Language Maintenance, Revival and Shift in the Sociology of Religion 9781788926676

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Language Maintenance, ­Revival and Shift in the ­Sociology of Religion

Full details of all our publications can be found on http://www.multilingualmatters.com, or by writing to Multilingual Matters, St Nicholas House, 31-34 High Street, Bristol BS1 2AW, UK.

Language Maintenance, Revival and Shift in the Sociology of Religion Edited by Rajeshwari Vijay Pandharipande, Maya Khemlani David and Miriam Eisenstein Ebsworth

MULTILINGUAL MATTERS Bristol • Blue Ridge Summit

DOI https://doi.org/10.21832/PANDHA6669 Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data A catalog record for this book is available from the Library of Congress. Names: Pandharipande, Rajeshwari, editor. Title: Language Maintenance, Revival and Shift in the Sociology of Religion/Edited by Rajeshwari Vijay Pandharipande, Maya Khemlani David, and Miriam Eisenstein Ebsworth. Description: Blue Ridge Summit: Multilingual Matters, 2019. | Includes bibliographical references and index. | Summary: ‘This volume addresses the question “What role does religion play in the maintenance, revival and/or shift, of languages?” It explores the complex and dynamic relationship between religion and the maintenance, revival and/or shift of languages in diverse multilingual multicultural contexts and sociopolitical conditions at different points in time’ – Provided by publisher. Identifiers: LCCN 2019029577 (print) | LCCN 2019029578 (ebook) | ISBN 9781788926652 (paperback) | ISBN 9781788926669 (hardback) | ISBN 9781788926676 (pdf) | ISBN 9781788926683 (epub) | ISBN 9781788926690 (kindle edition) Subjects: LCSH: Religion and sociology. Classification: LCC BL60 .L3255 2019 (print) | LCC BL60 (ebook) | DDC 306.44 – dc23 LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2019029577 LC ebook record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2019029578 British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue entry for this book is available from the British Library.

ISBN-13: 978-1-78892-666-9 (hbk) ISBN-13: 978-1-78892-665-2 (pbk) Multilingual Matters UK: St Nicholas House, 31-34 High Street, Bristol BS1 2AW, UK. USA: NBN, Blue Ridge Summit, PA, USA. Website: www.multilingual-matters.com Twitter: Multi_Ling_Mat Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/multilingualmatters Blog: www.channelviewpublications.wordpress.com Copyright © 2020 Rajeshwari Vijay Pandharipande, Maya Khemlani David, Miriam Eisenstein Ebsworth and the authors of individual chapters. All rights reserved. No part of this work may be reproduced in any form or by any means without permission in writing from the publisher. The policy of Multilingual Matters/Channel View Publications is to use papers that are natural, renewable and recyclable products, made from wood grown in sustainable forests. In the manufacturing process of our books, and to further support our policy, preference is given to printers that have FSC and PEFC Chain of Custody certification. The FSC and/or PEFC logos will appear on those books where full certification has been granted to the printer concerned. Typeset by Riverside Publishing Solutions Printed and bound in the UK by the CPI Books Group Ltd. Printed and bound in the US by NBN.

In memory of two great scholars: With gratitude and affection, we recognize their contribution to ­sociolinguistics, the language of religion, and to our lives. We will always remember them. Prof. ‘Tope (Sky) Omoniyi We give because we received so much from you – gratitude and respect. Aafun yin nitori pe eyin naa ti fun wa lopolopo – e seun adupe a o koyan yin kere. (Yoruba) and Prof. Joshua A. (Shikl) Fishman With love, respect, and heartfelt thanks for all you have given us. ‫דעם ליכטיקן ָאנדענק ֿפון ּפרָאֿפ' שיקל ֿפישמַאן‬ ‫מיט ליבשַאֿפט און אויֿפריכטיקן דַאנק‬ .‫פַאר ַאלץ ווָאס ער הָאט אונדז געגעבן‬ (Yiddish)

Contents

Contributors

ix

1 Introduction Rajeshwari V. Pandharipande, Maya Khemlani David and Miriam Eisenstein Ebsworth

1

2 The Decline of the Vernacular in the Chinese Religion in Singapore Phyllis Ghim-Lian Chew

19

3 Singing in My Language(s): How Religious Verse and Song Contribute to Minority Language Maintenance Andrey Rosowsky

33

4 The Role of Islam in the Language Maintenance of the Malay Muslims in Singapore Yurni Said-Sirhan

51

5 The Role of Religion in Written Language Maintenance and Shift in Uganda George Ladaah Openjuru

70

6 Faith and Language Maintenance in Transnational Places of Worship: Brazilian Christian Settings in London Ana Souza

81

7 Language Shift but Religious and Cultural Maintenance: A Study of the Punjabi Sikh Community in Petaling Jaya, Selangor, Malaysia Sheena Kaur and Maya Khemlani David 8 Does Religion Promote as well as Retard Language Maintenance in a Multilingual Context? Evidence from Hinduism and Buddhism Rajeshwari V. Pandharipande

vii

98

114

viii Contents

9 Religion and Education in the Preservation of Hebrew and Other Jewish Language Varieties Bernard Spolsky 10 The Role of the Islamic Movement in Maintaining Standard Arabic in Israel Muhammad Amara 11 Development of Hebrew/English Biliteracy in a Jewish Day School: Issues of Language and Identity Miriam Eisenstein Ebsworth, Scott J. Goldberg and Tristin Wildstein 12 Islamic Religious Education, Identity and the Arabic Language Among University Students in Southwestern Nigeria Oladipo Salami

127

138

148

170

13 Religion and Algerian Languages in the Education System Hind Amel Mostari

184

14 Epilogue James McLellan

197

Index

201

Contributors

Muhammad Amara is the head of Graduate Studies at Beit Berl Academic College, co-chair of Sikkuy: The Association for the Advancement of Civic Equality, and the president of the Israeli Society for the Study of Language and Society. His academic interests include language education, language policy, sociolinguistics, language and politics, collective identities, and the Arab–Jewish divide in Israel. His publications include: Politics and Sociolinguistic Reflexes: Palestinian Border Villages (John Benjamins 1999), Language Education Policy: The Arab Minority in Israel (Kluwer Academic Publishing 2002), the co-edited book (with Abd Al-Rahman Mar’i) Language and Identity in Israel (Ramallah: The Palestinian Forum for Israeli Studies, MADAR 2002), Languages in Conflict: A Study of Linguistic Terms in the Arab–Israeli Conflict (with Abd Al-Rahman Mar’i) (Dar Al-Huda and Dar Al-Fiker 2008), and Arabic in Israel: Language, Identity and Conflict (Routledge 2018). email: [email protected] Phyllis Ghim-Lian Chew is a professor at the Department of English Language and Literature, National Institute of Education, Nanyang Technological University. She was Fulbright Visiting Professor at Harvard University in 2010 as well as Leverhulme Visiting Professor to the UK in 2012. She has served on various ministerial committees addressing language and education issues in Singapore and has been advisory board member of international research journals such as Teaching Education, Asia Tefl and Gendering Asia. She is the project advisor for Instep, the textbook and audio-visual series used in Singapore schools. Her academic publications include Emergent Lingua Franca (Routledge 2009), A Sociolinguistic History of Early Identities (Palgrave 2013) and Muslim Education in the 2lst Century: Asian Perspectives (Routledge 2014). email: [email protected] Maya Khemlani David is Adjunct Professor, Jaipuria Institute of Management, Lucknow, India and Research Associate in the Asia Europe Institute, University of Malaya, Malaysia. Prof. David has conducted a number of studies of minority ethnic communities, focusing on the maintenance or shift of their respective heritage languages. For her work on this she was awarded the Linguapax Prize in 2007 (see https://ipfs.io/ipfs/ ix

x Contributors

QmXoypizjW3WknFiJnKLwHCnL72vedxjQkDDP1mXWo6uco/wiki/ Linguapax_Prize.html), following in the footsteps of esteemed sociolinguist Professor Joshua Fishman. Maya is also an honorary member of the Foundation of Endangered Languages. Her publications include inter alia The Sindhis of Malaysia: A Sociolinguistic Account (ASEAN 2001), Methodological and Analytical Issues in Language Maintenance and Language Shift (Peter Lang 2002) and Language Choices and Discourse of Malaysian Families: Case Studies of Families in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia (Strategic International and Research Development 2006). email: [email protected] Miriam Eisenstein Ebsworth, PhD, directed the PhD programmes in Multilingual Multicultural Studies at New York University, Steinhardt through summer 2019. Her research includes sociolinguistic aspects of second-language acquisition, intercultural pragmatics, heritage language study, technology-enhanced language learning, and second-language writing. Dr Ebsworth previously taught at Rutgers University in New Jersey, and has taught classes on ESL research and pedagogy at NYU since 1979. She chairs the NABE Bilingual Research and Evaluation SIG Advisory Panel and is recipient of the Bilingual Teacher of the Year Award from NYSABE as well as teaching awards from NYSTESOL and NYU Steinhardt. She has worked as a consultant for the United National Language Programme and helped develop the online site Actionthroughwords: Learning English While Learning About the UN. Dr Ebsworth is research editor of Writing and Pedagogy, serves on the Bilingual Research Journal editorial board and is featured in the film The 3 Rs. email: [email protected] Scott J. Goldberg is a teacher, consultant, and researcher in a variety of areas including multilingual literacy development and assessment, human and organizational behaviour, systems of support for students, religious/ spiritual development, and the connection between learning disabilities and behaviour problems. Scott is the author of MaDYK (Mivchan Dinami shel Y’cholot Kriah), used in Jewish day schools to assess and monitor Hebrew literacy development. Scott is Associate Professor at Azrieli Graduate School of Education, Yeshiva University where he was Vice Provost from 2013–2016 and inaugural director of the YU School Partnership from 2007–2013, the arm of the university that he envisioned to advance the field of Jewish education through partnership with educators, lay leaders, and schools. Scott holds a PhD in Applied Psychology from New York University, an MSEd. in Special Education from Bank Street College of Education, and a BA in Jewish Studies from the University of Chicago. email: [email protected] Sheena Kaur has been teaching English as a second and foreign language for over 20 years. She is Senior Lecturer at the English Language Department,

Contributors xi

Faculty of Languages and Linguistics, University of Malaya. She is also currently attached to the International Relations Office as a deputy director. She earned a PhD in Linguistics from Lancaster University, UK in the area of Corpus Linguistics. Her research interests include the application of corpus in culture and gender, sociolinguistics, second-language learning, computer technology, internationalization of higher education and community engagement. She has produced several publications and presented at various international conferences within her research interests. She has also conducted several workshops on Communicative and Business English at the workplace, as well as the use of corpus tools in linguistics analysis. She has received several excellent service awards and certificates for her contribution to the university. email: [email protected] James McLellan is Senior Assistant Professor in English Language and Linguistics at the University of Brunei Darussalam. He has also taught at secondary and tertiary levels in Brunei, the UK, France, Malaysia, Australia and Aotearoa (New Zealand). He received his PhD from Curtin University of Technology, Australia. His research areas include language alternation, multilingual education, Southeast Asian Englishes, Borneo indigenous languages, language policy and planning in education, and doctor–patient communication in Brunei. Dr McLellan has authored numerous research articles and texts. He is co-editor of The Use and Status of Language in Brunei Darussalam: A Kingdom of Unexpected Linguistic Diversity (Springer 2016) and Codeswitching in University English-Medium Classes: Asian Perspectives (Multilingual Matters 2014). His current research pro­ jects include, doctor–patient communication in Brunei outpatient clinics, and language choice and interaction patterns across Borneo and Mindanao. Hind Amel Mostari is Full Professor of Linguistics and Language Dynamics at the Department of English – Faculty of Letters, Languages and Arts, Djillali Liabés University of Sidi Bel Abés (Algeria). Her research areas are: language contact phenomena, bi/multilingualism, sociolinguistic and grammatical approaches to code-switching, psycholinguistics, language policy and language planning in Algeria and the Arab world, pragmatics, didactics and teaching/learning English as a foreign language. Prof. Mostari is originator and project manager of the Master’s in Linguistics at the Department of English, Djillali Liabés University. She is also a reviewer and member of many editorial boards at national and international levels. email: [email protected] George Ladaah Openjuru is Professor of Education and Vice Chancellor of Gulu University. He was formerly Dean of the School of Distance and Lifelong Learning, College of Education and External Studies Makerere University, and Head of the Department of Community Education and Extra-Mural Studies, Institute of Adult and Continuing Education. He was also Associate Professor of Adult and Community Education, Makerere

xii Contributors

University. He holds a PhD in Adult Education from the University of KwaZulu-Natal. He is currently Chairperson of the Uganda Adult Education Network (UGAADEN), a network of adult education organizations and individuals in Uganda. His areas of research are adult literacy, lifelong learning, higher education, community-based action research, community university engagement, indigenous knowledge and knowledge democracy. He is a partner in the UNESCO Chair in Community Based Research and Social Responsibility in Higher Education and coordinator of the UNESCO Chair in Youth Education and Work. email: [email protected]

Rajeshwari V. Pandharipande is Professor Emerita of Linguistics, Religion, Sanskrit, Comparative Literature, Asian American Studies, and Campus Honors Program, at the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, US, and a permanent member of the South Asia Committee, University of Chicago. Professor Pandharipande holds two PhD degrees, one in Sanskrit Literature and Religion from India and the other in Linguistics from the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, US. Her research and teaching primarily focus on syntax, sociolinguistics and literature of South Asian Languages (Sanskrit, Hindi and Marathi), Hinduism in India and Diaspora, Asian mythology, and language of religion. She has authored five texts, including a grammar book entitled Marathi (Routledge 2011), edited three books, and published over 80 research papers/book chapters. She is recipient of the Chancellor’s Award for Outstanding Undergraduate Teaching. She holds the prestigious award with the permanent title ‘University Distinguished Teacher/Scholar’ at the UIUC for her outstanding record of teaching and research. email: [email protected] Andrey Rosowsky is Senior Lecturer in the School of Education at the University of Sheffield. His research explores literacy and language practices of faith-based supplementary schools. He has an interest in Quranic literacy and its relationship to notions of performance, and how poetry and song in heritage languages and English are instrumental in reviving both religious and linguistic practices. He recently led an Arts and Humanities Research Council international interdisciplinary research project on performance and religious practice entitled ‘Heavenly Acts – aspects of performance through an interdisciplinary lens’. He is the author of Heavenly Readings: Liturgical Literacy in a Multilingual Context (Multilingual Matters 2008) and editor of Faith and Language Practices in Digital Spaces (Multilingual Matters 2018) and of Aspects of Performance in Faith Settings – Heavenly Acts (Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2019). email: [email protected] Yurni Said-Sirhan received her PhD in Linguistics from the National University of Singapore (NUS) in 2015. She was an NUS research scholar

Contributors xiii

during her PhD candidature. With more than 15 years of teaching experience, she is at present Adjunct Lecturer in Critical Thinking and Communications Skills at the School of Life Skills and Communication, Singapore Polytechnic, as well as Part-Time Tutor at the Centre for English Language Communication, National University of Singapore. Born and raised in multicultural Singapore, Yurni has always been intrigued by the intricacies of spoken interactions she observes around her. Her interest in sociolinguistics, specifically in the areas of identity performance, as well as language policy and maintenance, fuelled her PhD research on the Singaporean Malay Muslim identity construction in cosmopolitan Singapore, leading to her current work in the area of sociology of ­language and religion. Her other interests include education as well as language and social inequality. email: [email protected] Lasisi Oladipo Salami, DPhil in Linguistics (University of Sussex, Brighton, UK), is Professor in the Department of English, Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife, Nigeria. Specializing in sociolinguistics, his teaching and research interests include phonetics/phonology, language variation and change, ethnography of speaking, bilingualism and bilingual education, discourse analysis, psycholinguistics (language disorders), language policy and planning and the sociology of language and religion. His publications have appeared in the journals Language in Society; Anthropological Linguistics; Journal of Asian and African Studies; SKASE: Journal of Theoretical Linguistics; LinguistikOnline; International Journal of Language, Culture and Society; Language Policy and Journal of Language, Identity and Education; and in works including Faith and Language Practices in Digital Spaces (Multilingual Matters 2018) and Explorations in the Sociology of Language and Religion (John Benjamins 2006). He is a member of the Network of the Study of the Sociology of Language and Religion and of the Research Network on Language and Literacy in Africa and the Diaspora. email: [email protected] Ana Souza is Visiting Professor at the University of Brasília (Brazil) and Visiting Academic (Honorary) at Oxford Brookes University (UK). Ana’s research interests include bilingualism, language and identity, language choices, language planning in families and migrant churches, community language schools, the teaching of Portuguese as a community/heritage language and language teacher education. Ana is a member of the SLR network and has published on language and religion in the International Journal of Multilingualism, Current Issues in Language Planning and Tilburg Papers in Culture Studies journals as well as in edited books, namely Rosowsky’s Faith and Language Practices in Digital Spaces (Multilingual Matters 2018), Lytra et al.’s Navigating Languages, Literacies and Identities: Religion in Young Lives (Taylor and Francis 2016), Preece’s The Routledge Handbook of Language and Identity (Routledge

xiv Contributors

2016) and Mallows’ Language Issues in Migration and Integration: Perspectives from Teachers and Learners (British Council 2014). For more information about Ana’s work, visit http://souzaana.wordpress.com. email: [email protected] Bernard Spolsky was born in New Zealand in 1932 and educated at the University of New Zealand (BA and MA in English); he earned a PhD in Linguistics at the Université de Montréal. He taught at universities in Israel, Canada and the United States and retired from Bar-Ilan University as Professor Emeritus in 2000. He founded and edited two journals: Applied Linguistics and Language Policy. His books include The Languages of Jerusalem (Clarendon 1991), Concise Encyclopedia of Educational Linguistics (Elsevier 2000), The Languages of Israel (Multilingual Matters 1999), Language Policy (Cambridge University Press 2010), Language Management (Cambridge University Press 2009), Handbook of Language Policy (Cambridge University Press 2018) and The Languages of the Jews (Cambridge University Press 2014), and he has published over 200 articles. He received a Guggenheim Fellowship, a Mellon Fellowship, a Charles Ferguson Fellowship and an Honorary Doctorate in Literature in 2009. He is Honorary Research Fellow at the University of South Africa, and Fellow of the Linguistic Society of America and the Linguistic Society of India. email: [email protected] Tristin Wildstein, PhD is Director of the New York City Teaching Fellows Program at The City College of New York, where she works with fellows earning their master’s degrees in Bilingual Childhood Education, Teaching English as a Second Language (TESOL), Secondary Spanish Education, Bilingual Special Education, and Secondary Special Education. Dr Wildstein is also Adjunct Assistant Professor for the Programs in Bilingual Education and TESOL at CCNY, working primarily with ­candidates who have just entered the classroom as lead teachers of record in high needs schools in the New York City Department of Education. Her research interests include heritage languages, Hebrew; language teaching and learning, and private and public dual language programmes. email: [email protected]

1 Introduction1 Rajeshwari V. Pandharipande, Maya Khemlani David and Miriam Eisenstein Ebsworth

The Origin and Evolution of the Current Volume

This book is the outcome of the work of many and it has traveled through an unusual terrain before arriving at this point. It is important to note the path it has taken from its conceptualization to completion. This is the third volume in the series on the Sociology of Language of Religion (SLR). The first volume, entitled Explorations in the Sociology of Language and Religion, was co-edited by Tope Omoniyi and Joshua Fishman and was the first in-depth exploration of the language of r­ eligion within the framework of sociology. In his ‘Decalogue’, Fishman (2006: 14–25) p ­ resented theoretical perspectives on the language of religion as a variety of a language separate from its non-religious counterpart. He identified some salient features of the language of religion such as: (a) the language of religion functions within a multilingual multi-varietal repertoire, (b) the degree of variation between religious and non-religious language varies from one socio-culture to the other, (c) religious language varieties are more stable than others and impact their secular counterparts to a greater degree than the latter do to the former, (d) socio-cultural change impacts religion, religious language and the sociolinguistic repertoire, (e) new religious languages are sanctified and introduced, and two or more religious varieties can co-exist in a speech community and (f) religious languages serve as a counterweight to modernization and ­language planning. The second volume, The Sociology of Language and Religion: Change, Conflict and Accommodation (2010), edited by Tope Omoniyi, emphasizes one of the prominent features of the language of religion: namely, the dynamic, complex and changing relationship between language and religion across time and space and the issues related to the adaptation, accommodation and authentication of the change. This volume on Language Maintenance, Revival and Shift in the Sociology of Religion was originally conceptualized by Joshua Fishman and Tope Omoniyi after the conference on ‘Religion and Religious Education in Language Maintenance and Revitalization’, which was jointly sponsored

1

2  Language Maintenance, Revival and Shift in the Sociology of Religion

by Tope Omoniyi of the Centre for Research in English Language and Linguistics (CRELL); the Department of Media, Culture and Language, University of Roehampton, London; and Miriam Eisenstein Ebsworth of New York University, Steinhardt, Department of Teaching & Learning, Programs in Multilingual Multicultural Studies, in honor of Dr Fishman. The chapters in this volume are studies which carry the underpinnings of one or more of Fishman’s above postulates of the language of religion in the context of diverse religions in various countries and settings. After the unfortunate demise of Joshua Fishman in 2015, Tope Omoniyi took on the responsibility of putting together the volume. However, his untimely illness prevented him from completing the project. Tope passed on in 2017. We (Rajeshwari Pandharipande, Maya Khemlani David and Miriam Eisenstein Ebsworth) promised Tope that we would continue to work on the project and finish what he had started. This volume is a tribute to the late Joshua Fishman and Tope Omoniyi, the two great minds, dedicated scholars, dear colleagues and friends, whose infectious enthusiasm provided inspiration to further explore the field of the Sociology of Language and Religion. We, the editors of this volume and the contributors, are pleased to dedicate this book to the memories of Professor Joshua Fishman and Professor Tope Omoniyi as a sincere acknowledgement of their contribution and commitment to the field and the inspiration they provided to scholars to further explore new dimensions of the phenomena of the language of religion. Our goal is to investigate the role of religion in the maintenance, revival and/or shift of languages in different parts of the world. The chapters examine the relationship between language and religion and attempt to answer the question ‘What role does religion play in the maintenance, revival and/or shift of a language in diverse countries, religions and languages?’ The 12 chapters in this volume cover data from Algeria, India, Israel, Malaysia, Nigeria, Singapore, the UK, the US and Uganda and discuss the impact of context, ideology, identity and education on the following religions: Buddhism, Christianity, Hinduism, Islam, Judaism, Sikhism and some religions closely associated with China such as Confucianism and Taoism, and their associated languages and varieties of language in these regions. The languages discussed by the writers in this volume include inter alia Arabic, English, Hebrew, Malay, Mandarin, Portuguese, Punjabi, Pali, Sanskrit, Tamazight and Yoruba. We utilize a multi-disciplinary approach to the study of language maintenance (LM), language revival or revitalization (LR) and language shift (LS). The authors draw insights from diverse disciplines such as socio­ linguistics, religious studies, sociology, ethnography and education. Van Noppen (1981: 2), who introduced the term theolinguistics, claimed, ‘A credible theolinguistics can only grow out of the various disciplines’ mutual awareness of each other’s methods and standards … the theologian should not work with obsolete conceptions of language, nor the linguist hold

Introduction 3

naïve or fallacious views of theology; and neither should build his arguments on unstable philosophical premises.’ Crystal (2018: 3) points out, ‘In the sixth edition of my Dictionary of Linguistics and Phonetics (Crystal, 2008) you will see an entry as follows, “theolinguistics” (n.) A term which has been used for the study of the relationship between language and religious thought and practice, as illustrated by ritual, sacred texts, preaching, doctrinal statements and private affirmations of belief.’ The term theolinguistics captures the double-rootedness of religious language. Its form and function are influenced by religion and society. Therefore, a complete understanding of religious language requires its analysis from diverse disciplinary perspectives. The research presented in the chapters here provides evidence to support this claim, as they show the need to incorporate concepts from different disciplines to fully understand the form and function of religious language and its relationship with religion. Earlier Work on Language Maintenance, Revival and Shift, and the Need for the Volume

Even a cursory look at the work on language maintenance, revival and shift reveals the relative absence of research on the role of religion in maintenance, shift and revival of languages. Within the paradigms of sociolinguistics and sociology, a large number of studies (both theoretical and empirical) have discussed the phenomena of language maintenance, shift, language death and revitalization (Coulmas, 1997; Crystal, 2000; Dorian, 1981, 1992; Edwards, 1992; Fase et al., 1992; Ferguson, 1959; Fishman, 1991; Gal, 1979; Haugen, 1953; Heller, 2007, 2012; Hudson, 1980; Manosuthikit, 2018; Pauwels, 2016; Pine & Turin, 2017, among others). The research up until the end of the 20th century studied the phenomena of language maintenance, revival and shift within the contexts of language contact and bi/multilingualism. The studies on language contact situations typically involved a dominant and a minority language, where the latter’s existence is threatened by the dominant language. Past research has primarily focused on one or more of the following themes: (a) definitions of language maintenance, shift and revival, (b) causes of language shift, (c) strategies of and motivations for language maintenance and (d) methods of revitalization of language or reversing language shift. Pauwels (2016: 20) describes language maintenance (LM) as, ‘the continued use or retention of an L1, a minority or heritage language in one or more spheres of language use’. In contrast to this, language shift (LS) is defined as, ‘the process in which a language is gradually replaced by another language, often labeled L2, dominant or majority language in all spheres of usage’. Language revival or revitalization (LR) is understood in the context of language shift, degeneration or loss of language. When a language is threatened at different structural and functional levels, ‘reversing this process of shift’ (Fishman, 1991) or making

4  Language Maintenance, Revival and Shift in the Sociology of Religion

the language functional again is considered revitalization of the language. This process involves prevention of further degeneration of the language and increase in its use. Revitalization is similar to language maintenance. However, there is a difference between the two. Language revitalization presupposes language endangerment and reversal of the process of decline in language use, which is not always presupposed in the language maintenance process. Hebrew in Israel, Basque and Catalan in Spain, Irish in Ireland, and Maori languages in New Zealand are some examples of revitalization of languages in different contexts, under different conditions and with different methods. A large body of literature has analyzed the variables which generally influence LS. Colonization, invasion and migrations are viewed as prominent factors in creating the contact situations where the less powerful language speakers switch to the dominant language in order to effectively function in the society, and consequently lose the language of their heritage, culture and identity. Language policy either in the native homeland or in the diaspora is viewed as another powerful force, which promotes some as opposed to other languages and thereby becomes instrumental in the maintenance or attrition of languages in a bi/multilingual context. A prime example can be found in the US, where English is the official language of education and communication in practically all domains. There is a plethora of studies, starting from Haugen (1953) and moving through Crystal (2000), which show how minority languages gradually shift to the dominant language, such as English in the US. Revitalization of language or what Fishman calls ‘reversing language shift’ is a process, which involves attempts to stop the decline of the use of a language and promote its use in increasingly wider domains. Languages face attrition or loss due to diverse reasons, including colonial policies of using colonial language as ‘the perfect instrument of empire’, total neglect of indigenous languages, erosion of the dominant language in all functional domains and migration to non-native lands. These are some of the major causes of marginalization and endangerment of ancestral languages. Some striking examples are found in British Columbia (Canada), Hawaii (US), indigenous languages in New Zealand, and Australia. Research has shown that revitalization of languages is as much a consequence of governments’ language policies as it is of the self-determination of the speech communities (Fishman, 1991); while Pine and Turin (2017) have claimed that the agency to revitalize language belongs to the policymakers as well as speakers. Some Gaps in the Research on Maintenance, Shift and Revitalization and the Need for this Volume

As discussed above, the research on LM, LR and LS has contributed significantly to our understanding of these phenomena in general and has moved us forward in providing the answer to the questions ‘What are LM,

Introduction 5

LR and LS?’, ‘What causes or influences LM, LR and LS?’ and ‘What are the consequences of the maintenance and shift of languages for the structure and function of the languages?” However, some important questions have not been addressed in the earlier and current research: (a) Are LM, LR and LS defined based on the number of speakers? (b) What degree of competence is necessary for the speakers to qualify as legitimate speakers of the language? (c) Does LM assume maintenance of a certain range of language structures and their use in a certain range of domains? In other words, when we say a language is maintained, do we assume all of its grammatical structures, styles and varieties are maintained in all functional domains (e.g. education, home, entertainment, literature, etc.)? (d) Does LM assume all speakers in the community speak/maintain the language or is the language considered maintained even if a sub-group in the speech community speaks the language? The chapters in this volume attempt to answer some of these questions in diverse linguistic, cultural and diachronic as well as synchronic contexts across the globe. The most significant factor in the earlier work on language maintenance and shift in the current research is the omission of or marginal discussion on the role of religion in the maintenance and shift of languages. The three major works on the sociology of religion, Sociology of Religion (Dillon, 2003), Sociology of Religion: Contemporary Developments (Christiano et al., 2016) and The Oxford Handbook of the Sociology of Religion (Clarke, 2009) do not have a single entry which focuses on the relationship between religion and language. The research in s­ ociolinguistics on language and religion – Crystal (1978, 1981, 2018), Ferguson (1976), Holt (2006), Samarin (1976), Sawyer (1999) and Sawyer and Simpson (2001), among others – has treated the language of religion as a variety or register of language and has primarily focused on identifying the features of its linguistic form and function. To the best of our knowledge, there is not much research available at present which focuses exclusively on the role of religion in the maintenance and shift of languages. As Crystal in his earlier paper (1981: 1) points out, there has been ‘hitherto very limited development of the subject by professional linguists and [a] large amount of descriptive and analytical work that still needs to be done’. Despite the paucity of research on LM, LR and LS in multilingual societies across the globe, David and McLellan state, ‘Language practices in religious domains offer opportunities to researchers to raise awareness that linguistic representations have conceptual and social underpinnings’ (David & McLellan, 2011: 275). The chapters in this volume examine the phenomena of maintenance, revival and shift in bilingual or multilingual societies, where linguistic

6  Language Maintenance, Revival and Shift in the Sociology of Religion

repertoires of speakers consist of two or more languages. Each chapter explores the role of religion in the maintenance, shift or revitalization of languages in different cultural contexts, under diverse socio-political conditions, and at different points in time. Data in this volume have been collected from multilingual societies from culturally, linguistically and religiously diverse communities across the world, which provide a wide range of rationales for maintenance, shift and revitalization of languages. The authors critically examine the data and provide evidence to describe the role of religion in diverse contexts in LM, LR and LS. An important feature of this volume is that the chapters not only describe the phenomena of LM, LR and LS, but also provide evidence which challenges the hitherto established frameworks and their assumptions about maintenance, shift and revitalization of languages and thereby argues for the need for revision of the paradigm. While the summaries of the chapters will be covered in the next section, we would like to highlight the major themes covered, which significantly contribute to our understanding of the phenomena of LM, LR, and LS. The theme of maintenance of identity emerges in many chapters as the motivating factor in language maintenance. Diglossia, which assumes functional distribution and co-existence of languages, is generally seen as a strategy for maintenance of many languages in multilingual societies. Maintenance of language can go hand in hand with maintenance of national and/or cultural identity. However, as Safran (2008) points out, this relationship is variable and is influenced by the socio-political factors in contemporary society. The research in the chapters shows that socio-­ political forces which threaten the religious, cultural, linguistic and/or national identity of communities display considerable variation across time and space. Colonization, migration to an alien country, social and political power hierarchy, and the language policy of administrations result in subverting sociolinguistic identities of the relatively powerless. The cases of Muslim youth in the UK (Chapter 3), Palestinians in Israel (Chapter 10), Malays in Singapore (Chapter 4), Hindus in the US (Chapter 8), Muslims in Nigeria (Chapter 12) and Brazilian Christians in the UK (Chapter 6) are some of the examples provided where language maintenance (or revival) is seen as a powerful force for the maintenance of ­identity. The research in this volume shows that motivations for the maintenance of religious and national identity as well as the strategies of LM vary in different socio-cultural contexts. Two chapters in this volume show that contextual factors, socio-­ political situations, and cultural practices influence the role of religion in maintenance, shift and revitalization in mutually exclusive and opposite fashions. For example, Yurni Said-Sirhan’s chapter (Chapter 4), ‘The Role of Islam in the Language Maintenance of the Malay Muslims in Singapore’, demonstrates the role of government/state language policies on defining the domains of language maintenance, i.e. English, the

Introduction 7

state language, is maintained in the public domain while Malay is maintained in the private domain of religious practices. In contrast to this, Muhammad Amara, in his discussion (Chapter 10) on ‘The Role of the Islamic Movement in Maintaining Standard Arabic in Israel’, claims that the dominance of Hebrew and English in Israel weakens the status of Arabic and Islam. The Islamic movement underscores the importance of Arabic as the language of Islam and its maintenance for the Palestinian nation. These chapters point out that while socio-political forces exert influence on LM and LS, the community’s reaction to those forces also plays a role in LM and/or LS. The research of Sheena Kaur and Maya Khemlani David (Chapter 7), ‘Language Shift but Religious and Cultural Maintenance: A Study of the Punjabi Sikh Community in Petaling Jaya, Selangor, Malaysia’, questions the universal validity of Fishman’s (1991: 72) claim that language loss results in the loss of culture. This research points out that the religion, Sikhism, is maintained without the maintenance of the Punjabi language in Malaysia, where the community adopts English as the language to understand Sikhism. Some of the chapters show that language ideology exerts an important influence on the role of religion in maintenance and revitalization of languages. Based on Silverstein’s (1979: 193) definition of language ideology as a ‘set of beliefs articulated by users as a rationalization or justification of perceived language structure and use’, Kroskrity (2010: 1) states that ‘language ideologies’ are the ‘beliefs, feelings, and conceptions about language structure and use, which often index the political and economic interests of individual speakers, ethnic and other interest groups, and nation-states’. (For further discussion on language ideology, see Kroskrity, 2015.) In the context of religion and language, language ideology involves cultural perceptions and beliefs about the perceived degree closeness or alienation that people and communities might experience regarding language and faith. The chapters in this volume explicitly discuss or implicitly assume such language ideology as underpinning a rationale or a strong argument for maintenance and/or shift in the revival of languages. The closer the connection between religion and language, the better the chances of maintenance of the one with the maintenance of the other (for further discussion, see Pandharipande, 2010). Pandharipande (Chapter 8) claims that Hinduism allows the use of diverse languages for its expression and practice. Therefore, the use of English instead of Indian regional languages in the US becomes possible, leading to the decline of the latter in religious practice. A similar situation is discussed in Phyllis Ghim-Lian Chew’s Chapter 2 on Chinese regional dialects, which are not used in Singapore, as the religions associated with China are flexible vis-à-vis languages. In contrast to this, Amara’s contribution (Chapter 10) on Islam and Arabic in Israel and Hind Amel Mostari’s discussion (Chapter 13) on Islam and Arabic in Algeria point to

8  Language Maintenance, Revival and Shift in the Sociology of Religion

the close relationship between the Arabic language and Islam. Therefore, maintenance of one indexes the other. Maintenance of Arabic supports maintenance of Islam and maintenance of Islam supports maintenance of Arabic. Similar to this is the case of Hebrew and Judaism as presumed by the research of Miriam Eisenstein Ebsworth, Scott J. Goldberg and Tristin Wildstein (Chapter 11). Furthermore, Bernard Spolsky (Chapter 9) shows that preservation of Hebrew has been essential in the history of Judaism for the survival of Jews under different socio-political conditions due to the close connection of Hebrew with Judaism. In contrast, as mentioned above, Sheena Kaur and Maya Khemlani David’s Chapter 7 ­presents evidence to show that the religion (and culture) of Sikhism is maintained in Malaysia without maintaining the Punjabi language. The Sikh community in the site analysed does not perceive the relationship between Punjabi and Sikhism as inalienable. English, which replaces Punjabi in the site examined, is seen as capable of expressing Sikhism. Pandharipande (Chapter 8) points out that the ‘revived’ Buddhism in India opted for Pali as opposed to Sanskrit or other Indian languages because of the historically established connection of Pali with Buddhism from the 6th century BCE, when Buddha adopted Pali as the language of Buddhism in order to resist the perceived hegemony of Hinduism and Sanskrit. Ana Souza’s chapter (Chapter 6) presents a fascinating study of three Brazilian immigrant communities in London. Religion-language ideology varies across three communities – Catholic, Pentacostal and the Kardecist group – and therefore, the degree of maintenance of Portuguese varies across these religious communities. This discussion persuasively indicates the need for the theory of language maintenance to include the feature degree of maintenance and the relevance of religion-language ideology as a factor influencing the degree. Earlier research on language maintenance has not addressed one particular question: namely, when we claim that language is maintained, do we assume that the language with its entire grammatical structure is likewise maintained? Rosowsky’s chapter (Chapter 3) points out that phrases from sacred Muslim texts are mixed with English in the pop songs of the UK. Thus, the discourse of maintenance in this volume uncovers a hitherto ignored dimension of LM and LR – that is, the structure and or function of the language can undergo change when it is maintained/ revived in new contexts. While Said-Sirhan (Chapter 4) points out that Malay is mixed with English, Spolsky (Chapter 9) notes the emergence of new varieties of Hebrew in new contexts. This discussion raises a question about the level of structural maintenance required for a code to qualify as a maintained or revived language. Furthermore, past and current research on LM, LR, and LS has not adequately focused on the reality of the ‘new world’ (Pauwels, 2016), the distinguishing marks of which are globalization and technology. Unprecedented migrations across the world, and enhanced communication

Introduction 9

capabilities provided by technology, have created new conceptualizations of bi/multilingualism. As Pauwels (2016: 183) points out while describing languages in the new world, ‘the main focus of investigations has been on whether these “bounded entities” are maintained, lost, or become mixed with another one or whether they have been gradually replaced by another one’. The mixing of linguistic codes (hybridity) has given rise to new varieties. The linguistic repertoire of migrant speech communities constitutes many codes, which are allocated different functions in different domains. While it may be possible to maintain the conventional notion of multilingualism in many spaces in today’s world, multilingualism may not be viewed as ‘a set of monolingualisms i.e., the use of multiple languages as separated codes’ (Pauwels, 2016: 183). When multilingualism is conceptualized as a resource, it will be possible to conceptualize LM, LR and LS as ‘hybrid codes’ and not necessarily discrete or ‘bounded’ codes. Chapters in this volume, e.g. Rosowsky (Chapter 3), Said-Sirhan (Chapter 4) and Spolsky (Chapter 9) point to the maintenance of only partial and not full linguistic codes and/or the hybridity of the code(s) in their respective contexts. While education has been widely recognized as an important factor in promoting language maintenance, four chapters in this volume illustrate the varied role of education in the maintenance, revival as well as marginalization of languages. Spolsky (Chapter 9) emphasizes the role of education in the preservation of Hebrew and other Jewish language varieties. Miriam Eisenstein Ebsworth, Scott J. Goldberg and Tristin Wildstein’s chapter (Chapter 11) focuses on the experiences and perceptions of students, teachers and administrators in the development of Hebrew and English biliteracy at the middle-school level in a US Jewish Day school in New York. Amara (Chapter 10) points out the role of the Islamic Movement in establishing a research institution which promoted education in Arabic language in Israel. Salami (Chapter 12) shows how Islamic religious education becomes instrumental in maintaining identity and the Arabic language among university students in southwestern Nigeria. In contrast to this, Mostari’s chapter (Chapter 13) on the role of religion and Algerian languages in the education system points out how religious education can promote maintenance of Quranic Arabic but marginalize other Algerian varieties of Arabic. Pandharipande (Chapter 8) raises an important question: ‘Can we build a theory of LM, LR and LS?’ In order to answer this question we are required first to answer the following: ‘Are there universal patterns of conditions which determine LM, LR and LS?’ Based on her data, Pandharipande points out one such pattern, i.e. ‘if the language is transparent to the function – that is, if it is the only language which can perform that function – then its revitalization and/or maintenance is more likely to take place as opposed to the language which is not transparent to

10  Language Maintenance, Revival and Shift in the Sociology of Religion

the expected function (for further discussion on transparency and opacity, see Pandharipande, 2013)’. Maintenance of Sanskrit in the US (for Hindu practices), Pali (for the Buddhist ritual) and Arabic (for Islam) are some of the examples to support the hypothesis, since these three languages are ‘transparent’ to Hinduism, Buddhism and Islam respectively. Summary of Chapters

The chapters in this volume present empirical studies which examine the relationship between the language and religion in different socio-­ cultural and geographic contexts. They identify the social and cultural factors which influence the relationship between language and religion as well as the maintenance, revival and shift of both. Investigations cover nine countries (Algeria, India, Israel (two chapters), Nigeria, Malaysia, Singapore (two chapters), Uganda, the UK (two chapters) and the US (two chapters)). The studies examine the relationship between religion and language in multilingual settings in the respective countries. Data are drawn from diverse sources and the authors differ in the methodologies they have used including observation, texts, language policy documents and artistic performances. In addition, it must be noted that the chapters do not assume a single theoretical framework. Rather, they draw upon a variety of concepts and insights from various domains, such as religious studies, linguistics, sociolinguistics, sociology and anthropology. The chapters identify socio-political and linguistic factors. These influence the relationship between language and religion in particular contexts and the speech/religious community’s response, which in turn becomes the catalyst for the maintenance, revitalization and/or shift of language and religion in question. Embedded within the main themes of maintenance, revival and shift of languages are the discourses of language ideology, language and power, colonial influence on language and religious practices, identity politics, language policies in education in particular and society in general, and the relevance of history for understanding the contemporary situation. Chew’s chapter (Chapter 2), ‘The Decline of the Vernacular in the Chinese Religion in Singapore’, describes the factors which influence the language shift of the Chinese vernaculars in the religious domain of temples and homes in Singapore. Chew points out that sociolinguistic factors such as language policy in Singapore, which promotes languages of power (English and other mother tongues, Mandarin Chinese, Tamil and Malay) and the internal flexibility of Chinese religion (which does not mandate the use of a single language or text for religious purposes), have become the catalysts for the decline of the vernaculars in the Chinese temples in Singapore. The chapter highlights that in order to understand the role of religion in language maintenance vs. shift, it is necessary to examine on the one hand the relationship between religion and language

Introduction 11

in the culture/society, and on the other the power hierarchy of languages in the secular context of the society. Andrey Rosowsky’s chapter (Chapter 3), ‘Singing in My Language(s): How Religious Verse and Song Contribute to Minority Language Maintenance’, is an ethnographic study of Muslim youth in a northern city in the UK. Rosowsky claims, ‘The use of sanctified texts such as traditional religious poetry and songs in multilingual Muslim settings is a religious, artistic and literacy practice currently enjoying growing popularity among young Muslims in the UK and elsewhere.’ While their native language, a variety of Punjabi, is undergoing shift in favor of English, these literary practices may be playing a role in both language maintenance and in the formation and negotiation of religio-linguistic identity. Factors beyond religion and language, such as literary practices, can be instrumental in preserving/maintaining the religious and linguistic identity of Muslim youth in the UK. In her chapter (Chapter 4), ‘The Role of Islam in the Language Maintenance of the Malay Muslims in Singapore’, Yurni Said-Sirhan points out that the use of the Malay language in the religious discourse of Islam promotes its maintenance while English is used mostly in (secular) education and work domains as well as interethnic communication in pluralist Singapore, creating a difaithic situation (Omoniyi & Fishman, 2006: 138). Said-Sirhan presents a clear case of diglossia as a way of maintaining many languages in mutually exclusive domains. Malay acquires privilege in the religious discourses of the Malay Muslims in private spaces while English takes precedence in secularized public spaces that favor pluralism. George Ladaah Openjuru’s chapter (Chapter 5), ‘The Role of Religion in Written Language Maintenance and Shift in Uganda’, presents a very interesting case of the complex relationships between religion, language, and their maintenance and shift. The official language of the government and education is English, the language of prestige and power, which marginalizes local languages in the society. On the other hand, the Christian missionaries promote literacy in local languages to use them as a tool to promote Christianity among the local people. This case shows that religious practices and local languages support the maintenance and promotion of each other. This is an interesting case where the maintenance of languages is motivated by the promotion of a religion (Christianity). Souza’s Chapter (Chapter 6), ‘Faith and Language Maintenance in Transnational Places of Worship: Brazilian Christian Settings in London’, aims at determining whether faith lessons affect the language maintenance of Brazilian Christian children in London, within a socio-cultural framework in which learning ‘is perceived as taking place in interaction with others (Rogoff, 2003) and draws on theories of socialization’. This study on the three Brazilian Christian communities in London shows that ­religion-language ideology varies across these communities, which translates into differences in the degree of language maintenance. While

12  Language Maintenance, Revival and Shift in the Sociology of Religion

religious, ethnic and linguistic identities go hand in hand in the Catholic setting and result in the delivery of their faith lessons in the Portuguese language, in the Pentecostal setting the importance of religion over ethnicity and language is clear despite the concessions made to the use of Portuguese. And as for the Kardecist group, they began valuing religious, ethnic and linguistic identities equally but are currently moving towards a bigger emphasis on the religious aspect of their identities. The chapter decidedly demonstrates the need for the framework of language maintenance to incorporate two concepts: language-religion ideology and variation in the degree of maintenance across the same community. In their chapter (Chapter 7), ‘Language Shift but Religious and Cultural Maintenance: A Study of the Punjabi Sikh Community in Petaling Jaya, Selangor, Malaysia’, Sheena Kaur and Maya Khemlani David question the universal validity of Fishman’s (1991: 72) claim that language loss necessarily results in the loss of culture. Based on their qualitative and quantitative research on the Sikh community in Petaling Jaya, Malaysia, they state that the loss of the language of the Sikh community (Punjabi) has not resulted in the loss of an important aspect of their culture, religion (Sikhism). The Sikh community has adopted English for their communication, which has replaced Punjabi, the language of their cultural/­religious heritage. However, they continue to maintain their religion by using three major strategies: the use of the English translation of their sacred book Granth Sahib, the use of romanization for the original Gurumukhi script, and the use of web applications. Pandharipande’s chapter (Chapter 8), ‘Does Religion Promote as well as Retard Language Maintenance in a Multilingual Context? Evidence from Hinduism and Buddhism’, investigates the dynamic relationship between languages and Hinduism and Buddhism in India and in the US. The author argues that whether religion promotes or retards language shift or maintenance depends on a number of variables. Her examples include context, history, cultural factors like the caste system and even migration to support her claim. She provides specific examples from Hinduism in the US where English and Sanskrit but not regional languages are generally used in the religious domain. Moving on to the Indian subcontinent, the author shows that Indian Hindus tend to use Sanskrit and regional languages but not English for their rites and rituals. Finally, speaking of Buddhism, the author shows that the revival of Pali for Buddhism in contemporary India is better understood if we take into account the background regarding the interaction of Hinduism and Buddhism in the history of India and the arrival of Buddhists from Tibet. Pandharipande proposes that a language which is clearly tied to its function has better chances of maintenance compared to languages which are comparatively less obviously aligned to their respective functions. Spolsky, in his chapter (Chapter 9), ‘Religion and Education in the Preservation of Hebrew and Other Jewish Language Varieties’, examines

Introduction 13

the ecology of the sociolinguistic history of Hebrew, the primary language of Judaism. He argues that in diverse spaces and times, and under sociolinguistically and politically challenging circumstances, religion and religious education became the catalysts for the preservation of the Jewish community, its identity and vitality. Embedded in this major discussion are the themes of the interaction of the Jews with other cultures, religions and languages and their impact on the preservation of Hebrew and the loss, as well as emergence, of varieties of Hebrew. Amara’s chapter (Chapter 10), ‘The Role of the Islamic Movement in Maintaining Standard Arabic in Israel’, claims that members of the Islamic Movement in Israel perceive Arabic as an integral part of Arab-Islamic identity, and a guarantee for the existence of the Palestinians in Israel. The author points out that the external pressures in the socio-cultural landscape in Israel require the Palestinians to use English for technology and global communication and Hebrew in the domains of employment and higher education. Consequently, their competence in Arabic is weakened. In order to strengthen the critical bond between Arab Palestinians and their heritage, the Islamic Movement has established an institution which promotes publications related to the social and political issues of Palestinians in Israel, and advocates the use of Standard Arabic for the dissemination of Islam as well as for Islamic rituals and cultural activities. The chapter emphasizes that the maintenance of an Arab Palestinian identity in Israel is the motivating factor behind the maintenance of religion (Islam) and the Arabic language. Eisenstein Ebsworth, Goldberg and Wildstein in their chapter (Chapter 11), ‘Development of Hebrew/English Biliteracy in a Jewish Day School: Issues of Language and Identity’, address the question of the development of Hebrew and English biliteracy at the middle-school level in a US Jewish Day School. This chapter deals with the practical issues involved in the efforts for the revival/maintenance of Hebrew by the children in the school. Hebrew varieties and English-based subjects reflect distinct associations with each language. While English-based classes focus on secular studies, Hebrew classes deal with issues of Hebrew language, religious texts and culture. Competence and preparation of teachers, priorities and goals of students and administrators as well as parental involvement all play important roles in the success of Hebrew heritage language development and maintenance. Salami’s chapter (Chapter 12), ‘Islamic Religious Education, Identity and the Arabic Language Among University Students in Southwestern Nigeria’, examines the personal (individual), contextual and institutional factors responsible for Arabic language maintenance in the practice of Islam among Yoruba youth. In western Nigeria, schooling is in English and conversion to Christianity is required for admission in schools. In this context, the teaching of the Quran and Islamic rituals become important tools to understand and establish Islamic identity. Since the Muslim

14  Language Maintenance, Revival and Shift in the Sociology of Religion

community believes that there is an inalienable connection between Arabic and Islam (and the Quran), learning Arabic formally becomes essential for the understanding, maintenance and articulation of Islamic identity. Mostari’s chapter (Chapter 13), ‘Religion and Algerian Languages in the Education System’, critically examines the relationship between the post-independence Algerian government’s policy of treating Islam as an official religion and the teaching and promoting of Classical Quranic Arabic as a powerful tool to restore and re-establish Arabo-Islamic identity. Motsari points out that this policy has helped revitalize Quranic Arabic. However, the same policy has proved to be detrimental for other languages such as French, English, Algerian Arabic and Tamazight, and consequently it has created an identity crisis for speakers of alternative Algerian varieties, whose languages are stigmatized as ‘faulty’ and ‘incorrect’. Thus, this author persuasively claims that religion and religious education can promote some linguistic codes but downgrade or suppress other codes or language varieties. Conclusion and Future Directions for Research

This volume contributes to our understanding of the complex relationship between language and religion with reference to the phenomena of language maintenance, revival and shift in the context of diverse religions, languages, and cultures in multiple spaces and times. The text is broad in its scope, offering empirical data from nine countries, eight religions and ten languages, which will provide an important resource for those working on the phenomena of LM, LR and LS in their respective contexts. The chapters discuss the socio-political and religious motivating forces behind LM, LR and LS. Which strategies do the communities adopt for LM and LR and to stop LS? Some common trends related to LM, LR and LS are observed in the research presented in the chapters in this volume. Some chapters (2, 4, 5, 10, 11, 12) point out that the language/education policy of respective governments or religious institutions can reinforce the hegemony of the dominant language, resulting in the marginalization of less powerful languages. Furthermore, colonization and migration of people to culturally and linguistically different countries create uneven power relations between communities and languages. This was the case in the migration of South Asians to the UK (Chapter 3) and the US (Chapter 8). The political dominance of Jewish citizens and the Hebrew language in Israel (Chapter 10) demonstrates that non-majority languages can be suppressed by governmental linguistic policies, as they promote the use of the dominant language. In a similar manner, Mostari (Chapter 13) points out that the promotion of Quranic Arabic by the government in Algeria suppresses other varieties of Arabic. The majority of the chapters point out that LM and LR are largely motivated by the need to maintain and/or promote religious or national/

Introduction 15

cultural identity. Salami’s discussion (Chapter 12) points out the individuals’ perceptions of LM as a strategy to maintain Muslim identity in Nigeria, while Pandharipande’s analysis (Chapter 8) demonstrates the revival of Sanskrit in the US for maintenance of Hindu identity. Ebsworth et al. (Chapter 11) and Spolsky (Chapter 9) speak of Hebrew education as a strategy to ensure the maintenance of Jewish cultural identity. Rosowsky’s (Chapter 3) presentation points out the use of Punjabi phrases in songs and reading of scriptures as strategies to maintain cultural identity in the diaspora of the UK. Kaur and David’s chapter (Chapter 7) notes that when the religious/cultural identity of the Sikh community in Malaysia is maintained through the non-native language of English, the maintenance of Punjabi, the native language, is not viewed as essential. These observations show that maintenance of identity is a strong motivation for LM and LR though there can be exceptions. Embedded in the discourse of LM, LR and LS is the crucial influence of language ideology. In multilingual contexts, more than one language is capable of expressing a community’s religious, cultural or national identity. However, often only one language is selected over others to perform the function of expressing identity. The choice of the language is determined by the language ideology of the community and the perception or belief of the community about the relationship between language and its function (articulation of cultural/religious identity). The closer the connection of the language with the expression of identity, the more likely it is to be maintained and used for expressing cultural or religious aspects of the community. The choice of Malay for expressing Muslim identity in Singapore (Chapter 4), Sanskrit for indexing Hindu identity in the US, Pali for Buddhism, English for American identity (Chapter 8), Classical Quranic Arabic for indexing Muslim identity in Algeria (Chapter 5), Hebrew for expressing Jewish identity in Israel (Chapters 9 and 11) and Arabic for Islam (Chapters 10 and 12) support this claim. Indian languages index Hindu, Muslim, Christian, Sikh and Jain identities. However, Sanskrit exclusively expresses Hindu identity. Therefore, Indian languages other than Sanskrit can be called opaque to the function of expressing Hindu identity while Sanskrit can be viewed as transparent to its function since it is uniquely allied to Hindu identity. The research in the chapters in this volume clearly supports the assumption that the transparent language is more likely to be maintained through its association with its particular function compared to the opaque languages. Additionally, the research in these chapters shows that emphasis on the maintenance of one as opposed to other languages results in marginalization of other languages. Spolsky (Chapter 9) points out that while standard Hebrew is maintained to preserve Jewish identity, other varieties/dialects of Hebrew are lost. In the maintenance of Sanskrit as a language of religion and Hindu identity, other Indian languages such as Hindi, Marathi, Bangla, etc. are marginalized in the Hindu community in the US. Similarly,

16  Language Maintenance, Revival and Shift in the Sociology of Religion

the choice of Mandarin Chinese restricts other varieties of Chinese (Chapter 2). Mostari (Chapter 13) argues that the promotion of Quranic Arabic results in suppression of other dialects of Arabic and other languages in Algeria. Yurni Said-Sirhan (Chapter 4) points out that the multilingual community in Singapore maintains three languages (Mandarin Chinese, Malay and English) with mutually exclusive functions (English for modern life and education, Malay for Muslim identity and Chinese for Chinese identity). This shows that language maintenance can be sustained by diglossia, where each language is clearly tied to its function. One important point that we highlight once again is that the chapters in this volume use diverse methodologies or frameworks to analyze the data. Since language of religion has two major roots – religion and linguistics – it is necessary to take into account the varied disciplinary frameworks to understand the form and function of religious language in different contexts. At this moment, we are happy to present the work of the contributors and believe that the volume will be an important resource for researchers working on LM, LR and LS, and for building a theory of LM, LR and LS. The research presented here raises the following additional questions for further enquiry: (a) Is there a cline of LM, LR and LS? While Rosowsky’s research (Chapter 3) presents the case of language maintenance through a few lexical items, Pandharipande (Chapter 8) points out the language maintenance of Sanskrit and Pali restricted to the religious domain. In contrast to this Amara (Chapter 10) presents the case of maintenance of the Arabic language as a linguistic code. (b) How should the degree of maintenance, revival and shift be measured? Should it be measured on the basis of language structure or its function in the society? Or both? Finally, we would like to point out that media is an important space which needs to be examined in the maintenance, revival and shift of languages in general and language and religion in particular. Campbell’s Digital Religion: Understanding Religious Practices in New Media World (2013) and Andrey Rosowsky’s Faith and Language Practices in Digital Spaces (2018) are two important edited volumes, major milestones in the field of language of religion, which explore the interaction of language and religion within the context of digital media and technology. While Campbell’s text critically examines the impact of technology on religious practice in general and the conceptualization of ‘religious spaces’ where religion is practiced, Rosowsky’s volume analyzes the impact of digital media on language in religious practice. As the field expands, it will be important to consider the role of media in the maintenance, revival and shift of languages across diverse countries.

Introduction 17

As we are aware, no exploration is ever complete. Each step forward enhances our understanding of the field and leads to the discovery of additional unexplored territories. We hope this volume has moved us toward a better understanding of the relationship between religion and LM, LR and LS, and has opened up new directions for research in the field. Note (1) We wish to express our heartfelt thanks to Ms Chencen Cai for her crucial editorial and technical contributions to this entire text.

References Campbell, H.A. (2013) Digital Religion: Understanding Religious Practice in New Media Worlds. London: Routledge. Christiano, K., Swatos Jr, W.H. and Kivisto, P. (eds) (2016) Sociology of Religion: Contemporary Developments (2nd edn). Lanham, MD: The Rowman & Littlefield Publishing Group, Inc. Clarke, P. (ed.) (2009) The Oxford Handbook of the Sociology of Religion. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Coulmas, F. (ed.) (1997) The Handbook of Sociolinguistics. Oxford: Blackwell Publishers Ltd. Crystal, D. (1978) The problem of language variety: An example from religious language. In G. Vesey (ed.) Communication and Understanding: 1975–6 (pp. 195–207). Royal Institute of Philosophy Lectures. Hassocks: Harvester Press. Crystal, D. (1981) Generating theological language. In J. Van Noppen (ed.) Theolinguistics (New Series No. 8) (pp. 265–81). Brussels: Studiereeks Tijdschrift Vrije Universiteit Brussel. Crystal, D. (2000) Language Death. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Crystal, D. (2008) A Dictionary of Linguistics and Phonetics (6th edn). Oxford: Blackwell. Crystal, D. (2018) Whatever happened to theolinguistics? In P. Chilton and M. Kopytowska (eds) Religion, Language, and the Human Mind (pp. 3–18). Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press. David, M.K. and McLellan, J. (eds) (2011) Language and Religion. Special Issue. Multilingua 30 (3–4), 275–278. Dillon, M. (ed.) (2003) Handbook of the Sociology of Religion. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Dorian, N. (1981) Language Death: The Life Cycle of a Scottish Gaelic Dialect. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. Dorian, N. (1992) Investigating Obsolescence: Studies in Language Contraction and Death. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Edwards, J. (1992) Socio-political aspects of language maintenance and loss: Towards a typology of minority language situations. In W. Fase, K. Jaspaert and S. Kroon (eds) Maintenance and Loss of Minority Languages (pp. 37–54). Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Fase, W., Jaspaert, K. and Kroon, S. (1992) Maintenance and Loss of Minority Languages. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Ferguson, C. (1959) Diglossia. Word 15, 325–340. Ferguson, C. (1976) The collect as a form of discourse. In W.J. Samarin (ed.) Language in Religious Practice (pp. 10–19). Rowley, MA: Newbury House. Fishman, J.A. (1991) Reversing Language Shift: Theoretical and Empirical Foundations of Assistance to Threatened Languages. Clevedon: Multilingual Matters.

