Legacy of a Divided Nation (India's Muslims Since Independence) 9780367009830

Table of contents :
Cover
Half Title
Dedication
Title
Copyright
Contents
Preface and Acknowledgements
Tables
Glossary
Chapters
1. Introduction
2. The Myth of Muslim Unity: Colonial and National Narratives
3. Making a Separate Nation
4. India Partitioned: The Other Face of Freedom
5. Secularism: The Post-colonial Predicament
6. Forging Secular Identities
7. Redefining Boundaries: Modernist Interpretations and the New 'Intellectual Structures'
8. Empowering Differences: Political Actions, Sectarian Violence and the Retreat of Secularism
9. Ayodhya and its Consequences: Reappraising Minority Identity
Apendixes
A. Distribution of Muslim population in India
B. The Divine Law
C. Resolutions of the All-India Jamiyat-Ulama-i Islam conference, Calcutta, 31 October 1945
D. 'What Does Secularism Mean?'
E. 'Myths Relating to Minorities in India'
Select Bibliography
Index

Citation preview

LEGACY OF A DIVIDED NATION

To the memory of Anwar Jamal Kidwai and for Ravinder Kumar

MUSHIRUL HASAN

Legacy of a Divided Nation India's Muslims since Independence

First published 1997 by Westview Press Published 2018 by Routledge 52 Vanderbilt Avenue, New York, NY 10017 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business Copyright © 1997 by Mushirul Hasan All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. Notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe. A CIP catalog record for this book is available from the Library of Congress ISBN 13: 978-0-367-00983-0 (hbk)

CONTENTS page vii xi xiii

Preface and Acknowledgements Tables Glossary Chapters

1. 2.

3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9.

Introduction The Myth of Muslim Unity: Colonial and National Narratives Making a Separate Nation India Partitioned: The Other Face of Freedom Secularism: The Post-colonial Predicament Forging Secular Identities Redefining Boundaries: Modernist Interpretations and the New 'Intellectual Structures' Empowering Differences: Political Actions, Sectarian Violence and the Retreat of Secularism Ayodhya and its Consequences: Reappraising Minority Identity

Appendixes A. Distribution of Muslim population in India

B. C.

D. E.

The Divine Law Resolutions of the All-India Jamiyat-Ulama-i Islam conference, Calcutta, 31 October 1945 'What Does Secularism Mean?' 'Myths Relating to Minorities in India'

1 25 · 5~

100 134 166 223 253 298 329 341 344 346 348 352 368

Select Bibliography Index v

PREFACE AND ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This book is a historian's journey into India's agonising past and its postcolonial predicaments. I hope it will stimulate discussion on the country's partition and contribute to the debates in which scholars of South Asia are currently engaged about the future direction of Indian society. At a time when India celebrates its fiftieth anniversary of independence, the legacy of that historic and momentous event would surely be an important subject of scholarly engagement. It has not been easy for a historian to traverse the rough terrain of Indian politics in the post-independence decades. Many contemporary themes and issues were unfamiliar to me. Then, I found to my dismay, that government sources were not accessible and that primary data on the Muslim communities on the post-independence period were inadequate; yet a number of ill-founded theories were reflected in the growing volume of literature on Islam and India's Muslims. If I have overcome some of these hazards, it is owing to the unflagging support of several institutions and scholars. It is hard to list them all, but I am especially grateful to Aijaz Ahmad, Ramchandra Guha, Claudia Liebeskind, Ritu Menon, Joane Nagel and Achin Vanaik who scrutinised the manuscript at different stages and made invaluable suggestions. Francis Robinson offered me many constructive comments which have helped clarify and improve the presentation. I have also received much encouragement from V.N. Datta who read the final draft meticulously and made substantial stylistic changes. So did the publisher Christopher Hurst and his colleague Michael Dwyer. I thank them for preparing the groundwork for the publication of this book and for their patience and understanding. Many of the chapters of this book were presented in conferences or seminars at the Universities in Aurangabad, Calcutta, Chandigarb and Kurukshetra, and at the following institutions: Sahitya Akademy and Max Mueller Bhavan, Delhi; the Institute of Advanced Study, Berlin; the Rockefeller Foundation, Bellagio; the British Association for South Asian Studies, Cambridge; and the Asian History Congress held in Hong Kong. In December 1993 I lectured at Amherst College, Columbia University, the University of Michigan and the University of Pennsylvania. In February 1995, I was invited as an Associate Professor to lecture at the Centre d'Etudes de I'Inde et de I' Asie du Sud in Paris. As the 'South Asia Lecturer' for 1996 in Australia, I shared my work with colleagues in Perth,

