared from time to time in the "Appeal Army" column gave him m o r e satisfaction than anything else, b e c a u s e that w a s recognition o f the value of his work.

Letter 1 5 5

Sandstone, December 2 8 , 1 9 4 4

We need a n d m u s t h a v e a n eight-page p ap er now, n o t because there is a n y magic i n the figure eight a nd n o t b e caus e this is the right size for a p a p e r under all circumstances, b u t because i t can b e b e s t adapted to the specific t a s k s which our p res s m u s t serve a t the present time, and i s within our prospective means. The decisions we m a k e o n such questions a s the size a n d frequency of i ssue o f a p a p e r , a s o n all other socalled practical questions, should b e a s carefully reasoned a s our political decisions. This is one of the surest signs of the introduction of professionalism, i.e., consciousness into o u r w o r k . The Militant i s a tool which in the p a s t served primarily, almost exclusively, the task which the circumstances o f the time obliged u s to concentrate o n : the recruitment a n d education of a cadre o f the most advanced political elements. I t i s quite obvious that the whole objective situation is changing now, a n d therewith the position o f o u r p a r t y within it. The tasks and the opportunities o f the party are changing. The press must be regulated accordingly. We all recognize this. But we can waste a l o t o f energy and neglect m a n y opportunities if we see the new problems only "in general" and make a haphazard adjustment of the press to them. We should examine the new problem closely and try to make a s precise an adjustment o f the press a s possible. Viewing The Militant a s a tool, I should like to refine the definition b y saying that, in the next period, it must

December,

1944

269

serve u s a s a combination t o o l which c a n be u s e d o n several different j o b s . I believe this qualification i s very important. The p a p e r , for the first time, i s getting a g o o d reception from m a s s e s of workers without previous political education o r interest. The m a j o r i t y of its readers a t the present m o m e n t a re new people, a n d it i s to b e expected that this m a j o r i t y will become larger. The Militant m u s t serve this new audience, a d a p t itself to the stage of their political development, u n d er p en a lty of losing their interest. This dictates a new journalistic technique. O u r language a n d o u r arguments m u s t b e simplified a n d m a d e m o r e accessible to the new type of reader. This does n o t m e a n to vulgarize, to talk down in L a b o r Action fashion, but to study a n d learn the a r t of popularizing o u r p r o p a g a n d a . It i s a n a r t a n d i t c a n b e learned a n d practiced without revising o r watering d o w n a single b a s i c principle. The p r o b l e m i s o n e of presentation, with the new readers in m i n d . They are only, for the m o s t p a r t , newly interested, o n l y partly interested, a n d the p a p e r m u s t b e lightened u p and brightened u p in order to hold their interest a n d l e a d them into deeper studies. The p a p e r h a s improved enormously along this line during the p a s t year, b u t we m u s t keep the direction clear and go farther. I h a v e no doubt that a "Gallup poll" would show conclusively that the cartoons and drawings a n d the new feature columns account to a great degree for the increased popularity of the p a p e r . With the increased space which the eight-pager will provide we must tr y deliberately to m a k e further advances along this line. More cartoons a n d drawings; m o r e light features, especially not found short features; m o r e effort to give information elsewhere; m o r e studied effort to convey o u r ideas in small doses, subtly a n d sometimes indirectly, for the average worker doesn't like to b e pounded over the head with direct arguments in every article and every headline.

Letters from Prison

270

Sandstone, December 3 1 , 1 9 4 4

Letter 1 5 6

Perhaps y o u r report o n the nominating c o m m i s s i o n went a s t r a y . I seem to b e missing letters N o . 1 3 6 and N o . 1 3 7 . C o n t r a r y to y o u r impression, I rely o n your reports m o r e than o n a n y others when you relate facts y o u know about. All I wanted about the nominating c o m m i s s i o n w a s a factual report, n o t a n interpretation. *

3|!

*

On the p r e s s : F o r the benefit o f the new reader w e must tell the h i s t o r y o f the movement over a n d o v e r again, dramatizing the great events a n d personalities of the p a s t , in o r d e r to build u p o n e o f the m o s t powerful supporting ideas a n y movement c a n h a v e — t h e idea of tradition. Man does n o t live b y argument alone. H e needs a variety o f interest; c o l o r ; entertainment; information; d r a m a ; recollection of things p a s t , especially where these recollections bring h u m a n personalities into view. The m o r e a n d better the p a p e r i s dressed u p with these varia t i o n s o n the theme of c o m m u n i s m the better will the p a p e r b e liked, a n d the m o r e surely will the first interest of the new readers b e d r a w n into firm convictions a n d grateful devotion to the p a p e r which h a s opened for them a window o n a new rich w o r l d . The eight-page p a p e r will give u s m o r e r o o m , but it s h o u l d n o t b e u s e d merely to a d d sixteen m o r e columns o f the s a m e . The aim should b e p r i m a r i l y to a d d greater v a r i e t y . We s h o u l d experiment with sketches a n d stories a b o u t people. T h a t is m a i n l y w h a t the " D i a r y o f a Steel Worker" consists of, a n d that i s w h y it i s s o p o p u l a r . N o t e v e r y b o d y understands it, b u t pe0ple like to r e a d a b o u t pe0ple. We here h a v e discussed the idea o f reprinting in serial form the socialist a n d l a b o r novels of the p a s t . We will h a v e r o o m for it, a n d I believe the plates o r serial rights could b e secured for very small a m o u n t s . We thought the new generation would b e interested i n The Jungle, The Iron Heel, Pelle the Conqueror, G o r k y ' s Mother, Comrade Yetta, etc. I n fact we know it. An earlier generation o f social rebels were profoundly moved a n d influenced

December,

1 944

27 1

b y these stories. Their children a n d grandchildren are n o different. The d o m i n a n t notes o f the eight-page p a p e r m u s t be simplification a n d agitation, i.e., concentrated hammer-

ing on a very few’basic slogans of the day. These are the indispensable characteristics of a p o p u lar p a p e r . B u t — a n d here is the catch, here i s the m a i n reason we need a bigger p a p e r — o u r Militant c a n n o t b e merely a p o p u l a r p a p e r even if every line of its contents i s irreproachably correct a s far a s it goes. The Militant m u s t strive to b e a combination p a p e r ; a p a p e r which interests an d serves the needs o f the new reader who picks i t up for the first time, the reader who i s beginning to think o f himself a s a Trotskyist without yet thinking about the p a r t y , a n d the educated p a r t y m i l i t a n t — a l l a t the s a m e time. If we get this conception clearly in o u r h e a d s we will b e able to avoid s o m e of the m o s t costly errors o f the p a s t a n d close big g a p s through which m a n y t h o u s a n d s of potential socialists slipped a w a y from the movement in the p a s t . We c a n o n l y afford to publish o n e p a p e r . And we must address ourselves to the politically educated a s well a s t o the uninitiated. And we must also remember that between the best p o s t e d p a r t y member of years o f study a n d experience a n d the new reader there are numerous s t r a t a in different degrees of development. And we must publish a p a p e r for all o f them. M o s t important o f all, w e m u s t b e a r in mind that the new reader does not rem a i n a new reader all his life. The average intelligent worker quickly absorbs the few simple ideas which attracted him to the p a p e r in the first place. Then he begins to feel the need o f m o r e substantial food.

January, 1945

Letter 1 5 7

Sandstone, J a n u a r y

1, 1945

H a p p y New Year! This finishes m y remarks o n the p r e s s . Tomorrow I will send the first of five letters o n the "Literary Secretariat." Perhaps you h a d better w a i t till you get them all before copying them. We are i n the s a m e j a i l a s l a s t New Y e a r ' s . Everything i s the s a m e , b u t the perspective i s different! 3|:

*

*

Continuing: An agitational p a p e r which does n o t lead him from the first reader to the second, a n d then still higher, in time becomes m o n o t o n o u s . H e d o e s n ' t feel the need o f mere "agitation" s o strongly o n matters o n which he is already convinced; a n d m a y even get tired of i t and fall b a c k into passivity a n d indifference unless he i s led, step b y step, into the deeper questions o f Marxism with the ever new a n d ever changing variety of interests aroused b y their presentation a n d discussion. Precisely here w a s the Achilles‘ heel o f the o l d Appeal to Reason. Its unrivaled agitation o n a few simple points, a n d its sensational exposures, m a d e the Appeal very attractive to thousands o f new readers who were making the first break in their allegiance to the bourgeois parties. B u t the Appeal left them, s o to speak, o n the fi r s t step of

the

ladder,

never

raised

them

higher.

The

readers,

after a spell of enthusiasm, g o t tired o f the singsong which they already knew b y h e a r t and fell a w a y . At a certain stage of its development, the Appeal w a s confronted with the life-and-death problem o f getting new thousands o f readers to take the place o f other thousands who were falling away.

January,

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273

I know all this very well because I w a s one o f them. I t w a s m y g o o d fortune to discover the IWW a n d the new problems o f theory a n d tactics raised b y it, a n d to get a n introduction into M a r x i s t economics a t the o l d Socialist Educational Society in K a n s a s City, j u s t a t the time I w a s beginning to feel t h a t t h e Appeal to Reason h a d nothing m o r e to teach me. M y c a s e w a s rather typical. M o s t o f the militants I knew in those d a y s h a d gone through the Appeal to Reason s c h o o l . B u t the p o i n t is, they h a d gone through it. I finally stopped reading the Appeal altogether. Occ a s i o n a l l y , when I picked it u p later, it lacked the old interest for me. The Appeal w a s too simple, too exclusively agitational, to h o l d the continuing interest of a developing militant a n d a i d his further education. Of course, this example m a y a p p e a r to b e exaggerated, insofar a s it expresses the conditions of the time and the general ideological poverty o f the old movement. B u t it i s wo r t h mentioning in a n y c a s e , if only a s a "horrible e x a m p l e . " We are a h e a d taller than the movement from which we grew, b u t that puts u p o n u s the obligation to u s e o u r h e a d . We must t r y to do everything understandingly, consciously. Applied to The Mill'tant, this m e a n s a m o n g other things, that we should deliberately p l a n it a s a variegated combination p a p e r which h a s something i n it of special interest to all o f its r e a d e r s in all stages o f their development; which conducts the new reader b y stages from agitation o n the burning issues o f the d a y into all the m o r e profound questions o f the c l a s s a n d the p a r t y , an d continues to interest him after he h a s assimilated them. The capitalist p r e ss solves the problem o f attracting a n d holding readers o f different social strata and different interests in its o w n w a y . Their prescription is simp l e : They provide a great variety o f departments a nd features ranging from comic strips an d c r o s s w o r d puzzles to market reports and the society column. Something for everybody. They even h a v e editorials and some people r e a d them. In o u r o w n w a y , and for o u r own purposes, and with

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Letters from Prison

o u r ow n resources, we s h o u l d follow this pattern. B ut for that we need eight p a g e s .

Letter 1 5 8

Sandstone, J a n u a r y 2, 1 9 4 5

I a m greatly disappointed to learn that you did n o t get the heater. I d o n ' t care s o much a b o u t the other things, but I c a n ' t b e comfortable here unless I k n o w t h a t you a r e snug and w a r m a t h o m e . M y letter about the heater w a s addressed to M o i s h . Did you show it to h i m ? The b e s t w a y to get along with m e i s to t a k e c a r e of m y Rosie. a: a: * At the October plenum a y e a r ago J o e advanced the idea o f a secretariat for literary w o r k . This i d e a , new t o m e a t t h a t time, h a s been considered a n d discussed here, a n d I a m now r e a d y to offer a motivated p r o p o s a l to a d o p t the idea in e x p a n d e d form a n d to outline a tentative p r o g r a m o f work for the Literary Secretariat. It i s o u r o p i n i o n that the p a r t y c a n now afford, h a s the n e c e s s a r y forces, a n d requires the introduction o f the principles o f organization a n d planning in the field o f literary production, with a new special emphasis o n specialization a n d division o f l a b o r . Such a decision, if the Secretariat p r o p e r l y carr ie s o u t the mis sio n indicated, would represent another c o n s c i o u s , positive m o v e to organize the p a r t y , another vic tory o v e r p l a n l e s s n e s s a n d amateurism which b e a r down o n the' p a r t y with the d e a d weight of tradition. The Secretariat s h o u l d be c o m p o s e d , a t the start, o f the three comrades previously indicated, and should b e provided, from the s t a r t , with the necessary technical assistance to facilitate efficient work. The members of the Secretariat must, o f necessity, be exempted from other executive and administrative duties. O n the other h a n d they could b e expected to serve, a n d n o doubt with greater efficienCy a n d productiveness, o n staffs o f the press and the school system a n d a s members of the political bodies o f the party.

January,

1 945

275

1 . Function. I t will b e the task o f the Secretariat to organize a n d lead the offensive struggle o f the p a r t y against the ideological opponents of orthodox Marxism o n every field; show a n d p r o v e the utter worthlessness o f each a n d every revisionist, non-Marxist an d antiMarxist social p h i l o s o p h y ; study and prepare material expounding a n d answering all questions of Marxism in p o p u l a r form for the education o f the new generation; serve the p r e s s , school an d publishing house with articles, lectures, pamphlets and b o o k s o n fundamental questions. 2 . Relation to Party Organs. The Literary Secretariat i s to b e conceived o f not a s a n institution o r even a s a new p a r t y o r g a n , but rather a s a n informal b o d y , an auxiliary instrument of the N C , the editorial b o a r d and the educational department. I t should be a part of the school system, charged with the duty o f preparing lectures which later can b e published a s textbooks througho u t the national school system. It c a n b e the organizing center from which will radiate other "collectives" of students a n d investigators o f certain t0pics requiring Specialized knowledge and concentrated attention. 3. Methods of Work. The Secretariat should undertake to turn out literary productions b y the method of c00perative l a b o r which i s a higher and more efficient stage than handicraft production in this field also, especially

a s regards the preparation

of material. As a matter of

fact, the application o f the principles o f organization will very p r o b a b l y yield richer fruits in this field than in a n y other for the simple r e a s o n that it h as been employed there less than anywhere. Naturally, each individual will do the actual writing and be fully responsible for the final draft of each production bearing his n a m e . But the principle o f organized cooperative l a b o r can operate to powerful effect in surveying a n d discussing the literary project to b e undertaken; in assembling material a n d outlining the form; and in criticizing and editing the final draft. Every document issuing from the Literary Secretariat—every article, lecture, pamphlet and b o o k — m u s t go through a triple screen of criticism and checking for facts, style, and theoretical and political accuracy. ( M o r e . )

Letters from Prison

276 Letter 1 5 9

Sandstone, January

4, 1945

The p r o p o s a l a b o u t the introduction to Five Years of the Comintem i s acceptable. L e t the " L i t Sec" m a k e notes a n d block o u t a rough outline. This introduction can b e the first product of our factory. L e t ' s make it g o o d ! *

*

*

To continue: If the p l a n i s accepted the Secretariat could begin to function right a w a y , a t l e a s t to the extent of making the technical arrangements a n d beginning to a s s e m b l e m a t e r i a l which will later b e turned into finished p r o d u c t s . A list o f projects should be tentatively agreed u p o n , aiming far a h e a d . A five-year plan should be drawn u p a n d folders p r e p a r e d for filing of preliminary thoughts a n d d a t a o n the v a r i o u s subjects to b e dealt with. Every discussion a n d every special study engaged in b y a n y of the participants should b e m a d e to yield s o m e notes i n the form o f r a w material for later use o n one of the projected subjects. Preliminary outlines of v a r i o u s documents c a n b e drawn u p n o w . The necessary b o o k s , publications a n d other working material should b e assembled. S o m e preliminary research o n specific subjects scheduled for e a r l y treatment can b e done o r assigned t o others who w a n t to help. Quotes a n d references c a n be gathered a n d filed a w a y under appropriate headings. 4 . Materials Needed: We will need a g o o d central office; a completely equipped workshop a n d l i b r a r y . To set this workshop u p a n d to b e able to get all b o o k s and other mate r i a l s promptly when we want them, including all essential publications, the Secretariat will need a spe— cial fund. The b e s t w a y , in m y opinion, would be for the P C to authorize u s to promote such a fund without intruding o n the p a r t y ' s sources, s o t h a t we will not have to go to the p a r t y general fund every time we need to make a n expenditure. From‘ the s t a r t we s h o u l d h a v e the following: a ) A complete l i b r a r y o f the literature of M a r x i s m . Those classics n o t available in English must b e found in other languages. This l i b r a r y of Marxism must in-

clude not only books, b u t also bound volumes of es_sential publications, a n y language.

such a s Neue

Zeit, if obtainable in

January, 1945

277

b ) A complete library of revisionism. We m u s t h a v e a t h a n d everything significant written b y the revisionists beginning with Bernstein s o t h a t we c a n teach the new generation, eSpecially the students in o u r school, w h a t revisionism i s — f r o m the original sources. c ) All material critical o f Lenin written b y Luxemburg, Trotsky a n d M a r t o v . One o f the tasks of the Secretariat will be to teach the h i s t o r y of Bolshevism, Menshevism a n d conciliationism from original sources. d ) A l i b r a r y of anti-Marxism written from the bourgeois viewpoint. e ) A l i b r a r y o f anarchist a n d syndicalist literature. f ) A working library of p h i l o s o p h y ; the m o s t essential b o o k s o f the foremost representatives of all schools. g ) A l i b r a r y o f American socialist a n d l a b o r history. ( T h e r e i s n ' t much, b u t we need i t a s r a w material a n d factual data from which to p r e p a r e something better, much b e t t e r . ) h ) All published material available i n a n y language o n the "theory" o f the Russian "bureaucratic c l a s s . " The p r e w a r Russian M a k h a i s k y , B r u n o R., B e r k m a n a n d G o l d m a n , Ciliga a n d other pioneers o f the B u r n h a m S h a c h t m a n discovery. i ) All a v a i l a b l e published material o n u t o p i a n sociali sm in all v e r s i o n s .

j) All material o n the Dewey-Hutchins controversy o n p e d a g o g y . Get Professor E d m a n ' s article "Which R o a d for Education" in Sunday Times Magazine (June o r J u l y , 1944) k ) The i m p o r t a n t recent b o o k s o n U . S. foreign p o l i c y , U. S. War Aims, Sumner Welles' such a s L i p p m a n ' s b o o k , etc. ( M o r e . )

Letter 1 6 0

Sandstone, J a n u a r y

7, 1945

The " m a n y requests," to which you continually refer, were m e a n t p r i m a r i l y a s requisitions for tools a n d m a terials for m y projected w o r k : notes for m y future reference, to a v o i d burdening m y memory with these trifles.

Letters from Prison

278

They were included i n m y letters to y o u o n l y b e c a u s e I h a v e n o other m e a n s of c o m m u n i c a t i o n . a: a: a: To c o n t i n u e : Assemble the following i n s e p a r a t e f o l d e r s : ( a ) All I h a v e written ( a r t i c l e s , p a r t s of articles, resolut i o n s , l e t t e r s ) o n the q u e s t i o n o f b u i l d i n g a p r o f e s s i o n a l p a r t y staff. ( b ) M y p u b l i s h e d speeches from 1940 o n . ( c ) All m y correspondence from the o l d p a r t y files. I t i s to b e a s s u m e d that the m e m 5 . Tentative Projects. b e r s o f the Secretariat will e a c h d o a regular stint o f current writing for the p r e s s a n d lecturing i n the s c h o o l . I n a d d i t i o n , the following projects, m o s t of w h i c h h a v e b e e n considered a n d discussed a n d p a r t l y outlined here, a r e suggested, for which p r e l i m i n a r y notes s h o u l d be m a d e a n d filed. a ) American L a b o r Leaders. A b o o k i n thirteen c h a p ters ( o r l e c t u r e s ) o n A m e r i c a n s o c i a l i s t a n d l a b o r hist o r y , written i n i n f o r m a l , p o p u l a r s t y l e a n d h o o k e d onto b i o g r a p h i c a l sketches a n d a p p r a i s a l s o f the o u t s t a n d i n g personalities w h o represented a n d symbolized the v a r i o u s tendencies a n d stages of development. This b o o k , like all o u r p u b l i c a t i o n s , s h o u l d b e written n o t for the academic w o r l d b u t for the new generation of p r o l e t a r i a n militants;

to l e t them

know

who

we are and

where

we

c a m e from. Chapters: 1 . The Beginners. T h e l a b o r movement a n d its r o l e from the first d a y s o f the Republic through the civil w a r . 2 . Terence V. Powderly— The G r a n d M a s t e r Workm a n of the Knights of L a b o r . 3. Parsons. The H a y m a r k e t M a r t y r s a n d the Eighthour Movement. 4 . Gompers. T r a d e U n i o n i s m , Pure a n d Simple. 5. Debs. The Socialist A g i t a t o r . 6 . DeLeon. The Socialist Theoretician. 7 . Hillquit and Berger. Reformist Socialism in America. 8 . Haywood and St. John. The S t o r y o f the IWW. 9. John L . Lewis. The United Mine W o r k e r s a n d the Early CIO.