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Fishman, J.A. (2006) A decalogue of basic theoretical perspectives for a sociology of language and religion. In T. Omoniyi and J.A. Fishman (eds) Explorations in the Sociology of Language and Religion (pp. 13–25). Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Gal, S. (1979) Language Shift: Social Determinants of Linguistic Change in Bilingual Austria. San Francisco: Academic Press. Haugen, E. (1953) The Norwegian Language in America: A Study in Bilingual Behavior Vol. 1. Bloomington: Indiana University Press; Vol. 2. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. Heller, M. (2007) Bilingualism: A Social Approach. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. Heller, M. (2012) Rethinking sociolinguistic ethnography: From community and identity to process and practice. In S. Gardner and M. Martin-Jones (eds) Multilingualism, Discourse and Ethnography (pp. 24–33). New York: Routledge Taylor & Francis Group. Holt, R. (2006) A sociolinguistic approach to religious language. Australian Journal of Theology 6, 1–14. Hudson, R.A. (1980) Sociolinguistics. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Kroskrity, P.V. (2010) Language ideologies. In J. Ostman and J. Verschueren (eds) Handbook of Pragmatics Online (pp. 1–24). Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Kroskrity, P.V. (2015) Language ideologies: Emergence, elaboration and application. In N. Bonvillain (ed.) The Routledge Handbook of Linguistic Anthropology (pp. 14–28). New York: Routledge. Manosuthikit, A. (2018) A critical review of theoretical perspectives: From language maintenance and shift to postmodern/poststructuralist bi/multilingualism. KEMANUSIAAN the Asian Journal of Humanities 25, 141–162. Omoniyi, T. (2010) The Sociology of Language and Religion: Change, Conflict and Accommodation. London: Palgrave Macmillan. Omoniyi, T. and Fishman, J.A. (2006) Explorations in the Sociology of Language and Religion. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Pandharipande, R.V. (2010) Authenticating a tradition in transition language of Hinduism in the US. In T. Omoniyi (ed.) The Sociology of Language and Religion: Change, Conflict, and Accommodation (pp. 58–83). London: Palgrave Macmillan. Pandharipande, R.V. (2013) Does religion promote as well as retard language maintenance in a multilingual context? The case of Hinduism. Paper presented at the International Conference on Sociology of Language and Religion. New York University. July 17–19. Pauwels, A. (2016) Language Maintenance and Shift (Key Topics in Sociolinguistics). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Pine, A. and Turin, M. (2017) Language revitalization. Oxford Research Encyclopedia (online). See https://oxfordre.com/linguistics/view/10.1093/acrefore/9780199384655.001.0001/ acrefore-9780199384655-e-8?rskey=e2SOSI&result=3&print (accessed July 2019). Rogoff, B. (2003) The Cultural Nature of Human Development. New York: Oxford University Press. Rosowsky, A. (ed.) (2018) Faith and Language Practices in Digital Spaces. Bristol: Multilingual Matters. Safran, W. (2008) Language, ethnicity and religion: A complex persistent linkage. Nations and National 1, 171–190. Samarin, W.J. (1976) Language in Religious Practice. New York: Newbury House Publishers. Sawyer, J.F.A. (1999) Sacred Languages and Sacred Texts. London: Routledge. Sawyer, J.F.A. and Simpson, J.M.Y. (eds) (2001) Concise Encyclopedia of Language and Religion. Amsterdam: Elsevier. Silverstein, M. (1979) Language structure and linguistic ideology. In P.R. Clyne, W.F. Hanks and C.L. Holtbuer (eds) The Elements: A Parasession on Linguistic Units and Levels (pp. 193–247). Chicago: Chicago Linguistic Society. Van Noppen, J.P. (ed.) (1981) Theolinguistics (New Series No. 8). Brussels: Studiereeks Tijdschrift Vrije Universiteit Brussel.

2 The Decline of the Vernacular in the Chinese Religion in Singapore1 Phyllis Ghim-Lian Chew

Introduction

The Chinese religion here refers to the popular folk beliefs practiced by the masses of Chinese not just in Singapore but also in thriving communities of China, Southeast Asia, Taiwan and Hong Kong. It is an amalgam of religious Taoism, Mahayana Buddhism, a dash of Confucianism and spirit mediumship. In the temples of these religious communities statues of Confucius, Lao Tzu and Buddha are venerated alongside traditional immortals as objects of veneration. Daoism is part of the Chinese religion, which comprises two other faiths – that is, Buddhism and Confucianism. This eclectic mixture in the Chinese religion allows a Chinese religionist to be able to claim to be Daoist, Buddhist and Confucian at the same time. As a lover of nature, he is Daoist; as one who is serious about his duties, he is a Confucian; and finally as one who is aware of the transience of life, he is a Buddhist (Chau, 2010). Daoist, Confucianist and Buddhist figures together with ancestral worship are therefore combined into a versatile mix in Chinese tradition temples, sometimes making it difficult to tell them apart. The ancestral or traditional language of the Chinese temple is the vernacular which refers to the native language or dialect as opposed to a language of wider communication such as the national, official, standard or lingua franca, all of which are third-party prestigious languages in which persons speaking different vernaculars not understood by each other may communicate. Associated frequently with the dialect spoken by the masses or ordinary people, the vernacular is often seen in opposition to the standard and hence regarded as lowly. In Singapore, the Chinese vernacular may be Hokkien, Cantonese, Teochew, Hockchew, Hainanese, Hockchias, Foochows, Henghuas, Shanghainese etc., depending on which part of China the immigrant had previously originated from. Most of the immigrants came to Singapore in the 19th and 20th centuries. It is important to write about the vernacular since 19

20  Language Maintenance, Revival and Shift in the Sociology of Religion

it is the language through which the cultures, values and customs, especially those pertaining to the rites of passage, are traditionally passed on to the next generation. In addition, while many sociolinguists have written about language shift and ethnicity (Fasold, 1990; Fishman, 1988; García et al., 2006; Wardhaugh, 1998), relatively few have written about language shift and/or maintenance in the religious context and it is therefore important to fill a gap such as this. There is also a scarcity of research on dying languages in Singapore as the focus has been on expanding languages such as English. Finally, my focus is on the Chinese religion since it is a lesser-known faith in relation to other faiths, which is an irony because belief and religiosity has always played a large part not just in the Chinese civilization (Lagerway, 2010) but also in the private lives of the Chinese (Chew, 2008). The vernacular has both a classical (high) and vernacular (low) form and their use as identified by Fishman (1964) is often functionally differentiated. When used by the priests, as in the case of Sanskrit in Hinduism and Pali in Buddhism, the classical gives a special potency to the religious message (cf. Finnegan, 2012). In the Chinese temple, one may hear the classical Chinese form through invocations, special prayers, liturgies, divination, spirit writing, healing and ancestor veneration. In spirit-­mediumship, the classical is the traditional medium used to communicate to the gods or celestials, immortals, defied heroes or forces of nature, all of whom are empowered to intervene in human affairs. On special occasions, an entranced medium may write out messages believed to originate from the patron saint of the association in the classical. These messages include commentaries on Confucian and Daoist classics, stories of karmic retribution from Buddhism, descriptions of spirit-journeys to other worldly realms, moral exhortations, and theoretical treatises on points of religious doctrine and cultivation. Studied by temple members, they may be collected and published for distribution to the public as ‘morality books’ (善书). The low vernacular can also be heard within the temple walls since it is the working language of the temple. During the long festive rituals at Chinese temples, it is common to find clusters of believers sitting, chatting or dining and communicating in the vernacular while religious ceremonies are performed. Together with the high variety, it is also used in dramatic street operas performed by professional opera troupes. The opera is a form of Chinese religious rite which incorporates a wide range of art forms like song, dance, mime, acrobatics and martial arts. Traditionally sponsored by wealthy Chinese businessmen or clan associations, they are staged outdoors on or near temple grounds for the amusement of deities (and the public) on their birthdays. There are also other networks which form an integral part of the Chinese religion (Clammer, 1993). One key network is the Chinese clan association (会馆) which is organized according to kinship and geographical ties and which is closely connected to the temple. These associations (and their associated temples), which are vernacular-based, function as

The Decline of the Vernacular in the Chinese Religion in Singapore  21

intermediaries in interpersonal and intra-community conflicts and are the main financial contributors of festive and religious celebrations. Clans also provide generous bursaries and scholarships for children in the schools which they help establish. Some well-known ones founded at the turn of the 20th century were the Cantonese Yeung Ching School (Yangzheng Xuetang) in 1905, the Hakka’s Yingxin School and Khee Fatt School (Qifa Xuetang) in 1906, the Hokkien’s Toh Lam school (Daonan Xuetang), the Teochew’s Tuan Mong school (Duan Meng Xuetang) and the Hainanese Yoke Eng School (Yu Ying Xuetang) in 1910. The low or everyday vernacular is also the working language for the extensive network of shops making and retailing paper works for funerals and other artifacts for the worship of the memory of the dead person. These shops are also linked to other major strands in the network such as lion- and dragon-dance troupes, clan associations, funeral bands, transport contractors, providers of the paraphernalia for wakes, Daoist and Buddhist priests’ associations, undertakers, manufacturers of joss sticks, etc. Hence, Chinese events still remain today the best places to experience the vernacular in Singapore. These religious departure ceremonies for the dead usually last three to five days and are conducted in the ‘void deck’2 of an apartment block or within the living premises of the deceased. Here, ritualistic texts and prayers are often read in the classical vernacular while the language of common communication by visitors of the deceased (who is presumably elderly) is in the low vernacular. Research Methodology

Despite the fact that the vernacular is the traditional language of the Chinese religion, it has lost much ground to the official languages of the state, in particular English and Mandarin. Take for example the case of the clan associations, the strongest supporters of the vernacular – there used to be about 300 locality and kinship (surname) associations in Singapore but many of them have ceased operation and today there are only about 30 of them remaining, due doubtless to the decline of the vernacular. The many vernacular schools they founded, such as the Hokkien Nan Chiau, Ai Tong, Tao Nan, Chongfu and Kong Hwa primary schools, and Nan Chiau High School, have long switched to Mandarin and English as the medium of instruction. The popularity of the street operas has also waxed and waned, due also to the corresponding demise of the vernacular. The number of Chinese religious goods shops which once flooded the town has also been significantly reduced. On many temple visits, I have observed and participated in ‘temple talk’, socialization processes among the devotees while long religious rituals are in progress.3 The talks are usually on everyday nondescript Singaporean topics such as the hows of applying for a government flat, the problems of an elderly believer who was forced to sell her home to pay for

22  Language Maintenance, Revival and Shift in the Sociology of Religion

her son’s indebtedness to a loan shark, tuition fees for a primary-school boy, the forthcoming auction for spiritual items, someone’s new baby and places to shop for swimming trunks for grandchildren. I noticed that where once the vernacular was used fluently (in the 1960s/70s), it is now in rapid decline (1980s onwards). Not surprisingly, as more young people are schooled in Mandarin and English, and as parents cooperate with the government’s policy of a planned language shift from the vernacular, the grammatical and lexical resources of the mother tongue will naturally continue to atrophy. This process in turn reduces the input necessary for the acquisition process, since children learning a declining language are exposed to only sparse data to learn from (Schendl, 2001). Hence, as the passage of time increases, there are fewer and fewer grammatical structural varieties and/or inflections. As children and the youth are no longer exposed to intricate features of the language which encode social nuances of meaning, code-switching from the vernacular to Mandarin and English has also become common. Indeed, many vernacular words and phrases are no longer used by the young and Hokkien is now spoken haltingly. Today, temple attendees are mostly semi-speakers of the vernacular – in the sense that they may retain extensive passive (i.e. receptive) competence in the language but their productive competence has been significantly reduced. They are semi-speakers due to their partial linguistic competence, as evident in the abundance of erroneous forms portrayed in their speech (Grinevald & Bert, 2011). The rapid decline of the vernacular in a religious setting over a span of two generations is unusual, even startling – not least because languages associated with religions are, by nature of their time-honored functions, often more durable and treasured. For example, Florey (1993) found that the Alune language, otherwise obsolescent, is preserved in the domain of religion. So too the preservation of the German language and of ethnic identity in the small South African town of Wartburg is partially accounted for, as de Kadt (2005) argues, by continued use of language in the Lutheran Church. Hence, this chapter attempts a broad preliminary study of language shift in the Chinese religious domain if only as a means to understand sociolinguistic forces at work. More specifically, macro factors behind the declining use of the vernacular in Chinese religious temple activities in Singapore are identified. These factors can be grouped under two broad categories – external, which refer to top-down measures such as government intervention; and internal, which refer to lesser-known reasons inherent within the Chinese religion and the Chinese language. The Decline of the Vernacular in the Chinese Religion: External Factors

In Singapore, language planning is associated with highly visible topdown (García et al., 2006) government interventions with the primary

The Decline of the Vernacular in the Chinese Religion in Singapore  23

objective of modernizing and industrializing the nation. The goals are basically instrumental (Giles et al., 1991) – that is, concerned with problem and goal identification, cost-benefit analysis and a solution-­ focused approach. In brief, the language policy in Singapore is aimed at cultivating amongst its citizens a bilingual proficiency in firstly the English language and secondly a mother tongue that is officially assigned to the specific ethnic communities, such as Mandarin for the Chinese, Tamil for the Indians and Malay for the Malays, when in reality, each of these groups are far from linguistically homogenous. Singapore has been very effective in its language planning and management, not least because it is politically stable – the same political party has ruled Singapore since its independence and although Mr Lee Kuan Yew, its chief architect and founding father, has just passed away, his son is the current prime minister. Power is therefore highly centralized and policies are made efficiently without the need for contentious and prolonged discussions in parliament. Opposition parties are inconsequential and civil society – such as trade unions, free churches, liberal professions, autonomous universities and non-governmental organizations – is weak. What adds to the impressive record is that the very ­powerful People’s Action Party (PAP) is freely elected and opposition parties are legal. The choice of Mandarin to replace the Chinese vernaculars is not surprising in view of the fact that enormous socio-political economic advantages may be gained by speaking the national language of the world’s second largest economy, China. Hence, as early as 1979, a ‘Speak Mandarin’ campaign, perhaps the world’s most successful language engineering campaign, was launched. This saw the introduction of conversational Mandarin lessons over radio and the organization of forums, panel discussions and seminars on the Mandarin theme (Teo, 2005). Dialect programs over the mass media were gradually phased out – for example, Rediffusion, a popular commercial radio network which used to broadcast in six different Chinese dialects, was ordered to dub all of them in Mandarin before being allowed to stream to subscribers. As a result, Mandarin became widespread in places such as residential areas, neighborhood shopping vicinities and business districts. Thus, so successful was this campaign that coupled with the Mandarin-based educational policy described below, the percentage of Chinese households using Mandarin as the dominant language was raised within one generation, from 13% in 1980, to 30% in 1990, and reaching 45% in 2000. During the same period, the figures for Chinese dialects fell from 76% in 1980 to 30% in 2000 and 48% in 2010, all at the expense of the vernacular. These statistics are remarkable bearing in mind that the number of people speaking English and/or Mandarin at home in 1959, at the time of independence, was less than 2% (Chua, 1957; Department of Statistics, 1981, 1991, 2001, 2011).

24  Language Maintenance, Revival and Shift in the Sociology of Religion

Developments in China have also privileged the rise of Mandarin over that of the vernacular. The rise of Pǔtōnghuà (Mandarin) in China in the last century has been at the expense of over 200 distinct languages in China (cf. Ethnologue, 2013). Like Singapore, there is a tendency by an increasingly influential China to regard the multifarious mutually unintelligible Chinese Han languages as dialects under one distinctive and dominating script (cf. Strassberg, 1994). Indeed, the Chinese government is averse to discussing the presence of many languages in the country and prefers the use of the term fāngyán方言(regional language variety) to refer to Chinese multilingualism, despite the fact that many fāngyán are mutually unintelligible and are more synonymous with what we would call a language (Blum & Jensen, 2002). Official documents of the ‘one-language, one-nation’ policy (一种语言，一个国家的政策) in China refer to their many different languages as dialects of a single language, in the fear that the recognition of more than one language will be tantamount to destroying China’s political unity and identity. Another relevant point is the fact that the communist government is not prone to promote local languages as they see a close relationship between the existence of regional dialects and the maintenance of religion (or superstition). Interestingly, this was also the case of supporters of the French Revolution, who worked hard to suppress regional dialects for the same reason (Gemie, 2002). According to Fishman (1988), the education system is the most effective tool of either language shift or language maintenance and this hypothesis has been borne out in Singapore (and China). In 1969, Mandarin was made a compulsory subject in primary and secondary schools for ethnic Chinese, where it was not so previously. In 1973, the weightage given to Mandarin in the Primary School Leaving Examination (PSLE) was increased to first-language level. Indeed, each of the two official languages (i.e. English and Mandarin) carried twice as much weight as mathematics or science. Mandarin also became examinable at pre-­university and tertiary levels. In addition, minimum language requirements were imposed for admission to tertiary education (cf. Gopinathan, 1977). This draconian bilingual policy with its accompanying system of rewards and punishment in the school system had two consequences. The first was the growth of Mandarin over that of the vernacular, and the second was the gradual shift of the entire school population to speaking English as a first language. The shift to English as the working language of the nation and the medium of instruction in all schools came about as a conscious decision on the part of the government, after a careful consideration of the economic and political power of English (Chew, 2010). I am not aware of any other country which has used its language policies to churn out a population that is bi-literate in both English and another official language which is not a mother tongue. Table 2.1 shows the rapidly changing home

The Decline of the Vernacular in the Chinese Religion in Singapore  25

Table 2.1  Home language profile of Chinese Singaporean 1990 (%)

2000 (%)

2010 (%)

English

19.3

23.9

32.6

Mandarin

30.1

45.1

47.7

Chinese dialects

50.3

30.7

19.2

0.3

0.4

0.4

Others

(Source: Department of Statistics, 1990, 2000, 2010)

language profile of the Chinese Singaporean, above five years of age, from 1990 to 2010. In Table 2.1, it is apparent that from 1990 to 2000, the Singapore government had managed to persuade the majority dialect-speaking Chinese population to switch from low-value dialects to high-value Mandarin and/ or English. Positioned as the languages of the lowest class, the marginally employed and unemployable, vernaculars such as Hokkien, which had been tolerated in the pre-independence era as important regional tongues, became – and this is ironic – with the Speak Mandarin campaign, symbols of vulgarity. Further, as the figures in the table reveal, most Chinese Singaporeans are bilingual in English and Mandarin, and the vast majority are unable to either speak or understand dialect. With regards to the vast power differential (cf. Hyltenstam & Stroud, 1996) in English/ Mandarin as opposed to the vernacular, it is not surprising then that language shift has occurred from the latter to the former. Such a remarkable shift may also be explained by the fact that Singaporeans are known to be pragmatic (rather than nationalistic) people, not least because more than 80% of the population are largely immigrant Chinese or Indians, people who have been wrenched from extremely deep roots and plagued by insecurities. They are sojourners operating in a hostile environment, adaptive people moving from lowtech to high-tech, from commerce to manufacturing, from flowers to toys to circuit boards. They come from authoritarian and paternalistic backgrounds with an ingrained respect for authority figures. Their prime objective is often the generation of family wealth. In this respect, the mass learning of English and Mandarin was attained relatively easily, without strong controversy or bloodshed. Indeed, the Gallup Poll (Clifton, 2012) has ranked Singaporeans as the ‘least emotional people in the world’. The propagation of English as the superior language in Singapore has been so successful that the vernacular which used to be a staple in Chinese temples has been severely affected. One notable side-effect of the switch to English-speaking is the fact that it has hastened the adoption of more Westernized ways of thinking about religion, not all of them supportive or sympathetic to the ideals of the Chinese religion. This has meant that the younger generation have been increasingly unable to appreciate temple

26  Language Maintenance, Revival and Shift in the Sociology of Religion

activities. Not surprisingly, the language shift has corresponded with a drastic drop in temple enrolment (Chew, 2006). The Decline of the Vernacular in the Chinese Religion: Internal Factors

While external factors refer to extrinsic factors outside of language, internal factors refer to intrinsic factors which are peculiar to the religion and its language. According to Ferguson (1982: 102), all religious belief systems include some beliefs about language – for example, Islam and Hinduism consider the sacred text untranslatable. Sanskrit is the liturgical language of Hinduism and a literary and scholarly language in Buddhism and Jainism. The Jewish faith holds language to be sanctified. So too Pali descends from a number of Rigvedic dialects despite its difference from it and many Theravada sources refer to it as ‘Magadhan’ or the language of the Buddha. Christianity and Buddhism allow translations but show a strong favor for specific translations, such as in Judaism and Islam where the language is not merely a tool but something sacred. This is true as well for the Chinese religion, which has a special place for language and the written word. For the Chinese, the word is certainly not the self-arranged abstruseness of accountants, lawyers and academics but is linked to the cosmological hierarchy with the divine in the apex. In the Chinese religion, words are believed to be inscribed on tablets of gold in the highest heavens and are imbued with a certain spirit. They are stored on the mountain of the jade capital in Mystery Metropolis, the center of the Heaven of the Grand Network. Celestials residing in these heavens transmit their wisdom either through liturgical manuscripts and scriptures handed down and recopied within lines of hereditary transmission or directly by possessing the body of a medium. Indeed, the word and the object of reverence is often the same thing (cf. Kohn, 2009). However, there is a difference in the Chinese religion where its relationship to language is concerned. The sound is separate from the word. The characters in Chinese refer to ideas before referring to sounds, and a person can read them without knowing how to pronounce a single Chinese word, in the same way that a comic strip can be read without words. Similarly, one and the same Chinese ideograph stands for a concept which can be read by people who in the spoken language do not understand each other; thus the logographic script, independent of pronunciation, became the main unifying factor of the Chinese culture, both in its geographical and historical dimension (cf. Zhao & Baldauf, 2008). Chinese writing has the special characteristics of not really being lined, from the phonetic point of view, to a particular language: a person speaking the Běto ng dialect cannot communicate with someone from Guǎg diau, but they can both read the same newspaper and communicate in writing. The logographic script unites the different Chinese temples together although the

The Decline of the Vernacular in the Chinese Religion in Singapore  27

temple may be speaking in varied vernaculars. Hence Hokkien, Hakka, Hainanese, the traditional temple vernaculars are not the language of the religion, they are just the sounds emanating from the script. They are not the word; the script is the word, and hence the sound is not indispensable. Indeed, the script enables an identity that is perhaps even more Chinese than the actual spoken language. The Chinese temple is often adorned with many literary symbols on its walls, its altars and on the robes of the mediums and attendants. In the temples, there are flags and banners with Chinese ideographs. The sacred texts in Chinese temples are not merely containers of divine truth but also powerful means of magic, seats of celestial potency, and signs of the ultimate. Daoist temples, in particular, use esoteric diagrams, charts of the universe, supernatural maps of sacred mountains and talismanic signs to activate the original powers of Dao. Symbols of cosmogony elements, the representations of the body, depiction of body gods or even symbolic representation of the underworld in most places abound (Kohn, 2009). Temple walls and artifacts contain celestial signs and drawings that symbolize the essential power of god or heaven. Calligraphy is prevalent in cosmic charts or banners hung at doors and gateways. In brief, Chinese ethnic identity is already preserved by factors such as the script, custom, culture, kinship, social ties and memory of past generations; the oral vernacular is only one identity factor and not necessarily the most vital. There is also a rather unique fluidity and/or flexibility in the Chinese religion that enables it to respond to top-down and other changes perhaps a little better than most other major religions. First, it should be noted that in the Chinese religion, there is no central canon or overall leader or formal membership records. This scenario is very different in churches and mosques where the priests and the imams may take the trouble to know their congregation and to educate the children of their flock as to a particular doctrine. Churches and mosques usually have prescribed texts, scriptures and rituals as well as schools and classes for children. Therefore a lot of social capital is at stake. While a Christian or Muslim may go to the church or mosque to learn from the Bible or Quran, adherents would go to the Chinese temple neither to hear a sermon nor to read from the sacred text, but usually to pray and to ask a favor from the gods. This means that there is little compulsion or need to learn complex texts or rituals (or to relearn them when switching to another temple). In other words, in Chinese temple worship, little or no attempt is made to entrench the adherent and his offsprings within a particular temple or religious ideology. Temples have a pragmatic ‘do it because it works’ and ‘seek spiritual guidance because it pays’ mentality rather than a central dogma. Quite a few things are negotiable and one is personally obliged to find a temple and a god (and there are many to choose from) that suits one’s needs. However, if a dogma is to be insisted on for the Chinese religion, then it is probably the idea that in order for one to become a celestial immortal,

28  Language Maintenance, Revival and Shift in the Sociology of Religion

which is something that everyone should aim for, one needs to perform a certain number of good deeds. In other religions such as Judaism and Hinduism, it is the priest and/ or clergy who preserves the language and therefore the sacred language is of intrinsic importance to them. It is part of their identity and often the basis of their legitimacy and they would naturally be the first to speak out, or instigate their flock to do so on their behalf, should their sacred language be in any form threatened or disrespected. However, the priests are not the keepers of the faith in the Chinese temple. Chinese priests do not normally preach or lecture and many of them are not necessarily learned or ordained. Without a central canon or central body there are no liturgies or canonical precepts for them or their flock to imbibe. Anyone who is ‘spiritually gifted’ can build a temple, in which case they can be laws unto themselves and their successes will depend on their own charisma with their followers. Some temples are owned by families and may be classified as small businesses, registered under the laws of the state. Certain family members may act as the steward, manager, priest or spirit medium or all four roles may reside in one person. Other temples may be clan-run concerns. Some temples are monastic – that is, they invite monks from differing orders to reside within their grounds and these monks may be full-timers or part-timers, not necessarily fully professional. Last but not least, there are also the home or office temples which prefer spontaneity and innovation in their weekly meetings rather than stylized liturgies or spirit-mediumship (Chew, 2014). In my encounters with temple-keepers in Singapore, who may or may not be priests and/or spirit mediums as well, all of them clearly understand the implications of language shift from the vernacular – that is, declining membership as more and more young people speak and think in English and become overtaken by a modern and Westernized ideology which regards both the temple and the vernacular as obsolete and superstitious. Surprisingly, the temple-keepers are not too disturbed nor terribly concerned. I recall an interview with a spirit medium who I will call by the name of ‘X’ from a Hokkien temple, who may be regarded as typical of all young mediums. He was a dynamic young man of about 29, who as a child had been apprenticed to an older temple-keeper who was also a spirit medium. Mediums are called to their vocation out of a sense of service to their community and are able through the use of the high vernacular to travel through time and space to retrieve ancient wisdom. Typically, the medium will invoke the Shen (spirits or deity) to take over his body so as to do the spiritual or physical healing that is required. Mr X, who may be regarded as typical of mediums in Singapore, spoke about 85% vernacular (Hokkien), interspersed with about 15% Mandarin, and informed me that he was willing to increase his learning of Mandarin if the language could help him with his work. However, the problem, he assured me – in Hokkien – was not with him or with his clients not wanting to

The Decline of the Vernacular in the Chinese Religion in Singapore  29

speak Mandarin but rather with the Shen (spirits who manifest their generosity by giving answers to questions from the nether world) who could only communicate in the ancestral language of their time and the province they came from (which was of course not Mandarin). He assured me that he and other fellow mediums were not against the learning of Mandarin (or English) in the temple but that they had no control over the language which was coming from the other side and also that while he was willing to communicate in Mandarin with his clients, he would still have to use the vernacular to communicate with the Shen. He also said, with regards to the future use of English in the temple, that it would not be a problem but that there was no demand for this as yet, as most of his clients were elderly and they could still understand Hokkien. He acknowledged that he had been using more and more Mandarin with each passing year, especially with his younger clientele. Conclusion

In all domains, including religious, one may witness the phenomena of language maintenance, shift and death due largely to changes in the wider national and global socio-cultural economic environment. The study of language maintenance in the religious context is especially important not only because of the scarcity of research here but also because as Jesuit theologian Pierre Teilhard de Chardin has noted, ‘We are not human beings having a spiritual experience. We are spiritual beings having a human experience.’ Religion plays an important role in the human psyche – this is seen in the fact that languages which are associated with religions are often more durable, so much so that when the vernacular dies, it lingers on in the classical such as Pali in Buddhism and in Tzeltal prayers in Aztec and Mayan religion. This has been referred to in the sociolinguistic literature as bottom-to top death: that is, a language ceases to be used as a medium of conversation, but may survive in special uses like religion or folk songs. Such a phenomenon must be read as an effect of much broader changes in other domains of the society in which that religion finds itself. While religious invocations, prayers, folk songs and stories remain the last bastions of survival for the dominated vernaculars in Singapore, the sudden shift from the vernacular to officially sanctioned English and Mandarin within the course of two generations has involved the progressive demise of the vernacular within the domains of the workplace, school, community center, home and, as our study has shown, religion. This chapter has shown how a radical language shift has occurred in the Chinese temple in Singapore within the last two generations because of internal and external factors. Where external factors are concerned, Chinese vernacular in religion has shown itself ineffective to counter the linguistic policies of a strong and purposeful state. A centralized and essentially one-party government has effectively created a scenario whereby

30  Language Maintenance, Revival and Shift in the Sociology of Religion

Chinese Singaporeans are moving towards a less complex language situation: where English has become dominant in formal communication and Mandarin in informal communication, pushing out former lingua francas of Singapore such as Hokkien and Cantonese in all domains. This includes, perhaps surprisingly, that of the religious – a domain which had traditionally been the most resilient where language maintenance is concerned. Where internal factors are concerned, the unique features of the Chinese religion have continued, together with external factors, to hasten the decline of the vernacular within its compounds both in Singapore (and China). While the classical vernacular continues to be used in prayers and invocation, the informal vernacular once used commonly in social interactions within the temple grounds is also fast disappearing due to the relative and ostensibly flexible and peaceful nature of the Chinese religion, its view of language as primarily a tool in achieving one’s spiritual goals, and the inclination to view the oral vernacular as only one of several ingredients in the defining of the Chinese religious identity. Despite the gradual erosion of the vernacular and its corollary, the native religion, there have in recent years been renewed efforts by Chinese clan associations and other heritage-preservation bodies to impart and revive their respective mother tongues and ancestral heritage. This effort has been met with an increasingly warm reception even from the younger generation (cf. Ng & Woo, 2012). However, their efforts are piecemeal and mostly token in nature, and without political or financial support from mainstream bodies. To conclude, it is much too early to tell whether Chinese vernaculars in Singapore will eventually join dead European languages like Pictish, Etruscan and Gothic, or be rescued from their decline through a sudden reversal in government language policies or the popular vote. Notes (1) This research is supported by a grant, SUG 20/15 CGL, from the National Institute of Education, Nanyang Technological University. I am grateful for the help rendered to me by my two research assistants. (2) ‘Void deck’ refers to the ground floor of a block of flats, which is left vacant and t­ ypically used for communal activities. (3) I have had detailed participant observation in many Chinese temples since childhood. I have attended numerous temple events, such as anniversaries of deities, funereal rites, street operas, festivals, etc. In recent years, I have been able to record and transcribe some of these activities on a portable video camera. I count a handful of spirit m ­ ediums and temple-keepers as my personal friends and acquaintances. Interviews with ­temple-goers were done on an informal basis and were conducted in the vernacular (Hokien), which also happens to be my mother tongue. Comprising two-fifths of the Chinese ­Singaporean population, the Hokkien (福建人) are the largest linguistic group in Singapore. Indeed, Hokkien was the lingua franca among the Chinese in Singapore and was also used by other ethnic groups such as the Malays and Indians to communicate with Chinese before Mandarin came to dominance during the 1980s and 1990s (Chew, 2013).

The Decline of the Vernacular in the Chinese Religion in Singapore  31

References Blum, S.D. and Jensen, L.M. (eds) (2002) China Off Center: Mapping the Margins of the Middle Kingdom. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press. Chau, A. (2010) ‘迷信专业户’？中国宗教实践中的家户型宗教服务供给者 (Chinese version of ‘Superstition specialist households?’: The household idiom in Chinese religious practices, Chinese academic journal 2010年03期 (Xuehai 3), 43–56. Chew, P.G.L. (2006) Language use and religious practice: The case of Singapore. In T. Omoniyi and J.A. Fishman (eds) Explorations in the Sociology of Language and Religion (pp. 40–63). Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Chew, P.G.L. (2008) Daoist youths in Singapore: Attitudes, beliefs and language choice. In T.C. Wong (ed.) Research of Taoism and Culture (pp. 262–291). Singapore: World Scientific. Chew, P.G.L. (2010) From chaos to order: Language change, lingua francas and world Englishes. In M. Saxena and T. Omoniyi (eds) Contending with Globalization in World Englishes (pp. 45–71). Bristol: Multilingual Matters. Chew, P.G.L. (2013) A Sociolinguistic History of Early Identities in Singapore: From Colonialism to Nationalism. Basingstroke: Palgrave. Chew, P.G.L. (2014) Religious temple management in China. Asia Research Institute Working Paper Series 215 (February 2014). Chua, S.C. (1957) Report on the Census of Population 1957. Singapore: Government Printing Press. Clammer, J. (1993) Religious pluralism and Chinese belief in Singapore. In H.T. Cheu (ed.) Chinese Beliefs and Practices in Southeast Asia (pp. 199–220). Petaling Jaya, Selangor: Pelanduk Publications. Clifton, J. (2012). ‘Singapore ranks as least emotional country in the world’, Gallup, news article. See https://news.gallup.com/poll/158882/singapore-ranks-least-emotionalcountry-world.aspx (accessed October 2018). de Kadt, E. (2005) English, language shift and identities: A comparison between ‘Zuludominant’ and ‘multicultural’ students on a South African university campus. Southern African Linguistics and Applied Language Studies 23 (1), 19–37. Department of Statistics (1981) Census of population 1980, Singapore. In C.K. Khoo, Administrative Report on the Census of Population. Singapore: Department of Statistics. 9 volumes. Department of Statistics (1991) Census of Population 1990. In Advance Data Release. Singapore: Department of Statistics. Department of Statistics (2001) Census of Population 2000. In Advance Data Release. Singapore: Department of Statistics. Department of Statistics (2011) Census of Population 2010. In Statistical Release 1, Demographic Characteristics, Education, Language and Religion. Singapore: Department of Statistics. Ethnologue (2013) (17th edition). See https://www.ethnologue.com/ (accessed October 2018). Fasold, R. (1990) Sociolinguistics of Language. Oxford: Blackwell. Ferguson, C.A. (1982) Religious factors in language spread. In R.L. Cooper (ed.) Language Spread: Studies in Diffusion and Social Change (pp. 33–49). Bloomington: Indiana University Press. Finnegan, R. (2012) Language as talisman: A story of dreaming and waking. Applied Linguistics 101, 17–27. Fishman, J. (1964) Language maintenance and language shift as a field of enquiry: A definition of the field and suggestions for its further development. Linguistics 9, 32–70. Fishman, J. (1988) The development and reform of writing systems. In U. Ammon, N. Dittmar and K.J. Mattheier (eds) Sociolinguistics: An International Handbook of the Science of Language and Society Vol 2 (pp. 1643–1650). Berlin and New York: Walter de Gruyter.

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Florey, M. (1993) The reinterpretation of knowledge and its role in the process of language obsolescence. Oceanic Linguistics 32 (2), 295–309. García, O., Peltz, R. and Schiffman, H.F. (eds) (2006) Language Loyalty, Continuity and Change: Joshua A. Fishman’s Contributions to International Sociolinguistics. Clevedon: Multilingual Matters. Gemie, S. (2002) The politics of language: Debates and identities in contemporary Brittany. French Cultural Studies 13, 145–164. Giles, H., Coupland, J and Coupland N. (eds) (1991) Contexts of Accommodation: Developments in Applied Sociolinguistics. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Gopinathan, S. (1977) Developing a language policy for education in Singapore. In W. Crewe (ed.) The English Language in Singapore (pp. 34–45). Singapore: Eastern Universities Press. Grinevald, C. and Bert, M. (2011) Speakers and communities. In P.K. Austin and J. Sallabank (eds) Cambridge Handbook of Endangered Languages (p. 50). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Hyltenstam, K. and Stroud, C. (1996) Language maintenance. In H. Goebl, P.H. Nelde, Z. Stary and W. Wolck (eds) An International Handbook of Contemporary Research. Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 567–578. Kohn, L. (2009) Introducing Daoism. London and New York: Routledge. Lagerway, J. (2010) China: A Religious State. Hong Kong: University of Hong Kong Press. Ng, J.Y. and Woo, S.B. (2012) Dialects find a voice. Today (NUS), news article, 22 April 2012. See http://newshub.nus.edu.sg/news/1204/PDF/VOICE-tdy-22apr-p2-3.pdf (accessed August 2014). Schendl, H. (2001) Historical Linguistics. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Strassberg, R.E. (1994) Inscribed Landscapes: Travel Writing from Imperial China. California: University of California Press. Teo, P. (2005) Mandarising Singapore: A critical analysis of slogans in Singapore’s ‘Speak Mandarin’ campaign. Critical Discourse Studies 2 (2), 121–142. Wardhaugh, R. (1998) An Introduction to Sociolinguistics (3rd edn). Oxford: Blackwell. Zhao, S. and Baldauf Jr, R.B. (2008) Planning Chinese Characters: Reaction, Evolution or Revolution? Dordrecht: Springer.

3 Singing in My Language(s): How Religious Verse and Song Contribute to Minority Language Maintenance Andrey Rosowsky

The use of sanctified texts such as traditional religious poetry and songs in multilingual Muslim settings is a religious, artistic and literacy practice currently enjoying growing popularity among young Muslims in the UK and elsewhere. It links, for example, with the explosion of interest in religious song and verse that has accompanied growing religiosity elsewhere in the Muslim world (Rasmussen, 2010; van Nieuwkerk, 2011). For those taking part, such activity is an important element in the construction and negotiation of their religious and linguistic identities. It also challenges stereotyping discourses that associate young Muslims engaged in serious religious activity with so-called radicalisation. The traditional is matched by a growing engagement with more popular forms of verse, music and performance in a dramatic example of the blend, or hybridity, of older and newer literacy and artistic practices fashioning newer spaces, including virtual ones, for private and public, sacred and sanctified practices. This chapter suggests that these practices may be playing a role in both language maintenance and in the formation and negotiation of religio-­ linguistic identity. The chapter is based on the findings of a recently completed ethnographic study looking at the linguistic and social processes involved in a revival of interest in, and performance of, religious verse and song among Muslim youth in a northern city in the UK (see also Rosowsky, 2010, 2011). The young people have a variety of Punjabi as their home or community language (known variously as Mirpuri-Punjabi, Pahari or Pothwari – see Lothers & Lothers, 2010, 2012) but this variety, as the preferred language for inter-peer and intergenerational communication, is 33

34  Language Maintenance, Revival and Shift in the Sociology of Religion

undergoing a shift to English. Urdu, an accompanying prestigious variety in those families with an Urdu tradition, is experiencing a similar shift (Rosowsky, 2008). The poems and songs performed are both traditional (i.e. composed originally in Punjabi or in Urdu, occasionally in Farsi) and modern (i.e. composed in English or composed bi- or multilingually). This renaissance consists in the practice, online or offline, of listening to, transcribing, recording, collecting, sharing, memorising, discussing and gathering to celebrate the forms of sung or recited poetry traditionally associated with the Islamic literary heritage as it is experienced and lived both in the emerging Muslim communities of the West and in the transnational settings of the ummah, the pan-Islamic global community. These poetic and musical forms are commonly termed naat (Persian, and subsequently Urdu, lit. hymn) or nasheed (Arabic, lit. hymn or anthem). The term qasidah is also used though strictly speaking this, in Arabic, refers to a panegyric poem in particular. In ‘naïve’ and popularised usage all three terms are often used interchangeably. The study, therefore, also reveals an instance of the co-sanctification of languages (Fishman, 2006) used for religious purposes within translingual (García, 2007) and transidiomatic (Jacquemet, 2005) practices. Throughout the chapter I will use the composite phrase naat/nasheed when referring to the social and religious practice of reciting religious poetry and song. Where necessary, for example in discussions around the languages associated with each genre, the separate words naat and nasheed will be utilised. Naat is an Urdu/Persian word used as an umbrella term for all poetry of this nature, though strictly speaking naat is a poetic form reserved exclusively for odes to the Prophet Muhammad. Naat are recited in a sing-song manner but are not understood normally as ‘songs’. Nasheed is the Arabic/Urdu word used for songs as distinct from naat. Naat are composed principally in Urdu, Punjabi and Farsi. The Punjabi here is not the spoken variety used in family, neighbourhood and community interactions, Mirpuri-Punjabi (for other names, see above), but a prestigious variety strictly compartmentalised mainly to this function and domain for poetry and occasional literary revivalist movements in Punjabi. Though some of the poetry can be attributed to one or another author, many verses, particularly those in the religious classical, Arabic, are unattributed and often appear in the canon as anon. The poetry is also steeped in the Sufi tradition with themes and literary features suffused with notions of divine and prophetic love and mystical intoxication. The nasheed on the other hand is a devotional song which can cover a range of themes and topics. Most are sung by individuals or groups with choruses often sung by those in attendance at a gathering. The discourse of the naat is a sanctified one with the Urdu or H-Punjabi traditionally suffused with Arabic and/or Farsi vocabulary, a form hallowed by tradition and a discipline associated with poetic style and normative conventions around recitation and performance (for example, the standing up of all present

How Religious Verse and Song Contribute to Minority Language Maintenance  35

at a recitation is associated with some naat). Nasheeds are more informal and, depending on context for performance, can involve instrumentation. In a mosque, a drum (daff) is likely to be the only instrument tolerated whereas outside the mosque more elaborate instrumentation is common, involving stringed instruments and even electronic accompaniment. It is perhaps no surprise that it is nasheed which admits leakage from other varieties and languages, including from English, whilst the naat is more carefully demarcated and restricted allowing almost exclusively only the sanctified varieties of Urdu, H-Punjabi and Farsi. The chapter has two parts. The first examines to what extent such practices are acting as a significant bulwark in community efforts to forestall language loss or shift. Ferguson (1982) has already noted how religious observance could help the maintenance of languages in a minority setting. This sociolinguistic emphasis will seek to elucidate the process by which such practices are encouraging young people to invest time and effort in learning, or re-learning, or improving, their knowledge of their community literary languages. This includes not only Urdu but also Punjabi, which though used mainly in the UK as a preferred spoken variety, is occasionally used in poetry and song. In Fishman’s Graded Intergenerational Disruption Scale (GIDS) model for reversing language shift (1991) such practices (GIDS Stage 7) are usually associated with older generations (often the last, dying, generation) and in the UK context, whilst this more usual pattern is in evidence – often in more secular contexts – it is among Muslim young people that these practices appear more vibrant and dynamic. In addition, this section will share findings of similar practices employing languages other than Urdu and Punjabi. A growing feature of such multilingual communities of practice is the use of English, the spoken language of most of the participants, and of Arabic, the language most young Muslims aspire to learn, and have learnt in a decoding manner. In the second part of the chapter, these literary, linguistic and artistic processes will be viewed through the lens of prevailing discourses around young Muslim identities. The social processes involved in the encounter between language and religion are complex and multifaceted (Verkyuten, 2005; Jaspal & Cinnirella, 2012). Young people are socialised, formally and informally, into both language and religion through a nexus of family, community and officially sanctioned state settings. While there is often overlap between these socialising processes, they frequently adopt different trajectories resulting in multiple identities. Rosowsky (2011) writes of how children within UK Muslim communities deploy their linguistic repertoires in secular and faith settings as part of their socialisation into language and religious practices. Others (Harris, 2006; Rampton, 1995) have reported on how language-mixing or code-switching among British Asian young people is contributing to new secular youth identities. This chapter reveals alternatives to recently described constructions of identity among this target group. The young Muslim masculinities uncovered by

36  Language Maintenance, Revival and Shift in the Sociology of Religion

Abbas (2005) and others (Archer, 2001; Dwyer & Sanghera, 2008) seem to exclude those young people who are pursuing more artistic and more affective, or sensitive, routes into religious identities. These essentialising and autonomising tendencies occur in both popular and academic accounts (Abbas, 2007) and have led to the popular view that religious commitment among this group equates to so-called ‘extremism’ or ‘radicalisation’. In summary, this chapter will share findings that attempt to address two linked questions: (1) To what extent, and in which manner, is the use of religious poetry in community languages serving to reinforce knowledge and support for said languages, i.e. reversing, or at least mitigating, language shift within the younger generation? (2) To what extent, and in which manner, do these religious, artistic and linguistic practices reflect a more nuanced picture of Islamic practice, contrasting with prevailing political and popular discourses stressing more radicalised versions of the religion? The comments in both parts of the chapter are based on two datasets. The first of these are the transcribed words from a series of interviews carried out with naat/nasheed participants in 2010. A ‘participant’ is here understood as any young person with an interest in naat/nasheed regardless of level of participation. Some of my interviewees were public performers and local organisers of naat/nasheed events; others simply liked to listen to naat/nasheed either publicly or privately usually on various electronic formats. The second dataset are the tallied answers to a set of questions given out to 66 young (mainly between the ages of 11 and 25) male and female British Muslims, predominantly of Pakistani-heritage background living in a northern UK town. This sample, it should be stressed, is not a randomised sample of this ethnic community. It was initially based on a convenience sample provided by the segregated male and female audiences at a naat/nasheed gathering followed up by a snowball sampling generated by attendees of the original gathering. The questionnaire had four sections: personal/identity; language use claimed; level of participation and nature of interest in naat/nasheed; and religious/­ doctrinal allegiance. A total of 44 males and 22 females completed the questionnaire. Nearly half the respondents were employed, 40% were students of some kind and 12% were unemployed (many of these were mothers looking after small children at home). It has already been mentioned how this cultural practice is mainly popular among young people, and the ages of the respondents reflect this – though as the initial sample was a convenience sample of a typical gathering this was always likely. In total 18% were between the ages of 11 and 16, 40% between 17 and 25 and 33% between 26 and 35. A small number (9%) of respondents were aged 36 or more.

How Religious Verse and Song Contribute to Minority Language Maintenance  37

A word or two about the ‘gathering’ mentioned here. The young people who feature in this chapter and who, by their behaviour, have demonstrated an active engagement with naat/nasheed practice tend to meet regularly in semi-public (in mosques or meeting halls) or private gatherings (at someone’s house) where, alongside other devotional practices such as prayer or recitation, poetry and song are performed in a range of languages. Some who attend will perform whilst others will listen and sometimes join in with choruses. I interviewed some of the performers (Tanveer, 24; Shazad, 22; Shahid, 23 and Akhtar, 22) and some of those who choose to listen and be ‘fans’ of the genre (Yasmeen, 21; Latif, 21; Tariq, 26 and Hamid, 21). The questionnaires were distributed after one of the gatherings I attended in a local mosque. Naat/Nasheed and Reversing Language Shift

Firstly, in this section, I will examine the extent naat/nasheed practices forestall language loss or shift in this particular diaspora. I draw on theories of language shift worked up by Fishman and others (1991, 2001) and, in particular, his Graded Intergenerational Disruption Scale (GIDS) for Reversing Language Shift (RLS), to share observations that this revival of interest in poetry and song may be contributing to RLS from within a constituency usually associated with language shift, i.e. the young second and third generations of a minority speech community in a diaspora setting. This section will also draw upon Fishman’s ‘Decalogue of basic theoretical principles for a sociology of language and religion’ (2006: 13–25) to frame accounts and observations around the demarcation of language and variety function within this ethno-religious setting. This sociolinguistic emphasis will elucidate how such practices, including scriptal ones, encourage young people to invest time and effort in learning, or re-­ learning, or improving, knowledge of their community literary languages. In language shift literature, such practice is usually associated with older generations (often the last, dying, generation – the ‘Last Mohicans’ is a term Fishman (1991) uses). Fishman terms as Xish events (here ‘Xish’ denotes any language in a minority relationship) those practices such as ‘rituals, ceremonies, concerts, lectures, contests, readings, songfests, theatrical presentations, radio and television programmes and publications’ (Fishman, 1991: 397) found mostly among the older generation. There has already been evidence that in certain minority ethnic settings these stages are problematic (Fishman, 2001; Rosowsky, 2011). This chapter shares evidence of Stage 7-type activity being spearheaded and maintained by younger community members via the renewal of interest in religious poetry manifested in both real and virtual (online) settings. The effect this activity has on reversing language shift is uncertain and would need a fuller investigation than is possible here to ascertain the degree and the extent of any reversal

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(see Rosowsky, 2011). This chapter also identifies the methods by which the languages in question are utilising non-traditional means (i.e. the use of non-Perso-­Arabic script in transliteration) to consolidate their status (Rosowsky, 2010). The latter is a contrary example of Coulmas’s generally valid principle that new scripts put literary tradition out of the reach of later generations (1989: 242). Furthermore, Fishman’s decalogue of theoretical principles underpinning research on the relationship between language and religion (2006) identifies the roles played by sanctified and co-sanctified (sanctified by association) languages. Below, the sanctification of languages such as Urdu and Punjabi will be explored. Constituting those flows of language, culture and religion that operate transnationally and translocally, these young UK Muslims listen to and emulate professional naat and nasheed singers originating both from Pakistan and from the Middle East such as Owais Qadri (in Urdu, Punjabi and Farsi) and Sami Yusuf (in Arabic). There’s been a massive introduction of especially Pakistan-based Urdu- or Punjabi-speaking Naat Khawaans and munshids [singers]. If you go into any bookshop you’ll see loads of different artists, Naat Khawaans, promoting their own CDs or nasheeds. It’s our generation who are interested, but even in the fourth generation, at the age of seven, you’ll see Naat Khawaans with a CD. (Tanveer, 24)

In the questionnaire, participants were asked to indicate languages they ‘spoke/understood/had some knowledge of’. This allowed for participants to indicate a range of languages regardless of level of competence. It was hoped that this might help build up a picture of linguistic repertoire (or resources) rather than communicative proficiency. In many respects, the performance of recitation in sanctified or co-sanctified languages is limited communicatively and it is possible to categorise these practices as non-communicative and symbolic linguistic repertoires. After English, the most-used languages selected were Punjabi, Urdu, Mirpuri and Arabic. It was expected that participants would vary in the term they used for their community or heritage language and other names offered were Pahari and Pothwari, which together with Punjabi and Mirpuri are often interchangeably used. Linguistically, Punjabi, as spoken in Pakistan, has a number of varieties and dialects, some of which attract claims for discrete languages – among which are Pahari and Pothwari which are both associated with different geographical areas of Mirpur province or Azad Kashmir. The very small numbers selecting Pahari or Pothwari for language use suggest that among young Pakistani-heritage Muslims in the UK these terms are unfamiliar. The relatively high number for Urdu may indeed reflect literary usage or may also indicate over-claiming for a prestigious variety. Edwards (2010) writes of how even when language

How Religious Verse and Song Contribute to Minority Language Maintenance  39

shift takes place a vestigial knowledge of a language can be claimed for symbolic reasons, perhaps best summed up by the oft-heard expression, ‘I can’t speak our language.’ Perhaps a little surprising is the relatively low percentage claiming knowledge of Arabic. Arabic is, of course, the religious classical most, if not all, the young people would have learnt at the mosque school when they were younger and which they use regularly in their devotions – the nature of the sample implies at least a modicum level of religious observance involving Quranic Arabic. It may be the case that the participants interpreted the language question as meaning communicative competence despite the wording ‘have some knowledge of’ which was used to encompass knowledge of a religious classical. Elsewhere (Rosowsky, 2013), I have suggested that the use of a religious classical may be understood by participants as performance of a ‘script’ rather than constituting knowledge of language as such and here there may be emic support for such a view. The naat listened to, privately, publicly or online, transcribed by hand onto paper or onto electronic devices, collected in notebooks, on hard drives or on mobile phones, and performed, formally and informally, are invariably composed in Urdu or Punjabi. For many young people these are languages which they may or may not have proficiency in communicatively. However, all appear to have elements of both languages in their linguistic repertoires. Blommaert (2010) describes such elements as ‘truncated’ or ‘bits and pieces’ and these are often the ‘stuff’ of multilingual practices: communicative ones, performative ones or symbolic ones. These linguistic resources share space with standard and local varieties of English, the religious classical and school-learned languages (French, German and Spanish, for example). These linguistic resources are employed in discursive spaces to perform, communicate, represent and negotiate identity and group membership (Blackledge & Creese, 2010). That the use of Punjabi and Urdu, at least in certain limited and demarcated domains, may also be contributing to a reversal in language shift within this generation is a possibility. Many of the interviewees spoke of a feeling or connection with the ‘words’ of naat before any sense of meaning developed. I never understood but I liked the tone or the expressions of the person reciting or the reaction of the audience. What is this person saying that is getting so many people smiling? (Latif, 21) I started with the local radio, Radio Ramadan. They started playing the naat and I really enjoyed them. I went down to the local bookshop and bought some CDs and tapes … At first my interest was in the sounds. (Akhtar, 22) Some of the Urdu words were a bit advanced for me at that stage. (Tanveer, 24)

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As it’s poetry, it therefore has a deeper meaning. To understand that you would need an advanced understanding of the language. Some [religious] scholars wouldn’t understand some of the poetry recited. (Yasmeen, 21) Even if we don’t understand it, we can see the love coming out. (Akhtar, 22) You get the feelings, special feelings through the words that you can’t get in English. (Hamid, 21) Many a time at a younger age I didn’t know what the sentences meant – I knew key words but as I grew up it became clearer. (Tanveer, 24)

As an interest in the poetry develops, a possible improvement in language knowledge develops as well, though perhaps never to communicative purposes. However, that’s him as a reciter. The listeners can go either way. They may listen and not understand and withdraw from that [practice]. Others may have the opposite effect and say ‘right, I want to understand that, what he’s reciting’ and take that step forward to try and learn about the language. So it can go either way. (Shazad, 22) Reciting naat in Urdu is not developing speaking and listening skills but it is picking up key words … but you wouldn’t be able to have a conversation with a person. (Tanveer, 24)

In the questionnaire, participants were asked whether they listened to naat in general, naat in Urdu/Punjabi/Farsi, nasheed in Arabic/English/ any, qasidahs in Arabic, qawwali and ghazals. All participants claimed to listen to or to be interested in naat/nasheed with nearly half indicating this was a daily occurrence, with 20% indicating it was an hourly practice. The majority listened to naat/nasheed through some sort of electronic device (CD, online, MP3, mobile phone) although the highest single category was in the mosque (20%). Preference for naat or nasheed was split evenly with most participants indicating they were interested in both. As naat are composed almost exclusively in heritage (Urdu, Punjabi) or heritage-related languages (Farsi), it is possible to deduce that more of the young people professed a greater interest in naat in their original languages than in nasheed in English. However, it is almost impossible to compare the two genres linguistically as they tend towards being language-specific. This supports Fishman’s notion (2006) of the sanctification and co-sanctification of language varieties. Here, the co-­ sanctified varieties, Urdu and Punjabi, through their historical association with ‘religion back home’ are understood as coterminous with the religious nature of the poetry. English, on the other hand, and its association with the diaspora setting, carries no such co-sanctification so that

How Religious Verse and Song Contribute to Minority Language Maintenance  41

performance of naat in English (either composed or in translation) is rare, or even impossible. Maybe in 50 years or so there will be a poet who writes naat in English … that when people read it they will feel that love coming out of the words … but you can’t get in English at the moment what you get in Urdu or Arabic. (Shahid, 23)

As Fishman writes, Specific languages are related to specific cultures and to their attendant cultural identities; and that ‘the specificity of the linguistic bond of most cultural doings … makes the very notion of a “translated culture” so inauthentic and even abhorrent’. (2001: 3)

‘Singing for the Prophet’ in English, for many in the older generation, is something unfamiliar and even unacceptable. Our parents do not really understand that there is such a thing as naat/ nasheed in English. All their lives they’ve heard naat in Urdu. They’ve never thought someone could be praising the Prophet in English also. (Hamid, 21)

Nasheed, or hymns, do not appear to be as sacredly demarcated as naat. As they are not beholden to any particular poetic form or tradition, they tend towards leakage to English quite readily. The existence of nasheed in Arabic (in contradistinction to the co-sanctified and stylised genre of the qasidah which is more usually in Arabic) provides another outlet for performance of religious song and verse. The young participants’ interest in Arabic nasheed is part of their linguistic repertoires and supports a pan-­ Islamic identity, reaching beyond the intergenerational restrictions of the community, linguistically, culturally and even doctrinally. The nasheed can be performed therefore in a variety of languages making dynamic use of the young people’s linguistic resources. Nasheeds can be mono-, bi- or trilingual, deploying Urdu, Punjabi, Arabic and English. This translingual or transidiomatic flow is matched by cultural flows involving melody, instrumentation and rhythm so that nasheed can blend musical genres, mixing the modern with the traditional, diachronically and synchronically. Many young Muslims in the UK are simultaneously developing performances that make emerging use of Western popular genres and forms for extending their repertoires, drawing on such artists as the ‘boyband’-esque a cappella outfits such as Aashiq Al Rasul and Shaam, US-based rap and hip-hop artists such as Native Deen, American folk singers such as Dawud Wharnsby-Ali and reggae singers such as Mekka. In their more polished and professional manifestations, they are accompanied by the trappings

42  Language Maintenance, Revival and Shift in the Sociology of Religion

and accoutrements of modern music-making with studios, videos, CDs and downloads. Performers can remain local or through networks become global, reaching worldwide audiences. This transnational practice flows across national, cultural, generational and gender boundaries within an emerging imagined community of practice. Naat/Nasheed and Religious Identity

The ethno-linguistic and religio-artistic practices described in the first part of this chapter take place against a political and media backdrop that positions the young people involved within essentialising discourses linked to what Allen (2010) terms – drawing on Furedi’s (2002) ‘culture of fear’ – an atmosphere of ‘fear and loathing’. ‘Fear and threat’, he suggests, are integral and indeed almost necessary aspects in all discursive undertakings or delineations linked to Islamophobia (Allen, 2010; Runnymede Trust, 1997). The prevailing political discourse of Islam in the West constructs Muslims as a threat. Drawing on notions of Barker’s ‘new racism’ (1982), Skrbiš et al. (2007) argue that current political and popular discourses around ‘belonging-ness’ result in certain groups such as young Muslims being denied access to shared notions of nationhood. Such discourse reiterates how being ‘British’ or ‘English’ is denied, discounted or doubted regardless of protestations of loyalty or allegiance. The young people performing the practices described in this chapter carry out their lives in a climate where the immediacy of recognition and acknowledgement of Muslim and Islamic difference, the growing receptivity to anti-Muslim ideas and expressions about Muslims and Islam posing a threat, and the sense of justification that is recurrently evident in being fearful and normatively against Muslims and Islam are increasingly being seen to make sense (Allen, 2011: 230). The Orientalist connotations suggested by terms such as ‘Muslim masculinities’ (Abbas, 2005) add to the idea that Muslims are the ‘enemy within’, that their very difference from ‘us’ is to be resisted and demarcated. The panic around so called ‘home-grown’ terrorists (i.e. Britishborn) adds to notions of fear and threat. Politicians, from the left and the right, urge schools and universities to be vigilant and look out for ‘tell-tale signs of extremism’. Whereas ‘old’ racism (Barker, 1982) was about inferiority associated with physical or biological markers, now culture and, in particular, religion, and sometimes language (Blunkett, 2002), signal difference – which ipso facto, as the hegemonic discourse goes, means difference in values and mores. Much identity research has sought to destabilise these essentialising ‘fixities’ (Dwyer, 2000). Cultural theorists such as Bhabha (1994) have theorised notions of ‘hybrid identities’ as migrant generations give way to the ‘born here’ generation. This has led to ‘hyphenated’ or ‘bicultural’ (Saeed et al., 1999) or ‘compound’ or ‘diasporic’ (Dwyer & Sanghera,

How Religious Verse and Song Contribute to Minority Language Maintenance  43

2008) identities. Such bifurcated identities draw down cultural competences coming from competing directions and recognise that whilst in more stable settings ‘transmission is never preservation’, in the dislocation and disjuncture of translocalities, transmission is inevitably fractured and unstable, and therefore quite ripe for hybridity. Such cultural competences include those sociolinguistic processes such as linguistic repertoires (Gumperz & Hymes, 1986: 20–21) and linguistic resources (Blommaert, 2010) which actors draw upon as they negotiate their composite and multiple linguistic identities. The young people in this chapter actively negotiate, construct and contest their identities through ethno-religious and linguistic practices embodied in naat/nasheed. In this way, the chapter shares findings that urge restraint against tendencies to essentialise Muslim youth in the UK and in other diasporic settings. Whilst recognising the contested nature of such descriptors as ‘moderate’ and ‘radical/extremist’ and acknowledging the urgent need for more nuanced commentary and analysis of relevant contexts and settings, participation in naat/nasheed is, in the main, an ethno-­linguistic practice commonly associated with religious contexts considered by many c­ ommentators as ‘moderate’, drawing upon traditions that emphasise mystical and aesthetic approaches – the ‘greater jihad’1 no less. That the majority of mosques in the UK and their communities, for example, ­subscribe to such orientations is well attested (Birt, 2006). The recitation/performance of religious poetry is associated, generally speaking, with the Pakistani-heritage mosques of the UK linked broadly with a Sufi tradition (see Malik & Hinnells, 2006). It is, therefore, pertinent to explore the relationship between the young reciters and singers and the broader activities linked to Sufi orders, or turuq,2 and their organisation. We see below how the possible subject matter of the naat/nasheed is mediated. However, it will also be likely that performance will at times ‘outrun’ meaning, inasmuch as reading and reciting as decoding will often dominate in performance with only a generalised recourse made often to literal meaning. This is a further example of the almost universal practice of cultural decoding used particularly in religious settings (Spolsky, 2003: 83; for secular instances of the same phenomenon, see Rosowsky, 2001). The two questions in the questionnaire about identity, apart from allowing the participants to claim a primary identity selected from a list or of their own, allowed participants to reflect on the bifurcated and multifaceted identities they might claim (Bhabha, 1994; Dwyer & Sanghera, 2008). The categories were either nationality-based (British, Pakistani, English and hyphenated hybrids) or religion-based (Muslim) though some were locality-based (Mirpuri, Kashmiri, Punjabi) or doctrinally based (Deobandi, Barelvi, Hanafi, Sunni3). Participants were encouraged to select as many descriptions as they felt appropriate. A follow-up question asked them to select a ‘primary’ identity. In any analysis of the interface between language and religion operating within