vii

viii

Preface and Acknowledgements

Adelaide and Sydney, and at the Australian Asian Studies Conference in Melbourne. I have had many fruitful discussions at these places, though sadly not in my own University which I cannot enter for fear of violence and intimidation. That this can happen in the heart of India's capital does not seem to worry many people. Shauq tha jo yaar ke kuche hame layaa tha Mir Paon me taqat kahan itni ke ab ghar jaiye

This brings me to my harrowing experiences since 21 Aprill992 and to the enormous debt I owe to a number of colleagues and friends who have contributed to the making of this book. They rallied to my side when I was vilified, assaulted and eventually hounded out of the Jamia Millia Islamia because of my comment on the banning of the Satanic Verses. Some colleagues at the University faced the fundamentalist onslaught at great personal risk and were exemplary in their courage and tenacity. I appreciate the warm friendship and camaraderie of many others who have been concerned about me and my future in Jamia. I take this opportunity to express my gratitude and thanks to Rukun Advani, Aijaz Ahmad, Muzaffar Alam, Aziz Al-Azmeh, Rajendra Bajpai, Chris Bayly, Bharati Bhargava, Rajeev and Tani Bhargava, Sudeep Banerji, AmritaBasu, Arun Chacko, Kunal and Shubhra Chakrabarty, Raj Chandavarkar, Sudhir Chandra, Suranjan Das, Asghar Ali Engineer, Francine Frankel, Satish Jacob, Habeeb and Atiya Kidwai, Rajni Kothari, Dharma Kumar, D.A. Low, David Ludden, Barbara Metcalf, Gail Minault, Ranjit Nair, Ashis Nandy, A.G. Noorani, R.M. Pal, K.N. Panikkar, Prabhat and UtsaPatnaik, Imrana Qadeer, S.K. Rao, Rajat Ray, Kumkum Sangari, D.L. Sheth, Suresh Shukla, Amrik Singh, Sumit and Tanika Sarkar, Romila Thapar, Hari Vasudevan and Achin Vanaik. Organisations like Sehmat in Delhi, the Communist Party oflndia, and the Communist Party oflndia (Marxist) were consistently supportive; just a handful of political leaders, among them a scion of a once dominant family in Jamia, endorsed, organised and sustained the student protest. Fellow-historians throughout the country expressed solidarity, though my former teachers in the department of History at Aligarh's Muslim University, including some with radical pretensions, were not among them. It is fortunate that there were so few like them in the academic world. Saeed Naqvi and Arona Naqvi were kind, generous and indulgent. Saeed Bhai, with his characteristic enthusiasm, took up the cudgels on my behalf in his column and alienated many tall poppies in the establishment. I am specially grateful to Anuradha and Kamal Mitra Chenoy, Prabhat Patnaik, Praful Bidwai and Seema Mustafa for sharing my anxieties and mobilising opinion in my support. I greatly value their warm friendship. I appreciate the sympathy and understanding of South Asian scholars overseas, including Hamza Alavi, Milton Israel, Francis Robinson and