January,

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279

1 0 . Hillman and Dubinsky. The Tragedy o f the Jewi s h L a b o r M o v e m e n t . ( T h e Truth a b o u t Tailors' Progress.) 1 1 . William Z. Foster. The Blight o f Stalinism. 1 2 . Thomas and Reuther. The Fill-in Men. The C I O i n Transition . 1 3 . L a b o r Leaders to Come. A Preview o f the Revol u t i o n a r y L a b o r Movement. b ) America's R o a d to Socialism. E x p a n d i n g a n d bringi n g u p to d a t e the notes of m y L o s Angeles lectures ( 1 9 3 7 ) . A p o p u l a r exposition of the whole range of Marxi s m . A n a l y s i s a n d refutation o f all o p p o s i n g tendencies. A historical review of s o c i a l development. The ineluctable situation of c a p i t a l i s m . The inevitability of the s o c i a l r e v o l u t i o n . An outline o f the s o c i a l i s t society. The limitl e s s v i s t a s o f m a n ' s future. c ) History of the Comintern. This i s quite a b i g project, b u t we a l o n e a r e e q u i p p e d to d o it. N o b o d y else c a n o r will d o it. If the Secretariat l a y s out a long-term schedule we can do this job too. (1) Volume II of the History of American Trotskyism. A new series o f twelve lectures dealing with p a r t y h i s t o r y from the launching of the SWP until the imprisonment of the eighteen, including the y e a r 1 9 4 4 . e ) A Treatise o n the United Front. A thoroughgoing exposition a n d clarification o f this question b a s e d o n a h i s t o r i c a l review. f ) Trotsky as Party Organizer. The organizational principles a n d m e t h o d s b y which he b u i l t the Fourth I n t e r n a t i o n a l . Either a collection of his articles a n d letters edited and with a n introduction b y me, o r a small book b y m e with rich u s e of q u o t a t i o n s to illustrate the principles a n d m e t h o d s in concrete situations. ( M o r e . )

Letter 1 6 1

Sandstone, January

I still h a v e n o answer o n at Minneapolis. As soon as you k n o w . P l e a s e s e n d copies M u r r y a n d L a r r y when you

8, 1945

the request for a stopover I get the answer I will let of the L i t Sec p r o p o s a l s to get the l a s t installment to-

Letters from Prison

280 '

morrow. I would like to hear their opinions. The document is n o t "official"; is meant only for interested friends. 3|:

3|:

3|!

o n Ethics and Communism. Perhaps a g ) A Treatise series o f lectures to be published afterward. As far a s I know, Marx and Engels did n o t treat this question. They were too much occupied with the first task: demolishing the conception o f the utopians that "socialism is a moral ideal." Lenin w a s too much occupied with the revolution. Kautsky wrote a pamphlet. Besides that, we have Trots k y ' s Their Morals and Ours. I believe there is much more to be s aid ; and I also believe that this subject h a s a great interest for the new generation, especially that p h as e of i t which concerns the m o r a l s of the socialist society, the changeability o f human

nature, a n d communism a s a m o r a l way of life in the struggle. I think we can a d d .something a n d fill a gap left in revolutionary p r o p a g a n d a in the p a s t . I know the philistines are very squeamish o n this p o i n t a n d resent it very much when we talk about "morality" in forthright terms. B u t I believe there i s a strain o f rascality in every petty-bourgeois moralist, even the "honest" ones like M a c d o n a l d , an d that I c a n prove it. I also believe o u r movement is greatly strengthened b y moral assurance. h ) The Principles of Revolutionary Propaganda. The secret i s to aim a t the young who are inspired b y appeals to the b e s t in men, b y great g o a l s transcending the petty interests a n d concerns o f the moment. See Aristotle o n the Characteristics o f Youth a n d Age. See Kropotkin's Appeal to the Young. Youth i s in the m i n d ; see Homer: "Green o l d age," spoken o f the veteran Nestor who fought beside the young m e n a t T r o y . Elucidate the principles o f pedagogy. Explain the inspiration of example. W h y the party, a s a n army , needs a martial spirit. The significance o f "tone," which is not a t all a question of manners b u t o f discrimination between friends an d enemies. T ro ts k y ' s comment o n the SAP leaders' reference to Blum a s " C o m r a d e Blum." A whole political line is contained i n that one expression.

January,

1 945

281

Reduce to principles a n d written formulas, which c a n b e studied a n d learned b y others, the b a s i c methods b y which the m o r a l e o f the movement i s built. Show w h y s o m e speakers are successful with the people, a n d others a r e n o t . Show w a y scientifically grounded faith i n the future h a s such a powerful a p p e a l . ( I always "knew" all o f this m o r e o r less, a n d acted o n it; but I d i d n ' t k n o w w h y until I b e g a n to study an d deliberate over the quest i on. I believe a n explanation o f the b a s i c rules for effective p r o p a g a n d a would b e useful.) 1) The R o g u e s’ Gallery of Academic Tinhorns. Gather m a t e r i a l for the e x p o s u r e of such shysters a s Hook a n d H a c k e r who p r o m i s e d to teach the youth a n d then betrayed them. B y "material" I m e a n their writings. Track them d o w n in the Modern Monthly a n d Modern Quarterly, New Republic, etc. Get H a c k e r ' s review of BrowNation, d e r ' s b o o k ( 1 9 3 6 o r 1 9 3 7 ) in the Nation. j ) ”Violence Will Wither A w a y . " A treatise showing that this i s the ultimate meaning o f the M a r x i a n formula "the withering a w a y of the state." See the note o n the

prize-fight incident in The Iron

Heel. See Natalia's use

of this expression in the magazine article. Show what freedom in its full implication really m e a n s . Show the great w orl d - sh a k i n g significance o f The Declaration o f the Rights o f M a n a n d o f the Citizen. Show h o w the class society does n o t represent "human nature" b u t prevents its development a n d free expression. Show the falsity and the folly of permitting apologists o f democratic capitalism to masquerade a s champions of the rights o f m a n . It i s necessary to emphasize in o u r p r o p a g a n d a the dignity a n d worth o f the individual, and that i t will find its full recognition o n l y through the revolution. ( M o r e )

Letter 1 6 2

Sandstone, J a n u a r y

9, 1945

I found the m i s s i n g letters N o . 1 3 6 a n d N o . 1 3 7 . I h a v e n ' t h e a r d from you now, however, for eight d a y s . The l a s t letter received here w a s N o . 1 4 5 dated Decem-

282 Letters from Prison b e r 2 9 . I a m trying to take it for granted t h a t you are all right, otherwise W a l t a w o u l d notify m e . *

*

*

L a s t ins t a l l m e n t o n the L i t Sec: k ) Socialism and Democracy. 1) Lenin '3 Concept of Professional Revolutionists. H o w i s this i d e a to b e applied i n a country like the United States? m ) The Leader Cult: Its Social B a s i s a n d Its Political Role. A h i s t o r i c a l examination of this question: the ancient despots a n d C a e s a r s , the Pope, the absolute mo n a rc hie s , the fascists, the Stalinists. The B r a n d l e r - L o v e s t o n e theory of the C o m i n t e r n , a n d the Fourth International. *

3|!

3k

This i s all I h a v e to s a y for the present in answer to the p r o p o s i t i o n J o e m a d e a t the October plenum. There is o n l y o n e catch to it t h a t I c a n see. If Usick agrees with the p r o p o s i t i o n , he will h a v e to forgo that position a s district organizer i n North D a k o t a . S o m e b o d y else will h a v e to organize the k u l a k s there. *

3k

*

Please drop a note to E v i e right a w a y a n d s a y for m e : " M e d ' s m o t h e r h a s s o m e things for m e . Please pick them u p a n d h o l d them for m e till I see you o n J a n u a r y 2 4 . I w a n t to take them with m e to New York. I h e a r H a r r y i s d o i n g h a r d time. Tell h im to w a l k s l o w a nd d r i n k plenty o f w a t e r . " *

*

3|:

I w a s p l e a s e d to get the p h o t o of m y p a l Stevie. He i s a h a n d s o m e b o y , a n d he comes b y it honestly. There a r e m a n y things i n o u r letters which I s h o u l d a n s w e r , b u t I a m getting b a d l y crowded for s p a c e to p a c k i n the rest of m y notes. I h a v e s o m e things to s a y to you t o o , b u t I doubt whether I will write them. I seem to b e very strongly inhibited a g a i n s t s a y i n g the m o s t intimate p e r s o n a l things, those w o r d s in which the soul speaks in full sincerity, in letters which m u s t p a s s through c e n s o r s h i p a n d be read by others. T h a t a l o n e i s the explanation w h y m y letters for the whole p a s t y e a r m a y a p p e a r s o impersonal, s o businesslike i n content. As such they could n o t e x p r e s s m y full

January, 1 9 4 5 283 thoughts a n d sentiments, n o r even the m o s t profoundly felt ones. I believe you will understand m e if I simply s a y t h a t o n m y p a r t nothing is changed a n d that i f I were in a position to express myself freely, in letters to b e r e a d b y y o u alone, I w o u ld n o t write otherwise than I h a v e written before under such conditions. I have h a d m y h e a r t set ab o v e all o n meeting you i n Minneapolis s o that we co u ld h a v e a couple o f d a y s a nd the train ride to New York alone an d together. If that concession i s denied u s the next best thing, I think, would b e for you to reserve a place a t a New York hotel s o t h a t w e c a n b e completely alone a n d together for a few d a y s before people a n d duty swallow u s u p again. The dominant feature o f prison life from beginning to end i s the complete lack o f privacy. The p o p u l a r imp r e s s i o n o f the prisoner being "alone i n his cell" i s the m o s t ironic misunderstanding imaginable. I have lived in one r o o m with fifty-odd other men for a whole year without o n e m o m e n t ' s privacy night o r d a y . The brief p e r i o d when I w a s in a cell w a s better, since it w a s m o r e suitable for study, but it w a s n o t more private. I n t h a t respect, the cell is perhaps w o r s e than the d o r m i t o r y , insasmuch a s there is the simulacrum, n ot the reality, of privacy. One cannot see o u t the little window i n the d o o r b u t others c a n see in .

Letter 1 6 3

Sandstone, J a n u a r y

11, 1945

I a m somewhat disturbed b y the reference in FI convention report to a "National Training School" to be "organized n e x t summer." I hope the conception o f the Training School i s not, a s seems to b e implied, that o f a shotgun s u m m e r course. O u r p r o g r a m for the Training School m u s t b e far more ambitious. I t m u s t contemplate n o t less than six months of concentrated study for each class from the v e r y beginning. Candidates for the School must be taken from the ranks o f present party functiona n d all o f them, with v e r y few exceptions, m u s t aries; be

put

through

the

School

with expanded membership dent b o d y be broadened.

in

and

their

turn.

Only

later,

resources, c a n the stu-

284

Letters from Prison

We should begin with a class of six. We must resolutely decide to take that m a n y functionaries o u t of active p a rty w o r k for the time specified. It might b e best to try to select six who are about equal in book education a n d experience s o that they can study the s a m e courses together m o s t profitably. The problem is n o t to find candidates b u t to find people to take their places for six months. B u t such problems are always bigger i n imagination than in reality. We m u s t simply take hold of six more promising comrades a n d thrust them into responsibility. They will le arn b y doing while those whom they fill in for are learning b y study. At the end o f six months we will have a double gain a n d the selection of the second c l a s s of six will b e e a si e r . The pro b l e m o f teachers i s no problem a t all; our students will n o t b e college b o y s for whom the teacher h a s to d o m o s t o f the w o r k . Our students will do their own w o r k . They need teachers mainly to tell them w h a t to study, a n d i n w h a t o r d e r an d to show them h o w . Lectures should be only a feature of the instruction in cer-

tain subjects. The fundamental method of the school should b e the study o f original sources b y the students organized under the s e m i n a r system. If we start modestly with a class of six students, the financial problem will not be a s difficult a s it m a y seem. I t will c o s t a l o t o f money; we must not deceive ourselves o n this score. B u t o n the other side, the Training School, once it gets fairly started in actual operation, will arouse a n absolutely unheard o f response from the p a r t y members and sympathizers. New donations in sizable amounts will come forward from sources now unknown. Every ambitious young militant will b e inspired to increased activity and self-study with the School as a realizable goal. The School will not be a financial burden to the party. I heard that G. [Munis] objected to the plan to p a y the expenses of the students o n the ground that this will promote subservience to the bureaucracy (leaders h i p ) . Such possibilities cannot b e denied. Every p a i d leadership is a bureaucracy in one sense of the word.

January, 1945

285

In every measure of centralism there is a danger o f the in the invidious sense of development of bureaucratism the word. The concentration of finances in the hands of the leadership, and therewith the power to grant o r withhold appointments to p a i d positions (including p a i d scholarships), contains the danger of corruption a t each end—bureaucratic abuse an d subservience. The history

of the Stalinist degeneration of the Comintern outside Russia is convincing evidence that even revolutionary militants a r e not permanently immune to this danger. But what is the alternative to centralization, including its financial appurtenances?—that is the question. In the field of p a r t y organization in general the alternative is that primitive amateurism in the field of leadership which characterized the pre-Communist radical movement in the U . S. That is a program for futility. Amateur leaders only p l a y at revolution. Professional leaders work a t it. ( M o r e . )

Letter 1 6 4

Sandstone,

J an u ary

14, 1945

I just got a twenty-four-hour stopover a t Minneapolis and will expect to meet you there. Take the Pennsylvania s o you w o n ' t have to change depots at Chicago. Henry will take care of our reservations to New York. Wire

Elaine to reserve a room at the Andrews bring m y shaving outfit a n d toothbrush. here "clean." *

*

Hotel.

Please

I will b e leaving

3|!

More o n the School: The fact that professional leadership sometimes works o u t b a d l y ; that under certain conditions it h a s been seen to degenerate a n d be put to the service o f ends opposite to those it w a s originally designed to s e r v e — t h i s is something to keep constantly in mind. It i s a warning to keep all the democratic correctives o f centralism in working order and not let them get rusty from disuse; to devise new methods of making the democratic correctives

m o r e actual,

m o r e effective.

This w a s the thought which motivated m y proposals o n the election o f . t h e N C a t the recent party convention.

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Letters from Prison

B u t to g u a r d against the degeneration o f centralization i s one thing. To discard centralism altogether, o r one o f its m o s t essential features, the professional staff, would m e a n in effect to renounce the idea of a combat p a r t y . And that i n turn would mean to reduce the program of revolution to a dilettante p l a y with ideas. proletarian The professional staff m u s t b e an educated staff, o r at a n y rate, in process o f acquiring the necessary educ a t i o n . Militant workers do n o t c o m e to the p a r t y already thus equipped. And if they h a v e to work every d a y in the factory a n d c a r r y a l o a d o f practical p a r t y work in addition, their educational advancement m u s t necessarily b e slow a n d difficult. We m u s t try to speed up and facilitate this p r o c e s s b e c a u s e we rely m a i n l y o n workers for the future leadership o f the p a r t y . I will n o t accept the idea that the intellectual leadership belongs of necessity to those who h a v e been taught a t college a t the expense o f m a m m a and p a p a . Neither d o I think it right to leave the talented workers to their own devices, to the h a r d a n d bitter task of educating themselves in their limited s p a r e time, for fear of corrupting them b y full-time p erio d s of study a t p a r t y expense. T h a t m e a n s , i n effect, to close the doors o f the higher circles o f the leadership to the worker militants. T h a t , i n m y opinion, would be the greatest error of all; precisely the e r r o r that h a s taken such a c o s t l y toll i n the p a s t experience o f the p a r t y in this country; a n d not o n l y i n this country. I t is a g a i n s t that e r r o r that I a m campaigning. I am b e n t a n d determined o n the training o f a p ro l e ta ria n l e a d e r s h i p for the proletarian p a r t y of the future. I n order to do t h a t seriously, that i s , properly, we must provide, a t a certain stage i n the advancement o f the most talented w o r k e r s , for a fairly extended period of full-time study to p r e p a r e them for more important political responsibilities. T h a t cannot be c o n t e m p l a t e d — i t is vicious stupidity even to talk about i t — u n l e s s the party makes practical arrangements to p a y their expenses. Again I grant that such a project is not entirely free from dangers. B u t we must risk them. I a m m o r e worried about the other dangers.

January,

1 945

287

Naturally, we must n o t expect miracles from the National Training School. Rather, we should view it, in all its aspects, a s the beginning o f a new stage i n the general development o f the party an d also in the personal development of new leaders a n d potential leaders. B y putting the accent o n the educational qualifications of candidates for p a r t y leadership and making generous provisions to aid them to improve their qualifications in this respect, the p a r t y will have fairly gained the right to demand m o r e from the leaders. That will b e a new gain, and a fairly important one. At the same time, the militants who have profited b y the new educational facilities will, i t m a y b e assumed, do their w o r k better and with more assurance, a n d should feel more closely bound to the party which h a s valued

them so highly and invested so much in them. That will be an important

new gain too. ( E n d . )

Letter 1 6 5

Sandstone, J a n u a r y

15, 1945

I a m getting badly crowded for time an d space, a n d a m working myself t o a frazzle trying t o finish writing up all m y notes before leaving here. As it is, I will have to send the rest o f them to you in very abbreviated form and elaborate them later. I will b e glad when I get out of here a n d have some free time at m y diSposal. *

III

*

We note with interest a n d satisfaction that inquiries a r e being m a d e "for clarification." This coincides with o u r ow n idea that m o r e clarification is needed a nd we will try o u r best to provide it. o r Snobocracy." Add a chapter o n this "Democracy theme to the pamphlet "Reflections o n the Recent Party Discussion." A critical analysis o f the attitude o f Morrison, Cassidy a n d Logan, a s manifested in their p r o p o s a l s , arguments,

formulas

and

actions.

See

Grote

o n the ar-

rogant assumptions o f the ancient oligarchs that they were the "best" a n d "most honorable" people. The idea o f a self-selected elite of independent thinkers, counterposed t o a stupid m a s s o f blind followers, hand-raisers an d hero-

Letters from Prison

288

worshipers, is not a democratic but a snobocratic conception. It is founded not at all o n an actual division within the party membership but o n the petty-bourgeois self-centeredness and conceit o f its authors. One of the best and most progressive demonstrations of the party convention was the m a s s demand that Bennett, who h a d apparently abused her high office just a little too much, b e reduced back to the status o f an ordinary party member. That would have been a most salutary lesson in real party democracy. It will be a great da y for the party when such procedure becomes normal, to be taken for granted, like the angry bite o f a g o o d natured watch d o g if he is provoked too much. S o m e pe0ple must be "learned" that democracy means the rule The convention demonstration in of the people (demos). the c a s e of Bennett w a s a w a y o f saying: "Take warning! Demos is the master o f this house. If you offend him too grossly h e will throw you out o n your e a r . " *

*

*

One of m y notes r e a d s : "Write a letter o n 'The Rich Year o f Party Work and Development.” Alas, this will have to w a i t — it would take too m a n y letters. 1|:

My party

It

3|!

method: Not merely to learn, think_ an_d__glo

myss elf, but to. omanfieothersm

to_Le_arn, think and d o .

Our strength is in o u r combination. The "machine" (hum a n ) is stronger than any individual can be. Teamwork is better than the prima donna system in any field; in the field of party leadership above all. Those who feel themselves qualified a n d called to leadership must learn h o w to work together and permit no anarchistic individuals, no matter how talented they m a y be, to disrupt the "machine." It i s idle to speak about Trotsky and his decisive personal role. All laws a n d rules bend a bit when genius appears o n the scene. But geniuses d o not grow o n trees. We need methods a n d working rules t o govern the functioning o f people who .fall short of genius. That is the kind o f material w e have, a n d most probably that is all w e are going to get. In this there is no ground for pessimism, for weeping and wailing, for bawling like lost calves. Men of common clay will suffice to lead the

January,

1 945

289

party and t h e revolution provided only t h a t they know how to organize themselves, to w o r k together. " B o o h o o , " s a y the Babes in the W o o d , "it would b e so much better if Trotsky were here. Cannon d o e s n ' t take the place of Trotsky." I never promised to take T r ots ky's place. I promised to take C a n n o n ' s place, a n d I a m keeping m y promise. Let all the others do their p a r t from the same point o f view a n d quit crying for the impossible. Less moping, please, a n d more attention to reality! Less whimpering about the defects o f others an d m o r e emp h a s i s o n personal performance! Trotsky s a i d h e w a s sure o f the victory o f the Fourth International, although he knew that h e co u ld n o t participate i n it personally. Those who are so ready to discount the present leadership, a n d that in process of development, d o n ' t realize that their pessimism manifests their own addiction to the cult o f the leader. They trusted Trotsky the m a n but do not trust the power o f his ideas to create other h u m a n instruments. But T ro ts k y ' s greatness w a s above all in his ideas.