44  Language Maintenance, Revival and Shift in the Sociology of Religion

the transnational and translocal dislocations and disjunctures of the present age, it would be nigh on impossible to disaggregate the ethnic allegiances of human subjects vis-à-vis languages and religious practice. This question, therefore, was designed to signal a third social process, ethnicity/ nationality, contributing to questions of identity and practice. Over 50% of the participants claimed religion as their primary identity. However, most of these combined this with the national identity of ‘British’ seeing, it might be argued, no contradiction between such a dual allegiance. This supports both Thomas’s (2009) and Maxwell’s (2006) findings of the very positive allegiance to being British among British Muslims more generally. These ‘Last Britons’, on the other hand, do not at the same time see themselves as ‘English’, as signalled by no participant selecting ‘English’ as a primary identity and only 1% claiming ‘English-Pakistani’ as one of their multiple identities. The use of English as their first language made no difference to responses, suggesting that here, at least, the modernist link between language and nationality is missing. ‘English’ is seen very much as part of their general linguistic repertoires rather than as part of their identities. Participants were also asked some general questions regarding the links they may have with pathways within Islam that encourage naat/ nasheed practices. As such practice is regularly associated with Sufi practice, the first set of questions asked about any allegiance held to any particular spiritual guide (murshid, shaykh) by the participants and their friends and family members. A further set of three questions sought to elicit more generalised impressions of Sufi practice in general or, conversely, awareness of so-called radicalised movements. A supplementary question about naat/nasheed asked also about their subject matter. There is, for example, a less organised and less popular repertoire of, mainly, songs relating to jihadist activity and this question sought to elicit any awareness of such songs. A total of 36% of the young people claimed adherence to one or another Sufi order and its spiritual guide. Many of them named Shaykh Nazim Al Haqqani (of the Naqshbandi Sufi order and based in Cyprus – see Malik & Hinnells, 2006 and Westerlund, 2004) which was no surprise as the gathering had been organised by his students in the city. However, others mentioned were Shaykh Nuh Ha Mim Keller of the Shadhili order and Maulana Muhammed Ilyas Qadri of the Qadiri order. Some responses referred back to teachers who had passed away such as Ahmed Raza Khan and even the founder of the Hanafi legal school (madhhab) Abu Hanifa from the eighth century. Yet with so many not claiming such an allegiance it might be more appropriate to consider them ‘fellow travellers’ of this particular Islamic path – a judgement that could be made for most of the established mosques in the UK whose congregations originally came from northwest Pakistan. That the two most popular guides identified were Turkish-speaking and English-speaking respectively illustrates more

How Religious Verse and Song Contribute to Minority Language Maintenance  45

evidence of second- and third-generational movement beyond their heritage languages. The centrality of naat/nasheed participation to the young people in this study is perhaps best exemplified by its pervasive electronic and virtual presence in their lives. Online practices and mobile technologies are now being acknowledged as constitutive of identity in many different settings (Davies & Merchant, 2009). Here, what some participants call ‘barakah surfing’ is an example of a translocal activity that takes place online as young people seek out, upload and download naat/nasheed sound files and lyrics. The construction of online religious and linguistic identities carries over onto online discussion forums where the lyrics and meanings of naat/nasheed are discussed. These discussions take place in English or in Punjabi or Urdu, or in an admixture of all three, sometimes interpolating Arabic words, using roman script. I may need to ask about verse 3 of a particular naat for example. This can be followed by a discussion, ‘I think it means this’, ‘I think it means that’. There can be totally different meanings. It’s good for sharing and checking understanding because the Urdu word can have two or three different meanings. And this online dialogue takes place in Punjabi as well as in Urdu. (Shazad, 22)

Such virtual activity is fast being taken over by the affordances of mobile technology, as the young person’s technological platform of choice, the mobile telephone, now allows for the upload and download of audio and video files. Here young people are Bluetoothing their way into their ethno-religious and transnational identities via naat/nasheed in Urdu, Punjabi, Arabic and English. We’re talking about the internet, but what about mobile phones? All the young Muslims have their music and they share their nasheeds … That’s really powerful as well. (Tanveer, 24) Whenever you come to a mehfil [gathering] you’ll always see some kids at the back Bluetoothing each other, Bluetoothing naats to each other or Bluetoothing nasheeds. (Tariq, 26) I’ve just got a new phone and the first thing I did was to upload all my nasheed and naat and put them into different categories. (Tanveer, 24)

Some young British Muslims construct and negotiate their Muslim identities via more transnational processes, seeking out pan-Islamic membership through the learning of Arabic rather than (re)learning or consolidating their ethno-religious identities via Urdu or Punjabi. In terms of linguistic (and naat/nasheed) repertoire some see the Arabic language as a way of resisting the Urdu/Punjabi monopoly of traditional naat/

46  Language Maintenance, Revival and Shift in the Sociology of Religion

nasheed gatherings. In a real sense, this is perhaps an example of a degree of intergenerational difference. The first generation mediated their faith through the culture of ‘back home’ with Urdu and Punjabi essential to that process. The subsequent generation, whilst adapting more readily to the majority society culturally and linguistically, also constructs its religious identities by relying much more heavily on pan-Islamic processes, whether this be by wearing Middle Eastern clothes rather than traditional Pakistani ones, or by side-stepping Urdu/Punjabi and engaging with Arabic to a degree more than that required for the performance of the religious classical. I guess I saw a space in that field [the weekly naat/nasheed gathering] and one was representing [Arabic] and felt this could make a strong point in our weekly events. (Shahid, 23)

As with Urdu and Punjabi, it is difficult to ascertain the degree to which an interest in Arabic religious poetry and song can engender knowledge of the language. Suffice it to say that even the learning by heart of poems, lines and words adds to the linguistic resources these young people have within the linguistic repertoires. However, participants do report another effect of their involvement in naat/nasheed practices and that is the extending and consolidation of their religious knowledge. Many naats/nasheeds mention important events in the history of Islam and these form part of their developing knowledge of their faith. This link between the naat/nasheed practices and religious knowledge and practice in general is stressed by the participants, particularly those with a more organisational role who see the naat/nasheed practice as a ‘good way to bring people in’ and ‘as bait, to do good, to bring them to the mosque’. These comments were particularly about naat/ nasheed in English and using more popular musical forms. Younger performers were seen as particularly important for their role modelling to other younger Muslims. One had recently won a local school talent show singing a nasheed in English which had been uploaded to YouTube along with many of his other performances. The naat/nasheed, therefore, were seen as means to attract youth to the religion. The subject matter of the naat/nasheed, though often obscured by a lack of understanding of the languages involved, is a dramatic contrast to those prevailing media-driven and political discourses mentioned earlier in this chapter. I think that the group generally who adopt the nasheeds are the ones who practise love – and try to obtain to the love of the Prophet. Ideally the nasheed is recited in order to please the Prophet. There is a lot of evidence that the poets of the time of the Prophet would do this. (Shahid, 23)

How Religious Verse and Song Contribute to Minority Language Maintenance  47

This quotation from a young nasheed performer is supported by results from the questionnaire which suggest poetic themes are centred on the Prophet, Love and Paradise rather than on more worldly topics such as jihad. More than one participant made the link between naat/ nasheed practices and transnational processes such as the pilgrimage to Mecca. Before I went on Hajj (the pilgrimage) I wrote a few naat down and thought that whilst I was there I would recite them. (Akhtar, 22)

The translocalities of naat/nasheed are typified in the growing presence of naat reciters (Naat Khawaans) from Pakistan in the UK, both ­virtually thorough online practices and in regular visits – an obvious and pertinent example of translocalities arising out of Appadurai’s (1996) dual globalising processes of human mobility across the globe and e­ lectronic communications via the internet. Concluding Remarks

This chapter has shared findings from a study that sought to investigate certain literary and literacy practices currently helping to shape and forge the negotiation of cultural, religious, linguistic and ethnic identities among UK Muslim youth communities (including online communities); namely, an emerging renaissance of a commitment to, interest in, dissemination of and performance of religious poetry. Drawing on theories of transnationalism and translocalism, the sociology of language and religion, language shift and multilingualism, it sought to contribute to discussions claiming that languages and identities are not to be understood as essentialised and homogenous fixed categories but are rather the consequences of subjects acting out, or performing, a fluid and dynamic series of roles and entering into multifaceted relationships that allow for simultaneous identity and ­community formations. The languages, or ‘bits and pieces’ of language (Blommaert, 2010: 43) and the religio-cultural forms they mediate are, therefore, enacted and embodied by these young people in a dynamic and fluid practice that transcends conventional sites and settings. These flows of language and culture operate translocally through the affordances of mass electronic media and the ease of human mobility in the present age. On the evidence presented in this chapter, it is, of course, impossible to predict if this resurgence of interest in heritage-language poetry and song will translate into a means of keeping these languages alive among third and subsequent generations in this diasporic community. The very different function and domains of these performance languages may mean little for the maintenance of their spoken equivalents and

48  Language Maintenance, Revival and Shift in the Sociology of Religion

they may remain therefore as mere performance or ‘scriptal’ practices. The encroachment of English into this performance domain may also serve to reduce its potential for RLS. However, it may be claimed that, for many young British Muslims, the (re)discovery of and awakening to the literary and musical tradition of their religious heritage is at least raising awareness of the linguistic riches that are available and that, even in a ­performance mode or register, taking part in multilingual devotional practices adds to both their linguistic repertoires and their religio-­ linguistic identities. Notes (1) This is the term the Prophet Muhammed is reported to have used to describe the inner struggle for spiritual purification. (2) Turuq (Arabic). Plural of tariqah, the word is usually translated as ‘order’, as in ‘Sufi order’. (3) These are different schools of thought within Islam, some with a narrow remit, – as in Deobandi and Barelvi which relate mainly only to Muslims from India, ­Pakistan and Bangladesh – and others, as in Hanafi and Sunni, which relate to broader categories in the Islamic world. Confusingly, ‘Sunni’ in a Pakistani context often means ‘not Wahabi’ rather than in the more commonly understood binary ‘Sunni or Shia’.

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Dwyer, C. (2000) Negotiating diasporic identities: Young British South Asian Muslim women. Women’s Studies International Forum 23 (4), 475–486. Dwyer, C. and Sanghera, G. (2008) ‘From cricket lover to terror suspect’ – Challenging representations of young British Muslim men. Gender, Place and Culture 15 (2), 117–136. Edwards, J. (2010) Minority Languages and Group Identity: Cases and Categories. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Ferguson, C.A. (1982) Religious factors in language spread. In R.L. Cooper (ed.) Language Spread: Studies in Diffusion and Social Change (pp. 95–106). Bloomington: Indiana University Press. Fishman, J.A. (1991) Reversing Language Shift: Theoretical and Empirical Foundations of Assistance to Threatened Languages. Clevedon: Multilingual Matters. Fishman, J.A. (2001) Why is it so hard to save a threatened language? In J.A. Fishman (ed.) Can Threatened Languages be Saved? (pp. 1–22). Clevedon: Multilingual Matters. Fishman, J.A. (2006) A decalogue of basic theoretical perspectives for a sociology of language and religion. In T. Omoniyi and J.A. Fishman (eds) Explorations in the Sociology of Language and Religion (pp. 13–25). Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Furedi, F. (2002) Culture of Fear. London: Continuum. García, O. (2007) Intervening discourses, representations and conceptualisations of language. In S. Makoni and A. Pennycook (eds) Disinventing and Reconstituting Languages (pp. xi–xv). Clevedon: Multilingual Matters. Gumperz, J.J. and Hymes, D. (1986) Directions in Sociolinguistics. New York: Blackwell. Harris, R. (2006) New Ethnicities. Hampshire: Palgrave. Jacquemet, M. (2005) Transidiomatic practices: Language and power in the age of globalization. Language and Communication 25, 257–277. Jaspal, R, and Cinnirella, M. (2012) The construction of ethnic identity: Insights from identity process theory. Ethnicities 12 (5), 1–29. Lothers, M. and Lothers, L. (2010) Pahari and Pothwari: A Sociolinguistic Survey. Dallas: SIL International. Lothers, M. and Lothers, L. (2012) Mirpuri Immigrants in England: A Sociolinguistic Survey. Dallas: SIL International. Malik, J. and Hinnells, J. (2006) Sufism in the West. Abingdon: Routledge. Maxwell, R. (2006) Muslims, South Asians and the British Mainstream: A national identity crisis? West European Politics 29 (4), 736–756. Rampton, B. (1995) Crossing: Language and Ethnicity among Adolescents (1st edn). London: Longman. Rasmussen, A. (2010) Women, the Recited Quran, and Islamic Music in Indonesia. Berkeley: University of California Press. Rosowsky, A. (2001) Decoding as a cultural practice and its effects on the reading process of bilingual pupils. Language and Education 15 (1), 56–70. Rosowsky, A. (2008) Heavenly Readings: Liturgical Literacy in a Multilingual Context. Clevedon: Multilingual Matters. Rosowsky, A. (2010) ‘Writing it in English’: Script choices among young multilingual Muslims in the UK. Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development 31 (2), 163–179. Rosowsky, A. (2011) ‘Heavenly singing’: The practice of naat and nasheed and its possible contribution to reversing language shift among young Muslim multilinguals in the UK. International Journal of Sociology of Language 212, 135–148. Rosowsky, A. (2013) Religious classical practice: Entextualisation and performance. Language in Society 42 (3), 307–330. Runnymede Trust (1997) Islamophobia: A Challenge for Us All. London: Runnymede Trust. Saeed, A., Blain, N. and Forbes, D. (1999) New ethnic and national questions in Scotland: Post-British identities among Glasgow Pakistani teenagers. Ethnic and Racial Studies 22 (5), 821–844.

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4 The Role of Islam in the Language Maintenance of the Malay Muslims in Singapore Yurni Said-Sirhan

Introduction

In multicultural and multilingual Singapore, the day-to-day interactions of Malay Muslims in religious and home domains reflect the centrality of Islam, which serves as a ‘linguistically unifying and distinguishing force’ (Joseph, 2004: 173) for the Malay Muslim community. Malays comprise 13.4% of Singapore’s population, and while religion is not an official criterion to being labelled ‘Malay’ in Singapore, Malays make up 98.7% of Muslims in Singapore where only 14.7% of the total population are Muslims (Singapore Department of Statistics, 2010). In addition, Article 152 in the Republic of Singapore’s Constitution guarantees the Singapore government’s protection of the Malays’ language and religious interests (presumably Islam) among others, based on the premise that the Malays are the indigenous people of the country, as seen below: Minorities and special position of Malays (1) It shall be the responsibility of the Government constantly to care for the interests of the racial and religious minorities in Singapore. (2) The Government shall exercise its functions in such manner as to recognise the special position of the Malays, who are the indigenous people of Singapore, and accordingly it shall be the responsibility of the Government to protect, safeguard, support, foster and promote their political, educational, religious, economic, social and cultural interests and the Malay language. (Singapore Statutes Online, n.d.) This provision in the constitution further conflates Malay ethno-­ linguistic identity with Islam, reinforced by Singapore’s bilingual policy that constructs the Malay ‘race’ (where ‘race’ in Singapore is taken to 51

52  Language Maintenance, Revival and Shift in the Sociology of Religion

mean ‘ethnicity’, another social construct) as unquestionably monolithic and essentially Malay-speaking. This Islam-Malay language link resonates with the definition of ‘Malay’ in the Malaysian constitution (see Siddique, 1981) as reflected in the consensus of countries in the Nusantara or Malay world (Milner, 2008: 5) that includes Peninsula Malaysia, Brunei, Singapore, Southern Thailand and parts of Borneo, Kalimantan, Sumatra and East Malaysia. Thus, in Singapore, Malays tend to be categorized as ‘Malay Muslims’ although Islam is not a criterion for one to be labelled as ‘Malay’. The secular Singapore state ascribes equal status to the three official mother tongue languages – Malay, Mandarin and Tamil – while English, an ‘ethnically neutral language’, is maintained as the language of governance, trade and commerce. The state’s bilingual policy entails the learning of the English language and an official mother tongue that is based on one’s ethnicity (as listed in her/his official identification documents) in schools. In this chapter, using examples taken from a larger ethnographic study that investigated the discursive strategies in identity construction among participants in a Malay cultural group, I will discuss the Malay language maintenance effort and Malay Muslim cultural preservation, as reflected in the language choice of bilingual Malay Muslims in Singapore when talking about Islam and Malay tradition in which Islamic values are central. The English translation of the utterances as well as media quotations in Malay are indicated in parentheses that follow. Ethno-religious-linguistic conflation is something that is commonly observed among many Malay Muslims. Such unquestioning acceptance in these discursive practices seems aligned with the state’s position that the official mother tongues Malay, Mandarin and Tamil are cultural anchors that serve as a check against the ‘Westernizing’ values supposedly inherent in the English language. While Arabic is the sacred language of divine revelation and rituals in Islam, in Southeast Asia Malay, which was once the lingua franca in the Nusantara, has been the language used to access Islamic knowledge since Islam came to this region around the 14th century (Milner, 2008: 8). Apart from being the linguistic marker of Malay nationhood, the Malay language continues to be used in the religious education domain – although with increased immigration of non-Malay Muslims, English, to a lesser extent, is also used along with Malay in Islamic education for the public and in religious institutions in recent years. Malay Language Maintenance and Malay Muslim Cultural Preservation

The co-sanctification (Fishman, 2006) of Malay with Arabic occurs in this region largely because Malay has long been used for the purpose of learning the Quran, which is in Arabic, and is central to the Islamic faith. Malay is used in personal supplications, in addition to Arabic in the

The Role of Islam in the Language Maintenance of the Malay Muslims in Singapore  53

prescribed supplications and prayers. Given this naturalized association, Malay has been the default language used in most mosques in Singapore for religious education and communication, and these practices contribute largely to the maintenance of the Malay language (Fishman, 2006). In fact, in an article in Berita Harian, the national Malay-language paper, entitled ‘Guna bahasa Melayu demi bina jati diri Melayu dan Muslim’ (‘Use Malay to strengthen Malay and Muslim identity’) and published on 31 August 2014, the Malay Language Council of Singapore’s (MLCS) Chairman, Masagos Zulkifli Masagos Mohamad (who was then Senior Minister of State for Home and Foreign Affairs) is quoted as reiterating the sanctity of the mother tongue. He mentioned in an interview that, ‘Hilangnya bahasa itu bermakna budaya yang diterapkan dalam pembentukan identiti akan hilang sama’ (‘When the Malay language is lost, the culture inculcated as part of identity-building will be lost’) (Hussaini, 2014). Such sentiment arises because the Malay language, positioned by the state as the Malay community’s ‘cultural ballast’, is deemed as the ‘civilized language’. The same article mentions that, ‘Nilai kesantunan bahasa Melayu adalah sangat tinggi’ (‘The value of politeness and propriety in Malay language is high’), indicating that it is most appropriate for communication, education, character building and inculcation of values, as well as identity construction (Hussaini, 2014). Also in the article, Masagos emphasized the role of the Malay language in Islamic education and inculcation of Islamic values in the younger generation, implying that the loss of the language through lack of usage and contamination from English would bring about the erosion of Islamic values and morality, as seen in: Penggunaan bahasa Melayu cukup memberi kesan dalam pembelajaran agama sebelum ini, bukannya bahasa Inggeris. Apatah lagi kita bukan orang Inggeris. Orang Inggeris pun tidak akan menerima kita sebagai orang Inggeris. Orang Melayu cakap Inggeris ya, mereka boleh terima tetapi bukan sebagai orang Inggeris. (Hussaini, 2014) (The use of Malay has always been central to religious education since way before now, not English. What more when we are not English. Even the English would not accept us as one of them. Yes, they can accept us speaking English but not as English people.)

Following Bourdieu’s (1977) notion of habitus to refer to sets of inclinations and dispositions embodied in specific socio-cultural contexts, the idea that these naturalized linguistic practices are constitutive of the Malay habitus provides a useful perspective to understand how choice of code in the interactions of bilingual Malay Muslims reflects this process of maintenance. Their ease of switching between English and Malay as topics alternate between religious-cultural and other domains indicates

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the still-important role of the Malay language in Islamic education and the transmission of Malay-Islamic values at home. The transposability of linguistic practices (Bourdieu, 1977), where naturalized discursive practices of one domain are reproduced when one engages in a discourse on topics that pertain to that domain, is observed in my data from the interview sessions with participants from a dance group that will be discussed later in this chapter. The discursive strategies adopted by these participants have been noted to reflect those of English-speaking bilingual Malay Muslims in Singapore in general. The regularity of using Malay in topics pertaining to the religious domain in different settings points to the durability of these discursive practices. As such, they constitute the Malay linguistic habitus, where the normative use of Malay to talk about Islam constitutes the Malay Muslim internalized disposition to use certain linguistic resources in particular contexts. This habitualized use of certain linguistic resources (Bourdieu, 1977) contributes to the stability of religious or sacred languages, making them resistant to change and replacements; and such durability (Blommaert, 2005) can be seen in the case of bilingual Malay Muslims in Singapore. While the situation with the Singapore Malay community is not strictly diglossic, state-prescribed bilingualism has in some ways relegated the mother tongue languages to private domains and intra-community interactions within Singapore’s pluralistic society. English language, the current lingua franca, is used extensively in public spaces. With English indexing cosmopolitanism in globalized Singapore (Said-Sirhan, 2014), it is generally seen to be the less sanctified language for Malays compared to the Malay language itself. This is in agreement with the state’s ideology where English is positioned as a language with ‘Westernized’ values (as noted above) and is thus ‘incompatible’ with the dissemination of Malay-Islamic ones. However, English is used mostly in (secular) education and work domains as well as interethnic communication in pluralist Singapore. With the state adopting a pragmatically neutral secularist stance given Singapore’s multiculturalism, no one religion is privileged over the other; one’s religious practices are mostly confined to the private domains of the homes and sacred spaces of worship. In the public domains, however, Singaporeans are expected to uphold the five shared values passed by the Parliament on 15 January1991 (National Library Board, n.d.). They are: (1) Nation before community and society above self, (2) Family as the basic unit of society, (3) Community support and respect for the individual, (4) Consensus not conflict, and (5) Racial and religious harmony. This is in addition to the ritualistic singing of the national anthem and the recitation of the national pledge in English daily by students in national schools. The national anthem is in Malay because it is constitutionally Singapore’s national language, given that Singapore was briefly part of the Federation of Malaya, and that geopolitically, it is an

The Role of Islam in the Language Maintenance of the Malay Muslims in Singapore  55

island surrounded by Malay-speaking countries. However, the national anthem merely fulfils a symbolic function and contains no Islamic references. And although Singaporeans sing the national anthem in Malay, most non-Malays do not speak Malay, and understand little of the words because Malay is not deemed their mother tongue and thus not learnt in schools. Singaporeans also observe their National Day on 9 August, which is a public holiday, as well as the Racial Harmony Day on 21 July, a date that marks the racial riots in July 1964 between the Malay Muslims and the Chinese as a solemn reminder of the fragility of the racial relations in multicultural and multiracial Singapore. The observances of such days, shared practices and values, as well as the circulation of state narratives and discourses, are described by Tan (2010: 355) as examples of ‘civil religion’ which according to Demerath (2003: 353) serves as a shared creed that ‘consecrates its sense of nationhood … around a set of tenets and rituals forged in the fires of a shared history’. From the point of view of the state, this shared creed of nationhood, akin to a ‘high’ faith, supercedes one’s personal religious affiliations (‘low’ faiths). This gives rise to a difaithic situation (Omoniyi, 2006) in which Malay (a ‘low’ variety) gets privileged in the religious discourses of the Malay Muslims in private spaces, while English (a ‘high’ variety) takes precedence in the secularized public spaces of the civil religion of nationhood. Given the dominance of English in scientific discourse and its status as the main medium of instruction in Singapore, the Malay language is not valued much in the scientific domain. In school, the Malay language is only taught and spoken mostly in the context of mother tongue lessons. While it may be true that being surrounded by Malay-speaking Muslim countries could have contributed to the maintenance of the Malay language in Singapore, the younger Singaporean Malays have also benefitted economically from being proficient in English because of the bilingual policy in place. Also, within a community that is generally bilingual and in constant contact with Singaporeans of other faiths and ethnicities, such a loosely difaithic/diglossic situation arises where Malay is used in discourses about Islam (including Islamic education) and Arabic is strictly used in rituals like greetings, daily prayers, pilgrimage and Quran recitation, whereas English is used in domains that relate to the more liberal cosmopolitan ideals not linked to Islam, seen to be acceptable by individuals of other faiths in Singapore. Within the private domains of religion and spirituality, however, Arabic still remains the important language of divine revelation and prescribed prayers, and is thus considered a high variety, while Malay, which cannot be used to replace prescribed prayers, remains as a low variety. However, this relationship between Malay and Arabic further reinforces the maintenance of the co-sanctified language in question, i.e. Malay, given the centrality of Islam in the lives of the Malay Muslims.

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The distribution of linguistic resources in the different domains is based on language ideologies that mediate the discursive practices of the members of the community and contribute to the Malay language’s ­resilience and stability as the linguistic marker of the community. The English-Malay bilingual repertoire of Singapore Malays, while not strictly diglossic, is discernibly distributed along the lines of cultural/religious, and other non-cultural, situations – for example, work and education domains (e.g. Cavallaro & Serwe, 2010; Chew, 2006; Chong & Seilhamer, 2014). While Malay is not a sacred religious language, the fact that it has been used to access Islamic knowledge in the Nusantara for centuries largely contributes to its maintenance in the religious domain even when English has taken over other domains. At this juncture, it cannot be denied that the use of Malay in the region is instrumental in Singapore’s Malay language maintenance. Many preachers from Malaysia and Indonesia have followers in Singapore where they are invited to give religious talks for various events. Besides these event invitations, videos of their talks in Malay are also available on social media, for example on Facebook and YouTube, where they can be easily viewed. When language maintenance is perceived as primary in the preservation of Malay Muslim culture, the language itself will be central to the Malay Muslim habitus, where it becomes part of one’s dispositions or mannerisms based on Islamic values and principles that homogenize the community. Malay is still predominantly used in religious discourses that seek to inculcate Islamic values such as in Friday sermons, public lectures, classes in mosques and even at home. This sanctioning of linguistic resources rationalizes the linguistic market value (Bourdieu, 1992) that one tends to unquestioningly place on the religious and sacred languages. To reiterate, the secular state’s language of governance is the ‘ethnically neutral’ English. The state’s privileging of cosmopolitanism brings about a difaithic situation where cosmopolitanism, as a kind of civil religion, is privileged over and above religiosity that is simply regarded as linked to cultural sensitivities. Although sociolinguistic surveys (e.g. Cavallaro & Serwe, 2010; Chong & Seilhamer, 2014) would show the distribution patterns of the different linguistic resources within a bi/multilingual religious group like the Malay community in Singapore, a close analysis of spoken data uncovers the prevailing ideologies that shape the mundane utterances of speakers. These ideologies, which would have otherwise been invisible and unquestioned in surveys, contribute to the durability of Malay in religious discourses. Following Silverstein (1979), ideologies or beliefs about the Malay language are reproduced and circulated through intra-community interactions in the religious domains, contributing to their durability. The state’s positioning of mother tongues, rationalized as a means to counter ‘Westernization’, is reflected in the way Malay is used in everyday talk.

The Role of Islam in the Language Maintenance of the Malay Muslims in Singapore  57

From this, we see that the conflation of Islam with the larger Malay nationhood that entails being Muslim, speaking the Malay language and observing Malay traditions (Rahim, 1998) aligns well with the state’s discourse on mother tongue maintenance. Despite Singaporean Malays’ diverse ancestry and sub-ethnic linguistic affiliations (for example, Javanese, Boyanese, Acehnese and Bugis) because their forefathers hailed from different parts of the Nusantara, these affiliations have been whitewashed by the term ‘Malay’ that is used to categorize them racially in official identification documents, a labelling practice inherited from Singapore’s colonial history. With Singapore’s language policy assigning a specific official mother tongue language to each major ethnic group, the language-religion affiliation between Malay and Islam gets reinforced more than those of the other mother tongue languages, i.e. Mandarin and Tamil, and the other Asian religions in Singapore, namely Taoism, Buddhism and Hinduism. Geopolitically, this Malay-Islam link is further strengthened by the fact that Singapore’s immediate neighbours are Malay-speaking Muslim countries. All these bring about the unquestioning acceptance of the Malay-Islam conflation. The State’s Commitment to Pluralism

In positioning itself as a secular state where religion is kept separate from politics, Singapore adopts what may be seen to be a neutral stance towards the management of religion in a multicultural and multiracial society. As it consciously demarcates a space for the sacred, the state’s construction of pluralism in the public space has evolved into a kind of civil religion of tolerance labelled as ‘racial harmony’. Because religion hardly gets much ‘airtime’ in public spaces, it gets glossed over as ‘racial’, to the extent that religious-cultural practices (including language) get essentialized in terms of ethnicity. Pluralism also justifies the state’s emphasis on ‘Asian values’, which in Singapore are primarily Confucian values that underpin the nation-building and pragmatic economic pursuits for Singapore’s survivability (Chong, 2002). As a result, religious affiliation is seen as secondary. The management of the religious affairs of the people together with the establishment and maintenance of religious institutions are left to the various religious groups, as long as they do not contradict public order, public health or morality – as indicated in the Constitution of the Republic of Singapore seen below. Article 15 of the Constitution of the Republic of Singapore states that: (1) Every person has the right to profess and practise his religion and to propagate it. (2) No person shall be compelled to pay any tax the proceeds of which are specially allocated in whole or in part for the purposes of a religion other than his own.

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(3) Every religious group has the right – (a) to manage its own religious affairs; (b) to establish and maintain institutions for religious or charitable purposes; and (c) to acquire and own property and hold and administer it in accordance with law. (4) This Article does not authorise any act contrary to any general law relating to public order, public health or morality. (Singapore Statutes Online, n.d.) As part of its commitment to diversity and multiculturalism, however, the state conscientiously promotes tolerance of cultural and religious diversity through events like the Racial Harmony Day in national schools as part of the National Education (NE) programme, where the students are introduced to the cultural practices of the major ethnic groups in Singapore with superficial and brief mention of the religious festivities of each group, i.e. Chinese, Eurasian, Malay and Indian. At the national level, the state issued the Declaration of Religious Harmony in 2003, which is recited on Racial Harmony Day every year, and establishes the Inter-Religious Harmony Circle (IRHC) where representatives from the different religious groups are recognized by the state as part of the InterReligious Organisation (IRO). Figure 4.1 is taken from the website of the IRO, depicting a representation of the major religions in multicultural Singapore.

Figure 4.1  Image of multireligious representation accompanying the Declaration of Religious Harmony (Inter-Religious Organisation, 2017)

The Role of Islam in the Language Maintenance of the Malay Muslims in Singapore  59

The depiction of the Muslim representative, the first character on the right of the picture, clearly represents Malay ethnicity because of the songkok or headgear worn by the character, even though Islam is not a religion that is closely affiliated with any particular ethnicity. This naturalized association of Islam with Malays is hardly questioned in Singapore and is regarded as unproblematic; hence the cartoon character of a Malay man is used to represent Islam in the picture, just as Taoism and Buddhism are represented by cartoon characters of Chinese men. The accompanying Declaration of Religious Harmony in English, the language of interethnic communication, is recited every Racial Harmony Day on 21 July, implying a difaithic situation in the private–public and sacred-secular space demarcation between the different religious affiliations with their associated languages (and ethnicity), and the mutual tolerance of a pluralist society reflected in the use of the ‘ethnically neutral’ English language. The act of reciting the declaration itself is rather sanctimonious as everyone is expected to raise their right hand as they would do while taking an oath. Central to Figure 4.1’s depiction of tolerance and mutual respect is the act of sitting down to a meal together at the same table. This resonates with the late Lee Kuan Yew’s comment, in his book Lee Kuan Yew: Hard Truths to Keep Singapore Going (Han et al., 2011), about Singaporean Muslims needing to integrate more with the rest of the Singaporeans by ‘eating together’. Lee, Singapore’s first prime minister, and later senior minister and minister mentor, maintained that the ‘exclusivity’ of Muslims in Singapore due to their strict dietary requirements prevents their integration with other Singaporeans, and claimed that this ‘exclusivity’ affects social cohesion among Singaporeans. His suggestion for Malay Muslims to ‘[be] less strict on Islamic observances and say, “Okay, I’ll eat with you.”’ (Han et al., 2011: 229) generates much apprehension among the community that comprises the minority ethnic group. With Malay Muslims unable to lash back, tensions and anxiety around negotiating faith and the state’s expectations of cosmopolitanism manifest in their discursive practices, as discussed in the analysis section later in this chapter. Apart from the increasingly strict observance of dietary restrictions among Muslims as noted by Lee, the issue of headscarves gaining popularity in Singapore is also another point of contention. Dubbed the ‘tudung issue’, in 2002, a few Muslims campaigned for the donning of the tudung, the Malay word for headscarves, in national schools. However, the government in its insistence on secularism clearly rejected that, maintaining instead that this sensitive issue could bring about social disunity (Kamaludeen et al., 2010; Mutalib, 2011; Rahim, 2012). Many Malays see their expression of religiosity as integral to the sense of Malay-ness and to submission to Allah. So, for instance, the common Malay term tutup aurat – which constitutes the observance of the hijab, translated as the donning of headscarves and dresses that do not reveal certain body

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parts – becomes part of the unquestioned shared linguistic practice which is central to the Malay community’s cultural preservation and resonates with the larger supranational concept of the Islamic ummah (brotherhood). Malay language maintenance in the religious domain is thus central to the Malay community as it becomes a means to maintain the integrity of this minority ethnic group, which cannot be achieved through the pluralist ideals upheld by the state (Chong, 2002). The tensions and anxieties that arise from such a disconnect between the state and the community feed into the community’s language maintenance and cultural preservation efforts while it strives to embrace modernity and cosmopolitanism through the English language as promoted by the state. These anxieties come about as Islam is perceived as a religion that requires a strict observance of the permissible (halaal) and prohibited (haraam), especially with regard to diet and socializing with the opposite sex. Unlike syncretism or hybridity, younger-generation Muslims in Singapore, who are more educated than the earlier generation of Muslims, generally follow the more traditional interpretation of Islamic jurisprudence – although in the public domains, everyone is expected to abide by the secularist stance of the state and ‘respect the sensitivities’ of a multicultural/pluralist society. The headscarves, for instance, are disallowed in national schools and some professions requiring uniforms in the civil service (for example nurses, police and army officers, as well as paramedics). In situations like these, where the secularist justification is used to prohibit certain religious practices in the public space, the practice of code-switching, i.e. using Malay to talk about religious topics, has been seen to serve as a way to affirm their Muslim-ness. Analysis: Primacy of Malay Language in Discourses about Religion

For the purpose and scope of this discussion, I will focus on two key participants – Seri and Yusman (not their real names), from a Malay dance company that I observed during an ethnographic study in 2011 – to demonstrate how ideologies that connect Malay language to Islam shape their utterances in the semi-formal interviews I conducted, suggesting Islam’s centrality to the Malay language maintenance. While the purpose of the larger ethnographic study was to investigate discursive strategies in identity construction among Malays, the participants in this cultural group, especially Yusman and Seri, made several explicit references to Islam as central to Malay culture in their responses, and they did so in rather specific ways. It must be noted that these participants are not meant to represent the Malay community as a whole, and that dance is cultural and in no way meant to represent Islamic practices. Their linguistic practice of code-switching, however, is significant, as they negotiate their positions which reflect the everyday negotiations of many Malay Muslim bilingual

The Role of Islam in the Language Maintenance of the Malay Muslims in Singapore  61

speakers. At some point during the interview sessions, I posed the questions, ‘What makes us Malay?/How do you see yourself as a Malay?’ to the two interviewees. What is significant in their utterances is the switch from using English to Malay in their responses to this particular question, which features a shift that is central to their identity performance. Their switching can be seen as a strategy of maintaining the primacy of the Malay language in religious domains. Seri is the director of the dance company and a recipient of the Cultural Medallion in Singapore in 1987. Yusman is her employee in the company, and also a Malay dance instructor in a few national schools. As part of a renowned cultural group in Singapore, they have participated in many cultural performances and festivals locally and overseas. Often, they collaborate with other cultural groups, both Malay and non-Malay, locally and overseas. Both participants are bilingual in English and Malay. The interview questions were posed to them in English, and the briefing and participant information handouts given to them before the fieldwork began were also in English. However, I stated that they were free to use either English or Malay, or both, in their responses. They generally spoke English with me, and throughout my observation, the participants frequently used English when interacting with one another, even when discussing their performances. Hence, the switch to Malay in the examples highlighted below was particularly noticeable. The interviews were audio-recorded and later transcribed for purposes of linguistic analysis. Utterances in Malay are in italics and their English translations are provided in parentheses below. The key to the transcription symbols is found at the end of this chapter. In the following excerpts taken from interviews, the switch to Malay is clearly observed when talking about family and Islamic values. The importance of Islam in the daily lives of Malay Muslims is reflected in the switch to Malay, indicating that Malay has been the default language in the dissemination of Islamic knowledge in the community. Because Malay language maintenance plays a central role in Malay Muslims’ cultural preservation and assertion of ethno-religious identity, maintenance efforts are visible in their use of Malay linguistic resources in discourses that pertain to the ethno-religious aspects of social interaction, which has become part of the Malay habitus. The code-switching strategy serves as a contextualizing cue in signalling a shift to a domain in which the associated language is used extensively. On upbringing

The typical Malay Muslim education places emphasis on learning about the religion and reading the Quran. Even when children attend national schools on weekdays, religious classes after school hours or on weekends that are typically conducted in Malay are still considered a

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priority. The following Example 1 depicts the importance of Islam as integral to the Malay Muslim upbringing. Here, Seri talks about the typical daily routine of Malay children that she was subject to as a child. Example 1 Seri: semua belajar ugama (all children attended religious classes) [balik rumah ngaji (recited the Quran after they got home from school) Interviewer: [mhmm mhmm Seri: you know it’s very uh very Melayu punya pendidikan (you know, it was typical of Malay upbringing and education)

In the example above, Seri acknowledges that the imparting of values and the importance of religious education takes place outside the curriculum of national schools. Learning about Islam through ‘belajar ugama’ (attending religious classes) usually on weekends, and ‘balik rumah ngaji’ (reciting the Quran after coming home from school) are religious activities in which Malay is frequently used as the medium of instruction, although in recent years, a number of weekend religious classes for children and youths are conducted in English to include Muslims who are non-Malays as well. As part of her linguistic habitus, the switch to Malay when referring to these activities signals the primacy of Malay in imparting religious knowledge, as indicated in the phrase ‘Melayu punya pendidikan’ (Malay upbringing and education). The ideological synonymy between being Malay and being Muslim as a result of the ethno-religious conflation is clearly at work here when Seri uses Malay in her utterances. She hardly differentiates between what it means to be a ‘Malay’ and a ‘Muslim’. This is also noted in an interview with the other participant, Yusman. Although no mention of the word ‘Muslim’ was made in the interview, Yusman consistently positions being Malay as upholding Islamic values. He switches to Malay when he describes the things that Malays (as Muslims) should not be doing, in the example below: Example 2 Yusman: Melayu mana minum (Malays do not take alcohol) Melayu mana ada buat tattoo and all that (Malays do not have tattoos) I don’t lah (particle indicating emphasis) macam that is literally not Melayu what (it’s unbecoming of Malays to do these things) like so why should I do

The Role of Islam in the Language Maintenance of the Malay Muslims in Singapore  63

tapi macam like uhm go to pubs clubs (but like) and do what the barat people do (Western) Interviewer: mhmm [mhmm Yusman: [uh ok that is not to say ((I)) have to lah (lah = hedging device) but it’s like the normal things nowadays (.) we still do it (.) uh I mean I still do it but I know where is the I think I know where is the right where is the wrong ah (particle indicating certainty)

Yusman’s use of the Malay language rather than English throughout this segment of the interview to refer to specific prohibitions in Islam suggests that Malay is the main language in which these Malay-Islamic values are imparted at home and in religious classes. His use of lah which is a Singlish discourse particle in his first turn conveys an emphasis on the fact that he, as a Malay and hence undoubtedly Muslim, will not engage in such practices. In Yusman’s second turn, he switches to English to talk about the ‘normal things nowadays’ which refers to the activities he does with friends of other ethnicities and faiths, like clubbing, associated with a more cosmopolitan or global disposition. The tension between aligning himself with the generally traditional Malay community and embracing what is perceived to be modernity is reflected in the code-switching that takes place that clearly demarcates the religious-cultural and the cosmopolitan (referred to by Yusman as ‘barat’ or Western) civil spaces. This demarcation parallels the state’s justification of the bilingual policy, where the learning of the mother tongue serves to counter the ‘erosion’ of Asian values brought about by the emphasis on English for participation in the global economy and its function as a marker of a more cosmopolitan mindset. Carrying on the conversation from Example 2, in Example 3 below, Yusman then states his ability to discern between the ‘right’ and ‘wrong’ actions or behaviours as a Malay Muslim, while still aligning himself with the cosmopolitan way of life as someone who is young and outgoing. He specifically indicates what the ‘Malay pengajaran’ (Malay upbringing) is about, which is closely tied to one’s adherence to Islamic principles and values, and how it is important for him to be mindful of the values and principles in his daily conduct which could affect the reputation and honour of his family.

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Example 3 Yusman: so uh the – my always last (.) final thing that I always think of before I do anything is ok erm mak bapak aku malu tak (would my parents be ashamed?) kalau aku buat gini (if I do this) so that’s what I always think of lah (particle indicating emphasis) ((and)) I think that is the best Malay pengajaran [laughs] (lesson)

In Example 3 above, given that acceptable conduct for Malay Muslims should be based on Islamic principles and values, any acts that ‘bring shame to one’s parents’ (‘mak bapak aku malu’) are seen to reflect poor upbringing and disregard for Malay-Islamic values. As Yusman speaks of that ‘yardstick’ entirely in Malay, he is reflexively evaluating the acceptability and appropriateness of his actions, and this points to how the Malay language is used to inculcate such values at home, reinforcing its durability in the linguistic habitus of the Malays. The code-switching that occurs mid-turn in Example 3 above points to the means of managing the tension in negotiating between tradition and modernity, where Malay language maintenance in the domain of religion serves as a means of cultural preservation that is in consonance with the state’s positioning of the official mother tongue languages. Further examples of this can be seen in the interview with Seri in the next part of this analysis. Maintaining religiosity while embracing cosmopolitanism

Given Singapore’s privileging of secularism in its construction of a cosmopolitan state, the generally conservative Malay Muslims will have to negotiate between religious-cultural traditions and modernity. Despite the government’s stand regarding the hijab in public spaces such as in national schools and certain professions, as mentioned earlier, many Malay Muslims feel that the hijab is nonetheless an obligation to be observed. The use of Malay terms by Seri in the following Example 4 indicates the way this is negotiated, where the Malay language serves as a means to reconnect with what is central to their ethno-religious identity. Example 4 Seri:

doesn’t matter whether it’s baju kurung ke apa (Malay traditional costume or something else)

The Role of Islam in the Language Maintenance of the Malay Muslims in Singapore  65



you know but again (.) the whole – the whole idea is the tutup auratnya (cover up and observe a modest dress code) tu tetap (that is definite)

In Example 4 above, inserting the term baju kurung, a loose-fitting Malay traditional dress for women consisting of a tunic and a long skirt, and associating it with the larger idea of observing the code of modesty (‘tutup aurat’) as expected of Muslims again reflects the anxiety of many Malay Muslims to adhere to their religious-cultural obligation while aligning with the state’s expectation for them to assimilate with the others. The mention of the observance of modesty as ‘tetap’ (definite, i.e. compulsory) follows the manner in which such religious injunctions are typically communicated in religious classes. The position taken by Seri in this turn is a way to reconcile the two seemingly opposing expectations of the Malays as Muslims and as citizens of a secular state. Seri goes on to qualify that it does not matter if one dresses in office attire or uniforms, and not the traditional Malay costume, as long as the religious injunction can be observed. This obligation to observe modesty (at least to the extent that one is allowed to do so in some of these situations) still remains a priority for her as with many other Malay Muslims, even as the state privileges pluralism that is said to transcend any religious affiliations. This issue on allowing the hijab in national schools and certain professions remains a controversy in Singapore’s socio-political setting. However, the preferences of many Malays when dining with non-­ Muslim friends may be less of a sticky issue because it is something that can still be tolerated and negotiated. In Example 5 below, the tentativeness expressed by Seri when she describes sitting down together to a meal with non-Muslim friends who consume non-halaal food generally reflects the tolerable discomfort faced by many Muslims in public spaces as they interact with non-Muslims. Example 5 Seri: kalau dulu kita kalau makan (in the past, whenever we eat) mesti tak nak makan sebelah kawan kita punya (we wouldn’t want to eat next to our non-Muslim friend) Chinese [food kan (right?) Interviewer: [yeah Seri: dekat school canteen kan [kita separate (At didn’t we)

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Interviewer: [mhmm Seri: sekarang kita sit next to [each other (now we) Interviewer: [to each other Seri: because of what (.) the word tolera:nce

As Seri speaks of her past experiences when she segregated herself from her non-Muslim friends because they were consuming food which would be seen as ‘impure’ or haraam, she switches naturally to Malay, again a reflection of her linguistic habitus. The act of separating oneself during meals is something that the cosmopolitan and secular state now frowns upon, as mentioned earlier in a previous section. Seri’s tentativeness is seen when she switches to Malay to express her discomfort about having non-halaal food in her proximity, as seen in the code-switching in her first three turns. She switches back to English in her final turn, aligning with the state’s position on tolerance amongst the different religions when she speaks of her current practice of dining with non-Muslim friends, even if she finds it a little uncomfortable to do so as suggested by the pause (.) before she continues with ‘the word tolera:nce’ in a vari-directional voicing of the government’s discourse on integration. Vowel lengthening in the final word of a turn in Malay indicates compliance as a means of mitigating conflict. This lengthening in the word ‘tolerance’, suggests her disalignment with the suggestion of ‘eating together’ as a means for social integration. However, it must be noted that prior to this segment, Seri asserted, also in English, that like many Malay Muslims, she had no qualms about working on projects with friends of other ethnicities when she first started learning the different kinds of dance. In fact, according to her, she had collaborated with many renowned choreographers of different ethnicities and religious beliefs since her first involvement in the local dance scene in the 1960s.

Conclusion

In the examples discussed, the primacy of the Malay language in the religious domain and its function as cultural preservation can be observed in the code-switching practices of bilingual Malays, used as a stance resource in managing their adherence to religious-cultural obligations and alignment with the secular state as law-abiding citizens. This discursive strategy of alternating between English and Malay linguistic resources serves to negotiate socio-cultural meanings pertaining to Malay Muslim traditions and state cosmopolitanism in interactions. In doing so, it points to the shared ideology of Malay, the state-assigned mother tongue of the Malays in Singapore, as the main language of Islamic education.

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Because Malay has long been the language used in the imparting of Islamic knowledge and values for the Malays in Southeast Asia, it is central to the conception of Malay-ness, and its maintenance is integral to the cultural preservation of this minority group in Singapore with a majority ethnic Chinese population. The code-switching strategy of the two bilingual participants as discussed in this paper invokes both the notion of Malay nationhood and state multiculturalism/pluralism. At the same time, as seen in the examples discussed, it also serves to manage the tensions surrounding the performance of the two seemingly opposing identities (Heller, 2006), reflective of a difaithic relation between Malay and English. Continued use of Malay to indicate one’s adherence to religious ­traditions, cultural beliefs and values is a crucial language maintenance process for the community as they seek to preserve their religious-cultural integrity. Apart from stock phrases and invocations in Arabic, the majority of Malays are not conversant enough in Arabic to be able to deploy resources from that language in their religious identity display or performance. Hence, the maintenance of the co-sanctified Malay language that has also come to index Muslim-ness in this part of Southeast Asia for ­centuries persists in its importance, given the geopolitical presence of Malay-speaking Muslim countries in this region. Although religions have been instrumental in the language maintenance efforts of many communities in the world, this is something that a secular state like Singapore would avoid advocating conscientiously. The secular state’s bilingual policy that serves to manage Singapore’s multiculturalism, however, contributes significantly to the primacy of the Malay language in foregrounding ethno-religious affiliation among Malay Muslims. Even if migration and the accompanying emphasis on tolerance and racial harmony will eventually, to some extent, privilege the use of English in accessing Islamic knowledge and engaging in interreligious dialogues, Malay cultural preservation and the continued acceptance of the Malay language as the mother tongue of the Malays will persist with the Malay community’s religiosity, as well as Singapore’s continued implementation of its bilingual policy and its emphasis on mother tongues as cultural vaults of the different ethnic groups. Key

(( )) unclear speech (.) pause : sound lengthening [ overlapping speech [ ] paralinguistic resource, for example laughter, smile or gesture ( ) English translation of Malay speech

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References Blommaert, J. (2005) Discourse: A Critical Introduction. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Bourdieu, P. (1977) Outline of a Theory of Practice. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Bourdieu, P. (1992) Language and Symbolic Power (paperback edn). Cambridge: Polity Press. Cavallaro, F. and Serwe, S.K. (2010) Language use and language shift among Malays in Singapore. In W. Li (ed.) Applied Linguistics Review 1 (pp. 129–169). Berlin & New York: Mouton de Gruyter. Chew, P.G.-L. (2006) Language use and religious practice: The case of Singapore. In T. Omoniyi and J.A. Fishman (eds) Explorations in the Sociology of Language and Religion (pp. 213–234). Amsterdam & Philadelphia: John Benjamins. Chong, T. (2002) Asian values and Confucian ethics: Malay Singaporeans’ dilemma. Journal of Contemporary Asia 32, 394–406. Chong, E.L.J. and Seilhamer, M. (2014) Young people, Malay and English in multilingual Singapore. World Englishes 33, 363–377. Demerath III, N.J. (2003) Civil society and civil religion as mutually dependent. In M. Dillon (ed.) Handbook of the Sociology of Religion (pp. 348–358). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Fishman, J.A. (2006) A decalogue of basic theoretical perspectives. In T. Omoniyi and J.A. Fishman (eds) Explorations in the Sociology of Language and Religion (pp. 13–25). Amsterdam & Philadelphia: John Benjamins. Han, F.K., Ibrahim, Z., Chua, M.H., Lim, L., Low, I., Lin, R. and Chan, R. (2011) Lee Kuan Yew: Hard Truths to Keep Singapore Going. Singapore: Straits Times Press. Heller, M. (2006) Linguistic Minorities and Modernity. London & New York: Continuum. Hussaini, C.F. (2014) Guna bahasa Melayu demi bina jati diri Melayu dan Muslim, news article, 31 August 2014. See https://www.beritaharian.sg/setempat/guna-bahasamelayu-demi-bina-jati-diri-melayu-dan-muslim (accessed August 2015). Inter-Religious Organisation Singapore (2017) Declaration of religious harmony. See http:// iro.sg/about/declaration (accessed September 2017). Joseph, J.E. (2004) Language and Identity: National, Ethnic, Religious. Hampshire & New York: Palgrave Macmillan. Kamaludeen, M.N., Pereira, A.A. and Turner, B.S. (2010) Muslims in Singapore: Piety, Politics and Policies. London & New York: Routledge. Milner, A. (2008). The Malays. Malden & Oxford: Wiley-Blackwell. Mutalib, H. (2011) The Singapore minority dilemma: Between Malay persistence and state resistance. Asian Survey 51, 1156–1171. National Library Board (n.d.) Shared values, Singapore Infopedia. See http://eresources.nlb. gov.sg/infopedia/articles/SIP_542_2004-12-18.html (accessed April 2019). Omoniyi, T. (2006) Societal multilingualism and multifaithism: A sociology of language and religion perspective. In T. Omoniyi and J. Fishman (eds) Explorations in the Sociology of Language and Religion (pp. 121–140). Amsterdam & Philadelphia: John Benjamins. Rahim, L.Z. (1998) The Singapore Dilemma: The Political and Educational Marginality of the Malay Community. Kuala Lumpur: Oxford University Press. Rahim, L.Z. (2012) Governing Muslims in Singapore’s secular authoritarian state. Australian Journal of International Affairs 66, 169–185. Said-Sirhan, Y. (2014) Linguistic insecurity and reproduction of the Malay community’s peripherality in Singapore. Journal of Asian Pacific Communication 24 (2), 221–240. Siddique, S. (1981) Some aspects of Malay-Muslim ethnicity in peninsular Malaysia. Contemporary Southeast Asia 3 (1), 76–87.

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Silverstein, M. (1979) Language structure and linguistic ideology. In P.R. Cyne, W.F. Hanks and C.L. Hofbauer (eds) The Elements: A Parasession on Linguistic Units and Levels (pp. 193–247). Chicago Linguistic Society. Singapore Department of Statistics (2010) Census of population 2010 statistical release 1: Demographic characteristics, education, language and religion. See http://www.singstat. gov.sg/publications/population.html#census_of_population (accessed August 2012). Singapore Statutes Online (n.d.) Constitution of the Republic of Singapore. See http:// statutes.agc.gov.sg/aol/search/display/view.w3p;page=0;query=DocId%3A%22cf241 2ff-fca5-4a64-a8ef- b95b8987728e%22%20Status%3Ainforce%20Depth%3A0;rec=0 (accessed August 2012). Tan, K.P. (2010) Pragmatic secularism, civil religion, and political legitimacy in Singapore. In M.S.-H. Hengand C.L. Ten (eds) State and Secularism: Perspectives from Asia (pp. 339–357). New Jersey: World Scientific.

5 The Role of Religion in Written Language Maintenance and Shift in Uganda George Ladaah Openjuru

Introduction

The primary focus of this chapter is the ambivalent role of religion in language maintenance and shift in Uganda. This chapter draws its theoretical framework from the work of Pauwels (2005) on language maintenance and shift. Indeed, Pauwels’ contribution is central to this area and provides a very good definition of language maintenance and shifts in the context of language contact. Furthermore, she considers factors and forces promoting both language maintenance and shift, relevant to the case of Uganda and the Christian religion. Basically, according to Pauwels (2005), both phenomena of language maintenance (LM) and language shift (LS) come about in the context of language contact. An outcome of this process is that one language may give way to the other as the dominant language. The contact of significance in this Ugandan language landscape was between European Christian missionaries and native Africans in Uganda. The missionaries introduced two aspects of language use: literacy, which contributed to language maintenance, and formal school education, which promoted the use of English in favor of local languages. The Christian missionaries created two powerful social institutions in Uganda: school and church. These two social institutions produced the conflicting forces of both LM and LS in the Ugandan language landscape, as I shall show in this chapter. Language use in this chapter will be considered largely in terms of the written text (literacy) and to some extent spoken language as well. Religion, language, literacy and education have always been associated in Africa to the same degree as in other parts of the world. The three noted ‘Religions of The Book’ are Islam, Christianity and Judaism (Kapitzke, 70

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1999). Accordingly, religion, especially the Christian religion, through the activities of its missionaries, has done a lot in spreading alphabetic literacy in Africa (Venezky, 1999) and has triggered both LM, through the development of orthographies and printing in local languages, and LS, through the introduction of school education based on the use of English as the language of instruction and power in Uganda. Before going into a detailed discussion, it is important to look at the language context in Uganda. I will draw on the literature and also refer briefly to my field notes. The Language Context in Uganda

In Uganda there are many ethnic groups, associated with 45 unrelated languages. Two of these languages are reported as extinct (Gordon, 2005). The 43 remaining are organized under five major linguistic groupings: Bantu, Nilotic, Madi-Moru, Nilo-Hamites and Highland Nilotic (Myuganda, 1996). There are other forms of classification which distinguish Luo as a distinct group (Nsibambi, 2000). The Bantu group of languages is spoken in most of western, central, southern and eastern parts of Uganda. The Madi-Moru languages are spoken in the West Nile region of Uganda. The remaining languages are spoken mostly in northern Uganda. There is no clear information on the number of languages that are written and those that are not. However, based on my personal experience, if there are still some languages that are not yet written, then they are less than five (Openjuru, 2004). According to the constitution of Uganda, English is the official language (Government of Uganda, 1995). As the official language, English is used in governance, the judiciary, and the legislature. The country’s political elites and the educated and upper-class people prefer to use English in most aspects of their lives, including in their homes and with family members who can also all speak a local language. In fact, English is seen by most Ugandans as a ‘language of the social achievers … and … symbol of success’ (Magoba, 2001: 54). This makes English the dominant language in Uganda. It is a language of power, and it pervades every aspect of people’s everyday lives in both rural and urban areas of the country (Kasozi, 2000). Regardless of whether one is able to speak, read or write in it, English is unavoidable in ordinary life in Uganda. Being able to read and write in English can enable access to jobs and/or provide access to a much easier life than that of a person who is not able to use it (Kwesiga, 1994; Nsibambi, 2000). English is also the language of instruction after the first three years of school. Local languages can only be used during the first three years of education, and this is the case in schools that are located in rural areas only. For schools located in urban areas, which have a mixed linguistic popu­ lation, English is used from the first year of schooling (Nsibambi, 2000). The speaking of English has been enforced in a variety of ways including

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through peer embarrassment1 of the pupils caught speaking their local languages (Magoba, 2001). As a language of instruction in schools, the manner in which it has been enforced and the stigmatization of local language use in schools, English has become the preferred language of literacy (reading and writing) for most people in Uganda. It is not surprising, therefore, that to be considered literate in Uganda, one should be able to read and write in English. Nsibambi points this out when he says, ‘When we speak of high level of literacy skills in Uganda, we naturally think of English as the language in question since it is the medium of instruction at all levels but the lowest level of schooling’ (2000: 3). Maintenance and Shift in Uganda: Religion and Literacy

Considering the above Ugandan language context, I would like to explore what is described as LM and LS in Uganda. I will start with LM before moving on to LS, as explained by Pauwels (2005). The missionaries and language maintenance in Uganda

The term language maintenance is used to describe a situation in which a speaker, a group of speakers, or a speech community continue to use their language in some or all spheres of life despite competition with the dominant or majority language to become the main/sole language in these spheres (Pauwels, 2005: 719). In this chapter, language maintenance is being discussed in terms of the introduction of alphabetic literacy, first by traders but ultimately by missionaries, who were important in the development of orthographies for different local languages in Uganda. This is an activity which is promoting the maintenance of some languages despite the phenomenon of a growing usage of the English language in the context of multilingual Uganda. The first group who brought texts/written information to Uganda, in the form of the Quran from around 1844, were the Arab traders. Although the Muslim Arab traders from the East African coast were the first to introduce written information in Uganda, they did not make any effort to teach reading and writing in the Arabic script outside of the practice of the Islamic faith (Ssekamwa, 2000). That leaves the Christian missionaries as the biggest players in the promotion of written forms of local languages in Africa. The missionaries, according to Venezky (1999), did a lot to promote literacy to facilitate spreading their religious gospel. In doing that the missionaries inadvertently contributed to local LM in three ways. Firstly, as stated above, they did so through the development of local language orthographies that helped to document and promote African languages and language study. Secondly, local varieties were supported through

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creating a church discourse associated with a church-associated cultural identity. This involved practices based on the use of local languages that are passed on from generation to generation. Thirdly, the printing and publishing of books in the local languages contributed to continuity. In all the above cases, writing became a tool for the maintenance and promotion of the local indigenous languages, especially for those whose orthographies were developed earlier rather than later. Literacy (use of written language) in the Roman script was introduced in Uganda by Christian missionaries in the late 19th century. The missionaries of the Anglican Church Missionary Society (CMS) were the first, arriving in Uganda from England in 1877. They were later followed by the Catholic White Fathers’ Society from France, who arrived in 1879. These two Christian missionary groups came to ‘civilize’ African natives using religion and education. Thus, literacy was introduced in Uganda as an integral part of Christian religious practice, making Christianity the first social and institutional framework within which literacy found meaningful use in everyday life. Accordingly, wherever the missionaries went, their first task was to learn the local languages and develop orthographies for each particular language. The next step was to translate and print bibles, prayer books, hymn books and other religious texts into that language. By embracing the Christian faith, the local people embraced a literate culture involving the use of a written language (Byakutaga & Musinguzi, 2000; OnonoOnweng et al., 2004; Ssekamwa, 2000). Becoming a Christian often became closely associated with becoming literate, which was seen as an enhancement or an exotic mode of local language usage or application. The missionaries emphasized the use of local languages in their literacy work. In doing that, they gave local languages status and acceptability in church practices/discourse thus elevating those languages to a new level of existence and use in a written form. I note that over time print texts and more recently print media are ways in which LM can be achieved (Dyer, 2008; Fishman, 1991 as cited in Rohani et al., 2005). The Anglicans emphasized reading of the Bible by individuals themselves. Therefore, before the establishment of schools, reading was taught as a precondition for becoming an Anglican Christian. The Catholics on the other hand emphasized rote learning of prayers and religious doctrines printed in other Catholic literature and did not require learning how to read and write as a precondition. Nevertheless, they also conducted some literacy classes (see Byakutaga & Musinguzi, 2000; Parry, 2000a), translating and publishing/printing more religious books in local languages than the Anglicans did. This is because the Catholics were the first to establish printing presses for the production of simplified religious texts (reading materials) for their followers. Being able to read, write and print words is, in my view, an extended use of local languages providing it with a chance for taking a life of its own as a text form.