Preface and Acknowledgements

ix

Ashutosh Varshney, who expressed their views in writings. Hamza Alavi, for one, shared his anguish with two Marxist historians, one in Aligarh and the other in Calcutta. 'From what I know', he wrote on 26 April1995, 'the Jamia authorities seem to have proved incapable of taking a stand against the fundamentalists .... Rather they seem to have surrendered to them.... It is extraordinary that this should be happening in India which has taken such pride in its secularism.' He continued: 'I am inclined to think that this issue has gone far beyond that of a single individual academic having to sort out his problems privately with his own institution .... it has now become a wider issue, one of principle that should concern the entire Indian academic community and indeed Indian society. What kind of society are you trying to build? Surely this is a test. As a Pakistani who has a long record of respect and friendship for his Indian colleagues I feel that I must personally do something to draw your attention to this outrageous situation.' Newspaper editors-Mohan Chiraghi, Vinod Mehta and Dileep Padgaonkar-allowed the 'Jamia affair' to be covered extensively and underlined the climate of intolerance on the campus. 'The issue', as one of them pointed out, 'is no longer personal. The question today is much larger. What kind of society do we want to live in? A society where the individual's thought-process is controlled by a handful of self-appointed guardians of public morality, or a genuinely democratic society which guarantees every individual the right to free speech?' Many others commented on the unedifying spectacle of a leading Congress Muslim politician using the Satanic Verses issue, and the forces of religious intolerance it was bound to release, as a means both to regain leverage in the affairs of the Jamia and to bring to heel, perhaps to bring down, somebody like me who was expected to sweep away old lines of patronage and old cosy (corrupt) habits and endeavour to modernise the University. As my innings on the unfriendly Jamia turf comes to a close, I wish to acknowledge their solidarity which has been a great source of strength and acted as a stimulus to writing this book. My greatest debt, personally and intellectually, is to Zoya, who has been an active partner in my intellectual life for nearly two decades. She worked her way through the Jamia crisis with poise and dignity. Her energy and optimism fortified my confidence and enabled me to withstand an ill-advised campaign. My situation in Jamia may not change, but we are comforted by the electorate's better judgement in not electing them to parliament in the recent elections, including a Congress Muslim politician who was caught with dirty hands in the agitation. This book is dedicated to the late Anwar Jamal Kidwai, a man committed to liberal and secular values and imbued with the zeal to reform, change and modernise Muslim society and education, and to Ravinder Kumar, Director of the Nehru Memorial Museum and Library in New

Preface and Acknowledgements

X

change and modernise Muslim society and education, and to Ravinder Kumar, Director of the Nehru Memorial Museum and Library in New Delhi, for his interest in this work and for his advice and support on many personal and scholarly matters. It would embarrass him if I were to detail his numerous acts of kindness and generosity towards me.

Likhte rahe junoon ki hikayaat-i khun chekaan Harchand is mein haath hamare qalam hue It would be intellectually satisfying if, in some ways, this book is regarded as a personal manifesto, a statement through the history of partition and its aftermath, of the values which India's Muslims should cherish, of the national priorities they should promote.

Aye dil tamaam nafa hai sauda-i ishq me Ek jaan ka ziyaan hai so aisa ziyaan nahin September 1996

M.H.

Publisher's Note On 31 October 1996, while this book was in print, the unexpected happened. Amid heavy police deployment and protests from a section among the students, Professor Hasan entered his University for the first time in four-and-a-half years. Delhi's Indian Express commented the next day: 'It was the end of a long journey for Mushirul Hasan - a journey that traversed an almost surreal landscape of slander, physical attack, misrepresentation, and relentless politicking. [... ] For Hasan, four valuable years have been lost in a non-controversy. But it may just have been worth it if the message that emanates from the Jamia Millia Islamia episode is that scholarship cannot march to the beat of the mullah, just as art cannot dance to the music of the Bajrang Dal [aright-wing Hindu organisation].'

TABLES 1.1

1.2 3.1 3.2 3.3 4.1 4.2 4.3 4.4 4.5 6.1 6.2 6.3 6.4 8.1 8.2 8.3 8.4

Religions oflndia (1991 census) Distribution of Haj pilgrims by state Primary members, Primary Leagues and National Guards in Punjab, 1941 Primary members, Primary Leagues and National Guards in U.P., 1941 Primary members, Primary Leagues and National Guards in Bihar, 1941 Sind Provincial League, 1945 Progress of Muslim League in Central Provinces and Berar, 1937-43 Primary members and Muslim Leagues in Bombay Province, 1941 Muslim League members in Madras Presidency, 1938-41 Muslim League membership in U.P., 1940-111943-4 Migration between East Bengal and West Bengal, Assam and Tripura Employment of persons who opted for Pakistan and later applied to remain in India Migration from India to Pakistan, and vice versa, and evacuees' property Agricultural land left by Muslims in India and acceded states Jana Sangh/B.J.P. performance in Lok Sabha elections, 1952-1991 Legislative Assembly elections: Jana Sangh vote-share in contested constituences, 195112-1967 Number of communal incidents and persons killed and injured, 1954-1979 Extent of damage in certain major riots