Letter 1 6 6

Sandstone, J a n u a r y

16, 1945

Dear Walta,

In my French lesson the other day I read the De’claration

des

Droits

de

l'Homme

et du

Citoyen

(Dec-

laration of the Rights of Man a n d Citizen). I f e l t that I w a s standing o n o n e o f the great mountain peaks o f m a n ' s history from which o n e could see even higher ranges rising i n the future. L o n g live the rights o f m a n ! They were worth the Great Revolution. They are even worth another revolution which will really secure them. *

*

*

I a l s o read a Dumas story, L'e’vasz'on d e M . de BeauIt is a prison story of the seventeenth century. All fort. m y sympathies were with the prisoner. Marvelous is the D u m a s insight in describing the actual moment o f the escape. Beaufort h a d seized the dagger, smuggled into the p r i s o n in a chicken pie, and pressed it to the breast o f the guard, L a Rame’e. "My friend, I a m sorry, but if y o u m a k e a move, if you utter a cry, y o u will die!" "Oh! Monseigneur, y o u would not have the heart to kill

290

Letters from Prison

m e . " " N o t unless you try t o s t o p m y e s c a p e . " "But, Monseigneur, if I let y o u escape, I a m a ruined m a n . . . I h a v e a wife a n d four c h i l d r e n . " A l l prisons are the s a m e , and s o are all the people in them. *

*

*

Here is a problem for m y philosophy teachers. I am studying S p i n o z a , but as the time for m y "evasion" draws near, I find m y thoughts straying from the abstractions o f philosophy to the prospect o f snacks o f cold chicken, a r o u n d loaf of Italian bread, sweet butter and black olives and a bottle of chilled white'wine. I s that g o o d o r bad? *

3k

*

Mickey is to have a sled an d skates. The m o s t painful decision I c a n remember from m y b o y h o o d w a s the decision I h a d to m a k e between a sled o r a p a i r o f skates o n Christmas. This w as the first Christmas when I already knew for sure that Santa C l a u s w a s only a pseudonym for m y parents a n d that there w a s n o use appealing from them to him. Perhaps the decision w a s even h a r d e r for m y mother than for m e , but I never thought of i t that wa y then. She explained that we were simply t o o p o o r ; w e couldn't afford m o r e t h a n the o n e present. But I h a d set m y heart o n both a sled a n d skates. Sometimes there w a s no snow a n d all the kids were o n t h e ice. Again, after a snowfall, they were all o n the hill with their sleds. I wanted with a l l m y heart to b e equipped for either emergency. But there w a s no evading the deci-' s i o n ; I must choose. It w a s n o t e a s y , but after a l o n g s o u l struggle I decided in favor o f the sled, arriving at the choice b y a combination o f esthetic sensitiveness and shrewd practical sense. The bright green, red a n d yellow flower design o n the sled at the h a r d w a r e store h a d lured m e with a mysterious power. I wanted that sled. I simply h a d to h a v e it. I wanted the skates t o o . B u t then, I r e a s o n e d — t h e r e i s nothing like being confronted with tough decisions t o m a k e a kid learn to use his n o o d l e — t h a t even when there w a s n o snow I could run and slam the sled belly-buster o n the ice a n d t a k e a ride. But skates were absolutely useless i n the snow. So I painfully decided for the sled.

January,

1 945

29 1

I got n o skates then o r ever, until I bought a pair with m y o w n money after I went to work. I remember all this as vividly a s though it h a d happened yesterday. The lack o f skates w a s a wound that never healed. I feel poignantly sorry for that kid who w a s hurt so b a d l y by the lack o f such a little thing. That is why the determination to see to it that little Mick gets a sled and skates i s not the least important of the "projects" I h a v e laid out for myself. *

*

*

Prison takes one a w a y from activity a n d freedom a n d friends a n d h o m e , a n d all that appertains thereto. Otherw i s e it is n o t s o b a d . There are some things about it t h a t I really like. Time for study and contemplation is g o o d to h a v e . The [janitor] work I do is useful and I take pride in doing it right. All the necessary tools and materials for m y work are supplied o n requisition. No money is required; food, lodging an d overalls are automatically provided. That, plus freedom, etc., is all one really n e e d s — p l u s , in m y special case, medicaments for m y s t o m a c h — l i g h t wines a n d b e e r s — a n d a nip o r two o f g o o d whiskey to fend off rheumatism o n frosty d a y s . So long. Put candles o n the Christmas tree. Lova

Jim

Letter 1 6 7

Sandstone, J a n u a r y

19, 1945

M a c d o n a l d e tutti quantz' construe our assertion o f the historic importance o f o u r movement, a n d thereby o f the work o f o u r leading people, a s a sign o f exaggerated personal conceit. The literary a n d academic world generally i s painfully limited in its judgment of people and their motivations. They seek always for personal interests and concerns, a n d of these they take the mean a n d petty a s the n o r m . See H o o k ' s explanation of the motivations of Baldwin; D u r a n t ' s explanation of W a g n e r ' s action in h i s chapter o n Schopenhauer, etc. Since p e r s o n a l conceit is a very unattractive vice, it

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m a y p e r h a p s b e worth while to take up this accusation and show that people who judge everything, including themselves, from a historical materialist point of view, c a n be least inclined of all to attribute a role to themselves n o t conditioned b y their historical milieu. We a s individuals a r e significant insofar a s we consciously exp r e s s , a n d thereby accelerate, the progressive tendencies inherent in the historical process of which we are a p a r t . An elucidation o f this question might help our young militants to see the situation, a n d their p a r t in it, more clearly a n d — a s a b y — p r o d u c t — p u t the pigmy critics in their places. We are important because our ideas are going to change the w o r l d . Without this conviction we could never build the combat p a r t y which is destined to be the instrument of this historic mission. See w h a t Trotsky s a i d o n this line about the convictions of the Russian Marxists in the depths o f the p o s t - 1 9 0 5 reactio n — th at they, a persecuted handful, were superior to the ruling powers. See what he

wrote o n the same theme in War and the International when reaction w a s triumphant everywhere and "the death o f Marxism" w a s being universally celebrated. See what he wrote to the conference o f the French youth: "You are m o r e important than all the generals and all the statesmen because you alone represent the future." See what he told me in 1 9 3 4 about the role of Molinier a n d N aville. H e commissioned me to go back to Paris, cutting down m y long deferred visit with him to a single d a y , to make one final effort to reconcile them. "They have a great responsibility," I said. H e answered: "They have the greatest responsibility in the history of the world, a n d they quarrel and split over trifles." I t is really a bit painful to have to explain that we are not "bragging" when we s a y our p a r t y is better than the other parties, for they are no g o o d whatsoever. *

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O n democracy a n d criticism: Free criticism is the essence of democracy, the condition for fruitful collaboration. A leader who "resents" criticism, reacting to it subjectively,

is guilty of two glaring faults inksupportable in a leader: 1 ) H e unconsciously

sets himself against democracy in

293 January, 1 9 4 5 critin process, for democracy expresses itself precisely i c i s m . If one "resents" criticism, w h a t is the u s e of talking about democracy, about the theory that m a n y h e a d s are better than one? 2 ) B y setting u p "defenses" against criticism a n d reacting to it resentfully, a leader cuts himself off from one o f the best, in s o m e respects the best, w a y s o f learning. That m e a n s — he i s not yet a real leader. A leader should b e measured not b y what h e knows, but b y his capacity to continue learning. When he gets "old," that i s to s a y when he stops learning, he ceases to be useful. I think that is w h a t Lenin meant when he s a i d : "Revolutionists, when they reach the age of fifty, should b e shot." *

*

*

Notes o n leadership and the leader cult: The "leader cult" theory, a s we have heard i t explained lately, i s a version o f the anti-leader prejudice of the syndicalists which w a s s h a r e d in p a r t b y Menshevism. A nihilistic attitude toward leadership ("iconoclasm") is absolutely fatal to the design to organize a combat p a r t y ; with a firm, authoritative a n d continuing central leadership the c o m b a t p a r t y m u s t remain i n the realm of daydreams. See the theory o f "leaders versus masses" of the German KAPD. See the IWW constitutional provision for a complete change o f officers every year. Lenin, wh o w a s in dead earnest about organizing a revolution, exalted the concept o f leadership higher than anyone h a d ever done before. Perhaps that w a s his most distinctive, h i s m o s t Leninist contribution to the theory o f organizing the p a r t y and the revolution. See the polemics against him b y M a r t o v , Luxemburg, Trotsky a n d others. See T r o t s k y ' s later evaluation o f this dispute. See What Is To Be Done, a n d Left Sickness a n d the early theses o f the Comintern. In the genuine "leader cult" the "leader" i s arbitrator— this is the k e y to a n understanding o f the problem. It is a social formation; there m u s t be interests to arbitrate;

and there must be the element of compulsion in the last resort. The leader principle

i s n o t confined to the single indi-

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vidual a t the apex of this s o c i a l formation. That is a purely idealistic conception of this historical phenomenon. The leader principle goes all the w a y to the bottom, down to the b a s i c units o f the social organism in question. The ancient Persian s a t r a p s under the "Great King," the feudal l o r d s under the a b s o l u t e m o n a r c h s , the Catholic b i s h o p s u n d e r the P o p e , the gauleiters under the fascist fuehrer, the p r o v i s i o n a l district presidents under Lewis, a n d the district secretaries under S t a l i n — t h e y all reign s u p r e m e i n their o w n d o m a i n s a n d exercise the s a m e a r b i t r a r y p o w e r s a s the L o r d o v e r All. I t is n e c e s s a r y to remind careless thinkers t h a t "ideas d o n o t fall from the s k y . " This includes the i d e a of the supreme l e a d e r which is a s o l i d l y b a s e d s o c i a l manifestation

therefore

which,

under

given

conditions,

And

is invented.

and

i s necessary

its m a i n instrumentality

is

not "hero worship" but compulsion.

Sandstone, January,

Letter 1 6 8

1945

Notes: [ L a u r a ] G r a y a n d K o v a l e s k y , new types of p r o p a g a n d i s t s who e x p r e s s the o r i e n t a t i o n o n the new post1940 p a r t y , sp e a k to w o r k e r s . N o "sect" c a n s p e a k in this l a n g u a g e . Perhaps the p u b l i c a t i o n o f selections o f m y o l d writings w o u l d help t r a i n the new peOple to s p e a k to the w o r k e r s . The old American movement (prec o m m u n i s t ) h a d m a n y p r o p a g a n d a devices a n d techniques which we , a s h e i r of a l l the p a s t , m u s t l e a r n a n d appropriate. 3|!

3k

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F i l e all m y letters i n loose-leaf folders, n u m b e r the pa ges a n d index a n d cross-index b y subject for e a s y reference. 3|!

3k

*

I n v a r i a b l e rule: Read a t desk with note p a d a t h a n d . Always m a k e n o t e s o f i d e a s a s they occur.

January,

1945

Letter 1 6 9

295 Sandstone, J a n u a r y

12, 1945

Notes o n the S c h o o l : Get statistics o n the extent of the active w o r k e r s ' formal e d ucation b y s t a t e s ; if possible, b y occupations. M u r r y s h o u l d systematize h is studies in preparation for a West C o a s t branch o f the training s c h o o l . Perhaps I c a n b e a visiting "professor." J o u r n a l i s m m u s t b e taught in the school. Every new functionary m u s t learn h o w to write. M o r r i s o n ' s remarks

about Smith [Dobbs] as editor a t the fifteenth anniversary plenum. H e will get h i s final a n s w e r when Smith becomes t h e teacher o f journalism a t the training s ch o o l. H e will illustrate in person o u r central thesis: Workers ca n le a rn anything that others can learn if they h a v e time to s tudy a n d someone to lend them a h a n d . A special project: An annual two- o r three-week course for field correspondents, open o n l y to actual correspondents of the p a p e r . Give the youth something to aim a t all the time: attainable goals, prizes to b e w o n . Teach foreign languages. U s e Linguaphone records and organize special groups with teachers, to practice speaking foreign languages. Refer to the 1 9 4 1 plenum speech about the provision o f s t u d y time for p a r t y organizers. A check s h o u l d be m a d e o n this. The special requirements o f each organizer should b e ascertained, directions given for special studies, checks a n d r e p o r t s . We m u s t l o o k a h e a d to the new c r o p s of candidates. There will b e m a n y . We think an d plan a l w a y s in terms o f change a n d g r o w t h . I n s p i r e the young militants to study, a n d teach them h o w . This is the m o s t i m p o r t a n t thing. Those who aspire to leadership m u s t form habits o f study. See Trotsky ( i n [ t h e Dewey] C o m m i s s i o n testimony, I t h i n k ) : " I never l o s t m y interest in study." Teaching and learning are complementary obligations of every l e a d e r . Everyone m u s t b e a student of w h a t h e d o e s n ' t k n o w a n d a teacher o f w h a t h e h a s learned. Inspire students with the i d e a that they are to be teache r s ; teach them how to teach, n o t only to l e a r n .

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Study p e d a g o g y . Our college men o n the whole made a v e r y poor showing in this v e r y field where they might h a v e b e e n useful. With v e r y few exceptions, they never taught m e anything, although I a m a n d h a v e always been a willing learner. They learned ( w h a t they learned) for themselves. The idea of a priesthood a n d a priestcraft of learning m u s t be demolished. What we learn we must teach to others. The p a r t y scholars m u s t take the rebel worker a n d teach him all they know. M y thesis is a polemic in behalf o f the ambitious worker who h a s been deprived o f adequate formal schooling. I know t h a t m a n , a n d I am o n h i s side. 3|!

*

*

M y first a n d lasting impression of the Russian leaders, whom we fi r s t h e a r d o f in 1 9 1 7 , w a s o f highly educated men well able to c o p e with the ideologists o f the class enemy. This w a s a new revelation. Previously the Americ a n movement, especially its syndicalist wing, h a d stressed the cult of action. Even s o , this w a s better than the parliamentary socialist wing, which shrank from militant action and taught a bloodless theory. "Clarity and action," the original s l o g a n o f the Communist youth movement, should b e a d o p t e d a s our own.

Letter 1 7 0

Sandstone, January

21, 1945

Notes: Ask Haldeman—Julius where files of the Appeal may be found. Crerar? Wisconsin? Read Maccabees 1 a n d 2 . Check a t library o n "speed writing." Check issues o f New Masses devoted to Hook and Calverton. Get F a r r e l l ' s obituary articles o n L . D. i n Partisan Review and L a b o r Action. Explain w h y organizers must be shifted, n o t allowed to "settle down" in comfortable grooves. Professional revolutionists must keep footloose. Shake up and shift center people too.

January, 1945

297

Check What Next?; chapter o n SAP a n d United Front. See Chicago motion o n defense work, December 1 9 4 3 . *

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Study techniques o f D u r a n t a n d other successful popularizers. B i r d ' s - e y e view of field a s a whole is the best m e a n s of p r e p a r a t i o n for intensive s tu d y i n detail. See L o o m of Language o n this point. F i r s t get a picture of the whole in rough outline. Then examine m o r e clearly each p a r t i n detail and relate e a c h p a r t to the generally understood w h o l e . Wh y c a n ' t this b e done for M a r x i s m ? F o r l a b o r history, e t c . ? We s h o u l d p e r h a p s a d o p t this method o f popularization a n d also write a n article explaining the method s o that others c a n learn to use i t in their propaganda work. The question raised b y H e l d ' s interesting article [New International] o n Levi, etc., requires further elucidation o n the basis of historical facts and Lenin's method. Shows need o f history o f Comintern. Lit Sec to assemble material for a n article o r two. *

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Right and left: O n e ' s general tendency i s s h o w n over a period embracing a n u m b e r of different conflicts. Note T r o t s k y ' s a n a l y s i s o f S h a c h t m a n ' s tendency, not b y a single incident b u t b y a l o n g series over a period of y e a r s . Line-ups a r e a certain indication. Shachtman lined u p with Naville, L a n d a u , Nin, etc., i n the m o s t critical situations i n the formative p e r i o d o f the Left Opposition. H e w a s never convinced but yielded to the j o i n t pressure of L . D . a n d o u r own p a r t y majority. His first manifestation o f political independence took the form o f opposition to u s , a n d every independent step thereafter. Hi s position w a s a simulacrum of B01shevism when h e worked under the influence o f others. H i s own instinctive tendency i s always opportunist. F o r example, he never could fully understand w h y we would h e a r nothing o f unity, o r even o f united front, with the Lovestoneites. His unification with u s ( 1 9 3 3 ) after four years of falsely motivated factional struggle w a s made unwillingly, under compulsion: the disintegration of the faction a n d the pressure o f L . D. He fought h a n d in h a n d with u s against Oehler a nd

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298

Muste. Then he a p p e a r e d a t his b e s t a n d w a s taken b y m a n y for a real leader. That w a s a fight against the left. When later events brought the struggle against the

right to the center of the stage, Shachtman found his n a t u r a l p l a c e with a sure instinct. M a n y s i m i l a r illustrations could b e s h o w n in the hist o r y o f the Comintern. The opportunists always s o u n d like Bolsheviks when the fight i s directed ag ains t the left. I t i s necessary to o b s e r v e the attitude o f a leader i n m o r e than one internal struggle in o r d e r to judge h i s ow n t e n d e n c y . S h a c h t m a n i s n o t a r e a l leftist like Oehler. H i s r a d i c a l i s m i s literary. The l a b o r p a r t y pamphlet: Seen but n o t read. A revolutionary step forward in propaganda a n d technique. Designed to attract new pe0ple. A professional j o b . Invite the designer to become a charter member of m y new o r d e r : "The League of Embattled S a i n t s in the H o l y W a r a g a i n s t A m a t e u r i s m . " We need next a n investigation o f prices a n d all details o n a color j o b of a n illustrated p a m p h l e t i n fifty thousand l o t s . M a s s distribution is o u r next goal. A quota of fifty pamphlets per member is n o t too much for a special campaign o n a cheap pamphlet. Appeal to the young: This is the key to all o u r work. The young relate the w o r d to the deed. They are moved a n d inspired b y example. That i s why they demand heroes; n o b o d y can talk them out of it. The young have better e y e s , they see farther. Youth i s n o t petty, timid o r calculating. F a r g o a l s a n d grandiose ideals seem attainable to the young, a s i n fact they a r e . They see truth beckoning in the distance a n d run to meet her. *

3k

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B l a n q u i : " T o m o r r o w does n o t belong to u s . " The citiz e n s of the c o m m u n i s t future will know far better h o w to m a n a g e their affairs than we c a n p o s s i b l y i m a g i n e . Our preview, therefore, i s n o t a program. This distinction between our speculation a b o u t the future society a nd that .of the u t o p i a n s m u s t be explicitly drawn. But the people love the thought o f a better future, even if they personally will n o t participate i n it; nothing appeals m o r e strongly to the imagination, nothing moves

January,

1 945

299

and inspires people m o r e powerfully, than the h o p e for a better future. This m u s t o c c u p y a n important place in o u r p r o p a g a n d a . M a r x i s m entitles u s to project the b r o a d outlines o f the future society; and a s Marxists, w e can entertain no doubts that the future m a n will fill it with an infinitely richer content than we, groping in the g r a y d a w n of pre-civilization, c a n hope to visualize. Explain this to the people. S h o w how we realize our ideal b y living a communist life in the struggle for communism. *

3k

*

On "The W a v e of the Future": H i t l e r ' s "new order" unable to wage political warfare outside adjacent national groupings. C o m p a r e with real new o r d e r s i n h i s t o r y : ( 1 ) French Revolution a n d N a p o l e o n i c w a r s ; ( 2 ) fi r s t p h a s e of Russian Revolution. Show once a g a i n that fasc i s m is a resort o f dying capitalism. Show brevity o f its rule: ( 1 ) I t a l y ; ( 2 ) G e r m a n y . Its economic, political a n d - m o r a l exhaustion. Its l o s s of m a s s b a s e (petty bourgeoisie destroyed in the w a r ) . (See Reader's Digest article.) What perspective does this leave capitalism o n a historical scale? Where now are the prophets of " T h e Wave of the Future" a n d The Managerial Revolution? The perspectives o f c o m m u n i s m a l o n e remain u n d i m m e d . The blind alley o f democratic capitalism. The absolute inability to stabilize society w ith o u t a s o c i a l revolution. Social-Democrats a n d S talin is ts : Note t h a t SocialDemocrats a n d liberals w o r k with Stalinists in Italy. See M o n t a n a ' s letter (Times, April 2 6 , 1 9 4 4 ) . C a l l s them "Communists." W a r n s that "Communists" will control, a s though it m e a n t a soviet revolution. Pathetic to see their appeal to the bourgeoisie, when it is evident t h a t bourgeoisStalinist collaboration i s the essence o f the matter. The crime of Stalinism i s p r o p p i n g u p capitalism i n Europe.

[Macdonald's] Politics

speculates o n how b a d a Stalinized

Europe will be. Essentially defeatist. When the defeatists howl that w e d o n ' t recognize the danger o f Stalinism, they m e a n that we d o n ' t recognize its right t o victory i n advance.