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Since the Catholic catechism emphasizes recitation, the material that is recited and read from books is made available to the catechumens orally (Byakutaga & Musinguzi, 2000). This practice introduced two alternative formats of language use. Firstly, it was demonstrated that written words can be accessed through other people (literacy mediators according to the social practice theory of literacy – see Parry, 2000a); secondly, it was evident that book content can be memorized and recited orally. These language practices, in addition to routine use of the same texts, as we shall discuss later in this chapter, encouraged Catholics to learn most of their prayers by heart and recite them during their Sunday church services without further reference to the prayer books. Church prayers could therefore be transmitted to the next generation of Christians with ease based on the available recital. This, however, does not mean the recited text ceases to have authority as a written text. These differences in emphasis on individual literacy have contributed to differences in literacy levels between Catholics and Anglicans, as Okech (2004: 184) notes: ‘The Protestant approach promoted better acquisition of literacy among their followers than the Catholic one.’ Therefore, while the two Christian denominations did similar work in promoting local language in the written form, they produced different outcomes due to their historical and doctrinal differences. They did not cooperate on common issues but instead rivaled each other (Ssekamwa, 2000). For example, they sometimes even developed two different orthographies for the same language, which led to variation in the spelling and pronunciation of some words in the same language. For example, in the Acholi dialect of the Luo language, the word for the concept of one supreme God (which was introduced by the missionaries) is spelt and pronounced as Rubanga for Catholics and Lubanga for Anglicans; and a Christian is Lacristo for Catholics and Lacristayo for Anglicans. These different spelling and pronunciation systems later became marks of identity and differentiation between Catholics and Anglicans (see Kalema, 2001; Onono-Onweng et al., 2004; Ssekamwa, 2000). This of course cannot disqualify their contribution to the maintenance of these languages. School education and language shift in Uganda

Pauwels (2005) explains that ‘language shift implies the change (gradual or not) by a speaker, a group of speakers, and/or a speech community from the dominant use of one language in almost all spheres of life to the dominant use of another language in almost all spheres of life’ (2005: 719). This understanding emphasizes the contradictory role of the Christian missionaries in LS and LM in Uganda. This is because the missionaries were responsible for the introduction of formal school education in Uganda in 1895. This further promoted the use of written language – however, unlike in the church, the teaching of literacy in schools was no

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longer in the local language but in English. This shifting of literacy teaching to schools resulted in the dominance of school literacy and English as the language of literacy outside of church practices (see Ssekamwa, 2000). As noted above, English was, and has continued to be, the language of instruction in Uganda after the first three years of initial education (from Primary Four (P.4) to university) (Government of Uganda, 1992; Nsibambi, 2000). The introduction of school education came with the reduction of local language use in writing and speaking, especially for those who had learned how to read and write from the formal school system. Even within the church, activities not directly related to prayers and Sunday church services were now conducted in English. The use of English even became more acceptable as a language of communication in a multilingual context, as evidenced by this field note below: Generally, this meeting is like any other meeting with an agenda, a chairperson, and a secretary who is recording the proceedings. The meeting is being conducted in Luo with English and Kiswahili use by the non-Luo speakers at the meeting. Participants orally use any of the three languages, while two other people translate their contribution into the other two remaining languages. Luo is the main language of the meeting because it is spoken by most people in the meeting. English is mainly used by educated non-Luo speakers, and Kiswahili, by uneducated non-Luo speakers. All documents, except the attendance list, are being written in English. (Field notes in Bweyale Church of Uganda Parish: Sunday 12 June 2005)

Figure 5.1  An example of the English agenda displayed on a chalkboard placed before the members

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Figure 5.2  Record books on a worn-out Bible

Records of such village meetings are kept in files and exercise books like the one shown in Figure 5.2. School exercise books are used as personal and official record books. The book on the top of the pile in Figure 5.2 is a ‘Recording Book’ kept by the secretary of a village religious group. The language used in this book is an innovative creation of the writer mixing two foreign languages: English and Kiswahili. It reads ‘The Books ya Division’ (the non-English word in this construction is the Kiswahili word ‘ya’ which seems to be substituting the English word ‘of’). The next line of writing is the name of the officer and his title, ‘securtary’. In Standard English, this could be ‘The Secretary’s Record Book of the Division’. This shows that in spite of often-limited ability to write in English, this rural community in Uganda still insists on conducting official and public writing in English. In contrast, the second notebook in the photograph, which was a Bible study notebook and contained personal notes taken during the same meeting, was written in Luo. These personal notes are used to guide individual participation in meetings by referring to them regarding decisions made in previous meetings. The official minutes in the secretary’s record book are not given to the members due to the problem of reproduction. The fact that English is the primary mode of written communication in meetings, despite the reality that Luo is the predominant oral language, illustrates the shift being made to English and the way in which it is associated with record-keeping, education and status (see Sentumbwe, 2001, 2002). This is particularly interesting given that some church services are conducted in Luo and the Bible and Catholic Missal are written in Luo. This confirms Papen’s findings in Namibia, where she found that although

The Role of Religion in Written Language Maintenance and Shift in Uganda  77

Figure 5.3  A worn-out English and Luo language Bible with two pages of underlined texts

much of the reading and writing done in the Bible study groups to which Emma (pseudonym for one of the key respondents in the research) belonged were in the local language, English was still important in the religious identity of the learners (Papen, 2005). There is therefore a mild language shift in terms of all written communication being perceived to be presented in English and not the local language. This shift is slowly overtaking the local language religious text, as most school-educated individuals start preferring to read English bibles, claiming that local language bibles are difficult to read. This attitude is eroding the efforts of the missionaries in achieving local LM through translation and local language book printing and publishing. In many of the homes visited during fieldwork, the Bible is the most frequently used book, as Figure 5.3 shows. The worn Bible with underlined texts in Figure 5.3 reveals that it is frequently used. The fact that sections of the text are underlined is evidence that the book is not only read regularly but also read attentively for a purpose. This differs from Kulick and Stroud’s finding in Papua New Guinea where they found that printed matter in Gapun was only looked at, and that, ‘Nobody ever actually reads the bible’ (Kulick & Stroud, 1993: 36). In most homes which I visited, with the exception of children’s schoolbooks, the Bible was the most prominent book in the house and was one of only a few books visible. In addition to the Bible, other religious texts are commonly available in rural community life in both English and the local languages, because different religious organizations like the Jehovah’s Witnesses distribute religious leaflets and books free of charge or sell them very cheaply. These religious texts are the reading materials most available for rural people to read, even for leisure. Note the following example: Sitting inside a hut built in front of a restaurant to serve as a cool shade for its customers, a man who is well known to me is busy reading a book. As I enter the hut to join him, he stops his reading to recognise my presence,

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and I decide to ask him what he is reading and take a seat next to him, thus being able to see the book he was reading. He abandons his reading and gives me the book to see what kind of book he was reading. The book is a Jehovah’s Witness’s book, ‘The Greatest Man who ever lived’. (Field notes in Bweyale Church of Uganda Parish: Sunday 12 June 2005)

Therefore, apart from schoolbooks, religious texts are among the most dominant and common texts in rural communities in Uganda. It is clear that these texts are central to the identity of many rural Ugandans and written language usage. This reflects and confirms the findings in other developing countries such as Papua New Guinea where a study reported that ‘of the eighty-four specimens, all but two were connected with Christianity’ – that is, 98% of texts in households were religious texts (Kulick & Stroud, 1993: 36). This suggests that the incorporation of ­religious texts as part of local LM programs could utilize the widely available religious reading materials where appropriate. This could be done along the lines suggested by Purcell-Gates et al. (2000: i); in this case, religious practices and printed materials could be used as the authentic ‘activities and texts employed in literacy [sic] learning’. In doing this, emphasis should be put on promoting local languages so that the effort of the missionaries in that direction is moved forward. Conclusion

We have seen that Christianity is a major impetus for reading in the local language in rural community life in a variety of contexts: formal church services, church meetings, choir practice, Bible study groups and family and individual Bible reading and prayers. These Christian practices illuminate the complex ways in which most African local languages can be maintained or diminished through choice of language (English or local) in a multilingual context and through the role of literacy mediators in joint religious literacy events. Furthermore, as a practical matter, Christian religious literacy materials are easily available. However, for indigenous languages to survive, the growth of English – which is causing a language shift – will need to be countered by going back to supporting local language publishing which was also being promoted by the Christian missionaries. Future research could also consider the role of technology and broadcast media in LM and LS as they develop in the Ugandan context. Note (1) Pupils caught speaking their local languages (vernacular) are made to wear a bone around their necks until they catch the next person committing the same offence and transfer the bone to them. While wearing the bone they will be subjected to ridicule by teachers and fellow pupils.

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References Byakutaga, S. and Musinguzi, R. (2000) Developing Runyakitara as an area language. In K. Parry (ed.) Language and Literacy in Uganda (pp. 51–65). Kampala: Fountain Publishers. Dyer, C. (2008) Language shift or maintenance? Factors determining the use of Afrikaans among some township youth in South Africa. Stellenbosch Papers in Linguistics 38, 49–72. Fishman, A.R. (1991) Because this is who we are: Writing in an Amish community. In D. Barton and R. Ivanič (eds) Writing in the Community Vol. 6 (pp. 14–37). London: SAGE Publications. Gordon, R.G. (ed.) (2005) Ethnologue: Languages of the World (15th edn). Dallas, TX: SIL International. Government of Uganda (1992) Government White Paper on the Implementation of the Recommendation of the Report of the Education Policy Review Commission. Kampala: Uganda Printing and Publishing Corporation. Government of Uganda (1995) Constitution of the Republic of Uganda. Kampala: Uganda Printing and Publishing Corporation. Kalema, J. (2001) The socio-cultural and political conflicts in orthography reforms in Uganda. In C. Glanz and B. Okot (eds) Exploring Multilingual Community Literacies (pp. 12–16). Hamburg: Mehersprachigkeit. Kapitzke, C. (1999) Literacy and religion: the word, the holy word and the world. In D.A. Wagner, R.L. Venezky and B.V. Street (eds) Literacy: An International Handbook (pp. 113–118). Oxford: Westview Press. Kasozi, A.B.K. (2000) Policy statements and the failure to develop a national language in Uganda: A historical survey. In K. Parry (ed.) Language and Literacy in Uganda: Towards a Sustainable Reading Culture (pp. 23–29). Kampala: Fountain Publishers. Kulick, D. and Stroud, C. (1993) Conceptions and uses of literacy in a Papua New Guinean village. In B.V. Street (ed.) Cross-Cultural Approaches to Literacy (pp. 30–61). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Kwesiga, J.B. (1994) Literacy and the language question: Brief experiences from Uganda. In D. Barton (ed.) Sustaining Local Literacies (pp. 57–63). Clevedon: Multilingual Matters. Magoba, W. (2001) Challenges for publishing in local languages. Paper presented at the Exploring Multilingual Community Literacies workshop in Kampala, Uganda. Myuganda (1996) Myuganda country portal: People and culture. See http://www. myuganda.co.ug/about/tribes.php (accessed April 2006). Nsibambi, A. (2000) Language and literacy in Uganda: A view from the Ministry of Education and Sport. In K. Parry (ed.) Language and Literacy in Uganda: Towards a Sustainable Reading Culture (pp. 2–5). Kampala: Fountain Publishers. Okech, A. (2004) Adult literacy efforts. In A. Okech (ed.) Adult Education in Uganda: Growth, Development, Prospects and Challenges (pp. 178–209). Kampala: Fountain Publishers. Onono-Onweng, N., Holmes, P. and Lumumba, P. (2004) Celebrating 100 years of Christianity in Acholiland. Gulu: Church of Uganda. Openjuru, G.L. (2004) A comparison of the ideological foundation of the FAL and REFLECT approaches to teaching adult literacy in Uganda. Language Matters: Studies in the Languages of Africa 35 (2), 407–427. Papen, U. (2005) Reading the Bible and shopping on credit: Literacy practices and literacy learning in a township in Windhoek, Namibia. In A. Rogers (ed.) Urban Literacy: Communication, Identity and Learning in Development Contexts (pp. 211–234). Hamburg: UNESCO Institute for Education. Parry, K. (2000a) Literacy policy and literacy practice. In K. Parry (ed.) Literacy and Language in Uganda (pp. 59–65). Kampala: Fountain Publisher. Pauwels, A. (2005) Language maintenance. In A. Davies and C. Elder (eds) The Handbook of Applied Linguistics (pp. 719–738). Victoria: Blackwells Publishing.

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Purcell-Gates, V., Degener, S., Jacobson, E. and Soler, M. (2000) Affecting change in literacy practices of adult learners: Impact of two dimensions of instruction. The National Centre for the Study of Adult Learning and Literacy. Cambridge: Harvard Graduate School of Education. Rohani, S., Choi, C., Amjab, R.N., Burnett, C. and Colahan, C. (2005) Language main­ tenance and the role of the family amongst immigrant groups in the United States: Persian-speaking Baha’is, Cantonese, Urdu, Spanish, and Japanese, an Exploration. See http://www.tc.columbia.edu/centers/cmll/publish/PDFs/LangMaintFamily.pdf (accessed September 2014). Sentumbwe, G. (2001) Ethnic differences in the approach to adult literacy: Experiences from a nation-wide literacy training. In C. Glanz and B. Okot (eds) Exploring Multilingual Community Literacies (pp. 57–61). Hamburg: Mehrsprachigkeit. Sentumbwe, G. (2002) Ethnic differences in the approach to adult literacy: Experiences from a nationwide literacy training. Adult Education and Development 59, 126–132. Ssekamwa, J.C. (2000) History and Development of Education in Uganda (2nd edn). Kampala: Fountain Publishers. Venezky, R.L. (1999) Reading, writing, and salvation: The impact of Christian missionaries on literacy. In D.A. Wagner, R.L. Venezky and B.V. Street (eds) Literacy: An International Handbook (pp. 119–124). Oxford: Westview Press.

6 Faith and Language Maintenance in Transnational Places of Worship: Brazilian Christian Settings in London Ana Souza

Introduction

The end of World War II triggered mass global migration which affected the diversity of the population in Britain (Omoniyi, 2010). In a variety of ways over the years, this has led policies to consider the linguistic diversity of the migrant1 pupils joining the British educational system (Conteh et al., 2007). In the 21st century, educational policies have adopted a multilingual perspective and a multi-disciplinary orientation. Pupils as young as seven years old have been entitled to learn languages and specific support has been designed for bilingual pupils (DfES, 2002). In addition, primary schools have been encouraged to develop closer ties with their local communities by creating partnerships between parents and the community – measures that are meant to provide better support to pupils, including ethnic minority groups (DfES, 2003). More recently, the National Curriculum framework has given schools a free hand in choosing which language pupils should study between the ages of seven and ten (DfES, 2013a, 2013b). This is a revolutionary move which creates the opportunity for minority languages to be taught as part of the mainstream school curriculum – a striking difference from the Swann Report’s (1985)2 recommendations of having these languages taught by and in their own communities. These recommendations had led to the development of community language schools (also known as complementary or supplementary). Excluding community/minority languages from the curriculum raises questions of language hierarchisation and societal power relations. Nevertheless, these complementary schools

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have played an important role in improving the academic attainment of children from immigrant backgrounds (Barradas, 2004), in facilitating the communication between generations (Francis et al., 2010) and in creating safe spaces for the development of children’s multiple identities (Creese et al., 2006). British policies have also acknowledged the relevance of religion in the development of children’s identities (DCSF, 2009; DfES, 2007). Valuing and building on children’s knowledge of languages other than English, on their families’ literacy practices as well as on their cultural and religious traditions is seen as positive since it contributes to a culturally inclusive curriculum (DfES, 2006). These policies reflect research which considers religion to be one of the shared cultural activities that contribute to one’s sense of belonging to an ethnicity (i.e. group cultural characteristics), and thus, an important defining characteristic for some minorities (Fishman, 1989; Joseph, 2004; Modood et al., 1997). Studies indeed point to the relevance of religion to migrants in relation to the maintenance of their languages, culture and sense of community. The lack of contact with religion within the young Lithuanians in Scotland, for example, has led to the loss of their ancestors’ language (Dzialtuvaite, 2006). Moreover, the 2010 Global Religion and Migration Database lists the UK as one of the 10 top destinations of international migration (Connor, 2012). Around 3,680,000 of these migrants are Christians and their local impact is noticeable. Lynch’s (2008) report, for instance, acknowledges that the Catholic Church in England and Wales has been strengthened by the arrival of new migrants. In London, where over 22% of the population speak a main language other than English3, Roman Catholic religious services are held in at least 5 of the 10 most spoken languages.4 Yet the number of studies on ethnic minority Christians, as compared with some other faith traditions, is low. Therefore, this article draws on a pilot study of Brazilian Christian places of worship in London (Souza, 2009; Souza et al., 2012). The Study

This chapter draws on data collected for a pilot study which explored the relationship between religion, ethnicity and language in three Brazilian Christian places of worship in London: a Catholic church, a Pentecostal church and a Kardecist group. These are the three main Christian religions in Brazil,5 a country which has the largest number of Catholics in the world at the same time that it has the second largest community of Pentecostals and is the world capital of Kardecism – a religion which ­originated in France in the 19th century and which combines spirit-­mediumship and reincarnationist beliefs (Freston, 2008). The data discussed in this article were collected through semi-­ structured interviews with faith leaders from the three settings, i.e. a

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Catholic priest, a Pentecostal pastor and a Kardecist teaching coordinator. These interviews aimed at understanding the factors which influence the language planning of the activities in places of worship, with a special focus on the faith lessons offered to children of migrant families in London. These data illustrate how attending the faith lessons may affect the language maintenance of these children. The Settings

Over 6% of all Brazilian emigrants are in England6 and their highest concentration is found in London (Evans et al., 2011). Brazilians form the largest group within the Latin American community in the English capital (McIlwaine et al., 2011) and the second biggest group within the speakers of Portuguese (Eversley et al., 2010) – the 11th most spoken language in London schools7 and which has been identified as one of the top 10 useful languages for the future of the UK in a politically and economically globalized world (Tinsley & Board, 2013). These numbers are reflected in the growing number of Brazilian complementary schools in London, which increased from 1 to 18 schools between 1997 and 2016 (Souza, 2016a). However, the higher number of places of worship suggests that there might be a bigger number of Brazilian children attending faith lessons than community language schools. In London alone, religious services are offered in Brazilian Portuguese in six Catholic parishes,8 eight Kardecist groups9 and almost 20 Pentecostal churches.10 Hence, these three Christian religions are represented in the study reported in this chapter. The Brazilian Catholic Chaplaincy offers catechism (religious instruction) sessions once a week for about one and a half hours before their Sunday mass (rite of worship). Their main objective is to prepare children for the sacrament of First Communion (ceremony in which children aged seven or so receive for the first time the holy bread, which symbolizes becoming one with Jesus Christ). Ten to 60 children attend these sessions in the different parishes across London. The Catholic faith lessons are delivered in Portuguese by volunteers who adopt catechism materials purchased in Brazil. The Kardecist groups within the British Union of Spiritist Societies run children’s sessions in parallel to the adults’ study group meetings and these last 1 hour and 30 minutes. The sessions focus on the teachings of their doctrine and are either delivered in Portuguese by volunteers who use materials brought from Brazil, or in English with materials being produced locally by volunteers and being exchanged online with Brazilian groups in other English-speaking countries, as detailed in Souza (2014). The lessons are attended by an average of 10 children at each of their centres. The participant Brazilian Pentecostal Church runs religious education sessions to children after the ‘praise’ – the first part of a service in which members express their respect and gratitude to God by praying and

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singing aloud. The sessions last 1 hour and 30 minutes and aim at teaching the children Christian values. These sessions are attended by about 20 children and are based on materials obtained in the USA, being thus planned in English. There are 12 volunteers who take turns in delivering these sessions and who have been reported to deliver the s­ essions in both English and Portuguese. In other words, these places of worship are part of a transnational context, i.e. they are established in a host country but continue to have links to their countries of origin (Levitt, 2003) – in this case, in relation to the transmission of religion and of language. Theoretical Perspectives

This study is situated within a socio-cultural framework in which learning is perceived as taking place in interaction with others (Rogoff, 2003) and draws on theories of socialization. Socialization is the process of becoming a competent member of society by learning the necessary procedures (how) and premises (what) to participate in a social context (Ochs, 1988). Socialization views children as engaged social actors in acquiring beliefs/practices (Hemming & Madge, 2011), whereas the term transmission tends to focus on the attitudes/behaviours passed down from parents to their children (Arweck & Nesbitt, 2010). Although viewing children as active participants in the construction of their experiences (Greene & Hogan, 2005; O’Kane, 2008), both terms – socialization and transmission – are used in this chapter. Learning a language means learning to produce well-formed referential utterances as much as learning how to use language to engage with others appropriately and meaningfully (Garrett & Baquedano-López, 2002). In other words, language socialization involves the use of language as much as knowledge of the cultural practices in which language is used. The transmission of language and of religion is highly influenced by families (Park & Ecklund, 2007; Pauwels, 2005), especially before children reach adolescence11 – the period in which parental influence and control changes (Bader & Desmond, 2006). Parents may recognize this influence even when holding different faiths. Mixed-faith parents in Arweck and Nesbitt’s (2010) study considered it important for their children to have a choice of becoming part of a religion, thus the children were exposed to each of their religious traditions in the context of their families. Religious transmission, of course, also takes place in institutional contexts, including faith lessons in places of worship. Faith literacies

Work on the transmission of language in religious contexts – be they family or institutional ones – has approached literacy from different perspectives.

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Watt and Fairfield (2010) define ‘religious literacy’ as specifically relating to ‘the teaching and acquisition of language to the performance of religious acts, broadly understood, especially when sacred texts and written traditions are integral to these acts’ (2010: 355). This focus on written sacred texts is also taken by Rosowsky (2013) who draws on Fishman’s (1989) definition of ‘religious classical’ as a special language in addition to mother tongues which is used for religious purposes. Rosowsky (2013), however, refers to this language as the ‘liturgical languages children learn to read, memorise and recite within faith complementary schools’ (2013: 67). This reference results from Rosowsky’s (2008) earlier work on the literacy practices of a group of Muslim children in the UK. In this work, ‘liturgical literacy’ is restricted to reading which is essential to ritual and devotional practices, and thus has a special focus on texts and scripts of a holy book. Other studies, however, have called for a broader scope of literacy around religion. Carr’s (2007) study on religious education advocates for the inclusion of knowledge such as geography and history to the development of one’s literacy in religion. In his own words, ‘religions cannot be well understood apart from some historical and/or geographical knowledge of their origins in this or that particular part of the world’ (2007: 670). Rumsey (2010), in turn, highlights the need to differentiate between ‘­religion’ and ‘faith’, as conceptualized by the participants of her study of an Amish community in the US: … religion alludes to the obligations, rules of conduct and perhaps ceremony within a church service … [and] might be illustrated in overtly judgemental attitudes [of others] … rather than the state of [their] soul. In other words … ‘religion’ … alludes to outward pious expressions overshadowing the inner belief system … faith alludes to ‘a relationship, not a religion’ … Christianity is about believing in Christ and having a relationship with Him through prayer and biblical scripture; that relationship then manifests beliefs in action. (2010: 139 – emphasis mine)

As acknowledged by Rumsey (2010) herself, it is difficult to differentiate between religion and faith, as these concepts overlap and are intertwined. Nevertheless, the point she makes is that faith comprises beliefs, actions and artefacts and thus aligns with Street’s (1995) definition of literacy practices as incorporating ‘not only “literacy events”, as empirical occasions to which literacy is integral, but also folk models of those events [i.e. ways of conceptualizing these events together] and the ideological preconceptions that underpin them’ (1995: 2). It seems appropriate then to adopt the term ‘faith literacies’. Gregory et al.’s (2013) study of four faith migrant communities in the UK applies the term ‘faith literacy practices’ but it is never defined. The key question in their article relates to how children learn the scripts necessary to participate in their faith settings. BeLiFS12 – the study on which that article

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draws – however, adopts a socio-cultural and socio-historical framework and applies ethnographic methods. In other words, BeLiFS is situated within an understanding of language and of literacy as being integral parts of cultural practices (Gregory et al., 2013). Following this work, I define ‘faith literacies’ as practices which may include four different aspects: (1) the reading of written texts (scripts), (2) the use of oral texts (discussions about the faith, interaction with a deity or other members of the faith community), (3) the performance of faith through actions – which can be silent or not, and (4) knowledge – which may include theological, geographical and historical information about the faith. This definition pinpoints relevant aspects which contribute to one’s successful socialization in religious contexts. Moreover, this definition acknowledges that meaning making is multimodal (Cope & Kalantzis, 2009) – i.e. it involves other modes of meaning than only a linguistic one, such as audio and gestural modes. Language planning of faith literacies

Language socialization investigates how individuals learn about culture through language and how they are socialized into ways of using language (Ochs, 1988; Schieffelin & Ochs, 1986). In other words, socialization into cultural practices takes place by the use of language (Tannenbaum & Howie, 2002). Moreover, understanding of meaning in one context may support the learning in another. As a consequence, it has been argued that children’s literacy experiences in faith settings may help them to make sense of their learning in mainstream schools (Gregory et al., 2012). Hence, places of worship are more than just spaces for religious rituals. They are educational as well as social and cultural spaces which may support ethno-linguistic identities (Omoniyi, 2012), especially in the case of migrants. Migration is a social process which leads to the reshaping of identities (Ang, 2001; Pergar-Kusčer & Prosen, 2005) and in which both religion and language are indeed considered significant cultural resources (Omoniyi, 2012). The concept of identity adopted in this study combines contributions from both social psychology and post-structuralism, where identity is viewed as the way individuals see themselves linked, in terms of knowledge and emotions, to certain structures in society (Block, 2002; Fishman, 1989; Hannerz, 2000; Tajfel, 1978, 1981). Furthermore, identity formation is here portrayed as an ongoing process, which has multiple and changeable aspects (Norton, 2000, 2013) and is developed in interaction with others (Bakhtin, 1994). Focusing on the religious and linguistic aspects of identity, it is important to highlight the role of religion in the preservation of languages among migrant groups (Freston, 2008). In the context of multilingual settings, Omoniyi (2012) argues that both a religion-perspective and a

(Language-religion ideology)

(Actual language use)

(Language-religion ideology)

WEAK LINK BETWEEN LANGUAGE AND RELIGION

ENGLISH-MEDIUM (Actual language use)

STRONG LINK BETWEEN LANGUAGE AND RELIGION

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COMMUNITY LANGUAGE-MEDIUM Figure 6.1  The LRI Continuum (adapted from Woods, 2004 in Souza, 2016b)

language-perspective have to be discussed jointly in exploring the relationship between religion and language. The Language-Religion Ideology (LRI) Continuum (Woods, 2004), a two-dimensional framework which highlights the dynamic nature of the language-religion connections, is a step towards joining both perspectives. In the LRI Continuum (see Figure 6.1), the relationship between language and religion is represented in a horizontal axis. This axis locates the places of worship which believe that only a special language can be used with God – a strong link between language and religion – on the left extreme of the continuum. The places of worship which attach a weak link between language and religion, and thus encourage the use of ordinary language for the building of a personal relationship with God, are placed on the right extreme of the continuum. The language practices of a congregation are represented in a vertical axis, where the use of English is on the top of the axis and the use of ­community language on the bottom axis. In a later publication, Woods (2006) stressed that the place of language in ethnic churches – i.e. churches associated with a particular migrant community (Woods, 2004) – is influenced by two sources: the cultural value system of an ethnic group and the culture of the religious denomination. Moreover, the interviews examined here indicate that integrating language, ethnicity and religion in one single framework would enhance the understanding of how they interact in the formation of one’s identity. Therefore, the application of a three-dimensional framework – the Religion-Ethnicity-Language (REL) Triangle – is suggested in this chapter (see also Souza, 2015; Souza et al., 2012). In this framework, each of the three aspects of identity is placed at one of the angles of a triangle with a continuum moving inwards (see Figure 6.2). A move towards the inner

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Figure 6.2  The REL Triangle (Souza et al., 2012)

extremes of each of the continua represents weaker identity links with that aspect of their identity, whereas a move outwards means stronger links. In the Brazilian places of worship covered in this chapter, attendance of faith lessons was part of the parents’ strategies to socialize their children into their religions and their heritage language. Therefore, the role of the use of English and Portuguese languages in the religious experiences of these children will be examined through the lenses of the faith leaders’ language-planning ideologies and discussed under the framework of the REL Triangle. The religion perspective The Brazilian Catholic Chaplaincy

The Catholic Church has as one of its theological orientations the mission to support migrants abroad, and thus offers services through its 33 ethnic chaplaincies in London, including a Brazilian one. In the children’s catechism (religious instruction) sessions, the Brazilian priest explained, ‘[they] study the Bible and the Catholic doctrine within the level of the sacrament for which they are preparing’, which in this case is the First Communion (receipt of the holy bread for the first time). This preparation is seen as basic support to the children’s socialization into the religion and the parents are expected to be their children’s major catechists (religious mentors). The Brazilian Pentecostal Church

The Pentecostal Church believes that salvation is only possible by accepting Jesus Christ through their perspectives. Therefore, it aims to spread the word of the Lord and to attract new followers to convert to

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their religion. In fact, the specific pastors in this church ‘came to England because [they] believed that [they] could reach for the people in this nation, [the English people]’. Nevertheless, the transmission of religion is not reported to be their main objective in the sessions offered to the children. Their aim, as explained by the female pastor, is ‘that these children want to be in God’s home, so that they feel well, as belonging, protected, loved. Here they will learn to be with the other, to love the other, to respect the other’. The Brazilian Kardecist group

Kardecism is more a set of principles (i.e. a philosophy) than a set of ritual practices (i.e. a religion).13 In this way, the coordinator explains, ‘[Kardecism] respects all religions; all religions are considered good, [since] they are different paths to the same place’. Therefore, their main objective is not to raise children to be Kardecists (followers of Kardec and therefore of the Spiritist doctrine). Instead, the aim is ‘to form good individuals. If they are going to grow to be Spiritists or Catholics or anything else, it is not our worry. Our worry is to help children to have solid moral foundations to lead their lives in the best way they can.’ Nevertheless, the coordinator acknowledges a worry in disseminating their beliefs: ‘[Kardecism in the UK] is in its embryonic stages, so I do worry about disseminating it [to local people]. It is part of our duties.’ The ethnicity perspective The Brazilian Catholic Chaplaincy

The Chaplaincy is referred to as ‘the house of the Brazilian Catholics in London’ and emphasizes its role of supporting migrants abroad through the offer of services to adults by Brazilian priests.14 The importance of ethnicity is also acknowledged by the Diocese of Westminster, which sees its ethnic chaplaincies as having the role of preserving and nourishing different cultures in expressing their sense of community and their Catholic beliefs.15 It is interesting to notice that there is a separate Portuguese Chaplaincy in London, which indicates ethnicity to be very relevant for the two different groups – the Brazilian and the Portuguese. The Brazilian priest explained that he may work with ‘Portuguese and Angolan [church-goers] since they speak Portuguese, but [his] specific work is with the Brazilian community’. The Brazilian Pentecostal Church

In spite of the aims of disseminating their religion, the pastor acknowledges that the fact that he and his wife, the female pastor, are Brazilian

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makes it just one part of their goals to support other Brazilian migrants. One of the cultural practices affecting the religious practices transported from Brazil to London is the day of the worship rites, as explained by the pastor below: [We organize] a morning service in English for the English members and another one in Portuguese in the evening for the Brazilians … Brazilians are more used to going to church on Sunday evening. The Brazilian Kardecist group

In spite of being open to local people with a view to disseminating their beliefs and recruiting new followers, the coordinator acknowledges that ‘most of the people who attend the centres are Brazilian’. In fact, the Kardecist services are run by Brazilians for Brazilians and the centres are places of spiritual and practical support for Brazilian migrants. The coordinator also admits that ‘most of the Brazilian [Kardecists] feel more at ease in receiving this support in Portuguese’. This preference has led to different positions in relation to the language planning of their activities within the group, as explained below. The language perspective The Brazilian Catholic Chaplaincy

The theological reason for the use of Portuguese in the Brazilian Catholic Chaplaincy in general is the provision of appropriate linguistic support to migrants, as mentioned above. More specifically, the children’s catechism sessions are seen by the priest as ‘opportunities for the children to speak Portuguese, to listen to Portuguese’. It is relevant that the children are socialized into Catholicism through the use of Portuguese due to another theological orientation mentioned above: the view that parents are the major catechists. As the parents are believed not to speak English, Portuguese is used in the faith lessons to ensure that its use is maintained in children–parent interactions about faith. The Brazilian Pentecostal Church

A one-to-one relationship with God is defended by the Pentecostal Church. Thus, it encourages the use of different languages to communicate with Him. This perspective has allowed the use of both Portuguese and English in the services they offer, including the ones for the children. Following the pastors’ aims of disseminating their faith to the local community and due to expecting that the children will be the missionaries of the future, the language policy is to plan and deliver the lessons in English. However, there is flexibility in relation to the language used by both the

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teachers and the children depending on the linguistic profile of the children in a particular lesson, as the pastor explains below: If there is an English child, [the teachers] can deliver the lessons in English … there are some writing activities which are in English … but if the child has any difficulties, they can write in Portuguese … lessons [are sometimes delivered] in Portuguese because [the English boy] has not been attending. The Brazilian Kardecist group

Portuguese was used in all the services provided by the Kardecist group in the first 18 years of the group’s existence, including the children’s sessions. Language then was seen as being closely linked to ethnicity and enabling links with other children of Brazilian heritage, as explained below by the previous coordinator: It is an opportunity for them to talk [to each other in Portuguese] because, see, in [the mainstream] school, what are you going to speak? English. So you do not have much contact with Portuguese, unless in this way, through the religions.

The coordinator who took over in 2010, however, believes that the Kardecist centres should not be seen as spaces for the teaching of Portuguese, as expected by the parents. Instead, she believes that the lessons should be delivered to the children in English. This way, they can ‘learn the words, as they are different from the ones we use in everyday life … then the children will be able to explain to other people [what Kardecism is]’. All in all, religious, ethnic and linguistic identities go hand in hand in the Catholic setting and warrant the organization and the delivery of their faith lessons in the Portuguese language. In the Pentecostal setting, the importance of religion over ethnicity and language is clear, despite the concessions made to the use of Portuguese and to the transportation of some cultural practices in supporting their Brazilian members. In the case of the Kardecist group, they started their activities valuing religious, ethnic and linguistic identities equally. Presently, there are signs of a move towards a bigger emphasis on the religious aspect of their identities. Nevertheless, independent of the language-planning choices adopted, the leaders in the Catholic and in the Pentecostal churches as well as in the Kardecist group acknowledge the complexity of trying to implement rigid language policies, due to the varied linguistic competences the children of Brazilian heritage attending their settings have in relation to both English and Portuguese. … the children do not write neither read in Portuguese, they only speak it … not all of them speak and write in English either, as many of them have recently arrived from Brazil … (Catholic priest)

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… [the teachers] may bring written activities in English [to the lessons] but there are some children who have difficulties [with this language], so the teacher leaves it to the children to decide which language to use. (Pentecostal pastor) … all the children speak Portuguese [but] the children prefer [to speak] English … there are also many who have arrived from Brazil recently so they write in Portuguese [for the lesson activities] … (Kardecist coordinator) Discussion and Conclusion

This chapter is based on interviews with the faith leaders from three Brazilian Christian faith settings in London. The illustration of the varied competence – in English and in Portuguese – of the children attending their faith lessons adds to the linguistic diversity of migrant pupils described in the British educational policies. Moreover, these examples – in spite of the limitations of being part of a pilot study data-gathering – indicate the importance of emphasizing orality in the concept of faith literacies for this specific group of migrants, the Brazilians. The examples presented here also lead to the importance of adding an ethnicity-perspective when examining the relationship between religion and language in diasporic communities. After all, as discussed in the introduction to this chapter, religion can support the maintenance of languages as much as a sense of community (DCSF, 2009; DfES, 2006, 2007; Dzialtuvaite, 2006; Fishman, 1989; Joseph, 2004; Modood et al., 1997). Although it is not possible to affirm whether religion is positively affecting the language maintenance of the Brazilian heritage children based on the data presented, the potential for innovation and change – which are integral parts of linguistic and religious socialization (Omoniyi, 2010) – is signalled in this chapter. Most religions base their liturgy (a prescribed set of forms for public religious worship) on a central religious scripture (Rosowsky, 2008). The Bible is used by both the Catholic and the Pentecostal churches, despite the varied levels of rigidity in the structure of their services. The Kardecist group meetings, in spite of not following a set of ritual practices, are based on the Spiritist Codification, which comprises of five basic books.16 This raises the concern of how the Catholic liturgy will be affected if the children in the Brazilian Chaplaincy in London continue to only develop their oral skills in Portuguese. Therefore, serious consideration is required in relation to questions such as the following: Will these children eventually decide to attend the services held by the English Roman Catholic parishes? How would their sense of ethnicity be affected if they do so? How would the Brazilian Chaplaincy be affected in relation to their need for supporting families of migrant backgrounds? The Pentecostal Church and the Kardecist group seem to have ensured access to their sacred texts – which, as the Catholic Bible, have versions

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in English – by socializing their children into their doctrines through the medium of English. This apparent solution, however, raises concerns in relation to how the stronger link being created to the English language will affect the group of migrants – both children and adults – who have not mastered English and who indeed might have strong links to their Brazilian cultural and linguistic heritage. This concern leads to the need to consider questions such as the following: Does it mean that new migrants will no longer be supported by these faith settings? How will believers’ relationship with God affect their relationship to other members of their communities? As mentioned above, children’s religious, ethnic and linguistic backgrounds should be part of the explorations mainstream teachers are advised to conduct for the development of community partnerships in support of pupils from minority group backgrounds (DfES, 2003, 2006, 2007). This knowledge can be helpful in making decisions of how to work towards more inclusive teaching strategies as well as of how to contribute to pupils’ academic achievements through the use of both the majority and the minority languages. Knowledge about the linguistic background of pupil populations is even more important now that the DfES (2013a; 2013b) has created the opportunity for the teaching of minority languages in the mainstream curriculum. Therefore, the following questions should be considered seriously: Will the schools take this opening in the curriculum framework to support their pupils in developing their writing skills in their home languages? Will the faith institutions seize the opportunity to develop partnerships with the mainstream schools, which could provide the language services they do not always see as being in their remit but which could benefit the activities they develop with the children? In sum, this initial study on the relationship between religion, ethnicity and language in places of worship points to relevant areas for future research on how faith maintenance supports language maintenance and vice versa, as well as on how ethnicity affects the religious and the linguistic socialization of children attending ethnic churches. This is done through the lenses of faith leaders, a first step in understanding the socialization experience of children in migrant faith settings. The next step will be to extend the pilot study into an ethnographic and longitudinal investigation which focuses on children’s interactions and practices around religion in public (places of worship) and private (home) spaces, with a view to capture the continuities and discontinuities of faith and language transmission in Christian transnational contexts in which oral takes over written skills. Acknowledgements

The author thanks the faith leaders from the three settings for kindly sharing their views with her. The author also thanks Tope Omoniyi for the invitation to contribute to this edited volume.

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Notes (1) ‘Migrants’ and ‘immigrants’ are used interchangeably in this chapter to refer to international migrants. (2) See http://www.educationengland.org.uk/documents/swann/swann1985.html (accessed December 2013). (3) See http://www.ons.gov.uk/ons/dcp171778_297002.pdf [(accessed December 2013). (4) See http://www.rcdow.org.uk/ethnicchaplaincies (Accessed December 2013). (5) See http://censo2010.ibge.gov.br/en/noticias-censo?view=noticia&id=1&idnoticia= 2170&t=censo-2010-numero-catolicos-cai-aumenta-evangelicos-espiritas-sem-religiao (Accessed December 2013). (6) See http://saladeimprensa.ibge.gov.br/noticias?view=noticia&id=1&idnoticia=2017& busca=1&t=censo-2010-mais-metade-emigrantes-brasileiros-sao-mulheres (accessed December 2013). (7) See http://www.naldic.org.uk/research-and-information/eal-statistics/lang (ccessed December 2013). (8) See http://ccblondres.com/capelania/category/igrejas (accessed December 2013). (9) See http://www.buss.org.uk (accessed December 2013). (10) See http://www.listabrasil.com/c/63/religiao-e-igrejas-brasileiras-em-londres (accessed December 2013). (11) For studies on the religious development of adolescents and their use of English metaphors, see Phyllis Ghim-Lian Chew’s work in T. Omoniyi (2010) (ed.) Language and Religion: Change, Accommodation and Conflict (pp. 156–189). Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. (12) Becoming Literate in Faith Settings. See http://www.belifs.org.uk (accessed December 2013). (13) See http://www.febnet.org.br/blog/geral/o-espiritismo/o-que-e (accessed December 2013). (14) See http://ccblondres.com/capelania/quem-somos (accessed December 2013). (15) See http://www.rcdow.org.uk/ethnicchaplaincies (accessed December 2013). (16) The Spirits’ Book, The Mediums’ Book, The Gospel According to Spiritism, Heaven and Hell, and The Genesis.

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Conteh, J., Martin, P. and Robertson, L. (eds) (2007) Multilingual Learning. Stoke-onTrent: Trentham. Cope, B. and Kalantzis, M. (2009) Multiliteracies: New literacies, new learning. Pedagogies: An International Journal, 4, 164–195. Creese, A., Bhatt, A., Bhojani, N. and Martin, P. (2006) Multicultural, heritage and learner identities in complementary school. Language and Education 20 (1), 23–43. Department for Children, Schools and Families (DCSF) (2009) Your Child, Your Schools, Our Future: Building a 21st Century Schools System. London: HMSO. Department for Education and Skills (DfES) (2002) National Languages Strategy. London: HMSO. Department for Education and Skills (DfES) (2003) Aiming High: Raising the Achievement of Minority Ethnic Pupils. London: HMSO. Department for Education and Skills (DfES) (2006) Excellence and Enjoyment: Learning and Teaching for Bilingual Children in the Primary Years. London: HMSO. Department for Education and Skills (DfES) (2007) Curriculum Review: Diversity and Citizenship. London: HMSO. Department for Education and Skills (DfES) (2013a) The National Curriculum in England – Framework Document. London: HMSO. Department for Education and Skills (DfES) (2013b) National Curriculum Review: New Programmes of Study and Attainment Targets from September 2014. See https:// www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/211215/NC_ programmes_of_study_and_attainment_targets_September_2014_Consultation_ Document_Final_080713.pdf (accessed October 2018). Dzialtuvaite, J. (2006) The role of religion in language choice and identity among Lithuanian immigrants in Scotland. In T. Omoniyi and J. Fishman (eds) Explorations in the Sociology of Language and Religion (pp. 79–85). Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Evans, Y., Tonhati, T., Tentoni-Dias, G., Brightwell, M.G., Sheringham, O., Souza, A. and Souza, C. (2011) For A Better Life: Brazilians in London. London: GEB/Goldsmiths/ Queen Mary/Royal Holloway, University of London. See www.gold.ac.uk/media/ Por%20uma%20vida%20melhor.pdf (accessed October 2018). Eversley, J., Mehmedbegović, D., Sanderson, A., Tinsley, T., von Ahn, M. and Wiggins, R. (2010) Language Capital – Mapping the Languages of London’s Schoolchildren. London: CILT. Fishman, J. (1989) Language and Ethnicity in Minority Sociolinguistic Perspective. Clevedon: Multilingual Matters. Francis, B., Archer, L. and Mau, A. (2010) Chinese complementary school pupils’ social and educational subjectivities. In V. Lytra and P. Martin (eds) Sites of Multilingualism – Complementary Schools in Britain Today (pp. 85–96). Stoke-on-Trent: Trentham. Freston, P. (2008) The religious field among Brazilians in the United States. In C. JouëtPastré and L.J. Braga (eds) Becoming Brazuca, Brazilian Immigration to the United States (pp. 255–268). Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Garrett, P. and Baquedano-López, P. (2002) Language socialization: Reproduction and continuity, transformation and change. Annual Review of Anthropology 31, 339–361. Greene, S. and Hogan, D. (eds) (2005) Researching Children’s Experience: Approaches and Methods. London: Sage. Gregory, E., Choudhury, H., Ilankuberan, A., Kwapong, A. and Woodham, M. (2013) Practise, performance and perfection: Learning sacred texts in four faith communities in London. International Journal for the Sociology of Language 220, 27–48. Gregory, E., Lytra, V., Choudhury, H., Ilankuberan, A. and Woodham, M. (2012) Syncretism as a creative act of mind: The narratives of children from four faith communities in London. Journal of Early Childhood Literacy 13 (3), 322–347. Hannerz, U. (2000) Transnational Connections. London: Routledge (original work published 1996).

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Hemming, P. and Madge, N. (2011) Researching children, youth and religion: Identity, complexity and agency. Childhood 19 (1), 38–51. Joseph, J. (2004) Language and Identity: National, Ethnic, Religious. Basingstoke: Palgrave. Levitt, P. (2003) ‘You know, Abraham was really the first immigrant’: Religion and transnational migration. International Migration Review 37 (3), 847–873. Lynch, P. (2008) Mission of the Church to Migrants in England and Wales. Catholic Bishops’ Conference, Office for Refugee Policy, Department for International Affairs. McIlwaine, C., Cock, J. and Linneker, B. (2011) No Longer Invisible: The Latin American Community in London. London: Queen Mary, University of London. See http://www. geog.qmul.ac.uk/latinamericansinlondon (accessed October 2018). Modood, T., Berthoud, R., Lakey, J., Nazroo, J., Smith, P., Virdee, S. and Beishon, S. (1997) Ethnic Minorities in Britain: Diversity and Disadvantage. London: PSI. Norton, B. (2000) Identity and Language Learning: Gender, Ethnicity and Educational Change. London: Longman. Norton, B. (2013) Identity and Language Learning: Extending the Conversation (2nd edn) Bristol: Multilingual Matters. O’Kane, C. (2008) The development of participatory techniques: Facilitating children’ views about decisions which affect them. In P. Christensen and A. James (eds) Research with Children: Perspectives and Practices (pp. 125–155). Routledge: London. Ochs, E. (1988) Culture and Language Development: Language Acquisition and Language Socialization in a Samoan Village. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Omoniyi, T. (2010) Introduction: Change, accommodation and conflict. In T. Omoniyi (ed.) Language and Religion: Change, Accommodation and Conflict (pp. 1–13). Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. Omoniyi, T. (2012) Multilingualism and religion. In M. Martin-Jones, A. Blackledge and A. Creese (eds) The Routledge Handbook of Multilingualism (pp. 347–366). London: Routledge. Park, J. and Ecklund, E. (2007) Family and religious socialization for Asian Americans. The Sociological Quarterly 48, 93–118. Pauwels, A. (2005) Maintaining the community language in Australia: Challenges and roles for families. The International Journal of Bilingual Education and Bilingualism 8 (2&3), 124–130. Pergar-Kusčer, M. and Prosen, S. (2005) Different identities and primary school children. In P. Papoulia-Tzelepi, S. Hegstrup and A. Ross (eds) Emerging Identities among Young Children: European Issues (pp. 9–26). Stoke-on-Trent: Trentham. Rogoff, B. (2003) The Cultural Nature of Human Development. New York: Oxford University Press. Rosowsky, A. (2008) Heavenly Readings: Liturgical Literacy in a Multilingual Context. Bristol: Multilingual Matters. Rosowsky, A. (2013) Faith, phonics and identity: reading in faith complementary schools. Literacy 47 (2), 67–78. Rumsey, S. (2010) Faith in action: Heritage literacy as a synchronisation of belief, word and deed. Literacy 44 (3), 137–143. Schieffelin, B. and Ochs, E. (1986) Language Socialization across Cultures. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Souza, A. (2009) Brazilians in London: The role of language and identity in their religious meetings. Paper presented at the Association of Contemporary Iberian Studies (ACIS) Conference, 8–10 September, Dublin City University, Ireland. Souza, A. (2014) Technology and language planning: The case of a Brazilian faith setting in London. In D. Mallows (ed.) Language Issues in Migration and Integration: Perspectives from Teachers and Learners (pp. 135–150). London: British Council ESOL Nexus. Souza, A. (2015) Language and faith encounters: Bridging language-ethnicity and languagereligion studies. International Journal of Multilingualism 13 (1), 134–148.

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Souza, A. (2016a) Is Brazilian Portuguese being taught as a community or heritage language?. Language Issues, Summer 27 (1), 21–28. Souza, A. (2016b) Language and religious identities. In S. Preece (ed.) The Routledge Handbook of Language and Identity (pp. 195–209). London: Routledge. Souza, A., Kwapong, A. and Woodham, M. (2012) Pentecostal and Catholic migrant churches in London – the role of ideologies in the language planning of faith lessons. Current Issues in Language Planning 13 (2), 105–120. Street, B. (1995) Social Literacies: Critical Approaches to Literacy in Development, Ethnography and Education. New York: Longman. Tajfel, H. (1978) The Social Psychology of Minorities, Minority Rights Group Report No 38. London: Minority Rights Group. Tajfel, H. (1981) Human Groups & Social Categories: Studies in Social Psychology. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Tannenbaum, M. and Howie, P. (2002) The association between language maintenance and family relations: Chinese immigrant children in Australia. Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development 23 (2), 408–424. Tinsley, T. and Board, K. (2013) Languages for the Future – Which Languages the UK Needs Most and Why. London: British Council. See http://www.britishcouncil.org/ organisation/publications/languages-future (accessed December 2013). Watt, J. and Fairfield, S. (2010) Religious and sacred literacies. In B. Spolsky and F. Hult (eds) The Handbook of Educational Linguistics (pp. 355–366). Oxford: Wiley-Blackwell. Woods, A. (2004) Medium or Message? – Language and Faith in Ethnic Churches. Clevedon: Multilingual Matters. Woods, A. (2006) The role of language in some ethnic churches in Melbourne. In T. Omoniyi and J. Fishman (eds) Explorations in the Sociology of Language and Religion (pp. 197–212). Amsterdam: John Benjamins.

7 Language Shift but Religious and Cultural Maintenance: A Study of the Punjabi Sikh Community in Petaling Jaya, Selangor, Malaysia Sheena Kaur and Maya Khemlani David

Introduction

This chapter examines the relationship between language loss and religion in the Punjabi Sikh community in Malaysia. Religion and culture exist in a close relation (Beyers, 2017). Sociolinguists posit that language and culture are inextricably interlinked. Researchers examining language shift and language maintenance have recurrently addressed this relationship. Fishman (1991: 72) argues that when a speech community loses its language, it also loses the culture embedded in it. He states that: Take it away from the culture, and you take away its greetings, its curses, its praises, its laws, its literature, its songs, its riddles, its proverbs, its cures, its wisdom, its prayers. The culture could not be expressed and handed on in any other way. What would be left? When you are talking about the language, most of what you are talking about is the culture. That is, you are losing all those things that essentially are the way of life, the way of thought, the way of valuing, and the human reality that you are talking about.

In view of Fishman’s postulation, this chapter reports a case study on the Punjabi Sikh community conducted in Malaysia. Qualitative data were collected by means of questions via email and face-to-face interviews 98

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from a sample population of the community. By making reference to some previous studies on the same community, the study seeks to examine if the Punjabi Sikh community has maintained some cultural norms, particularly the cultural practices embedded in religion, despite shifting from its heritage language – Punjabi. Findings of previous studies suggest that the community has largely shifted toward English and partly to the Malay language (David et al., 2003; Gill et al., 2015). Punjabi, the heritage language of the community, seldom is transmitted to the new generation through daily interaction nor does it feature much in day-to-day informal interactions with community members. The loss of a language is often regarded as cultural loss. However, this sociolinguistic study aims to investigate if language loss is occurring and to determine if culture and its religion can still be preserved despite language loss. The first section of the chapter will offer a brief description of the community and the role of the Punjabi language. The second section presents the methodology, followed by the results which rely on qualitative data obtained from open-ended questions via email and face-to-face semi-structured interviews. The final section ties the results and a discussion to a conclusion. Background

A number of previous studies on language acculturation have underscored the importance of studying language in relation to culture and it is argued that language and culture are inextricably linked and inseparable from each other (e.g. Al-Khatib & Al-Ali, 2005; Carliner, 2000; Crawford, 2007; Dorian, 1987; Fishman, 1991; García, 1995; Lustanski, 2008). Fishman (1991) postulates a three-dimensional relationship between the two. One, there is an indexical relationship between language and culture. Two, most of the culture is embedded in language and it is expressed through language. Three, there lies a profoundly symbolic relationship between language and culture. Fishman (2007: 79) further states that ‘culture is expressed through language, when language is lost, those things that represent a way of life, a way of valuing, and human reality, are also lost’. This study challenges the efficacy of that claim, at least for some communities and for some aspects of culture including religion. There have been other researchers like David (1998), providing the example of the Sindhi community in Malaysia, who have argued that although language is part of culture, language shift in itself does not necessarily lead to cultural shift. Out of the Indian sub-groups, the Punjabi Sikh ethnic group makes up the second largest immigrant Indian group in Malaysia after the Tamils, and it is considered a minority community (Kaur & Gill, 2018; Zain & Ismail, 2018). The population of Punjabi Sikhs in Malaysia in 2017 was about 75,000 according to Malhi (2017). Geographically, the Punjabi Sikhs

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live all over Malaysia; however, they are not evenly spread. There are a few densely populated areas such as the Kinta Valley in Perak state, and in the Klang Valley up to Kuala Lumpur City. In addition, the community is found in small pockets around the country in Johor Baru, Penang and even in the states of Sabah and Sarawak (East Malaysia). They are mainly settled in towns rather than small villages. The Punjabi Sikhs came to Malaysia in the second half of the 19th century under British patronage to provide service in the army and police. After Malaysia gained its independence in 1957, the Sikhs widened their socio-economic base by working in different areas such as the tin-mining industry, trade, cattle-rearing, planting and farming. Succeeding generations educated their children to become professionals in the fields of m ­ edicine, law and engineering. The community has made a marked advancement over the years. When the Sikhs migrated to Malaysia, they did not have any financial assets, but currently, the community is well-off (Singh, 1999). Earlier research (David et al., 2003) reported a perceptible language shift in the Punjabi community in Malaysia. The decline of the Punjabi language in schools as well as family domains was assumed to have occurred partly due to economic and other social constraints. Gill (2009: 17) painted a desperate scenario of the Punjabi community in terms of mother tongue mastery: ‘the rapid decline in mastery of the mother tongue impacted deeply by creating a lost generation, a generation of Sikh children who could hardly speak Punjabi’. David et al. (2003) concluded that the community appeared to have paid a huge price for higher education and upward mobility. Other social issues and identity threats were highlighted by Gill et al. (2015). The language shift from Punjabi to English and Malay prompted community activists to take strong measures for the revival of their language. This realisation materialised in the establishment of the Punjabi Education Trust Malaysia (PETM) in 2000. The basic agenda of this organisation was to establish Punjabi education centres and schools throughout Malaysia to teach and help every Punjabi learn their heritage language, culture and religious values (David et al., 2003). Although the use of the Punjabi language has considerably declined and almost disappeared in the informal intra-community domains, the community still demonstrates a fierce sentimental attachment to its cultural and religious norms. Research Questions

The main objective of this study was to investigate the effect of language shift on religion. The following research questions were addressed in this study: (1) What is the perception of the Punjabi Sikhs in the use of Punjabi language in their religious maintenance?

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(2) Has language shift in Punjabi Sikhs in Malaysia affected their understanding of their religion? (3) To what extent is the Punjabi language perceived to be important in the understanding of the Sikh religious tenets? Methodology

This is a case study research (Yin, 1984) which adopts the qualitative method. The qualitative research method is valuable in providing rich description, experience and interpretation of an initial exploration (Patton, 2002). Two data collection procedures were used to collect the qualitative data, the first being open-ended questions distributed via email, and the other semi-structured face-to-face interviews. Respondents via email were chosen at random through a snowballing approach. The next phase of the study was face-to-face interviews where purposive sampling was used from the group of email respondents. Several questions were identified and framed for each procedure which were qualitative in nature, that moved from context of discovery to the context of justification involving experiences and responses concerning a given issue or situation as put forth by McNamara (1999). Open-ended questions via email

Open-ended questions were distributed via email. Email was used due to the utility benefits of using this medium (McAuliffe, 2003). To reach out to the respondents, a snowball sampling procedure was used where a random sample of respondents were drawn from a given population of Punjabi Sikhs within a social network. The study made use of interpersonal relations which the researchers had and allowed for the recruitment of respondents based on referrals. This eventually enabled the researchers to obtain the respondents for the study. The questionnaire was in English. The researchers decided to use English as a medium for the questionnaire as it was found in a previous study (David et al., 2003) that there was a shift to English among the Sikh community in Malaysia. Hence, the researchers felt that a majority of the respondents would be able to comprehend and provide responses in English. However, respondents were told that if a Punjabi translation was requested, this would be sent to them by the researchers. The following questions were formulated for the purpose of the study: (1) (2) (3) (4) (5)

Which is the language you most often use? Do you speak Punjabi habitually? Who do you use Punjabi with? When in the gurdwara, which is the language you mostly use? Do you understand the principles of your religion?

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(6) How much do you read and write Gurmukhi? (7) How do you understand the Sri Guru Granth Sahib? (8) Do you understand what the Granthi (Sikh priest) says in the gurdwara? A total of 53 respondents answered the above questions and emailed them to the researchers. Respondents consisted of 23 females (43%) and 30 males (57%). They were between the ages of 17 and 69. Most (81%, n = 43) of the respondents came from the Klang Valley area. Data obtained were analysed based on frequency counts and key themes that emerged from the responses. Semi-structured face-to-face interviews

Respondents who had participated in the first phase of the study via email were invited to participate in a follow up semi-structured interview. The aim of the semi-structured interview sessions was to investigate the respondents’ perceptions towards their understanding of religion in greater depth. From the total of 53 email respondents, 20 of them had volunteered to be interviewed. A total of 12 were females and 8 males. Most of these respondents (75%) who had volunteered came from the Klang Valley although five (25%) of them were from out of town and regularly made trips to the city to visit relatives. The researchers held the interview sessions in a gurdwara in Petaling Jaya, where many of the respondents were regular members of the congregation. An interview schedule which consisted of a list of specific open-ended questions and probes was used, following Kaplan (1964) and McNamara (1999). The questions were meant to obtain more in-depth responses from the respondents, as follows: (1) Many Sikhs do not seem to understand Punjabi. So how do they understand the preachings by the granthi and others in the gurdwara? (2) The Sri Guru Granth Sahib is written in Gurmukhi. How would you understand it if you can’t read Gurmukhi? (3) How important is it to know Punjabi in order to transmit values from the Sikh religion in the family? (4) How effective are the Sikh organisations in promoting the Punjabi language and Sikh religious values? The interviews were informal, and carried out in English over an extended period of time at the gurdwara. They were conducted face to face with the volunteers at the communal hall (langgar hall) on the ground floor of the gurdwara. The interviews were scheduled on the days the respondents were able to be at the gurdwara which included during religious functions or weekly programmes (e.g. the Satsang programme on Wednesdays).