2 4 89 90 91 105 107 108 109 110 170 178 180 181 255 255 259 261

xii 8.5

Tables

Distribution of persons by household type (urban) and household religion 8.6 Muslim share of public employment 8.7 Muslim share of private sector employment 8.8 Representation of Muslims in State Public Service Commission examinations 8.9 Urban education levels by household religion 8.10 Muslim representation in the Police Vote share of Jana Sangh/B.J.P. by state, 1952-1991 9.1 9.2 Party standing in elections to State Assemblies, 1993 9.3 Circulation of newspapers, 1958 9.4 Circulation pattern of Urdu newspapers, 1988 9.5 Number of newspapers, 1991

282 282 283 290 292 294 300 302 316 317 318

GLOSSARY ahl-i Hadith alim (plural ulama) anjuman ashraf auqaf azan biddat (bidah) biradari crore daral-harb dar al-lslam daral-ulum dargah fatwa ghazal hadith haramzadgi hazrat hijrat

Hindutva ijma

refers to a group preferring the authority of Prophetic tradition over that of a ruling by one of the schools of the Islamic jurisprudence. scholars, learned men, particularly in the religious sciences. an association, usually of Muslims. term usually used to describe those Muslims descended from immigrants in India; the Syeds (descendants of the Prophet) and Shaikhs (descendants of his Companions). see waqf(singular). the call to prayers. lit. 'innovation'; accretion to religious purity. community. ten million, written I0,00,00,00. 'the abode of war'; territory not under Islamic law. 'the abode of Islam', territory where Islamic law prevails. lit. 'the abode of Sciences', a Muslim theological seminary such as Firangi Mahal and Deoband. Muslim shrine or tomb of a holy person and an object of pilgrimage, e.g., Dargah-i Gharib Nawaz Muinuddin Chishti at Ajmer in Rajasthan. generally a written opinion on a point of Islamic law (see shariat) given by a mufti or an alim of standing. one of the three most important poetic forms, besides the qasida and masnavi. account of what the Prophet said or did, or of his tacit approval of something said or done in his presence. behaving like a haramzada, bastard. a title of extreme respect; expression of veneration, e.g., HazratAli. act of migration from persecution to safety; especially of the Prophet Mohammad from Mecca to Medina in AD 622, the starting point of the Islamic era; used frequently during the Pakistan movement. a contemporary right-wing movement of Hindu selfassertion, for Hindu rights and Hindu nationhood. 'agreement', 'consensus'; one of the bases (usul) of the Islamic religious law. xiii

xiv ijtehad

Glossary

lit. 'exerting oneself; technical term in Islamic law, first for the use of individual reasoning in general, and later, in a restricted meaning, for the use of the method of reasoning by analogy (qiyas). ilm 'knowledge'. imam 'leader', especially prayer-leader in the mosque; used by the Shias (see Shia) for the twelve 'successors' of Prophet Mohammad starting from Ali, cousin and son-in-law of the Prophet. imambara lit. 'house of the Imam'; place where tazias are kept to mourn the martyrdom of Hazrat Imam Husain, e.g., the great Asaf-ud Daulah's Jmambara in Lucknow. jamaat body, group, e.g., Jamaat-i lslami; a congregation for prayers. jehad (jihad) 'an effort' or 'a striving', a religious war undertaken by Muslims against the unbelievers. kafir a non-Muslim; one who practices /aifr, infidelity. Muslim atte~tation of faith in the Unity of God and the kalima finality of Mohammad's Prophethood. the site in Iraq where Husain was martyred. Karbala karkhandar artisan. a successor; a lieutenant; a viceregent or deputy. khalifa the preacher, or reader of the sermon in congregational khatib prayers. the sermon or oration delivered at the time of congrekhutba gational prayers. lakh unit of one hundred thousand, written 10,00,00. madarsa (madrasah) a secondary school or college for Muslims (plural madaris). majlis assembly, organisation, e.g., Majlis-i Mushawarat; a body, e.g., Majlis-i lttehadul-Muslimeen. school for teaching children the elements of reading, maktab writing and Quranic recitation. (plural makatib) a mosque, a place of worship (namaz). masjid term generally used for a Muslim doctor of law; a maulana professor; a learned man. from maula, a lord or master; generally used for a learned maulvi (maulav1) man. religious community, especially community of Islam millat (millat-i Jslamia). unclean, applied to non-Hindus by the Hindus. mlecchas quarter of a city. mohalla first month of the Muslim lunar calendar, the month in Muha"am which Husain was assassinated. theologian, scholar; usually denotes a person attached to mulla a mosque.