Letters from Prison

300

Sandstone, J a n u a r y

Letter 1 7 1

21, 1944

Notes o n D e w e y ' s philosophy: Dewey's superiority to his scholastic contemporaries, a s m a n a n d a s thinker, i s manifest. I t w a s his destiny, however, to become the m o s t authentic philosopher and the fi r s t political thinker of American capitalism in its democratic form j u s t a t that historic moment when i t w a s p a s s i n g over the p e a k of its development and entering into its catastrophic decline. A theory of evolution without the dialectic i s helpless in the presence of decay l e a d i n g u p to catastrophic explosions and the emergence of life in new f o r m s . Revolutionary shake-ups rudely interrupt the schemes of orderly progress engineered b y "experimental intelligence" a n d leave the experimentalist gasping with surprise. " T h e future c a n n o t be predicted," s a y s Dewey. Indeed i t c a n ' t , if one rejects the theory that inherent l a w s a t work in the present social order p rep are an d indicate the line o f future development. The foundations of the imposing structure of D e w e y ' s authority were already being undermined while h e w a s still a t w o r k shingling the roof. H is phiIOSOphy became anachronistic during his own lifetime. H i s influence will be recorded a s the m o s t transient of all the philosophers who m a d e a serious impression o n the thought o f the world. Dewey d o e s n ' t refute Marxism, b u t attempts to dismiss it. Apparently he never took the trouble to study Marxism attentively. This w a s a m o s t grievous oversight o n his p a r t a n d will p r o v e his undoing. Yankee shrewdness will fi n d its nemesis in Marxism. Dewey's reputation a s a philosopher will n o t stand up under the critical examination o f the new generation o f Marxist scholars. Dewey's

philosophy is the source of all the ideas of the whole pigmy breed o f American neo-revisionists and Marx b a i t e r s . A critical analysis o f the m a s t e r ' s theory will disp o s e of them i n passing. *

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An article o n the bankruptcy of bourgeois apologists. Dewey a n d Eastman in the New Leader. M o r a l s ! Nothing about the "morals" of killing some tens of millions.

January,

1 945

301

Nothing about how this slaughter i s going to make the w o r l d better. Begin now to make a systematic collection o f quotes o f those who explained the democratic purposes of the w a r . Prepare a dossier for future reference. *

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*

Objectivity a n d subjectivity in politics. If "subjectivity" is taken to m e a n p a s s i o n , enthusiasm, etc., each is necessary. The thing is to keep each in its right place. Mere objective "observers" and urbane commentators are no good. "Nothing great w a s ever done in the world without passion." *

*

*

O n the p r e s s : We should n o w make an effort to organize the work o f a large number of new contributors, each of w h o m will b e responsible for one single little feature, o r one special type o f item. E x a m p l e s : 1 ) "Society notes." Contrasting news items showing extravagance a n d luxury o f the rich a n d h a r s h conditions o f the p o o r , quoted verbatim from the p r e s s , giving the source a n d making no comment; let the items speak for themselves. 2 ) " F a c t s for Today." A very brief feature relating one o r two important facts of interest to workers in each issue. Dig u p unusual and not well-known facts. 3 ) "The Revolutionary Calendar." Printing the signifi-

cant dates for the week. *

*

*

The Party Builder c a n perhaps become a medium to d r a w the membership into the committee-thinking about practical p a r t y problems. Perhaps articles o n the pre s s a n d school could be included from this point of view. The increase in recruiting s h o u l d l a y the ground to increase the number of field organizers. An interesting point to investigate: the proportion of functionaries in the center to the field. We m u s t n o t become too top-heavy a t the center. We must not w a i t till crying need for new organizers compels u s to make experiments. Instead o f that, we should force the issue and make new places to be filled. All, o f course, within the limits of reason and the budget.

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Short training courses. An organizer's handbook. (Work over the budget with Moish.) Explain the background of the system of tight normal economy, pinching pennies on non-essentials in order to go all out when money is needed for important projects., St. J o h n ' s method. The staff comes first. Then equipment ( t o o l s a n d materials for efficient w o r k ) . N o frills, no wasting money o n ext r a v a g a n t a n d unnecessary experiments. Try out a new type of organizers—"ground-breakers" i n new territory. Young couples to l a y b a s i s for contacts a n d new b r a n c h e s b y house-to-house work o r trial s u b s . Get full report of Pittsburgh experience. Auto l o a d s of comrades from one city to nearby one for S u n d a y houseto-house work to build u p contact lists of weak branches. Detroit to Flint? New project. Open extensive p e r s o n a l correspondence with foreign c o m r a d e s . Lenin s a i d : " I t i s very h a r d to find a conscientious opponent." That w a s in Russia. I n America it i s impossible. Check fifteenth anniversary plenum speech. The p a r t y c a n work wonders b u t like the British parliament it c a n ' t make a m a n out o f a woman, o r vice v e r s a . Neither c a n i t make a silk purse o u t o f a s o w ' s e a r . The p a r t y can a n d will make a m a n out of y o u — o n one condition. You m u s t furnish the raw material. Pericles' speech: "Here everyone lives a s he pleases." See Grote o n the great transformation wrought in the people b y the democratic revolution on the island.

Letter 1 7 2

Sandstone, J a n u a r y

21, 1945

Notes: Get How to Read Better and Faster— C . Crowell ( $ 2 . 5 0 ) ; Thalheimer's Dialectic Materialism; everything possible o f Mehring's writings; Steffanson in Treasury of Science and all other sources on ethics o f primitive m a n ; Revolution Betrayed o n w a n t a s the source of "all the o l d junk"; see P o p e ' s Iliad 2 7 , line 9 2 9 . *

*

M y p a l s here a r e agitating

It

for their o w n version o f

January,

1 945

303

Roosevelt's Supreme Court reorganization scheme, to wit: All national secretaries of the party shall automatically retire a t the age of fifty-five. They are breathing h o t o n the neck of the present one ( m e ) for he will reach that age F e b r u a r y 1 1 , 1 9 4 5 . I point out that the constitution cannot b e amended before the next p a r t y convention. But they s a y that i s e a s i l y fixed. H e should j u s t get o u t and they will t a k e c a r e o f the constitution later. They have learned something, however, from Roosevelt's defeat o n the Supreme Court Bill, a n d state their objects m o r e positively, m o r e euphemistically, than I have outlined them above. Their slogan i s : "Put the present secretary o n the farm where h e can rest and write!" *

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Pioneer: Make a study of Times B o o k Review a d s , especially those run in series, and c o p y s o m e o f the features for o u r advertising campaigns. Get information o n cheap p r o c e s s of printing from rotary presses such pamphlet-size magazines a s American Mercury and ReadWe must look ahead to 5 0 , 0 0 0 editions of er's Digest. p o p u l a r pamphlets. I think the new process i s applicable in such quantities. Later o n we m a y issue cheap editions of our standard pamphlets an d even b o o k s in this form. It is well worth investigating. *

III

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The Press: M y p a l here who knows newspaper technique very well because he h as studied it assiduously in the textbooks o f experts, m a d e some sharp criticism of recent makeup innovations in the p ap er and explained precisely what is wrong about them. I p r o p o s e d that he write up his criticisms and send them in. H e answered:"That would be a waste of m y time. I sent in other suggestions and no attention w a s paid to them; they were not even acknowledged." These remarks were the harshest criticism I have h e a r d — o n e i s almost tempted to say, the harshest criticism one could h e a r — o f the administration o f the paper. Resentment o r insensitivity toward criticism i s one o f the m o s t terrible weaknesses a leader can be afflicted with. I believe one o f the characteristic marks of a real leader i s the c a p a c i t y to listen attentively to criticism. Those who

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c a n ' t d o that shut themselves off from one of the best w a y s o f learning. One who resents criticism inspired b y g o o d will i s simply impossible, too childish for the role of leader. B u t even criticism inspired b y malice sometimes contains a kernel o r half-kernel of truth which one m a y profitably heed a n d appropriate. I personally learned m o r e than anyone knows precisely this w a y . Lenin answered the S R ' s when they accused the Bolsheviks o f appropriating their l a n d p r o g r a m : "Did we ever promise that if you h a d anything g o o d we would n o t take it?" "This pap e r does not belong to you." That motto should be printed o n the minds o f every member o f the staff, if n o t o n the office walls. The spirit which impels a m a n to regard the p a r t y office, p o s t o r institution in which he works a s "his o wn , " and to resent criticism of his handling of it, is a petty-bourgeois spirit, a form o f the privateproperty spirit.

Ask in the paper for suggestions from readers for new . s m a l l features. Out o f the letters we answer—which should all b e printed in the Workers‘ F o r u m — s e l e c t half a dozen good ones and farm them out to comrades who want to work for the paper. The sacrosanct magazine must be knocked apart and put together again and subordinated to the party. This lady h a s been abusing her authority an d "thinking" more o r leSS "independently" since the very beginning. I will take great pleasure in leading a rough assault on this last bastion o f institutional autonomy and hoisting the party flag o n the rubble. This magazine—this pretentious f a k e r — m u s t change her w a y s — b u t fas t— and adapt herself to the new regime o f efficiency a n d smooth coordination of all departments under the unquestioned domination

of the N C . As a p a r t y patriot, judging the magazine i n comparison with a n y other magazine pretending to elucidate theory, I am proud o f the FI. But a s a p a r t y organizer, believing and insisting o n the systematic exploitation of every potentiality, I a m ashamed of it, and sick and tired o f it, especially of its pretenses. *

*

*

January, 1 945

305

Two Trotsky anniversary articles: ( 1 ) A roundup story of the seven secretaries who l o s t their lives in his service. Here i s a theme for o n e o f the greatest, m o s t heroic stories in history. Our youth, who need heroes, should be told this story. ( 2 ) A story of the guard a t Coyoacan. The Party Builder: An excellent medium, n o t only for routine circulars and departmental material but also to draw the membership into o u r thinking an d discussion o n practical problems. Print the press and school letters from this point o f view.

Letter 1 7 3

Sandstone, J a n u a r y

14, 1945

Reflections o n the recent party discussion: The outburst o f factional struggle took the party membership b y surprise. The appeal against the leadership w a s not nourished b y a n y sentiment of discontent in the ranks. On the contrary, the opposition made its appearance a t the moment when the party morale w a s perhaps a t its highest point, an expression o f satisfaction with the visible progress of the p a r t y and confidence in the leadership. The open attempt to discredit the leadership struck the party ranks a s a crosscurrent, and resulted only in inflicting the m o s t damaging blows to the prestige and authority o f its authors. Seldom h a s an opposition headed b y prominent leaders met such a prompt and crushing repudiation. One simply cannot escape the conclusion that the source of their feverish excitement was in themselves, not in the general situation of the p a r t y . Since the liquidation of the factional struggle with the opposition four years ago the internal petty-bourgeois life of the p a r t y h a s been marked b y a spirit of unity a n d good will b a s e d o n a great solidarity of views. The relationship between the p arty ranks and the elected leadership w a s o n e o f mutual confidence. Harmonious collaboration w a s the rule in carrying o u t the party tasks. Our political unity had been effectively demonstrated a t

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306

the plenum-conferences o f 1 9 4 0 and 1 9 4 1 , and again a t the tenth party convention ( 1 9 4 2 ) . Incidental disputes of a local character, which arose throughout this period, were resolved to the general satisfaction o f the membership. During these four years m a n y things happened, a n d the p a r t y w a s dealt heavy blows. The tragic death of Trotsky, the greatest calamity, struck u s very soon after the split. The great trade-union struggle in Minneapolis, the arrests and the trial, the entry of the United States into the war, the imprisonment o f the eighteen, f o l l o w e d — o n e shock after another to a small p a r t y whose ranks h a d been decimated b y a deep split. Bu t thanks to its political homogeneity and its internal solidarity, the party stood up under these blows. and even m a d e substantial progress. Party work a nd activity expanded o n all fronts; the professional staff of the p a r t y w a s strengthened in quantity and quality; a nd recruiting proceeded a t a faster pace than ever before in o u r history. If neither the optimistic fighting morale of the ra n k s n o r the authority of the leadership could b e seriously disturbed b y the opening o f the factional struggle, it w a s because they were both solidly based o n real accomplishments, o n real triumphs over difficulties. The appearance o f a n unexpected opposition just a t the time when the p a r t y w a s making its greatest advances, in the absence o f the m o s t prominent leaders, only underscored its untimeliness a n d m a d e it incumbent upon the leaders of the opposition to give reasons of more than ordinary import and urgency. This they could not do. The acting leadership conducted the dispute in a manner

which

leaves

little to criticize; a n d did it, moreover,

without permitting the constructive external work of the p a r t y to be demoralized o r even interrupted. That w a s a great achievement, a great step forward, in the development of m o s t important and hardest-to-build o f all workers‘ organizations— the democratic combat party. It w a s correct, a n d fully in line with o u r tradition, to first clear the ground of secondary issues and to make every reasonable concession to redress grievances, real

January,

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307

o r imaginary, s o a s to center the attention of the p a r t y o n the discussion of important questions. Bolsheviks do not waste time and energy fighting-over t r m ) .——i

Letter 1 7 4

Sandstone, January

14, 1945

A great deal o f nonsense i s disseminated about our "aversion" to discussion; the Shachtmanites specialize in this chatter. It i s true that we d o n ' t believe in conducting aimless discussions around the clock a n d around the calendar, like a club of bohemian freethinkers. But if anyone wants to bring serious criticisms of the policy and

conduct of the leadership, then b y all means let them be presented to the membership

for full and free discussion.

Despite all the fantastic and hysterical accusations to the contrary, the record shows that this h a s always been our method o f dealing with serious disputes. Our party, the m o s t democratic in the world, h a s never known any other procedure. In the recent discussion the party remained true to its great tradition. It will do the same, it c a n safely b e said, in the subsequent handling o f those issues which were implied o r adumbrated in the recent discussion but not fully clarified. The most fundamental issues which l a y a t the basis of the opposition but were n o t fully developed remain yet to be discussed in full scope a n d thereby fully clarified. If m a n y of o u r critics and opponents in the p a s t have more sincerely believed that we are "against" democracy, i t was because they understood democracy in a very onesided m a n n e r — i n the sense of unlimited self-expression. We conceive democracy in a broader sense and want to put it to a more definite use. If they want to discuss for to discuss in order for the sake of discussion, want Qe party to decide. Nothing— i s m o r e barren than aimless discussion, endlessly prolonged, that leads to no conclusion. This i s the worst feature of the disputes within isolated groups which rank and file, a power which can lack a proletarian intervene in the disputes and decide them and call the

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leaders to order. It w a s precisely this lack o f a proletarian deciding force in the dog d a y s o f the Left Opposition which permitted the intellectual anarchism a n d irresponsibility of s o m e of the leaders to a s s u m e such monstrous forms a n d to m a k e them unfit for assimilation into a n o r m a l l y functioning proletarian p a r t y . That is the trouble right now with such demoralized leaders of the emigration a s the authors o f the "Three Theses." They recognize no restraints and one could argue with them in closed committee circles from now to d o o m s d a y without gaining a single inch. A few hundred workers would s o o n put these anarchists revolutionary in their places! Insofar a s we conduct a debate with them it must be clearly understood a s an appeal to workers discussion is now against them. A b r o a d international obviously necessary, but it must be pointed toward a

decision

b y the rank and file and a stern regulation of

all the affairs o f the movement o n the basis of this decision. The artificial debate over "democratic demands" does not arise over "tempo," a s is alleged, but over perspectives. Democratic slogans have an applicability also in periods of rapid tempo. But the specific slogans to be raised, withdrawn, modified o r emphasized must be determined b y an analysis of the concrete situation regardless o f whether the tempo is rapid o r relatively slow. "The blueprint" approach is false in either case. A fruitful debate a m o n g Leninists can only occur over the applicability of speczfic democratic slogans in a concrete situation. And such questions, a s a rule, can b e decided only o n the b a s i s o f full information a s to the actual state o f affairs; that is, on the spot. Why should the American p a r t y assume that we are called upon to give such detailed advice from afar? I t is our duty, rather, to aid European parties in the struggle for programmatic intransigence. We d o n ' t know of any proposals to reject the use of democratic slogans as a means of mobilizing the masses in a given situation. We do know of attempts to substitute a so-called democratic program for the program o f

January,

309

1 945

proletarian

revolution. That

is the significance of the

"Three Theses." That danger is real, not imaginary. We are fighting against that. All the clamor raised in the artificial struggle against our alleged opposition to democratic slogans i s nothing but a form o f indirect support o f the authors of the "Three Theses." The attempt to witticize o n the subject of optimism and pessimism is not very well placed. I t is no laughing matter. Nobody ever yet made serious preparations to

organize a revolution which he didn't believe in. The lack of faith in the ability of the workers is the psychological source of all forms of Menshevism. The "Three Th'eses" illustrate this once again. They were grounded o n the assumption that Hitler's "new order" was firmly established o n the continent of Europe. This foundation is crumbling away; it w a s n ' t very solid in the first place. Now we see the same approach to the danger o f Stalinism. There can hardly be a real difference of opinion

among us as to the danger of Stalinism o r the necessity of struggling

Letter 1 7 5

against it. ( M o r e . )

Sandstone,

January

16, 1945

Continuing: The differences arise over the perspectives of the struggle. Shall we presuppose the victory of Stalinism in Europe o r the victory o f the Roosevelt-ChurchillStalin alliance and "prepare for defeats"? O r shall we maintain our conviction that the power of the masses is greater and prepare the struggle with the perspective of victory? If there is any ground for a real conflict between u s , that is where it lies. That is the meaning of "optimism" and "pessimism." It is n o t a question o f "tempo" but of perspectives. There is a somewhat disturbing consistency in the various issues raised o r adumbrated b y the opposition. In addition to the differences over perspectives, masked as a dispute over democratic demands, we hear the astonishing contention that the Fourth International must be o n guard against the left danger. If the perspective

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of if we are witnessing the beginning is revolutionary, upsurge, we must rather expect a great revolutionary of the right danger in the sharpest form. manifestations That is a historical law. Leaving aside individual aberrations and judging b y main currents, we see this law demonstrated over and over again in every new crisis. "Leftism" is fundamentally

a sickness of the labor movement at ebb tide. It is the produce of revolutionary impatience, of the impulse to to substitute revolutionary jump over objective difficulties, zeal and forced marches for the supporting movement o n the other hand, is a of the masses. Opportunism, disease which strikes the p a r t y in the sharpest form at the moment o f social crisis. It is the product o f the sentiment o f capitulation before the moral and material power of the bourgeoisie. In the light o f historical experience it seems incredible that anyone should see "leftism" as the main danger at the beginning of the revolutionary crisis. If history teaches such a posing of the question must itself us anything, be characterized a s an opportunist manifestation. The greatest danger to the Fourth International right now,

at the moment of the reVolutionary upturn, is the sentiment of conciliationism toward Menshevism in any of its forms o r manifestations. The "examples" cited in proof of the "left" danger are arbitrarily and one-sidedly selected, and even then falsely interpreted. The principal difference between u s and the official British section arose over the proletarian military policy. Objections to this policy in the spirit o f pacifist abstentionism scarcely deserve the designation of "left" deviations. But leaving that aside, and the "Three Theses" along with it, let us turn to another and far more significant page of our recent history. Simultaneously with the outbreak of the w a r , the Fourth International was plunged into an internal struggle which threatened its existence. This struggle, as is known, centered in the Socialist Workers Party, but its repercussions were worldwide and its leadership was truly international. W a s the petty-bourgeois opposition which w a s strong enough to muster 4 0 percent of our membership for a

January,

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311

split against Trotsky, against our program and against our tradition, a right o r a left danger? A n d — to c a r r y the inquiry one necessary step further— is the sentiment of conciliationism toward this Menshevik traitor clique a right o r a left danger? These questions are very pertinent to the new controversy arising in our ranks o n an international scale. When we begin to discuss them we will begin to get down to the nub of the matter.

Letter 1 7 6

Sandstone,

January

16, 1945

In discussing every difference o f opinion an d every proposal, we should aim to carry our thoughts through to the end and draw the whole party into our thinking. F o r this it is necessary not only to explain to the party what is proposed, but why it is proposed. The characteristic defect o f all eclectic thinking is that it is only halfthinking. I t is marked b y the failure to carry a thought through to the end; the tendency to jump to conclusions and formulate pr0posals midway in the consideration of a subject. Take the question of the Shachtrnanites, for example. We witness a n attempt, direct o r implied, to revise our estimate o f the petty-bourgeois opposition. But the ques-

tion

is not ended with our estimate

of the Shachtman

party; it is only started. What follows from this estimate, o r the proposal to revise it? To what end i s it pointed? If we keep thinking without stopping halfway, we must recognize that our estimate inexorably leads us either ( 1 ) toward reconciliation and unity, o r ( 2 ) toward a deepening of the split. The discussion and decision are not completed until that question is decided and reasons given for the decision. ( M o r e . )

Letter 1 7 7

Sandstone,

January

17, 1945

Continuing: We, o n our part, assume that the course of the split i s necessary and correct; toward deepening

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312

o u r attitude flows from that. Naturally, if someone h a s a different proposal, we are ready to discuss it. But if that is the case, let u s discuss fully and properly, in logical order, from premise to conclusion. Let u s go back to the internal struggle o r the Split in which it culminated, and put the following questions as a basis for the discussion. ( 1 ) W a s the analysis o f the petty-bourgeois Opposition, which we together with Trotsky made at that time, correct o r not? ( 2 ) W a s the attitude we took toward them properly based o n the analysis? ( 3 ) W a s our action in

expelling them when they refused to accept the convention decisions the proper action? ( 4 ) What changes have taken place i n the meantime? H a s the Shachtman party come closer o r gone farther away from u s ? ( 5 ) Do these changes provide the logical ground to reassert a nd strengthen o u r original decision o r to change o r modify

it? B y all means let us discuss the question of the "Workers Party," if anyone really wants to discuss it. But let us n ot nibble a t the question. Let it be discussed fully—to the end. 3|!