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Respondents signed a written consent form and were also assured of privacy, confidentiality and anonymity. Hence in order to maintain anonymity, respondents were assigned an alpha-numeric reference each, i.e. from R1 (Respondent 1) to R20 (Respondent 20). Each interview lasted between 30 to 45 minutes. With consent, the interviews were tape-­ recorded using a digital voice-recorder and later transcribed verbatim. Data obtained from the interviews were coded and subjected to thematic qualitative analysis to illuminate underlying themes. This involved reading of the transcripts for common themes. Potential issues

The selection of respondents may be biased and limited to a single geographical area and within the social networks of the researchers and the specific group of people, as one of the limitations of the snowballing approach. Therefore it is not possible for the researchers to generalise their findings to the entire Punjabi Sikh population. Though this was a useful method, there were limitations due to coverage bias and the researchers’ control over the representativeness of sampling (Baltar & Brunet, 2012). Results

Findings from the qualitative data are presented in this section under the common recurring themes with the relevant quotations from the respondents. Data obtained from the email responses will be presented and where relevant, extracts from the face-to-face interviews will be provided as support. Theme 1: Language use among the Punjabis

Less than half of the respondents (45%, n = 24) reported in the email that they spoke Punjabi habitually, while almost the same number (42%, n = 22) reported that Punjabi was not spoken habitually. A few respondents (13%, n = 7) reported they spoke the language sometimes. When Punjabi was used, it was most often spoken in the gurdwaras with the elders, among the elders themselves and with the granthi. As reported by a female respondent in her email, Punjabi is used ‘only when I meet elderly people who can’t speak English and I want to communicate with them for social communication’. As to the dominant language used in interactions at the gurdwara, a majority (87%, n = 46) reported using English most often, while one (2%, n = 1) respondent said he used only Punjabi. Six participants (11%, n = 6) reported they mixed languages, using English and Punjabi. Several respondents revealed in the email that the choice of English or Punjabi depended on who they were speaking to. A majority reported

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using English with friends and youngsters, while Punjabi was spoken only with specific relatives and the elderly (e.g. ‘certain aunties and old ladies’, ‘old folks at home’, ‘old people in the temple’) at home and in the gurdwara. On the use of a mix of English and Punjabi, one interviewee stated during the interview that ‘when I can explain better in Punjabi then I use the Punjabi language … sometimes you cannot explain certain things in English, you know, you can explain it better in the Punjabi words’ (R20). Another interviewee revealed his observation in terms of the mastery of the Punjabi language among Punjabis from the rural and urban areas: ‘From my observation in smaller towns, most Punjabis have better understanding of Punjabi and they speak Punjabi in their homes so the problem is [a] urban rural problem. Urban Punjabi speaks less Punjabi …’ (R13). Almost half the respondents (41%, n = 22) reported in the email that they used English as the main language of communication in the gurdwara. This is followed by 32% (n = 17) who used both English and Punjabi. A quarter of the respondents (25%, n = 13) reported using mainly Punjabi in their religious interactions. One respondent (2%, n = 1) reported using both English and Malay, the national language. Another respondent clearly distinguished the domains in which both languages seemed to maintain their vitality, namely Punjabi in the religious domain and English in the social domain: ‘The prayers are done in Punjabi but the communication with friends and all in the temple is in English.’ Theme 2: Understanding the granthi in the gurdwara

Asked if the participants understood what was said by the granthi and his sermons and hymns in the gurdwara, a majority (85%, n = 45) of the email respondents reported that they did understand to some extent the sermons of the granthis. A varying degree of understanding was reported from little to partial understanding. A small number (15%, n = 8) reported that they completely did not understand the granthi. Interview data provided further insights into this. Interviewed respondents generally reported that they tried to understand the gist of the sermons, instead of knowing the details. One of the respondents interviewed, justifying what he felt about what the granthi, said: I understand a little of it, I know the intent of it but to me, and to the new generation the details are not important, sometimes I feel it’s wasting too much of my time. I’d rather sit quietly and talk to God and meditate. I find sometimes they are not too educated, the priest, who are the priests? They’re not so educated although they know Punjabi and they try to make it too complex for the normal person … (R5)

Another respondent during the interview attributed his lack of understanding of the granthi’s discourse to his accent, which was unfamiliar

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as many of the priests came from India. To address this, the respondent relied on the English translations projected on the LCD screens in the gurdwara to understand the granthi: If it is an experienced granthi or giani, then you can understand because they speak in the layman’s language, but certain gianis who’re maybe from India with their accent, it can sometimes be difficult but in gurdwaras nowadays you have the projector with the English translations so it makes things a lot easier. So that kind of supplements what the gianis are saying and also ensures that what we are understanding is the right thing. (R17)

Another respondent reflected during the interview on how she tried to understand the granthi by guessing the concepts: Not everything but I try to understand what I can understand. I keep my ears open and try to guess and I try to sum up and grasp like they say matha ki asis (mother’s blessings) so must be the blessings from the mother, something like that. Just now I heard Chaar Padaarath [four spiritual treasures]. I was wondering what it was, so I suppose it’s four directions. I don’t know. It’s something in India that’s four waves or something, in the vaq [order of the day], Chaar Padaarath or something. I know it’s something very good. Don’t know lah four directions or something like that. (R12) Theme 3: Understanding the Sri Guru Granth Sahib

The third theme that emerged from the data was the understanding of the Sri Guru Granth Sahib. The respondents of the email perceived their literacy rates with regard to writing in Gurmukhi as relatively low with 56% (n = 30) reporting that they did not know how to write in Gurmukhi, followed by 40% (n = 21) who could write Gurmukhi at varying levels, while 4% (n = 2) had very little knowledge of the script. The level of understanding of the Sri Guru Granth Sahib ranged from nil to some understanding of the holy book. However, most of the participants (n = 46) stated that numerous English translations were available for them to understand the religion, even though they did not read and understand Gurmukhi. In addition, the use of a romanised alphabet was emphasised by 15 respondents. One respondent in the interview attributed the difficulty of the Sri Guru Granth Sahib to its language: ‘The words that are used there are not our normal words that we use in our everyday communication. And the way they are used. They are more like a salok [verse], not sentences that we use, like the Malays say saloka and all that’ (R2). Most of the interviewed participants stressed the need to rely on romanised versions of the Sri Guru Granth Sahib and English translations, otherwise as one respondent puts it, understanding would be ‘very

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little as compared to if there are no translations’ (R12). One interviewee, a female aged 40, clearly stated that the English translation of the Sri Guru Granth Sahib was a guide for her to understand the holy scriptures but it ‘will be a mere guidance and a guide because various translators translate certain chapters differently’ (R14). This was further reiterated by another female respondent who stated her reliance on the English translations and romanised English in order to understand the Sri Guru Granth Sahib: Whether I understand the prayers, I think I do because when I have the bible [reference to the Sri Guru Granth Sahib] where the translation is on one page, so as I’m reading, I look at the meaning that’s given in English, so that’s how I understand. But I’m not able to read the Punjabi words, only the romanised English. The romanised English is good enough. I follow that, I’m able to say it as well as Punjabis are saying it and I understand with the translation given so I feel I don’t need to know the Punjabi language. (R10)

A male respondent, aged 66, who also relied on the English translation of the Sri Guru Granth Sahib, narrated how he first obtained the translated text: I have read the Granth Sahib in English. My sister-in-law had the books and it was all translated in English. So when she first came to the house at that time, she brought all these things. And that’s the time I was reading it lah. And it’s in English. She brought it from Singapore. She managed to get it from Singapore, and I don’t know whether in Malaysia it is available or not, but she brought it along and she is still having it in her house. (R6)

One of the participants interviewed highlighted how the use of translations into English could even help non-Sikhs understand the meaning of Waheguru (God Almighty): If it is translated, you see now you keep on saying Waheguru and that European man doesn’t understand the word and suddenly somebody tells him, ‘You know what is Waheguru? Waheguru means God, Allah’ something like that and when the granthi says, ‘Oh Waheguru’ next time he understands … (R3)

For several respondents who did not have an understanding of the Sri Guru Granth Sahib, they made use of the chanting of certain prayers. One respondent stated in the interview that ‘I don’t actually [understand the Sri Guru Granth Sahib] but I say my own prayers. I say the mool mantar [meditation prayer usually used in Japji Sahib or the morning prayer]’ (R8). Another respondent reported that she enjoyed listening to kirtan (­ devotional hymns of Sikh scripture) despite not understanding the

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meaning of the prayers: ‘Meaning is also very important because sometimes we pray, but we do not understand the meaning. The tune makes you get into it you see, and the interest develops. Sometimes, I enjoy the kirtan more, actually because of the tune’ (R10). Theme 4: Understanding the religious tenets

The fourth theme was understanding the Sikh religious tenets. Despite the low use of the Punjabi language and the dominance of English, and notwithstanding the relatively low literacy in Gurmukhi, 75% (n = 40) of the respondents reported via email that they understood the religious principles and tenets of their religion. A total of 6% (n = 3) said they only understood the basics while 19% (n = 10) reported that they did not understand the tenets of their religion. In short, a majority of the participants (81%, n = 43) reported understanding the tenets of their religion despite the language shift. The most important source for understanding the religious tenets as reported via email seemed to be the reading of the English translations (86.8%, n = 46). In addition, listening to the granthi (22.6%, n = 12) and the role of the family members (35.9%, n = 19) and elders (17%, n = 9) in explaining the meaning of the prayers were emphasised by the respondents. Besides this, there were classes and courses available at the gurdwara for those who felt the need to learn about the gurbani (hymns). The English translations available during the sermons through the use of the LCD projector were mentioned by many of the participants. Several mixed responses were received from the respondents who emailed their responses. Out of 33 participants who were not able to read Gurmukhi, 9 respondents (27%) indicated that they referred to the English translations, and 5 (15%) stated that they used the romanised alphabet as a means to read and understand religious texts, as Punjabi words could be transcribed using Roman alphabets. Punjabis who could speak the language but lacked Gurmukhi literacy were still able to comprehend the texts written in romanised alphabets. Participants described the strategies they used in understanding Gurmukhi which included relying on the English transliteration of the nitnems (daily Sikh hymns), reading the romanised version of the Sri Guru Granth Sahib, and translations from the granthi. Thirteen participants referred to the use of technology such as the internet and phone applications as a source of information to understand the religious texts and what was said by the granthi. One of the web-based applications quoted as used was the iGranth Gurbani Search. Participants recorded sources that helped them understand Sikh religious tenets that included attending Gurmat Studies classes, reading relevant websites, listening to the older family members, reading from simplified books and attending Punjabi play groups when they were young.

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On the question of whether the youngsters of today understood the religious tenets, one respondent reported in the interview that most of the young did not: ‘90% no. The youngsters are no more keen in this thing, but now, probably they are more now mixing with the other nationalities and all that and then they are, I think lacking how to speak Punjabi. 90% of them don’t.’ (R15) Another respondent highlighted during the interview what he felt was more important – the understanding of moral values which are universal and respecting the Sri Guru Granth Sahib: To me, what you really want to know is what is this religion all about. What are you supposed to know from it for your morals? What is good or bad? For me, not important to go too deep, not necessary, because you want to understand what God wants you to do. I still believe all the religions have the basic tenets. I believe there is this basic foundation of goodness in every religion. However, it is very important for everybody to show respect to the Granth Sahib as that is your guiding light. (R19)

Another respondent related the religious landscape as an older adult and the focus on age which did not affect his religious faith: ‘At this point of my age, at 40, we don’t go into the meaning, probably when we were younger and if we had learnt properly, then it would have made a lot of difference, now it doesn’t make any difference.’ (R1) Theme 5: The practice of the Sikh way of life and code of conduct

The practice of the Sikh way of life and code of conduct is the fifth important theme. One respondent narrated during the interview how parents and the older generation played a fundamental role in performing the concepts of Vand Chhakna (the concept of sharing and caring) and langgar (communal kitchen) in the gurdwaras. She also drew reference to the concept of the panj vicar (five major human personality traits considered vices according to Sikhism, i.e. lust, anger, greed, worldly attachment and ego) which practising Sikhs must avoid and resist: The concept of Vand Chhakna, sharing, communal kitchen, doing langgar in the gurdwara, working together – these are set [as] examples by our parents and forefathers where we practise this in the gurdwara, and the other values where we try to stay away from hatred, anger, ego and pride – always keeping that in control … (R11)

One informant felt that understanding moral principles was considered essential for children, as it would put them on the right path and that actually constituted the meaning of religion: ‘As long as the children know

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what is right and wrong and they have certain basic values that are in all religions, your children will go on the right path and that is actually today, to me, the meaning of religion’ (R8). Several informants interviewed took the view on the universality of teachings derived from the diverse faiths. One of the respondents emphasised that living a righteous life was more important rather than maintaining the Sikh articles of faith referred to as the five Ks (kesh, kara, kirpan, kanga and kachhera) which would not necessarily make one a better Sikh. This view is well reflected in the following extract: Actually if you ask me, whatever values the family has, whether it’s Sikhism, Christianity, Buddhism or even in Islam, it doesn’t make much difference in the religion, as long as the person is able to live a good way of life that is more sufficient because the traditional approach of Sikhism especially now in this era … in this modern age it is not practical where some Punjabis they feel to keep long hair to maintain the traditional Sikhism thinking that that will make them a better person is actually flawed because even if you have the values of Sikhism in you, and you still commit a crime like house breaking or robbery, it doesn’t make you any different or any better. (R7)

One of the interviewed participants was very positive when she said that the action of covering the head and bowing at the Sri Guru Granth Sahib by youngsters showed that they knew what had to be done at the gurdwara: ‘But one thing, I think they know that they must bow to the Guru because he’s the Guru that you must metha thek [to kneel down in respect of the Guru Granth Sahib] that your sins are forgiven that they know ...’ (R16). Theme 6: Promoting Punjabi language, culture and religion

The results of the interview revealed several activities aimed at maintaining the culture and religion through efforts carried out by the various sectors of the community. One such way was through the organisation of samelans (get-togethers among the Sikh youths) which teach these values using English as the medium of instruction and communication, as stated by one of the respondents below: Now what the Sikh community is trying to do is they are trying to hold the Samelans and all that they preach to these fellows is in English, all the basic things about the Granth Sahib is all in English and then they all have this community service. Now they’re more interested in showing them how to go about in the community service and they are having it every year three times a year in different states so the different youths from the other states can come and attend the samelans … (R1)

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One of the interviewees commended the efforts of promoting the Punjabi language and the Sikh religion by a national organisation: I must commend the efforts made by the Punjabi Education Trust Malaysia in promoting the mother tongue of the Punjabis. They have set up Punjabi Education Centres [PECs] in most of the major towns in the whole country. This is a fantastic effort to ensure that the youths learn Punjabi language and the Sikh religion. (R9)

The role of another national organisation in promoting the language and religion was highlighted by a respondent during the interview: The Naujawan [youth] has done several activities and they also are the ones responsible in coming up with various books on religion in fact I do my Ardas [a prayer of supplication performed by a Sikh] from a book done and compiled by the Naujawan Sabha. There are various courses and activities but there is a lot more to be done. (R18) Discussion

This section will discuss the findings of this study according to the research questions. Research question 1: What is the perception of the Sikhs in the use of Punjabi language in their religious maintenance?

The findings of this study showed that the Punjabi Sikhs generally perceived that knowing the heritage language, Punjabi, is not an integral factor in understanding the Sikh religion. This is demonstrated from the responses of the participants who mostly reported that they used English and a mix of Punjabi and English in the gurdwara. The Punjabi language seems to be used by some youngsters only when communicating with the elders who only understand Punjabi. Some of the strategies used to understand the holy scriptures from the Sri Guru Granth Sahib for those who cannot read or understand Punjabi are through the use of the complete translation into English as projected on the LCD screens at the gurdwara. Interestingly, web-based applications, which provided rich contexts for the accessibility of English translations, had also helped in maintaining the religion despite the shift of language from Punjabi to English. So even though participants are not proficient in the Punjabi language, they reported still being able to understand the religious scriptures. Efforts to maintain the Punjabi language with its relation to the religion seem to be carried out by the Sikh organisations such as Sikh Naujawan Sabha Malaysia (Malaysian Sikh Youth Association) and the

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Punjabi Education Trust Malaysia which organises Punjabi classes in most of the states in Malaysia (Kaur, 2018). Research question 2: Has language shift in Punjabi Sikhs in Malaysia affected their understanding of their religion?

Qualitative results originating from interviews with several members of the community indicate that the Punjabi language is losing its hold in an important domain, i.e. the religious domain. However, there seems to be not much concern around the language shift, as there are various methods to compensate for the lack of Punjabi proficiency in understanding the religion. Religion and morality are also perceived to be closely intertwined. Interestingly, several participants expressed the view that there is more to the Sikh religion than what the scriptures say. They reported that practising the fundamental Sikh lifestyle and universal values were more important than the ability to read and understand the Sikh holy scriptures. Abiding by the Sikh principles appeared to be the participants’ paramount consideration with respect to what constitutes righteous living. Respondents also perceived that living a righteous life as well as practising common moral values that were universal across religions was to some extent more important. Research question 3: To what extent is the Punjabi language perceived to be important in the understanding of the Sikh religious tenets?

The findings highlight that upholding the Sikh identity and common values and principles is perceived to be more crucial than the mastery of the language itself. The findings suggest that there does not appear to be a relationship between Punjabi language use and the understanding of the tenets of the religion. The descriptive data support these results, showing that although Punjabi Sikhs may prefer to use English as their dominant language, they have been able to maintain their religion. The findings of this study indicate that the language shift of Punjabi Sikh respondents has not affected their understanding of their religion. In short, it can be deduced that a majority of the participants reported being able to understand the tenets of their religion despite the language shift to English. It follows that the respondents are able to maintain their religion without having the mastery of the Punjabi language. This is possible due to the advent of technology and translations of the religious texts, primarily into English. Conclusion

In conclusion, this exploratory study found that the language shift in Malaysian Punjabi Sikhs is perceived by the sample population as not

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affecting religious maintenance to some extent. This is due to the various strategies that have been used by the community members to help them understand their religion and religious tenets. These strategies include the use of English translations of the holy scripture, Guru Granth Sahib, and the use of romanised versions of the Gurmukhi script along with the use of web-based applications. The versatility and resourcefulness of this speech community in maintaining understanding of religious tenets despite a shift away from the heritage language could have important social implications, some of which have been discussed in this study. This kind of qualitative enquiry would provide a useful starting point for future research that could include changing belief patterns due to age, gender and ethnic heritage with regard to language, culture and religion. References Al-Khatib, M.A. and Al-Ali, M.N. (2005) Language and cultural maintenance among the Gypsies of Jordan. Journal of Multilingua and Multicultural Development 26 (3), 187–215. Baltar, F. and Brunet, I. (2012) Social research 2.0. Virtual snowball sampling method using Facebook. Internet Research 22, 57–74. Beyers, J. (2017) Religion and culture: Revisiting a close relative. HTS Teologiese Studies/ Theological Studies 73 (1), a3864. https://DOI. org/10.4102/hts.v73i1.3864. Carliner, G. (2000) The language ability of US immigrants: Assimilation and cohort effects. International Migration Review 34, 158–182. Crawford, J. (2007) Seven hypotheses on language loss: Causes and cures. In G. Cantoni (ed.) Stabilizing Indigenous Languages (pp. 45–60). Flagstaff: Northern Arizona University. David, M.K. (1998) Language shift, cultural maintenance, and ethnic identity; a study of a minority community: The Sindhis of Malaysia. International Journal of the Sociology of Language 130 (1), 67–76. David, M.K., Ibtisam, N. and Sheena, K. (2003) The Punjabi community in the Klang Valley, Malaysia – Language maintenance or language shift? International Journal of the Sociology of Language 161, 1–20. Dorian, N. (1987) The value of language maintenance efforts which are unlikely to succeed. International Journal of the Sociology of Language 68, 57–68. Fishman, J.A. (1991) Reversing Language Shift. Clevedon: Multilingual Matters. Fishman, J.A. (2007) What do you lose when you lose your language? In G. Cantoni (ed.) Stabilizing Indigenous Languages (pp. 71–81). Flagstaff: Northern Arizona University. García, O. (1995) Spanish language loss as a determinant of income among Latinos in the United States: Implications for language policy in schools. In J.W. Tollefson (ed.) Power and Inequity in Language Education (pp.142–160). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Gill, S.K. (2009) Ethnic and National Identities in Multicultural Contexts: Considerations and Challenges. Theme 4: Research Systems and Specific Challenges for Social Development (Outreach to key social partners, multiculturalism, changing demographics). UNESCO, 1–10. Gill, S.S., Talib, A.T. and Kunasekaran, P. (2015) Social issues and identity threat of the Sikh minority community in Malaysia. Asian Culture and History 7 (2), 47. Kaplan, A. (1964) The Conduct of Inquiry. San Francisco: Chandler Publishing Company. Kaur, A. (2018) Promoting Sikhi among Malaysian youth: A case study of the Sikh Naujawan Sabha Malaysia (SNSM). Sikh Formations: Religion, Culture, Theory 14 (3), 435–445.

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Kaur, C. and Gill, S.S. (2018) Sikh women diaspora in Malaysia: The reality of their role and status in the religious domain. Millennial Asia 9 (1), 40–65. Lustanski, J. (2008) The Polish minority group in Canada and its hierarchy of core values. Linguistica Atlantica, 1–23. Malhi, R.S. (2017) Story of Sikhs in Malaysia, The Star, 9 June 2017. See https://www. pressreader.com/malaysia/the-star-malaysia-star2/20170609/281612420375290 (accessed June 2018). McAuliffe, D. (2003) Challenging methodological traditions: Research by e-mail. The Qualitative Report 8 (1), 57–69. McNamara, C. (1999) General guidelines for conducting interviews. Unpublished PhD thesis, University of Minnesota. Patton, M.Q. (2002) Qualitative Research & Evaluation Methods. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications. Singh, Sarjit S. A/L Darshan (1999) Masyarakat Minoriti Sikh di Malaysia. Unpublished manuscript, Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia. Yin, R.K. (1984) Case Study Research: Design and Methods. Beverly Hills, CA: Sage Publications. Zain, A.D.M. and Ismail, M.S. (2018) Sikhism’s Identity and Challenges in Malaysia: A Literature Review. International Journal of Academic Research in Business and Social Sciences 8 (7), 986–998.

8 Does Religion Promote as well as Retard Language Maintenance in a Multilingual Context? Evidence from Hinduism and Buddhism Rajeshwari V. Pandharipande

Introduction

It is a well-documented fact that religion, in particular religious practice, and religious education play a significant role in the maintenance as well as revitalization of languages (Ferguson, 1982; Fishman, 2006; Kamwangamalu, 2006; Omoniyi, 2006, 2010; Pandharipande, 2006; Soldat-Jaffee, 2012, among others). For example, the use of Arabic in the Islamic religious practice and education in India or the use of Pali (which is not used in the secular context) in the newly revitalized Buddhism in India is primarily responsible for their maintenance in contemporary India. Similarly, the case of Hebrew in Israel, and in the US, is a clear example of revitalization and maintenance of the language primarily through religious rituals and practices. Many additional cases can be noted such as maintenance of Syriac in Orthodox Syrian churches in Kerala, India, maintenance of Hebrew in the Hasidic Jewish community (Soldat-Jaffee, 2012) in New York, maintenance and promotion of Sanskrit in religious rituals in the US, UK, Canada, etc. However, there are many examples which show beyond doubt that while languages are maintained and revitalized in the religious rituals, they are also replaced by other languages in the religious practices. Thus, religious rituals can become a site for language replacement and consequently, retardation or loss of some languages. A good example of this is Latin, which was replaced by Romance languages in Europe until eventually, Latin was sidetracked and lost its primacy in 114

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the religious context. In the US, Navajo language and other Amerindian languages are replaced by English in the religious domain (in addition to the secular domain). What this shows is that religion and religious practices do not necessarily promote language maintenance. Moreover, it is important to note that the current research on maintenance and/or attrition or loss of languages has largely focused on monolingual contexts. There is very little research available on the language use in religion in multilingual contexts and in diasporas. The following questions are not addressed in the present research: (a) If many languages are used by the community for the practice and education of a religion in its native context, are all of those languages maintained and/or revitalized in the diaspora context? (b) If only one or a few of the many are maintained (and/or revitalized) in the religious practice in diaspora, what are the factors which influence or determine their choice? (c) What happens to the languages which are not chosen for religious practice/education in their native context? Does the promotion/ selection of one language out of many cause attrition (functional/ structural) of other languages? (d) Do the reasons for choosing a language vary from one context to the other? In the following discussion, I will examine the above questions (a–d) in the three cases of language use in the context of religion and religious practices in multilingual situations. It will be demonstrated that there is no straightforward answer to the question of whether religious practices are exclusively responsible for the maintenance and/or revitalization of languages. The conditions which promote language maintenance through religious rituals vary from one context to another. Moreover, in a multilingual context, certain languages are chosen for ritual practices as opposed to others. This results in the promotion of some versus retardation of other languages. Therefore, it is necessary to examine the conditions which influence the promotion or retardation of language maintenance through religious ritual practices. The three cases discussed below belong to three mutually exclusive contexts. The first case is of the languages of Hinduism in its diaspora context of the US, the second case is of the languages in the history of Hinduism in India (the native context of the languages), and the third case is of the revitalization of Pali as the language of neo Buddhism in the 20th–21st century in India. Our investigation shows that the social factor(s)/conditions which promote revitalization of languages in these cases are mutually exclusive. In the first case of Hinduism in the US, the language choice (predominantly Sanskrit and English as opposed to regional languages of India) is dictated by the social needs – namely,

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uniting the linguistically and culturally diverse diasporic Hindu community, and accommodating the reality of the dominance of the English language in the US. The second case of the revival of the regional languages in India in the context of religion is primarily prompted by the community’s need to access the ‘religious contents (philosophy, theology, and rituals)’ through the local regional languages as opposed to the ‘elite’ Sanskrit language. The third case of revitalization of Pali (a Middle Indo-Aryan language) in present-day India is motivated by the Dalit (disadvantaged group of mainly non-Brahmin) Hindu community’s rejection of Hinduism as their religion and assertion of their nonHindu (Buddhist) identity. In conclusion, I argue that the motivations, processes and results of revitalization of languages are determined by what Woolard (1998: 3) calls ‘language ideology’. Woolard (1998: 3) further notes, ‘Representations, whether explicit or implicit, that construe the intersection of language and human beings in a social world are what we mean by “language ideology”.’ In other words, the perceived relationship between the linguistic form and its social meaning indexed/symbolized by the linguistic representation in a society/speech community dictates the choice of the language and its revitalization, maintenance or even retardation. When religion (its philosophy, rituals and practices) becomes the site for the articulation of social meaning, the community in the religious context chooses the language which is most appropriate for indexing the desired social meaning. Since the language ideologies vary from one social context to another, we should expect that the choice of language motivated by that ideology would also vary. The language(s) which do not index the intended social meaning are not used in religious rituals.

The Case of Revitalization of Sanskrit and Promotion of English in Rituals of the Hindu Diaspora in the US

The following discussion shows why in the multilingual immigrant Hindu community in the US, Sanskrit, the most ancient language of Hinduism, and English, the modern language and the dominant language in the US, are used in the religious practices and thereby are revitalized and promoted respectively while modern Indian regional languages are not. According to the PEW (2012) record, currently there are 2,250,000 Hindus in the US. The Hindus in the US belong to different denominations/sects of Hinduism (Vaishanva, Shaiva, Nath panthi, Shakta, etc.), different nations (India, Nepal, the UK, Canada, Fiji, Thailand, Malaysia, etc.) and different cultures. Hindus in the US form a linguistically diverse group. The English-speaking people surround the community, and English is the primary language of communication in the public domain in the US. The Hindu practices take place in the private

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as well as public domains. The most prominent context for the rituals is the Hindu temples, which are numbered as over 242. Current research (Fenton, 1988; Williams, 1992) has shown that the majority of the temples (90%) use primarily Sanskrit (and not necessarily regional languages) for the ritual performance and English for the communication among the priests, devotees and visitors who belong to different generations (Narayanan, 1992; Pandharipande, 2006, 2010; Williams, 1992). While the use of Sanskrit is declining in India in the secular context as well as in the rural, domestic and many public contexts (where regional languages are primarily used for many rituals), the use of Sanskrit is on the rise in the US in the public domain, mainly in the temples (for more discussion, see Pandharipande, 2006, 2010). Moreover, in contrast to India, where the use of English is prohibited in the Hindu religious rituals, in the US it is not prohibited. In fact, the use of English is also on the rise. Additionally, using English translations of the Hindu scriptures in Sanskrit is considered legitimate in the US. As a result, recitation of the Sanskrit text the Bhagawadgita in its English translation is considered a Hindu ritual in many temples in the US. Similarly, in almost all Hindu temples in the US, the priests explain rituals in English, the discourses accompanying rituals are in English and the directions to perform rituals (including the major rituals of life cycle such as wedding, funeral, etc.) are given in English by the priest to the devotees or to those participating in rituals. In Pandharipande (2006, 2010) it is shown that the Hindu prayers are offered in English in the religious ritual of devotional singing in the religious congregation of Satya Sai Baba. Many Hindu gurus in the US use English and Sanskrit: English for their discourses and Sanskrit for the actual performance of rituals. Chapple (2005), Humes (2005), Palmer (2005) and other scholars in their analysis of Hindu guru tradition in America have articulated a common observation – namely, that Hinduism has changed and transformed in the US in many ways. The use of English as a medium for expressing religiosity, composition of prayers or devotional songs/prayers is a mark of the Hindu gurus in America (for further discussion, see Chapple, 2005). Explanation for the Revitalization of Sanskrit and Promotion of English in the Hindu Diaspora in the US

The phenomenon of revitalization of Sanskrit in the US has already been discussed in an earlier work (Pandharipande, 2011). It is shown that while Sanskrit is not spoken (or largely, not understood) by the people, it is the most preferred language in the Hindu rituals in the US for the following reasons: (a) Sanskrit is the language of Hinduism par excellence accepted by all Hindus (who belong to diverse sects) across the world. Therefore, the

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use of Sanskrit has a religious as well as social function of unifying the entire global Hindu community. (b) Sanskrit is the language of the most revered Hindu scriptures such as the Vedas, the Upanishads, the Puranas etc. and therefore, its authenticity as a language of Hinduism is accepted by all Hindus. (c) For the Hindus in the US, religion not only articulates their religious identity, but it also indexes their socio-cultural identity, which serves as the platform from which they negotiate their position in the larger public domain in the US. It has been argued that the use of English in the religious domain (Pandharipande, 2011) has a strong motivation of fulfilling the social need. The Hindu youth, born and/or brought up in the US (the first and second generation) , unlike their grandparents or parents, do not know Sanskrit neither do they have any particularly compelling inclination for using Sanskrit. Additionally, for the young Hindus, English is not an alien and ‘polluted’ language – unlike in India where English is forbidden in the Hindu rituals, since it is the language of the mlecchas (the British colonizers perceived as ‘uncultured’). Therefore, in order to understand Hinduism (and its rituals), and to communicate with the religious community in the US, the youth decidedly prefers the use of English. Revitalization of Sanskrit and introduction of English in the rituals is motivated by the language ideology – that is, Sanskrit and English index the community’s Hindu-American identity. The Hindu gurus in the US use both Sanskrit and English to communicate with both the Hindu and the non-Hindu (American) audience. It is important to note here that the regional languages of India (which the immigrants use in the private space for Hindu rituals in the US) are not used or only marginally used in the Hindu temples in the US. However, a few Hindu temples continue to use the regional languages of India –or example, the Ravidas temple in New York, which uses Hindi; and Neem Karoli Baba temple in Taos, New Mexico, where the Hindu scripture recited is Ramcharitmanas in the Awadhi language. Thus, the revitalization of Sanskrit and promotion of English has resulted in the attrition of the use of Indian regional languages and scriptures in the US. The canonical classical Hindu scriptures in Sanskrit (the Vedas, Upanishads, Puranas, Stotras, etc.) are used in the rituals. The regional scriptures are rarely used in the major temples in the US. From Vivekananda, the Hindu monk who introduced and explained Hinduism to the American public at the Parliament of World Religions held in Chicago in 1893, to Ammachi (Amritanandamayi), a contemporary 21st-century woman-saint/guru from India, most Hindu gurus promote the use of English in the Hindu rituals in the US. They themselves use English in their own rituals and thereby authenticate the use of English in the rituals in general.

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Revitalization of Regional Languages in the Context of Hindu Rituals in Medieval India

The following discussion focuses on the revitalization of Indian regional languages in the medieval period. The medieval period (1200 CE–1600 CE) saw a major change in the pattern of language use in Hinduism. This was the period of the Mughal rule in India. Sanskrit, though regarded as the ‘elite’ language of Hinduism, and the scriptures in Sanskrit (the Vedas, Upanishads, etc.) wielded high prestige; the masses did not have access to the knowledge of Hinduism since they did not know Sanskrit. The knowledge and use of Sanskrit was restricted to the high-caste Hindus, specifically the Brahmins, and the lower classes did not have any access to the sacred scriptures – the Vedas, the Upanishads and other scriptures in Sanskrit. In this period, mystics and saints from the northern to the southern parts of India brought about a great religious awakening for the masses. Scriptures were composed in local regional languages with local themes, and literary styles. The themes of the classical Sanskrit scriptures were communicated to the masses in local languages and in their local idiom. The saints brought the elite Hinduism to the common people (for further discussion on the Hindu saints see Schoemer & McLeod, 1987). The saints were called the ‘great integrators’, who integrated the Hindu community (divided into different castes and classes) and revitalized the regional languages by writing scriptures in them, composing lyrics based on Hindu scriptures such as the Bhagawatam, the Vedas, the Bhagawdgita, the Puranas, etc. In this case, the promotion of the regional languages did not downgrade the position or prestige of Sanskrit, but rather elevated the languages to the status of Sanskrit. Jnaneshwar, Namadev, Janabai, Samarth Ramdas, among others in Maharashtra (Ranade, 1933), Kabir and Tulsidas, Surdas, Ravidas and Meerabai in the north, Haridas, Basawanna, Vidyaranya (Karnataka) created a new ‘incarnation’ of religion which had the flavor of regional languages. Singing and dancing were incorporated into the ritual practices as a legitimate method of worshipping the divine. In this case, language ideology was about insistence on the power of regional languages and masses to access and acquire knowledge of religion. Religion was not merely the site to articulate identity of the people but rather, religion was the motivating force behind the revitalization of languages. A couple of quotes from the saints illuminate this point. Kabir says, ‘One does not become knowledgeable by merely reading scriptures. One who understands love becomes Pandit, the real knower!’ (Kabir ke Dohe: 13). In this verse, Kabir (a 15th-century mystic saint of India) is articulating the futility of mere study of scriptures without understanding their essence, which is love – and for understanding their essence, scriptures (Sanskrit) are not required. Similar to this, Jnaneshwar (a 13th-century saint of Maharashtra) says, ‘I will compose [religious] poetry in Marathi.

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My Marathi word will defeat even the ambrosia in sweetness and power.’ (Jnaneshwari 6.14.21). Kabir1 and Jnaneshwar2 succinctly express the pattern of thinking in medieval India. The focus of the religion was not on the linguistic structure of the language used for the expression of religion; rather, it was on the function/meaning/content of the scriptures. This era (13th–15th century CE) marks the emergence of the Hindu scriptures in regional languages: Jnaneshwari of Jnaneshwar (Marathi), Ramchartimanas of Tulsidas (Awadhi), Vachanas of Basavanna (Kannada) (see Ramanujan, 1973), among others. These scriptures composed in regional languages are considered sacred scriptures similar to the Vedas, the Bhagawadgita, etc. The emergence of original scriptures, and the translations of Sanskrit scriptures in regional languages, bypassed the need to learn Sanskrit and, more importantly, the masses could express their religiosity in their own languages. The use of regional languages in the religious rituals/­practices substantially promoted their revitalization, while the reduced use of Sanskrit was the result of this process.

Revival of Pali in Neo Buddhism in Contemporary India

The case of Pali, a Middle Indo-Aryan language, is particularly interesting because it clearly shows that language ideology (that is, the perceived function of language in the society) is the motivating force behind its revival. Pali, the canonical language of Indian Buddhism since its inception (besides Hybrid Sanskrit in the later period), indexes Buddhism and the Buddhist philosophy. Buddhism, at the time of its emergence (300 BCE), rejected Hinduism with its theology and philosophy, its language Sanskrit, and more importantly, the social system of stratification, known as the caste system. The revitalization of Pali in 20th-century India cannot be adequately explained without identifying its function in the earlier Buddhism and the language ideology. Pali symbolizes revolt against Hinduism, the Hindu caste system and the Sanskrit language, which unambiguously symbolized and represented Hinduism, its philosophy and theology. This is the motivating force for choosing Pali as the language of the newly revived Buddhism in India. Revival of Buddhism (which goes back to the Dalit movement in the 19th century) in the 20th century with the founding socio-political force of Babasaheb Ambedkar (1956) was aimed at dissociating Buddhism from Hinduism once again, after over 2000 years. The Dalits (literally, ‘disadvantaged’), the under privileged, low or out caste, generally known as the ‘Untouchables’, forcefully embraced Buddhism, the religion which had fought against Hinduism in the 6th century BCE. Ambedkar worked very hard for the improvement of the Dalits through many agitations, and through discussions with Hindu

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leaders to provide equal rights to Dalits as to the high-caste Hindus. However, his efforts were not successful. Finally, at a conference at Yeola, Nasik in 1935, Amedkar declared, ‘We tried everything to acquire an equal status in Hindu society and conducted Satyagraha, but that was of no avail. The Hindu society has no room for equality. Only by quitting Hindu religion will our condition be improved. Conversion is the only way for our emancipation.’ Ambedkar advised the depressed classes to give up all agitations and methods to acquire equal rights. Instead, he encouraged them and convinced them to convert to another religion, Buddhism, which would provide them the equality of status and treatment. He himself declared that he had been born a Hindu untouchable but he ‘[would] not die as a Hindu’. (Ahir, 1998). Ambedkar accepted and promoted Buddhism as a strategy for liberation of the Dalits from what he called the ‘oppressive’ Hinduism and its unfair, unequal social rights. At present, there are Diksha Bhumis (Conversion Centers in Nagpur in the Maharashtra state in central India, the original place for conversion) in the north, southeast and west in India. About 10 million Buddhists were recorded in the 1990 census. What is important to note here is that Buddhism became a ‘tool’, ‘a medium’ to fight the social structure of Hinduism. (For further discussion, see Rodrigues, 2002; Zelliot, 1996.) Pali is used in the Buddhist rituals of conversion and celebration of Buddha’s birthday, etc. Pali is not used in the secular domain anywhere in India. Projects on translations of Buddhist texts are a major undertaking in northwestern India, south India and Bihar. Research institutions and private trusts are involved in Buddhist education. However, at present, the research is mainly archival. The use of Pali in the lives of the people is restricted to the rituals related to conversion. Neo-Buddhists are not involved in learning the language or the literature written in it. The major motivation behind the revitalization of Pali is in its intimate connection with Buddhism in its history (similar to the connection of Sanskrit with Hinduism). Pali has been the most sacred language of Buddhism since the ancient times of the inception of Buddhism (in the 6th century BCE). Theravada Buddhism in India, Myanmar, Thailand, Japan, China and other countries continues to treat Pali as the canonical language of Buddhism. Tipitaka is written in Pali. While Buddhism disappeared from India, it continued to flourish in the East Asian countries. As Sanskrit continues to be the language of Hinduism regardless of the diverse national affiliations of Hindus across the world, Pali remains the language of Buddhism across the world. Another major boost was given to the revitalization of Pali in India by the 150,000 Buddhists who came to India from Tibet. Japanese Buddhists and Tibetan Buddhists are writing the history of Tibetan Buddhism. Pali will thus survive in two different roles – firstly, as a strategy to fight Hinduism like in early Buddhism and secondly, to maintain and spread Tibetan Buddhism.

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Conclusion

The discussion on the above three cases demonstrates that (a) the processes of revitalization are different in the three cases, (b) the contexts, goals and strategies of revival also vary in these contexts, (c) the language ideologies differ in these three contexts, (d) it is important to note that while religion/religious rituals become the site(s) for language revival, religion plays diverse roles. In the case of the US, religion is a forum to recognize, articulate and communicate (to the next generation) a unified socio-cultural identity of the Hindu community. In the case of medieval India, religion and religious language(s) validate and legitimize common people’s culture and identity, as opposed to the elite people’s language (Sanskrit) and identity. In the case of Buddhism in India today, religion, Buddhism in this case, works as a weapon or strategy to fight against what is perceived as Hindu hegemony. In Tibetan Buddhism, religion provides a forum to express the identity of the Tibetans. The discussion demonstrates that not all languages (used in their native context of India) are maintained in the Hindu rituals in the US. The discussion above also shows that the revival of one language over others in a multilingual setting can result in retarding other languages (regional languages in this case). For example, the use of Sanskrit and English for the reasons discussed in the sections on the revitalization of Sanskrit and promotion of English in the Hindu diaspora in the US impact the use of the Indian regional languages, i.e. their use is decreasing in the Hindu rituals in the US. In the multilingual context, the question which needs further investigation is that of the relative degree of maintenance of the languages promoted by religious rituals in a multilingual context, and the factors which influence this hierarchy. Moreover, it is important to examine whether the form/structure, the function and the domain of the use of language(s) undergo change when they are revitalized. The discussion in the sections on the revitalization of Sanskrit and promotion of English in the Hindu diaspora in the US and the section on the explanation for this phenomenon in the US diaspora illustrates that in the native as well as diasporic contexts, promotion of some languages over others results in retardation of other languages. Therefore, we cannot make a conclusive statement that religion always promotes or retards language maintenance. The discussion on the English language in India and in the US shows that the English language, which was prohibited in Hindu rituals in India, is promoted in the US while the use of regional languages (which is common in India) is decreasing in the US. In contrast to this, the choice of regional languages in medieval India resulted in the decline of Sanskrit in Hindu rituals. The discussion in the sections on the revitalization of Sanskrit and promotion of English in the US diaspora and the section on the revitalization of regional languages in the context of Hindu rituals and medieval

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India illustrates how language ideologies play a major role in the revitalization and maintenance of religious languages. Additionally, the discussion shows how those ideologies determine the social function(s) of the languages in diverse contexts. For example, Sanskrit is viewed as the language of Hinduism at all times and in all spaces across the world. Therefore, the use of Sanskrit performs the function of unifying the linguistically, nationally and culturally diverse Hindu community in the US. However, the same ideology (i.e. Sanskrit is the language of Hinduism) provides ‘high status’ to Sanskrit and undermines the legitimacy of regional languages in the context of Hindu rituals in medieval India. Consequently, the use of regional languages is promoted to fight the hegemony of Sanskrit in medieval India. The use of Pali in Buddhism is promoted to fight the hegemony of Hinduism in modern India and is the reflection of an ideology, namely that Pali indexes rejection of Hinduism and promotion of Buddhism in the past and therefore its use against Hinduism in modern India is justified. The rejection of English in Hindu rituals in India and its acceptance and promotion in the US point out that ideologies about a language change in different social contexts at different times. While it is viewed as a non-native, foreign and impure language in India, it is the native language of the second generation of Hindus in the US. Therefore, its social function as the language of communication in the secular as well as religious contexts is more readily acceptable. Finally, I would like to raise the question of finding universals in language revival phenomenon, i.e. can we build a theory of language revival? Fishman discusses this in his seminal work (1991: 35) Reversing Language Shift and claims, ‘One thing that is certain is that both reversing language shift [RLS] efforts and anti-RLS efforts are essentially value-based. They are philosophically and ideologically determined and are neither confirmed nor disconfirmed on a purely objective basis alone.’ The discussion here certainly confirms Fishman’s assumption that language ideology is a powerful determinant of language revitalization and it varies from context to context. However, I would like to discuss here the universal tendencies or factors which are observed in the cases of maintenance, revival and/or revitalization of languages, and to point out that the three cases discussed above confirm my observation. I have proposed earlier (Pandharipande, 2013) that language revival/maintenance is possible if and only if the community views the language as essential to serve one or many social function(s) and if the language is transparent to the ­function – that is, if it is the only language which can perform that function – then its revitalization and/or maintenance is more likely to take place as opposed to the language which is not transparent to the expected function (for further discussion on transparency and opacity, see Pandharipande, 2013). I have proposed (Pandharipande, 2013: 426) that, ‘A language is transparent to its function if it does not share this function with any other language in the community. That is, it uniquely carries out that function.

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The language transparent to its function has better chances of survival than the one which is not.’ The example of the revitalization of Sanskrit in the Hindu rituals in the US provides evidence to support this proposal. While Indian languages such as Hindi, Marathi, Gujarati, Tamil, etc. spoken by the Hindus in the US diaspora index the identity of the Hindus and Hindu rituals, these are not ‘transparent’ to the function of indexing Hinduism/Hindu identity of speakers because they are also used in India for communicating or expressing Christianity, and Islam. They can be viewed as ‘opaque’ to the function of indexing Hinduism/Hindu identity. Therefore, Sanskrit, which is ‘transparent’ to the function, is revitalized in the context of the Hindu rituals in the US as opposed to other Indian languages. Additionally, the choice of Sanskrit is justified by the fact that Sanskrit (due to its transparency) is the only language which can unify the nationally, culturally and linguistically diverse Hindu community in the US. The case of the revitalization of Pali in the context of Buddhism in modern India also supports this proposal. While any modern Indian language (spoken in different states of India) could have been chosen for the ritual of conversion to Buddhism in modern India, Pali is revitalized even when it is not a spoken language in India. This phenomenon can be explained by the fact that Pali is ‘transparent’ to Buddhism and the Buddhist identity while other languages are not. Thus, it is the invariable connection between language and its function (indexing Hinduism in the case of Sanskrit and indexing Buddhism in the case of Pali) that provides transparency to the language for that particular function. Thus, in order to perform that function, the most transparent language is chosen. In the medieval period, regional Indian languages, and not Sanskrit, indexed the regional identity of speakers as well as of Hinduism. They were transparent to perform the function of indexing the regional identity of Hindus. This discussion is also relevant to understand revitalization/maintenance of Hebrew in Israel (to index Jewish identity) and Arabic in Muslim countries (to index Muslim identity) respectively due to the fact that these languages are transparent to their function. The use of English in the Hindu rituals to index American identity is justified on the basis of the transparency of English for indexing American identity. I would like to note here that more research needs to be done in this context to examine whether there is a cline of transparency. However, the discussion in this chapter shows that transparency to a particular function is an important factor in the revitalization and maintenance as well as retardation of languages. Notes (1) Kabir (a 15th-century Sufi mystic saint of India) is well known for his dohe (couplets in verse form) which are routinely recited in day-to-day conversations by common people to the extent that quotes from Kabir’s writings have reached the status of idioms in the

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culture of India. Kabir is known for his wisdom and philosophy, which t­ranscended religious and linguistic barriers. According to him, blind adherence to sacred texts of a particular religion, and to certain languages of the texts to the exclusion of others, creates fractions and conflicts in the society. He therefore pleaded for the linguistic ‘liberation of the sacred texts’. He wrote his religious poetry in the people’s language, which was Hindi, spoken in the 15th century CE. He emphasized understanding of the religious teachings as opposed to merely reading and reciting the sacred texts. For him, the content/meaning of the sacred text is valuable and that meaning can be conveyed in any language, especially in the language of the common people. In the history of India, Kabir is known as a great integrator of the Hindu and Muslim religious thought. The text quoted here is taken from the collection of Kabir’s dohe. A collection of Kabir’s couplets are available online. The dohe are available in different scripts (Devanagari, Gurumukhi and Urdu/Arabic) in many versions and many texts. (2) Jnaneshwar, a 13th-century mystic poet of Maharashtra State in India, wrote a detailed commentary in Marathi on the Bhagawadgita, which was originally composed in S­ anskrit. He titled his text Jnaneshwari as Bhawarthadipika, ‘Illuminator of the ­meaning (of the Bhagawadgita)’. Jnaneshwar revolutionized the linguistic tradition of Hinduism in Maharashtra. Up until the 13th century, Sanskrit wielded enormous ­power in the realm of religion and society. It was seen as devavani, ‘god’s language’. The regional language, Marathi, was not accepted as the legitimate means for conducting religious rituals. This tradition restricted the religious knowledge to the privileged class of the Brahmins who were the exclusive custodians of religious knowledge since they were the only ones who could read and understand the Hindu scriptures: the V ­ edas, Upanishads and the Bhagawadgita. The common people were deprived of religious knowledge. Jnaneshwar explained the philosophy, theology and religious practices to the common people by writing his text in Marathi. He used the Marathi language and the local cultural traditions to explain the central themes of Hinduism. His text, Jnaneshwari, is known as one of the most influential religious texts in Maharashtra and, at present, it enjoys the status of the Bhagawadgita.

References Ahir, D.C. (1998) Dr. Ambedkar’s vision of Dhamma: An Assessment. Delhi: B.R. Publishing Corporation. Chapple, C.K. (2005) Raja yoga and the Guru: Gurani Anjali of yoga anand ashram, Amityville, New York. In T. Forsthoefel and C.A. Humes (eds) Gurus in America (pp. 15–36). New York: State University of New York Press. Fenton, J.Y. (1988) Transplanted Religious Traditions: Asian Indians in America. New York: Praeger. Ferguson, C.A. (1982) Religious factors in language spread. In R.I. Cooper (ed.) Language Spread. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. Fishman, J. (1991) Reversing Language Shift: Theoretical and Empirical Foundations of Assistance to Threatened Languages. Clevedon: Multilingual Matters. Fishman, J. (2006) A dialogue of basic theoretical perspectives. In T. Omoniyi and J.A. Fishman (eds) Explorations in the Sociology of Language and Religion (pp. 14–25). Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Humes, C.A. (2005) Maharishi Mahesh Yogi: Beyond the TM technique. In T. Forsthoefel and C.A. Humes (eds) Gurus in America (pp. 55–80). New York: State University of New York Press. Kamwangamalu, N.M. (2006) Religion social history, and language maintenance: African languages in post-apartheid South Africa. in T. Omoniyi and J.A. Fishman (eds) Explorations in the Sociology of Language and Religion (pp. 86–96). Amsterdam: John Benjamins.

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Narayanan, V. (1992) Creating South Indian Hindu experience in the United States. In R. Williams (ed.) A Sacred Thread: Modern Transmission of Hindu Traditions in India and Abroad (pp. 147–176). New York: Columbia University Press. Omoniyi, T. (2006) Societal multilingualism and multifaithism: A sociology of language and religion perspective. In T. Omoniyi and J.A. Fishman (eds) Explorations in the Sociology of Language and Religion (pp. 86–96). Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Omoniyi, T. (2010) Introduction: Change, accommodation and conflict. In T. Omoniyi (ed.) The Sociology of Language and Religion: Change, Conflict and Accommodation (pp. 1–13). London: Palgrave Macmillan. Palmer, N.W. (2005) Baba’s world: A global guru and his movement. In T. Forsthoefel and C.A. Humes (eds) Gurus in America (pp. 97–122). New York: State University of New York. Pandharipande, R.V. (2006) Ideology, authority, and language choice: Language of religion in South Asia. In T. Omoniyi and J.A. Fishman (eds) Explorations in the Sociology of Language and Religion (pp. 141–164). Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Pandharipande, R.V. (2010) Authenticating a tradition in transition: Language of Hinduism in the US. In T. Omoniyi (ed.) The Sociology of Language and Religion: Change, Conflict and Accommodation (pp. 58–83). London: Palgrave Macmillan. Pandharipande, R.V. (2011) Strategies of revitalization of Sanskrit in Indian and the US Paper presented at the 26th Linguistics Symposium on Language Death, Endangerment, Documentation, and Revitalization. Milwauki, Wisconsin. Pandharipande, R.V. (2013) Language of Hinduism in the US diaspora. In R. Pandharipande and D.R. Davis (eds) Special Issue: Symposium on World Religions and World Englishes 32 (3), 417–428. PEW Research Center (2012) Religion and public life. Demographic study. Hindus. Ramanujan, A.K. (1973) Speaking of Shiva. London: Penguin. Ranade, M.R. (1933) Mysticism in Maharashtra: India Mysticism. Delhi: Motilal Banarasidass. Rodrigues, V. (2002) The Essential Writings of B.R. Ambedkar. New York: Oxford University Press. Schoemer, K. and McLeod, M.H. (1987) The Sants: Studies in a Devotional Tradition of India. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass. Soldat-Jaffee, T. (2012) Twenty-First Century Yiddishism: Language, Identity, and the New Jewish Studies. Sussex: Academic Press. Williams, R.B. (1992) A sacred thread: An introduction. In R. Williams (ed.) A Sacred Thread: Modern Transmission of Hindu Traditions in India and Abroad (pp. 3–4). New York: Columbia University Press. Woolard, K.A. (1998) Language ideology as a field of inquiry. In B.B Schieffelin, K.A. Woolard and P.V. Kroskrity (eds) Language Ideologies: Practice and Theory (pp. 3–50). New York: Oxford University Press. Zelliot, E. (1996) From Untouchable to Dalit: Essays on the Ambedkar Movement. South Asia Books.

9 Religion and Education in the Preservation of Hebrew and Other Jewish Language Varieties Bernard Spolsky

Introduction

Applying an ecology of language evolution approach (Mufwene, 2001) to the study of Jewish varieties, one quickly sees how the constant changes in environmental situations produced language contact that led to major shifts. It is socio-political events that account in large measure for the formation of new Jewish language varieties, such as the dispersion that followed the Roman destruction of the Jewish state, the isolation and treatment of Jews as heretics and aliens in Christian countries, their second-class citizenship as dhimmi in Muslim lands and the regular and repeated expulsions from their places of settlement. But in addition, there were religious factors that contributed to the creation and maintenance of these new Jewish varieties, which mixed Hebrew sacred terms with non-Jewish varieties. Furthermore, it was religious faith and education that helped preserve Hebrew as a sacred language and developed the literacy skills that made it possible for a largely agricultural Jewish population in the first century to develop the ability to switch to professions and trades when urbanization developed a few hundred years later and when voluntary migration brought Jews into new linguistic environments.1 After the destruction of the Temple and the dispersal of the Jews, events which confirmed the shift to Aramaic and Greek as community vernaculars, the compulsory education of Jewish boys helped those whose parents took advantage of it to maintain Hebrew and acquire the alphabetic skills which enabled them to participate in public prayer in the heritage language while speaking and writing the developing Jewish languages like Judeo-Arabic, Yiddish and Ladino. Paradoxically, this dependence on religion later played a role in the loss of Jewish language varieties that followed emancipation and secularization in 19th-century Europe, a process 127

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finally completed by the Holocaust and the end of Jewish communities in Europe and Arab countries. But the survival of the sacred language and the related literacy skills also turned out to be critical elements supporting the development of a nationalist movement that included the revival of Hebrew, first as a vital vernacular and subsequently as a hegemonic state language. One of the sadder results of this process was to accelerate the loss of the Jewish varieties, maintained currently mainly as boundary markers by fundamentalist religious Jews but still respected as ethnic identity indicators and heritage languages by many. The Preservation of Hebrew

Ignoring for the moment those who argue that Modern Hebrew is sufficiently different from the language of the Bible to require a separate name (Zuckerman, 2006), it is widely accepted that Hebrew has continued to be used for some 3000 years (Spolsky, 2014). Uniquely, it has survived in spite of the fact that for two millennia it was replaced as the spoken vernacular of a dispersed people without sovereignty or a common territory by the languages of a large number of different diasporas; many of these developed into identifiable Jewish varieties (Kahn, 2018). This process of replacement of original Hebrew hegemonic monolingualism started as early as the return from the Babylonian Exile in the 6th century BCE, when first Aramaic and then Greek were added to what evolved into a triglossic pattern (Spolsky, 1983), but how long it took remains a disputed issue. There are some who argue that vernacular usage of Hebrew ended shortly after the return of a large number of Jews from Babylonian exile in the 6th century BCE. In their view, by the time of Jesus, the Jews of Palestine were bilingual in Aramaic and Greek in speech, while Hebrew was used only as a ‘religious lingo’ by some for writing. In any case, no one believes that Hebrew continued as a spoken vernacular much after the third century CE.2 It was not until the end of the 19th century that Hebrew was restored as a spoken language by Jewish immigrants from the Eastern European diasporas who became farmers in Ottoman Palestine. Its use grew rapidly and Hebrew was recognized as one of three official languages under the British mandate which replaced Ottoman rule in 1920. It became the dominant hegemonic language of the independent State of Israel in 1948 (Spolsky & Shohamy, 1999). In the process, Hebrew underwent the revitalization (restoration of natural intergenerational transmission), revernacularization (development of spoken use), standardization (of both writing and speech), and modernization (especially lexical innovation) that have enabled it to function fully as the dominant language of a modern society. For many outside observers, this restoration was miraculous. Closer study, however, shows that Hebrew had been maintained during the long period of dispersion not just as the language of sacred texts and

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for liturgical purposes, but also as the highly respected language of literacy with a continued literary output. Starting in the Babylonian Exile and continuing into the medieval world, a Jewish community leader was expected not just to have a family and a successful business but also to be a scholar with many important publications (Johnson, 1987: 183). Literacy did develop also in some of the Jewish language varieties, such as Judeo-Arabic in Mediterranean countries (Blau, 1965; Hary, 1995; Pollack, 2010) and Judeo-Persian in the East (Moreen, 2010; Paper, 1978). In the 19th century both Yiddish (Weinreich, 2008) and Ladino (Bunis, 2013) produced significant religious and secular writing, but throughout this time, Hebrew remained the preferred medium for Jewish literacy. The pattern was so well established in Eastern Europe that rabbis would deliver sermons and teach classes in Yiddish, but publish their sermons and their teachings in Hebrew. Hebrew was also a common language used for secular writing, until the Emancipation led to the compulsory education of Jews in the various state languages or until Jewish varieties attained a recognized written status. Hebrew was used not just for letters on religious questions from one rabbi to another or from a rabbi to a community, but often also personal and business letters between Jews; the exception might have been an added note from a trader in a distant land for his wife who stayed behind written in the Jewish variety (but probably using the same Hebrew script). The exceptions help prove the general rule. There were a few prayers composed in Aramaic that became a part of the liturgy: the Kaddish which marks transitions is an obvious example. There were also some documents written traditionally in Aramaic, such as the ketubah (wedding contract) and get (divorce papers), a practice which may be explained either as continuing an older Middle Eastern use of Aramaic for commercial documents or as provision for the lower level of Hebrew proficiency and literacy of women, for whom these documents had crucial significance. There were also translations of and commentaries on Hebrew sacred texts written in other languages, starting with the Aramaic Targumim (Fraade, 1992; Shinan, 1987), the Greek Septuagint (Dines, 2004; Rabin, 1968), and the Judeo-Arabic shurūḥ (Hary, 2009), but original writing continued in Hebrew (Chomsky, 1957; de Lange, 1996; Glinert, 1993). At the same time, there was a growth in the writing of letters in Hebrew script in such varieties as Judeo-Arabic (Blau, 1965). Essentially, then, during the long period of Jewish diasporas, the literacy of the Jewish male was largely in Hebrew. The spoken vernacular of both men and women, however, was some other language, at times a markedly Jewish variety, but otherwise a Judaized version of the non-­ Jewish language of the community in which they were living or had been living in an earlier time. My concern in this chapter is to account for this divided sociolinguistic ecology. It is one that turns out to be true of other communities, such as the preference for written English and spoken

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Navajo in the mid-20th century (Spolsky & Holm, 1973; Young, 1977), or the way that the Chinese writing system allows speakers of mutually unintelligible languages to share the same written variety (DeFrancis, 1984), or the continued acceptance of written Serbian by those who assert the independence of Croatian or Kosovan (Kalogjera, 1985; Pranjkovic, 2001). My explanation for the survival of Hebrew, as the title of this chapter asserts, is that the first and most powerful factor was religion, and specifically the development of a religious educational system that insisted on male Hebrew literacy. The Linguistic Effect of Jewish Religious Education

This argument has been bolstered by Botticini and Eckstein (2012), a study by two economists of Jewish education of the millennium between the destruction of the Second Temple and the development of major urban centers in the early Middle Ages. The spread of Jewish religious educational literacy, encouraged by the rabbis but implemented mainly in the diaspora, they believe, also accounts for changes in Jewish demography and in the occupational status of Jews in the period. I will go on to argue that religious factors, both the internally motivated isolation and the external pressures of Christian and Muslim intolerance and persecution, played a major role not just in the preservation of written Hebrew but also in the development of distinct Jewish language varieties that lasted until they were challenged by access to non-Jewish national languages by modernization, emancipation and compulsory state education. While there is evidence of earlier Jewish education such as the scribal schools assumed to be responsible for the redaction of the various books of the Bible, it is now generally accepted that elementary education of Jewish boys became widespread only after the destruction of the Second Temple by the Romans in 70 CE. Until then, Jewish religious life had two centers: the sacrificial cult in Jerusalem and the teaching of religious texts. When the Temple was destroyed, only one was left, and the rabbis argued strongly for the need to start education and Hebrew literacy with young boys. In their study, Botticini and Eckstein (2012) seek to explain two major demographic changes that took place between 70 and 1492. At the earlier date, there were estimated to be 5 million Jews living in Judea and the diaspora communities; by the end of the millennium, the number had been reduced to 1 million. They argue that those who remained Jewish were descendants of those parents who had accepted the need for and the added expense of providing Hebrew schooling for all boys. The price was high: not just the cost of a teacher and a school, but also the fact that these boys would not be available for work in agriculture, which was the major economic activity of Jews of the time. It was an elite who accepted this innovation; the majority, stigmatized as ignoramuses by the rabbis,