Glossary pir qasbah qaum rais rathyatra sajjada-nashin sangathan sangh parivar shariat Shia shuddhi silsilah Sunni Syed (saiyid) tabligh taqlid tazia ulama (singular alim) ummat urs

waqf

XV

a Sufi master on the mystical path; also known as murshid. town, e.g., Rudauli in Barabanki district. used in Urdu to mean community or nation, according to context. an Indian of respectable position. a chariot procession led by the BJP leader, L.K. Advani, in September-October 1990 traversing several states. successor to the leadership of a pir and custodian of a sufi shrine. a movement aimed at unity and the knowledge of selfdefence among Hindus. the term, 'the RSS family', is its own coinage. the Islamic Law, including both the teachings of the Quran and of the traditional sayings of Prophet Mohammad. 'followers', the followers of Ali, the first cousin of the Prophet and the husband of his daughter Fatima. 'purification', reconversion to Hinduism of those who embraced other faiths. literally 'a chain', chain of spiritual descent, a Sufi order. 'one who follows the trodden path'; applied to the largest sect of Muslims who acknowledge the first four Khalifa (Khulafa) as the rightful successors to the Prophet. descendant of Prophet Mohammad, especially a descendant of Imam Husain. the Muslim conversion movement, e.g., Tablighi Jamaat. lit. "winding round" in the sense of blind acceptance of the shariat. lath and paper models of the tombs of Imam Husain and his family carried in procession during Muharram. commonly applied to Muslim doctors in Islamic law and theology. community, people, nation, i.e., Ummat-i lslamia or Ummat-i Mohammadi.

'wedding', term frequently used in India for the festival commemorating the death of a saint. term signifying the appropriation or dedication of property to charitable uses and the service of God.

1 INTRODUCTION At a party held during the United Nations session in 1949, the Turkish representative looked at the name card of Mohammad Mujeeb, the vicechancellor of Delhi's Jamia Millia Islamia, saw he was a Muslim, and at once asked: 'Are there still any Muslims in India?' 1 Readers in the mid-1990s need no reminding that India has one of the largest Muslim populations in the world, 110 million, smaller only than that of Indonesia (Table 1.1).2 The landscape from Kashmir to Kanyakumari is dotted with mosques, sufi shrines, makatib and madaris. The call for prayer goes out not just in Delhi, Agra, Lucknow, Jaunpur, Bhopal and Hyderabad, the traditional centres of Muslim power in medieval India, but also in remote towns and villages. In Kerala alone there are at least 5,350 mosques, representing approximately one mosque for every 500 Muslims. 3 Tabligh work, conducted under the aegis of the Tablighi Jamaat, goes on unhampered as the inspired activists move from place to place spreading the message of Allah and extolling the virtues of namaz, or daily prayers. Huge gatherings, like that at Tonk (Rajasthan) in 1992, are organised each year. 4 The flow of pilgrims to Mecca and Medina24,227 in 1990- continues unabated. They come from all parts of the country- from the heights ofLeh in Ladakh to the predominantly Muslim islands in the Indian Ocean (Table 1.2). It is also not necessary to remind our readers that Muslim ritvals, symbols and institutions remain intact despite India's partition and the interMohammad Mujeeb, Islamic Influence on Indian Society (Meerut: Meenaskshi 1972), p. 193. 2 For the all-India spread of the Muslim population, see Rasheeduddin Khan, Bewildered India: Identity, Pluralism, Discord (Delhi: Har-Anand, 1994), pp. 93-5. For city and some districtwise figures, see Aijazuddin Ahmad, Muslims in India, 1990-93, vol. 1: Bihar, vol. 2: Rajasthan, vol. 3: Delhi (Delhi: Inter-India Publications, in process of publication). 3 Ronald E. Miller, Mapilla Muslims of Kerala (Hyderabad: Orient Longman, 1992 rev. edn), p. 232. For Bengal see Richard M. Eaton, The Rise of Islam and the Bengal Frontier 1204-1760 (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1993), chapter 9. 4 Shail Mayaram, 'The Indian National Congress and the Ulama', Iqbal Narain (ed.), Secularism in India (Jaipur: Classic Publishing House, 1995), p. 136. 1