*

*

Trotsky's method apropos the question as to whom we consider ours, and whom we can agree to confer with: Carry every discussion through to the end and make a selection o f forces o n the basis of the decisions arrived at finally. Cover the ground thoroughly in each situation, but never go back and retrace the ground already covered. See: 1 ) His letter o n Landau in regard to Spain. 2 ) His letters o n who should b e invited to the international conferences of the I C L and who should be excluded. N o admittance to those with whom accounts have already been settled. (Bordigists, Landau, e t c . ) 3 ) His letter on what an international conference can and cannot give. It can do no more than put the formal seal on decisions and agreements already arrived at b y the sections through democratic discussion. The conference cannot enter into the situation as a new factor. This whole question must be elaborated now, o n the

January,

1 945

313

basis o f our p a s t experiences, rison's] proposal. 3|!

IF

in the light o f G ' s [Mor*

At a New York membership meeting someone, it w a s reported, spoke of a "split atmosphere." Such assertions cannot b e passed off. No ambiguity whatever o n such a question can be tolerated. It is the duty of all concerned to make explicit statements o f their attitude and intentions whenever any suggestion of "split" i s heard. ( S e e Trot-

sky's letter— In Defense ofMarxz'sm— and the subsequent action taken b y the majority.) We do not want to hear any talk about "split" even in jest. Our democracy is free enough, elastic enough, to permit the correction of any error of the leadership b y normal means. F o r that reason the public opinion of the p arty must condemn anyone who even dares to think o f splitting the party. Fair treatment and comradely discussion with all those loyally working inside the party, no matter how great the differences of opinion m a y be; relentless warfare against all those who step outside the party. This is our policy. As for those who actually resort to split, and thereby try to destroy the party— such people are traitors in our eyes. *

Ill

*

Regarding conventions and other national and regional gatherings: powerful instinct of people to come from far

and near to commingle with their own kind. Refer to ancient Greek (Panhellenic) festivals. Representatives and delegates came from all the Greek colonies throughout the world—from Marseilles o n the western European tip to the Asian colonies and even to the farthest eastern outposts on the shores of the Euxine Sea. Search for the impulse of these festivals. Work this into an driving article projecting encampments, etc. Get material o n oldof the Socialist Party in the camp meetings fashioned

Southwest (see Ameringer's memoirs) and the Jehovah's Witnesses

conventions.

a:

:3

a:

method o f doing things, On the Trotskyist Thesis: doing them right. Consciousness and plan. Bohemian tradition of the old radical movement. Split with the petty-

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314 bourgeois

opposition

and

the decks for a new

clearing

turn. A complete transformation

effected. The specific

Trotskyist contribution. The Toledo delegates' report a t the convention on their "clean headquarters." A very important report! L a y out a plan to educate the p a r t y from top to bottom on these matters. Campaign against the

spirit of "getting by." Nothing is done well enough until it is done right. Introduce "the element of consciousness and plan" into all fields and phases of party w o r k — including the not unimportant work of making the headquarters and office neat and attractive and keeping them

clean.

Letter 1 7 8

Opponents

Sandstone,

and

critics of our

party

January

busy

14, 1945

themselves

in the effort to create the impression that the American Trotskyist

movement

is split in two, that there are "two

wings," etc. Such publications as the [Socialist Party] Call and [Macdonald‘s] Politics overlook no opportunity to confuse people b y painting up the Shachtrnanite organization a s one of these "wings," as some sort of "Trotskyites." Besides the genuine Trotskyites, they maintain, there are some others who are not s o b a d and do not demand so much; the cut-rate Trotskyites, s o to speak—they can

get it for you wholesale. The propaganda of the Shachtman group itself is devoted primarily, almost exclusively, to us. After four and one-half years of self-proclaimed independence they are still unable to conduct themselves otherwise than a s a mistreated faction of our party. They run after u s like a parasite divorced from its host. Their politics consists in sniffing a t the fringes of our movement in the hope of finding some waifs and strays with whom they m a y limp in sympathy. But we, on our part, long ago turned our backs o n this wretched reminiscence o f the p a s t and directed all our attention to the awakening workers who are far more important and potentially far m o r e revolutionary than any o r all o f these motheaten cliques of. yesterday.

January,

1 945

315

We demand absolutely nothing from Shachtman & Co. except that they c a r r y through their split to the very end. W e insist o n that. We gained the upper hand precisely b y this policy. We have thrived and grown strong b y this policy. It w a s not adopted in the first place without serious thought and deliberation. I t has been vindicated a thousand times in practical experience. That is wh y ill-considered suggestions o r proposals to change o r modify this policy, whether directly made o r implied, are bound to be given short shrift b y the party membership. Such suggestions o r proposals, implicit in the attitude taken b y the opposition in the recent discussion, run counter to the orientation of the party. To be carried into effect they would require that the lessons acquired in harsh experience be unlearned, and that positions gained in struggle be given u p . The sentiment o f conciliationism looks backward, not forward. There is a time to debate with people who infringe o n the principles of Bolshevism and call its organizational methods into question, and there is a time to close the debate and proceed to open struggle. It is important to do the right thing a t the right time in each case. The time for debate i s when the differences and criticisms are presented b y loyal members of a common The time to declare open w a r is when organization. organizational loyalty is violated, when the critics take the road o f split and set up a rival organization, outside the party. We must n o t mix up these two prescriptions. It was because we kept them separate, each in its proper place, that we defeated the petty-bourgeois opposition, first in the internal discussion, as faction against faction, and then in the open struggle, as party against party. No change in our attitude toward the splitters can be entertained except to make it stronger, more precise and more intransigent. Our policy in dealing with the definite, petty-bourgeois opposition, which h a s been correct from beginning to end, w a s not invented b y us, nor did it fall from the skies. I t was derived from the theory and experience of the international movement. Up to the split and for a few months afterward, we had

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the direct guidance o f Trotsky who embodied this theory and experience. After the death of Trotsky we kept in mind what he h a d taught u s and drew further o n historical examples. I n this connection read Lenin's letter to the German Communists after the break with Levi. Read Trotsky's letter o n the Spanish events after the break with L a n d a u . These two letters, s o rich in practical wisdom of great fighting political leaders, both s a y the same thing, almost in the same words. "Stop the sterile discussion with these deserters, forget that they ever existed, and turn your attention to the workers, recruit new cadres." This w a s the gist o f the advice of Lenin an d Trotsky i n dealing with people who rejected the discipline o f the party. Lenin a n d Trotsky were leaders of endless patience. They never tired of explaining things over and over again to loyal people who were willing an d able to learn. ( M o r e )

Letter 1 7 9

Sandstone, January

14, 1945

Continuing: But they also knew how to judge when patience ceases to be a virtue and becomes a fault. That happens sometimes sooner but never later than the moment when dissenting factions take the r o a d of split, when the ideologic dispute between factions of a common organization is transformed into a struggle of party against party. We learned that from Lenin and Trotsky, and the party has profited enormously b y the knowledge. Nobody can teach u s differently a t this late date, least of all in the question of our attitude toward the enemy party o f Shachtman a n d C o . . Our resolute decision to have no truck with the Shachtmanites i s interpreted b y some people to mean that we have an attitude of narrow exclusiveness toward all other political organizations, a fear o f permitting our members to come into contact with their members lest they b e won over. This idea is implicit, if not directly

stated, in M ' s [Morrison's] comments. The history of our party cuts the ground

from under all such assump-

January,

1 945

3 17

tions. The history o f our party cuts the ground from under all such assumptions. Our approach to other political organizations i s dialectical, not formal. They are all equal to the same thing—that is, they are all rivals of our p a r t y — b u t they are not equal to each other b y a long shot. We study each organization concretely, seek to understand its own peculiar qualities, and on that basis determine whether we should go toward them o r stand aloof from them.

Above all we seek to ascertain the origin of each organization under investigation, its composition and the general direction o f its development. That is the dialectical method, the best way to study anything in politics, and not only in politics. Let us take some examples from our history. We were expelled from the Communist Party in 1 9 2 8 . Yet, for five years thereafter we maintained the position of a faction of the CP, directing the main weight of our pro-

paganda toward its membership. Why? Because the Communist Party zation, and had already there w a s a

h a d originated a s a revolutionary organiwhile the process of Stalinist degeneration set in, it was b y no means completed and possibility o f reforming the party. We were

a mere handful, isolated and shut off from participation i n the m a s s movement, while the Stalinist Party and its peripheral movement embraced virtually all of the militant revolutionary workers. F o r these reasons we concentrated our attention on the CP, called ourselves a faction of it, r a n after its members night and day, and recruited o u r m a i n cadres right out of its ranks. There w a s not a trace o f exclusiveness in our attitude. It w a s only in 1 9 3 3 , after the German events, that we recognized that quantity h a d been transformed into quality, that the Comintern h a d degenerated beyond the possibility o f reform, a n d proclaimed our independence of it. But even then— yes, and even n o w — we could not "ignore" the Communist Party, we could n o t turn our backs o n it. It contained,

and

still contains,

too m a n y

militant

wor-

kers in its ranks to permit such an attitude. We still approach the Stalinist workers whenever we get a chance, o r at any rate, we should approach them.

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318

Take the case of the Muste organization,

the Conference

for Progressive Labor Action, later the AWP [American Workers Party]. It originated in 1 9 2 9 as a mildly reformist, anti-communist substitute for the communistic left-wing which had withdrawn from the old trade unions under the influence of the ultra-left swing of the Comintern—the "Third Period." This w as a b a d origin, and the composition of the CPLA corresponded to it. We took an attitude o f outright hostility to the new formation. Later, a change began to take place in the direction, and also in the composition, o f the Muste organization. Muste and some of his collaborators h a d a positive quality: their activity in m a s s work. Under the impact o f the crisis this m a s s work, especially in the unemployed

field, took a radical turn. Militant workers, repelled b y the bureaucratic regime of the CP a n d its sectarian policies at the time, entered the Muste organization, shifted the weight in its composition and changed its general

direction. The AWP began to turn to the left and proclaimed the necessity of a new political party. On that basis we completely changed our attitude toward it. Hostile aversion was changed to friendliness and active fraternization. We engaged, o n our initiative, in cooperative actions, opened friendly discussions, and eventually fused with them.

Just as our position as a loyal faction of the CP was changed into a decision to break completely with them and select an independent course, so in the case of the Muste organization our attitude was changed in an opposite sense. But our changes were conditioned b y the changes which took place in these organizations. Neither whims nor caprices, nor organizational exclusiveness, nor any kind of subjectively motivated considerations had anything to do with our decisions. ( M o r e . )

Letter 1 8 0 Continuing:

Sandstone, Our fundamental

January

attitude

21, 1945

was the same all

January,

1 945

3 19

the time, and is the same now. We aimed then and we aim now to build one party on the basis of one program.

All methods must be judged b y this end. All methods must serve it. We changed our attitude toward the SP for similar reasons. But since this party w a s much larger than ours, and would not listen to any talk o f fusion, we took the bull b y the horns and unceremoniously dissolved our party, sacrificing our cherished independence, and joined the SP without conditions. I n that action, conditioned b y the left swing o f the SP and our own necessity to establish intimate contact with its left wing,

it would be very difficult to find a trace, even a single exclusiveness and organiza"germ," of narrow-minded tional fetishism. But it should n o t be forgotten that our attitude toward the SP changed a second time. After we h ad completed our work there a n d were obliged to carry through the split in order to free our hands for revolutionary work,

we slammed the door o n the wreck of N . T . ' s [Norman T h o m a s ' ] p a r t y and paid no further attention to it. Unlike the Stalinist movement, the SP h a s no serious b o d y of proletarian supporters. It would b e a waste o f time to bother with it any longer. And time is one thing that revolutionary militants cannot afford to waste. During this period under review: from 1 9 2 9 to 1 9 3 7 , while we were clinging to the Stalinists and then breaking with them, fighting the SP, then joining them, then splitting with them and forgetting about them— during this period of changing political tactics conditioned b y changes in

the organizations mentioned, we unconditionally refused to do with the Lovestoneites and we to have anything sectarians from our ranks. Oehlerite expelled the The reasons for this were not in the least subjective either. The Lovestoneites were a n opportunist sect going The Oehlerites, originally Trotskyists, became backward. in a sectarian mold. We h a d nothing to gain ossified debate with them. Debate and revolub y interminable in general bear fruit only when tionary propaganda directed to groups, parties o r masses of workers who

are in motion and going forward.

Letters from Prison

320

The objective political method b y which we steered over a period our course toward other organizations of many years, through the most complicated situations and changes, guides us today in determining our at-

titude toward the [Shachtmanite] WP. They

are not a

but a growing and progressive workers' organization, petty-bourgeois clique declining in membership a n d going backward ideologically. They became hardened in their prejudices and refused to learn anything in debate, even from Trotsky. They refused to learn from events afterward; they only deepened their errors and transformed them into crimes. They set up an independent "party" against us but still think a n d act like a faction of our party. This clique is parasitic through and through. On top o f everything of forces between their else, the numerical relationship and ours shifts steadily in our favor— organization convincing evidence o f the correctness o f our policy. We know all about their situation. Our refusal to have anything to do with them politically does not mean that we "ignore" them. They are our enemies and we are

watching them

all the time.

The 60-40

relationship at

the time o f the split has changed to an 80-20 relationship. The new members recruited during the p a s t year alone come very close to equalling the total membership o f the WP; and the quality is better. Stewing in their own juice, the Shachtrnanites reminisce about their "golden age," the good old days o f factional struggle without organizational responsibility; pilfer internal documents for publication in their press; and dream o f creating a supporting faction in our organization. Leaving them to their own devices, we keep our program clear and direct all our activity to the awakening workers. They sigh for the past, but the past cannot return. The present situation of the party without them is better than the past with them. And the present is only a preparation for the future which will be better yet— provided we stick to our course.

January,

1945

321

Letter 1 8 1

Sandstone, J a n u a r y

21, 1945

Macdonald contrasts the "arrogance" of the Trotskyists to their numerical insignificance. H e speaks for the m a j o r i t y — a l l the others. Anyone can b e in the majority b y joining it o n its terms. To fight for a majority o n o n e ' s own terms i s a different matter. He d i d n ' t like Vincent's high evaluation of the bound volumes of The Militant in c o m p a r i s o n with the first issues o f the [Socialist Party] Call. B y the way, who does care about the back numbers o f the Call? Certainly n o t those who published it. They are all, o r nearly all, in the imperialist w a r c a m p , working a s flunkeys for Roosevelt o r a s flunkeys for Roosevelt's l a b o r flunkeys. The p a r t y i s not what it used to be. A whole process of rebuilding a n d reeducating the party h a s been taking place since 1 9 4 0 and qualitative changes have been effected. S o m e people failed to notice what h a d taken place a n d addressed their remarks to a party that no longer exists. That is w h y their remarks sounded like a n echo of the p a s t . Perhaps the m o s t stupid an d futile o f all judgments i s that which blames a person because others blame him, o r still worse, blames him because others praise h i m . One cannot control the sentiments of others an d should n o t be held responsible for them. M o s t people prefer p r a i s e to b l a m e . I t is possible that in this respect I belong to the majority. I once heard it s a i d : "The sweetest incense a m a n ever smelled is the applause o f his fellows." But one cannot command the applause of others unless he has material power over their lives an d is b a s e also stupid e n o u g h — t o use it for such enough—and purposes. Even then the joke is o n him, for if he has a n y sense a t all he m u s t know that those who p r a i s e him through compulsion in public, laugh at his conceit in private. A politician must also b e a phiIOSOpher a n d s a y : "The abuse of the b a s e is the decoration o f merit," b u t the sincere praise of friends is balm to the soul. *

*

*

L a y out a five-year study plan parallel with a fivey e a r literary p l a n . Time arrangement: Mornings invari-

322

Letters from Prison

whatever; a b l y for writing without any interruptions for reading, study and conafternoons a n d evenings templation. N o work Saturday afternoons and Sunday. Daily stint of writing: 1 , 0 0 0 w o r d s . Increasing the volume of literary production is simply a matter of keeping to a routine and organized collaboration and division of labor. The increasing volume of m y published material, two b o o k s and six o r eightpamphlets, all published within the p a s t three years, can easily give the impression that the l a s t ten percent of m y thirty-odd years of work in the movement have been the m o s t effective a n d the m o s t productive; that I have worked harder, and to better effect. I believe it is true that these l a s t years have been the m o s t effective, if I judge the influence of the published material correctly. B ut this increased effectiveness accruing from published writings and speeches h a s been almost entirely due to the technical assistance a n d divis i o n of l a b o r which previously w a s lacking. I did no m o r e actual work than before, perhaps less. The assumption t h a t the p a s t three o r four years of m y activity have been the m o s t fruitful is a n argument for a more systematic organization of collaboration and division of labor. Hence the project of the Literary Secretariat. I think the first indicated task is to collect all the material of m y previous work, already prepared in the rough, a n d p u t it into finished s h a p e ; work up all m y "ore" dug u p b y h a r d pick-and-shovel work in previous excavations. This material is i n the form of lecture notes, letters, committee minutes, a n d o ld writings unknown to the new generation. I believe m y best service now is to write down a n d publish w h a t I have learned i n various w a y s s o that i t can become the property of others who are willing to learn from i t and make use of it. I d o n ' t m e a n o n l y the "theoretical" and political lore, b u t everything, including practical knacks of doing things, learned the h a r d w a y . Others, if they are willing, can learn them the e a s y w a y from m y explanations. There is a reason for everything: the thing to explain i s the reason. Two examples of o l d and once corrected mistakes cropped up lately to remind me that the previous ex-

January,

1945

323

perience w a s lost because no record was made of it for the information o f new people: 1 ) The spinners [sailors] are listed a s a unit pledging a quota to a certain party enterprise. This is wrong. It was thrashed out and settled for good reasons long ago. But apparently the lesson w a s buried and lost in the committee minutes and in the memories o f the few people who participated in the closed discussion. How many scores — how m a n y hundreds! — of thought-out ways of doing things to the best advantage lie buried in the old minutes and correspondence files? Much gold can b e refined from this ore. ( M o r e )

Letter 1 8 2

Sandstone,

January

21, 1945

Continuing: 2 ) Many typographical errors are creeping back into the press. We waged a campaign against this

once on principle

and finally put a stop to it. Now the

weeds are spoiling the garden again. Unfortunately, the fight against typographical errors and its motivations remained known only to a few directly involved a t the time. This little affair, and m a n y like it, must b e written down for the benefit o f all. 3|:

*

*

If the others mentioned finally agree to go along o n the Lit Sec proposition, they should have no illusions as to what they are getting into. M y proposition—that each do his own writing but submit it to a triple criticism and editing for style a s well a s content—means precisely w h a t it sa y s. They will find in m e a merciless critic of all gingerbread; of all gargoyles and curlicues stuck onto a piece of writing to please the writer's undisciplined fancy; o f everything extraneous, arbitrarily inserted, which breaks between writer and r e a d e r — the line o f communication the object of our writing—and deflects attention pointlessly to something else. Writing which bears the imprint o f the Lit Sec must be good Writing, without a drOp of water o r a bubble of wind in it. M y own preference is for Thucydidean leanness. If the others want a plumper

Letters from Prison

324

style, something with a little more flesh on its bones, they will have to convince m e that the extra flesh is muscle, no t fat. We have to set a new style in American political and theoretical writing. The academic curse must never taint a single line. Our task is to elucidate the most profound accessible to the ordinary worker, ideas in language without diluting the ideas o r "writing down" to the reader. Our great mission, I take it, is to popularize unadulterated Marxism. F o r m y part, I am confident the Lit Sec can do it. Of all the literary projects laid out, the one closest to my heart i s the b o o k o n labor leaders, and o f that, the chapter o n Parsons. I have long felt a strong compulsion to do justice to the memory of "the dear little man" who stands above all others in m y affection. I t will also b e

a work of love to restore the towering figures of Debs, Haywood and "the Saint," and DeLeon. The revolutionary militants of the new generation, like all ardent youth, need heroes who personify their far-reaching ideals. I will show them some real h e r o e s — their own predecessors, the pioneers who blazed the trail for them. The sculptor who made Schiller's statue said: " I will make Schiller life s i z e — t h a t is, colossal." This will be m y motto in re-creating the heroic figures of our pioneers. The Hillquit-Berger chapter will give me a g o o d occasion to s a y what is on m y mind about Social-Democrats in general. I n their evaluation of Debs, they unconsciously threw a mercilessly revealing light o n their own wretched character. They conventionally praised Debs for his goodness, thinking that w a s expected of them, like shrewd shopkeepers who "respect" the ideals of honest men, but consider them fools who are out of place in this workaday world. I will answer them b y showing what Debs really was and what they really were. See Amering— e r ' s and Hillquit's memoirs. I am going to r o a s t these half-men and the breed they typify o n a spit over a slow fire until they are really cooked. I aim to teach the youth to despise people who play and dabble with great ideas and do not go all the way for them.