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were not considered full members of the community, and most of them were rapidly converted to Christianity or later to Islam.3 While both of these religions which grew out of Judaism provided schooling for children, neither required universal male literacy. In medieval Christianity, literacy was restricted to the clergy,4 and in Islam, elementary religious education was (and in large measure still is) the memorization of sacred texts for oral production. Botticini and Eckstein (2012) argue that it was the loss through conversion of the unschooled rather than the effect of the various persecutions and slaughters that accounts for the huge reduction in the Jewish population. The second demographic fact that Botticini and Eckstein (2012) adduce for their hypothesis was the change in occupation of Jews. At the time of the destruction of the Temple, most Jews (including rabbis) were engaged in agriculture. By 1492, no more than 10% were farming; Jews by then were engaged in many skilled professions or in trade, commerce and money lending. This was only in part the result of the laws against Jewish land ownership in the Christian and Muslim world, but more to be explained by the fact that literacy (accompanied by numeracy and the establishment of a community legal system) provided Jews with critically relevant skills when the medieval world moved towards the establishment of modern urban economies. Jews were qualified to fill the professional and commercial roles that opened up, and so were ready to take a major part in the social and economic development of the cities in the late medieval world. Their skills and the associated proficiency as traders help account for the voluntary migrations that spread Jews across Europe and into Asia, adding to the effects of the periodical expulsions that marked Jewish life in Christian Europe. Wherever they moved, they established new Jewish communities that provided education in Hebrew for their boys. There is a full if idealized account of such an educational system in 11th-century England (Jacobs, 1893). According to ‘The Code of Jewish Education’, at the age of five every Jewish boy was to be brought to a local provincial school and taught to read the portion of the Law first in Hebrew, then in the vernacular, and then in the Aramaic of the Targum. When he was 10 years old, he began to study Mishnah, and at the age of 13, the Talmud. At 16 he could go on to the Yeshiva in London for seven years. The schools in the provinces each had a hundred pupils, 10 ­teachers and a ‘rector’ who must be allowed to go home for the Sabbath. Each teacher had 10 pupils. The boys were expected to examine each other every evening. Teaching was from the book and not by heart; thus, l­ iteracy in Hebrew and Aramaic was a central goal. Each member of the community paid two pence yearly as school fees. While the educational system was for boys, many Jewish women were said to be able to draw up deeds in Hebrew. To the extent that this system was implemented, one can understand the report that most heads of households in Angevin England,

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before the expulsion in 1260, appear as the author of a Bible commentary or other religious work. An educational system like this would explain the development and maintenance of Jewish male literacy. Until the Emancipation and the gradual establishment of compulsory secular education in 19th-century Europe and America, it would explain the continued emphasis on Hebrew literacy. As Jews were recruited to secular education, literacy in the dominant state language replaced Hebrew literacy except among those Jews who made the effort to set up after-school Hebrew classes for their children. Again, it was religion that accounted for the survival of proficiency in written Hebrew, and the basis necessary for its eventual restoration as a national language at the end of the 19th century. The linguistic goal of religious Jewish education is made clear by the fact that these afterschool and weekend classes were known in English as ‘Hebrew schools’; their primary goal in non-Orthodox Jewish communities (e.g. Reform, Liberal or Conservative) is to enable children (boys mainly, but increasingly girls) to demonstrate a restricted proficiency in Hebrew literacy by reading aloud in a synagogue a portion of the Torah reading on their 13th (for boys) birthday. The restoration of Hebrew as a spoken vernacular at the end of the 19th century in the Jewish farming villages of Ottoman Palestine was able to build on this religiously maintained Hebrew language proficiency: the teachers in the first schools were proficient in the Hebrew-Aramaic required for Talmud study, and the ability of the fathers to communicate with their Hebrew-speaking children when they came home from school depended on their own religious background (Nahir, 1988). It is true that the mothers were said to have to learn Hebrew from their children, but no doubt the common Hebrew terms included in their spoken Yiddish would have simplified the process (Glinert, 1987). Religious Influences on Jewish Language Varieties

Religious factors too helped account for the development and maintenance of the many Jewish varieties of language (Spolsky, 2014). As Jews moved to the diaspora, they naturally picked up vernacular use of the local languages. In the Babylonian Exile, they soon shifted to using Aramaic, which became the main language of the Babylonian Talmud (Breuer, 2006; Sokoloff, 2002b) and was preserved as a Jewish variety until recently. In Roman Palestine, too, Aramaic became a common vernacular (Naveh & Greenfield, 1984; Sokoloff, 2002a), to which was added Greek after the conquests of Alexander the Great (Sperber, 2012). Greek was the main language of the communities in the Mediterranean diaspora towns to which Jews migrated or were taken as slaves (Bowman, 2010). As a result of the Islamic conquests, Jews added Arabic (Blau, 1965; Hary, 1995),

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and when they migrated to Spain and France, the local variety of Latin (Blondheim, 1925). It was religion, I will argue, that explains why these local varieties were modified into what are now called Jewish languages or varieties (Hary & Benor, 2018). The explanation is partly demographic, for it is generally common for migrants to live close to their fellows, perhaps living with family members who migrated earlier, or seeking support and employment from others who came from the same place and spoke their home language. This tendency was increased by internal and external religious pressure. There are several features of Jewish religious observance that require Jews to live close to co-religionists. One is the Sabbath limit on travel; religiously observant Jews need to be able to walk to the nearest synagogue as there is a ban on any kind of riding on the Sabbath and a limit on the distance that can be travelled. The limitations on carrying from one domain to another mean that the residence of a non-Jew in a Jewish courtyard may prevent the conveyance of food between the houses. The complex dietary restrictions involved in Jewish observance also make it advisable to live close to others so as to have access to suppliers of kosher food. There are also rules concerning the handling of wine by non-Jews that discourage meals with non-Jews. All these religious requirements reinforce the tendency of observant Jews to live close together and form Jewish neighborhoods. In their interaction with other Jews, it is natural for Jews to make use of the Hebrew lexicon to refer to the objects associated with Jewish life. One example would be synagogue practices, so that Hebrew words like shul (synagogue), minyan (quorum required for public worship) and drasha (sermon or lesson) would be used in a Jewish variety. The existence of a major Hebrew-Aramaic lexical component as detailed in Weinreich (2008) differentiates Yiddish from German, reflecting the different ways of life of Jewish and Christian communities. On the basis of his pioneering study of language loyalty in the United States, Fishman (1966) argues that a key predictor of minority language maintenance is the lack of upward social mobility produced by internally or externally motivated isolation. The two cases of internal motivation that he adduces are the Amish and Hasidim, both of whom modified their ways of life as well as their language. The external motivation is the existence of discrimination, such as that against Native Americans and Spanish speakers. To these, Labov (2008) has added those of Black ancestry, arguing that the maintenance of African American Vernacular English is guaranteed by the treatment of this large minority. The maintenance of Jewish varieties also can be explained by internal and external pressures, represented by the North African mellah (Gottreich, 2007) on the one hand, and the Venetian ghetto (Baron, 1928; Calimani, 1988) on the other. The mellah was a Jewish neighborhood in a North African town built in response to the Jewish desire to live close

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to synagogues, but also with the purpose of providing protection against Muslim violence. The ghetto on the other hand was imposed by the Christian rulers of the city to prevent integration of Jews into normal society. Both of these motivations came from religion, representing the traditional anti-Semitism of both Christianity and Islam. Recent studies (Kaplan, 2019; Nirenberg, 2013; Roudinesco, 2013) show the development of anti-Judaism based on the underlying ideology of traditional Christianity, with its need to show that it had replaced the Judaism from which it grew. In its mildest form, this was expressed in the Augustinian view that Jews must be kept alive to demonstrate their error. There were a host of ways in which the stigmatization was implemented: the special clothing or badges, bans on Jews having Christian servants, the forbidding of social and sexual relations, the residential and occupational restrictions, the special taxes and commonly, the forced conversions, expulsion and pogroms. Two thousand years of Jewish history in Christian Europe were marked by this imposition of externally forced isolation, temporarily relieved by the Emancipation, but reapplied by Nazi Germany and their European sympathizers in the middle of the 20th century. The pattern under Islam was somewhat different but equally isolating. When the Jewish tribes of Arabia refused to recognize him as their messiah, Muhammad started a process of killing and expulsion that removed all Jews from Arabia. Outside Arabia, Jews and Christians were both assigned a stigmatized status as dhimmi, afforded protection by Muslim rulers as second-class residents. Some of the conditions set in the pact of Omar that spelled out dhimmitude (Ye’or, 1985) had clear linguistic consequences: the ban on studying the Quran which led to the development of Middle or Mixed Arabic (Blau, 2002; Heijer, 2012), the prohibition of Muslim servants, the special dress, the ban on building synagogues, the exclusion of Jewish women from bath houses used by Muslims. Over the centuries, there was variation in the application of these rules, but after the United Nations decision to partition Palestine in 1947, Jews were expelled from Muslim countries. All this discrimination was promulgated and supported by religious leadership. Emancipation and Secularization

I argue then that the internal and external isolation of Jews that encouraged the development of specific Jewish varieties of language were both largely driven by religious factors, whether the internally selected tendency of observant Jews to live together, or the externally imposed isolation resulting from Christian and Muslim anti-Judaism. The relief of these pressures is accounted for by the secularization that accompanied the Emancipation in 18th-century Europe, as a result of which many Jews adopted the co-territorial language. The Jewish leadership followed Mendelssohn in condemning a Jewish variety like Yiddish as zhargon and

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even went so far as to suggest that the liturgy in the synagogue be switched from Hebrew to German. In Western Europe, this led to the loss of Jewish varieties. In Eastern Europe, where Emancipation came later, Jewish nationalist movements developed different approaches to language policy. A secular non-­territorial movement chose Yiddish rather than Hebrew as its national language, while the territorialists built on the continuing Ashkenazi knowledge of Hebrew (Glinert, 1993) to make it the focus of secular nationalism. This Yiddish–Hebrew struggle continued for 50 years, but in Mandatory Palestine, Hebrew became the language of the Jewish community, and was the hegemonic national language of the Jewish state. At the same time, the religious isolationism of a number of ultra-Orthodox Hasidic groups has led them to insist on their boys learning and using Yiddish as well as Hebrew, keeping a strict limit on their integration not just with non-Jews but also with other Jews in the diaspora and Israel. Thus, religion continues as a factor in the maintenance of Jewish varieties. It has had the effect of slowing down the loss of Jewish varieties, as various groups of Jewish immigrants have established their own synagogues both in Israel and in the diaspora. Religion also underlies the development of a Jewish variety of English among Orthodox Jews in the USA and among those who have newly taken on religious observance (Benor, 2012). The development of Jewish varieties was a result of ecological factors, especially the isolation selected or imposed on Jewish populations in diaspora communities. But religious factors have played and continue to play an important role in the nature of the Jewish sociolinguistic ecology, both the internally motivated maintenance of the central role of Hebrew and the internally and externally motivated creation and maintenance of Jewish varieties of language. Notes (1) For an overview, see Spolsky (2014). (2) This 800-year difference of opinion is just one of the unresolved problems in a sociolinguistic history of the Jewish people. (3) It was this insistence on male literacy that perhaps lies behind the fact that women were not to be called to read from the Torah in public worship ‘for the honor of the community’; if they were called it suggested that there were no males qualified to read. (4) Nobles and kings were commonly illiterate, depending on clerics to do their writing for them.

References Baron, S. (1928) Ghetto and emancipation: Shall we revise the traditional view? The Menorah Journal (14), 515–526. Benor, S.B. (2012) Becoming Frum. New Brunswick, NJ and London: Rutgers University Press.

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Blau, J. (1965) The Emergence and Linguistic Background of Judeo-Arabic: A Study of the Origins of Middle Arabic. London: Oxford University Press. Blau, J. (2002) A Handbook of Early Middle Arabic. Jerusalem, Israel: Max Schloessinger Memorial Foundation, Hebrew University of Jerusalem. Blondheim, D.S. (1925) Les Parlers Judéo-Romans et la Vetus Latina; Étude sur les Rapports entre les Traductions Bibliques en Langue Romane des Juifs au Moyen Âge et les Anciennes Versions (Cambridge University Press 2013 edn). Paris: E. Champion. Botticini, M. and Eckstein, Z. (2012) The Chosen Few: How Education Shaped Jewish History, 70–1492. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Bowman, S. (2010) Judeo-Greek. In N.A. Stillman (ed.) Encyclopedia of Jews in the Islamic World Vol. 3 (pp. 60–61). Leiden: Brill. Breuer, Y. (2006) Aramaic in late antiquity. In W.D. Davies and I. Finklestein (eds) The Cambridge History of Judaism: The Late Roman-Rabbinic Period Vol. 4 (pp. 457–491). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Bunis, D. (2013) Writing more and less ‘Jewishly’ in Judezmo and Yiddish. Journal of Jewish Languages 1 (1), 9–75. Calimani, R. (1988) The Ghetto of Venice. Milan, Italy: Rusconi. Chomsky, W. (1957) Hebrew: The Eternal Language. Philadelphia: The Jewish Publication Society of America. de Lange, N. (1996) The Hebrew language in the European Diaspora. In B. Isaac and A. Oppenheimer (eds) Studies on the Jewish Diaspora in the Hellenistic and Roman Period (pp. 111–139). Tel Aviv: Ramot Publishing. DeFrancis, J. (1984) The Chinese Language: Fact and Fantasy. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press. Dines, J. (2004) The Septuagint. London and New York: T & T. Clark. Fishman, J.A. (ed.) (1966) Language Loyalty in the United States: The Maintenance and Perpetuation of Non-English Mother Tongues by American Ethnic and Religious Groups. The Hague: Mouton. Fraade, S. (1992) Rabbinic views on the practice of Targum, and multilingualism in the Jewish Galilee of the third–sixth centuries. In L.I. Levine (ed.) The Galilee in Late Antiquity (pp. 252–286). New York & Jerusalem: The Jewish Theological Seminary of America. Glinert, L. (1987) Hebrew–Yiddish diglossia: type and stereotype implications of the language of Ganzfried’s Kitzur. International Journal of the Sociology of Language 67, 39–56. Glinert, L. (ed.) (1993) Hebrew in Ashkenaz: A Language in Exile. New York & Oxford: Oxford University Press. Gottreich, E. (2007) The Mellah of Marrakesh: Jewish And Muslim Space in Morocco’s Red City. Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press. Hary, B. (1995) Judeo-Arabic in it sociolinguistic setting. Israel Oriental Studies 15, 73–99. Hary, B. (2009) Translating Religion: Linguistic Analysis of Judeo-Arabic Sacred Texts from Egypt. Leiden: Brill. Hary, B. and Benor, S. (eds) (2018) Languages in Jewish Communities, Past and Present. Berlin: De Gruyter Mouton. Heijer, J.D. (2012) Introduction: Middle and Mixed Arabic, a new trend in Arabic studies. In L. Zack and A. Schippers (eds) Middle Arabic and Mixed Arabic: Diachrony and Synchrony (pp. 1–25). Leiden: E.J. Brill. Jacobs, J. (ed.) (1893) The Jews of Angevin England: Documents and Records from Latin and Hebrew Sources Printed and Manuscript for the First Time Collected and Translated. London: David Nutt. Johnson, P. (1987) The History of the Jews. New York: Harper & Row. Kahn, L. (ed.) (2018) Jewish Languages in Historical Perspective. Leiden: Brill. Kalogjera, D. (1985) Attitudes toward Serbo-Croatian language varieties. International Journal of the Sociology of Language 52, 93–109.

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Kaplan, M.L. (2019) Figuring Racism in Medieval Christianity. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Labov, W. (2008) Unendangered dialects, endangered people. In K.A. King, N. SchillingEstes, L. Fogle, J.L. Lia and B. Soukup (eds) Sustaining Linguistic Diversity: Endangered and Minority Languages and Language Varieties (Georgetown University Round Table on Languages and Linguistics) (pp. 219–238). Washington, DC: Georgetown University Press. Moreen, V.B. (2010) Judeo-Persian literature (medieval period). In N.A. Stillman (ed.) Encyclopedia of Jews in the Islamic World Vol. 3 (pp. 65–69). Leiden: Brill. Mufwene, S.S. (2001) The Ecology of Language Evolution. Cambridge & New York: Cambridge University Press. Nahir, M. (1988) Language planning and language acquisition: The ‘Great Leap’ in the Hebrew revival. In C.B. Paulston (ed.) International Handbook of Bilingualism and Bilingual Education (pp. 275–295). New York: Greenwood Press. Naveh, J. and Greenfield, J.C. (1984) Hebrew and Aramaic in the Persian period. In W.D. Davies and I. Finklestein (eds) The Cambridge History of Judaism Vol. 1 (pp. 115–129, 421–425). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Nirenberg, D. (2013) Anti-Judaism: The Western Tradition. New York: W.W. Norton & Company. Paper, H.H. (1978) Judeo-Persian. In H.H. Paper (ed.) Jewish Languages: Themes and Variations (pp. 102–114). Cambridge, MA: Association for Jewish Studies. Pollack, M. (2010) Judeo-Arabic literary sources. In N.A. Stillman (ed.) Encyclopedia of Jews in the Islamic World. Leiden: Brill. Pranjkovic, I. (2001) The Croatian standard language and the Serbian standard language. International Journal of the Sociology of Language 147, 31–50. Rabin, C. (1968) The translation process and the nature of the Septuagint. Textus 6, 1–26. Roudinesco, E. (2013) Revisiting the Jewish Question (trans. A. Brown). Cambridge & Malden, MA: Polity Press. Shinan, A. (1987) Sermons, Targums and reading from Scriptures in the ancient synagogue. In L.I. Levine (ed.) The Synagogue in Late Antiquity (pp. 97–102). Philadelphia, PA: Jewish Theological Seminary. Sokoloff, M. (ed.) (2002a) A Dictionary of Jewish Palestinian Aramaic of the Byzantine Period. Ramat Gan Israel: Bar-Ilan University Press. Sokoloff, M. (ed.) (2002b) A Dictionary of Jewish Babylonian Aramaic of the Talmudic and Geonic Periods. Ramat-Gan Israel and Baltimore, MD: Bar-Ilan University Press and John Hopkins University Press. Sperber, D. (2012) Greek in Talmudic Palestine. Ramat-Gan: Bar-Ilan University Press. Spolsky, B. (1983) Triglossia and literacy in Jewish Palestine of the first century. International Journal of the Sociology of Language 42, 95–110. Spolsky, B. (2014) The Languages of the Jews: A Sociolinguistic History. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Spolsky, B. and Holm, W. (1973) Literacy in the vernacular: The case of Navajo. In R.W.J. Ewton and J. Ornstein (eds) Studies in Language and Linguistics, 1972–3 (pp. 239– 251). El Paso: University of Texas at El Paso Press. Spolsky, B. and Shohamy, E. (1999) The Languages of Israel: Policy, Ideology and Practice. Clevedon: Multilingual Matters. Weinreich, M. (2008) History of the Yiddish Language (Revised 2-vol edn). New Haven: Yale University Press. Ye’or, B. (ed.) (1985) The Dhimmis: Jews and Christians under Islam. Rutherford, NJ: Fairleigh Dickinsohn University Press. Young, R.W. (1977) Written Navajo: A brief history. In J.A. Fishman (ed.) Advances in the Creation and Revision of Writing Systems (pp. 459–470). The Hague & Paris: Mouton. Zuckerman, G. (2006) Israelit Safa Yafa (Israeli a Beautiful Language – Hebrew as Myth). Tel Aviv: Am Oved.

10 The Role of the Islamic Movement in Maintaining Standard Arabic in Israel Muhammad Amara

Introduction

Historical Palestine has undergone many geopolitical transformations, each of which has left an imprint on the language and culture of its people (Amara, 2003). However, none have been more dramatic than developments which have taken place in the last century. Since the British Mandate period, Hebrew, English and Arabic have been regarded as official languages (see Amara, 2002; Amara & Mari, 2002; Saban & Amara, 2002). However, the establishment of the State of Israel and the dominance of Hebrew in everyday interactions have had a most profound impact on the status of Arabic within the region (Amara, 1999a). Since 1948 some 20% of the population of Israel has consisted of Palestinians indigenous to the region. As of the 1948 war/nakba1, and following the establishment of the State of Israel, Palestinians within the country’s borders have found themselves physically, socially and culturally isolated from the rest of the Arab world (Boymel, 2007), a reality which has had profound impacts on the development of a Palestinian national, religious and cultural identity. While Palestinians in Israel2 continue to identify emotionally, culturally and nationally with the Arab world and the Palestinian people, they have found themselves citizens of the State of Israel – a state which defines and perceives itself as Jewish and Zionist. Furthermore, as an indigenous minority, they hold conceptions of the history, land and essence of the region and the meaning of the State of Israel, and the Arab–Israeli ­conflict, which are very different from the conception of the Jewish majority of Israel as a Jewish and democratic state founded on principles of Zionism. The Arab–Israeli regional conflict has also profoundly influenced relations between Jews and Palestinians within Israel and molds the political 138

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identities of both groups. These contrasting and conflicting narratives are the basis for tensions, animosity, suspicion and distrust. The conflicts and contradictions Palestinians face on a daily basis have a tremendous impact on the process of identity formation. Maintaining one’s native cultural identity in the face of ongoing and intensive external pressure is extremely difficult. Significantly, use of Arabic is at the heart of identity maintenance; it not only produces and conveys culture, but, in fact, is an integral aspect of the essence of Arab culture. Although the Arabic language is vital to Palestinian Arabs in Israel, constitutes one of the most important indicators for their national identity, is transmitted from one generation to the next and is used in many contexts and spaces, it encounters numerous challenges, whether internal (diglossia and modernization) or external, particularly those posed by the Hebrew language and globalization (Amara, 2018). The relationship with Jews in Israel and the Hebrew language is complex, and the Palestinian Arabs, citizens of Israel, are in constant conflict with the Israeli establishment and the Jewish majority. On the one hand, as a result of their citizenship, they have many shared spaces with Israeli Jews and they use Hebrew in innumerable jobs and domains (e.g. in government offices, in employment and in higher education). On the other, there is a dispute between Arabs and Jews regarding essential matters such as the land, the character of the country and the Palestinian–Israeli conflict. This generates constant tension. In addition, English has become an important language in the Palestinian repertoire since it is the language of technology and the language of global communication. This is reflected in the linguistic landscape. Add to this the National Law which was enacted in July 2018, where Arabic was annulled as a second official language, and was relegated to a special status. However, the law did not explain what the special status of Arabic is. Therefore, I argue that the change in the status of Arabic in Israel will contribute to the weakening of Arabic in the public sphere. As Arabic weakens, so does the critical bond between Arab Palestinians and their heritage. Thus, Palestinian leaders and educators in Israel are increasingly discussing the need to maintain and increase competency in Arabic among the younger generation. However, the most active, and possibly the most effective, body in maintaining Standard Arabic is the Islamic Movement. Whereas other bodies, parliamentary and non-parliamentary, emphasize the importance of the Arabic language in discourse and its importance for the Palestinians in Israel, the Islamic Movement works to enhance it in various domains and for different functions. Young Muslim Palestinians affiliated with the Islamic Movement are more competent in Standard Arabic than other young Palestinians within the State of Israel.3 The questions we would like to address in this chapter are: What does the Islamic Movement do in order to maintain Standard Arabic? Why is it more successful than other bodies in maintaining Standard Arabic in Israel? Answering these

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questions properly requires an in-depth examination of the role of Islam in maintaining Standard Arabic. In the next section, a brief background is given on the development of fundamentalist Islamic movements in general, and in Israel in particular. The Islamic Movement in Israel – Background

Islamic fundamentalist movements began to gather steam in the mid1970s in the Greater Middle East (See Bruce & Inbar, 1996 for details). Their major aim is to solve social and political problems in the Muslim countries. They aspire to establish a ‘true Islamic state’ based on Islamic laws. The slogan ‘Islam is the solution’ and the associated religious values seem attractive to many Muslims in the Greater Middle East. The emergence of Islamist movements has been attributed to a number of factors: (1) socio-cultural and economic disequilibrium, associated with rapid urbanization and modernization, (2) opposition to state authority, (3) opposition to foreign occupation and (4) the degree and ‘weight of dependency in the world economic systems’ (see Piscatori, 1994). Usually, more than one factor is needed for the formation of an Islamic movement. While various movements share goals and principles, the unique context of every movement deserves in-depth attention. Marty and Appleby (1994) conclude that fundamentalist groups around the world are characterized by ambiguity in their discourse. This is also true of Islamic fundamentalist movements. ‘One certain conclusion is the relative degree of ambiguity in ideology and structure, coherence and organization that has characterized these various groups’ (Piscatori, 1994: 361). This conclusion is also true of the Islamic Movement in Israel (Amara 1996, 1999b). The Islamic fundamentalist movement in Israel in its present form was established in 1983 after the release of Sheik Abdalla Nimer Darwish, the movement’s spiritual leader, from an Israeli prison (where he was convicted for inciting violence against the State of Israel). The initial activities of Islamic activists followed the pattern of ‘Islamization from above’, being organized in small militant groups in order to topple the Israeli Jewish regime, destroy its Jewish dominance and turn Israel into a Muslim state. However, the early arrest of its members, in January and February 1981, created drastic changes in the activities of the movement. After his release from prison in 1983, Darwish declared that the movement’s members would act according to Israeli law, and avoid any public calls for the establishment of an Islamic state. Since 1983 the movement has promoted ‘Islamization from below’, concentrating on socio-cultural, religious and educational activities (for more details, see Amara, 1996). The study of the maintenance of Standard Arabic in relation to the Islamic Movement in Israel is revealing in many important ways. First,

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the movement operates in a Jewish state, in contrast to other well-known Islamic movements operating in Arab and Islamic countries. Second, Palestinians in Israel are a minority in the Jewish state, and discriminated against both in the civil and national domains. Third, the Israeli–Arab conflict: Israel, their country, is in a state of war with the majority of Arab countries. Besides, the Jewish state will not tolerate any violent act against it. Thus, the movement’s survival is dependent on its political behavior; violent acts or radical declarations against Israel will endanger its very existence. Consequently, it is intriguing to examine the movement’s survival in Israel with its slogan ‘Islam is the solution’, considering that Standard Arabic is a major component of Islamic identity. The Role of the Islamic Movement in Maintaining Arabic in Israel

Members of the Islamic Movement in Israel perceive Arabic (mainly Standard Arabic) as an integral part of the Arab-Islamic identity, and a guarantee for the existence of the Palestinians in Israel. Abu-Jaber (2009: 6), a senior researcher and a member of the Islamic Movement, says ‘the Arabic language in this country [Israel] is a symbol of our existence, the identity of our society, and a sign for our distinction. The extinction of Arabic means the dominance of Hebrew in our lives, and the loss of our identity and rights. If you [Palestinians in Israel] preserve Arabic, Arabic will preserve you.’ What Sheik Raed Salah (2009: 7), the head of the Islamic Movement in Israel, says about the role of Arabic is revealing: ‘If we want to preserve our identity, we have to preserve the Arabic language, and if we want to preserve Arabic, we have to love it.’ He adds: ‘When we allow our tongues to be invaded daily by the use of Hebrew terms that means our land, homes, sacred places, identity and thinking in Palestine are invaded, and all components of our lives as individuals and collectives are attacked’ (Salah, 2009: 8). The Islamic Movement emphasizes the religious Islamic component of the Palestinian identity in Israel, and sees establishing and enhancing such an identity as a central goal, without ignoring other components of this identity, as Palestinians citizens of Israel (Mustafa & Ghanem, 2005). The Islamic Movement in Israel is considered one of the most important Palestinian political organizations and among the most influential ideological streams in Palestinian political and cultural life within Israel (Ghanem & Mustafa, 2009). In spite of its importance – having developed in a Zionist-Jewish-Israeli context on the one hand, and its role in shaping the Palestinian political discourse on the other hand – it does not have a written political platform, either with respect to its general aims, or regarding its specific vision concerning the Arabic language. Consequently, we will examine the activities and practices of the members of the Islamic Movement in Standard Arabic in various contexts and locations.

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The results of the 1948 war/nakba, the establishment of Israel and the imposition of military rule4 on Palestinian settlements within the new state drastically weakened Islamic political activities. There were almost no organized activities by Islamists in Israel in the 1950s, the 1960s, or even the first half of the 1970s. However, the renewed contact following the war of June 19675, between the Palestinians in Israel and the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, which were occupied by Israel, encouraged hundreds of Palestinians from Israel to join religious institutions of higher education in these territories. The new circumstances contributed to the development and appearance of political Islam in Israel (Amara, 1996; Mayer, 1988). Hundreds of young male high-school graduates went to study at Islamic colleges and institutes in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. At the end of their studies they earned the title ‘sheik’, and were qualified to carry out activities in their villages and towns, giving speeches and sermons in the mosques, and at gatherings on Islamic occasions and feasts (Amara, 1996; Mayer, 1988). These activities paved the way for the organization of the Islamic Movement as a political and social body. The Islamic Movement contributed to enhancing the Arabic language without an explicit language policy. That is, its activities were not based on a strategy aimed at enhancing the Arabic language. However, the nature of the Islamic Movement, and its unique relationship with the Arabic language and the Islamic identity – as the language of the Quran – and, more specifically, the relationship of the Arabic language and religiosity, contributed to turning the Islamic Movement into an important body for the maintenance of the Arabic language. As indicated earlier, the leadership of the Islamic Movement graduated from colleges and institutions of Islamic studies. These institutions were by definition and content Arab in identity, and no foreign languages were used in them – including Hebrew. Furthermore, they considered knowledge of the Arabic language and its literature a necessary part of the education of students of Islamic law and preachers (Amara, 2010). Consequently, the members of the Islamic Movement are competent in Standard Arabic, although it must be pointed out that this competence is dominated by classical discourse in both structure and content, in an attempt to imitate the Prophet’s followers. The Islamic Movement’s members, mainly imams and preachers, use Standard Arabic extensively as their main language. Most of them in fact do not even know any foreign languages. Over the years, the membership of the Islamic Movement and those with the title of ‘sheik’ grew rapidly; its members were seen everywhere and their influence on Palestinian life became apparent in all domains of life. They succeeded in entering the local government, and part of the Islamic Movement even ran for the Knesset in 1996.6 The extensive use of Standard Arabic became observable in various locations and contexts. In what follows their various activities are described in relation to their use of Standard Arabic.

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Friday ceremonies

There are hundreds of mosques scattered in Palestinian villages and towns in Israel. The Friday ceremonies carried out by imams and preachers in Standard Arabic (some of them are even capable of using Classical Arabic, characterized by extensive use of archaic vocabulary from the early Islamic civilization) contribute to attenders of the ceremonies being exposed and accustomed to Standard Arabic. The preachers are young and highly competent in Standard Arabic. Tens of thousands are exposed to these ceremonies, since it is the custom for even those who are not religious, and do not pray on other days of the week, to go to Friday prayers. This is in addition to the many other activities taking place in mosques, such as lessons about Islamic laws or teaching the memorization of the Quran. These activities undoubtedly enhance Standard Arabic. Transition rituals

Religious leaders come into contact with people outside mosques on happy and sad occasions. In the last two decades, more and more people have held what is called an Islamic wedding. Talks are given by Islamic leaders at the beginning of the ceremony, and the musical band is Islamic, characterized by Islamic content. They are also present at mourning ceremonies,7 giving sermons about life and death in Standard Arabic. People are accustomed to seeing religious figures talking on such occasions. These are activities that are observed daily in Palestinian settlements. Political festivals

Every year the Islamic Movement organizes political and religious festivals, attended by tens of thousands. In these festivals, attendees listen to talks and speeches by the Movement’s leadership, using Standard Arabic. What is evident is that their speeches are free of Hebrew features, something uncommon among the Palestinian leadership within Israel. Other leaders from other Palestinian parties use Hebrew features in varying degrees in their talks and speeches. Newspaper and website

The Northern Movement has a newspaper entitled ‘The Voice of Right and Freedom’, which has played a major role in spreading the ideas of the Islamic Movement since its inception in 1983. It is a weekly newspaper, distributed in thousands of copies in Palestinian localities within Israel, the West Bank and Gaza. However, this newspaper has become less popular with the impact of digital texts and websites. The movement established a website in the mid-1990s. The Movement’s website (www.pls48.net) is designed for the whole family and, as claimed in the site itself, ‘respects the mind of the surfer,

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and his Islamic, national and patriotic beliefs’. Although political, social and economic themes appear on the website, Islamic themes and sermons are predominant. Whatever the subject matter (even food), it is connected to Islamic history and theology. The website is very rich and uses Standard Arabic, in order to enhance language knowledge on the one hand and promote Islamic affiliation on the other. It is visited by tens of thousands of surfers daily, including Palestinian citizens of Israel and people from around the Arab world. Educational centers

In 1988 the Islamic Movement established the Heraa’ Institute for teaching the Quran. The Institute has branches in most Palestinian localities in Israel. Thousands of learners go to the weekly program for learning the Quran by heart for all ages (www.heraa.net). Many learners successfully learn parts of the Quran, and a few even succeed in memorizing all of it. The Institute also emphasizes the importance of the Arabic language and its use in instruction among teachers and learners. In 1989 the Islamic Movement established a research institution. The center publishes research papers, books and brochures in the Arabic language. Its publications deal with issues related to Palestinian society and Israel in general, with a focus on political Islam in particular. All their publications are in Arabic. Over the years they have published hundreds of books and papers, contributing to the vitality of Arabic in Israel (http://www.center-cs.net).8 In 1989 the Islamic Movement established a college of Islamic law, the first of its kind in the Palestinian society in Israel. Standard Arabic is the only language of instruction in the college. Furthermore, most of the textbooks are based on the Islamic heritage, in which Classical Arabic is used. Hundreds have graduated from this college and work as teachers in high schools, as imams in mosques, and in Islamic civic society. What is evident is that they use Standard Arabic more than other Palestinian graduates from Israeli universities, and do not insert Hebrew into their speech, unlike most educated Arabs in Israel (see Amara, 2010; Mar’i, 2013). The above description has shown the extensive and rich use of Standard Arabic by the members of the Islamic Movement in various activities and domains. No other movement in Israel, parliamentary or non-­parliamentary, matches such extensive use of Standard Arabic in various domains and for different functions (see Amara, 2010). Conclusion

Palestinian leaders and educators in Israel are aware of the need to maintain and increase competency in Standard Arabic among the younger generation. However, whereas various bodies emphasize the importance

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of the Arabic language for the Palestinians in Israel in discourse (for more detail see Amara, 2018), the Islamic Movement works to enhance it in practice in various domains and for different functions. In spite of the various factors impacting the vitality of the Arabic language and its maintenance, and the efforts made by various political parties, parliamentary and non-parliamentary movements, bodies in civil society and the recently established language academies, the Islamic Movement is the most active and effective body for maintaining the Arabic language. This is due, I believe, to the close link between Standard Arabic and Islam. It is therefore not surprising that the Islamic Movement in Israel is the body that maintains the Arabic language: the spread of Arabic was connected to the spread of Islam worldwide (Ferguson, 1982), and the Quran, the word of God, is considered a miracle of the Muslims, in the sense that it is believed to be inimitable – in other words, that humans are incapable of coming up with something similar to Quranic verses (Suleiman, 2013). The influence of Islam in spreading Arabic extends also to secular parts of Arabic-speaking society. As Fishman (2006: 16) notes, ‘the situation in the Arabic speaking Islamic world is somewhat different, since the Classical language (Quranic) variety is still the basis of secular literacy, and even of careful speech, thus more greatly influencing and even controlling all but the most popular varieties of spoken and written communication’. Ferguson (1959, 1969), in his works, stressed the centrality of Islam in relation to Arabic diglossia. Islam is thus a major factor in the maintenance of Arabic even in sociolinguistic situations in which other languages, such as Hebrew among the Palestinians of Israel, enjoy a position of dominance and hegemony. Although the Islamic Movement in Israel pursues a pragmatic course, its discourse is characterized by ambiguity. This ambiguity would seem to be a strategy both for survival and to avoid being committed to particular momentary circumstances, leaving permanent solutions to some future time when conditions may become more propitious for the realization of Islamic ideals. In this regard, it is similar to other Islamic movements in the region. Consequently, it does not have any written document for its vision and strategies, including on the Arabic language. The above discussion has shown the significant contribution of the Islamic Movement to the maintenance of Standard Arabic among Palestinians in Israel. This is done in practice without any written vision or any stated strategies, in line with its general approach of ambiguity. This fits the nature of the Islamic Movement in Israel as a current that attempts to Islamize Palestinian society; Arabizing the language is part of this Islamization, Standard Arabic being the vehicle. Notes (1) The 1948 war, which the Palestinians call nakba (catastrophe), was the first Arab–­Israeli war. Following UN Resolution 181 partitioning Palestine between the Jews and the ­Arabs, violence increased and the British withdrew from Palestine in May 1948. The

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countries neighboring Palestine together with Iraq and Saudi Arabia sent their armies to help the Palestinians in their war against the Jews. The war resulted in the defeat of the Arab countries. The Jews thus succeeded in establishing their Jewish state, Israel, in many parts of Palestine, and many Palestinians became refugees. (2) There are various ways to refer to Palestinians who became citizens of Israel including: Israeli Arabs, Arab citizens of Israel, Israeli Palestinians, Palestinians in Israel and Palestinian citizens in Israel (Amara, 2016). I prefer the last two terms because they are widely used by Palestinians themselves and, increasingly, also by Israeli Jews. (3) In 2017, Palestinian Arabs in Israel constituted 1,440,000, 18% of Israel’s population (excluding East Jerusalem and the Druze in the Golan Heights, areas that are considered occupied territories under international law). They belong to three religious communities: Muslim (83%), Christian (9%) and Druze (8%) (Israel Central Bureau of Statistics, 2017). (4) The military rule (from 1949 until 1966) aimed at gaining control and surveillance over the Palestinian community remaining in the newly established State of Israel (Boymel, 2002; Lustick, 1980; Ozacki-Lazar, 2002). (5) In April 1967 tensions increased between Syria and Israel. In May Egypt sent her army into Sinai to alleviate the pressure against Syria in case war erupted with Israel. The situation rapidly deteriorated with the evacuation of UN peacekeeping forces between Egypt and Israel and the closure of the Gulf of Aqaba to Israeli shipping. On 5 June 1967, Israel launched an air strike against Egyptian, Syrian and Jordanian forces. Then, in a blitz, Israel occupied the West Bank including Jerusalem, the Gaza Strip, the entire Sinai Peninsula and the Syrian Golan Heights. (6) The decision to run in the 1996 Knesset elections was taken after a long debate, by a very small majority (47% against 45%). They did not decide to run as an independent list but in a unified Palestinian list. The participation in the Knesset elections led to a split in the movement. Since then, there are two movements: the Southern Movement which participated in the Knesset elections, and is considered moderate, and the Northern Movement, which rejects taking part in Knesset elections and is considered radical in Israeli politics. (7) In Islamic tradition, when someone dies, people who know the deceased express their condolences to his/her close relatives. The ceremonies last three days, and the condolences are given in what is called bayt al-aza (‘house of mourning’). (8) The various websites ceased to exist after the Israeli government outlawed the Northern Branch of the Islamic Movement and subsequently shut down 17 organizations and affiliated charities in a number of cities across Israel on 17 November 2015.

References Abu-Jabir, I. (2009) Introduction. In I. Abu-Jabir (ed.) The Arabic Language in Israel: Between Empowerment and Promotion (pp. 5–6). Umm-el-Fahm: The Center for Contemporary Studies. (In Arabic.) Amara, M. (1996) The nature of Islamic fundamentalism in Israel. Terrorism and Political Violence 8 (2), 155–170. Amara, M. (1999a) Politics and Sociolinguistic Reflexes: Palestinian Border Villages. Amsterdam & Philadelphia: John Benjamins. Amara, M. (1999b) Le discourse politique du fondamentaliste Islamique en Israël. Mèditerranèes 20, 129–141. Amara, M. (2002) The place of Arabic in Israel. International Journal of the Sociology of Language 158, 53–68. Amara, M. (2003) Recent foreign language education policies in Palestine. Language Problems and Language Planning 27 (3), 217–231. Amara, M. (2010) Arabic Language in Israel: Contexts and Challenges. Nazareth and Amman: Dar Al-Huda, Dirasat and Dar Al-Fiker. (In Arabic.)

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Amara, M. (2016) Language, identity and conflict: Examining collective identity through the labels of the Palestinians in Israel. Journal of Holy Land and Palestine Studies 15, 203–223. Amara, M. (2018) Arabic in Israel: Language, Identity and Conflict. London & New York: Routledge. Amara, M. and Mari, A. (2002) Language Education Policy: The Arab Minority in Israel. Dordrecht, Netherlands: Kluwer Academic Publishing. Boymel, Y. (2002) The military rule and the process of its abolishment – 1958–1968. Hamizrah Hahadash 43, 133–156. (In Hebrew.) Boymel, Y. (2007) White-Blue Shadow: The Israeli Establishment Policy and Activities among the Arab Citizens, the Shaping Years: 1958–1968. Haifa: Pardes. (In Hebrew.) Bruce, M.W. and Inbar, E. (1996) (eds) Religious Radicalism in the Greater Middle East. London: Frank Cass. Ferguson, C.A. (1959) Diglossia. Word 15, 325–340. Ferguson, C.A. (1969) Myths about Arabic. Languages and Linguistics Monograph Series (Georgetown University) 12, 75–83. Ferguson, C.A. (1982) Religious factors in language spread. In R.L. Cooper (ed.) Language Spread: Studies in Diffusion and Social Change (pp. 95–106). Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press. Fishman, J. (2006) A decalogue of basic theoretical perspectives for a sociology of language and religion. In T. Omoniyi and J.A. Fishman (eds) Explorations in the Sociology of Language and Religion (pp. 13–25). Amsterdam & Philadelphia: John Benjamins Publishing Company. Ghanem, A. and Mustafa, M. (2009) The Palestinians in Israel: The Policies of the Indigious Minority in the Ethnic State. Ram-Allaha: Madar. (In Arabic.) Israel Central Bureau of Statistics (2017) Israel in figures. See https://www.cbs.gov.il/he/ publications/DocLib/isr_in_n/isr_in_n17e.pdf (accessed May 2019). Lustick, I. (1980) Arabs in the Jewish State: Israel’s Control of a National Minority. Austin, TX: University of Texas Press. Mar’i, A. (2013) Walla Besder: A Linguistic Profile of the Israel-Arabs. Jerusalem: Keter. (In Hebrew.) Marty, M. and Appleby, S. (1994) (eds) Accounting for Fundamentalism: The Dynamic Character of Movements. Chicago: Chicago University Press. Mayer, T. (1988) The Awakening of Muslims in Israel. Giv’at Haviva: The Institute for Arabic Studies. (In Hebrew.) Mustafa, M. and Ghanem, A. (2005) The Political Organization of the Palestinians in Israel. Tamara: Ibn Khaldoun. (In Arabic.) Ozacki-Lazar, S. (2002) The military rule as a control mechanism on the Arabs in Israel: The first decade, 1948–1958. Hamizrah Hahadash 43, 103–131. (In Hebrew.) Piscatori, J. (1994) Accounting for Islamic fundamentalism. In M. Marty and S. Appleby (eds) Accounting for Fundamentalism: The Dynamic Character of Movements. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Saban, I. and Amara, M. (2002) The status of Arabic in Israel: Reflections on the power of law to produce social change. Israel Law Review 36 (2), 5–39. Salah, R. (2009) Our language. In I. Abu-Jabir (ed.) The Arabic Language in Israel: Between Empowerment and Promotion (pp. 7–10). Umm-el-Fahm: The Center for Contemporary Studies. (In Arabic.) Suleiman, Y. (2013) Arabic in the Fray: Language Ideology and Cultural Politics. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press.

11 Development of Hebrew/ English Biliteracy in a Jewish Day School: Issues of Language and Identity1 Miriam Eisenstein Ebsworth, Scott J. Goldberg and Tristin Wildstein

Every language, including Hebrew – perhaps especially Hebrew … – is both a cultural value and a communication tool (Schers, 1999: 20)

Introduction

Research continues to document the success of bilingual education for learners, not only academically (Krashen & McField, 2005) but also in their cognitive and social growth (Bialystok et al., 2012; Eisenstein Ebsworth, 2009; Toppleberg & Collins, 2010). The case study presented here focuses on developing bilingualism and biliteracy in Hebrew and English in the B’nai Moshe Jewish Day School (pseudonym) in the Northeastern United States, where Hebrew is viewed as an important heritage language for the worldwide Jewish community (Schers, 1999). One of the greatest challenges in supporting second-language acquisition for Jewish learners in the US is finding ways to facilitate the development of their Hebrew and English proficiency within a bilingual educational experience (Alexander, 1999). As Hornberger (2003) has suggested, the existence of alternative bilingual educational models and programs can make it difficult to tease apart which aspects of the experience are meaningful to particular learners and communities. By providing an in-depth look at a single school, we can specifically characterize the elements of the bilingual program offered and associate it with processes and outcomes. 148

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Biliteracy in Hebrew is associated with full participation in Jewish life (Avni, 2009). While historically the domains of Hebrew usage have often been limited to religious/community texts, the use of Hebrew also provides parallels to other languages that have alternative vernacular and literate varieties and employ distinctive writing systems (e.g. Chinese). Furthermore, like Hebrew, a number of heritage languages are tied both to group identity and religious practice (e.g. Arabic). Despite the historical use of Hebrew and the current proliferation of Jewish communities, to date limited attention has been directed at capturing best practices on supporting acquisition in the Hebrew ­second-language (L2) classroom (Gamoran, 2010). In this research, we consider the educational model used at B’nai Moshe, a bilingual school that promotes the meaningful use and literacy development of English and Hebrew varieties by learners. We explore the perspectives of teachers, administrators and students in terms of the curriculum and methodology employed. Background

The official language of Israel, the home of the Jewish people, Hebrew is central in its role tying Jews in the diaspora to the Israeli Jewish community. Its acquisition reinforces a sense of connection with the multifaceted aspects of Jewish identity (Harshav, 1993). In the US, it is not uncommon for Jewish parents to send their children to secular schools during the day and include supplemental religious and cultural experiences in which ­children learn some Hebrew after school. Unfortunately, such programs typically result in only limited ability to use Hebrew; in some cases, children are merely able to decode the written word without being able to understand its meaning (Feuer, 2006). In contrast, parents who wish their children to use Hebrew productively for both oral and written communication as well as the study of Jewish texts and performance of rituals tend to opt for Jewish day schools (JDSs), which teach secular subjects in English and both language and cultural content in Hebrew to support a more expansive range of Hebrew usage and acquisition (Aron, 2007). JDSs can introduce substantial amounts of Hebrew as early as kindergarten or pre-K. Children over time are taught a variety of Hebrew texts, from modern Israeli literature and stories to ancient writings that have an important place in Jewish culture and practice. These include: the Tanah2 (the Old Testament including the five books of Moses, the Prophets and the sacred writings), siddurim (prayer books), the Mishna (Jewish oral law) and the Gemara (rabbinic commentary of the Mishna). Hebrew is presented as an intrinsic part of Jewish life, tied not only to heritage language development, but also to participation in real and imagined community (Pavlenko & Norton, 2007), looking forward to a

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future time in which the learners can use both Hebrew and English with authority. In considering the landscape of American Jewish education, we focus on a Modern Orthodox JDS since this affiliation represents a substantial segment of the JDS population and belongs to the largest denomination of schools whose goal is bilingualism and biliteracy in English and Hebrew. B’nai Moshe is similar to what Schick (2014) defines as a ‘ModernOrthodox/Centrist-Orthodox Jewish Day School’. Nevertheless, we must acknowledge that the Orthodox JDS umbrella encompasses a diverse and complex intersection of communities of religious practice (Wertheimer, 2014). Many alternative frameworks have been suggested for characterizing particular bilingual programs. In their overview, Abello-Contesse (2013) suggest several contexts in which bilingual programs are organized by their stated goals. Hornberger (1991) offers a tripartite subdivision of model and program type: transitional, maintenance and enrichment. B’nai Moshe falls essentially under the enrichment model. A central goal is the development of English and Hebrew throughout the children’s schooling. Hebrew as a heritage language is focused broadly on its centrality as a language of wider communication among international Jewish communities and Israel. It also has a transglossic function in that it is used for purposes of prayer and ritual irrespective of other local vernaculars and languages (García, 2013). This reflects the goal in Jewish communities to maintain and continue to revitalize Hebrew as a language used both for Jewish ritual and contemporary communication. Also of relevance is Hornberger’s (2003) biliteracy continuum, which includes the acquisition, though not necessarily mastery, of the written version of languages and varieties. This framework is ideal for our study in that Hebrew literacy in the Jewish setting entails both traditional and modern forms of Hebrew using multiple scripts, and the recognition that it is not unknown for bilinguals’ literacy skills to be stronger than their oral communicative skills. Worth noting is that unlike some bilingual models in which learners are expected to transition into a setting where they are learning with native speakers of the L2, JDS Hebrew classes are shared by students most of whom have a common L1 (English) and are experiencing a sheltered approach to their Hebrew classes (Echeverria & Graves, 2003). In terms of ultimate outcomes, many studies have found that developmental/late-exit bilingual approaches yield the best results over time (Thomas & Collier, 2002). Research Questions

(1) How does the bilingual program at B’nai Moshe develop biliteracy through the addition of Hebrew varieties?

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(2) What do we learn from observation of classroom settings? (3) What are the experiences and perceptions expressed by selected seventh- and eighth-grade students, teachers and administrators? (4) What salient themes emerge from a synthesis of the data? Methodology

Since our work is exploratory, we chose an open-ended qualitative case study approach (Yin, 2015), situating our research in a single school (LeBlanc et al., 2015; Shugerman, 2013). Our goal is to understand the lived experiences of seventh- and eighth-grade students and teachers in a JDS as they develop biliteracy in Hebrew and English. Our methodology was informed by Constructivist Grounded Theory (Charmaz, 2006). This paradigm is appropriate since the literature focusing on this issue is limited; thus, we remained open to discovery and were not constrained by the a priori choice of variables in advance of engagement with the site and participants. In this chapter, we have elected to focus on Hebrew language and Judaic classes for grades seven and eight because this is a meaningful time for young Jewish boys and girls. In Orthodox Jewish practice, boys are bar mitzvah at age 13 and girls are bat mitzvah at age 12. Part of this coming-of-age experience requires Hebrew literacy and the ability to read, ­understand, and interpret Hebrew texts and prayers. Setting

A typical Modern Orthodox Jewish institution, B’nai Moshe educates boys and girls in separate classes within the same building. The majority of the students are native English speakers from Jewish homes. Before entering school, most have had some exposure to Hebrew used in rituals and prayer at home and in the synagogue. Class size ranged from 18 to 25 students. The atmosphere was welcoming, and students in the halls were lively and comfortable in their demeanor. There was an active environment, but students maintained a sense of decorum within the school. Posters and samples of student work in Hebrew and English were displayed around the school; bilingual signs were ubiquitous. Conversations in and out of class exhibited fluid bilingual boundaries and could be characterized as allowing for translanguaging (García & Kleyn, 2016) in that speakers drew upon multiple linguistic resources for self-expression. The model used in this JDS had the following characteristics: There were separate school structures for English and secular subjects versus Hebrew religious and cultural studies as well as Hebrew language arts. There was a head of school with separate principals for general (English) and Judaic (Hebrew) studies. There were also different teachers for

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Hebrew- and English-based classes. English coursework covered all secular content subjects such as English language arts, social studies and math. Hebrew classes included HLA (Hebrew language arts: Modern Hebrew as well as both Modern and Classical Hebrew literature) and additional classes for study of the Torah, Prophets, and religious/ethical writings associated with Jewish culture and values. In B’nai Moshe, there are two major modes of pronunciation in current use: Ashkenazi (associated with Orthodox Jewish communities that originated in Eastern Europe) and Sephardi (used by Jews whose ancestry goes back to Spain and the version adopted by the State of Israel for daily use). Forms of Hebrew from different historic times as represented in religious and classical literature were also studied, as were Modern Hebrew genres of speech and writing. There was some exposure to Aramaic through its inclusion in Jewish prayer and religious interpretive texts (Sabar, 2003). This was an Ivrit b’Ivrit setting, i.e. during classes in which religious texts originally in an older version of Hebrew were accessed, the sentences were read aloud and translated into Modern Hebrew rather than English (Berkovitch, 2013). The analysis and discussion presented below focuses primarily on the addition of Hebrew language and literacy encompassing Biblical Hebrew varieties used in the scriptures, Hebrew used for prayer and rituals, which is often a mixture of different varieties, and Modern Hebrew used for everyday life and contemporary literature and media in Israel. All of these Hebrew varieties currently have a potential social function in Jewish communities and are taught in Modern Orthodox Jewish schools along with English secular subjects and language skills. Author positionality

The three co-authors represent related, distinctive and complementary educational pathways and found the experience of researching and writing together advanced their individual and collective understanding of biliteracy and Jewish identity. Miriam Eisenstein Ebsworth, PhD directed the doctoral programs in Multilingual Multicultural Studies at New York University, Steinhardt. Dr Ebsworth holds a PhD in Linguistics, an MA in TESOL, and a BA in Early Childhood Education and French. An English-dominant native Yiddish speaker, she attended a JDS for the first 11 years of her education. She is a passionate proponent of bilingual education and biliteracy. She also speaks Spanish as one of her heritage languages and has studied French. She views the acquisition of Modern and Traditional varieties of Hebrew as important for Jewish identity and has done professional development for JDSs over a period of many years. Rabbi Scott J. Goldberg, PhD is a tenured professor at Yeshiva University’s Azrieli Graduate School of Jewish Education. He holds a PhD

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in Applied Psychology from New York University, an MSEd in Special Education from Bank Street College of Education in New York, and a BA in Jewish Studies from the University of Chicago. Dr Goldberg’s research has focused on the intersection of academics, behavior, social-emotional development, and religious development. His early work showed that children who struggle to read Hebrew (L2) feel socially excluded and exhibit externalizing behavior problems. To help stave off this phenomenon, he authored and continues to develop MaDYK – Mivchan Dinami Shel Y’cholot Kriah, the only dynamic measurement used by schools to assess and monitor early Hebrew (L2) literacy development. Dr Goldberg is a proud parent of four Jewish day school students/alumni. Tristin Wildstein, PhD directs the New York City Teaching Fellows Program for those pursuing master’s degrees in Bilingual Education, TESOL, Spanish Education, and Educating Students with Disabilities at the City College of New York. Dr Wildstein earned her PhD from New York University in the Multilingual Multicultural Studies Program. Her doctoral dissertation researched missions, methods and assessment practices in place in K-8 JDSs. Dr Wildstein holds an MA in Near Eastern and Judaic Studies from Brandeis University, where she also earned undergraduate degrees in English, Hebrew, and Near Eastern and Judaic Studies. Dr Wildstein is the product of JDS education, Jewish youth groups and Jewish sleepaway camp. Classroom observations

Six full classes were observed in total. Each class was attended by one of the researchers, as outside observer (Merriam, 2002), who sat in the back and took notes. They were presented as visitors, interested in the students’ learning. No specific template was chosen in advance in order to allow understandings to evolve from the data (Wildstein, 2016). One complete class session was observed for each course (approximately one hour per class). Observation data consisted of field notes and analytic memos (Birks et al., 2008) and was analyzed recursively to identify themes. Insights were triangulated with an outside expert on Hebrew schooling, a professor who has attended and taught in similar schools and has been involved in professional development of Hebrew school teachers and administrators. Interviews

Semi-structured interviews (Seidman, 2014) with volunteer students, teachers and administrators took place at the school. We began with several guiding questions that evolved from our observations, the literature and our personal experiences. Each interview was conducted by one of the researchers. Interviews included: 6 teachers, 12 students, the

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headmaster of the school, the Hebrew principal, and the English principal. Each participant was interviewed once for 20–30 minutes, in a private space on the school site. In addition, several brief, informal interviews took place extemporaneously, in a variety of settings within the school. These lasted approximately 5 minutes each. Topics included student and teacher perceptions of teacher- and ­learner-generated strategies that support L2 reading development as well as questions concerned with how bilingualism and biliteracy in Hebrew and English related to Jewish identity. We elicited student and teacher opinions of advantages and disadvantages of the diverse teaching and learning approaches we had observed. Participants were encouraged to express their thoughts and explore areas of their own choosing. Interviewers used probes, verbal and silent, and requests for clarification and examples (Roulston, 2008). Interviewers took care to project an ­interested and open-minded stance regarding the ideas expressed. Interview data were transcribed by the third author following the recommendations of Tagliamonte (2009). Segments of the interview tapes were taken at random and transcribed by the first author in order to confirm the accuracy of the transcription. The few differences that were identified were reviewed and discussed until consensus was reached, referring to the original tapes. The interview data were then analyzed by two of the researchers in a manner parallel to the observation data, using a recursive process involving initial coding, identification of themes and continued analysis (Saldaña, 2016). Data interpretation was reviewed by the other researcher and a consensus approach was used to arrive at the final themes that involved the researchers and the outside expert. The next step was to compare the data generated by the two sources (Cohen et al., 2011) and discover common themes, including those that were additive, and cases where contrasts were found. Using this kind of methodological triangulation strengthens accuracy of interpretation (Creswell, 2015) and allows for a richer and more nuanced view of the phenomena under study. Limitations

Since this is an intact study within a single institution, findings cannot be generalized to other settings or views ascribed to classes or individuals who were not observed or interviewed. Results

Interviewees each engaged actively in the discussion and revealed a substantial awareness and understanding with respect to the development of biliteracy. (All quotations are from students unless otherwise noted.) Analysis and triangulation of the raw data from observations and

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interviews revealed seven themes related to the teaching and learning of Hebrew and English: attitudes/goals regarding language learning; teacher and school strategies to encourage learners and make text meaningful; use of a push-in model; Hebrew genres and texts; non-native Hebrew teachers; parental involvement; and Hebrew, Zionism and Jewish identity. Theme 1: Attitudes/goals towards language learning

Students at B’nai Moshe exhibited a range of motivations regarding language learning. There is substantial overlap in that the goals for Hebrew and English tend to be both integrative and instrumental for these students (Dörnyei & Ushioda, 2009). All students who commented highlighted the importance of acquiring a broad range of abilities in the use of both colloquial and academic English. For example, one student pointed out, ‘For English, in life, it’s important to be street smart, to be able to deal with other people, in addition to being able to work at a desk or whatever I do’, while another stressed its utility for academic purposes: ‘In English? I want to get into a good high school. So, by building a good structure here in elementary school …’ Another added, ‘I want to be a better English speaker, to have a better vocabulary, to be a better writer, to have better grammar, spelling.’ Further, the enjoyment of using language well was mentioned: ‘English, actually, I enjoy writing. Not to do it professionally, unless you become a really good writer.’ Goals for Hebrew acquisition depended on the background, family and personal plans of the learners. Some expressed the importance of using Hebrew to communicate with Israelis, as did a teacher, who noted that ‘those with Israeli relatives, or those who plan Aliyah [moving to Israel], have concrete reasons for learning Hebrew’. A student echoed this: ‘Yes, because I have relatives who are Israeli. So, sometimes it gets a little difficult when we’re trying to communicate with each other.’ While some participants stressed oral communication in Hebrew, others privileged listening and reading comprehension. One student responded that her primary Hebrew goal was ‘to be able to hear someone speak in Hebrew, and … to be able to understand every single word’. Finally, some students identified the usefulness of Hebrew for accessing Jewish texts: ‘I want to learn Hebrew to know the Humash and Gemara better.’ Theme 2: Teacher and school strategies to encourage learners and make text meaningful

Teachers interviewed demonstrated a sophisticated understanding of the challenges students had in reading and used practical approaches to address them. Strategies for teaching Hebrew reading were multi-faceted and included previewing text (Grabe, 2017), connecting new material to

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learners’ funds of knowledge (Gonzalez et al., 2005), strategic pairing (Guilloteaux & Dörnyei, 2008), games/competitions (Al-Bulushi & Al-Issa, 2017), translanguaging (García & Li, 2013), L1 support (Auerbach, 1993) and deploying a push-in model (Truscott & Watts-Taffe, 2014). Previewing text was a helpful strategy, as it allowed students to gain some understanding of the context and unfamiliar vocabulary they would soon encounter. As one teacher stated, ‘If we’re going to learn something they’ve never learned before … Before we get to the text, I try to give them some kind of summary of what’s going on. Once they have that knowledge, just even in a few minutes, they can go to the text.’ Another teacher found that making connections between Biblical text and background knowledge was a useful tool in giving students an access point to content: In Humash class … like now we’re doing Balak [a specific chapter]. So that’s very story oriented. Balak – they can really read almost the whole perek [chapter] themselves, and they understand the story and they love it … We spent the whole day yesterday comparing Balak to Shrek – an interesting discussion, you know. They have the talking donkey, the big guy with the sword. So that’s much easier for them.

Strategically placing students into heterogeneous pairs of varying skill level was also helpful in allowing peers to learn from one another. One teacher commented: ‘I usually try to pair up a strong kid with a weak kid so they help each other.’ Indeed, teachers regularly called on more advanced students to act as resources to make meaning. Games and competitions were used as a source of extrinsic motivation for learners. Participation in ‘Torah Bowl’ created enthusiasm among faculty and students. Roughly based on the ‘College Bowl’ model, teams answer questions to display their knowledge. A student shared his excitement: They started this year ‘Torah Bowl’, a competition based on the Torah. This is the junior division for elementary school. The high school division has been going on for a while now. This year on the boys’ team, we won the championship – first ever junior ‘Torah Bowl’ championship! And I think by learning Hebrew also along with English, this was able to help out. Because if I just had learned the English, I definitely wouldn’t have been able to do this.