Praka.~han,

89.14

67.53

37.04

67.13

82.42

75.84

95.48

83.67

64.68

89.48

89.21

95.90

85.45

57.28 4.52

92.80

81.12

66,508,008

280,661

864,558

22,414,322

86,374,465

642,015

138,477

9,420,644

1,169,793

41,309,582

16,463,648

5,170,877

44,977,201

29,098,518

51,707

66,181,170

78,937,187

Andaman & Nicobar Islands

Arunachal Pradesh

Assam

Bihar

Chandigarh

Dadra & Nagar Haveli

Delhi

Goa, Daman & Diu

Gujarat

Haryana

Himachal Pradesh

Kamataka

Kerala

Madhya Pradesh

Maharashtra

Lakshadweep

Andhra Pradesh

9.67

4.96

94.31

23.33

11.64

1.72

4.64

8.73

5.25

9.44

2.41

2.72

14.8

28.43

1.38

7.61

8.91

11.67

82.41

838,583,988

lndis

Muslims

Hindus

Total population

1.12

0.65

1.16

19.32

1.91

0.09

0.10

0.44

29.86

0.88

1.51

0.99

-

3.32

10.29

23.95

1.83

2.32

Christians

-

0.21

0.24

0.01

0.02

1.01

5.81

0.08

0.09

4.84

0.01

20.29

0.98

.07

0.14

0.48

0.03

1.99

Sikhs

6.39

0.33

-

-

0.16

1.24

0.01

0.03

0.02

0.15

0.15

0.11

0.09

.29

-

1.22

0.74

0.01

0.73

0.20

0.21

1.19

0.04

1.00

0.38

0.24

-

.09

0.01 0.01

0.11

0.04

0.41

Jains

12.88

0.03

0.77

Buddhists

Table l.l. REUGIONS OF INDIA (1991 CENSUS)

0.13

0.09

0.01

0.01

-

0.03

1.67

0.01

20.59

0.01

0.03

.62

36.22

0.09

n.a.

0.38

Other

-

0.14

0.19

0.01

0.04

0.08

0.02

0.02

0.02

0.01

-

0.01

1.67

0.4

2.04

0.22

0.02

0.05

Religion not stilted

::s

~0

~

~

~·

t::J

s::l

~

s::l

~

£"

t-:1

14.67 5.05 10.12 94.67

1,774,778

689,756

1,209,546

31,659,736

Meghalaya

Mizoram

Nagaland

34.46 89.08 68.37 88.67 86.50 81.74 74.72

20,281,969

44,005,990

406,457

55,858,946

2,757,205

139,112,287

68,077,965

Punjab

Rajasthan

Uttar Pradesh

West Bengal

23.61

17.33

7.13

5.47

0.95

8.01

1.18

6.54

1.83

1.71

0.66

3.46

7.27

0.56

0.14

1.68

5.69

3.30

0.11

1.11

7.23

0.08

0.48

0.03

.0.01

0.09

1.48

62.95

-

0.06 0.05

2.10

0.04

87.47

0.15

85.73

0.07

64.58

34.11

Source: Census of India 1991, series- I, India, paper I of 1995: Religion, pp. xii-xxiii.

Tripura

Tami!Nadu

Sikkim

86.16

807,785

Pondicherry

Orissa

57.67

1,837,149

Manipur 0.27 0.48

0.10

7.83 0.05

0.16 0.30

0.05

0.13

0.01

4.67

0.12

27.15

1.28

0.10

0.06

0.01

0.01

0.12

0.01

0.03

0.67

O.ot

-

0.01

0.09

-

O.ot

1.26

16.82

0.02

0.16

0.02

0.77

0.07

0.04

0.01

0.01

-

0.03

0.04

0.03

0.07

0.04

0.01

0.42

0.14

w

;::s

2l

§isiiQtar,Jinsla~yQnlUP in the counlry. The BJP is (Illy appealing fllr a~ hllln8t in fNfl'/ sei1Se of the leml, and tte resl0131ial altair '.reabrerC ~ al. The BJP iS I'IIX1estt{ camU!td. and will 'Mlfk with all the resoorces a1 its COOII8Id lo PfiSIM the lllitt and integrity ollndia. And to ntR lhallhis cruty ~ bv.ard to a prO!)ressi'