"Trotsky

as Organizer.”

The

models for this

pamphlet

January, 1 9 4 5

325

are State and Revolution and the Criticism of the Draft Program. In each of these productions the task of the author was to restore and prove the actual teachings and methods of another—Lenin of Marx, and Trotsky of Lenin. Hence the pattern: extensive quotations strung along a line of explanatory and interpretive comment. I believe this pamphlet will be a revelation to those who have swallowed, wholly o r partly, the journalistic myth about Trotsky's indifference to organization. Trotsky as Educator": a work o n the same pattern. Here is Trotsky a t the height of his powers carefully writing down and explaining the reasons for everything he did o r proposed. His object was to draw the whole movement into participation in his thinking and to teach them how to think. It will b e a great achievement, and a great service to the young generation, if I c a n enable them to see the living figure of Trotsky, the teacher, explaining things to his disciples, and help them grasp his method. Trotsky's letters to me. Are they collected? I have in mind to write a special article about them, re-creating the situations with which they dealt, and revealing the Old M a n a t his best in the dual role of teacher and organizer of the work of o t h e r s — i n this case, myself. In L a b o r Leaders, fit in somewhere a section o n the exploitation of the primitive radical movement b y in-

dividual adventurers and promoters. Note the privately owned press; Wilshire's "BishOp Creek Gold Mine" stocks, and similar frauds o n the comrades. See International Socialist Review (about 1 9 1 3 ) o n "Playing the Com-

rades for Suckers" [by Phillip Russel]. M y grandfather o n m y m o t h e r ' s That w a s the old name for a skilled w a s a cunning fellow who shaped w o o d together a n d transformed a ; a house, good to look at and useful ‘ organizer is a joiner of pe0ple.

side wa s a "joiner." carpenter. A joiner and fitted sticks of pile of lumber into to live in. A party

Faithful to m y self-prescribed routine, I am finishing here m y writing stint for the day, for the week, and for m y term here, o n time before noon o n Saturday, January 2 0 , 1 9 4 5 . The Sandstone assignment is finished. I am ready to go home.

Notes ( U n l e s s otherwise s p e c i fi e d , t h e y e a r o f a l l d a t e s below i s 1 9 4 4 . )

JAN U A R Y 1944 Letter 1

Walta. Rose Karsner's daughter. Baby. Walta's two-year-old daughter, L o r n a ; also referred to in these letters b y such

nicknames

a s Mickey, Mick, Mickus,

Sweetums. Carl. C a n n o n ' s son. Joe. Joseph Hansen. Letter 2

Paper.

The Militant.

James

T. Farrell.

The novelist;

he served

a s chairman

of the

Civil Rights Defense Committee which provided legal defense for the prisoners and financial assistance to their families, and which publicized the case. Fifteenth anniversary fund. The Militant, a weekly, was sustained b y regular fund drives, contributions to which defrayed its deficits. This fund drive h ad a goal of $15,000. Branches. Of the Socialist Workers Party. Though contributions to the fund contributions

drives came also from individuals, the main were from branches of the SWP, each of which

made a pledge a t the opening of the drive and then paid in installments

until its "quota" w a s fulfilled.

Though the eighteen Trotskyists were the first people Appeal. convicted under the Smith Act, the U . S. Supreme Court stubbornly refused to hear an appeal in the case. C a n n o n ' s speech at t h e October, 1 9 4 3 , p l e n u m , Plenum speech. o r p l e n a r y meeting, o f t h e Socialist W o r k e r s Party N a t i o n a l C o m m i t t e e . T h e N C is t h e p a r t y ' s highest b o d y between

conventions. T h e October plenum w a s its last meeting before t h e eighteen began serving t h e i r sentences.

Sylvia. Cannon's secretary, Sylvia Caldwell. Letter 3 Father.

The author's father, J o h n Cannon.

Agnes. The author's sister. CRDC. The Civil Rights Defense Committee. (See note o n James T. Farrell, Letter 2 . )

Notes

328

Balabanoff's memoirs. My Life as a Rebel, b y Angelica Balabanoff, the Russian-Italian socialist. A leader i n the preWorld W a r I Socialist Party of Italy, she participated i n 1 9 1 5 in the Zimmerwald Conference. She h a d been a patron of Mussolini and helped him to rise to editorship of Avanti, the

party organ,

in h i s s o c i a l i s t d a y s . She j o i n e d the B01-

sheviks o n the eve of the revolution a n d i n 1 9 1 9 w a s made secretary of t h e C o m m u n i s t I n t e r n a t i o n a l . H e r p r i m a r y loya l t y , however, w a s t o t h e S e r r a t i w i n g o f t h e I t a l i a n Socialist

Party, and when it refused to accept the " 2 1 points" for membership adopted b y the CI at its world congress i n 1 9 2 0 , she broke with the CI a n d the Bolsheviks. She remained active i n the socialist a n d anti-fascist movements,

b u t became

increasingly bitter in her anti-Bolshevism as the years passed. Lillian Symes and [Travers] Clement. Prominent figures i n the left wing of the Socialist Party i n California; co-authors of Rebel America. Letter 4

Robert Emmet's speech. The famous "spet from the dock" b y the Irish patriot, who w a s hanged b y the British in 1 8 0 3 following the failure of a n uprising led b y him. Letter 5 My bust. Duncan Ferguson, a n artist who w a s a member of the SWP, h a d recently sculpted a bust of Cannon. Mona. The widow of Cannon's brother Phil. My history b o o k . Just prior to entering prison, Cannon h a d completed his book, The History of American Trotskyism. Usick. The n a m e b y which his close friends called J o h n G . Wright, a leader a n d e d u c a t o r of theSWP, w h o translated m a n y o f L e o n T r o t s k y ' s w o r k s into E n g l i s h . J o h n G . W r i g h t died June 21, 1956.

Six-page Militant. The paper was expanded e a r l y in 1 9 4 4 from four to six pages. ( T h e s e were full-size pages; it w a s m a n y years later that The Militant w a s changed to its present tabloid format.) The magazine. The theoretical organ

Trial pamphlet.

Fourth

International.

T h a t part of the court record of the Minneapolis

L a b o r T r i a l c o n t a i n i n g C a n n o n ' s t e s t i m o n y i n direct a n d cross-examination h a d been printed a s a p a m p h l e t u n d e r t h e title Socialism o n Trial. I E. R. Frank. One of the prominent younger SWP leaders subject to the draft; a writer a n d editor of The Militant and Fourth International.

Thomas. Tom Kerry, who wrote under the pen n a m e C . Thomas.

Notes Frank

329 Graves.

A n a u t h o r i t y o n foreign affairs, h e b e c a m e e d i t o r

of The Militant. Membership

campaign.

Letter 6 In reply to government

repression, the

SWP embarked o n a c a m p a i g n to recruit new members. Moish. Morris Stein, one of the outstanding p a r t y leaders who, a s acting national secretary, h a d taken over C a n n o n ' s job i n the SWP national office. Letter 7

Frank Lovell. An SWP member active in the maritime unions. Evelyn Novack. Assistant secretary of the Civil Rights Defense Committee. Pioneer Publishers. A b o o k a n d pamphlet publishing house established i n 1 9 3 0 to print American editions of the writings of Leon

Trotsky

and other M a r x i s t a n d s o c i a l i s t literature.

I n charge of Pioneer Publishers. Letter 8 Hollywood suit. Los Angeles comrades h a d bought Cannon a Lillian Charles.

new s u i t . AWP. American

W o r k e r s P a r t y , founded

a n d led b y A . J . Muste.

It merged in December, 1934, with the Communist League o f America ( T r o t s k y i s t s ) to form the W o r k e r s P a r t y .

Salutsky. Also known a s J . B. S. H a r d m a n , long-time editor of Advance, the official organ of the Amalgamated Clothing Workers.

H e w a s briefly i n the C o m m u n i s t

movement i n the

19205 a n d later was a leader in the American Workers Party. Letter 9 Bess Gogol. A family friend a n d old political associate. Pardon

application.

Immediately

after their i m p r i s o n m e n t ,

the

CRDC launched a nationwide petition campaign calling for the unconditional p a r d o n a n d immediate release of the eighteen p r i s o n e r s . T h i s m a d e i t n e c e s s a r y for the prisoners to m a k e formal applications for p a r d o n .

F E B R U A R Y 1944 Letter 1 0 Freda. F r e d a Charles, w h o w a s o n the office staff of the C R D C . ACLU. The American Civil Liberties U n i o n .

Letter 1 1

Lorna.

The granddaughter.

Bam. L o r n a ' s nickname for C a n n o n . ILD. International L a b o r Defense, organized

b y the Communist

Notes

330

Party in 1 9 2 5 to defend class-struggle prisoners and to assist their families. Cannon was its national secretary from its founding until his expulsion from the Communist Party in 1 9 2 8 as a Trotskyist. In this period the I L D defended not only Communists but anarchists, such as Sacco and Vanzetti,

IWWs and trade unionists

of varying

or no political

affiliations. The publishing house, founded in 1 9 2 4 , Publishers. International which put out the basic works of Marxism and the books and pamphlets sold b y the Communist Party. Larry. Lawrence P. Trainor (pen name Turner) of Boston, who was then SWP organizer in Seattle and h a d been hospitalized with a ruptured appendix. Birthday. His fifty-fourth. Letter 1 2 Dot. . . Grant. Dorothy and Ted Grant. The latter had recently become organizer of the New York City local of the SWP. Letter 1 3 Joe's piece about our departure. Article b y Joseph Hansen, entitled

"How

the

Trotskyists

Went to Jail," in the February,

1944, issue of the magazine Fourth International. Letter 1 4

Ruth. Cannon's daughter. Labor Defender. The magazine of the International Labor Defense. Leon Sedov. Trotsky's elder son. A political leader in his own right, he was active in the Trotskyist movement in Western Europe, though surrounded and harassed b y Stalin's GPU agents. He died at the age of thirty-two in Paris on February 16, 1938, under mysterious circumstances, in all probability assassinated b y Stalin's agents. The Old Man. A term of affection used in reference to Trotsky. Letter 1 5 Scoreboard. The payments and balance due o n the amounts pledged b y the SWP branches to the fund drive were printed weekly in a "scoreboard" in The Militant. To Washington for approval. Prisoners were permitted to receive only those books which had been approved beforehand b y the Federal Bureau of Prisons. George '3 accident. George Clarke had been burned i n a shipboard accident. Frank ’s little finger. Frank Lovell h a d undergone surgery on his h a n d Letter 7 . )

The headquarters.

following

The

a

shipboard

accident.

( S e e note

to

SWP national office and the New York

Notes

331

local office had been in an old, poorly heated building at 1 1 6 University Place since the party's founding in 1938. In 1 9 6 6 the headquarters was moved to 8 7 3 Broadway. Oscar Ameringer. A well-known Socialist Party writer and editor, he published the socialistic American Guardian in Oklahoma City into the 19405. His autobiography is entitled If You Don 't Weaken. Letter 1 6

Farewell speeches. The send-off for the eighteen, who were due to enter prison on New Year's Eve, was a farewell banquet in New

York o n December

2 6 , 1 9 4 3 . Six

of the defendants

made speeches at the banquet. Natalia.

Trotsky's

Letter 1 7 widow, Natalia Sedova.

Wil and the others. The two Trotskyist groups in Great Britain, the Workers International League and Revolutionary Socialist League, agreed to merge and, in a joint convention in March, 1 9 4 4 , took the name of Revolutionary Communist Party. Dewey. The American philosopher and educator, John Dewey. He h a d been chairman of the Commission of Inquiry into the Charges Made Against Leon Trotsky in the Moscow Trials. The Commission went to Mexico and heard testimony from April 1 0 to 17, 1 9 3 7 .

MARCH 1944

Struggle

book. The Struggle

P. Cannon,

Letter 18 for a Proletarian

New York: Pioneer Publishers,

Party, b y James 1943.

Letter 1 9 Frank '3 draft status. See note o n E. R. Frank, Letter 5. Introduction to m y Struggle book. Objection b y a group forming around Felix Morrow, editor of the magazine Fourth International, to the wording of a section of John G. Wright's introduction to The Struggle for a Proletarian Party had resulted in the book being taken off the press while the introduction was amended and reset. The "march." The defendants assembled in the SWP headquarters in Minneapolis

o n December

31-, 1 9 4 4 , and then

marched

in

a column of two's through downtown Minneapolis to the federal courthouse, where they surrendered themselves to the federal

marshals.

They were then

marched

to the county

jail.

Notes

332

Letter 2 1 Farrell Dobbs. A leader in the Minneapolis Teamsters strikes and later head of the eleven-state over-the-road organizing drive of the International Brotherhood of Teamsters. He later resigned his post with the I B T to become labor secretary of the SWP. He was one of the eighteen prisoners. Edith and Mike. The Bartells of Los Angeles; they h a d left the SWP with the Burnham-Shachtman minority in 1 9 4 0 but later quit the Shachtrnanite Workers Party and rejoined the SWP. Place

o n Long Island.

A cottage at Sea Cliff, New York, rented

for the summer. Wong. John G. Wright's dog. Letter 2 2 National City.

Office.

The SWP n a t i o n a l

headquarters

in New York

Appeal to Reason. The most popular socialist newspaper of the pre-World War I era; published in Girard, Kansas. Thermometer. The progress of the fund drive was illustrated in The Militant b y the drawing of a thermometer with a rising column of mercury. World-Telegram story a b o u t the CP. Early in March, 1 9 4 4 , stories began appearing in the New York newspapers of disputes in the Communist Party leadership occasioned b y the line laid down b y C P General Secretary Earl Browder of dissolving the Communist Party into a Communist Political Association and continuing the wartime suspension of the class struggle into the postwar period. William Z. Foster. The most prominent trade-union figure in the CP, but outranked in the leadership in this period b y Browder.

ILGWU. The International Ladies' Garment Workers Union. Jefferson School. Educational institution set up in New York with Communist Party backing. Letter 2 3

International Secretariat. Of the International Left Opposition and later (after 1 9 3 8 ) of the Fourth International. Old Labor Action. A paper edited b y Cannon in 1936-37, during the period the Trotskyists were in the Socialist Party. It was the official organ of the Socialist Party of California. The Burnham—Shachtman

faction,

which

split from

the

SWP in

1 9 4 0 and formed the Workers Party, revived the name Labor Action for its newspaper.

Notes

333

Letter 24 L. D. Trotsky's initials (for Leon Davidovich). His friends frequently referred to him b y these initials. "The b o y . " Trotsky's orphan grandson, Seva, who lived with Natalia in Mexico. Don and Demila. Duncan and Demila Ferguson, who had been assigned b y the SWP to live in Mexico and to look out for and assist Natalia and Seva. Dwight's new magazine. Dwight Macdonald's Politics. Macdonald had been a prominent member of the Burnham-Shachtman faction and of the Workers Party. When he split from the WP he started his own magazine. Charlie's movements. C. Charles, then serving in the army overseas. Brownie. The b a b y ' s dog. NI. The initials of the magazine New International. Originally it was the theoretical organ of the SWP, but at the time of the Burnham-Shachtman split, the magazine happened to be registered in the names of members of that minority faction and they appropriated it for their new Workers Party. Ciliga. Anton Ciliga, a leader of the Yugoslav Communist Party, imprisoned b y Stalin in the 19305 but allowed to leave the USSR because of his foreign citizenship. He revealed much about conditions in Soviet prisons but his anti-Stalinism soon turned into anti-Bolshevism. Letter 2 6 Our "Senator."Grace Carlson, the only woman among the eighteen prisoners. She h a d been the SWP candidate for Senator from Minnesota in the 1 9 4 0 campaign. She was imprisoned in the federal penitentiary for women in Alderson, West Virginia. APRIL 1 9 4 4 Letter 2 7

Aiken '8 speech. article

Senator George Aiken of Vermont. See Militant

o f April

15,

Profits Skyrocket." Hillman and Dubinsky.

1944,

entitled

"Seamen's

Bonus

Cut;

Two of the leading labor bureaucrats

o f t h e period. T h e y headed factions i n New Y o r k ' s American L a b o r Party which eventually split it, wittubinsky's group forming t h e rival Liberal Party. I n the faction struggle, Sidney Hillman, Roosevelt's chief wartime l a b o r lieutenant a n d head of t h e A m a l g a m a t e d Clothing Workers, w a s sup-

Notes

334 ported b y the Stalinists; D a v i d Dubinsky,

h e a d o f the Inter-

national Ladies' Garment Workers Union, w a s supported by t h e social-democrats.

Letter 2 8 Cartoonist.

Militant Second-class

Laura

Gray,

who would contribute

cartoons

to The

until her death o n January 1 1, 1958. mailing

rights.

After the Minneapolis

Labor Trial,

and at the suggestion of U. S. Attorney General Francis Biddle, the Postmaster General began ordering the confiscation a n d destruction of issues of The Militant. At a Post Office departmental hearing the government attorney r e a d into the record numerous excerpts from Militant articles exposing State Department policies, Jim C r o w practices in the a r m e d forces, wartime profiteering, a n d anti-labor legis-

lation a s evidence of the need to suppress the paper. "We are not concerned. here with questions of truth o r falsity," he declared. "It does not make any difference if everything The

Militant

says

is true." O n M a r c h

3 , 1 9 4 3 , the p a p e r ' s

second—class mailing rights were canceled, thus effectively barring it from the mails. An extensive protest campaign organized by the SWP won considerable backing from civilliberties supporters. This resulted in the Roosevelt administration backing down and restoring The Militant's rights o n March 1 8 , 1 9 4 4 . GPU. The initials o f Stalin's secret police organization.

mailing

Tito-Brezovich. This referred to a theory that Tito, the leader of the Yugoslav partisans, had been a GPU agent in Spain under the name Brezovich. Mihailovic'. Yugoslav monarchist general who led the right-wing, pro-capitalist Serbian partisans. Letter 2 9 George. George Clarke. (See note on George's accident, Letter 1 5 . ) Darcy. S. A. Darcy, a leader in the California and Pennsylvania Communist Party. DeLorenzo case. T h o m a s DeLorenzo, president o f U A W - C I O Local 3 6 5 (Brewster Aeronautical), a n opponent ”of the nostrike pledge, w a s persecuted b y the federal authorities because

of the militant policies which h a d won his local the best wages and conditions and the only union-shop contract in the aircraft-frame industry. Local 3 6 5 had been singled out for investigation by the H o u s e N a v a l Affairs Committee. Just before the union elections, the H o u s e Committee announced with great fanfare that DeLorenzo would be prosecuted for false statements. Nonetheless h e and his slate were reelected.

Notes

335

S o o n thereafter, i n April 1 9 4 4 , he w a s indicted b y t h e federal. government o n charges o f h a v i n g m a d e false statements

about his previous employment in applying for a civil-service job some years before. Letter 3 1 PC. The Political Committee, a subcommittee of the SWP National Committee. It consisted of N C members resident in the New Y o r k a r e a w h o could meet frequently. I n t u r n it h a d a smaller subcommittee, called t h e Secretariat, which could meet o n a day-to-day b a s i s when necessary.

Letter 3 2 Internal

and

International

Bulletins.

Intra-party publications

for SWP members. The Internal Bulletin was open to contributions from all members. In pre-convention periods it carried articles, pro a n d c o n , o n all issues before the members h i p . The International Bulletin carried informational a s well

as discussion articles about the world movement. George's visit; George Novack, secretary of the CRDC, had received official permission to visit Sandstone to discuss the legal status of their case and the progress of the pardon campaign with the prisoners. My "Twenty Years."A projected book. Letter 3 3 The Militant of April 8 h a d reprinted a maniItalian manifesto. festo from Italy issued in the name of a "Provisional National Center for the Building of the Communist Internationalist Party (Fourth International)."

POUM Partido Obrero de Unificacion Marxista (Workers Party of Marxist

Unification),

a left-centrist socialist organization

which participated in the Popular Front government during the Spanish Civil War but was nonetheless persecuted and suppressed b y the Stalinists as"Trotskyist." One of its principal leaders, Andrés Nin, a former associate of Trotsky, w a s as-

sassinated b y Stalin's secret police. The Militant of April 8 had German reports via Stockholm. noted the dispatch in the New York Times about the underground activity of a "new crop of German Communists [who] are convinced internationalists." Norman,

Bill D. . . .Marguerite.

N o r m a n Tallentire, Bill Dunne,

Marguerite Dunne, leading figures position in the Communist Party.

in the anti-Browder op-

Letter 3 4

Bill Haywood.