Finally, teachers at B’nai Moshe cited the balancing act between L1 and L2 that takes place in language classrooms. One teacher, for instance, preferred to allow students the opportunity to provide one another with L1 support when necessary: ‘I try very hard to be dramatic. Not to say

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everything again in English. But sometimes what I’ll do, I’ll say it in Hebrew and ask one of the other kids to say it in English. So everybody understands what I’m saying.’ Students also cited translanguaging strategies that allowed them to fully participate in language classes: On a test, I’d probably [answer] in Hebrew, but if it was – I had a final to take in Humash and I wanted to make sure it was clear for the teacher, so I did it in English. Not all the time they make us answer in Hebrew, usually in lashon [Hebrew language arts] we answer in Hebrew all the time. Gemara we usually do mostly in English for better understanding.

Here, the student distinguishes classes focused on Hebrew as a language from those that focus on the meaning of Judaic subjects. In the former, students cited making greater attempts at using Hebrew, while in the latter, English use would often be forgiven, as the central objectives of these classes were content comprehension. Theme 3: Use of a push-in model

Research has shown that a common struggle within the JDS community involves supporting learners who enter in higher grade levels, with limited exposure to the Hebrew language (Wildstein, 2016) or who are acquiring Hebrew more slowly than others (Tuval, 2004). Using a push-in strategy, however, was perceived somewhat differently by teachers than by students, with teachers generally expressing more satisfaction with the process. Unfortunately, from the learners’ perspective, frustration with this approach was consistent, with students feeling uncomfortable about being singled out in front of their peers. A teacher’s comments were representative: There is a group of kids in every class that doesn’t speak Hebrew. So what we find works best is an inclusion program. Because, in seventh grade, to pull kids out is socially, there’s a stigma [sic]. She [the aid] comes in, and she works with those kids who don’t speak Hebrew. So when she’s there, we can focus on the Hebrew. When she’s not there, it becomes a little more difficult – speaking Hebrew. You speak Hebrew to 24 kids and 6 of them don’t understand a word. It’s a big problem. I think every school has that problem.

Another teacher also appreciated the ability to rely on an aid in class: ‘There’s a problem of “segregating” kids in class … But because this was material that they’ve never seen before, and I knew that [the aid] was going to be there, I kind of took advantage.’ Not all teachers were equally enthusiastic about the push-in model, noting its impact on student affect: ‘The kids complain, “All the dumb

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kids are in one row. We feel so stupid.”’ Students from B’nai Moshe agreed that this approach was not ideal for late program arrivals: ‘My experience in the class was very, very difficult. I felt behind.’ Another commented: ‘While in the class I had no way to slow things down or find out exactly what was going on.’ Theme 4: Reading and using Hebrew genres and texts

Students in B’nai Moshe navigate both English and Hebrew writing systems. The graphemes representing sounds in English can have a range of sound/symbol relationships, which is particularly noteworthy for vowels. (While rule-governed in the main, the complexity of sound/symbol correspondence is perceived as challenging for English readers.) In contrast, Hebrew can be written with and without vowels. It is written from right to left and is alphabetic. Each letter usually stands for a consonant or consonant blend. Torah scrolls, newspapers, novels and texts of all kinds typically do not have vowels written in; there are letters such as ‘aleph’ and ‘ayin’, which stand for vowel sounds. Vowels must be inferred from recognition and context where there is ambiguity. In response, a system of vowels using dots and dashes (called nikudot) has been developed for learners and non-native speakers. Examples of both kinds of writing could be found in the B’nai Moshe school, but most in-class reading observed by the researchers involved texts with vowels included. Thus, participants commented that Hebrew with nikudot is perceived as easier to read than English, but Hebrew without nikudot is relatively more difficult (Share & Levin, 1999). The following exchange between a student (S) and the researcher (R) illustrates this: R: Can you remember back to when you were first in school learning how to read English and learning how to read Hebrew? Tell me a little bit about your experiences. S: I found both had the same challenges, but I caught on to Hebrew first and then English. It was easier to say the sounds. R: Were you taught them both at the same time? The same year? S: Yeah … We had Hebrew in the morning and English in the afternoon.

And yet, despite having studied Hebrew reading since kindergarten, and consistently reporting greater initial ease in learning to read Hebrew, L1 English-speaking students interviewed did not seek out Hebrew texts for pleasure reading. R: Do you enjoy reading? S1: Yes. R: What’s your favorite thing to read? S1: Usually, I read – sort of – fantasy and real-life books.

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R: Have you ever read any Hebrew books? S1: I’ve never read a full book, just portions. In class, we read chapters and parts. R: Do you enjoy reading Hebrew books? S1: Yes. Very different topics from books in English. R: So, for pleasure, you choose to read English? S1: Yes.

Another learner commented: ‘I don’t think I’ll ever decide to read Hebrew … because I like to have a full understanding … so I’d rather read English where I can have a full understanding … maybe when I have a better understanding of Hebrew, maybe I’ll read Hebrew books.’ There is a rich array of choices of texts for Hebrew language input. Learners were consistently made aware of the diversity within the world of Hebrew. The interplay of the many varieties of Hebrew explicitly illustrated to students the nuanced complexity of this heritage language. As students discussed their experiences, they shared their understandings of these matters: ‘Well, in most classes like Humash, Navi, Gemara and lashon class, we definitely do a lot of reading. When we read in Humash, it’s more of an older Hebrew. When we read in lashon, it’s more of a newer Hebrew, Modern Hebrew.’ (Note: Humash refers to the five books of the Jewish Bible, Navi refers to the prophets, and Gemara, as noted above, refers to rabbinical commentary associated with the Talmud expounding thoughts on Jewish law and practice.) Another student voiced the challenges inherent in negotiating these varieties: ‘Hebrew, over the years, is getting better and better. As I’ve been growing up we’ve been doing Hebrew, the Torah and things like that. We haven’t really done the Modern Hebrew as much, so it’s harder to do Modern Hebrew.’ Theme 5: Non-native Hebrew teachers

An issue often discussed in L2 pedagogy involves employing native or non-native language teachers and the relative merits of each (Aneja, 2016). While native-speaking L2 teachers can offer students authentic target language models, they may lack a nuanced understanding of the language rules that are deeply internalized within a native speaker (Ellis, 2017). Alternately, non-native L2 teachers can offer students a role model of a successful L2 learner and can serve as empathetic guides who understand where and why common L2 errors may occur (Llurda, 2006). B’nai Moshe administrators expressed differing perspectives on the ideal teacher. The Hebrew principal, for instance, found teachers’ limited Hebrew proficiency challenging: I find it very frustrating that teachers have been hired to teach our Hebrew classes when their actual Hebrew knowledge has real limits. I’d much

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rather have native Israeli teachers so that the students would have better models and would also get used to how the language actually sounds. That way they would have practice to prepare them for listening and speaking in real conversations with Israelis.

The head of school disagreed: ‘Personally, I think some of the non-­ native Hebrew teachers are very effective from a teaching perspective. Even though they’re not native, they know the language well and have good teaching skills. That’s often more important.’ Theme 6: Parental involvement

In a study of parents’ perspectives about Hebrew, Rabinovich (2016) found that students’ attitudes about learning Hebrew were associated with those of their parents and were reflected in their achievement. While acknowledging that parental involvement increases student motivation and initiative, since parents vary in their bilingualism and biliteracy in Hebrew and English, views differ on the ideal roles they may play (Pomson & Wertheimer, 2017). Parents’ expectations differ vis-à-vis language and the nature of their religious commitment. Yet, teachers and administrators found parents were mostly constructive regarding the school’s efforts in teaching Hebrew. For instance, as one teacher noted: ‘We don’t usually have problems getting parents involved. In general, they’re very supportive and will help if kids need encouragement to do homework. If we have a problem, parents are usually very helpful.’ Yet, another teacher said that parents often have linguistic limitations that may influence how helpful they can be in the home: ‘Not all parents can help with both languages … With kids who come in later not speaking Hebrew … you don’t have reinforcement at home. So it’s a problem that we deal with.’ Students also reiterated the positive impact of parental involvement. As one student noted, ‘My mom always asks what Hebrew homework I have and if I have a question, I can often get help.’ Another agreed: ‘My father’s Israeli, so he taught me a lot of Hebrew … My father [recommends Hebrew books for me to read outside of class.] … Mostly, when I learned [Hebrew], my father taught me how to talk, basically, and to enjoy speaking Hebrew as much as English.’ Theme 7: Hebrew, Zionism and Jewish identity

Throughout most JDS settings, the link between Hebrew, Zionism and Jewish identity is implicit, with Hebrew used to reinforce Jewish practice and values (Avni, 2009). At B’nai Moshe, students referred to their Jewish identities both directly and indirectly throughout interviews. Some students planned to live in Israel and/or wished to be able to communicate with Israelis. Because connection to Israel was a value stressed at B’nai

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Moshe, the idea that Hebrew would serve to strengthen students’ relationship with Israel and Israelis was pervasive. As one student pointed out: ‘I think for learning, for Jewish studies, I need Hebrew … if I go to Israel. If I move there, it would be helpful. It’s like the same thing as English, only if I were to work in a Hebrew field – like a Rabbi – or even be able to study things better.’ Another student added, ‘I want to be fluent in both of them [English and Hebrew]. I want to be able to go to Israel and talk to the people there in Hebrew and understand what they’re saying back to me.’ Finally, a knowledge of Jewish culture and practice is expected of children in a Jewish Orthodox community and is often appreciated (Pomson et al., 2014). While teachers shared expectations: ‘Yeah, cultural literacy. That is expected’, students expressed gratitude that their Jewish education had imparted the Jewish value of Hebrew learning and participation in the global Jewish community: ‘I am lucky to be Jewish because we all know different languages and … we are connected to Jews all around the world.’ Discussion Psycho-social and linguistic issues

Motivation at B’nai Moshe was consistently high among all stakeholders. When students spoke about their goals for each language they tended to vary as individuals in terms of a focus on conversation versus literacy. Their expressed need to be able to converse fluently in Modern Hebrew depended on whether they projected themselves as future participants in a Hebrew-speaking community. Alternately, their focus on textual fluency was more driven by the need to read and interpret sacred texts. Both interests speak to the constructs of imagined community and identity mentioned earlier (Pavlenko & Norton, 2007). The students’ projection of themselves using Hebrew in the future is consistent with both integrative and instrumental motivation (Dörnyei & Ushioda, 2009). In contrast, oral and reading skills in English were mostly taken for granted by these students who were native English speakers, though some commented that they wished to appear ‘smart’ in oral interchanges, accomplished in their writing and capable of moving forward into more advanced education as they graduated from middle school. A major question that arose in our study involved different learner experiences in decoding and understanding English and Hebrew texts. Before comprehension could take place, decoding was necessary. This raised the question of the relative ‘orthographic depth’ inherent in English and Hebrew writing (Birch, 2011). A mediating variable involved whether the Hebrew text encountered by the learner included or lacked vowels (with or without nikudot). English vowels follow systematic but complicated rules for the sounds they represent most of the time, but there is

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a perceived lack of consistency in phoneme/grapheme correspondence (Ehri, 1998). This explains why learners report that English is harder than Hebrew written with vowels, but less difficult than Hebrew written without vowels. As a result, while it can be challenging for readers to determine what a written word might sound like if they have not encountered it previously, the presence of vowels in English, representing some systematicity, provides clues lacking in adult Hebrew scripts, which have no vowels at all. This finding is consistent with Goodman’s (2007) report of reading proficiency in which English is read with greater ease and fluency than Hebrew among learners. The consistent use of Hebrew words in the English spoken at the school was similarly provocative. At times it was difficult to know whether Hebrew words represented code-switches or borrowings encoded into the English typically used for communication inside and outside of class. For example, while referral to the Sabbath as either ‘Shabbos’ (from Ashkenazi-accented Hebrew) or ‘Shabbat’ (from Sephardi-accented Hebrew) were likely examples of borrowing, recess time, referred to as hafsaka, was more likely a switch. The variety of English typically used among this population, referred to as ‘Yeshivish’, has many such switches and borrowed words (Benor, 2012; Weiser, 1995). Another area of discussion in the field explores the focus on meaning in L2 learning and use. Our data showed that teachers consistently employ many strategies to make all varieties of texts intelligible to learners. A salient finding was teachers’ awareness that accessing and providing prior knowledge was paramount to students making meaning. Indeed, Fisher and Frey (2009) have highlighted that background knowledge is the most critical factor in predicting reading comprehension. The value of first-language support in L2 acquisition is also controversial. García’s (2013) recent work on translanguaging identified the benefit derived from giving the students the opportunity to make use of all their language resources in meaning making. The insistence on limiting classroom participation to only one language has been found to be detrimental to some students’ progress. At B’nai Moshe, teachers took a practical view that when comprehension of oral and textual content was a priority, translanguaging was widely acceptable. In contrast, in Hebrew language classes, some teachers felt that English usage should be discouraged. Developing a community of learning was also a goal of the teachers, who relied on students helping each other through group and pair work. Similarly, teachers recognized the value of activities making learning fun through games and competitions that further motivated student learning and connected them to other learners within and beyond the school. Also explored was the challenge of integrating students who had arrived later in higher grade levels with little previous Hebrew exposure. B’nai Moshe’s approach was to provide push-in support (Hudspath-Niemi & Conroy, 2013) with an aid sitting with one or more students during class to

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help with Hebrew interpretation and acquisition. Unfortunately, students expressed dissatisfaction with this approach, citing discomfort at being singled out from their peers. Whiting (2015) reported similar findings with ESL learners, whose push-in teachers reported that learners were ashamed to receive this special help in a class with others; they felt singled out and also had difficulty following what the rest of the class was doing. However, when such students are given targeted instruction in a pull-out setting, the environment is much more conducive to learning in a quiet, safe space. The needs of learners who are not late arrivals but nevertheless experience challenges because their Hebrew proficiency has developed more slowly than that of their peers must also be addressed. Indeed, critics have pointed to a failing on the part of the JDS system on the whole to ­adequately meet the needs of special needs learners and learners with ­disabilities (Schiller, 2013). Teacher background

One concern expressed by the Hebrew principal involved balancing the choice of teachers between native and non-native Hebrew speakers. She was adamant that teachers of all Hebrew subjects should be native speakers who could provide an authentic model to students and offer explicit feedback in response to accuracy and appropriateness in the target language. Wildstein (2016) found that the variability in teachers’ command of Hebrew had an impact on their ability to deliver content and offer feedback on Hebrew language questions. As a result, less proficient teachers did at times err when interacting with students, meaning the concerns of the Hebrew principal at B’nai Moshe were not wholly unfounded. The Head of School expressed the alternate view that the teaching experience and in particular the background many non-natives had regarding L2 pedagogy was a higher priority than having native speech and intuitions. This difference of opinion is mirrored in the field of ESL (Llurda, 2006). Aneja (2016) is among those who argue in favor of including non-native language teachers, citing many of the points brought forth by the B’nai Moshe Head of School. A refinement of this debate was offered by a teacher who proposed that while in lashon classes a native model might be more important, in classes in which understanding of content was more crucial, non-native teachers could be equally effective. Further, if the goals of the classes in which sacred texts are studied are more heavily focused on the comprehension of content, perhaps B’nai Moshe (and other JDSs) could consider the extent to which Hebrew language proficiency is truly required – for perhaps in this setting, English could be used as a language of instruction to make the content comprehensible to learners. Richards (2015) also pointed out, however, that in this digital age of easy access to educational technology, teachers are in a position today to be able to maximize these resources in

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offering students myriad opportunities for native models and authentic experiences through new avenues of language input and support. Parents

The importance of parental engagement was a view strongly held by all participants in the B’nai Moshe community. Nevertheless, variables identified that could constrain the nature of parental involvement were: the degree to which Hebrew was a language the parents knew and whether the Jewish rituals promoted in school were performed in the home. Parents’ ability to assist with their children’s Hebrew studies impacted both student achievement and motivation. Those with Hebrew-proficient parents benefitted from increased Hebrew exposure in the home and received homework assistance and reinforcement of Hebrew’s practical application in the real world. Parents unable to assist their children with their Hebrew studies could not provide the same kind of in-home support that has been shown to contribute to learner L2 achievement (Niehaus & Adelson, 2014). The extent to which Jewish rituals that students encountered while at B’nai Moshe were reinforced by parents in the home was also a concern. Teachers and administrators at B’nai Moshe related that students whose parents shared similar religious practice to the school’s were exposed to more religious consistency and greater amounts of the varieties/content of Hebrew, conferring an advantage. Pomson and Wertheimer (2017) reported similar findings, and added that parents whose affiliations and practices did not align with their children’s schools failed to stress to their children the importance of learning Hebrew for religious practice, as they did not themselves value this application of the language. Language and identity

As noted, Hebrew has served to connect Jewish people around the world and is deeply and intrinsically associated with Jewish identity and Zionist ideals. It is clear that the choice of parents to send their children to a JDS, with all the sacrifice of resources that entails, usually assumes that a Jewish identity is valued and the development of Hebrew matters in its evolution among youngsters. In fact, it has been noted that ‘those who do not gain reading proficiency in Hebrew may feel marginalized as a result of a lack of ability to participate fully in literacy-based community activities’ (Goldberg, 2004: 38). Further, Hebrew learning is so deeply woven into the fabric of a JDS education that teachers and administrators often have a difficult time articulating a precise rationale for how and why Hebrew is required (Pomson & Wertheimer, 2017). This lack of clarity can have dire consequences, as confusion about the exact nature of the school’s goals for Hebrew language development undoubtedly impacts

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outcomes, as teachers struggle to plan cohesive curricula that build meaningfully from year to year. Despite substantial proficiency, many children in B’nai Moshe are not fully fluent or literate in Hebrew. This outcome may not be problematic for children who spend their lives in American Jewish communities in which decoding Hebrew is primary, understanding Hebrew text without access to translation is secondary, and fluency in Modern Hebrew is tertiary. It is often noted that a relatively elementary level of Hebrew proficiency is not necessarily outside the range of normal for the Jewish experience, historically speaking. As Schiff (1996) points out: Many, or even most of the Jews in the various periods of Jewish history may not have been bi-lingual (at home in the language of their adopted lands and in Hebrew); they were, by and large, bi-literal having a reading or cultural knowledge of Hebrew as well as the language of their lands of residence. (1996: 17)

It is therefore important that a JDS consider and define what biliteracy means for its students, and clarify its reasoning for those purposeful choices. Conclusion

If schools like B’nai Moshe are serious about developing communicative competence in Modern Hebrew among students, much more extensive experience with reading, writing and spoken discourse is needed throughout the learners’ education. An Ivrit b’Ivrit approach fosters awareness of Hebrew varieties and is helpful in providing comprehensible input to learners, but it is not sufficient. Developing English-based competence is less problematic in an English-speaking country like the US and given the power of English as a global language of wider communication. The question of L2 teacher nativeness is an ongoing debate, but the affordances of technology have influenced the possibilities. Through audiotapes, video and the internet not only are native models available, but also natives with whom to converse and receive feedback are easily accessible. This should make the knowledge of a language teacher regarding state-of-the-art pedagogy more important and the nativeness of the teacher less crucial. Finally, in considering parental involvement, schools can play a more active role. They could offer classes on literacy approaches for parents who do not speak the target language well or even at all, providing strategies for parents to develop the second-language literacy of their children. In a similar fashion, parental workshops could explore Jewish ritual as it is presented at school and develop strategies for helping learners to reconcile possible home/school differences in this regard. This possibility was

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not mentioned in our data, but we believe it is an option that should be considered seriously. The overall success of B’nai Moshe in developing Hebrew/English bilingualism and biliteracy should be noted. While the two languages, multiple language varieties and language-based skills were not equally strong in all students, we view B’nai Moshe as offering an essentially successful model, but one with room for improvement and development. Notes (1) Our sincere appreciation extends to Ms Chencen Cai, PhD student in Multilingual ­Multicultural Studies at NYU, for her substantial contribution to the final version of this study. (2) This chapter utilizes the Princeton University Hebrew Transliteration Table.

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Krashen, S. and McField, G. (2005) What works? Reviewing the latest evidence on bilingual education. Language Learner 1 (2), 7–10, 34. LeBlanc, M., Léger, M.T., Lang, M. and Lirette-Pitre, N. (2015) When a school rethinks the learning environment: A single case study of a new school designed around experiential learning. Procedia-Social and Behavioral Sciences 174, 3577–3586. Llurda, E. (ed.) (2006) Non-native Language Teachers: Perceptions, Challenges, and Contributions to the Profession. New York: Springer. Merriam, S.B. (2002) Qualitative Research in Practice: Examples for Discussion and Analysis. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. Niehaus, K. and Adelson, J.L. (2014) School support, parental involvement, and academic and social-emotional outcomes for English language learners. American Educational Research Journal 51 (4), 810–844. Pavlenko, A. and Norton, B. (2007) Imagined communities, identity, and English language learning. In J. Cummins and C. Davison (eds) International Handbook of English Language Teaching (pp. 669–680). New York: Springer. Pomson, A., Wertheimer, J. and Hacohen-Wolf, H. (2014) Hearts and minds: Israel in North American Jewish day schools, online research repost. See http://www.theicenter.org/ sites/default/files/knowledge_base/Hearts-and-Minds-Israel-Education.pdf (accessed August 2017). Pomson, A. and Wertheimer, J. (2017) Hebrew for what? Hebrew at the heart of Jewish day schools, The AVI CHAI Foundation, online research report. See http://avichai. org/knowledge_base/hebrew-for-what-hebrew-at-the-heart-of-jewish-day-schools/ (accessed July 2017). Rabinovich, D. (2016) Attitudes matter: Parental influence on learning Hebrew. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, Yeshiva University. Richards, J. (2015) The changing face of language learning: Learning beyond the classroom. RELC Journal 46 (1), 5–22. Roulston, K. (2008) Conversational interviewing. In L.M. Given (ed.) The SAGE Encyclopedia of Qualitative Research Methods (pp. 128–129). Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Publications Ltd. doi: 10.4135/9781412963909.n70. Sabar, Y. (2003) Jewish Aramaic – The language of the Talmud, Jesus, and today’s Jewish Kurds, My Jewish Learning, blog, 8 August 2003. See http://www.jewish-languages. org/jewish-aramaic.html (accessed July 2017). Saldaña, J. (2016) The Coding Manual for Qualitative Researchers. Los Angeles: SAGE. Schers, D. (1999) The development of the I.C.C. tentative model (identity, culture, and community) and language. In D. Zisenwine and D. Schers (eds) Present and Future: Jewish Culture, Identity and Language (pp. 7–34). School of Education, Tel Aviv University. Schick, M. (2014) A Census of JDSs in the United States: 2013–2014. New York: AVI CHAI Foundation. Schiff, A.I. (1996) The Mystique of Hebrew: An Ancient Language in the New World. New York: Shengold. Schiller, M. (2013) Breaking the age barrier. Hayidion Autumn Issue, 18–23 See https:// prizmah.org/breaking-age-barrier (accessed August 2017). Seidman, I. (2014) Interviewing as Qualitative Research. New York: Teachers College Press. Share, D.L. and Levin, I. (1999) Learning to read and write in Hebrew. In M. Harris and G. Hatano (eds) Learning to Read and Write: A Cross-linguistic Perspective (pp. 89–111). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Shugerman, S.R. (2013) A case study of after-school activities in one school that is making progress in closing the achievement gap. EdD dissertation, Portland State University. Tagliamonte, S. (2009) Analysing Sociolinguistic Variation. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Thomas, W.P. and Collier, V.P. (2002) A National Study of School Effectiveness for Language Minority Students’ Long-Term Academic Achievement. Santa Cruz, CA: Office of Educational Research and Improvement.

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Toppleberg, C. and Collins, B. (2010) Language, culture, and adaptation in immigrant children. Child and Adolescent Psychiatric Clinics of North America 19 (4), 697–717. Truscott, D.M. and Watts-Taffe, S. (2014) English as a second language, literacy development in mainstream classrooms: Application of a model for effective practice. In A.I. Willis, G.E. Garcia, R.B. Barrera and V.J. Harris (eds) Multicultural Issues in Literacy Research and Practice (pp. 185–203). New York: Routledge. Tuval, S. (2004) Social representations of inclusion, exclusion and stratification in the school, and as a factor in channeling children to a career in special education. PhD dissertation, Ben-Gurion University (translated from Hebrew). Weiser, C.M. (1995) Frumspeak: A Dictionary of Yeshivish. Northvale: Jason Aronson. Wertheimer, J. (2014) What you don’t know about the ultra-Orthodox. Commentary 137 (7), 38–44. Whiting, J. (2015) ELL Teachers’ Perceptions of Push-in and Pull-out Teaching. Paper presented at the New York State TESOL Conference, White Plains, NY. Wildstein, T.J. (2016) Missions, Methods, and Assessment in Hebrew Language Education: Case Studies of American Jewish Day Schools. (Order No. 10169540.) Available from ProQuest Dissertations & Theses Global. (1847022075.) See http://ezproxy.library.nyu.edu:2048/login?url=https://search.proquest.com/ docview/1847022075?accountid=12768 (accessed July 2017). Yin, R.K. (2015) Case Study Research: Design and Methods. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.

12 Islamic Religious Education, Identity and the Arabic Language Among University Students in Southwestern Nigeria Oladipo Salami

Introduction

Although the Arabic language is a subject studied in select schools and universities in Nigeria, its use in the religious domain and its teaching and learning in the large number of madrasa, the traditional or informal Arabic and Islamic schools, point to its seeming vitality in the sociolinguistic landscape of southwestern Nigeria. Besides, its relatively large influence on the vocabulary of the Yoruba language as well as its presence in Yoruba culture have been reported in a number of studies such as Salami (2010), Malik (1995) and Abdul (1976). There is, today, an increasing interest in religious identity among young adult educated Yoruba Muslims which seems to be connected with the learning of the Arabic language, considered as the language of Islam. The ability to recite the Quran for the purpose of ritual prayers (salat) requires some knowledge of Arabic if only for access to a very limited number of the chapters and verses of the Quran. The present study, which focuses on the investigation of the relationship between Islamic religious education and Muslim identity, seeks to unearth the impact of this relationship on the vitality, learning and use sustainability of the Arabic language in the Muslim community of practice in southwestern Nigeria. In doing this, the study interrogates the underlying motivations for acquiring Islamic religious education, via the

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Islamic Religious Education, Identity and the Arabic Language  171

Arabic language, among young adult Yoruba Muslim university undergraduates in the southwest of the country. Background Islamic education in western Nigeria

Islamic religious education began in the western parts of Nigeria, largely informally at the home of alfas (Quranic teachers) and the precincts of mosques. These informal schools – called among the Yoruba ile-kewu (house or ‘school’ of Arabic recitation) or madrasa in Arabic – came, like in some other traditional Islamic settings, as part of the religion to Yorubaland in the 14th century (Fafunwa, 1974; Ogunbado, 2003). This persisted until the Muslim community of practice was able to provide structures for a higher form of the madrasa called ilmiyya (Opeloye, 1994). The ilmiyya is patterned after Western-type schools where pupils had chairs, desks and books rather than sitting on the floor with their wooden slates or tablets (wala’) on which they wrote or read from when they were with the alfas in ile-kewu. The development into the Westerntype school did not take place until the incorporation of Yorubaland (now southwestern Nigeria) into the British colony of Nigeria in the first half of the 20th century. During this period, Yoruba Muslims had, at the initial stage, the challenge of educating their children in Christian mission and/or colonial government schools because the children were required to convert to the Christian religion before they could attend school and access Western education (Lemu, 2002). The conversion requirement, a ticket to Western education, did not encourage many parents to send their children to Western schools and it did not result in the non-attendance or closure of Quranic and Arabic schools (Musa, 2014). In 1955, however, the government of the Western Region of Nigeria introduced free and compulsory universal primary-school education which provided the opportunity for Muslim children to be able to participate in Western education just as their Christian counterparts. According to Adeyemi (2016), citing Fafunwa (1974), a number of Islamic organizations sprang up at the turn of the 20th century also to develop Westerntype education in a Muslim context. They included such organizations as Ansar-ud-deen Society, Ahmadiyya Movement and Anwar ul-Islam (Reichmuth, 1996; Musa, 2014; Adeyemi, 2016). Following the country’s independence in 1960, these organizations were able to establish secondary schools and, like the Christian mission schools, they were also able to receive grants from the government. Although children of Muslim parentage could then attend the Christian mission schools and were no longer made to convert to Christianity, it was only in the very few schools provided by Muslim organizations that Islamic religion and Arabic were taught as subjects in the curriculum.

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Post-9/11, identity and Islamic religious education

The event of the attack on the World Trade Center, known as 9/11, and the resulting wars on terror had, over the subsequent decade and a half, led to a seeming conflation of terrorism with Islam and Muslims, especially in the Western world. This had made many Muslims across the globe tend to think that their religious identity was under attack. Two consequences of this development had been that many Muslims began to feel the need to know more about Islam and also desire the global unity of Muslims. As noted by Alles (2003), the growing desire to know more about Islam also gave rise, in the Muslim world, to disagreements on the interpretation of the Quran and religious practices among various movements, with growing debates of returning to purity of origins, of reforming practices which have been overly adapted to local circumstances, of remaining faithful to the Quran and of advocating the unity of Islam. For the young adult educated Yoruba Muslim, the period saw them seeking, more strongly than ever, to define and maintain their Muslim identity in various forms, including wearing a beard, using the hijab or full veil, wearing Afghan-like trousers and acquiring more knowledge about Islam. Of critical concern here is the growing desire to learn the Quran and, perhaps, the Hadith, a record of the traditions and sayings of the Prophet Muhammad, an important source of religious and ethical guidance (Lucas, 2004). As mentioned earlier, Islamic religious education began with the Quranic school (madrasa) and later adopted the Western form of education or schooling called the ilmiyya. This is why, today, schools owned and run by Islamic organizations in southwestern Nigeria have Arabic and Islamic religion as separate subjects on their curricula rather than as extra-­ curricular activities. Two universities in the region also offer degree programmes in Arabic and Islamic studies. The Obafemi Awolowo University, where this study was conducted, does not offer a specialized degree programme in Arabic and Islamic religion but this, from my observation, has not been a hindrance to Islamic religious education among the Muslim students of the university because they have tried to evolve individual and group platforms to access this knowledge. I have, for example, been personally involved with Muslim children enlightenment programmes on the university campus. There are a number of mosques on the university campus where Quranic classes can be held. These are, however, not all built-up mosques. By mosque, in this instance, I refer to a congregation of Muslim worshippers in a particular place which may be a building, an open hall or ground denoted by the people themselves as a mosque because in Islam a mosque or a place of worship does not necessarily have to be built-up. There are mosques in the four or so male residential halls, although none in the female residential halls. In these mosques one can find members who are quite learned in Quranic religious knowledge and can teach the Quran in the precincts of the mosques.

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Apart from using the mosques, one had observed among the students the use of information and communication technology (ICT) in accessing and learning not only about the religion but also in learning the Quran. Some mobile phones now have the Quran uploaded into them which the students carry with them and, sometimes, read in the mosque. As noted by Berglund (2010: 7), because of globalization, technology (ICT), and improved means of education, communication and production, the Quran and other Islamic texts have become accessible to literally millions of Muslims worldwide. Thus, he asserts that this development has encouraged numerous individuals to interpret the religion of Islam for themselves rather than relying upon the interpretations, the tafsir, of the ulama (the clerics). I have observed that the Muslim undergraduates of the Obafemi Awolowo University too have access to modern means of education and communication technology. This was, perhaps, why they had, at some point in the recent past, been able to challenge older Muslims in the community with regard to the interpretation of some Islamic practices and precepts. From the foregoing, it can be argued that for the generality of Muslims, the primary purpose of Quranic or Islamic religious education is to be able to read the Quran in order to know the source of basic beliefs and tenets of the religion connected to its practice. But it is also not unlikely that knowledge of the precepts of the religion is not only to enhance its practice but is also a sine qua non for strengthening the individual’s Muslim identity. Arabic language learning and use

In accounting for the level of vitality of the Arabic language in southwestern Nigeria, I tried to look at its learning and use among the young adult Muslim undergraduates in this study. That is, I examined the continual learning and use of the language in its major domain of religious practice as well as in communication among the students. As noted by Raji (2000: 37), wherever there is Islam, there is always the Arabic language, literature and culture being cultivated through the Islamic tradition of scholarship. Although it is possible to read about and acquire knowledge of Islamic religion in English or Yoruba (as there are, today, translations of the Arabic Quran available in these languages), the practice of the religion requires, on the part of the adherent, the ability to recite some Quranic verses in Arabic. This demands thus that they must learn or be taught some of these verses. It may, perhaps, be pertinent to note here that traditional Islamic education was, in the early days of the ile-kewu in Yorubaland, largely through rote-learning and oracy or recitation. In other words, it was possible for the adherent not to be able to read the Arabic language but yet be educated in Islamic religion.

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However, since the advancement in pedagogies or approaches to Quranic education, Islamic religious education and Arabic teaching have since improved in the Quranic schools, most especially in the ilmiyya (Opeloye, 1994). This advancement might have impacted positively on the propagation of Islamic religious education and the learning of the Arabic language. I have personally observed, for example, that those who learnt the Arabic language in these ‘modernized’ schools are often proud to show off or flaunt their knowledge of the Arabic language by readily using it with other Yoruba-speaking users or learners. These graduates of modern, Western-type schools often demonstrate the ability to sustain extended conversations and writing skills in Arabic at school social or cultural events and examinations. Even though the ilmiyya school model has improved in pedagogy and curriculum by teaching other secular subjects like mathematics and English, it has not impacted negatively on the existence of the madrasa culture that provides traditional, oral-based religious education as the madrasa continues to function as a useful avenue to learn to read and understand the Quran. Thus for the group of Muslims in the madrasa, it may not be important to be able to acquire strong skills in spoken and written Arabic. Nonetheless, one common thread in the Arabic language behaviour of these two seemingly differing groups of Muslims is the use of Arabic for salat (ritual prayer) and dhua (petitions/prayers). Methodology and Research Questions

In carrying out this study, I used a mixed design incorporating triangulation of survey and interview methods. The survey involved the distribution of copies of questionnaire to 120 students to fill in by themselves. The rate of return and responses to questions vary from 95 to 105. The interview consisted of open-ended questions and data also included personal interactions with mosque attendees. I also included informal conversations and observations, recorded as field notes in my qualitative data. The students for the study were selected using purposive sampling with participants drawn from the mosques on campus attended by the students. Apart from being a Muslim, the goal for participant selection was simply to have both male and female students represented in the study. The data collection was carried out during term time which made it possible to sample only those who could be found in the mosques during prayer times since others might be engaged with lectures or some other academic activities. This is a secular public institution where there is no obligation to be present at prayers. The questionnaire contained the following: (1) Can you read Arabic? (2) Can you speak Arabic? (3) Can you read the Arabic Quran?

Islamic Religious Education, Identity and the Arabic Language  175

(4) Would you say that your reading of the Arabic Quran is: (a) Very Good (b) Good (c) Fair or (d) Poor? (5) Can one be a Muslim without the knowledge of the Quran? These questions were asked in order to find out the place of the Arabic language in relation to the practice of Islam in southwestern Nigeria. They were meant, specifically, to see: (1) whether or not the Arabic language continues to have vitality in the context of religious education in the community of practice and (2) if the vitality is driven by identity negotiation or some other factors. The overarching questions arising from this research address both contexts and processes of Arabic vitality and sustainability of learning and use in southwestern Nigeria. Results Quantitative data

In the following sections, I try to analyse the responses to the questions in the survey, using simple descriptive statistics with percentages. I have not made any attempt to provide any test of significance for the data arising from the varying responses of the students to different issues investigated. Table 12.1 shows the responses of the student participants when asked if they could read Arabic. The data show that 98 out of 105 or 93.3% of the respondents claimed they could read Arabic. I went further to ask if they could speak the language in the sense of communicating with others who could speak it. Table 12.2 shows the responses. Table 12.1  Can you read Arabic? Yes

No

Male

70

5

Total

Female

28

2

30

Total

98

7

105

Yes

No

Total

23

50

73

8

22

30

31

72

103

75

Table 12.2  Can you speak Arabic? Male Female Total

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Table 12.3  Can you read the Arabic Quran? Yes Male

Total

–

30

1

31

105

1

106

Female Total

No

75

75

The data in Table 12.2 show that for the 103 students who responded to the question on ability to speak Arabic, 31 or 30.1% claimed to speak it. In other words, there is a lower number of students who claimed to be able to speak the language compared with reading it. The ability to read Arabic would, by implication, mean ability to read the Arabic Quran since Modern Standard Arabic is based largely on the literary Arabic of the Quran. Table 12.3 shows the responses to the question relating whether or not the participants can read the Arabic Quran. Table 12.3 shows that almost all the students (99.1%) claimed to be able to read the Quran in Arabic except for one female. That is, out of 106 students that responded to this question, only one claimed not to be able to read the Quran in Arabic. As part of the nexus of identity and the sustainability of Arabic language learning and use in the Yoruba Muslim community of practice, I sought further to learn from the students their perceived levels of proficiency in reading the Arabic Quran. Table 12.4 shows the self-reports of the students. The data show that the majority of the students (68%) claimed to be ‘very good’ in their reading of the Arabic Quran. The data show also that there is no appreciable gender disparity among participants as 19 out of 28 or 68% of the women also reported a ‘very good’ level of proficiency, consistent with data from the men, 50 out of 74 also representing 68% of the male sample. Table 12.5 shows the students’ perceptions of the knowledge of the Arabic Quran. The question of perception was asked in order to find out if the students thought it could be used to define a Muslim. In other Table 12.4  Level of competence in ­Quranic reading Very Good

Good

Fair

Total

Male

50

20

4

74

Female

19

9

–

28

Total

69

29

4

102

Table 12.5  Can one be a Muslim without the knowledge of the Arabic Quran? Yes

No

Total

Male

35

31

66

Female

11

18

29

Total

46

49

95

Islamic Religious Education, Identity and the Arabic Language  177

words, is it that if we are to define a Muslim, the knowledge of the Arabic Quran can be used as a criterion or a component of Muslim identity? The data in the table seem to show that the difference between those who claimed it is critical to Muslim identity and those who claimed it is not is relatively small. Of the total number of respondents (95), 46 respondents or 48% claimed that it is a mark of a Muslim while 49 or 52% of the respondents claimed it is not. The picture becomes more interesting when we look at the gender distribution of the respondents. There is a higher percentage of the female students (62%) than the male (47%) who claimed that the knowledge of the Quran is not critical to the definition of a Muslim. Qualitative data

In order to gain a deeper understanding of the quantitative data for this study and expand upon the questions asked in the survey, I sought qualitative data from interviews and field notes. This is also part of the attempt to further unearth the linkages among religious education, identity and Arabic language learning and use. Results are presented thematically, below. As noted earlier in this chapter, the two major contexts of Islamic religious education are the madrasa and the ilimiyya. They differ in their curricular and pedagogical approaches in that while the madrasa teaches the Arabic language as part of religious education, the ilmiyya teaches them as separate subjects. Thus it is more likely that those who attend the Westerntype school (ilmiyya) would have a better grasp and usage of Arabic as a language rather than ‘religion’ than the madrasa-trained students. We thus sought to know from the students the context of their learning of Arabic and the Quran. From the interview and interaction, the following answers show the nature or type of context in which they studied: ‘I learnt it for some years at Ibadan Arabic school’ ‘[in] madrasah from my husband’ ‘in primary and secondary school’ ‘[in the] mosque’ ‘… in Awolowo Hall mosque’ ‘Modrasat Thaqofatul Islamiyya …’ ‘[in madrasa] from childhood’ ‘… Arabiyya Quranic School’

The foregoing students’ responses show Quranic learning places to include (1) the mosque (2) madrasa/Quranic school and (3) Western-type school. In the interviews and interactions, I also wanted to know the purpose(s) for which the students learnt or were learning to read the Arabic Quran. The responses obtained show the following five major purposes: (1) Religious understanding ‘It lets people to understand the religion and act by it.’ ‘It will enable the society at large to be more devoted to their religion.’

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‘Promotes the unity among Muslims and increase the growth of Islam around the world …’

(2) Making life better ‘It brings peace among Muslims.’ ‘It teaches the way to live a good life.’ (3) Promoting mutual understanding ‘Learning the Quran will create understanding among people.’ ‘It develops one’s [intellectual] knowledge among others.’ (4) Avoiding evil ‘To curb evil in the society, since reading and understanding their content feeds spiritually …’ (5) Supporting the Arabic language ‘… also increasing the understanding of Arabic.’ The study also sought from the students, in the light of its potential influence, what they thought of the post-9/11 fight against terrorism which had been conceived by some members of the world Muslim ummah as a conflation of a fight against Islam and Muslims. I asked the question on the assumption that the students’ responses could be diagnostic of their motivation(s) to learning the Quran (Islamic religion), the Arabic language and their linkage to Muslim identity. This was also based on the fact that the post-9/11 events led to the growing desire among Muslims across the world to want to have stronger knowledge of their religion and also to seek the unity of the Muslim world community or ummah. The responses of the students fell into three categories as follows: (1) Only God knows the truth and can address these actions ‘Allah knows best’ ‘Allah is all-knowing. Some claim it was by al-Qaeda network. But the event is un-Islamic’ ‘Only Allah knows the truth’ ‘May Allah punish them, they are hypocritical and they are terrorist …’ (2) 9/11 did not have anything to do with Islam or Muslims but was overgeneralized ‘It is unfair. Those people are suiciders [sic] and terrorists …’ ‘The whole event was master-minded by the non-Muslims to fight against Muslim and Islam.’ ‘If it was actually Bin Ladin who did it, then I don’t know his reason but that was not jihad.’ ‘The report we have from US is that it is caused by religious fanatics but enough evidences … are not known.’

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(3) 9/11 was manipulated to present Muslims and Islam in a bad light ‘I think the truth behind the event is yet to be told i.e. it is likely to be a game plan of the Americans.’ ‘People think it is a religious war against the US … and from day forth they call Muslims terrorist.’ The summary of these results or views is that the students rejected any direct connection of Islam/Muslims to the 9/11 tragedy. Discussion Reading and speaking the Arabic language

The results of the quantitative analysis of the survey data show that a large number of the students claimed to be able to read the Arabic language while very few of them claimed they could speak the language. This points to the potential existence of subordinate bilinguals or multilinguals in Yoruba-Arabic or English/Yoruba/Arabic among the students. The fact that in comparison, very few people claimed to be able to speak Arabic could be understood from the point that the limited proficiency in speaking Arabic among non-Arab Muslims derives from the limited function to which the language is put in such communities. Arabic is only obligatory in offering prayers. The reading proficiency ratings claimed by these students could, however, be related to their positive perceptions of the place or importance of having the knowledge of the Arabic Quran. This is because the learning of a language can be motivated by a number of factors, including positive or negative attitudes towards a given language or its speakers. The ability to read the Arabic Quran and Muslim identity

In order to be able to perform the ritual prayers or salat, a Muslim must have committed to memory and be able to recite a few chapters or surah of the Arabic Quran. In other words, it is obligatory on the part of a Muslim to learn a few chapters or verses of the Arabic Quran. While it is theoretically possible to memorize passages without being able to read them for oneself, it is clearly highly advantageous for every Muslim of whatever linguistic background to have, at least, a reading knowledge of the Arabic language. The results of the present study show that a large percentage of the university undergraduates investigated claimed to be able to read the Arabic Quran. The percentage also seems to tally with the large number that claimed to be able to read Arabic. There are alternative though not mutually exclusive paths to Arabic learning that could assist in further elucidating the students’ claims. Were the students motivated to learn Arabic due to a requirement as a condition for Islamic religious education or was their learning of Arabic simply a

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consequence of their studying the content of the Quran? Were other contexts of Arabic learning also present and if so, what were they? Motivation for learning the Arabic Quran

The self-reports on the proficiency in reading the Quran show the majority of the students (68%) claiming to be ‘very good’ at reading the Quran. This seems to show that the students had probably devoted time to learning the Quran as Muslims. But two questions arise from this seeming devotion: could it be that the students considered that learning the Quran is a mark of a Muslim? That is, were they motivated to devoting their time to it because it is an index of a Muslim? It can be observed, from the results, that the numbers of participants who thought knowledge of the Arabic Quran is not a necessary condition for being considered a Muslim is slightly higher than those who thought so. This might be because there are English and Yoruba translations of the Quran today which any English- or Yoruba-literate Muslim can read if all they want is to learn about Islam, while all they need to do about practice is to commit to memory a few of the verses of the Arabic Quran. It is interesting that there is gender disparity here as more females than male thought the knowledge of the Arabic Quran is not critical to the definition of a Muslim. One possible reason for this gender disparity could be because traditionally more male children are sent to Quranic schools than their female counterparts. It may also be possible that knowledge of Arabic might convey higher prestige among the male students. The other question relating to the seeming devotion to reading the Arabic Quran is whether this ability to read the Arabic Quran could translate into respondents’ ability to speak or use Arabic in communicating. As noted earlier, the students’ claim to reading ability did not translate into spoken ability or proficiency. In other words, it is possible to be able to read or recite the Arabic Quran without being able to speak or converse in Arabic. Indeed, it is not uncommon to acquire or learn the verses of the Arabic Quran in the Quranic school via oracy or recitation after the teachers, whereby the student does not need to read or be proficient in identifying the Arabic alphabet. The results from the qualitative data show that learning to read the Arabic Quran could also be motivated by some other factors, as shown in the students’ responses to include: (1) for the purpose of practicing their religion; (2) for the purpose of acquiring more knowledge about the religion and (3) to be in solidarity with other Muslims across the world. It is perhaps important to note that these responses seem not to agree with my earlier assumption, in this study, that the anti-terror wars and the seeming conflation of terror and Islam/Muslims that followed 9/11 would have contributed to the process of identity negotiation among the

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young adult Muslim undergraduates. The students’ responses show no direct linkage between their desire for more knowledge about lslam, the Quran or their identity and their reactions to the post-9/11 events. This is because, from their responses, the students’ explanations of the events of 9/11 are, ostensibly, couched more in what I can call qadar ideology or fatalism and conspiracy theory. However, I note, from the students’ responses, that their major reasons for learning the Arabic Quran are to know more about Islam in order to understand and practise the religion well, as well as to promote unity among Muslims across the world. These reasons seem, to me, to connect Arabic/Islamic religious knowledge and practice to identity negotiation. The implication for the study reported in this chapter is that this linkage underlines the continuity and sustenance of Arabic language learning in the domain of religious education among young adult Yoruba Muslims. Limitations

Since the participants in the study represented a convenience sample, it is not possible to extrapolate from this data to the larger population from which they were drawn. It is also pertinent to mention that the students’ responses are self-reports which may represent only their desires or aspirations rather than realities. These aspirations point, perhaps, to the value or importance the students attach to the knowledge of the Arabic language. Conclusion

In this chapter, we have been able to demonstrate, first, that there is a place for the Arabic language in southwestern Nigeria. The study shows that the young adult educated Yoruba Muslims who participated are conversant with the Quran and, by implication, the Arabic language. It has been shown that for the undergraduates in this study, the major aim of learning the Quran is to be able to read it and to know the teachings about Islam (the basic beliefs and tenets) in order to practise it well. As one of the students said, knowing the Quran is in order to ‘live a good life’. The fact that the results of the study show that there is a very high percentage of the undergraduates who report that they are able to read Arabic and a very low percentage of those who claim to speak it is an indication of the presence, probably, of both co-ordinate and subordinate types of bilingualism in Yoruba-Arabic among the students. At its base, however, the knowledge of Arabic by these undergraduate young adult Yoruba Muslims is only contingent on their desire to be good Muslims by being able to access the Quran, but not necessarily in order to be able to use Arabic in domains outside religious rituals and practices.

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Secondly, this study shows that even though the traditional madrasa or Quranic schools, where Muslim children are groomed only in Islamic religious education, are giving way to Western-type schools, there are young adult Yoruba Muslims who are not going to these schools but are desirous of acquiring Islamic religious education via Quranic learning by using ICT or seeking the assistance of knowledgeable Muslims in their mosques. What this seems to portend is that the learning of the Arabic language will continue to enjoy propagation in the Yoruba-speaking southwest of Nigeria. The third outcome of the study is that it has shown that the relatively large percentage of those who claimed to be able to read the Arabic Quran show a level of interest in the ‘sacred’ or ‘religious’ language – Arabic. This is in spite of the possibility of learning or reading the Quran and acquiring religious education in Yoruba or English. The implication of this interest is the potential for the sustenance of Arabic language learning and use, among Yoruba Muslims, through Islamic religious education. Fourthly, this study has demonstrated that the young adult Muslim university undergraduates studied feel that knowledge of the Arabic Quran does not just define the Muslim but that the knowledge also makes the Muslim have a better understanding of their religion and p ­ ractise it well. Finally, when summed up, the findings of the study reported in this chapter point to the continued presence and relative vitality of Arabic language literacy among young educated Yoruba-speaking adults in Nigeria on the grounds of Islamic religious education and Muslim identity. The findings thus illustrate how such factors as religion, education and identity can enhance the sustainability of the learning and use of a given language in a community of faith practice. Future research should extend this study to a larger and more diverse population. The various genres of reading in Arabic and the distinction between reading and decoding will also help illuminate the nature of Arabic literacy among participants whose responses largely dealt with ‘reading’ the Quran in the broadest sense. Also of interest is the exploration of the phenomenon of linguistic and cultural borrowing, which may also continue to be facilitated by the regular contact of Arabic and the Yoruba languages in the process of learning the Arabic Quran, and its potential contribution to the sustenance of Arabic presence among Yoruba Muslims. References Abdul, M.A. (1976) Arabic loan words in Yoruba. YORUBA: Journal of the Yoruba Studies Association of Nigeria 2, 37–42. Adeyemi, K.A. (2016) The trend of Arabic and Islamic education in Nigeria: Progress and prospects. Open Journal of Modern Linguistics 6, 197–210. See www.scrip.org/ journal/ojml. dsx.doi.org/10.4236/ojml.2016.63020 (accessed June 2019).

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Alles, E. (2003) Muslim religious education in China. China Perspectives 45 (January– February). Open Edition. See http//journals.openededition.org/chinaperspectives/230 (accessed April 2019). Berglund, J. (2010) Islamic Religious Education in Sweden. Munster, New York, Munchen & Berlin: Waxman. Fafunwa, B.I. (1974) History of Education in Nigeria. Australia: Allen and Unwin. Lemu, B.A. (2002) Religious education in Nigeria – a case study. See http;//folk.uio.no/ leirvik/OsloCoalition/AishaLemu.htm (accessed July 2013). Lucas, S.C. (2004) Constructive Critics, Ḥadīth Literature, and the Articulation of Sunnī Islam. Leiden: Brill Publishers. Malik, S.H.A. (1995) The impact of Arabic on the linguistic and cultural life of the Yoruba people. In K. Owolabi and A. Akinlabi (eds) Language in Nigeria: Essays in Honour of Ayo Bamgbose (pp. 424–39). Ibadan: Book Publishers. Musa, I.A. (2014) Foundations of modern Muslim education in Nigeria: Reflections of a Muslim leader. World Journal of Islamic History and Civilization 4 (3), 75–81. Ogunbado, A.F. (2003) Islam and its impact in Yorubaland. Islamic Quarterly 57, 1 (1). Opeloye, M.O. (1994) An assessment of the contributions of ‘Ilmiyya schools to Arabic and Islamic learning in Southern Nigerian universities. Muslim Education Quarterly 11 (2), 29–45. Raji, M.G.A. (2000) Arabic literature in the curriculum of the traditional Islamic education. Muslim Education Quarterly 17 (3), 37–43. Reichmuth, S. (1996) Education and the growth of religious associations among Yoruba Muslims: The Ansar-ud-deen Society in Nigeria. Journal of Religions in Africa 26 (4), 365–405. See www.jstor/stable/1581838. doi.10.2307/1581838 (accessed June 2019). Salami, O. (2010) Arabic and sociocultural change among the Yoruba. In T. Omoniyi (ed.) The Sociology of Language and Religion: Change, Conflict and Accommodation (pp. 45–57). Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan.

13 Religion and Algerian Languages in the Education System Hind Amel Mostari

Introduction

Algeria represents a wonderful linguistic mosaic, characterized by the existence of a panoply of languages and varieties of languages: notably Modern Standard Arabic, which is the official language, in addition to Algerian Arabic and Tamazight, a local Berber dialect also recognized as an official language in 2016. Furthermore, though French is officially a foreign language, on sociolinguistic grounds, it may be considered as a second language which is widely used by the Algerian speech community, notably in education, mass media, administration and the public environment (Mostari, 2004). In the Algerian big cities and Berberophone areas, French is often used as a first language among intellectuals. After independence, the Algerian linguistic map drastically changed; Algerian planners and decision-makers were extremely eager to promote Arabic as a vivid symbol of Arabic identity and Islamic values, in a country where French played a major role in communication. In addition to the above languages, Classical Arabic or the Quranic language also play a role; its use is restricted for use in mosques and in schools, to study Quran and old Arabic literature (Grandguillaume, 2005). The Algerian dialects are regionally and/or socially distributed, differing from the standard form of Arabic in grammar, lexis and/or pronunciation. They embody an exhaustive list of varieties, notably Saharan Arabic and Hassaniyya, among others. The Amazigh or Berber population represents 27.4% of the total population. The Berber language encompasses many dialects, among them Chaouia, Tamazight, Taznatit and Kabylian. Kabylians, in the northwest of the country, are the most populous group. The Shawiya live in the Aures Mountains, Mozabites in the Mzab and the Tuaregs in the Ahaggar and Ajjer regions (Mostari, 2004). 184

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As is the case with many Arab countries that were subjected to European colonial rule, Algeria endured a heavy impact (Chapan Metz, 1994). The French controlled education, government, business and most intellectual life for 132 years, and through a policy of cultural imperialism attempted to suppress Algerian cultural identity and to remould society along French lines. The effects of this policy continued to reverberate throughout Algeria even after independence on 5 July 1962. Algeria as a multilingual country officially became, according to the Algerian constitution, a monolingual country with one language, one religion and one culture. When Algeria won its independence in 1962, Algerian leaders, especially the nationalists, set up a constitution based on Arabo-Islamic identity and values. The aim was to recover the precolonial past and to use it, together with Arabic, to restore – if not create – a national identity and personality for the new state and population. Translated into an official policy called ‘Arabization’, it was consistently supported by Arabists who were ascendant in the Algerian government following independence. Their goal was a country where the language (Modern Standard Arabic), religion (Islam) and national identity (Algerian) were free, as far as practical, of French language and influence. Thus, multilingual Algeria officially became, according to the Algerian constitution, a monolingual country with one language, one religion and one culture. It is in the context of this ideological approach that I am going to discuss the impact of the Algerian government’s official religion, which is Islam, in the spread and maintenance of Modern Standard Arabic, the language of the Quran in schools. (Note that while the Quran uses Classical Arabic, Modern Standard Arabic – the language of wider communication and literacy in the Arabic-speaking world – is quite similar, and they are often considered to be alternative registers of the same language [Ryding, 2011]. This will be discussed further, later in the chapter.) To assess the impact of Islam on Modern Standard Arabic in Algeria, I explore the following two research questions: (1) How does Islam as religion function in the Algerian school system in order to maintain and preserve the Modern Standard Arabic language? (2) What are the statuses and roles of other languages and varieties, notably local dialects and foreign languages, in view of the overwhelming power of the government language which is Modern Standard Arabic? To answer the above questions, an ethnographic investigation was carried out employing observations and interviews of teachers, pupils and some government officials. It is worth mentioning that language maintenance is concerned with the retention of the minority language by its speakers when it is in a constant contact with the majority language.

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Language maintenance is defined by Baker (2011: 72) as: ‘Relative language stability in the number and distribution of its speakers, its proficient usage by children and adults, and its retention in specific domains (e.g., home, school, religion).’ According to Benrabah (2004), language maintenance is the continuous use of the mother tongue, regardless of the cultural pressures from a more prestigious or politically more dominant language, and it is needed to face the threat of a language shift. In this article, I will be using the term ‘language maintenance’ to mean the resistance of speakers of local varieties to maintain them in light of the pressures from the Algerian government’s official tongue, which is Modern Standard Arabic. Religion in Algeria

As discussed here, religion is not a mere intellectual assent to certain propositions about the nature of life. Rather, it involves what people do in their lives; it is a collection of behaviour, a kind of human activity which accepts the existence of a myth, god, spirit or supernatural force (Dow, 2007). In defining religion, Dow (2007: 1) states, ‘Religion is a collection of behaviour that is only unified in our western conception of it. It need not have a natural unity. There is no reason to assume, and good reason not to assume, that all religious behaviour evolved together at the same time in response to a single shift in the environment.’ In Algeria, Islam is the dominant religion with 99% of the population Muslims. Almost all Algerian Muslims follow Sunni Islam, with the exception of some 200,000 Ibadis in the M’zab Valley in the region of Ghardaia (about 600 km south from the capital Algiers). There are also some 25,000 Christians in the country, including Roman Catholics and Evangelical Protestants (mainly Pentecostal). According to the Protestant Church of Algeria’s leader Mustapha Krim, most of them live in the Kabylia area, where there are more than 70 underground churches. The nation has experienced a decline in Christianity as a result of Islamization for over a millennium. There are only a few smaller churches and other places of worship; non-Muslims usually congregate in private homes for religious services. Algeria also had an important Jewish community until 1960. However, after being granted independence in 1962, the Algerian government harassed the Jewish community and deprived it of its economic rights. As a result, almost 130,000 Algerian Jews immigrated to France and Israel (Stillman, 1991). In 1994, the size of the Jewish community diminished significantly, and most of its synagogues have since been abandoned. Most of the remaining Jews, perhaps fewer than 100 persons, live in the capital, Algiers, in addition to Oran city and Blida town. There are no reliable figures on the numbers of atheists in the country, and very few persons publicly identify themselves as such. The national

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constitution declares Islam to be the state religion but prohibits discrimination based on religious belief. Nevertheless, we notice a certain social intolerance and antagonism vis-à-vis the non-Muslim Algerians (not the foreigners) who generally do not take the risk of displaying their religious orientations, for fear of reprisals. As noted above, Islam is the religion of the government and Arabic its national and official language, according to Articles 2 & 3 of the 1963 constitution – Article 2: ‘L’islam est la religion de l’État’ (Islam is the religion of the state); Article 3: ‘La langue Arabe est la langue nationale et officielle de l’État’ (The Arabic Language is the national and official language of the state). Nowadays, Modern Standard Arabic, also known as Literary or Standard Arabic, is still the official language of Algeria as it is of an estimated 320 million people in the 22 Arab countries represented in the Arab League. Arabic is derived from Classical Arabic which is the language of the Quran and other early Islamic literature. Both Classical Arabic and Modern Standard Arabic (MSA) share almost the same grammar and sentence structure, as well as much vocabulary. MSA, however, has evolved over time and dropped some of the more archaic words and phrases and has added new technical and scholarly vocabulary as the times have changed. Arabization, Islam and Islamization

Since the various Arab countries achieved their independence, Arabization has been considered an essential means to remove the vestiges of colonialism which still permeate governmental and educational systems as well as cultural and social environments. Upon achieving independence in 1962, Algerian leaders, especially the nationalists, adopted the motto, ‘L’islam est notre religion, l’Algérie est notre patrie, la langue Arabe est notre langue’ (Islam is our religion, Algeria is our mother country, Arabic is our language). Algeria had an urgent need to regain its Arabo-Muslim identity. Since Classical Arabic is the language of the Quran throughout the Muslim-speaking world and since the language is an instrument of power (‘La langue est un instrument de pouvoir’ [Hadjarab, 2000: 2]), great campaigns of Arabization were launched in order to replace French, the language of the colonizer with Arabic as the language of Arabo-Islamic identity. For the Algerian elite, especially the nationalists, Modern Standard Arabic, with its close association to Classical Arabic, was the best vehicle of communication and instruction without which Algeria would probably lose its identity and values. Within this framework, President Boumediene (cited in Bouhania, 1999: 26) declared in 1968, ‘Sans la récupération de cet élément essentiel et important qui est la langue nationale, nos efforts resteront vains, notre

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personnalité incomplète et notre entité un corps sans âme’ (Without recovering that essential and important element which is the national language, our efforts will be in vain, our personality incomplete and our entity a body without a soul). Arabization was probably an expected choice. Indeed, Algerian society, whose true identity had been denied for 132 years, could not begin to reconstruct itself without restoring the bedrock of that identity, namely the Arabic language which remains a vivid symbol of Arabic identity and Islamic values. The group actively promoting Arabization right after independence consisted of Algerian nationalists and political leaders who were extremely eager to find their place in an overwhelmingly French-speaking country. Henceforth, the political leaders’ first preoccupation was to build Algerian identity on two major points: Islam and ‘Arabness’. Such goals could not be achieved without an effective language policy. The Arabization process in Algeria was intended to neutralize the sociolinguistic constraints that had been imposed in the past. Several laws, decrees and ordinances which were aimed at instituting Modern Standard Arabic and strengthening its position in all public domains were duly enacted, reinforced and applied. However, for Algerian Francophones, the Arabization policy was a real catastrophe since it reduced the status of French to a foreign language. Hence, the process was marked by a prolonged clash between the defenders or promoters of Modern Standard Arabic and the advocates for the retaining of French. The former regarded Arabic as an integrated and essential component of the Algerian personality; the latter gave priority to development, claiming that MSA was an outdated language which could not cope with modernism and technology. Arabization campaigns were launched in various public domains, notably administration, mass media, environment and education. Ben Bella was elected as the first president of independent Algeria in 1963, and the national constitution established a single-party regime called the FLN (Front National de Libération: National Liberation Front) on 8 September 1963, with one single officially recognized language, Arabic, and one single religion, Islam. When the Arabization process was launched, Ben Bella (quoted in Bouhania, 1999: 54) stated: ‘L’Arabisation n’est pas Islamisation’ (Arabization is not Islamization). In fact, although the national constitution stipulates that Algeria is an Arabo-Muslim nation whose sole language is Arabic and sole religion is Islam, Algeria has never adopted a radical or extreme approach to Islam, and therefore, has never been an Islamist state in the same way as Iran or Afghanistan have been. The first aim of the Arabization process in Algeria was basically the restoration of Modern Standard Arabic in the place of French. It was in any case a matter of ‘re-Islamization’. Algerians are, after all, Muslims who have always practised and defended their religion before and after independence. It is worth mentioning that Islam was first brought to Algeria by the Rashidun Caliphate and the General Uqba ibn Nafi, who

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served in the Umayyad Dynasty. He came as an invader and Islamic missionary from 670 to 711 CE. During the Arab conquest and later on under the Ottoman rule, Arabic was the official language and Islam the religion of the country. Most of the Berbers were obliged to convert to Islam, and those who refused fled to the Rocky Mountains keeping with them their Christianity or Paganism (Morrow, 2014). The French colonial regime attempted to undermine and eradicate the traditional Muslim Algerian culture. The French ideas, however, vastly differed from the Islamic way of living. For this reason, Islam was a strong element of the resistance movement opposing French colonialism. Arabization was a common objective not only for Algeria but also for the neighbouring countries such as Morroco and Tunisia. After Moroccan independence in 1956, King Mohammed V put the ‘Royal Commission for the Reform of Education’ in charge of forging an educational policy for the kingdom. He set up four objectives: the generalization of education, the unification of educational structures, the ‘Moroccanization’ of the teaching staff and the Arabization of curricula (Sourgo, 2013). Unlike in Algeria, the Morrocan authorites decided to Arabize the educational system progressively, and not in an ad hoc way as was the case of Algeria. Besides, the monarch gave the green light to total Arabization but ensured that scientific higher education would remain intact. This choice was driven by the belief that scientific subjects are better taught in foreign languages. In Tunisia, during the struggle for independence from the late 19th century until 1956, Tunisian leaders proclaimed Arabization as the means to assert the national character of Tunisia vis-à-vis colonialist France, to retrieve the country’s Arab-Islamic cultural identity, and to preserve its national unity as a community speaking one language, Arabic. However, some 30 years after Tunisia became independent in 1956, these same leaders, who held the reins of power, claimed that the Arabization campaign had been successfully completed in line with national goals. Nevertheless, out of 19 ministries, only three ministries were Arabized: the Office of the Prime Minister, the Ministry of the Interior and the Ministry of Justice (Daoud, 1991). It is really bilingualism and biculturalism which have been promoted in Tunisia. Arabization per se was ­promoted only to the extent that it solved the problems of the ruling elite when its hold on power was weak or threatened. This was true during the struggle for independence against the French and later when internal unrest rose to a dangerous level among university students. On the whole, the ruling elite in Tunisia has mostly favoured a policy of non-­ implementation because Arabization constitutes a threat to their grip on power, as it did to the French colonialists before them. Accordingly, Daoud (1991: 23) states, ‘The ruling elite’s legitimacy is now being challenged partly as a result of what counter-elites perceive as its sustained but covert effort to preserve the French language and cultural model, ­otherwise known as the “modernist model”.’