William D. ("Big Bill") Haywood, American

Notes

336

syndicalist leader. He was secretary-treasurer of the Western Federation of Miners; presided at the founding convention of the Industrial Workers of the World in 1905; was most prominent public spokesman of IWW and in 1 9 1 4 took over post of general secretary-treasurer. He w a s arrested during World

War

I witch

hunt;

convicted

at mass

trial o f IWW

leaders and sentenced to 2 0 years; jumped bail in 1 9 2 1 while case w a s on appeal and went to Soviet Union; died there in 1 9 2 8 . His uncompleted autobiography w as published posthumously

u n d e r t h e title, Bill

Haywood's

Book.

Letter 3 5 Max

Eastman.

Writer,

editor,

lecturer.

H e edited

the Masses

and The Liberator; opposed World War I and supported the Russian Revolution. Joined the Communist Party in the early 1 9 2 0 s and went to the USSR where he became fluent in Russian a n d conversant with issues and factions within the Bolshevik Party. He became asupporter of Trotsky and a translator of Trotsky's writings, and was the first to acquaint the American public with the issues of the TrotskyStalin struggle. In the mid-19305 he began a retreat from Marxism and a t the end of the decade repudiated socialism. Letter 36 Debs' Canton speech. Eugene V. Debs' speech in Canton, Ohio, o n June 1 6 , 1 9 1 8 . This speech denouncing the imperialist w a r and supporting the Bolsheviks served a s the basis of his trial and ten-year sentence under the Espionage Act. D e b s ' sentence for l e a d i n g t h e A m e r i c a n R a i l w a y U n i o n strike a g a i n s t t h e P u l l m a n C o m p a n y h a d been served i n Woodstock, Illinois, in 1895.

Fred

Beal.

Communist union organizer in the Gastonia, North

Carolina, textile strike of 1 9 2 9 . Framed and sentenced to twenty years' imprisonment, he jumped bail a n d fled to the Soviet Union. Disillusioned there with Stalinism, he returned

secretly in the mid-19303 to the United States, where he lived in hiding and wrote Proletarian Journey, an autobiography. Apprehended b y federal authorities, he was returned to North Carolina to serve his sentence. After his release, h e w o r k e d i n a g a r m e n t f a c t o r y . B y t h i s t i m e h e h a d renounced M a r x i s m a n d w a s a n IWW s y m p a t h i z e r .

Cartoon on Italy. Militant.

MAY 1944 Letter 3 9 Laura G r a y cartoon in the April 2 2 , 1 9 4 4 ,

Notes

337

Letter 4 0 Farrell and Harry. Farrell Dobbs and Harry DeBoer, two of the eighteen prisoners. Picture in the April 2 2 , 1944, Militant. Evelyn's visit with our "Senator." Evelyn Novack, assistant secretary of the CRDC, h a d received authorization to visit Grace Carlson in the federal prison for women in Alderson, West Virginia. Letter 4 1

Muste and the Oehlerites. A. J. Muste and the followers of Hugo Oehler. Letter 4 2 "Colonies"

column.

The

April 2 2 , 1 9 4 4 , Militant

h a d carried

the first of an intermittent series entitled "In the Colonies" b y L i Fu-jen.

Letter 4 3 McGuckin. An old-time IWW comrade of Cannon who had helped to organize a meeting in San Francisco protesting the imprisonment of the eighteen. Letter 44 Comintem. Contraction of words "Communist i.e., the Third International.

Karolyn.

International,"

Karolyn Kerry, head of the New York chapter of the

CRDC.

Letter 4 9 strike. In- 1 9 3 4 t h e truckdrivers o f Minneapolis, Minneapolis led b y T r o t s k y i s t s , w o n two bitter strikes ( o n e i n M a y , the other i n J u l y ) which attracted n a t i o n a l attention a n d est a b l i s h e d the u n i o n o n a fi r m b a s i s in w h a t h a d been one

of America's most notorious open-shop cities. Within a few years the truckdrivers h a d made Minneapolis one of the best unionized cities in the country. Bundists. On M a y 15, 1944, the U . S. Supreme Court consented to review the case of twenty-five officials of the GermanAmerican

spiring Service appeal appeal

Bund,

a

Nazi

organization,

convicted

o f "con-

to advise evasion and resistance to the Selective Act." The high court's willingness to hear the fascists' stood in contrast to its three-time refusal to hear an of the eighteen against the first use of the Smith Act.

The A P c a s e w a s a n a p p e a l b y the A s s o c i a t e d Press o f a conviction for violation o f the anti-trust l a w s .

The "dissolution" of the CP. The Communist May 20,

1944,

and reconstitute

voted unanimously

itself as the Communist

Party convention on

to dissolve as a party

Political Association.

Notes

338

Two speeches House

Letter 5 1 . . . Churchill's and Browder's. In a speech to the

of Commons

on May

2 4 , 1 9 4 4 , Churchill

h a d ap-

proved of Franco of Spain, the Greek monarchy, and the Badoglio regime in Italy. He also h a d "kindly words" for Stalin. "Profound changes have taken place in Soviet Russia," he declared. "The Trotskyite form of communism has been completely

wiped o u t . "

Addressing a Madison Square Garden rally of the new Communist

Political

Association,

Earl Browder

had boasted

its

program contained "nothing whatever of socialism" and "not the slightest suggestion of confiscation of wealth, nor even of wartime proposals for a limitation upon private incomes of the wealthy classes." Marvel.

Marvel

Scholl, wife of Farrell Dobbs.

Reba. Reba Hansen, who was then tional office.

secretary in the SWP na-

J U N E 1944

Letter 5 2 Book reviewed b y Harry. An edition of Trotsky's The New Course, including an essay b y Max Shachtman, entitled "The Struggle for the New Course," which exceeded the Trotsky piece in length. In the M a y 1944 issue of the Fourth International, Harry Frankel had subjected the Shachtman essay to a devastating criticism. Murry. Murry Weiss, SWP organizer in Los Angeles. Letter 5 4

Stuart's

report. J. B . Stuart, who had recently been in England. Letter 5 5

"Militant Army" columns. The by the business manager.

column

in The Militant

written

Grandizo. Grandizo Mums, a Spanish Trotskyist in exile in Mexico. He later developed ultraleft and sectarian positions and left the Fourth International. Letter 5 6 Vincent

Dunne.

V. R. Dunne,

one of the eighteen.

A founder

of the

Trotskyist movement in America and a leader of Minneapolis Teamsters Local 544. Letter 57 "The

Tribe

of the Philistines."

Letters

5 6 , 5 7 and 5 8 , save

for a

few paragraphs, appeared under this titlein Cannon's column, "Notebook

of an Agitator,"

in The Militant

of June 2 4 , 1 9 4 4 .

Notes

339

Letter 5 9 German poem. A translation of the section of the poem quoted by Cannon is as follows: Y o u ' r e lovely a s a flower, S o pure a n d fair t o s e e ; I l o o k at y o u , a n d s a d n e s s

Comes stealing over me.

Letter 6 0 Cartoon a b o u t Stalin and Eric Johnston. Laura Gray cartoon in June 1 7 Militant. Johnston, president of the U. S. Chamber of Commerce, had been given a banquet in Moscow. In his speech he ridiculed U. S. Communists, declaring, "If you take pepper, they sneeze. If you have indigestion, they belch. They

annoy

our trade unions

more than

they

annoy our

employers." Johnston's "wit" was received with great merriment b y the high Soviet officials. Art Preis. He signed some of his articles with the pen name Joseph Keller. Preis joined the staff of The Militant in 1940 and was its labor editor until his death in 1964. Author of Labor's Giant Step: Twenty Years of the CIO, New York: Pioneer Publishers,

1964.

Letter 6 1 Goldman. Albert Goldman, one of the eighteen and the chief defense lawyer at the Minneapolis Labor Trial. Sharp differences with him over the character and perspectives of the party are reflected in numerous letters in this volume. After the prison sentences had been served, he and Felix Morrow organized a faction which led an unsuccessful fight. Goldman then left the SWP and some years later renounced the socialist program. Letter 62 The convention of the International Ladies' ILGWU convention. Garment Workers Union, meetingin Boston, had unanimously passed a resolution asking President Roosevelt to pardon the eighteen. Letter 64

Gerland.

A European Trotskyist who h a d come to the United

States during

the w a r . ( S e e note o n Logan,

Letter 1 3 8 . )

J U L Y 1944

Henry’s

condition.

Letter 66 Henry Schultz of the Minneapolis-St. Paul

Notes

340

SWP h a d just undergone a serious operation. Letter 67 ill. Laura Gray's health w a s very Cartoonist . . . seriously precarious. She h a d spent long periods in a tuberculosis sanitarium and one of her lungs had been removed. Letter 68 Abern.

Martin

Abern,

one

o f t h e founders

o f the American

Trotskyist movement. H e split from the SWP along with the Burnham- Shachtman

faction.

columnist. On February 19 Charles Jackson of Negro Detroit had taken over the writing of the weekly column, "The Negro Struggle," in The Militant. A weekly column in The Militant b y Shop Talks o n Socialism. V. Grey. It educated readers in the principles of socialism with examples and arguments drawn from everyday life. Letter from a Steel Worker to His Son in the Service. Title of an article in the June 1 7 Militant b y Theodore Kovalesky. It w as written in answer to Steelworkers President Philip Murray' s question at the union convention: "If you did withdraw the [no-strike] pledge, what sort of letter would you write to your boys overseas to explain?" New

Letter 69 b o o k review. See note to Letter 5 2 . Harry's Pen name of Albert Goldman. Morrison. Hook. Professor of philosophy at New York University. Morrison's article was entitled "Sidney Hook's Attack on Trotskyism" and appeared in the July, 1943, issue of Fourth International. Control Commission. A body elected at each SWP convention to investigate and report o n any accusations of dishonesty, violations of discipline, etc., brought against any member. Letter 7 3 Frank Little. An IWW martyr. On August 1, 1 9 1 7 , during a copper miners' strike in Butte, Montana, where he w a s a member of the IWW General Executive Board, a gang of company-hired thugs and vigilantes kidnapped Little and hanged him from a railroad trestle. Stalinist accusations. Infuriated b y growing trade-union support for the pardon of the eighteen Trotskyist prisoners, the Stalinist press opened a massive campaign against "Trotskyite fascists." The article referred to b y Cannon appeared in the July 1 Militant under the head, "Stalinists Attempt to Extend Slander Campaign Into Unions." Among other things

Notes

34 1

it reported that the West Coast Communist daily, the People's World, had printed a dispatch from Mexico (reprinted b y The Pilot, the official organ of the National Maritime Union) accusing Trotskyists there of "inciting" 7 5 railroad strikes. AP Navy story. The July 1 Militant carried an article headed, "AP Uses Anonymous Letter As Vile Anti-Labor Smear." This described the nationwide press campaign b y the daily papers based o n an alleged letter from the crew of the U. S. S. Coos Bay containing $ 4 1 2 to "pay the wage increases. . . that money-hungry strikers are demanding" at the Wright Aeronautical plant. Letter 7 6 Evie. Wife of Harry DeBoer, one of the eighteen. She had been o n the office staff of Truckdrivers Local 544 in Minneapolis. "Snow" Larsen. A young SWP member in the merchant marine; son of Arne Swabeck. Letter 7 8 Martin. James P. Cannon. report on Cuba. J . B. Stuart had recently returned from Stuart's a trip to Cuba.

AUGUST 1944 Letter 7 9 British trial expenses. The SWP had raised a special Solidarity Fund to assist four leaders of the newly formed Revolutionary Communist Party who h a d been railroaded to prison b y the Churchill government. Faced with strikes in the coal mines and shipyards, Churchill ordered Scotland Yard to raid R C P offices throughout Great Britain as well as the homes of many RCP members. They were accused of fomenting the strikes. Breaking British precedent, the four defendants were held forty-two days without bail. At their six-day

trial

Ernest

Bevin,

Churchill's

Labor

Minister,

was

one of the prosecution witnesses. They were convicted June 23. A mounting campaign of protest in the unions and even in the army resulted in a higher court freeing the prisoners at the end of August. Letter 80 Kovalesky. Theodore Kovalesky was the pen name of the young steelworker in Buffalo who had written the "Letter from a in the note to Letter 68. The Steel Worker. . ." described letter had evoked such a favorable response from readers

Notes

342

that he was soon doing a regular column entitled "Diary of a Steel Worker." R. J. Thomas letter. The Militant of July 2 9 reports the support for the eighteen expressed b y Thomas, then the president of the United Auto Workers, in his letter to the president of Ford Local 600. K a y Burch was the head of the Detroit CRDC. Murray. Philip Murray, president of the CIO. in its issue of July 8 and Beginning Stalinists and the Quakers. continuing throughout the month, The Militant reported in detail the Stalinist campaign against the Quakers and its repercussions in the labor movement. In Seattle the ComAssociation and the Stalinist newspaper, munist Political The New World, had demanded in vain that city officials take action against a scheduled lecture series of the Institute of International Relations sponsored b y the American Friends Service Committee (Quakers). The first two nights of the Institute lectures were interrupted b y heckling, shouting, and war-bond selling speeches b y returned Stalinist veterans. The third lecture w a s broken up b y vigilante action of about a hundred Stalinists. They marched onto the platform, shoved the pacifists aside, and commandeered the microphone. Fellowship of Reconciliation. The principal pacifist organization in the United States. It was headed b y the Reverend A . J . Muste who had returned to his religious calling after his break with Marxism. Letter 8 2 'U.M." who writes from Chicago. An extremely long letter to the editor signed "J. M." had been printed in the August 5 Militant. The letter and a reply b y the editors occupied practically an entire page.

Green.

William Green, president of the A F L .

The Buffalo experience.

Letter 83 The reference is to a situation in a UAW-

organized plant in Buffalo, New York, where militants, failing to take into account the changed objective situation with the

entry of the United States into World War I I , were victimized b y the company and the union officials. Letter 84 Cassidy document. "The First Phase of the Coming European Revolution," b y Felix Morrow, appeared first in Internal Bulletin Fourth

Vol. V I , No. 4 (September, 1 9 4 4 ) , and later in the International of December, 1944.

Notes O'Neal.

343 Pseudonym

o f novelist J a m e s T . Farrell.

H i s letter ap-

peared in Internal Bulletin Vol. VI, N o . 6 (October, 1 9 4 4 ) . Morrison's letter. Letter from M. Morrison in Internal Bulletin Vol. VI, No . 2 (September, 1 9 4 4 ) . Letter 8 6

Warde. Pen name of George Novack. George. George Clarke. He was Cannon's junior b y more than twenty years.

Letter 8 8 Robert Ley’s "Labor Front." The Nazi regime in Germany smashed the unions and then imposed its own "labor" organization on the workers. After May 1, 1933, all unions were "coordinated" b y the regime, their buildings occupied b y storm troops and their leaders imprisoned. A committee headed b y Dr. Robert Ley, administrative chief of the Nazi Party, took over the assets and property of the defunct unions. On M a y 1 0 the new setup w a s officially constituted as the "German Labor Front." On M a y 1 6 the right to strike w a s abolished. The A F L Hodcarriers and Common Laborers, a Carriers. classic e x a m p l e o f a conservative and undemocratic u n i o n . UE. The United Electrical, Radio and Machine Workers Stalinist

Hod

of America, the biggest of the Stalinist-dominated unions in the CIO. When the Murray leadership split the C 1 0 in 1 9 4 9 b y ousting those unions which opposed U. S. cold-war policies, the U E itself split, with a minority forming the IUE-CIO. Editorial on Warsaw. In The Militant of August 19. Letter 8 9

Michaels. Mike Michaels, an outstanding member of the Chicago SWP branch. Kugie. Paul Kujac, an outstanding SWP activist. Il Proletario. Radical newspaper published in Bari, Italy. Lewis.

Letter 9 0 United Mine Workers President John L . Lewis.

Letter 9 1

Trotsky’s letter. . .Socialist Appeal. When the Trotskyist-led left wing was expelled from the Socialist Party and constituted itself the Socialist Workers Party, it named its newspaper the Socialist Appeal. This h a d been the name of the tendency paper it had published within the Socialist Party until it was banned. The name was later changed back to The Militant. On M a y 2 7 , 1939, Trotsky h a d written a letter criticizing

Notes

344

the Socialist Appeal as "a paper for the workers and not a workers' paper." The letter is quoted on page 1 1 2 of Trotsky's New York: Merit Publishers, 1 9 6 5 . In Defense of Marxism, A commemorative article b y Ruth Article on Sacco-Vanzetti. Johnson,

a staff writer, in The Militant

of August

26.

SEPTEMBER 1944 Letter 93 Simmon's article."Trotsky on America's Role in Europe," in the b y WilAugust issue of the magazine Fourth International, liam Simmons ( a pen name of Arne Swabeck, one of the founders of the American Trotskyist movement). Letter 9 5 A meeting of the New York SWP of four comrades. Censure local voted to censure them when it was revealed that they had been conducting political discussions with members of the Shachtmanite Workers Party without informing the SWP. Article by Morrison. "Reply [to Political Committee] from Comr a d e Morrison" in Internal Bulletin Vol. VI, N o . 2 (September, 1944). Letter 96 Relief for Don and De. Relieving Duncan and Demila Ferguson of their assignment to reside in Mexico and assist Trotsky's widow and grandson. Henry and Dorothy. Henry and Dorothy Schultz of the Minneapolis - St. Paul SWP. Bordigists. A dissident Communist group in Italy, s o called after Amadeo Bordiga. H e led the Communist opposition while it was still in the Italian Socialist Party and became head of the CP after its founding; leader of the "left majority" which held a sectarian position. F o r opposing Stalin in the Communist International he w a s deprived of his power in the Italian CP in 1 9 2 6 and expelled on charges of "Trotskyism" in 1930. Jailed b y Mussolini. Trotsky and the International Left Opposition tried to work with the Bordigists but failed because of that group's inveterate sectarianism; they opposed the tactic of the united front, for example, "on principle." Letter 9 9 Solly. Sol Dollinger of the Flint, Michigan, SWP branch. Letter 1 0 1 Tobin. President Daniel J . Tobin o f the A F L Teamsters also chairman of the Democratic Party's National

Committee.

union; Labor

Notes

345

Biddle. U. S. Attorney General Francis Biddle. Anderson. Victor E. Anderson, U. S. Attorney for the District of Minnesota, one of the federal prosecutors at the Minneapolis Labor Trial. Letter 1 0 2 Account of auto convention. The Militant of September 2 3 carried extensive reports o n the Grand Rapids convention of the United Auto Workers union. Stein '3 article. "What Are the Real Issues—An Answer to Comrade Morrison" b y M. Stein in Internal Bulletin Vol. VI, No. 2 (September, 1944). Letter 1 0 3 Bruno R. Bruno Rizzi, an Italian ex-Trotskyist, who in the late 19305 advanced the theory that the bureaucracy in the Soviet Union constituted a new class with its counterparts in the fascist and Nazi regimes in Italy and Germany and in the Rooseveltian New Deal in the United States. Rizzi gave a full exposition of his ideas in La Bureaucratisation du monde (The Bureaucratization of the World), published in Paris in 1939. Trotsky devoted considerable attention to refuting Rizzi's thesis and the subject was thoroughly discussed in the Trotskyist movement internationally before the war. Rizzi's theory later appeared in cruder versions in the "managerial revolufion," "bureaucratic collectivism," and "new class"

of

Burnham,

Shachtman,

and

Milovan

Djilas, re-

spectively.

OCTOBER 1944

"In Defense

of Daniel

Letter 1 0 6 J. Tobin.” This appeared in the October

2 1 Militant.

Letter 1 0 9 (More. ) Regulations restricted a prisoner's Definite relationships letter-writing to one sheet of paper. Cannon filled the sheet in the middle of a citation and had to break off there. The sentence is resumed

in the next letter.

Letter 1 1 0 Whither

Martov.

England?

B y Leon Trotsky, 1 9 2 5 .

Menshevik leader and theoretician.

On board of Iskra

with Lenin. A leader o f Menshevik walkout at 1 9 0 3 congress

of Russian Social Democratic Labor Party. Led left-centrist Menshevik-Internationalists in 1917. Went into exile in 1920.

346

Notes

Letter 1 1 2 Left Opposition. Trotsky had led the Left Opposition International in the Soviet Union. After he was exiled he brought together groups expelled from Communist Parties in other countries, which were in agreement with the program of the Left Opposition, into the International Left Opposition. At a congress in 1938 these groups formed the Fourth International. Letter 1 1 4 Single Taxers. Advocates of Henry George's panacea b y which a single tax of the entire economic rent of land would provide society with enough funds for a regime of justice and plenty. De Leon. Daniel De Leon, Marxist theoretician ( 1 8 5 2 - 1 9 1 4 ) . Joined Socialist Labor Party in 1 8 9 0 and was its leader until his death. and Liebknecht. Leaders of the Spartakus Bund Luxemburg (German Communist Party) murdered b y the police during German Revolution of 1 9 1 9 . Karl Liebthe unsuccessful member of the Reichstag. knecht was a Social-Democratic He broke with the party b y opposing its support of World War I, and w a s jailed. Rosa Luxemburg, a Polish Socialist leader and theoretician, was also active in the German SocialDemocratic movement. She, too, w a s jailed for her revolutionary opposition to the w a r .

Gustav Noske and Philip Scheideman Noske and Scheideman. were right-wing Social Democrats and the principal governmental figures in the suppression of the German Revolution and Liebknecht. of 1 9 1 9 and the murders of Luxemburg Letter 1 1 6 Three dear comrades. Harry DeBoer, Clarence Hamel and Ed Palmquist were released from Sandstone. (Simultaneously, Carl Kuehn, Oscar Shoenfeld and Alfred Russell were released from the prison in Danbury, Connecticut, where they had chosen to go for the convenience of their families in visiting them.) All had received sentences of a year and a day. With time off for good behavior, they served almost ten months. Article on Bulgaria. The October 1 4 Militant article w as entitled "Stalinist Leaders Curb Uprising of Bulgarian Masses." The Count. Delaney. An old-time Wobbly. The Germans. A group of emigrés, former members of the IKD, the German Trotskyist group, who had joined the SWP but succumbed to pessimistic views about the fate of European civilization and the attainability of socialism. Letter 1 1 9 Morfison—Cassidy tendency. The Goldman-Morrow tendency

Notes

347

which later became a faction and split away from the SWP. . Letter 1 2 0 "The Dog Days of the Left Opposition." The title of Lecture V in Cannon's History of American fI‘rotskyz'sm. NOVEMBER 1944 Letter 1 2 4

French POI. Parti Ouvrier Internationaliste (Internationalist Workers Party). This had been the official French section of the Fourth International when that body was organized in 1938. But in the conditions of illegality during the German occupation, the POI merged with other Trotskyist elements to form the Parti Communiste Internationaliste (Internationalist Communist Party). The founding of the P C I took place in October, 1943, largely due to the work of Marcel Hic, a P O I leader, who was caught soon after b y the Gestapo and w a s executed in the extermination camp at Dora. Molinierist group. Split-off from French Trotskyist movement led b y Raymond Molinier. (See note to Letter 1 6 7 . ) La Vérz'té (Truth). Became the official organ of the new unified party; the official paper of the POI had been La Lutte Ouvriere (Workers' Struggle). Letter 1 2 7 Charles Rumford Walker. Author of books and novels about labor. I n 1937 he published American City, a study centering around the Minneapolis strikes of 1934. Underground convention. Of the Communist Party in August, 1 9 2 2 , at a rural summer resort near Bridgman, Michigan. It was broken up b y a raid of U. S. Department of Justice agents. Arrests and trials followed. Fourth Congress. Of the Communist International. Letter 1 2 9 Grant, Burch, Murry and Bill. Ted Grant, Arthur Burch, Murry Kitt. The SWP branch organizers reWeiss and William and spectively in New York City, Detroit, Los Angeles Buffalo. Jack.

Jack Weber, a well-known figure in the American movement.

Trotskyist

Oscar and Al. Oscar Shoenfeld and Al Russell, two of the eighteen prisoners. They had been released from the federal prison in Danbury,

Connecticut,

three weeks earlier.

Critical support to the SP. In the presidential elections just taken place.

which ha d

Notes

348

Letter 1 3 0 George. George Novack. See note to Letter 3 2 . Library. A branch of the Chicago public library which Crerar has a special collection of labor and radical literature. Letter 1 3 1 Haymarket drawing. The November 1 1 Militant carried a commemorative article on the execution of the Haymarket martyrs and illustrated it with a reproduction of the famous contemporaneous drawing of the Haymarket "riot" from Hamer's Weekly.

Skogie’s bond. Carl Skoglund, one of the eighteen, president of Minneapolis Teamster Local 544. H e came to the United States

from

Sweden

in 1 9 1 1 ,

but never

became

a citizen.

Prior to the Minneapolis Labor Trial federal officials had unsuccessfully tried to make him turn state's evidence b y threatening to deport him immediately after he finished serving his sentence.

Cannon's

concern

jailed b y the U. S. Immigration

was

that

Service

Skoglund

not be

upon his release

from Sandstone, but be free on bail. Immigration authorities did try t o deport Skoglund and in 1 9 5 9 incarcerated

him o n Ellis put him on a deportation; in 1 9 6 1 . Roger Baldwin.

Island for six months. At one point they even ship. But continued legal action saved him from he was still out on bond at the time of his death Head of the American Civil

Liberties Union.

Letter 1 3 3 German poem. It is from Goethe's En'nnerung. A literal translation is as follows: Wilt thou always wander farther? Behold, the good lies s o near. Simply learn to g r a s p happiness, F o r happiness i s always there.

Letter 135 McNamaras. John J. and James B. McNamara. The former was secretary-treasurer of the A F L International Association of Bridge and Structural Iron Workers. Labor prisoners, they had been sentenced for the Los Angeles Times bombing of 1 9 1 0 , James B. for life and his brother for fifteen years. Schmidt and Kaplan. Trade-unionists indicted along with the McNamaras, but not caught until three years after the trial. Matthew Schmidt was given a life sentence; David Kaplan received

Tom

a lesser sentence.

Mooney.

Prisoner in the most famous labor frame-up in

Notes

349

U. S. history. Mooney, leader of the left-wing bloc in the California A F L , and Warren K. Billings, a young left-wing unionist, were railroaded on charges of having bombed the 1916 "Preparedness Day" parade in San Francisco. Originally sentenced to 'be hanged, Mooney w a s saved b y Bolshevik demonstrations in Russia on his behalf. Unceasing agitation b y the radical and labor movements brought about Mooney's pardon in 1 9 3 9 ; Billings was released some months later. Letter 138 Logan. A pen name of Gerland. His position was elaborated in an article, entitled "On the European Situation and Our Tasks—Contribution to a Criticism of the Draft Resolution of the National Committee of the SWP," which appeared first in

Internal

Bulletin

later in Fourth 1945.

Vol. V I , N o . 8 (October,

International

1 9 4 4 ) and

issues of January and February,

Letter 139 Flint branch . . . scoreboard. The scoreboardregistered progress in a campaign to sell 1 0 , 0 0 0 sets of four pamphlets about the Minneapolis Labor Trial. The various SWP branches h a d taken quotas, and standing on the scoreboard was according to percentage of the quota sold. Since the Flint branch h a d taken a quota of ten (the lowest) and sold 3 2 sets,

it headed

the

scoreboard,

outranking,

for example,

Toledo, which had taken a quota of 1 6 0 and sold 488. D E C E M B E R 1944 Letter 1 4 0 Mike. Mike Bartel], who was going to Chicago as the new branch organizer.

London Bureau. filiated

to

Letter 1 4 3 A loose association of centrist parties

either

the

Second

or

Third

not af-

Internationals,

but

opposed to the formation of a Fourth International. Among its members were the Independent Labor Party of Great Britain, the POUM of Spain, the SAP of Germany, and the PSOP of France. Letter 1 4 9 George. George Novack. See note to Letter 3 2 . Letter 1 5 2

Wolfe. The novelist Thomas Wolfe. . Letter 154 and Warren. Publisher and editor of the Appeal Wayland

to

Notes

350

Reason (see note to Letter 2 2 ) . Julius A. Wayland founded the paper in 1895; Fred Warren took over the editorship in 1904. Letter 155 . The newspaper of the Shachtrnanite Workers Labor Action. Party a t that time.

JANUARY 1 9 4 5 Letter 1 5 9 Neue Zez't. Theoretical organ of the German Social-Democrats, founded 1883; edited b y Karl Kautsky. Bernstein.

Eduard

Bernstein,

Social-Democratic

German

theo-

retician. His series of articles in Neue Zez't in 1 8 9 7 revising Marxism and foreseeing evolution, rather than revolution, as the vehicle of socialism touched off the great theoretical batfle in the international socialist movement. Kautsky was the principal polemicist against him. Bernstein's revisionism was rejected. (Also spelled Makhaysky.) Pre-World War I Polish Makhaz'sky. revolutionary, Waclaw Machajski (pen name A. Wolski), exiled to Siberia. His articles around turn of century excited considerable attention in Russian revolutionary circles. Berkman and Goldman. The famous American anarchist leaders, Alexander Berkman and Emma Goldman. controversy. A debate over educational methods Mey-Hutchz’ns between philosopher John Dewey, the father of progressive education,

and

Robert

M . Hutchins,

president

of the

Uni-

versity of Chicago and advocate of traditional, classical educational views. Sumner Welles. Under Secretary of State in the Roosevelt administration.

Letter 1 6 1 Blum.

Léon

Blum,

French

Socialist

Party

leader;

Premier

at

head of coalition government with bourgeois Radicals (Popular Front government). Announced, upon taking office, the need for staying within limits of capitalist order. SAP. Sozialistische Arbeiter Partei (Socialist Workers Party). The name taken b y a left wing in the German Social Democratic Party led b y Seydewitz and Rosenfeld after its expulsion in July, 1931, for opposition to the social-democratic policy of supporting the "lesser evil." The new party w a s soon reinforced b y the adherence of a split-off from the Brandler-Thalheimer KPO (see note to Letter 1 6 2 ) led b y

Notes

351

Walcher and Froelich, both old Spartacists. A centrist formation, the SAP briefly swung left in 1934 and joined with the Trotskyists in a call for the building of a Fourth International. Under conditions of emigration, however, opportunist tendencies soon became predominant and it adopted a pro-Popular Front line and, after Hitler's defeat, solidarized itself with the Stalinists. Many of its leaders were given minor party and government posts in East Germany; on the other hand, its youth

leader, Willi Brandt, became social-democratic

mayor of West Berlin. Hook and Hacker. Sidney Hook (see note to Letter 6 9 ) and historian Louis M. Hacker. The

Iron Heel. prophesying

Novel b y J a c k L o n d o n , published in 1 9 0 7 , a regime comparable t o fascism in the United

States. Letter 1 6 2 A member of the Spartakus Bund, Brandler Brandler-Lovestone. became head of the German Communist Party; w a s made the scapegoat for failure of 1 9 2 3 Revolution and removed from leadership; lived for several years thereafter in Moscow; w as expelled from German CP in 1 9 2 9 ; along with August Thalheimer, another expelled Communist, h e founded the KPO, o r German Right Opposition, whose connections were

with Nicolai Bukharin, leader of the Right Opposition in the Soviet Union. J a y Lovestone was the head of the Communist Party of the United States who w a s expelled in 1 9 2 9 . The expelled faction he headed first called itself the Communist Party (Opposition), but later took the name Independent Labor League. Its orientation and connections were similar to those group. It disbanded in 1940. of the Brandler-Thalheimer Stevie.

Stephen Geller, teen-age s o n o f Jules a n d Henrietta Geller,

who were prominent in trade-union activity in the Midwest. Letter 1 6 3 Convention

report.

"The

Eleventh

Convention

of the American

Trotskyist Movement" in the magazine Fourth

International

of December, 1944.

Elaine Roseland, office secretary of Minneapolis SWP. Letter 1 6 7 Molinier and Naville. Rival leaders in French Trotskyist moveElaine.

ment in the

1930s.

Raymond

Molinier

was a leader in the

Communist youth who became a Trotskyist and was cofounder of La Vérité (Truth) in 1929. Much of the history of Trotskyism in France revolves around the efforts to inte-

Notes

352

grate him and his faction into a disciplined, united movement. Despite Trotsky's interventions these efforts were unsuccessful. After leading a rival party to the official French section of the Fourth International, he dropped out of socialist politics in 1939. Pierre Naville was expelled from the CP in 1 9 2 8 ; a cofounder of La Vérité; a member of secretariat of the Interof the Fourth the forerunner national Communist League,

International; opposed "French turn," i.e., entry of Trotskyists into Socialist Party in 1 9 3 4 , but later entered; opposed entry into PSOP and was expelled; mobilized during World War II, he was a prisoner of war; upon return to France he did not but was prominent among left socialists; rejoin Trotskyists best known today for his numerous sociological writings. (See notes to Letter 1 2 4 . ) Arbeiter Partei Deutschlands (Communist KAPD. Kommunistische Workers Party of Germany). A large split-off from the German CP. The split took place at an underground convention in Heidelberg in the fall of 1 9 1 9 , the year which had already witnessed the defeat of the Spartacist uprising and the smashing of the Hungarian Revolution. Letter 1 7 0 Haldeman-Julz'us. Publisher of the famous pamphlets known as the "Little Blue Books." His publishing company was in Girard, Kansas,

a n d was a continuation

of what h a d been

the Appeal to Reason publishing establishment. Held. Walter Held was the pen name of Heinz Epe, a German Trotskyist who fled to Norway after Hitler came to power in Germany. When Trotsky w a s granted asylum in Norway, Epe served as one of his secretaries. Shortly before the Nazis invaded Norway, Epe went to Sweden and secured papers t o enter the United States. I n t h e s p r i n g o f 1 9 4 1 b e undert o o k t o t r a v e l there v i a t h e U S S R a n d T u r k e y , for both o f which countries he h a d been granted the necessary transit

papers. He w a s taken off the train b y Soviet secret police and executed in Saratov. The article referred to was entitled "Why the German Revolution Failed" and appeared in two installments

in

the

December,

1 9 4 2 , a n d January,

1943,

issues of the magazine Fourth International. Levi. Paul Levi, well-known lawyer a n d a l e a d e r of the Spartakus

Bund, friend of Rosa Luxemburg. He split from the German CP in 1 9 2 2 ; later reentered the Social-Democratic Party. Naville,

Landau,

Nin.

Members

o f the

International

Left Op-

Notes

353

position who split from it in the 19303. Pierre Naville (see note to Letter 1 6 7 ) . Kurt Landau, an Austrian, former secretary of the International Left Opposition; split from Trotskyist movement and headed his own group; went to Spain during Civil War, supported POUM; was kidnapped and killed b y Stalin's secret agents. Andrés Nin, a founder

of Spanish

Communist

Party; went

to Soviet Union and served as secretary of the Red International of Trade Unions; supported Left Opposition; expelled from C P in 1 9 2 7 ; expelled from Soviet Union in 1930; participated in formation of International Left Opposition; broke with Trotsky to participate in formation of POUM, of which he became principal leader during Civil War; kidnapped and murdered b y Stalin's secret agents. (See note to Letter 3 3 . ) Blanqui. Louis Auguste Blanqui (1805-1881), French revolutionary socialist whose name h as become associated with theory of armed insurrection b y small groups of selected and trained men as opposed to the Marxist concept of mass insurrection. Participated in French Revolution of 1830. Organized an unsuccessful insurrection in 1839. Freed b y Revolution

of 1848,

he w a s

jailed during

its defeat. Jailed

o n eve of Paris Commune. Broken in health by thirty-five years of prison life, he w a s pardoned in 1 8 7 9 and elected the same year b y the workers of Bordeaux to the Chamber of Deputies, but wa s declared ineligible to sit b y the government.

The Managerial Revolution. Title of a book b y James Burnham published in 1 9 4 0 . Montana's letter. A letter to the editor b y Vanni B. Montana, secretary of the Italian Socialist Federation and an official of the ILGW U. Letter 1 7 1

The Party

Builder.

SWP members.

Like the Internal This,

however,

Bulletin, contained

a publication

for

not political

dis-

cussion articles but articles on organizational matters and methods of work. The comments on the press (in Letters 1 5 1 - 1 5 7 ) and on the party training school (Letters 163-164) appeared as articles b y Martin in the Party Builder, Vol. I, No. 4 (February, 1 9 4 5 ) and Vol. II, No. 1 (March, 1 9 4 5 ) respectively. Letter 1 7 2 _ Seven secretaries who lost their lives. Four in the Soviet Union

Notes

354

were: Glazman, driven to suicide in 1 9 2 4 b y Stalinist perseG . V.

cution;

Butov,

arrested

and tortured

to give false evi-

dence, went on hunger strike and died of its effects; Sermuks and Poznansky, Trotsky's secretaries at the time of his exile to Alma Ata in 1 9 2 8 , attempted on their own to follow him there, were arrested b y the GPU, and disappeared in Soviet prison camps. Others were: Rudolph Klement, a Czech Trotskyist, secretary of the Fourth International, murdered b y Soviet secret agents in Paris in 1938; Erwin Wolf, Czech Trotskyist, Trotsky's secretary in Norway, expelled from that country during Moscow Trials when Trygve Lie put Trotsky under house arrest, kidnapped and killed b y GPU in Spain; Walter Held (see note to Letter 1 7 0 ) . The guard a t Coyoacdn. An armed defense guard was maintained and expanded after the first attack o n the Trotsky household in Mexico. Most of the guard were young SWP members. One guard, Robert Sheldon Harte, w a s kidnapped and killed in the M a y 2 2 , 1 9 4 0 , attack. Letter 1 7 4 "Three Theses". A document submitted b y German Trotskyist exiles which asserted that, in View of the crushing of labor and revolutionary forces b y fascism, the struggle for restoration of democracy would take precedence over any program o r struggle for socialist objectives for an entire epoch. Letter 1 7 7 ICL. The International Communist League. The international organization of the Trotskyists which preceded the Fourth International. Letter 181 Vincent. Vincent R. Dunne. (See note to Letter 5 6 . ) Letter 182 Parsons. The Haymarket martyr, Albert R. Parsons. "The Saint." Vincent St. John, General Secretary-Treasurer of the IWW until 1 9 1 4 . Hillquit-Berger. Leaders of right wing in pre-World I Socialist Party. Morris. Hillquit, a New York lawyer, and Victor Berger, publisher of the German-language Vorwa'rts in Milwaukee.

Wilshire.

Gaylord Wilshire, publisher and editor of Wilshire's

Magazine.

I n his checkered career, Wilshire went to Harvard,

quit before graduating and mined gold in California, published several socialistic magazines before Wilshire's, engaged in banking in New York, and ran for office as a socialist i n California,

New York, England

and Canada.

Abbreviations

ACLU—American erties Union

Civil

Used

Lib-

AFL or AF of L—American Federation o f L a b o r A L P — American L a b o r Party A P — Associated Press A W P — American Party

C I — Communist

Workers

International

C I O — Congress of Industrial Organizations

CLA— Communist League of America

In This Book

I W W — Industrial Workers o f the W o r l d KAPD— Communist Workers

Party of Germany KPO— Communist Party Opposition (Germany) N C — N a t i o n a l Committee NI— the magazine New International N O — N a t i o n a l Office P C — Political Committee P C I — Internationalist Communist Party ( F r a n c e ) P O I — Internationalist Workers Party ( F r a n c e )

CP— Communist Party CRDC— Civil Rights Defense POUM— Workers Committee F I — Fourth International FI— the magazine Fourth Intematz'onal G P U — Stalin's secret police IBT—

International

Brother-

hood of Teamsters

I C L — International Communist League Coml K D — Internationalist munists of G e r m a n y Labor I L D — International Defense LaI L G W U — International dies Garment Workers Union L a b o r ParI L P — Independent t y (Great B r i t a i n )

Party

of

Marxist Unification (Spain) PSOP— Workers a n d Peasants Socialist Party ( F r a n c e ) R C P — Revolutionary Communist Party (Great B r i t a i n ) SAP— Socialist Workers Party (Germany) S L P — Socialist L a b o r Party SP— Socialist Party

SWP— Socialist Workers Party Auto Workers U A W — United U E — United Electrical, Radio a n d Machine Workers U M W — United Mine Workers Wil— Workers International League (Great B r i t a i n ) WP— Workers Party

Works

in Print by James

P. Cannon

Books

THE

S T R U G G L E F O R A PROLETARIAN 1 9 4 3 , 302 p p .

PARTY,

S O C I A L I S M ON TRIAL: the Official Court Record of James P. Cannon's Testimony in the Famous Minneapolis "Sedition" Trial; 1 9 4 2 , 1 1 1 p p . T H E H I S T O R Y O F AMERICAN TROTSKYISM: Report of a Participant; 1944, 2 6 8 p p .

NOTEBOOK OF AN AGITATOR,1958, 359 p p . T H E F I R S T T E N YEARS O F AMERICAN COM— M U N ISM: Report of a Participant; 1 9 6 2 , 3 4 3 p p .

LETTERS FROM PRISON,1968, 355 p p .

Pamphlets "TO T H E MEMORY O F T H E OLD MAN": Leon Trotsky Memorial Address; 1 9 4 0 , 1 5 pp. D E F E N S E POLICY I N T H E MINNEAPOLIS TRIAL: 1. A Criticism b y Grandizo Munis, 2. An Answer b y James P. Cannon; 1 9 4 2 , 64 pp. T H E RUSSIAN REVOLUTION, 1944, 3 0 pp.

AMERICAN STALINISM AND 1 9 4 7 , 4 3 pp. THE

COMING AMERICAN 3 1 pp.

ANTI-STALINISM,

REVOLUTION, 1 9 4 7 ,

T H E ROAD TO PEACE: According to Stalin, and According to Lenin; 1 9 5 1 , 4 8 pp.

AMERICA'S ROAD TO SOCIALISM, 1953, 79 p p . EUGENE

V. D E B S : the Socialist Movement

of his Time—

Its Meaning for Today; 1 9 5 6 , 3 0 pp.

THE MW,1956, 31 p p . SOCIALISM AND DEMOCRACY, 1 9 5 9 , 2 1 pp.