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Islam and the Language(s) Used in Education

The educational profile of Algerian society changed dramatically with independence, when most of the French and other Europeans left. As the majority of technicians and administrators had been Europeans, Algeria was left with a shortage of highly skilled and educated people. In the educational system, the first reform, adopted right after independence, was to teach Modern Standard Arabic starting from the ­primary-school level. French became a second language in 1964 and then a foreign language with the application of the Foundation School System in 1976. In reaction to this change, within the Foundation School System, a political attempt was made to reconcile the restoration of the national language, Modern Standard Arabic, with the retention of French, an essential medium for the acquisition of technology and modern science. Ahmed Ben Bella, president from 1963 to 1965, declared in 1965 that Arabization campaigns did not mean the elimination of the French language (Grandguillaume, 1983). As expressed by Benrabah (2013), enough was enough. Indeed, after so many years of warring with language, Algerians must make peace with themselves by accepting ­multilingualism – for a start, by recognizing native Algerian forms of spoken Arabic and Berber as educational building blocks for young children in schools. From that foundation, children could go on to learn literary Arabic, French and perhaps English. A brief survey of the educational system in Algeria

At the time of independence in 1962, the Algerian government inherited the remnants of an educational system based on European content and conducted in a foreign language by foreign teachers. The Algerian authorities set out to redesign the system to make it better suited to the needs of a developing nation. The hallmarks of their programme were indigenization, Arabization, and an emphasis on scientific and technical studies. They sought to increase literacy, provide free education, make p ­ rimary-school enrolment compulsory, remove foreign teachers and curricula, and replace French with Arabic as the medium of instruction. They also planned to channel students into scientific and technical fields, reflecting the needs of Algerian industrial and managerial sectors (Mostari, 2004). The approach to education has been gradual, incremental, and marked by a willingness to experiment – unusual characteristics in a developing country. In education, pupils were immersed from the start of their schooling in Islam’s language, MSA, which was proclaimed the mother tongue of Algerians, while Algerian Arabic was considered to be a degenerate form of Arabic as is the case of the Maghrebi dialects such as Tunisian and Morrocan Arabic varieties. In the Middle East, the local dialects such as Egyptian Arabic, Syrian or Lebanese Arabic hold, to a

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great extent, a certain form of prestige. Despite the fact that French was often characterized in Algerian discourse as cultural neocolonialism and an attack on Algerian identity, it is acknowledged, nonetheless, as the language of modernity and access to science. However, a feeling of dependence is often expressed towards French, which seems to reflect a sense of alienation or at least some confusion about the role and function of French in the Algerian society. At the beginning of the 1963 school year, the education system was in complete disarray, and enrolments in schools at all levels totalled only 850,000. In the years immediately following, teachers were hastily trained or recruited from the countries of the Middle East, especially Egypt, Syria and Iraq. Classrooms were improvised, many in the vacated homes of former French residents. Attendance climbed to 1.5 million in 1967, to nearly 3 million by 1975, and to 6.5 million in 1991–92. In the mid-1970s, the Algerian Ministry of Education legislated a number of reforms for the educational system at primary, secondary and university levels (Grandguillaume, 1983). To accelerate the Arabization process and realize a total Arabization at the primary and secondary levels, all teacher training centres were Arabized and as of 1974, no Francophone teachers were trained. The first National Conference on Arabization, held in Algiers from 14 to 17 May 1975, recommended Arabization in all sectors of life. This conference gave birth to a Sub-Commission on Training and Teaching which determined a three-term progressive Arabization process: • A short term from 1976 to 1978 during which the rate of Arabized classes in primary and secondary levels would increase from one-third to one-half. • A middle term from 1976 to 1980 during which partial Arabization would be introduced in some scientific and technical fields in universities. • A long term from 1976 to 1982 at the end of which Arabization would be brought to a successful conclusion at the primary and secondary levels. Because Islam is the state’s religion, the country’s education system has been structured to benefit the pupils who are a priori Muslims and therefore uphold Islamic tenets. The study of Islam was a strict requirement in public schools, which are regulated by the Ministry of Education and the Ministry of Religious Affairs. As for the languages used at schools, they are: • MSA, French (at the primary level – grade 1 to grade 5) • MSA, French and English (at the middle level – grade 6 to grade 9) • MSA, French, English and other foreign languages, Spanish and German (at the secondary level – grade 10 to grade 12)

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Language(s) in Algerian schools

By the age of four or five, the Algerian child encounters for the first time the preschool environment where s/he is taught the preliminaries of Arabic language and Islamic values using MSA as the sole language of instruction. Throughout the five years of the primary level (grade 1 to grade 5), about 12 to 18 hours per week of Arabic language are taught, in addition to six hours of mathematics, using MSA, as opposed to only one hour of French per week. Also relevant to this discussion is the fact that according to Mr Merahi Youcef, the general secretary of the high commission of Amazighity, the rate of teaching Tamazight in many parts of Algeria has considerably regressed nowadays, obliging many primary schools to close their Tamazight classes, such as in the case of the town Biskra and the capital Algiers. Mr Merahi (Abbés, 2013) states: ‘L’enseignement de Tamazight doit être obligatoire au même titre que la langue arabe pour pouvoir promouvoir cette langue et améliorer la qualité de son enseignement’ (The teaching of Tamazight should be mandatory just as the Arabic language and more exactly Modern Standard Arabic in order to promote this language and improve the quality of its teaching). According to him, despite the government’s intensive efforts to promote Tamazight through the formation of 1000 Tamazight teachers and the initiation of 340,000 pupils to Tamazight language, Algerian politicians have a long way to go; indeed, more teachers should be trained and the teaching of Tamazight should be, de facto, generalized as a compulsory matter in all Algerian primary schools. As Islam resonates with Quran and Arabic language, the latter has been generalized as the main medium of instruction throughout the three cycles of the educational system: primary, middle and secondary. As mentioned above, after the primary level, pupils continue their middle schooling using MSA in all matters except in foreign languages. Within this framework, French, as the second language of the country, is still considered by the constitution as a ‘foreign language’, at the same level as other foreign languages, notably English. The latter is the second foreign language taught, once a week, starting from the sixth grade. At the secondary school which lasts three years, regardless of the different specialities being scientific or literary, the pupils get their education in MSA. However, starting from 2008 onwards, basic mathematics terms have been taught using French vocabulary, in the sense that ­secondary-school teachers present and explain the mathematics courses in Arabic and use very limited mathematics terminology in French. The purpose is probably to ensure smooth passage of pupils from secondary to university where lectures in scientific classes are dispensed in French. As for the school curricula, they are established in MSA and the teaching staff is formed in the Quran’s language. What is striking is that most

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of these teachers were educated in Arabic at school and French at the university (in scientific classes) and are obliged to retrain themselves to Arabic if they want to keep their jobs in school. Universities

In the universities, Arabization began in 1970 when Mohamed Seddik Benyahia was Minister of Higher Education. A commission was set up on 12 October 1971 to develop an Arabization plan (Grandguillaume, 1983). The Arabization process was gaining ground at the university level, and courses in Arabic were introduced to teach terminology to students in various fields and disciplines. However, if Arabization was successfully achieved in both primary- and secondary-school levels, such was not the case in universities, where Arabization was: • integral in literature, history and pedagogy; • partial in geography, law, journalism, sociology and psychology; • non-existent in scientific and technical specialities such as medicine, the hard sciences and engineering, where French had acquired a position of paramount importance since it became an essential and omnipresent tool of teaching. Despite linguists’ efforts to modernize Classical Arabic, it remains relatively unable to fully replace French in such departments, which have strongly resisted Arabization campaigns. Not only did the Algerian university sector resist the Arabization campaigns, but French remains the sole language of instruction in scientific classes like medicine and straight sciences faculties. In contrast, lectures in humanities and social sciences faculties may be delivered in MSA. Religious Schools: Teaching Arabic in the Name of God

The Quranic schools and zaouias played a role of paramount importance during the French colonization in Algeria. While the Quranic school focuses on children’s religious instruction from 5 to 10 years, in zaouia (which is a kind of Quranic school) people of different ages learn the Quran; in addition, they pray and discuss socio-political issues. If the colonial schools (either public or controlled by foreign religious missions) were essentially mobilized for domestication, the Quranic schools were engaged in a process of cultural and linguistic resistance against colonization (Akkari, 2004). It should be noted that the French policy in Algeria attempted to severely control the Quranic schools and limit the teaching of Modern Standard Arabic and Islamic values. Indeed, the latter were considered as crucial factors which would lead to a national consciousness that the colonial authorities were determined to fight energetically. In fact, France had aimed at depriving the Algerian people of their linguistic and

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cultural roots. During the 1930s the French administration enacted a law which deemed MSA a foreign language. This measure generated anger under the leadership of Ben Badis, who deserves credit for being the first to define Algerian identity as Arabo-Islamic. The normal age of entrance into a Quranic school is around four years. Once the step towards adherence to Islam has been made, opening of the Quranic school to all social groups and cultures makes this an institution of ‘basic education’ intended for all, and thus by definition egalitarian. Introduction of reading and writing during apprenticeship of the Quran, executed in Arabic characters irrespective of teachers’ and pupils’ primary language, is organized around an analytical and progressive approach: letter, word, sentence and meaning. Equipped with a wooden slate and a simple ink made of soot mixed with gum, students are prepared to begin writing the Arabic alphabet and sections of the Quran. Complete memorization of the Quran normally takes around five years, sometimes longer. The pupils are first taught the Arabic letters and how to recite, read, write and understand the Quran, and to behave outside of the school in a way respectful of the precepts of Islam. They also learn the provisions of intonation, motet, jurisprudence, grammar and irrab of the Quran (irrab is an Arabic term for the system of nominal, adjectival or verbal suffixes of written Arabic). According to the terminology used by Freire (1973 cited in Akkari, 2004), the Quranic school is essentially depository since it treats students as potential ‘recipients’ of Quran and Arabic language. Nowadays, the public school seems incapable of giving children a useful base for Arabic language and Islamic values. That is why many Algerian parents prefer sending their children to the Quranic schools, especially during the preschool year, in order to be initiated to Arabic sounds, in addition to Islamic and moral values. Likewise, more adults especially ex-illiterate females prefer excelling in Arabic language through citing the Quran in such schools rather than in adult schools. In view of such demands, the Algerian High Ministry of Religious Affairs funded the opening and the modernisation of over 15,000 Quranic schools. Religion and the languages in private schools

In view of massive Arabization campaigns which reached all the spheres of public life including education, many Algerian Francophones and Berbers opted for private Francophone schools in order to transmit the French language and enculture their children. For them, the Arabic language, unlike French, is an outdated language which cannot cope with modernism. Furthermore, they were little concerned with the promotion of the Muslim religion since many of them, especially Kabylians, are Christians. In 2006, the Algerian president Abdelaziz Bouteflika closed 42 private schools for ‘linguistic deviation’. Such schools were found guilty of

Religion and Algerian Languages in the Education System  195

breaking Ordinance no. 76-35 of 16 April, Article 8 which states, ‘l’Enseignement est assuré en langue nationale à tous les niveaux d’éducation et de formation et dans toutes les disciplines’ (Education is provided in the national language at all levels of education and training in all disciplines). For the president, ‘TOUTE institution privée qui n’accorde pas une priorité absolue à la langue arabe est appelée à disparaître’ (ANY private institution that does not give absolute priority to the Arabic language will disappear). The above measures genuinely highlight the government’s will to perpetuate the Quran’s language to the detriment of other languages, namely French, English and the Algerians’ mother tongues: Algerian Arabic, Tamazight and other Berber varieties. The latter are regarded as stigmatized, deviant and faulty forms that the Algerian child should never use. For the Algerian nationalists, it is then the schools’ task to correct a child’s ‘faulty, deviant and deficient’ language and ‘to expurgate and correct the expressions which children have learned prior to attending school…’ (Grandguillaume, 2005). Conclusion

Throughout this chapter, I have attempted to present the impact of religion in the maintenance of Arabic language and its effect on the status of other languages that constitute the national linguistic repertoire of Algeria, notably French, Algerian Arabic and Tamazight, in addition to other local dialects. As we have seen, the language of the Quran, Modern Standard Arabic, is regarded as the main holder of Islamic doctrine and values. It has not only been successfully rooted in the Algerian schools but in all spheres of public life. In fact, Algerian nationalists attempted to promote God’s language through the massive campaigns of Arabization described above, and reduced the status of other languages, French in particular. Arabization has begun to produce some obvious and measurable results in the primary schools where education is dispensed in Modern Standard Arabic. French is taught as a second language, beginning in the third year. At the secondary level, Arabization was conducted on a gradeby-grade basis. And has been discussed, French remains the main language of instruction in the universities, despite the demands of Arabists. The government’s will to perpetuate Islam and the formal Arabic language was so strong that it created a sort of linguistic identity crisis for the Algerian speaker who is lost between his/her French background, mother tongue and the super-imposed language, Modern Standard Arabic. We have seen that MSA has been generalized in public life not only because of its status as the Quran’s language, but also for its opposition to the neocolonial language and religion. In fact, the enthusiasm of the Algerian nationalists to adopt Islam and Arabic language on the one hand

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and reject all that has an association with the French enemy, including its language and culture, on the other has led to a real state of sociolinguistic chaos. Consequently, as of now, many Algerian speakers lack a good command of either MSA or French. The forces at play will determine issues of language, identity and policy over time. For the moment, the situation remains complex and problematic, as has been outlined in this chapter. References Abbés, Z. (2013) Algérie: L’ensiegnement de tamazight en regression dan plusieurs wilayas. Algérie1.com. See http://www.algerie1.com/actualite/algerie-lenseignementde-tamazight-en-regression-dans-plusieurs-wilayas-du-pays/ (accessed June 2019). Akkari, A. (2004) Socialization, learning and basic education in Quranic schools. Mediterranean Journal of Educational Studies 9 (2), 1–22. See https://www.um.edu. mt/__data/assets/pdf_file/0010/39385/18_MJES_922004.pdf (accessed June 2019). Baker, C. (2011) Foundations of Bilingual Education and Bilingualism (5th edn). Bristol: Multilingual Matters. Benrabah, M. (2004) Language and politics in Algeria. Nationalism and Ethnic Politics 10 (1), 59–78. Benrabah, M. (2013) Language Conflict in Algeria: From Colonialism to Post-Independence. Bristol: Multilingual Matters. Bouhania, B. (1999) The substitution of French loan words for Arabic counterparts in Oran Arabic: A case study. Unpublished MA thesis, Esenia University, Algeria. Chapan Metz, H. (1994) Algeria: A Country Study. Washington: GPO for the Library of Congress. Daoud, M. (1991) Arabization in Tunisia: The tug of war. Issues in Applied Linguistics 2 (1), 7–29. Dow, J.W. (2007) A scientific definition of religion. Anpere. See http://www.anpere. net/2007/2.pdf (accessed June 2019). Grandguillaume, G. (1983) Arabisation et Politique Linguistique au Maghreb. Paris: Editions G-P Maisonneuve et Larose. Grandguillaume, G. (2005) Country case study on the language of instruction and the quality of basic education: Policy of Arabization in primary and secondary education in Algeria. In Education for All Global Monitoring Report 2005: The Quality Imperative. Paris: UNESCO. See http://unesdoc.unesco.org/images/0014/001466/146650e.pdf (accessed June 2019). Hadjarab, M. (2000). L’Algérie au péril de l’arabisation. Lettres sur la Loi de la Généralisation de l’Arabisation. Legisnet Internet Journal. See www.legisnet.com (accessed June 2019). Morrow, J. (2014). Algeria. Broomall, PA: Mason Crest Publishers. Mostari, H.A. (2004) A sociolinguistic perspective to Arabisation and language use in Algeria. Language Planning and Language Problems 28 (1), 25–44. Ryding, K. (2011) A Reference Grammar of Modern Standard Arabic. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Sourgo, Y. (2013) The Arabization process in Morocco: A linguistic policy torn between dissimilar Interests. See https://www.moroccoworldnews.com/2013/09/104928/thearabization-process-in-morocco-a-linguistic-policy-torn-between-dissimilar-interests/ (accessed June 2019). Stillman, N. (1991) The Jews of Arab Lands in Modern Times. Philadelphia: The Jewish Publication Society of America.

14 Epilogue James McLellan

The chapters in this text offer a range of contrasting conceptual and methodological frameworks: some contributors draw on e­mpirical data using both quantitative and qualitative analysis (Kaur & David, Chapter 7; Salami, Chapter 12); others offer single case studies (Ebsworth, Goldberg & Wildstein, Chapter 11) or multiple case studies (Pandharipande, Chapter 8). Mostari describes her study (Chapter 13) as ‘ethnographic’ and her chapter adopts a language policy and planning framework, as does Chew (Chapter 2) with reference to Singapore. Ladaah Openjuru’s chapter (Chapter 5) is also ethnographic in its discussion and illustration of literacy acts and practices in Ugandan religious and educational contexts. Spolsky (Chapter 9) and Muhammad Amara (Chapter 10) adopt a broader documentary historical approach. Spolsky’s conceptual framework is Mufwene’s (2001) ecology of language evolution, whilst Muhammad Amara draws on diglossia among other concepts. All of these approaches and methodologies demonstrate that there is no single ‘correct’ framework or methodology in the vast field of language and religion studies in the post-Fishman and postOmoniyi era.

Contribution to Knowledge

Following from this brief overview of approaches and methods used in this collection, it is relevant to ask how the chapters advance our knowledge of the field, which is aptly summarized in the title Language Maintenance, Revival and Shift in the Sociology of Religion. The geographical range of the chapters is very wide indeed, and all the major world religions are covered in this collection. Time and space only permit brief consideration of two recurring themes throughout the chapters in this volume: translanguaging (a reconceptualization of the constructs of language alternation, or code-switching), and spoken versus written language varieties in religious domains.

197

198  Language Maintenance, Revival and Shift in the Sociology of Religion

Translanguaging

As defined by García and Li Wei (2014: 22), ‘translanguaging takes the language practices of bilingual people as the norm, and not the language of monolinguals, as described by traditional usage books and grammars’. It is thus a broader term than ‘code-switching’ and a possibly preferable term to ‘language alternation’, used to define and describe the language behaviour of those who are proficient in and habitually use more two or more languages. In these chapters it is a recurrent theme underlying the fundamental fact that most of the world is multilingual, and that monolingualism is less common. Translanguaging is especially relevant in the chapters by Chew, Rosowsky and Said-Sirhan, and also in those by Ebsworth et al. and Salami. Its relevance to issues of language maintenance, revival and shift is clear. Much evidence from these chapters points to translanguaging occurring over extended periods of time – centuries or even millennia. Spoken versus written language

As noted by Spolsky (Chapter 9), the Jewish people had a ‘divided sociolinguistic ecology’, in which both gender and speech/writing were salient: Jewish males were literate in Hebrew, whilst both males and females often spoke a non-Hebrew vernacular depending on their location. The spoken versus written language axis is clearly a descriptor of major importance, as is also demonstrated in the chapters by Chew, by Ebsworth et al. and by Salami. Allied to this is another recurrent theme, that of reading as opposed to spoken proficiency in the languages used in religious domains. This has a power component, both historically when priests and imams were among the minority who knew how to read and write, but also in contemporary religious contexts where some religious office bearers serve as intermediaries between the divinity and the adherents. Some religious practices in traditional religions across Asia, but also in the phenomenon of ‘speaking in tongues’ among evangelical Christians, involve the use of secret or unknown languages. Chew (Chapter 2) notes that in contrast with Chinese Buddhism and Taoism, ‘[i]n other religions such as… Hinduism, it is the priest and/or clergy who preserves the language and therefore the sacred language is of intrinsic importance to them’. Directions for Future Research

Despite all the breadth and depth evident in this collection, there are other topics not fully covered, which could offer directions for further research undertakings. Only Mostari (Chapter 13) takes up the challenge of defining religion, drawing on Dow (2007); religion may need to be defined in a variety of ways according to local context when it is studied

Epilogue 199

from a sociology of language perspective. Mostari also points to a strong need for further research in her conclusion, describing Algeria as being in ‘a real state of sociolinguistic chaos’.This begs the question as to what constitutes sociolinguistic chaos. Another topic for further investigation is the clear contrast between contexts such as in Islam, where the sanctity of the original revealed text (in Classical Quranic Arabic) is strictly maintained and uncontested, and those where translation is used as a strategy for propagation and missionary endeavour, especially Christian denominations. This contrast is explicitly referred to by Chew (Chapter 2). Other examples where the sanctity of the original text is maintained include Sanskrit texts in Hinduism (Pandharipande, Chapter 8), and the Torah and other sacred texts in Judaism (Spolsky, Chapter 9; Ebsworth et al., Chapter 11). From a sociology of language (macro-sociolinguistic) perspective, the role of religion, both indigenous and ‘imported’, in language maintenance and revitalization can be an angle for further research. The complex connections between religion and national language policies, addressed in the first and final chapters by Chew and by Mostari, are researchable through both top-down studies of policy decisions, and bottom-up ethnographic or case studies of communities who may be either mainstream or marginalized. An example from my own experience is the multilingualism evident in Roman Catholic church services in villages in Sarawak, East Malaysia: some parts of the services are conducted in the local vernacular, e.g. Iban or Bidayuh for the sermon and some hymns; other hymns, psalms and prayers are in the national language, Malay, or in English. One particular area with research potential is the close association of the Arabic language with Islam in countries where Arabic is spoken neither as a first language nor as a lingua franca: e.g. Malaysia, Indonesia, Singapore and elsewhere in Southeast Asia, Nigeria and elsewhere in sub-Saharan Africa. Across northern Africa and the ‘Middle East’, by contrast, Arabic is used in all aspects of daily life, both formal and informal: in the family and friendship domains (e.g. cooking, recipes, café conversations) as well in the print and broadcast mass media and in soap operas. Hence the domains of Arabic use are not confined to Islamic religious contexts, rituals and practices. This can be a cause of linguistic culture shock to those coming from countries where Arabic is only used in Islamic religious contexts, although the shock may be mitigated by acknowledging the diglossic distinction between Classical Quranic Arabic and the diverse vernacular varieties of Arabic. Mostari (Chapter 13) states that ‘Modern Standard Arabic’ functions as a unifying supranational standard across all Arabic-speaking nations: his chapter demonstrates the scope for further investigation of similarities and differences between all the varieties of Arabic. A potentially sensitive but nonetheless researchable issue, not covered in these chapters, is that of ownership and exclusivity of words and texts.

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In Malaysia and elsewhere in Southeast Asia there are prohibitions against the use of certain Arabic words and phrases by non-Muslims and in religious contexts other than Islam. The report of a court case in Malaysia, ‘Malaysia court rules non-Muslims cannot use “Allah”’ (BBC, 2013) is an example of such exclusive practices. Another case is the use of the greeting ‘Assalamu Alaikum’ (Peace be upon you) and the conventional reply ‘Walaikum Salam’ (Peace be upon you also) by non-Muslims. In some majority Islamic countries (e.g. Indonesia) this is quite acceptable, but elsewhere in Southeast Asia the use of these greeting formulae is discouraged or frowned upon. This leads to problematic conversations over the telephone, when an unknown caller (often calling a wrong number owing to misdialling) uses the greeting at the opening of the conversation, and is taken aback when the non-Muslim called party fails to respond with the expected ‘Walaikum Salam’. As a postscript to this epilogue, I feel that these chapters collectively serve as appropriate tributes to the life and work of Joshua Fishman, and of Tope ‘Sky’ Omoniyi, both undisputed leaders in the field, as they are suffused with resonances and echoes of their work.1 Note (1) Having been co-editor, with Maya Khemlani David, of a special issue of the journal Multilingua (30, 3–4, 2011) on ‘Discursive approaches to language and religion’, I have been given the honour of contributing this brief epilogue to the substantial collection of studies which are gathered in this text.

References BBC (2013) Malaysia court rules non-Muslims cannot use ‘Allah’, news article, 14 October. See https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-24516181 (accessed June 2019). David, M.K. and McLellan, J. (eds) (2011) Language and Religion. Special Issue. Multilingua 30 (3–4). Dow, J.W. (2007) A scientific definition of religion. Anpere. See http://www.anpere. net/2007/2.pdf (accessed June 2019). García, O. and Li, W. (2014) Translanguaging: Language, Bilingualism and Education. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. Mufwene, S.S. (2001) The Ecology of Language Evolution. Cambridge & New York: Cambridge University Press.

Index

Abbas, T. 36 Abbés, Z. 192 Abdul, M.A. 170 Abello-Contesse, C. 150 Abu-Jabir, I. 141 accents 104–5, 162 acculturation, language 99 Acholi dialect 74 acquisition, language 22 Adeyemi, K.A. 171 African American Vernacular English 133 Ahir, D.C. 121 Al Haqqani, Shaykh Nazim 44 Algeria 184–96 Allen, C. 42 Alles, E. 172 Alune 22 Amara, M. 139, 140, 142, 144 Amazigh communities 184 Ambedkar, Babasaheb 120–1 Amerindian languages 115 Amish communities 133 ancestor veneration 20, 29 Anglican church 73–4 Anglican Church Missionary Society (CMS) 73 anti-Semitism 134 Appadurai, A. 47 Appleby, S. 140 Arabic Algeria 184–96 Classical Arabic 34, 39, 143, 144, 145, 184, 185, 187, 193 and group identity 124, 149 India 114 Israel 138–47 Jewish communities 127, 134 as lingua franca 199 naat/nasheed 34, 35, 38, 39, 40, 41, 45, 46 Nigeria 170–83 Quranic Arabic 39, 52, 145, 176, 184

Singapore 52, 55, 67 Uganda 72 Arab-Israeli conflict 138–9, 141 Arabization 185, 187–9, 190, 191, 195 Aramaic 127, 128, 129, 131, 132, 152 Arweck, E. 84 Asian values 57 attrition, language 4, 115 see also loss, language authority, respect for 25 autonomy 36 Awadhi 118 Aztec religion 29 background knowledge 156, 162 baju kurung 65 Baker, C. 186 Bakhtin, M. 86 Bantu languages 71 barakah surfing 45 Barker, M. 42 beards 172 beliefs about language 26 BeLiFS 85–6 Bella, Ben 188 belonging, sense of 42 see also identity, maintenance of Ben Bella, Ahmed 190 Benrabah, M. 186, 190 Benyahia, Mohamed Seddik 193 Berber 184 Berglund, J. 173 Bert, M. 22 Bhabha, H. 42, 43 Bhagawadgita 117, 120 bibles 73, 76, 77, 156, 159 bicultural identities 42, 189 bilingual education 148, 150 bilingual policies 51, 52, 55, 63, 67 biliteracy 24–5, 45, 148–69 biliteracy continuum 150

201

202 Index

bi/multilingualism see also translanguaging (language-mixing) Algeria 184–5, 190 China 24 Hebrew//English biliteracy in a Jewish school 148–69 hybrid linguistic codes 9 lack of previous work on religion and 115 language ideology 15 language maintenance/shift/death/ revitalization 3, 4, 5–6 and language policies 199 linguistic repertoires 39 Malay Muslims in Singapore 56 naat/nasheed 41 Singapore 23, 25 Tunisia 189 Uganda 72, 75 UK Muslim communities 35 ‘bits and pieces’ of languages 39, 47 Blackledge, A. 39 Blommaert, J. 39, 43, 47, 54 Bluetoothing 45 body gods 27 borrowings 162 Botticini, M. 130, 131 bottom-to-top death 29 Bouhania, B. 187 bounded entities 8–9 Bourdieu, P. 53, 54, 56 Bouteflika, Abdelaziz 194–5 Brazilian settings in London 81–97 British Asian identities 35 Buddhism allows translations 26 India 114, 115, 120–1, 122 Pali 20, 120–1 Sanskrit 26, 120 Singapore 19, 20, 29, 57, 59 calligraphy 27 Campbell, H.A. 16 Cantonese 19, 30 Carr, D. 85 case study methods 101, 151 caste 119, 120 catechism 83, 88, 90 Catholic church 73–4, 82, 83, 88, 90, 92, 186, 199 Catholic White Fathers’ Society 73 celestial symbolism 26, 27 Centre for Research in English Language and Linguistics (CRELL) 2

Chapple, C.K. 117 China Chinese religion 19–32 Chinese script 26, 149 Chinese vernaculars 19–32 linguistic homogenization in 24 Christianity Algeria 186 allows translations 26 Brazilian settings in London 81–97 and Jewish communities 134 literacy 131 migration 82 Nigeria 171 speaking in tongues 198 Uganda 70–80 Christiano, K. 5 civil religion 55, 56, 57 clan associations 20–1, 28, 30 Clarke, P. 5 class, social 25, 71 see also caste Classical Arabic 34, 39, 143, 144, 145, 184, 185, 187, 193 classical Chinese 20 Clifton, J. 25 clothing 46, 59, 64–5, 109, 172 code-switching 22, 35, 53–4, 60–7, 162 see also translanguaging (language-mixing) colonization 4, 6, 14, 57, 118, 185, 187, 189, 193 communicative competence 38, 39, 40, 91, 149, 159–60, 163, 175–6, 180 communities of learning 162–3 community education Algeria 193–5 Brazilian Christian settings in London 81, 83, 85 Islamic education in Nigeria 171, 172–3, 177, 182 Jewish communities 132, 149 Punjabi Sikh community in Malaysia 107, 111 complementary schools see community education Confucianism 19, 20, 57 constitutional rights to religion 57–8 Constructivist Grounded Theory 151 contact, language 3 Conteh, J. 81 co-sanctification of languages 34, 38, 40, 52, 55 cosmogony 27 cosmological hierarchy 26

Index 203

cosmopolitanism 54, 55, 56, 60, 63, 64–6 Coulmas, F. 3, 38 Creese, A. 39, 82 Crystal, D. 3, 4, 5 cultural decoding 43 cultural diversity 58 cultural identities 41, 82, 139, 189 cultural literacy 161 cultural preservation 52–7, 60, 82, 98–9 cultural resources 86 cultural theory 42 ‘culture of fear’ 42 curriculum subjects 81–2, 171, 172 Dalit community 116, 120–1 dance 60, 61, 66, 119 Daoism 19, 20, 27 Daoud, M. 189 Darwish, Sheik Abdalla Nimer 140 David, M.K. 2, 5, 99, 100, 101 Davies, J. 45 de Kadt, E. 22 decalogue of theoretical principles (Fishman) 37–8 Declaration of Religious Harmony 58, 59 decoding of texts 35, 43, 161–2, 165, 182 degree of maintenance 8, 16 Demerath III, N.J. 55 Department of Media, Culture and Language 2 developmental/late-exit bilingual education 150 devotional practices 37, 48, 85, 106–7, 117 devotional songs 34 dhimmi status 134 dialect loss 23, 24 dialectal variation 184, 190, 199 diaspora Brazilian settings in London 81–97 diasporic identities 42 and essentialization 43 Jewish communities 128, 130, 132–3, 161 lack of previous work on religion and 115 and language shift 4 multilingualism of 115–16 and naat/nasheed 37, 40 dietary restrictions 59, 65, 133 difaithic situations 55, 56, 67 digital media 16 see also technology diglossia 6, 16, 54, 55, 139, 145 Dillon, M. 5 disabilities, language learners with 163

discrimination 133, 134, 187 discursive ambiguity 140, 145 discursive spaces 39 divination 20 divine revelation 26–7, 52, 55 dogma 27 domain-specific usage Arabic 199 code-switching as signal 61 Hebrew in Israel 139 Hindu diaspora 122 Jewish communities 133 Malay Muslims in Singapore 54, 56 naat/nasheed 39, 47 Punjabi Sikh community in Malaysia 100, 104, 111 dominant language hegemony 3–4, 14, 23, 30, 70–2, 74, 103, 128, 145 Dörnyei, Z. 155, 156, 161 Dow, J.W. 186, 198 drama 20 dual globalizing processes 47 dubbing 23 Dwyer, C. 42 dying languages 20 see also loss, language Dzialtuvaite, J. 82 ‘eating together’ 59, 65, 133 Ebsworth, M.E. 2, 152 Eckstein, Z. 130, 131 ecology of language evolution 127, 135 education Algeria 190–5 bilingual education 148, 150 Brazilian Christian settings in London 81–97 Britain 81 China 21, 24 English for 54 enrichment education models 150 Hebrew 127, 129, 148–69 Islamic Movement 142, 143, 144 Islamic religious education in Nigeria 170–83 Jewish communities 130–2, 148–69 language maintenance/shift/death/ revitalization 9, 14 Malay Muslims in Singapore 52, 53, 61–4 Punjabi Sikh community in Malaysia 100, 109–10 Singapore 23, 24, 55, 58, 62

204 Index

Uganda 71, 73, 74–8 understanding students’ ethnoreligious-linguistic backgrounds 93 Edwards, J. 38–9 enclaves 133–4 endangered languages 4 engineering, language 23 English academic English 155 Algeria 190, 191, 192, 195 Brazilian Christian settings in London 84, 90–1 as contaminant 53 and cosmopolitanism 56, 60 English as a Second Language (ESL) pedagogy 163 ‘ethnically neutral’ 52, 56, 59 as global language 165 Hebrew//English biliteracy in a Jewish school 148–69 Hindu diaspora in US 122 as index to American identity 124 influence on nasheed 35 in Israel 138, 139 linguistic repertoires versus identities 44 Malay Muslims in Singapore 61–4 Malaysia 99, 103–4, 105, 107, 109, 110, 111 as medium of research 61, 101 naat/nasheed 40–1, 45, 48 Namibia 77 Nigeria 173 religious song and verse 34 Singapore 20, 21, 22, 24–6, 28, 29–30, 52, 55, 56 translations of Quran 180 Uganda 71, 72, 75, 76 UK Muslim communities 34, 35, 38 US 4, 115, 116–18 as vehicle of Westernization 25, 28, 52, 54, 56 and Westernized views of religion 25, 28 enrichment education models 150 erroneous forms 22 esoteric diagrams 27 essentialization 36, 42, 43, 52, 57 ethnicity, official 52 ethnographic studies 33, 36, 60, 86, 185–6 Ethnologue 24 ethno-religious-linguistic conflation 52, 57, 58–9, 62, 66–7, 87

extinct languages 71 extremism 36, 42, 43 Fafunwa, B.I. 171 Fairfield, S. 85 faith lessons 83–4, 88–90 faith literacies 84–8, 92 Farsi 34, 35, 40 Ferguson, C.A. 26, 35, 114, 145 festivals 143 Fisher, D. 162 Fishman, J.A. 1, 2, 3, 4, 7, 20, 24, 34, 35, 37, 38, 40, 41, 52, 73, 82, 85, 86, 98, 99, 114, 133, 145, 200 fixities 42 flags/banners 27 Florey, M. 22 fluency 22, 161–2, 165 folk songs 29 Foochows 19 food, sharing 59, 65–6, 133 France 24 Freire, P. 194 French 184, 187, 188, 190, 191, 192, 193, 194–5 Freston, P. 82, 86 Frey, N. 162 Friday prayers 143 functional differentiation 20, 123, 124, 133 see also domain-specific usage fundamentalism 140 funerals 21 Furedi, F. 42 games (for learning a second language) 156 García, O. 20, 22, 34, 99, 150, 151, 162, 198 gender 129, 176–7, 180, 194, 198 genre-borrowing 41, 158–9 geopolitics 57 German 22, 133 gestural modes 86 Gill, S.K. 99, 100 Global Religion and Migration Database 82 globalization 8, 54, 63, 83, 139, 161, 172, 173, 178 God, special language for communication with 87, 90–1 Goldberg, S.J. 152–3, 164 good deeds 28 see also moral values Goodman, N. 162 Gottreich, E. 133 Graded Intergenerational Disruption Scale (GIDS) model 35, 37

Index 205

grammar, maintenance of 8 grammatical simplification 22 Grandguillaume, G. 184, 190, 191, 193, 195 Granth Sahib 105–7, 108 granthi 103, 104–5 Greek 127, 128, 129, 132 greeting formulae, ownership of 200 Gregory, E. 85–6 Grinevald, C. 22 Gujarati 124 Gumperz, J.J. 43 gurdwaras 103, 104–5, 108–9, 110 Gurmukhi 105–7 habitus 53, 61, 62 Hadith 172 Hadjarab, M. 187 Hainanese 19, 27 Hajj 47 Hakka 27 halaal 60, 65 Hanifa, Abu 44 haraam 60, 66 Hasidic Jewish communities 114, 133, 135 Hassaniyya 184 Haugen, E. 4 headscarves 59, 60 healing 20, 28 Hebrew Hebrew//English biliteracy in a US Jewish school 148–69 Israel 138, 139, 141, 142, 143, 144, 145 and Jewish communities 114, 124, 127–37, 149 preservation of 127–37 Henghuas 19 heritage preservation 30 higher/tertiary education 24, 171, 193 high/low variants 20–1, 28, 55 see also diglossia hijab 59, 64, 65 Hindi 118 Hinduism 20, 26, 28, 57, 114–15, 198 Hinnells, J. 43, 44 Hockchew 19 Hockchias 19 Hokkein 19, 25, 27, 28, 30 homogenization, linguistic 24, 56 Hornberger, N.H. 148, 150 Humes, C.A. 117 Hussaini, C.F. 53 hybrid identities 42, 60, 118 hybrid linguistic codes 9, 43

Hymes, D. 43 hyphenated identities 42, 43 identities, multiple 35, 82 identity, maintenance of Algeria 184, 187–9 Brazilian Christian settings in London 86–8 China 24, 27, 30 Hinduism in US 118 Islamic identity and Arabic in Nigeria 170–83 Islamic Movement in Israel 139, 141 Jewish communities 160–1, 164–5 language maintenance/shift/death/ revitalization 6, 14–15, 124 Malay Muslims in Singapore 53 naat/nasheed 42–7 religious song and verse 33 Uganda 74 UK Muslim communities 35, 41 identity, national 44, 55, 57, 185 identity, negotiation of 39, 43 identity, primary 43–4 ideographs 26 ideology, language Algeria 185 definitions of 7 Hinduism 116, 118, 119, 123 Malay Muslims in Singapore 56 in multilingual contexts 15 religion-language ideology 8 Singapore 27, 54 ilmiyya 171, 172–3, 174, 177 imagined communities 149–50, 161 imams 142, 143 India 114, 115, 116, 119–21, 122 indigenous communities 51 indigenous languages 4, 73 see also local vernaculars Indonesia 56, 199 industrialization 23 inimitability 145 injunctions, religious 65 input 22 Inter-Religious Organisation (IRO) 58 intergenerational communication 33, 84 Inter-Religious Harmony Circle (IRHC) 58 intonation 66 invocations 20, 29, 67 Islam in Africa 70–1 in Algeria 184–96 and Jewish communities 134

206 Index

literacy 131 Malay Muslims in Singapore 51–69 in Nigeria 170–83 pan-Islamic global community 34, 41, 45–6 religious poetry and songs 33–50 sacred texts are untranslatable 26 ummah 34, 60, 178 Islamic Movement 139–45 Islamization 188 Islamophobia 42 isolated communities 133 Israel 114, 124, 138–47, 160–1 Jacobs, J. 131 Jacquemet, M. 34 Jainism 26 Jehovah’s Witnesses 77–8 Jesuits 29 Jewish communities 26, 28, 70–1, 114, 127–37, 138–9, 140–1, 148–69, 186, 199 Jewish day schools 148–69 Jewish language varieties 127–37 jihadism 43, 44, 47 Jnaneshwar 119–20 Johnson, P. 129 Judeo-Arabic 127, 129 Judeo-Persian 129 Kabir 119–20 Kaddish 129 Kapitzke, C. 70–1 Kardecism 82, 83, 89, 90, 91, 92 karma 20 Kasozi, A.B.K. 71 Keller, Shaykh Nuh Ha Mim 44 Kerala 114 Khan, Ahmed Raza 44 kirtan 106–7 Kiswahili 75, 76 Kleyn, T. 151 Kohn, L. 26, 27 Krim, Mustapha 186 Kroskrity, P.V. 7 Kulick, D. 77, 78 Labov, W. 133 Ladino 127, 129 langgar (communal kitchen) 108–9 language academies 144 language-culture links 99 language-mixing 35, 45, 76, 103, 104 see also code-switching; translanguaging

Language-Religion-Ideology Continuum 87 Latin 114, 133 Lee Kuan Yew 23, 59 Levitt, P. 84 Li Wei 156, 198 lingua francas 19, 30, 52, 54, 75, 199 linguistic market values 56 linguistic repertoires 35, 38, 39, 41, 43 linguistic resistance 193 linguistic resources 39, 43, 46, 54, 56, 61, 66, 151 literacy Africa 71 Arabic 145, 179–81, 194 biliteracy 24–5, 45, 148–69 Brazilian Christian settings in London 84–6 and Christianity 74 Hebrew 127, 128, 129, 130–2 Islamic Movement 142 Nigeria 180 Punjabi Sikh community in Malaysia 105–7 Uganda 70–80 women’s 129 literacy events 85 literacy mediators 74 literary heritage 34, 38 Lithuanians 82 liturgical language 20, 26, 28, 85, 129, 135 local vernaculars 119, 122, 132, 150, 199 see also regional languages in India logographic scripts 26 London 81–97 loss, language Brazilian Christian settings in London 82 Hindu diaspora in US 114–15 Jewish language varieties 127–8, 135 language maintenance/shift/death/ revitalization 3, 4, 7, 12 Malaysia 99 naat/nasheed 35 Singapore 53 Lothers, L. 33 Lothers, M. 33 love 34, 40, 41, 46, 47 loyalty, language 133 Luo 71, 74, 75, 76 Lutheran Church 22 Lynch, P. 82 lyrics 45

Index 207

Madi-Moru languages 71 madrasa 170, 171, 172–3, 174, 177, 182 ‘Magadhan’ 26 magic 27 Magoba, W. 71 maintenance, language definitions of 3, 5 and the education system 24 gaps in research 4–10 and identity maintenance 6 lack of previous work on religion and 3 and language ideology 7 non-oral factors 27 partial 9 structural maintenance levels 8 Malay (language) 23, 51, 52–67, 104 Malay Muslims in Singapore 51–69 Malaysia 56, 98–113, 199, 200 Malhi, R.S. 99 Malik, J. 43, 44 Malik, S.H.A. 170 Mandarin 21–2, 23–6, 28–30, 52, 57 maps 27 Marathi 124 marginalization of less powerful languages 4, 14 see also dominant language hegemony Marty, M. 140 Masagos Mohamad, Masagos Zulkifli 53 masculinities 35–6, 42 Maxwell, R. 44 Mayan religion 29 McLellan, J. 5 media 16, 143–4 medium of instruction Arabic in Algeria 192 English in Jewish day schools 163 English in Sikh community in Malaysia 109 English in Uganda 71–2, 75 French in Algeria 190, 192 religious education outside school 62 Singapore 21, 55 Uganda 71 mellah 133–4 memorization 34, 74, 85, 131, 143, 179, 194 Merchant, G. 45 migration and identity reshaping 86 Jewish communities 127, 131, 133 language maintenance/shift/death/ revitalization 6 leading to uneven power relations 14

‘new world’ research 8–9 and religious preservation 82 Sikhs in Malaysia 100 Singapore 25 Uganda 81 Milner, A. 52 Mirpuri-Punjabi 33, 34, 38 missionaries 70, 71, 72–4, 77, 171 mixed methods designs 174 mobile technology 45, 173 modernization 1, 23, 128, 130, 139, 174, 194–5 modesty codes 59, 65 monastics 28 moral values 108, 111, 172 see also value-sharing morality books 20 Morocco 189 mosques Algeria 184 Islamic Movement in Israel 142, 143 naat/nasheed 35, 37, 40 Nigeria 171, 172 performance of poetry/songs 43 Singapore 53 Mostari, H.A. 184, 190, 198–9 mother tongues 22–3, 30, 52–5, 56–7, 63, 100, 186, 190 Mufwene, S. 127 multiculturalism 54, 55, 57, 58, 60 multilingualism see bi/multilingualism multimodality 86 multiracialism 55, 57 music 33–50 mutual intelligibility 24, 26, 130 Mystery Metropolis 26 naat/nasheed 34–48 Namibia 76–7 national anthems 54–5 National Curriculum (UK) 81–2 National Days 55 national identity 44, 55, 57, 185 nation-building 57 Native Americans 133 native-speaker teachers 159–60, 163–4, 165 Navajo 115, 130 neo-Buddhism 121 neocolonialism 191 Nesbitt, E. 84 ‘new racism’ 42 ‘new world’ research 8–9 Nigeria 170–83, 199 nikudot system 158, 161–2

208 Index

9/11 172–3, 178–9, 180–1 non-communicative linguistic repertoires 38 non-native-speaker teachers 159–60, 163–4, 165 Norton, B. 86, 149, 161 Nsibambi, A. 71, 72 Nusantara 52, 56, 57 Obafemi Awolowo University 172, 173 observation research methods 153 official languages 19, 24, 52, 71, 76, 128, 139, 187–9 older generations 37, 103 Omoniyi, T. 1, 2, 55, 81, 86, 92, 114, 200 ‘one-language, one-nation’ policies 24, 185, 188 opacity 123–4 opera 20 oral communication 92, 93, 128, 132, 155, 161, 179, 198–9 Orientalism 42 Orthodoxu Syrian churches 114 orthography 72, 74, 158, 161–2 ownership of texts 199–200 Pahari 33, 38 pair working 156 Palestine 128, 132, 134, 135, 138–47 Pali 20, 26, 29, 114, 115, 116, 120–1, 123 Palmer, N.W. 117 Pandharipande, R.V. 2, 7, 114, 117, 118, 123 panegyric poetry 34 pan-Islamic global community 34, 41, 45–6 panj vicar 108–9 Papen, U. 76–7 Papua New Guinea 77, 78 parental involvement 160, 164, 165 Parry, K. 74 passive/receptive competence 22 Pauwels, A. 3, 8, 9, 70, 72, 84 Pavlenko, A. 149, 161 pedagogy for second-language learning 155–6, 163, 165, 174, 177 Pentecostal Church 82, 83, 88–9, 90–1, 92 performance 34–5, 39, 41, 42, 43, 48 Persian 34 PEW Research Center 116 pilgrimages 47 Pine, A. 4 Piscatori, J. 140 planning, language 22–6, 83, 86–8 pleasure reading, languages for 158–9 pluralism 54, 57–60

poetry 33–50 policy, language Algeria 185, 187–9, 193–5 China 24 Islamic Movement 142, 145 Jewish communities 134–5 and language shift 4 macro-sociolinguistics 199 official languages 19, 24, 52, 71, 76, 128, 139, 187–9 ‘one-language, one-nation’ policies 24, 185, 188 Singapore 22–6, 30, 51–2, 55, 57 and sociolinguistic identities 6 politeness 53 Pomson, A. 164 Portuguese 83, 84, 88, 90, 91 post-structuralism 86 Pothwari 33, 38 power dominant language hegemony 3–4, 14, 23, 30, 70–2, 74, 103, 128, 145 English in Uganda 71 and school curricula 81 in Singapore 23 prayers Arabic 52–3, 55, 170, 174, 179 Christianity in Uganda 73 classical Chinese 20 classical language forms 29, 30 co-sanctification of Arabic and Malay 52–3 Hebrew 127, 150 high/low variants 21 Hinduism 117 Islamic Movement 143 Jewish communities 129, 152 Punjabi Sikh community in Malaysia 104, 106 preachers 142, 143 see also sermons prestige 19, 34, 38, 116, 119, 122, 123, 180, 189, 191 previewing text strategies 156 priests/clergy/imams etc Chinese religion 20, 27–8 Hinduism 117 reading proficiency 198 role of priests in language preservation 28, 198 printing 73, 77 private religious gatherings 37, 55, 116–17, 118 productive competence 22, 38 see also communicative competence

Index 209

pronunciation differences 152, 160 Protestant church 74, 186 psycho-social issues 161–3 public holidays 55 public religious rituals 117 public/private domain contrasts 7 Punjabi 33, 34, 35, 38, 39, 40, 45, 99–100, 103–10 Punjabi Education Trust Malaysia (PETM) 100, 110 Punjabi Sikh community in Malaysia 98–113 Purcell-Gates, V. 78 push-in models 157–8, 162–3 Pǔtōnghuà see Mandarin qadar ideology 181 Qadri, Maulana Muhammed Ilyas 44 Qadri, Owais 38 qasidah 34, 41 Quran 61–2, 72, 134, 142, 143, 145, 170, 172, 173, 176, 179–80, 194 Quranic Arabic 39, 52, 145, 176, 184 Rabinovich, D. 160 race relations 55 racial harmony 57 Racial Harmony Day 58 racism 42 radicalization 33, 36, 44, 188 Raji, M.G.A. 173 reading, teaching of 73 reading proficiency 162, 164, 175–6, 179–80, 182, 198 recitation 34–5, 43, 74, 117, 131, 170, 173, 180 Rediffusion 23 regional languages in India 115–17, 118, 119–20, 122–3, 124 register 5, 48, 185 reincarnationist beliefs 82 Religion-Ethnicity-Language (REL) triangle 87–8 religious and sacred texts Brazilian Christian settings in London 85, 92 Buddhism 121 Chinese religion 27 Hebrew 128–9, 149 Hinduism 117 Jewish 128–9, 130, 131, 155, 156, 161 Punjabi Sikh community in Malaysia 106–7, 110 simplified religious texts 73, 107

and technology 173 and translation 26, 180, 199 Uganda 73 religious festivities 58 religious racism 42 religious tenets 107–8, 111 resistance to change 54 revelation 52 Reversing Language Shift (RLS) 37 revival/revitalization, language definitions of 3–4, 5 gaps in research 4–10 Hebrew 128, 150 lack of previous work on religion and 3 naat/nasheed 37–42 Pali 120, 121 poetry/songs 36 regional languages in India 119–20 revival as reversal of language shift 3–4 Sanskrit in US 117–18, 121–2 and universals 123 Richards, J. 163 righteous living 108–9, 111 rights to religious practice 57–8 Rigvedic dialects 26 rites of passage 20 rituals Buddhism 121 funerals 21 Hebrew 150 Hinduism 117, 118, 120 Islamic Movement 143 Jewish communities 129 liturgical language 85 secular 54 Rogoff, B. 84 Roman script 73 romanized scripts 105, 106, 107, 111, 112 Rosowsky, A. 16, 33, 34, 35, 38, 39, 43, 85 rote learning 73, 173 see also memorization Rumsey, S. 85 rural areas 71, 76, 77, 78, 104, 131 Saeed, A. 42 Safran, W. 5, 6 Saharan Arabic 184 Salah, R. 141 Salami, O. 170 samelans 109 sanctified language 26, 34–5, 38, 40, 54, 56

210 Index

Sanskrit Buddhism 26 Hinduism 20, 26, 114, 115, 116–18, 122, 123, 199 Jainism 26 Schers, D. 148 Schick, M. 150 Schiff, A.I. 165 scripts 72, 129, 150, 158 scriptures Brazilian Christian settings in London 92 Hebrew 152 Hindu 117–18, 120 Hinduism 119 Punjabi Sikh community in Malaysia 106–7, 110, 111 translatability of 26, 199 Uganda 73 second-language learning 148–69, 190, 192 secularized public spaces 55 self-determination 4 semi-speakers 22 semi-structured interview methods 82, 99, 101, 102, 153–4 sermons 104, 107, 129, 133, 143 shaming of local vernaculars 71–2 Shanghainese 19 Shawiya communities 184 Shen 28–9 shift, language causes of 4 definitions of 3, 5 and the education system 24 gaps in research 4–10 Graded Intergenerational Disruption Scale (GIDS) model 35 lack of previous work on religion and 3 and language ideology 7 naat/nasheed 37–42 not necesarily a cultural shift 99 Punjabi Sikh community in Malaysia 100, 110–11 Singapore 28 in Uganda 74–8 Siddique, S. 52 Sikh Naujawan Sabha Malaysia (Malaysian Sikh Youth Association) 110 Sikhism 98–113 Silverstein, M. 7, 56 simplified religious texts 73, 107 Sindhi community 99 Singapore 19–32, 51–69, 199

singing 33–50, 117, 119 Skrbiš, Z. 42 snowball sampling 36, 101 social capital 27 social class 25, 71 see also caste social cohesion 59, 66 social functionality 118, 123, 124, 133, 152 social media 56 social mobility 100, 133 social practice theory of literacy 74 social psychology 86 socialization 35, 84, 86, 88, 92, 93 socio-cultural contexts 6, 53, 84, 118, 140 sociolinguistics 3, 5 socio-political variables 6–7, 14, 23, 65, 120, 127, 141–2 songkok 59 sounds, connection with 39 sound-word separation in Chinese religion 26–7 South Africa 22 Souza, A. 82, 83, 87 Spanish 133 ‘Speak Mandarin’ campaign 23, 25 speaking in tongues 198 special needs, language learners with 163 special status languages 139 spirit journeys 20 spirit mediumship 19, 20, 26, 28, 82 spirit writing 20 spirits, communication with 28–9 Spolsky, B. 43, 128, 130, 132, 198 Sri Guru Granth Sahib 105–7, 108, 110 Ssekamwa, J.C. 72, 74, 75 stereotypes 33 stigmatization 72, 134, 157 stock phrases 67 Street, B. 85 street operas 20, 21 Stroud, C. 77, 78 structural maintenance levels 122, 187 sub-ethnic linguistic affiliations 57 Sufi tradition 34, 43, 44 supranational concepts 60 Swann Report 81 symbolic linguistic repertoires 38, 39 symbolism 27 synagogues 133, 134 syncretism 60 Syriac 114 Tagliamonte, S. 154 talismanic signs 27 Tamazight 184, 192, 195

Index 211

Tamil 23, 52, 57, 124 Tan, K.P. 55 Taoism 19, 57, 59, 198 technology accessing authentic materials 163–4 dual globalising processes 47 Islamic Movement 143–4 Islamic religious education in Nigeria 173, 182 Malay Muslims in Singapore 56 mobile technology 45, 173 naat/nasheed 37, 39, 40, 42, 45 ‘new world’ research 8–9 Punjabi Sikh community in Malaysia 107–8, 110 ‘religious spaces’ 16 Teilhard de Chardin, Pierre 29 temples see also gurdwaras; mosques; synagogues Chinese religion 27 Hinduism in US 117, 118 Jewish communities 130 mutual intelligibility of written scripts 26–7 Punjabi Sikh community in Malaysia 103–5 Singapore 21, 25 temple attendance 26 temple-keepers 28 working languages of 20 Teochew 19 terrorism 42, 172, 178–9 theolinguistics 2–3 theory 9 Theravada 26 Thomas, P. 44 threat/fear discourses 42 Tibet 121 timing of religious events 90 Tipitaka 121 tolerance, as civil religion 57, 59, 66 tone/expression 39 traders 72, 131 tradition 34, 43, 60, 64 traditional knowledge, access to 52 trance states 20 transglossia 150 transidiomatic practices 34, 41 translanguaging (language-mixing) 35, 45, 76, 103–4, 151, 156–7, 162, 197, 198 translation allowed/not allowed by various religions 26, 199 Buddhism 121

future research directions 199 Hebrew 129 Hinduism 117, 120 Islamic religious education in Nigeria 173, 180 Punjabi Sikh community in Malaysia 105–6, 107, 110, 111 and religious and sacred texts 26, 180, 199 Uganda 73, 75 translingual practices 34, 41 transliteration 38, 105, 106, 107 translocal practices 44, 45, 47 transnational practices 42, 44, 45, 60, 84 transparency 123–4 transposability of linguistic practices 54 triglossia 128 ‘truncated’ elements 39 tudung 59 Tunisia 189 Turin, M. 4 Turkish 44 turuq 43 tutup aurat 59, 65 Tzeltal 29 Uganda 70–80 UK 33, 81–97 ummah 34, 60, 178 underworld, representations of 27 universals 123 universe charts 27 universities 24, 171, 193 University of Roehampton 2 Urdu 34, 35, 38, 39, 40, 45 US English in 4 Hebrew 114, 148–69 Hinduism 115–18, 122, 123 Jewish communities 135, 148–69 language loyalty 133 Ushioda, E. 155, 161 value-sharing 42, 53–6, 57, 62, 87, 108–9, 123, 193 Van Noppen, J.P. 2 Vand Chhakna 108–9 Venetian ghettos 133–4 Venezky, R.L. 71, 72 verse 33–50, 105 vestigial knowledge 39 village meetings 76 Voice of Right and Freedom 143

212 Index

void decks 21 vowel lengthening 66 vulgarity, vernaculars as signs of 25 wakes 21 Wartburg, South Africa 22 Watt, J. 85 way of life 108–9 Weinreich, M. 133 Wertheimer, J. 164 Westerlund, D. 44 Westernization through English 52, 54, 56 Westernized views of religion 25, 28 Whiting, J. 163 Wildstein, R. 153, 163 wisdom, transmission of 26 Woods, A. 87 Woolard, K.A. 116

words in Chinese religion 26 connection with 39 same as object of reverence 26 written language see also literacy and the Chinese religions 26 Hebrew 128, 132, 158, 161–2 as key theme 198–9 in Uganda 70–80 Yiddish 127, 129, 132, 133, 134–5 Yoruba 170, 173, 180, 182 Youcef, Merahi 192 younger generations 37, 104, 108, 109, 118 youth identities 35 Yusuf, Sami 38 zaouias 193–5 Zionism 138, 155, 160–1, 164 Zuckerman, G. 128